THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 THE TUDOR 
 TRANSLATIONS 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 W. E. HENLEY 
 IX
 
 PLUTARCH'S 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANS 
 
 ENGLISHED BY 
 
 SIR THOMAS NORTH 
 
 ANNO 1579 
 
 With an Introduction by 
 GEORGE WYNDHAM 
 
 THIRD VOLUME 
 
 LONDON 
 
 Published by DAVID NUTT 
 IN THE STRAND 
 
 1895
 
 Edinburgh : T. and A. CONSTABLE, Printers to Her Majesty
 
 DJT? 
 
 v, 
 
 THE TABLE OF THE NOBLE 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 compared by PLUTARKE of CH^ERONEA 
 
 VOLUME III 
 
 ARISTIDES . 
 MARCUS CATO 
 PHILOPCEMEN 
 T. Q. FLAMINIUS 
 PYRRUS . 
 CAIUS MARIUS 
 LYSANDER . 
 SYLLA . 
 CIMON . 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 see VOL 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1) 
 
 compared PAGE 40 
 
 compared 107 
 
 \ compared 320 
 265) 
 
 326) 
 
 \ compared 426 
 357) 
 
 76) 
 110 
 163 
 
 psorvr^/i 
 
 f O'W/^O^K
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 MARCUS CATO THE CENSOR 
 
 ARCUS CATO and his auncesters, were (as 
 they say) of the city of Thusculum : but 
 before he went unto the warres, and delt in 
 matters of the common wealth, he dwelt 
 and lived in the contry of the Sabynes, 
 upon certeine land his father left him. 
 And though to many, his auncesters were 
 knowen to have bene obscure : yet he him 
 self did highly commende his father Marcus, by bearing his 
 name, and saying he was a souldier, and had served valliantly 
 in the fielde. And he telleth also of an other Cato that was 
 his great grandfather, who for his valliant service had bene 
 oft rewarded of the generals, with such honorable giftes, as 
 the Romaines did use to geve unto them, that had done some 
 famous act in any battell : and how that he havinge lost five 
 horses of service in the warres, the value of the same were 
 restored to him againe in money of the common treasure, 
 bicause he had shewed himselfe trusty and valliant for the 
 common wealth. And where they had a common speech e at 
 Rome to call them upstartes, that were no gentlemen borne, 
 but did rise by vertue : it fortuned Cato to be called one of Cato called 
 them. And for his parte, he did confesse it, that he was an upstart, 
 of the first of the house that ever had honor, and office of 
 state : but by reason of the noble actes and good service of 
 his auncestors, he maintained he was very auncient. He was 
 called at the beginning after his third name, Priscus : but 
 afterwardes by reason of his great wisedom and experience, 
 3: A 1
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 MARCUS he was sumamed Cato, bicause the Romaines call a wise man, 
 
 CATO and him that hath seene much, Cato. He was somewhat 
 
 The definition geven to be redde faced, and had a payer of staring eyes in 
 
 of this worde his heade, as this man telleth us, that for ill will wrote these 
 
 verses of him after his death : 
 
 Pluto (the god) which rules the furies infernall, 
 
 will not receive the damned ghost, of Porcius in his hall : 
 
 his saucy coppered nose, and fiery staring eyes, 
 
 his common slaunderous tales, which he did in this world devise, 
 
 made Pluto stande in dread that he would brawle in hell, 
 
 although his bones were drie and dead, on earth he was so fell. 
 
 Catoesmaners Furthermore, touchinge the disposition of his body, he 
 
 and life. was marvelous stronge and lusty, and all bicause he did use 
 
 to labor and toyle even from his youth, and to live sparingly, 
 as one that was ever brought up in the warres from his youth : 
 so that he was of a very good constitucion, both for strength 
 of body, as for health also. As for utterance, he esteemed it 
 as a seconde body, and most necessarie gift, not onely to 
 make men honest, but also as a thinge very requisite for a 
 man that should beare sway and authoritie in the common 
 wealth. He practised to speake well in litle villages neere 
 home, whether he went many times to plead mennes causes 
 in courtes judiciall, that would retaine him of counsell : so as 
 in shorte time he became a perfect pleader, and had tongue 
 
 Cato an excel- at will, and in processe of time became an excellent orator. 
 
 lent orator. After he was thus well knowen, they that were familiar with 
 him, began to perceive a grave manner and behaviour in his 
 life, and a certaine noble minde in him, worthie to be 
 employed in matters of state and great importance, and to 
 be called into the common wealth. For he did not onely 
 refuse to take fees for his pleading, and following the causes 
 he mainteined : but furthermore made no reckening of the 
 estimacion he wanne by that manner and practise, as though 
 that was not the only marke he shot at. But his desire 
 reached further, rather to winne him selfe fame by service in 
 the warres, and by valliant fightinge with his enemie : then 
 with such a quiet and pleasing manner of life. Insomuch 
 as when he was but a younge striplinge in maner, he had 
 many cuttes apon his brest, which he had received in diverse 
 2
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 battells and encounters against the enemies. For he him MARCUS 
 selfe wryteth, that he was but seventeene yeare old, when he CATO 
 went first unto the warres, which was about the time of Catoasouldier 
 Hanniballs chiefe prosperitie, when he spoyled and destroyed at 17 yeares 
 all Italic. So when he came to fight, he would strike lustely, of *&*' 
 and never sturre foote nor geve backe, and woulde looke 
 cruelly uppon his enemie, and threaten him with a feare- 
 full and terrible voyce, which he used him selfe, and wisely 
 taught other also to use the like : For such countenaunces, A grimme 
 sayed he, many times doe feare the enemies more, then the looke, geveth 
 sworde ye offer them. When he went any jorney, he ever terror to the 
 marched a foote, and caried his armour apon his backe, and e 
 had a man waytinge on him that caried his vittells with him, 
 with whom he was never angry (as they say) for any thing he 
 had prepared for his dinner or supper, but did helpe to dresse 
 it him selfe for the most parte, if he had any leasure, when 
 he had done the duety of a private souldier in fortifying the 
 campe, or such other nedefull businesse. All the while he 
 was abroade in service in the warres, he never drancke other 
 then cleane water, unlesse it were when he founde he was not 
 well, and then he woulde take a litle vineger : but if he saw 
 he were weake, he woulde then drinke a litle wine. Now This Manius 
 it fortuned, that Manius Curius the Romaine, who had Curius over- 
 triumphed thrise, hadde a prety house and lande hard by *| irew kmge 
 Cato, where he kept in times past, which Cato for a walke gJnerallof the 
 would visite oft. And he considering how litle lande he had Tarentines. 
 to his house, and what a litle house he had withall, and Catotheelder, 
 how poorely it was built, wondered with him selfe what wondered at 
 maner of man Curius had bene, that having bene the greatest the thriftines 
 man of Rome in his time, and having subdued the mightiest 
 nations and people of all Italic, and driven kinge Pyrrus also 
 out of the same : yet him selfe with his owne handes did 
 manure that litle patche of grounde, and dwel in so poore 
 and small a farme. Whether notwithstanding, after his 
 three triumphes, the Samnytes sent their Ambassadors to 
 visite him, who founde him by the fyers side seething of 
 perseneapes, and presented him a marvelous deale of golde The modera- 
 from their state and communalty. But Curius returned cionofManius 
 them againe with their gold, and told them, that such as Curius - 
 
 3
 
 MARCUS 
 CATO 
 
 Nearchus the 
 Pythagorian 
 Philosopher, 
 Catoes schole- 
 maister. 
 
 Platoes 
 opinion of 
 pleasure. 
 
 Cato learned 
 the Greeke 
 tongue in his 
 olde age. 
 
 Cato profited 
 most by 
 Demosthenes 
 eloquence. 
 
 Valerius Flac- 
 cus a grave 
 wise man. 
 
 Catoes 
 straunge life. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 were contented with that supper, had no nede of gold nor 
 silver : and that for his parte, he thought it greater honor to 
 commaunde them that had gold, then to have it him selfe. 
 Cato remembring these thinges to him selfe, went home 
 againe, and beganne to thinke upon his house, of his livinge, 
 of his family and servauntes, and also of his expences : and 
 to cut of all superfluous charges, and fell him selfe to labor 
 with his owne handes, more then ever he hadde done before. 
 Furthermore, when Fabius Maximus tooke the city of 
 Tarentum againe, Cato served under him being very younge, 
 where he fell into familiar acquaintance with Nearchus the 
 Pythagorian philosopher, in whom he tooke marvelous de- 
 light to heare him talke of Philosophy. Which Nearchus 
 held the same opinion of pleasure, that Plato did, by callinge 
 it the sweete poyson and chiefest bayte to allure men to ill : 
 and saying that the body was the first plague unto the soule, 
 and that her onely health, remedy, and purgation stoode 
 apon rules of reason, good examples and contemplations, 
 that drive sinful thoughts and carnall pleasures of the body, 
 farre of from her. Cato moreover gave him selfe much to 
 sobriety and temperaunce, and framed him selfe to be con- 
 tented with litle. They say he fell in his very olde age to 
 the study of the Greeke tongue, and to reade Greeke bookes, 
 and that he profited somwhat by Thucydides, but much 
 more by Demosthenes, to frame his matter, and also to be 
 eloquent. Which plainly appeareth, in all his bookes and 
 writinges, full of authorities, examples, and stories taken out 
 of Greeke authors : and many of his sentences and moralls, 
 his adages and quicke answers, are translated out of the same 
 word for word. Now there was a noble man of Rome at 
 that time, one of great authoritie, and a deepe wise man 
 besides, who coulde easily discerne buddes of vertue sprow- 
 tinge out of any towardly youth, who was of a good and 
 honorable disposition to helpe forwarde, and to advaunce 
 such. His name was Valerius Flaccus, a neere neigh boure 
 unto Cato, who was informed by his sen-aunts of Catoes 
 straunge life, how he would be doing in his ground with his 
 owne hands : and how he would be gone every day betimes 
 in the morning to litle villages thereabout, to pleade mens 
 4
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 causes that prayed his counsaill, and that when he had done, MARCUS 
 he would come home againe : and if it were in winter, that CATO 
 he would but cast a litle coate on his shoulders, and being 
 sommer he would go out bare, naked to the wast, to 
 worke in his ground among his servaunts and other worke- 
 men : and would besides, sit and eate with them together 
 at one borde, and drinke as they did. Moreover, they told 
 him also a world of such maners and facions which he used, 
 that shewed [him] to be a marvelous plaine man, without pride 
 and of a good nature. Then they tolde him what notable 
 wise sayinges and grave sentences they heard him speak e. 
 Valerius Flaccus hearing this reporte of him, willed his men 
 one day to pray him to come to supper to him. Who 
 falling in acquaintance with Cato, and perceiving he was 
 of a very good nature, and wel given, and that he was a 
 good griffe to be set in a better ground : he perswaded him 
 to come to Rome, and to practise there in the assembly of 
 the people, in the common causes and affayres of the common 
 weale. Cato followed his counsail, who having bene no long Cato goeth 
 practiser among them, did grow straight into great estima- to Rome by 
 cion, and wanne him many frends, by reason of the causes he X? 
 tooke in hand to defend : and was the better preferred and p erswas i n. 
 taken also, by meanes of the speciall favour and counten- 
 aunce Valerius Flaccus gave him. For first of all, by voyce 
 of the people he was chosen Tribune of the souldiers, (to say, Cato chosen 
 colonell of a thousand footemen) and afterwards was made Tribunus 
 treasorer : and so went forwards, and grew to so great credit mi " tum - 
 and authority, as he became Valerius Flaccus companion in 
 the chiefest offices of state, being chosen Consul with him, Catoes offices 
 and then Censor. But to begin withal, Cato made choise of in the Senate. 
 Quintus Fabius Maximus, above all the Senators of Rome, Cato followed 
 and gave him selfe to follow him altogether : and not F*bius 
 so much for the credit and estimacion Fabius Maximus x us ' 
 was of, (who therein exceded all the Romaines of that 
 time) as for the modesty and discrete government he sawe 
 in him, whome he determined to followe, as a worthy myrror Catoes emu 
 and example. At which time Cato passed not for the malice |f c . io . n ^ ith 
 and evil will of Scipio the great, who did strive at that pre- s "Pj. t 
 sent being but a young man, with the authoritie and great- 
 
 5
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 MARCUS nesse of Fabius Maximus, as one that seemed to envy his 
 CATO risinge and greatnesse. For Cato being sent treasorer with 
 Scipio, when he undertooke the jorney into Afrike, and per- 
 Cato beinge ceiving Scipioes bountifull nature and disposition to large 
 treasorer giftes without meane to the souldiers : he tolde him plainly 
 Af^ Scipl one day, that he did not so much hurt the common wealth in 
 proveo^him' wasting their treasure, as he did great harme in chaunging the 
 for his wast- auncient maner of their auncesters : who used their souldiers 
 full expences. to be contented with litle, but he taught them to spende 
 their superfluous money (all necessaries provided for) in vaine 
 toyes and trifles, to serve their pleasure. Scipio made him 
 aunswere, he woulde have no treasorer shoulde controll him 
 in that sorte, nor that should looke so narrowly to his ex- 
 pences : for his intent was to go to the wars, with full sayles 
 as it were, and that he woulde (and did also determine to) 
 make the state privie to all his doinges, but not to the money 
 he spent. Cato hearing this aunswer, returned with spede 
 out of Sicile unto Rome, crying out with Fabius Maximus in 
 Cato accuseth open Senate, that Scipio spent infinitely, and that he tended 
 Scipio of riot playes, comrnedies, and wrestlinges, as if he had not bene 
 sent to make warres, invasions, and attemptes apon their 
 enemies. Apon this complaint the Senate appointed certeine 
 Tribunes of the people, to goe and see if their informations 
 were true : and finding them so, that they should bring him 
 backe againe to Rome. But Scipio shewed farre otherwise 
 to the commissioners that came thither, and made them see 
 apparaunt victorie, through the necessary preparacion and 
 provision he had made for the warres : and he confessed also, 
 that when he had dispatched his great businesse, and was at 
 any leasure, he would be privately mery with his frends : 
 and though he was liberall to his souldiers, yet that made 
 him not negligent of his duety and charge in any matter of 
 importance. So Scipio tooke shippinge, and sayled towards 
 Afrike, whether he was sent to make warre. Now to re- 
 Catoes elo- turne to Cato. He daily increased still in authority and 
 quence, his credit by meanes of his eloquence, so that diverse called him 
 continent life, ^ e Demosthenes of Rome : howbeit the maner of his life 
 * was * n more estimacion, then his eloquence. For all the 
 youth of Rome did seeke to attaine to his eloquence and 
 6
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 commendacion of wordes, and one envied an other which of MARCUS 
 them should come nearest : but few of them woulde fyle their CATO 
 handes with any labor as their forefathers did, and make a 
 light supper and dinner, without fire or provision, or woulde 
 be content with a meane gowne, and a poore lodging, and 
 finally woulde thinke it more honorable to defye fansies and 
 pleasures, then to have and enjoy them. Bicause the state 
 was waxen now of such power and wealth, as it could no 
 more retaine the auncient discipline, and former austeritie 
 and straitnes of life it used : but by reason of the largenes 
 of their dominion and seigniory, and the numbers of people 
 and nations that were become their subjects, it was even 
 forced to receive a medley of sundry contry facions, ex- 
 amples, and maners. This was a cause, why in reason men 
 did so greatly wonder at Catoes vertue, when they sawe 
 other straight weary ed with paines and labor, tenderly 
 brought up like pulers : and Cato on the other side never 
 overcommen, either with the one or with the other, no not 
 in his youth, when he most coveted honor, nor in his age 
 also when he was gray headed and balde, after his Consull- 
 ship and triumphe, but like a conqueror that had gotten 
 the maistery, he would never geve over labor even unto his 
 dying day. For he writeth him selfe, that there never came 
 gowne on his backe that cost him above a hundred pence, Catoes won- 
 and that his hyndes and worke men alwayes dronke no worse derfull thrift, 
 wine, when he was Consull and generall of the armie, then 
 he did him selfe : and that his cater never bestowed in meate 
 for his supper, above thirty Asses of Romaine money, and 
 yet he sayed it was, bicause he might be the stronger, and 
 apter to do service in the warres for his contry and the 
 common wealth. He sayd furthermore, that being heire to 
 one of his frends that dyed, he had a peece of tapestry 
 by him with a deepe border, which they called then the 
 babilonian border, and he caused it straight to be solde: 
 and that of all his houses he had abroade in the contry, he 
 had not one wall plastered, nor rough cast. Moreover he 
 would say, he never bought bondeman or slave dearer, then 
 a thowsande five hundred pence, as one that sought not for 
 fine made men, and goodly personages, but strong fellowes 
 
 7
 
 MARCUS 
 CATO 
 
 Catoes 
 sharpnes. 
 
 Gentlenesse 
 goeth further 
 then justice. 
 
 Gentlenesse 
 to be used 
 unto brute 
 beastes. 
 
 A gentle lawe 
 made by the 
 Athenians in 
 favor of their 
 laboringe 
 moyles. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 that could away with paynes, as carters, horsekepers, neat- 
 heardes, and such like : and againe he woulde sell them 
 when they were olde, bicause he would not keepe them when 
 they coulde do no service. To conclude, he was of opinion, 
 that a manne bought any thinge deere, that was for litle pur- 
 pose : yea, though he gave but a farthing for it, he thought 
 it to much to bestow so litle, for that which needed not. 
 He would have men purchase houses, that hadde more store of 
 errable lande and pasture, then of fine orteyardes or gardeins. 
 Some saye, he didde thus, for very miserie and covetousnesse : 
 other thinke, and tooke it that he lived so sparingely, to 
 move others by his example to cutte of all superfluitie and 
 wast. Neverthelesse, to sell slaves in that sorte, or to turne 
 them out of dores when you have hadde the service of all 
 then* youth, and that they are growen olde, as you use brute 
 beastes that have served whilest they may for age: me thinkes 
 that must needes proceede of to seveare and greedie nature, 
 that hath no lenger regarde or consideracion of humanitie, 
 then whilest one is able to doe an other good. For we see, 
 gentlenesse goeth further then justice. For nature teacheth 
 us to use justice onely unto menne, but gentlenesse some- 
 times is shewed unto brute beastes : and that commeth from 
 the very fountaine and springe of all curtesie and humanitie, 
 which shoulde never drye up in any manne livinge. For to 
 saye truely, to keepe cast horses spoyled in our service, and 
 dogges also not onely when they are whelpes, but when they 
 be olde : be even tokens of love and kindenesse. As the 
 Athenians made a lawe, when they builded their temple 
 called Hecatompedon : that they shoulde suffer the moyles 
 and mulettes that did service in their cariages about the 
 buildinge of the same, to graze everie where, without lette 
 or trouble of any manne. And they say, there was one of 
 those moyles thus turned at libertie, that came of her selfe 
 to the place to labour, goinge before all the other draught 
 beastes, that drewe uppe cartes loden towardes the castell, 
 and kept them companie, as though she seemed to encorage 
 the rest to drawe : which the people liked so well in the 
 poore beast, that they appointed she shoulde be kept whilest 
 she lived, at the charge of the towne. And yet at this 
 8
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 present are the graves of Cimons mares to be seene, that MARCUS 
 
 wanne him thrise together the game of the horse race at CATO 
 
 the games Olympian, and they are harde by the grave of 
 
 Cimon him selfe. We heare of diverse also that hadde 
 
 buried their dogges they brought uppe in their house, or 
 
 that wayted on them : as amonge other olde Xanthippus Xanthippus 
 
 buried his dogge on the toppe of a cliffe, which is called juried his 
 
 the dogges pit till this day. For when the people of Athens d SB e *. 
 ,.j i? 8& 1 r ., ... ., . ,, v swamebyhis 
 
 did lorsake their citie at the commmge downe ot Xerxes g a iiy es s id e 
 
 the kinge, this dogge followed his master, swimminge in the from Athens 
 sea by his gallies side, from the firme lande, unto the He to Salamina, 
 of Salamina. And there is no reason, to use livinge and and "Jf 6 " 
 sencible thinges, as we woulde use an olde shooe or a ragge : 
 to cast it out apon the dongehill when we have worne it, 
 and can serve us no longer. For if it were for no respect els, 
 but to use us alwayes to humanitie : we must ever showe our 
 selves kinde and gentle, even in such small poyntes of pitie. 
 And as for me, I coulde never finde in my hart to sell my 
 drawght Oxe that hadde plowed my lande a longe time, 
 bicause he coulde plowe no longer for age : and much lesse 
 my slave to sell him for a litle money, out of the contrie 
 where he had dwelt a long time, to plucke him from his 
 olde trade of life wherewith he was best acquainted, and 
 then specially, when he shalbe as unprofitable for the buyer, 
 as also for the seller. But Cato on the other side gloried, 
 that he left his horse in Spayne he had served on in the 
 warres duringe his Consulship, bicause he would not put the 
 common wealth to the charge of bringing of him home by 
 sea into Italic. Now a question might be made of this, and 
 probable reason of either side, whether this was noblenes, or 
 a niggardlines in him : but otherwise to say truely, he was a 
 man of a wonderful abstinence. For when he was general of 
 the army, he never tooke allowance but after three bushells 
 wheat a moneth of the common wealth, for him selfe and Catoes 
 his whole family : and but a bushel and halfe of barley a straight life, 
 day, to keepe his horse and other beastes for his cariage. 
 On a time when he was Praetor, the government of the Cato, Praetor 
 He of Sardinia fell to his lot. And where the other Praetors in Sardinia, 
 before him hadde put the contry to exceeding great charge, to 
 3 : B 9
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 MARCUS furnish them with tents, bedding, clothes, and such like stuffe, 
 CATO and burdened them also with a marvelous traine of servaunts 
 and their frends that waited on them, putting them to great 
 expence of feasting and bancketing of them : Cato in con- 
 trary maner brought downe all that excesse and superfluitie, 
 Catoes neere- unto a marvelous neere and uncredible savinge. For when 
 nes in his he went to visite the cities, he came a foote to them, and did 
 circuite. no j. p u j. them to a penny charge for him selfe : and had onely 
 
 one officer or bailife of the state, that waited on him, and 
 caried his gowne and a cuppe with him, to offer up wine to 
 the goddes in his sacrifices. But though he came thus 
 simply to the subjects, and eased them of their former 
 Catoes charges, yet he shewed him selfe severe and bitter to them in 
 
 severity. matters concerning justice : and spared no man, in any com- 
 
 maundement or service for the state and common wealth. 
 For he was therein so precise, that he woulde not beare 
 with any litle fault. So by this meanes, he brought the 
 Sardinians under his government, both to love and feare the 
 Empire of Rome, more then ever they did before. For his 
 Catoes speech grace both in speakinge and wrytmge did rightly shewe him 
 and writing, selfe : bicause it was pleasaunt, and yet grave : sweete and 
 fearfull : mery and seveare : sententious, and yet familiar : 
 such as is meete to be spoken. And he was to be compared, 
 The praise as Plato sayed, unto Socrates : who at the first sight seemed 
 of Socrates. a plaine simple manne to them that knew him not outwardly, 
 or else a pleasant tawnter or mocker: but when they did 
 looke into him, and found him throughly, they sawe he was 
 full of grave sentences, goodly examples, and wise per- 
 swasions, that he coulde make men water their plantes that 
 hearde him, and leade them as he would by the eare. There- 
 fore I can not see any reason that moves men to saye, Cato 
 hadde Lysias grace and utteraunce. Notwithstandinge, lette 
 us referre it to their judgementes that make profession to 
 discerne orators graces and styles: for my parte I shall 
 content my selfe to write at this present, onely certaine of 
 his notable sayinges and sentences, perswadinge my selfe 
 that mennes manners are better discerned by their wordes, 
 then by their lookes, and so doe many thinke. On a time 
 he seeking to disswade the people of Rome, which woulde 
 10
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 needes make a thankefull distribution of come unto everie MARCUS 
 citizen, to no purpose : beganne to make an oration with CATO 
 this preface : It is a harde thinge (my Lordes of Rome) to Catoes 
 bringe the bellie by perswasion to reason, that hath no eares. sayinges. 
 And an other time, reprovinge the ill government of the 
 citie of Rome, he sayed : it was a hard thinge to keepe uppe 
 that state, where a litle fishe was solde dearer then an Oxe. 
 He sayed also that the Romaines were like a flocke of sheepe. 
 For sayeth he, as every weather when he is alone, doth not 
 obey the sheepeheard, but when they are all together they 
 one folio we an other for love of the foremest : even so are 
 you, for when you are together, you are all contented to be 
 ledde by the noses by such, whose counsell not a man alone 
 of you woulde use in any private cause of your owne. And 
 talkinge an other time of the authoritie the women of Rome 
 had over their husbandes. He sayed : Other men commaunde 
 their wives, and we commaunde men, and our wives com- 
 maund us. But this last of all, he borowed of Themistocles 
 pleasaunt sayings. For his sonne making him do many Themistocles 
 things by meanes of his mother, he told his wife one day : saying. 
 The Athenians commaund al Greece, I commaunde the 
 Athenians, you commaunde me, and your sonne ruleth you. 
 I pray you therefore bid him use the libertie he hath with 
 some better discretion, foole and asse as he is, sithence he 
 can doe more by that power and authority, then all the 
 Greecians besides. He sayed also that the people of Rome 
 did not onely delight in diverse sortes of purple, but likewise 
 in diverse sortes of exercises. For sayd he, as diverse com- 
 monly dye that cullour they see best esteemed, and is most 
 pleasaunt to the eye : even so the lusty youthes of Rome doe 
 frame them selves to such exercise, as they see your selves 
 most like, and best esteme. He continually advised the Honor 
 Romaines, that if their power and greatnes came by their nourisheth 
 vertue and temperance, they should take hede they became arte ' 
 no chaungelings, nor waxe worse : and if they came to that 
 greatnes by vice and violence, that then they should chaunge 
 to better, for by that meanes he knew very wel they had 
 attained to great honor and dignity. Again he told them, 
 that such as sued ambitiously to beare office in the common 
 
 11
 
 MARCUS 
 CATO 
 
 Cato, against 
 offices of 
 perpetuity. 
 
 Cato woulde 
 punish him 
 selfe for 
 offending. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 wealth, and were common suters for them : did seme to 
 be afraid to lose their way, and therfore would be sure to 
 have ushers and sergeants before them, to show them the 
 way, least they should lose themselves in the city. He did 
 reprove them also, that often chose one man, to continew 
 one office still : for it seemeth, saith he, either that you passe 
 not much for your officers, or that you have not many 
 choisemen you thinke worthy for the office. There was 
 an enemy of his that ledde a marvelous wicked and an 
 abominable life, of whome he was wont to say, that when his 
 mother prayed unto the goddes that she might leave her 
 sonne behinde her, she did not thinke to pray, but to curse : 
 meaninge to have him live for a plague to the world. And 
 to an other also that had unthriftely solde his lands which 
 his father had left him, lying upon the sea side : he pointed 
 unto them with his finger, and made as though he wondered 
 how he came to be so great a man, that he was stronger 
 then the sea. For that which the sea hardly consumeth, and 
 eateth into, by litle and litle a long time : he had consumed 
 it all at a clappe. An other time when kinge Eumenes 
 was come to Rome, the Senate entertained him marvelous 
 honorably, and the noblest citizens did strive, envying one 
 an other, who shoulde welcome him best. But Cato in 
 contrary maner shewed plainely, that he did suspect all this 
 feastinge and entertainement, and would not come at it. 
 When one of his familiar frendes tolde him, I marvell why 
 you flie from king Eumenes companie, that is so good a 
 Prince, and loves the Romaines so well. Yea, sayed he, let 
 it be so, but for all that, a king is no better then a ravening 
 beast that lives of the pray: neither was there ever any 
 kinge so happie, that deserved to be compared to Epami- 
 nondas, to Pericles, to Themistocles, nor to Manius Curius, 
 or to Hamylcar, surnamed Barca. They say his enemies did 
 malice him, bicause he used commonly to rise before day, 
 and did forget his owne busines to folow matters of state. 
 And he affirmed, that he had rather loose the rewarde of his 
 well doing, then not to be punished for doing of evill : and 
 that he would beare with all other offending ignorauntly, but 
 not with him selfe. The Romaines having chosen on a time 
 12
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 three Ambassadors to send into the realme of Bithynia, MARCUS 
 one of them having the gowte in his feete, the other his CATO 
 heade full of cuttes and great gashes, and the third being 
 but a foole : Cato laughinge, sayd the Romaines sent an 
 Ambassade that had neither feete, heade, nor hart. Scipio That is to say 
 sued once to Cato at Polybius request, about those that were understand 
 banished from Achaia. The matter was argued afterwardes ^jj' j t ^^ 
 in the Senate, and there fell out divers opinions about it. the seate of 
 Some would have had them restored to their contrie and reason was 
 goodes againe : other were wholly against it. So Cato placed in the 
 risinge up at the last, sayed unto them : It seemes we have r art > f? 1 ? ^' 
 litle else to do, when we stand beating of our braines all day, op f n i on 
 disputing about these olde Greecians, whether the Romaines, 
 or the Achaians, shall bury them. In the end, the Senate 
 tooke order, they shoulde be restored unto their contrie 
 againe. Whereuppon Polybius thought to make petition 
 againe unto the Senate, that the banished men whom they 
 hadde restored by their order, might enjoy their former 
 estates and honors in Achaia, they had at the time of their 
 banishment : but before he would move the sute unto the 
 Senate, he woulde feele Catoes opinion first, what he thought 
 of it. Who aunswered him, smyling : Me thinkes Polybius 
 thou art like Ulysses, that when he had scaped out of 
 Cyclops cave the gyant, he would nedes go thither againe, to 
 fetch his hatte and girdell he had left behinde him there. 
 He sayd also, that wise men did learne and profit more by 
 fooles, then fooles did by wise men. For wise men sayd he, 
 do see the faults fooles commit, and can wisely avoide them: 
 but fooles never study to follow the example of wise mens 
 doings. He sayed also that he ever liked young men better Blushinge in 
 that blushed, then those that looked ever whitely : and that youngemen is 
 he woulde not have him for a souldier, that wagges his hande a better token 
 as he goeth, removes his feete when he fighteth, and rowteth 
 and snorteth lowder in his sleepe, then when he crieth out to 
 his enemy. An other time when he woulde taunt a mar- 
 velous fatte man : See, sayed he, what good can such a body 
 do to the common wealth, that from his chinne to his codde- 
 pece is nothing but belly ? And to an other man that was 
 geven to pleasure, and desired to be great with him : My 
 
 13
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 MARCUS frende, sayed Cato, as refusinge his acquaintance : I can not 
 
 CATO live with him that hath better judgement in the pallate of 
 
 his mouth, then in his hart. This was also his sayinge, that 
 
 A lover liveth the soule of a lover, lived in an others body : and that in all 
 
 in an other hj s ]jf e time h e re pented him of three thinges. The first 
 
 was, if that he ever tolde secret to any woman : the seconde, 
 
 that ever he went by water, when he might have gone by 
 
 lande : the thirde, that he had bene Idle a whole day, and 
 
 had done nothing. Also when he saw a vicious olde man, 
 
 he would say, to reprove him : O gray bearde, age bringeth 
 
 many deformities with it, helpe it not besides with your vice. 
 
 And to a seditious Tribune of the people that was suspected 
 
 to be a poysoner, and would needes passe some wicked law 
 
 by voyce of the people, he woulde say : O young man, I know 
 
 not which of these two be worse, to drinke the drugges 
 
 thou gevest, or to receive the lawes thou offerest. An other 
 
 time, being reviled by one that ledde a lewde, and naughty 
 
 life : Go thy way, sayd he, I am no man to scolde with 
 
 thee. For thou art so used to revile, and to be reviled, 
 
 that it is not daynty to thee : But for my selfe, I never 
 
 use to heare scolding, and much lesse delite to scolde. 
 
 These be his wise sayinges we finde written of him, whereby 
 
 we may the easilier conjecture his maners and nature. Now, 
 
 Cato, and when he was chosen Consull with his frend Valerius Flaccus, 
 
 Valerius Flac- the government of Spayne fell to his lott, that is on this 
 
 cus Consuls. s ^ e Q f ^e r j ver O f Bsetis. So, Cato havinge subdued many 
 
 Catoes doings people by force of armes, and wonne others also by frendly 
 
 in Spayne. meanes : sodainly there came a marvelous great army of the 
 
 barbarous people against him, and had environned him so, 
 
 as he was in marvelous daunger, either shamefully to be 
 
 taken prisonner, or to be slaine in the fielde. Wherefore, 
 
 he sent presently unto the Celtiberians, to pray aide of them, 
 
 who were next neighbours unto the marches where he was. 
 
 These Celtiberians did aske him two hundred talentes to 
 
 come and help him : but the Romaines that were about him, 
 
 coulde not abide to hyer the barbarous people to defende 
 
 them. Then Cato tolde them straight, there was no hurt in 
 
 it, nor any dishonor unto them. For sayed he, if the fielde 
 
 be ours, then we shall pay their wages we promised, with the 
 
 14
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 spoyle and money of our enemies : and if we loose it, then MARCUS 
 our selves and they lye by it, beinge left neither man to pay, CATO 
 nor yet any to aske it. In the ende he wanne the battel, 
 after a sore conflict, and after that time he hadde marvelous 
 good fortune. For Polybius wryteth, that all the walles of 
 the cities that were on this side the river of Bsetis, were by 
 his commaundement rased all in one day, which were many, 
 and full of good souldiers. Him selfe wryteth, that he tooke 
 moe cities in Spayne, then he remained there dayes : and it 
 is no vaine boast, if it be true that is written, that there 
 were foure hundred cities of them. Now, though the 
 souldiers under him had gotten well in this jorney, and were 
 riche, yet he caused a pounde weight of silver to be geven 
 to every souldier besides : sayinge, he liked it better that 
 many should returne home with silver in their purses, then a 
 few of them with golde only. But for him selfe, he affirmed : Catoes abstin- 
 that of all the spoyle gotten of the enemies, he never had ence, from 
 any thinge, savinge that which he tooke in meate and drinke. f p ?7 
 And yet, sayth he, I speake it not to reprove them that 
 grow riche by such spoiles : but bicause I woulde contende 
 in vertue rather with the best, then in money with the 
 richest, or in covetousnes with the most vertuous. For, not 
 only he him selfe was cleare from bribes and extorcion, but 
 his officers also under him kept the same course. In this 
 Spanish jorney, he had five of his servauntes with him, 
 whereof one of them called Pauus, bought three younge 
 boyes that were taken in the warres, when the spoile was 
 solde to them that would geve most. So Cato knew it. 
 But Pauus being afrayed to come neere his maister, hong 
 him selfe: and then Cato solde the boyes againe, and put 
 the money made of them into the treasory chestes of saving 
 at Rome. Now while Cato was in Spayne, Scipio the great Discorde 
 that was his enemy, and sought to hinder the course of his betwext Cato 
 prosperitie, and to have the honor of conqueringe all the and Sci P io> 
 rest of Spayne : he made all the frendes he could to the 
 people, to be chosen in Catoes place. He was no sooner 
 entred into his charge, but he made all the possible spede he 
 could to be gone, that he might make Catoes authority ceasse 
 the sooner. Cato hearing of his hasty comminge, tooke only 
 
 15
 
 MARCUS 
 CATO 
 
 Cato over- 
 came the 
 Lacetanians. 
 
 Catoes actes 
 after his Con- 
 sullshippeand 
 triumphe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 five ensignes of footemen, and five hundred horsemen to 
 attende upon him home : with the which, in his jorney 
 homeward, he overcame a people in Spayne called the 
 Lacetanians, and tooke sixe hundred traytors also that were 
 fled from the Romaines campe to their enemies, and did put 
 to death every mothers childe of them. Scipio storming at 
 that, sayd Cato did him wrong. But Cato to mocke him 
 finely, sayed : it was the right way to bringe Rome to florish, 
 when noble borne citizens would not suffer meane borne men, 
 and upstarts as him selfe was, to go before them in honor : 
 and on the other side when meane borne men woulde con- 
 tende in vertue, with those that were of noblest race, and 
 farre above them in calling. For all that, when Cato came 
 to Rome, the Senate commaunded that nothing shoulde be 
 chaunged nor altered otherwise, then Cato had appointed it, 
 whilest he was in his office. So that the government for 
 which Scipio made such earnest sute in Spayne, was a greater 
 disgrace unto him, then it was unto Cato : bicause he passed 
 al his time and office in peace, having no occasion offered 
 him to doe any notable service worthy memory. Further- 
 more, Cato after he had bene Consul, and hadde graunted to 
 him the honor to triumphe : did not as many others doe, 
 that seeke not after vertue, but onely for worldly honor and 
 dignity. Who, when they have bene called to the highest 
 offices of state, as to be Consulls, and have also graunted 
 them the honor to triumphe: do then leave to deale any 
 more in matters of state, and dispose them selves to live 
 merely and quietely at home, and not to trouble them selves 
 any more. Now Cato, farre otherwise behaved him selfe. 
 For he would never leave to exercise vertue, but beganne a 
 freshe, as if he had bene but a young novesse in the world, 
 and as one greedy of honor and reputacion, and to take as 
 much paines and more then he did before. For, to pleasure 
 his frends or any other citizen, he would come to the market 
 place, and pleade their causes for them that required his 
 counsell, and go with his frendes also into the warres. As 
 he went with Tiberius Sempronius the Consul, and was one 
 of his Lieutenants at the conquest of the contry of Thrace, 
 and unto the provinces adjoyning to the river of Danubye 
 16
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 apon those marches. After that, he was in Greece also, MARCUS 
 Collonell of a thowsande footemen, under Manias Aquilius, CATO 
 against king Antiochus surnamed the great, who made the 
 Romanies as much afrayed of him, as ever they were of 
 enemy but Hanniball. For, when he had conquered all the The power of 
 regions and provinces of Asia, which Seleucus Nicanor enjoyed Antiochus 
 before, and had subdued many barbarous and warlike nations : 
 he was so proude harted, as he would nedes have wars with 
 the Romaines, whom he knew to be the only worthy men, 
 and best able to fight with him. So he made some honest 
 show and pretence of warres, saying : it was to set the 
 Greecians at liberty, who had no cause thereof, considering 
 they lived after their owne lawes, and were but lately delivered 
 from the bondage of kinge Philip, and of the Macedonians, 
 through the goodnesse of the Romaines. Notwithstandinge, 
 he came out of Asia into Greece with a marvelous great 
 army, and all Greece was straight in armes and in wonderfull 
 daunger, bicause of the great promises and large hopes the 
 governours of diverse cities (whome the kinge had wonne and 
 corrupted with money) did make unto them. Whereupon 
 Manius dispatched Ambassadors unto the cities, and sent 
 Titus Quintius Flaminius amonge others, who kept the 
 greatest parte of the people from rebellinge (that were easily 
 drawen to geve eare to this innovation) as we have expressed 
 more amply in his life : and Cato beinge sent Ambassador 
 also, perswaded the Corinthians, those of Patras, and the 
 ^Egians, and made them sticke still to the Romaines, and 
 continued a long time at Athens. Some say they finde an 
 oration of his wrytten in the Greeke tongue, which he made 
 before the Athenians, in commendacion of their auncesters : 
 wherein he sayd, he tooke great pleasure to see Athens, for 
 the beauty and statelinesse of the city. But this is false. 
 For he spake unto the Athenians by an interpreter, though 
 he coulde have uttered his oration in the Greeke tongue if he 
 had bene disposed : but he did like the lawes and customes 
 of his owne contrie, and the Romaine tongue so well, that 
 he laughed at them that would praise and commend the 
 Greeke tongue. As he did once mocke Posthumius Albinus, 
 who wrote an history in the Greeke tongue, praying the 
 3:C 17
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 MARCUS readers in his preface to beare with him, if they founde any 
 CATO imperfection in the tongue : Mary, sayd Cato, he had deserved 
 Cato mocked pardon in deede, if he hadde bene forced to have wrytten his 
 Posthumius story in the Greeke tonge, by order of the states of Greece, 
 Albinus a called the counsel of the Amphictyons. They say the 
 for'wr^tf' Athenians wondered to heare his redy tongue. For what 
 a story in ne na( i uttered quickely in few words unto the interpreter : 
 the Greeke the interpreter was driven to deliver them againe with great 
 tongue. circumstances, and many words. So that he left them of 
 
 this opinion, that the Greecians words lay all in their lippes, 
 and the Romaines wordes in their heades. Now lunge 
 Kinge Antio- Antiochus kept all the straightes and narrow passages of the 
 chus army. mountaines called Thermopyles, (beinge the ordinary way 
 and entry into Greece) and had fortified them as well with 
 his army that camped at the foote of the mountaine, as also 
 with walles and trenches he had made by hande, besides 
 the naturall strength and fortification of the mount it selfe 
 in sundry places : and so he determined to remaine there, 
 trusting to his owne strength and fortifications aforesayed, 
 and to turne the force of the warres some other way. The 
 Romaines also, they dispayred utterly they should be able 
 Catoes doings any way to charge him before. But Cato remembringe with 
 against king hi m se jf e the compasse the Persians hadde fetched about 
 Antiochus. before time likewise to enter into Greece : he departed one 
 night from the campe with parte of the army : to prove if 
 he could finde the very compasse about, the barbarous people 
 had made before. But as they climed up the mountaine, 
 their guide that was one of the prisoners taken in the contrie, 
 lost his way, and made them wander up and downe in mar- 
 velous steepe rockes and crooked wayes, that the poore 
 souldiers were in marvelous ill taking. Cato seeing the 
 daunger they were brought into by this lewde guide, com- 
 maunded all his souldiers not to sturre a foote from thence, 
 and to tary him there : and in the meane time he went him 
 selfe alone, and Lucius Manlius with him (a lustie man, and 
 nimble to climbe apon the rockes) and so went forwarde at 
 adventure, takinge extreame and uncredible paine, and in as 
 much daunger of his life, grubbing all night in the darke 
 without moone light, through wilde Olyve trees, and high 
 18
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 rockes (that let them they coulde not see before them, MARCUS 
 neither could tell whether they went) untill they stumbled CATO 
 at the length uppon a litle pathe way, which went as they 
 thought directly to the foote of the mountaine, where the 
 campe of the enemies lay. So they set uppe certeine markes 
 and tokens, uppon the highest toppes of the rockes they 
 coulde choose, by view of eye to be discerned furthest of 
 upon the mountaine called Callidromus. And when they Mount Calli- 
 had done that, they returned backe againe to fetche the dromus. 
 souldiers, whom they led towardes their markes they had 
 set up : untill at the length they founde their pathe waye 
 againe, where they putte their souldiers in order to marche. 
 Now they went not farre in this pathe they founde, but the 
 way failed them straight, and brought them to a bogge : 
 but then they were in worse case then before, and in greater 
 feare, not knowinge they were so neere their enemies, as in 
 deede they were. The day began to breake a litle, and one 
 of them that marched formest, thought he hearde a noyse, 
 and that he saw the Greekes campe at the foote of the 
 rockes, and certeine souldiers that kept watch there. Where- 
 upon Cato made them stay, and willed only the Firmanians 
 to come unto him, and none but them, bicause he had 
 founde them faithfull before, and very ready to obey his 
 commaundement. They were with him at a trise to know 
 his pleasure : so Cato said unto them : My fellowes, I must Catoes ora- 
 have some of our enemies taken prisoners, that I may know tion to his 
 of them who they be that keepe that passage, what number sou ldiers. 
 they be, what order they keepe, howe they are camped and 
 armed, and after what sorte they determine to fight with us. 
 The waye to worke this feate, standeth apon swiftnes, and 
 hardines to runne apon them sodainely, as Lyons doe, which 
 beinge naked feare not to runne into the middest of any 
 hearde of fearfull beastes. He had no sooner spoken these 
 wordes, but the Firmanian souldiers beganne to runne downe The boldenes 
 the mountaine, as they were, apon those that kept the an d valliant 
 watch : and so setting apon them, they beinge out of order, * tt f m P t of 
 made them flie, and tooke an armed man prisoner. When sou i(ii ers 
 they had him, they straight brought him unto Cato, who by 
 othe of the prisoner was advertised, howe that the strength 
 
 19
 
 MARCUS 
 CATO 
 
 Cato adver- 
 tised of the 
 strength of 
 king Antio- 
 chus campe. 
 
 Cato tooke 
 the straight of 
 Thermopyles. 
 
 Kinge Antio- 
 chus hurt in 
 the face with 
 a stone. 
 
 Catoes vic- 
 tory of kinge 
 Antiochus. 
 
 Cato woulde 
 praise his 
 owne doings. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 of their enemies armie was lodged about the persone of the 
 kinge, within the straight and valley of the said mountaine : 
 and that the souldiers they saw, were sixe hundred ^Etolians, 
 all brave souldiers, whome they had chosen and appointed to 
 keepe the toppe of the rockes over king Antiochus campe. 
 When Cato had heard him, making small accompt of the 
 matter, as well for their small number, as also for the ill 
 order they kept : he made the trompets sounde straight, and 
 his souldiers to marche in battell with great cries, him selfe 
 being the formest man of all his troupe, with a sworde 
 drawen in his hand. But when the ^Etolians saw them com- 
 ming downe the rockes towardes them, they beganne to flie 
 for life unto their great campe, which they filled full of feare, 
 trouble, and all disorder. Now Manlius at the same present 
 also, gave an assault unto the walles and fortifications the 
 king had made, overthwart the vallies and straightes of the 
 mountaines : at which assault, king Antiochus selfe had a 
 blow on the face with a stone, that strake some of his teeth 
 out of his mouth, so that for very paine and anguish he felt, 
 he turned his horse backe, and got him behinde the prease. 
 And then there were none of his armie that made any more 
 resistaunce, or that coulde abide the fiercenesse of the 
 Romaines. But notwithstanding that the places were very ill 
 for flying, bicause it was unpossible for them to scatter and 
 straggle, beinge holden in with high rockes on the one side of 
 them, and with bogges and deepe marisses on the other side, 
 which they must needes fall into if their feete slipped, or were 
 thrust forwarde by any : yet they fell one apon an other in the 
 straightes, and ranne so in heapes together, that they cast them 
 selves away, for feare of the Romaines swordes that lighted 
 uppon them in every corner. And there Marcus Cato, that 
 never made ceremony or nisenes to praise him selfe openly, nor 
 reckened it any shame to do it : did take a present occasion for 
 it, as falleth out apon all victory and famous exploytes. And 
 so did set it out with all the ostentacion and brave wordes he 
 could geve. For he wrote with his owne handes, that such as 
 saw him chase and lay upon his flying enemies that day, were 
 driven to say, that Cato was not bound to the Romaines, but 
 the Romaines bound unto Cato. And then Manius the Consull 
 20
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 selfe, being in a great heate with the furie of the battell, MARCUS 
 
 embraced Cato a great while, that was also hotte with chas- CATO 
 
 inge of the enemy : and spake alowde with great joy before 
 
 them all, that neither he, nor the people of Rome could 
 
 recompence Cato for his valliant service that day. After 
 
 this battell, the Consul Manius sent Cato to Rome, to be the Manius send 
 
 messenger him selfe to reporte the newes of the victory. So et h Cato to 
 
 he imbarked incontinently, and had such a fayer winde, that Kome * ^ r y 
 j- T> j -4-u J j newes of the 
 
 he passed over the sea to Brindes without any daunger, and v i c tory. 
 
 went from thence unto Tarentum in one day, and from 
 Tarentum in foure dayes more to Rome. And so he came 
 to Rome in five dayes after his landing in Italie, and made 
 such speede, that him selfe was in deede the first messenger 
 that brought newes of the victorie. Whereupon he filled all 
 Rome with joy and sacrifices, and made the Romaines so 
 proude, that ever after they thought them selves able men to 
 conquer the worlde both by sea and lande. And these be 
 all the martiall deedes and noble actes Cato did. But for his 
 doings in civill policie and state, he semed to be of this 
 opinion. That to accuse and pursue the wicked, he thought it Cato an ac- 
 was the best thinge an honest man and good governour of the cuser of men. 
 common wealth coulde employ him selfe unto : for he accused 
 many, and subscribed many other accusations which they pre- 
 ferred. And to be shorte, he did alwayes stirre up some accuser, 
 as he did Petilius against Scipio. But Scipio, by reason of his 
 nobility, the greatnes of his house, and the magnanimity of his 
 minde, passed not for any accusation they could lay against 
 him: being out of all feare, they shoulde be able to condemne 
 him. And so he let fall the accusation he had against him. 
 Notwithstanding, he joyned with other that accused Lucius 
 Scipio, his owne brother,and followed the matter so sore against 
 him, that he caused him to be condemned in a great summe of 
 money to the commonwealth : who being unable to pay the fine, 
 had gone to prison, and hardly scaped it, had not the Tribunes 
 of the people revoked his condemnation. It is sayd that Cato 
 comming through the market place one day, and meeting with 
 a younge manne by the way that had overthrowen his adver- 
 sary in sute, and put one of his late fathers greatest enemies 
 to open shame and foyle before the people : he imbraced him 
 
 21
 
 MARCUS 
 CATO 
 
 Cato fifty 
 times accused. 
 
 The dignity 
 and office of 
 the Censor. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 with a good countenaunce, and sayd unto him : Oh my 
 sonne, sacrifices that good children should offer to their 
 fathers soule, be not lammes nor kiddes, but the teares and 
 condemnations of their enemies. But as he vexed other, so 
 he scaped not free him selfe from daunger, in administration 
 of the common wealth. For if they could katch the least 
 vantage in the world of him, his enemies straight accused 
 him : so as they say he was accused almost a fifty times, and 
 at the last time of his accusation, he was about the age of 
 foure score yeares. And then he spake a thing openly that 
 was noted : that it was a harder thinge to geve up an 
 accompt of his life before men in any other world, then in 
 this among whom he lived. And yet was not this the last 
 sute he followed : for foure yeares after, when he was foure 
 score and tenne yeares of age, he accused Servius Galba. And 
 thus he lived as Nestor, in maner three ages of man, alwayes 
 in continuall sute and action. For when he wrestled with 
 the first Scipio the African about matters of state and 
 common wealth : he went on unto the time of the seconde, 
 that was adopted by the first Scipioes sonne, the natural] 
 sonne of Paulus ^Emylius, who overcame Perseus, king of 
 Macedon. Furthermore, Marcus Cato, tenne yeares after his 
 Consulship, sued to be Censor, which was in Rome the greatest 
 office of dignity that any citizen of Rome could attaine unto : 
 and as a man may say, the roome of all glory and honor 
 of their common wealth. For among other authorities 
 the Censor had power to examine mens lives and maners, 
 and to punish every offender. For the Romaines were of 
 that minde, that they woulde not have men mary, gette 
 children, live privately by them selves, and make feastes and 
 banckettes at their pleasure, but that they should stande in 
 feare to be reproved and inquiered of by the magistrate : 
 and that it was not good to geve every body liberty, to doe 
 what they would, following his owne lust and fansie. And 
 they judging that mens naturall dispositions do appeare more 
 in such things, then in all other thinges that are openly done 
 at none dayes, and in the sight of the worlde : used to choose 
 two Censors, that were two Surveyors of maners, to see that 
 every man behaved him selfe vertuously, and gave not them
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 selves to pleasure, nor to breake the lawes and customes MARCUS 
 
 of the common wealth. These officers were called in their CATO 
 
 tongue, CensoreS) and alwayes of custome one of them was a How the 
 
 Patrician, and the other a commoner. These two had power Censors were 
 
 and authority to disgrade a knight by taking away his horse, chosen - 
 
 and to put any of the Senate, whom they saw live dissolutely 
 
 and disorderly. It was their office also, to ceasse and rate 
 
 every citizen accordinge to the estimacion of their goodes, 
 
 to note the age, genealogie, and degrees of every man, and 
 
 to kepe bookes of them, besides many other prerogatives 
 
 they had belonging to their office. Therefore when Cato 
 
 came to sue for this office among other, the chiefest Senators 
 
 were all bent against him. Some of them for very envy, The Senators 
 
 thinkinge it shame and dishonor to the nobility, to suffer and nobility 
 
 menne that were meanely borne, and upstartes (the first of . \, . 
 .1.1 . / . \E . .1 agamstCatoes 
 
 their house and name, that ever came to beare office in the 
 
 state) to be called and preferred unto the highest offices of 
 state in all their common wealth. Other also that were ill 
 livers, and knowing that they had offended the lawes of their 
 contry: they feared his cruelty to much, imagining he would 
 spare no man, nor pardon any offence, having the law in his 
 owne hands. So when they had consulted together about it, 
 they did set up seven competitors against him, who flattered 
 the people with many fayer wordes and promises, as though 
 they had neede of magistrates to use them gently, and to doe 
 thinges for to please them. But Cato contrariwise, shewinge 
 no countenaunce that he would use them gently in the office, 
 but openly in the pulpit for orations, threatning those that 
 had lived naughtily and wickedly, he cried out: that they 
 must reforme their citie, and perswaded the people not to 
 choose the gentlest, but the sharpest phisitions: and that 
 him selfe was such a one as they needed, and among the 
 Patricians Valerius Flaccus an other, in whose company he 
 hoped (they two beinge chosen Censors) to do great good 
 unto the common wealth, by burninge and cutting of (like 
 Hydras heades) all vanity and voluptuous pleasures, that 
 were crept in amongest them: and that he sawe well enough, 
 how all the other suters sought the office by dishonest meanes, 
 fearing such officers as they knew would deale justly and 
 
 23
 
 MARCUS 
 CATO 
 
 Cato chosen 
 Censor. 
 
 Catoes acts 
 in his censor- 
 ship. 
 
 Cato put 
 Lucius Quin- 
 tius Flaminius 
 of the Senate. 
 
 The cause 
 why Cato put 
 Quintius of 
 the Senate. 
 
 Lucius Quin- 
 tius Flaminius 
 wickednes 
 and cruelty. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 uprightly. Then did the people of Rome shew them selves 
 nobly minded, and worthy of noble govern ours. For they 
 refused not the sowernesse or severity of Cato, but rejected 
 these meale mouthed men, that seemed ready to please the 
 people in all thinges : and thereupon chose Marcus Cato 
 Censor, and Valerius Flaccus to be his fellow, and they did 
 obey him, as if he hadde bene present officer, and no suter 
 for the office, being in themselves to give it to whom they 
 thought good. The first thing he did after he was stalled 
 in his Censorship, was : that he named Lucius Valerius 
 Flaccus, his frend and fellow Censor with him, prince of 
 the Senate : and among many other also whom he thrust 
 out of the Senate, he put Lucius Quintius Flaminius of the 
 Senate, that had bene Consull seven yeares before, and was 
 brother also unto Titus Quintius Flaminius that overcame 
 Philip king of Macedon in battell, which was greater glory 
 to him, then that he had bene Consull. But the cause why 
 he put him of the Senate, was this : This Lucius Quintius 
 caried ever with him a younge boy to the warres, whom he 
 gave as good countenaunce and credit unto, as to any of 
 his best familiar frendes he had about him. It fortuned on 
 a time whilest Lucius Quintius was Consull and governour 
 of a province, that he made a feast, and this boy being set at 
 his table hard by him, as his maner was, he beganne to flatter 
 him, knowing how to handle him when he was pretily mery : 
 and soothing him, told him he loved him so dearely, that 
 upon his departing from Rome, when the Swordeplaiers 
 were ready to fight for life and death with unrebated swords 
 to shew the people pastime, he came his way, and left the 
 sight of that he never saw, that was very desirous to have 
 seene a man killed. Then this Lucius Quintius, to make 
 him see the like, sayed : Care not for the sight thou hast 
 lost, boy, for I will let thee see as much. And when he had 
 spoken these wordes, he commaunded a prisoner condemned 
 to dye, to be fetched and brought into his hall before him, 
 and the hangman with his axe. Which was forthwith done 
 according to his commaundement. Then asked he the boy, 
 if he would straight see the man killed : Yea, sir, sayd the 
 boy : and with that he bad the hangman strike of his head. 
 24
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Most wryters reporte this matter thus. And Cicero to con- MARCUS 
 
 firme it also, wrote in his booke de Senectute that the same CATO 
 
 was wrytten in an oration Cato made before the people of 
 
 Rome. Now Lucius Quintius beinge thus shamefully put 
 
 of the Senate by Cato, his brother Titus beinge offended 
 
 withall, coulde not tell what to doe, but besought the people 
 
 they would e commaunde Cato to declare the cause, why 
 
 he brought such shame unto his house. Whereuppon Cato 
 
 openly before the people, made recitall of all this feast. 
 
 And when Lucius denied it, affirminge it was not so : Cato 
 
 would have had him sworne before them all, that it was not 
 
 true they had burdened him withall. But Lucius prayed 
 
 them to pardon him, who sayed he woulde not sweare : 
 
 Whereupon the people judged straight that he deserved 
 
 well that shame. So not longe after, certaine games beinge 
 
 shewed in the Theater, Lucius came thither, and passinge 
 
 beyonde the ordinary place that was appointed for those 
 
 that had bene Consuls, he went to sit aloofe of amongest 
 
 the multitude. The people tooke pity on him, and made 
 
 such a do about him, as they forced him to rise, and to go 
 
 sit among the other Senators that had bene Consuls: salving 
 
 the best they could, the shame and dishonor happened unto 
 
 so noble a house. Cato put out of the Senate also, one Manilius put 
 
 Manilius, who was in great towardnes to have bene made f the Senate 
 
 Consull the next yere following:, only bicause he kissed his . f k ' ss j n ff^ s 
 f i i - ii j I.- j \ f !_ j T-J. wife before his 
 
 wire to lovingly in the day time, and before his daughter : daughter. 
 
 and reproving him for it, he tolde him, his wife never kissed 
 him, but when it thundered. So when he was disposed to 
 be mery, he would say it was happy with him when lupiter Mery with 
 thundered. He tooke away Lucius Scipioes horse from him, marled men 
 that had triumphed for the victories he had won against the ^ u ei j lu ^h er 
 great king Antiochus : which wan him much ill wil, bicause 
 it appeared to the world he did it of purpose, for the malice 
 he did beare Scipio the African, that was dead. But the 
 most thing that greeved the people of all other extreamities 
 he used, was his putting downe of all feastes and vaine ex- Banketing 
 pences. For a man to take it cleane away, and to be openly an( * feastes 
 scene in it, it was unpossible, bicause it was so common a P u ^ ? WI 
 thinge, and every man was given so to it. Therefore Cato 
 3 : D 25
 
 MARCUS 
 CATO 
 
 Catoes coun- 
 sel for re- 
 forminge 
 excesse at 
 Rome. 
 
 Superfluous 
 things 
 
 reckoned for 
 riches. 
 
 Scopas goodes 
 were all in 
 toyes, that 
 did him no 
 good. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 to fetche it about indirectly, did praise every citizens goodes, 
 and rated their apparell, their coches, their litters, their wives 
 chaines and juells, and all other moveables and household 
 stuffe, that had cost above a thousand five hundred Drachmes 
 a peece, at tenne times as much as they were worth : to the 
 end that such as had bestowed their money in those curious 
 trifles, should pay so much more subsidie to the maintenance 
 of the common wealth, as their goods were over valued at. 
 Moreover he ordained for every thousand Asses that those 
 trifling things were praised at, the owners of them should 
 pay three thousand Asses to the common treasory : to the 
 ende that they who were greeved with this taxe, and sawe 
 other pay lesse subsidy (that were as much worth as them 
 selves, by living without such toyes) might call home them 
 selves againe, and lay a side such foolishe bravery and fine- 
 nesse. Notwithstandinge, Cato was envied every way. First, 
 of them that were contented to pay the taxe imposed, rather 
 then they would leave their vanity : and next, of them also, 
 that would rather reforme them selves, then pay the taxe. 
 And some thinke that this law was devised rather to take 
 away their goodes, then to let them to make shew of them : 
 and they have a fonde opinion besides, that their riches is 
 better scene in superfluous things, then in necessary. Whereat 
 they say Aristotle the Philosopher did wonder more, then 
 at any other thing : how men could thinke them more rich 
 and happy, that had many curious and superfluous things, 
 then those that had necessary and profitable things. And 
 Scopas the Thessalian, when one of his familiar frends asked 
 him, I know not what trifling thing, and to make him graunt 
 it the sooner, told him it was a thinge he might well spare, 
 and did him no good : mary sayeth he, all the goodes I 
 have, are in such toyes as do me no good. So this covetous 
 desire we have to be rich, commeth of no necessary desire in 
 nature, but is bred in us lay a false opinion from the common 
 sorte. Now, Cato caringe least of all for the exclamations 
 they made against him, grewe to be more straight and severe. 
 For he cut of the pipes and quilles private men had made to 
 convey water into their houses and gardens, robbing the city 
 of the water that came from their common conduite heades, 
 26
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and did plucke downe also mens porches that were made MARCUS 
 before their dores into the strete, and brought downe the CATO 
 prises of common workes in the city, and moreover raised 
 the common farmes and customes of the city, as high as 
 he could : all which things together made him greatly hated 
 and envied of most men. Wherefore, Titus Flaminius, and 
 certaine other beinge bent against him in open Senate, 
 caused all Catoes covenauntes and bargaines made, with 
 the master worke man for repayring and mending of the 
 common buildings and holy places, to be made voide, as 
 things greatly prejudiciall to the common wealth. And 
 they did also stirre up the boldest and rashest of the 
 Tribunes of the people against him, bicause they shoulde 
 accuse him unto the people, and make request he might 
 be condemned in the summe of two talentes. They did 
 marvelously hinder also the buildinge of the pallace he 
 built at the charge of the common wealth, looking into the 
 market place under the Senate house : which pallace was 
 finished notwithstanding, and called after his name, Basilica Basilica 
 Porcia : as who would say, the pallace Porcius the Censor Porcia built 
 built. Howebeit it seemed the people of Rome did greatly ^ Cato. 
 like and commend his government in the Censorshippe. For 
 they set up a statue of him in the temple of the goddesse of Catoes image 
 health, whereunder they wrote not his victories nor triumphe, set U P * n the 
 but only ingraved this inscription word for worde, to this tei ?? e 
 effect by translation : For the honor of Marcus Cato the f ea jth 
 Censor : bicause he reformed the discipline of the common 
 wealth of Rome (that was farre out of order, and given to 
 licentious life) by his wise preceptes, good maners, and holy 
 institutions. In deede, before this image was set up for him, 
 he was wont to mocke at them that delighted, and were 
 desirous of such thinges : saying, they did not consider how Honor 
 they bragged in founders, painters, and image makers, but chaungeth 
 nothing of their vertues : and that for him selfe, the people conditions - 
 did alwayes cary lively images of him in their hartes, mean- 
 inge the memory of his life and doings. When some 
 wondered why diverse meane men and unknowen persones 
 had images set up of them, and there were none of him : he 
 gave them this aunswer : I had rather men should aske why 
 
 27
 
 MARCUS 
 CATO 
 
 No man 
 should abide 
 to be praised 
 but for the 
 common 
 wealth. 
 
 What Cato 
 was at home 
 in his house, 
 and towardes 
 his wife and 
 children. 
 
 Cato judgeth 
 the noble 
 borne gentle- 
 women the 
 best wives. 
 
 Socrates 
 pacience com- 
 mended bear- 
 inge with the 
 shrewdnes of 
 his wife. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Cato had no Image set up for him, then why he had any. 
 In the ende, he would have no honest man abide to oe 
 praised, onles his praise turned to the benefit of the common 
 wealth : and yet was he one of them that would most praise 
 him selfe. So that if any had done a fault, or stept awry, 
 and that men had gone about to reprove them : he woulde 
 say they were not to be blamed, for they were no Catoes that 
 did offende. And such as counterfeated to follow any of his 
 doinges, and came shorte of his maner, he called them left 
 handed Catoes. He would say, that in most daungerous 
 times the Senate used to cast their eyes upon him, as pas- 
 sengers on the sea do looke upon the master of the shippe in 
 a storme : and that many times when he was absent, the 
 Senate would put over matters of importance, untill he might 
 come amonge them. And this is confirmed to be true, as 
 well by other, as by him selfe. His authority was great in 
 matters of state, for his wisedome, his eloquence, and great 
 experience. Besides this commendacion, they praised him 
 for a good father to his children, a good husband to his wife, 
 and a good saver for his profit : for he was never careles of 
 them, as things to be lightly passed on. And therfore me 
 thinkes I must nedes tell you by the way, some parte of his 
 well doinge, to folio we our declaration of him. First of all, 
 he maried a gentlewoman more noble then rich, knowing 
 that either of both should make her proude and stoute 
 enough : but yet he ever thought the nobler borne, would 
 be the more ashamed of dishonesty, then the meaner borne : 
 and therefore ^that they would be more obedient to their 
 husbandes, in all honest maner and reasonable things. 
 Furthermore, he sayd : that he that bet his wife or his child, 
 did commit as great a sacriledge, as if he polluted or spoiled 
 the holyest thinges of the world : and he thought it a 
 greater praise for a man to be a good husband, then a good 
 Senator. And therefore he thought nothinge more com- 
 mendable in the life of olde Socrates, then his pacience, in 
 using his wife well, that was such a shrewe, and his children 
 that were so harebrainde. After Catoes wife had brought 
 him a sonne, he could not have so earnest busines in hande, 
 if it had not touched the common wealth, but he would let 
 28
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 all alone, to go home to his house, about the time his wife MARCUS 
 did unswadell the younge boy to washe and shift him : for she CATO 
 gave it sucke with her owne brestes, and many times woulde Catoes wife 
 let the slaves children sucke of her also, bicause they might was nource 
 have a naturall love towardes her sonne, havinge sucked one to her owne 
 milke, and bene brought up together. When his sonne was 
 come to age of discretion, and that he was able to learne any 
 thinge, Cato him selfe did teache him, notwithstanding he Cato taught 
 had a slave in his house called Chilo (a very honest man, and his sonnes. 
 a good grammarian) who did also teach many other : but as Chilo a 
 he sayed him selfe, he did not like, a slave should rebuke his grammarian, 
 sonne, nor pull him by the eares, when paradventure he was 
 not apt to take very sodainely that was taught him : neither 
 would he have his sonne bounde to a slave for so great a 
 matter as that, as to have his learning of him. Wherefore What exer- 
 he him selfe taught him his grammer, the law, and to exer- cises Cato 
 cise his body, not only to throw a dart, to play at the sword, |> rou g ht up 
 to vawt, to ride a horse, and to handle all sortes of weapons, 
 but also to fight with fistes, to abide colde and heate, and to 
 swimme over a swift runninge river. He sayed moreover, that 
 he wrote goodly histories in great letters with his owne 
 hande, bicause his sonne might learne in his fathers house 
 the vertues of good men in times past, that he taking example 
 by their doinges, should frame his life to excell them. He 
 sayed also, that he tooke as great heede of speaking any 
 fowle or uncomely wordes before his sonne, as he would have 
 done if he had bene before the Vestall Nunnes. He never 
 was in the whotte house with his sonne : for it was a common 
 use with the Romaines at that time, that the sonnes in law 
 did not bathe them selves with their fathers in law, but were 
 ashamed to see one an other naked. But afterwardes they 
 havinge learned of the Greekes to wash them selves naked 
 with men, it taught them also to be naked in the bathe even 
 with their wives. There lacked no towardlines, nor good 
 disposition in Catoes sonne, to frame him selfe vertuous : for 
 he was of so good a nature, that he shewed him selfe willing 
 to followe whatsoever his father had taught him. Howebeit 
 he was such a weake pulinge, that he coulde not away with 
 much hardnesse, and therefore his father was contented not to 
 
 29
 
 MARCUS 
 CATO 
 
 Catoes sonne 
 was valiant. 
 
 Cato the 
 younger 
 maried Tertia 
 Paulus JEmy- 
 lius daughter. 
 
 Scipio the 
 second was 
 JEmylius 
 naturall 
 sonne. 
 
 Catoes dis- 
 cipline to 
 his slaves. 
 
 Catoes 
 opinion for 
 sleepy men. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 binde him to that straight and painfull life, which him selfe 
 had kept. Yet he became valliant in the warres. For he 
 fought marvelous stowtely in the battell, in which Perseus 
 the kinge of Macedon was overthrowen by Paulus ^Emylius : 
 where his sword being striken out of his hand with a great 
 blow that lighted on it, and by reason his hand was som- 
 what sweaty besides, he fell into a great fury, and prayed of 
 his frendes about him to recover it. So they all together 
 ranne uppon the enemies in that place where his sword fell 
 out of his hande, and came in so fiercely on them, that they 
 made a lane through them, and clearing the place, found it 
 in the end, but with much a do, being under such a heape 
 of dead bodies and other weapons, as well Romaines as 
 Macedonians, one lying on an other. Paulus ^Emyh'us the 
 Generall hearing of this act of his, did highly commende the 
 younge man. And at this day there is a letter extant from 
 Cato to his sonne, in the which he praiseth this worthy 
 fact and toile of his, for the recoveringe of his sworde 
 againe. Afterwardes, this Cato the younger maried Tertia, 
 one of Paulus ^Emylius daughters, and sister unto Scipio the 
 seconde, and so was matched in this noble house, not onely 
 for his owne vertues sake, but for respect of his fathers 
 dignity and authority : wherby the great care, paines, and 
 study that Cato the father tooke in bringing up his sonne 
 in vertue and learninge, was honorably rewarded in the 
 happy bestowing of his sonne. He ever had a great number 
 of young litle slaves which he bought, when any would sell 
 their prisoners in the warres. He did choose them thus 
 young, bicause they were apt yet to learne any thinge he 
 would traine them unto, and that a man might breake them, 
 like young coltes, or litle whelpes. But none of them all, 
 how many soever he had, did ever goe to any mans house, 
 but when him selfe or his wife did sende them. If any man 
 asked them what Cato did : they aunswered, they coulde not 
 tell. And when they were within, either they must needes 
 be occupied about somewhat, or else they must sleepe : for 
 he loved them well that were sleepy, holdinge opinion that 
 slaves that loved sleepe were more tractable, and willing to 
 do any thing a man would set them to, then those that were 
 30
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 waking. And bicause he thought that nothing more did pro- MARCUS 
 voke slaves to mischiefe and naughtines, then lust and desire CATO 
 of women : he was contented that his slaves might company 
 with his bondewomen in his house, for a peece of money he 
 appointed them to pay, but with straight commaundement 
 besides, that none of them should deale with any other 
 woman abroade. At the first when he gave him selfe to 
 follow the warres, and was not greatly rich, he never was 
 angry for any fault his servauntes did about his persone : 
 saying it was a fowle thing for a gentleman or noble man, 
 to fall out with his servauntes for his belly. Afterwardes, as Note how 
 he rose to better state, and grew to be wealthier, if he had Cato altered 
 made a dinner or supper for any of his frendes and familiars, . ane ^ an< ^ 
 they were no sooner gone, but he woulde scourge them with ^jth 11 ^ 
 whippes and leather thonges, that had not waited as they 
 should have done at the borde, or had forgotten any thing 
 he would have had done. He would ever craftily make one 
 of them fall out with an other: for he could not abide 
 they should be frendes, beinge ever jealous of that. If 
 any of them had done a fault that deserved death, he 
 would declare his offence before them all: and then if 
 they condemned him to dye, he would put him to death 
 before them all. Howebeit in his latter time he grewe 
 greedy, and gave up his tillage, sayinge it was rather 
 pleasaunt, then profitable. Therfore bicause he would Catoes good 
 lay out his money surely, and bring a certaine revenue husbandry for 
 to his purse, he bestowed it uppon pondes, naturall hotte incr easing his 
 bathes, places fit for fullers craft, upon meadowes and 
 pastures, upon copises and young wodde: and of all these 
 he made a great and a more quiet revenue yearely, which he 
 would say, lupiter him selfe could not diminishe. Further- 
 more, he was a great userer, both by land and by sea : and Cato a great 
 the usery he tooke by sea was most extreame of all other, for userer. 
 he used it in this sorte. He would have them to whome he He tooke ex- 
 lent his money unto, that traffiked by sea, to have many treame usery 
 parteners, and to the number of fifty : and that they should y sea- 
 have so many shippes. Then he would venter among them 
 for a parte onely, whereof Quintius his slave whom he had 
 manumised, was made his factor, and used to sayle, and 
 
 31
 
 MARCUS 
 CATO 
 
 Carneades, 
 and Diogenes 
 Philosophers 
 sent Ambas- 
 sadors to 
 Rome. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 traffiked with the marchaunts, to whom he had lent his 
 money out to usery. And thus he did not venter all the 
 money he lent, but a litle peece only for his parte, and gotte 
 marvelous riches by his usery. Moreover he lent money to 
 any of his slaves, that would therwith buy other young 
 slaves, whom they taught and brought up to do service, 
 at Catoes charge and cost : and then they solde them againe 
 at the yeares ende, and some of them Cato kept for his owne 
 service, and gave his slaves as much for them, as any other 
 offered. Therfore to allure his sonne in like manner to 
 make profitte of his money : he tolde him it was no wise 
 mans parte to diminishe his substance, but rather the parte 
 of a widowe. Yet this was a token of a most greedy covet- 
 ous minde, that he durst affirme him to be divine, and worthy 
 immortall praise, that increased his wealth and patrimony 
 more, then his father left him. Furthermore, when Cato 
 was growen very olde, Carneades the Academicke, and Dio- 
 genes the Stoicke, were sent from Athens as Ambassadors to 
 Rome, to sue for a release of a fyne of five hundred talentes 
 which they had imposed on the Athenians apon a condem- 
 nation passed against them, for a contempt of appearaunce, 
 by the sentence of the Sicyonians, at the sute of the Oro- 
 pians. Immediatly when these two Philosophers were arrived 
 in the citie of Rome, the younge gentlemen that were geven 
 to their bookes, did visite and welcome them, and gave 
 great reverence to them after they had heard them speake, 
 and specially to Carneades : whose grace in speaking, and 
 force of perswading was no lesse, then the fame ranne uppon 
 him, and specially when he was to speake in so great an 
 audience, and before such a state, as would not suppresse his 
 praise. Rome straight was full, as if a winde had blowen 
 this rumor into every mans eare : that there was a Greecian 
 arrived, a famous learned man, who with his eloquence 
 woulde leade a man as he lust. There was no other talke a 
 while through the whole city, he had so inflamed the younge 
 gentlemens mindes with love and desire to be learned : that 
 all other pleasures and delightes were set a side, and they 
 disposed them selves to no other exercise, but to the study of 
 Philosophy, as if some secrete and divine inspiration from
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 above had procured them to it. Whereof the Lordes and MARCUS 
 Senators of Rome were glad, and rejoyced much to see their CATO 
 youth so well geven to knowledge, and to the study of 
 the Greeke tongue, and to delite in the company of these 
 two great and excellent learned men. But Marcus Cato, 
 even from the beginning that young men beganne to study 
 the Greeke tongue, and that it grewe in estimacion in Rome, 
 did dislike of it : fearing least the youth of Rome that were Cato misliked 
 desirous of learninge and eloquence, woulde utterly give over the Greeke 
 the honor and glory of armes. Furthermore, when he sawe ton & ue - 
 the estimacion and fame of these two personages did increase 
 more and jmore, and in such sorte that Caius Aquilius, one of 
 the chiefest of the Senate, made sute to be their interpreter : 
 he determined then to convey them out of the citie by some 
 honest meane and culour. So he openly found fault one 
 day in the Senate, that the Ambassadors were long there, 
 and had no dispatche : considering also they were cunninge 
 men, and coulde easily perswade what they would. And if 
 there were no other respect, this onely might perswade them 
 to determine some aunswere for them, and so to send them 
 home againe to their schooles, to teach their children of 
 Greece, and to let alone the children of Rome, that they 
 might learne to obey the lawes and the Senate, as they had 
 done before. Now he spake this to the Senate, not of any 
 private ill will or malice he bare to Carneades, as some men 
 thought : but bicause he generally hated Philosophy, and 
 of an ambition despised the muses, and knowledge of the 
 Greeke tongue. Which was the more suspected, bicause he 
 had sayd, the auncient Socrates was but a busie man, 
 and a sturrer up of sedition, and sought by all meanes 
 possible to usurpe tyranny, and rule in his contrie : by per- 
 verting and chaunging the manners and customes of the 
 same, and alluringe the subjectes thereof to a dislikinge 
 of their lawes and auncient customes. And he laughed at 
 Socrates schoole, that taught the arte of eloquence : saying, 
 his schollers waxed old, and were still so long a learning, that 
 they ment to use their eloquence and pleade causes in an 
 other worlde, before Minos, when they were dead. There- 
 fore, to plucke his sonne from the study of the Greeke 
 3:E 33
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 MARCUS tongue, he sayd to him with a strayned voyce, and in a 
 CATO bigger sound then he was wont to doe : (as if he had spoken 
 to him by way of prophecy or inspiration) that so longe as 
 the Romaines disposed them selves to study the Greeke 
 tongue, so longe woulde they marre and bring all to nought. 
 And yet time hath proved his vaine wordes false and untrue. 
 For the citie of Rome did never florishe so much, nor the 
 Romaine Empire was ever so great, as at that time, when 
 learninge and the Greeke tongue most florished. Howebeit 
 Cato did not onely hate the Philosophers of Greece, but did 
 dislike them also, that professed phisicke in Rome. For he 
 had either hearde or red the aunswere Hippocrates made, 
 when the king of Persia sent for him, and offered him a 
 great summe of golde and silver, if he woulde come and serve 
 him : who sware he would never serve the barbarous people, 
 that were naturall enemies to the Greecians. So Cato 
 affirmed, it was an othe that al other phisitions sware ever 
 after : wherefore he comrnaunded his sonne to flie from them 
 Catoes Phisi- all alike, and sayed he hadde wrytten a litle booke of phisicke, 
 call booke. with the which he did heale those of his house when they 
 were sicke, and did keepe them in health when they were 
 whole. He never forbad them to eate, but did alwayes 
 bringe them uppe with erbes, and certaine light meates, as 
 mallard, ringedoves, and hares : for such meates, sayd he, are 
 good for the sicke, and light of disgestion, saving that they 
 make them dreame and snorte that eate them. He boasted 
 also how with this maner of phisicke, he did alwayes keepe 
 him selfe in health, and his family from sickenes. Yet for 
 all that, I take it, he did not all that he bragged of : for he 
 buried both his wife, and his sonne also. But he him selfe 
 was of a stronge nature, and a lusty body, full of strength, 
 and health, and lived long without sickenesse : so that when 
 he was a very olde man and past mariage, he loved women 
 well, and maried a younge maiden for that cause onely. 
 After his first wife was dead, he maried his sonne unto 
 Paulus JEmylius daughter, the sister of Scipio, the seconde 
 African. Cato him selfe beinge a widower, tooke paines 
 with a prety younge maide that waited in his house, and 
 came by stelth to his chamber : howebeit this haunt coulde 
 34
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 not long continue secret in his house, and specially where MARCUS 
 there was a younge gentlewoman maried, but needes must CATO 
 be spied. So, one day when this young maide went some- 
 what boldly by the chamber of young Cato, to go into his 
 father, the young man sayd never a word at it: yet his 
 father perceived that he was somewhat ashamed, and gave 
 the maide no good countenaunce. Wherefore findinge that 
 his sonne and daughter in lawe were angry with the matter, 
 sayinge nothinge to them of it, nor shewinge them any ill 
 countenaunce : he went one morninge to the market place 
 (as his maner was) with a traine that followed him, amongest 
 whome was one Salonius, that had bene his clearke, and 
 wayted upon him as the rest did. Cato calling him out 
 alowde by his name, asked him if he hadde not yet bestowed 
 his daughter. Salonius aunswered him, he had not yet 
 bestowed her, nor woulde not, before he made him privie 
 to it. Then Cato tolde him againe : I have founde out a Cato talketh 
 husbande for her, and a sonne in lawe for thee, and it will be with Salonius 
 no ill matche for her, unlesse she mislike the age of the man, ^ d^ke, 
 for in deede he is very olde, but otherwise there is no faulte j^^^g ^ jjj s 
 in him. Salonius tolde him againe, that for that matter, he daughter, 
 referred all to him, and his daughter also, prayinge him even 
 to make what matche he thought good for her : for she was 
 his humble servaunt, and relyed wholly upponhim, standinge 
 in neede of his favor and furtheraunce. Then Cato beganne 
 to discover, and tolde him plainely he woulde willingely 
 mary her him selfe. Salonius therewith was abashed, bicause 
 he thought Cato was too olde to mary then, and him selfe 
 was no fitte manne to matche in any honorable house, 
 speciallie with a Consull and one that hadde triumphed : 
 howebeit in the ende, when he sawe Cato ment good earnest, 
 he was very glad of the matche, and so with this talke 
 they went on together to the markette place, and agreed 
 then upon the mariage. Now while they went about 
 this matter, Cato the sonne taking some of his kinne 
 and frendes with him, went unto his father, to aske him 
 if he had offended him in any thinge, that for spight 
 he shoulde bringe him a steppe mother into his house. 
 Then his father cried out, and sayd : O my sonne, I pray 
 
 35
 
 MARCUS 
 CATO 
 
 Catoes 
 aunswere to 
 his sonne, of 
 his seconde 
 mariage. 
 
 Cato maried 
 Salonius 
 daughter, 
 being a very 
 old man, and 
 had a sonne 
 by her. 
 
 How Cato 
 passed his 
 age. 
 
 Catoes wryt- 
 inges and 
 monuments. 
 
 Catoes 
 revenue. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 thee say not so, I like well all thou doest, and I finde no 
 cause to complaine of thee : but I do it, bicause I desire to 
 have many children, and to leave many such like citizens as 
 thou art, in the common wealth. Some say that Pisistratus 
 the tyran of Athens, made such a like aunswere unto the chil- 
 dren of his first wife, which were men growen, when he maried 
 his seconde wife Timonassa, of the towne of Argos, of whom 
 he had (as it is reported) lophon, and Thessalus. But to 
 returne againe to Cato, he had a sonne by his second wife, 
 whom he named after her name, Cato Salonian : and his 
 eldest sonne died in his office beinge Prsetor, of whome he 
 often speaketh in diverse of his bookes, commendinge him 
 for a very honest man. And they say, he tooke the death 
 of him very paciently, and like a grave wise man, not leaving 
 therefore to do any service or businesse for the state, other- 
 wise then he did before. And therein he did not, as Lucius 
 Lucullus, and Metellus surnamed Pius, did afterwards : who 
 gave up medling any more with matters of government and 
 state, after they were waxen olde. For he thought it a 
 charge and duety, whereunto every honest man whilest he 
 lived, was bounde in all piety. Nor as Scipio African hadde 
 done before him, who perceiving that the glory and fame 
 of his doings did purchase him the ill will of the citizens, 
 he chaunged the rest of his life into quietnes, and forsooke 
 the citie and all dealings in common wealth, and went and 
 dwelt in the contry. But as there was one that told Diony- 
 sius, the tyran of Syracusa, as it is wrytten, that he could not 
 die more honorably, then to be buried in the tyranny : even 
 so did Cato thinke, that he could not waxe more honestlie, 
 olde, then in serving of the common wealth, unto his dying 
 day. So at vacant times, when Cato was desirous a litle to 
 recreate and refresh him selfe, he passed his time away in 
 makinge of bookes, and lookinge uppon his husbandry in the 
 contry. This is the cause why he wrote so many kindes of 
 bookes and stories. But his tillage and husbandry in the 
 contry, he did tende and followe all in his youth, for his 
 profit. For he sayed he had but two sortes of revenue, 
 tillage, and sparinge : but in age, whatsoever he did in the 
 contry, it was all for pleasure, and to learne some thinge ever 
 36
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 of nature. For he hath wrytten a booke of the contry life, MARCUS 
 and of tillage, in the which he sheweth howe to make tartes CATO 
 and cakes, and how to keepe frutes. He woulde needes shew 
 such singularity and skill in all thinges : when he was in 
 his house in the contry, he fared a litle better then he did 
 in other places, and would oftentimes bid his neighbours, and 
 such as had lande lying about him, to come and suppe with 
 him, and he would be mery with them : so that his company Catoes corn- 
 was not onely pleasaunt, and likinge to olde folkes as him P an 7 pleasant 
 selfe, but also to the younger sorte. For he had seene much, bo * h to 
 and had experience in many thinges, and used much pleasaunt 
 talke, profitable for the hearers. He thought the bord one The table a 
 of the chiefest meanes to breede love amongest men, and at & meane 
 his owne table woulde alwayes praise good men and vertuous 
 citizens, but would suffer no talke of evill men, neither table talke 
 in their praise nor dispraise. Now it is thought the last should be 
 notable acte and service he did in the common wealth, was used - 
 the overthrow of Carthage : for in deede he that wanne 
 it, and rased it utterly, was Scipio the seconde, but jit was 
 chiefely through Catoes counsel! and advise, that the last Cato author 
 warre was taken in hand against the Carthaginians, and it of the last . 
 chaunced apon this occasion. Cato was sent into Africke to 
 understande the cause and controversie that was betwene m nans 
 the Carthaginians and Massinissa, kinge of Numidia, which 
 were at great warres together. And he was sent thither, 
 bicause king Massinissa had ever bene a frend unto the 
 Romaines, and for that the Carthaginians were become their 
 confederates since the last warres, in the which they were 
 overthrowen by Scipio the first, who tooke for a fyne of 
 them, a great parte of their Empire, and imposed apon them 
 besides, a great yearely tribute. Now when he was come 
 into that contrie, he founde not the citie of Carthage in 
 miserie, beggerie, and out of harte, as the Romaines sup- 
 posed : but full of lusty youthes very riche and wealthie, 
 and great store of armour and munition in it for the warres, 
 so that by reason of the wealth thereof, Carthage caried 
 a high sayle, and stowped not for a litle. Wherefore he 
 thought that it was more then time for the Romaines to 
 leave to understande the controversies betwext the Cartha- 
 
 37
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 MARCUS ginians and Massinissa, and rather to provide betimes to de- 
 CATO strove Carthage, that hadde beene ever an auncient ennemie 
 to the Romaines, and ever sought to be revenged of that 
 they hadde suffered at their handes before, and that they 
 were now growen to that greatnes and corage in so shorte 
 time, as in manner it was incredible : so as it was likely they 
 would fall into as great enmity with the Romaines, as they 
 ever did before. Therefore so soone as he returned to Rome, 
 he plainly tolde the Senate, that the losses and harmes the 
 Carthaginians had received by the last warres they had with 
 them, had not so much diminished their power and strength, 
 as the same had shewed their owne folly and lacke of wisdom : 
 for it was to be feared much, least their late troubles had 
 made them more skilfull, then weakened them for the warres. 
 And that they made warres nowe with the Numidians, to 
 exercise them onely, meaninge afterwardes to warre with 
 them selves : and that the peace they had made with them, 
 was but an intermission and stay of warres, only expecting 
 time and opportunity to breake with them againe. They 
 say moreover, that besides the perswasions he used, he 
 brought with him of purpose, Africke figges in his long 
 sleeves, which he shooke out amongest them in the Senate. 
 When the Senators marvailed to see so goodly fayer greene 
 figges, he sayed : The contry that beareth them, is not above 
 three dayes sailinge from Rome. But yet this is more 
 straunge which they reporte of him besides : that he never 
 declared his opinion in any matter in the Senate after that, 
 but this was ever the one ende of his tale : Me thinketh 
 Scipio Nasica, still Carthage would be utterly destroyed. Publius Scipio 
 against Cato, Nasica, used ever in like manner the contrary speech : that 
 he thought it meete Carthage should stand. This Publius 
 of Carthafe Scipio saw, in my opinion, that the Romaines through their 
 pride and insolency were full of absurdities, and caried them 
 selves very high, by reason of their happy successe and 
 victories, and were so lofty minded, that the Senate could 
 hardly rule them : and that by reason of their great author- 
 itie, they imagined they might bringe their citie to what 
 height they would. Therefore he spake it, that the feare of 
 Carthage might alwayes continue as a bridle, to raigne in the 
 38
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 insolency of the people of Rome, who knew well enough, that MARCUS 
 the Carthaginians were of no sufficient power to make warres CATO 
 with the Romanies, nor yet to overcome them : and even so 
 were they not wholly to be despised, and not to be feared 
 at all. Cato still replied to the contrary, that therein con- 
 sisted the greatest daunger of all : that a citie which was 
 ever of great force and power, and had bene punished by 
 former warres and misery, would alwayes have an eye of 
 revenge to their enemies, and be much like a horse that 
 had broken his halter, that being unbridled, woulde runne 
 upon his rider. And therfore he thought it not good, nor 
 sounde advise, so to suffer the Carthaginians to recover their 
 strength, but rather they ought altogether to take away all 
 outward daunger, and the feare they stoode in to loose their 
 conquest : and specially, when they left meanes within the city 
 selfe to fall still againe to their former rebellion. And this 
 is the cause why they suppose Cato was the occasion, of the 
 thirde and last warre the Romaines had against the Cartha- 
 ginians. But now when the warre was begonne, Cato died, Catoes death, 
 and before his death he prophecied, as a man would say, who it 
 should be that should ende those warres. And it was Scipio 
 the second, who being a young man at that time, had charge 
 only as a Colonell over a thousand footemen : but in all 
 battells, and wheresoever there was warres, he shewed him 
 selfe ever valliant and wise. Insomuch as newes being brought 
 thereof continually unto Rome, and Cato hearinge them, 
 spake as they say, these two verses of Homer : 
 
 This only man right wise, reputed is to be, 
 
 all other seeme but shadowes set, by such wise men as he. 
 
 Which prophecy, Scipio soone after confirmed true by his 
 doinges. Moreover, the issue Cato left behinde him, was a Catoes 
 sonne he had by his seconde wife : who was called (as we sayd posterity, 
 before) Cato Salonian, by reason of his mother, and a litle 
 boy of his eldest sonne that died before him. This Cato 
 Salonian died being Praetor, but he left a sonne behinde 
 him that came to be Consull, and was grandfather 
 unto Cato the Philosopher, one of the most 
 vertuous men of his time. 
 
 39
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 THE COMPARISON OF 
 ARISTIDES WITH MARCUS CATO 
 
 Aristides and 
 Catoes accesse 
 to the com- 
 mon wealth. 
 
 OW that we have sette downe in wryt- 
 inge, these notable and worthie things of 
 memory : if we will conferre the life of the 
 one, with the life of the other, perhappes 
 the difference betwene the one and the 
 other will not easily be discerned, seeinge 
 there be so many similitudes and resem- 
 blances one of an other. But if we come 
 to compare them in every particularity, as we would doe 
 Poets workes, or pictures drawen in tables : first, in this we 
 shall finde them much a like, that having had nothing else 
 to preferre and commende them, but their onely vertue and 
 wisdom, they have bene both governors in their common 
 wealth, and have thereby atchieved to great honor and esti- 
 macioii. But me thinkes when Aristides came to deale in 
 matters of state, the common wealth and seigniory of Athens 
 was then of no great power, and therefore it was easie for 
 him to set him selfe in prease. Besides, the other governors 
 and captaines that were of his time, and competitors with 
 him, were not very rich, nor of great authority. For the 
 taxe of the richest persones then at Athens in revenue, was 
 but at five hundred bushells of corne, and upwards, and 
 therefore were such called Pentacosiomedimni. The second 
 taxe was but at three hundred bushels, and they were called 
 knights. The third and last was at two hundred bushells, 
 and they called them Zeugitas. Where Marcus Cato com- 
 minge out of a litle village, from a rude contry life, went 
 at the first dashe (as it were) to plunge him selfe into a 
 bottomles sea of government in the common wealth of Rome : 
 which was not ruled then by such governors and captaines, 
 as Curius, Fabricius, and Ostilius were in old time. For 
 the people of Rome did no more bestow their offices upon 
 40
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 such meane laboring men, as came but lately from the ARISTIDES 
 plough and the mattocke : but they woulde looke now apon AND 
 the nobility of their houses, and upon their riches, that gave CATC 
 them most money, or sued earnestly to them for the offices. 
 And by reason of their great power and authority, they 
 woulde be waited upon, and sued unto, by those that sought 
 to beare the honorable offices of the state and common 
 wealth. And it was no like match nor comparison, to have 
 Themistocles an adversary and competitor, being neither of 
 noble house, nor greatly rich (for they say, that all the 
 goodes his father left him, were not worth above foure or 
 five hundred talentes, when he beganne to deale in state) 
 in respect as to contende for the chiefest place of honor 
 and authority against Scipio African, Servilius Galba, or 
 Quintius Flaminius, having no other maintenance, nor helpe 
 to trust unto, but a tongue speaking boldly with reason 
 and all uprightnes. Moreover, Aristides at the battells of 
 Marathon, and of Plataees, was but one of the tenne cap- 
 taines of the Athenians : where Cato was chosen one of the 
 two Consuls among many other noble and great competitors, 
 and one of the two Censors, before seven other that made 
 sute for it, which were all men of great reputacion in the 
 citie, and yet was Cato preferred before them all. Further- 
 more, Aristides was never the chiefest in any victory. For 
 at the battell of Marathon, Miltiades was the generall : and 
 at the battell of Salamina, Themistocles : and at the jorney 
 of Plataees, king Pausanias, as Herodotus sayeth, who wryteth 
 that he had a marvelous victory there. And there were that 
 strived with Aristides for the second place, as Sophanes, 
 Amynias, Callimachus, and Cynegirus, every one of the 
 which did notable valliant service at those battells. Now Cato in mar- 
 Cato was generall him selfe, and chiefe of all his army in shall affaires 
 worthines and counsell, during the warre he made in Spayne, 
 while he was Consull. Afterwards also in the jorney where 
 king Antiochus was overthrowen in the contry of Thermo- 
 pyles, Cato being but a Colonell of a thousande footemen, 
 and servinge under an other that was Consull, wanne the 
 honor of the victory, when he did sodainely set upon 
 Antiochus behinde, whereas he looked only to defend him 
 3:F 41
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 ARISTIDES selfe before. And that victory, without all doubt was one 
 
 AND of the chiefest actes that ever Cato did, who drave Asia out 
 
 CATO of Greece, and opened the way unto Lucius Scipio to passe 
 
 afterwardes into Asia. So then for the warres, neither the 
 
 one nor the other of them was ever overcome in battell : but 
 
 in peace and civill government, Aristides was supplanted 
 
 Aristides and by Themistocles, who by practise got him to be banished 
 
 Catoes dis- Athens for a time. Whereas Cato had in manner all the 
 
 pleasures in greatest and noblest men of Rome that were in his time, 
 
 the common & . , . . , 
 
 wealth. sworne enemies unto him : and having alwayes contended 
 
 with them even to his last hower, he ever kept him selfe 
 on sounde grounde, like a stoute champion, and never tooke 
 fall nor foyle. For he having accused many before the 
 people, and many also accusing him : him selfe was never 
 The power of once condemned, but alwayes his tongue was the buckeler 
 mnocencyand an( j defence of his life and innocency. Which was to him 
 ice ' so necessary a weapon, and with it he could help himselfe so 
 in great matters, that (in my opinion) it was only cause why 
 he never received dishonor, nor was unjustly condemned: 
 rather then for any thing else he was beholding to fortune, 
 or to any other that did protect him. And truely, eloquence 
 is a singular gift, as Antipater witnesseth, in that he wrote 
 of Aristotle the Philosopher after his death : saying, that 
 amongest many other singular graces and perfections in him, 
 he had this rare gift, that he coulde perswade what he listed. 
 Now there is a rule confessed of all the world, that no man 
 can attaine any greater vertue or knowledge, then to know 
 how to governe a multitude of men, or a city : a parte wherof 
 Oeconomia, is Oeconomia, commonly called houserule, considering that a 
 houserule. c jty is no other, then an assembly of many householdes and 
 houses together, and then is the city commonly strong and 
 of power, when as the townes men and citizens are wise 
 and wealthy. Therefore Lycurgus that banished golde and 
 silver from Lacedaemon, and coyned them money of iron, that 
 woulde be marred with fyre and vinegre when it was hot, did 
 not forbid his citizens to be good husbands : but like a good 
 lawmaker, exceeding all other that ever went before him, 
 he did not onely cut of all superfluous expences that com- 
 monly wayte uppon riches, but did also provide that his 
 42
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 people should lacke nothing necessary to live withall, fear- ARISTIDES 
 ing more to see a begger and nedy persone dwellinge in his AND 
 citie, and enjoy the priviledges of the same, then a proude CATO 
 man by reason of his riches. So me thinkes, Cato was as 
 good a father to his householde, as he was a good governor 
 to the common wealth : for he did honestly increase his 
 goods, and did teach other also to do the same, by saving, 
 and knowledge of good husbandry, whereof, in his booke he 
 wrote sundry good rules and precepts. Aristides contrari- 
 wise, made justice odious and slaunderous by his poverty, 
 and as a thing that made men poore, and was more profit- 
 able to other, then to a mans selfe that used justice. And 
 yet Hesiodus the Poet, that commendeth justice so much, 
 doth wishe us withall to be good husbandes, reproving sloth 
 and idlenes, as the roote and originall of all injustice. And 
 therefore me thinkes Homer spake wisely when he sayed : 
 
 In times past, neither did I labor, carcke nor care 
 for busines, for family, for foode, nor yet for fare : 
 but rather did delight, with shippes the seaes to saile, 
 to draw a bow, to fling a dart in warres, and to prevaile. 
 
 As giving us to understand, that justice and husbandry 
 are two relatives, and necessarily lincked one to the other : 
 and that a man who hath no care of his owne thinges, 
 nor house, doth live unjustly, and taketh from other men. 
 For justice is not like oyle, which Phisitions say is very The nature 
 holsome for mannes body, if it be applied outwardly : and of oyle. 
 in contrary maner very ill, if a man drinke it: neither 
 ought a just man to profitte straungers, and in the ende 
 not to care for him selfe nor his. Therefore, me thinkes No man wise, 
 this governinge vertue of Aristides had a fault in this re- *^ at is n * 
 spect, if it be true that most authors wryte of him : that wl j S to him 
 he had no care nor forecast with him to leave so much, 
 as to mary his daughters withall, nor therewith to bury 
 him selfe. Where those of the house of Cato, continued 
 Praetors and Consulls of Rome, even unto the fourte discent. 
 For his sonnes sonnes, and yet lower, his sonnes sonnes 
 sonnes came to the greatest offices of dignity in all Rome. 
 And Aristides, who was in his time the chiefest man of 
 
 43
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 ARISTIDES Greece, left his posterity in so great poverty, that some 
 AND were compelled to become Soothsayers (that interprete 
 CATO dreames, and tell mens fortune) to get their living, and other 
 to aske almes : and left no meane to any of them, to do any 
 great thing worthy of him. But to contrary this, it might 
 Whether be sayd, poverty of it selfe is neither ill nor dishonest : but 
 poverty be an where it groweth by idlenes, carelesse life, vanity, and folly, 
 it is to be reproved. For when it lighteth apon any man 
 that is honest, and liveth well, that taketh paines, is very 
 diligent, just, valliant, wise, and governeth a common wealth 
 well : then it is a great signe of a noble minde. For it is 
 unpossible that man should doe any great thinges, that had 
 such a base minde, as to thinke alwayes uppon trifles : and that 
 he shoulde relieve the poore greatly, that lacketh him selfe 
 reliefe in many thinges. And sure, riches is not so necessary 
 for an honest man that will deale truely in the common 
 wealth, and government, as is sufficiency : which beinge a 
 contentacion in it selfe, and desirous of no superfluous thing, 
 it never withdraweth a man from following his businesse in 
 the common wealth, that enjoyeth the same. For God is he 
 alone, who simply and absolutely hath no neede of any thinge 
 at all : wherefore the chiefest vertue that can be in man, and 
 that commeth nearest unto God, ought to be esteemed that, 
 which maketh man to have neede of least thinges. For like 
 as a lusty body, and well complexioned, hath no neede of 
 superfluous fare and curious apparell : even so a cleane life, 
 and sounde house, is kept with a litle charge, and so shoulde 
 the goodes also be proportioned, accordinge to use and 
 necessity. For he that gathereth much, and spendeth litle, 
 hath never enough. But admit he hath no desire to spend 
 much, then he is a foole to travell to get more then he 
 needeth : and if he do desire it, and dare not for niggardlines 
 spende parte of that he laboreth for, then is he miserable. 
 Now woulde I aske Cato with a goodwill, if riches be made 
 but to use them, why do you boast then you have gotten 
 much together, when a litle doth suffice you ? and if it be a 
 commendable thing (as in troth it is) to be contented with 
 the breade you finde, to drinke of the same tappe workemen 
 and laborers do, not to care for purple dyed gownes, nor for 
 44
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 houses with plastered walles : it followeth then that neither 
 Aristides, nor Epaminondas, nor Manius Curius, nor Caius 
 Fabricius, have forgotten any parte of their dueties, when 
 they cared not for gettinge of that which they would not 
 use nor occupy. For it was to no purpose for a man that 
 esteemed rootes and parsenippes to be one of the best dishes 
 in the worlde, and that did seeth them him selfe in his 
 chimney, whilest his wife did bake his bread, to talke so 
 much of an Asse, and to take paines to wryte by what arte 
 and industry a man might quickely enrich him selfe. For it 
 is true, that sufficiency, and to be contented with a litle, is a 
 good and commendable thinge : but it is bicause it taketh 
 from us all desire of unnecessary thinges, and maketh us not 
 to passe for them. And therefore we finde that Aristides 
 sayd, when riche Callias case was pleaded, that such as were 
 poore against their willes, might wel be ashamed of their 
 poverty : but such as were willingly poore, had good cause, 
 and might justly rejoyce at it. For it were a mad parte to 
 thinke that Aristides poverty proceeded of a base minde and 
 slothfulnes, since he might quickely have made him selfe rich 
 without any dishonesty at all, by taking only the spoyle of 
 some one of the barbarous people whome he had overcome, or 
 any one of their tentes. But enough for this matter. Further- 
 more, touching the victories and battells Cato had wonne, 
 they did in maner litle helpe to increase the Empire of 
 Rome : for it was already so great, as it could almost be no 
 greater. But Aristides victories are the greatest conquestes 
 and noblest actes that the Greecians ever did in any warres : 
 as the jorney of Marathon, the battell of Salamina, and the 
 battell (of Platees. And yet there is no reason to compare 
 king Antiochus with king Xerxes, nor the walles of the citie 
 of Spayne which Cato overthrewe and rased, unto so many 
 thousands of barbarous people, which were then overthrowen 
 and put to the sword by the Greecians, as well by lande, as 
 by sea. In all which services, Aristides was the chiefest 
 before all other, as touching his valliantnes in fighting: 
 notwithstanding, he gave other the glory of it, that desired 
 it more then him selfe, as he did easily also leave the gold 
 and silver unto those, that had more neede of it then him 
 
 45 
 
 ARISTIDES 
 
 AND 
 
 CATO 
 
 Whether 
 Aristides 
 factes or 
 Catoes did 
 most benefit 
 their contry.
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 ARISTIDES selfe. Wherein he shewed him selfe of a nobler minde, then 
 AND all they did. Furthermore, for my parte, I will not reprove 
 CATO Catoes manner, to commende and extoll him selfe so highly 
 above all other, since he him selfe sayth in an oration he 
 made, that to praise himself is as much folly, as also to dis- 
 praise himselfe : but this I thinke, his vertue is more perfect, 
 that desireth other should not praise him, then he that 
 commonly doth use to praise him selfe. For, not to be 
 ambitious, is a great shew of humanity, and necessary for 
 him that will live amongest men of government : and even 
 Ambition, a so, ambition is hatefull, and procureth great envy unto him, 
 hatefull thing that is infected withall. Of the which Aristides was cleare, 
 
 mon tealth and Cato farre S one in ** For Aristides did hel P Themis- 
 tocles his chiefest enemie, in all his noblest actes, and did 
 
 serve him (as a man would say) like a private souldier that 
 garded his persone, when Themistocles was generall, beinge 
 the onely instrument and meane of his glory : which was 
 in deede the onely cause that the city of Athens was saved, 
 and restored againe to her former good state. Cato con- 
 trariwise, crossing Scipio in all his enterprises, thought to 
 hinder his voyage and jorney unto Carthage, in the which he 
 overcame Hanniball, who untill that time was ever invincible: 
 and so in the ende, continuing him still in jealouzy with the 
 state, and ever accusinge of him, he never left him, till he 
 had driven him out of the city, and caused his brother 
 Lucius Scipio to be shamefully condemned for theft, and ill 
 behaviour in his charge. Furthermore, for temperaunce and 
 modesty, which Cato did ever commende so highly: Aristides 
 truely kept them most sincerely. But Catoes seconde wife, 
 Cato reproved who maried a maide, (that was neither fit for his dignity and 
 for his second calling, nor agreeable for his age) made him to be thought a 
 1 e * lecherous man, and not without manifest cause. For he can 
 
 not be excused with honesty, that beinge a man past mariage, 
 brought his sonne that was maried, and his fayer daughter 
 in lawe, a steppe mother into his house, and but a clearkes 
 daughter, whose father did wryte for money, for any man 
 that woulde hyer him. Take it Cato maried her to satisfie 
 his lust, or else for spite to be revenged of his sonne, bicause 
 his sonne coulde not abide his younge filth he had before : 
 46
 
 AND 
 
 CATO 
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 either of these turneth still to his shame, as wel the effect, as ARISTIDES 
 
 also the cause. Againe, the excuse he made to his sonne 
 
 why he maried, was also a lye. For if he had grounded his 
 
 desire in deede, to have gotten other children, as he sayd, 
 
 that might be as honest men as his eldest sonne : then surely 
 
 he had done well after the death of his first wife, if he had 
 
 sought him an other wife soone after, that had bene of an 
 
 honest house, and not to have lien with a young harlatry filth, 
 
 til his sonne had spied him, and then when he saw it was 
 
 knowen, to goe and mary her, and to make alliance with 
 
 him, not bicause it was honorable for him to do 
 
 it, but was easiest to be obtained. 
 
 THE ENDE OF MARCUS CATOES LIFE THE CENSOR 
 
 THE LIFE OF PHILOPCEMEN 
 
 N the city of Mantinea, there was a citizen 
 in old time called Cassander, one that was 
 as nobly borne and of as great authoritie 
 in government there, as any man of his 
 time whatsoever. Notwithstanding, for- 
 tune frowned on him in the ende, inso- 
 much as he was driven out of his contry, 
 and went to lye in the city of Megalopolis, 
 only for the love he bare unto Crausis, Philopcemenes father, 
 a rare man, and nobly geven in all thinges, and one that 
 loved him also very well. Now so longe as Crausis lived, 
 Cassander was so well used at his handes, that he could 
 lacke nothing: and when he was departed this worlde, 
 Cassander, to requite the love Crausis bare him in his life 
 time, tooke his sonne into his charge, being an orphane, and 
 taught him, as Homer sayd Achilles was brought up by the 
 olde Phoenix. So this childe Philopcemen grewe to have 
 noble conditions, and increased alwayes from good to better. 
 Afterwardes, when he came to grow to mans state, Ecdemus 
 and Demophanes, both Megalipolitans, tooke him into their 
 
 47 
 
 Crausis,Philo- 
 
 poemenes 
 
 father. 
 
 Cassander 
 
 Philopoe- 
 
 menes 
 
 schoole- 
 
 maister.
 
 PHILO- 
 PCEMEN 
 
 Ecdemus and 
 Demophanes 
 red Philo- 
 sophy to 
 Philopcemen. 
 
 Philopoamen 
 the last 
 famous man 
 of Greece. 
 
 Philopoamen 
 taken for 
 a servinge 
 man. 
 
 government. They were two Philosophers that had bene 
 hearers of Arcesilaus, in the schoole of Academia, and 
 afterwardes employed all the Philosophy they had learned, 
 apon the governing of the common wealth, and dealing in 
 matters of state, as much or more, then any other men of 
 their time. For they delivered their city from the tyranny 
 of Aristodemus, who kept it in subjection, by corruptinge 
 those that killed him. And they did helpe Aratus also to 
 drive the tyran Niocles, out of Sicyone. At the request of 
 the Cyrenians, that were troubled with civil dissention and 
 factions among them, they went unto Cyrena, where they 
 did reforme the state of the common wealth, and stablished 
 good lawes for them. But for them selves, they reckened 
 the education and bringing up of Philopcemen, the chiefest 
 acte that ever they did : Judging that they had procured 
 an universall good unto all Greece, to bring up a man of 
 so noble a nature, in the rules and precepts of Philosophy. 
 And to say truely, Grece did love him passingly well, as the 
 last valliant man she brought foorth in her age, after so 
 many great and famous auncient Captaines : and did alwayes 
 increase his power and authority, as his glory did also rise. 
 Whereuppon there was a Romaine, who to praise him the 
 more, called him the last of the Greecians : meaninge, that 
 after him, Greece never brought foorth any worthy persone, 
 deservinge the name of a Greecian. And now concerninge 
 his persone, he had no ill face, as many suppose he had : 
 for his whole image is yet to be seene in the city of Delphes, 
 excellently well done, as if he were alive. And for that they 
 reporte of his hostesse in the city of Megara, who tooke him 
 for a serving man : that was by reason of his curtesie, not 
 standing uppon his reputacion, and bicause he went plainely 
 besides. For she understanding that the Generall of the 
 Achaians came to Inne there all night, she besturred her, and 
 was very busie preparinge for his supper, her husband par- 
 adventure being from home at that time : and in the meane 
 season came Philopoemen into the Inne, with a poore cloke 
 on his backe. The simple woman seeinge him no better 
 apparelled, tooke him for one of his men that came before 
 to provide his lodging, and so prayed him to lende her his 
 48
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 hande in the kitchin. He straight cast of his cloke, and PHILO- 
 beganne to fall to hewe wodde. So, as Philopcemen was PCEMEN 
 busie about it, in commeth her husbande, and findinge him 
 rivinge of wodde : Ha ha ha, sayd he, my Lorde Philopcemen, 
 why what meaneth this ? Truely nothing else, sayd he in 
 his Dorican tongue, but that I am punished, bicause I am 
 neither fayer boy, nor goodly man. It is true that Titus 
 Quintius Flaminius sayed one day unto him, seeminge to 
 mocke him for his personage : O Philopcemen, thou hast 
 fayer handes, and good legges, but thou hast no belly, for he 
 was fine in the waste, and small bodied. Not with standinge, 
 I take it this jeastinge tended rather to the proportion of 
 his army, then of his body : bicause he had both good horse- 
 men, and footemen, but he was often without money to pay 
 them. These geastes, schollers have taken uppe in schooles, 
 of Philopoemen. But now to discend to his nature and con- 
 ditions : it seemeth that the ambition and desire he had to 
 winne honor in his doinges, was not without some heate and 
 wilfullnes. For, bicause he would altogether follow Epami- Philopoemen, 
 nondas steppes, he shewed his hardines to enterprise any hasty and 
 thing, his wisedome to execute all great matters, and his W1 "ull. 
 integrity also, in that no money could corrupt him : but in 
 civill matters and controversies, he coulde hardly otherwhiles 
 keepe him selfe within the bondes of modesty, pacience, and 
 curtesie, but woulde often burst out into choller, and wilful- 
 nes. Wherfore it seemeth, that he was a better Captaine 
 for warres, then a wise governor for peace. And in deede, 
 even from his youth he ever loved souldiers, and armes, and Philopoemen 
 delited marvelously in all martiall exercises : as in handling delighted in 
 of his weapon well, riding of horses gallantly, and in vawting wa * e ^ nd 
 nimbly. And bicause he seemed to have a naturall gift exerc i ses 
 in wrestlinge, certaine of his frendes, and such as were care- 
 full of him, did wishe him to geve him selfe most unto 
 that exercise. Then he asked them, if their life that made 
 such profession, would be no hinderaunce to their martiall 
 exercises. Aunswere was made him againe, that the dis- 
 position of the persone, and manner of life that wrestlers 
 used, and such as followed like exercises, was altogether 
 contrary to the life and discipline of a souldier, and specially 
 3 : G 49
 
 PHILO- 
 PCEMEN 
 
 Philopoemen 
 did reprove 
 wrestling. 
 
 Philopoe- 
 menes gaines 
 how they were 
 employed. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 touching life and limme. For wrestlers studied altogether 
 to keepe them selves in good plight, by much sleeping, eating, 
 and drinking, by laboring, and taking their ease at certaine 
 howers, by not missinge a jotte of their exercises : and 
 besides, were in hazard to loose the force and strength of 
 their body, if they did surfit never so litle, or passed their 
 ordinary course and rule of diet. Where souldiers contrari- 
 wise are used to all chaunge, and diversitie of life, and 
 specially be taught from their youth, to away with all hard- 
 nesse, and scarsity, and to watche in the night without 
 sleepe. Philopoemen hearing this, did not onely forsake 
 those exercises, and scorned them, but afterwardes beinge 
 Generall of an army, he sought by all infamous meanes 
 he coulde to put downe all wrestling, and such kinde of 
 exercise, which made mennes bodies unmeete to take paines, 
 and to become souldiers for to fight in defence of their con try, 
 that otherwise would have bene very able and handsome for 
 the same. When he first left his booke and schoolemasters, 
 and beganne to weare armor in invasions the Mantineians 
 used to make uppon the Lacedaemonians, to get some spoyle 
 on a sodaine, or to destroy a parte of their contry : Philo- 
 poemen then would ever be the formost to go out, and 
 the hinder-most to come in. When he had leasure, he 
 used much hunting in time of peace, all to acquainte his 
 body with toyle and travell, or else he would be digging 
 of his groundes. For he had a fayre mannor, not pass- 
 inge twenty furlonges out of the city, whether he would 
 walke commonly after dinner or supper: and then when 
 night came that it was bed time, he would lye upon some 
 ill favored mattresse, as the meanest laborer he had, and in 
 the morninge by breake of the day, he went out either 
 with his vine men to labor in his vineyard, or else 
 with his plough men to follow the plough, and somtimes 
 returned againe to the city, and followed matters of the 
 common wealth, with his frendes and other officers of the 
 same. Whatsoever he could spare and get in the warres, 
 he spent it in buying of goodly horses, in makinge of 
 fayer armors, or payinge his poore contry mens ransome, 
 that were taken prisoners in the warres : but for his goodes 
 50
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and revenue, he sought onely to increase them, by the PHILO- 
 profit of tillage, which he esteemed the justest and best PCEMEN 
 way of getting of goodes. For he did not trifle therein, Philopce- 
 but employed his whole care and study apon it, as one that menes study 
 thought it fit for every noble man and gentleman so to *" d care in 
 travaill, governe, and increase his owne, that he should have 
 no occasion to covet or usurpe an other mannes. He tooke 
 no pleasure to heare all kinde of matters, nor to read all 
 sortes of bookes of Philosophy : but those onely that would 
 teache him most to become vertuous. Neither did he much 
 care to read Homers workes, savinge those places onely 
 that stirred up mens hartes most unto valliantnes. But of 
 all other stories, he specially delited to read Evangelus Philopoe- 
 bookes, which treated of the discipline of warres, how to set menes delite 
 battells, and declared the actes and geastes of Alexander the * g^ookes 
 great, sayinge : that men shoulde ever bringe his wordes unto of t h e ,ji s ci- 
 deedes, onlesse men would take them for vaine stories, and pline of 
 thinges spoken, but not to profit by. For in his bookes of warres. 
 the feates of warre, and how battells shoulde be ordered, he 
 was not onely contented to see them draw en and set out, 
 in cartes and mappes : but would also put them in execu- 
 tion, in the places them selves as they were set out. And 
 therefore, when the army marched in order of battell in the 
 fielde, he woulde consider and study with him selfe, the 
 sodaine eventes and approches of the enemies, that might 
 light upon them, when they comming downe to the valley, 
 or going out of a plaine, were to passe a river or a ditche, or 
 through some straight : also when he should spread out his 
 army, or else gather it narrow : and this he did not only 
 forecast by him selfe, but woulde also argue the same with 
 the Captaines that were about him. For Philopcemen doubt- 
 lesse was one of the odde men of the worlde, that most 
 esteemed the discipline of warre, (and sometime peradventure 
 more then he needed) as the most large field and most frute- 
 full ground that valliantnes could be exercised in : so that 
 he despised and contemned all that were no souldiers, as 
 men good for nothing. When he was come now to thirty 
 yeares of age, Cleomenes kinge of Lacedaemon, came one 
 night upon the sodaine, and gave an assault to the city 
 
 51 "
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PHILO- 
 PCEMEN 
 
 Philopoemen 
 saved the 
 Megalopoli- 
 tans from 
 Cleomenes 
 king of 
 Sparta. 
 
 Philopoemen 
 very sore 
 hurt. 
 
 of Megalipolis, so lustely, that he drave backe the watche 
 and got into the market place, and wanne it. Philopcemen 
 hearinge of it, ranne immediatly to the rescue. Neverthe- 
 lesse, though he fought very valliantly, and did like a noble 
 souldier, yet he coulde not repulse the enemies, nor drive 
 them out of the city. But by this meanes he got his citizens 
 leasure, and some time to get them out of the towne to save 
 them selves, staying those that followed them : and made 
 Cleomenes still waite upon him, so that in the end he had 
 much a do to save him selfe being the last man, and very 
 sore hurt, and his horse also slaine under him. Shortely 
 after, Cleomenes being advertised that the Megalopolitans 
 were gotten into the city of Messina, sent unto them to let 
 them understand, that he was ready to deliver them their 
 city, lands, and goods againe. But Philopcemen seeing his 
 contrymen very glad of these newes, and that every man 
 prepared to returne againe in hast: he stayd them with 
 these perswasions, shewing them that Cleomenes devise was 
 not to redeliver them their city, but rather to take them to- 
 gether with their city : foreseeing well enough, that he could 
 not continue long there, to keepe naked walles and empty 
 houses, and that him selfe in the ende should be compelled to 
 goe his way. This perswasion stayed the Megalopolitans, 
 but withall it gave Cleomenes occasion to burne and plucke 
 downe a great parte of the city, and to cary away a great 
 summe of money, and a great spoyle. Afterwardes, when 
 kinge Antigonus was come to aide the Achaians against 
 Cleomenes, and that Cleomenes kept on the toppe of the 
 mountaines of Sellasia, and kept all the passages and wayes 
 unto them out of all those quarters : king Antigonus set his 
 inenes king of army in battel hard by him, determining to set upon him, 
 Lacedaemon. anc l to drive him thence if he could possibly. Philopcemen 
 was at that time amongest the horsemen with his citizens, 
 who had the Illyrians on the side of them, being a great 
 number of footemen and excellent good souldiers, which did 
 shut in the taile of all the army. So they were commaunded 
 to stand stil, and to kepe their place, untill such time as they 
 did shew them a redde coate of armes on the toppe of a 
 pyke, from the other wing of the battell, where the king 
 52 
 
 King Anti- 
 gonus came 
 to aide the 
 Achaians 
 against Cleo- 
 
 Philopoe- 
 menes noble 
 fact in the 
 battell against 
 kinge Cleo- 
 menes.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 him selfe stoode in persone. Notwithstanding this straight PHILO- 
 commaundement, the Captaines of the Illyrians would abide P(EMEN 
 no lenger, but went to see if they could force the Lacedae- 
 monians that kept on the top of the mountaines. The 
 Achaians contrariwise, kept their place and order, as they 
 were commaunded. Euclidas, Cleomenes brother, perceiv- 
 ing thus their enemies footemen were severed from their 
 horsemen, sodainly sent the lightest armed souldiers and 
 lustiest fellowes he had in his bands, to geve a charge upon 
 the Illyrians behinde, to prove if they coulde make them 
 turne their faces on them, bicause they had no horsemen for 
 their garde. This was done, and these light armed men did 
 marvelously trouble and disorder the Illyrians. Philopoemen 
 perceivinge, that, and considering howe these light armed 
 men would be easily broken and driven backe, since occasion 
 selfe inforced them to it : he went to tell the kings Cap- 
 taines of it, that led his men of armes. But when he saw 
 he could not make them understand it, and that they made 
 no reckening of his reasons, but tooke him of no skill, 
 bicause he had not yet attained any credit or estimacion to 
 be judged a man, that could invent or execute any strata- 
 geame of warre : he went thither him selfe, and tooke his 
 citizens with him. And at his first comming, he so troubled 
 these light armed men, that he made them flie, and slue a 
 number of them. Moreover, to encorage the better king 
 Antigonus men, and to make them geve a lusty charge 
 uppon the enemies, whilest they were thus troubled and out 
 of order : he left his horse, and marched a foote up hill and 
 downe hill, in rough and stony wayes, full of springs and 
 quavemyres, being heavely armed at all peeces as a man at 
 armes, and fightinge in this sorte very painefully and uneasily, 
 he had both his thighes past through with a dart, havinge a Philopoemen 
 leather thonge on the middest of it. And though the blow ^ urt * n 
 did not take much holde of the fleshe, yet was it a stronge 
 blow, for it pearced both thighes through and through, that 
 the iron was seene on thother side. Then was he so com- 
 bered with this blow, as if he had bene shackled with irons on 
 his feete, and knew not what to doe : for the leather fastened 
 in the middest of the darte, did greve him marvelously, 
 
 53
 
 PHILO- 
 P(EMEN 
 
 Antigonus 
 saying of 
 Philopoe- 
 menes skill 
 of a souldier. 
 
 Philoposmen 
 chosen Gene- 
 rail of the 
 horsemen of 
 the Achaians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 when they thought to have pulled the darte out of the 
 place where it entred in, so as never a man about him 
 durst set his handes to it. Philopoemen on the other side, 
 seeing the fight terrible on either side, and would soone be 
 ended : it spited him to the guttes, he would so faine have 
 bene among them. So at the length he made such strugg- 
 ling, putting backe one thigh, and setting forward an other, 
 that he knapped the staffe of the darte a sunder, and made 
 them pull out the two troncheons, the one on this side, and 
 the other on the other side. Then when he saw he was at 
 liberty againe, he tooke his sword in his hande, and ranne 
 through the middest of them that fought, unto the foremost 
 ranckes, to meete with the enemy : so that he gave his men 
 a newe corage, and did set them on fyre with envy, to followe 
 his valliantnesse. After the battell was wonne, Antigonus 
 asked the Macedonian Captaines, to prove them : who moved 
 the horsemen to devide them selves/ and give the charge, 
 before the signe that was commaunded. They aunswered 
 him, that they were forced to doe it against their willes, 
 bicause a young Megalopolitan gentleman gave a charge 
 with his company, before the signe was given. Then Anti- 
 gonus laughing, told them : the young gentleman played 
 the parte of a wise and valliant Captaine. This exployte, 
 together with Antigonus testimony, gave great reputacion 
 unto Philopoemen, as we may easily imagine. So king Anti- 
 gonus marvelously intreated him he would serve with him, 
 and offered him a bande of men at armes, and great enter- 
 tainement, if he would go with him. But Philopoemen 
 refused his offer, and chiefly, bicause he knew his owne 
 nature, that he could hardly abide to be commaunded by 
 any. Notwithstandinge, bicause he could not be idle, he 
 tooke sea, and went into Greta, where he knewe there were 
 warres, onely to continue him selfe in exercise thereof. So 
 when he had served a longe time with the Cretans, which 
 were valliant souldiers, and very expert in all policies and 
 feates of warre, and moreover were men of a moderate and 
 spare dyet : he returned home againe to Achaia, with so 
 great credit and reputacion of every one, that he was pre- 
 sently chosen Generall of all the horsemen. So when he 
 54
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 entred into his charge, he founde many horsemen very ill PHILO- 
 horsed, upon litle lades, such as might be gotten cheapest, PCEMEN 
 and how they used not to goe them selves in persone to the 
 warres, but did sende other in their steade : and to be shorte, 
 how they neither had hartes, nor experience of the warres, 
 and all bicause the Generalls and Captaines of the people 
 of the Achaians that served before him, did take no heede 
 to those matters, as fearinge to offende any, bicause they 
 had the greatest authority in their handes, to punish or re- 
 ward whom they thought good. Philopcemen fearinge none 
 of all these thinges, would leave no parte of his charge and 
 duety undone, but went him selfe in persone to all the cities, 
 to perswade and encorage the young gentlemen, to be well 
 horsed, and well armed, that they might winne honor in the 
 fielde, be able to defende them selves, and overthrow their 
 enemies. And where perswasion could doe no good, there 
 he would set fynes upon their heades that so refused, and 
 did use to muster them oft, and did acquainte them with 
 tilting, turning, and barriers, and one to fight with an other, 
 and at such times and places specially, as he knew there 
 would be multitudes of people to give them the lookinge 
 on : that in shorte space he made them very forwarde, 
 proper, and ready horsemen, whose chiefest property is, to 
 keepe their order and ranckes in the battell. So as when 
 necessitie served for the whole company of horsemen to turne 
 together, halfe turne, or whole turne, or else every man by 
 him selfe : they were so throughly trained in it, that all the 
 whole troupe set in battell ray, did seeme as it were to be 
 but one body, they removed so together, and withall so 
 easily, and at all times, and so oft, as turne they woulde 
 on the one side, or on the other. Now in a great battell 
 the Achaians had with the ^Etolians and the Elians, by the 
 river of Larissus : Demophantus, Generall of the horsemen 
 of the vEtolians, came from his company to fight with Philo- Philopoemen 
 pcemen, who also made towardes him, and gave him first s ^ e Demo- 
 such a blow with his speare, that he strake him starke deade. R an U jj ^ 
 When Demophantus fell to the grounde, his souldiers fled by the horse- 
 and by upon it. This wanne Philopoemen great honor, who men of the 
 gave no place to the youngest men in fighting most valliantly -dEtolians. 
 
 55
 
 PHILO- 
 PCEMEN 
 
 The praise of 
 Philopoemen. 
 
 Aratus raised 
 Achaia to 
 greatnes. 
 
 Philopoemen 
 and Aratus 
 compared. 
 
 Aratus a 
 soft man in 
 warres. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 with his owne handes : nor to the oldest men in wisedome, 
 for the wise leading of his army. In deede the first man 
 that made the people of Achaia grow in power and greatnes, 
 was Aratus : for before his time Achaia was of small recken- 
 inge, bicause the cities of the same stoode devided betwene 
 them selves, and Aratus was the first manne that made them 
 joyne together, and stablished amonge them an honest civill 
 government. Whereby it happened, that as we see in brookes 
 and rivers where any litle thinge stoppeth and falleth to the 
 bottome, which the course of the water bringeth downe the 
 streame, there the rest that followeth doth use to stay, and 
 goe no further : even so in the cities of Greece that were in 
 harde state, and sore weakened, by faction one against an 
 other, the Achaians were the first that stayed themselves, 
 and grewe in amity one with the other, and afterwardes 
 drewe on the rest of the cities into league with them, as 
 good neighbours and confederats. Some by helpinge and 
 deliveringe them from the oppression of tyrans, and win- 
 ninge other also by their peaceable government and good 
 Concorde: they had a meaninge in this wise, to bringe all 
 the contrie of Peloponnesus into one body and league. 
 Neverthelesse, while Aratus lived, they depenaed most apon 
 the strength and power of the Macedonians : first with stick- 
 inge unto kinge Ptolomie, and then unto Antigonus, and last 
 to Philip, who ruled in manner all the state of Greece. But 
 when Philopcemen came to governe, and to be the chiefest man, 
 the Achaians beinge stronge enough to resist the strongest, 
 woulde marche then no more under any other bodies ensigne, 
 nor woulde suffer any more straunge governors or Captaines 
 over them. For Aratus (as it seemed) was somewhat to softe 
 and colde for the warres, and therefore the most thinges he 
 did, were by gentle intreaties, by intelligences, and by the 
 kinges frendshippes with whome he was great, as we have 
 at large declared in his life. But Philopremen beinge a 
 manne of execution, hardy and valliant of persone, and of 
 very good fortune, in the first battell that he ever made, did 
 marvelously encrease the corage and hartes of the Achaians : 
 bicause under his charge they ever foiled their enemies, and 
 alwayes hadde the upper hande over them. The first thinge 
 56
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Philopoemen beganne withal! at his comming, he chaunged PHILO- 
 the manner of settinge of their tables, and their facion of PtEMEN 
 arminge them selves. For before they caried litle light tar- Philopoemen 
 gettes, which bicause they were thinne and narrowe, did not chaungeth 
 cover halfe their bodies, and used speares farre shorter then ^e Achaians 
 pykes, by reason whereof they were very light, and good to jjisdpHni 
 skirmishe and fight a farre of: but when they came to joyne of wars, 
 battell, their enemies then hadde great vantage of them. 
 As for the order of their battelles, they knewe not what 
 it ment, nor to cast them selves into a snaill or ringe, but 
 onely used the square battell, nor yet gave it any such fronte 
 where the pykes of many ranckes might pushe together, and 
 where the souldiers might stande so close, that their targettes 
 should touch one an other, as they do in the squadron of the 
 battell of the Macedonians : by reason whereof, they were 
 soone broken, and overthrowen. Philopremen reformed all 
 this, perswading them to use the pyke and shielde, in steade 
 of their litle target, speare, or borestaffe, and to put good 
 morryans or burganettes on their heades, corselettes on their 
 bodies, and good tasses and greaves to cover their thighes 
 and legges, that they might fight it out manfully, not 
 gevinge a foote of grounde, as light armed men that runne 
 to and fro in a skirmishe. And thus havinge perswaded and 
 taught the younge men to arme them selves throughlie, first 
 he made them the bolder and more coragious to fight, as 
 if they had bene menne that coulde not have bene over- 
 come : then he turned all their vaine superfluous charge, into 
 necessarie and honest expences. But he could not possibly 
 bring them altogether from their vaine and riche apparell, 
 they had of long time taken up, the one to exceede an other : 
 nor from their sumptuous furniture of houses, as in beddes, 
 hanginges, curious service at the table, and delicate kinde 
 of dishes. But to beginne to withdrawe this desire in them 
 which they hadde, to be fine and delicate, in all superfluous 
 and unnecessarie things, and to like of thinges necessarie, 
 and profitable : he wished them to looke more nerely to their 
 ordinarie charge about them selves, takinge order as well for 
 their apparell, as also for their diet, and to spare in them, 
 to come honorablie armed to the fielde, for defence of their 
 3:H 57
 
 PHILO- 
 PCEMEN 
 Philopcemen 
 turned all 
 curiosity and 
 dainty fare, 
 into brave and 
 riche armors. 
 
 Brave armor * 
 incorageth 
 mens mindes 
 to serve nobly. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 contrie. Thereuppon, if you had looked into the golde- 
 smithes shoppes, ye should have seene nothinge else in their 
 handes, but breakinge and batteringe of pottes of golde and 
 silver, to be cast and molton downe againe, and then gildinge 
 of armors and targettes, and silvering of bittes. In the showe 
 places for the runninge of horses, there was mannedging and 
 breakinge of younge horses, and younge men exercisinge 
 armes. Womens handes also were full of morryans and 
 heade peeces, whereto they tyed goodly brave plumes of 
 feathers of sundry colours, and were also full of imbrodered 
 arminge coates and cassockes, with curious and very riche 
 workes. The sight of which braverie did heave uppe their 
 hartes, and made them gallant and lively : so as envy bred 
 straight in them who shoulde doe best service, and no way 
 spare for the warres. In deede, sumptuousnesse and braverie 
 in other sightes, doth secretely cary mens mindes away, and 
 allure them to seeke after vanities, which makes them tender 
 bodied, and womanishe persones: bicause this sweete ticklinge, 
 and intisinge of the outwarde sence that is delighted there- 
 with, doth straight melt and soften the strength and corage 
 of the minde. But againe, the sumptuous cost bestowed 
 apon warlike furniture, doth incorage and make great a 
 noble harte. Even as Homer sayeth it did Achilles, when 
 his mother brought him newe armor and weapons, she hadde 
 caused Vulcan to make for him, and layed them at his feete : 
 who seeinge them, coulde not tarie, but was straight sette 
 on fyre with desire to occupie them. So when Philopcemen 
 hadde brought the youth of Achaia to this good passe, to 
 come thus bravely armed and furnished into the fielde, he 
 beganne then to exercise them continuallie in armes : wherein 
 they did not onely shewe them selves obedient to him, but 
 did moreover strive one to excell an other, and to doe better 
 then their fellowes. For they liked marvelous well the 
 orderinge of the battell he hadde taught them, bicause that 
 standinge so close together as they did, they thought surely 
 they coulde hardly be overthrowen. Thus by continuaunce 
 of time, beinge muche used to weare their armor, they founde 
 them a great deale easier and lighter then before, besides the 
 pleasure they tooke to see their armor so brave, and so riche : 
 58
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 insomuch as they longed for some occasion to trye them PHILO- 
 straight uppon their enemies. Now the Achaians at that PCEMEN 
 time were at warres with Machanidas, the tyranne of Lace- Philopoemen 
 daemon, who sought by all devise he coulde with a great made warres 
 armie, to become chiefe Lorde of all the Peloponnesians. w ?* h Macha- 
 When newes was brought that Machanidas was come into Lacedaemtm 
 the contrie of the Mantinians, Philopoemen straight marched 
 toward es him with his army : so they mett bothe not 
 farre from the citie of Mantinea, where by and by they 
 put them selves in order of battell. They both hadde 
 entertayned in paye a great number of straungers to 
 serve them, besides the whole force of their contrie : and 
 when they came to joyne battell, Machanidas with his 
 straungers gave such a lustie charge uppon certaine slinges 
 and archers being the forlorne hope whome Philopcemen had 
 cast of before the battell of the Achaians to beginne the Battell fought 
 skirmishe, that he overthrew them, and made them flie betwene 
 withal. But where he should have gone on directly against 4 
 the Achaians that were ranged in battell ray, to have proved 
 if he could have broken them : he was very busie, and 
 earnest still, to follow the chase of them that first fled, and 
 so came hard by the Achaians that stoode still in their battel, 
 and kept their ranckes. This great overthrow fortuning at 
 the beginning, many men thought the Achaians were but 
 cast away. But Philopoemen made as though it had bene 
 nothinge, and that he set light by it, and spying the great fault 
 his enemies made, following the forlorne hope on the spurre, 
 whom they had overthrowen, and straying so farre from 
 the battell of their footemen, whome they had left naked, and 
 the field open apon them : he did not make towardes them 
 to stay them, nor did strive to stop them that they should 
 not follow those that fled, but suffered them to take their 
 course. And when he saw that they were gone a good way 
 from their footemen, he made his men marche apon the 
 Lacedaemonians, whose sides were naked, having no horsemen 
 to gard them : and so did set upon them on the one side, 
 and ranne so hastely on them to winne one of their flancks, 
 that he made them flie, and slue withall a great number 
 of them. For it is said, there were foure thousand Lace- 
 
 59
 
 PHILO- 
 P(EMEN 
 Philopoemen 
 overcame 
 Machanidas 
 army, tyran of 
 the Lacedae- 
 monians. 
 
 Philopoemen 
 slue Macha- 
 nidas. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 daemonians slaine in the field, bicause they had no man to 
 leade them : and moreover, they say they did not looke to 
 fight, but supposed rather they had wonne the fielde, when 
 they saw Machanidas chasing stil those upon the spurre, 
 whom he had overthrowen. After this, Philopcemen retyred 
 to mete Machanidas, who came backe from the chase with 
 his straungers. But by chaunce there was a great broade 
 ditch betwene them, so as both of them rode upon the 
 banckes sides of the same, a great while together, one 
 against an other of them : thone side seking some convenient 
 place to get over and flie, and the other side seking meanes 
 to kepe them from starting away. So, to see the one before 
 the other in this sorte, it appeared as they had bene wild 
 beastes brought to an extreamity, to defend them selves by 
 force, from so fierce a hunter as Philopoemen was. But 
 whilest they were striving thus, the tyrans horse that was 
 lusty and coragious, and felt the force of his masters spurres 
 pricking in his sides, that the blood followed after, did venter 
 to leape the ditche, comminge to the banckes side, stoode 
 apon his hindemost legges, and advaunced forward with his 
 foremost feete, to reach to the other side. Then Simmias 
 and Polyaenus, who were about Philopoemen when he fought, 
 ran thither straight to kepe him in with their bore staves 
 that he should not leape the ditche. But Philopoemen who 
 was there before them, perceiving that the tyrans horse by 
 lifting up his head so high, did cover all his maisters body : 
 forsooke by and by his horse, and tooke his speare in both 
 his hands, and thrust at the tyran with so good a will, that 
 he slue him in the ditch. In memory whereof, the Achaians 
 that did highly esteeme this valliant acte of his, and his 
 wisedome also in leadinge of the battell : did set up his 
 image in brasse, in the temple of Apollo in Delphes, in the 
 forme he slue the tyran. They say, that at the assembly of 
 the common games called Nemea, (which they solemnise in 
 honor of Hercules, not farre from the citie of Argos) and not 
 long after he had wonne this battell of Mantinea, being 
 made Generall the seconde time of the tribe of the Achaians, 
 and beinge at good leasure also by reason of the feast : he 
 first shewed all the Greecians that were come thither to see 
 60
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the games and pastimes, his army raunging in order of battell, PHILO- 
 and made them see how easily they removed their places P(EMEN 
 every way, as necessity and occasion of fight required, with- 
 out troublinge or confoundinge their ranckes, and that with 
 a marvelous force and redines. When he had done this, 
 he went into the Theater to heare tfie musitians play, and 
 sing to their instrumentes, who should winne the best game, 
 being accompanied with lusty young gentlemen apparrelled 
 in purple clokes, and in skarlet coates and cassockes they ware 
 apon their armor, being all in the flower of their youth, 
 and well given and disposed : who did greatly honor and 
 reverence their Captaine, and besides that, shewed them- 
 selves inwardly of noble hartes, being incoraged by many 
 notable battells they had fought, in which they had ever 
 attained the victory, and gotten the upper hand of their 
 enemies. And by chaunce, as they were entred into the 
 Theater, Pylades the musitian, singinge certaine poemes of 
 Timotheus, called the Perses, fell into these verses : 
 
 O Greekes, it is even he, which your prosperity 
 Hath given to you : and therewithall a noble liberty. 
 
 When he had sweetely song out alowde these noble verses, 
 passingly well made : the whole assembly of the Greecians in 
 the Theater, that were gathered thither to see the games, 
 cast all their eyes straight upon Philopremen, and clapped 
 their handes one to an other for joy, bicause of the great 
 hope they had in him, that through him they shoulde 
 soone recover their auncient reputacion, and so imagined 
 they possessed already the noble and worthy mindes of their 
 auncesters. And as younge horse that doe alwayes looke to 
 be ridden by their ordinarie riders, if any straunger get up 
 on their backes, do straight waxe straunge to be handeled, 
 and make great a do : even so, when the Achaians came 
 to any daungerous battell, their hartes were even done, if 
 they had any other Generall or leader then Philopcemen, on 
 whom still they depended and looked. And when they sawe 
 him ever, the whole army rejoyced, and desired straight to 
 be at it, they had such confidence in his valliantnesse and 
 good fortune : and truely not without cause. For of all 
 
 61
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PHILO- men, their enemies did feare him most, and durst not 
 
 PCEMEN stande before him : bicause they were afrayed to heare his 
 
 name only, as it seemed by their doings. For Philip kinge 
 
 of Macedon, imagining that if he could finde meanes to 
 
 dispatche Philopoemen out of the way, howsoever it were, 
 
 the Achaians would straight take parte againe with him : 
 
 sent men secretly into the city of Argos, to kill him by 
 
 treason. Howbeit the practise was discovered, and the king 
 
 ever after was mortally hated of all the Greecians generally, 
 
 and taken for a cowardly and wicked Prince. It fortuned 
 
 one day when the Boeotians layed siege to the city of 
 
 Megara, and thought certainly to have wonne it at the first 
 
 assault : there rose a rumor sodainely amongest them, that 
 
 Philopoemen came to aide the city, and was not farre from it 
 
 The onely with his army. But it was a false reporte. Notwithstand- 
 
 nameofPhilo- inge, the Boeotians were so scared, that for feare they left 
 
 fh^LTians their scalin g Adders behinde them, which they had set 
 
 flee for feare. a g ams t the walls to have scaled the towne, and fled straight 
 
 to save them selves. An other time, when Nabis the tyran 
 
 of Lacedaemon, that succeeded Machanidas, had taken the 
 
 Nabis tyran of city of Messina uppon the sodaine : Philopoemen being then 
 
 Lacedaemon, a private man, and havinge no charge of souldiers, went unto 
 
 W f ?? et l iecity Lysippus, General of the Achaians that yere, to perswade 
 
 him that he would send present aide unto them of Messina. 
 
 Lysippus told him, it was to late now to goe thither, and 
 
 that it was but a lost towne, not to be holpen : considering 
 
 the enemies were in it already. Philopoemen perceiving he 
 
 could not procure him to go, went thither him selfe with 
 
 the force of Messina only, not staying for the assembly of 
 
 the Megalopolitans, that were in counsell about it, to give 
 
 him commission by voyces of the people to take them with 
 
 him : but they all willingly followed him, as if he had bene 
 
 their continuall Generall, and the man that by nature was 
 
 worthiest of all other to commaunde them. Now when he 
 
 came neere unto Messina, Nabis hearinge of his comminge, 
 
 durst not tary him, though he had his army within the city, 
 
 Nabis fleeth but stale out at an other gate, and marched away in all the 
 
 Philopoemen. hast he could, thinking him selfe a happy man and he could 
 
 so escape his handes, and retyre with safety, as in dede he 
 
 62
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 did. And thus was Messina, by his meanes, delivered from PHILO- 
 captivity. All that we have written hitherto concerning PGEMEN 
 Philopcemen, falleth out doutlesse to his great honor and Philopoemen 
 glory : but afterwardes he was greatly dispraised for a delivered 
 jorney he made into Creta, at the request of the Gor- e . ^ 2 
 tynians, who sent to pray him to be their Captaine, being N a in S the 
 sore troubled with warres at that time. Bi cause Philo- tyran of Lace- 
 pcemen went then to serve the Gortynians, when the tyranne daemon. 
 Nabis had greatest warres with the Megalopolitans, in their Philopce- 
 owne contry : they laid it to his charge, either that he did it menes 
 to flie the warres, or else that he sought honor out of season ? econde 
 with foreine nations, when his poore citizens the Megalo- Creta discom- 
 politans were in such distresse, that their contry being lost mended, 
 and destroyed, they were driven to keepe them within their 
 city, and to sow all their voide groundes and streetes in 
 the same with corne, to susteine them withall, when their 
 enemies were encamped almost hard at their towne gates. 
 And the rather, bicause him selfe making warres with the 
 Cretans, and serving straungers beyonde the sea in the 
 meane time, gave his enemyes occasion to slaunder him 
 that he fled, that he would not tary to fight for defence 
 of his contry. Againe, there were that sayd, bicause the 
 Achaians did choose other for their Generall, that he being 
 a private man and without charge, was the rather contented 
 to be Generall of the Gortynians, who had marvelously 
 intreated him to take the charge : for he was a man that 
 coulde not abide to live idlely, and that desired specially above 
 all things to serve continually in the warres, and to put in 
 practise his skil and discipline in the leading of an army. 
 The wordes he spake one day of king Ptolomie doth witnesse 
 as much. For when there were some that praised king 
 Ptolomie highly, saying that he trained his army well, 
 and that he still continued his persone in exercise of 
 armes : It is not commendable for a king (sayd he) of his 
 yeares, to delite in traininge his men to exercise armes, 
 but to doe some acte him selfe in persone. Well, in the 
 ende, the Megalopolitans tooke his abscence in such evill 
 parte, that they thought it a peece of treason, and would 
 needes have banished him, and put him from the freedome 
 
 63
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PHILO- of the citie : had not the Achaians sent their Generall Aristae- 
 PCEMEN netus unto them, who would not suffer the sentence of 
 banishment to passe against him, although otherwise there 
 was ever contention betwene them about matters of the 
 Philopoemen common wealth. Afterwards, 'Philopcemen perceiving his 
 made diverse contrymen made no more accompt of him, to spight them 
 rti es to rebell withall, he made diverse small villages and cities rebell 
 Achaians against them, and taught them to say, and to give it out, 
 that they were not their subjects, neither payed them tribute 
 from the beginning : and he made them stande to it openly, 
 and maintaine their sedition against the city of Megalipolis, 
 before the councell of the Achaians. These things happened 
 shortly after. But whilest he made warres in Creta for the 
 Gortynians, he shewed not himself a Peloponnesian, nor like 
 a man borne in Arcadia, to make plaine and open warres: but 
 The Cretans, he had learned the maner of the Cretans, to use their owne 
 politicke men policies, fine devises, and ambushes against them selves, 
 warre. ^ n( j ma( j e them know also, that all their crafts, were but 
 childish sportes as it were : in respect of those that were de- 
 vised, and put in execution, by a wise experienced Captaine, 
 and skilfull to fight a battell. So, Philopoemen having 
 wonne great fame by his actes done in Creta, returned 
 againe to Peloponnesus, where he founde, that Philip kinge 
 of Macedon had bene overcome in battell, by Titus Quintius 
 Flaminius : and that the Achaians joyning with the Romaines, 
 did make warre against the tyran Nabis, against whome he 
 Philopoemen was made Generall immediatly upon his returne, and gave 
 m ri de f't ne " ^ m battell by sea. In the which it seemed he fell into like 
 Achaians 6 misfortune, as Epaminondas did : the event of this battell 
 against Nabis. fallinge out much worse with him, then was looked for, in 
 respect of his former corage and valliantnesse. But as for 
 Epaminondas, some say he returned willingly out of Asia, 
 and the lies, without any exployte done, bicause he would 
 not have his contrymen fleshed with spoyle by sea, as fearing 
 least of valliant souldiers by lande, they would by litle and 
 litle (as Plato sayd) become dissolute mariners by sea. But 
 Philopoemen contrariwise, presuming upon the skill he had 
 to set the battell in good order by lande, woulde needes take 
 uppon him to do the same by sea. But he was taught to 
 64
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 his cost to knowe what exercise and experience ment, and PHILO- 
 howe stronge it maketh them that are practised in thinges. PCEMEN 
 For he lost not onely the battell by sea, beinge unskilfull Philopoemen 
 of that service : but he committed oesides a fowler errour. overcome by 
 For that he caused an old shippe to be rigged, which had sea * 
 bene very good of service before, but not occupied in forty 
 yeares together, and imbarked his contrymen into the same, 
 which were all likely to perish, bicause the shippe had diverse 
 leakes, by fault of good calking. This overthrow made his 
 enemies despise him utterly, who perswaded them selves he 
 was fled for altogether, and had given them sea roome: where- 
 upon they layed siege to the citie of Gythium. Philoposmen Nabis besieg- 
 beinge advertised thereof, imbarked his men sodainely, and et h the city 
 set upon his enemies ere they wist it, or had any thought of ^ Gythium. 
 his comming: and founde them straggling up and downe, 
 without watch or garde, by reason of the victory they had 
 lately wonne. So he landed his men closely by night, and 
 went and set fyre uppon his enemies campe, and burnt it 
 every whitte : and in this feare and hurly burly, slue a great 
 number of them. Shortely after this stealing apon them, 
 the tyran Nabis also stole apon him againe unwares, as he 
 was to goe through a marvelous ill and daungerous way. 
 Which made the Achaians amazed at the first, thinkinge 
 it unpossible for them that they could ever scape that 
 daunger, considering their enemies kept all the wayes there- 
 abouts. But Philopoemen bethinking him selfe, and con- 
 sidering the nature and scituacion of the place: after he 
 had viewed it well, he shewed them plainly then, that the 
 chiefest point of a good souldier, and man of warre, was to 
 know how to put an army in battell, accordinge to the time 
 and scituacion of the place. For he did but alter the forme 
 of his battell a litle, and sorted it according to the scituacion 
 of the place, wherein he was compassed : and by doinge this 
 without trouble or busines, he tooke away all feare of daunger, 
 and gave a charge upon his enemies in such fierce wise, that Philopoemen 
 in a shorte time he put them all to flight. And when he per- overcame 
 ceived that they did not flie all in troupes together towardes Na bl Myranof 
 the city, but scatteringwise, abroade in the fieldes in every i 
 place : he caused the trompet to sound the retreate. Then 
 3:1 65
 
 PHILO- 
 PCEMEN 
 
 Titus Quin- 
 tius envieth 
 Philopoemen. 
 
 Nabis slaine 
 by the 
 
 .Sitolians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 he commaunded the chase to be followed no further, for that 
 all the contry thereabout was full of thicke woddes and 
 groves, very ill for horsemen : and also bicause there were 
 many brookes, vallies, and quavemyres which they should 
 passe over, he encamped him selfe presently, being yet broade 
 day. And so, fearinge least his enemies would in the night 
 time draw unto the city, one after an other, and by couples : 
 he sent a great number of Achaians, and laid them in ambush 
 amongest the brookes and hilles neere about it, which made 
 great slaughter of Nabis souldiers, bicause they came not 
 altogether in troupes, but scatteringly one after an other 
 as they fled, one here, an other there, and so fell into their 
 enemies handes, as birdes into the fowlers net. These acts 
 made Philopoemen singularly beloved of the Greecians, and 
 they did him great honor in all their Theaters and common 
 assemblies. Whereat Titus Quintius Flaminius, of nature 
 very ambitious, and covetous of honor: did much repine, 
 and was envious at the matter, thinking that a Consul of 
 Rome should have place and honor amongest the Achaians, 
 before a meane gentleman of Arcadia. And he imagined he 
 had deserved better of all Greece, then Philopoemen had : 
 considering, ho we by the onely proclamation of an heraulde, 
 he had restored Greece againe to her auncient liberty, which 
 before his comminge was subject unto kinge Philip, and unto 
 the Macedonians. Afterwardes, Titus Quintius made peace 
 with the tyran Nabis. Nabis was shortely after very traiter- 
 ously slaine by the ^Etolians. Whereuppon the citie of 
 Sparta grew to a tumult, and Philopoemen straight taking 
 the occasion, went thither with his army, and handeled the 
 matter so wisely : that partely for love, and partely by 
 force, he wanne the city, and joyned it unto the tribe of the 
 Achaians. So was he marvelously commended and esteemed 
 of the Achaians for this notable victory, to have wonne their 
 tribe and communalty so famous a city, and of so great esti- 
 macion. For the city of Sparta was no smale encrease of 
 their power, and being joyned as a member of Achaia. 
 Moreover he wan by this meanes, the love and good will of 
 all the honest men of Lacedaemon, of the hope they had to 
 finde him a protector and defender of their liberty. Where- 
 66
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 fore, when the tyran Nabis house and goodes were solde, as PHILO- 
 forfitted to the state : they resolved in their counsell to make PCEMEN 
 him a present of the money therof, which amounted to the 
 summe of sixe score talents, and sent Ambassadors purposely 
 unto him, to offer it him. Then Philopoemen shewed him- Philopoemen 
 selfe plainely to be no counterfeate honest man, but a good free fr m 
 man in deede. For first of all, there was not one of all the C vetou 8 nes. 
 Lacedaemonians that durst presume to offer him this money, 
 but every man was afrayed to tell him of it : and every body 
 that was appointed to do it, made some excuse or other for 
 them selves. Notwithstandinge, in the ende they made one 
 Timolaus to take the matter upon him, who was his familiar 
 frend, and also his hoste. And yet the same Timolaus when 
 he came unto Megalipolis, and was lodged and entertained 
 in Philopoemenes house, did so much reverence him for his 
 wise talke and conversation, for his moderate diet, and just 
 dealing with all men : that he sawe there was no likely possi- 
 bility to corrupt him with money, so as he durst not once 
 open his mouth to speake to him of the present he had 
 brought him, but founde some other occasion to excuse the 
 cause of his comminge unto him. And beinge sent unto 
 him againe the second time, he did even as much as at 
 the first time. And making a third proofe, he ventured at 
 the last to open the matter unto him, and told him the 
 good will the city of Sparta did beare him. Philopcemen 
 became a glad man to heare it: and when he had heard 
 all he had to say to him, he went him selfe unto the citie 
 of Sparta. There he declared unto the counsell, that it was Philopoe- 
 not honest men, and their good frends, they should seeke menes wise 
 to winne and corrupt with money, considering they might ^e^ace- 
 commaund their vertue upon any occasion, without cost dsemonians, 
 unto them : but that they should seeke to bribe naughty howe they 
 men with money, and such as by seditious orations in should be- 
 counsell did mutine, and put a whole citie in uprore : to se their 
 the ende that having their mouthes stopped with giftes, 
 they should trouble them the lesse in the common wealth. 
 For, said he, it is more necessarie to stoppe your enemies 
 mouthes, and to sowe up their lippes from libertie of 
 speaking : then it is to keepe your frendes from it. So 
 
 67
 
 PHILO- 
 PCEMEN 
 
 Diophanes 
 and T. Quin- 
 
 Lacedse- 
 monia. 
 
 Philopoe- 
 menes noble 
 act - 
 
 Philopce- 
 
 tothe 
 
 Spartans 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 noble a man was Philopcemen against all covetousnesse of 
 money. Shortely after, the Lacedaemonians beginning to 
 stirre againe, Diophanes (who was then General of the 
 Achaians) beinge advertised of it, beganne to prepare to 
 punish them. The Lacedaemonians on the other side pre- 
 paringe for the warres, did set all the contry of Pelopon- 
 nesus in armes. Hereupon Philopcemen sought to pacific 
 Diophanes anger, declaring unto him, that king Antiochus, 
 and the Romaines, being at warres together at that present 
 time, and they both having puisant annies one against an 
 other in the middest of Greece : it was meete for a good 
 Generall and wise governor, to have an eye to their doings, 
 to be carefull of the same, and to beware that he did not 
 trouble or alter any thinge within his contry at that instant, 
 but then rather to dissemble it, and not to seeme to heare 
 any fault whatsoever they did. Diophanes would not be 
 perswaded, but entred the territories of Lacedaemon with a 
 
 S reat arm ^' and Titus Q uintius Flaminius with him : and 
 they together marched directly towardes the city of Sparta. 
 Philopcemen was so madde with their doings, that he tooke 
 apon him an enterprise not very lawfull, nor altogether just: 
 neverthelesse, his attempt proceeded of a noble minde, and 
 great corage. For he got into the citie of Sparta, and beinge 
 but a private persone, kept out the General of the Achaians, 
 and the Consull of the Romaines for entring the city : 
 and when he had pacified all troubles and seditions in the 
 same, he delivered it up againe as it was before, into the 
 handes of the communaltie of the Achaians. Neverthelesse, 
 him selfe being afterwardes Generall of the Achaians, did 
 compell the Lacedaemonians to receive those home againe 
 whom they had banished for certaine faultes, and did put 
 foure score naturall borne citizens of Sparta unto death, as 
 Pol y bius wr jteth. Or three hundred and fifty, as Aristo- 
 crates an other historiographer reciteth. Then he pulled 
 downe the walles of the city, and rased them to the grounde, 
 and tooke away the most parte of their territories, and gave 
 them to the Megalopolitans. All those whome the tyrannes 
 had made free denizens of Sparta, he compelled them to 
 departe the contry of Lacedaemon, and forced them to 
 68
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 dwell in Achaia, three thousand only excepted, who would PHILO- 
 
 not obey his commaundement : all those he solde for slaves, PCEMEN 
 
 and with the money he made of them (to spight them the 
 
 more) he built a goodly fayer walke within the citie of 
 
 Megalipolis. Yet furthermore, to do the Lacedaemonians 
 
 all the mischiefe he coulde, and as it were, to treade them 
 
 under the feete in their most grievous misery : he did a most 
 
 cruell and unjust acte towarde them. For he compelled Philopoemen 
 
 them to leave the discipline and maner of education of their ade the 
 
 children, which Lycurgus had of olde time instituted : and J *" 
 
 made them to follow the maner the Achaians used, in liew g us j aw> 
 
 of their olde grounded contry custome, bicausefhe sawe they 
 
 would never be humble minded, so long as they kept 
 
 Lycurgus order and institucion. Thus were they driven to 
 
 put the heades in the choller, by the miserable mishappe that 
 
 befell them : and in all despight, to suffer Philopcemen in this 
 
 maner to cut a sunder (as it were) the sinewes of their 
 
 common wealth. But afterwardes they made sute to the 
 
 Romaines, that they might be suffered to enjoy their 
 
 auncient discipline againe, which being graunted them, they 
 
 straight left the maner of the Achaians, and did set up 
 
 againe as much as was possible (after so great miserie and 
 
 corruption of their maners) their olde auncient customes and 
 
 orders of their contry. Now about the time the warres 
 
 beganne in Greece, betwene the Romaines and king Antio- 
 
 chus, Philopremen was then a private man, and without any 
 
 authority. He seeinge that kinge Antiochus lay still in the Antiochus 
 
 citie of Chalcis, and did nothing but feast and love, and had sola ? e and 
 
 maried a younge maide farre unmeete for his yeres : and per- chalet 
 
 ceiving that his Syrian souldiers wandered up and downe the 
 
 townes in great disorder, playing many lewde partes without 
 
 guide of Captaines : he was very sory he was not at that 
 
 time Generall of the Achaians, and tolde the Romaines, that Philopoe- 
 
 he envied their victory, having warres with enemies that m ^ es coun- 
 
 were so easily to be overcome. For (sayd he) if fortune JJl\J!S!L a 
 e it x. T /"i 11 i .1 \ i , ! the Komames. 
 
 tavored me that I were Generall of the Achaians at this pre- 
 sent, I woulde have killed them every man in the cellers and 
 tippling houses. Now when the Romaines had overcome 
 Antiochus, they beganne to have surer footing in Greece : 
 
 69
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PHILO- and to compasse in the Achaians of all sides, and specially, 
 P(EMEN by reason the heades and governors of the cities about them 
 did yeelde to the Romaines, to winne their favor. And now 
 their greatnesse grewe in hast, by the favor of the goddes, 
 so as they were become the monarche of the whole worlde, who 
 brought them nowe to the ende that fortune had deter- 
 mined. Philopoemen in the meane time did like a good pylot, 
 bare hard against the billowes and roughnesse of their 
 waves : and though for the time he was forced to give place, 
 and to let things passe, yet for all that he was against the 
 Romaines, and did withstande them in the most parte of 
 their proceedinges, by seeking ever to defend the liberty of 
 those, who by their eloquence and well doing caried great 
 authority among the Achaians. And when Aristsenetus 
 Megalopolitan, (a man of great authority among the 
 Achaians, and one that ever bare great devotion to the 
 Romaines) sayd in open Senate among the Achaians, that 
 they should deny the Romaines nothinge, nor shew them 
 selves unthankefull to them : Philopoemen hearing what he 
 sayd, held his peace a while, and suffered him to speake 
 (though it boyled in his hart, he was so angry with him) 
 and in the ende, breaking all pacience, and as one overcome 
 with choller, he sayd : O Aristsenetus, why have you such 
 hast to see the unfortunate ende of Greece ? An other time, 
 when Manius, Consull of Rome (after he had conquered king 
 Antiochus) did make request to the counsell of the Achaians, 
 that such as were banished from Lacedaemon, might returne 
 home into their contry againe, and that Titus Quintius 
 Flaminius also did earnestly intreate them : Philopoemen 
 was against it, not from any hatred he bare unto the 
 banished men, but bicause he would have done it by his 
 owne meane, and the only grace of the Achaians, to the 
 ende they shuld not be beholding for so good a turne, 
 neither unto Titus, nor yet to the Romaines. Afterwardes 
 he him selfe, being Generall of the Achaians, did restore 
 them wholly to their owne againe. Thus was Philopoemen 
 somtime, a litle to bolde and quarrellous, by reason of his 
 great stomake : and specially when any man of authority 
 sought for to have thinges. Lastelv, beinge three score and 
 70
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 tenne yeares of age, he was the eight time chosen Generall PHILO- 
 of the Achaians, and hoped well, not only to passe the yeare PCEMEN 
 of his charge in peace and quietnes, but also all the rest of Philopcemen 
 his life without any sturre of new warres, he saw the affaires chosen the 
 of Greece take so good successe. For like as the force and ^ight time 
 strength of sickenes declineth, as the natural strength of thTAchaians 
 the sickely body empaireth : so through all the cities and being 70 yere 
 people of Greece, envy of quarrell and warres surceased, as olde. 
 their power diminished. Neverthelesse, in the end of his 
 yeares government, the goddes divine (who justly punish all 
 insolent wordes and deedes) threw him to the grounde, as 
 they suffer a ryder unfortunately to take a fall of his horse, 
 beinge come almost to the ende of his cariere. For they 
 wryte, that he beinge in a place on a time amongest good 
 companie, where one was marvelously praised for a good 
 Captaine, sayed unto them : Why, masters, can ye commende 
 him that was contented to be taken prisoner alive of his 
 enemies ? Shortely after came newes that Dinocrates Mes- 
 senian (a private enemy of Philopcemenes for certaine contro- 
 versies past betwene them, and a man generally hated 
 besides, of all honorable and vertuous men, for his licentious 
 wicked life) had withdrawen the city of Messina from the 
 devotion of the Achaians : and moreover that he came with 
 an army to take a towne called Colonide. Philopoemen was 
 at that time in the city of Argos, sicke of an agew, and yet 
 hearing these newes, tooke his jorney toward Megalipolis, Philopoe- 
 making al the hast he could possible, so that he came above menes jorney 
 foure hundred furlongs that day. Straight he departed a g a i nst Dm - 
 thence toward Messina, and taried not, but tooke with him 
 a company of men at armes of the lustiest and wealthiest 
 Megalopolitans : who were all young noble men of the city, 
 and willingly offered them selves to goe with him for the 
 goodwill they bare him, and for the desire they had to follow 
 his valliantnes. Thus went they on their way towards the 
 city of Messina, and marched so longe, that they came nere 
 unto the hill of Evander, where they met with Dinocrates Mons 
 and his company, and gave so fierce an onset on them, that Evander. 
 they made them all turne taile : howbeit in the meane 
 while, there came a reliefe of five hundred men to Dinocrates, 
 
 71
 
 PHILO- 
 P(EMEN 
 
 Philopoe- 
 menes mis- 
 fortune. 
 
 Philopoemen 
 taken. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 which he had left to keepe the contry of Messina. The fly- 
 ing men that were scattered here and there, seeing this 
 supply, gathered them selves againe together, and shewed 
 upon the hills. Philopoemen fearinge to be environned, and 
 being desirous to bring his men safe home againe, who most 
 of love had followed him : beganne to marche away through 
 narrow bushy places, him selfe being in the rereward, and 
 turned oftentimes upon his enemies, and skirmished with 
 them, onely to drive them away from followinge of the rest of 
 his company, and not a man that durst once set apon him : for 
 they did but cry out aloofe, and wheele as it were about him. 
 Howebeit Philopoemen sundry times venturinge farre from 
 his company, to geve these young noble men leasure to save 
 them selves one after an other : tooke no heede to him selfe 
 that he was alone, environned on every side with a great 
 number of ennemies. Notwithstandinge, of all his enemies 
 there was not a man that durst come to hande strokes with 
 him, but still slinging and shooting at him a farre of, they 
 drave him in the end amongest stony places betwene hewen 
 rockes, where he had much a doe to guide his horse, although 
 he had spurred him that he was all of a gore blood. And as 
 for his age, that did not lette him but he might have saved 
 him selfe, for he was strong and lusty by the continuall 
 exercise he tooke : but by cursed happe, his body being 
 weake with sickenes, and weary with the long jorney he had 
 made that day, he founde him selfe very heavy and ill dis- 
 posed, that his horse stumbling with him, threwe him to the 
 grounde. His fall was very great, and brused all his head, 
 that he lay for dead in the place a great while, and never 
 sturred nor spake : so that his enemies thinkinge he had bene 
 dead, came to turne his body to strippe him. But when 
 they saw him lift up his head and open his eyes, then many 
 of them fell all at once apon him, and tooke him, and bounde 
 both his hands behinde him, and did all the villany and 
 mischiefe they could unto him, and such, as one would litle 
 have thought Dinocrates would have used in that sorte, or 
 that he could have had such an ill thought towardes him. 
 So, they that taried behinde in the city of Messina, were 
 marvelous glad when they heard these newes, and ranne all 
 72
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 to the gates of the city to see him brought in. When they PHILO- 
 saw him thus shamefully bounde, and pinnioned, against the PQEMEN 
 dignity of so many honors as he had received, and of so 
 many triumphes and victories as he had passed : the most 
 parte of them wept for pitie, to consider the mishappe and 
 ill fortune of mans nature, where there is so litle certainety, 
 as in maner it is nothing. Then beganne there some 
 curteous speeche to runne in the mouthes of the people by 
 litle and litle, that they should remember the great good he 
 had done unto them in times past, and the liberty he had 
 restored them unto, when he expulsed the tyran Nabis out 
 of Messina. But there were other againe (howbeit very few) 
 that to please Dinocrates, sayed they should hang him on a 
 gibbet, and put him to death as a daungerous enemy, and 
 that would never forgive man that had once offended him : 
 and the rather, bicause he would be more terrible to Dino- 
 crates, then ever he was before, if he escaped his hands, 
 receiving such open shame by him. Nevertheles, in the end 
 they caried him into a certen dungeon under the ground, 
 called the treasury, (which had neither light nor ayer at all 
 into it, nor dore, nor half dore, but a great stone rolled on 
 the mouth of the dungeon) and so they did let him downe 
 the same, and stopped the hole againe with the stone, and 
 watched it with armed men for to keepe him. Now when 
 these younge noble Achaian horsemen had fled uppon the 
 spurre a great way from the enemy, they remembred them 
 selves, and looked round about for Philopremen : and finding 
 him not in sight, they supposed straight he had bene slaine. 
 Thereuppon they stayed a great while, and called for him by 
 name, and perceiving he aunswered not, they beganne to say 
 among them selves, they were beastes and cowardes to flie in 
 that sorte : and how they were dishonored for ever to have 
 forsaken their Captaine, to save themselves, who had not 
 spared his owne life, to deliver them from daunger. Here- 
 upon ryding on their way, and enquiring still for him : they 
 were in the end advertised how he was taken. And then 
 they went and caried those newes through all the townes and 
 cities of Achaia, which were very sory for him, and tooke it 
 as a signe of great ill fortune toward them. Wherupon they 
 3:K 73
 
 Philopcemen 
 poysoned by 
 Dinocrates. 
 
 Philopoe- 
 menes last 
 words. 
 
 Philopoe- 
 menes death. 
 
 The Achaians 
 did revenge 
 Philopce- 
 menes death. 
 
 Dinocrates 
 slue him selfe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 agreed to send Ambassadors forthwith to the Messenians, to 
 demaunde him : and in the meane time every man should 
 prepare to arme them selves, to go thither, and get him 
 either by force or love. When the Achaians had thus sent, 
 Dinocrates feared nothing so much, as that delay of time 
 might save Philopremenes life : wherefore to prevent it, as 
 soone as night came, and that the people were at rest, he 
 straight caused the stone to be rolled from the mouth of the 
 dungeon, and willed the hangman to be let downe to Philo- 
 poemen with a cuppe of poison to offer him, who was com- 
 maunded also not to goe from him, untill he had dronke it. 
 When the hangman was come downe, he found Philopremen 
 layed on the grounde apon a litle cloke, havinge no list to 
 sleepe, he was so grievously troubled in his minde. Who 
 when he sawe light, and the man standing by him, holding a 
 cuppe in his hande with this poison, he sate upright upon 
 his cowch, howbeit with great paine he was so weake : and 
 taking the cuppe in his hande, asked the hangman if he 
 heard any newes of the horsemen that came with him, and 
 specially of Lycortas. The hangman made him answer, 
 that the most of them were saved. Then he cast his handes 
 a litle over his head, and looking merely on him he sayd : It 
 is well, seeing we are not all unfortunate. Therewith speak- 
 ing no moe wordes, nor makinge other a doe, he droncke up 
 all the poison, and layed him downe as before. So nature 
 strave not much withall, his body being brought so lowe, 
 and thereupon the poison wrought his effect, and rid him 
 straight out of his paine. The newes of his death ran pre- 
 sently through all Achaia, which generally from high to low 
 was lamented. Whereupon all the Achaian youth and coun- 
 sellors of their cities and townes, assembled them selves in 
 the city of Megalipolis, where they all agreed without delay 
 to revenge his death. They made Lycortas their General!, 
 under whose conduct they invaded the Messenians, with force 
 and violence, puttinge all to the fire and sword : so as the 
 Messenians were so feared with this mercilesse fury, that they 
 yelded them selves, and wholly consented to receive the 
 Achaians into their city. But Dinocrates would not give 
 them leasure to execute him by justice, for he killed him 
 74
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 selfe : and so did all the rest make themselves away, who PHILO- 
 gave advise that Philopcemen should be put to death. But PfEMEN 
 those that would have had Philopcemen hanged on a gibbet, 
 Lycortas caused them to be taken, which afterwards were 
 put to death with all kind of torments. That done, they 
 burnt Philopremenes body, and did put his ashes into a pot. Philopoe- 
 Then they straight departed from Messina, not in disorder, enes 
 one apon an others necke as every man listed : but in such T 
 an order and ray, that in the middest of these funeralles they 
 did make a triumphe of victorie. For the souldiers were all 
 crowned with garlandes of lawrell in token of victory, not- 
 withstanding, the teares ranne downe their cheekes in token 
 of sorowe, and they led their enemies prisoners, shackled and 
 chained. The funerall pot in the which were Philopcemenes 
 ashes, was so covered with garlandes of flowers, nosegaies, 
 and laces, that it could scant be scene or discerned, and was 
 caried by one Polybius a young man, the sonne of Lycortas, 
 that was Generall at that time to the Achaians : about whom 
 there marched all the noblest and chiefest of the Achaians, 
 and after them also followed all the souldiers armed, and 
 their horses very well furnished. The rest, they were not so 
 sorowfull in their countenance, as they are commonly which 
 have great cause of sorow : nor yet so joyful, as those that 
 came conquerers from so great a victory. Those of the 
 cities, townes, and villages in their way as they past, came 
 and presented them selves unto them, to touche the funerall 
 pot of his ashes, even as they were wont to take him by the 
 hande, and to make much of him when he was returned from 
 the warres : and did accompany his convoy unto the city of 
 Megalipolis. At the gates whereof, were olde men, women, 
 and children, which thrustinge them selves amongest the 
 souldiers, did renewe the teares, sorowes, and lamentacions 
 of all the miserable and unfortunate city : who tooke it that 
 they had lost with their citizen, the first and chiefest place 
 of honor among the Achaians. So he was buried very 
 honorably as appertained unto him : and the other prisoners 
 of Messina, were all stoned to death, about his sepulchre. All 
 the other cities of Achaia, besides many other honors they did 
 unto him, did set up statues, and as like to him, as could be 
 
 75
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PHILO- counterfeated. Afterwards in the unfortunate time of 
 PQEMEN Greece, when the city of Corinthe was burnt and destroied 
 by the Romaines, there was a malicious Romaine that did 
 what he could to have the same pulled downe againe, by 
 burdening and accusing Philopcemen (as if he had v bene 
 alive) that he was alwaies enemy to the Romaines, and 
 envied much their prosperity and victories. But after 
 Polybius had aunswered him : neither the Consul Mummius, 
 nor his counsellers, nor lieutenaunts, would suffer them to 
 deface and take away the honors done in memory of so 
 famous and worthy a man, although he had many waies done 
 their enemies mucn nur t unto Titus Quintius Flaminius, and unto Manius. 
 monuments So, these good men then made a difference betwene duety 
 from defacing, and profit : and did thinke honesty and profit two distinct 
 things, and so separated one from the other, according to 
 reason and justice. Moreover they were perswaded, that 
 like as men receive curtesie and goodnes of any, so are they 
 bound to requite them againe, with kindenes and duety. 
 And as men use to acknowledge the same : even so 
 ought men to honor and reverence vertue. And thus 
 much for the life of Philopcemen. 
 
 THE ENDE OF PHILOPtEMENES LIFE 
 
 Note the 
 humanity of 
 the Romaines, 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 TITUS QUINTIUS FLAMINIUS 
 
 T is easie to see Titus Quintius Flaminius 
 forme, and stature, by Philopcemenes statue 
 of brasse, to whome we compare him : the 
 which is now set uppe at Rome, neere 
 to great Apollo that was brought from 
 Carthage, and is placed right against the 
 comming in to the show place, under which 
 there is an inscription in Greeke letters. 
 But for his nature and conditions, they say of him thus : he 
 76
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 would quickely be angry, and yet very ready to pleasure men FLAMINIUS 
 againe. For, if he did punish any man that hath angered 
 him, he would do it gently, but his anger did not long con- 
 tinew with him. He did good also to many, and ever loved 
 them whom he had once pleasured, as if they had done him 
 some pleasure : and was ready to do for them still whom he 
 founde thankefull, bicause he would ever make them behold- 
 ing to him, and thought that as honorable a thinge, as he 
 could purchase to him selfe. Bicause he greatly sought 
 honor above all thinges, when any notable service was to 
 be done, he would do it him selfe, and no man should take 
 it out of his hand. He would ever be rather with them that 
 needed his helpe, then with those that could helpe him, or do 
 him good. For, the first he esteemed as a meane to exercise 
 his vertue with : the other, he tooke them as his fellowes and 
 followers of honor with him. He came to mans state, when 
 the citie of Rome had greatest warres and trouble. At 
 that time all the youth of Rome, which were of age to cary 
 weapon, were sent to the warres to learne to traile the pyke, 
 and how to become good Captaines. Thus was he entred 
 into marshall affaires, and the first charge he tooke, was in Titus Quin- 
 the warre against Hanniball of Carthage, where he was made tius first 
 Colonell of a thousande footemen, under Marcellus the con- char & e in 
 sull : who being slaine by an ambush Hanniball had layed w 
 for him betwene the cities of Bancia, and Venusa, then they 
 did choose Titus Quintius Flaminius governor of the pro- 
 vince and city of Tarentum, which was now taken againe 
 the seconde time. In this government of his, he wanne the 
 reputacion as much of a good and just man, as he did of an 
 expert and skilfull Captaine. By reason whereof, when the 
 Romaines were requested to send men to inhabite the cities 
 of Narnia and Cossa, he was appointed the chiefs leader of 
 them, which chiefely gave him hart and corage to aspire at 
 the first to the Consulshippe, passinge over all other meane 
 offices, as to be JMile, Tribune, or Praetor, by which (as by Degrees of 
 degrees) other younge men were wont to attaine the Con- offices before 
 sulshippe. Therefore when the time came that the Consulls one came to 
 should be elected, he did present him selfe amonge other, 
 accompanied with a great number of those he hadde brought 
 
 77
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FLAMINIUS with him, to inhabite the two newe townes, who did make 
 
 earnest sute for him. But the two Tribunes Fulvius, and 
 
 Manlius, spake against him, and sayed: it was out of all 
 
 reason, that so younge a man should in such manner prease 
 
 to have the office of the highest dignitie, against the use 
 
 and custome of Rome, before he hadde passed through the 
 
 inferior offices of the common wealth. Neverthelesse, the 
 
 Senate preferred it wholly to the voyces of the people : who 
 
 T. Q. Flami- presently pronounced him Consull openly, with Sextius ^Elius, 
 
 nius, Sextius although he was not yet thirtie yeare olde. Afterwardes, 
 
 aulfc ^ lius and he devidin g e the offices of th 6 state by l tte : ii: 
 
 fell apon T. Quintius to make warre with Philip kinge of 
 
 T. Q. Flami- Macedon. In the which me thinkes fortune greatly favored 
 nius maketh the Romaines affaires, that made such a man Generall of 
 PvT' 6 T* f th gse warres : for, to have pointed a Generall that by force 
 Macedon"* and v il ence woulde have sought all thinges at the Mace- 
 donians handes, that were a people to be wonne rather by 
 gentlenesse and perswasions, then by force and compulsion : 
 it was all against them selves. Philip, to maintaine the 
 bront of a battell against the Romaines, had power enough 
 of his owne in his realme of Macedon : but to make warre 
 any long time, to furnish him selfe with money and vittailes, 
 to have a place and cities to retyre unto, and lastly, to have 
 all other necessaries for his men and army: it stoode him 
 apon to get the force of Greece. And had not the force 
 of Greece bene politickely cut from him, the warres against 
 him had not bene ended with one battell. Moreover, Greece 
 (which never before bare the Romaines any great good will) 
 would not have delt then so inwardly in frendshippe with 
 them, had not their Generall bene (as he was) a gentle 
 Titus curtesie persone, lowly, and tractable, that wanne them more by 
 wanne the his wisedome, then by his force, and could both eloquently 
 utter his minde to them, and curteously also heare them 
 speake, that had to doe with him, and chiefely, ministred 
 justice and equity to every man a like. For it is not to 
 be thought that Greece would otherwise so soone have with- 
 drawen them selves from the rule of those, with whome they 
 were acquainted, and governed : and have put them selves 
 under the rule of straungers, but that they saw great justice 
 78
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and lenity in them. Howbeit that may more plainly ap- FLAMINIUS 
 peare, by declaring of his actes. Titus was informed, that 
 the Generalls before him sent to the warre in Macedon (as 
 Sulpitius, and Publius lulius) used to come thither about 
 the later end of the yeare, and made but cold warres, and 
 certaine light skirmishes, as sometime in one place, and some- 
 time in an other against Philip, and all to take some straite, 
 or to cut of vittells : which he thought was not his way to 
 follow their example. For they tarying* at home, consumed 
 the most of their Consulshippe at Rome, in matters of govern- 
 ment, and so enjoyed the honor of their office. Afterwardes 
 in the end of their yeare, they would set out to the warres, 
 of intent to get an other yeare over their heades in their 
 office, that spending one yere in their Consulship at home, 
 they might employ the other in the warres abroade. But 
 Titus not minding to trifle out the halfe of his Consulshippe 
 at Rome, and the other abroade in the warres : did willingly 
 leave all his honors and dignities he might have enjoyed by 
 his office at Rome, and besought the Senate that they would 
 appoint his brother Lucius Quintius Lieutenant of their army 
 by sea. Furthermore, he tooke with him selfe about three 
 thousande olde souldiers of those that had first overthrowen 
 Asdrubal in Spayne, and Hannibal afterwardes in Africke, 
 under the conduct of Scipio, which yet were able to serve, 
 and were very wi Hinge to goe with him in this jorney, to be 
 the strength of his army. With this companie he passed 
 the seaes without daunger, and landed in Epirus, where he T. Q. landed 
 found Publius lulius encamped with his army before kinge in Epirus. 
 Philip, who of longe time had lien in campe about the 
 mouth of the river of Apsus, to kepe the straight and Apsus flu. 
 passage which is the entry into Epirus. So that Publius 
 lulius had lien still there, and done nothing, by reason of 
 the naturall force and hardnes of the place. Then Titus 
 tooke the army of him, and sent him to Rome. Afterwards, 
 him selfe went in persone to view and consider the nature 
 of the contry, which was in this sorte. It is a longe valley The descrip- 
 walled on either side with great high mountaines, as those tion of the 
 which shut in the valley of Tempe in Thessalie. Howbeit coutry of 
 it had no such goodly woods, nor grene forrests, nor fayer P irus< 
 
 79
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FLAMINIUS medowes, nor other like places of pleasure, as the other side 
 had : but it was a great deepe marrishe or quavemyre, 
 through the middest whereof the river called Apsus did 
 runne, being in greatnes and swiftnes of streame, very like 
 to the river of Peneus. The river did occupie all the ground 
 at the feete of the mountaines, saving a litle way that was 
 cut out of the maine rocke by mans hand, and a narrow 
 straight pathe by the waters side, very unhandesome for an 
 army to passe that way, though they found not a man to 
 keepe the passage. There were some in the army that coun- 
 selled Titus to fetche a great compasse about by the contry 
 of Dassaretide, and by the city of Lyncus, where the contry 
 is very plaine, and the way marvelous easie. Howebeit he 
 stoode in great feare he should lacke vittells, if he stayed 
 farre from the sea, and happely if he fell into any barren 
 or leane contry, (Philip refusing the battel, and purposing 
 to flie) he should be constrained in the end to returne againe 
 towardes the sea, without doing any thing, as his predecessor 
 had done before. Wherefore he determined to crosse the 
 mountaines to set upon his enemy, and to prove if he could 
 winne the passage by force. Now Philip kept the top of 
 the mountaines with his army, and when the Romaines 
 forced to get up the hilles, they were received with dartes, 
 slings, and shot, that lighted amongest them here and there : 
 insomuch as the skirmish was very hot for the time it lasted, 
 and many were slayne and hurt on either side. But this 
 was not the ende of the warre. For in the meane time there 
 came certaine neateherdes of the contry unto Titus (who did 
 use to keepe beastes on these mountaines) and tolde him 
 they could bring him a way which they knew the enemies 
 kept not : by the which they promised to guide his army 
 so, that in three dayes at the furthest, they would bringe 
 them on the top of the mountaine. And bicause they might 
 be assured that their wordes were true, they sayed they were 
 Charopus sent to him by Charopus, the sonne of Machatas. This 
 (Machatas Caropus was the chiefest man of the Epirots, who loved the 
 sonne) the Romaines very well, yet he favored them but under hand, 
 
 for feare of P . hili P- Titus ? ave credit unto them ' and so 
 sent one of his Captaines with them, with foure thousand 
 
 80
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 footemen, and three hundred horsemen. The heard men that FLAMINIUS 
 were their guides, went before still, fast bounde : and the 
 Romaines followed after. All the day time the army rested 
 in thicke woddes, and marched all night by moone light, 
 which was then by good happe at the ful. Titus having 
 sent these men away, rested all the rest of his campe : saving 
 that some daies he entertayned them with some light skir- 
 mishes to occupy the enemy withall. But the same day, 
 when his men that fetched a compasse about, shoulde come 
 unto the top of the mountaine above the campe of his 
 enemies, he brought all his army out of the campe by 
 breake of day, and devided them into three troupes, with 
 the one of them he himselfe went on that side of the river 
 where the way is straightest, making his bands to march 
 directly against the side of the hil. The Macedonians 
 againe, they shot lustely at them from the height of the 
 hill, and in certen places amongest the rockes they came to 
 the sworde. At the selfe same time, the two other troupes 
 on either hande of him did their endevor likewise to get up 
 the hill, and as it were envying one an other, they climed 
 up with great corage against the sharpe and steepe hanginge 
 of the mountaine. When the sunne was up, they might see T.Q. possessed 
 a farre of as it were, a certen smoke, not very bright at the the straightes 
 beginning, much like to the mistes we see commonly rise . e T 
 from the tops of the mountaines. The enemies could see 
 nothing, bicause it was behinde them, and that the top of 
 the mountaine was possessed with the same. The Romaines, 
 though they were not assured of it, did hope being in the 
 middest of the fight, that it was their fellowes they looked 
 for. But when they saw it increased stil more, and more, 
 and in such sorte, that it darkened all the ayer : then they 
 did assure them selves it was certainely the token their men 
 did give them that they were come. Then they beganne to 
 crie out, clyminge up the hills with such a lusty corage, that 
 they drave their enemies up the hill still, even unto the very 
 rough and hardest places of the mountaine. Their fellowes 
 also that were behind the enemies, did aunswer them with 
 like lowde cries from the top of the mountaine : wherwith The Mace- 
 the enemies were so astonied, that they fled presently apon it. donians flee. 
 3 : L 81
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FLAMINIUS Notwithstanding, there were not slaine above two thousand 
 of them, bicause the hardnes and straightnes of the place 
 did so gard them, that they could not be chased. But the 
 Romaines spoiled their campe, tooke all that they found 
 in their tents, tooke also their slaves, and wan the passage 
 into the mountaines, by the which they entred the contry 
 of Epirus : and did passe through it so quietly, and with so 
 great abstinence, that though they were farre from their ships 
 and the sea, and lacked their ordinary portion of corne which 
 they were wont to have monthely, and that vittells were very 
 scant with them at that time, yet they never tooke any thing 
 of the contry, though they founde great store and plenty of 
 all riches in it. For Titus was advertised, that Philip passing 
 Philips flying by Thessalie, and flying for feare, had caused the inhabitants 
 king of Mace- o j? fa e cities to get them to the mountaines, and then to set 
 fire on their houses, and to leave those goodes they could not 
 cary away, by reason of the weight and unhandsome cariage 
 therof, to the spoyle of his souldiers : and so (as it seemed) 
 he left the whole contry to the conquest of the Romaines. 
 T. Q. Flami- Whereuppon Titus looking consideratly to his doings, gave 
 nius modesty, his men great charge to passe through the contry without 
 rbeanng doing any hurt or mischief, as the same which their enemies 
 him many had now ^ e ^ t them as their owne. So they taried not 
 frendes. long to enjoy the benefit of their orderly and wise forbear- 
 
 ing of the contry. For, so soone as they were^entred 
 Thessalie, the cities willingly yeelded them selves unto them : 
 and the Greecians inhabiting beyond the contry of Ther- 
 mopyles, did marvelously desire to see Titus, asking no other 
 thing, but to put them selves into his hands. The Achaians 
 also on the other siHe, did renounce the league and alliance 
 they had made with Philip : and furthermore did determine 
 in their counsell, to make warre with him on the Romaines 
 side. And although the ^Etolians were at that time frendes 
 and confederates with the Romaines, and that they did shew 
 them selves very loving to take their parte in these warres : 
 nevertheles when they desired the Opuntians that they would 
 put their city into their hands, and were offred that it should 
 be kept and defended from Philip : they would not harken 
 therto, but sent for Titus, and put them selves and their 
 82
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 goods wholly into his protection. They say, that when king FLAMINIUS 
 Pyrrus first saw the Romaines army range in order of battel 
 from the top of a hill, he said : This order of the barbarous Pyrrus say- 
 people, setting of their men in battell ray, was not done in S of the 
 a barbarous maner. And those also that never had seene 
 Titus before, and came for to speake with him : were com- 
 pelled in a manner to say as much. For where they had 
 hearde the Macedonians say, that there came a Captaine 
 of the barbarous people that destroyed all before him by 
 force of armes, and subdued whole contries by violence: 
 they sayd to the contrary, that they found him a man, in 
 dede young of yeres, howbeit gentle, and curteous to looke 
 on, and that spake the Greeke tongue excellently wel, and 
 was a lover only of true glory. By reason wherof they re- 
 turned home marvelous glad, and filled all the cities and 
 townes of Greece with goodwill towardes him, and sayd: 
 they had seene Titus the Captaine, that would restore them 
 to their auncient libertie againe. Then it much more ap- 
 peared, when Philip shewed him selfe willing to have peace, 
 and that Titus also did offer it him, and the frendshippe of 
 the people of Rome, with these conditions : that he would 
 leave the Greecians their whole liberties, and remove his 
 garrisons out of their cities and strong holdes : which Philip 
 refused to do. And thereupon all Greece, and even those 
 which favored Philip, sayed with one voyce: that the Romaines 
 were not come to make warres with them, but rather with 
 the Macedonians in favor of the Greecians. Wherupon all 
 Greece came in, and offred them selves unto Titus without 
 compulsion. And as he passed through the contry of Bceotia, 
 without any shew at al of warres, the chiefest men of the 
 city of Thebes went to mete him : who though they tooke 
 part with the king of Macedon, bicause of a private man 
 called Brachylelis, yet they would honor Titus, as those 
 which were contented to keepe league and frendship with 
 either side. Titus embraced them, and spake very curteously 
 unto them, going on his way stil fayer and softly, entertain- 
 ing them somtime with one matter, and somtime with an 
 other, and kept them talke of purpose, to the end his 
 souldiers being wearied with jornying, might in the meane 
 
 83
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FLAMINIUS time take good breath : and so marching on, by litle and 
 litle, he entred into the city with them. Wherewith the 
 Lords of Thebes were not greatly pleased, but yet they 
 durst not refuse him, thogh he had not at that time any 
 number of souldiers about him. When he was within 
 Thebes, he praied audience, and began to perswade the 
 people (as carefully as if he had not had the city already) 
 that they woulde rather take parte with the Romaines, then 
 with the king of Macedon. And to further Titus purpose, 
 king Attalus being by chaunce at that time in the assembly, 
 did help to exhort the Thebans very earnestly, that they 
 would doe as Titus perswaded them. But Attalus was more 
 earnest then became a man of his yeares, for the desire 
 he had (as was imagined) to shewe Titus his eloquence : 
 who did so straine and move him selfe withall, that he 
 sounded sodaynely in the middest of his oration, whereby the 
 rewme fell downe so fast uppon him, that it tooke away his 
 sences, so as he fell in a traunse before them all, and few 
 dayes after was conveyed againe by sea into Asia, where he 
 King Attalus lived not long after. In the meane time, the Boeotians came 
 death. j n to the Romaines, and tooke their parte. And Philip 
 
 The Boeotians having sent Ambassadors to Rome, Titus also sent thither 
 yeld unto the o f n j s men ^ o solicite for him, in two respects. The one, if 
 Romaines. tng warres continued against Philip, that then they would 
 prolong his time there. The other, if the Senate did graunt 
 him peace : that they would do him the honor, as to make 
 and conclude it with Philip. For Titus of his owne nature 
 being very ambitious, did feare least they would send a suc- 
 cessor to continew those warres, who should take the glory 
 from him, and make an end of them. But his frends made 
 such earnest sute for him, that neither king Philip attained 
 that he prayed : neither was there sent any other generall 
 in Titus place, but he still continued his charge in these 
 warres. Wherfore, so soone as he had received his com- 
 mission and authority from the Senate, he went straight 
 towards Thessalie, with great hope to overcome Philip. 
 Quintius For he had in his army above six and twenty thousand 
 army. fighting men, whereof the ^Etolians made six thousand 
 
 footemen, and three thousande horsemen. King Philips 
 84
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 army on thother side was no lesse in number, and they FLAMINIUS 
 began to march one towards the other, untill at the length 
 they both drew neere the city of Scotusa, where they deter- King Philip 
 mined to try the battell. So, neither they nor their men and Quintius 
 were afraid, to see them selves one so neere an other : but ^^i 
 rather to the contrary, the Romaines on the one side tooke Scotusa 
 greater hart and corage unto them, desiring to fight, as 
 thinking with themselves what great honor they should win 
 to overcome the Macedonians, who were so highly esteemed 
 for their valliantnes, by reason of the famous acts that 
 Alexander the great did by them. And the Macedonians 
 on the other side also, taking the Romaines for other maner 
 of souldiers then the Persians, began to have good hope if 
 they might winne the field, to make king Philip more famous 
 in the world, then ever was Alexander his father. Titus 
 then calling his men together, spake, and exhorted them to 
 stand to it like men, and to show themselves valliant souldiers 
 in this battel, as those which were to shew the proofe of 
 their valliantnesse in the hart of Greece : the goodliest 
 Theater of the world, and against their enemies of most 
 noble fame. Philip then by chaunce, or forced to it by the 
 spede he made, bicause they were both ready to joyne : did 
 get up unwares upon a charnell house, (where they had 
 buried many bodies, being a litle hill raised up above the 
 rest, and neere the trenches of his campe) and there began 
 to encorage his souldiers, as all generals do before they give 
 battel. Who when he saw them all discoraged, for they 
 tooke it for an il signe that he was gotten up on the top of 
 a grave to speake unto them : he of a conceite at the matter, 
 did of himselfe deferre to give battell that day. The next 
 morning, bicause the night was very wet by reason the 
 sowthe windes had blowen, the clowds were turned to a 
 miste, and filled all the valley with a darke grosse thicke 
 ayer, comming from the mountaines thereabouts, which 
 covered the field betwene both campes with a mist all the 
 morning : by reason wherof the skowtes on both sides that 
 were sent to discover what the enemies did, in very shorte 
 time met together, and one gave charge upon an other in a 
 place they call the dogges heads, which are pointes of rockes 
 
 85
 
 FLAMINIUS 
 
 Battell be- 
 twene Quin- 
 tius and 
 Philip kinge 
 of Macedon. 
 
 The propertie 
 of the Mace- 
 donian battell. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 placed upon litle hills one before an other, and very nere one 
 unto an other, which have bene called so, bicause they have 
 had some likenes of it. In this skirmish there were many 
 chaunges, as commonly falleth out when they fight in such 
 ill favored stony places. For sometime the Romaines fled, 
 and the Macedonians chased them : an other time the Mace- 
 donians that followed the chase, were glad to fly themselves, 
 and the Romaines who fled before, nowe had them in chase. 
 This chaunge and alteracion came, by sending new supplies 
 stil from both campes, to relieve them that were distressed 
 and driven to flie. Now began the miste to breake up, and 
 the ayer to clere, so that both generals might see about them 
 what was done in either campe : by reason wherof both of 
 them drew on their army to the field and battel. So Philip 
 had the vantage on the right wing of his army, which was 
 placed on the height of an hanging hill, from which they 
 came so a maine to set upon the Romaines, and with such a 
 fury, that the strongest and valliantest that could be, had 
 never bene able to abide the front of their battel, so closely 
 were they joined together, and their wall of pykes was so 
 strong. But on his left wing it was not so, bicause the 
 rancks of his battel could not joine so nere, nor close target 
 to target, the place being betwixt the hills and the rocks 
 where the battel was comming, so as they were compelled by 
 reason of the straightnes and unevennes of the ground, to 
 leave it open, and unfurnished in many places. Titus finding 
 that disadvantage, went from the left wing of his battel 
 which he saw overlaid by the right wing of his enemies, and 
 going sodainly toward the left wing of king Philips battell, 
 he set upon the Macedonians on that side, where he saw 
 they could not close their ranckes in the front, nor joyne 
 them together in the middest of the battel (which is the 
 whole strength and order of the Macedonian fight) bicause 
 the field was up hill and downe hill : and to fight hand to 
 hand they were so pestered behind, that one thronged and 
 overlaid an other. For the battel of the Macedonians hath 
 this property, that so long as the order is kept close and 
 joyned together, it semeth as it were but the body of a beast 
 of a force invincible. But also after that it is once open, 
 86
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and that they are sundered and not joyned together, it doth FLAMINIUS 
 
 not only loose the force and power of the whole body, but 
 
 also of every private souldier that fighteth : partly by reason 
 
 of the diversity of the weapons wherewith they fight, and 
 
 partely for that their whole strength consisteth most, in the 
 
 disposing and joyning together of their ranckes and orders 
 
 which doth stay up one an other, more then doth every 
 
 private souldiers strength. So when this left wing of the 
 
 Macedonians was broken, and that they ran their way : one 
 
 parte of the Romaines followed the chase, and the other 
 
 ranne to give a charge uppon the flanckes of the right winge 
 
 which fought yet, and they made great slaughter of them. 
 
 Whereupon they now which before had the vantage, beganne 
 
 to stagger and breake, and in the ende ranne away as fast as Quintius 
 
 the other did, throwing downe their weapons : insomuch as ,Y^ ame 
 
 there were slaine of them eight thousande in the fielde, and five arm y PpeS 
 
 thousande taken prisoners in the chase. And had not the 
 
 fault bene in the JEtolians, Philip had not saved him selfe by 
 
 flyinge as he did. For whilest the Romaines had their enemies 
 
 in chase, the ^Etolians taried, and rifled all kinge Philips 
 
 campe, so as they had left the Romaines nothinge to spoyle at 
 
 their returne. Whereupon there grew great quarrell, and hot Mutinie be- 
 
 words betwene them, and one with an other. But afterwardes twixt the 
 
 they angered Titus worse, chalenginge the honor of this vie- J^ 1808 . and 
 J j. ii. u- 1.1. -. J.T- i /-i the Romaines. 
 
 tory to them selves, bicause they gave it out through Greece, 
 
 that they alone had overthrowen king Philip in the battell. 
 So that in the songs and ballets the Poets made in praise of 
 this victory, which every contry and townes man had in his 
 mouth : they alwaies put the ^Etolians before the Romaines, as 
 in this that followeth, which was currantly song in every place : 
 
 Oh frend, which passest by : here lye we wretched pheares, 
 
 Withouten honor of the grave, without lamenting teares. 
 
 We thirty thousande were, which ended have our dayes : 
 
 In cruell coasts of Thessalie, which caused our decayes. 
 
 We have bene overthrowen by th^Etolians men of warre : Alcseus verses 
 
 And by the Latine crewes likewise, whom Titus led from farre. j n disgrace 
 
 Even out of Italie, to Macedonie lande, o f kinee 
 
 Us to distroy, he (captaine like) did come with mighty bande. Philipf 
 
 And Philip stowte, therewhiles for all his prowde fierce face : 
 
 Is fled more swift, then hartes doe runne, which are pursued in chace. 
 
 87
 
 Philips verses 
 
 against 
 
 Alcaeus. 
 
 Privy grudge 
 betwixt Quin- 
 tius and the 
 ^Etolians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FLAMINIUS The Poet was Alcaeus that made these verses for to singe, 
 who did them in disgrace of kinge Philip, falsely increasinge 
 the number of his men which died in the battell, only to 
 shame and spite him the more : howbeit he spited Titus 
 thereby, more then Philip, bicause it was song in every place. 
 For Philip laughed at it, and to encounter him againe 
 with the like mocke, he made a song to counterfeate his, as 
 followeth : 
 
 This gibbet on this hill, which passers by may marke : 
 Was set to hang Alcaeus up., withouten leaves or barke. 
 
 But Titus tooke it grevously, who chiefly desired to be 
 honored amongest the Greecians, by reason wherof from 
 that time forwards he delt in the rest of his matters alone, 
 without making accompt of the ^Etolians : wherwith they 
 were marvelous angry, and specially when he received an 
 Ambassador from Philip, and gave eare unto a treaty of 
 peace which he offred. For then they were so netled 
 against him, that they gave it out through all Greece, 
 that Titus had solde peace unto Philip, when he might 
 altogether have ended the warre, and utterly have destroyed 
 Philips whole power and Empire, who had first brought 
 Greece into bondage. These slaunderous reports and false 
 tales which the ^tolians spred thus abroade, did much 
 trouble the Romaines frendes and confederates : but Philip 
 selfe pulled this suspicion out of their heades, when he came 
 in person to require peace, and did submit him selfe wholly 
 to the discretion of Titus and the Romaines. Titus then 
 graunted him peace, and delivered to him his realme of 
 Macedon, and commaunded him he shoulde give over all that 
 he helde in Greece, and besides, that he should pay one 
 thousande talents for tribute, taking from him all his army 
 by sea, saving only tenne shippes : and for assurance of this 
 peace, he tooKe one of his sonnes for hostage, whome he sent 
 to Rome. Wherein Titus certainely did very well, and 
 wisely did foresee the time to come. For then Hanniball 
 of Carthage, (the great enemy of the Romaines) was banished 
 out of his contry, and commen to kinge Antiochus, whome 
 he put in the head, and earnestly moved, to follow his good 
 
 88 
 
 T. Quintius 
 graunted 
 Philip peace. 
 
 Hannibal was 
 with kinge 
 Antiochus.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 fortune, and the increase of his Empire. Whom Hanniball FLAMINIUS] 
 so followed with these perswasions, that kinge Antiochus at 
 length was come to it. And trusting to his former good 
 successe, and notable acts, whereby in the warres before he 
 had attained the surname of great : he began now to aspire 
 to the monarchy of the whole world, and sought how to 
 finde occasion to make warres with the Romaines. So that 
 if Titus (foreseeing that a far of) had not wisely inclined 
 to peace, but that the wars of Antiochus had fallen out 
 together with the warres of king Philip, and that these 
 two the mightiest Princes of the worlde had joyned together 
 against the city of Rome : then it had bene in as great 
 trouble and daunger, as ever it was before, in the time 
 of their warres against Hannibal. Howbeit Titus havinge 
 happely thrust in this peace betwene both warres, he cut of 
 the warre that was present, before the other that was 
 comminge : by which meanes he tooke from one of the 
 kinges his last, and from the other his first hope. In the 
 meane time, the tenne commissioners that were sent by the 
 Senate from Rome to Titus, to aide and assist him in the 
 order of the affaiers of Greece : did counsell him to set all 
 the rest of Greece at liberty, and onely to kepe in their 
 handes with good garrison, the cities of Chalcide, of Corinthe, 
 and of Demetriade, to make sure that by practise they should 
 not enter into league and alliance with Antiochus. Then 
 the jEtolians (that were the common slaunderers of Titus 
 proceedinges) beganne openly to make these cities to rebell, 
 and did summone Titus to loose the chaines of Greece : for Chalcide, 
 so did kinge Philip call these three cities. Then they asked Corinthe, 
 the Greecians in mockery, whether they were willing now to Demetnade, 
 have heavier fetters on their legges, then before, being p^ifipof 
 somwhat brighter and fayrer then those they had bene Macedon, the 
 shackled with : and also whether they were not greatly Chaines of 
 beholding to Titus for taking of the fetters from the Greecians Greece, 
 legs, and tyinge them about their neckes. Titus beinge 
 marvelously troubled and vexed with this, moved the tenne 
 counsellers so earnestly, that he made them graunt his 
 request in the ende, that those three cities also should be 
 delivered from garrison : bicause the Greecians thenceforth 
 3:M 89
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FLAMINIUS might no more complaine, that his grace and liberality was 
 not throughly performed, and accomplished in every respect 
 
 Isthmia. on them all. Wherefore, when the feast called Isthmia was 
 
 come, there were gathered together an infinite multitude of 
 people come to see the sporte of the games played there : 
 for Greece having bene long time troubled with warres, they 
 seeing them selves now in sure peace, and in very good 
 hope of ful liberty, looked after no other thing, but delited 
 only to see games, and to make mery. Proclamation was 
 then made by sounde of trompet in the assembly, that every 
 man shoulde keepe silence. That done, the heraulde went 
 forward, and thrust into the middest of the multitude, and 
 proclaimed out alowde : That the Senate of Rome, and Titus 
 Quintius Flaminius, Consul of the people of Rome (now that 
 they had overthrowen kinge Philip and the Macedonians in 
 battell) did thenceforth discharge from all garrisons, and set 
 at liberty from all taxes, subsidies, and impositions for ever, 
 to live after their olde auncient lawes, and in full liberty : 
 the Corinthians, the Locrians, those of Phocide, those of the 
 He of Eubcea, the Achaians, the Phthiotes, the Magnesians, 
 the Thessalians, and the Perrhcebeians. At the first time of 
 the proclamation, all the people could not heare the voice of 
 the heraulde, and the most parte of those that hearde him, 
 coulde not tell distinctly what he sayed : for there ranne up 
 and downe the she we place where the games were played, 
 a confused brute and tumult of the people that wondered, 
 and asked what the matter ment, so as the heraulde was 
 driven againe to make the proclamation. Whereupon after 
 silence made, the herauld puttinge out his voice farre lowder 
 then before, did proclaime it in such audible wise, that the 
 whole assembly heard him : and then rose there such a 
 lowde showte and crie of joy through the whole people, that 
 the sound of it was heard to the sea. Then all the people 
 that had taken their places, and were set to see the Sword- 
 players play, rose up all on their feete, lettinge the games 
 alone, and went together with great joy to salute, to embrace, 
 and to thanke Titus the recoverer, protector, and patrone of 
 all their liberties of Greece. Then was scene (which is much 
 spoken of) the power of mens voyces : for crowes fel downe at 
 90
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 that present time among the people, which by chaunce flew FLAMINIUS 
 over the show place at that time that they made the same Crowes flying, 
 out showte. This came to passe, by reason the ayer was fel1 downe by 
 broken and cut a sunder, with the vehemency and strength soun . d e of 
 
 * ^ 111 6 IIS V01C6S 
 
 of the voyces, so as it had not his naturall power in it, to 
 keepe up the flying of the birdes : which were driven of 
 necessity to fall to the grounde, as flyinge through a voide 
 place where they lacked ayer. Unlesse we will rather say, 
 that it was the violence of the crie, which strooke the birdes 
 passinge through the ayer, as they had bene hit with arrowes, 
 and so made them fall downe dead to the earth. It may be 
 also, that there was some hurlinge winde in the ayer, as we 
 doe see sometime in the sea, when it riseth high, and many 
 times turneth about the waves, by violence of the storme. 
 So it is, that if Titus hadde not prevented the whole multi- 
 tude of people which came to see him, and that he had not 
 got him away betimes, before the games were ended : he had 
 hardly scaped from being stifled amongest them, the people 
 came so thicke about him from every place. But after that 
 they were weary of crying, and singing about his pavillion untill 
 night, in the ende they went their way : and as they went, 
 if they met any of their kinne, frendes or citizens, they did 
 kisse and embrace one an other for joy, and so supped, and 
 made mery together. In their more rejoycinge yet, as we 
 may thinke full well, they had no other talke at the table, 
 but of the warres of Greece, discoursing amongest them what 
 sundry great warres they had made, what they had endured 
 heretofore, and all to defend and recover their liberty. And 
 yet for all that, they coulde never so joyfully nor more 
 assuredly obtaine it, then they did even at that present, 
 receiving the honorablest reward, and that which deserved 
 greatest fame through the worlde : that by the valliantnesse 
 of straungers who fought for the same (without any spilt 
 blood of their owne in comparison, or that they lost the life 
 of any one man, whose death they had cause to lament) they 
 were so restored to their auncient freedome and liberty. It 
 is a very rare thinge amongest men, to finde a man very 
 valliant, and wise withall : but yet of all sortes of valliant 
 men, it is harder to finde a ]ust man. For Agesilaus, 
 
 91
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FLAMINIUS Lysander, Nicias, Alcibiades, and all other the famous Cap- 
 taines of former times, had very good skill to lead an army, and 
 to winne the battell, as well by sea as by lande : but to turne 
 their victories to any honorable benefit, or true honor among 
 men, they could never skill of it. And if you doe except 
 the battell against the barbarous people, in the plaine of 
 Marathon, the battell of Salamina, the jorney of Platees, 
 the battell of Thermopyles, the battell Cimon fought about 
 Ciprus, and upon the river of Eurymedon : all the other 
 warres and battels of Greece that were made, fell out 
 against them selves, and did ever bringe them into bondage : 
 and all the tokens of triumphe which ever were set up for 
 the same, was to their shame and losse. So that in the end, 
 Greece was utterly destroyed and overthrowen, and that 
 chiefly through the wickednes and selfe will of her governors 
 and captaines of the cities, one envying an others doing. 
 Where a straunge nation, the which (as it should seeme) had 
 very small occasion to move them to do it (for that they 
 have had no great familiarity with auncient Greece, and 
 through the counsel and good wisedome of the which it 
 should seeme very straunge that Greece coulde receive any 
 benefit) have notwithstanding with dauiigerous battels and 
 infinite troubles, delivered it from oppression, and servitude, 
 of violent Lordes and tyrans. This, and such like talke, did 
 at that time occupy the Greecians heades: and moreover, 
 the deedes following did aunswer and performe the words of 
 the proclamation. For at one selfe time, Titus sent Lentulus 
 into Asia, to set the Bargylians at liberty, and Titillius into 
 Thracia, to remove the garrisons out of the lies and cities 
 which Philip had kept there : and Publius lulius was sent also 
 into Asia, unto king Antiochus, to speake unto him to set 
 Quintius care the Greecians at liberty which he kept in subjection. And as 
 to stablish the for Titus, he went him selfe unto the citybf Chalcide, where 
 liberty of the ne t oo ^ e seaj an( j we nt into the province of Magnesia, out 
 of the which he tooke all the garrisons of the cities, and 
 redelivered the government of the common wealth unto the 
 The feast citizens of the same. Afterwards when time came, that the 
 Nemea kept feast of Nemea was celebrated in the citie of Argos in the 
 at Argos. honor of Hercules, Titus was chosen judge, and rector of the 
 92
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 games that were plaied there : where, after he had set all FLAMINIUS 
 thinges in very good order, pertaining unto the solemnity of 
 the feast, he caused againe solemne proclamation to be made 
 openly, for the generall liberty of all Greece. Further- 
 more, visiting the cities, he did stablish very good lawes, 
 reformed justice, and did set the inhabitants and citizens of 
 every one of them in good peace, amity, and concord one 
 with an other : and did call home also all those that were 
 outlawes and banished men, and pacified all olde quarrells 
 and dissentions amonge them. The which did no lesse 
 please and content him, that by perswasions he could bring 
 the Greecians to be reconciled one with the other : then if 
 he had by force of armes overcome the Macedonians. Inso- 
 much, as the recovery of the libertie which Titus had restored 
 unto the Greecians, seemed unto them the least parte of the 
 goodnesse they had received at his handes. They say, that Lycurgus the 
 Lycurgus the orator seeinge the collectors of taxes, cary orator, res- 
 Zenocrates the Philosopher one day to prison, for lacke of c^tes th 
 payment of a certaine imposition, which the straungers in- Philosopher 
 habiting within the citie of Athens were to pay : he rescued and saved him 
 him from them by force, and moreover prosecuted law so fr m prison 
 hard against them, that he made them pay a fyne for the 
 injury they had done unto so worthy a person. And they 
 tell, how the same Philosopher afterwardes meeting Lycurgus 
 children in the city, sayed unto them : I doe wel requite 
 your fathers good turne he did me : for I am the cause that 
 he is praised and commended of every man, for the kinde- 
 nesse he shewed on my behalfe. So the good deedes of 
 the Romaines, and of Titus Quintius Flaminius unto the 
 Greecians, did not only reape this benefit unto them, in 
 recompence that they were praised and honored of all the 
 worlde : but they were cause also of increasinge their 
 dominions and Empire over all nations, and that the worlde 
 afterwardes had great affiance and trust in them, and that 
 most justly. So that the people and cities did not onely 
 receive the Captaines and governors the Romaines sent them : 
 but they also went to Rome unto them, and procured them 
 to come, and did put them selves into their handes. And 
 not only the cities and communalties, but kings and princes 
 
 93
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FLAMINIUS also (which were oppressed by other more mighty than them 
 selves) had no other refuge, but to put them selves under 
 their protection : by reason whereof in a very shorte time 
 (with the favor and helpe of the goddes as I am perswaded) 
 all the world came to submit them selves to their obedience, 
 and under the protection of their Empire. Titus also did 
 glory more, that he had restored Greece againe unto liberty, 
 then in any other service or exployte he had ever done. For 
 when he offered up unto the temple of Apollo in the citie of 
 Delphes, the targets of silver with his owne shielde, he made 
 these verses to be graven upon them, in effect as follow eth : 
 
 O noble twynnes Tyndarides, Dan love his children deare : 
 
 Throw out lowde shoutes of joy, and mirth, rejoyce and make good cheare. 
 
 O noble kings of Spartan soyle, which take delight to ryde, 
 
 Your trampling steedes, with fomy byt, and trappings by their side : 
 
 Rejoyce you now, for Titus he, the valliant Romaine knight, 
 
 These giftes so great to you hath got, even by his force and might. 
 
 That having taken cleane away, from of the Greekishe neckes, 
 
 The heavy yoke of servitude, which held them thrall to checkes, 
 
 Unto their former liberty, he hath restorde them free, 
 
 Which altogether perisht was, as men might plainely see. 
 
 He gave a crowne of massie gold unto Apollo, uppon the 
 which he made this inscription to be wrytten : 
 
 A valliant Romaine knight, even Titus by his name, 
 
 A captaine worthy by desert, of high renowne and fame : 
 
 To thee (Apollo god) this crowne of pure fine golde, 
 
 Hath geven thy godhead to adorne, with juells manifolde, 
 
 Therefore let it thee please (Apollo god of grace) 
 
 With favor to requite this love, to him and to his race : 
 
 That his renowmed fame, and vertue may be spred, 
 
 And biased through the worlde so wide, to shew what life he led. 
 
 So hath the city of Corinthe enjoyed this good happe, 
 
 that the Greecians have bene twise proclaimed to be set at 
 
 liberty : the first time by Titus Quintius Flaminius, and the 
 
 Nero did set second time, by Nero in our time, and at the selfe same 
 
 Greece at instant when they solemnly kept the feast called Isthmia. 
 
 Howebeit the first proclamation of their liberty (as we have 
 
 tolde ye before) was done by the voyce of a herauld : and the 
 
 seconde time it was done by Nero him selfe, who proclaimed 
 
 it in an oration he made unto the people in open assembly, 
 
 in the market place of the city of Corinthe. But it was a 
 
 94
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 longe time after. Furthermore, Titus beganne then a FLAMINIUS 
 goodly and just warre against Nabis, the cursed and wicked 
 tyran of Lacedsemon. Howebeit in the ende he deceaved the 
 expectation of Greece. For when he might have taken him, 
 he would not doe it, but made peace with him, forsakinge 
 poore Sparta unworthily oppressed under the yoke of bond- WhyQuintius 
 age : either bicause he was afrayed that if the warre helde on, m .^ e ^ e ^. ce 
 there shoulde come a successor unto him from Rome, that ^ tyran of 
 should cary the glory away to ende the same, or else he stoode Lacedsemon. 
 Jealous and envious of the honor they did unto Philopcemen. The honor of 
 Who having shewed him selfe in every place as excellent a Philopoemen. 
 Captaine as ever came in Greece, and havinge done notable 
 actes and famous service, both of great wisedome, and also 
 of valliantnesse, and specially in the Achaians warre, he was 
 as much honored and reverenced of the Achaians, in the 
 Theaters and common assemblies, even as Titus was. 
 Whereat Titus was marvelously offended, for he thought it 
 unreasonable, that an Arcadian who had never bene generall 
 of an army, but in small litle warres against his neighbours, 
 should be as much esteemed and honored, as a Consull of 
 Rome, that was come to make warres for the recovery of the 
 libertie of Greece. But Titus alleaged reasonable excuse 
 for his doinges, saying that he saw very well he coulde not 
 destroy this tyran Nabis, without the great losse and misery 
 of the other Spartans. Furthermore, of all the honors the 
 Achaians ever did him (which were very great) me thinkes 
 there was none that came neere any recompence of his 
 honorable and well deserving, but one onely present they 
 offered him, and which he above all the rest most esteemed : 
 and this it was. Duringe the seconde warres of Africke, 
 which the Romaines had against Hanniball, many Romaines 
 were taken prisoners in the sundry battells they lost, and 
 beinge solde here and there, remained slaves in many con- 
 tries : and amongest other, there were dispersed in Greece to 
 the number of twelve hundred, which from time to time did Twelve 
 move men with pitie and compassion towardes them, that hundred 
 saw them in so miserable chaunge and state of fortune. But so j,j e f or 
 then much more was their miserie to be pitied, when these slaves. 
 captives found in the Romaines army, some of them their 
 
 95
 
 FLAMINIUS 
 
 The Achaians 
 redeemed the 
 Romaines that 
 were solde for 
 slaves in 
 Greece. 
 
 The ceremony 
 of slaves 
 
 manumised. 
 
 T. Quintius 
 triumphe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 sonnes, other their brethren, and the rest their fellowes and 
 frendes, free, and conquerours, and them selves slaves and 
 bondemen. It grieved Titus much to see these poore men 
 in such miserable captivity, notwithstanding he would not 
 take them by force from those that had them. Whereupon 
 the Achaians redeemed and bought them for five hundred 
 pence a man, and havinge gathered them together into a 
 troupe, they presented all the Romaine captives unto Titus, 
 even as he was ready to take ship to returne into Italie : 
 which present made him returne home with greater joy and 
 contentacion, having received for his noble deedes so honor- 
 able a recompence, and worthy of him selfe, that was so 
 loving a man to his citizens and con try. And surely, that 
 onely was the ornament (in my opinion) that did most 
 beautifie his triumphe. For these poore redeemed captives 
 did that, which the slaves are wont to doe on that day when 
 they be set at liberty : to witte, they shave their heades, 
 ancl doe weare litle hattes apon them. The Romaines that 
 were thus redeemed, did in like maner : and so followed 
 Titus charret, on the day of his triumphe and entrie made 
 into Rome in the triumphing manner. It was a goodly sight 
 also, to see the spoyles of the enemies, which were caried in 
 the show of this triumphe : as, store of helmets after the 
 Greecians facion, heapes of targets, shieldes, and pykes after 
 the Macedonian manner, with a wonderfull summe of gold 
 and silver. For Itanus the historiographer writeth, that 
 there was brought a marvelous great masse of treasure in 
 niggots of golde, of three thousand seven hundred and 
 thirteene pounde weight, and of silver, of forty three 
 thousand e, two hundred, three score and tenne pound 
 weight, and of gold ready coyned in peeces called Philips 
 foureteene thousand, five hundred, and foureteene, besides 
 the thousand talents king Philip should pay for a raunsome. 
 The which summe, the Romaines afterwardes forgave him, 
 chiefly at Titus sute and intercession, who procured that 
 grace for him, and caused him to be called a frend and 
 confederate of the people of Rome, and his sonne Demetrius 
 to be sent unto him againe, who remained before as an 
 hostage at Rome. Shortely after, king Antiochus went out 
 96
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 of Asia into Greece with a great fleete of shippes, and a very FLAMINIUS 
 puisant army, to stirre up the cities to forsake their league 
 and allyance with the Romaines, and to make a dissention 
 amongest them. To further this his desire and enterprise, 
 the yEtolians did aide and backe him, which of long time 
 had borne great and secrete malice against the Romaines, 
 and desired much to have had warres with them. So 
 they taught king Antiochus to say, that the warre which he 
 toolce in hande, was to set the Greecians at liberty, whereof 
 they had no neede, bicause they did already enjoy their 
 liberty : but for that they had no just cause to make warre, 
 they taught him to cloke it the honestest way he coulde. 
 Wherefore the Romaines fearinge greatly the rising of the 
 people, and the rumor of the power of this great king, they 
 sent thither Manius Acilius their generall, and Titus, one of Manius Aci- 
 his Lieutenaunts for the Greecians sakes. Which arrivall liu ^ Consul, 
 did the more assure them that already bare good will to . n ^ : ^ U1 
 the Romaines, after they had once seene Manius and Titus : tenaunt sent 
 and the rest that beganne to flie out, and to shrinke into Greece, 
 from them, those Titus kept in obedience from starting, 
 remembringe them of the frendship and good will they had 
 borne him, even like a good skilfull phisitian that coulde 
 geve his pacient phisicke to preserve him from a contageous 
 disease. In deede there were some (but fewe of them) that 
 left him, which were won and corrupted before by the 
 JEtolians : and though he had j ust cause of offence towardes 
 them, yet he saved them after the battell. For king Antio- 
 chus being overcome in the contry of Thermopyles, fled his Antiochus 
 way, and in great hast tooke the sea to returne into Asia, pverthrowen 
 And the Consull Manius following his victory, entred into "\^ h e ~ 
 the contry of the JEtolians, where he tooke certaine townes Manius the 
 by force, and left the other for a pray unto kinge Philip. Consull. 
 So Philip kinge of Macedon on the one side, spoyled and 
 sacked the Dolopians, the Magnesians, the Athamanians, 
 and the Aperantines : and the Consull Manius on the other 
 side, destroyed the city of Heraclea, and layed siege to the 
 citie of Naupactum, which the ^Etolians kept. But Titus 
 takinge compassion of them, to see the poore people of 
 Greece thus spoiled and turned out of all: went out of 
 3 : N 97
 
 FLAMINIUS 
 
 Quintius in- 
 treateth for 
 the JEtolians. 
 
 King Antio- 
 chus maried 
 Cleoptolemus 
 daughter in 
 the city of 
 Chalcide. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Peloponnesus (where he was then) unto Manius Acilius 
 campe, and there reproved him for suffering king Philip 
 to usurpe the benefit and reward of his honorable victory, 
 still conqueringe many people, kings, and contries, whilest 
 he continued siege before a city, and only to wreake his 
 anger upon them. Afterwardes, when they that were besieged 
 saw Titus from their walles, they called him by his name, 
 and helde up their handes unto him, prayinge him he would 
 take pitie upon them : but he gave them never a word at 
 that time, and turning his backe unto them, he fell a weeping. 
 Afterwards he spake with Manius, and appeasing his anger, 
 got him to graunt the ^Etolians truce for certaine dayes, in 
 which time they might sende Ambassadors to Rome, to see 
 if they could obtaine grace and pardon of the Senate. But 
 the most trouble and difficulty he had, was to intreate for 
 the Chalcidians, with whome the Consull Manius was more 
 grievously offended, then with all the rest: bicause that 
 kinge Antiochus after the warres was begonne, had maried 
 his wife in their citie, when he was past yeares of mariage, 
 and out of all due time. For he was now very olde, and 
 beinge in his extreame age, and in the middest of his warres, 
 he fell in dotage with a young gentlewoman, the daughter 
 of Cleoptolemus, the fayrest woman that was at that time 
 in all Greece. Therefore the Chalcidians were much affected 
 unto king Antiochus, and did put their city into his handes, 
 to serve him in this warre, for a strong and safe retyring 
 place. Wherupon, when Antiochus had lost the battel, he 
 came thither with all possible speede, and takinge from 
 thence with him his passinge fayer younge Queene which 
 he had maried, and his golde, his silver, and frendes, he 
 tooke the seaes incontinently, and returned into Asia. For 
 this cause the Consull Manius having wonne the battell, 
 did marche straight with his army towardes the citie of 
 Chalcide in a great rage and fury. But Titus that followed 
 him, did alwayes lye uppon him to pacifie his anger, and did 
 so much intreate him, together with the other Romaines of 
 state and authoritie in counsell : that in the ende, he gotte 
 him to pardone them of Chalcide also. Who, bicause they 
 were preserved from perill by his meanes, they, to recompence 
 98
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 this fact of his, did consecrate unto him, all their most stately FLAMINIUS 
 and sumptuous buildinges and common workes in their citie, 
 as appeareth yet by the superscriptions remaininge to be 
 seene at this day. As in the show place of exercises : The 
 people of Chalcide did dedicate this show place of exercises, Honors done 
 unto Titus and Hercules. And in the temple called Del- ^ { J^^~ 
 phinium : The people of Chalcide did consecrate this temple, thTchalc^- 1 ^ 
 unto Titus, and unto Apollo. And furthermore, unto this dians and the 
 present time, there is a priest chosen by the voyce of the Greecians. 
 people, purposely to do sacrifice unto Titus : in which sacri- 
 fice, after that the thing sacrificed is offered up, and wine 
 powred apon it, the people standing by, do sing a song of 
 triumphe made in praise of him. But bicause it were to 
 long to wryte it all out, we have only drawen in briefe the 
 latter end of the same : and this it is : 
 
 The cleare unspotted faith, of Romaines we adore, 
 
 And vow to be their faithfull frendes, both now and ever more. 
 
 Sing out you Muses nyne, to loves eternall fame, 
 
 Sing out the honor due to Rome, and Titus worthy name. 
 
 Sing out (I say) the praise, of Titus and his faith : 
 
 By whom you have preserved bene, from ruine, dole, and death. 
 
 Now the Chalcidians did not alone only honor and rever- 
 ence Titus, but he was generally honored also by the 
 Greecians as he deserved, and was marvelously beloved 
 for his curtesie and good nature : which argueth plainely Quintius 
 that they did not fainedly honor him, or through compul- curtesie and 
 sion, but even from the hart. For though there was some g od nature, 
 jarre betwixt him and Philopcemen at the first about service, 
 for emulation of honor, and after betwixt him and Diophanes Emulation 
 also, both generalls of the Achaians : yet he never bare them betwixt T. 
 any malice in his hart, neither did his anger move him at 
 any time to hurt them any way, but he ever ended the 
 heate of his wordes, in counsell and assemblies, where he 
 uttered his minde franckely to them both. Therefore none 
 thought him ever a cruell man, or eger of revenge: but 
 many have thought him rashe, and hasty of nature. Other- 
 wise, he was as good a companion in company as possibly 
 could be, and would use as pleasaunt wise mirthe as any 
 man. As when he sayed to the Achaians, on a time, who 
 
 99
 
 FLAMIN1US 
 T. Quintius 
 sayinges. 
 
 Autiochus 
 Ambassadors 
 doe boast of 
 their kinges 
 great army. 
 
 Titus Quin- 
 tius witty 
 answere to 
 the Ambas- 
 sadors 
 
 T. Quintius 
 chosen 
 Censor with 
 Marcellus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 would needes unjustly usurpe the He of the Zacynthians, to 
 disswade them from it : My Lordes of Achaia, if ye once goe 
 out of Peloponnesus, you put your selves in daunger, as the 
 torteyses doe, when they thrust their heades out of their 
 shell. And the first time he parled with Philip to treate 
 of peace : when Philip said unto him, you have brought 
 many men with you, and I am come alone. In deede it is 
 true you are alone, sayd he, bicause you made all your 
 frendes and kinne to be slaine. An other time, Dinocrates 
 Messenian being in Rome, after he had taken in his cuppes 
 in a feast where he was, he disguised him selfe in womans 
 apparell, and daunced in that manner : and the next day 
 followinge he went unto Titus, to pray him to helpe him 
 through with his sute, which was, to make the citie of 
 Messina to rebell, and leave the tribe of the Achaians. 
 Titus made him aunswer, that he would thinke upon it: 
 but I can but wonder at you (sayd he) howe you can daunce 
 in womans apparell, and singe at a feast, havinge such matters 
 of weight in your head. In the counsell of the Achaians, 
 king Antiochus ambassadors beinge come thither, to move 
 them to breake their league with the Romanies, and to make 
 alliance with the king their master, they made a marvelous 
 large discourse of the great multitude of souldiers that were 
 in their masters army, and did number them by many diverse 
 names. Whereunto Titus aunswered, and tolde how a frend 
 of his having bidden him one night to supper, and having 
 served so many dishes of meate to his bord, as he was angry 
 with him for bestowing so great cost apon him, as wonder- 
 inge howe he could so sodainely get so much store of meate, 
 and of so diverse kindes. My frende sayed to me againe, 
 that all was but porke dressed so many wayes, and with 
 so sundry sawces. And even so (quod Titus) my Lords of 
 Achaia, esteeme not king Antiochus army the more, to heare 
 of so many men of armes, numbred with their launces, and of 
 such a number of footemen with their pykes : for they are 
 all but Syrians, diversely armed, only with ill favored litle 
 weapons. Furthermore, after Titus had done these thinges, 
 and that the warre with Antiochus was ended, he was chosen 
 Censor at Rome, with the sonne of that same Marcellus, 
 100
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 who had bene five times Consull. This office is of great FLAMINIUS 
 dignitie, and as a man may say, the crowne of all the 
 honors that a citizen of Rome can have in their common 
 wealth. They put of the Senate, foure men only : but they 
 were not famous. They did receive all into the number of 
 citizens of Rome, that would present them selves to be 
 enrolled in their common regester : with a proviso, that they 
 were borne free by father and mother. They were compelled 
 to doe it, by Terentius Culeo, Tribune of the people, who 
 to despight the nobility, pers waded the people of Rome to 
 commaunde it so. Nowe at that time, two of the noblest 
 and most famous men of Rome were great enemies one 
 against an other : Publius Scipio African, and Marcus P. Scipio, and 
 Porcius Cato. Of these two, Titus named Publius Scipio M - ? Ca to 
 African, to be prince of the Senate, as the chiefest and greatenemies. 
 worthiest persone in the citie : and got the displeasure of the Secret grudge 
 other, which was Cato, by this mishappe. Titus had a betwixt Titus 
 brother called Lucius Quintius Flaminius, nothing like unto a ^ ato - 
 him in condition at all : for he was so dissolutely and 
 licentiously given over to his pleasure, that he forgatte all 
 comlinesse and honesty. This Lucius loved well a younge 
 boy, and caried him alwayes with him when he went to the 
 warres, or to the charge and government of any province. 
 This boy flattering him, one day sayd unto Lucius Quintius, 
 that he loved him so well, that he did leave the sight of the 
 Swordplayers at the sharpe, which were making ready to 
 the fight, although he had never seene man killed before : 
 to waite upon him. Lucius being very glad of the boyes 
 wordes, aunswered him straight, Thou shalt loose nothing for 
 that my boy, for I will by and by please thee as well. So he A cruell dede 
 commaunded a condemned man to be fetched out of prison, ^ Lucius 
 and withall called for the hangman, whome he willed to 
 strike of his head in the middest of his supper, that the boy 
 might see him killed. Valerius Antias the historiographer 
 wryteth, that it was not for the love of the boy, but of a 
 woman which he loved. But Titus Livius declareth, that in 
 an oration which Cato him selfe made, it was wrytten, that it 
 was one of the Gaules : who beinge a traitor to his contry 
 men, was come to Flaminius gate with his wife and children, 
 
 101
 
 Cato beinge 
 Censor did 
 put Lucius 
 Quintius 
 Flaminius 
 of the Senate. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FLAMINIUS and that Flaminius making him come into his halle, killed 
 him with his owne handes, to please a boy he loved, that was 
 desirous to see a man killed. Howebeit it is very likely that 
 Cato wrote in this sorte, to aggravate the offence, and to 
 make it more cruell. For, many have wrytten it that it is 
 true, and that he was no traitor, but an offender condemned 
 to dye : and amonge other, Cicero the orator doth recite it in 
 a booke he made of age, where he made it to be tolde unto 
 Catoes owne persone. Howesoever it was, Marcus Cato being 
 chosen Censor, and clensing the Senate of all unworthy 
 persones, he put of the same Lucius Quintius Flaminius, 
 although he had bene Consull : which disgrace did seeme 
 to redowne to his brother Titus Quintius Flaminius also. 
 Whereupon both the brethren came weping with all 
 humility before the people, and made a petition that seemed 
 very reasonable and civill: which was that they would 
 commaunde Cato to come before them, to declare the cause 
 openly why he had with such open shame defaced so noble a 
 house as theirs was. Cato then without delay, or shrinking 
 backe, came with his companion into the market place, 
 where he asked Titus out alowde, if he knew nothing of the 
 supper where such a fact was committed. Titus aunswered, 
 he knewe not of it. Then Cato opened all the whole matter 
 as it was, and in the ende of his tale, he bad Lucius Quintius 
 sweare openly, if he would deny that he had sayed was true. 
 Lucius aunswered not a worde. Whereuppon the people 
 judged the shame was justly layed upon him : and so to 
 honor Cato, they did accompany him from the pulpit for 
 orations, home unto his owne house. But Titus beinge much 
 offended at the disgrace of his brother, became enemy to 
 Cato, and fell in with those that of long time had hated him. 
 T. Quintius And so by practise he procured of the Senate, that all 
 unworthy acts bargaines of leases, and all deedes of sales made by Cato 
 against Cato. during his office, were called in, and made voyde : and caused 
 many sutes also to be commenced against him. Wherein, 
 I can not say he did wisely or civilly, to become mortal! 
 enemy to an honest man, a good citizen, and duetifull in his 
 office, for his yeare, [for an] unworthy kinseman, who had 
 justly deserved the shame layed upon him. Notwithstanding, 
 102
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 shortely after when the people were assembled in the FLAMINIUS 
 
 Theater to see games played, and the Senators were set 
 
 according to their custome, in the most honorable places : 
 
 Lucius Flaminius came in also, who in lowly and humble 
 
 maner went to sit downe in the furthest seates of the 
 
 Theater, without regard of his former honor: which when 
 
 the people saw, they tooke pity of him, and could not abide 
 
 to see him thus dishonored. So they cried out to have Lucius Quin- 
 
 him come and sit among the other Senators and Consulls, tius restored 
 
 who made him place, and received him accordingly. But to *? his P lace V 
 
 returne againe to Titus. The naturall ambition and covet- e peop e ' 
 
 ous greedy minde he had of honor, was very well taken and T. Quintius 
 
 esteemed, so long as he had any occasion offered him to ambition. 
 
 exercise it in the warres, which we have spoken of before. 
 
 For, after he had bene Consull, of his owne seeking he 
 
 became a Colonell of a thousand footemen, not being called 
 
 to it by any man. So when he beganne to stoupe for age, 
 
 and that he had given over as a man at the last cast, to 
 
 beare office any longer in the state: they saw plainely he 
 
 was ambitious beyond measure, to suffer himselfe in olde age 
 
 to be overcome with such youthfull violence, beinge farre un- 
 
 meete for any of his yeares. For me thinkes his ambition T. Quintius 
 
 was the only cause that moved him to procure Hannibals cause of 
 
 death, which bred him much disliking and ill opinion with ^th 
 
 many. For, after Hanniball had fled out of his owne contry, 
 
 he went first unto king Antiochus : who, after he lost the 
 
 battel in Phrygia, was glad the Romaines graunted him 
 
 peace with such conditions as them selves would. Wherefore 
 
 Hanniball fled againe from him, and after he had long 
 
 wandered up and downe, at the length he came to the realme 
 
 of Bithynia, and remained there about king Prusias, the 
 
 Romaines knowinge it well enough : and bicause Hanniball 
 
 was then an olde broken man, of no force nor power, and one 
 
 whome fortune had spurned at her feete, they made no more 
 
 reckening of him. But Titus being sent Ambassador by Titus sent 
 
 the Senate, unto Prusias kinge of Bithynia, and finding Ambassador 
 
 Hanniball there, it grieved him to see him alive. So that "? to p rusias 
 
 notwithstanding Prusias marvelously intreated him, to take 
 
 ... TT .in ^ t -i i> 1 i 
 
 pitie apon Hanniball, a poore olde man, and his trend who 
 
 103
 
 Hannibal 
 deceived by 
 an oracle con 
 cerning his 
 death. 
 
 Hanniball 
 kept at 
 Libyssa in 
 Bithynia. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FLAMINIUS came to him for succor : yet he coulde not perswade Titus 
 to be content he should live. Hanniball long before had 
 received aunswer of his death from an oracle, to this effect : 
 
 The lande of Lybia, shall cover under mowlde, 
 
 The valliant corps of Hanniball, when he is dead and colde. 
 
 So Hanniball understoode that of Lybia, as if he should 
 have dyed in Africke, and bene buried in Carthage. There 
 is a certaine sandy contry in Bithynia neere to the seaes 
 side, where there is a litle village called Libyssa, and 
 where Hanniball remained continually. He mistrusting king 
 Prusias faynte harte, and fearing the Romaines malice also, 
 had made seven privy caves and vaultes under grounde longe 
 before, that he might secretly go out at either of them which 
 way he woulde, and every one of them came to the maine 
 vault where him selfe did lye, and coulde not be discerned 
 outwardly. When it was tolde him that Titus had willed 
 Prusias to deliver him into his handes, he sought then to 
 save him selfe by those mynes : but he found that all the 
 ventes out, had watch and ward apon them by the kinges 
 commaundement. So then he determined to kill him selfe. 
 Now some say, that he wounde a linnen towell harde about 
 his necke, and commaunded one of his men he should set his 
 knee upon his buttocke, and waying hard upon him, holding 
 the towell fast he should pull his necke backeward with all 
 the power and strength he could, and never linne pressing on 
 him, till he had strangled him. Other say that he drancke 
 bulles blood, as Midas and Themistocles had done before 
 him. But Titus Livius wryteth, that he had poyson which 
 he kept for such a purpose, and tempered it in a cuppe he 
 helde in his handes, and before he dranke, he spake these 
 wordes : Come on, let us deliver the Romaines of this great 
 care, sith my life is so grievous to them, that they thinke it 
 to long to tary the naturall death of a poore old man, whom 
 they hate so much : and yet Titus by this shall winne no 
 honorable victorie, nor worthie the memorie of the auncient 
 Romaines, who advertised king Pyrrus their enemy, even 
 when he made warres with them, and had wonne battels 
 of them, that he should beware of poysoning which was 
 intended towards him. And this was Hanniballs ende, as we 
 
 104 
 
 Hanniballs 
 death. 
 
 Midas and 
 Themistocles 
 poysoned 
 them selves. 
 
 Hanniballs 
 last wordes.
 
 finde it wrytten. The newes whereof being come to Rome FLAMINIUS 
 unto the Senate, many of them thought Titus to violent and Looke in 
 cruell, to have made Hanniball kill him selfe in that sorte, Pyrrus life 
 when extreamity of age had overcome him already, and was r , story 
 as a birde left naked, her feathers fallinge from her for age : a 
 and so much the more, bicause there was no instant occasion 
 offered him to urge him to doe it, but a covetous minde of 
 honor, for that he would be chronicled to be the cause 
 and author of Hanniballs death. And then in contrari- 
 wise they did much honor and commend the clemency and Scipio Afri- 
 noble minde of Scipio African. Who having overcomen cans clemency 
 Hanniball in battell, in Africke selfe, and being then in C( 
 deede to be feared, and had bene never overcome before : 
 yet he did not cause him to be driven out of his contry, 
 neither did aske him of the Carthaginians, but both then, 
 and before the battel, when he parled with him of peace, he 
 tooke Hannibal curteously by the hand, and after the battell, 
 in the condicions of peace he gave them, he never spake word 
 of hurt to Hanniballs person, neither did he shew any cruelty 
 to him in his misery. And they tell how afterwardes they Talke betwixt 
 met againe together in the city of Ephesus, and as they Scipio African 
 were walkinge, that Hanniball tooke the upper hand of a 
 Scipio : and that Scipio bare it paciently, and left riot of 
 walking for that, neither shewed any countenaunce of mis- 
 liking. And in entring into discourse of many matters, 
 they discended in the ende to talke of auncient Captaines : 
 and Hanniball gave judgement, that Alexander the great Hannibals 
 was the famousest Captaine, Pyrrus the second, and him judgement of 
 selfe the thirde. Then Scipio smilinge, gently asked him : Ca P teines - 
 What wouldest thou say then, if I had not overcome thee ? 
 Truely, quod Hanniball, I would not then put my selfe the 
 third man, but the first, and above all the Captaines that 
 ever were. So divers greatly commending the goodly say- 
 inges and deedes of Scipio, did marvelously mislike Titus, 
 for that he had (as a man may say) layed his handes upon 
 the death of an other man. Other to the contrary againe 
 sayd, it was well done of him, sayinge, that Hanniball so 
 longe as he lived, was a fire to the Empire of the Romaines, 
 which lacked but one to blow it : and that when he was in 
 3 : O 105
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FLAMINIUS his best force and lusty age, it was not his hande nor body 
 that troubled the Romaines, so much, but his great wisedome 
 and skill he had in the warres, and the mortall hate he bare 
 in his hart towardes the Romaines, which neither yeares, 
 neither age would diminishe or take away. For mens naturall 
 condicions do remaine still, but fortune doth not alwayes 
 keepe in a state, but chaungeth stil, and then quickeneth up 
 our desires to set willingly uppon those that warre against 
 us, bicause they hate us in their hartes. The thinges which 
 fell out afterwards, did greatly prove the reasons brought 
 out for this purpose, in discharge of Titus. For one Aris- 
 
 Aristonicus. tonicus, sonne of a daughter of a player upon the citherne, 
 under the fame and glory of Eumenes, whose bastard he was, 
 filled all Asia with warre and rebellion, by reason the people 
 
 Mithridates. rose hi his favor. Againe Mithridates, after so many losses 
 he had received against Sylla and Fimbria, and after so many 
 armies overthrowen by battell and warres, and after so many 
 famous Captaines lost and killed : did yet recover againe, 
 and came to be of great power both by sea and land against 
 Lucullus. Truely Hannibal was no lower brought then 
 
 Marius. Caius Marius had bene. For he had a king to his frend, 
 
 that gave him entertainment for him and his family, and 
 made him Admirall of his shippes, and Generall of his horse- 
 and footemen in the field. Marius also went up and 
 
 men 
 
 To be meane 
 or great in 
 this life is 
 nothing : 
 but death 
 bringeth the 
 estimacion. 
 
 downe Africke a begging for his living, insomuch as his 
 enemies at Rome mocked him to scorne : and soone after 
 notwithstanding they fell downe at his feete before him, 
 when they saw they were whipped, murthered, and slaine 
 within Rome by his commaundement. Thus we see no man 
 can say certainely he is meane or great, by reason of the uncer- 
 tainty of thinges to come: consideringe there is but one death, 
 and chaunge of better life. Some say also, that Titus did not 
 this act alone, and of his owne authority : but that he was 
 sent Ambassador with Lucius Scipio to no other end, but to 
 put Hanniball to death, by what meanes soever they could. 
 Furthermore after this Ambassade, we do not finde any not- 
 able thing written of Titus worthy of memory, neither in 
 
 peace, nor in warres. For he died quietely of naturall 
 death at home in his contrie. 
 
 106
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 THE COMPARISON OF TITUS QUIN- 
 TIUS FLAMINIUS WITH PHILOPCEMEN 
 
 T is time nowe we come to compare them T. Quintius 
 together. Therefore as touchinge the benefits unto 
 great benefits that came to the Greecians, Greece - 
 neither Philopoemen, nor all the other 
 former Captaines are to be compared with 
 Titus. For all the auncient Captaines 
 almost being Greecians, made warres with 
 other Greecians : but Titus beinge a 
 Romaine, and no Greecian, made warres for the liberty of 
 Greece. When Philopoemen was not able to helpe his poore 
 citizens distressed sore, and vexed with warres, he sayled 
 away into Greta. Titus having overcome Philip kinge of 
 Macedon in battell, did restore againe to liberty all the 
 people and cities of the same, which were kept before in 
 bondage. And if any wil narrowly examine the battells 
 of either partie : they shall finde, that Philopoemen being 
 Generall of the Achaians, made more Greecians to be slaine, 
 then Titus did of the Macedonians, fightinge with them for 
 the liberty of the Greecians. And for their imperfections, 
 the one of them was ambitious, the other was as obstinate : 
 the one was quicke and sodainly angered, the other was very 
 hard to be pacified. Titus left kinge Philip his realme and 
 crowne after he had overcome him, and used great clemency 
 towardes the JEtolians : where Philopcemen for spite, and Philopoe- 
 malice, tooke townes and villages from his owne native menes malice, 
 contry, and city, wherein he was borne, that had alwayes 
 payed them tribute. Furthermore, Titus continued a sounde 
 frend to them, to whome he had once professed frendshippe, 
 and done pleasure unto : and Philopcemen, in a geare and 
 anger, was ready to take away that he had given, and to 
 overthrow the pleasure and good turne he had shewed. For 
 Philopoemen when he had done the Lacedaemonians great 
 
 107
 
 FLAMINIUS 
 
 AND 
 
 PHILO- 
 PCEMEN 
 
 Titus Quin- 
 tius wiser then 
 Philopoemen. 
 
 Quintius 
 
 commaunded 
 
 good 
 
 souldiers : 
 
 Philopoemen 
 
 made good 
 
 souldiers. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 pleasure, did afterwards rase the walls of their city, and 
 spoyled and destroyed all their contry : and lastly, overthrew 
 their whole government. It seeraeth also by reason of his 
 immoderate choller, he was him selfe cause of his owne death, 
 for that he made more hast then good speede, to go out of 
 time to set upon those of Messina : and not as Titus, who 
 did all his affaires with wisedome, and ever considered what 
 was best to be done. But if we looke into the number of 
 battells, and victories : the warre which Titus made against 
 Philip was ended with two battells. Whereas Philopoemen 
 in infinite battells in which he had the better, never left it 
 doutfull, but that his skill did ever helpe him the more to 
 victory, then the good fortune he had. Moreover, Titus 
 wanne honor by meanes of the power of Rome, when it 
 florished most, and was in best prosperitie: Philopcemen 
 made him selfe famous by his deedes, when Greece beganne 
 to stoupe and fall all together. So that the deedes of the 
 one, were common to all the Romanies: and the dedes of 
 the other, were private to himselfe alone. For Titus was 
 General over good and valliant souldiers, that were already 
 trained to his hand : and Philopcemen being chosen General!, 
 did traine his men him selfe, and made them afterwards 
 very expert and valliant, that were but meane and greene 
 souldiers before. And whereas Philopcemen had continuall 
 warres with the Greecians, it was not for any good fortune 
 he had, but that it made a certaine proofe of his valliant- 
 nesse. For where all other thinges are aunswerable to his, 
 there we must judge that such as overcome, have the most 
 corage. Now Philopoemen making warres with the most 
 warlike nations of all Greece, (as the Cretans, and the Lace- 
 daemonians) did overcome the subtillest of them, by finenesse 
 and policy : and the most valliant, by prowes and hardinesse. 
 But Titus overcame, by putting that only in practise, which 
 was already found and stablished : as the discipline of the 
 warres, ana order of battell, in the which his souldiers had 
 longe before bene trained. Whereas Philopcemen brought 
 into his contry, both the one and the other, and altered all 
 the order which before they were accustomed unto. So that 
 the chiefest point how to winne a battell, was found out a 
 108
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 new, and brought in by the one, into a place where it was FLAMINIUS 
 never before : and onely employed by the other, which could AND 
 very good skill to use it, and had founde it out already 
 before. Againe, touching the valliant actes done in the PIEMEN 
 person of them selves, many notable actes may be told 
 of Philopremen, but none of Titus : but rather to the con- 
 trary. For there was one Archedemus an ^Etolian, who 
 flowtinge Titus one day, sayd in his reproche: that at a 
 day of battell, when Pnilopcemen ranne with his sword in 
 his hande, to that side where he saw the Macedonians fight- 
 ing, and making hed against the enemy, Titus held up his 
 hands unto heaven, and was busie at his prayers to the gods, A Generall 
 not stirring one foote, when it was more time to handle the must not be at 
 sword, and to fight of all handes. All the goodly deedes ^enTe^ 
 Titus ever did, were done alwaies as a Consul, or Lieutenant, should occupy 
 or a Magistrate : whereas Philopcemen shewed him selfe unto his sword, 
 the Achaians, a man no lesse valliant, and of execution, 
 being out of office, then when he was a Generall. For 
 when he was a Generall, he did drive Nabis the tyran of the 
 Lacedaemonians out of Messina, and delivered the Messenians 
 out of bondage : and being a private man, he shut the gates 
 of the city of Sparta, in the face of Diophanes (Generall of 
 the Achaians) and of Titus Quintius Flaminius, and kept 
 them both from comminge in, and thereby saved the city 
 from sacking. Thus being borne to commaunde, he knew 
 not only how to commaunde according to the law, but could 
 commaund the law it selfe apon necessity, and when the 
 common wealth required it. For at such a time he would 
 not tary, while the Magistrates which should governe him, 
 did geve him authority to commaund, but he tooke it of 
 him selfe, and used them when the time served : esteeming 
 him in deede their Generall, that knew better then they 
 what was to be done, then him whom they chose of them 
 selves. And therefore they doe well, that doe commende 
 Titus actes, for his clemency, and curtesie, used to the Quintius 
 Greecians : but much more tne noble and valliant actes of clemency to 
 Philopremen unto the Romaines. For it is much easier phiiopce- 
 to pleasure and gratifie the weake, then it is to hurt and menes love to 
 resist the strong. Therfore, sithence we have throughly the Romaines. 
 
 109
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 FLAMINIUS examined, and compared the one with the other : it is very 
 harde to judge altogether the difference that is betwene 
 them. Perad venture therefore the judgement woulde not 
 seeme very ill, if we doe geve the Greecian, for disci- 
 pline of warre, the preheminence and praise of a good 
 Captaine: and to the Romaine, for justice and 
 clemency, the name and dignity of a most 
 just and curteous gentleman. 
 
 THE ENDE OF TITUS QUINTIUS FLAMINIUS LIFE 
 
 PHILO- 
 PCEMEN 
 
 THE LIFE OF PYRRUS 
 
 Pyrrus kin- 
 red, and be- 
 ginningof the 
 
 T is written, that since Noes floud, the first 
 king of the Thesprotians, and of the Molos- 
 sians, was Phaeton, one of those who came 
 with Pelasgus, into the realme of Epirus. 
 But some say otherwise, that Deucalion, 
 and his wife Pyrra remained there, after 
 they had built and founded the temple of 
 Dodone, in the contry of the Molossians. 
 But howsoever it was, a great while after that, Neoptolemus 
 the sonne of Achilles, bringing thither a great number of 
 people with him, conquered the contry, and after him left 
 a succession of kinges, which were called after his name, the 
 Pyrrides : bicause that from his infancy he was surnamed 
 Pyrrus, redd. Pyrrus, as much to say, as redde : and one of his legitimate 
 sonnes whom he had by Lanassa, the daughter of Cleodes, 
 the sonne of Hillus, was also named by him Pyrrus. And 
 this is the cause why Achilles is honored as a god in Epirus, 
 beinge called in their language, Aspetos, that is to say, 
 mighty, or very great. But from the first kinges of that 
 race untill the time of Tharrytas, there is no memory nor 
 mencion made of them, nor of their power that raigned in 
 the meane time, bicause they all became very barbarous, 
 and utterly voyde of civility. Tharrytas was in deede the 
 first that beautified the cities of his contry with the Grecian 
 110
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 tongue, brought in civill lawes and customes, and made his PYRRUS 
 name famous to the posterity that followed. This Tharrytas 
 left a sonne called Alcetas, of Alcetas came Arymbas, of 
 Arymbas and Troiade his wife, came ^Eacides, who maried 
 Phthia, the daughter of Menon Thessalian : A famous man 
 in the time of the warres surnamed Lamiacus, and one that 
 had farre greater authority then any other of the confederates, 
 after Leosthenes. This JEacides had two daughters by his 
 wife Phthia, to say, Deidamia and Troiade, and one sonne 
 called Pyrrus. In his time the Molossians rebelled, drave 
 him out of his kingdome, and put the crowne into the hands 
 of the sonnes of Neoptolemus. Whereupon all the frends of 
 ^Eacides that could be taken, were generally murdered, and 
 slaine outright. Androclides, and Angelus in the meane time 
 stale away Pyrrus, being yet but a suckling babe (whome his How Pyrrus 
 enemies neverthelesse egerly sought for to have destroyed) being an in- 
 and fled away with him as fast as possibly they might, with an T* 
 few servauntes, his nurses and necessary women only to looke 
 to the childe, and give it sucke : by reason whereof their 
 flight was much hindered, so as they could go no great 
 jorneys, but that they might easily be overtaken by them 
 that followed. For which cause they put the childe into 
 the handes of Androclion, Hippias, and Neander, three lusty 
 young men, whome they trusted with him, and commaunded 
 them to runne for life to a certaine citie of Macedon, called 
 Megares : and they them selves in the meane time, partely Megares 
 by intreaty, and partely by force, made stay of those that a cit y of 
 followed them till night. So as with much a doe havinge Macedon - 
 driven them backe, they ranne after them that caried the 
 childe Pyrrus, whom they overtooke at sunne set. And 
 now, wening they had bene safe, and out of all daunger : 
 they found it cleane contrary. For when they came to the 
 river under the towne walles of Megares, they saw it so 
 rough and swift, that it made them afrayed to beholde it : 
 and when they gaged the forde, they found it unpossible 
 to wade through, it was so sore risen and troubled with the 
 fall of the raine, besides that the darkenesse of the night 
 made every thing seeme feareful unto them. So as they now 
 that caried the child, thought it not good to venter the 
 
 111
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PYRRUS passage over of themselves alone, with the women that 
 tended the childe: but hearing certaine contrymen on the 
 other side, they prayed and besought "them in the name 
 of the goddes, that they would helpe them to passe over 
 the child, showing Pyrrus unto them a farre of. But the 
 contrymen by reason of the roaringe of the river understoode 
 them not. Thus they continued a longe space, the one cry- 
 inge, the other lystning, yet could they not understand one 
 an other, til at the last one of the company bethought him 
 selfe to pill of a peece of the barke of an oke, and upon that 
 he wrote with the tongue of a buckle, the hard fortune and 
 necessity of the childe. Which he tyed to a stone to geve 
 it weight, and so threw it over to the other side of the 
 river : other say that he did pricke the barke through with 
 the point of a dart which he cast over. The contrymen on 
 the other side of the river, havinge red what was wrytten, 
 and understanding thereby the present daunger the childe was 
 in : felled downe trees in all the hast they could possibly, 
 bounde them together, and so passed over the river. And 
 it fortuned that the first man of them that passed over, and 
 tooke the child, was called Achilles : the residue of the 
 contrymen passed over also, and tooke the other that came 
 with the childe, and conveyed them over as they came first 
 to hand. And thus having escaped their hands, by easie 
 Glaucias king jorneys they came at the length unto Glaucias king of 
 of Illyria. Illyria, whom they found in his house sitting by his wife : 
 and layed downe the childe in the middest of the flower 
 before him. The king hereuppon stayed a long time with- 
 out uttering any one word, waying with him selfe what was 
 best to be done : bicause of the feare he had of Cassander, a 
 mortall enemy of ^Eacides. In the meane time, the childe 
 Pyrrus creeping of all foure, tooke hold of the kinges gowne, 
 and scrawled up by that, and so got up on his feete against 
 the kings knees. At the first, the king laughed to see the 
 childe : but after it pitied him againe, bicause the child 
 seemed like an humble suter that came to seeke sanctuary 
 in his armes. Other say that Pyrrus came not to Glaucias, 
 but unto the alter of the familiar gods, alongest the which 
 he got up on his feete, and embraced it with both his hands. 
 112
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Which Glaucias imagining to be done by gods providence, PYRRUS 
 
 presently delivered the childe to his wife, gave her the charge 
 
 of him, and willed her to see him brought up with his owne. 
 
 Shortely after, his enemies sent to demaunde the childe of 
 
 him : and moreover, Cassander caused two hundred talents 
 
 to be offered him, to deliver the childe Pyrrus into his 
 
 handes. Howebeit Glaucias would never graunt thereunto, 
 
 but contrarily, when Pyrrus was comen to twelve yeares 
 
 olde, brought him into his contry of Epirus with an army, 
 
 and stablished him king of the realme againe. Pyrrus had 
 
 a great majesty in his countenaunce, but yet in deede more Pyrrus coun- 
 
 fearefull then frendly. He had also no teeth in his upper tenaunce and 
 
 jawe that stoode distinctly one from an other, but one whole teetht 
 
 bone through out his gomme, marked a litle at the top only, 
 
 with certaine riftes in the place where the teeth should be 
 
 devided. Men helde opinion also, that he did heale them Pyrrus healed 
 
 that were sicke of the splene, by sacrificinge a white cocke, them that 
 
 and touchinge the place of the splene on the left side of JJJjj^ ^*| ol 
 
 them that were sicke, softely with his right foote, they lying 
 
 on their backes : and there was not so poore nor simple a 
 
 man that craved this remedy of him, but he gave it him, 
 
 and tooke the cocke he sacrificed, for reward of the remedy, 
 
 which pleased him very well. They say also that the great 
 
 toe of his right foote had some secrete vertue in it. For 
 
 when he was dead, and that they had burnt all partes of 
 
 his body, and consumed it to ashes : his great toe was The fier 
 
 whole, and had no hurt at all. But of that, we will wryte could not 
 
 more hereafter. Now, when he was seventeene yeares of age, burne Pyrrus 
 
 thinking him selfe sure enough of his kingdome, it chaunced gre< 
 
 him to make a jorney into Illyria, where he maried one of 
 
 Glaucias daughters, with whom he had bene brought up. 
 
 But his backe was no sooner turned, but the Molossians 
 
 rebelled againe against him, and drave out his frends, and Pyrrus realme 
 
 servaunts, and destroyed all his goods, and yelded them- taken from 
 
 selves unto his adversary Neoptolemus. King Pyrrus having i m m 
 ., , . ,. ,. , J j ,. ,,, & , J IT -j & absence, 
 
 thus lost his kingdom, and seeing himself forsaken on all sides, 
 
 went to Demetrius (Antigonus sonne) that had maried his 
 sister Deidamia, who in her young age was assured to Alex- 
 ander, the sonne of Alexander the great, and of Roxane, and 
 3 : P 113
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Pyrrus val- 
 liantnes at 
 the battell 
 of Hipsus. 
 
 Pyrrus 
 behavior. 
 
 Pyrrus maried 
 to Antigona 
 the daughter 
 of Philip king 
 of Macedon, 
 and of his 
 wife Berenice. 
 
 Pyrrus re- 
 stored to his 
 kingdome 
 againe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 was called his wife. But when all that race was brought to 
 wicked ende,. Demetrius then maried her, being come to full 
 and able age. And in that great battell which was striken 
 neere to the citie of Hipsus, where all the kinges fought 
 together, Pyrrus being then but a young man, and with 
 Demetrius, put them all to flight that fought with him, 
 and was worthely reputed for the valliantest prince amongest 
 them all. Furthermore, when Demetrius was overcome, and 
 had lost the battell : Pyrrus never forsooke him, but faith- 
 fully did keepe for him the cities of Greece, which he put 
 into his hands. And afterwards when peace was concluded 
 betwixt Demetrius and Ptolomie, Pyrrus was sent an ostage 
 for Demetrius into the realme of JEgipte : where he made 
 Ptolomie know (both in huntinge, and in other exercises of 
 his persone) that he was very strong, harde, and able to 
 endure any labor. Furthermore perceiving that Berenice 
 amongest all king Ptolomies wives, was best beloved and 
 esteemed of her husbande, both for her vertue and wise- 
 dome : he beganne to entertaine and honor her above all 
 the rest. For he was a man that could tell how to humble 
 him selfe towardes the great (by whom he might winne 
 benefit) and knewe also how to creepe into their credit : 
 and in like manner was he a great scorner and despiser of 
 such as were his inferiors. Moreover, for that he was found 
 marvelous honorable and of fayer condicion, he was preferred 
 before all other young princes, to be the husbande of Anti- 
 gona, the daughter of Queene Berenice, whom she had by 
 Philip, before she was maried unto Ptolomie. From thence- 
 forth growing through the allyance of that mariage, more 
 and more into estimation and favor by meanes of his wife 
 Antigona, who shewed her selfe very vertuous and loving 
 towardes him : he found meanes in the ende, to get both 
 men and money to returne againe into the realme of Epirus, 
 and to conquer it : so was he then very well received of 
 the people, and the better, for the malice they bare to 
 Neoptolemus, bicause he delt both hardly and cruelly with 
 them. That notwithstandinge, Pyrrus fearinge least Neo- 
 ptolemus would repaire unto some of the other kings, to 
 seeke ayde against him, thought good to make peace with 
 114
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 him. Whereupon it was agreed betwene them, that they PYRRUS 
 should both together be kinges of Epirus. But in processe Pyrrus devid- 
 of time, some of their men secretly made strife againe be- eth the realm* 
 twene them, and set them at defyance one with an other : Neoptolemus. 
 and the chiefest cause as it is sayed, that angered Pyrrus 
 most, grew apon this. The kinges of Epirus had an auncient 
 custome of great antiquity, after they had made solemne 
 sacrifice unto lupiter Martiall, (in a certaine place in the 
 province of Molosside, called Passaron) to take their othe, 
 and to be sworne to the Epirotes, that they would raigne 
 well and justly, accordinge to the lawes and ordinaunces of 
 the contry : and to receive the subjectes othes interchaunge- 
 ably also, that they would defend and maintaine them in 
 their kingdome, according to the lawes in like maner. This 
 ceremony was done in the presence of both the kinges, and 
 they with their frendes did both geve and receive presentes 
 eche of other. At this meetinge and solemnity, amonge 
 other, one Gelon a most faithfull servaunt and assured frend 
 unto Neoptolemus, who besides great showes of frendshippe 
 and honor he did unto Pyrrus, gave him two payer of 
 draught oxen, which one Myrtilus a cuppebearer of Pyrrus 
 beinge present, and seeinge, did crave of his master. But 
 Pyrrus denyed to geve them unto him whereat Myrtilus was 
 very angry. Gelon perceivinge that Myrtilus was angry, 
 prayed him to suppe with him that night. Now some say, 
 he sought to abuse Myrtilus, bicause he was fayer and 
 younge : and beganne to perswade him after supper to take 
 parte with Neoptolemus, and to poyson Pyrrus. Myrtilus 
 made as though he was willing to geve eare to this 
 perswasion, and to be well pleased withall. But in the 
 meane time, he went and tolde his master of it, by whose 
 commaundement he made Alexicrates, Pyrrus chiefe cuppe- 
 bearer, to talke with Gelon about this practise, as though 
 he had also geven his consent to it, and was willinge 
 to be partaker of the enterprise. This did Pyrrus to 
 have two witnesses, to prove the pretended poysoninge of 
 him. Thus Gelon beinge finely deceived, and Neoptolemus 
 also with him, both imagininge they had cunningly sponne 
 the threde of their treason : Neoptolemus was so glad of 
 
 115
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PYRRUS it, that he could not kepe it to him selfe, but told it 
 to certaine of his frendes. And on a time going to be 
 mery with his sister, he could not keepe it in, but must be 
 pratling of it to her, supposing no body had heard him but her 
 selfe, bicause there was no living creature neere them, saving 
 Phoenareta Samons wife, the kinges chiefe heardman of all 
 his beastes, and yet she was layed apon a litle bed by, and 
 turned towards the wall : so that she seemed as though she 
 had slept. But having heard all their talke, and no body 
 mistrusting her : the next morning she went to Antigona 
 king Pyrrus wife, and told her every worde what she had 
 heard Neoptolemus say to his sister. Pyrrus hearing this, 
 made no countenaunce of any thing at that time. But 
 havinge made sacrifice unto the goddes, he bad Neoptolemus 
 Pyrrus slue to supper to his house, where he slue him, being well in- 
 Neoptolemus. formed before of the good will the chiefest men of the realme 
 did beare him, who wished him to dispatch Neoptolemus, 
 and not to content him selfe with a peece of Epirus only, 
 but to follow his naturall inclination, being borne to great 
 thinges : and for this cause therefore, this suspition fallinge 
 out in the meane while, he prevented Neoptolemus, and slue 
 him first. And furthermore, remembringe the pleasures he 
 had received of Ptolomie and Berenice, he named his first 
 sonne by his wife Antigona, Ptolomie, and having built a 
 Berenicida, a city in the Prescque, an He of Epirus, did name it Bere- 
 city of Epirus n i c ida. When he had done that, imagining great matters 
 
 6 
 
 * n *" s ^ eac ^ ^ ut more * n h* 8 hope, he first determined with him 
 selfe howe to winne that which lay neerest unto him : and so 
 Pyrrus first tooke occasion by this meanes, first to set foote into the 
 int Empire of Macedon. The eldest sonne of Cassander, called 
 Antipater, put his owne mother Thessalonica to death, and 
 drave his brother Alexander out of his owne contry, who 
 sent to Demetrius for helpe, and called in Pyrrus also to his 
 ayde. Demetrius being troubled with other matters, could 
 not so quickely go thither. And Pyrrus being arrived 
 there, demaunded for his charge susteined, the citie of 
 Nymphaea, with all the sea coastes of Macedon : and besides 
 all that, certaine landes also that were not belonginge to the 
 auncient crowne and revenues of the kinges of Macedon, 
 116
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 but were added unto it by force of armes, as Ambracia, PYRRUS 
 Acarnania, and Amphilochia. All these, the young king 
 Alexander leavinge unto him, he tooke possession thereof, 
 and put good garrisons into the same in his owne name : and 
 conquering the rest of Macedon in the name of Alexander, 
 put his brother Antipater to great distresse. In the meane 
 time kinge Lysimachus lacked no good will to helpe 
 Antipater with his force, but being busied in other matters, 
 had not the meane to doe it. Howbeit knowinge very well 
 that Pyrrus in acknowledginge the great pleasures he had 
 received of Ptolomie, woulde deny him nothinge : he deter- 
 mined to wryte counterfeate letters to him in Ptolomies 
 name, and thereby instantly to pray and require him to 
 leave of the warres begonne against Antipater, and to take 
 of him towardes the defrayinge of his charges, the summe of King Lysi- 
 three hundred talentes. Pyrrus opening the letters, knew machus craft 
 straight that this was but a fetch and devise of Lysimachus. ^ deceive 
 For king Ptolomies common manner of greeting of him, which 
 he used at the beginning of his letters, was not in them 
 observed : To my sonne Pyrrus, health. But in those counter- 
 feate was, king Ptolomie, unto king Pyrrus, health. Where- 
 upon he presently pronounced Lysimachus for a naughty 
 man : neverthelesse, afterwardes he made peace with Anti- 
 pater, and they met together at a day appointed, to be 
 sworne upon the sacrifices unto the articles of peace. There 
 were three beastes brought to be sacrificed, a goate, a bul, 
 and a ramme : of the which, the ramme fell downe dead of 
 him selfe before he was touched, whereat all the standers 
 by fell a laughinge. But there was a Soothsayer, one 
 Theodotus, that perswaded Pyrrus not to sweare: saying, 
 that this signe and token of the gods did threaten one of the Theodotus 
 three kings with sodaine death. For which cause Pyrrus judgement, a 
 concluded no peace. Now Alexanders warres beinge ended, So thsayer. 
 Demetrius notwithstanding came to him, knowing well 
 enough at his comming that Alexander had no more neede 
 of his aide, and that he did it only but to feare him. They 
 had not bene many dayes together, but thone beganne 
 to mistrust thother, and to spie all the wayes they could 
 to intrappe eche other : but Demetrius embracing the first 
 
 117
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Pyrrus 
 quarrell and 
 warre with 
 Demetrius. 
 
 Pantauchus, 
 Demetrius 
 Lieutenant in 
 ^Etolia. 
 
 Pyrrus 
 fight, with 
 Pantauchus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 occasion offered, prevented Alexander, and slue him, being 
 a young man, and proclaimed him selfe king of Macedon 
 in his roome. Now Demetrius had certaine quarrells 
 before against Pyrrus, bicause he had overrunne the contry 
 of Thessalie : and furthermore, greedy covetousnes to have 
 the more (which is a common vice with princes and noble 
 men) made, that being so neere neighbours, the one stoode 
 in feare and mistrust of the other, and yet much more after 
 the death of Deidamia. But now that they both occupied 
 all Macedon betwene them, and were to make division of one 
 selfe kingdome. Now I say began the matter and occasion 
 of quarrell, to grow the greater betwene them. Whereupon 
 Demetrius went with his army to set apon the ^Etolians, 
 and havinge conquered the contry, left Pantauchus his 
 Lieutenaunt there with a great army : and him selfe in 
 person in the meane time, marched against Pyrrus, and 
 Pyrrus on thother side against him. They both missed 
 of meetinge, and Demetrius goinge on further on the one 
 side, entred into the realme of Epirus, and brought a great 
 spoyle away with him : Pyrrus on the other side marched on, 
 till he came to the place where Pantauchus was. To whome 
 he gave battell, and it was valliantly fought out betwene 
 the souldiers of either party, but specially betwene the two 
 Generalls. For doutlesse, Pantauchus was the valliantest 
 Captaine, the stowtest man, and of the greatest experience 
 in armes, of all the Captaines and souldiers Demetrius had. 
 Whereupon, Pantauchus trusting in his strength and corage, 
 advaunced him selfe forward es, and lustely chalenged the 
 combat of Pyrrus. Pyrrus on the other side being inferior 
 to no king in valliantnes, nor in desire to winne honor, as he 
 that would ascribe unto himselfe the glory of Achilles, more 
 for the imitacion of his valliancy, then for that he was 
 discended of his blood : passed through the middest of the 
 battell unto the first rancke, to buckle with Pantauchus. 
 Thus they beganne to charge one an other, first with their 
 dartes, and then comming nearer, fought with their swordes, 
 not only artificially, but also with great force and fury : 
 untill such time as Pyrrus was hurte in one place, and he 
 hurte Pantauchus in two. The one neere unto his throte and 
 118
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the other in his legge : so as in the ende Pyrrus made him PYRRUS 
 turne his backe, and threw him to the ground, but never- 
 thelesse killed him not. For, so soone as he was downe, his 
 men tooke him, and caried him away. But the Epirotes Pyrrus 
 encoraged by the victory of their kinge, and the admiration victory of 
 of his valliantnesse, stucke to it so lustely, that in the end 
 they brake the battell of the Macedonian footemen : and 
 having put them to flight, followed them so lively, that they 
 slewe a great number of them, and tooke five thousande 
 prisoners. This overthrowe did not so much fill the hartes 
 of the Macedonians with anger, for the losse they had 
 received, nor with the hate conceived against Pyrrus : as it 
 wanne Pyrrus great fame and honor, making his corage and 
 valliantnes to be wondred at of all such as were present at 
 the battell that saw him fight, and how he layed about him. 
 For they thought that they saw in his face the very life and 
 agility of Alexander the great, and the right shadow as it Pyrrus 
 were, showinge the force and fury of Alexander him selfe in likened to 
 that fight. And where other kinges did but only counter- Alexander 
 feate Alexander the great in his purple garments, and in 
 numbers of souldiers and gardes about their persones, and in a 
 certaine facion and bowing of their neckes a litle, and in utter- 
 ing his speech with an high voyce : Pyrrus only was like unto 
 him, and followed him in his marshall deedes and valliant 
 actes. Furthermore, for his experience and skill in warlike Pyrrus skil 
 discipline, the bookes he wrote him selfe thereof, do amply in warlike 
 prove and make manifest. Furthermore, they reporte, that discipline, 
 kinge Antigonus being asked, whome he thought to be the 
 greatest Captaine : made aunswer, Pyrrus, so farre foorth as 
 he might live to be olde, speaking only of the Captaines of 
 his time. But Hanniball generally sayd, Pyrrus was the Hanniballs 
 greatest Captaine of experience and skil in warres of all judgement of 
 other, Scipio the second, and him selfe the third : as we have < -' a P taines ' 
 wrytten in the life of Scipio. So it seemeth that Pyrrus gave 
 his whole life and study to the discipline of warres, as that 
 which in dede was princely and meete for a king, making no 
 reckening of all other knowledge. And furthermore touch- 
 ing this matter, they reporte that he being at a feast one 
 day, a question was asked him, whom he thought to be the 
 
 119
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Pyrrus wise 
 aunswer. 
 
 Pyrrus good- 
 nes and 
 curtesie. 
 
 Certaine 
 witty sayinges 
 of Pyrrus. 
 
 Pyrrus wives 
 and children. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 best player of the flute, Python or Cephesias : whereunto he 
 aunswered, that Polyperchon in his opinion was the best 
 Captaine, as if he would have sayd, that was the only thing 
 a prince should seeke for, and which he ought chiefly to 
 learne and know. He was very gentle and familiar with his 
 frendes, easie to forgeve when any had offended him, and 
 marvelous desirous to requite and acknowledge any curtesie 
 or pleasure by him received. And that was the cause why 
 he did very unpaciently take the death of ^Eropus, not 
 so much for his death (which he knewe was a common 
 thing to every living creature) as for that he was angry 
 with himselfe he had deferred the time so long, that time 
 it selfe had cut him of from all occasion and meanes to 
 requite the curtesies he had received of him. True it is 
 that money lent, may be repayed againe unto the heires of 
 the lender: but yet it greveth an honest nature, when he 
 can not recompence the good will of the lender, of whom he 
 hath received the good tume. An other time Pyrrus being 
 in the city of Ambracia, there were certaine of his frends 
 that gave him counsel to put a naughty man out of the 
 city that did nothing but speake ill of him. But he 
 aunswered, it is better (quod he) to keepe him here still, 
 speakinge ill of us but to a fewe : then driving him away, to 
 make him speake ill of us every where. Certaine youthes 
 were brought before him on a time, who making mery 
 together, drinking freely, were bolde with the king to 
 speake their pleasure of him in very unduetifull sorte. So, 
 Pyrrus askinge them whether it was true they sayed so or 
 no : It is true, and it please your grace, sayed one of them, 
 we sayed it in deede, and had not our wine failed us, we had 
 spoken a great deale more. The king laughed at it, and 
 pardoned them. After the death of Antigona, he maried 
 many wives to increase his power vvithall, and to gette moe 
 frendes. For he maried the daughter of Autoleon kinge of 
 Pseonia, and Bircenna the daughter of Bardillis, king of 
 Illyria, and Lanassa, the daughter of Agathocles, tyran of 
 Syracusa, that brought him for her dower the He of Corphue, 
 which her father had taken. By Antigona his first wife, he 
 had a sonne called Ptolomie : By Lanassa, an other called 
 120
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Alexander : and by Bircenna, an other (the youngest of all) PYRRUS 
 
 called Helenus : all which though they were marshall men 
 
 by race and naturall inclination, yet were they brought up by 
 
 him in warres, and therein trained as it were even from their 
 
 cradell. They wryte, that one of his sonnes beinge but a 
 
 boy, asked him one day to which of them he would leave 
 
 his kingdome : Pyrrus aunswered the boy, To him that hath 
 
 the sharpest sworde. That was much like the tragicall curse 
 
 wherewith Oedipus cursed his children : 
 
 Let them (for me) devide, both goodes, yea rentes and lande : 
 With trenchaunt sword, and bloody blowes, by force of mighty 
 hande. 
 
 So cruell, hatefull, and beastly is the nature of ambition 
 and desire of rule. But after this battell, Pyrrus returned 
 home againe to his contry, full of honor and glory, his hart 
 highly exalted, and his minde throughly contented. And as 
 at his returne the Epirotes his subjectes called him an Eagle, Pyrrus called 
 he aunswered them : If I be an Eagle, it is through you that an Eagle. 
 I am so, for your weapons are the winges that have raised me 
 up. Shortely after, beinge advertised that Demetrius was 
 fallen sicke, and in great daunger of death, he sodainely went 
 into Macedon, only to invade it, and to make pray thereof : Pyrrus 
 howbeit he had in deede almost taken the whole realme, and invadeth 
 made him selfe Lord of all without stroke striken. For he Mac edon. 
 came as farre as the city of Edessa, and found no resistance : 
 but rather to the contrary, many of the contry willingly 
 came to his campe, and submitted them selves. The daunger 
 Demetrius was in to loose his realme, did move him more : 
 then the disease and sickenes of his body. And on the other 
 side, his frendes, servauntes, and Captaines, having gathered 
 a great number of men of warre together in marvelous shorte 
 time, marched with great speede towardes Pyrrus, being 
 earnestly bent to do some exploite against him : who being 
 come into Macedon but to make a roade only apon them, 
 would not tary them, but fled, and flying, lost parte of his 
 men, bicause the Macedonians followed him hard, and set 
 apon him by the way. But now, though they had driven 
 Pyrrus thus easily out of Macedon, Demetrius for all that 
 did not make light accompt of him : but pretending greater 
 
 3 : Q 121
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Demetrius 
 army both by 
 laud and sea. 
 
 Demetrius 
 maried 
 Lanassa 
 Pyrrus wife. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 thinges, (as to recover the landes and dominions of his 
 father, with an army of an hundred thousand fighting men, 
 and of five hundred sayle which he put to the sea) would not 
 stande to make warres against Pyrrus, neither yet leave the 
 Macedonians (whilest he was; absent) so daungerous a neigh- 
 bour, and so ill to deale withall. But lacking leasure to 
 make warres with Pyrrus, concluded a peace with him, to the 
 ende he might with the more liberty set apon the other kinges. 
 Thus now, the peace concluded betwixt Demetrius and Pyrrus, 
 the other kinges and princes beganne to finde out Demetrius 
 intent, and why he had made so great preparation and being 
 afrayed therof, wrote unto Pyrrus by their Ambassadors, 
 that they wondred how he could let go such oportunity 
 and occasion, and to tary till Demetrius might with better 
 leasure make warres upon him. And why he chose rather 
 to tary and fight with him for the aulters, temples, and 
 sepulchers of the Molossians, when he shoulde be of greater 
 power, and have no warres elsewhere to trouble him : then 
 now that he might easily drive him out of Macedon, having 
 so many things in hand, and being troubled as he was in 
 other places. And considering also that very lately he had 
 taken one of his wives from him, with the city of Corphue. 
 For Lanassa mislikinge, that Pyrrus loved his other wives 
 better then her, (they being of a barbarous nation) got her 
 unto Corphue : and desiring to mary some other king, sent 
 for Demetrius, knowinge that he of all other kinges would 
 soonest be wonne thereunto. Whereuppon Demetrius went 
 thither, and maried her, and left a garrison in his citie of 
 Corphue. Nowe these other kinges that did advertise Pyrrus 
 in this sorte, them selves did trouble Demetrius in the meane 
 while : who tracted time, and yet went on with his prepara- 
 cion notwithstanding, for on the one side, Ptolomie entred 
 Greece with a great army by sea, where he caused the cities 
 to revolt against him. And Lysimachus on the other side 
 also, entring into high Macedon by the contry of Thracia, 
 burnt and spoyled all as he went. Pyrrus also arminge him 
 selfe with them, went unto the city of Berroea, imagining 
 (as afterwardes it fell out) that Demetrius goinge against 
 Lysimachus, would leave all the lowe contry of Macedon 
 122
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 naked, without garrison or defence. And the selfe same night PYRRUS 
 that Pyrrus departed, he imagined that king Alexander the Pyrrus 
 great did call him, and that also he went unto him, and found dreame. 
 him sicke in his bed, of whom he had very good wordes 
 and entertainment : insomuch as he promised to helpe him 
 throughly. And Pyrrus imagined also that he was so bolde 
 to demaund of him againe : How (my Lord) can you helpe 
 me, that lye sicke in your bed ? and that Alexander made 
 aunswer : With my name only. And that moreover he 
 sodainely therewithall got up on his horse Nisea, and rode 
 before Pyrrus to guide him the way. This vision he had in 
 his dreame, which made him bolde, and furthermore encour- 
 aged him to goe on with his enterprise. By which occasion, 
 marching forward with all speede, in few dayes he ended his 
 intended jorney to the^city of Berrcea, which sodainely he 
 tooke at his first comming to it : the most parte of his army Pyrrus 
 he layed in garrison there, the residue he sent away under the seconde 
 
 conduct of his Captaines, here and there, to conquer the ^} rne ^ 
 
 ... ., i . TA I i j. n- i? i Macedon. 
 
 cities thereabouts. .Demetrius having intelligence hereof, and 
 
 hearing also an ill rumor that ranne in his campe amongest 
 the Macedonians, durst not leade them any further, for feare 
 least (when he should come nere to Lysimachus beinge a 
 Macedonian king by nation, and a prince estemed for a famous 
 captaine) they would shrinke from him, and take Lysimachus 
 parte : for this cause therefore he turned againe upon the 
 sodaine against Pyrrus, as against a straunge prince, and ill 
 beloved of the Macedonians, But when he came to incampe 
 nere him, many comminge from Berrcea into his campe, 
 blew abroade the praises of Pyrrus, saying, that he was a Pyrrus 
 noble prince, invincible in warres, and one that curteously P ra ises. 
 intreated all those he tooke fo his party : and amongest 
 those, there were other that were no natural Macedonians 
 borne, but set on by Pyrrus, and fained them selves to be 
 Macedonians, who gave out, that nowe occasion was offered 
 to set them at liberty, from Demetrius prowde and stately 
 rule, and to take kinge Pyrrus parte, that was a curteous 
 prince, and one that loved souldiers and men of warre. 
 These wordes made the most parte of Demetrius army very 
 doutfull, insomuch as the Macedonians looked about, to see 
 
 123
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 How Pyrrus 
 ware his head 
 peece. 
 
 Pyrrus pro- 
 claimed kinge 
 of Macedon. 
 
 Macedon 
 devided 
 betwene 
 Pyrrus and 
 Lysimachus. 
 
 Covetousnes 
 hath no ende. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 if they could finde out Pyrrus to yelde them selves unto 
 him. He had at that present left of his head peece : 
 by meane whereof, perceiving he was not knowen, he 
 put it on againe, and then they knew him a farre of, by 
 the sight of his goodly fayer plume, and the goates homes 
 which he caried on the toppe of his creast. Where- 
 upon there came a great number of Macedonians to 
 his parte, as unto their soveraine Lord and king, and 
 required the watche word of him. Other put garlandes of 
 oken bowes about their heades, bicause they saw his men 
 crowned after that sorte. And some were so bolde also, as 
 to go to Demetrius him selfe, and tell him, that in their 
 opinions he should do very well and wisely to geve place to 
 fortune, and referre all unto Pyrrus. Demetrius hereupon, 
 seeing his campe in such uprore, was so amased, that he 
 knewe not what way to take, but stale away secretly, dis- 
 
 fuised in a threde bare cloke, and a hoode on his head to 
 epe him from knowledge. Pyrrus foorthwith seased uppon 
 his campe, tooke all that he founde, and was presently 
 proclaimed in the fielde, king of Macedon. Lysima- 
 chus on thother side, came straight thither after him, and 
 sayed that he had holpen to chase Demetrius out of 
 his realme, and therefore claimed halfe the kingdome with 
 him. Wherefore, Pyrrus not trustinge the Macedonians to 
 farre as yet, but rather standing in doubt of their faith : 
 graunted Lysimachus his desire, and thereupon devided all 
 the cities and provinces of the realme of Macedon betwene 
 them. This particion was profitable for them both at that 
 present, and stoode then to good purpose to pacific the 
 warre, that otherwise might sodainely have risen betwene 
 them. But shortly after, they found that this particion was 
 no end of their enmity, but rather a beginning of quarrell 
 and dissention betwene them. For they whose avarice and 
 insatiable greedy appetite, neither the sea, the mountaines, 
 nor the unhabitable desertes coulde containe, nor yet the 
 confynes that separate Asia from Europe determine : howe 
 should they be content with their owne, without usurping 
 others, when their fronters joyne so neere together, that 
 nothing devides them ? Sure it is not possible. For to say 
 124
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 truely, they are willingly together by the eares, having these PYRRUS 
 two cursed thinges rooted in them : that they continually 
 seeke occasion how to surprise eche other, and either of them 
 envies his neighbours well doing. Howbeit in apparaunce 
 they use these two tearmes, of peace and warres, as they doe 
 money : usinge it as they thinke good, not accordinge to Peace, and 
 right and j ustice, but for their private profit. And truely warre., used 
 they are men of farre greater honesty, that make open warre, 1 5 rke monev - 
 and avow it : then those that disguise and colour the delay 
 of their wicked purpose, by the holy name of justice or 
 frendship. Which Pyrrus did truely then verifie. For 
 desiring to kepe Demetrius downe from rising an other time, 
 and that he should not revive againe as escaped from a long 
 daungerous disease : he went to aide the Greecians against Pyrrus ayded 
 him, and was at Athens, where they suffered him to come into the Grecians 
 the castell, and doe sacrifice there unto the goddesse Minerva. ^^^ iug 
 But comming out of the castle againe the same day, he tolde 
 the Athenians he was greatly beholdinge unto them for their 
 curtesie, and the great trust they had reposed in him : where- 
 fore to requite them againe, he gave them counsell, never to 
 suffer prince nor king from thenceforth to enter into their 
 city, if they were wise, nor once open their gates unto them. 
 So, after that he made peace with Demetrius, who within 
 shorte time beinge gone to make warres in Asia, Pyrrus yet 
 once againe (perswaded thereunto by Lysimachus) caused all 
 Thessalie to rise against him, and went him selfe to set upon 
 those garrisons which Demetrius had left in the cities of 
 Greece, liking better to continue the Macedonians in warre, 
 then to leave them in peace : besides that him selfe also 
 was of such a nature, as could not long continue in peace. 
 Demetrius thus in the ende being utterly overthrowen in 
 Syria, Lysimachus seeing him selfe free from feare on that 
 side, and being at good leasure, as having nothing to trouble 
 him otherwayes : went straight to make warre apon Pyrrus, Lysimachus 
 who then remained neere unto the city of Edessa, and meet- maketh warre 
 ing by the way with the convoy of vittells comming towards w Pyrrus. 
 him, set upon the conducters, and rifled them wholly. By 
 this meanes, first he distressed Pyrrus for want of vittels : 
 then he corrupted the princes of Macedon with letters and 
 
 125
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PYRRUS messengers, declaring unto them, what shame they susteined 
 to have made a straunger their king (whose auncesters had 
 ever bene their vassals and subjectes) and to have turned all 
 those out of Macedon, that had bene familiar frendes of king 
 Alexander the great. Many of the Macedonians were wonne 
 by these perswasions, which fact so feared Pyrrus, that 
 he departed out of Macedon with his men of warre, the 
 Epirotes, and other his confederates : and so lost Macedon 
 by the selfe same meanes he wanne it. Kinges and princes 
 therefore must not blame private men, though they chaunge 
 and alter sometime for their profit : for therein they do but 
 follow the example of princes, who teache them all disloyalty, 
 treason, and infidelity, judging him most worthy of gaine, 
 that least observeth justice and equity. So Pyrrus being 
 come home againe to his kingdome of Epirus, forsakinge 
 Macedon altogether, fortune made him happy enough, and 
 in deede he had good meanes to live peaceably at home, 
 without any trouble, if he could have contented him selfe 
 only with the soverainty over his owne naturall subjectes. 
 But thinking, that if he did neither hurt other, nor that 
 other did hurt him, he could not tell how to spend his time, 
 and by peace he should pyne away for sorow, as Homer sayd 
 of Achilles : 
 
 He languished and pynde by taking ease and rest : 
 
 And in the warres where travaile was, he liked ever best. 
 
 And thus seeking matter of newe trouble, fortune pre- 
 sented him this occasion. About this time, the Romaines 
 by chaunce made warre with the Tarentines, who could 
 nether beare their force, nor yet devise how to pacifie the 
 same, by reason of the rashnesse, folly, and wickednes of 
 their governors, who perswaded them to make Pyrrus their 
 Generall, and to sende for him for to conduct these warres : 
 bicause he was lesse troubled at that time, then any of the 
 other kinges about them, and was esteemed of every man 
 also to be a noble souldier, and famous Captaine. The 
 elders, and wise men of the city, utterly misliked that 
 counsell : but some of them were put to silence, through the 
 noyse and fury of the people, who cried for warres. Some 
 
 126 
 
 The Taren- 
 tines havinge 
 warre with the 
 Romaines, de- 
 termine to 
 make king 
 Pyrrus their 
 Generall.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 other seeing them checked, and taken up by the multitude PYRRUS 
 in this manner, woulde no more repayre to their common 
 assemblies. Among the rest, there was one Meton, an 
 honest worshipfull citizen, who when the day was come that Meton coun- 
 the people shoulde conclude in counsel, the decree for the terfeating the 
 
 calling in of Pyrrus : all the people of Tarentum being foole ' { 
 
 111 j j_ J.L. rro. J.L.- -\ir L 11 perswadedthe 
 
 assembled, and set in the T. heater, this Meton put an olde Tarentines 
 
 withered garlande of flowers upon his head, and carying a not to send 
 torch in his hande as though he had bene dronke, and having for Pyrrus. 
 a woman minstrell before him playing on a pype, went dauns- Tarentum a 
 inge in this goodly aray through the middest of the whole cit 7 in Italic, 
 assembly. And there, (as it happeneth commonly in every 
 hurly burly of people that will be masters them selves, and 
 where no good order is kept) some of them clapped their 
 handes, other burst out in a laughter, and every man suffered 
 him to doe what he lust: but they all cried out to the 
 woman minstrell, to play on and spare not, and to Meton 
 him selfe, that he should sing, and come forward. So Meton 
 made shewe as though he prepared him selfe unto it : and 
 when they had geven silence to heare him sing, he spake 
 unto them with a lowd voice in this manner : My Lordes of Metons coun- 
 Tarentum, ye doe well sure, not to forbid them to play and sel l to * he 
 to be mery that are so disposed, whilest they may lawfully Tarentines< 
 do it : and if ye be wise, every of you also (as many as you 
 be) will take your liberty whilest you may enjoy it. For 
 when king Pyrrus shalbe in this city, you shall live I 
 warrant ye after an other sorte, and not as ye now do. 
 These wordes of Meton moved many of the Tarentines, and 
 sodainly there ran a rumor through all the assembly, that 
 he had sayed truely. But they that had offended the 
 Romaines, fearing if peace were made, that they shoulde be 
 delivered into their handes, they checked the people, asking 
 them if they were such fooles, as would abide to be mocked 
 and played withall to their teeth : and with those wordes 
 all ranne uppon Meton, and drave him out of the Theater. 
 The decree thus confirmed by voyces of the people, they sent The Taren- 
 Ambassadors into Epirus, to cary presents unto king Pyrrus, tines sende 
 not only from the Tarentines, but from other Greecians also Ambassadors 
 that dwelt in Italie, saying that they stoode in neede of a 
 
 127
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Cineas the 
 orator, a 
 Thessalian 
 borne, and 
 attending 
 in Pyrrus 
 courte. 
 
 Cineas grave 
 talke with 
 Pyrrus, to 
 moderate his 
 ambitious 
 minde. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 wise and skilful Captaine, that was reputed famous in mar- 
 shall discipline. And as to the rest, for numbers of good 
 souldiers, they had men enough in Italie, and were able to 
 bring an army into the field, of the Lucanians, the Messa- 
 pians, the Samnites, and Tarentines, of twenty thowsande 
 horse, and three hundred thowsand footemen being all 
 assembled together. These wordes of the Ambassadors did 
 not only lift up Pyrrus harte, but made the Epirotes also mar- 
 velous desirous to go this jorney. There was in kinge Pyrrus 
 courte one Cineas Thessalian, a man of great understanding, 
 and that had bene Demosthenes the orators scholler, who 
 seemed to be the onely man of all other in his time in 
 common reputacion, to be most eloquent, following the 
 lively image and shadow of Demosthenes passing eloquence. 
 This Cineas, Pyrrus ever entertained about him, and sent 
 him Ambassador to the people and cities thereabouts : where 
 he verefied Euripides wordes : 
 
 As much as trenchant blades, in mighty handes may doe, 
 So much can skill of eloquence, atchieve and conquer too. 
 
 And therfore Pyrrus would often say, that Cineas had wonne 
 him moe townes with his eloquence, then him selfe had done 
 by the sword : for which he did greatly honor and imploy 
 him in all his chiefe affaires. Cineas perceivinge that Pyrrus 
 was marvelously bent to these warres of Italie, finding him 
 one day at leasure, discoursed with him in this sorte : It is 
 reported, and it please your majesty, that the Romaines are 
 very good men of warre, and that they commaund many 
 valliant and warlike nations : if it please the goddes we doe 
 overcome them, what benefit shall we have of that victory ? 
 Pyrrus aunswered him againe : Thou doest aske me a question 
 that is manifest of it selfe. For when we have once overcome 
 the Romaines, there can neither Greecian nor barbarous city 
 in all the contry withstande us, but we shall straight conquer 
 all the rest of Italie with ease : whose greatnes, wealth, and 
 power, no man knoweth better then thy selfe. Cineas 
 pawsing a while, replied : And when we have taken Italie, 
 what shal we do then ? Pyrrus not finding his meaning yet, 
 said unto him : Sicilia as thou knowest, is hard adjoyning to
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 it, and doth as it were offer it selfe unto us, and is a marvel- PYRRUS 
 
 ous populous and riche lande, and easie to be taken : for all 
 
 the cities within the Ilande are one against an other, having 
 
 no head that governes them, since Agathocles died, more 
 
 then orators only that are their counsellers, who will soone Pyrrus 
 
 be wonne. In dede it is likely which your grace speaketh, judgement 
 
 quod Cineas : but when we have wonne Sicilia, shall then our o r rat *- rS 
 
 warres take ende ? If the goddes were pleased, sayed Pyrrus, 
 
 that victory were atchieved : the way were then broade open 
 
 for us to attaine great conquestes. For who would not after- 
 
 wardes goe into Africke, and so to Carthage, which also will 
 
 be an easie conquest, since Agathocles secretly flying from 
 
 Syracusa, and having passed the seaes with a fewe shippes, 
 
 had almost taken it ? And that once conquered, it is most 
 
 certaine there durst not one of all our enemies that now doe 
 
 daily vexe and trouble us, lift up their heades or handes 
 
 against us. No surely, sayd Cineas : for it is a cleare case, 
 
 that with so great a power we may easily recover the realme 
 
 of Macedon againe, and commaunde all Greece besides, with- 
 
 out let of any. But when we have all in our handes : what 
 
 shall we doe in the ende? Then Pyrrus laughing, tolde 
 
 him againe : We will then (good Cineas) be quiet, and take 
 
 our ease, and make feasts every day, and be as mery one with 
 
 an other as we can possible. Cineas having brought him to 
 
 that poynt, sayd againe to him : My Lord, what letteth us 
 
 now to be quiet, and mery together, sith we enjoy that 
 
 presently without further travel and trouble, which we will 
 
 now go seeke for abroade, with such sheading of blood, and 
 
 so manifest daunger ? and yet we know not whether ever we 
 
 shall attaine unto it, after we have both suffered, and caused 
 
 other to suffer infinite sorowes and troubles. These last Adaungerous 
 
 wordes of Cineas, did rather offende Pyrrus, then make him thing to with- 
 
 to alter his minde : for he was not ignorant of the happy ^ e the . 
 state he shoulde thereby forgoe, yet could he not leave of the 
 hope of that he did so much desire. So he sent Cineas 
 before unto the Tarentines, with three thousand footemen : 
 and afterwardes the Tarentines having sent him great store 
 of flatbottomes, gallies, and of all sortes of passengers, 
 he shipped into them twenty elephantes, three thousand 
 3 : R 129
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Pyrrus jorney 
 into Italy. 
 
 Pyrrus daun- 
 ger by tempest 
 on the sea. 
 
 Pyrrus cast 
 on shoare 
 apon the 
 contry of the 
 Messapiaus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 horsemen, and two and twenty thowsande footemen, with 
 five hundred bowe men and slinges. All thinges thus ready, 
 he wayed anckers, and hoysed sayles, and was no sooner in 
 the maine sea, but the north winde blew very roughly, out 
 of season, and drave him to leeward. Notwithstandinge, the 
 ship which he was in him selfe, by great toile of the pilots 
 and mariners turning to windeward, and with much a do, 
 and marvelous daunger recovered the coast of Italic. How- 
 beit the rest of his fleete were violently dispersed here and 
 there, whereof some of them failinge their course into Italic, 
 were cast into the seas of Libya, and Sicilia. The other not 
 able to recover the pointe of Apulia, were benighted, and 
 the sea being hie wrought, by violence cast them apon 
 the shoare, and against the rockes, and made shipwrackes 
 of them, the Admirall onely reserved, which through her 
 strength, and the greatnes of her burden, resisted the force 
 of the sea that most violently bet against her. But after- 
 wards, the winde turning and comming from the lande, the 
 sea cruelly raking over the height of her forecastell : in fyne 
 brought her in manifest perill of openinge, and splitting, and 
 in daunger to be driven from the coast, puttinge her out 
 againe to the mercy of the windes, which chaunged every 
 hower. Wherefore Pyrrus castinge the perill every way, 
 thought best to leape into the sea. After him foorthwith 
 lept his gard, his servauntes, and other his familiar frendes, 
 venturing their lives to save him. But the darkenes of the 
 night, and rage of the waves (which the shore breakinge, 
 forced so to rebound backe upon them) with the great noyse 
 also, did so hinder their swimming : that it was even day be- 
 fore they could recover any lande, and yet was it by meanes 
 that the winde fell. As for Pyrrus, he was so sea beaten, 
 and wearied with the waves, that he was able to do no more : 
 though of himselfe he had so great a harte, and stowte a 
 corage, as was able to overcome any perill. Moreover, the 
 Messapians (upon whose coast the storme had cast him) ran 
 out to helpe him, and diligently labored in all they coulde 
 possible to save him, and received also certaine of his shippes 
 that had scaped, in which were a few horsemen, about two 
 thowsande footemen, and two elephantes. With this small 
 130
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 force, Pyrrus marched on his jorney to goe by lande unto PYRRUS 
 Tarentum: and Cineas being advertised of his comming, 
 went with his men to meete him. Now when he was come Pyrrus being 
 to Tarentum, at the first he would doe nothing by force, nor received of 
 against the goodwill of the inhabitantes : untill such time as tin^eformed 
 his shippes that had escaped the daungers of the sea, were their vaine 
 all arrived, and the greatest parte of his army comen to- voluptuous 
 gether againe. But when he had all his army he looked for, life, 
 seeing that the people of Tarentum could neither save them 
 selves, nor be saved by any other, without straight order and 
 compulsion, bicause they made their reckening that Pyrrus 
 should fight for them, and in the meane time they would not 
 stirre out of their houses from bathing them selves, from 
 banketing, and making good chere : first of all he caused all 
 the parkes and places of shew to be shut up, where they were 
 wont to walke and disporte them selves, in any kind of exer- 
 cise, and as they walked, to talke of warres as it were in 
 pastime, and to fight with words, but not to come to the 
 blowes. And further he forbad all feastinges, mommeries, 
 and such other like pleasures, as at that time were out of 
 season. He trained them out also to exercise their weapons, Marshall 
 and shewed him selfe very severe in musters, not pardoning discipline, 
 any whose names were billed to serve in the warres : inso- 
 much as there were many (which unacquainted with such 
 rough handling and government) forsooke the city alto- 
 gether, calling it a bondage, not to have liberty to live at 
 their pleasure. Furthermore, Pyrrus having intelligence that 
 Levinus the Romaine Consul came against him with a great Levinus 
 puisant army, and that he was already entred into the lande Consul, sent 
 of Lucania, where he destroyed and spoyledfall the contry ? ainst 
 before him : albeit the Tarentines aide of their confederates 
 was not as yet comen, he thought it a great shame to suffer, 
 his enemies approche so nere him, and therefore taking that 
 small number he had, brought them into the fielde against 
 Levinus. Howbeit he sent a herauld before to the Romaines, 
 to understand of them, if (before they entred into this warre) 
 they coulde be content the controversies they had with 
 all the Greecians dwellinge in Italic, might be decided by 
 justice, and therein to referre them selves to his arbitrement, 
 
 131
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Pyrrus 
 camped in 
 the plaine,, 
 betwene Pan- 
 dosia and 
 Heraclea. 
 Siris fl. 
 
 Pyrrus 
 Battell. 
 
 Pyrrus first 
 conflict with 
 the Romaines, 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 who of him selfe would undertake the pacification of them. 
 Whereunto the Consull Levinus made aunswere, that the 
 Romaines would never allow him for a judge, neither did 
 they feare him for an enemy. Wherfore Pyrrus going on 
 stil, came to lodge in the plaine which is betwene the cities 
 of Pandosia, and of Heraclea : and having newes brought 
 him that the Romaines were encamped very nere unto him 
 on the other side of the river of Siris, he tooke his horse, and 
 rode to the rivers side to view their campe. So having 
 throughly considered the forme, the scituacion, and the 
 order of the same, the maner of charging their watche, and 
 all their facions of doing : he wondered much thereat. And 
 speaking to Megacles, one of his familiars about him, he 
 sayd : This order Megacles (quod he) though it be of bar- 
 barous people, yet is it not barbarously done, but we shall 
 shortely prove their force. After he had thus taken this 
 view, he beganne to be more carefull then he was before, and 
 purposed to tary till the whole aide of their- confederates 
 were comen together, leaving men at the rivers side of Siris, 
 to kepe the passage, if the enemies ventured to passe over as 
 they did in dede. For they made hast to prevent the aide 
 that Pyrrus looked for, and passed their footemen over apon 
 a bridge, and their horsemen at diverse fordes of the river : 
 insomuch as the Greecians fearinge least they shoulde be 
 compassed in behinde, drew backe. Pyrrus advertised there- 
 of, and being a litle troubled therwithall, commaunded the 
 Captaines of his footemen presently to put their bandes in 
 battell ray, and not to sturre till they knew his pleasure : 
 and he him selfe in the meane time marched on with three 
 thowsande horse, in hope to finde the Romaines by the river 
 side, as yet out of order, and utterly unprovided. But when 
 he saw a farre of a greater number of footemen with their 
 targettes ranged in battell, on this side the river, and their 
 horsemen marching towardes him in very good order : he 
 caused his men to joyne close together, and him selfe first 
 beganne the charge, being easie to be knowen from other, if 
 it had bene no more but his passinge riche glisteringe armor 
 and furniture, and withall, for that his valliant dedes gave 
 manifest proofe of his well deserved fame and renowne. For, 
 132
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 though he valliantly besturred his hands and body both, PYRRUS 
 repulsing them he encountered withall in fight, yet he 
 forgate not him selfe, nor neglected the judgement and Pyrrus wise- 
 foresight, which should never be wanting in a Generall of dom . ai * d . 
 an army : but as though he had not fought at all, quietly JJattelf '" 
 and discretly gave order for everie thinge, rydinge to and 
 fro, to defende and encorage his men in those places, where 
 he sawe them in most distresse. But even in the hottest 
 of the battell, Leonatus Macedonian, spyed an Italian a man 
 of armes, that followed Pyrrus uppe and downe where he 
 went, and ever kept in manner of even hande with him, 
 to set apon him. Wherefore he sayd to Pyrrus : My Lord 
 doe you not see that barbarous man there uppon a baye 
 horse with white feete ? Sure he looketh as though he 
 ment to doe some notable feate and mischiefe with his owne 
 handes : for his eye is never of you, but wayteth only apon 
 you, being sharpe set to deale with your selfe and none other, 
 and therefore take hede of him. Pyrrus aunswered him, It 
 is impossible Leonatus, for a man to avoyde his destinie : 
 but neither he, nor any other Italian whatsoever, shall have 
 any joy to deale with me. And as they were talkinge thus 
 of the matter, the Italian taking his speare in the middest, 
 and setting spurres to his horse, charged apon Pyrrus, 
 and ranne his horse through and through with the same. 
 Leonatus at the selfe same instant served the Italians horse 
 in the like manner, so as both their horses fell dead to the 
 ground. Howbeit Pyrrus men that were about him, saved 
 him presently, and slew the Italian in the fielde, although 
 he fought it out right valliantly. The Italians name was 
 Oplacus, borne in the city of Ferentum, and was Captaine 
 of a bande of men of armes. This mischaunce made kinge 
 Pyrrus looke the better to him selfe afterwardes, and seeinge 
 his horsemen geve backe, sent presently to hasten his foote- 
 men forward, whom he straight set in order of battell : and 
 delivering his armor and cloke to one of his familiars called Pyrrus 
 Megacles, and being hidden as it were in Megacles armor, changed 
 returned againe to the battell against the Romaines, who 
 valiantly resisted him, so that the victory depended longe in 
 doubt. For it is sayd, that both the one side and the other 
 
 133
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Megacles 
 slaine, taken 
 for Pyrrus. 
 
 Pyrrus 
 victory of 
 Levinus the 
 Consull. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 did chase, and was chased, above seven times in that conflict. 
 The chaunginge of the kinges armor served very well for the 
 safety of his owne persone, howebeit it was like to have marred 
 all, and to have made him loose the fielde. For many of his 
 enemies set uppon Megacles, that ware the kings armor : and 
 the partie that slue him dead, and threw him starke to the 
 grounde, was one Dexius by name, who quickely snatched of 
 his head peece, tooke away his cloke, and ranne to Levinus 
 the Consul, crying out alowde, that he had slaine Pyrrus, and 
 withall shewed foorth the spoyles he supposed to have taken 
 from him. Which being caried about through all the bands, 
 and openly shewed from hand to hand, made the Romaines 
 marvelous joyfull, and the Greecians to the contrary, both 
 afeard and right sorowfull: untill such time as Pyrrus hearing 
 of it, went and passed alongest all his bandes bare headed, 
 and bare faced, holdinge up his hande to his souldiers, and 
 gevinge them to understande with his owne voyce, that it 
 was him selfe. The elephantes in the ende were they in 
 deede that wanne the battell, and did most distresse the 
 Romaines : for, their horses seeing them a farre of, were 
 sore afrayed, and durst not abide them, but caried their 
 masters backe in despite of them. Pyrrus at the sight 
 thereof, made his Thessalian horsemen to geve a charge 
 apon them whilest they were in this disorder, and that so 
 lustely, as they made the Romaines flie, and susteine great 
 slaughter. For Dionysius wryteth, that there dyed few 
 lesse, then fifteene thowsand Romaines at that battell. But 
 Hieronymus speaketh onely of seven thowsande. And of 
 Pyrrus side, Dionysius wryteth, there were slaine thirteene 
 thowsande. But Hieronymus sayth lesse then foure thow- 
 sande : howebeit they were all of the best men of his army, 
 and those whome most he trusted. King Pyrrus presently 
 hereupon also tooke the Romaines campe, which they for- 
 sooke, and wan many of their cities from their allyance, 
 spoyled, and overcame much of their contry. Insomuch as 
 he came within six and thirty mile of Rome, whither came 
 to his aide, as confederates of the Tarentines, the Lucanians, 
 and the Samnites, whom he rebuked bicause they came to 
 late to the battel. Howbeit a man might easily see in his 
 134
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 face, that he was not a litle glad and proude to have over- PYRRUS 
 throwen so great an army of the Romaines with his owne 
 men, and the aide of the Tarentines onely. On thother side, 
 the Romaines hartes were so great, that they would not de- 
 pose Levinus from his Consullshippe, notwithstandinge the 
 losse he had received : and Caius Fabricius sayed openly, that 
 they were not the Epirotes that had overcomen the Romaines, 
 but Pyrrus had overcome Levinus : meaning thereby, that this 
 overthrow chaunced unto them, more through the subtilty 
 and wise conduction of the Generall, then through the valliant 
 feates and worthines of his army. And hereuppon they 
 speedily supplied their legyons againe that were minished, 
 with other newe souldiers in the dead mens place, and leavied 
 a fresh force besides, speaking bravely and fiercely of this 
 warre, like men whose hartes were nothinge appawled. 
 Whereat Pyrrus marvelinge much, thought good first to 
 send to the Romaines, to prove if they would geve any 
 eare to an offer of peace, knowing right well that the 
 winning of the city of Rome was no easie matter to com- 
 passe, or attaine, with that strength he presently had : and 
 also that it would be greatly to his glory, if he could bring 
 them to peace after this his valliant victory. And hereupon Cineas sent 
 he sent Cineas to Rome, who spake with the chiefest of the Ambassador 
 city, and offred presentes to them and their wives, in the to Rome - 
 behalfe of the king his master. Howbeit, neither man nor The noble 
 woman would receive any at his handes, but aunswered all roinde of the 
 with one voyce : that if the peace might be general to all, Komames - 
 they all privately woulde be at the kinges commaun dement, 
 and woulde be glad of his frendshippe. Moreover, when 
 Cineas had talked in open audience before the Senate, of 
 many curteous offers, and had delivered them profitable 
 capitulacions of peace : they accepted none, nor shewed 
 any affection to geve eare unto them, although he offered to 
 deliver them their prisoners home againe without raunsome, 
 that had bene taken at the battell, and promised also to aide 
 them in the conquest of Italie, requiring no other recom- 
 pence at their handes, saving their goodwills only to his 
 master, and assurance for the Tarentines, that they should 
 not be annoyed for any thinge past, without demaunde of 
 
 135
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Appius 
 Claudius 
 disswaded 
 the Romanies 
 from making 
 peace with 
 Pyrrus. 
 
 Appius 
 Claudius 
 oration to 
 the Senate. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 other matter. Neverthelesse in the ende, when they had 
 hearde these offers, many of the Senators yeelded, ana were 
 willinge to make peace : alleaginge that they had already 
 lost a great battell, and howe they looked for a greater, 
 when the force of the confederates of Italic should joyne 
 together with king Pyrrus power. But Appius Claudius, 
 a famous man, who came no more to the Senate, nor delt 
 in matters of state at all by reason of his age, and partely 
 bicause he was blinde : when he understoode of king Pyrrus 
 offers, and of the common brute that ranne through the city, 
 howe the Senate were in minde to agree to the capitulacions 
 of peace propounded by Cineas, he could not abide, but 
 caused his servauntes to cary him in his chayer apon their 
 armes unto the Senate dore, his sonnes, and sonnes in law 
 taking him in their armes, caried him so into the Senate 
 house. The Senate made silence to honor the comming in 
 of so notable and worthy a personage : and he so soone as 
 they had sette him in his seate, beganne to speake in this 
 sorter 'Hitherunto with great impacience (my Lordes of 
 ' Rome) have I borne the losse of my sight, but now, I 
 ' would I were also as deafe as I am blinde, that I might 
 ' not (as I doe) heare the reporte of your dishonorable con- 
 ' sultacions determined upon in Senate, which tende to subvert 
 ' the glorious fame and reputacion of Rome. What is now 
 ' become of all your great and mighty bragges you biased 
 ' abroade, through the whole worlde ? that if Alexander the 
 ' great him selfe had come into Italic, in the time that our 
 ' fathers had bene in the flower of their age, and we in the 
 ' prime of our youth, they would not have sayed every where 
 ' that he was altogether invincible, as now at this present 
 ' they doe : but either he should have left his body slaine 
 ' here in battell, or at the least wise have bene driven to 
 ' flie, and by his death or flyinge shoulde greatly have en- 
 ' larged the renowne and glory of Rome ? you plainly show 
 ' it now, that all these words spoken then, were but vaine 
 ' and arrogant vaunts of foolish pride. Considering that you 
 ' tremble for feare of the Molossians and Chaonians, who 
 ' were ever a pray to the Macedonians : and that ye are 
 4 arrayed of Pyrrus also, who all his life time served and 
 136
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 1 followed one of the gard unto Alexander the great, and PYRRUS 
 ' nowe is come to make warres in these partes, not to aide 
 * the Greecians inhabiting in Italie, but to flie from his 
 ' enemies there about his owne contry, offering you to con- 
 ' quer all the rest of Italie with an army, wherewith he was 
 ' nothing able to kepe a small parte of Macedon only for 
 ' him selfe. And therefore you must not perswade your 
 ' selves, that in making peace with him, you shall thereby 
 ' be rid of him : but rather shall you draw others to come 
 ' and set apon you besides. For they will utterly despise 
 ' you, when they shal heare ye are so easily overcome, and 
 ' that you have suffered Pyrrus to escape your handes, before 
 ' you made him feele the just reward of his bolde presump- 
 ' tuous attempt upon you : carying with him for a further 
 ' hier, this advantage over you, that he hath geven a great 
 1 occasion both to the Samnites, and Tarentines, hereafter 
 ' to mocke and deride you. 1 After that Appius had tolde 
 this tale unto the Senate, every one through the whole 
 assembly, desired rather warre then peace. They dis- 
 patched Cineas away thereupon with this aunswere, that 
 if Pyrrus sought the Romaines frendshippe, he must first 
 departe out of Italie, and then sende unto them to treate 
 of peace : but so longe as he remained there with his army, 
 the Romaines would make warres upon him, with all the 
 force and power they could make, yea although he had 
 overthrowen and slaine tenne thowsand such Captaines as 
 Levinus was. They say that Cineas, during the time of his 
 abode at Rome, intreating for this peace, did curiously labor 
 to consider and understande, the manners, order, and life of 
 the Romaines, and their common weale, discoursing thereof 
 with the chiefest men of the city : and how afterwards he 
 made ample reporte of the same unto Pyrrus, and tolde him 
 amongest other thinges, that the Senate appeared to him, a 
 counsell house of many kinges. And furthermore (for the The majestie 
 number of people) that he feared greatly they should fight of the Senate 
 against such a serpent, as that which was in olde time in the at Rome> 
 marises of Lerne, of which, when they had cut of one heade, 
 seven other came up in the place : bicause the Consul! 
 Levinus had nowe leavied an other army, twise as great as 
 3 : S 137
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Caius Fabri- 
 cius, Ambas- 
 sador to 
 Pyrrus. 
 
 Caius Fabri- 
 cius a noble 
 Captaine, but 
 very poore. 
 
 Fabricius re- 
 fused king- 
 Pyrrus giftes. 
 
 The opinion 
 of the Epicu- 
 rians touch- 
 inge felicity. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the first was, and had left at Rome also, many times as 
 many good able men to cary armor. After this, there were 
 sent Ambassadors from Rome unto Pyrrus, and amongest 
 other, Caius Fabricius touching the state of the prisoners. 
 Cineas tolde the kinge his master, that this Fabricius was 
 one of the greatest menne of accompt in all Rome, a right 
 honest man, a good Captaine, and a very valliant man of his 
 handes, yet poore in deede he was notwithstanding. Pyrrus 
 taking him secretly a side, made very much of him, and 
 amongest other thinges, offered him bothe golde and silver, 
 prayinge him to take it, not for any dishonest respect he 
 ment towardes him, but only for a pledge of the goodwill 
 and frendshippe that should be betwene them. Fabricius 
 would none of his gift : so Pyrrus left him for that time. 
 Notwithstanding, the next morninge thinkinge to feare him, 
 bicause he had never seene elephant before, Pyrrus com- 
 maunded his men, that when they sawe Fabricius and him 
 talkinge together, they shoulde bringe one of his greatest 
 elephantes, and set him harde by them, behinde a hanging : 
 which being done at a certaine signe by Pyrrus geven, 
 sodainly the hanging was pulled backe, and the elephant 
 with his troncke was over Fabricius heade, and gave a terrible 
 and fearefull crie. Fabricius softely geving backe, nothing 
 afrayed, laughed and sayd to Pyrrus smiling: Neither did 
 your golde (oh king) yesterday move me, nor your elephant 
 to day feare me. Furthermore, whilest they were at supper, 
 fallinge in talke of diverse matters, specially touchinge the 
 state of Greece, and the Philosophers there : Cineas by 
 chaunce spake of Epicurus, and rehearsed the opinions of 
 the Epicurians touching the goddes and government of the 
 common wealth, how they placed mans chiefe felicity in 
 pleasure, how they fled from all office and publike charge, as 
 from a thing that hindereth the fruition of true felicity : 
 howe they maintained that the goddes were immortall, 
 neither moved with pity nor anger, and led an idle life full 
 of all pleasures and delightes, without taking any regarde of 
 mens doinges. But as he still continued this discourse, 
 Fabricius cried out alowde, and sayd : The goddes graunt 
 that Pyrrus and the Samnites were of such opinions, as long 
 138
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 as they had warres against us. Pyrrus marveling much PYRRUS 
 
 at the constancy and magnanimity of this man, was more 
 
 desirous a great deale to have peace with the Romaines, then 
 
 before. And privately prayed Fabricius very earnestly, that 
 
 he would treate for peace, whereby he might afterwards 
 
 come and remaine with him, saying: that he would give 
 
 him the chiefe place of honor about him, amongest all his 
 
 frendes. Whereunto Fabricius aunswered him softly : That 
 
 were not good (oh king) for your selfe, quod he : for your 
 
 men that presently doe honor and esteeme you, by experience 
 
 if they once knew me, would rather choose me for their 
 
 kinge, then your selfe. Such was Fabricius talke, whose 
 
 wordes Pyrrus tooke not in ill parte, neither was offended 
 
 with them at all, as a tyran woulde have bene : but did him 
 
 selfe reporte to his frendes and familiars the noble minde he 
 
 founde in him, and delivered him apon his faith only, all the 
 
 Romaine prisoners : to the ende that if the Senate would 
 
 not agree unto peace, they might yet see their frendes, and 
 
 kepe the feast of Saturne with them, and then to send them 
 
 backe againe unto him. Which the Senate established by 
 
 decree, upon paine of death to all such as should not 
 
 performe the same accordingly. Afterwardes Fabricius was 
 
 chosen Consull, and as he was in his campe, there came a 
 
 man to him that brought him a letter from kinge Pyrrus King Pyrrus 
 
 Phisitian, wrytten with his owne handes: in which the Phisitian 
 
 Phisitian offered to poyson his maister, so he would promise p 1 "^? 1 ? 1 to 
 
 him a good reward, for ending the warres without further an( j O ff er eth 
 
 daunger. Fabricius detestinge the wickednesse of the to poyson 
 
 Phisitian, and having made Q. ^milius his colleague, and his master. 
 
 fellowe Consull also, to abhorre the same: wrote a letter 
 
 unto Pyrrus, and bad him take heede, for there were that Fabricius 
 
 ment to poyson him. The contentes of his letter were letter to 
 
 these : Caius Fabricius, and Quintus .Emylius Consuls of P . v . rrus > adve J- 
 
 i T i- XT- i_ / i i \ tising him of ' 
 
 Rome, unto king Pyrrus greeting. You have (oh king) his phi sitions 
 
 made unfortunate choise, both of your frendes and of your treason, 
 enemies, as shall appeare unto you by reading of this letter, 
 which one of yours hath wrytten unto us : for you make 
 warres with just and honest men, and do your selfe trust 
 altogether the wicked and unfaithfull. Hereof therfore 
 
 139
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Pyrrus 
 
 sendeth the 
 Romaines 
 their prison- 
 ers without 
 raunsome. 
 
 Pyrrus second 
 battel with the 
 Romaines, by 
 the city of 
 Asculum. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 we have thought good to advertise you, not in respect to 
 pleasure you, but for feare least the misfortune of your death 
 might make us unjustly to be accused: imagining that by 
 trechery of treason, we have sought to end this warre, as 
 though by valliantnesse we coulde not otherwise atchieve it. 
 Pyrrus having red this letter, and proved the contentes 
 thereof true, executed the Phisitian as he had deserved : 
 and to requite the advertisement of the Consulls, he sent 
 Fabricius and the Romaines their prisoners, without payinge 
 of raunsome, and sent Cineas againe unto them, to prove if 
 he could obtaine peace. Howbeit, the Romaines, bicause 
 they would neither receive pleasure of their enemies, and 
 least of all reward, for that they consented not unto so 
 wicked a deede : did not only refuse to take their prisoners 
 of free gift, but they sent him againe so many Samnites, and 
 Tarentines. And furthermore, for peace, and his frend- 
 shippe, they would geve no eare to it, before the warres were 
 ended, and that he had sent away his army againe by sea, 
 into his kingdome of Epirus. Wherefore Pyrrus seing no 
 remedy, but that he must needes fight an other battell, after 
 he had somewhat refreshed his army, drewe towardes the citie 
 of Asculum, where he fought the seconde time with the 
 Romaines : and was brought into a marvelous ill grounde for 
 horsemen, by a very swift running river, from whence came 
 many brookes and deepe marishes, insomuch as his elephantes 
 could have no space nor ground to joine with the battel of the 
 footemen, by reason wherof there was a great number of 
 men hurt and slaine on both sides. And in the ende, the 
 battell being fought out all day longe, the darke night did 
 sever them : but the next morninge, Pyrrus to winne the 
 advantage to fight in the plaine field, where he might 
 prevaile with the force of his elephantes, sent first certaine 
 of his bandes to sease upon the naughty ground they had 
 fought on the day before. And by this policy having 
 brought the Romaines into the plaine field, he thrust in 
 amongest his elephants, store of shot, and slingmen, and 
 then made his army marche (being very well set in order) 
 with great furie against his enemies. They missinge thother 
 dayes turninges and places of retyre, were now compelled to 
 
 1 "rU
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 fight all on a fronte in the plaine fielde : and striving to PYRRUS 
 breake into the battell of Pyrrus 'footemen before the ele- 
 phantes came, they desperately preaced in apon their enemies 
 pykes with their swordes, not caring for their owne persones 
 what became of them, but only looked to kill and destroy 
 their enemies. In the ende notwithstandinge, after the 
 battell had holden out very long, the Romaines lost it, and Pyrrus vic- 
 they first beganne to breake and flie on that side where toryofthe 
 Pyrrus was, by reason of the great force and furie of his Komames - 
 charge, and much more through the violence of the ele- 
 phantes : against which, the Romaines valliantnes nor corage 
 coulde ought prevaile, but that they were driven to geve 
 them place (much like the rage of surging waves, or 
 terrible tremblinge of the earth) rather then tary to be 
 troden under feete, and overthrowen by them, whome they 
 were not able to hurte againe, but be by them most 
 grevously martyred, and their troubles thereby yet nothinge 
 eased. The chase was not long, bicause they fled but into 
 their campe : and Hieronymus the historiographer writeth, 
 that there died six thowsande men of the Romaines, and of 
 Pyrrus parte about three thowsande five hundred and five, 
 as the kinges owne Chronicles doe witnesse. Neverthelesse, 
 Dionysius makes no mencion of two battells geven neere unto The wryters 
 the city of Asculum, nor that the Romaines were certainely agree not 
 overthrowen : howbeit he confirmeth that there was one ? yrrus 
 
 battell only that continued until sunne set, and that they 
 scarcely severed also when night was come on, Pyrrus being 
 hurte on the arme with a speare, and his cariage robbed and 
 spoiled by the Samnites besides. And further, that there died 
 in this battell, above fifteene thowsande men, as well of Pyrrus 
 side, as of the Romaines parte : and that at the last, both 
 the one and the other did retyre. And some say, that it 
 was at that time Pyrrus aunswered one, who rejoyced with 
 him for the victory they had wonne : If we winne an other 
 of the price, quod he, we are utterly undone. For in dede 
 then had he lost the most parte of his army he brought with 
 him out of his reahne, and all his frendes and Captaines in 
 manner every one, or at the least there lacked litle of it : and 
 besides that, he had no meanes to supplie them with other 
 
 141
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PYRRUS from thence, and perceived also that the confederates he had 
 in Italic, beganne to waxe colde. Where the Romaines to 
 the contrary, did easily renue their army with freshe souldiers, 
 which they caused to come from Rome as neede required, 
 (much like unto a lively spring, the head whereof they had 
 at home in their contry) and they fainted not at all for any 
 losses they received, but rather were they so much the more 
 hotly bent, stowtely determining to abide out the warres, 
 what ever betyde. And thus whilest Pyrrus was troubled in 
 this sorte, newe hopes, and newe enterprises were offred unto 
 him, that made him doubtful what to do. For even at a 
 Ambassadors clap came Ambassadors to him out of Sicilia, offering to put 
 out of Sicilia, into his handes, the cities of Syracusa, of Agrigentum, and 
 to pray aide o f ^he Leontines, and beseeching him to aide them to drive 
 the Carthaginians out of the He, thereby to deliver them 
 from all the tyrannes. And on the other side also, newes 
 was brought him from Greece, howe Ptolomie surnamed the 
 lightning, was slaine, and all his army overthrowen in battell 
 against the Gaules, and that now he shoulde come in good 
 hower for the Macedonians, who lacked but a king. Then 
 he cursed his hard fortune that presented him all at once, 
 such sundry occasions to doe great thinges : and as if both 
 enterprises had bene already in his hande, he made his 
 accompt that of necessitie he must loose one of them. So, 
 long debating the matter with him selfe, which of the two 
 wayes he should conclude uppon : in the ende he resolved, 
 that by the warres of Sicilia, there was good meane to attaine 
 to the greater matters, considering that Africke was not 
 farre from them. Wherefore, disposinge him selfe that way, 
 he sent Cineas thither immediatly to make his way, and to 
 speake to the townes and cities of the contry as he was wont 
 to doe : and in the meane time left a strong garrison in the 
 Pyrrus jorney city of Tarentum, to kepe it at his devotion, wherewith the 
 into Sicilia. Tarentines were very angry. For they made request unto 
 him, either to remaine in their contry to maintaine warres 
 with them against the Romaines, (which was their meaning 
 why they sent for him) or else if he would needes go, at the 
 least wise to leave their city in as good state as he founde 
 it. But he aunswered them againe very roughly, that they
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 shoulde speake no more to him in it, and that they should PYRRUS 
 not choose but tary his occasion. And with this aunswere 
 tooke shippe, and sailed towardes Sicilia : where so soone 
 as he was arrived, he founde all that he hoped for, for the 
 cities did willingely put them selves into his handes. And 
 where necessity of battell was offered him to employ his 
 army, nothing at the beginning could stande before him. 
 For, with thirty thowsande footemen, two thowsande five 
 hundred horsemen, and two hundred sayle which he brought 
 with him, he drave the Carthaginians before him, and con- 
 quered all the contry under their obedience. Nowe at that 
 time, the city of Erix was the strongest place they had : and Pyrrus wanne 
 there were a great number of good souldiers within it to 
 defende it. Pyrrus determined to prove the assault of it, 
 and when his army was ready to geve the charge, he armed 
 him selfe at all peeces from toppe to toe, and approching 
 the walls, vowed unto Hercules to geve him a solemne sacri- 
 fice, with a feast of common playes, so that he would graunt 
 him grace to shew him selfe unto the Greecians inhabiting 
 in Sicilia, worthy of the noble auncesters from whence he 
 came, and of the great good fortune he had in his handes. 
 This vowe ended, he straight made the trompettes sound to 
 the assault, and caused the barbarous people that were on 
 the walles, to retyre with force of his shot. Then when 
 the scaling ladders were set up, him selfe was the first that 
 mounted on the walle, where he found diverse of the bar- 
 barous people that resisted him. But some he threw over 
 the walles on either side of him, and with his sword slew 
 many dead about him, himselfe not once hurt : for the bar- 
 barous people had not the harte to looke him in the face, 
 his countenaunce was so terrible. And this doth prove that 
 Homer spake wisely, and like a man of experience, when he 
 sayd : that valliantnesse onely amongest all other morall Homer of 
 vertues is that, which hath somtimes, certaine furious motions valliantnes. 
 and divine provocations, which make a man besides him selfe. 
 So the city being taken, he honorably performed his vowed 
 sacrifice to Hercules, and kept a feast of all kindes and sortes 
 of games and weapons. There dwelt a barbarous people 
 at that time about Messina, called the Mamertines, who did 
 
 143
 
 The Alamer- 
 tines why so 
 called. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PYRRUS much hurt to the Greecians therabouts, makinge many of 
 them pay taxe and tribute : for they were a great number 
 of them, and all men of warre and good souldiers, and had 
 their name also of Mars, bicause they were marshall men, 
 and geven to armes. Pyrrus led his army against them, and 
 overthrew them in battell : and put their collectors to death, 
 that did leavy and exact the taxe, and rased many of their 
 fortresses. And when the Carthaginians required peace and 
 his frendship, offering him shippes and money, pretending 
 greater matters : he made them a shorte aunswere, that 
 there was but one way to make peace and love betwene 
 them, to forsake Sicilia altogether, and to be contented to 
 make Mare Libycum the border betwixt Greece and them. 
 For his good fortune, and the force he had in his handes, did 
 set him aloft, and further allured him to follow the hope 
 that brought him into Sicilia, aspiring first of all unto the 
 conquest of Libya. Now, to passe him over thither, he had 
 ships enough, but he lacked owers and mariners : wherefore 
 when he would presse them, then he began to deale roughly 
 with the cities of Sicilia, and in anger compelled, and severely 
 punished them, that would not obey his commaundement. 
 This he did not at his first comminge, but contrarily had 
 wonne all their good wills/speaking more curteously to them 
 then any other did, and shewing that he trusted them alto- 
 gether, and troubled them in nothing. But sodainly being 
 altered from a populer prince, unto a violent tyran, he was 
 not only thought cruell and rigorous, but that worst of all 
 is, unfaithfull and ingratefull : neverthelesse, though they 
 received great hurt by him, yet they suffered it, and graunted 
 him any needefull thing he did demaund. But when they 
 saw he began to mistrust Thaenon and Sostratus, the two 
 chiefe Captaines of Syracusa, and they who first caused him 
 to come into Sicilia, who also at his first arrivall delivered 
 the city of Syracusa into his hands, and had bene his chiefe 
 aiders in helping him to compasse that he had done in 
 Sicilia : when I say they saw he would no more cary them 
 with him, nor leave them behinde him for the mistrust he 
 had of them, and that Sostratus fled from him, and absented 
 him selfe, fearing least Pyrrus would doe him some mischiefe : 
 144 
 
 Pyrrus 
 
 cruelty in 
 Sicilia.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and that Pyrrus moreover, had put Thaenon to death, mis- PYRRUS 
 trusting that he would also have done him some harme. 
 Then all things fell out against Pyrrus, not one after an 
 other, nor by litle and litle, but all together at one instant, 
 and all the cities generally hated him to the death, and did 
 againe some of them confederate with the Carthaginians, and 
 others with the Mamertines, to set upon him. But when all 
 Sicilia was thus bent against him, he received letters from TheSamnites 
 the Samnites and Tarentines, by which they advertised him, a nd Taren- 
 how they had much a doe to defende them selves within p nes se " t * or 
 their cities and strong holdes, and that they were wholly re ^ r ^ e - m ^ 
 driven out of the field: wherfore they earnestly besought Italic, 
 him speedily to come to their aide. This newes came happely 
 to him, to cloke his flying, that he might say it was not for 
 dispaire of good successe in Sicilia that he went his way : but 
 true it was in dede, that when he saw he could no longer 
 keepe it, then a shippe could stand still among the waves, he 
 sought some honest shadow to colour his departing. And 
 that surely was the cause why he returned againe into Italie. 
 Neverthelesse, at his departure out of Sicile, they say that 
 looking backe apon the lie, he said to those that were about 
 him : O what a goodly field for a battell, my frendes, doe we 
 leave to the Romaines and Carthaginians, to fight thone 
 with thother ? And verily so it fell out shortely after, as he 
 had spoken. But the barbarous people conspiringe together 
 against Pyrrus, the Carthaginians on the one side watching Pyrrus re- 
 his passage, gave him battel on the sea, in the very straight turne into 
 it selfe of Messina, where he lost many of his ships, and Italy out 
 fled with the rest, and tooke the coast of Italie. And of Sicile> 
 there the Mamertines on the other side, being gone thither 
 before, to the number of eighteene thowsande fighting men : 
 durst not present him battell in open fielde, but taried for 
 him in certaine straites of the mountaines, and in very hard 
 places, and so set upon his rereward, and disordered all 
 his army. They slew two of his elephants, and cut of a 
 great number of his rereward, so as he was compelled him 
 selfe in persone to come from his vangard, to helpe them 
 against the barbarous people, which were lusty valliant 
 men, and olde trained souldiers. And there Pyrrus caught a 
 3 : T 145
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PYRRUS blow on his head with a sworde, and was in great daunger : 
 Pyrrus hurt insomuch as he was forced to retyre out of the prease and 
 on his head fight, which did so much the more encorage his enemies, 
 with a sworde. Among which there was one more adventurous then the 
 rest, a goodly man of personage, fayer armed in white 
 armor, who advauncing him selfe farre before his company, 
 cried out to the king with a bolde and fierce voyce, and 
 chalenged him to fight with him if he were alive. Pyrrus 
 beinge mad as it were with this bravery, turned againe with 
 his garde, in spight of his men, hurt as he was. And besides 
 that he was all on a fire with choller, and his face all bloody 
 and terrible to behold, he went through his men, and came 
 at the length to this barbarous villen that had challenged 
 Pyrrus with him : and gave him such a blow on his head with all his 
 a blow of his force and power, that what by the strength of his arme, and 
 through the goodnes of the temper and mettle of the sword, 
 head in the the blow clave his head right in the middest, downe to the 
 middest, and shoulders : so that his heade beinge thus devided, the one 
 layed it on parte fell on the one shoulder, and the other parte on the 
 his shoulders. o t ner> This matter sodainly stayed the barbarous people, 
 and kept them from goinge any further, they were so afrayed 
 and amased both to see so great a blowe with ones hande, 
 and it made them thinke in dede that Pyrrus was more then 
 a man. After that, they let him go, and troubled him no 
 more. Pyrrus holding on his jorney, arrived at the length 
 in the city of Tarentum, with twenty thowsand footemen, 
 and three thowsand horse. And with these (joyning thereto 
 the choycest pyked men of the Tarentines) he went incon- 
 tinently into the field to seeke out the Romaines, who had 
 their campe within the territories of the Samnites, which 
 were then in very hard state. For their hartes were killed, 
 bicause that in many battells and encounters with the 
 Romaines, they were ever overthrowen. They were very 
 angry besides with Pyrrus, for that he had forsaken them, 
 to goe his voyage unto Sicilia, by reason whereof there came 
 no great number of souldiers into his campe. But notwith- 
 standing, he devided all his strength into two partes, whereof 
 he sent the one parte into Lucania, to occupy one of the 
 Romaine Consulls that was there, to the end he should not 
 146
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 come to aide his companion : and with the other parte he PYRRUS 
 went him selfe against Manius Curius, who lay in a very Manius 
 straunge place of advantage nere to the citie of Benevento, ^ uriu ^. 
 attending the aide that should come to him out of Lucania, t/onsu11 - 
 besides also that the Soothsayers (by the signes and tokens 
 of the birdes and sacrifices) did counsell him not to sturre 
 from thence. Pyrrus to the contrary, desiring to fight with 
 Manius before his aide came unto him, which he looked for 
 out of Lucania, tooke with him the best souldiers he had in 
 all his army, and the warlikest elephantes, and marched away 
 in the night, supposing to steale upon Manius on the sodaine, 
 and geve an assault unto his campe. Now Pyrrus having a 
 long way to go, and through a woddy contry, his lightes and 
 torches failed him, by reason whereof many of his souldiers 
 lost their way, and they lost a great deale of time also, before 
 they could againe be gathered together : so as in this space 
 the night was spent, and the day once broken, the enemies 
 perceived plainely how he came downe the hills. This at 
 the first sight made them muse a while, and put them in 
 a litle feare : neverthelesse Manius having had the signes 
 of the sacrifices favorable, and seeing that occasion did 
 presse him to it, went out into the field, and set apon the Pyrrus thirde 
 vowarde of his enemies, and made them turne their backes. ^ tt ^ with 
 The which feared all the rest in such wise, that there were t] 
 slaine a great number of them in the fielde, and certaine Pyrrus over- 
 elephantes also taken. This victory made Manius Curius throwen by 
 leave his strength, and come into the plaine field, where CuriuTin 
 he set his men in battell ray, and overthrew his enemies by battell. 
 plaine force on the one side : but on the other he was re- 
 pulsed by violence of the elephantes, and compelled to drawe 
 backe into his owne campe, wherein he had left a great 
 number of men to garde it. So when he saw them upon 
 the rampers of his campe all armed, ready to fight, he called 
 them out, and they comming fresh out of places of advantage 
 to charge upon the elephantes, compelled them in a very 
 shorte time to turne their backes, and flie through their 
 owne men, whom they put to great trouble, and disorder : 
 so as in the ende, the whole victory fell apon the Romaines 
 side, and consequently by meanes of that victory, followed 
 
 147
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Pyrrus com- 
 pared to a 
 dyce player. 
 
 Pyrrus re- 
 turne into 
 Epirus out 
 of Italie. 
 
 Pyrrus vic- 
 tory of Anti- 
 gonus king 
 of Macedon. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the greatnes and power of their Empire. For the Romaines 
 being growen more coragious by this battell, and having 
 increased their force, and wonne the reputacion of men un- 
 conquerable: immediatly after conquered all Italie besides, 
 and soone after that, all Sicilia. To this ende as you see, 
 came king Pyrrus vaine hope he had to conquer Italie and 
 Sicilia, after he had spent sixe yeares continually in warres, 
 during which time his good fortune decayed, and his army 
 consumed. Notwithstanding, his noble corage remained 
 alwayes invincible, what losses soever he had susteined : and 
 moreover whilest he lived, he was ever esteemed the chiefest 
 of all the kings and princes in his time, as well for his ex- 
 perience and sufficiency in warres, as also for the valliantnes 
 and hardines of his person. But what he wanne by famous 
 deedes, he lost by vaine hopes : desiring so earnestly that 
 which he had not, as he forgate to kepe that which he had. 
 Wherefore Antigonus compared him unto a dice player that 
 casteth well, but can not use his lucke. Now having brought 
 backe againe with him into Epirus, eight thowsande foote- 
 men, and five hundred horsemen, and being without money 
 to pay them, he devised with him selfe to seeke out some 
 new warre to entertaine those souldiers, and kepe them 
 together. Wherefore uppon a newe aide of certaine of the 
 Gaules beinge comen unto him, he entered into the realme 
 of Macedon (which Antigonus, Demetrius sonne held at that 
 time) with intent only to make a forrey, and to get some 
 spoyle in the contry. But when he saw that he had taken 
 diverse holdes, and moreover, that two thowsand men of 
 warre of the contry came and yelded them selves unto him : 
 he beganne to hope of better successe, then at the first he 
 looked for. For upon that hope he marched against king 
 Antigonus selfe, whom he met in a very straight valley, and 
 at his first comming, gave such a lusty charge upon his 
 rereward, that he put all Antigonus army in great disorder. 
 For Antigonus had placed the Gaules in the rereward of his 
 army to close it in, which were a convenient number, and did 
 valliantly defend the first charge : and the skirmishe was so 
 hotte, that the most of them were slaine. After them, the 
 leaders of the elephantes perceiving they were environned 
 148
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 on every side, y elded them selves and their beastes. Pyrrus PYRRUS 
 
 seeing his power to be now increased with such a supply, 
 
 trusting more to his good fortune, then any good reason 
 
 might move him : thrust further into the battel of the 
 
 Macedonians, who were all afrayed, and troubled for the 
 
 overthrowe of their rereward, so as they would not once 
 
 base their pykes, nor fight against him. He for his parte 
 
 holdinge up his hande, and callinge the Captaines of the 
 
 bandes by their names, straight wayes made all the foote- 
 
 men of Antigonus turne wholly to his side: who flying, Antigonus 
 
 saved him selfe with a few horsemen, and kept certaine of flieth from 
 
 the cities in his realme apon the sea coast. But Pyrrus in kin & e *T rrus - 
 
 all his prosperity, judging nothing more to redownde to his 
 
 honor and glory, then the overthrow of the Gaules, layed 
 
 aside their goodliest and richest spoyles, and ofrred up the 
 
 same in the temple of Minerva Itonida, with this inscription : 
 
 When Pyrrus had subdude, the puisant Gaules in fields, 
 
 He caused of their spoiles to make, these targets, armes, and 
 
 shields : 
 
 The which he hanged up, in temple all on high, 
 Before Minerva (goddesse here) in signe of victory. 
 When he had overcome, the whole and hugie hoast : 
 The which Antigonus did bring, into his contries coast. 
 Ne marvell should it seeme, though victory he wonne, 
 Since valliantnes bringes victory, and evermore hath done : 
 And valliantnes alwayes, hath constantly kept place, 
 From age to age, and time to time, in JSacus his race. 
 
 Immediatly after this battell, all the cities of the realme 
 of Macedon yelded unto him : but when he had the citie of 
 JEges in his power, he used the inhabitantes thereof very 
 hardly, and specially bicause he left a great garrison of the 
 Gaules there which he had in pay. This nation is extreame 
 covetous, as then they shewed them selves : for they spared The covetous- 
 not to breake up the tombes wherein the kinges of Macedon nesse of 
 lay buried there, tooke away all the gold and silver they Gaules - 
 could finde, and afterwards with great insolency cast out 
 their bones into the open winde. Pyrrus was tolde of it, 
 but he lightly passed it over, and made no reckening of it : 
 either bicause he deferred it till an other time, by reason of 
 
 149
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Areus made 
 king of 
 Sparta, and 
 Cleonymus 
 put downe. 
 
 The cause of 
 Pyrrus invad- 
 ing Pelopon- 
 
 nesus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the warres he had then in hande : or else for that he durst 
 not meddle with punishing of these barbarous people at that 
 time. But whatsoever the matter was, the Macedonians 
 were very angry with Pyrrus, and blamed him greatly for 
 it. Furthermore, having not yet made all thinges sure in 
 Macedon, nor being fully possest of the same : new toyes and 
 hope came into his head, and mocking Antigonus, sayd, he 
 was a mad man to goe apparrelled in purple like a king, when 
 a poore cloke might become him like a private man. Now, 
 Cleonymus king of Sparta being come to procure him to bring 
 his army into the contry of Lacedaemon, Pyrrus was very 
 willing to it. This Cleonymus was of the blood royall of 
 Sparta, but bicause he was a cruell man, and would do all 
 thinges by authority, they loved him not at Sparta, nor 
 trusted him at all : and therefore did they put him out, and 
 made Areus king, a very quiet man. And this was the 
 oldest quarrell Cleonymus had against the common wealth 
 of Sparta : but besides that, he had an other private quarrel, 
 which grewe uppon this cause. In his olde yeares, Cleonymus 
 had maried a fayer younge Lady called Chelidonida, which 
 was also of the blood royall, and the daughter of Leotychides. 
 This Lady being fallen extreamely in love with Acrotatus, 
 king Areus sonne, a goodly young gentleman, and in his 
 lusty youth, she greatly vexed and dishonored her husbande 
 Cleonymus, who was over heade and eares in love and jealousie 
 with her : for there was not one in all Sparta, but plainely 
 knewe that his wife made none accompt of him. And thus 
 his home sorowes, being joyned with his outwarde common 
 greves, even for spight, desiring a revenge, in choller he went 
 to procure Pyrrus to come unto Sparta, to restore him againe 
 to his kingdome. Hereupon he brought him into Lacedae- 
 monia forthwith, with five and twenty thowsand footemen, 
 two thowsand horse, and foure and twenty elephantes : by 
 which preparacion, though by nothing else, the worlde might 
 plainely see, that Pyrrus came with a minde not to restore 
 Cleonymus againe unto Sparta, but of intent to conquer for 
 him selfe (if he could) all the contrie of Peloponnesus. For 
 in wordes he denied it to the Lacedaemonians them selves, 
 who sent Ambassadors unto him when he was in the city of 
 150
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Megalipolis, where he tolde them that he was come into PYRRUS 
 Peloponnesus, to sette the townes and cities at libertie which Pyrrus strata- 
 Antigonus kept in bondage : and that his true intent and geame to the 
 meaning was to send his young sonnes into Sparta (so they P a ns ' 
 would be contented) to the end they might be trained after 
 the Laconian manner, and from their youth have this advan- 
 tage above all other kinges, to have bene well brought up. 
 But faining these thinges, and abusing those that came to 
 meete him on his way, they tooke no heede of him, till he 
 came within the coast of Laconia, into the which he was no 
 sooner entred, but he beganne to spoyle and wast the whole 
 contry. And when the Ambassadors of Sparta reproved 
 and founde fault with him, for that he made warres upon 
 them in such sorte, before he had openly proclaimed it : he 
 made them aunswer : No more have you your selves used to 
 proclaime that, which you purposed to do to others. Then 
 one of the Ambassadors called Mandricidas, replied againe 
 unto him in the Laconian tongue : If thou be a god, thou Mandricidas 
 wilt doe us no hurt, bicause we have not offended thee : and stowtaunswer 
 if thou be a man, thou shalt meete with an other that shalbe ^ s 
 better then thy selfe. Then he marched directly to Sparta, 
 where Cleonymus gave him counsell even at the first, to Pyrrus be- 
 assault it. But he would not so do, fearing (as they sayd) si egeth Lace- 
 that if he did it by night, his souldiers would sacke the city : daemon ' 
 and sayd it should be time enough to assault it the next day 
 at broad day light, bicause there were but few men within the 
 towne, and beside they were very ill provided. And further- 
 more, king Areus him selfe was not there, but gone into 
 Greta to aide the Gortynians, who had warres in their owne 
 contry. And doutlesse, that only was the saving of Sparta 
 from taking, that they made no reckening to assault it 
 hotly : bicause they thought it was not able to make resist- 
 aunce. For Pyrrus camped before the towne, throughly 
 perswaded with him selfe, that he should finde none to fight 
 with him : and Cleonymus frends and servauntes also did 
 prepare his lodging there, as if Pyrrus should have come 
 to supper to him, and lodged with him. When night was 
 come, the Lacedaemonians counselled together, and secretly 
 determined to send away their wives, and litle children into 
 
 151
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 The corage of 
 the women of 
 Sparta. 
 
 Women 
 wrought in 
 the trench. 
 
 Women en- 
 coraged their 
 men to fight. 
 
 Pyrrus battel. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Greta. But the women them selves were against it, and 
 there was one amonge them called Archidamia, who went 
 into the Senate house with a sword in her hand, to speake 
 unto them in the name of all the rest, and sayd : That they 
 did their wives great wronge, if they thought them so fainte 
 harted, as to live after Sparta were destroyed. Afterwards 
 it was agreed in counsel!, that they should cast a trenche 
 before the enemies campe, and that at both the endes of the 
 same they should bury cartes in the ground unto the middest 
 of the wheeles, to the end that being fast set in the ground, 
 they should stay the elephantes, and kepe them from passing 
 further. And when they beganne to go in hand withall, 
 there came wives and maides unto them, some of them their 
 clothes girte up round about them, and others all in their 
 smockes, to worke at this trenche with the old men, advising 
 the young men that should fight the next morning, to rest 
 them selves in the meane while. So the women tooke the 
 third parte of the trenche to taske, which was six cubittes 
 broade, foure cubits deepe, and eight hundred foote long 
 as Philarchus sayth : or litle lesse as Hieronymus wryteth. 
 Then when the breake of day appeared, and the enemies 
 removed to come to the assault : the women them selves 
 fetched the weapons which they put into the young mens 
 hands, and delivered them the taske of the trenche ready 
 made, which they before had undertaken, praying them 
 valliantly to keepe and defend it, tellinge them withall, 
 howe great a pleasure it is to overcome the enemies, fighting 
 in view and sight of their native contry, and what great 
 felicity and honor it is to dye in the armes of his mother 
 and wife, after he hath fought valliantly like an honest man, 
 and worthy of the magnanimity of Sparta. But Chelidonida 
 being gone a side, had tyed a halter with a riding knot about 
 her necke, ready to strangle and hang her selfe, rather then 
 to fall into the hands of Cleonymus, if by chaunce the city 
 should come to be taken. Now Pyrrus marched in person 
 with his battell of footemen, against the fronte of the 
 Spartans, who being a great number also, did tary his 
 comming on the other side of the trenche : the which, 
 besides that it was very ill to passe over, did let the souldiers 
 152
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 also to fight steadely in order of battell, bicause the earth PYRRUS 
 being newly cast up, did yeld under their feete. Wherefore, 
 Ptolomie king Pyrrus sonne, passing all alongest the trench 
 side with two thowsand Gaules, and all the choyce men of 
 the Chaonians, assayed if he could get over to the other side 
 at one of the endes of the trenche where the cartes were : 
 which being set very deepe into the ground, and one joyned 
 unto an other, they did not only hinder thassaylants, but 
 the defendants also. Howbeifr in the end, the Gaules began 
 to plucke of the wheeles of these cartes, and to draw them 
 into the river. But Acrotatus, king Areus sonne, a young 
 man, seeing the daunger, ranne through the city with a 
 troupe of three hundred lusty youthes besides, ana went to 
 inclose Ptolomie behinde before he espied him, for that he 
 passed a secret hollow way till he came even to geve the 
 charge upon them : whereby they were enforced to turne 
 their faces towardes him, one runninge in an others necke, 
 and so in great disorder were thrust into the trenches, and 
 under the cartes : insomuch as at the last, with much a doe, 
 and great bloodshed, Acrotatus and his company drave them 
 backe, and repulsed them. Now the women and old men, 
 that were on thother side of the trenche, saw plainly before 
 their face, howe valliantly Acrotatus had repulsed the Gaules. Acrotatus 
 Wherefore, after Acrotatus had done this exployte, he re- valliantnes. 
 turned againe through the city unto the place from whence 
 he came, all on a goare blood, coragious and lively, for the 
 victory he came newly from. The women of Sparta thought 
 Acrotatus farre more noble and fayrer to beholde, then ever 
 he was : so that they all thought Chelidonida happy to have 
 such a frend and lover. And there were certaine olde men 
 that followed him, crying after him, Goe thy way Acrotatus, 
 and enjoy thy love Chelidonida : beget noble children of her 
 unto Sparta. The fight was cruell on that side where Pyrrus 
 was, and many of the Spartans fought very valliantly. How- 
 beit amongest other, there was one named Phillius, who after 
 he had fought long, and slaine many of his enemies with his 
 owne handes, that forced to passe over the trenche : per- 
 ceiving that his hart fainted for the great number of woundes 
 he had apon him, called one of them that were in the rancke 
 3 : U 153
 
 Pyrrus 
 dreame. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PYRRUS next behinde him, and geving him his place, fell downe 
 deade in the armes of his frendes, bicause his enemies shoulde 
 not have his body. In the ende, the battell havinge con- 
 tinued all the day longe, the night did separate them : and 
 Pyrrus being layed in his bed, had this vision in his sleepe. 
 He thought he strake the city of Lacedaemon with lightning, 
 and that he utterly consumed it : whereat he was so passing 
 glad, that even with the very joy he awaked. And there- 
 uppon foorthwith commaunded his Captaines to make their 
 men ready to the assault : and told his dreame unto his 
 familiers, supposing that out of dout it did betoken he 
 should in that approache take the citie. All that heard it, 
 beleved it was so, saving one Lysimachus : who to the con- 
 trary, sayed that this vision liked him not, bicause the places 
 smitten with lightning are holy, and it is not lawfull to enter 
 into them : by reason whereof he was also affraied, that the 
 goddes did signifie unto him, that he should not enter into 
 the citie of Sparta. Pyrrus aunswered him : That saied he, is 
 a matter disputable to and fro in an open assembly of people, 
 for there is no maner of certainty in it. But furthermore, 
 every man must take his weapon in his hand, and set this 
 sentence before his eyes : 
 
 A right good sigue it is, that he would hazard life 
 
 In just defence of masters cause with speare and bloody knife. 
 
 Alludinge unto Homers verses, which he wrote for the de- 
 fence of his contry. And saying thus, he rose, and at the 
 breake of day led his army unto the assault. On thother 
 side also, the Lacedaemonians with a marvelous corage and 
 magnanimity, farre greater then their force bestirred them 
 selves wonderfully to make resistaunce, having their wives by 
 them that gave them their weapons wherewith they fought, 
 and were ready at hand to geve meate and drinke to them 
 that needed, and did also withdrawe those that were hurt 
 to cure them. The Macedonians likewise for their parte, 
 endevored them selves with all their might to fill uppe the 
 trenche with wodde and other thinges, which they cast upon 
 the dead bodies and armors, lying in the bottome of the 
 ditche : and the Lacedaemonians againe, labored all that they 
 
 154
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 could possible to let them. But in this great broyle, one PYRRUS 
 
 perceived Pyrrus a horse backe to have lept the trenche, past 
 
 over the strength of the cartes, and make force to enter into 
 
 the city. Wherfore those that were appointed to defende 
 
 that parte of the trench, cried out straight : and the women 
 
 fell a shreeking, and running, as if all had bene lost. And as 
 
 Pyrrus passed further, striking downe with his owne handes 
 
 all that stoode before him, a Cretan shot at him, and strake Pyrrus in 
 
 his horse through both sides : who leapinge out of the prease ? un er of 
 
 for paine of his wounde, dying, caried Pyrrus away, and threw .^ jjf ' _ a _f 
 
 1_ * Jl 1 * (* 1 11 11 * tUC olCiiC OI 
 
 mm uppon the hanging ot a steepe hill, where he was m Sparta, 
 great daunger to fall from the toppe. This put all his 
 servauntes and frendes about him in a marvelous feare, and 
 therewithall the Lacedaemonians seeing them in this feare 
 and trouble ran immediatly unto that place, and with force 
 of shotte drave them all out of the trenche. After this 
 retyre, Pyrrus caused all assault to cease, hoping the Lace- 
 daemonians in the end would yeelde, consideringe there were 
 many of them slaine in the two dayes past, and all the rest 
 in maner hurt. Howbeit, the good fortune of the citie 
 (whether it were to prove the valliantnes of the inhabit- 
 antes them selves, or at the least to shew what power they 
 were of even in their greatest nede and distresse, when the 
 Lacedaemonians had small hope left) brought one Aminias 
 Phocian from Corinthe, one of king Antigonus Captaines 
 with a great band of men, and put them into the city to 
 aide them: and straight after him, as soone as he had entred, 
 king Areus arrived also on thother side from Greta, and two King Areus 
 thowsand souldiers with him. So the women went home to a rriy ed in 
 their houses, makinge their reckening that they should not 
 neede any more to trouble them selves with warres. They 
 gave the olde men liberty also to goe and rest them selves, 
 who being past all age to fight, for necessities sake yet were 
 driven to arme them selves, and take weapon in hande : and 
 in order of battell placed the newe come souldiers in their 
 roomes. Pyrrus understanding that newe supplies were come, 
 grewe to greater stomake then before, and inforced all that 
 he could, to winne the towne by assault. But in the end, 
 when to his cost he founde that he wanne nothing but 
 
 155
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Sedition in 
 the city of 
 Argos. 
 
 Pyrrus re- 
 pulsed from 
 Sparta goeth 
 to Argos. 
 
 Ptolomie 
 kinge Pyrrus 
 sonne, slaine 
 by Oraesus 
 Cretan. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 blowes, he gave over the siege, and went to spoyle all the 
 contry about, determining to lye there in garrison all the 
 winter. He coulde not for all this avoide his destenie. 
 For there rose a sedition in the city of Argos betwene two 
 of the chiefest citizens, Aristeas and Aristippus : and bicause 
 Aristeas thought that kinge Antigonus did favor his enemy 
 Aristippus, he made hast to sende first unto Pyrrus, whose 
 nature and disposition was such, that he did continually 
 heape hope uppon hope, ever taking the present prosperity, 
 for an occasion to hope after greater to come. And if it 
 fell out he was a loser, then he sought to recover him selfe, 
 and to restore his losse, by some other newe attempts. So 
 that neither for being conqueror, nor overcomen, he would 
 ever be quiet, but alwayes troubled some, and him selfe 
 also : by reason wherof, he sodainly departed towardes Argos. 
 But king Areus having layed ambushes for him in diverse 
 places, and occupied also the straightest and hardest passages, 
 by the which he was to passe : gave a charge uppon the 
 Gaules and Molossians, which were in the tayle of his army. 
 Now, the selfe same day Pyrrus was warned by a Soothsayer, 
 who sacrificing had founde the liver of the sacrificed beast 
 infected : that it betokened the losse of some most neere 
 unto him. But when he heard the noyse of the charge 
 geven, he thought not of the forwarning of his Soothsayer, 
 but commaunded his sonne to take his household servauntes 
 with him, and to go thither: as he him selfe in the meane time 
 with as great hast as he could, made the rest of his army 
 marche, to get them quickely out of this daungerous way. 
 The fraye was very hotte about Ptolomie Pyrrus sonne, for 
 they were all the chiefe men of the Lacedaemonians with 
 whome he had to doe, led by a valliant Captaine called 
 Evalcus. But as he fought valliantly against those that 
 stoode before him, there was a souldier of Greta called 
 Oraesus, borne in the citie of Aptera, a man very ready of 
 his hande, and light of foote, who running alongest by him, 
 strake him such a blowe on his side, that he fell downe dead 
 in the place. This prince Ptolomie being slaine, his com- 
 pany began straight to flie : and the Lacedaemonians followed 
 the chase so hottely, that they tooke no heede of them selves, 
 156
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 untill they sawe they were in the plaine field farre from their PYRRUS 
 footemen. Wherefore, Pyrrus unto whom the death of his 
 sonne was newly reported, being a fire with sorow and 
 passion, turned sodainly upon them with the men of armes 
 of the Molossians, and being the first that came unto them, 
 made a marvelous slaughter among them. For, notwith- 
 standing that every where before that time he was terrible 
 and invincible, having his sword in his hande : yet then he 
 did shewe more proofe of his valliantnes, strength, and 
 corage, then he had ever done before. And when he had 
 sette spurres to his horse against Evalcus to close with him, 
 Evalcus turned on the toe side, and gave Pyrrus such a 
 blowe with his sword, that he missed litle the cutting of his 
 bridle hande : for he cut in deede all the raines of the bridle 
 a sunder. But Pyrrus straight ranne him through the body Pyrrus slue 
 with his speare, and lighting of from his horse, he put all Evalcus. 
 the troupe of the Lacedaemonians to the sword that were 
 about the body of Evalcus, being all chosen men. Thus 
 the ambition of the Captaines was cause of that losse unto 
 their contry for nothing, considering that the warres against 
 them were ended. But Pyrrus having now as it were made 
 sacrifice of these poore bodies of the Lacedaemonians, for the 
 soule of his dead sonne, and fought thus wonderfully also to 
 honor his funeralls, converting a great parte of his sorow for 
 his death, into anger and wrath against the enemies : he 
 afterwardes held on his way directly towardes Argos. And 
 understanding that king Antigonus had already seased the 
 hills that were over the valley, he lodged neere unto the city 
 of Nauplia : and the next morning following sent a heraulde 
 unto Antigonus, and gave him defyance, calling him wicked 
 man, and chalenged him to come downe into the valley to 
 fight with him, to trye which of them two should be king. 
 Antigonus made him aunswer, that he made warres as much Antigonus 
 with time, as with weapon : and furthermore, that if Pyrrus aun | were 
 were weary of his life, he had wayes open enough to put him ch 
 selfe to death. The citizens of Argos also sent Ambassadors 
 unto them both, to pray them to departe, sith they knew 
 that there was nothing for them to see in the city of Argos, 
 and that they would let it be a newter, and frend unto them 
 
 157
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Tokens of 
 Pyrrus death. 
 
 Pyrrus fight 
 in the city 
 of Argos. 
 
 Aspides, the 
 Castell in 
 Argos. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 both. King Antigonus agreed unto it, and gave them his 
 sonne for hostage. Pyrrus also made them fayer promise to 
 do so too, but bicause he gave no caution nor sufficient pledge 
 to performe it, they mistrusted him the more. Then there 
 fel out many great and wonderful tokens, as wel unto Pyrrus, 
 as unto the Argives. For Pyrrus having sacrificed oxen, 
 their heades being striken of from their bodies, they thrust 
 out their tongues, and licked up their owne blood. And 
 within the city of Argos, a sister of the temple of Apollo 
 Lycias, called Apollonide, ranne through the streetes, crying 
 out that she saw the city full of murder, and blood running 
 all about, and an Eagle that came unto the fraye, howbeit 
 she vanished away sodainly, and no body knewe what became 
 of her. Pyrrus then comminge hard to the walles of Argos 
 in the night, and finding one of the gates called Diamperes, 
 opened by Aristeas, he put in his Gaules : who possessed the 
 market place, before the citizens knew any thing of it. But 
 bicause the gate was too low to passe the elephantes through 
 with their towers upon their backes, they were driven to take 
 them of, and afterwards when they were within, to put them 
 on in the darke, and in tumulte : by reason whereof they lost 
 much time, so that the citizens in the ende perceived it, and 
 ran incontinently unto the castell of Aspides, and into other 
 strong places of the city. And therewithall, they sent with 
 present speede unto Antigonus, to pray him to come and 
 helpe them, and so he did : and after he was come hard to 
 the walles, he remained without with the skowtes, and in the 
 meane time sent his sonne with his chiefest Captaines into the 
 towne, who brought a great number of good souldiers and 
 men of warre with them. At the same time also arrived 
 Areus, king of Sparta, with a thowsand of the Cretans, and 
 most lusty Spartans : all which joyning together, came to 
 geve a charge upon the Gaules that were in the market 
 place, who put them in a marvelous feare and hazard. 
 Pyrrus entring on that side also of the city called Cylarabis, 
 with terrible noyse and cries : when he understoode that the 
 Gaules aunswered him not lustely and coragiously, he doubted 
 straight that it was the voyce of men distressed, and that 
 had their handes full. Wherefore, he came on with speede 
 158
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 to relieve them, thrusting the horsemen forwards that PYRRUS 
 
 marched before him, with great daunger and paine, by 
 
 reason of holes, and sinckes, and water conduites, whereof 
 
 the city was full. By this meane there was a wonderfull 
 
 confusion amongest them, as may be thought fightinge by 
 
 night, where no man saw what he had to doe, nor could 
 
 heare what was commaunded, by reason of the great noyse 
 
 they made, straying here and there up and downe the 
 
 streetes, thone scattered from the other : neither could the 
 
 Captaines set their men in order, as wel for the darkenes of 
 
 the night, as also for the confused tumult that was all the 
 
 city over, and for that the streetes also were very narrow. 
 
 And therefore they remained on both sides without doing 
 
 any thing, looking for day light : at the dawning wherof, 
 
 Pyrrus perceived the castel of Aspides, ful of his armed 
 
 enemies. And furthermore, sodainly as he was come into 
 
 the market place, amongest many other goodly common 
 
 workes sette out to beautifie the same, he spied the images 
 
 of a bull and a woulfe in copper, the which fought one with A bull and 
 
 an other. This sight made him afrayed, bicause at that wolfe in 
 
 present he remembred a prophecy that had bene tolde him, ?PP er > . set U P 
 Fi . , . jjj.i.riju i. ii? m the city of 
 
 that his end and death should be, when he sawe a woulte Areos fiffht- 
 
 and a bull fight together. The Argives reporte, that these ing together, 
 images were set up in the market place, for the remem- 
 braunce of a certaine chaunce that had happened in their 
 contrie. For when Danaus came thither first, by the way 
 called Pyramia (as one would say, land sowen with corne) in 
 the contry of Thyreatide, he saw as he went, a woulfe fight Danaus wan 
 with a bull : whereupon he stayed to see what the end of 
 their fight would come to, supposing the case in him selfe, 
 that the woulfe was of his side, bicause that being a 
 straunger as he was, he came to set uppon the naturall 
 inhabitantes of the contry. The woulfe in the ende obtained 
 the victory : wherefore Danaus making his prayer unto 
 Apollo Lycias, followed on his enterprise, and had so good Apollo Lycias. 
 successe, that he drave Gelanor out of Argos, who at that Gelanor 
 time was king of the Argives. And thus you heare the king of the 
 cause why they say these images of the woulfe and bull were r lves> 
 set up in the market place of Argos. Pyrrus being halfe 
 
 159
 
 Helenus 
 Pyrrus sonne 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 PYRRUS discoraged with the sight of them, and also bicause nothinge 
 fell out well according to his expectacion, thought best to 
 retyre : but fearing the straitenesse of the gates of the city, 
 he sent unto his sonne Helenus, whome he had left without 
 the city with the greatest parte of his force and army, com- 
 maunding him to overthrow a peece of the wall that his men 
 might the more readily get out, and that he might receive 
 them,if their enemies by chaunce did hinder their comming out. 
 But the messenger whom he sent, was so hasty and fearefull, 
 with the tumult that troubled him in going out, that he did 
 not well understand what Pyrrus sayd unto him, but reported 
 his message quite contrary. Whereuppon the young prince 
 Helenus taking the best souldiers he had with him, and the 
 rest of his elephantes, entred into the city to helpe his father, 
 who was now geving backe : and so long as he had roome to 
 fight at ease, retyring still, he valliantly repulsed those that 
 set upon him, turning his face oft unto them. But when he 
 was driven unto the streete that went from the market place 
 to the gate of the city, he was kept in with his owne men 
 that entered at the same gate to helpe him. But they 
 coulde not heare when Pyrrus cried out, and bad them go 
 backe, the noyse was so great : and though the first had 
 heard him, and would have gone backe, yet they that were 
 behinde, and did stil thrust forward into the prease, did 
 not permit them. Besides this moreover, the biggest of all 
 the elephantes by misfortune fell downe overthwart the gate, 
 where he grindinge his teeth did hinder those also, that 
 would have comen out and geven backe. Furthermore, an 
 other of the elephantes that were entred before into the city, 
 called Nicon (as much to say, as conquering) seeking his 
 governor that was striken downe to the ground from his backe 
 with terrible blowes : ran upon them that came backe upon 
 him, overthrowing frendes and foes one in an others necke, 
 til at the length having founde the body of his master slaine, 
 he lift him up from the ground with his troncke, and cary- 
 ing him upon his two tushes, returned backe with great 
 fury, treading all under feete he found in his way. Thus 
 every man being thronged and crowded up together in this 
 sorte, there was not one that could helpe him selfe : for it 
 160 
 
 The straunge 
 love of an 
 Elephant to 
 his keeper.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 seemed to be a masse and heape of a multitude, and one PYRRUS 
 whole body shut together, which sometime thrust forward, 
 and somtime gave backe, as the sway went. They fought 
 not so much against their enemies, who set apon them 
 behinde : but they did them selves more hurt, then their 
 enemies did. For if any drew out his sword, or based his 
 pyke, he could neither scabard thone againe, nor lift up 
 thother, but thrust it full upon his owne fellowes that came 
 in to helpe them, and so killed them selves one thrusting 
 upon an other. Wherefore Pyrrus seeing his people thus 
 troubled and harried to and fro, tooke his crowne from his 
 heade which he ware apon his helmet, that made him knowen 
 of his men a farre of, and gave it unto one of his familiars 
 that was next unto him : and trusting then to the goodnes 
 of his horse, flewe upon his enemies that followed him. It 
 fortuned that one hurt him with a pyke, but the wound was 
 neither daungerous nor great : wherfore Pyrrus set upon him 
 that had hurt him, who was an Argian borne, a man of 
 meane condition, and a poore olde womans sonne, whose 
 mother at that present time was gotten up to the toppe of 
 the tyles of a house, as all other women of the city were, to 
 see the fight. And she perceiving that it was her sonne 
 whome Pyrrus came apon, was so afrighted to see him in 
 that daunger, that she tooke a tyle, and with both her Kinge Pyrrus 
 handes cast it apon Pyrrus. The tyle falling of from his 
 head by reason of his head peece, lighted full in the nape of 
 his necke, and brake his necke bone a sunder : wherewith he 
 was sodainly so benummed, that he lost his sight with the 
 blow, the raines of his bridle fell out of his hande, and him 
 selfe fell from his horse to the ground, by Licymmias tombe, 
 before any man knew what he was, at the least the common 
 people. Untill at the last there came one Zopyrus, that was 
 in pay with Antigonus, and two or three other souldiers 
 also that ran straight to the place, and knowing him, 
 dragged his body into a gate, even as he was comming againe 
 to him selfe out of this traunse. This Zopyrus drewe out a 
 Slavon sword he wore by his side, to strike of his head. But 
 Pyrrus cast such a grimme countenance on him betwene his 
 eyes, that made him so afrayed, and his hand so to shake 
 3 : X 161
 
 PYRRUS 
 
 Alcyoneus 
 king Anti- 
 gouus sonne. 
 
 Antigonus 
 curtesie to- 
 wards Pyrrus 
 body and 
 frendes. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 therewith : that being thus amazed, he did not strike him 
 right in the place where he should have cut of his head, but 
 killed him under his mouth about his chinne, so that he was 
 a great while ere he could strike of his head. The matter 
 was straight blowen abroade amongest diverse : whereupon 
 Alcyoneus running thither, asked for the head that he might 
 know it againe. But when he had it, he ranne presently 
 unto his father withall, and found him talking with his 
 familiar frends, and cast Pyrrus head before him. Antigonus 
 looking upon it, when he knew it, layed apon his sonne with 
 his staffe, and called him cruell murderer, and unnaturall 
 barbarous beast : and so hyding his eyes with his cloke, wept 
 for pity, (remembring the fortune of his grandfather Anti- 
 gonus, and of his father Demetrius) and then caused Pyrrus 
 head and body to be honorably burnt and buried. After- 
 wards Alcyoneus meeting Helenus (king Pyrrus sonne) in 
 very poore state, mufled up with a poore shorte cloke : used 
 him very curteously with gentle wordes, and brought him to 
 his father. Antigonus seeing his sonne bringing of him, 
 sayd unto him : This parte now (my sonne) is better then 
 the first, and pleaseth me a great deale more. But yet 
 thou hast not done all thou shouldest : for thou shouldest 
 have taken from him his beggerly cloke he weareth, which 
 doth more shame us that are the gainers, then him that is 
 the loser. After he had spoken these wordes, Antigonus 
 embraced Helenus, and having apparelled him in good 
 sorte, sent him home with honorable convoy into his 
 real me of Epirus. Furthermore, seasing all Pyrrus 
 campe and army, he curteously received all his 
 frendes and servauntes. 
 
 THE END OF PYRRUS LIFE 
 
 162
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 THE LIFE OF CAIUS MARIUS 
 
 Romaines. 
 
 T is not knowen what was the third name of 
 Caius Marius, no more then of Quintius 
 Sertorius, who had all Spayne in his handes 
 at one time : nor of Lucius Mummius, he 
 that destroyed the citie of Corinthe. For Of the names 
 this name of Achaicus, that was g-even V/ the . 
 
 , * . W f\-m 01* 
 
 unto Mummius, of Afncanus unto Scipio : 
 and of Numidicus unto Metellus: were all 
 surnames geven them, by reason of the conquestes they wan. 
 By this reason Posidonius thinketh to overcome them that 
 say, that the third name the Romaines have, is their proper 
 name : as Camillus, Marcellus, Cato. For if it fell out so, 
 sayd he, then it must needes follow that they which have 
 two names, should have no proper name. But on the other 
 side also, he doth not consider that by the like reason he 
 should say, that women have no names : for there is not a 
 woman in Rome that is called by her first name, which 
 Posidonius judgeth to be the proper name of the Romaines. 
 And that of the other two, the one is the common name of 
 all the house or family, as of the Pompeians, of the Manlians, 
 and of the Cornelians, like as the Heraclides and the Pelopides 
 are amongest the Greecians : and the other is a surname 
 taken of the deedes, or of the nature, forme, or shape of the 
 body, or of some other like accident, as are these surnames, 
 Macrinus, Torquatus, and Sylla. Even as amongest the 
 Greecians likewise, Mnemon, which signifieth having good 
 memory : Grypos, having a crooked nose : Callinicos, con- 
 quering. But as for that, the diversitie of custome would 
 deliver objection sufficient to the contrary, to him that 
 listed. And furthermore, as touching the favor of Marius Marius favor, 
 face, we have seene an image of his in marbell at Ravenna, 
 a city of the Gaules, which doth lively represent that rough 
 severity of nature and maner which they say was in him. 
 For being borne a rough man by nature, and geven to the 
 
 163
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Marius could 
 no skill of the 
 Greeke tonge. 
 
 Platoes say- 
 ing to Xeno- 
 crates. 
 
 Marius 
 parents, 
 maners, and 
 contry. 
 
 Marius first 
 jorney unto 
 the warres. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 warres, and having followed the same altogether from his 
 youth, more then the civill life : when he came to authority, 
 ne could not bridle his anger and chollericke nature. And 
 they say furthermore, that he never learned the Greeke 
 tongue, nor used it in any matters of weight : as though it 
 had bene a mockery to study to learne the tongue, the 
 masters whereof lived in bondage under others. After his 
 second triumphe, in the dedication of a certaine temple, he 
 made Greeke playes to shewe the Romaines pastime : and 
 came into the Theater, howbeit he did but sit downe only, 
 and went his way straight. Wherfore me thinkes, that as 
 Plato was wont to say oft unto Xenocrates the Philosopher, 
 who was of a currish nature, had his head ever occupied, and 
 to severe : Xenocrates, my frend : I pray thee doe sacrifice 
 to the Graces. So if any man could have perswaded Marius 
 to have sacrificed to the Muses, and to the Greecian Graces : 
 (that is to say, that he had knowen the Greeke tongue) to so 
 many famous and glorious deedes as he did, both in peace 
 and warres, he had not joyned so unfortunate and miserable 
 an end as he made, through his choller and extreame ambi- 
 tion, at such yeares, and through an unsatiable covetousnes, 
 which like boysterous windes made him to make shipwracke 
 of all, in a most cruell, bloody, and unnaturall age. The 
 which is easily knowen in reading the discourse of his 
 doinges. First of all he was of a meane house, borne of 
 poore parents by father and mother, that got their livings by 
 sweate of their browes. His father as him selfe, was called 
 Caius : Fulcinia was his mother. And this was the cause 
 why he beganne so late to haunt the city, and to learne 
 the civility and manners of Rome, having bene brought 
 up alwayes before in a litle poore village called Cirroeaton, 
 within the territory of the city of Arpos: where he led a 
 hard contry life, in respect of those that lived pleasauntly 
 and finely in the cities, but otherwise well reformed, and 
 nearest unto the manners of the auncient Romaines. The 
 first jorney he made unto the warres, was against the Celti- 
 berians in Spayne, under Scipio African, when he went to 
 besiege the city of Numantia : where his Captaines in shorte 
 time found that he was a better souldier, then any other of 
 164
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 his companions. For he did marvelous easily receive the CAIUS 
 
 reformation of manners, and the discipline of warres, which MARIUS 
 
 Scipio advaunced amongest his souldiers that were ill trained 
 
 before, and geven over to all pleasure. And they say, that 
 
 in the sight of his Generall he fought hand to hand with one 
 
 of his enemies, and slew him : upon which occasion, Scipio 
 
 to make him love him, did offer him many curtesies and 
 
 pleasures. But specially one day above the rest, having 
 
 made him suppe with him at his table, some one after 
 
 supper falling in talke of Captaines that were in Rome 
 
 at that time : one that stoode by Scipio, asked him (either 
 
 bicause in deede he stoode in doubt, or else for that he 
 
 would curry favor with Scipio) what other Captaine the 
 
 Romaines should have after his death, like unto him. Scipio 
 
 having Marius by him, gently clapped him apon his shoulder, 
 
 and sayd : Peradventure this shalbe he. Thus happely were Scipio Afri- 
 
 they both borne, the one to shew from his youth that one cans J u ^ge- 
 
 day he should come to be a great man, and the other also ?L en . 
 
 for wisely conjecturing the end, by seeing of the beginning. 
 
 Well, it fortuned so, that these words of Scipio (by reporte) 
 
 above all things else put Marius in a good hope, as if they 
 
 had bene spoken by the oracle of some god, and made him 
 
 bold to deale in matters of state and common wealth : 
 
 where, by meanes of the favor and countenaunce Caecilius 
 
 Metellus gave him (whose house his father and he had 
 
 alwayes followed and honored) he obtained the office of Marius 
 
 Tribuneshippe. In this office he preferred a law touching Tribune of 
 i ^1 i . / ji the people, 
 
 the manner howe to geve the voyces in election 01 the 
 
 Magistrates, which did seeme to take from the nobility the 
 authority they had in judgement. And therefore the Con- 
 sull Cotta stepped up against it, and perswaded the Senate CottaConsull. 
 to resist that lawe, and not suffer it to be authorised, and 
 therewithall presently to call Marius before them to yeld 
 a reason of his doing. So was it agreed uppon in the Senate. 
 Now Marius comming into the Senate, was not abashed at 
 any thing, as some other young man would have bene, that 
 had but newly begonne to enter into the world as he did, 
 and having no other notable calling or quality in him, 
 saving his vertue only to commend him : but taking boldenes 
 
 165
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CAIUS of him selfe (as the noble actes he afterwards did, gave show 
 MARIUS of his valor) he openly threatned the Consull Cotta to sende 
 him to prison, if he did not presently withdrawe the con- 
 clusion he had caused to be resolved apon. The Consull 
 then turning him selfe unto Caecilius Metellus, asked him 
 how he liked it ? Metellus standing up, spake in the behalfe 
 of the Consull : and then Marius calling a sergeaunt out, 
 commaunded him to take Metellus selfe, and to cary him 
 to prison. Metellus appealed to the other Tribunes, but 
 never a one would take his matter in hand : so that the 
 Senate when all was done, were compelled to call backe 
 the conclusion that before was taken. Then Marius re- 
 turning with great honor into the market place among 
 the assembly of the people, caused this law to passe and 
 be authorised : and every man held opinion of him that 
 he would prove a stowt man, and such a one, as would 
 not stoupe for any feare, nor shrinke for bashfullnes, 
 but would beard the Senate in favor of the people. Not- 
 withstanding, he shortly after chaunged opinion, and 
 altered the first, by an other act he made. For when an 
 other went about to have a law made, to distribute corne 
 unto every citizen without payment of any penny, he was 
 vehemently against it, and overthrew it : so that thereby he 
 came to be a like honored and estemed of either party, as 
 he that would neither pleasure the one, nor the other, to 
 the prejudice of the common wealth. After he had bene 
 Tribune, he sued for the chiefest office of yEdilis. Of the 
 Two sortes of JEdiles there are two sortes : the first is called ^Edilitas 
 ^diles. CuruliS) so named bicause of certaine chayers that have 
 
 jEdilitas crooked feete, upon which they sit when they geve audience. 
 Curuhs. T^ other j s o f i esse dignity, and that is called JEdilitas 
 
 JEdilitas popularis : and when they have chosen the first and greater 
 populans. ^Edilis at Rome, they presently proceede the same day also 
 in the market place unto election of the lesser. Marius see- 
 Marius ing plainely that he was put by the chiefest of the ^Ediles, 
 
 denyed to turned againe straight yet to demaund the second : but this 
 be vEdilis. was m j s lik ec l j n hj m) an d they tooke him for too bold, too 
 shameles, and too presumptuous a man. So that in one 
 selfe day he had two denyalles and repulses, which never 
 166
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 man but him selfe before had. And neverthelesse, all this CAIUS 
 could not cut his combe, but shortely after he sued also MARIUS 
 for the Praetorshippe, and he lacked but litle of the deniall 
 of that: yet in the ende, being last of all chosen, he was Marius chosen 
 accused to have bribed the people, and bought their voyces Praetor, 
 for money. And surely amongest many other, this pre- 
 sumption was very great : that they saw a man of Cassius 
 Sabacon within the barres where the election is made, run- 
 ning to and fro amonge them that gave their voyces, bicause 
 this Sabacon was Marius very great frend. The matter 
 came before the j udges, and Sabacon was examined upon it. 
 Whereunto he aunswered, that for the great extreame heate 
 he felt, he was very dry, and asked for colde water to drinke, 
 and that this man had brought him some in a potte where 
 he was, howbeit that he went his way as soone as ever he 
 had dronke. This Sabacon was afterwardes put out of the Sabacon put 
 Senate by the next Censors, and many judge that he was of the Senate, 
 worthy of this infamy, for that he was perjured in judgement, 
 or bicause he was so subject and geven to his pleasure. 
 Caius Herennius was also called for a witnesse against CaiusHeren- 
 Marius : but he did alleage for his excuse, that the law and nius pl? ad ed 
 custome did dispense with the Patrone, to be a witnesse j"jy a u spe- 
 against his follower and client, and he was quit by the ing the patron 
 judges. For the Romaines alwayes call those Patrons, who and client, 
 take the protection of meaner then them selves into their 
 handes : saying, that Marius predecessors, and Marius him 
 selfe, had ever bene followers of the house of the Herennians. 
 The judges received his aunswere, and allowed thereof. But 
 Marius spake against it, alleaging, that since he had received 
 this honor to beare office in the common wealth, he was now 
 growen from this base condicion, to be any more a follower 
 of any man : the which was not true in all. For every office 
 of a Magistrate doth not exempt him that hath the office, 
 nor yet his posterity, to be under the patronage of an other, % 
 nor doth discharge him from the duety of honoring them : 
 but of necessity he must be a Magistrate, which the law doth 
 permit to sit in the crooked chayer called Curulis, that is to 
 say, caried uppon a charet through the city. But notwith- 
 standing that at the first hearing of this cause, Marius had 
 
 167
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Marius actes 
 in Spayne. 
 
 The opinion 
 of Spanyards 
 in olde time. 
 
 Eloquence, 
 and riches, 
 raised men to 
 authority. 
 
 How Marius 
 credit and 
 estimacion 
 grew. 
 
 lulia, Marius 
 wife. 
 
 Marius tem- 
 peraunce and 
 pacience. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 but ill successe, and that the judges were against him all 
 they could : yet in the ende for all that, at the last hearing 
 of his matter, Marius, contrary to all mens opinions, was dis- 
 charged, bicause the judges opinions with and against him 
 fell to be of like number. He used him selfe very orderly in 
 his office of Praetorshippe, and after his yeare was out, when 
 it came to devide the provinces by lot, Spaine fell unto him, 
 which is beyond the river of Baetis : where it is reported that 
 he skowred all the contrie thereabouts of theeves and robbers, 
 which notwithstanding was yet very cruell and savage, for 
 the rude, barbarous, and uncivill manner and facion of life 
 of the inhabitantes there. For the Spanyards were of 
 opinion even at that time, that it was a goodly thinge to 
 live apon thefte and robbery. At his returne to Rome out 
 of Spayne, desiring to deale in matters of the common 
 wealth, he saw that he had neither eloquence nor riches, 
 which were the two meanes, by the which those that were 
 at that time in credit and authority, did cary the people 
 even as they would. Notwithstanding, they made great 
 accompt of his constancy and noble minde they found in 
 him, of his great paynes and travell he tooke continually, 
 and of the simplicity of his life : which were causes to bring 
 him to honor and preferment, insomuch as he maried very 
 highly. For he maried lulia, that was of the noble house 
 of the Caesars, and aunte unto lulius Caesar : who after- 
 wardes came to be the chiefest man of all the Romaines, and 
 who by reason of that allyance betwene them, seemed in 
 some thinges to followe Marius, as we have wrytten in his 
 life. Marius was a man of great temperaunce and pacience, 
 as may be judged by an acte he did, puttinge him selfe into 
 the handes of surgeons. For his shanckes and legges were 
 full of great swollen veynes, and being angrie bicause it was 
 no pleasaunt thinge to beholde : he determined to put him 
 selfe into the handes of surgeons to be cured. And first, 
 laying out one of his legges to the surgeon to worke upon, 
 he would not be bound as others are in the like case : 
 but paciently abode all the extreame paines a man must of 
 necessity feele being cut, without sturring, groning, or sigh- 
 ing, still keeping his countenaunce, and sayed never a word. 
 168
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 But when the surgeon had done with his first legge, and CAIUS 
 would have gone to the other, he would not geve it him : MARIUS 
 Nay sayd he, I see the cure is not worth the paine I must 
 abide. Afterwardes, Csecilius Metellus the Consull, being Csecilius 
 appointed to go into Africke to make warre with king Metellus 
 lugurthe, tooke Marius with him for one of his Lieutenauntes. Consull. 
 Marius being there, seeing notable good service to be done, Marius, 
 and good occasion to shew his manhoode, was not of minde Metellus 
 in this voyage to increase Metellus honor and reputacion, as ^euteuaunt 
 4.u T jP j-j j 0.1. i-o. j.u i. -i. o. m the warre 
 
 other Lieutenauntes did : and thought that it was not ag a i ns t 
 
 Metellus that called him forth for his Lieutenaunt, but lugurthe. 
 fortune her selfe that presented him a fit occasion to raise 
 him to greatnes, and (as it were) did lead him by the hand 
 into a goodly field, to put him to the proofe of that he 
 coulde doe. And for this cause therefore, he endevored him 
 selfe to shew all the possible proofes of valliantnesse and 
 honor he could. For, the warres being great continually 
 there, he never for feare refused any attempt or service, how 
 daungerous or painfull soever it were, neither disdained to 
 take any service in hand, were it never so litle : but exceeding 
 all other his fellowes and companions in wisedome and fore- 
 sight, in that which was to be done, and striving with the 
 meanest souldiers in living hardly and painefully, wanne the 
 goodwill and favor of every man. For to say truely, it is a 
 great comforte and refreshing to souldiers that labor, to have 
 companions that labor willingly with them. For they thinke, 
 that their company laboring with them, doth in manner take 
 away the compulsion and necessity. Furthermore, it pleaseth 
 the Romaine souldier marvelously to see the Generall eate 
 openly of the same bread he eateth, or that he lyeth on a The labour 
 hard bed as he doth, or that him selfe is the first man to set and presence 
 his hande to any worke when a trenche is to be cast, or their of ^ e 9 e ^~ 
 campe to be fortified. For they doe not so much esteeme t jj e sou i(ii ers 
 the Captaines, that honor and reward them : as they doe worke wil- 
 those that in daungerous attempts labor, and venture their lingly. 
 lives with them. And further, they do farre better love 
 them that take paines with them, then those that suffer them 
 to live idlely by them. Marius performing all this, and 
 winning thereby the love and goodwills of his souldiers : he 
 3 : Y 169
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Marius the 
 author of 
 Turpilius 
 false accusa- 
 tion and 
 death. 
 
 Vacca, a 
 
 great city. 
 
 The cause of 
 the supposed 
 treason 
 against 
 Turpilius. 
 
 Turpilius 
 wrongfully 
 put to death. 
 
 Displeasure 
 betwixt 
 Metellus and 
 Marius. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 straight filled all Libya and the city of Rome with his glory, 
 so that he was in every manns mouth. For they that were 
 in the campe in Africke, wrote unto them that were at 
 Rome, that they should never see the ende of these warres 
 against this barbarous king, if they gave not the charge unto 
 Marius, and chose him Consull. These thinges misliked 
 Metellus very much, but specially the misfortune that came 
 apon Turpilius, did marvelously trouble him : which fell out 
 in this sorte. Turpilius was Metellus frende, yea he and 
 all his parentes had followed Metellus in this warre, being 
 master of the workes in his campe. Metellus made him 
 governor over the city of Vacca, a goodly great city : and he 
 using the inhabitantes of the same very gently and curteously, 
 mistrusted nothing, till he was fallen into the handes of his 
 enemies through their treason. For they had brought king 
 lugurthe into their city unknowing to him, howbeit they 
 did him no hurt, but onely begged him of the king, and let 
 him goe his way safe. And this was the cause why they 
 accused Turpilius of treason. Marius being one of his 
 judges in the counsell, was not contented to be bitter to him 
 him selfe, but moved many of the counsell besides to be 
 against him. So that Metellus by the voyces of the people, 
 was driven against his will to condemne him, to suffer as a 
 traitor : and shortly after it was founde, and proved, that 
 Turpilius was wrongfully condemned, and put to death. To 
 say truely, there was not one of the counsel but were very 
 sory with Metellus, who marvelous impaciently tooke the 
 death of the poore innocent. But Marius contrarily re- 
 joy ced, and tooke it upon him that he pursued his death, 
 and was not ashamed to make open vauntes, that he had 
 hanged a fury about Metellus necke, to revenge his 
 frendes blood, whom he giltlesse had caused to be put to 
 death. After that time they became mortall enemies. And 
 they say, that one day Metellus to mocke him withall, sayd 
 unto him : O good man, thou wilt leave us then, and returne 
 to Rome to sue for the Consulshippe, and canst thou not be 
 contented to tary to be Consull with my sonne ? Now his 
 sonne at that time was but a boy. But whatsoever the 
 matter ment, Marius left him not so, but labored for leave 
 170
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 all he could possible. And Metellus after he had used many CAIUS 
 delayes and excuses, at the length gave him leave, twelve MARIUS 
 dayes only before the day of election of the Consulls. Where- 
 fore Marius made hast, and in two dayes and a night came 
 from the campe to Utica apon the sea side, which is a mar- 
 velous way from it : and there before he tooke shippe, did 
 sacrifice unto the goddes, and the Soothsayer tolde him, 
 that the goddes by the signes of his sacrifices, did promise 
 him uncredible prosperity, and so great, as he himselfe durst 
 not hope after. These wordes made Marius hart greater. 
 Whereupon he hoysed sayle, and having a passing good gale 
 of winde in the poope of the shippe, passed the seaes in foure 
 dayes, and being landed, rode poste to Rome. When he 
 was arrived, he went to shewe him selfe unto the people : 
 who were marvelous desirous to see him. And being brought 
 by one of the Tribunes of the people unto the pulpit for 
 orations, after many accusations which he objected against 
 Metellus, in the end he besought the people to choose him 
 Consull, promising that within few dayes he would either 
 kill, or take king lugurthe prisoner. Whereupon he was 
 chosen Consull without any contradiction. And so soone as Marius first 
 he was proclaimed, he beganne immediatly to leavie men of ** me of being 
 warre, causing many poore men that had nothing, and many 
 slaves also, to be enrolled against the order of auncient 
 custome : where other Captaines before him did receive no 
 such maner of men, and did no more suffer unworthy men to 
 be souldiers, then they did allow of unworthy officers in the 
 common wealth : in doing the which every one of them that 
 were enrolled, left their goodes behinde them, as a pledge of 
 their good service abroade in the warres. Yet this was not 
 the matter that made Marius to be most hated, but they 
 were his stowte prowde wordes, full of contempt of others, Marius 
 that did chiefely offende the noble men in the city. For he offended the 
 proclaimed it every where abroade as it were, that his Con- nobilitv - 
 sullshippe was a spoyle he had gotten of the effeminate riche 
 noble men through his valliantnes, and that the wounds 
 which he had upon his body for service of the common 
 wealth, and not the monuments of the dead, nor the images 
 and statues of others, were those that recommended him to 
 
 171
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Marius 
 deprived 
 Metellus of 
 the honor of 
 conquering 
 of king 
 lugurthe. 
 
 Bocchus 
 kinge of 
 Numidia, 
 delivereth 
 lugurthe 
 unto Sylla. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the people, nor weare his strength. And ofttimes naming 
 Albinus, and otherwhile Bestia, both noble men, and of 
 great houses, who having bene Generalls of the Romaine 
 army, had very ill fortune in the contry of Libya : he called 
 them cowardes, and simple souldiers, asking them that were 
 about him, if they did not thinke that their auncesters would 
 rather have wished to have left their children that came of 
 them like unto him selfe, then such as they had bene : con- 
 sidering that they them selves had wonne honor and glory, 
 not for that they were discended of noble blood, but through 
 their deserved vertue and valliant deedes. Now Marius 
 spake not these wordes in a foolishe bravery, and for vaine 
 glory onely, to purchase the ill will of the nobility for 
 nothing : but the common people being very glad to see him 
 shame and despite the Senate, and measuring alwayes the 
 greatnes of his corage with his hawty fierce wordes, they 
 egged him forward still not to spare the nobility, and to 
 reprove the great men, so that he ever held with the com- 
 munalty. And furthermore, when he was passed over againe 
 into Africke, it spited Metellus to the hart, bicause that he 
 having ended all the warre, that there remained almost no 
 more to take or winne, Marius should come in that sorte to 
 take away the glory and triumphe out of his handes, having 
 sought to rise and increase by unthankefullnes towards him. 
 He would not come to him therefore, but went an other 
 way, and left the army with Rutilius one of his Lieutenauntes, 
 to deliver the same unto him. Howbeit the revenge of this 
 ingratitude, lighted in the ende upon Marius owne necke. 
 For Sylla tooke out of Marius hands, the honor of ending 
 this warre : even as Marius had taken it from Metellus. But 
 how, and after what sorte, I will repeate it in few words, 
 bicause we have written the particularities more at large in 
 the life of Sylla. Bocchus king of high Numidia, was father 
 in law unto king lugurthe, unto whom he gave no great 
 aide, whilest he made warres with the Romaines, bicause he 
 hated his unfaithfullnes, and feared least he would make 
 him selfe greater then he was : but in the end, after lugurthe 
 had fled, and wandered up and downe in every place, he was 
 constrained of very necessity to cast his last hope and ancker 
 172
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 apon him, as his finall refuge, and so repayre unto him. CAIUS 
 King Bocchus received him rather for shame, bicause he MARIUS 
 durst not punish him, then for any love or goodwill he bare 
 him : and having him in his hands, seemed openly to intreate 
 Marius for him, and secretly to wryte the contrary unto him. 
 But in the meane time, he practised treason under hande, 
 and sent prively for Lucius Sylla, who then was Quaestor (to Lucius Sylla 
 say, high treasorer) under Marius, and of whome he had Q u f st ?T 
 received certaine pleasures in those warres. Sylla trusting u 
 to this barbarous king, went at his sending for to him. But 
 when he was come, king Bocchus repented him of his pro- 
 mise, and altered his minde, standing many dayes in doubt 
 with him selfe howe to resolve, whether he should deliver 
 king lugurthe, or keepe Sylla him selfe : yet at the last he 
 went on with his purpose and intended treason, and delivered 
 king lugurthe alive into Syllaes hands. And this was the The originall 
 first originall cause of the pestilent and mortall enmitie that c ? u * * * 
 grew afterwardes betwixt Marius and Sylla, and was like to Betwixt 81 
 have utterly overthrowen the citie of Rome, and to have Marius and' 
 rased the foundation of the empyre unto the grounde. For Sylla. 
 many envyinge the glorie of Marius, gave it out every where, 
 that this acte of the taking of king lugurthe, appertained 
 only unto Sylla : and Sylla him selfe caused a ring to be 
 made, which he ware commonly, and had graven upon the 
 stone of the same, how Bocchus delivered lugurthe into his 
 handes. And afterwardes he made it allwayes his seale to 
 dispite Marius with all, who was an ambitious and proude 
 man, and coulde abide no companion to be partaker of the 
 glorie of his doings : and Sylla did it specially at the pro- 
 curement of enemies and ill willers, who gave the glory of 
 the beginning and chiefe exployts of this warre, unto Metellus, 
 and the last and finall conclusion unto Sylla, to the ende 
 that the people should not have Marius in so great estima- 
 cion and good opinion, as they had before. But all this 
 envy, detraction, and hatred against Marius, was soone after 
 extinguished and troden under foote, by reason of the great 
 daunger that fell apon all Italic out of the West : and they 
 never spake of it afterwardes, knowing that the common 
 wealth stoode in neede of a good Captaine, and that they 
 
 173
 
 The comming 
 into Italic of 
 the Teutons 
 and Cimbres. 
 
 The army of 
 the Teutons 
 and Cimbres 
 300000 men. 
 
 Cimbri. 
 
 beganne to looke about, and consider who should be that 
 great wise Pylot, that might save and preserve it, from so 
 exceding daungerous storme of warres. For there was not a 
 noble man of all the auncient houses of Rome, that durst 
 undertake to offer him selfe to demaunde the Consullshippe : 
 but Marius being absent, was chosen Consull the second time. 
 For lugurthe was no sooner taken, but newes came to Rome 
 of the comming downe of the Teutons, and of the Cimbres, 
 the which would not be beleved at the first, by reason of 
 the infinite number of the fighting men which was sayd to 
 be in their company, and for the uncredible force and power 
 of armies which was j ustified to come also : but afterwardes 
 they knew plainely, that the rumor that ranne abroade was 
 lesse, then the troth fell out in deede. For they were three 
 hundred thowsand fighting men all armed, who brought 
 with them also an other multitude as great (or more) of 
 women and children : which wandered up and downe seeking 
 contries and townes to dwell and live in, as they heard say 
 the Gaules had done in olde time, who leaving their owne 
 contry, came, and had possessed the best parte of Italic, 
 which they had taken away from the Thuscans. Now to 
 say truely, no man knewe of what nation they were, nor 
 from whence they came : as well for that they had no frend- 
 shippe with any other people, as also bicause they came out 
 of a farre contry, as a clowde of people that was spred all 
 over Gaule and Italie. It was douted much that they came 
 out of Germanye, dwelling about the north sea: and this 
 they conjectured by viewe of the greatnes of their bodies, 
 and also for that they had darke blew eyes and redde, besides 
 that the Germanes in their tongue doe call theeves and 
 robbers, Cimbri. Other say that Celtica, for the great length 
 and largenes of the contry, stretching it selfe from the coast 
 of the great Occean sea and from the north partes, drawing 
 towards the marisses Moeotides, and the East runneth into 
 Scythia, or Tartaria Pontica : and that for neighbourhood 
 these two nations joyned together, and went out of their 
 contrie, not that they made this great voyage all at one 
 time, but at many sundry times, marching yearely in the 
 spring further and further into the contry. And thus by 
 174
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 continuance of time, they passed by force of armes through CAIUS 
 all the firme lande of Europe : and that for this cause, MARIUS 
 although they had many particular names according to 
 the diversitie of their nations, yet all this masse and 
 multitude of people gathered together, were called not- 
 withstanding, the army of the Celtoscythes, as who would 
 say, the Celtotartares. Other hold opinion that the nation 
 of the Cimmerians, who were knowen in old time for auncient Cimmerij. 
 Greecians, the one parte of them were not very great in 
 respect of the whole, the which being fled (or driven out 
 of their contrie for some civill dissention) were compelled by 
 the Tartares to passe beyond the marisses Moeotides, into 
 the contries of Asia, under the conduction of a Captaine 
 called Ligdamis. But the residue of them which were a 
 farre greater number, and more warlike men, they dwelt in 
 the furdest partes of the earth, adjoyning unto the great 
 Occean sea, in a darke shadowed contrie, covered with wonder- 
 full forrestes, of such length, and so great and thicke, and 
 the trees so high, that the sunne can have no power upon 
 the ground, and they joyne hard upon the great forrest of 
 Hercynia. And furthermore, they are under such a climate, 
 where the pole is of such a height by the inclination of 
 the circles equidistant, which they call Parallelles, that it is 
 not farre from the poynte that aunswereth directly to the 
 plummet uppon the head of the inhabitantes : and where 
 the dayes are equinoctiall, they doe devide all their time 
 in two partes, the which geveth Homer occasion to fayne, 
 that when Ulisses would call upon the dead, he went into the 
 contry of the Cimmerians, as into the contry of hell. And 
 this is the cause why they say these barbarous people left 
 their owne contries to come into Italie, which from the be- 
 ginning were called Cimmerians, and afterwardes they say 
 (and not without great likelyhoode) that they were surnamed 
 Cimbres : howebeit that is spoken rather by a likely conjec- 
 ture, then by any assured troth of history. And as for the 
 multitude of men, the most parte of historiographers doe 
 wryte, that they were rather moe, then lesse then we have 
 spoken of: and that they were so hardy and valliant, that 
 nothing coulde stande before them, they did so great thinges 
 
 175
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CAIUS by the strength of their handes where they fought with any, 
 MARIUS so violently, and so sodainely, that they seemed to be like 
 a lightninge fire all about where they came. By meanes 
 whereof, they met with no man that durst resist them, but 
 scraped together and caried away, all that they found, hande 
 over head : and there were many Romaine Captaines ap- 
 pointed governors to keepe that which the Romaines held 
 in Gaule beyonde the mountaines, who with great armies 
 were shamefully overthrowen by them. The cowardlynes of 
 those, whom they had overcome, was the chiefest cause that 
 moved them to direct their jorney to Rome. For when they 
 had vanquished the first they fought withall, and gotten 
 great richesse also : they were so fleshed by this, that they 
 determined to stay no where before they had first destroyed 
 Rome, and sacked all Italic. The Romaines hearing of this 
 out of all partes, sent for Marius to geve him the conduc- 
 Mariuschosen tion and leading of these warres, and chose him Consull the 
 Consull the seconde time : notwithstanding that it was directly against 
 a^ust tnT ^ e lawe, that did expressely forbid any man to be chosen 
 l aw< being absent, and untill also a certaine time appointed had 
 
 past betwene the vacation and election, before they could 
 choose him officer twise in one office. Some alleaged this 
 law, of intent to hinder the election. But the people 
 repulst them, objecting to the contrary : that this was not 
 the first time the law had geven place to the benefit of the 
 Law must give common wealth, and that the occasion offered to abrogate 
 place for com- ^ ne j aw a j. ^^ present was no lesse, then former occasions 
 by the which they chose Scipio Consull, against the course 
 and time appointed by the law, not for any feare they stoode 
 in to lose their owne contrie, but for the desire they had to 
 destroy the contry of the Carthaginians, by reason whereof 
 the people proceeded to election. And Marius bringing 
 home his armie againe out of Libya into Italie, tooke posses- 
 sion of his Consulship the first day of January (on which day 
 the Romaines beginne their yeare) and therwithall made 
 
 Marms ^jg triumphe into the city of Rome, showing that to the 
 
 tnumphe ~ , . , , . , J ,. , 
 
 into Rome, Romaines, which they thought never to have scene : and 
 
 for king that was, kinge lugurthe prisoner, who was so subtill a man, 
 
 lugurthe. and coulde so well frame him selfe unto his fortune, and with 
 176
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 his craft and subtiltie was of so great corage besides, that CAIUS 
 none of his enemies ever hoped to have had him alive. But MARIUS 
 it is sayd, that after he was led in this triumphe, he fell mad 
 straight apon it. And the pompe of triumphe being ended, 
 he was caried into prisone, where the sergeauntes for hast to 
 have the spoyle of him, tare his apparell by force from of 
 his backe : and bicause they would take away his rich golde 
 eare ringes that hong at his eares, they pulled away with 
 them the typpe of his eare, and then cast him naked to the 
 bottome of a deepe dungeon, his wittes being altogether 
 troubled. Yet when they did throw him downe, laughing 
 he sayd : O Hercules, how colde are your stoves. He lived 
 there yet six dayes, fighting with hunger, and desiring 
 alwayes to prolong his miserable life unto the last hower : 
 the which was a just deserved punishment for his wicked life. 
 In this triumphe were caried (as they say) three thowsand 
 and seven hundred pound weight in gold, and of silver nygots, 
 five thowsand seven hundred and Ixxv. pounde weight : and 
 more in golde and ready coyne, eight and twenty thowsand 
 and seven hundred crownes. After this triumphe, Marius 
 caused the Senate to assemble within the Capitoll, where he 
 entred into the companie with his triumphinge robe, either 
 bicause he forgot it, or else of too grosse and uncivill arro- 
 gancy : but perceiving that all the assemblie misliked of it, 
 he rose sodainly, and tooke his long Consulls gowne, and 
 then returned quickely againe into his place. Furthermore 
 Marius departing to goe to the warres, thought to traine How Marius 
 his army by the way, and to harden his souldiers unto trained his 
 labor, causing them to runne every way, making great longe s< 3rs * 
 jorneys, compelling ech souldier to cary his owne furniture, 
 and to prepare him necessary vittells to finde him selfe 
 withall : so that ever after they made a proverbe of it, 
 and called such as were paineful and willing to do that 
 which they were commaunded without grudging, Marius Marius 
 movies. Other notwithstanding, do shew an other cause movies, 
 and beginning of this proverbe. For they say, that Scipio 
 lying at the siege of the city of Numantia, would not only 
 take view of the armor and horses of service that were in 
 his armie, but also of the movies and other beastes of burden, 
 3 : Z 177
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Marius com- 
 mended for 
 his justice. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 bicause he would see how they were kept and furnished. So 
 Marius brought his horse and moyle to the muster which 
 he kept him selfe, fatte, fayer, and very well drest, and his 
 movies heare so slike and smooth, and therewithal! so lusty 
 and trimme, as none of the rest were like unto them. Scipio 
 tooke great pleasure to see these beastes so well kept, and 
 in so good plyte : insomuch as he spake of it afterwards many 
 a time and oft. And upon his words, this manner of talke 
 was taken up ever after, and became a common proverbe : 
 when they meane to mocke any man that is painefull, and 
 geven to sore labor, makinge as though they would praise 
 him, they call him Marius moyle. Furthermore, it was 
 a happy turne for Marius (in mine opinion) that these 
 barbarous people (like in force to the beating backe of the 
 raging seaes) turned their first fury towardes Spayne : and 
 that he in the meane space had time and leasure to traine 
 and exercise his souldiers, to make them bolde, and withall, 
 him selfe to be throughly knowen amongest them. For when 
 by litle and litle they had learned not to offend, nor disobey: 
 then they found his rough commaunding, and sharpe severity 
 in punishing such as slacke their duety, both profitable and 
 very necessarie, besides that it was also just and reasonable. 
 Againe, his great fury, his sharpe words, and his fierce 
 lookes, after they had a while bene used to them, by litle 
 and litle they seemed nothinge so fearfull to them, as to 
 their enemies. But the thing that pleased the souldiers 
 more then all the rest, was his justice and upright deal- 
 inge : whereof they reporte such an example : Marius had 
 a nephewe of his in his campe called Caius Lusius, who had 
 charge of men in the army. This Lusius was taken for a 
 marvelous honest man, saving that he had this fowle vice 
 in him, that he would be sodainly in love with fayer young 
 boyes: and as at that time he fell in love with a trimme 
 younge striplinge, called Trebonius, that served under him, 
 and having many times lewdly entised him, and never could 
 obtaine his purpose, at the last sent for him one night by his 
 servaunt. The young man might not disobay his Captaine 
 being sent for, but presently went unto him. When he was 
 come into his tent, and that his Captaine did strive with all 
 178
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 his force to doe him villanny : he drewe out his sworde, and CAIUS 
 killed him in the place. And this was done when Marius MARIUS 
 was out of his campe : who so soone as he returned, caused 
 the marshall to bring the young man before him. Many 
 stepped forth straight to accuse him, but no man to defend 
 him. Wherefore he boldly began to tell his tale himselfe, 
 and to name many witnesses, who had both scene and knowen 
 how his dead Captaine had oftentimes offered him dishonor, 
 and how that he had continually resisted his abhominable 
 motion, and would never yeld him selfe unto him, for any 
 gift or present he could offer him. Wherefore Marius com- 
 mending him greatly, and being very glad of it, caused 
 presently one of those crownes to be brought unto him, 
 which are used to be geven to them that in a day of 
 battel have done some valliant deede, and he him selfe 
 did crowne Trebonius withall, as one that had done a 
 noble acte, and at such a time, as good and honest ex- 
 amples were requisite. This judgement of Marius beinge 
 caried to Rome, stoode him to great good purpose towardes 
 the obtaining of his third Consulshippe : besides also that Marius third 
 they looked for the comming backe of these barbarous Consull- 
 people about the springe with whome the Romaine souldiers shippe. 
 would not fight under any other Captaine, then Marius. 
 Howbeit they came not so soone againe as they looked for 
 them, but Marius passed over also the yeare of his third 
 Consullshippe. So time comming about againe for the 
 election of newe Consulls, and his companion also being 
 dead : he was driven to goe him selfe unto Rome, leaving 
 the charge of his campe in his absence, unto Manius Acilius. Manius 
 At that time there were many noble men that sued for the Acilius Lieu- 
 Consulshippe : but Lucius Saturninus one of the Tribunes, tenant of the 
 who had the communalty under his girdell as he would him M^ms? 11 
 selfe, more then any of thother Tribunes, and being wonne 
 under hand by Marius, made many orations, in the which he Lucius 
 perswaded the people to choose Marius Consull the fourth Saturninus 
 time. Marius to the contrary, seemed to refuse it, saying Tribune, 
 that he would none of it, though the people chose him. 
 Whereupon Saturninus called him traitor, crying out, that 
 his refusall in such a daunger and time of necessity, was an 
 
 179
 
 Luctatius. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CAIUS apparant parte to betray the common wealth. It was found 
 MARIUS straight that this was a grosse packe betwixt Saturninus and 
 Marius, by such as could see day at a litle hole. Neverthe- 
 lesse, the people considering that their present troubles 
 required Marius skil and good fortune in the warres, they 
 Marius fourth made him Consull the fourth time, and joyned Catulus 
 Cpnsullshippe Luctatius Consul with him, a man that was greatly honored 
 with Catulus Q f ^e nobility, and not misliked also of the common people. 
 Marius having newes of the approching of the barbarous 
 people, passed over the Alpes with great speede, and fortify- 
 Rhodanus fl. ing his campe by the river of Rhone, he brought great pro- 
 vision of all kindes of vittels thither with him, least being 
 straighted by lacke therof, he should be forced to come to 
 battell at any other time, but even as he would him selfe, 
 and as it should seeme good unto him. And where before 
 that time the transporting of vittells unto his campe by 
 sea was very long, and daungerous, and a marvelous great 
 charge besides : he made it very shorte and easie by this 
 meanes. The mouth of the river of Rhone had gathered 
 together so much mudde, and such store of sande, which the 
 waves of the sea had cast on heapes together, that the same 
 was becomen very high and depe : so as the banckes made 
 the entry into it very narrow, hard, and daungerous for 
 great shippes of burden that came from the sea. Marius 
 considering this matter, set his men a worke while they had 
 nothing to do, and made them digge a large trench and deepe 
 channell, into the which he turned a great parte of the river, 
 and caried it to a convenient place of the coast, where the 
 water fell into the sea by an open gulfe, wherby he made it 
 able to cary the greatest shippes that were : and besides 
 that, it was in a very still quiet place, not being troubled 
 with windes nor waves. The channell carieth yet his name, 
 and is called Marius Channell or trenche. These barbarous 
 people devided them selves into two armies to passe into 
 Italic, so that it fell out to the one parte which were the 
 Cimbres, to goe through high Germanye, and to force that 
 passage which Catulus kept : and unto the other parte, 
 which were the Teutons and Ambrons, to passe through the 
 contry of the Genouesians by the sea side against Marius. 
 180 
 
 Marius 
 channell. 
 
 The Cimbres 
 went through 
 Germanieinto 
 Italic.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Now the Cimbres having the greater compasse to fetch CAIUS 
 about, stayed lenger, and remained behinde : but the MARIUS 
 Teutons and the Ambrons going their way first, had in fewe The Teutons 
 dayes dispatched their jorney they had to go, to bring them ^ Ambrons 
 to the campe where the Romaines lay, unto whom they jy| ar ius to 
 presented themselves by infinite numbers, with terrible faces passe into 
 to beholde, and their cryes and voyces farre contrary unto Italie,through 
 other mens. They tooke in a marvelous deale of grounde in the territory 
 length to campe upon, and so came forth to defie Marius, 
 and provoke him to battell in open field. Marius made 
 no reckoning of all their bragging defiances, but kept his 
 men together within his campe, taking on terribly with them 
 that would rashely take upon them to move ought to the 
 contrary, and which through impacience of choller would 
 nedes go forth to fight, calling them traytors to their 
 contry. For said he, we are not come to fight for our 
 private glory, neither to winne two triumphes nor victories 
 for our selves : but we must seeke by all meanes to divert 
 and put by this great shower of warres from us, and this 
 lightning and tempest, that it overcome not all Italic. 
 These words he spake unto the private Captaines which were 
 under him, as unto men of havior and quality. But as for 
 the common souldiers, he made them stande upon the 
 trenches of his campe, one after an other to behold the 
 enemies, and to acquaint them selves with sight of their 
 faces, their countenaunce, and marching, and not to be 
 afrayed of their voyces to heare them speake, which were 
 wonderfull, both straunge and beastly : and also that they 
 might know the facion of their weapons, and how they 
 handled them. And by this order and ordinary viewing of 
 them, in time he made the things that semed fearefull unto 
 his men at the first sight, to be afterwards very familiar : so 
 that they made no more wondring at them. For he judged, 
 the thing which in deede is true, that a rare and new matter 
 never seene before, for lacke of judgement and understand- 
 ing, maketh things unknowen to us, more horrible and feare- 
 full then they are : and to the contrary, that custome taketh 
 away a great deale of feare, and terror of those things, which 
 by nature are in deede fearefull. The which was seene then 
 
 181
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Martha, a 
 wise woman 
 or prophet- 
 esae. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 by experience. For they being dayly acquainted to looke 
 upon these barbarous people, it did not only diminish some 
 parte of the former feare of the Romaine souldiers : but 
 furthermore they whetting their choller with the fierce un- 
 tollerable threates and bragges of these barbarous brutish 
 people, did set their hartes a fire to fight with them, 
 bicause they did not only wast and destroy all the contry 
 about them, but besides that, came to geve assault even 
 unto their campe with such a boldnes, that the Romaine 
 souldiers could no lenger suffer them, and they letted not to 
 speake wordes that came to Man us eares him selfe. What 
 cowardlines hath Marius ever knowen in us, that he keepes 
 us thus from fighting, and under locke and key as it were, in 
 the gard of porters, as if we were women ? Let us there- 
 fore shew our selves like men, and go aske him if he looke 
 for any other souldiers beside our selves to defend Italic : 
 and if he have determined to employ us as pioners onely, 
 when he would cast a trenche to ridde away the mudde, or to 
 turne a river contrary. For therein hath he onely hither- 
 unto employed us in great labor, and they are the notable 
 workes he hath done in his two Consullshippes, whereof he 
 maketh his boast unto them at Rome. Is he afrayed they 
 should take him, as they did Carbo and Caepio, whom the 
 enemies have overthrowen ? He must not be afrayed of 
 that : for he is a Captaine of an other manner of valor and 
 reputacion then they were, and his army much better then 
 theirs was. But howesoever it be, yet were it much better 
 in proving to loose something, then to be idle, and to suffer 
 our frends and confederats to be destroyed and sacked 
 before our eyes. Marius was marvelous glad to heare his 
 men complaine thus, and did comfort them, and told them 
 that he did nothing mistrust their corage and valiantnes : 
 howbeit that through the counsell of certaine prophecies 
 and oracles of the gods, he did expect time and place fit for 
 victory. For he ever caried a Syrian woman in a litter 
 about with him called Martha, with great reverence, whom 
 they said had the spirit of prophecie in her : and that he 
 did ever sacrifice unto the gods by her order, and at such 
 time as she willed him to do it. This Syrian woman went 
 182
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 first to speake with the Senate about these matters, and did CAIUS 
 
 foretell and prognosticate what should follow. But the MARIUS 
 
 Senate would not heare her, and made her to be driven 
 
 away. Wherupon she went unto the women, and made 
 
 them see proofs of some things she vaunted of, and specially 
 
 Marius wife, at whose feete she was set one day in an 
 
 assembly of the common playes, to see swordplayers fight 
 
 for life and death : for she told her certenly which of them 
 
 should overcome. Whereupon this Lady sent her unto her 
 
 husband Marius, who made great reckening of her, and 
 
 caried her even in a litter with him whersoever he went. 
 
 She was alwaies at Marius sacrifices, apparelled in a gown of The attier 
 
 purple in graine, clasped to her with claspes, and held a of Martha 
 
 speare in her hand wound all about with noseeayes, and m tl . I ? e 
 
 i j * a j -ii. i rro. f . sacrifice, 
 
 garlands or flowers tyed on with laces. Ihis maner or jeast 
 
 made many dout whether Marius shewed this woman openly, 
 beleving in dede that she had the gift of prophecy : or els 
 that knowing the contrary, he made as though he did beleve 
 it, to helpe her fayning. But that which Alexander the 
 Myndian wrote touching Vultures, is a thing greatly to be A wonder of 
 wondred at. For he said there were two of them followed the Vultures 
 Marius in his warres, and that they ever shewed them selves *jh e ^ ed to 
 and missed not, when he should win any great battel, 
 and' that they did know them by latin collers they ware 
 about their necks, which the souldiers had tyed about them, 
 and afterwards let them go where they would : by reason 
 wherof, they did know the souldiers againe, and it semed 
 also that they did salute them, and were very glad when 
 they saw them, and perswaded them selves, that it was 
 a signe and token of good lucke to follow. Many signes and 
 tokens were seene before the battell : howbeit all the rest Wonders 
 were ordinary sightes, saving that which was reported to seene. 
 be seene at Tudertum, and Ameria, two cities of Italie. 
 For they say there were seene speares and targets in the 
 night, burning like fire in the element, which first were caried 
 up and downe here and there, and then met together even as 
 men move and sturre that fight one with an other : untill at 
 the length, the one geving backe, and the other followinge 
 after, they all vanished away, and consumed towardes the 
 
 183
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Batabaces the 
 priest of the 
 mother of the 
 goddes. 
 
 Aulus 
 
 Pompeius 
 
 Tribune. 
 
 The enemies 
 campe were 
 removing 
 sixe dayes 
 together. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 West. About the selfe same time also, there came from the 
 citie of Pessinunta, Batabaces, the chiefe priest of the great 
 mother of the goddes, who brought nevves, that the goddesse 
 had spoken to him within her sanctuary, and told him that 
 the victory of this warre should fall out on the Romaines 
 side. The Senate beleved it, and ordained that they should 
 build a temple unto that goddesse, to geve her thankes for 
 the victorie which she did promise them. Batabaces also 
 would have presented him selfe unto the people in open 
 assemblie, to tell them as much. But there was one Aulus 
 Pompeius a Tribune that would not suffer him to do it, 
 calling him tombler, or jugler, and violently thrust him 
 behinde the pulpit for orations: but the mischaunce that 
 fell apon Pompeius afterwards, made them the more to 
 beleve Batabaces words. For Pompeius the Tribune no 
 sooner came home unto his house, but a great vehement 
 agew tooke him, wherof he dyed the seventh day after, as all 
 the world could witnes. Now the Teutons perceiving that 
 Marius stirred not at all out of his campe, they proved 
 to assault him : howbeit they were so well received with 
 shotte and slinges, that after they had lost certaine of their 
 men, they gave it over, and determined to goe further, per- 
 swading them selves that they might easily passe the Alpes 
 without daunger. Wherfore trussing up al their baggage, 
 they passed by Marius campe : at which time it appeared 
 more certainly then before, that they were a marvelous great 
 multitude of people, by the length of time which they tooke 
 to passe their way. For it is sayd they were passing by his 
 campe, sixe dayes continually together. And as they came 
 raking by the Romaines campe, they asked them in mockery, 
 if they would wryte or send home any thing to their wives, 
 for they would be with them ere it were long. When they 
 were all passed and gone, and that they continued on their 
 jorney still, Marius also raised his campe, and went and 
 followed them fayer and softly foote by foote, and ever 
 kept hard at their taile as neere as he could, alwayes fortify- 
 ing his campe very well, and ever choosing strong places of 
 scituacion and advantage to lodge in, that they might be 
 safe in the night time. Thus they marched on in this sorte, 
 184
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 untill they came unto the city of Aix, from whence they had CAIUS 
 not farre to goe, but they entered straight into the moun- MARIUS 
 taines of the Alpes. Wherefore Marius prepared nowe to 
 fight with them : and chose out a place that was very strong 
 of scituacion to lodge his campe in, howebeit there lacked 
 water. And they say he did it of purpose, to the ende to 
 quicken his mens corage the more thereby. Many repined 
 at it, and tolde him that they should stande in great 
 daunger to abide marvelous thirst if they lodged there. 
 Whereunto he made aunswere : shewing them the river that 
 ranne hard by the enemies campe, saying withall, that they 
 must go thither and buy drinke with their blood. The Marius bolde 
 souldiers replyed againe : And why then doe ye not lead us wordes to his 
 thither, whilest our blood is yet moyste? he gently aunswered sou diers, and 
 them againe : Bicause the first thing we doe, we must fortifie 
 our campe. The souldiers, though they were angry with 
 him, yet they obeyed him : but the slaves having neither 
 drinke for them selves, nor for their cattell, gathered to- 
 gether a great troupe of them, and went towardes the river : 
 some of them carying axes, other hatchets, other swords and 
 speares, with their pottes to cary water, determining to fight 
 with the barbarous people, if otherwise they could not come 
 by it. A fewe of the barbarous people at the first fought 
 with them, bicause the most parte of their company were at 
 dinner, after they had bathed, and others were still in the 
 bathe washinge them selves, finding in that place many 
 springes of hotte naturall bathes. Thus the Romaines 
 founde many of the barbarous people makinge mery, and 
 taking their pleasure about these bathes, for the great delite 
 they tooke to consider the pleasauntnes of the place : but 
 when they heard the noyse of them that fought, they 
 beganne to runne one after an other unto the place from 
 whence the noyse came. Wherefore it was a hard thing for 
 Marius any lenger to keepe the Romaine souldiers in from 
 going to their helpe, for that they feared their slaves should 
 have bene slaine of the barbarous people : and moreover, 
 bicause the valliantest souldiers of their enemies called the 
 Ambrons (who before had overcome Manlius and Caepio, two 
 Romaine Captaines with their armies, and that made of them 
 3 : AA 185
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Battell be- 
 twixt the 
 Ambrons and 
 Marius. 
 
 Marius over- 
 came the 
 Ambrons. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 selves thirty thowsande fighting men) ranne to armes, being 
 very heavy of their bodies, as having filled their bellies well, 
 but otherwise valliant and coragious fellowes, and more lively 
 then they were wont to be, by reason of the wine they had 
 dronke. They ran not furiously to fight out of order, 
 neither did they crie out confusedly, but marching all 
 together in good array, making a noyse with their harnes 
 all after one sorte, they oft rehearsed their owne name 
 Ambrons, Ambrons, Ambrons : which was, either to call 
 one an other of them, or else to feare the Romaines with 
 their name only. The Italians also on thother side, being 
 the first that came downe to fight with them, were the 
 Ligurians, dwelling upon the coast of Genuoa, who hearing 
 this noyse and crye of theirs, plainely understanding them : 
 aunswered them againe with the like noyse and crye, 
 Ligurians, Ligurians, Ligurians, saying that it was the true 
 surname of all their nation. And so before they joyned 
 together, this crye was redoubled many a time on either 
 side : and the Captaines of both partes made their souldiers 
 crye out all together, contendinge for envy one against 
 an other, who should crye it out lowdest. This contention 
 of crying, inflamed the souldiers corages the more. Now the 
 Ambrons having the river to passe, were by this meanes put 
 out of order, and before they could put them selves in battell 
 ray againe, after they had passed the river, the Ligurians 
 ranne with great fury to set apon the formest : and after 
 them, (to aide the Ligurians that had begon the charge) the 
 Romaines them selves fell also apon the Ambrons, comming 
 downe from the places of advantage upon these barbarous 
 people, and compelled them by this meanes to turne their 
 backes, and flie. So the greatest slaughter they made, 
 fortuned uppon the bancke of the river, whereinto they 
 thrust one an other in such sorte, that all the river ran 
 blood, being filled with dead bodies. And they that could 
 get over the river againe, and were on thother side, durst 
 not gather together any more to stand to defence : so as 
 the Romaines slew them, and drave them into their campe, 
 even unto their cariage. Then their women came out against 
 them with swordes and axes in their handes, grinding their 
 186
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 teeth : and crying out for sorrow and anger, they charged as CAIUS 
 well upon their owne people that fled, as upon them that MARIUS 
 chased them : the one as traitors, and the other as enemies. The mannish- 
 Furthermore, they thrust them selves amongest them that nes of the 
 fought, and strove by force to plucke the Romaines targets w 
 out of their handes, and tooke holde of their naked swordes 
 bare handed, abiding with an invincible corage to be hacked 
 and mangled with their swordes. And thus was the first 
 battell geven (as they say) by the rivers side, rather by 
 chaunce unlocked for, then by any set purpose, or through 
 the generals counsel. Now the Romaines, after they had 
 overcome the most parte of the Ambrons, retyring backe by 
 reason the night had overtaken them, did not (as they were 
 wont after they had geven such an overthrow) sing songes of 
 victory and triumphe, nor make good chere in their tentes 
 one with an other, and least of all sleepe : (which is the best 
 and sweetest refreshing for men that have fought happely) 
 but contrarily, they watched all that night with great feare 
 and trouble, bicause their campe was not trenched and forti- 
 fied, and bicause they knewe also that there remained almost 
 innumerable thowsandes of barbarous people, that had not 
 yet fought : besides also, that the Ambrons that had fled 
 and scaped from the overthrow, did howle out all night with 
 lowd cries, which were nothing like mens lamentacions and 
 sighes, but rather like wilde beastes bellowing and roaringe. 
 So that the bellowing of such a great multitude of beastly 
 people, mingled together with threates and waylinges, made 
 the mountaines thereabouts and the running river to re- 
 bounde againe of the sounde and ecco of their cries marvel- 
 ously : by reason whereof, all the valley that lay betwene 
 both, thundered to heare the horrible and fearefull trembling. 
 This made the Romaine souldiers afeard, and Marius him 
 selfe in some doubt : bicause they looked to have bene 
 fought withall the same night, being altogether troubled 
 and out of order. Notwithstanding, the barbarous people 
 did not assault them that night, nor the next day following, 
 but only prepared them selves unto battell. And in the 
 meane time Marius knowing that there was above the place 
 where they were camped, certaine caves and litle valleyes 
 
 187
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Marius 
 seconde 
 battell with 
 the Teutons. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 covered with wodde : he secretly sent Claudius Marcellus 
 thither with three thowsand footemen well armed, and com- 
 maunded him to keepe close in ambushe, untill he saw that the 
 barbarous people were fighting with him, and that then he 
 should come and set apon their rereward. The residue of his 
 armie, they supped when time came, and after supper reposed 
 them selves. The next morning at the breake of day, Marius 
 brought his men into the fielde out of his forte : where he put 
 them in order of battell, sending his horsemen before to draw 
 the enemies out to skirniishe. The Teutons seeing them 
 come, had not the pacience to tary till the Romaines were come 
 downe into the plaine fielde to fight without advantage, but 
 arming them selves in hast, and in a rage, ranne up the hill 
 to the Romaines, where they stoode in battell ray. Marius 
 taking good regard to that they did, sent here and there 
 unto the private' Captaines, charging them they should 
 not stirre, and onely to temporise and forbeare, untill the 
 enemies came within a stones cast of them : and that they 
 should then throw their dartes at them, and afterwardes drawe 
 their swordes, and repulse the barbarous people with their 
 shieldes. For he did foresee before, that when they should 
 clime up against the hill (uppon the hanging whereof the 
 Romaines had set their battell) that their blowes would not 
 be of great force, nor their order and ranckes could stand 
 close together to any effect or purpose : bicause they could 
 not have sure footing, nor march assuredly, but would easily 
 be throwen backeward if they were never so litle repulsed, 
 by reason of the hanging of the hill. Marius gave this order 
 unto his folke and there withall was him selfe the first man 
 that put it in execution : for he was as trymme a warriour, 
 and as valliant a souldier, as any man in all his army : 
 besides, not one amongest them all would venter furder, and 
 be more bolde then him selfe. So when the Romaines had 
 resisted them, and stayed them sodainely, going with fury 
 to have wonne the hill, perceiving them selves to be repulsed, 
 they gave backe by litle and litle, untill they came into the 
 field : and then beganne the formest of them to gather to- 
 gether, and to put them selves in battell ray uppon the plaine, 
 when sodainly they heard the noyse and charging of them 
 loo
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 that were in the tayle of their army. For Claudius Marcellus CAIUS 
 failed not to take the occasion when it was offered him, MARIUS 
 bicause that the noyse of the first charge comming up 
 against the hills thereabouts, under the which he lay in 
 ambushe, gave him advertisement thereof: whereupon he 
 caused his men presently to shew, and running with great 
 cryes, came to geve a charge upon those which were in the 
 tayle of the barbarous people, putting the hindemost to the 
 sworde. They made their fellowes whose backes were next 
 unto them, to turne their faces, and so from man to man, 
 till at the length, in shorte time all their battell beganne to 
 waver in disorder : and they made no great resistaunce, when 
 they saw they were so charged before and behinde, but 
 beganne straight to flie for life. The Romaines following Marius vic- 
 them hard at the heeles, killed and tooke prisoners above tory of the 
 a hundred thowsande of them, and tooke moreover their Teutons and 
 cartes, their tentes and ah 1 their cariage. Which the whole 
 army by consent agreed to present unto Marius, excepting 
 nothing, saving that which was imbeaceled and conveyed 
 away under hande. Now, though this was a marvelous 
 honorable and right noble present yet they thought it not a 
 recompence sufficient for that he had deserved, for the valure 
 he had shewed of a famous Captaine in leading of his army, 
 and for the good order he kept in this warre : so happy 
 thought they them selves to have escaped so great a daunger. 
 Notwithstanding, some wryters doe not agree, that the 
 spoyle of the barbarous people was geven unto Marius : nor 
 that there were also so great a number of men slaine as we 
 have spoken of. But they say, that after this battell the 
 Marssilians did inclose their vines, with hedges made of 
 dead mens bones : and that the bodies being rotten and 
 consumed upon the fieldes through the great raine that fell 
 upon them the winter following, the ground waxed so fatte, 
 and did soke the grease so deepe in the same, that the 
 sommer following they did beare an uncredible quantity of 
 all sortes of frutes. And by this meanes were Archilocus 
 wordes proved true, that the errable land doth waxe fat with 
 such rottennesse or putrification. And it is sayd also, that 
 of ordinary after great battells, there falleth great store of 
 
 189
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Much raine 
 followeth 
 after great 
 battells. 
 
 Marius the 
 fift time 
 Consull. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 raine. Either it is by meane of some god that powring downe 
 pure raine water doth purifie, wash, and dense the grounde, 
 defiled and polluted with mans blood : or else it happeneth 
 by naturall cause. For that the overthrow of so many 
 dead bodies, and of the blood spilt, engendreth a moyst, 
 grosse, and heavy vapoure, which doth thicken the ayer 
 (that by nature is chaungeable, and easie to alter) from a 
 very small or litle beginning, unto an exceeding great chaunge. 
 After this battell, Marius caused the harnesse and spoyles of 
 the barbarous people to be layed aside, that were left whole 
 and fayer to sight, to beautifie and enrich the pompe of his 
 triumphe. Then he caused the rest to be gathered together 
 on a great heape, and layed apon a stake of wodde, to make 
 a noble sacrifice unto the gods, all his army being armed 
 about him, crowned with garlandes of triumphe, and him 
 selfe apparelled in a long gowne of purple, according to the 
 custome of the Romaines in such a case, and holding a 
 torch burning in both his hands, which he first lifted up unto 
 heaven. And as he was turning downe the torch to put fire 
 to the stake of wood, they saw some of his frends a good way 
 of a horse backe, comming post unto him : then sodainly 
 there was a great silence made of all the assembly, every man 
 desirous to heare what good newes they had brought. When 
 they were come and lighted of their horses, they ranne 
 straight to embrace Marius, and brought him newes that he 
 was chosen Consull the fift time : and presented him the 
 letters sent him from Rome confirming the same. And thus, 
 this new joy falling out besides the victory, the private 
 souldiers did shewe the great joy and pleasure they tooke in 
 both, with great showtes and beating upon their harnesse : 
 and the Captaines also, they crowned Marius againe with 
 new garlandes of laurell which they put about his head, and 
 that done, he put fire under the stake of wodde, and ended 
 his sacrifice. But that which never suffereth men quietly to 
 enjoy the good happe of any victory clearely, but in this 
 mortall life doth ever mingle the ill with the good, be 
 it either fortune or spight of fatall destenie, or else the 
 necessitie of the naturall causes of earthly thinges : did 
 shortely after this great joy bring newes unto Marius, of 
 190
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 his companion Catulus Luctatius the other Consul!, who CAIUS 
 was like a cloude in a fayer bright day, and brought the MARIUS 
 city of Rome againe into a new feare and trouble. For 
 Catulus that went against the Cimbres, thought it was not 
 for him to keepe the straightes of the mountaines, in hope 
 to let the barbarous people for passing : bicause that in so 
 doing, he had bene compelled to devide his army into many 
 partes, and had weakened him selfe very much if he had 
 taken that course. Wherefore comming a litle on this side 
 the Alpes towardes Italic, he planted him selfe uppon the river Athesis flu. 
 of Athesis, and built a bridge apon it, to passe and repasse 
 over his men when he would, and sette up at either ende 
 of the bridge two strong fortes well fortified, that he might 
 more commodiously helpe the places on the other side of the 
 river, if the barbarous people by chaunce would offer to force 
 them, after they had gotten out of the straights of the 
 mountaines. Now, these barbarous people had such a glory 
 in them selves, and disdained their enemies so much, that 
 more to shew their force and boldnes, then of any necessity 
 that compelled them, or for any benefit they got by it : they 
 suffred it to snow apon them being starke naked, and did 
 clime up to the toppe of the mountaines, throw great heapes 
 of ise and snow. And when they were at the very toppe of all, 
 they layed their long broad targets under their bodies, and 
 lay all along apon them, sliding downe the steepe high rockes, 
 that had certaine hanginges over of an infinite height. In 
 the ende, they came to campe neere unto the Romaines 
 by the river side, and considered howe they might passe it 
 over : and beganne to fill it up, tearing downe (like gyants) 
 great hilles of earth which they founde thereabouts, brought 
 thither great trees which they pulled up whole by the rootes, 
 threw in great peeces of rockes which they brake, and whole 
 towers of earth after them, to stoppe and breake the course 
 of the river. But besides all this, they threw great tymber 
 into the river, which being caried downe the streame, came 
 with such a force, and hit against the postes of the bridge so 
 violently, that they shaked the Romaines bridge marvelously. 
 Whereuppon many of the souldiers of the great campe were 
 afrayed, and forsaking it, beganne to retyre. But then did 
 
 191
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CAIUS Catulus, like a perfit good Captaine showe, that he made 
 MARIUS lesse accompt of his owne private honor and estimacion, then 
 Catulus he did of the generall honor of all his souldiers. For, seeing 
 
 Luctatius the ^hat he could not perswade his men by any reason to tary, 
 from'the " anc ^ ^at in this feare they dislodged in disorder against 
 Cimbres. his will : he him selfe commaunded the standerd bearer of 
 the Eagle to marche on, and ranne to the foremest that 
 went their way, and marched him selfe before them all, to 
 the intent that the shame of this retyre should altogether 
 light upon him, and not apon his contry, and that it 
 might appeare the Romaines did follow their Captaine, and 
 not flie away. The barbarous people therefore assaulting 
 the forte at the end of the bridge of the river of Athesis, 
 tooke it, and all the men that were in it. And bicause 
 the Romaines defended it like valliant men, and had 
 lustely ventured their lives to the death for defence of 
 their contry : the barbarous people let them go upon com- 
 position, which they sware to kepe faithfully, by their bull 
 of copper. This bull afterwards was taken when they 
 lost the battell, and caried (as they say) into Catulus 
 Luctatius house, as the chiefest thing of the victory. Fur- 
 thermore, the barbarous people finding the contry open 
 without any defence, scattered here and there, and destroyed 
 all where they came. Whereuppon the Romaines sent for 
 Marius to Rome to goe against them : and after he was 
 arrived, every man thought he shoulde have entred in 
 triumphe, bicause also the Senate did graunt it him very 
 willingly. But he would not doe it, either bicause he would 
 not deprive his souldiers and the Captaines that had fought 
 Marius re- under him, of any parte of the honor that was due unto 
 fused to enter them, they being absent : or bicause that he would warrant 
 in triumphe. ^he people from the present daunger they were in, by layinge 
 aside the glory of his former victories, into the handes of the 
 good fortune of Rome, in certaine hope to take it againe 
 afterwardes, by a more honorable and perfit confirmation of 
 the second. Wherefore, after he had made an oration to the 
 people, and Senate according to the time, he went his way 
 immediatly towardes Catulus Luctatius, whose comming did 
 comforte him much : and sent also for his army that was 
 192
 
 yet in Gaule beyond the mountaines. And after his army CAIUS 
 was come, he passed the river of Po, to kepe the barbarous MARIUS 
 people from hurting Italic on this side the Po. Now, the Marius goeth 
 Cimbres still deferred to geve battell bicause they looked for towardes 
 the Teutons, and sayd : that they marveled much what they ^ius'to helve 
 ment to tary so long : either bicause they knewe not in hi m> 
 deede of their overthrowe, or else for that they would not 
 seeme to knowe it, bicause they handeled them cruelly that Po flu. 
 brought the newes of their deathes. At the length, they 
 sent unto Marius to aske him landes and townes sufficient, 
 to kepe them and their brethren. Marius asked their Am- 
 bassadors what brethren they ment. They aunswered, that 
 they were the Teutons. Whereat the standers by beganne to 
 laugh : and Marius finely mocked them, saying : Care not Marius 
 for those brethren sayd he, for we have geven them ground mocke to the 
 enough, which they will kepe" for ever. These Ambassadors ^ im bres. 
 found his mock straight, and beganne to revile and threaten 
 him, that the Cimbres shoulde presently make him repent 
 it, and the Teutons so soone as they arrived. Why, sayd 
 Marius unto them againe, they are come already : and there 
 were no honesty in you, if you could goe your way and not 
 salute them, since they are your brethren. And as he spake 
 these wordes, he commaunded his men to bring him the 
 kinges of the Teutons bounde and chained, that had bene 
 taken within the mountaines of the Alpes by the Sequani. 
 The Cimbres understanding this by reporte of their Ambas- 
 sadors, presently marched towardes Marius, who stirred not The Cimbres 
 at all, but only fortified and kept his campe. They say that ar ? h a ainst 
 it was for this battell that Marius first invented the newe 
 devise he brought in for the darte which the Romaines were Marius devise 
 wont alwayes to throwe against the enemies at the first * r alteringe 
 charge. For before, the staffe of the darte was fastned unto fi ?t 1 
 the iron, and the iron unto the staffe, with two litle iron 
 pinnes that passed through the wodde : and then Marius left 
 one of the iron pinnes as it was before, and taking away the 
 other, put a litle thinne pinne of wodde, easie to be broken, 
 in place of the same, making it craftely, to the end that 
 when the darte was throwen, and stucke in the enemies 
 target, it should not stand right forward, but bow downe- 
 3 : BB 193
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CAIUS wards towardes the iron, that the wodden pinne being 
 MARIUS broken, the staffe of the darte should hang downewardes, 
 holding yet by the iron pinne running quite through at the 
 Bceorix king poynte. So Boeorix king of the Cimbres, comming neere to 
 of the Marius campe with a small number of horsemen, sent him 
 
 Cimbres. defyaunce, and willed him to appoint a day and place for 
 battell, that they might trye it out, who should be owners 
 of the contry. Whereunto Marius made aunswer, that it 
 was not the manner of the Romaines to counsell with their 
 enemies, of the time and place when they should geve 
 battell : but neverthelesse, he would not sticke to pleasure 
 the Cimbres so much. And thus they agreed betwene them, 
 that it should be the thirde day following, in the plaine of 
 Vt^elles, which was very commodious for the horsemen of 
 the Romaines : and also for the barbarous people to put 
 out at will their great number of fighting men. So both 
 armies failed not to meete according to appointment, but 
 appeared ranged in battell, the one before the other. Catulus 
 Two and fiftie Luctatius the other Consull, had in his campe twenty thow- 
 thowsand and sand, and three hundred souldiers : and Marius had in his 
 m ree , " n r< 5 campe two and thirty thowsand fighting men, which he 
 Marius and placed in the two winges of the battell, shutting in Catulus 
 Catulus. with his men in the middest. As Sylla writeth it, who was 
 
 present at the same : saying, that Marius did it of malice, 
 for the hope he had to overthrowe his enemies with the two 
 The Romaines winges of the battell, to the end that the whole victory 
 battell. should light apon his two winges, and that Catulus and his 
 
 men in the middest should have no parte therof. For he 
 could not so much as fronte the enemy, bicause that com- 
 monly when the fronte of a battell is of such a bredthe, the 
 two winges are ever stretched out before, and is made like 
 the cressant of a moone, where the middest is thickest and 
 fardest in. And it is wrytten also in other stories, that 
 Catulus him selfe accusing the malice of Marius, bicause he 
 did so : spake it to excuse his owne dishonor. As for the 
 The battell of Cimbres, the troupes of their footemen comming out of their 
 the Cimbres. fortes leasurely, did put them selves into a squadron, as 
 broade as long, for in every side they occupied almost thirty 
 furlong : but their horsemen which were fifteene thowsande, 
 194
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 marched before in sumptuous furniture. For they had CAIUS 
 helmets on their heades, facioned like wilde beastes neckes, MARIUS 
 and straunge bevers or buffes to the same, and ware on their 
 helmets great high plumes of feathers, as they had bene 
 winges : which to sight made them appeare taller and bigger 
 men then they were. Furthermore, they had good curases 
 on their backes, and caried great white targets before them : 
 and for weapons offensive, every man had two dartes in his 
 hand to bestow a farre of, and when they came to hand 
 strokes, they had great heavy swords which they fought 
 withall neere hand. But at that time they did not marche 
 directly in rancke against the army of the Romaines, but 
 turned a litle on the right hand, meaning to inclose the 
 Romaines betwene them and their footemen that were on 
 the left hand. The Romaine Captaines founde their policy 
 straight, but they coulde not keepe their souldiers backe: 
 for there was one that cried, the enemies fled, and imme- 
 diatly all the rest beganne to runne after. In the meane 
 time, the footemen of the barbarous people that were like 
 to a sea before them, came forwards still : and then Marius 
 having washed his handes, and lifting them up to heaven, 
 promised, and vowed a solemne sacrifice unto the goddes of 
 a hundred oxen. Catulus also made a vow, lifting up his 
 handes to heaven in like maner, that he would build a 
 temple unto fortune for that day : and it is reported, that 
 Marius having sacrificed, when they shewed him the intralls 
 of the beastes sacrificed : he cried out a lowde, The victory 
 is mine. But when they came to geve the charge, Marius 
 had a great misfortune happened him, powred apon him by 
 Goddes justice, who turned his craft against him selfe, as 
 Sylla wryteth : for there rose very credibly so great a dust, A dust raised, 
 that both armies lost the sight one of an other. And here- that neither 
 upon Marius being the first that ranne to beginne the charge, 
 and having placed his men about him, missed to meete with 
 his enemies : and being passed beyonde their battell, wandred 
 a great while up and downe the field, whilest the barbarous 
 people fought against Catulus. So that the greatest fury of 
 the battel was against Catulus and his army : in the which, 
 Sylla wryteth he was him selfe, and sayeth, that the heate 
 
 195
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 The sunne ful 
 in the Cimbres 
 faces. 
 
 The fielde 
 fought the 
 27 of luly. 
 
 Horrible 
 cruelty of 
 women. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 and the sunne which was full in the Cimbres faces, did the 
 Romaines marvelous pleasure at that time. For the barbarous 
 people being very hard brought up to away with cold (bicause 
 they were borne and bred in a cold contry, shadowed alto- 
 gether with woddes and trees as we have sayd) were to the 
 contrary very tender against the heate, and did melt with 
 sweating against the sunne, and gaped straight for breathe, 
 putting their targets before their faces : for it was also in 
 the hart of sommer, about the seven and twentie day of the 
 moneth of lulie, that this battell was geven, and this dust 
 also made the Romaines the bolder, and kept them that they 
 could not see the innumerable multitude of their enemies 
 farre from them. And every man runninge to set apon 
 them that came against them, they were joyned together in 
 fight, before that the sight of their enemies could make them 
 afrayed. And furthermore, they were so good souldiers, and 
 so able to take paines, that how extreame soever the heate 
 was, no man was sene sweate nor blow, though they ranne at 
 the first to set apon them : and this hath Catulus Luctatius 
 him selfe left in wryting unto the praise of his souldiers. So 
 vere the most parte of the barbarous people, and specially 
 of the best souldiers, slaine in the field. And bicause 
 they should not open nor breake their rancks, the fore- 
 mest rancks were all tyed and bound together with girdells, 
 leather thongs, and long chaynes of iron : and they that 
 fled, were chased and followed into their campe by the 
 Romaines, where they met with horrible and fearefull thinges 
 to beholde. For, their wives being apon the toppe of 
 their cartes, apparelled all in blacke, slue all those that fled, 
 without regarde of persones : some their fathers, other their 
 husbandes or their brethren, and strangling the litle young 
 babes with their owne handes, they cast them under the 
 carte wheeles, and betwene the horse legges, and afterwards 
 slue them selves. And they say, that there was a woman 
 hanged at the ende of a carte ladder, having hanged up 
 two of her children by the neckes at her heeles. And that 
 the men also, for lacke of a tree to hang them selves on, 
 tyed slipping halters about their neckes, unto the homes and 
 feete of the oxen, and that they did pricke them afterwardes 
 196
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 with goades to make them fling and leape so long, that CAIUS 
 dragging them all about, and treading them under feete, at MARIUS 
 the length they killed them. Now, though numbers were 
 slaine by this meanes, yet were there three score thowsand of Prisoners 60 
 them taken prisoners, and the number of them that were thowsand. 
 slaine, came to twise as many moe. In this manner Marius Men slaine 
 souldiers spoyled the campe of the Cimbres : . but the spoyles s * x score 
 of dead men that were slaine in the fielde, with their ensignes 
 and trompets, were all brought (as it is sayd) unto Catulus 
 campe, which was a plaine testimonie to shewe that Catulus 
 and his souldiers had wonne the field. Strife rising thus 
 betwene the souldiers of both campes about it, that the 
 matter might be tryed frendly betwene them : they made 
 the Ambassadors of Parma their arbitrators, who were by 
 chaunce at that time in the army. Catulus Luctatius 
 souldiers led the Ambassadors to the place where the over- 
 throwe was geven, shewing them the enemies bodies pearsed 
 through with their pykes, which were easie to be knowen, 
 bicause Catulus had made them grave his name apon their 
 pykes. For all this, Marius went away with the honor of 
 this great victory, as well for the first battell he wanne alone, 
 when he overthrewe the Teutons and the Ambrons : as for 
 his great calling, having bene Consul five times. And 
 furthermore, the common people at Rome, called him the 
 third founder of the city of Rome, thinking them selves now Might over- 
 delivered from as great a daunger, as before time they had cpmmeth 
 bene from the auncient Gaules. And every man feasting at 
 home with his wife and children, offered the best dishes of 
 meate they had to supper, unto the goddes, and unto Marius : 
 and would needes have him alone to triumphe for both 
 victories. But he would not in any case, but triumphed 
 into the city with Catulus Luctatius, meaning to shew him- 
 selfe curteous and moderate in so great prosperity : and 
 peradventure also fearing Catulus souldiers, who were in 
 readinesse and prepared (if Marius would have deprived 
 their Captaine of that honor) to let him also of his triumphe. 
 And thus you see howe he passed his fift Consulshippe. 
 After that, he made more earnest sute for the sixt Consul- 
 shippe, then ever any other did for his first: seeking the 
 
 197
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 peoples goodwilles by all the fayer meanes he could to please 
 them, humbling him selfe unto them, not only more then 
 became his estate and calling, but directly also against his 
 owne nature, counterfeating a curteous populer manner, 
 being cleane contrarie to his disposition. His ambition 
 made him timerous to deale in matters of the state con- 
 cerning the city. For that corage and boldenesse which he 
 had in battell against the enemy, he lost it quite when he 
 was in an assembly of people in the city : and was easily put 
 out of his byase, with the first blame or praise he heard 
 geven him. And though they reporte, that on a time when 
 he made a thowsande Camerines free of the city of Rome, 
 bicause they had done valliant service in the warres, that 
 there were some that did accuse him, saying, that it was a 
 thing done against all law : he aunswered them, that for 
 the noyse of the armor, he could not heare the law. Not- 
 withstanding, it seemeth that in dede he was greatly afeard 
 of the fury of the people in an assembly of the city. For 
 in time of warres, he ever stoode apon his reputacion and 
 authority, knowing that they had neede of him : but in 
 peace and civill government, bicause he would rather be the 
 chief est man then the honestest man, he would creepe into 
 the peoples bosomes to get their favor and goodwil. And 
 thus through his evill behavior, he brought all the nobility 
 generally to be his enemies. But he feared nor mistrusted 
 none so much, as he did Metellus, for the great unthankefull 
 parte he remembred he had played him : and the rather 
 also, bicause he knew him to be a just and true dealing man, 
 Metellus and one that was ever against these people pleasers and 
 against people flatterers. Marius therefore practised all the wayes he 
 pleasers. could, to get Metellus to be banished Rome. Wherfore, 
 
 to compasse his intent, he fell in frendship with Glaucia, 
 and one Saturninus, two of the most boldest, most desperate, 
 and most hardbraind young men, that were in all Rome : 
 who had all the rablement of rogues and beggers, and such 
 tumultuous people at their commaundement, by whose 
 meanes he made new populer lawes, and caused the souldiers 
 to be called home out of the warres, and mingled them with 
 the people of the city in common assemblies, to trouble and 
 198
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 vexe Metellus. Moreover Rutilius, an honest and true CAIUS 
 writer, (howbeit an enemy unto Marius) wryteth, that he MARIUS 
 obtained his sixt Consulshippe by corruption of money, 
 which he caused to be distributed amongest the tribes of the 
 people : and that he bought it for ready money to put by 
 Metellus, and to have Valerius Flaccus not for his fellowe Valerius 
 and companion in the Consulshippe, but rather for a minister Flaccus Con- 
 of his will. There was never Romaine to whome the people 
 graunted the Consulshippe six times, except it were unto 
 Valerius Corvinus only. But for him, they say that there 
 was five and forty yeares betwene his first Consulship and Valerius Cor- 
 the last. Where Marius since the first yeare of his Consul- vinus sixe 
 shippe, continued five yeares together by good fortune one tim esConsull. 
 after an other. But in his last Consulship, he wanne him 
 selfe great hate and malice, bicause he did many fowle faultes 
 to please Saturninus withall : as amongest others, when he 
 bare with Saturninus, who murdered Nonius his competitor 
 in the Tribuneship. Afterwardes when Saturninus was The law 
 chosen Tribune of the people, he preferred a law for distri- Agraria. 
 bution of the landes among the common people, and unto An article for 
 that law he had specially added one article : that all the the oihes of 
 Lords of the Senate should come openly to sweare, that they * ie ^ e * te , to 
 should kepe and observe from pointe to pointe that which t ^ e peop i e 
 the people by their voyces should decree, and should not should passe 
 deny it in any jotte. But Marius in open Senate, made as by voyce. 
 though he would withstand this article, saying, that neither Marius duble 
 he nor any other wise man of judgement would take this dealing 
 othe : for said he, if the law be evill, then they should doe 
 the Senate open wrong to compell them by force to graunt 
 it, and not of their owne goodwills. But he spake not that, 
 meaning to do as he said : for it was but a bayte he had 
 layed for Metellus only, which he could hardly escape. For, 
 imagining that to tell a fine lye, was a peece of vertue, and To lye cun- 
 of a good wit: he was throughly resolved with him selfe, ningly,Marius 
 not to passe for any thing he had spoken in the Senate. take * h li; for 
 And to the contrary also, knowinge well enough that 
 Metellus was a grave wise man, who esteemed that to be 
 just and true (as Pindarus sayd) is the beginning and foun- 
 dacion of great vertue : he thought he would outreach him, 
 
 199
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Timorous 
 policy causeth 
 perjury. 
 
 Metellus 
 constant in 
 vertue. 
 
 Metellus wise 
 saying, touch- 
 ing well doing. 
 
 Metellus 
 banishment. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 makinge him affirme before the Senate that he would not 
 sweare, knowinge also that the people would hate him deadly, 
 if he would refuse afterwardes to sweare. And so in dede it 
 happened. For Metellus having assured them then that he 
 would not sweare, the Senate brake up uppon it. And 
 shortly after, Saturninus the Tribune calling the Senators 
 unto the pulpit for orations, to compell them to sweare 
 before the people : Marius went thither to offer him selfe 
 to sweare. Whereupon the people making silence, listned 
 attentively to heare what he would say. But Marius not 
 regarding his large promise and bragges made before the 
 Senate, sayed then, his necke was not so long, that he would 
 prejudice the common wealth in a matter of so great import- 
 ance : but that he would sweare, and obey the lawe, if it 
 were a law. This shifting subtilty he added to it, to cloke 
 and cover his shame : and when he had sayd so, he tooke 
 his othe. The people seeing him sweare, were marvelous 
 glad, and praised him with clapping of their hands : but the 
 nobility hanging downe their heads were ashamed of him, 
 and were marvelous angry in their hartes with him, that he 
 had so cowardly and shamefully gone from his word. Ther- 
 upon all the Senate tooke their othes, one after an other 
 against their wills, bicause they were afrayed of the people. 
 Saving Metellus, whome, neither parentes nor frendes per- 
 swasion and intreaty could once move to sweare, for any 
 punishment that Saturninus had imposed upon them, which 
 refused to take the othe, but continued one man still accord- 
 ing to his nature, and would never yelde unto it, offering to 
 abide any payne, rather then to be brought to consent to a 
 dishonest matter unbeseming his estate. And thereuppon 
 went out of the assembly, and talking with them that did 
 accompany him, told them, that to do evill, it was too easie 
 a thing : and to doe good without daunger, it was also a 
 common matter : but to do well with daunger, that was the 
 parte of an honest and vertuous man. Saturninus then 
 commaunded the Consulls by edict of the people, that they 
 should banishe Metellus by sounde of trompet, with speciall 
 commaundement, that no man should let him have fire nor 
 water, nor lodge him privately nor openly. The common 
 200
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 people, they were ready to have fallen upon him, and to CAIUS 
 have killed him : but the noble men being offended for the MARIUS 
 injury they had offred him, gathered together about him to 
 save him, if any would offer him violence. Metellus him 
 selfe was so good a man, that he would not any civill dis- 
 sention should rise for his sake : and therefore he absented 
 him selfe from Rome, wherein he did like a wise man. For 
 sayd he, either things will amend, and the people then 
 repenting them selves of the wrong they have done me, will 
 call me home againe: or else thinges standing as they do 
 now, it shalbe best for me to be furthest of. But for his 
 travaill in his exile, howe much he was beloved and honored, 
 and how sweetely he passed his time studying philosophic in 
 the citie of Rhodes, shalbe declared more at large in his life. 
 Now on the other side, Marius to recompence the pleasure 
 Saturninus had done him, being driven to let him have his 
 will in all things : did not foresee what an intolerable plague 
 he brought unto the common wealth, geving the brydle to 
 a desperate man, who every way, by force, by sword and 
 murder, plainly sought to usurpe tyrannicall power, with the 
 utter destruction and subvertion of the whole common weale. 
 And so bearing reverence of the one side unto the nobility, Marius doble 
 and desiring on the other side to gratifie the common people : dealing be- 
 he played a shamefull parte, and shewed him selfe a double * W UM>- e d 
 dealing man. For one night the nobilitie and chiefest people, 
 citizens comming to his house, to perswade him to brydle 
 Saturninus insolencie and boldnes: at the selfe same time 
 also Saturninus going thither to speake with him, he caused 
 him to be let in at a backe dore, the noble men not being 
 privy to his comming. And so Marius telling the nobility, Marius 
 and then Saturninus, that he was troubled with a losenes of procureth 
 his body, under this pretence whipped up and downe, now to ^ dltlon at 
 the one, then to the other, and did nothing else but set them 
 further out one against an other, then they were before. 
 Nevertheles, the Senate being marvelous angry with his 
 naughty double dealing, and the order of knightes taking 
 parte with the Senate, Marius in the ende was compelled to 
 arme the people in the market place, to suppresse them that 
 were up, and drave them into the Capitoll : where for lacke 
 3 : CC 201
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 No trust to 
 the faith of 
 the common 
 people. 
 
 Metellus re- 
 turne from 
 banishement. 
 
 Marius jorney 
 into Cappa- 
 docia and 
 Galatia. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 of water, they were compelled to yelde them selves at the 
 length, bicause he had cut of the pypes and conduits by 
 the which the water ran unto the Capitoll. By reason 
 whereof, they being unable to continue any lenger, called 
 Marius unto them, and yeelded them selves to him, under 
 the assurance of the faith of the common people. But 
 although Marius did what he could possible to his uttermost 
 power to save them, he could not prevaile, nor doe them 
 pleasure : for they were no sooner come downe into the 
 market place, but they were all put to death. Whereupon 
 he having now purchased him selfe the ill will of the people 
 and nobility both, when time came about that new Censors 
 shoulde be chosen, every man looked that he would have 
 bene one of the suters : howbeit he sued not for it, for feare 
 of repulse, but suffered others to be chosen of farre lesse 
 dignity and calling then him selfe. Wherein notwithstand- 
 ing he gloried, saying that he would not sue to be Censor, 
 bicause he would not have the ill will of many, for examining 
 too straghtly their lives and manners. Againe, a decree 
 being preferred to repeale Metellus banishment, Marius did 
 what he could possible by word and deede to hinder it : 
 howbeit, seeing in the end he could not have his will, he let 
 it alone. The people having thus willingly revoked Metellus 
 banishment, Marius hart would not serve him to see Metellus 
 returne againe, for the malice he bare him : wherfore, he 
 tooke the seas to goe into Cappadocia and Galatia, under 
 colour to pay certaine sacrifices to the mother of the goddes, 
 which he had vowed unto her. But this was not the very 
 cause that made him to undertake this jorney, for he had an 
 other secret meaning in it. For his nature not being framed 
 to live in peace, and to governe civill matters, and having 
 attained to his greatnes by armes, and supposing that his 
 glorie and authority consumed and decreased altogether 
 living idlely in peace : he sought to devise new occasion of 
 warres, hoping if he could stirre up the kinges of Asia, and 
 specially Mithridates (who without his procurement was 
 feared much, that one day he would make warres against the 
 Romaines) that he should then undoutedly without let of 
 any man be chosen Generall to make warres with him, and 
 202
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 withall also, that by that meanes he should have occasion to CAIUS 
 fill the citie of Rome with newe triumphes, and his house MARIUS 
 with the spoyles of the great kingdome of Ponte, and with 
 the riches of the king. Now Mithridates disposing him selfe 
 to entertaine Marius, with all the honor and curtesies he 
 could possibly shew him : Marius in the ende notwithstand- 
 ing would not once geve him a good looke, nor a curteous 
 word againe, but churlishly sayd unto Mithridates at his 
 departure from him : Thou must determine one of these Marius prowd 
 two, king Mithridates : either to make thy selfe stronger 
 then the Romaines, or else to looke to doe what they com- 
 maund thee, without resistaunce. These wordes amazed 
 Mithridates, who had heard say before that the Romaines 
 would speake their mindes freely : howbeit he never saw nor 
 proved it before, untill that time. After Marius was returned 
 unto Rome, he built a house neere unto the market place, 
 bicause he would not (as he said himself) that such as came 
 unto him should trouble them selves in going farre to bring 
 him home to his house : or else for that he thought this 
 would be an occasion that diverse would come to salute him, 
 as they did other Senators. Howbeit that was not the cause 
 in deede, but the onely cause was, for that he had no naturall 
 grace nor civility to entertaine men curteously that came 
 unto him, and that he lacked behavior besides to rule in a 
 common wealth : and therefore in time of peace they made 
 no more reckoning of him, then they did of an old rusty 
 harnesse or implement that was good for nothing, but for 
 the warres only. And for all other that professed armes as 
 him selfe did, no man grieved him so much to be called 
 forward to office and state before him selfe, as Sylla did. 
 For he was ready to burst for spite, to see that the noble 
 men did all what they could to preferre Sylla, for the malice 
 and ill will they bare him : and that Syllaes first risinge and 
 preferrement grew, by the quarrells and contentions he had 
 with him. And specially when Bocchus king of Numidia 
 was proclaimed by the Senate, a frende and confederate 
 of the Romaine people : he offred up statues of victories, 
 carving tokens of triumphe, into the temple of the Capitoll : 
 ana placed neere unto them also, an image of gold of king
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 The cause of 
 the dissen- 
 tion betwext 
 Marius and 
 Sylla. 
 
 The warre 
 of the con- 
 federates. 
 
 Siloes stowte 
 chalenge and 
 Marius 
 answer. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 lugurthe, which he delivered by his owne handes unto Sylla. 
 And this made Marius starke madde for spite and jelousie, 
 and could not abide that an other should take upon him the 
 glory of his doinges : insomuch as he determined to plucke 
 those images downe, and to cary them away by force. Sylla 
 on the other side stomaked Marius, and would not suffer him 
 to take them out of the place where they were : so that this 
 civill sedition had taken present effect, had not the warres of 
 their confederates fallen out betwene, and restrained them 
 for a time. For the best souldiers and most warlike people 
 of all Italie, and of greatest power, they all together rose 
 against the Romaines, and had well neere overthrowen their 
 whole Empire. For they were not onely of great force, 
 and power, and well armed : but their Captaines also, for 
 valliantnes and skill, did in maner equall the worthines of 
 the Romaines. For this warre fell out wonderfully, by 
 reason of the calamity and misfortune that happened in it : 
 but it wanne Sylla as much fame and reputacion, as it did 
 Marius shame and dishonor. For he shewed him selfe very 
 colde and slow in all his enterprises, still delayinge time, 
 either bicause age had mortified his active heate, and killed 
 that quicke ready disposition of body that was wont to be 
 in him, being then above three score and five yeare olde: 
 or else as he sayd him selfe, bicause he was waxen gowty, 
 and had ache in his vaines and sinewes, that he could not 
 well stirre his body, and that for shame, bicause he would 
 not tary behinde in this warre, he did more then his yeares 
 could away withall. Notwithstanding, as he was, yet he 
 wanne a great battell, wherein were slaine six thowsande of 
 their enemies : and so long as the warres endured, he never 
 gave them advantage of him, but paciently suffred them 
 sometime to intrenche him, and to mocke him, and geve him 
 vile words, chalenging him out to fight, and yet all this 
 would not provoke him. It is sayd also, that Pompedius 
 Silo, who was the chiefest Captaine of reputacion and 
 authority the enemies had, said unto Marius on a time : If 
 thou be Marius, so great a Captaine as they say thou art, 
 leave thy campe, and come out to battel. Nay, said Marius 
 to him againe : If thou be a great Captaine, plucke me out 
 204
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 by the eares, and compell me to come to battell. An other CAIUS 
 time when the enemies gave them occasion to geve a great MARIUS 
 charge upon them with advantage : the Romaines were 
 fainte harted, and durst not set upon them. Wherefore, 
 after both the one and the other were retyred, Marius caused 
 his men to assemble, and spake unto them in this sorte : I 
 can not tell which of the two I should recken most cowardes: 
 you your selves, or your enemies : for they durst not once 
 see your backes, nor you them in the faces. In the end not- 
 withstanding, he was compelled to resigne his charge, being 
 able to serve no lenger for the weakenesse and debilitie of his 
 body. Now, all the rebels of Italie being put downe, many 
 at Rome (by the orators meanes) did sue to have the charge 
 of the warres against Mithridates : and among them, a 
 Tribune of the people called Sulpitius, (a very bold and 
 rash man) beyond all mens hope and opinion preferred 
 Marius, and perswaded them to geve him the charge of these 
 warres, with title and authority of vice Consull. The people 
 thereupon were devided into two partes : for the one side 
 stoode for Marius, and thother would have Sylla take the 
 charge, saying, that Marius was to thinke nowe uppon the 
 hotte bathes at Baies, to looke to cure his olde bodie, brought 
 lowe with rewme and age, as him selfe sayd. For Marius 
 had a goodly stately house in those partes neere unto the 
 mount of Misene, which was farre more fine and curiously Mons 
 furnished, then became a Captaine that had bene in so many Misenum. 
 foughten battells and daungers. They say that Cornelia 
 afterwardes bought that fine house for the summe of seven 
 thowsande five hundred crownes, and shortly after also, 
 Lucullus bought it againe for two hundred and fifty thow- 
 sand crownes : to so great excesse was vanitie and curiositie 
 growen in very shorte time at Rome. Notwithstanding all 
 this, Marius too ambitiously striving like a passioned young Marius 
 man against the weakenes and debility of his age, never ambition, 
 missed day but he would be in the field of Mars to exercise 
 him selfe among the young men, shewing his body disposed 
 and ready to handle all kinde of weapons, and to ryde horses : 
 albeit that in his latter time, he had no great health of body, 
 bicause he was very heavy and sad. There were that liked 
 
 205
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CAIUS that passing well in him, and went of purpose into the fielde 
 MARIUS to see the paines he tooke, striving to excell the rest. How- 
 beit those of the better sorte were very sory to see his avarice 
 and ambition, considering specially, that being of a poore 
 man become very rich, and of a right meane persone a great 
 estate, that he coulde not now containe his prosperity within 
 reasonable boundes, nor content him selfe to be esteemed 
 and honored, quietlie enjoy inge all he had wonne, and which 
 at that present he did possesse : but as if he had bene very 
 poore and needy, after he had received such great honor 
 and triumphes, would yet cary out his age so stowtly, even 
 into Cappadocia, and unto the realme of Pont, to goe fight 
 there against Archelaus and Neoptolemus, Lieutenaunts of 
 king Mithridates. In deede he alleaged some reasons to 
 excuse him selfe, but they were altogether vaine : for he sayd 
 that he desired in persone to bring up his sonne in exercise 
 of armes, and to teach him the discipline of warres. That 
 discovered the secret hidden plague, which of long time hath 
 lurked in Rome, Marius specially having now met with a 
 fit instrument, and minister to destroy the common wealth, 
 which was, the insolent and rash Sulpitius : who altogether 
 followed Saturninus doinges, saving that he was found too 
 cowardly and fainte harted in all his enterprises, and for 
 that did Marius justly reprove him. But Sulpitius, bicause 
 he would not dally nor delay time, had ever sixe hundred 
 younge gentlemen of the order of knightes, whome he used 
 Sulpitius gard as his gard about him, and called them the gard against the 
 f sixe hun- Senate. And one day as the Consulls kept their common 
 :nig s. assembly in the market place, Sulpitius comming in armed 
 Sulpitius apon them, made them both take their heeles, and get them 
 boldnes. packing : and as they fled, one of the Consulls sonnes being 
 
 taken tardy, was slaine. Sylla being thother Consull, and 
 perceiving that he was followed hard at hand unto Marius 
 house, ranne into the same against the opinion of all the 
 world : wherof they that ranne after him not being aware, 
 passed by the house. And it is reported that Marius him 
 selfe conveyed Sylla safelie out at a backe dore, and that he 
 being scaped thus, went unto his campe. Notwithstanding, 
 Sylla him selfe in his commentaries doth not say, that he 
 206
 
 was saved in Marius house when he fled : but that he was CAIUS 
 brought thither to geve his consent unto a matter which MARIUS 
 Sulpitius woulde have forced him unto against his will, pre- 
 senting him naked swordes on every side. And he wryteth 
 also, that being thus forcibly brought unto Marius house, 
 he was kept there in this feare, untill such time as return- 
 inge into the market place, he was compelled to revoke 
 againe the adjornement of justice, which he and his com- 
 panion by edict had commaunded. This done, Sulpitius 
 then being the stronger, caused the commission and charge 
 of this warre against Mithridates to be assigned unto Marius 
 by the voyce of the people. Therfore Marius geving order 
 for his departure, sent two of his Colonells before to take 
 the army of Sylla: who having wonne his souldiers harts 
 before, and stirred them up against Marius, brought them 
 on with him directly towardes Rome, being no lesse then 
 five and thirty thowsand fighting men : who setting apon 
 the Captaines Marius had sent unto them, slewe them in 
 the fielde. In revenge whereof, Marius againe in Rome put 
 many of Syllaes frendes and followers to death, and pro- 
 claimed open liberty by sound of trompet, to all slaves and 
 bondmen that would take armes for him: but there were Marius 
 never but three only that offered them selves. Whereuppon, se dition. 
 having made a litle resistaunce unto Sylla when he came 
 into Rome, he was soone after compelled to runne his way. 
 Marius was no sooner out of the citie, but they that were Marius flieth 
 in his company forsaking him, dispersed them selves here Rome, 
 and there being darke night : and Marius him selfe got to 
 a house of his in the contrie, called Salonium, and sent his 
 sonne to one of his father in law Mutius farmes not farre 
 from thence, to make some provision for vittells. But Marius 
 in the meane time, went before to Ostia, where one of his 
 frendes Numerius had prepared him a shippe, in the which 
 he imbarked immediatly, not tarying for his sonne, and 
 hoised saile, having only Granius his wives sonne with him. 
 In the meane time the younger Marius beinge at his father in 
 law Mutius farme, stayed so long in getting of provision, in 
 trussing of it up, and carying it away, that broade day light 
 had like to have discovered him : for the enemies had adver- 
 
 207
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Marius the, 
 sonne flieth 
 into Africke. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 tisement whether he was gone, whereupon certaine horsemen 
 were sent thither supposing to have found him. But the 
 keeper of the house having an inckling of their comminge, 
 and preventing them also before they came, sodainely yoked 
 his oxen to the carte which he loded with beanes, and hidde 
 this younger Marius under the same. And prickinge the 
 oxen forward with his goade, set out, and met them as he 
 went towards the city, and delivered Marius in this sorte 
 into his wives house : and there taking such thinges as he 
 needed, when the night following came, went towards the 
 sea, and tooke shippe, finding one crosse sayled, bound 
 towards Africke. Marius the father saylinge on still, had 
 a very good winde to poynte alongest the coast of Italic : 
 notwithstanding, being arrayed of one Geminius, a chiefe 
 man of Terracine, who hated him to the death, he gave 
 the maryners warning thereof betimes, and willed them to 
 take heede of landing at Terracine. The maryners were very 
 willing to obey him, but the winde stoode full against them 
 comming from the mayne, which raised a great storme, and 
 they feared much that their vessell which was but a bote, 
 would not brooke the seas, besides that he him selfe was 
 very sicke in his stomake, and sore sea beaten : notwith- 
 standing, at the length with the greatest difficulty that 
 might be, they recovered the coast over against the city 
 of Circees. In the meane time, the storme increased still, 
 and their vittells failed them : whereupon they were com- 
 pelled to land, and went wandring up and downe not know- 
 inge what to doe, nor what way to take. But as it falleth 
 out commonly in such like cases of extremitie, they thought 
 it alwayes the best safetie for them, to flie from the place 
 where they were, and to hope of that which they saw not : 
 for if the sea were their enemy, the lande was so likewise. 
 To meete with men, they were afrayed : and not to meete 
 with them on thother side lacking vittells, was in deede the 
 greater daunger. Neverthelesse, in the end they met with 
 heard men that could geve them nothing to eate, but know- 
 ing Marius, warned him to get him out of the way as soone 
 as he could possible, bicause it was not longe since that there 
 passed by a great troupe of horsemen that sought him all 
 208
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 about. And thus being brought unto such perplexity, that CAIUS 
 he knew not where to bestowe him selfe, and specially for MARIUS 
 that the poore men he had in his company were almost 
 starved for hunger : he got out of the high way notwith- 
 standing, and sought out a very thicke wodde where he 
 passed all that night in great sorow, and the next morninge 
 beinge compelled by necessity, determined yet to employ his 
 body before all his strength failed. Thus he wandered on 
 alongest the sea coast, still comforting them that followed 
 him the best he could, and praying them not to dispayre, 
 but to referre them selves to him, even until the last hope, 
 trusting in certaine prophecies which the Soothsayers had 
 told him of long time before. For when he was but very 
 young, and dwelling in the contry, he gathered up in the 
 lappe of his gowne, the ayrie of an Eagle, in the which Marius found 
 were seven young Eagles : whereat his father and mother an ayrie of 
 much wondering, asked the Soothsayers what that ment. Ea les< 
 They answered, That their sonne one day should be one of 
 the greatest men in the world, and that out of doubt he 
 should obtaine seven times in his life the chiefest office of 
 dignity in his contry. And for that matter, it is sayd that 
 so in dede it came to passe. Other hold opinion, that such 
 as were about Marius at that time, in that present place, and 
 else where, during the time of his flying : they hearing him 
 tell this tale, beleved it, and afterwardes put it downe in 
 wry tinge, as a true thinge, although of trothe it is bothe 
 false and fayned. For they say, that the Eagle never getteth 
 but two younge ones : by reason whereof it is mayntayned 
 also, that the Poet Musseus hathe lyed, in that which he 
 hathe wrytten in these verses : 
 
 The Eagle layes three egges, and two she hatcheth forth : How many 
 
 But yet she bringeth up but one, that any thing is worth. egges the 
 
 Eagle layeth. 
 
 Howsoever it was, it is certaine that Marius many times 
 during the time of his flying sayd, that he was assured he 
 should come unto the seventh Consulship. When they were 
 comen neere now to the city of Minturnes, about a two myle 
 and a halfe from it, they might perceive a troupe of horse- 
 men comming by the sea side, and two shippes on the sea 
 3 : DD 209
 
 CAIUS that fell uppon the coast by good happe. Wherefore they 
 MARIUS all beganne to runne (so long as they had breath and 
 strength) towardes the sea, into the which they threw them 
 selves, and got by swymming unto one of the shippes where 
 Granius was : and they crossed over unto the lie that is 
 right against it called Enaria. Now for Marius, who was 
 heavy and sicke of body, two of his servauntes holpe to holde 
 him up alwayes above water, with the greatest paine and 
 difficultie in the worlde : and at the last they labored so 
 throughly, that they put him into the other shippe at the selfe 
 same present, when the horsemen came unto the sea side, 
 who cried out alowde to the maryners, to lande againe, or 
 else throw Marius over borde, and then to goe where they 
 would. Marius on th other side humbly besought them with 
 teares, not so to do : whereby the masters of the shippe 
 in a shorte space were in many mindes whether to doe it, or 
 not to doe it. In the ende notwithstanding, they aunswered 
 the horsemen they would not throwe him over the borde : 
 so the horsemen went their way in a great rage. But as soone 
 as they were gone, the masters of the shippe chaunging minde, 
 drewe towardes lande, and cast ancker about the mouth of 
 Liris fl. the river of Liris, where it leaveth her banckes, and maketh 
 
 great marysses : and there they tolde Marius he should doe 
 well to goe a land to eate somewhat, and refresh his sea 
 sicke body, till the winde served them to make saile, which 
 doubtlesse sayed they, will be at a certaine hower when the 
 sea winde falles and becomes calme, and that there riseth a 
 litle winde from the lande, ingendred by the vapours of the 
 marysses, which will serve the turne very well to take seas 
 Marius set a againe. Marius following their counsell, and thinking they 
 land, and for- had ment good faith, was set a lande uppon the rivers bancke : 
 
 saken and there layed him downe apon the grasse, nothing suspect- 
 
 manners, v i i J j -^ ji & 
 
 ing that which happened after to him. tor the manners 
 presently taking their shippe againe, and hoysing up their 
 anckers, sailed straight away, and fled : judging it no honesty 
 for them to have delivered Marius into the handes of his 
 enemies, nor safetie for them selves to have saved him. 
 Marius finding him selfe all alone, and forsaken of every 
 man, lay on the ground a great while, and sayd never a 
 210
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 word : yet at the length taking harte a litle to him, got up CAIUS 
 once againe on his feete, and painefully wandred up and MARIUS 
 downe, where was neither way nor pathe at all, overthwart 
 deepe marisses and great ditches, full of water and mudde, 
 till he came at the length to a poore olde mans cotage, 
 dwelling there in these marisses, and fallinge at his feete, 
 besought him to helpe to save and succour a poore afflicted 
 man, with promise that one day he would geve him a better 
 recompence then he looked for, if he might escape this 
 present daunger wherein he was. The olde man whether for 
 that he had knowen Marius aforetime, or that seeing him (by 
 conjecture only) judged him to be some great personage : 
 told him that if he ment but to lye downe and rest him selfe 
 a litle, his poore cabyne would serve that turne reasonably 
 well : but if he ment to wander thus, to flie his enemies that 
 followed him, he would then bring him into a more secret 
 place, and farder of from noyse. Marius prayed him that he 
 would so much doe for him : and the good man brought him Marius 
 into the marishe, unto a low place by the rivers side, where hidden in the 
 he made him lye downe, and then covered him with a great n 
 deale of reede and bent, and other such light thinges as 
 could not hurte him. He had not long bene there, but he 
 heard a great noyse comming towardes the cabin of the 
 poore old man : for Geminius of Terracine had sent men all 
 about to seeke for him, whereof some by chaunce came that 
 way, and put the poore man in a feare, and threatned him 
 that he had received and hidden an enemie of the Romaines. 
 Marius hearing that, rose out of the place where the old 
 man had layed him, and stripping him selfe starke naked, 
 went into a parte of the marishe where the water was full of 
 myre and mudde, and there was founde of those that searched 
 for him : who takinge him out of the slime all naked as he Marius taken, 
 was, caried him into the citie of Minturnes, and delivered him 
 there into the governours handes. Open proclamation was 
 made by the Senate through all Italic, that they should 
 apprehend Marius, and kill him wheresoever they founde 
 him. Notwithstanding, the governors and magistrates of 
 Minturnes thought good first to consult therupon amongest 
 them selves, and in the meane time they delivered him into 
 
 211
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CAIUS the safe custody of a woman called Fannia, whom they 
 MARIUS thought to have bene a bitter enemie of his, for an old 
 grudge she had to him, which was this : Fannia somtime had 
 a husband called Tinnius, whom she was willing to leave for 
 that they could not agre, and required her dower of him 
 againe, which was very great. Her husbande againe sayed, 
 she had played the whore. The matter was brought before 
 Marius in his sixt Consulshippe, who had geven judgement 
 apon it. Both parties being heard, and the law prosecuted 
 on either side, it was found that this Fannia was a naughty 
 woman of her body, and that her husband knowing it well 
 enough before he maried her, yet tooke her with her faultes, 
 and long time lived with her. Wherefore Marius being 
 angrie with them both, gave sentence that the husband 
 should repay backe her dower, and that for her naughty life, 
 Fanniaes she should pay foure farthings. This notwithstanding, when 
 curtesie unto p ann j a saw Marius, she grudged him not for that, and least 
 of all had any revenginge minde in her towardes him, but 
 contrarily did comforte and helpe him what she could with 
 that she had. Marius thanked her marvelously for it, and 
 bad her hope well : bicause he met with good lucke as he 
 was comming to her house, and in this manner. As they 
 were leading of him, when he came neere to Fanniaes house, 
 her dore being open, there came an asse running out to go 
 drinke at a conduit: not farre from thence: and meeting 
 Marius by the way, looked apon him with a lively joyfull 
 countenaunce, first of all stopping sodainly before him, and 
 then beginning to bray out alowde, and to leape and skippe 
 by him. Whereuppon Marius straight conjecturing with 
 him selfe, said, that the goddes did signifie unto him, that he 
 should save him selfe sooner by water then by lande : bicause 
 that the asse leaving him, ranne to drinke, and cared not to 
 eate. So when he had tolde Fannia this tale, he desired to rest, 
 and prayed them to let him alone, and to shut the chamber 
 dore to him. But the magistrates of the citie having con- 
 sulted together about him, in the ende resolved they must 
 deferre no lenger time, but dispatche him out of the way 
 presently. Now when they were agreed apon it, they could 
 not finde a man in the citie that durst take apon him to kill 
 212
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 him : but a man of armes of the Gaules, or one of the CAIUS 
 Cimbres (for we finde both the one and the other in wryting) MARIUS 
 that went thither with his sword drawen in his hande. Now, One hiered to 
 that place of the chamber wherein Marius lay was very kill Marius. 
 darke, and as it is reported, the man of armes thought he 
 sawe two burninge flames come out of Marius eyen, and heard 
 a voyce out of that darke corner, saying unto him : O fellowe, 
 thou, darest thou come to kill Caius Marius ? The barbarous 
 Gaule hearing these wordes, ranne out of the chamber pre- 
 sently, casting his sworde in the middest of the flower, and 
 crying out these wordes onely : I can not kill Caius Marius. 
 This made the Minturnians afraied in the city at the first, 
 but afterwards it moved them to compassion. So they were 
 angry with them selves, and did repent them that they con- 
 verted their counsell to so cruell and unkinde a deede, 
 against one that had preserved all Italie : and to deny him 
 aide in so extreame necessitf^it was too great a sinne. 
 Therefore let us let him goe, sayed they to them selves, 
 where he will, and suffer him take his fortune appointed him 
 else where : and let us pray to the goddes to pardone this 
 offence of ours, to have thrust Marius naked and beggerly 
 out of our city. For these considerations, the Minturnians The Mintur- 
 went all together to Marius where he was, and stoode about nians suffered 
 him, determining to see him safely conducted unto the sea Marius to go 
 j XT 4.u j -IT his way with 
 
 side. JNow though every man was ready, and willing to sa f e t v 
 
 pleasure him, some with one thing, some with an other, and 
 that they did hasten him all they could possible, yet they 
 were a good while a going thither: bicause there was a 
 wodde called Marica, that laye right in their way betwene Marica Sylva. 
 their city and the sea coast which they greatly reverence, 
 and thinke it a sacriledge to cary any thing out of that 
 wodde, that was once brought into it. On thother side, 
 to leave to goe through this wodde, and to compasse it 
 rounde about, it would aske a marvelous long time. So 
 they standing all in doubt what they should doe, one of the 
 auncientest men of the city, spake alowde unto them, and 
 said : that there was no way forbidden them, that went 
 about to save Marius life. Then Marius him selfe being 
 the formest man, taking up some of the fardells which 
 
 213
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Marius the 
 elder flieth 
 into Africke. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 they caried with him, to pleasure him in the ship, went 
 through the wodde. All other things necessary being thus 
 readily prepared for him with like goodwil, and specially 
 the shippe which one Bellaeus had ordained for him : he 
 caused all this storie to be painted in a table at large, 
 which he gave unto the temple, out of the which he departed 
 when he tooke shippe. After he was departed thence, the 
 winde by good fortune caried him into the He of Enaria, 
 where he founde Granius and some other of his frendes, with 
 whom he tooke sea againe, and pointed towardes Africke. 
 But lacking water, they were compelled to lande in Sicilia, 
 in the territory of the city of Erix : where by chaunce there 
 laye a Romaine Quaestor, who kept that coast. Marius 
 being landed there, scaped very narrowly that he was not 
 taken of him : for he slue sixteene of his men that came out 
 with him to take water. So Marius getting him thence 
 with all speede, crossed the seas, untill he arrived in the He 
 of Menynge, where he first understoode that his sonne was 
 saved with Cethegus, and that they were both together gone 
 to Hiempsal king of the Numidians to beseeche him of ayde. 
 This gave him a litle corage, and made him bold to passe 
 out of that He, into the coast of Carthage. Nowe at that 
 time, Sextilius a Romaine Praetor was governor of Africke, 
 unto whom Marius had never done good nor hurt, and 
 therfore he hoped, that for pity only he might perhappes 
 have helpe at his hande. Howbeit he was no sooner landed 
 with a few of his men, but a sergeaunt came straight and 
 sayd unto him : Sextilius, Praetor and governor of Libya, 
 doth forbid thee to lande in all this province : otherwise he 
 telleth thee, that he will obay the Senates commaundement, 
 and pursue thee as an enemy of the Romaines. Marius 
 hearing this commaundement, was so angry and sory both, 
 that he coulde not readily tell what aunswere to make him, 
 and pawsed a good while, and sayd never a word, still eying 
 the sergeaunt with a grimme looke : untill he asked him, 
 what aunswer he would make, to the Praetors commaunde- 
 ment. Marius then fetching a deepe sigh from his harte, gave 
 him this aunswer : Thou shalt tell Sextilius, that thou 
 hast seene Caius Marius banished out of his contrie, sittinge 
 214
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 amongest the ruines of the city of Carthage. By this CAIUS 
 aunswere, he wisely layed the example of the ruine and MARIUS 
 destruction of that great city of Carthage, before Sextilius Marius wise 
 eyes, and the chaunge of his fortune : to warne Sextilius that answere of 
 the like might fall uppon him. In the meane time, Hiemp- go^ancy 11 
 sal king of the Numidians, not knowing how to resolve, did 
 honorably intreate young Marius and his companie. But 
 when they were willing to goe their way, he alwayes founde 
 newe occasion to stay them, and was very glad to see that he 
 started not for any oportunity or good occasion that was 
 offered : notwithstandinge, there fortuned a happy meane 
 unto them, whereby they saved them selves. And this it 
 was. This Marius the younger being a fayer complexioned 
 young man, it pitied one of the kinges concubines to see him 
 so hardly delt withall. This pity of hers was a shadow to cloke 
 the love she bare him : but Marius would not hearken at the 
 first to her intisementes, and refused her. Yet in the ende, 
 perceiving that there was no other way for him to escape 
 thence, and considering that she did all thinges for their 
 availe, more diligently and lovingly then she would have 
 done, if she had not ment further matter unto him, then 
 only to enjoy the pleasure of him : he then accepted her 
 love and kyndnesse, so as at the length she taught him a way Marius the 
 howe to flye, and save him selfe and his frendes. Hereupon younger 
 he went to his father, and after they had imbraced and escapeth 
 saluted eche other, going alongest the sea side, they founde ha^ds^ 8 
 two scorpions fightinge together. Marius tooke this for an 
 ill signe : wherupon they quickly tooke a fisher boate, and 
 went into the ile of Cercina, which is no great distaunce of 
 from firme lande. They had no soner hoised up ancker, but 
 they sawe the horse men which kinge Hiempsal had sent 
 unto the place from whence they were departed : and that 
 was one of the greatest daungers that Marius ever escaped. 
 In the meane time there was newes at Rome, that Silla made 
 warre against kinge Mithridates Lieutenauntes : and further- 
 more, that the Consulls being up in armes thone against 
 thother, Octavius wanne the battell, and being the stronger Cinna driven 
 had driven out Cinna, who sought to have usurped tyran- out of Rome 
 nicall power, and had made Cornelius Merula Consull in his b ? Octavius 
 
 215
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Marius joyn- 
 eth force 
 with Cinna. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 place : and that Cinna on thother side leavied men out of 
 other partes of Italie, and made warres upon them that were 
 in Rome. Marius hearing of this dissention, thought good 
 to returne as soone as he could possible into Italie. And 
 assembling certaine horsemen of the nation of the Mauru- 
 sians in Africke, and certaine Italians that had saved them 
 selves there, unto the number of a thowsand men in all : he 
 tooke sea, and landed in a haven of Thuscane called Telamon, 
 and being landed, proclaimed by sounde of trompet, liberty 
 to all slaves and bonde men that would come to him. So 
 the laborers, heard men, and neateheardes of all that marche, 
 for the onely name and reputacion of Marius, ranne to the 
 sea side from all partes : of the which he having chosen out 
 the stowtest and lustiest of them, wanne them so by fayer 
 wordes, that having gathered a great companie together in 
 few dayes, he made fortie sayle of them. Furthermore, 
 knowing that Octavius was a marvelous honest man, that 
 would have no authoritie otherwise then law and reason 
 would : and that Cinna to the contrarie was suspected of 
 Sylla, and that he sought to bring in chaunge and innova- 
 tion to the common wealth, he determined to joyne his force 
 with Cinna. So Marius sent first unto Cinna, to lette him 
 understande that he would obay him as Consull, and be 
 ready to do all that he should commaunde him. Cinna 
 received him, and gave him the title and authoritie of Vice- 
 consull, and sent him sergeaunts to carie axes and roddes 
 before him, with all other signes of publicke authoritie. But 
 Marius refused them, and sayed, that pompe became not his 
 miserable fortune : for he ever went in a poore threede bare 
 gowne, and had let his heare grow still after he was banished, 
 being above three score and tenne yeare olde, and had a 
 sober gate with him, to make men pitie him the more that 
 sawe him. But under all this counterfeate pitie of his, he 
 never chaunged his naturall looke, which was ever more 
 fearefull and terrible, then otherwise. And where he spake 
 but litle, and went very demurely and soberly : that shewed 
 rather a cankered corage within him, then a minde humbled 
 by his banishment. Thus when he had saluted Cinna, and 
 spoken to the souldiers : he then beganne to set thinges 
 216
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 abroache, and made a wonderfull chaunge in fewe dayes. CAIUS 
 
 For first of all, with his shippes he cut of all the vittells by MARIUS 
 
 sea, and robbed the marchaunts that caried corne and other 
 
 vittells to Rome : so that in a shorte space he was master 
 
 purveyor for all necessarie provision and vittells. After 
 
 this he went alongest the coast, and tooke all the cities apon 
 
 the sea side, and at the length wanne Ostia also by treason, 
 
 put the most parte of them in the towne to the sword, and 
 
 spoyled all their goodes : and afterwards making a bridge 
 
 apon the river of Tiber, tooke from his enemies all hope to 
 
 have any manner of provision by sea. That done, he went 
 
 directly towardes Rome with his armie, where first he wanne 
 
 the hill called laniculum through Octavius faulte : who over- Octavius 
 
 threwe him selfe in his doinges, not so much for lacke of negligence 
 
 reasonable skill of warres, as through his unprofitable curio- i? defence of 
 
 ... j . . , . , ' ., & , -ff , ,. the citie of 
 
 si tie and strictnes in observing the law. tor when diverse R ome against 
 
 did perswade him to set the bond men at liberty to take Cinna'and 
 armes for defence of the common wealth : he aunswered, Marius. 
 that he would never geve bond men the law and priviledge 
 of a Romaine citizen, having driven Caius Marius out of 
 Rome, to maintaine the authoritie of the lawe. But when 
 Csecilius Metellus was come to Rome, the sonne of that 
 Metellus Numidicus, that having begonne the warres in 
 Libya against king lugurthe, was put out by Marius : the 
 souldiers forsooke Octavius immediatly, and came unto him, 
 bicause they tooke him to be a better Captaine, and desired 
 also to have a leader that could tell how to commaund 
 them, to save the citie, and the common wealth. For they 
 promised to fight valliantly, and perswaded them selves that 
 they should overcome their enemies, so that they had a skil- 
 full and valliant Captaine that could order them. Metellus 
 misliking their offer, commaunded them in anger to returne 
 againe unto the Consull : but they for spite went unto their 
 enemies. Metellus on thother side, seeing no good order 
 taken in the citie to resist the enemies, got him out of 
 Rome. But Octavius being perswaded by certaine Sooth- Octavius too 
 sayers and Chaldean sacrificers, who promised him all should m " ch geven 
 goe well with him, taxied still in Rome. For that man t( 
 being otherwise, as wise as any Romaine of his time, and 
 3 : EE 217
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Octavius 
 vertue and im- 
 perfection. 
 
 Octavius 
 slaine by 
 Marius 
 souldiers. 
 
 A great con- 
 trariety in 
 astronomy. 
 
 Cinna and 
 Marius entry 
 into Rome. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 one that delt as uprightly in his Consulshippe, not caried 
 away with flattering tales, and one also that followed the 
 auncient orders and customes as infallible rules and examples, 
 neither breaking nor omitting any parte therof : me thinkes 
 yet had this imperfection, that he frequented the Sooth- 
 sayers, wise men, and astronomers, more then men skilfull in 
 armes and government. Wherefore, before that Marius him 
 selfe came into the citie, Octavius was by force pluct out 
 of the pulpit for orations, and slaine presently by Marius 
 souldiers, whome he had sent before into the citie. And 
 it is sayed also, that when he was slaine, they founde a 
 figure of a Chaldean prophecie in his bosome : and here is 
 to be noted a great contrarietie in these two notable men, 
 Octavius and Marius. The first lost his life, by trusting 
 to soothsaying : and the seconde prospered, and rose 
 againe, bicause he did not despise the arte of divination. 
 The state of Rome standing then in this maner, the 
 Senate consulting together, sent Ambassadors unto Cinna 
 and Marius, to pray them to come peacibly into Rome, 
 and not to embrue their ha?io!s with the blood of their 
 citizens. Cinna sitting in his chayer as Consul, gave them 
 audience, and made them a very reasonable and curteous 
 aunswer. Marius standing by him, spake never a worde : 
 but shewed by his sower looke that he would straight fill 
 Rome with murder and blood. So when the Ambassadors 
 were gone, Cinna came into Rome environned with a great 
 number of souldiers : but Marius stayed sodainly at the 
 gate, speaking partely in anger, and partely in mockerie, 
 that he was a banished man, and driven out of his 
 contrie by law. And therefore if they would have him 
 come into Rome againe, they should first by a contrarie 
 decree abolish and revoke that of his banishment, as if 
 he had bene a religious observer of the lawes, and as 
 though Rome had at that present enjoyed their freedom 
 and libertie. Thus he made the people assemble in the 
 market place to proceede to the confirmation of his call- 
 ing home againe. But before three or foure tribes had 
 time to geve their voices, disguising the matter no lenger, 
 and showing plainly that he ment not to be lawfully called
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 home againe from exile : he came into Rome with a garde CAIUS 
 about him, of the veriest rascalls, and most shamelesse MARIUS 
 slaves, called the Bardiaeians, who came to him from all Bardisei. 
 partes : and they for the least word he spake, or at the 
 twinckling of his eye, or at a nodde of his head made to 
 them, slew many men through his commaundement, and at Marius caused 
 the length slew Ancharius a Senator (that had bene Praetor) great murder 
 at Marius feete with their swordes, bicause only that Marius m R me> 
 did not salute him when he came one day to speake with 
 him. After this murther, they continued killinge all them 
 that Marius did not salute, and speake unto : for that was 
 the very signe he had geven them, to kill them openly in the 
 streetes before every man, so that his very frendes were 
 afearde of being murthered, when they came to salute him. 
 Thus being a great number of men slaine, Cinna in the end 
 beganne to be satisfied, and to appease his anger. But 
 Marius anger and unsatiable desire of revenge increased more Marius 
 and more, so that he spared not one if he suspected him crue lti e - 
 never so litle : and there was neither towne nor high way, 
 that was not full of skowtes and spies, to hunte them out 
 that hidde them selves and fled. Then experience taught 
 them, that no frende is faithfull, and to be trusted, if fortune Small trust 
 especially frowne never so litle : for there were very fewe j- frendes in 
 that did not betray their frendes that fled to them for advers 
 succor. And therefore doe Cornutus servaunts so much the The faithful- 
 more deserve praise, who having secretly hidden their master nes of Corau- 
 in his house, did hang up the dead body of some common *o \Jeir au 
 persone by the necke, and having put a golde ring on his mas ter. 
 finger, they shewed him to the Bardiaeians, Marius garde, 
 and buried him in steade of their owne master, without sus- 
 picion of any man that it was a fained thing : and so Cornutus 
 being hidden by his servauntes, was safely conveyed into 
 the contrie of Gaule. Marke Anthony the Orator had also M. Antonius 
 founde out a faithfull frende, yet was he unfortunate. This * he Ora ^ ] r ' 
 faithfull frend of his, was a poore simple man, who having ^verner ^ & 
 received one of the chiefest men of Rome into his house to 
 kepe him close there : he being desirous to make him the 
 best chere he could with that Title he had, sent one of his 
 men to the next taverne to fetche wine, and tastinge the 
 
 219
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 The force of 
 eloquence. 
 
 Catulus Luc- 
 tatius killed 
 him selfe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 wine more curiously then he was wont to do, he called for 
 better. The drawer asked him, why the new ordinary wine 
 would not serve him, but he must needes have of the best and 
 dearest : the foolish fellow simply aunswered him (telling him 
 as his familiar frend) that his master did feast Marke Anthony, 
 who was hidden very secretly in his house. He was no sooner 
 gone with his wine, and his backe turned, but the vile 
 traiterous drawer ranne unto Marius, who was set at supper 
 when he came. The drawer beinge brought to him, promised 
 him to deliver Marke Anthony into his handes. Marius 
 hearing that, was so joconde, that he cried out, and clapt his 
 handes together for joye : and would have risen from the 
 borde, and gone thither him selfe in persone, had not his 
 frendes kept him backe. But he sent Annius one of his 
 Captaines thither with a certaine number of souldiers, and 
 commaunded them to bringe him his heade quickely. So they 
 went thither, and when they were come to the house which 
 the drawer had brought them to, Annius taried beneath at 
 the dore, and the souldiers went up the stayers into the 
 chamber, and finding Anthony there, they beganne to en- 
 corage one an other to kill him, not one of them having the 
 harte to lay handes uppon him. For Anthonyes tongue was 
 as sweete as a Sirene, and had such an excellent grace in 
 speaking, that when.he began to speake unto the souldiers, and 
 to pray them to save his life : there was not one of them so 
 hard harted, as once to touch him, no not onely to looke him 
 in the face, but looking downewardes, fell a weeping. Annius 
 perceiving they taried long, and came not downe, went him 
 selfe up into the chamber, and found Anthony talking to his 
 souldiers, and them weeping, his sweete eloquent tongue 
 had so melted their hartes : but he rating them, ranne 
 furiously apon him, and strake of his head with his owne 
 handes. And Catulus Luctatius also, that had bene Consull 
 with Marius, and had triumphed over the Cimbres with him, 
 seeing him selfe in this perill, set men to intreate Marius for 
 him : but his aunswere was ever, he must needes dye. So 
 Catulus locked him selfe into a litle chamber, and made a 
 great fire of charcole to be kindled, and with the smoke 
 thereof choked him selfe. Now after their heades were cut 
 220
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 of, they threw out the naked bodies into the streetes, and CAIUS 
 
 trodde them under their feete : the which was not only a MARIUS 
 
 pitiefull, but a fearefull sight to all that sawe them. But 
 
 after all this yet, there was nothing that grieved the people 
 
 so much, as the horrible lechery and abhominable cruelty of 
 
 this gard of the Bardiasians, who comming into mens houses 
 
 by force, after they had slaine the masters, defiled their 
 
 young children, and ravished their wives and maides, and no 
 
 man would once reprove their crueltie, lecherie, and unsati- 
 
 able avarice : untill Cinna and Sertorius in the end set apon The Bardise- 
 
 them as they slept in their campe, and slewe them every one. ians slaine 
 
 But in this extremitie, as if all thinges had bene restored ? . j r .??'. 
 
 ,,. c r 11 j. tains for their 
 
 unto their first estate, newes came agame from alf partes crue itie. 
 
 to Rome, that Sylla having ended his warre against king 
 Mithridates, and recovered the provinces which he had 
 usurped : returned into Italic with a great power. This 
 caused these evills and unspeakeable miseries to cease a litle, 
 bicause the wicked doers of the same looked they should 
 have warres on their backes ere it were long. Whereuppon 
 Marius was chosen Consull the seventh time. He going out Marius 
 of his house openly the first day of lanuarie, being the seventh 
 beginning of the yeare, to take possession of his Consul- ^ onsu ' *? 
 shippe : caused one Sextus Lucinus to be throwen downe 
 headlong from the rocke Tarpeian, which seemed to be a 
 great signe and certaine token of the evills and miseries, 
 that fell out afterwards the selfe same yere apon them of 
 their faction, and unto all the citie beside. But Marius 
 being sore broken with his former troubles, and his minde 
 oppressed with extreame sorow and griefe, could not now at 
 this last time of neede plucke up his harte to him againe, 
 when he came to thinke of this newe toward warre that 
 threatned him, and of the daungers, griefes, and troubles he 
 should enter into, more great and perillous then any he had 
 passed before. For through the great experience he had in 
 warres, he trembled for feare when he beganne to thinke of 
 it, considering that he had to fight, not with Octavius, nor 
 with Merula, Captaines of a companie of rebells gathered 
 together : but with a noble Sylla, that had driven him out 
 of Rome before, and that came now from driving the puisant 
 
 221
 
 Marius 
 thoughtes 
 and feare. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CAIUS king Mithridates, unto the furdest parte of the realme of 
 MARIUS Pont, and of the sea Euxinum. Thus, deepely waying and 
 considering the same, and specially when he looked backe 
 uppon his long time of banishment, how vacabondlike he 
 wandered up and downe in other contries, and remembred 
 the great misfortunes he had passed, and the sundrie daun- 
 gers he fell so often into, being pursued still by sea and by 
 land : it grieved him to the harte, and made him so unquiet, 
 that he coulde not sleepe in the night, or if he slept, had 
 fearefull dream es that troubled him, and still he thought he 
 heard a voyce bussing in his eares : 
 
 A Lyons very denne, is dreadfull to behold : 
 
 Though he him selfe be gone abroade, and be not therein hold. 
 
 But fearing most of all that he should no more sleepe and 
 take his rest, he gave him selfe to make unreasonable 
 banckets, and to drinke more then his yeres could beare, 
 Devise to seeking to winne sleepe by this meanes, to avoyde care the 
 winne sleepe. better. But at the length there came one from the sea, 
 that gave him certaine intelligence of all : and that was an 
 increase of a new feare unto him. And thus he being now 
 extreamely troubled, partely for feare of the thing to come, 
 and partely also for the over heavie burden of his present ill, 
 there neded but litle more aggravation, to fall into the 
 disease whereof he dyed, which was a plewrisie : as Posi- 
 donius the Philosopher wryteth, who sayeth plainly that he 
 went into his chamber when he was sicke, and spake unto 
 him about matters of his Ambassade, for the which he came 
 to Rome. Yet an other historiographer Caius Piso wryteth, 
 that Marius walking one day after supper with his frendes, 
 fell in talke of his fortune from the beginning of his life, 
 telling them at large how often fortune had turned with and 
 against him : concluding, that it is no wise mans parte to 
 trust her any more. So when he had done, he tooke his 
 Marius the leave of them, and layed him downe upon his bed, where he 
 fathers death, lay sicke seven dayes together, and on the seventh day dyed. 
 Some wryte that his ambition appeared plainly, by a straunge 
 raving that tooke him in his head during his sickenes. For 
 he thought that he made warres with Mithridates, and shewed 
 in his bed all his gestures and movings of his bodie, as if he
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 had bene in a battell, crying the selfe same cryes out alowde, CAIUS 
 
 which he was wont to crie when he was in the extreamest MARIUS 
 
 fight. The desire he had to have taken this charge in hande Marius mad 
 
 against Mithridates, was so deepely setled in his minde ambition. 
 
 through extreame ambition and jealouzy that possest him: 
 
 that being then three score and ten yeare old, after he had 
 
 bene the first man that ever was chosen seven times Consull 
 
 in Rome, and also after that he had gotten a world of goodes A note against 
 
 and richesse together that might have suffised many kinges : the ambitious. 
 
 yet for all this he dyed for sorrowe, lamenting his harde 
 
 fortune, as if he had dyed before his time, and before that 
 
 he had done and ended that which he had desired. But 
 
 this was cleane contrarie unto that the wise Plato did, when 
 
 he drewe neere to his death. For he gave God thankes for Platoes words 
 
 his fatall end and good fortune. First, for that he had made at his death. 
 
 him a reasonable man, and no brute beast : secondly, a 
 
 Greke and no barbarous man : and furthermore, for that 
 
 he was borne in Socrates time. It is reported also, that 
 
 one Antipater of Tharsis, calling to mind a litle before his 
 
 death the good fortune he had in his life time, did not for- 
 
 gette amonge other thinges, to tell of the happie navigation 
 
 he made, comming from his contrie unto Athens : which did 
 
 witnesse that he put upon the fyle of his good accompts for 
 
 a singular great grace, all favor fortune had shewed him, 
 
 and that he kept it in perpetuall memorie, being the onely 
 
 and most assured treasure a man can have, to kepe those 
 
 giftes that nature or fortune doe bestowe upon him. But 
 
 contrariwise, unthankefull fooles unto God and nature both, 
 
 doe forget with time the memory of their former benefittes, 
 
 and laying up nothing, nor keping it in perpetuall memory, 
 
 are alwayes voyde of goods and full of hope, gaping still for 
 
 things to come and leaving in the meane time the things 
 
 present, though reason perswades them the contrary. For 
 
 fortune may easily let them of the thing to come, but she 
 
 can not take that from them which is already past : and yet 
 
 they utterly forget the certaine benefit of fortune, as a thing 
 
 nothing belonging unto them, and dreame alwayes of that 
 
 which is uncertaine. And sure it chaunceth to them by 
 
 great reason. For, having gathered outward goodes together,
 
 CAIUS 
 MARIUS 
 
 Note that in 
 Syllaes life 
 following it 
 appeareth, 
 that Marius 
 the younger 
 was besieged 
 in the city of 
 Praeneste, and 
 not in Perusia 
 as ye reade 
 here. So as 
 the city seem- 
 eth to be mis- 
 taken in one 
 of these lives. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 and locking them up before they have built and layd a sure 
 grounded foundacion of reason through good learning : they 
 can not afterwardes fill nor quenche their unsatiable greedie 
 covetous minde. Thus ended Marius his life, the seventeenth 
 day of his seventh Consulshippe, whereof all the citie of 
 Rome was not a litle glad, and tooke harte againe unto them, 
 supposing they had then bene delivered from a bloodie cruell 
 tyranny. But within few dayes after they knew it to their 
 cost, that they had chaunged an olde master taken out of 
 the worlde, for a younger that came but newly to them : 
 such extreame unnaturall cruelties, and murders did Marius 
 the younger commit, after the death of his father Marius, 
 murdering in manner all the chiefest noble men of Rome. 
 At the first, they tooke him for a valliant and hardy young 
 man, whereuppon they named him the sonne of Mars : but 
 shortly after his deedes did shew the contrary, and then 
 they called him the sonne of Venus. In the end he was 
 shut in, and besieged by Sylla in the city of Perusia, 
 where he did what he could possible to save his life, 
 but all was in vaine : and lastly, seeing no way 
 to escape, the city being taken, he slewe him 
 selfe with his owne handes. 
 
 THE END OF CAIUS MARIUS LIFE 
 
 THE LIFE OF LYSANDER 
 
 Lysanders 
 image. 
 
 N the treasorie of the Acanthians, which is 
 in the temple of Apollo at Delphes, there 
 is this inscription: Brasidas, and the Acan- 
 thians, with the spoile of the Athenians. 
 That inscription maketh many men think e, 
 that the image of stone that standeth 
 within the chamber by the dore therof, is 
 the image of Brasidas : howbeit in truth 
 it is the livelie image of Lysander him selfe, made with a 
 great bush of heare, and a thicke long beard after the old 
 auncient facion. And where some say that the Argives, after
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 they were overcome and had lost a great battell, did all LYSANDER 
 of them shave them selves in token and signe of common 
 sorrow : and that the Lacedaemonians on thother side to 
 shewe the joy of their victory, did all let their heares growe, 
 that is not true. No more then this is true which other do 
 reporte of the Bacchiades: who being fled from Corinthe 
 unto Lacedsemon, the Laced semonians founde them so ill 
 favoredly disguised and deformed, bicause their heads were 
 all shaven, that thereupon they had a desire to let their 
 heare and beards grow. For that was one of the ordinaunces Lycurgus the 
 of Lycurgus, who sayd that the long bushe of heare, maketh author of 
 them that are naturally fayer, the pleasaunter to looke uppon : ^ eann g longe 
 and those that are ill favored, more ougly and fearefull to see 
 to. And furthermore, it is sayd that Aristoclitus, the father The commo- 
 of Lysander, was not of the royall blood of the kinges of ditie of wear- 
 Sparta, though he came of the race of the Heraclides : and * n & ion e 
 that his sonne Lysander was very meanely and poorely 
 brought up, being as obedient to the lawes and statutes Lysanders 
 of his contrie, as any other man was, showing him selfe kinred. 
 alwayes very strong and constant against all vanitie and 
 pleasure, saving only in matters of honor and curtesie, which 
 they offer unto those that deserve well. For they thinke it 
 no shame nor dishonesty in Sparta, that the young men doe 
 suffer them selves to be overcome with that delite and plea- 
 sure : but doe so bring up their children, that from their The educa- 
 youth they would have them to have some tast and feeling ti n f the 
 
 of honor, deliting to be praised, and sorie to be discom- ^^man 
 j j -n J.T- * i-- j.1- j. . children, 
 
 mended. I 1 or they make no accompt ot him that is not 
 
 moved with the one nor the other, but take him to be of 
 a base cowardly nature, that hath no manner of minde to 
 doe good. And therefore it is to be thought, that the ambi- 
 tion and stowtnesse that was bred in Lysander, proceeded 
 of the Laconicall discipline and education he had, and not 
 so much of his owne nature. But in dede of his owne nature 
 he was a right courtier, and could tell how to entertaine and Lysanders 
 flatter great states and nobility, farre better then the common manners, 
 maner of the natural Spartans : and moreover for his private 
 benefit, he could easily beare with the stowtnes of greater 
 men of authority then him selfe, which some judge to be a 
 3 : FF 225
 
 LYSANDER 
 
 Wise men be 
 ever melan- 
 cholye. 
 
 Lysander a 
 despiser of 
 riches. 
 
 Lysanders 
 words of 
 Dionysius 
 liberalitie. 
 
 Lysander 
 admirall for 
 the Lacedae- 
 monians by 
 sea. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 great poynt of wisedome, to know how to deale in matters 
 of state. Aristotle in a place where he sayeth, that the 
 greatest wittes commonly are subject unto melancholy e, (as 
 Socrates, Plato, and Hercules were) wryteth, that Lysander 
 in his later age fell into the melancholy disease, but not in 
 his youth. He had also this singular gift above all other, 
 that in his poverty he alwayes kept that honest modesty 
 with him, as he would never be overcome nor corrupted with 
 gold nor silver : and yet he filled his contrie with riches and 
 covetousnes, which lost him the reputacion he had wonne, 
 bicause him selfe made none accompt of riches nor getting. 
 For bringing store of golde and silver into his contrie after 
 he had overcomen the Athenians, he reserved not unto him 
 selfe one Drachma only. And furthermore, when Dionysius 
 the tyran of Syracusa, had on a time sent goodly riche 
 gownes out of Sicilia to his daughters : he refused them, 
 saying, that he was afrayed such gownes would make them 
 fowler. Neverthelesse, shortly after being sent Ambassador 
 out of his contrie unto the same tyranne, Dionysius sending 
 him two gownes, praying him to choose which of the two he 
 would cary to his daughter : he answered, that she her selfe 
 could best choose which was the fitter, and so caried both 
 with him. But now to come to his doings in warlike causes : 
 the warres of Peloponnesus fell out marvelous long. For 
 after the overthrow of the armie which the Athenians had 
 sent into Sicilia, when every man thought they had utterly 
 lost all their force by sea, and that by all conjecture they 
 shoulde soone after loose all by lande also : Alcibiades re- 
 turning from his exile to deale againe in matters of the state, 
 made an exceding great chaunge and alteration. For he set 
 the Athenians a flote againe, and made them as strong by 
 sea as the Lacedaemonians : who thereupon beganne to quake 
 for feare, and to looke eftsoones for a freshe warre, perceiv- 
 inge that they stoode in neede of a greater power, and of a 
 better Captaine then ever they had before. Whereuppon 
 they made Lysander their Admirall, who arriving in the citie 
 of Ephesus, founde them very well affected towardes him, 
 and marvelous willing and ready to take the Lacedaemonians 
 parte : howbeit otherwise in very poore state, and ready 
 226
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 almost to take up all the barbarous maners and facions of LYSANDER 
 the Persians, bicause they did continually frequent them, being 
 environned round about with the contry of Lydia, where the 
 king of Persiaes Captaines were ever resident. Wherefore, Lysander 
 having planted his campe there, he brought thither mar- enlargeth 
 chauntes shippes out of all partes, and sette up an arsenall t* 16 citie of 
 or store house to builde gallies in : so that in shorte space, ** 
 by oft recourse of marchauntes that beganne to trade thither, 
 he quickened their havens, and set up their staple againe for 
 trafficke of marchaundise, and filled every private artificers 
 house with an honest trade to make them riche by, so that 
 ever after it grewe in continuall hope to come unto that 
 florishinge state and greatnes, in the which we see it at this 
 present. Furthermore, Lysander being advertised that Cyrus, 
 one of the great king of Persiaes sonnes, was come unto 
 the city of Sardis, he went thither to speake with him, and Sardis a citie 
 to complaine of Tisaphernes : who having commaundement in L y dia - 
 geven him from the king to aide the Lacedaemonians, and 
 to helpe to expulse the Athenians, and to drive them from 
 the sea, seemed to deale but coldly and faintly against them, 
 for the favor he bare to Alcibiades. For, furnishing the 
 Lacedaemonians very scantly with money, was an occasion 
 that all their armie by sea went to wracke. Cyrus for his 
 owne parte was very glad that he heard complaintes of 
 Tisaphernes, and that they spake against him : bicause he 
 was an ill man, and the rather for that he had him selfe 
 a litle odde grudge to him. Wherfore he loved Lysander 
 marvelous well, as well for the complaintes he made of Tisa- 
 phernes, as also for the pleasure he tooke in his companie, 
 bicause he was a man that could wonderfully please and 
 delite noble men : by which meanes having wonne the favor 
 of this young Prince, he did perswade, and also incorage him 
 to follow this warre. And when Lysander was upon his 
 departure to take his leave of him, Cyrus feasted him, and 
 afterwardes prayed him not to refuse the offer of his liber- 
 alitie, and that was : that he would freely aske him what 
 he would, assuring him he should not be denied any thing. 
 Wherunto Lysander answered him : Sithence I see (Cyrus) 
 you are so willing to pleasure us, I beseeche you, and doe 
 
 227
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LYSANDER also counsell you then to increase the ordinarie pay of our 
 maryners, one halfe penny a day: to the end that where 
 now they have but three halfe pence, they may thenceforth 
 receave two pence a day. Cyrus was glad to heare Lysanders 
 bounty, and the increase that he would make, and caused 
 tenne thowsande Darickes to be delivered him : by meane 
 Lysander whereof he added to the ordinary pay of the maryners, the 
 tooke money increase of a halfe penny a day. This liberality, within few 
 arpayeofhis j a y es after, emptied all their enemies gallies of their men. 
 For, the most parte of their maryners and galley men went 
 where they might have the best pay : and such as remained 
 behinde, became very dull, lasie, and seditious, dayly troub- 
 ling their Captaines and governors. Now though Lysander 
 had drawen his enemies men from them by this policie, and 
 had done this great hurte, yet he durst not fight it out by 
 sea, fearing the worthines of Alcibiades : who was a valliant 
 man, and had greater store of shippes then he had, and 
 besides that, was never overcome by lande nor by sea, in 
 any battell where he was Generall. So it chaunced, that 
 Alcibiades went out of the He of Samos, unto the city of 
 Phocea, which standeth upon firme lande directly over against 
 Samos, and leaving the whole charge of his fleete in his 
 absence, with Antiochus his pylot : he being more hardie 
 then wise, in scorne and derision of Lysander, went with 
 two gallies only into the haven of Ephesus, and went by the 
 arsenall (where all their shippes lay in docke) with great 
 noyse and laughing. This put Lysander in such a heate and 
 chafe, that first of all he put a fewe gallies to the sea, and 
 had him in chase with them. But afterwardes, perceiving 
 that the other Captaines of the Athenians came out one 
 after an other to the rescue, he armed other gallies also : so 
 that supplying still with a few on either side, at the length 
 Lysanders they came to a maine battell, which Lysander wanne, and 
 v ^ ct ri f having taken fifteene of their gallies, he set up a token of 
 bysea * trium P he and victory. When the people at Athens heard the 
 newes of this overthrow, they were so angrie with Alcibiades, 
 that they discharged him presently of his charge : and the 
 souldiers also that lay in campe in the He of Samos, beganne 
 to mislike him, and to speake ill of him. Whereuppon he 
 228
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 presently left his campe, and went into the contrie of Cher- LYSANDER 
 ronesus in Thracia. This battell was more spoken of then Cherronesus 
 there was cause, by reason of Alcibiades reputacion. Further- a contrye in 
 more, Lysander causinge the stowtest and boldest men of Thracia. 
 every city, above the common sorte, to come to Ephesus 
 unto him : layed there secret foundacions of great chaunge 
 and alteracion, which he stablished afterwardes in the govern- 
 mentes of cities. For he perswaded his private frendes to 
 make tribes amongest them selves to winne them frendes, 
 and to practise to gette the rule of their cities into their 
 handes: promising them, that so soone as the Athenians 
 were overthrowen, they them selves also should be delivered 
 from subjection of their people, and every one of them 
 should beare chiefe rule in their contry. And this he per- 
 formed to them all, and made every one of them prove his 
 wordes true. For he preferred all them that had bene his 
 olde frendes, unto the best offices and charges : not sparing 
 to doe against all right and reason, so that they were ad- 
 vaunced by it. And thus by this meanes, every man came 
 to take his part, and they all sought and desired to gratifie 
 and please him : hoping, that what great matter soever fell 
 out, they assured themselves in maner that they should ob- 
 taine it of him, when he came to have the government in 
 his owne hands. And therefore they nothing rejoyced at 
 Callicratidas comming, who came to succeede him in the Callicratidas 
 office of the Admirall : neither afterwards also, when they Lysanders 
 saw by experience that he was as honest and just a man as successor in 
 coulde be. Neither did they like his manner of governinge a( j m yraltie. 
 which was plaine, and without any arte or cunning. But 
 they commended the perfection of his vertue, as they would Playnenes 
 have done the image of some demy god made after the olde commended 
 
 facion, which had bene of singular beawty. But in the f ^ r . a r ^ er ^ ue ' 
 . , . , j f & J but liked as 
 
 meane time, they wished for JLysander, as well tor the an \^ & i ma g 
 
 tender love and good will he bare to his frends and of a god that 
 them, as also for the profit and commodity they got by had bene ex- 
 him. So when Lysander tooke the seas to returne home ce " ent f ai er. 
 againe, all they that were in the campe, were as sory 
 as could be possible, insomuch as the teares stoode in 
 their eyes : and he on thother side, studied to make them 
 
 229
 
 LYSANDER 
 
 The spighte 
 of Lisander to 
 Callicratidas. 
 
 Nothing 
 estemed 
 with the 
 Barbarians 
 but money. 
 
 Callicratidas 
 
 pacience. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 worse affected unto Callicratidas. For amongest many other 
 thinges, he sent the rest of the money backe againe to 
 Sardis, which Cyrus had geven him to pay the maryners : 
 saying, that Callicratidas should go him selfe to aske it, 
 if he would have it, and finde the meanes to entertaine 
 his men. And lastly, when he was ready to imbarke, he 
 protested before all them that were present, that he did 
 deliver, leave, and assigne over the armie into his handes, 
 commaunding all the sea. But Callicratidas, to overcome 
 his false ambicion, and fowle boasting lye aunswered him 
 againe, and saied : If that be true thow saiest, come then 
 and deliver me the gallies in the city of Miletum, as thou 
 goest by, before the He of Samos : for sith thou commaund- 
 est all the sea, we shall not neede to feare our enemies that 
 are in Samos. Lysander thereto replied, that the armie 
 was no more at his commaundement, and that he had the 
 charge over them : and so departed thence, taking his course 
 directly unto Peloponnesus, and left Callicratidas in great 
 perplexity. For he had brought no money out of his 
 contrie with him, neither would he compell the cities to 
 furnishe him with any, seeinge that they were at that time 
 too much troubled already. Then had he no other way 
 but to goe to the Lieutenauntes of the king of Persia, to 
 aske them money as Lysander had done. But he was the 
 unmeetest man for it that could be possible : for he was of 
 a noble and liberall nature, and thought it lesse dishonor 
 and reproache unto the Greecians, to be overcome by other 
 Greecians, then to goe flatter the barbarous people, and 
 seeke to them that had gold and silver enough, but other- 
 wise, no goodnes nor honesty. In the end notwithstanding, 
 making vertue of necessity, he tooke his jorney towards 
 Lydia, and went directly to Cyrus courte : where at his 
 first comming he willed them to let him understand, that 
 Callicratidas the Admirall of the Lacedaemonians would 
 speake with him. One of the souldiers that warded at the 
 gate, told him : My frende, syr straunger, Cyrus is not at 
 leasure nowe, for he is set at dinner. Callicratidas aunswered 
 him plainely againe : No force, I will tary here till he have 
 dined. The barbarous Persians hearing this, tooke him 
 230
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 for some plaine lowte, and so he went his waye the first LYSANDER 
 time with a mocke at their handes. But the second time 
 when they would not let him come in at the gate, he fell 
 in a rage, and retorned backe (as he came) to the citie of 
 Ephesus, cursing and banning them that at the first had so 
 much imbased them selves, as to goe sue to the barbarous 
 people, teaching them to be prowde and stately for their 
 goodes and riches : swearing before them all that were 
 present, that so soone as he came to Sparta againe, he 
 would doe all that he could possible to pacific the Greecians, 
 and set them at peace one with an other, to the end they 
 might be fearefull to the barbarous people, and also that 
 they should medle with them no more, nor neede their 
 aide to destroy one an other. But Callicratidas having 
 the noble harte of a Spartan, and being to be compared 
 in justice, valliancy, and greatnes of corage, with the most 
 excellentest Greecians in his time, dyed shortly after in a The death of 
 battell by sea, which he lost uppon the lies Arginuses. Callicratidas. 
 Wherefore, the confederates of the Lacedaemonians seeing 
 that their state was in declining, they all together sent an 
 Ambassade unto Sparta, by whom they made request to the 
 counsell, that they would send Lysander againe for their 
 Admirall, promising that they would do all things with 
 better corage and goodwill under his conduction, then they 
 would under any other Captaine they could sende them. 
 So much did Cyrus also wryte unto them. But bicause 
 there was an expresse law forbidding that one man should be 
 twise Admirall, and besides, they being willing to graunt the 
 request of their confederats, made one Aracus their Admirall, 
 but in effect gave Lysander the whole authoritie of all thinges. 
 Who was marvelous welcome unto them, and specially unto 
 the heades and rulers of cities, which long before had wished 
 for his comming : bicause that by his meanes they hoped to 
 make their authority greater, and altogether to take away 
 the authority from the people. But they that loved plaine 
 dealing, and open magnanimitie in the manners of a governor 
 and generall, when they came to compare Lysander, with 
 Callicratidas : they founde that Lysander had a fine subtill 
 head, and did more in warres with his policy and subtiltie, 
 
 231
 
 LYSANDER 
 
 Lysander 
 crafty and 
 deceitfull. 
 
 A wise saying 
 of Lysander. 
 
 The wicked 
 dissembling 
 and double 
 dealing of 
 Lysander. 
 
 Lysander re- 
 garded no 
 perjurie, fol- 
 lowing the 
 example of 
 Polycrates 
 the tyran 
 of Samos. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 then by any other meanes. And moreover, that he estemed 
 justice, when it fell out profitable : and tooke profit, for 
 justice and honestie, not thinking that plaine dealing was of 
 better force then crafte, but measuring the value of the tone 
 and thother, by the profit that came out of them, and mock- 
 inge of them that sayed that the race of Hercules should not 
 make warres with craft and subtilty. For sayd he, when 
 the lyons skin will not serve, we must help it with the case 
 of a foxe. And hereunto agreeth that, which they wryte he 
 did in the citie of Miletum. For his frendes and familiars to 
 whome he had promised aide for destruction of the peoples 
 authority, and to drive their enemies out of the city : they 
 having chaunged their mindes, and being reconciled unto 
 their adversaries, he openly made great showe of gladnes, 
 and seemed as though he would helpe to agree them together : 
 but secretly being alone, he tooke them up sharply, and told 
 them that they were cowards to doe it, and did procure them 
 to the contrarie, to set apon the people. And then when he 
 understoode that there was commocion among them in the 
 citie, he ranne thither sodainly as it were to appease it. 
 But when he was also comen into the citie, the first he met 
 with of them that would alter the state of government, and 
 take the authority from the people : he fell out withall, and 
 gave them rough wordes, commaunding with extreamitie 
 that they should follow him, as though he would have done 
 some great punishment. And againe, meeting with them on 
 the contrary parte, he willed them also that they should not 
 be afrayed, nor dout that any man should doe them hurte 
 where he was. This was a wicked and malicious practise of 
 him, to stay the chiefest of them that were most affected to 
 the popular faction, to the ende that afterwardes he might 
 put them all to death, as he did. For^they that trusting to 
 his words remained quiet in the city were all put to death. 
 Moreover, Androclidas touching this matter, hath left in 
 wryting that which Lysander was wont to say : by the which 
 it appeareth, that he made very litle reckening to be perjured. 
 For he sayd, that children should be deceived with the play 
 of kayles, and men with othes of men, following therein 
 Polycrates, the tyran of Samos, but without reason : for he 
 232
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 was a lawfull Captaine, and the other a violent usurper of LYSANDER 
 tyrannicall power. Furthermore, it was not done like a true 
 Laconian, to behave him selfe towardes the goddes none 
 otherwise, then towardes men, but rather worse, and more 
 injuriously. For he that deceiveth his enemy, and breaketh 
 his othe to him : sheweth plainly that he feareth him, but 
 that he careth not for God. Cyrus therefore having sent for Cyrus 
 Lysander to come to Sardis to him, gave him money largely, liberalitie 
 and promised him more : and bicause he would more honor- to Lysander. 
 ably shewe the good will he had to gratifie him, tolde him, 
 that if the kinge his father would geve him nothing, yet he 
 would geve him of his owne. And furthermore, when all 
 other meanes fayled to helpe him with money, that rather 
 then he should lacke he would melt his owne chayer to make 
 money of (which he sate in when he gave audience in matter 
 of justice) being altogether of gold and silver. And to be 
 shorte, when he was going into Media to the king his father, 
 he gave Lysander power to receive the taxes and ordinary 
 tributes of the cities under his government, and made him 
 Lieutenaunt of all his contry. And lastly, bidding him fare- 
 well, praied him that he woulde not geve battell by sea unto 
 the Athenians, untill he returned from the courte : and that 
 before his comming againe he woulde have authoritie to 
 leavie a greate nomber of shippes, aswell out of Phoenicia, as 
 out of Cilicia. Wherefore whilest Cyrus was in his jorney, 
 Lysander not being able to fight with his enemies with like Lysanders 
 nomber of shippes, nor also to lye still and doe nothing with actes V sea - 
 so good a number of gallyes, went and scowred the seas, 
 where he tooke certaine Ilandes, and robbed also JEgina and 
 Salamina. From thence he went and landed on the firme 
 lande in the contrye of Attica, and did his dutie there unto 
 Agis king of Lacedaemonia, who came purposely from the 
 forte of Decelea to the sea side to see him, bicause their 
 armye by lande also shoulde see what power they had by 
 sea, and howe it ruled more by sea then they woulde. Never- 
 theles, being advertised that the fleete of the Athenians 
 followed harde after him, he tooke an other course to flye 
 backe againe into Asia by the lies : and returninge againe, 
 founde all the contry of Hellespont without men of warre. 
 3 : GG 233
 
 LYSANDER 
 
 Philocles 
 cruel advise 
 unto the 
 Athenians. 
 
 Lysanders 
 craft in 
 marine fight. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 So he laied siege before the citie of Lampsacus, and did assault 
 it with his gallies by sea : and Thorax being come thither 
 also at the selfe same time in great hast with his armie by 
 land, gave thassault on his side. Thus was the citie taken 
 by force, which Lysander left to the spoile of the souldiers. 
 Now in the meane time the fleete of the Athenians (which 
 was a hundred and foure score saile) came to an ancker before 
 the citie of Eleunte, in the contrie of Cherronesus : and 
 newes being broughte them that the city of Lampsacus was 
 taken, they came with all spede possible unto the citie of 
 Sestos, where getting freshe acates and vittelles, they coasted 
 all alongest the coast unto a certaine place called the goates 
 river, directly over against the fleete of their enemies, which 
 lay yet at ancker before the citie of Lampsacus. Now there 
 was a captaine of the Athenians amongest other called 
 Philocles, he that perswaded the Athenians to cut of the 
 prisoners thumbes of their right handes that were taken in 
 the warres, to thend they should no more handle the pyke, 
 but only serve to pull the ower. Both the tone and the tother 
 rested that day, hoping to have battel without faile the next 
 morning. But Lysander having an other meaning with him, 
 commaunded the maisters and maryners notwithstanding, 
 that they should have their gallies ready to geve battell the 
 next morninge by breake of day, bicause every man should 
 get a bord betimes, and should keepe them selves in order of 
 battell, making no noise at all, attending what he would 
 commaunde them : and further, made the armie by lande 
 also to be ranged in battell ray, by the sea side. The next 
 morning at sunne rising, the Athenians beganne to row with 
 all their gallies set in order of battell in a fronte. But 
 Lysander, though he had his shippes in order to fight, the 
 proes lying towardes the enemies before day, rowed not for 
 all that against them, but sending out pynnasies unto the 
 first gallies, commaunded them straightly that they should 
 not stirre at all, but keepe them selves in order, making 
 no noyse, nor rowing against the enemy. Though the 
 Athenians also were retyred in the night, he would not 
 geve the souldiers leave to come to lande out of the gallies, 
 before he had sent first two or three gallies to discrie the 
 234
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 fleete of his enemies : who brought him word that they had LYSANDER 
 scene the Athenians take lande. The next morning they 
 did the like, the third day, and the fourth also all in one 
 sorte: so that the Athenians beganne to be bold of them 
 selves, and to despise their enemies, imagining they lay thus 
 close for feare of them, and durst not come forward. In the 
 meane time, Alcibiades (who lay at that time in the contrie Alcibiades 
 of Cherronesus, in certaine places which he had conquered) g ave good 
 came ryding to the campe of the Athenians, to tell the 
 Captaines and generalls of the armie, the great faultes they 
 committed. First, for that they had cast ancker, and kept ians. 
 their shippes in an open place, where there was no maner of 
 succor, nor harber to retyre unto upon any storme : and worst 
 of all, bicause that they were to fetche their vittells farre of, 
 at the citie of Sestos, unto which haven they should rather 
 draw them selves unto, considering that they had but a litle 
 way to go, and also that they should have the citie to backe 
 them, which would furnish them with all thinges necessarie : 
 and beside that, they should be further of from their enemies, 
 which were governed by one generall onely that did com- 
 maund them all, and were so well trained, that at a whistle 
 they were ready straight to execute his commaundement. 
 Alcibiades perswasions to these Captaines of the Athenians 
 were not only misliked, but furthermore there was one called 
 Tydeus, that answered him very lewdly : that he had nothing 
 to doe to commaunde the armie, but other that had the 
 charge of them. Alcibiades mistrusting thereby some treason, 
 quietly went his way. The fift day, the Athenians having 
 made the same countenaunce to present battell unto their 
 enemies, and retyring the same night as of custome very 
 negligently, and in ill order, as men that made no reckening 
 of their enemies : Lysander sent againe certaine galliots to 
 discrie them, commaunding the Captaines of the same, that 
 when they perceived the Athenians had left their gallies and 
 taken lande, they should then returne backe with all possible 
 speede they could, and being mid way over the straightes, A 
 that they should lift up a copper target into the ayre, apon target lift up, 
 the top of a pyke in the foredecke, for a signe to make all the signe of ' 
 the whole fleete to row in battell. Now Lysander him selfe battell by sea. 
 
 225
 
 Conon, Ad- 
 mirall of the 
 Athenians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LYSANDER in the meane time went in persone from galley to galley, 
 perswading and exhorting every Captaine that they should 
 put their galliots, maryners, and souldiers in good readines, 
 to thend that when the signe should be lifted up, they should 
 rowe with all their might in battell against the enemies. 
 Wherefore, so soone as the copper target was set up in the 
 ayer, and that Lysander had made his trompet sound out 
 of the Admiral, for a token to hale out into the sea: the 
 gallies immediatly beganne to row for life in envy one of 
 an other, and the footemen that were apon the lande, ranne 
 with speede also to the toppe of a high cliffe neere unto the 
 sea, to see what would be the ende of his fight, bicause the 
 distaunce from one side to the other in that place was not 
 fully two myles, which they had sone cut over, and in a litle 
 space, through the great diligence and force of rowing with 
 their owers. So Conon the chiefe Captaine of the Athenians 
 perceiving from the shore this great flete comming with a 
 full force to assault them : he then cried out to the souldiers 
 that they should runne to their shippes, and being in a rage 
 to see thinges in this daunger, called some by their names, 
 others he intreated, and the rest he compelled to take their 
 gallies. But all his diligence was to no purpose, bicause the 
 souldiers were wholly scattered here and there. For so soone 
 as they were set a lande out of their gallies at their returne, 
 some went to buy provision, other went a walking in the 
 fieldes, some were set at supper in their cabines, and other 
 were layed downe to sleepe, nothing mistrusting that which 
 happened to them, through their Captaines ignoraunce and 
 lacke of experience. But when the enemies were ready to 
 joyne and fall upon them with great cries and noyse of owers, 
 Lysanders Conon having eight gallies, stale secretly out of the fleete, 
 victory of the and flying unto Evagoras, saved him selfe in the He of 
 Athenians. Ciprus. In the meane time, the Peloponnesians falling apon 
 the other gallies, tooke some of them emptie, and brake the 
 others as the souldiers beganne to come aborde apon them. 
 And as for the men, some were slaine by their shippes as 
 they ranne unto them like naked men without weapon, and 
 out of order, thinking to have saved them selves : other were 
 killed in flying, bicause the enemies landed and had them in 
 236
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 chase. And there were taken alive of them, three thowsand LYSANDER 
 prisoners with the Captaines. Lysander moreover tooke all 
 the whole fleete of their shippes, the holie galley excepted Paralos, the 
 called Paralos, and the eight that fled with Conon : and after holy galley of 
 he had destroyed all the campe of the Athenians, he fastened Athens - 
 the gallies that were taken, unto the keele of his gallies, and 
 returned with songes of triumphe, with the sound of flutes 
 and hoboyes, towards the citie of Lampsacus, having wonne 
 a great victory with litle labor, and had cut of in a small 
 time, the long continuing and most diverse warre that ever 
 was, and had brought forth so many sundrie straunge eventes 
 of fortune, as are uncredible. For there had bene infinite 
 battells fought both by sea and lande, and had altered many 
 sundry times, and there was slaine at that time moe Cap- 
 taines, than in all the other warres of Greece together : all 
 which were at the length brought to ende and determined, 
 by the good wisedome and conduction of one onely man. 
 And therefore some thought, that this great overthrowe was 
 geven by the gods, and sayd : that at the departure of 
 Lysanders fleete out of the haven of Lampsacus, to goe set 
 apon the fleete of the enemies, they perceaved over Lysanders 
 galley the two fires, which they call the starres of Castor and The starres 
 Pollux : the one on the tone side of the galley, and the other of Castor, and 
 on thother side. They say also, that the fall of the stone Pollux - 
 was a token, that did signifie this great overthrow. For A stone fell 
 about that time, (as many hold opinion) there fell out of the out of the 
 ayer a marvelous great stone, in the place they call the goates elements - 
 river, which stone is seene yet unto this day, holden in great .flEgos fl. 
 reverence by the inhabitauntes of the citie of Cherronesus. 
 It is sayd also that Anaxagoras did prognosticate, that one Anaxagoras 
 of the bodies tyed unto the vaulte of the heaven, should be opinion of 
 pluckt away, and should fall to the ground by a slyding and the starres - 
 shaking that should happen. For he sayd, that the starres 
 were not in their proper place where they were first created, 
 considering that they were heavy bodies, and of the nature 
 of stone : howebeit that they did shine by reflection of the 
 fire elementory, and had bene drawen up thither by force, 
 where they were kept by the great violence of the circuler 
 motion of the element, even as at the beginning of the world 
 
 237
 
 LYSANDER 
 
 What falling 
 starres be. 
 
 Damachus 
 testimonie of 
 the fiery stone 
 seene in the 
 element 
 
 An other 
 opinion of 
 the stone 
 that fell. 
 
 they had bene stayed and let from falling downe beneath, 
 at that time when the separation was made of the colde and 
 heavy bodies, from the other substaunce of the universal 
 world. There is an other opinion of certaine Philosophers, 
 where there is more likelyhoode then in that. For they say, 
 that those which we call falling starres, be no fluxions nor 
 derivacions of the fire elementorie, which are put out in the 
 ayer, in a manner so soone as they be lighted : nor also an 
 inflammation or combustion of any parte of the ayer, which 
 by her to overmuch quantity doth spread upwardes : but 
 they are celestiall bodies, which by some slackenes of strength, 
 or falling from the ordinary course of heaven, are throwen 
 and cast downe here beneath, not alwayes in any parte of 
 the earth inhabited, but more ofter abroade in the great 
 Occean sea, which is the cause that we do not see them. 
 Notwithstanding, Anaxagoras words are confirmed by 
 Damachus, who writeth in his booke of religion, that the 
 space of three score and fifteene yeares together, before that 
 this stone did fall, they saw a great lumpe of fier continually 
 in the ayer like a clowde inflamed, the which taried not in 
 any one place, but went and came with diverse broken 
 removings, by the driving whereof there came out lightnings 
 of fire that fell in many places, and gave light in falling, as 
 the starres do that fall. In the end, when this great body 
 of fire fell in that parte of the earth, the inhabitants of the 
 contrie, after that they were a litle boldened from their 
 feare and wonder, came to the place to see what it was : 
 and they found no manner of shew or apparaunce of fire, 
 but only a very great stone lying upon the ground, but 
 nothing in comparison of the least parte of that which the 
 compasse of this bodie of fire did shew, if we may so name it. 
 Sure herein, Damachus wordes had neede of favorable hearers. 
 But againe if they be true, then he utterly confuteth their 
 argumentes, that maintaine that it was a peece of a rocke, 
 which the force of a boysterous winde did teare from the 
 toppe of a mountaine, and caried in the ayer, so long as this 
 hurle winde continued : but so soone as that was downe, and 
 calme againe, the stone fell immediatly. Neither doe we say 
 that this lightning bodie, which appeared so many dayes in the 
 238
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 element, was very fire in deede, which comming to dissolve LYSANDER 
 and to be put out, did beget this violent storme and boysterous 
 wind in the element, that had the force to teare tne stone 
 in sunder, and to cast it downe. Nevertheles, this matter 
 requireth better discourse in some other booke then this. 
 But now to our story. When the three thowsand Athenians 
 that were taken prisoners at that overthrow, were condemned 
 by the counsell to be put to death : Lysander calling 
 Philocles, one of the Captaines of the Athenians, asked him 
 what paine he would judge him worthy of, that gave the 
 citizens so cruell and wicked counsell. Philocles being Philocles 
 nothing abashed to see him selfe in that miserie, aunswered constancy, 
 him : Accuse not them that have no j udge to heare their t if ^/th C 
 cause: but since the goddes have geven thee grace to be j ans- 
 conqueror, doe with us, as we would have done with thee, if 
 we had overcome thee. When he had sayd so, he went to 
 washe him selfe, and then put on a fayer cloke upon him, as 
 if he should have gone to some feast: and went lustely the for- 
 mest man to execution, leading his contrie men the way, as 
 Theophrastus wryteth. After this done, Lysander with all 
 his fleete went by all the cities of the sea coast, where he 
 commaunded so many Athenians as he founde, that they 
 should get them to Athens, letting them understand that he 
 would not pardone a man of them, but put them all to death 
 as many as he found out of their city. And this he did of 
 policie to bring them all within the precinct of the walles of 
 Athens, bicause he might so much the sooner famish them 
 for lacke of vittells : for otherwise they would have troubled 
 him sore, if they had had wherewithall to have maintayned 
 a long siege. But in all the cities as he passed by, if they 
 were governed by the authority of the people, or if that there 
 were any other kinde of government, he left in every one of 
 them a Lacedaemonian Captaine or governor, with a counsell 
 of tenne officers, of them that had bene before in league and 
 amity with him : the which he did as well in the cities 
 that had ever bene confederates and frendes unto the 
 Lacedaemonians, as in them that not long before had bene 
 their enemies. So he went sayling all alongest the coastes, 
 fayer and softely making no haste, stablishing in manner 
 
 239
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LYSANDER a generall principality over all Greece. For he did not 
 make them officers that were the richest, the noblest, or 
 honestest men, but such as were his frendes, out of those 
 tribes which he had placed in every citie : and to them he 
 gave authority to punish, and reward such as they liked of, 
 Lysanders and would be present him selfe in persone to helpe them to 
 cruelty. put those to death, whome they would execute, or otherwise 
 
 expulse or banish their contrie. But this gave the Greecians 
 small hope of good or gratious government under the 
 Theopompus rule of the Lacedaemonians. Wherefore, me thinkes that 
 the Comicall Theopompus the comicall Poet doted, when he compared 
 fth S i r^ inge the Lacedaemonians, unto taverners wines, saying : that they 
 dsmonians" had g even the Greecians a tast of the sweete drinke of 
 libertie, and that afterwardes they had mingled it with 
 vineger. For, the tast they gave the Greecians of their 
 government from the beginning, was very sharpe unto them : 
 bicause Lysander tooke the rule and authority of government 
 out of the peoples handes, and gave it unto a fewe of the 
 boldest, and most seditious men in every citie. Thus having 
 spent a great time in this voyage, to make these alterations : 
 he sent newes before to Lacedaemon, that he was comming 
 with two hundred saile. He spake also with the kinges Agis 
 and Pausanias, in the contry of Attica, perswading him selfe 
 that he should winne the city of Athens at the first assault. 
 But when he saw his expectation failed, and that the 
 Athenians did valliantly resist him : he returned once againe 
 with his fleete into Asia, where he made an end of chaunging 
 and altering the maner of government through every city in 
 equall maner, stablishing a counsell of tenne officers only 
 in every one of them, and putting every where many citizens 
 to death, and banishing many also. Among others, he drave 
 all the Samians out of their contry, and restored againe all 
 them that had bene banished before : and the city of Sestos 
 also, being yet in the Athenians handes, he tooke it from 
 them. And furthermore, he would not suffer the naturall 
 Sestians to dwell there, but drave them away, and gave their 
 citie, their houses, and landes, unto shippe maisters, officers 
 of gallies, and galley slaves, that had bene in the warres with 
 him. But therein the Lacedaemonians were against him, and 
 240
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 this was the first thing that they did forbid him : for they LYSANDER 
 
 restored the Sestians, against his will, unto their landes 
 
 and goodes againe. But as the Greecians were very much 
 
 offended, to see the partes Lysander played : so were they all 
 
 very glad againe, to see these others which he afterwardes 
 
 did. For he restored the ^Eginetes againe to their landes 
 
 and houses, who had bene put from them a long time. He 
 
 restored also the Melians, and the Scionasians to their landes 
 
 againe, which the Athenians had gotten from them, and 
 
 drave out the Athenians. Furthermore, Lysander being 
 
 advertised, that the citizens and inhabitants of Athens were 
 
 pinched sore for lacke of vittells, he returned againe, and 
 
 came into the haven of Piraea : by meanes whereof he kept 
 
 the citie so straight, that he made them yeelde uppon such The Athen- 
 
 condicions as he him selfe would. Howbeit there are certaine ians yeelde 
 
 Lacedaemonians that say, Lysander wrote unto the Ephores : P , ens 
 
 The city of Athens is taken. And that the Ephori wrote 
 
 againe unto him : It is well that it is taken. But this is 
 
 but a tale devised to make the matter seeme better: for in 
 
 deede the capitulacions which the Ephori sent unto him, were 
 
 these. The Lordes of the counsell of Lacedaemon have thus 
 
 decreed : that ye doe rase the fortification of the haven of 
 
 Piraea. That ye do overthrow also the long wall that joyneth 
 
 the haven to the citie. That ye yeelde up and redeliver 
 
 all the cities which ye doe holde, and content your selves Themanerof 
 
 with your lives and contry only. This doing, ye shall have peace offered 
 
 peace, so that ye performe our demaundes. That ye shall ty the f<ace- 
 
 .1 "L t u i. j if AT. u e dsemomans 
 
 receive those which are banished : and tor the number ot to ^ e Athen- 
 
 shippes, ye shall dispose of them as we shall will you. The ians. 
 Athenians agreed unto the articles contained in that bill, 
 following the counsell of Theramenes, the sonne of Agnon. 
 Who when a young orator called Cleomenes, did openly aske 
 him in anger, if he were so bold to dare to doe, or say, 
 any thing contrary unto that, which Themistocles had done 
 before time, to assent unto the Lacedaemonians, that the 
 walle which he built in despite of them, should by their 
 commaundement now be rased : he aunswered him openly 
 againe, Young man, my frend, I doe nothing contrary to 
 Themistocles doinges. For like as he heretofore did build 
 3 : HH 241
 
 LYSANDER 
 
 A notable 
 saying for the 
 walls of cities. 
 
 Erianthus 
 cruell advise 
 against the 
 Athenians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the walle, for the safety and benefit of all the citizens and 
 people that were in Athens at that time : even so doe we that 
 are here nowe, for the selfe same cause plucke it downe and 
 rase it. And if it be true that walles doe make cities happy, 
 then it must needes follow that the city of Sparta which 
 never had any walles, should be the unfortunatest of all 
 other. So Lysander having received all the Athenians 
 shippes but twelve, and the walles of the city also to use 
 them at his pleasure : on the sixteenth day of March (on 
 which day in olde time the Athenians had wonne the battell 
 by sea, within the straight of Salamina, against the king of 
 Persia) he counselled them straight to chaunge the forme 
 of their government. The people could not brooke that 
 motion, and were marvelously offended withall. Where- 
 uppon Lysander sent to declare unto them, that they had 
 broken the articles of the peace made betwene them, for that 
 their walles were yet standing, the tenne dayes being expired 
 in which they had promised to overthrowe them : and there- 
 fore that he would once againe referre it to the determination 
 of the counsell, howe they should be used, that had broken 
 the articles and covenaunts of the first peace. Other say, 
 that immediatly he referred it unto the deliberacion of the 
 counsell of their confederates, that is to say : whether they 
 should altogether destroy the city, and make the inhabitantes 
 thereof, slaves, and bondmen or no. In this counsell, it is 
 reported that there was a Theban called Erianthus, whose 
 opinion was, that they should utterly rase the city, and 
 make the contry a desert : so that it should never after 
 serve for other thing, but for pasturage of beastes. But 
 during this dyet and counsell, there was a banket made, 
 whereunto all the Captaines and chiefe officers of the army 
 being bidden, there was a Phocian, a singer of songes, that 
 sang the entry of the Chorus to the tragedy of Electra, made 
 by the Poet Euripides, which beganne in this sorte : 
 
 Electra noble Dame, and daughter to a king : 
 Even Agamemnon, king of Greece, whose fame so wide did ring. 
 I come now to your courtes, which lye both wide and wast : 
 By spoyle of warres depopulate, destroyed, and disgrast 
 
 These words moved all the hearers with compassion, so 
 242
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 that the most parte of them thought it were too great a LYSANDER 
 sinne to destroy so noble a city, which brought forth so The sweete 
 many famous wise men, and great persones. Wherefore niusicke 
 
 Lysander, when the Athenians had submitted them selves softened t j\ eir 
 il j.u i.' -11 j 11 ii_ i f cruell hearts, 
 
 altogether to his will, caused all the women players 01 pipes an( j m0 ved 
 
 or shalmes to come out of the city, and gathered all those them to pity, 
 together which he had in his owne campe also, and with the 
 sound of their instruments he made the walles and fortifica- 
 tions of the city of Athens to be pulled downe to the very Lysander 
 ground, and set all their gallies on fire, and burnt them in overthrew 
 the presence of the confederates of the Lacedaemonians, who Hj e w ** les * 
 daunced and played in the meane season with garlandes of Athens. 
 flowers on their heades, in token that that day was a begin- 
 ning of their full and perfect liberty. Immediatly after he 
 chaunged also the state of the government, establishing a 
 counsell of thirty Magistrates in the city, and other tenne 
 also in the haven of Piraea, having all equall and like 
 authority : and therewithall made Callibius a gentleman of Callibius Cap- 
 Sparta Captaine of the castell there, and left a good garrison taine of the 
 of the Lacedaemonians with him. This Callibius one day 9*? te11 of 
 lift up his staffe he had in his hande to strike Autolycus 
 withall, a strong made man to wrestle : whereuppon Xeno- 
 phon the Philosopher made his booke in olde time, called 
 Convivium. But Autolycus that was a cunning wrestler, Autolycus 
 having all the sleights of wrestling, sodainly tripped Callibius a cunninge 
 with his legge, and lifting him up at the armes ende, cast wrestler ' 
 him to the ground. Howbeit Lysander was not angry with 
 Autolycus for it, but reproved Callibius, telling him that 
 he should have remembred (if he had bene wise) that he 
 had the government over free men, and not of bonde men. 
 Notwithstanding, shortly after the thirty governors of the 
 city, to satisfie Callibius, put this Autolycus to death. Autolycus 
 When Lysander had done all these things, he tooke sea P ut to death, 
 againe, and went into the contry of Thracia, and sent by Lysander 
 Gylippus before unto Sparta (who had bene Captaine and sent money 
 generall of the Syracusans in Sicilia) all the golde and silver * Sparta by 
 that was left in his handes, with all the presentes besides y ^ pl 
 which had bene privately geven him, and with the crownes 
 also that had bene presented him : which were marvelous in 
 
 243
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LYSANDER number as it is to be thought, for that many came to present 
 him, considering the great power he had, and that in maner 
 he was chiefe and sole prince of all Greece. This Gylippus 
 Gylippus did rippe the seames of every bagge in the bottome where 
 robbed parte ^ ne mone y was, and tooke a good summe out of every of 
 he cariedto y them : and afterwardes sowed them up againe, not thinking 
 Sparta. that there had bene a border uppon every bagge, apon 
 
 the which was declared, the number and kindes of gold 
 and silver that were therein. Now when he was come 
 to Sparta, he hid the money he had stolen, under the 
 house eavinges, and went and delivered the bagges he 
 had brought, into the handes of the Ephori, shewing them 
 Lysanders seale, which he had set to every one of them. 
 The Ephori having opened the bagges, and told the money, 
 found that the summe agreed not with the borders of the 
 contentes : and yet coulde not tell where the fault was. 
 But a servaunt of Gylippus told them in darke wordes, say- 
 ing : that under the tyles of his masters house there lay a 
 great number of owles. Nowe the greatest parte of the 
 The Grekishe coyne of golde and silver which was currant through Greece, 
 coyne was was stamped with the marke of an owle, by reason of the 
 Athenians. Thus Gylippus after so many noble exploytes 
 done in warres, committing so shameful and vile a dede, 
 was banished out of his contry of Lacedaemonia. But the 
 wisest men of Sparta, and of deepest judgement, fearing 
 the power of golde and silver, and seeing by proofe of 
 Gylippus doinges, that it had such power to make one of 
 their chiefest men to fall through covetousnes : they greatly 
 blamed Lysander for bringing of it into Lacedaemon, be- 
 o/the^cMefest seecn i n g the Ephori that they would send all this golde 
 men of Lace- and silver out of Sparta, as a plague, provocation, and 
 daemon. wicked baite, to make them do evill : declaring unto them, 
 
 that they should use no other money, but their owne 
 only. Whereupon they referred all, to the wisedome and 
 determination of the counsell. Theopompus wryteth, that 
 Sciraphidas was he that did move the counsel of the Ephori 
 in it. Howbeit Ephorus calleth him Phlogidas, who was 
 the first that spake against it in the counsell, that they 
 should not admit, nor receive into the city of Sparta, any 
 
 marked with 
 an owle. 
 
 Gylippus 
 banishment. 
 
 Covetousnes 
 of money 
 corrupted
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 money of golde or silver : but should onely content them LYSANDER 
 
 selves with their owne contry iron coyne, the which first of The iron 
 
 all, comming from the fire redde hotte, was quenched with money of 
 
 vineger, to thend they should be forged no more, nor em- ce( 
 
 ployed unto any other use. For it was so eager and brittle 
 
 by meanes of this temper, that they coulde no more convert 
 
 it to any other purpose : and beside, it was very heavie and 
 
 unhandsome to remove, considering that a great heape and 
 
 quantitie of it, was but of small value. And it seemeth 
 
 they did use of olde time, certaine litle iron money, and in 
 
 some places copper money, called Obelisci, from whence the 
 
 small peeces of money now extant are called Oboli, whereof 
 
 six make a Drachma, so termed, for that it was as much as 
 
 the hand could gripe. Neverthelesse, at the earnest sute of At what time 
 
 Lysanders frendes that stoode against it, and held hard with the Lacedse- 
 
 him : it was decreed in the counsell, that the money should ^ved^okl" 
 
 remaine in the city, and ordained that it should be currant ant i silver 
 
 onely but for thaffayres of the common wealth. And if it againe. 
 
 were found, that any private man did either locke up, or 
 
 kepe any money, that he should suffer death for it : as if 
 
 Lycurgus when he made his lawes feared gold and silver, and 
 
 not the covetousnes and 'avarice which the golde and silver 
 
 bringeth with it. The which was not taken away so much, 
 
 prohibiting private men to have it : as it was ingendred 
 
 only by a common tolleracion of getting it. For, the profit 
 
 which they sawe it brought withall, made it to be esteemed 
 
 and desired. For it was unpossible they should despise a 
 
 thing privately for unprofitable, which they saw reckoned 
 
 of commonly, as a thing very necessary : and that they 
 
 should thinke it would not serve their turne privately, seeing 
 
 it so commonly esteemed and desired. But we are rather to 
 
 thinke, that private mens manners are conformed according The ill life of 
 
 to the common uses and customes of cities : then that the the Magis- 
 
 faultes and vices of private men doe fillj cities and common trate, the 
 
 weales with ill qualities. And it is more likely, that the 
 partes are marred and corrupted with an infection of the common 
 whole, when it falleth out ill : then that the partes corrupted weale. 
 should drawe the whole unto corruption. For to the 
 contrary, the faultes of a parte destroyed, which might be 
 
 245
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LYSANDER prejudicial! unto the whole, are oftentimes redressed and 
 corrected by thother partes, whole and entier. But they 
 that tooke this resolucion in their counsell at that time, to 
 have money in the common wealth : made feare of punish- 
 ment, and of the law, to be the outward watchmen of 
 citizens houses, to keepe that no money should come in to 
 them. But all this while they made no inwarde provision, 
 to kepe the entry of their soules from all passion and greedy 
 desires of money : but to the contrary, they made them all 
 to have a covetous desire to be rich, as if it were a great 
 and honorable thing. But for that we have hertofore in 
 other places reproved the Lacedaemonians. And moreover 
 Lysander caused a statue of brasse to be made like him selfe 
 of the spoile he had gotten of the enemies, to set it up in 
 the citie of Delphes, and for every private Captaine of the 
 gallies in like case : and the two starres of Castor and Pollux 
 in golde besides, which vanished away a litle before the 
 battell of Leuctres, and no man knewe what became of them. 
 Againe, in the chamber of the treasory of Brasidas, and 
 of the Acanthians, there was also a galley made of gold 
 and ivory, of two cubittes long, which Cyrus sent unto him 
 after the victory he had wonne by sea, of the Athenians. 
 And furthermore, Alexandrides the historiographer borne 
 at Delphes, wryteth, that the selfe same Lysander had left 
 there to be kept safe, a tallent of silver, two and fifty Minas, 
 and eleven peeces of gold called Stateres. But all this 
 accordeth not with that which all the other historiographers 
 write, agreeing of his poverty. But Lysander being aloft 
 then, and of greater power then ever any Greecian was 
 before him : caried a greater porte and countenaunce then 
 became his ability. For, as Duris writeth, he was the first 
 of the Greecians unto whome they did ever erect any aulters, 
 and offer sacrifice unto as a god, and in honor of whom they 
 did first sing any hymnes : and at this day there is yet good 
 memory of one which beganne in this maner : 
 
 The noble Captaines praise, we meane to celebrate, 
 Of Greece : that land which is devine, in every kinde of state. 
 Even he, which was both borne, and brought to high renowne. 
 Within the noble wealthie walles, of Sparta stately towne. 
 
 246 
 
 A galley of 
 gold and 
 Ivory. 
 
 Lysanders 
 honors and 
 pride.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 The Samians by publicke decree ordained, that the feastes LYSANDER 
 of luno, which were called in their city Heroea, should be called 
 Lysandria. Lysander had ever one Chcerilus, a Spartan Poet 
 about him, to wryte and set forth all his doinges in verse. An 
 other Poet called Antilocus, one day made certaine verses in 
 his praise : which pleased him so well, that he gave him his 
 hatte full of silver. There were two other Poets, Antimachus 
 Colophonian, and Niceratus borne at Heraclea, which did 
 both wryte verses to honor him, striving whether of them 
 should do best. Lysander judged the crowne and victory, 
 unto Niceratus : wherewith Antimachus was so angry, that 
 he rased out all that he had written of him. But Plato who Platoes say- 
 at that time was young, and loved Antimachus bicause he ] n S f the 
 was an excellent Poet, did comforte him, and tolde him that 1 norant - 
 ignoraunce did blinde the understanding of the ignoraunt, Ignoraunce 
 as blindenes doth the sight of the blinde. Aristonous an ex- compared 
 cellent player of the citerne, and one that had six times Wlth blmde - 
 wonne the prises of the Pythian games : to winne Lysanders 
 favor, promised him, that if ever he wanne the prise of his 
 arte againe, he would cause him selfe to be proclaimed 
 Lysanders slave. This ambition of Lysander was very odious Lysanders 
 and grievous, only unto great persones, and men of his estate : ambition, 
 but besides his ambition, in thende he became very prowde P nd ^ an 
 and cruel, through the flatteries of his followers, and them 
 that courted him : so that he exceeded in recompencing his 
 frendes, as also in punishinge of his enemies. For, to gratifie 
 his frendes and familiars, he gave them absolute power and 
 authority of life and death in their townes and cities : and 
 to pacifie and appease his anger where he once hated, there 
 was no other way but death, without all possibilitie of 
 pardon. And that he plainly shewed afterwards in the city 
 of Miletum, where, fearing least they would flie that tooke 
 parte with the people, and bicause he would have them Lysander 
 appeare that hid them selves : he gave his word, and sware brake his 
 
 that he would doe them no hurt at all. The poore men w ^ rd and , 
 j., , . -r, , ,1 , othe. and 
 
 gave credit to his worde. .But so soone as they came out, procure( i the 
 
 and did appeare, he delivered them all into the handes of death of eight 
 their adversaries, (which were the chiefest of the nobility) to hundred 
 put them all to death : and they were no lesse then eight P e P le - 
 
 247
 
 LYSANDER 
 
 Eteocles 
 wordes of 
 Lysander. 
 
 Thorax put 
 to death for 
 offending 
 the law. 
 
 The Laconian 
 Scytala what 
 maner thing 
 it is, and how 
 used. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 hundred men one with an other. He caused great murders 
 of people to also be done in other cities : for he did not 
 only put them to death that had privatly offended him, but 
 numbers besides, onely to satisfie and revenge the private 
 quarrells, enmities ana covetousnes of his frendes, whom he 
 had in every place. And therefore was Eteocles Lacedae- 
 monian greatly commended for his saying : that Greece could 
 not abide two Lysanders. Theophrastus wryteth also, that 
 the very like was spoken of Alcibiades by Archestratus. 
 Howbeit in Alcibiades there was nothing, but his insolency, 
 and vaine glory that men misliked : but in Lysander, a severe 
 nature, and sharpe condicions, that made his power fearfull 
 and intollerable. Neverthelesse, the Lacedaemonians passed 
 over all other complaintes exhibited against him: saving 
 when they heard the complaints of Pharnabazus, who pur- 
 posely sent Ambassadors unto them, to complaine of the 
 wrongs and injuries Lysander had done him, spoyling and 
 destroying the contry under his government. Then the 
 Ephori being offended with him, clapped up Thorax in 
 prison, one of his frendes and Captaines that had served 
 under him : and finding that he had both gold and silver 
 in his house contrary to the law, put him to death. And 
 to him selfe they sent immediatly that which they call Scytala, 
 (as who would say, the scrolle wrytten apon a rounde staffe) 
 commaunding him that he should retorne immediatly apon 
 receite thereof. The Scytala is in this sorte : When the 
 Ephori doe sende a Generall, or an Admirall to the warres, 
 they cause two litle rounde staves to be made of the like 
 bignes and length, of which the Ephori doe keepe the tone, 
 and thother they geve to him whome they sende to the 
 warres. These two litle staves they call Scytales. Nowe 
 when they will advertise their Generall secretly of matters 
 of importaunce, they take a scrolle of parchement, long and 
 narrowe like a leather thonge, and wreath it about the round 
 staffe, leavinge no voyde space betwene the knottes of the 
 scrowle. Afterwardes when they have bound them fast 
 together, then they wryte uppon the parchment thus rolled 
 what they will, and when they have done wryting, un- 
 folde it, and sende it to their Generall, who can not else 
 248
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 possibly read it to know what is written, (bicause the LYSANDER 
 letters are not joined together, nor follow in order, but 
 are scattered here and there) untill he take his litle rowle 
 of wodde which was geven him at his departure. And 
 then wreathing the scrowle of parchment about it which he 
 receaveth, the folding and wreathes of the parchement fall- 
 ing j ust into the selfe same place as they were first folded : 
 the letters also come to joyne one with an other, as they 
 ought to doe. This litle scrowle of parchment also is 
 called as the rowle of wodde, Scytala : even as we com- 
 monly see in many places that the thing measured, is also 
 called by the name of the measure. When this parche- 
 ment scrowle was brought unto Lysander, who was then 
 in the contrie of Hellespont, he was marvelously troubled 
 withall, fearing above all other thinges the accusations of 
 Pharnabazus : so he sought meanes to speake with him before 
 he departed, hoping thereby to make his peace with him. 
 When they were together, Lysander prayed him he would 
 write an other letter unto the Lordes of Sparta, contrary 
 to his first, how that he had done him no hurt at all, and 
 that he had no cause to complaine of him : but he did not 
 remember that he was a Cretan, (as the common proverbe 
 sayeth) that could deceave an other Cretan. For Pharna- 
 bazus having promised him that he would performe his desire, 
 wrote a letter openly, purporting the effect of Lysanders 
 request : but behinde he had an other of contrary effect, so 
 like on the out side unto the other, that by sight no man 
 could discerne thone from the other. And when he came to Lysander 
 put his scale, he chaunged the first with the last that was carieth letters 
 hidden, and gave it him. When Lysander came unto Sparta, a ga in 
 he went as the maner is, straight to the pallace where the 8< 
 Senate kept, and gave his letters unto the Ephores, thinking 
 that by them he should have bene cleared from all daunger 
 of the greatest accusations they could have burdened him 
 withall : bicause that Pharnabazus was very well thought 
 of of the Lords of Lacedaemonia, for that he did ever shew 
 him selfe willing and ready to helpe them in all their 
 warres, more then any other of the kinges Lieutenauntes 
 of Persia. The Ephori having red this letter, they shewed 
 3 : II 249
 
 Lysander 
 goeth to 
 lupiter 
 Ammon. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LYSANDER it unto him. Then did Lysander plainly see, that the 
 common proverb was true : 
 
 That Ulysses was not subtill alone. 
 
 Thereuppon he went home to his house marvelously 
 troubled. But within few dayes after returning to the 
 pallace againe to speake with the Lords of the counsell, he 
 told them that he must needes make a voyage unto the 
 temple of lupiter Ammon, to discharge certaine sacrifices 
 which he had vowed and promised to him before he had 
 wonne the battells. Some say, that in deede lupiter Ammon 
 appeared to him in a dreame as he did besiege the city of 
 the Aphygseians, in the contry of Thracia, and that by his 
 commaundement he raised the siege, and charged them of 
 the city, that they should thanke lupiter Ammon, and doe 
 sacrifice unto him : by reason whereof, they thinke that he 
 ment good faith, when he sued for licence to make this 
 voyage into Libya, to performe the vowes which he had 
 made. But the most parte did certainely beleve that he 
 made sute to goe this jorney, for a cloke and colour only to 
 absent him selfe, bicause he feared the Ephores, and that he 
 coulde not endure the yoke and subjection which he must 
 abide remaining at home, neither could like to be com- 
 maunded. And this was the true cause of his sute to goe 
 this voyage, much like unto a horse taken out of a freshe 
 pasture and goodly meadowes, to bring him into a stable, 
 and make him to be jorneyed as he was before. Neverthe- 
 lesse, Ephorus writeth an other cause, the which I will recite 
 hereafter. In the end, Lysander having hardly obtained 
 licence, tooke shippe, and crossed saile. But during his 
 absence, the kinges of Lacedaemon remembring that he 
 kept all the cities at his commaundement, by meanes of the 
 frendes he had in every city, whom he had made chiefe 
 governors of the same, and that by their meanes he came 
 in maner to be absolute prince over all Greece : they tooke 
 uppon them to redeliver the government of the townes and 
 cities againe into the handes of the people, and also to put 
 downe his frendes whome he had stablished there. And 
 hereupon fell out great insurrection againe. For first of all, 
 250
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 they that were banished from Athens, having surprised and LYSANDER 
 taken the castell of Phyla apon the sodaine, did set apon the 
 thirty governors tyrans (whom Lysander had placed there) 
 and overcame them in battell. Whereuppon Lysander 
 straight returned to Sparta, and perswaded the Lacedae- 
 monians to referre the government to the number of a few, 
 and to punish the insolency of the people. So by his pro- 
 curement, they sent first a hundred tallents unto the thirty 
 tyrans for an aide to maintaine this warre, and appointed 
 Lysander him selfe generall. But the two kinges of Sparta 
 envying him, and fearing least he should take the city of 
 Athens againe: they determined that one of them would 
 go. Whereupon Pausanias went thither immediatly, who in 
 apparaunce seemed to maintaine the tyrannes against the 
 people : but in effect, he did his indevor to appease this King Pausan- 
 warre, for feare least Lysander by meanes of his frends and ias recon- 
 followers should once againe come to have the city of Athens *^ t . he 
 in his power, the which he might easily doe. And thus with t ^ e 
 having agreed the Athenians againe one with an other, and Spartans, 
 pacified all faction and commocion among them, he pluckt 
 up the roote of Lysanders ambition. But shortly after, the 
 Athenians rebelling againe against the Lacedaemonians, Pau- 
 sanias him selfe was reproved, bicause he yelded so much to 
 the boldnes and insolency of the people, which were brideled 
 and restrained before, by the authority of the small number 
 of governors : and to the contrary, they gave Lysander 
 the honor to be generall, who ruled not in this rebellion 
 to please mens mindes and to content them, neither with 
 fond ostentation of glory, but severely, for the profit and 
 commodity of Sparta. It is true he would geve great wordes, 
 and was terrible to them that resisted him. As he aunswered 
 the Argives one day, who contended for their confines with 
 the Lacedaemonians, and seemed to alleage the best reasons. 
 Even they (sayd he) that shall prove the stronger hereby, Lysanders 
 shewing them his sword : shalbe they that shal pleade their terrible 
 cause best for their confines. An other time, when a words - 
 Megarian had tolde his minde boldly enough in open coun- 
 sell, he aunswered him : Thy wordes (good frend) had neede 
 of a city, meaning therby that he was of too meane a towne 
 
 251
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LYSANDER to use so great words. And to the Boeotians also, who 
 were in dout to professe them selves frends or enemies : he 
 sent unto them, to know if he should passe through the 
 contry with his pykes upwardes or downewardes. And when 
 the Corinthians also were revolted from their allyance, he 
 brought his army harde unto their walles : but when he 
 sawe his men were afrayed, and made cursey whether they 
 should goe to the assault or not : by chaunce spying a hare 
 comming out of the towne ditches, he sayd unto them : 
 Are ye not ashamed to be afrayed to goe and assault your 
 enemies that are so cowardly and slothfull, as hares doe 
 keepe their formes at ease within the circuite of their walles? 
 The death of Now king Agis being deceased, he left behinde him his 
 king Agis. brother Agesilaus, and his supposed sonne Leotychides. 
 Lysander de- Wherefore, Lysander that had loved Agesilaus aforetime, 
 privethLeoty- g av e him counsell to stande for the right of the crowne, as 
 ^ awe ^ u H heire and next of the blood, discending of the race 
 of Hercules : bicause it was suspected that Leotychides was 
 Alcibiades sonne, who secretly had kept Timaea Agis wife, 
 at what time he was banished out of his contry, and came 
 then to remaine in Sparta. And Agis selfe also, concluding 
 by reckening of the time of his absence, that his wife coulde 
 not be with childe by him : made reckening of Leotychides, 
 (and had openly shewed it all the rest of his life time) that 
 he did not acknowledge him for his sonne, untill such time 
 as falling sicke of that disease whereof he died, he was caried 
 to the city of Heraea. And there lying in his death bed, at 
 the humble sute of Leotychides him selfe, and partely at the 
 instant request of his frendes who were importunate with 
 him : he did acknowledge Leotychides for his sonne in the 
 presence of divers, whome he prayed to be witnesses unto 
 the Lordes of Lacedsemon, of his acceptation and acknow- 
 ledging of him to be his sonne. Which they all did in 
 favor of Leotychides. For all that, Agesilaus tooke it apon 
 him, by the support and maintenaunce of Lysanders favor. 
 Howebeit, Diopithes a wise man, and knowen to be skilfull 
 in auncient prophecies, did great hurt to Agesilaus side, 
 by an auncient oracle which he alleaged against a defect 
 Agesilaus had, which was his lamenes : 
 252
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 O Spartan people you, which beare high hawty hartes, LYSANDER 
 
 And looke a loft : take heede I say, looke well unto your martes : 
 
 Least whiles you stande upright, and guide your state by grace, 
 
 Some halting kingdom privily, come creeping in a pace. 
 
 By that meanes might you move, great troubles, carke and care, 
 
 And mischiefes heape upon your head, before you be aware. 
 
 And plonged should you be, even over head and eares, 
 
 With wast of warres, which here on earth doth perish many peares. 
 
 Many by occasion of this oracle, fell to take Leotychides 
 parte : but Lysander declared unto them, that Diopithes 
 did not conster the meaning of the oracle well. For God, 
 sayed he, cared not whether he halted of one legge or 
 no, that should come to be king of Lacedaemon : but in 
 deede, the crowne and kingdome should halte and be lame, 
 if bastardes not lawfully begotten, should come to raigne 
 over the true naturall issue and right line of Hercules. By Through 
 these perswasions, Lysander with his great countenaunce and Lysanders 
 authority besides, wanne all men to his opinion : so that Corking, 
 Agesilaus by this meanes was proclaimed king of Lacedaemon. m f ^ e ki ng . 
 This done, Lysander beganne straight to counsell him to 
 make warres in Asia, putting him in hope that he should 
 destroy the kingdome of Persia, and should come to be the 
 greatest man of the world. Moreover, he wrote unto his 
 frendes in the cities of Asia, that they should send unto the 
 Lacedaemonians to require king Agesilaus for their generall, 
 to make warres against the barbarous people. Which they 
 did, and sent Ambassadors purposely unto Sparta to sue 
 that they might have him : the which was no lesse honor 
 procured unto Agesilaus by Lysanders meanes, then that 
 he did, in making him to be chosen king. But men 
 ambitious by nature, being otherwise not unapt nor unfit 
 to commaunde, have this imperfection : that through the Ambition 
 jealousie of glory, they doe commonlie en vie their equalles, abideth no 
 the which doth greatly hinder them for doing any notable e( l ua lles. 
 thinges. For they take them for their enemies, envying 
 their vertue : whose service and meanes might helpe them to 
 doe great matters. Thus Agesilaus being chosen generall of 
 this enterprise, tooke Lysander with him in this jorney, 
 amongest the thirty counsellors which were geven unto him 
 to assist him : and made speciall choyce of him, as by whose 
 
 253
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LYSANDER counsell he hoped most to be governed, and to have him 
 neerest about him, as his chiefest frende. But when they 
 were arrived in Asia, they of the contry having no acquaint- 
 aunce with Agesilaus, seldome spake with him, or but litle : 
 and to the contrary, having knowen Lysander of long time, 
 they followed him, and waited uppon him to his tent or 
 lodging, some to honor him, bicause they were his frendes, 
 others for feare, bicause they did mistrust him. Even much 
 like as it falleth out oftentimes in the Theaters, when they play 
 tragedies there : that he that shall play the person of some 
 messenger or servaunt, shalbe the best player, and shall have 
 the best voyce to be heard above all others : and to the 
 contrary, that he which hath the royall bande about his 
 heade, and the scepter in his hande, a man doth scant 
 heare him speake. Even so fell it out then: for all the 
 dignitie due unto him that commaundeth all, was shewed 
 only unto the counseller : and there remained to the king no 
 more, but the royall name only of a king, without any power. 
 Therefore me thinkes that this undiscreete and importunate 
 ambition of Lysander, did well deserve reproofe perhappes, 
 to make him only to be contented with the second place 
 of honor next unto the king. But for Agesilaus againe, 
 through extreame covetousnes and jealousie of glory, to 
 cast Lysander altogether of, and to set so light by his frende 
 and benefactor, that surely became not him neither. For 
 first of all, Agesilaus never gave Lysander occasion to doe 
 any thinge, neither did commit any matter of weight unto 
 him, that might be honorable for him : but which is worst 
 of all, if he perceived that he had taken any mens causes in 
 hand, and that he did favor them, he did alwayes sende 
 them backe againe into their contry, denying their sute, 
 without that they coulde obtaine any thing they sued 
 for, lesse then the meanest persones that could have 
 come, extinguishing Lysanders credit by litle, and litle, and 
 taking from him all authority by this meanes. Wherefore, 
 Lysander perceiving howe he was thus refused and rejected 
 in all thinges, seing that the countenaunce and favor which 
 he thought to shew unto his frendes, fell out hurtfull unto 
 them : left of to solicite their matters any more, and prayed 
 254 
 
 Agesilaus 
 privie grudge 
 to Lysander. 
 
 Lysanders 
 wisedome.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 them to forbeare to come unto him, or to followe him, but LYSANDER 
 to go to the king, and unto those that could doe them better 
 pleasure then him selfe, and specially those that honored 
 them. When they heard that, many desisted to trouble 
 him any more in matters of importaunce, but not to doe 
 him all the honor they could, and continued still to accom- 
 panie him, when he went out to walke, or otherwise to 
 exercise him selfe: the which did aggravate and increase 
 Agesilaus anger more against him, for the envy he bare 
 unto his glory. And where he gave very honorable charge 
 and commission in the warres, oftentimes unto very meane 
 souldiers to execute, or cities to goveme : he appointed 
 Lysander surveyor generall of all the ordinary provision of Lysander 
 vittells, and distributer of flesh. And then mocking the surveiour of 
 lonians that did honor him so much : Let them go now, e 
 sayd he, and honor my flesh distributer. Wherefore, Lys- 
 ander seeing it high time to speake : went unto Agesilaus, 
 and tolde him in few wordes after the Laconian manner: 
 Truely Agesilaus, thou hast learned well to abase thy Lysanders 
 frendes. In deede sayed he againe, so have I, when they t^lke with . 
 
 wilbe greater then my selfe : and to the contrary, they that , m ^ 5 esi " 
 
 a. j i_ j j.1. -j. -I laus J after 
 
 mamtame and increase my honor and authority, it is reason ^ e Laconian 
 
 that I esteeme of them. Yea mary, sayd Lysander, but per- maner of 
 happes I have not done as thou sayst. Yet I pray thee geve speaking, 
 me such an office, as I may be least hated, and most profit- 
 able for thee : though it be but in respect of straungers eyes 
 that looke apon us both. After this talke betwene them, 
 Agesilaus sent him his Lieutenaunt into the contryf of 
 Hellespont, where Lysander still kept this anger secret in 
 his hart against him, but for all that, did not leave to doe 
 all that he could for the benefit of his masters affaires. As 
 amongest many other thinges, he caused a Persian Captaine 
 called Spithridates to rebell against his master, who was a 
 valliant man of his hands, and a great enemy of Pharna- 
 bazus, and had an army also which he brought with him 
 unto Agesilaus. Now concerning this warre, this was all 
 that he did in that jorney. Wherefore, he returned againe 
 to Sparta not long after, with litle honor, being marvelously 
 grieved and offended with Agesilaus, and hating more then 
 
 255
 
 LYSANDER 
 
 Lysander 
 seeketh in- 
 novation in 
 the state of 
 Sparta. 
 
 The Families 
 of the kinges 
 of Lacedse- 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 before, all the state and government of the citie of Sparta . 
 by reason whereof, he determined to put that in prac- 
 tise, which he had long time thought uppon, concerninge 
 the alteracion of government, and his enterprise was this. 
 Amongest the ofspring and issue of Hercules, who were 
 mingled with the Dorians, and returned againe into the contrie 
 of Peloponnesus, the greatest number and chiefest of them, 
 dwelled in the city of Sparta : howbeit, all they that came 
 of that race had no right of succession to the crowne, saving 
 two families only, the Eurytiontides, and the Agiades. The 
 other families, albeit they were all for nobility of blood 
 descended out of one selfe house, yet had they no more right 
 nor interest unto the realme, then the residue of the people : 
 for, the dignities that were attained unto by vertue, were geven 
 unto the inhabitauntes that could deserve them. Lysander 
 then being one of those which was discended of the true race 
 of Hercules, who notwithstanding had no interest in the 
 crowne : when he saw him selfe aloft, and called to great 
 honor through his famous actes and merites, and that he had 
 wonne many frendes, and great credit and authority by deal- 
 ing in matters of the state : it grieved him much, to see that 
 they which were no nobler then him selfe, should be kinges 
 in that city, which he had increased by his vertue, and that 
 he could not have so much power as to take from these two 
 houses, the Eurytiontides, and the Agiades, the prerogative 
 that the kinges should be chosen onely out of one of those 
 two houses, and to cast it apon the ofspring of Hercules. 
 Some say againe, that he would not only have enlarged that 
 prerogative unto the issue of Hercules, but unto all the 
 naturall Spartans also : bicause that Hercules race should 
 not only desire this reward of honor, but even they also that 
 followed his steps in vertue, which had made him equal with 
 the gods in honor. For he douted not, but if they would 
 dispose the crowne in this sorte, that there was no man in 
 the city of Sparta that should sooner be chosen king then 
 him selfe : wherupon he attempted first to perswade his 
 citizens by very good reasons, and to bring this about the 
 better, he conned an oration without booke, penned by 
 Cleon Halicarnasseus, made him for this purpose. But 
 256
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 afterwardes weying with him selfe, that so great and straunge LYSANDER 
 a chaunge as he would bring in, had neede of some better 
 and stronger helpe : he beganne to frame a devise as they 
 say, to move the people by, much after the manner they use 
 in tragedies, framing engines to bring some god to come 
 downe from heaven unto them, and this was his fained in- 
 vention. He devised certaine oracles and prophecies, think- Lysander 
 ing that all Cleons rethoricke would stand him in no steade, 
 if first of all he did not fill the citizens hartes with some ", ^iJt] 
 
 i/ / i 11 i i i i C/l/1 1 Ll|JL"Lil 
 
 supersticion and feare or the goddes, that he might bring soothsayers 
 them afterwardes more easily unto reason. And Ephorus with money, 
 sayeth, that he proved first to corrupt the Nunne with 
 money, that geveth all the oracles and aunswers in the 
 temple of Apollo at Delphes : and that afterwardes, he 
 woulde have wonne the Nunne also of the temple of Dodone 
 with money, by Pherecles practise. And that he being 
 rejected by them both, went lastly unto the temple of 
 lupiter Ammon : and that there he spake unto the priestes, 
 and offered them great store of money for the same purpose. 
 But they were so offended with Lysander, that they sent 
 men of purpose to Sparta, to accuse him, that he would have 
 corrupted them with money. The counsell clearing Lysander 
 of this accusation, the Libyans his accusers at their departing 
 sayd : We will one day judge more justly, then you my 
 Lordes of Lacedasmon have done now, when you shall come 
 to dwell in our contry of Libya : supposing there was an 
 auncient prophecy that sayd, the Lacedaemonians one day 
 should come to dwell in the contry of Libya. But we shall 
 doe better to wryte the whole story at large of this practise, 
 suttelty, and malicious devise, which was no matter of small 
 importaunce, nor lightly grounded : but as in a mathe- 
 maticall proposition there were many great conjectures and 
 presuppositions, and many long circumstances to bring it to 
 conclusion, the which I will dilate from point to point, 
 delivering that which an historiographer and philosopher 
 both hath wrytten. There was in the marches of the realme Lysanders 
 of Pont, a woman that sayed she was gotten with childe by fained devise 
 Apollo, the which many (as it is to be thought) would not 
 beleve at all, and many also did beleve it : so that she beinge 
 3 : KK 257
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LYSANDER delivered of a goodly sonne, diverse noble men and of great 
 estate were carefull to bring him up, and to have him 
 taught. This childe, I know not whereuppon, nor how, was 
 named Silenus : and Lysander fetchinge the plat of his devise 
 from thence, added to all the rest of him selfe, to goe on 
 with his practise. Now he had many (and they no small 
 men) that made his way to frame this jeast, geving out a 
 rumor of the birth of this childe, without any suspicion 
 gathered out of the intent of this rumor. And further- 
 more, they brought other newes from Delphes, which they 
 dispersed abroade through the city of Sparta, to wit : that 
 the priestes of the temple kept secret bookes of very 
 auncient oracles, which they them selves durst not touch nor 
 handle, neither might any man read them, onlesse he were 
 begotten of the seede of Apollo, who shoulde come after a 
 long time, and make his birth appeare unto the priestes 
 that kept these papers, and that by some secret marke and 
 token, which they had amongest them : and thereby being 
 knowen for Apolloes sonne, he might then take the bookes, 
 and read the auncient revelacions and prophecies of the same. 
 These things prepared in this sorte, there was order taken 
 that Silenus should come and aske for these bookes as 
 though he were the sonne of Apollo : and that the priestes 
 which were privy to this practise, should make as though 
 they did diligently examine him of every thing, and how he 
 was borne. And that at the length, after they had seemed 
 to know all, they should deliver these prophecies unto him, 
 as if he had bene in deede Apolloes sonne : and that he 
 should openly read them in the presence of many witnesses. 
 And among the rest of the prophecies, that he should read 
 that specially, for the which this long paltry fained drift was 
 framed, touching the kingdome of Lacedaemonia : that it was 
 better, and meetelier for the Spartans they should choose 
 them for their kinges, whome they found the meetest men of 
 all their magistrates. But when Silenus was come of full age, 
 and brought into Greece of purpose to performe this practise, 
 all the mistery was marde by the fainte heart of one of the 
 players and companions of Lysander, who holpe him to 
 countenaunce this devise : who when the matter should have 
 258
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 taken effect, shroncke for feare, and let the misterie alone. LYSANDER 
 This notwithstanding, nothing was bewrayed in Lysanders 
 life time, till after his death. For he dyed, before king 
 Agesilaus returned out of Asia, being fallen into warres with The warres 
 Boeotia before his death, or rather having him selfe made of Boeotia. 
 Greece to fall into warres. They doe reporte it either way, 
 and some lay the fault apon him, other apon the Thebans, and 
 other apon them both : and they burden the Thebans withall, 
 bicause they did utterly overthrowe the common sacrifices Divers causes 
 which Agesilaus made in the city of Aulide. And they say surmised of 
 also, that Androclides and Amphitheus did raise this warre the beginning 
 1.1. /~i u t, e a. j -1.1. v. of these wars, 
 
 among the Greecians, being before corrupted with money by 
 
 the king of Persia to bring warres apon the Lacedaemonians 
 in Greece : and beganne to invade and destroy the contry of 
 the Phocians. Other say that Lysander was very angry with 
 the Thebans, bicause they onely of all other their confederates 
 did aske the tenth parte of all the spoyle which was wonne 
 in the warre against the Athenians : and that they were not 
 pleased that Lysander had sent the money away unto Sparta. 
 But above all Lysander did malice them most, bicause they 
 were the first that made way for the Athenians to be 
 delivered from thoppression of thirty tyrannes, whom he 
 had stablished governors in Athens, and in whose favor (to 
 make them to be dreaded the more) the Lacedaemonians had 
 ordained by a common edict : that they that were banished An edict 
 and did flee from Athens, might lawefully be taken and ag ai . n stthe 
 apprehended in what place soever they fled unto, and that f^f Athens" 
 whosoever should resist or let them to do it, they should be 
 proclaimed rebells, and open enemies unto the Lacedae- 
 monians. Againe to contrary this edict, the Thebans made 
 an other very like, and meete for the glorious dedes of An edict 
 Bacchus and Hercules their auncestors, for whom it was made: m d ^ by * he 
 that every house and city through the contry of Bceotia, f^^of'the 
 should be open for the Athenians that would come thither, banished men. 
 and that he that would not helpe a banished man from Athens, 
 against him that would take him away by force, should be fined 
 and amerced at a talent. And also if there were any souldiers 
 that went unto Athens, through the contrie of Boeotia, that 
 the Thebans should not see nor heare it. This was no 
 
 259
 
 Lysanders 
 jorney unto 
 Boaotia. 
 
 Cithaeron 
 mons. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LYSANDER dissimulation to speake of, that they should ordaine thinges 
 with so gentle wordes, and so meete for the people of Greece, 
 and then that the dedes should not aunswer unto their edicts 
 and proclamations. For Thrasybulus, and his fellowes of the 
 conspiracie, who kept the castell of Phyla, they departed from 
 Thebes, with armor and money, and the Thebans did helpe 
 them to beginne and practise their enterprise so secretly, that 
 it was not discovered. These were the causes why Lysander 
 was so earnestly bent against the Thebans, and his choller 
 being so extreame, by reason of his melancholines that grewe 
 dayly apon him more and more through his age, he solicited 
 the Ephores so, that he perswaded them to sende a garrison 
 thither: and him selfe taking the charge of them, under- 
 tooke the jorney straight with his men. But afterward es 
 they sent kinge Pausanias also with an army thither, who 
 was to fetche a great compasse about to enter into the 
 con trie of Boeotia, by mount Cithaeron: and Lysander shoulde 
 goe to meete him through the contry of Phocides, with a 
 great company of souldiers besides. Now as Lysander went, 
 he tooke the city of the Orchomenians, who willingly yeelded 
 them selves to him as soone as he came thither. From thence 
 he went to the city of Lebadia, which he spoyled : and from 
 thence he wrote unto king Pausanias, that departing from 
 Platees, he should march directly to the city of Aliarte, 
 where he would not faile to meete him the next morning 
 by breake of day at the towne walles. These letters were 
 intercepted by certaine skowtes of the Thebans, who met 
 with the messenger that caried them. Thus the Thebans 
 having intelligence of their purpose, left their citie in custodie 
 unto the Athenians who were come to aide them : and de- 
 parted out of Thebes about midnight, and marched all night 
 with great speede, that they came to Aliarte in the morning 
 a litle before Lysander, and put halfe their men into the 
 citie. Now for Lysander, he was determined at the first to 
 keepe his men apon a hill which is nere to the city, and there 
 to tary the comming of king Pausanias. But afterwards, 
 when he sawe that the day was farre spent, and that he 
 came not, he could tary no lenger, but arming him selfe, 
 after he had made an oration unto the confederates which 
 260
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 he had brought with him, he marched on with his men in LYSANDER 
 battell ray, longer then large, by the high way that went 
 unto the city. In the meane season, the Thebans that were 
 left without the city, leaving Aliarte on the left hande, did 
 set uppon Lysanders rerewarde of his army against the foun- 
 taine called Cissusa : where the Poets faine that the nurses Cissusa fons. 
 of Bacchus did washe him, when he came out of his mothers 
 wombe, bicause the water that commeth out of it (though it 
 be very clere and sweete to drinke) hath notwithstanding (I 
 can not tell by what meanes) a collour like wine : and not 
 farre from thence there grow great plenty of Styrap trees. 
 The which the Aliartians do alleage, to prove that Radaman- 
 thus heretofore dwelt in that parte, and doe shew his sepulchre 
 there yet to this day, which they call Alea. And hard by 
 that also, there is the monument of Alcmena, which was 
 buried (as they say) in that place, and was maried to Rada- 
 manthus, after the death of Amphitryon. But the Thebans 
 who were within the city with the Aliartians, stirred not 
 untill they sawe that Lysander with the first of his troupe 
 was neere unto the towne walles : and then opening the 
 gates on the sodaine, they made a salie out upon Lysander, 
 and slue him with his sooth saier and a few other, bicause Lysander 
 the most part of the voward fled, into the strength of the slaine by the 
 battel. Howbeit the Thebans gave them not over so, but Thebans. 
 followed them so valiantly, that they brake their order, and 
 made them all flie through the mountaines, after they had 
 slaine three thousand of them in the field : so were there three 
 hundred Thebans also slaine there, who followed their enemies 
 so fiercely, till they recovered straight narrow waies, of great 
 strength for them. These three hundred were in maner all 
 those that were suspected in Thebes to favor the Lacedae- 
 monians secretly : wherfore, for the desire they had to take 
 away this opinion from their citizens, they hazarded them- 
 selves to no purpose, and were cast away in this chase. King 
 Pausanias heard newes of this overthrow, going from Platees 
 unto Thespies, and went on further, marching still in battel 
 ray towards Aliarte, where Thrasybulus also arrived at the 
 selfe same time, bringing the aide of the Athenians from 
 Thebes. And when Pausanias was purposed to send to aske 
 
 261
 
 LYSANDER 
 
 To aske leave 
 of thenemie 
 to burye the 
 deade is dis- 
 honorable. 
 
 Lysanders 
 tombe. 
 
 Oplites fl. 
 
 Destinie in- 
 evitable. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 licence of the enemies to take away the bodies of their men 
 which they had slaine, to thintent to bury them : the olde 
 Spartans that were in his army, misliking it much, at the 
 first were angry in them selves. But afterwardes they went 
 unto the king him selfe, to tell him that he dishonored 
 Sparta, to offer to take up Lysanders bodie by his enemies 
 leave and favor, and that he should valliantly recover him 
 by force of armes, and honorably burie him, after that he 
 had overcome their enemies : or else if it were their fortune 
 to be overthrowen, that yet it should be more honorable 
 for them, to lye dead in the field by their Captaine, then to 
 aske leave to take up his body. But notwithstanding all 
 these wordes of the old men, king Pausanias seeing that it 
 was a hard matter to overcome the Thebans in battell, now 
 that they had gotten the victory, and furthermore, that the 
 body of Lysander lay hard by the walls of Aliarte, and that 
 he could not come to take it away without great daunger, 
 although they should win the battell : he sent a herauld to 
 the enemies. And having made truce for certaine dayes, 
 he led his army away, and tooke up Lysanders body with 
 him, and buried thim after they were out of the confynes of 
 Boeotia, within the territory of the Panopeians : where until 1 
 this day his tombe remaineth apon the high way, goinge 
 from Delphes unto the city of Chaeronea. Thus Pausanias 
 campe being lodged there, it is sayd there was a Phocian, 
 who reporting the battell unto one that was not there, sayd 
 that the enemies came to geve a charge upon them, as 
 Lysander had passed the Oplites. Thother wondring at 
 that, there was a Spartan a very frend of Lysanders by, 
 having heard all their talke, asked him what that was 
 which he called Oplites : for that he had not heard that 
 word named before. What? aunswered the Phocian to 
 him againe. Even there it was where the enemies did over- 
 throw the first of our men which were slaine in the fieldes : 
 for the river that runneth by the walles of the city, is called 
 Oplites. The Spartan hearing that, burst out of weping for 
 sorrow, saying: Then I see it is unpossible for a man to 
 avoyde his destinie. For Lysander aforetime had an oracle 
 that tolde him thus : 
 262
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Lysander, take good heede, come not I thee advise : LYSANDER 
 
 Neere Oplites that rivers banckes, in any kiude of wise. 
 
 Nor neere the Dragon he, which is the earth her sonne, 
 
 Who at the length will thee assault, and on thy backe will ronne. 
 
 Howebeit some take it, that this river of Oplites is not 
 that which passeth by the walles of Aliarte, but it is the 
 river that runneth neere unto the city of Coronea, and falleth 
 into the river of Phliarus, hard by the city : and they say Phliarus fl. 
 that in olde time it was called Hoplia, but now they call it Hoplia, 
 Isomantus. He that slue Lysander, was an Aliartian called Isomantus. 
 Neochorus, who caried a Dragon painted apon his target : Neochorus 
 and this was that which the oracle of likelyhoode did signifie. slue Lysan- 
 They say also, that in the time of the warres of Pelopon- der - 
 nesus, the Thebans had an oracle from the temple of Apollo 
 Ismenias : which oracle did prophecy the battell which they 
 wanne by the castell of Delium, and the battell of Aliarte 
 also, which was thirty yeares after that. The effect of that 
 oracle was this : 
 
 When thou thy nets shalt spread, the wolves for to intrappe : 
 
 Beware thou come not neere unto, a litle hill by happe, 
 
 Of Orchalide. Nor neere, to any his confynes : 
 
 For there, the crafty foxes keepe, their dennes and privy mines. 
 
 He calleth the territory that is about Delium, the utter- 
 most confynes, bicause Boeotia doth confine there with the 
 contry of Attica : and the hill Orchalide which is now called Orchalide 
 Alopecon (to say the foxe denne) which lieth on that side of mons. 
 the citie of Aliarte, that looketh towardes mounte Helicon. Helicon mons. 
 Lysander being slaine, the Spartans tooke his death so ill, 
 that they would have condemned king Pausanias of treason Pausanias 
 by law : who durst not abide the tryall, but fled unto the exile, 
 citie of Tegea, where he ended the rest of his life within the 
 sanctuarie of the temple of Minerva. When Lysander was Lysanders 
 dead, his povertie appeared to the world which made his cleanehandes 
 vertue farre more famous, than when he lived. For then 
 they sawe, that for all the gold and silver which had passed a ft er 
 through his hands, for all his great authority and counten- deathe. 
 aunce that he had caried, and for all that so many cities and 
 townes did come to honor him, and briefly, for al that he had 
 
 263
 
 LYSANDER 
 
 Lysanders 
 counsel! for 
 altering of the 
 kingdom. 
 
 Lacratidas 
 wisdom for- 
 bearing to 
 shewe ex- 
 tremitie to 
 the deade. 
 Lysander 
 honored by 
 the Spartans 
 after his 
 death. 
 
 Singlenes of 
 life, late 
 mariage, and 
 ill mariage 
 punished by 
 the Lacedae- 
 monians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 so great and puissant a kingdom in maner in his hands : yet 
 he did never enrich nor increase his house with so much, 
 as one farthing. So writeth Theopompus, whom we should 
 rather beleve when he praiseth, then when he discommendeth : 
 for commonly he taketh more delite to dispraise, then to 
 praise any. It fortuned not longe after, as Ephorus writeth, 
 that the Lacedaemonians and their confederats fel at variance 
 together, wherupon Lysanders letters were to be seene that 
 were in his house. Kinge Agesilaus goinge thither to peruse 
 them, amongest other writinges, founde the oration penned 
 by Cleon Halicarnasseus which Lysander had prepared to 
 perswade the Spartans to chaunge their government, and to 
 declare unto them that they shoulde revoke the prerogative 
 which the Eurytiontides and the Agiades had : that the 
 kinges of Sparta could not be chosen but out of those two 
 families, and to leve the prerogative at liberty, that the 
 chiefest magistrats might be laufully chosen kings of Sparta. 
 Agesilaus stood indifferent to have shewed this oration openly 
 to the people, that the Spartans might see what manner a 
 citizen Lysander had bene in his harte. But Lacratidas, a 
 grave wise man, and president at that time of the counsel of 
 the Ephori, would not suffer him : saying, that he shoulde not 
 digge Lysander out of his grave againe, but rather bury his 
 oration with him, that was so passingly well, and eloquently 
 penned to perswade. Yet notwithstandinge, they did him 
 great honor after his death : and amongest others, condemned 
 two citizens in a great summe of money, that were made sure 
 to two of his daughters while he lived, and refused to marye 
 them when he was dead, seeing their father dyed so poore : 
 bicause they sought to matche in his house, supposing he 
 had bene riche, and forsooke them afterwardes for their 
 fathers poverty, when they saw he dyed a good and just 
 man. Thus we see, that at Sparta there was a punishment 
 for them that did not mary, or that maryed too late, or that 
 maried ill : and unto this punishment were they most 
 subject, that sought great matches for covetousnes 
 of goods. This is all we have to wryte of 
 Lysanders life and actes. 
 
 264
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 THE LIFE OF SYLLA 
 
 UCIUS CORNELIUS SYLLA was of the Syllaes 
 race of the Patricians, who be the noble kiur ed. 
 men and gentlemen of Rome : and there 
 was one of his auncesters called Rufinus, 
 that obtained the dignity of Consul. He 
 notwithstanding his Consulshippe, wanne 
 more dishonor by defame, then he obtained 
 honor by dignity of Consull. For they 
 finding in his house above ten powndes worth of plate, 
 contrary to the lawe at that time expressely forbidding it: 
 he was expulsed the Senate, and lost his place there, after 
 which dishonor once received, his issue never rose, nor yet 
 recovered it. And Sylla him selfe had very litle left him by 
 his father: so that in his youth he was faine to hyer an 
 other mans house, and sat at a small rent, as afterwards 
 he was twitted in the teeth withall, when they saw him 
 richer then they thought he had deserved. For when he 
 gloried and boasted of the victory at his returne from the 
 warres of Africk, there was a noble man that sayd unto him : Syllaes 
 Why, how is it possible thou shouldest be an honest man, honesty re- 
 
 that having nothing left thee by thy father, thou arte now P roved ^ y 
 
 u i_ a XT .LI. i_ T L. j i L i. meanes of his 
 
 come to have so mucnr JNow, though Rome had leit her great wealth. 
 
 auncient justice and purenes of life, wherewith she brought 
 up her people in former times, and that their hartes were 
 poysoned with covetous desire of vaine superfluous delites : 
 yet notwithstanding, it was as fowle a reproche to them that 
 did not maintaine them selves in the poverty of their fathers, 
 as unto them that did consume their patrimony, and bring 
 all to naught which their parentes had left them. But 
 afterwardes also when he caried the whole sway in Rome, 
 and that he had put so many men to death : a free man 
 being borne of the slaves infranchised, and being ready to be 
 throwen downe the rocke Tarpeian, bicause he had saved 
 and hidden one of the outlawes and men proclaimed to be 
 3 : LL 265
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 SYLLA put to death, wheresoever they were found : cast it in Syllaes 
 teeth, how that they had lived and dwelt together a long 
 time in one selfe house, he having payed thowsande Nummos 
 for the rent of the uppermost roomes of the same house, and 
 Sylla three thowsand for all the neathermost roomes beneath. 
 So that betwene both their wealthes, there was but onely 
 two thowsande and fiftie Drachmas of Athens difference. 
 And this is that we finde in wryting of his first wealth. As 
 Syllaes for his stature and persone, that appeareth sufficiently by the 
 
 stature. statues and images that were made for him, which yet 
 
 remaine. But for his eyes, they were like fire, and wonder- 
 full redde : and the colour of his face withall, made them 
 the more fearefull to beholde. For he was copper nosed, 
 and that was full of white streakes here and there : where- 
 That is, bi- uppon they say that the surname of a Sylla was geven him, 
 cause that syl by reason of his colour. And there was a jeaster at Athens 
 
 n ^ la ^ n 'i sig " that finely mocked him in his verse : 
 nifieth oker, J 
 
 which becom- Sylla is like a blacke Bery sprinckled with meale. 
 
 eth red when 
 
 it is put to the It is not amisse to search out the naturall disposition of 
 
 fire, and t v ^is man ^y suc i l outward markes and tokens. It is sayd 
 
 color mvitru- a ^ so that he was so naturally geven to mocke and jeast, that 
 
 via, signifieth being a young man unknowen, he would never be out of the 
 
 purple company of players, fooles, and tomblers, but still eating and 
 
 colour. tippling with them in dissolute manner. And afterwardes 
 
 Syllaes also when he was in his chiefest authoritie, 'he would 
 
 skoffing. commonly eate and drinke with the most impudent j casters 
 
 and scoffers, and all such rakehelles, as made profession of 
 
 counterfeate mirth, and would strive with the baddest of 
 
 them to geve the finest mockes: wherin he did not only a 
 
 thing uncomely for his yeres, and dishonored the majesty 
 
 of his office and dignity, but therby also grew carelesse 
 
 and negligent in matters of great importance, wherunto he 
 
 should have taken good regard. For after he was once sette 
 
 at his table, he was not to be moved any more in matters of 
 
 weight. Now, though from the table he was commonly 
 
 found both very active, painefull, and severe : yet falling 
 
 into such company by drinking, bowsing, and making good 
 
 chere, he sodainly became an other maner of man. So that 
 
 266
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 without all compasse of modesty and judgement, he was too SYLLA 
 familiar and conversaunt with players, jeasters, tumblers, 
 and daunsers : who when they had him in that vaine, might 
 doe what they would with him. Of this ryoting came (in Syllaes volup- 
 mine opinion) his vice of letchery, whereunto he was greatly tuousnes. 
 geven, and easily drawen after love and pleasure: in such 
 sorte, as his gray heares could not restraine his voluptuous 
 life. His unlawfull lusting love beganne in his young yeares, 
 with one Metrobius a common player, which stretched on 
 increasing his amorous desire untill his latter age. For at 
 the first he loved Nicopolis a rich curtisan : and frequenting 
 her company by oft accesse, and besides that he spent the 
 prime of his beawty and youth in feasting her with great 
 delight and passing pleasure, she afterwardes became in love 
 with him, so that when she dyed, she made Sylla her heire of 
 all she had. He was heire also unto his mother in lawe, 
 who loved him as her owne begotten sonne : and by these 
 two good happes he was stept up to pretie wealth. After- 
 wardes beinge chosen Quaestor (to say treasorer) the first Sylla 
 time that Marius was Consull, he embarked with him in his Quaestor, 
 jorney into Africke, to warre with kinge lugurthe. When 
 he was arrived at the campe, he shewed him selfe a man of 
 great service in all other thinges, but in this especially, that 
 he could wisely use the benefit of any occasion offered him, 
 and thereby wanne Bocchus kinge of the Numidians to be his 
 fast and faithfull frende : whose Ambassadors, that scaped from 
 a company of Numidian theeves he curteously entertained, The cause of 
 and having geven them goodly presentes, sent them backe Bocchus 
 
 againe with a safe convoy. Now concerninge kinge Bocchus, " ( 
 
 u i_ j i L- u it. L j j f j i T ii. unto By"* 
 he had or long time both hated and feared king lugurthe 
 
 his sonne in law : insomuch, that after he was overcome in 
 battell, and came to him for succor, Bocchus practised treason 
 against him, and for this cause sent secretly for Sylla, de- 
 siring rather that lugurthe should be taken by Sylla, then by 
 him selfe. Sylla brake this matter unto Marius, of whom 
 having received a small number of souldiers to accompany 
 him, (without respect of perill or daunger) went and com- 
 mitted him selfe to the faith and fidelity of one barbarous 
 king, to take an other : considering also that the king whom 
 
 267
 
 SYLLA 
 
 lugurthe de- 
 livered unto 
 Sylla by kinge 
 Bocchus. 
 
 Thonor of 
 lugurthes 
 takinge 
 ascribed unto 
 Sylla. 
 
 Syllaes noble 
 deedes under 
 Marius. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 he trusted was so unjust of his word, even unto his neerest 
 frends and confederates. Now Bocchus having lugurthe 
 and Sylla both in his power, and brought him selfe to that 
 pinch that of necessity he must betray the one or the other : 
 after he had taken good breath to resolve which of the two 
 he should deale withall, in thend went on with his first plat 
 and devise of treason, and so delivered lugurthe into Syllaes 
 handes. In deede Marius triumphed for taking of king 
 lugurthe: but his evill willers, for the spight and grudge 
 they bare him, did attribute the glory and honor of lugurthes 
 taking wholy unto Sylla. That secretly went to Marius 
 harte, and specially for that Sylla being high minded by 
 nature (comming then but newly from a base, obscure, and 
 unknowen life to be knowen and well accepted of the people 
 in Rome, and to tast also what honor ment) became so 
 ambitious and covetous of glory, that he caused the story to 
 be graven in a ring, which he did ever after use to weare 
 and seale withall. Where king Bocchus was delivering of 
 lugurthe unto Sylla, and Sylla also receiving lugurthe 
 prisoner. These thinges misliked Marius much : but not- 
 withstanding, judging that Sylla was not so much envied as 
 him selfe, he tooke him with him unto the warres. Marius in 
 his seconde Consulship, made Sylla one of his Lieutenauntes : 
 and in his third Consulshippe, he had charge under him of a 
 thowsand footemen, and did many notable and profitable 
 exploytes for him. When Sylla was his Lieutenaunt, he 
 tooke one Copillus, a generall of the Gaules Tectosages. 
 And when he was Colonell of a thowsande footemen, he 
 brought the Marsians (a marvelous great contry of people in 
 Italic) and perswaded them to remaine good frendes, and 
 confederates of the Romaines. For this his good service, 
 he founde that Marius grewe in great misliking with him, 
 bicause from thence forth he never gave him any honorable 
 charge, or occasion to shewe good service : but to the 
 contrary, did what he could to hinder his rising. Where- 
 fore, Sylla afterwardes tooke Catulus Luctatius parte, who 
 was companion with Marius in his Consulshippe. This 
 Catulus was a very honest man, but somwhat slacke and 
 colde in marshall matters, which was the cause that in deede 
 268
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 he did committe unto Sylla all the speciall service, and SYLLA 
 matters of weight in his charge : whereuppon he gave him 
 occasion not onely to increase his estimacion, but also his 
 credit and power. For, by force of armes, he conquered the Sillaes 
 most parte of the barbarous people which inhabited the doings under 
 mountaines of the Alpes: and Catulus campe lacking vittells, Catulus - 
 having commission, he made a marvelous great quantity of 
 provision to be brought thither, insomuch as Catulus campe 
 being plentifully vittelled, they sent their store and sur- 
 plusage unto Marius souldiers, the which Sylla him selfe 
 wryteth, did much mislike Marius. And this is the first Thefirst cause 
 cause of their enmity. The which being grounded upon so f enmity be- 
 light occasion, was followed with civill warres, great effusion tW j X vi ^ a 
 of blood, and with incurable factions and dissentions : that it 
 ended at the length with a cruell tyranny, and confusion of 
 all the Romaine state and Empire. This doth prove that 
 Euripides the Poet was a wise man, and one that foresaw 
 the ruines of common weales, when he counselled, and also 
 commaunded governors to flie ambition, as a most pestilent Ambition is to 
 and mortall furie unto them that are once infected withal! . be fle< *> jj 8 * 
 Now Sylla thinking that the reputation he had gotten morta11 
 already in the warres, would have made his way open to 
 preferre him to some honorable office in the city of Rome : 
 he was no sooner returned from the warres, but he would 
 needes prove the peoples good willes unto him, and procured 
 his name to be billed among them that sued for the Praetor- 
 shippe of the city (that is to say, the office of the ordinary 
 judge that ministreth justice unto the citizens) but he 
 was rejected by the voyce of the people. For the which he 
 layed the faulte uppon the meaner sorte, saying, that the 
 communalty knew well enough the frendshippe he had with 
 king Bocchus, and that therefore they hopinge that if he 
 were made ^Edilis before he came to be Praetor, he would 
 make them see noble huntinges and great fightinges of wilde 
 beastes of Libya. And that therefore they did choose other 
 Praetors, and put him by his sute, in hope to compel 
 him by this meanes to be first of all JSdilis. Howbeit it 
 seemeth that he doth not confesse the troth of his refusal!, 
 for his owne act doth condemne him selfe : bicause the next 
 
 269
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Sylla chosen 
 Praetor. 
 
 Orobazus 
 Ambassador 
 from the king 
 of the Par- 
 thians unto 
 Sylla. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 yere following he was chosen Praetor, partely for that he wan 
 the people with curtesie, and partely with money. So he 
 fallinge out with Caesar apon that occasion, in his anger 
 threatned him that he woulde use the power and authority 
 of his office apon him. But Caesar smiling, aunswered him : 
 Thou hast reason to call it thine office, for in deede it is 
 thine, bicause thou hast bought it. But after the time of 
 his Praetorshippe was expired, he was sent with an army 
 into Cappadocia, colouring his voyage thither with com- 
 mission to restore Ariobarzanes into his kingdom againe : 
 howbeit thonly cause of his jorney was in deede to suppresse 
 kinge Mithridates a litle, who tooke too many thinges in 
 hande, and increased his power and dominion with a new 
 signiory of no lesse greatnes, then that which he had before. 
 In troth he brought no great army out of Italie with him, 
 but he was faithfully holpen by the confederates of the 
 Romaines in every place, through whose aide he overthrewe 
 a great number of the Cappadocians, and afterwardes also a 
 greater number of the Armenians, which came in like case 
 to aide them : so that he expulsed Gordius king of Phrygia 
 out of Cappadocia, and restored Ariobarzanes to his realme 
 againe. After which victory, Sylla remained by the river of 
 Euphrates, and thither came unto him one Orobazus a 
 Parthian, Ambassador of Arsaces, king of the Parthians. 
 Now these two nations, the Romaines, and the Parthians, 
 were never frendes before : and that with other thinges 
 shewed the great good fortune Sylla had, that the Parthians 
 came first to him by his meanes to seeke frendshippe with 
 the Romaines. They say, that receiving this Ambassador 
 Orobazus, he made three chayres to be brought out, the 
 one for king Ariobarzanes, the other for Orobazus the 
 Ambassador, and the third for him selfe, which he placed 
 in the middest betwene them both, and sitting downe in 
 the same, gave audience unto the Ambassador : for which 
 cause the king of Parthia afterwardes put Orobazus to death. 
 Some doe commend Sylla for this acte, for that he kept his 
 state in such majesty among the barbarous people. Other 
 do reprove his ambition in it, shewing him selfe stately out of 
 time, and to no purpose. We doe read that a soothsayer of 
 270
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Chaldea being in Orobazus traine, having diligently viewed SYLLA 
 and considered the phisiognomy of Sylla, and all his other 
 movinges and gestures of minde and body, to judge not by 
 the clymate of the contry, but according to the rules of his 
 arte what his nature should be : all well considered of, he 
 sayed that Sylla one day must needes come to be a great 
 man, and that he marveled how he could suffer it that he 
 was not even then the chiefest man of the worlde. When 
 Sylla was returned againe to Rome, one Censorinus accused Sylla accused 
 him of extorcion, that he had caried away a great summe of * extorc i n ' 
 money with him, contrary to the lawe, out of one of their 
 confederates contry : howebeit he prosecuted not his accusa- 
 tion, but gave it over. In the meane time, the enmity 
 begonne betwixt him and Marius, kindled againe uppon a 
 new occasion of king Bocchus ambition : who partely to 
 creepe further into the peoples favor of Rome, and partely 
 also for to gratifie Sylla, gave and dedicated certaine images 
 of victory carying tokens of triumphe, unto the temple of 
 lupiter Capitolin, and next unto them also the image of 
 lugurthe, which he delivered into the handes of Sylla, being 
 all of pure golde. This did so offende Marius, that he 
 attempted to take them away by force: but others did 
 defend the cause of Sylla. So that for the quarrell of these 
 two, the city of Rome taking armes, had like to have brought Civill warres. 
 all to ruine : had not the warres of the confederats of Italie 
 bene, which of long time did kindle and smoke, but at the 
 length brake out into open flame and sedition for that time. 
 In this marvelous great warre which fell out very daungerous, 
 by sundry misfortunes and great losses to the Romaines, 
 Marius did no notable exployte : whereby it appeareth, that 
 the vertue of warlike discipline hath neede of a strong, lusty, 
 and able body. For Sylla to the contrary, having done 
 notable service, and obtained many profitable victories, wanne 
 the fame and estimacion among the Romaines, of a noble 
 souldier, and worthy Captaine: and among thenemies them 
 selves, of a most fortunate man. Notwithstanding, Sylla did 
 not as Timotheus Athenian, the sonne of Conon had done: 
 who, when his adversaries and ill willers did attribute his 
 noble deedes unto the favor of fortune, and did painte 
 
 271
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Timotheus 
 Athenian, 
 would not 
 attribute the 
 glory of his 
 doinges to 
 fortune. 
 
 Sylla gave 
 fortune the 
 honor of all 
 his doinges. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 fortune in tables, that brought him all the cities taken and 
 snared in nets whilest he slept : he tooke it in very ill parte, 
 and was marvelous angrie with them that did it, saying, that 
 they robbed him of the glory that j ustly belonged unto him. 
 Wherefore one day when this Timotheus was returned from 
 the warres with great victories, after he had openly ac- 
 quainted the Athenians with the whole discourse of his 
 doings in his voyage, he sayd unto them : My Lordes of 
 Athens, fortune hath had no parte in all this which I have 
 told unto you. Hereupon the goddes it should seeme were 
 so angry with this foolish ambition of Timotheus, that he 
 never afterwardes did any worthy thing, but all went utterly 
 against the heare with him : untill at the length he came 
 to be so hated of the people, that in thend they banished 
 him from Athens. But Sylla to the contrary, did not only 
 paciently abide their wordes that sayed, he was a happy 
 man, and singularly beloved of fortune : but also increasinge 
 this opinion, and glorying as at a speciall grace of the goddes, 
 did attribute the honor of his doings unto fortune, either for 
 a vaine glory, or for that he had in fansy, that the goddes did 
 prosper him in all his doinges. For he wrote him selfe in 
 his commentaries, that the enterprises which he hazarded 
 most hottely, according to the sodaine occasion offered, did 
 better prosper with him, then those which by good advise he 
 had determined of. Furthermore, when he sayd that he was 
 better borne unto fortune, then to the warres : it seemeth 
 that he confessed all his prosperity came rather by fortune, 
 then by his worthinesse. And to conclude, it appeareth 
 that he did wholly submit him selfe unto fortune, acknow- 
 ledging that he did altogether depend upon her : considering 
 that he did attribute it to the speciall grace and favor of the 
 goddes, that he never disagreed with Metellus his father in 
 law, who was a man of like dignitie and authoritie as him 
 selfe was. For where it was thought he woulde have bene a 
 greate hinderer of his doings, he found him verie curteous 
 and gentle in his behalfe, in all that they had to deale in 
 together, by reason of the societie of their office. And 
 furthermore, in his commentaries which he dedicated unto 
 Lucullus, he counselled him to thincke nothing more certaine 
 272
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and assured, then that which the goddes should reveale unto SYLLA 
 him, and commaunde him in his nightes dreame. He Syllaes belefe 
 wryteth also that when he was sent with an army unto the in dreames. 
 warres of the confederates, the earth sodainly opened about A straunge 
 Laverna, out of the which immediatly came a marvelous si ff ht a P- 
 bright flame of fire that ascended up to the element. The P ei !T ed to 
 wise men being asked their opinions about the same, made 
 aunswere : that a very honest, and also a marvelous fayer 
 man of complexion taking soveraine authoritie in his handes, 
 should pacific all tumultes and sedition which were at that 
 time in Rome. Whereupon Sylla sayed it was him selfe 
 whome the goddes ment, bicause that amongest other things 
 he had that singular gift of beawty, that his heare was yellow 
 as golde : and he was not ashamed to name him selfe an honest 
 man, after he had wonne so many notable great victories. 
 Thus have we sufficiently spoken of the trust he had in the 
 favor of the goddes. And furthermore, he seemed to be very Sylla straunge 
 contrary in his manners, and unlike to him selfe. For if he of conditions, 
 tooke away much in one place, he gave as much more also in 
 an other. Some he preferred without cause : and others he 
 put downe without reason. He would be very gentle to 
 them, of whome he would have ought : and unto those that 
 sought of him, he would stand much apon his honor, and 
 looke for great reverence. Wherby men could hardly 
 decerne his nature, whether pride or flattery did more 
 abound in him. And as for the inequality he used in 
 punishing of them that had offended him : sometimes he 
 hanged up men for very small and light causes : Some other 
 times againe to the contrary, he paciently aboade the most 
 grievous offences in the worlde : and lightly pardoned and 
 forgave such faultes as were in no wise to be forgiven. And 
 afterwards againe would punish right small crimes, with 
 murders, effusion of blood, and confiscation of goodes. This 
 judgement may be geven of him : that by nature he had a 
 malicious and a revenging minde : yet notwithstanding he 
 qualified that naturall bitternes with reason, geving place to 
 necessity, and his benefit. For in this warre of the con- 
 federates, his souldiers slue Albinus one of his Lieutenauntes, 
 beating him to death with staves and stones, being a man of 
 3 : MM 273
 
 Sylla chosen 
 Consull. 
 
 Metellus 
 chiefe bishop 
 of Rome, a 
 maried man. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 SYLLA good quality, and one that had bene Praetor. This great 
 offence he passed over with silence, using no manner of 
 punishment, and turned it to a boast in the end, saying, 
 that his men were the more obedient and diligent in any 
 peece of service that was to be done, and that he made them 
 amende their faultes by worthy service. And furthermore, 
 he did not regarde them that did reprove him : but havinge 
 determined with him selfe to destroy Marius, and to procure 
 that he might be chosen generall in the warres against king 
 Mithridates, bicause that this warre of the confederats was 
 now ended : for this cause he flattered and curried favor with 
 his souldiers that served under him. At his returne to 
 Rome from these warres of the confederates, he was chosen 
 Consull with Q. Pompeius, being then fifty yeare olde, and 
 maried with Caecilia a noble Ladie, and Metellus daughter, 
 who was then chiefe bishoppe of Rome, for which mariage 
 the common people sang songes and ballades up and downe 
 Rome against him : and many of the noble men envied him 
 for it, thinkinge him unworthy of so noble a Ladie, whom 
 they thought worthy to be Consul, as Titus Livius sayth. 
 Syllaes wives. Now she was not his only wife, for he had a young wife 
 before called Ilia, by whom he had a daughter. After her 
 he maried JElia, then a thirde called Caelia, whom he put 
 away bicause she brought him no children. But notwith- 
 standing she went honorably away from him with very good 
 wordes of her, besides many other goodly riche giftes he 
 gave her : howbeit shortly after he maried Metella, which 
 made the worlde suspect that Caelia was put away for her 
 naughtines. Howsoever it was, Sylla did ever honor and 
 love Metella : insomuch as the people of Rome afterwardes 
 making sute, that they that were banished for Marius 
 faction might be called home againe : and being denied, and 
 refused by Sylla, they cried out with open voyce for Metella, 
 praying her to helpe them to obtaine their request. And it 
 seemeth also that when he had taken the city of Athens, he 
 delt more cruelly with them, bicause that some of them had 
 scoffed at Metella from the walles : howbeit that was after- 
 wardes. So Sylla making his reckening at that time that 
 the Consulshippe was a small matter, in comparison of that 
 274
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 which he looked for in time to come : was marvelous SYLLA 
 
 desirous to go against Mithridates. But therein Marius Marius fonde 
 
 also, of a mad furious ambition and covetousnes of glory ambition. 
 
 stoode against him, and sued to goe that jorney in like 
 
 manner, being subject to those passions, which never waxe 
 
 olde, as we may dayly see by experience. For being now a 
 
 heavy man, sickly of body, and broken in service abroade in 
 
 the warres, from the which he came but newly home, and 
 
 brused moreover with age : did notwithstanding yet aspire 
 
 to have the charge of the warres so farre of beyond the seas. 
 
 Wherfore, to obtaine his purpose, whilest Sylla was gone a 
 
 litle unto the campe to geve order for certaine thinges that 
 
 were to be done, he remaining in the city, did practise this 
 
 pestilent mortall sedition, which alone did more hurte 
 
 unto the city of Rome, then all the enemies that Rome ever 
 
 had : the which the goddes them selves had foreshewed by Wonderfull 
 
 many signes and tokens. For fire tooke of it selfe in the signes seene 
 
 staves of the ensismes, which they had much a doe to b . e ^ e the 
 
 i n ,i i i , .v . . . .1 civil! warres. 
 
 quenche. Ihree ravens brought their young ones into the 
 
 high way, and did eate them up in the sight of many people, 
 and after wardes caried the garbage they left of them into 
 their neastes. Rats also having gnawen some juells of golde 
 in a church, the sextens setting a trappe for them, a rat was 
 taken full of young, and kendled five young rats in the 
 trappe, of the which she ate up three. But more yet, on a 
 fayer bright day when there was no clowde seene in the 
 element at all, men heard such a sharp sound of a trompet, 
 that they were almost all out of their wittes, for feare of so 
 great a noyse. Whereuppon the wise men and soothsayers 
 of Thuscan being asked their opinions, tolde them : that this 
 so straunge and wonderfull signe did pronounce the chaunge 
 of the worlde, and the departure out of this into an other 
 life. For they holde opinion, that there should be eight TheThuscans 
 worldes, all contrary one unto an other, in manners and opinion of 
 facions of life : unto every one of the which sayd they, God eight worldes - 
 hath determined a certaine time of continuance. Howbeit 
 they all came to ende their course within the space of the re- 
 volution of the great yeare : and that when the one is ended, 
 and the other ready to begin, there are seene such wonder- 
 
 275
 
 SYLLA 
 
 The wicked- 
 nes of Sul- 
 pitius the 
 Tribune. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 full straunge signes on the earth, or in the element. And 
 such as have studied that science, doe certainely know, as 
 soone as men be borne, which are meere contrary unto the 
 first in their lives and maners, and which are either more 
 or lesse acceptable unto the goddes, then those which lived 
 in former age. For they say, that amongest great chaunges 
 and alteracions which are done in those places from one 
 age unto an other, the science of divination and fore- 
 telling of thinges to come doth grow in reputacion, and 
 meeteth in their predictions, when it pleaseth God to send 
 most certaine and manifest signes, to knowe and foretell 
 thinges to come. And in contrariwise also in an other 
 age it groweth to contempt, and loseth her reputation, for 
 that it is very rashe, and faileth to meete with the most 
 parte of her predictions, bicause she hath but obscure 
 meanes, and all her instruments defaced, to knowe what 
 should come. And these be the fables which the wisest 
 soothsayers of Thuscan reported abroade, and they specially, 
 who seemed to have some singuler speculation above others. 
 But as the Senate were talking with the soothsayers of these 
 wonders, being assembled together within the temple of the 
 goddesse Bellona, a sparrow came flying into the churche in 
 sight of them all, and caried a grassehopper in her bill, and 
 parted it in the middest, and left one parte within the 
 temple, and caried thother away with her. Whereupon the 
 wise men and interpreters of such wonders, saied, that they 
 doubted a commotion and rising of the contry men against the 
 commons of the citie, bicause the common people of the citie 
 doe crye out continually like grassehoppers, and the husband- 
 men doe kepe them selves upon their landes in the contry. 
 Thus Marius grew great and very famillier, with Sulpitius, one 
 of the Tribunes of the people, who in all kindes of wickednes 
 and mischiefe that a man can reckon, would geve place to 
 no living creature : so that a man nede not to seeke or de- 
 maund any where for a worse then he, but the question is 
 rather wherein he him selfe was not the worste of all others. 
 For he was full replet with all kindes of cruelty, avarice, 
 and rashnesse, and that so extreamely, as he cared not what 
 villany and wickednes he openly committed, so that the same 
 276
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 might turne to his profit. For he had set up a table in the SYLLA 
 open market place, where he solde freedome, making slaves 
 and straungers denizens of Rome for their money : and for 
 that purpose he entertained a gard of three thowsand about 
 him, besides a band of young gentlemen of the order of 
 knightes that attended alwayes apon his persone ready at 
 commaundement, whome he called the garde against the 
 Senate. And furthermore, him selfe having passed a lawe 
 by the voyce of the people, that no Senator should borrow, 
 nor ow, above two thowsande Drachmas : it was founde that 
 at the hower of his death, he dyed three millions of Drachmas 
 in debt. This man nowe like a furious raging beast, being 
 left by Marius amongest the people, turned all thinges topsie 
 turvey, by force of armes and maine strength. He made 
 also many wicked lawes to passe by voyce of the people, and Marius and 
 amongest others, that one specially, wherby he gave Marius Sulpitius 
 commission to make warres against king Mithridates. For s< 
 which extreame oppressions and dealinges of Sulpitius, the 
 two Consuls (Sylla and Quintus Pompeius) left of to heare 
 publike causes, and ceased the common course of law and 
 justice. And as they were one day occupied about the ad- All lawe 
 jornement of the law, in an open assembly in the market ceased for a 
 place, before the temple of Castor and Pollux : Sulpitius the time > b y 
 Tribune came upon them with his souldiers, and slue many s u i p iti us op . 
 people, and among others, the Consull Pompeius owne sonne, pressions and 
 and the father him selfe being Consull, had much a doe to wicked lawes. 
 save his life by flying. And Sylla the other Consull, was 
 also pursued even into Marius house, where he was compelled 
 to promise before his departure, presently to goe and revoke 
 thadjornement of the law which he had before commaunded. 
 Thus Sulpitius having deprived Pompeius of his Consul- 
 shippe, did not depose Sylla, but only tooke from him the 
 charge he had geven him to make warres against Mithridates, 
 and transferred that unto Marius. And sending colonells to 
 the city of Nola to receive the army that lay there, and 
 to bring them unto Marius, Sylla prevented them, and fled 
 to the campe before them, and told the souldiers all what 
 had past, as it was in deede : who when they heard it, fell 
 all to a tumult, and slue Marius colonells with stones. Marius 
 
 277
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Sylla march- 
 eth towards 
 Rome with 
 six legions. 
 
 Posthumius 
 the devine, 
 did prognos- 
 ticate victory 
 unto Sylla. 
 
 Syllaes vision 
 in his dreame. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 on the other side put all Syllaes frends to death at Rome, 
 and tooke the spoyle of their goodes and houses: so was 
 there nothing else but flying from the campe to Rome, and 
 from Rome to the campe againe. The Senate were in 
 manner beside them selves, not being able to governe as 
 they would, but driven to obey Marius and Sulpitius com- 
 maundementes. Who being advertised that Sylla was comming 
 towardes Rome, sent straight two Praetors unto him, Brutus 
 and Servilius, to commaund him as from the Senate, to ap- 
 proch no nearer. These two Praetors spake a litle to boldly 
 unto Sylla : whereuppon the souldiers fell to a mutiny in 
 such sorte, that they stoode indifferent whether to kill them 
 presently in the field or no, howbeit they brake their axes 
 and bondells of roddes' which were caried before them, and 
 tooke their purple robes wherewith they were apparelled as 
 magistrates, from them, and sent them home thus shame- 
 fully handled and intreated. Uppon their returne now to 
 Rome, their sadde silence only, and them selves so stripped 
 besides, of all their markes and tokens of Prsetoriall dignitie, 
 made all men then to judge that they brought no other 
 newes, but such as were the worst that possibly could be : 
 and that there was no way then left to pacific this sedition, 
 which was now altogether uncurable. Wherefore Marius 
 and his followers began to make them selves strong by force : 
 and Sylla, with his companion Q. Pompeius, departed in the 
 meane time from the city of Nola, and brought six entier 
 legions on with him, who desired no other thing but to 
 make hast to march to Rome ward. Howbeit Sylla stoode 
 in doubt with him selfe what to do, thinking of the great 
 daunger that might follow. Untill such time as his sooth- 
 sayer Posthumius having considered the signes and tokens 
 of the sacrifices, which Sylla had made upon this determina- 
 tion, gave him both his handes, and bad him binde them 
 hard, and shut him up fast, untill the day of battell should 
 be past : saying, that he was contented to suffer death, if he 
 had not good successe, and that out of hande, to his great 
 honor. And it is sayed also, that the same night there 
 appeared unto Sylla in a dreame, the goddesse Bellona, 
 whome the Romaines do greatly honor, following therein 
 278
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the Cappadocians: and I knowe not whether it be the moone, SYLLA 
 Minerva, or Enyo the goddesse of battells. So he thought, 
 that she comming to him did put lightning into his hande, 
 commaunding him that he should lighten upon his enemies, 
 naming them one after an other by their proper names : and 
 that they being striken with his lightning, fell downe dead 
 before him, and no man knew what became of them. This 
 vision encoraged Sylla very much, and having reported the 
 same to Pompeius, his fellow Consull and companion, the 
 next morning he marched with his army to Rome. When 
 he was at Picines, there came other Ambassadors unto him, 
 to pray him in the name of the Senate that he would not 
 come to Rome in this heate and fury, declaring therwithall 
 that the Senate would graunt him all thinges that should be 
 meete and reasonable. When Sylla had heard the message, 
 he aunswered them, that he would campe there : and so com- 
 maunded the marshalls to devide the squadrons according to 
 their maner. The Ambassadors beleving that he would so 
 have done in deede, returned againe to Rome: howebeit 
 their backes were no sooner turned, but Sylla straight sent 
 Lucius Basillus, and Caius Mummius before to sease one of 
 the gates of Rome, and the walles which were on the side of 
 mount Esquilin, and he him selfe also in persone with all 
 possible speede marched after them. Basillus entred Rome, 
 and wanne the gate by force. But the common people un- 
 armed, got them up straight to the top of their houses, and 
 with tyles and stones stayed, and kept him, not onely from 
 entring any further : but also drave him backe againe, even 
 to the very walles of the city. In this hurly burly came 
 Sylla him selfe to Rome, who seeing apparantly in what 
 state thinges stoode, cried out to his men, and bad them 
 set fyre on the houses : and him selfe taking a torche light Sylla set the 
 in his hand, shewed them the way what they should doe, houses a fire 
 appointing his archers and darters to whurle and bestow m Rome> 
 their dartes, and other fiery instruments, to the toppes of 
 the houses. Herein he was too much overcome with unreason- 
 able choller, passion, and desire of revenge. For, seeking 
 only to plague his enemies, he tooke no regard to frends, to 
 parentes, or confederates, neither had he yet any maner of 
 
 279
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 SYLLA remorse, or pity : such and so fiery was his anger then, that 
 he put no kind of difference betwene those that had offended, 
 and them that had done him no hurt at all. By this meanes 
 was Marius driven into the city, unto the temple of the 
 Earth, where he made open proclamation by sounde of 
 trompet, that he woulde make free all the slaves that 
 woulde come to his parte. But forthwith came his enemies, 
 set upon him, and prest him so neere, that he was con- 
 strained utterly to flic and forsake the city. Then Sylla 
 Marius and assembling the Senate, caused Marius, and certaine others, 
 Sulpitius together with Sulpitius Tribune of the people, to be con- 
 condemned demned to death. Sulpitius was betrayed by a slave of his 
 to death. i on ju_ j- j. i 
 
 owne, whom Sylla made free according to his promise past 
 
 Treason justly by publike edict : but when he had made him free, he caused 
 rewarded. kim ^ o ^ e throwen downe headlong from the rocke Tarpeian. 
 And not contented with this, he proclaimed by promise a great 
 summe of money to him that would kill Marius : A very in- 
 The ingrati- grate and unthankefull parte, consideringe that Marius not 
 tude of Sylla many dayes before havinge Sylla in his owne house, in his 
 reproved. handes and custody, delivered him from perill, and set him 
 in safety. Which if at that time he had not done, but had 
 suffered Sulpitius to have slaine him : him selfe had bene 
 soveraine Lord of the whole without all contradiction, and 
 might have ruled all things at his owne will and pleasure. 
 But Sylla shortly after upon the like advantage, used no such 
 manner of requitall or gratuitie towardes him, which bred a 
 secret misliking emongest the Senate : howebeit the common 
 people made open shewe of the evill will they bare unto 
 Sylla, by rejecting one Nonius his neview, and one Servius, 
 who uppon confidence of his favor, presented them selves 
 to sue for certaine offices. And besides the shame of this 
 refusall, to spyte him the more, they chose others in their 
 steedes, whose honor and preferrement they right well knew 
 that Sylla would not onely mislike, but be much offended 
 withall. Howbeit he wisely dissembling the matter, seemed 
 to be very glad, saying, that by his meanes the people of 
 Rome enjoyed a full and perfit liberty, that in such cases of 
 election, they might freely do what them selves listed. And 
 to mitigate somwhat the peoples evill will towards him he 
 280
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 determined to choose Lucius Cinna Consul!, who was of SYLLA 
 a contrary faction to him : having first bounde him by Lucius Cinna 
 solemne othe and curse to favor his doings and whole pro- Consull. 
 cedings. Wherupon Cinna went up to the Capitoll, and Cinna sware 
 there holding a stone in his hand, did solemnly sweare and to be Syllaes 
 promise, that he would be Svllaes faithfull frende : beseech- "" en " e - 
 ing the goddes if he did tne contrary, that he might be 
 throwen out of Rome, even as he threw that stone out of his 
 hand : and with those wordes, threw it to the ground before 
 many people. But notwithstanding all these curses, Cinna 
 was no sooner entred into his Consulshippe, but presently 
 he beganne to chaunge and alter all. For amongest other 
 thinges, he would needes have Sylla accused : and procured 
 Verginius, one of the Tribunes of the people, to be his 
 accuser. But Sylla left him with his judges, and went to Sylla went 
 make warres against Mithridates. And it is said, that about ?# . a V" s . t , 
 the time that Sylla tooke shippe, and departed out of Italic: * 
 there fortuned many tokens and warninges of the goddes 
 unto kinge Mithridates, who was at that present in the city 
 of Pergamum. As amongest others, that the Pargamenians 
 to honor Mithridates withall, having made an image of victory, 
 carying a garland of triumphe in her hand, which was let 
 downe from aloft with engines : so soone as she was ready 
 to put the garland upon his head, the image brake, and the 
 crowne fell to the grounde in the middest of the Theater, 
 and burst all to peeces. Whereby all the people that were 
 present, were striken with a marvelous feare, and Mithridates 
 him selfe beganne to mislike this evill lucke : although all 
 things at that time fell out more fortunately, then he 
 looked for. For he had taken Asia from the Romaines, Mithridates 
 and Bithynia and Cappadocia, from the kinges which he had 
 driven out : and at that time remained in the city of Per- 
 gamum, to devide the riches and great territories among 
 his frendes. As touching his sonnes : the eldest was in the 
 realme of Pontus, and of Bosphorus, which he inherited 
 from his predicessors, even unto the desertes beyonde the 
 marisses of Maeotides, without trouble or molestation of any 
 man. The other also, Ariarathes, was with a great army, in 
 conquering of Thracia and Macedon. His Captaines and 
 8 : NN 281
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 SYLLA Lieutenauntes moreover, did many notable conquestes in 
 divers places, with a great power : amongest the which, 
 Archelaus being Lord and master of all the sea, for the 
 great number of shippes he had, conquered the lies Cyclades, 
 and all those beyond the hed of Malea, and specially 
 amongest others the He of Eubcea. And beginning at the 
 city of Athens, had made all the nations of Greece to rebell, 
 even unto Thessalie, saving that he received some losse by 
 the city of Chaeronea. Where Brutius Sura, one of the 
 Lieutenauntes of Sentius governor of Macedon (a man of 
 great wisedome and valliantnes) came against him, and 
 stayed him for goinge any further, overrunning the whole 
 contry of Bceotia, like a furious raging river. And setting 
 upon Archelaus by the city of Chaeronea, overthrewe him 
 in three severall battells : repulsed, and inforced him to 
 take the seaes againe. But as Brutius was following him in 
 chase, Lucius Lucullus sent him commaundement to geve 
 place unto Sylla, to follow those warres against Mithridates, 
 according to the charge and commission in that behalfe 
 geven him. Whereupon Brutius Sura went out of the 
 contry of Bceotia, and returned towardes his generall 
 Sentius : notwithstandinge his affaires prospered better then 
 he could have wished, and that all Greece were very willing 
 to revolt, for the reputacion of his wisedom and goodnes. 
 Howbeit the thinges that we before have spoken of, were the 
 most notable matters that Brutius did in those partes. Sylla 
 now upon his arrivall, recovered immediatly all the other 
 cities of Greece : who being advertised of his comming, sent 
 presently to pray him to come to their aide, the city of 
 Athens onely excepted, which was compelled by the tyran 
 Aristion, to take parte with Mithridates. Sylla thereuppon 
 with all his power went thither, besieged the haven of Piraea 
 rounde, causing it to be battered and assaulted on every 
 side, with all sortes of engines and instrumentes of battery : 
 whereas if he could have had pacience but a litle lenger, he 
 might have had the high towne by famine, without putting 
 him selfe in any manner of daunger, the same being brought 
 to such extreame dearth and scarsity of all kinde of vittells. 
 But the hast that he made to returne againe to Rome, for 
 
 Sylla besieg- 
 eth the city 
 of Athens.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 feare of the new chaunge which he heard of daily from SYLLA 
 thence, compelled him to hazard this warre in that sorte 
 with great daunger, many battells, and infinite charge : con- 
 sideringe also, that besides all other provision and furniture, 
 he had twenty thowsand mules and mulcts laboring dayly to 
 furnishe his engines of batterie. And when all other woode 
 fayled him, bicause his engines were oftentimes marred after 
 they were made, some breaking of them selves by reason of 
 their waight, others consumed with fire throwen from the 
 enemies : at the length he fell to the holy wood, and cut 
 downe the trees of the Academia, being better stored and 
 furnished, then any other parke of pleasure in all the 
 suburbes of the city, and feld downe also the wod of the 
 parke Lycaeum. And standing in neede of a great summe 
 of money to entertaine this warre withall, he delt also with 
 the holyest temples of all Greece, causing them to bring him Sylla tooke 
 from the temples of Epidaurum and Olympus, all the richest the juells and 
 and most pretious iuels they had. He wrote moreover unto re ady money 
 ii f il A TL- j. i- u j.i_ -j. p out of all the 
 
 the counsel! 01 the Amphictyons nolden in the city ot temples of 
 
 Delphes, to bring him the ready money they had in the Greece, and 
 temple of Apollo, for that it should be kept in better safety brought it 
 with him, then if it still remained there : promising besides, * ^ im to 
 that if he should by occasion be compelled to use it, he 
 would restore as much againe unto them : and for this pur- 
 pose he sent Caphis Phocian, one of his very frends and 
 familiars, and commaunded him to wey all that he tooke. 
 So Caphis went unto Delphes : but when he came thither, 
 being afraied to touch the holy things, in presence of the Caphis super- 
 counsell of the Amphictyons, he wept, that the teares ran sticion for 
 downe by his cheekes, as a man compelled to doe such an j^iy thinees 
 act against his will. And when some that were present told 
 Caphis that they heard the sound of Apolloes citherne in 
 the temple : whether he beleved it was so in dede, or bicause 
 he would put this superstitious feare into Syllaes head, he 
 wrote to him of it. But Sylla mocking him, sent him word, 
 that he marveled he could not consider, that singing and 
 playing of the citherne, were tokens rather of joye then of 
 anger : and therefore that he should not faile to precede 
 further, and bring him those things which he commaunded, 
 
 283
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 SYLLA for that (said he) Apollo did geve them him. Now for the 
 
 other juells of the temple of Apollo, the common people 
 
 knew not that they were sent unto Sylla : but the silver 
 
 tonne, which only was that that remained of the offeringes 
 
 of the kings, the Amphictyons were faine to breake that in 
 
 peces, bicause it was so great and massie, that the beastes of 
 
 draught could not draw it whole as it was. This act made 
 
 them to remember the other auncient Romaine Captaines, 
 
 as Flaminius, Manius Acilius, and Paulus JEmilius : of the 
 
 which, the one having driven king Antiochus out of Greece, 
 
 and the rest also having overthrowen the kings of Macedon, 
 
 they never once touched the gold and silver of the temples 
 
 of Greece: but contrarily sent their offerings thither, and 
 
 The commen- had them all in great honor and reverence. But as to them, 
 
 dacion of the t nev we re all Captaines lawfully chosen and sent to their 
 
 Remain* charges : their souldiers wel trained, and obedient at com- 
 
 Captaines maundement, voide of rebellion, or any maner of mutiny. 
 
 for ordering And for them selves, were kings in greatnes of corage and 
 
 of their magnanimity of minde : but in expence of their persones, 
 
 souldiers, and y spare and scant, without any lavish, but nedefull and 
 
 also for their J , ., . , . 
 
 modest ex- necessary, proportioned by reason, and thinking more shame 
 
 pences. to flatter their souldiers, then feare their enemies. Now the 
 
 Captaines contrarily in Syllaes time, sought not their pre- 
 ferrement in the common wealth by vertue, but by force, 
 and having greater warres one with an other, then with 
 straungers their enemies : were compelled to flatter their 
 souldiers whom they should commaund, and to buy their 
 paines and service, feeding them still with large and great 
 expences, to please and content them. Wherein they did 
 not consider, that they brought their contry into bondage, 
 and made themselves slaves of the vilest people of the 
 world, whiles that in the meane time they sought to 
 commaund by all meanes possible those, which in many 
 respectes were farre better then them selves. And this 
 was the cause that both drave Marius out of Rome, and 
 made him also to returne againe against Sylla. This 
 selfe same cause made Cinna to kill Octavius, and Fimbria 
 to slay Flaccus : of which evills, Sylla was the very first 
 and only author, spending out of all reason, and geving 
 - 284
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the souldiers largely that served under him, to winne their SYLLA 
 good willes the more, and thereby also to allure them. By Sylla the first 
 reason whereof, Sylla had nede of mountaines of money, and man that 
 specially at the siege where he was : both to make straungers s P*j ed ^ 
 tray tors, and besides, to furnishe and satisfie his owne dis- of souldiers 
 solute souldiers. For he had such an earnest desire to take by overmuch 
 the city of Athens, that he could not possibly be disswaded libertie and 
 from it. And either it was of a certen vaine ambition he su fferaunce. 
 had to fight against the auncient reputacion of that city, 
 being then but a shadow to that it had bene : or els of a 
 very anger, for the mockes and gibes which the tyran Aris- 
 tion gave in his speches from the wals, against him and 
 Metella, to spite him the more withall. This tyran Aristion 
 was full of all cruelty and wickednes, having taken up all The wicked- 
 the worst qualities and greatest imperfections of king Mith- nes f the 
 ridates, and heaped them wholly together in him selfe : by tyran Aru 
 reason whereof the poore city of Athens which had escaped 
 from so many warres, tyrannies, and civill dissentions until 
 that present time, was by him, as by an uncurable disease, 
 brought unto all extreamity. For a bushell of wheate was 
 worth a thowsand Drachmas, and men were driven for famine 
 to eate feverfew that grew about the castell : and they caused 
 old shoes and old oyle pots to be sodden, to deliver some 
 savor unto that they did eate, whilest the tyran himselfe 
 did nothing all day long but cramme in meate, and drinke 
 dronke, daunse, maske, scoffe and flowte at the enemies, 
 suffering the holy lampe of Minerva in the meane season to 
 go out for lacke of oyle. And when the Nunne of the same 
 temple sent unto him for a quarter of a bushel of wheate, he 
 sent her a quarter of a bushell of pepper. And when the 
 counsellors of the city, the priestes and religious came to 
 the castell, holding up their hands, and beseeching him to 
 take some pity of the city, and fall to composition with 
 Sylla : he made them to be driven away, and scattered with 
 slings. In the end, very late, and yet with great a do, he 
 sent two or three of his quaffing companions unto Sylla, who 
 when they were come to him, made no demaund of composi- 
 tion for the towne, but began to praise and magnifie the 
 dedes of Theseus, of Eumolpus, and of the Athenians against 
 
 285
 
 SYLLA 
 
 The greate 
 valiantnes 
 of Marcus 
 Teius. 
 
 Athens taken 
 by Sylla. 
 
 The slaughter 
 of the Athen- 
 ians after 
 the taking of 
 the citie. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the Medes. Whereupon Sylla made them this aunswere: 
 My goodly orators, returne you againe with all your 
 rethoricke : for the Romaines sent me not hither to learne 
 nor to study, but to overcome and conquer those that are 
 rebelled against them. In the meane time there were cer- 
 taine spyes in the city that heard old men talking together 
 in a place called Ceramicus, blaming the tyran bicause he 
 kept no better watch on that side of the wal that was directly 
 over against the Heptachalcon, which was the only place 
 where the enemies might easiliest get up uppon the walls. 
 Those spies went straight unto Sylla, and told him what 
 they had heard the old men say. Sylla tracted no time, but 
 came to the place in the night to see it : and perceiving that 
 it was to be taken, set the matter straight abroach. And 
 him selfe wrytes in his commentaries, that the first man that 
 scaled the walls, was Marcus Teius : who finding a souldier 
 ready to resist him, gave him such a sore blow with his 
 sword upon his head peece, that his sword brake in two, 
 and yet notwithstanding that he saw him selfe naked and 
 diformed of a sword, did not for all that give back, but 
 stoode still to it, and kept the place so long, till through 
 him the city was taken, and all apon the talke of these old 
 men. So Sylla caused the wall to be pulled downe betwene 
 the haven of Piram, and the holy haven : and having before 
 made the breach very plaine, entred into the city about 
 midnight with a wonderfull fearefull order, making a mar- 
 velous noise with a number of homes, and sounding of 
 trompets, and all his army with him in order of battel, 
 crying, To the sack, to the sack : kill, kill. For he had 
 geven them the towne in spoyle, and to put all to the sword. 
 The souldiers therefore ran through the streetes with their 
 swords drawen, making an uncredible slaughter : so that to 
 this daye they be not acknowen, nor doe not declare what 
 nomber of persons were slaine, but to shew the greatnes of 
 the murder that there was committed, the place is yet 
 extant to be scene where the blood ranne. For besides 
 them that were slaine through all the city, the blood of 
 them only that were slaine in the market stede, did wet all 
 the ground of Ceramicus, even unto the very place called 
 286
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Dipylon : and some say also, that it ranne by the gates into . SYLLA 
 the suburbes of the citie. But if the multitude of the people 
 that were slaine in this sorte were great, much more (or so 
 many at the least) it is sayd were those that slue them selves, 
 for the sorrow and compassion they had to see their contry 
 in such pityful state, supposing certainly that their city was 
 now come to utter ruine and destruction. This opinion 
 made the noblest men of the city to dispaire of their owne 
 safety, and feared to live any lenger : bicause they thought 
 they should finde no mercy, no moderacion of cruelty in 
 Sylla. Notwithstanding, partely at the requestes of Midias 
 and Calliphon, who were banished men from Athens, and fell 
 at Syllaes feete upon their knees : and partely also at the 
 requests of the Romaine Senators that were in his campe, 
 who prayed him to pardon the body of the city, and the 
 rather for that he had already quenched the thirst of his 
 ravening mind sufficiently well, after that he had somwhat 
 sayd in praise of the auncient Athenians, he concluded in 
 the end, to geve the greater number unto the smaller, and 
 the living to the dead. Sylla wryteth him selfe in his com- 
 mentaries, that he tooke the city of Athens on the very selfe 
 day of the calendes of March, which commeth to agree with 
 the first day of the moneth that we call Anthesterion, on Anthesterion 
 the which day by chaunce many thinges are done at Athens Marche. 
 in memory of Noes flood, and of the universal! destruction of The time of 
 the whole world that was in olde time by rage of waters, Noes flood, 
 falling out even in that very moneth. When the city was 
 thus taken, the tyran Aristion fled into the castell, where he 
 was besieged by Curio, whome Sylla left there of purpose 
 about that matter. And after he had a great time kept it, 
 at the last, constrained thereunto for lacke of water, yelded. Aristion the 
 The castell was no sooner geven up, but immediatly by tyran yeelded. 
 Goddes providence, the weather miraculously altered. For 
 the selfe same day, and at the very selfe instant that Curio 
 caried the tyran Aristion out of the castell : the element 
 being very fayer and clere, the clowdes sodainly gathered 
 together, and there fell such a marvelous glut of raine, that 
 all the castell was full of water. Shortly (after also, Sylla The haven of 
 having gotten the haven of Piraea, burnt the greatest parte Piraa wonne. 
 
 287
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Philoes 
 armory burnt 
 by Sylla. 
 
 Taxilles army 
 a hundred 
 thowsande 
 footemen : 
 Tenne thow- 
 sand horse- 
 men : 
 
 Foure score 
 and ten thow- 
 sand cartes 
 with Sythes. 
 
 The force 
 of the Bar- 
 barians con- 
 sisted in 
 horsemen and 
 in their carts 
 with Sythes. 
 
 The straight 
 of Thermo- 
 pyles. 
 
 Parnassus 
 hill. 
 
 The city of 
 Tithora. 
 
 Sylla and 
 Hortensius 
 met at 
 Patronide. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 of the buildinges : amongest others was the arsenall and 
 armory, which Philo in old time had caused to be built, 
 being of a straunge and wonderfull edifice. In the meane 
 time, Taxilles, one of the Lieutenaunts of king Mithridates, 
 comming from Thracia and Macedon, with a hundred thow- 
 sand footemen, tenne thowsand horsemen, and foure score 
 and tenne thowsand carts of warre all armed with sythes : 
 sent unto Archelaus to joyne with him, lying yet at ancker 
 in the haven of Munychia, and not willing to leave the sea, 
 nor come to fight with the Romaines, but seeking rather to 
 draw these warres out in length, and to cut of all vittells 
 from his enemies. Sylla understanding this drift better then 
 him selfe, departed out of the contry of Attica (a very barren 
 soyle, and in deede not able to keepe him in time of peace) 
 and went into Boeotia : wherein most men thought he com- 
 mitted great error, to leave Attica, which is a very hard 
 contry for horsemen, and to go into Bceotia, a plaine cham- 
 pion : and so much the rather, bicause he knew well enough 
 that the chiefest strength of the barbarous people consisted 
 in their horsemen, and their armed cartes with sythes. But 
 to avoyd famine, and lacke of vittells as we have sayd, he was 
 compelled to seeke battell. Furthermore, he had an other 
 cause also that made him afrayed, and compelled him to go : 
 and that was Hortensius, a famous Captaine, and very valliant 
 also, who brought him aide out of Thessalie, and the bar- 
 barous people lay in waite for him in his way, in the straight 
 of Thermopyles. And these were the causes that made 
 Sylla take his way into Breotia. But in the meane time, 
 Caphis that was our contry man, deceiving the barbarous 
 people, guided Hortensius an other way by mount Parnassus, 
 and brought him under the city of Tithora, which was not 
 then so great a city as nowe at this present it is, but was a 
 castell only, scituated upon the point of a rocke, hewen all 
 about : whether the Phocians in olde time flying king Xerxes 
 comming upon them, retyred them selves for their safety. 
 Hortensius lodged there, and there did also both defend and 
 repulse his enemies, so long as day light lasted : and when 
 the night came on, got downe through very hard stony 
 wayes, unto the city of Patronide, where he joyned with 
 288
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Sylla, who came to meete him with all his power. Thus SYLLA 
 
 being joyned together, they camped upon a hill that 
 
 standeth about the middest of the plaine of Elatea : The plaine 
 
 the soyle was very good, and well replenished with great of Elatea. 
 
 store of trees, and water, at the foote of the same. The 
 
 hill is called Philobaeotus, the nature and scituacion Philobaeotus 
 
 whereof, Sylla doth marvelously commend. When they mons. 
 
 were camped, they seemed but a handfull in the eye of 
 
 their enemies : and no more were they in deede, for they 
 
 had not above fifteene hundred horse, and lesse then Their whole 
 
 fifteene thowsand footemen. Whereupon the other Cap- army together 
 
 taines their enemies, against Archelaus minde, brought out 15000 fooTe- 
 
 their bandes into the field, and filled all the valley and men . 
 
 plaine thereabouts with horsemen, with cartes, with shieldes 
 
 and targettes, so that the ayer was even cut a sunder as 
 
 it were with the violence of the noyse and cries of so many 
 
 sundry nations, which altogether did put them selves in 
 
 battell ray. The sumptuousnes of their furniture moreover, 
 
 was not altogether superfluous and unprofitable, but served 
 
 greatly to feare the beholders. For the glistering of their The brave 
 
 harnesse, so richly trimmed and set foorth with gold and armor and 
 
 silver, the cullers of their arming coates upon their curaces, ;l! rn ^ re 
 
 n ', ,, . ,, . , ,, , j o j.i i j -ii the Ihracians 
 
 after the iacion or the Medes and hcytmans, mingled with an ^ Macedon- 
 
 the bright glistering steele and shining copper, gave such a ians, serving 
 show as they went and removed to and fro, that made a underTaxilles 
 light as clere as if all had bene on a very fire, a fearefull JP"*' ^ 
 thing to looke apon. Insomuch as the Romaines durst not tenaunt U 
 so much as once goe out of the trenches of their campe, nor 
 Sylla with all his perswasion coulde take away this great con- 
 ceived feare from them : wherefore, (and bicause also he 
 would not compell them to go forth in this feare) he was 
 driven not to stirre, but close to abide, (though it grieved 
 him greatly) to see the barbarous people so prowdly and 
 villanously laugh him and his men to scorne. Howbeit the 
 disdaine and scoffing of his enemies, stoode him to great 
 good purpose afterwards. For they making now none Many com- 
 accompt of him, kept small watche and ward, strayed up mandersmake 
 and downe disorderly besides, though otherwise they were 
 not very obedient unto their Captaines, being many com- 
 3 : OO 289
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 SYLLA maunders, and fewe good followers : by reason whereof, a 
 
 small number kept in the campe, and all the rest of the 
 
 great multitude intised with the gaine they made by spoyl- 
 
 ing and sacking of townes thereabouts, dispersed them selves 
 
 many dayes iorney from their campe. For it is sayd, that at 
 
 that very time they destroyed the city of Panopaeia, sacked 
 
 the city of Lebadia, and spoyled the temple without com- 
 
 maundement or licence of any of all their Captaines to doe 
 
 it. In the meane while, Sylla seeing so many cities and 
 
 townes spoyled and destroyed, tooke it both grievously, and 
 
 also angrily : howebeit he suffered not his men to lie idlely, 
 
 but kept them in labor, to tume the course of the river of 
 
 Cephisus fl. Cephisus, and to cast great trenches, not suffering any man 
 
 Syllaes to take ease or rest, but contrarily with great severity 
 
 straightnes to punished such as went faintly and lasely to worke, to thend 
 
 his souldiers. ^^ being wearied with the paine they tooke after so many 
 
 workes, they would rather prove to hazard battell, as it fell 
 
 out in deede. For the third day after they had begonne 
 
 thus to labor, as Sylla passed by them, they cried out unto 
 
 A good policie him to leade them against their enemies. But his aunswere 
 
 to weary feare- was un to them againe : that those were but cries of men 
 
 wiihextreame wearied rather with labor, then desirous to fight. Not- 
 
 labor,whereby withstanding, if it be so in deede, and that you have so 
 
 to make them good a will to fight as you make showe of : then I will sayd 
 
 desirous to he, that you arme your selves presently, and get you to 
 
 yonder place, showing them therewithal! where the castell 
 
 of the Parapotamians stoode in olde time, which then (the 
 
 city being destroyed) was no more but the toppe of a stony 
 
 Edylium mountaine cut all about, and severed from the mount of 
 
 mons. Edylium by the breadth of the river of Assus that runneth 
 
 Assus fl. betwixt, and which at the very foote of the same mountaine 
 
 falleth into the river of Cephisus, and both these rivers 
 
 running in one, carying a swift streame, doe make the 
 
 knappe of the sayd hill very strong of scituacion to lodge a 
 
 campe upon. And therefore Sylla seeing the souldiers of 
 
 his enemies campe, marching with their copper targets to 
 
 take up that place to lodge -in : to prevent them, and to get 
 
 it before them (as in deede he did) he marched thither in all 
 
 hast possible, and got it even with the earnest good will of 
 
 290
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 all his souldiers. Archelaus being so repulsed from thence, SYLLA 
 turned his way towards the city of Chaeronea. Whereupon 
 certaine of the Chasroneans that were in Syllaes campe, 
 besought him that he would not forsake their city, and leave 
 it to their enemy. Sylla desiring to gratifie them therein, 
 sent one of his Colonells Gabinius with a legion, and there- 
 withall gave the Chaeroneans leave to go thither, who did Sylla sendeth 
 what they could possible to get into their city before Gabinius with 
 Gabinius : but that they could not, such was the diligence a -l eg j^ to 
 and honesty of the man, as he seemed more desirous of their ronea 
 safety, then they were them selves. Neverthelesse, lubas 
 doth not call the Colonell that was sent thither Gabinius, 
 but Hircius. And thus was our city of Chaeronea preserved 
 from the daunger it stoode in at that time. In the meane 
 time came very good newes to the Romaines, both of oracles Oracles and 
 and prophecies, which promised them victory from the prophecies of 
 temple of Lebadia, and the cave of Trophonius : of which %*$* unto 
 prophecies, those contry men make great mencion. But 
 Sylla in his tenth booke of his commentaries writeth, that 
 Quintus Titius, a man of quality and name amongest them 
 that traffiked into the contry of Greece, came unto him 
 after he had wonne the battell of Chseronea, to tell him 
 that Trophonius gave him to understand, that shortly after 
 he should have a second battell, and that he should yet 
 againe have an other victory in the same place. After him 
 an other man of warre called Salvenius, told him also what Salvenius a 
 successe he should have in the warres of Italie, saying, that Souldier. 
 he knew it by revelation : and both these men agreed in the 
 manner of the revelation. For they sayd, that they had 
 seene a god, in majesty, beawty, and greatnes, like unto the 
 image of lupiter Olympias. Sylla havinge passed the river of lupiter 
 Assus, went to lodge at the foote of mount Edylium, hard by Olympias. 
 Archelaus, who had placed and fortified his campe betwene 
 the two mountaines of Acontium, and of Edylium, joyninge Acontium, 
 to the city of the Assians. The place where Archelaus Edylium 
 camped, beareth his owne name Archelaus unto this day. n 
 One day after Sylla had chaunged his lodging, he left 
 Muraena in his campe with a legion, and two cohortes, to 
 keepe the enemies still occupied that were in great trouble, 
 
 291
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Thurium 
 mons : aliter 
 Orthopagum. 
 
 Morion fl. 
 
 Apollo 
 Thurias. 
 
 Chaeron the 
 founder of 
 the city of 
 Chseronea. 
 
 Sylla ordereth 
 his battell. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 and he him selfe in the meane time went and sacrificed 
 by the river of Cephisus. His sacrifice being ended, he 
 marched towards the city of Chaeronea, to take the force 
 he had there under Gabinius, and to know the mountaine 
 also called Thurium, which the enemies had taken. It is a 
 knappe of a mountaine very steepe and sharpe of all sides, 
 with a narrowe point like a pine apple, by reason whereof we 
 doe call it Orthopagum. At the foote of the same runneth 
 the river called Morion, and there is also the temple of 
 Apollo surnamed Thurias : and they say that this surname 
 of Thurias was geven unto him of the name of Thuros, who 
 was mother of Chaeron, the founder and builder of the city 
 of Chaeronea. Other thinke, that the cow which was geven 
 to Cadmus for a guide, came to him in that place : which 
 hath ever since kept the name, for that the Phenicians call 
 a cow, Thar. Now when Sylla came neere unto Chaeronea, 
 the Colonell Gabinius whome he had sent thither with a 
 garrison to defend the same, went to meete him with his 
 men very well armed, wearing a lawrell garland : and Sylla 
 after he had saluted him, and his souldiers, made an oration 
 unto them, exhorting them to do their duty in fighting. 
 And as he was in his oration, there came two citizens of 
 Chaeronea to him, one, his name was Omoloichus, and the 
 other Anaxidamus, who promised him to drive the enemies 
 from mount Thurium which they had taken, if he would but 
 geve them some small number of souldiers. For there was a 
 litle path way, which the barbarous people mistrusted not, 
 beginning at a place called Petrochus, hard by the temple of 
 the Muses, by the which they might easily go to the toppe of 
 this mountaine Thurium : so that following that pathe, it 
 would bring them over the barbarous peoples heads, and 
 they might easily kill them with stones, or at the least they 
 should drive them mawgre their heads, downe into the 
 valley. Gabinius assuring Sylla that they were both very 
 valliant men, and such as he might boldly trust unto, Sylla 
 gave them men, and commaunded them to execute their 
 enterprise : and he him selfe in the meane season went and 
 set his men in order of battell in the plaine, deviding his 
 horsemen on the winges, placed him selfe in the right wing, 
 292
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 appointinge the left unto Muraena. Galba and Hortensius SYLLA 
 
 his Lieutenauntes, were placed in the tayle with certaine 
 
 bandes of the reregard which they kept upon the hils, to 
 
 watch and let that the enemies should not inclose them 
 
 behinde : bicause they perceived a farre of that the enemies 
 
 put forth a great number of horsemen and footemen light 
 
 armed in the wings, to thend that the poynts of their battell 
 
 might the more easily bowe and enlarge them selves, to 
 
 compasse in the Romaines on the backe side. Now in the 
 
 meane time, these two Chseroneians whome Sylla had sent 
 
 under Hircius their Captaine, having compassed about the 
 
 mountaine Thurium, before the enemies were aware of them : 
 
 sodainly came to shew them selves uppon the toppe of the 
 
 mountaine, which did so feare the barbarous people, that 
 
 they began immediatly to flie, one of them for the most 
 
 parte killing an other. There was no resistaunce, but flying 
 
 downe the mountaine, fell apon the pointes of their owne 
 
 partisans and pykes, and one of them thrusting in an others 
 
 necke, tombled hedlong downe the mountaine together, 
 
 having their enemies besides on their backes, which drave 
 
 them from the hill, and strake them behinde where they lay Sylla drave 
 
 A li 1 
 
 open unto them : so as they were slaine a three thowsande -^rcneiaus 
 of them about this mountaine Thurium. And as for them th/hiij 111 
 that sought to save them selves by flight, Muraena that 
 was already set in battell ray, met with some, cut them 
 of by the way, and slue them downe right. The other 
 fled directly to their campe, and came in great companies, 
 thrusting into the battell of their footemen, put the most 
 parte of them quite out of order, and marvelously troubled 
 their Captaines before they could set them againe in order : 
 which was one of the chiefest causes of their overthrowe. For 
 Sylla went and gave a charge uppon them in this trouble 
 and disorder, and had quickely wonne the ground that was 
 betwene both armies, wherby he tooke away the force of all 
 their armed cartes with sythes, which are then of greatest The force of 
 force, when they have the longest course, to geve them a ^ e arm ?<l 
 swift and violent stroke in their chase : whereas when their gythles^consist 
 course is but short, the blow is so much the weaker, and of in long course, 
 lesse strength, even as arrowes are, that a farre of enter not 
 
 293
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 SYLLA deepe into the thing they be shot at : as at that time it fell 
 out with the barbarous people. For their first cartes set 
 foorth so faintly, and came on with so feeble a force, that 
 the Romaines sent them backe, and easily repulsed them, 
 with great slaughter and clapping of handes one to an other, 
 as they commonly use in the ordinarie games of horse running 
 Syllaes con- at Rome. When they had thus repulsed the cartes, the 
 
 flict with battell of Syllaes footemen beganne to charge the barbarous 
 
 Archelaus at , v i j.v. 
 
 Thurium. people, who basing their pykes, stoode close one to an other 
 
 bicause they would not be taken : and the Romaines on 
 thother side bestowed first their dartes among them, and 
 then sodainly drewe out their swordes in the heate they 
 were in, and put a side the enemies pykes, whereby they 
 might come neerer to their bodies. There were fifteene 
 thowsand slaves in the fronte of the battell of the barbarous 
 Slaves made people, whom Mithridates Lieutenaunt had made free by open 
 free by autho- proclamation, and had devided them by bandes amongest the 
 other footemen. By occasion whereof there was a Romaine 
 in the fielde. Centurion, spake pleasauntly at that time, saying, that he 
 never saw slaves before have liberty to speake and do like 
 free men, but only at Saturnes feastes. Neverthelesse, they 
 against the nature of slaves, were very valliant to abide the 
 shocke, and the Romaine footemen could not so readily 
 breake nor enter into them, nor make them geve backe, 
 bicause they stoode very close one to an other, and their 
 ranckes were of such a length besides : untill such time as 
 the Romaines that were behinde the first ranckes, did so 
 pelt them with their slinges, hurling stones, bestowing their 
 dartes and arrowes apon them, that in thend they compelled 
 them all to turne their backes, and flie a maine. And when 
 Archelaus did first thrust out the right wing of his army, 
 supposing to enclose the Romaines behinde : Hortensius 
 straight wayes caused the bands he had with him to run 
 and charge upon the flanckes. Which Archelaus perceiving, 
 made the horsemen he had about him turne their faces forth- 
 with, which were in number above two thowsand : insomuch 
 as Hortensius, being set apon with all his trowpe, was com- 
 pelled to retyre by litle and litle towardes the mountaine, 
 perceiving him selfe farre from the battell of his footemen, 
 294
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and environned round about with his enemies. Sylla seeing SYLLA 
 that, being in the right wing of his battell, and having not 
 yet fought, went straight to the rescue of Hortensius. But 
 Archelaus conjecturing by the dust which the horses raised, 
 what the matter was : left Hortensius there, and with speede 
 returned againe towardes the right wing of his enemies from 
 whence Sylla was gone, hoping he had left it unfurnished of 
 a sufficient Captaine to commaund them. Taxilles on thother 
 side, caused his copper targets also to march against Muraena: 
 so as the noyse they made on both sides, caused the moun- 
 taines to ring againe, wherewithall Sylla stayed, standing in 
 dout which way to take. At the last he resolved, to returne 
 to the place from whence he came, and sent Hortensius with 
 foure ensignes to aide Muraena : and him selfe with the fift 
 in great speede, went towardes the right wing of his army, 
 the which was now already bickering, and joyned with their 
 enemies, fighting hand to hand with Archelaus. By reason 
 whereof, when Sylla was comen with his aide, they did easily 
 distresse them : and after they had broken their array, they 
 chased them flying for life to the river, and unto the moun- 
 taine Acontium. But Sylla notwithstanding forgate not 
 Muraena, but went againe to his reliefe : and finding that Syllaes vic- 
 he on his side had also put the enemies to flight, followed *ory f Mith- 
 with him the chase of them that fled. There was a mar- jjj^^jjj 611 " 
 velous slaughter made in that field of the barbarous people, 
 and many of them supposing to have recovered their campe, 
 were slaine by the way : so as of all that infinite multitude 
 of fighting men, there escaped only tenne thowsande, who 
 saved them selves by flying unto the city of Chalcide. Sylla 
 for his parte wryteth, that he could make reckening of no 
 more but fourteene of his souldiers onely that were slaine, 
 whereof there came two againe to him the same night. 
 Wherefore in the markes of triumphe which he set up for 
 tokens of that victory, he caused to be wrytten on the toppe 
 thereof, Mars, victory, and Venus : signifying thereby, that 
 he had overcome in these warres as much by good fortune, The field was 
 as by force, policie, or marshall discipline. These markes wonne in the 
 of triumphe were set up for the battell which he wanne in P 1 , 31116 of 
 the plaine field, in that place where Archelaus beganne to a ' 
 
 295
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Molus fl. 
 
 Apollo 
 Pythias. 
 
 lupiter 
 Olympias. 
 
 Flaccus Con- 
 sull went 
 against Sylla. 
 
 Dorylaus 
 Mithridates 
 generall 
 against Sylla. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 flie, even unto the river of Molus. And he set up an other 
 also in the toppe of mount Thurium, where the barbarous 
 people were set upon behinde : and there is wrytten in Greeke 
 letters, that the valliant deedes of Omoloichus and Anaxi- 
 damus, gave way to the winning of this victorie. Sylla for 
 the joy of this great wonne battell, caused musitians to play 
 in the city of Thebes, where he builded a stage for all the 
 musitians, neere unto the fountaine (Edipus, and certaine 
 noble Greecians were appointed judges of that musicke, 
 whom he caused to be sent for out of other cities, bicause 
 he mortally hated the Thebans : insomuch as he tooke from 
 them halfe their landes, which he consecrated unto Apollo 
 Pythias, and lupiter Olympias, appointing that of the revenue 
 thereof, they should redeliver and pay backe the money which 
 he had taken and caried away from out of their temples. 
 Sylla after this having intelligence that Flaccus, one of his 
 enemies, was chosen Consull at Rome, and had passed the 
 sea Ionium with an army, under pretext to make warre 
 against king Mithridates, but in deede to make warre with 
 him selfe : tooke his jorney towards Thessalie to meete him. 
 But when he was in the citie of Melitea, there came newes 
 to him out of all partes, that there was a new and second 
 army of the kings arrived, no lesse then the first, the which 
 spoyled and destroyed all the contry which he had left be- 
 hinde him. For Dorylaus, one of king Mithridates Lieu- 
 tenauntes, was arrived in the city of Chalcide with a great 
 fleete of shippes, having brought thither with him foure 
 score thowsand fighting men, the best trained, the best 
 armed and appointed souldiers, that were in all his kingdom 
 of Pontus in Asia : and from thence went into Bceotia, had 
 all that contry at commaun dement, and sought to fight with 
 Sylla, notwithstanding that Archelaus alleaged many reasons 
 to disswade him from it: and furthermore, gave it out in 
 every place, that so many thowsandes of souldiers coulde 
 not have bene cast away in the first battell, without some 
 notable treason. Wherupon Sylla returned with all possible 
 speede, and made Dorylaus know before many dayes passed 
 over his head, that Archelaus was a wise man, and knew well 
 enough the worthines and valliant corage of the Romaines. 
 296
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 And Dorylaus having had but a litle proofe only in certaine SYLLA 
 light skirmishes which he made against Sylla, about Tilphos- 
 sion in Thessalie : him selfe was the first that could say then, 
 it was not for them to hazarde battell, but rather to draw 
 out the warres in length, and supplant the Romaines 
 with charge and expence. And yet notwithstanding, the 
 commodity of the great large plaine that lyeth all about 
 Orchomene, where they were encamped, gave great encorage- 
 ment to Archelaus, who judged it a very fit place to geve 
 battell in, specially bicause he was the stronger of horsemen 
 in the field. For of all the plaines that are within the 
 contry of Breotia, the greatest and largest of them, is the The goodly 
 plaine nere to the city of Orchomene : which is altogether plaine before 
 without trees, and runneth out in length unto the marisses, ^ e ^^ of 
 where the river of Melas disperseth it selfe abroade. The 
 head of the same river is not farre from the city of Orcho- The river of 
 mene, and that river only of all other rivers in Greece from Melas, and 
 the very head whence it commeth, is navigable: and hath nature therof. 
 besides an other singular property, that it riseth and swelleth 
 even in the longest sommer dayes, as the river of Nilus doth, 
 and bringeth forth the selfe same plantes and trees, saving 
 that they beare no frute, neither are they so great as those 
 of JEgypt. This river hath no longe course, bicause that 
 the most parte of the water runneth into lakes and marisses, 
 covered with brambles and briars, and there is but a very 
 litle parte of it that falleth into the river of Cephisus, in 
 the place where the redes grow that they make good flutes 
 withal. When they were camped one nere to an other, 
 Archelaus lay quietly and sturred not. But Sylla presently 
 cast great trenches from one side to an other, to stoppe the 
 way against their enemies, that they could not come into 
 that great plaine where they might have taken what ground 
 they would for their men of armes, and have driven the 
 Romaines into the marisses. The barbarous people not being 
 able to endure that, so soone as their Captaines had geven 
 them liberty, discharged with such a fury, that they did not 
 only scatter them that wrought in Syllaes trenches, but put 
 the most parte of their gard also that stoode in battell ray to 
 defend them, in a marvelous feare, who also beganne to flie. 
 3 : PP 297
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Syllaes words 
 to animate 
 his souldiers. 
 
 Diogenes 
 slaine. 
 
 Syllaes vic- 
 tory of Mith- 
 ridates Lieu- 
 tenauntes at 
 Orchomene. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Which Sylla perceiving, lighted straight from his horse, and 
 taking an ensigne in his hande, ran through the middest of 
 his men that fled, untill he came to his enemies, and crying 
 out, sayd unto them : O my Romaine souldiers, mine honor 
 commaundeth me to dye here, and therefore when any man 
 asketh you where you forsooke your Captaine, remember that 
 you aunswer it was at Orchomene. They were so ashamed 
 at these wordes, that he made them turne : besides that 
 there came two cohortes unto him from the right wing of 
 his battell, who under his leading gave such a hotte charge 
 upon their enemies, that they fled forthwith apon it. That 
 done, Sylla retyred with his men, and made them dine : and 
 therupon by and by set them againe to the trenches to 
 enclose his enemies campe, who then came out in better order 
 then they did before. There was Diogenes, Archelaus wives 
 sonne slaine, fighting valliantly before them all in the right 
 wing of their battell. And the bowe men being pressed so 
 neere by the Romaines, that their bowes would doe no good : 
 tooke their arrowes in their handes in stead of swordes, and 
 strake their enemies with them to force them to geve backe, 
 until such time as at the last they were all driven into their 
 campe, where they passed that night in great sorow, as well 
 for the losse of them that were slaine, as also for the number 
 of those that were hurt. The next morning, Sylla leading 
 his men againe towardes the campe of his enemies, went on 
 still continuing his trenches : and certaine of them being 
 come out to skirmish with them, he set apon them solustely, 
 that at the first charge he put them to flight. That brought 
 such a feare to all the whole campe of the enemies, that not 
 a man durst abide any lenger : so as Sylla valliantly following 
 on his victory, shuffled in among them as they fled, and in 
 thende tooke all together. Straight way all the marisses 
 were filled with blood, and the lake full of dead bodies : so 
 that untill this present day they find there in that place 
 many bowes of the barbarous people, moryans, peeces of 
 tasses, and swordes drowned in the mudde of the marisses, 
 notwithstanding that it is well neere two hundred yeres a 
 goe since this battell was striken. And thus much for the 
 warres about the cities of Chaeronea, and Orchomene. Now 
 298
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the warres being past in this sorte in Greece, Cinna, and SYLLA 
 Carbo delt very cruelly and unnaturally at Rome with the Sylla over- 
 noble men and greatest persons : by reason whereof, many came Arche- 
 flying their tyranny, went to Syllaes campe, as unto the J? 
 haven of their health and fulnes of felicity, so that in short battells at 
 time Sylla had an assembly of a Romaine Senate about him. Chaeronea 
 Metella her selfe, his wife, having stollen away very hardly and at Orcho- 
 with her children, came to bring him newes that his houses mene - 
 in the citie and contry both, were all burnt and destroyed 
 by his enemies : praying him that he would go and help 
 them that yet remained at Rome. Sylla uppon hearing of 
 these newes, fell in great perplexity. For on the tone side, 
 it grieved him to see his contry so miserably afflicted : and 
 on the other side he knew not well how he might go, leaving 
 so great an enterprise as that warre was, and specially against 
 a king of such might and power as Mithridates shewed him 
 selfe to be. And being in these dumpes, there came one 
 Archelaus a marchant to him, borne in the city of Delium, 
 who brought him a secret message from thother Archelaus, 
 king Mithridates Lieutenaunt : the which pleased Sylla so 
 well, that he desired that Archelaus and him selfe might 
 meete and talke together. So at the length they met by 
 the sea side, neere unto the city of Delium, where there is 
 a temple of Apollo. Archelaus beganne to enter the talke Talke betwixt 
 with him, declaring unto Sylla that he would wish him to Sylla and 
 leave the conquest of Asia, and of the realme of Pont, and Archelaus at 
 to returne into his contry to the civill warres at Rome : and 
 in so doing, the king would furnish him, not onely with as 
 much money, but with as many shippes and men, as he him 
 selfe would desire. Sylla apon this motion told him againe : 
 that he would wish him to forsake Mithridates service, and 
 to make him selfe king, offering to proclaime him a frend 
 and confederate of the Romaines, so that he would deliver 
 him all his navie which then he had in his handes. Archelaus 
 seemed much to abhorre to heare him speake of treason. 
 But Sylla going on with his tale, replyed againe unto him : 
 Why Archelaus, sayd he, thou that art a Cappadocian, and 
 servaunt to a barbarous king, or his frend at the least : hast 
 thou so good a hart with thee, that for all the benefits I offer 
 
 299
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Peace con- 
 cluded be- 
 twext Sylla 
 and Arch elaus 
 in Mithri- 
 dates behalfe 
 apon condi- 
 cions. 
 
 Archelaus 
 suspected of 
 treason. 
 
 Aristiontyrau 
 of Athens, 
 poysoned by 
 Sylla. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 thee, thou wilt not once commit an ill act ? And art thou 
 in deede so bolde to speake to me of treason, which am the 
 Romaines Lieutenant generall, and Sylla ? As if thou wert 
 not he, that at the battell of Chaeronea didest save thy selfe 
 by flying, with a smal number left thee of six score thowsand 
 fighting men, which thou before haddest in thy campe : and 
 that hid thy selfe two dayes together in the marisses of 
 Orchomene, leaving the fieldes of Bceotia with such heapes 
 of dead bodies, that no man could passe for them. After 
 this replye, Archelaus altered his speech, and falling downe 
 at Syllaes feete, humbly besought him to ende this warre, 
 and to make peace with Mithridates. Whereunto Sylla 
 aunswered, that he was very well contented withall. And 
 thereupon peace was concluded betwene them under con- 
 dicions: that Mithridates should departe from Asia the 
 lesse, and from Paphlagonia, that he should restore Bithynia 
 unto Nicomedes, and Cappadocia unto Ariobarzanes, that he 
 should pay two thowsand talents to the Romaines, and geve 
 them three score and tenne gallies, with all their furniture. 
 And apon this, Sylla would also assure him the rest of his 
 realme : and would cause him to be proclaimed a frende 
 of the Romaines. These articles being past by agreement 
 betwixt them, Sylla taking his jorney through Thessalie, and 
 Macedon into the contry of Hellespont, caried Archelaus 
 with him, whom he honorably intreated. For Archelaus 
 falling daungerously sicke of a disease in the city of Larissa, 
 he stayed there for him, and was very carefull to recover 
 him, as if he had bene one of his chiefest Captaines and 
 companions. And this was the cause that made Archelaus 
 to be blamed for the battell of Chaeronea, as if he had 
 not faithfully fought it out, nor Sylla truly won [it, but by 
 treason. And againe, Archelaus was the more suspected, 
 bicause Sylla redelivered Mithridates all his servaunts and 
 frends which he had prisoners, saving the tyran Aristion that 
 kept Athens, whome he poysoned, bicause he was Archelaus 
 enemie : but specially, for the lands Sylla gave unto this 
 Cappadocian. For he gave him tenne thowsand lugera, 
 (or akers of lande) within the He of Euboea, and gave him 
 moreover the title of a frende of the Romaines for ever, 
 300
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 But Sylla denyeth all these thinges in his commentaries. SYLLA 
 In the meane time, Ambassadors came from king Mithridates 
 unto Sylla, who told him that the king their maister did 
 ratifie and accept all the articles of peace, saving that he 
 onely prayed him he would not take the contry of Paphla- Mithridates 
 gonia from him : and as for the gallies, he would not so exception to 
 much as once say he would promise them. Sylla being *^ e con ^- 
 offended herewith, angerly aunswered them againe : Then C1 
 Mithridates, as ye say, meaneth to kepe Paphlagonia still, 
 and refuseth to geve the shippes I demaunded : where I 
 looked that he would have humbly thancked me on his 
 knees, if I left him his right hand only, with the which he 
 put so many Romaine citizens to death. But I hope to 
 make him tell me an other tale, if I come once into Asia : 
 but no we at Pergamum, he speaketh his pleasure of this 
 warre which he hath not scene. The Ambassadors being 
 afrayed of his wordes, replied not againe. Whereupon 
 Archelaus spake, and besought him with teares in his eyes to 
 be contented, and tooke him by the hande. By intreatie, 
 in thend he obtained of Sylla to sende him unto Mithri- Archelaus 
 dates : promising that he would either bring him to agree to sent from 
 all the articles and condicions of peace that he demaunded, or iI-J^ j t 
 if he could not, he would kill him selfe with his owne handes. 
 Upon this promise Sylla sent him away, and in the meane 
 while entred with his armie into the contrie of Medica : and 
 after he had destroyed the most parte thereof, returned 
 backe againe into Macedon, where Archelaus being returned 
 from Mithridates, founde him neere unto the city of Philippes, 
 bringing him newes that all should be well, howebeit that 
 his master Mithridates prayed him he might speake with him 
 in any case. Now, the matter that made Mithridates so 
 earnest to speake with Sylla, was chiefely for Fimbria : who 
 having slaine Flaccus the Consull, being of the contrarie 
 faction unto Sylla, and certaine of Mithridates Lieutenauntes 
 also, went him selfe against him to fight with him. Mithri- 
 dates fearing his comming, chose rather to make him selfe Sylla and 
 Syllaes frend. So Mithridates and Sylla met together in the Mithridates 
 contry of Troade, in the city of Dardane : Mithridates being ee * e at 
 accompanied with a fleete of two hundred saile of shippes Dardane - 
 
 301
 
 SYLLA 
 
 The stowtnes 
 of Sylla. 
 
 Mithridates 
 excuseth him 
 selfe to Sylla. 
 
 Syllaes 
 aunswer to 
 Mithridates. 
 
 Nicomedes 
 king of 
 Bithynia. 
 
 Ariobarzanes 
 kingofCappa- 
 docia. 
 
 A hundred 
 and fifty 
 thowsand 
 Romanes 
 slaine in one 
 day in Asia 
 by Mithri- 
 dates com- 
 maundemeut. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 with ores at sea, with twenty thowsand footemen, sixe thow- 
 sande horse, and a number of armed cartes with sythes besides 
 by land, Sylla having onely but foure ensignes of footemen, 
 and two hundred horsemen. Mithridates went to Sylla, 
 and offering to take him by the hand : Sylla asked him 
 first, if he did accept the peace with the condicions which 
 Archelaus had agreed unto. Mithridates made him no 
 aunswere. Sylla following on his tale, sayd unto him : It 
 is for suters to speake first, that have request to make : 
 and for conquerors, it is enough to hold their peace, and 
 heare what they will say. Then began Mithridates to excuse 
 him selfe, and to lay thoccasion of the warre, partly upon the 
 ordinaunce of the goddes that so had appointed it, and partly 
 also uppon the Romanes them selves. Whereunto Sylla 
 replyed, that he had heard of long time that Mithridates 
 was an eloquent Prince, and that he knew it now by ex- 
 perience, seeing that he lacked no comely words, to cloke his 
 fowle and shamefull dedes : but withall he sharply reproved 
 him, and drave him to confesse the cruelties he had com- 
 mitted. And afterwardes asked him againe, if he did con- 
 firme that which Archelaus had done. Mithridates made 
 aunswer that he did. Then Sylla saluted, embraced, and 
 kissed him : and calling for the kinges Nicomedes, and 
 Ariobarzanes, reconciled them together, and made Mithri- 
 dates their frende againe. In conclusion, after Mithridates 
 had delivered Sylla three score and tenne gallies, and five 
 hundred bow men, he returned by sea into his realme 
 of Pontus. But Sylla hearing that his souldiers were 
 angrie with this peace made with Mithridates, bicause 
 they could not abide to behold that king, whom they 
 accompted for their most cruell and mortall enemy, (hav- 
 ing in one selfe day caused a hundred and fifty thowsand 
 Romane citizens to be slaine, that were dispersed abroade in 
 divers places of Asia) so to departe, and goe his way safe, 
 with the riches and spoyles of the contry, which he had 
 bereft them of, and used at his pleasure, the space of forty 
 yeares together : aunswered them in excuse of him selfe, that 
 he was not able to make warres with Mithridates, and Fim- 
 bria both, if once they were ]oyned together against him. 
 302
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 And so Sylla departing thence, went against Fimbria, who SYLLA 
 then was encamped neere to the city of Thyatira, and lodged Fimbria 
 him selfe as neere unto him as he conveniently might. Nowe camped at 
 whilest he was compassing in his lodging with a trench, Th y atira - 
 Fimbriaes souldiers came out of their campe in their coates 
 without any armor or weapon, to salute Syllaes souldiers, 
 and holpe them very frendly to make up their trenche. 
 Which Fimbria seeing, and perceiving his souldiers mindes 
 so chaunged, of an extreame feare which he had of Sylla, at 
 whose handes he looked for no mercy : killed him selfe in Fimbria slain, 
 his owne campe. Sylla hereuppon condemned the whole 
 contry of Asia the lesse, to pay the summe of twenty thow- 
 sand talentes amongest them, and presently also he undid 
 many poore householders through his insolent souldiers, 
 lying long upon their charge, which he left in garrison there. 
 For he ordained that every householder should geve the Sylla very 
 souldier that lodged in his house, foure Tetradrachmas a hardly in- 
 day, and should be bound to geve him and his frendes (as Jf 6 ^^ m 
 many as he would bring with him) their supper also : and 
 that every Captaine should have fifty Drachmas a day, a 
 night gowne for the house, and a garment to goe abroade 
 into the city when he thought good. When he had geven 
 this order, he departed from the city of Ephesus with all 
 his fleete, and in three dayes sayling arrived in the haven of 
 Pirsea at Athens, where he was received into the fraternity 
 of the mysteries, and reserved for him selfe the librarie of 
 Apellicon Teian : in the which were the most parte of 
 Aristotle and Theophrastus workes, not then thought meete 
 to come in every mans handes. And they say, that this 
 librarie being brought to Rome, Tyrannion the grammarian 
 founde the meanes to extract a great parte of them : and 
 that Andronicus the Rhodian having recovered the originalls 
 into his hands, put them in printe, and wrote the summaries 
 which we have at this present. For the auncient Peripatet- 
 icke Philosophers were of them selves very wise and learned 
 men, but they had not all Aristotles workes, nor Theo- Aristotle and 
 phrastus amongest them, and yet those fewe they had, were Theophrastus 
 not by them seene all whole and perfect together : bicause bookes. 
 that the goodes of Neleus Scepsian (to whom Theophrastus 
 
 303
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Sylla went to 
 the bathes at 
 Adipsum for 
 the gowte in 
 
 his leTres. 
 
 Bubbles of 
 fire rising out 
 of a meadow 
 by Dyrra- 
 chium. 
 
 A Satyre 
 taken sleep- 
 ing, and 
 brought to 
 Sylla. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 left all his bookes by will) came to fall into the hands of 
 meane ignorant men, who knew not the vertue and estimacion 
 of them. And furthermore, Sylla being at Athens had such 
 a paine and numnesse in his legges, and was so heavy withall, 
 that Strabo calleth it a spice of the gowte, that is to say, a 
 feeling or entring therinto, which then beganne to roote and 
 take hold of him. Upon which occasion he tooke the seaes, 
 and went unto a place called Adipsum, where there are 
 naturall hotte bathes : and there remained a while solacing 
 him selfe all the day long with musicke, seeing of playes, 
 and entertaining such kinde of people. Upon a day as he 
 was walking by the sea side, certaine fisher men made him 
 a present of fish, which pleased him marvelous well, and 
 demaunding of them whence they were : they aunswered him 
 againe, that they were of the city of Ales. What ? of Ales 
 sayd he : is there any of them yet left alive ? speaking it, 
 bicause that after the battell of Orchomene when he followed 
 the chase of his enemies, he had taken and destroyed three 
 cities of Boeotia all at one selfe time, to wit Anthedon, 
 Larymna, and Ales. The poore fisher men were so amazed 
 with his wordes, that they stoode still, and could not tell 
 what to say. Sylla fell a laughing thereat, and bad them 
 go their wayes a gods name, and be not affrayed, for they 
 brought no small intercessors with them, which were worth 
 the reckening of. When Sylla had geven them these wordes, 
 the Alleians went home with a mery harte, to gather them 
 selves together againe in their city. Sylla so passing through 
 Thessalia and Macedon, came to the sea side, intending to go 
 from the city of Dyrrachium unto Brundusium, with twelve 
 hundred sayle. The city of Apollonia is hard by Dyrrachium, 
 and thereabouts is a parke consecrated unto the nymphes, 
 where in a fayer goodly greene meadowe in many places 
 there commeth out great bubles of fire that flame continually : 
 and it is sayd that there was a Satyre taken sleeping, even 
 in the very selfe same forme the painters and image gravers 
 have set him out. He was brought unto Sylla, and being 
 asked by all sortes of interpreters what he was, he made no 
 aunswere that a man could understand : but only put forth 
 a sharpe voyce like the neying of a horse, or whynnying of a 
 304
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 goate. Sylla wondering at it, abhorred him, and made him SYLLA 
 to be caried from him as a monstrous thing. Furthermore, 
 when Sylla had imbarked his men to passe the sea, he was 
 afrayed that so soone as they were landed in Italie, they 
 would shrinke from him, and every man go home to his 
 owne. But they sware and promised first of them selves, 
 that they would tary and keepe together, and by their willes 
 would doe no hurt in Italie. Moreover, perceiving that he 
 stoode in neede of money, they offred him of theirs, and 
 every man to lend him as his ability served. But Sylla 
 would none, yet thanked them for their goodwill : and after 
 he had exhorted them to fight like valliant souldiers, he went Sylla went 
 against fifteene generalls of armies of his enemies, who had against fif- 
 foure hundred and fifty ensignes of footemen well armed, as r ^ e a ^ & 
 he him selfe wryteth in his commentaries. But the goddes fburehundred 
 promised him good fortune in his warres, by many sundry and fiftie 
 apparant signes. For in a sacrifice he made by Tarentum, ensignes. 
 after he was come a lande, the liver of a certaine beast Syllaes re- 
 sacrificed, was altogether facioned after the maner of a * ur , ne into 
 crowne or garland of laurell, out of the which did hang two 
 bandes or rolles. And a litle before he went into Campania, 
 neere unto the mountaine Epheum, there appeared two great Epheum 
 goates in the day time fighting together, even as two men m <>ns. 
 do when they fight : which neverthelesse was no matter of 
 trueth, but a vision onely that appeared, and rising from the 
 earth dispersed it selfe by litle and litle here and there in 
 the ayer, and in thende vanished quite away, as clowdes 
 which come to nothing. Shortly after, in the selfe same 
 place, Marius the younger, and Norbanus the Consull, who 
 brought two great armies against him, were overthrowen by Sylla over- 
 him, before he had set his men in battell, or had appointed threw the 
 any man his place where he should fight : and this proceeded Consull Nor- 
 onely upon the corage and life of his souldiers, whose good- MarhisTthe 
 will to serve against them was such, as following this victory, younger 
 he compelled the Consull Norbanus after he had slaine sixe neere to the 
 thowsande of his men, to take the city of Capua for his mountaine 
 refuge. This noble exployte, (as him selfe reported) was the ^ ' 
 cause that his men kept so well together, that they neither 
 went home to their houses, nor made any reckening of their 
 3 : QQ 305
 
 SYLLA 
 
 A slave 
 foreshewed 
 Syllaes vic- 
 tory, and the 
 burning of 
 the Capitoll 
 which fell 
 out truely. 
 
 A winde that 
 blewe flowers 
 out of a 
 meadow upon 
 Lucullus 
 souldiers by 
 the city of 
 Fidentia. 
 
 Lucullus 
 victory at 
 Fidentia. 
 
 Syllaes policie 
 with Scipio. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 enemies, although they were many against one. And he sayth 
 furthermore, that in the city of Sylvium, there was a slave of 
 one Pontius a citizen, who beinge inspired with a propheticall 
 spirite, came to tell him from the goddesse Bellona, that he 
 should grow in strength, and cary away the victory of these 
 wars : howbeit that if he did not hye him the sooner, the 
 Capitoll at Rome should be burnt. And so it fell out the 
 same day according to his wordes, being the sixteene day 
 of the moneth called Quintilis, and now luly. And further- 
 more also, Lucullus (one of Syllaes Captaines) being neere 
 unto the city of Fidentia with sixteene ensignes only, 
 against fifty ensignes of his enemies, knowing his men to be 
 very well affected to serve, bicause the most parte of them 
 were naked and unarmed, was afrayed to hazard the battel : 
 and as he was even bethinking him selfe what was best to 
 determine therof, there rose a litle winde out of a goodly 
 meadow that blewe a wonderfull sorte of flowers apon the 
 souldiers on every parte of them. These flowers stayed 
 of them selves as they fell, some apon their targets, and 
 others apon their moryans, without falling to the grounde : 
 so that it seemed to their enemies a farre of, as if they 
 had bene garlandes of flowers upon their heades. This 
 made Lucullus souldiers more lusty a great deale, then they 
 were before, and with this good will they determined to 
 geve a charge upon their enemies : whom they overthrew, 
 slue eighteene thowsand of them in the field, and tooke 
 their campe. This Lucullus was brother unto the other 
 Lucullus, that afterwards overthrew the kings Mithridates, 
 and Tigranes. Nevertheles, Sylla perceiving that his enemies 
 lay round about him with many great puisant armies, thought 
 good to use policy with force : and therefore practised with 
 Scipio, one of the Consulls, to make peace with him. Scipio 
 was willing to it : and thereupon were oft meetings and 
 assemblies of both sides. Now Sylla drave of the conclusion 
 of the peace as long as he could, still seeking occasion of 
 delay, to thend that his souldiers which were throughly 
 acquainted with craft and subtilty as well as him selfe, 
 might in the meane time corrupt Scipioes souldiers by re- 
 payre into his campe : for they comming into Scipioes 
 306
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 campe, being very conversaunt with them, straight cor- SYLLA 
 
 rupted some of them with ready money, other with promises, 
 
 and other with fayer flattering words, and many goodly tales 
 
 they told them. At the length, after this practise had 
 
 continued a while, Sylla comming nere unto Scipioes campe 
 
 with twenty ensignes only : all his men saluted Scipioes 
 
 souldiers, and they resaluting them againe, yelded them Sylla wanne 
 
 selves unto Sylla, so as Scipio was left poste alone in his 40 ensignes 
 
 tente where he was taken, but they afterwards let him goe. b^ntie 10 
 
 So Sylla with his twenty ensignes, like unto the fowlers, that 
 
 by their stales draw other birds into their netts, having 
 
 gotten forty ensignes from his enemies by his craft, brought 
 
 them away with him into his campe. There it was that 
 
 Carbo sayd of Sylla, that he had to fight with a foxe and a Carboes say- 
 
 lyon both : but that the foxe did him more hurte and mis- in g f s Y lla 
 
 chiefe, then the lyon. After this, Marius the younger having touching the 
 f , x . i J & . .1 foxe and lyon. 
 
 fourescore and nve ensignes in his campe neere unto the 
 
 citie of Signium, presented battell unto Sylla : who having Marius the 
 very good desire to fight, and specially on that day, bicause younger with 
 the night before he had scene this vision in his dreame, that 85 ens i g ^ s 
 he thought he sawe Marius the father (who was deceased g y u a battell 
 long before) warning his sonne that he should come to him. by the city of 
 Sylla for this respect desired marvelously to fight that day : Signium. 
 and thereuppon caused Dolobella to come unto him, that Syllaes vision 
 was before lodged farre from him. But the enemies stept in his dreame. 
 betwene him and home, and stopped his passage to keepe 
 him from joyning with Sylla. Syllaes souldiers to the 
 contrarie, fought to keepe the way open for him, with so 
 great labor and paine, that they were all wearie and over- 
 harried. And furthermore, there fell a marvelous great 
 shower of raine upon them as they were busie, opening the 
 way, that troubled them more, then the labor they had in 
 hande. Whereuppon the private Captaines of the bandes 
 went to make Sylla understande it, and to pray him to 
 deferre the battell untill an other day : showing him howe 
 the souldiers wearied with labor, lay downe upon their 
 targettes on the grounde to take their ease. Sylla per- 
 ceiving this, was contented withall, though greatly in deede 
 against his will. But when he had geven the signall to 
 
 307
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Marius fled to 
 Praeneste. 
 
 Carbo fled 
 into Africke. 
 
 Thelesinus 
 the Samnyte 
 put Sylla 
 in great 
 daunger. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 lodge, and that they beganne to trenche and fortifie their 
 campe : Marius the younger commeth a horse backe march- 
 ing bravely before all his companie, hoping to have surprised 
 his enemies in disorder, and by that meanes to have over- 
 throwen them easily. But farre otherwise did fortune then 
 performe the revelation which Sylla had in his foresayed 
 dreame : for his men fallinge in a rage withall, left their 
 worke in the trenche where they wrought, stucke their 
 dartes uppon the bancke, ranne uppon their enemies with 
 their swordes drawen, and with a marvelous crie set apon 
 them so valliantly, that they were not able to resist their 
 furie, but sodainly turned their backes and fled, where there 
 was a great and notable slaughter made of them. Marius 
 their Captaine fled to the citie of Praeneste, where he found 
 the gates shut : but they threw him downe a rope from the 
 wall, which he tied about his midle, and so was triced up by 
 it. Yet some wryters say, and Fenestella among other, that 
 Marius never sawe the battell : for beinge wearied with labor, 
 and verie sleepie, he laye under some tree in the shadowe to 
 rest a litle, after he had geven the signall and word of the 
 battell, and slept so sowndly, that he coulde scant awake with 
 the noyse and fleeinge of his men. Sylla him selfe wryteth, 
 that he lost at this battell but three and twentie men, slewe 
 twentie thowsande of his enemies, and tooke eight thowsande 
 prisoners. His Lieutenauntes also had the like good successe 
 in other places, Pompeius, Crassus, Metellus, and Servilius : 
 which without any losse of their men, or but with a verie 
 small, overthrewe many great mightie armies of their enemies. 
 Insomuch as Carbo, the heade and chiefe of all the contrarie 
 faction, and he that most maintained it, fled one night out 
 of his campe, and went beyonde the seaes into Africke. The 
 last battell that Sylla had, was against Thelesinus Samnyte, 
 who comming like a fresh champion to set apon him, when 
 he was already wearied, and had fought many battells, 
 had almost slaine him even at Rome gates. For Thelesinus 
 havinge gathered together a great number of souldiers with 
 one Lamponius Lucanian, marched with all speede towards 
 the city of Praeneste, to deliver Marius the younger that 
 was besieged there. But understandinge that Sylla on the 
 308
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 one side, came in great haste also to meete him, and that SYLLA 
 Pomponius came behinde him on the other side, and per- 
 ceiving, moreover that the way was so shut up, that he 
 could neither go forward nor backeward : being a valliant 
 souldier, and one that had bene in many great foughten 
 fieldes, most daungerously ventured to go straight to Rome. 
 And so stale away by night with all his whole power, and 
 inarching to Rome ward, had almost taken it at his first 
 comming, for that there was neither watch nor ward kept : 
 but he stayed happely tenne furlonges from the gate Collina, 
 bragging with him selfe, and beleving that he should doe 
 wonders, for that he had mocked so many great Captaines. 
 The next morning betimes came diverse young noble men 
 and gentlemen out of the citie to skirmishe with Thelesinus : 
 who slue a great number of them, and among others one 
 Appius Claudius a young gentleman of a noble house, and 
 very honest. Whereuppon (as you may easily imagine) the 
 city trembled for feare, and specially the women, who fell 
 a shreeking, and running up and downe, as if they had bene 
 all taken. But in this great feare and trouble, Balbus 
 (whom Sylla had sent) came first with seven hundred horse 
 upon the spurre, and staying but a litle to coole and geve 
 them breath, brideled straight againe, and went to set apon 
 the enemies thereby to stay them. Soone after him came 
 Sylla also, who commaunded his men that came first, quickely 
 to eate somwhat, and that done, put them straight in battell 
 ray : notwithstanding that Dolobella and Torquatus per- 
 swaded him to the contrary, and besought him not to put 
 his souldiers wearied with their jorney, to so great and 
 manifest a daunger, and the rather, bicause they had not to 
 fight with Carbo and Marius, but with the Samnytes and 
 Lucanes, who were (both) warlike nations and good souldiers, 
 and those besides that most deadly hated the Romanes. 
 But for all that, Sylla drave them backe, and commaunded 
 his trompets to sounde the alarome, being almost within 
 foure houres of night : and this battell was sharper and 
 more cruell, then any other that ever he fought before. The 
 right wing where Crassus was, had the better much : but the 
 left wing was very sore distressed, and stoode in great perill. 
 
 309
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Syllaes 
 daunger. 
 
 Sylla fled. 
 
 Lucretius 
 Offella be- 
 sieged Marius 
 in Praeneste. 
 
 In the ende of 
 Marius life it 
 is reported 
 contrarie,that 
 Sylla besieged 
 Marius the 
 younger in 
 Perusia, and 
 not in Prae- 
 neste. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Sylla hearing thereof, and thinking to helpe it, got up uppon 
 a white courser that was both swift, and very strong. The 
 enemies knewe him, and there were two that lifted up their 
 armes to throw their dartes at him, whom he saw not : but 
 his page gave his horse such a lash with his whippe, that he 
 made him so to gird forward, as the very pointes of the 
 dartes came hard by the horse tayle, and stucke fast in the 
 grounde. Some say that Sylla had a litle golden image 
 of Apollo, which he brought from the city of Delphes, and 
 in time of warres ware it alwayes in his bosome, which he 
 then tooke in his hand, and kissing it, sayd : O Apollo 
 Pythias, hast thou so highly exalted Cornelius Sylla, so 
 fortunate hitherto through so many famous victories, and 
 wilt thou now with shame overwhelme him wholly, even 
 at the very gates of his owne naturall city among his contry 
 men ? And so crying out to Apollo for helpe, thrust into 
 the prease among his men, intreating some, threatning others, 
 and layinge apon the rest to stay them. But for all he 
 coulde doe, all the left winge of his army was broken and 
 overthrowen by his enemies : and him selfe amongest them 
 that fled, was compelled to recover his campe with speede, 
 having lost many of his frendes and familiars. There were 
 moreover many citizens slaine and troden under feete (both 
 with horse and men) that came only to see the battell 
 fought : so that they within the city thought them selves 
 utterly undone. Lucretius Offella furthermore (he that 
 besieged Marius in the citie of Praeneste) had almost raised 
 his siege, upon the wordes of them that fled and came thither 
 from the battell, who wished him to remove with all speede 
 possible, for Sylla was slaine, and Thelesinus had taken 
 Rome. Now about midnight came certaine souldiers from 
 Crassus to Syllaes campe, and asked for meate for Crassus 
 supper, and his mens, who having chased his flying enemies 
 whom he had overthrowen, unto the city of Antemna (which 
 they tooke for refuge) had lodged his campe there. Sylla 
 understanding that, and being advertised that the most parte 
 of his enemies were overthrowen at this battell : went him 
 selfe the next morning betimes unto Antemna, where three 
 thowsand of his enemies sent to know if he would receive 
 310
 
 them to mercy, if they yelded them selves unto him. His SYLLA 
 aunswer was, that he would pardon their lives, so as they 
 would do some mischiefe to their fellowes before they came 3000 saved 
 to him. These three thowsand hereupon trusting to his them selves in 
 
 promise, fell apon their companions : and for the most parte Antemna ' 
 
 c j.i i *ii j 0.1. XT j. -J.L j j- a 11 i. and yelded to 
 
 one of them killed an other. JNot withstanding, oylla having gylla upon 
 
 gathered all those together that remained of his enemies, as promise of 
 wel the three thowsand, as the rest, amounting in all to the life. 
 number of six thowsand men, within the show place where Sylla against 
 they used to run their horses : whilest he him self held a ^ e ^ aw f 
 counsell in the temple of the goddesse Bellona, and was hi^rorni 
 making his oration there, he had appointed certen to set ca ,usecl sixe' 
 upon those six thowsand, and put them to the sword every thowsand men 
 man. Great and terrible were the cries of such a number of to be slaine. 
 men slaine in so small a roome, as many may easily conjecture: 
 insomuch as the Senators sitting in counsell heard them very 
 easily, and marveled what the matter was. But Sylla con- 
 tinuing on his oration which he had begon with a set steady 
 countenance, without chaunging of colour, willed them only 
 to hearken what he sayd, and not to trouble them selves with 
 any thing done abroade : for they were but certen offenders 
 and lewd persons that were punished by his commaundement. 
 This was enough to shew the simplest Romane in Rome, that 
 they had but only chaunged the tyran, but not the tyranny. 
 Now for Marius, that had bene ever of a churlish and severe 
 nature even from his childhood, he never chaunged for any 
 authority, but did rather harden his natural stubbornes. 
 Where Sylla contrarily in the beginning, was very modest 
 and civill in all his prosperity, and gave great good hope 
 that if he came to the authority of a prince, he would favor 
 nobility wel, and yet love notwithstanding the benefit of the 
 people. And being moreover a man in his youth geven all 
 to pleasure, deliting to laugh, ready to pity, and weepe for 
 tender hart : in that he became after so cruell and bloody, Honor 
 the great alteracion gave manifest cause to condemne the c 
 increase of honor and authority, as thonly meanes wherby c 
 mens maners continue not such as they were at the first, but Sylla the 
 still do chaunge and vary, making some fooles, others vaine example, 
 and fantasticall, and others extreame cruel and unnaturall. 
 
 311
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Infinite mur- 
 thers commit- 
 ted in Rome 
 by Sylla and 
 his favorers. 
 
 The boldnes 
 of Caius 
 Metellus, to 
 tell Sylla his 
 cruelty in 
 open Senate. 
 
 Syllaes pro- 
 scription. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 But whether that alteracion of nature came by chaunging his 
 state and condicion, or that it was otherwise a violent break- 
 ing out of hidden malice, which then came to shewe it selfe, 
 when the way of liberty was layed open : this matter is to be 
 decided in some other treatise. So it came to passe, that 
 Sylla fell to sheading of blood, and filled all Rome with 
 infinite and unspeakeable murthers : for diverse were killed 
 for private quarrels, that had nothing to do with Sylla at 
 any time, who suffered his frends and those about him to 
 worke their wicked wills. Until at the length there was a 
 young man called Caius Metellus, that was so bold to aske 
 Sylla in open Senate, when all these miseries should end, and 
 when they should know that all the mischieves were finished, 
 the which they dayly sawe. For said he, we will not intreate 
 you to pardon life, where you have threatned death : but only 
 to put them out of dout, whom you have determined to save. 
 Wherunto Sylla made aunswer, that he was not resolved 
 whom he would save. Metellus replied, Then tell us quod 
 he, who they are that shall dye. Sylla answered he would. 
 Howbeit some say it was not Metellus, but Aufidius one of 
 his flatterers, that spake this last word unto him. Where- 
 fore Sylla immediatly without making any of the magistrate 
 privy, caused foure score mens names to be set up upon postes, 
 whom he would put to death. Every man being offended 
 withal, the next day following he set up two hundred and 
 twenty mens names more: and likewise the third day as 
 many more. Herupon, making an oration to the people, he 
 told them openly that he had appointed all them to dye, 
 that he could call to remembraunce : howbeit that hereafter 
 he would appoint them that should dye by daies, as he did 
 call them to minde. Whosoever saved an outlaw in his 
 house, for reward of his kindnes, he himselfe was con- 
 demned to dye : not excepting them that had received their 
 brothers, their sonnes, their fathers, nor mothers. And the 
 reward of every homycide and murtherer that killed one of the 
 outlawes, was two talentes : though it were a slave that had 
 killed his master, or the sonne that had slaine the father. 
 But the most wicked and unjust act of all was, that he 
 deprived the sonnes, and sonnes sonnes of them whom he 
 312
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 had killed, of all credit and good name, and besides that, SYLLA 
 had taken all their goods as confiscate. And this was not 
 only done in Rome, but also in al the cities of Italic through 
 out : and there was no temple of any god whatsoever, no 
 aulter in any bodies house, no liberty of hospital, nor fathers 
 house, that was not embrued with blood and horrible murder. 
 For the husbands were slaine in their wives armes, and the 
 children in their mothers laps : and yet they which were 
 slaine for private hatred and malice, were nothing in re- The murder 
 spect of those that were murdered only for their goods, ofoutlawes 
 And they that killed them might well say, his goodly great fiT neK TT f i 
 house made that man dye, his goodly fayer garden the 
 other : and his hotte bathes an other. As amongest others, Quintus 
 Quintus Aurelius, a man that never medled with any thinge, Aurelius, a 
 and least looked that these evills should light upon him, and ^" i t m 
 that only pitied those which he sawe so miserably murdered : no * ^j n ^f or 
 went one day into the marketplace, and reading the bill set up his house, 
 of the outlawes names, found his owne name amongest the rest, 
 and cried out alowde : Alas the day that ever I was borne, my 
 house of Alba maketh me to be put to death. He went not 
 farre from the market place, but met with one that killed 
 him presently. In the meane time, Marius the younger Marius the 
 seeing he could by no meanes escape if he were taken, younger slue 
 slue him selfe. And Sylla comming to Praeneste, did first p m se ^ e at 
 execute them by one and by one, keeping a certaine forme 
 of justice in putting them to death : but afterwardes as if he 
 had no lenger leasure to remaine there, he caused them all Sylla slue 12 
 to be put in a place together, to the number of twelve thowaandmen 
 thowsande men, whom he caused to be put to the sword J* 1 . " r8en 6ste, 
 every man, saving his host only, unto whom he sayd, that into one place 
 he shewed him specially favor to save his life. But his host together, 
 aunswered him stowtly againe, that he would not be behold- 
 ing unto him for his life, seeing he had slaine all the rest 
 of his contry men : and so thrusting in amongest the citizens, 
 was willingly slaine with them. They thought the act of 
 Lucius Catiline also very straunge, who had slaine his owne Lucius Cati- 
 brother before the civill warre was ended : and then prayed lina slue his 
 Sylla to put him in the number of the outlawes, as if his owne brother - 
 brother had bene alive. Sylla performed his desire. Catiline 
 3 : RR 313
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Sylla 
 Dictator. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 thereuppon to shewe his thankefulnesse for the pleasure Sylla 
 had done him, went presently, and slue Marcus Marius, who 
 was of the contrary faction : and brought him his head for a 
 present before all the people, in the middest of the market 
 place where he was sitting. When he had so done, he went 
 and washed his handes all bloodied in the hallowed font of the 
 temple of Apollo, that was hard by. But besides so many 
 murders committed, yet were there other things also that 
 grieved the people marvelously. For he proclaimed him 
 selfe Dictator, which office had not bene of six score yeares 
 before in use, and made the Senate discharge him of all 
 that was past, geving him free liberty afterwardes to kill 
 whom he would, and to confiscate their goodes : to destroy 
 cities, and to build up new as he listed : to take away king- 
 domes, and to geve them where he thought good. And 
 furthermore, he openly sold the goodes confiscate, by the 
 crier, sitting so prowdly and stately in his chayer of state, 
 that it grieved the people more to see those goodes packt up 
 by them, to whome he gave and disposed them : then to see 
 them taken from those that had forfeited them. For som- 
 times he would geve a whole contry, or the whole revenues 
 of certaine cities, unto women for their beawty, or unto 
 pleasaunt j casters, minstrells, or wicked slaves made free : 
 and unto some, he would geve other mens wives by force, 
 and make them to be maried against their willes. For he 
 desiring (howesoever it happened) to make alliance with 
 Pompey the great, commaunded him to put away his wife 
 he had maried : and taking ^Emylia (the daughter of 
 ^Emylius Scaurus, and of Metella his wife) from the great 
 Glabrio, caused him to mary her great with childe as she 
 was by Glabrio : but she dyed in childbed, in Pompeyis 
 house. Lucretius Offella also that had brought Marius the 
 younger to that distresse at the city of Praeneste : suing to 
 be Consull, Sylla commaunded him to cease his sute. But 
 he notwithstandinge that expresse commaundement, went one 
 day into the market place, with a great traine of men follow- 
 ing him that favored his cause. Whither Sylla sent one of 
 Lucretius his Centurions that slue Offella before all the people : him 
 Offella slaine. se lf e sitting in a chayer of estate in the temple of Castor and
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Pollux, and seeing from above the murder done. The people SYLLA 
 that were about Offella, layed hold of the murderer straight 
 and brought him before Sylla. But Sylla bad them be quiet, 
 that brought the Centurion with tumult, and that they 
 should let him goe, bicause he coinmaunded him to do it. 
 Furthermore as touching his triumphe, it was a sumptuous The order of 
 sight to behold, for the rarenes of the riches, and princely Syllaes 
 spoyles which were shewed at the same. But yet was it so ' im P he - 
 much the better set out, and worth the sight, to see the 
 banished Romanes, who were the chiefest noble men of all 
 the city of Rome, following his charet triumphant wearing 
 garlandes of flowers on their heades, calling Sylla their father, 
 and savior: bicause that by his meanes they returned to 
 their contry, and recovered their goods, wives, and children. 
 In the end of his triumphe, he made an oration in open 
 assembly of the people of Rome, in the which he did not 
 only declare unto them (according to the custome) what 
 thinges he had done, but did as carefully tell them also as 
 well of his good fortune and successe, as of his valliant deedes 
 besides : and to conclude his oration, told them that by 
 reason of the great favor fortune had shewed him, he would 
 from thenceforth be called by them, Felix, to say, happy, 
 or fortunate. And he him selfe when he wrote unto the 
 Greecians, or that he had any thing to do with them : sur- 
 named him selfe Epaphroditus, as who would say, a pleasaunt 
 man, beloved and favored of Venus. His tokens of triumphe 
 which are yet in our contry, have this superscription : Lucius 
 Cornelius Sylla Epaphroditus. And when his wife Metella 
 had brought him two twinnes, a sonne and a daughter : he Syllaes 
 named his sonne Faustus, signifying fortunate, and his tonnes, 
 daughter Fausta : bicause the Romanes call Faustum that, p^stus and 
 which falleth out prosperously, and happely. To be short, Fausta. 
 he trusted so much unto his good fortune and doinges, that 
 notwithstanding he had killed and put so many men to 
 death, and had made so great a chaunge and innovation in 
 the common wealth, yet of him selfe he left of his office of Sylla leaveth 
 Dictator, and restored the people to the authority of elec- his Dictator 
 tion of Consulls againe, without his presence at the election : shl PP e ' 
 and frequented the market place as a private man among 
 
 315
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Marcus Lepi- 
 dus chosen 
 Consull. 
 
 Sylla feasted 
 the people. 
 
 Wine of forty 
 yeres olde 
 and upward. 
 
 Sylla brake 
 his owne lawes 
 he made. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the citizens, offering him selfe to every man that would aske 
 him accompt of his doings past. It happened that a stowt 
 and rash enemy of his was chosen Consull against his will, 
 called Marcus Lepidus, not for any devotion the people had 
 to Lepidus, but onely to gratifie Pompey, who gave coun- 
 tenaunce and favor unto him. Sylla seeing Pompey come 
 mery homewardes from the election, and joyfull that he had 
 obtained his frendes sute from all other suters : tooke him 
 a side, and told him : In deede thou hast great cause to 
 rejoyce, young man my frende, for thou hast done a goodly 
 acte : to choose Marcus Lepidus Consull, the veriest asse in 
 all Rome, before Catulus the honestest man. But I tell thee 
 one thing, thou haddest not nede to sleepe : for thou hast 
 strengthened an enemy, that will be thine owne destruction. 
 And Sylla proved a true prophet : for Lepidus being bent 
 to all cruelty immediatly after, flatly fell at defiaunce 
 with Pompey. Now Sylla consecratinge the dismes of all his 
 goodes unto Hercules, made exceeding sumptuous feastes 
 unto the Romanes, the provision whereof was so unreason- 
 able great, that every day they threwe a great deale of meate 
 into the river, and they dranke wine of forty yeares olde and 
 above. During these feastes which continued many dayes, 
 his wife Metella sickened, and dyed, and in her sickenes the 
 Priestes and Soothsayers willed Sylla he should not come 
 neere her, nor suffer his house to be polluted and defiled with 
 mourning for the dead. Whereupon Sylla was divorsed 
 from her in her sickenes, and caused her to be caried into an 
 other house, whilest she lived. And thus did Sylla curiously 
 observe the supersticion and ordinaunce of the Soothsayers : 
 but yet he brake the law which he made him selfe, touching 
 the order of funeralls, sparinge no cost at Metellaes buriall. 
 So did he also breake an other order him selfe had made, 
 touching the reformation of banckets : comforting his sorrow 
 with ordinary feastes, full of all vanity and lasciviousnes. 
 Within a fewe monethes after, he had fensers games at the 
 sharpe : and the roomes of the Theater being open and 
 unsevered, men and women sitting together, it fortuned that 
 there was a fayer Lady, and of a noble house, that sat hard 
 by Sylla, called Valeria: she was the daughter of Messala, 
 316
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and sister of Hortensius the orator, and had bene divorsed SYLLA 
 not long before from her husbande. This Lady passing by 
 Sylla behinde him did softly put her hand on his shoulder, 
 and tooke a heare from of his gowne, and so went on to her 
 place, and sat her downe. Sylla marveling at this familiarity, 
 looked earnestly upon her : It is nothing my Lord, (quod 
 she) but that I desire with others to be partaker a litle of Valeria, de- 
 your happines. Her words misliked not Sylla, but con- sirous to be 
 trarily he shewed that she had tickled him with them : for Svllaes^appi- 
 he sent straight to aske her name, and enquired of what n g Si 
 house she was, and how she had lived. But after many slye 
 lookes betwene them, they turned their faces one to an other 
 upon every occasion, with prety smyling countenaunces : so 
 that in the end, they came to promise and contract mariage Sylla marled 
 together, for the which Valeria was not to be blamed. For Valeria, the 
 though she was as wise, as honest, and as vertuous a Lady as sister of _ Hor- 
 could be possible, yet the occasion that made Sylla mary her, Orator 
 was neither good nor commendable, bicause he was taken 
 straight with a looke and a fine tongue, as if he had bene 
 but a young boy : which commonly shew forth the filthiest 
 passions of the minde, to be so caried, and with such motions. 
 Now, notwithstanding he had this fayer young Lady in his 
 house, he left not the company of women minstrells and 
 tumblers, and to have pleasaunt jeasters and musitians about 
 him, with whome he would lye wallowing and drinking all 
 the day long, uppon litle cowches made for the nonest. For, 
 his companions that were in greatest estimacion with him at 
 that time, were these three : Roscius a maker of common 
 playes, Sorex a prince of scoffers, and one Metrobius a singing 
 man, whom he was in love withall while he lived, and yet 
 did not dissemble his love, though he was past age to be 
 beloved. This wicked life of his was cause of increasing his 
 disease, the originall cause whereof had a light foundacion 
 at the first. For he lived a great time before he perceived 
 that he had an impostume in his body, the which by processe Syllaesimpos- 
 of time came to corrupt his fleshe in such sorte, that it tu e turn ed 
 turned all to lice : so that notwithstanding he had many to yce> 
 men about him, to shift him continually night and day, yet 
 the lyce they wiped away were nothing, in respect of them 
 
 317
 
 SYLLA 
 
 Divers famous 
 men that dyed 
 of lyce. 
 
 Syllaes com- 
 mentaries 
 containe 22 
 bookes. 
 
 Syllaes sonne 
 that was dead 
 appeared to 
 him in his 
 dreame in 
 ill favored 
 apparell. 
 
 Granius 
 strangeled in 
 Syllaes sight 
 by his owne 
 commaunde- 
 ment. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 that multiplied still upon him. And there was neither 
 apparell, linnen, bathes, washing, nor meate it selfe, but was 
 presently filled with swarmes of this vile vermine. For he 
 went many times in the day into the bathe to washe and 
 dense him selfe of them, but all would not serve : for the 
 chaunging of his flesh into this putriture wanne it straight 
 againe, that there was no clensing, nor shifting of him, that 
 could kepe such a number of lyce from him. Some say, that 
 in old time (amongest the most auncientest men, whereof 
 there is any memory) Acastus the sonne of Pelias, dyed of 
 the lowsie evill : and long time after also, the Poet Alcman, 
 and Pherecides the devine : and so did Callisthenes Olynthian 
 in prison, and Mutius a wise lawyer. And if we shall make 
 mencion of those that are famous men, although it be not in 
 any good matter : we finde that a bonde man called Eunus, 
 he that was the first procurer of the warres of the bondmen 
 in Sicilia, being taken and caried to Rome, dyed also of the 
 same disease. Furthermore, Sylla did not only foresee his 
 death, but he wrote some thing of it also : for he made an 
 end of wryting the two and twenty booke of his commen- 
 taries, two dayes before he dyed. In that booke he sayth, 
 that the wise men of Chaldea had told him long before, that 
 after he had lived honorably, he should ende his dayes in the 
 flower of all his prosperity. And there he sayth also, that 
 his sonne (who departed a litle before his mother Metella) 
 appeared to him in his sleepe, apparrelled in an ill favored 
 gowne, and that comminge unto him, he prayed him he 
 would go with him unto Metella his mother, thenceforth to 
 live in peace and rest with her. But for all his disease, he 
 would not geve over to deale in matters of state. For tenne 
 dayes before his death he pacified a sedition, and tumult, 
 risen among the inhabitantes of the city of Puteolanum (in 
 Italian called Pozzolo) and there he gave them lawes and 
 ordinaunces, wherby they should governe them selves. And 
 the day before he dyed, hearing that Granius who was in 
 debt to the common wealth deferred payment of his money 
 looking for his death : he sent for him, and made him come 
 into his chamber, and there caused his men to compasse him 
 about, and commaunded them to strangle him in his sight. 
 318
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 The passion of his anger was so vehement against him, that SYLLA 
 by the extreame straining of him selfe, he brake the impos- 
 tume in his body, so as there gushed out a wonderfull deale 
 of blood : by reason whereof his strength failing him, he was 
 full of paine and panges that night, and so dyed, leaving Syllaes death, 
 the two litle children he had by Metella. For Valeria was 
 brought to bed of a daughter after his death, which was 
 called Posthumia, bicause the Romanes call those children 
 that are borne after the death of their fathers, Posthumi. Posthumi. 
 Now when Sylla was dead, many gathered about the Consull 
 Lepidus to let that his body should not be honorably buried, 
 as they were accustomed to bury noble men and men of 
 quality. But Pompey, though he was angry with Sylla, 
 bicause he had geven him nothing in his will, and had 
 remembred all his other frendes : yet he made some for love, 
 some by intreaty, and others with threatning to let it alone, Syllaes 
 and accompanying the corps into Rome, gave both safety funeralls. 
 and honor unto the performance of his funeralls. And it is 
 sayd also, that the Romane Ladies, amongest other things, 
 bestowed such a quantity of perfumes and odoriferous matter 
 towardes the same : that besides those which were brought 
 in two hundred and tenne great baskets, they made a great 
 image to the likenes of Sylla him selfe, and an other of a 
 sergeaunt carying the axes before him, all of excellent incence 
 and synamon. When the day of the funeralls came, fearing 
 least it would raine in the forenone, all the element being so 
 clowdy : they deferred to cary forth the body to be burnt, 
 untill past three of the clocke in the afternone. And then 
 rose there such a sodaine boysterous winde, that it set all 
 the stake of wodde straight a fire, that the body was burnt 
 at a tryce, and the fire going out, fell a great shower of 
 raine that held on till night: so that it seemed good 
 fortune following him even to his ende, did also helpe 
 his obsequies after his death. His tombe is to be seene Syllaes 
 in the fielde of Mars, and they say that he him selfe epitaphe. 
 made his owne epitaphe that is wrytten upon it, which 
 was : that no man did ever passe him, neither 
 in doing good to his frendes, nor in doing 
 mischiefe to his enemies. 
 
 319
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 THE COMPARISON OF 
 SYLLA WITH LYSANDER 
 
 OW that we have at large also set forth the 
 life of the Romane, let us come to com- 
 pare them both together. In this they 
 are both a like, that both of them grew 
 to be great men, rising of them selves 
 through their owne vertue : but this only 
 is proper to Lysander, that all the offices 
 and dignities which he attained unto in 
 the common wealth, were layed apon him through the peoples 
 good wills and consents. For he compelled them to nothinge, 
 neither usurped he any extraordinarie authoritie uppon them, 
 contrarie to lawe : for, as the common saying is : 
 
 Where partialitie, and discorde once doe raigne : 
 
 There wicked men are most esteemde, and rule with greatest game. 
 
 As at that time in Rome, the people being corrupted, and 
 the state of government utterly subverted and brought to 
 nought : to day there rose up one tyranne, to morow an 
 other. And therefore we may not wonder if Sylla usurped 
 and ruled all, when such fellowes as Glaucia and Saturninus, 
 did both banish and drive out of Rome such men as Metellus 
 was : and where also in open assembly they slue Consuls 
 sonnes in the market place, and where force of armes was 
 bought and sold for gold and silver, with the which the 
 souldiers were corrupted : and where they made new lawes 
 with fire and sword, and forced men to obey the same. Yet 
 I speak e not this in reproache of him that in such trouble- 
 some times founde meanes to make him selfe the greatest 
 The chiefe man : but to shew that I measure not his honesty by the 
 person is not dignity he grew unto in so unfortunate a city, although he 
 became the chiefe. And as touching him that came from 
 Sparta (at what time it florished most, and was the best 
 governed common weale) he in all great causes, and in most 
 320 
 
 alwayes the 
 honestest.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 honorable offices, was reputed for the best of all bests, and LYSANDER 
 the chiefe of all chiefes. Wherefore it happened, that the AND 
 one resigned up the authority to his contry men, the citizens, SYLLA 
 which they had geven him, who also restored it to him againe 
 many ana sundry times : for the honor of his vertue did 
 alwayes remaine, and made him justly accompted for the 
 worthiest man. Where the other being once only chosen 
 generall of an army, remained tenne yeares continually in 
 warres and hostilitie, making him selfe by force, sometime 
 Consull, somtime vice Consull, and somtime Dictator, but 
 alwayes continued a tyranne. In dede Lysander attempted 
 to chaunge, and alter the state of government in his contrie, 
 howbeit it was with greater lenity, and more lawfully then 
 Sylla did. For he sought it by reason, and good perswasion, 
 not by the sword : neither would he make a chaunge of the 
 whole at one selfe time as Sylla did, but sought only to re- 
 forme the election of kinges. The which thing according to 
 nature, doubtlesse seemed very just : that he which was the 
 best amongest good men, should be chosen king of that citie, 
 which was the chiefe over all Greece, not for her nobility, 
 but for her vertue only. For like as a good hunter doth not 
 seeke for the whelpe of a good dogge, but for the good 
 dogge him selfe : nor a wise man of armes also, the colte 
 that commeth of a good horse, but the good horse him selfe. 
 Even so, he that taketh upon him to stablish a civill govern- 
 ment, committeth a fowle fault: if he looke of whom his 
 Prince should be borne, and not what the Prince him selfe 
 should be, considering that the Lacedaemonians them selves 
 have deprived diverse of their kinges from their crowne and 
 realme, bicause they were not Princely, but unprofitable, and 
 good for nothing. Vice, although it be in a noble man, yet 
 is it alwayes ill of it selfe : but vertue is honored for her 
 selfe alone, and not bicause she is placed with nobility. 
 Now for the wronges and injuries they both committed, the Lysanders 
 one did worke only to pleasure his frendes, and the other to and Syllaes 
 offend them to whom he was bounden. For it is certaine, faults - 
 that Lysander did great wronges to gratifie his familliars : 
 and the most parte of them whom he put to death, was 
 to establish the tyrannicall power of certaine his frendes. 
 3 : SS 321
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LYSANDER Where Sylla sought for spite to take away his army from 
 AND Pompey, and the Admirallty from Dolobella, which he him 
 SYLLA se }f e na( } geven, and caused Lucretius Offella to be slaine 
 openly in his owne sight, bicause he sought to be Consull, 
 for recompence of the good service he had done : for which 
 cruelty of his, causinge his owne frendes to be slaine in such 
 sorte, he made every man afeard of him. Furthermore, 
 their behaviors touching covetousnes and pleasure doth shew, 
 that the intent of the one was the desire of a good Prince, 
 and the other, that of a tyranne. For we doe not finde 
 that Lysander, for all his great Princely authority, did ever 
 use any insolency or lasciviousnes in his deedes, but alwayes 
 avoyded as much as a man might, the reproache of this 
 common proverbe : ' Lyons at home and Foxes abroade': He 
 Lysanders led such a true Laconian life, straightly reformed in all 
 temperance poyntes. Where Sylla could never moderate his unlawfull 
 and mode- lustes, neither for poverty when he was young, nor yet for 
 age, when it came upon him. But whilest he gave lawes to 
 Syllaes licen- the Romanes touching matrimoniall honestie and chastitie : 
 tious and pro- hj m se jf e m the meane time did nothing but follow love, and 
 commit adultries, as Salust wryteth. By meanes whereof 
 he so much impoverished Rome, and left it so voyde of gold 
 and silver : that for ready money he sold absolute freedome 
 unto the cities their confederates, yet was it his dayly study 
 to confiscate and take for forfeit, the richest and most 
 wealthiest houses in all the whole citie of Rome. But all 
 this spoyle and havoke was nothing in comparison of that 
 which he dayly cast away upon his jeasters and flatterers. 
 What sparing, or measure may we thinke he kept, in his giftes 
 at private banckets : when openly in the day time (all the 
 people of Rome being present to see him sell the goodes 
 which he had caused to be confiscate) he made one of his 
 frendes and familiars, to trusse up a great deale of house- 
 hold stuffe, for a very litle price. And when any other had 
 out bidden his price, and that the crier had cried it out 
 Syllaes tyran- alowde : then was he angry, and sayd : My frendes, I have 
 nicall saying, great wrong done me here, not to suffer me sell the spoile 
 I have gotten at mine owne pleasure, and dispose it as I list 
 my selfe. Where Lysander contrarily sent to the common 
 322
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 wealth of Sparta, with other money, the very presentes that LYSANDER 
 were geven to him selfe. And yet I do not commende him AND 
 in that deede. Foi, peradventure he did more hurt to SYLLA 
 Sparta, bringing thither that gold and silver: then Sylla 
 did to Rome, in wasting and consuming that he consumed. 
 Howbeit I alleage this onely, for proofe and declaration that 
 Lysander was nothing covetous. They both have done that 
 unto their citie, which never any other but them selves did. 
 For Sylla being a riotous and licentious man, brought his 
 citizens notwithstanding to good order and government : 
 and Lysander contrarily filled his citie with vice, yet not 
 infected withall him selfe. Thus were they both offenders, 
 the one for breaking the law he commaunded to be kept, 
 and the other in making the citizens worse then he was 
 him selfe : for he taught the Spartans to desire those 
 thinges, which he above all things had learned to despise. 
 And thus much concerning peace and civill government. 
 Now for matters of warre and battells fought, there is no 
 comparison to be made of Lysander to Sylla, neither in Sylla for wars 
 number of victories, nor in hazard of battell. For Lysander to be pre- 
 wanne only but two battells by sea, besides the taking of the j erre ^ before 
 citie of Athens : which (though I graunt him) being rightly ^ sa 
 considered, was no great exployte of warre, howbeit it was 
 a noble act, considering the fame he wan by it. And as 
 for things which happened to him in Boaotia, hard by the 
 citie of Aliarte : a man might say peradventure that he had 
 ill lucke. But yet me thinkes also there was a fault in him, 
 for that he stayed not for king Pausanias aide (the which 
 came from Platees immediatly after his overthrow) and bicause 
 he went in a geere in fury, and in a vaine ambition to runne 
 his head against a wall : so that men of all sortes making a 
 desperate salye out of Aliarte upon him, slue him there to 
 no purpose. Farre unlike to Cleombrotus that died at the 
 battell of Leuctres, resisting his enemies that distressed his 
 men : nor yet like Cyrus, nor Epaminondas, who to keepe 
 his men from flying, and to geve them assured victory, re- 
 ceived his deadly wounde : for all these men dyed like noble 
 kings, and valliant Captaines. Where Lysander rashly cast 
 him selfe away, to his great dishonor, by too much venturing: 
 
 323
 
 AND 
 
 SYLLA 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LYSANDER proving thereby, that the auncient Spartans did like wise 
 men, to avoyde the fight with walles. For the noblest 
 and valliantest man that is, or possible can be, may easily 
 be so slaine, not onely by the first souldier that commeth, 
 but by every seely woman or childe. As they say that the 
 worthy Achilles was killed by Paris within the very gates 
 of Troia. Now to the contrarie againe, the victories that 
 Sylla wanne in set battells, and the thowsandes of enemies 
 which he slue, are not easily to be numbred, besides also 
 that he tooke the city of Rome twise, and the haven of 
 Athens : not by famine as Lysander did, but by force, after 
 he had by many great battells driven Archelaus out of firme 
 land, into the maine sea. It is to be considered also, against 
 what Captaines they made warres. For me thinkes it was 
 but a pastime, as a man might say, for Lysander to fight 
 with Antiochus, a pylot of Alcibiades, or to surprise and 
 deceive Philocles, a common orator at Athens : 
 
 Much worse then two edged sword, his busie tongue did seeme : 
 Which pratled still, and honestie did never once esteeme. 
 
 And whom Mithridates (in my opinion) would not vouche- 
 safe to compare with his horsekeeper, nor Marius with one of 
 his sergeauntes or masebearers. But to leave a side the 
 particular names of all other Princes, Lordes, Consulls, 
 Praetors, Captaines, and Governors that made warres with 
 Sylla : what Romane Captaine was there more to be feared, 
 then Marius? what king living was there of such power as king 
 Mithridates ? And of Generalls and Lieutenauntes of armies 
 in all Italie, were there any ever more valliant, then Lampo- 
 nius and Thelesinus : of the which Sylla drave the one away, 
 and brought the other to obey him, and slue the two last ? 
 But the greatest matter of all that we have spoken of yet, in 
 my opinion was, that Lysander did all his noble actes, with 
 the aide of his whole contrie : where Sylla to the contrarie 
 did his, (being banished from his contry) by his enemies. 
 And at the selfe same time that they drave Syllaes wife out of 
 Rome, that they overthrewe his houses, and slue his frendes 
 also in Rome : he notwithstanding made warres in the meane 
 time with infinite thowsandes of fighting men in Bceotia, 
 
 324 
 
 Sylla fought 
 with men of 
 greatest 
 power and 
 overcame 
 them.
 
 and ventred his person in manifold daungers, so that in the LYSANDER 
 end he conquered them all to the honor and benefit of his AND 
 contry. Furthermore, Sylla would never stoupe to king SYLLA 
 Mithridates, for any particular allyance he offred him, 
 neither yeelde unto him for any aide of men, or money, to 
 warre against his enemies : but a thing most chiefely to be 
 noted above the rest, he would not vouchesafe to speake 
 to Mithridates, nor to take him by the hande onely, before Syllaes mag- 
 he had spoken it with his owne mouth, and faithfully pro- nanimity. 
 mised, that he would forgoe Asia, deliver him his gallies, 
 and geve up the realmes of Bithynia and Cappadocia unto 
 their naturall kinges. This me thinkes was the goodliest act 
 that ever Sylla did, and proceeded of the greatest magna- 
 nimity, to have preferred the benefit of the common wealth 
 in that sorte, before his private commodity. For therin 
 he was like unto a good greyhound that first pincheth the 
 deare, and holdeth him fast, till he have overthrowen him : 
 and then afterwardes followeth the recovery of his owne 
 private quarrell. And lastly, me thinkes it is easily judged, 
 what difference there was betwene their two natures, in that 
 they did both towardes the citie of Athens. For Sylla 
 having taken it, after the citizens had made fierce warres 
 with him for the increase of king Mithridates greatnes : yet 
 he left it free unto them, enjoying their owne lawes. Where 
 Lysander to the contrary, seing such a mighty state and 
 Empire as that, overthrowen from the great rule it bare, had 
 no pity of it at all, but tooke away the libertie of popular 
 
 fovernment, whereby it had bene governed of long time Plutarkes 
 efore : and established there very cruell and wicked tyrans. judgement of 
 And therfore in myne opinion, we shall not much swarve from ? y * nd 
 troth, if we geve this judgement : that Sylla did the greater 
 acts : and Lysander committed the fewer faultes. And 
 that we geve to the one the honor of a continent and 
 modest man : and to the other, the commenda- 
 cion of a valliant and skilfull souldier.
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 THE LIFE OF CIMON 
 
 Peripoltasand 
 his posterity. 
 
 ERIPOLTAS the Soothsayer, he that 
 brought king Opheltas out of Thessalie 
 into the contry of Breotia, with the 
 people which were undre his obedience : 
 left a posterity after him that long time 
 florished in that contry, the more parte 
 of the which were ever resident in the 
 city of Chaeronea, bicause it was the first 
 city that was conquered from the barbarous people whom 
 they expulsed thence. All they that came of that race, 
 were commonly men of great corage, and naturally geven to 
 the warres : who were so forward and adventurous in all 
 daungers therof (in the invasions of the Medes into Greece, 
 and in the battells of the Gaules) that they were slaine all 
 of them, but onely Damon (a litle childe left fatherlesse 
 and motherlesse) surnamed Peripoltas that escaped, who for 
 goodly personage and noble corage excelled all the lusty 
 The manners youthes of his time, though otherwise he was very rude, and 
 and lewd o f a severe nature. Now it fortuned, that when Damon was 
 
 partes of growen of full age, a Romane Captaine of an ensigne of 
 Damon Peri- ,, . V s ' . ,, , , r . . . ... 
 
 poltas. lootemen (lying in garrison tor the winter season in the citie 
 
 of Chaeronea) fell in great love with Damon : and bicause 
 he could not reape the frutes of his dishonest love by no 
 intreaty nor giftes, there appeared vehement presumptions 
 that by force he went about to abuse him, for that Chaeronea 
 at that time (being my naturall city where I was borne) was 
 a small thing, and (being of no strength nor power) litle 
 regarded. Damon mistrusting the Captaines villanie, and 
 detesting his abhominable desire watched him a shrewd 
 turne, and got certaine of his companions (not many in 
 number, bicause he might the more secretly compasse his 
 enterprise) to be a counsel with him, and take his parte 
 against the Captaine. Now there were a sixteene of them in 
 consort together, that one night blacked their faces all with 
 326 

 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 soote, and the next morning after they had dronke together, CIMON 
 by the breake of day set upon this Romane Captaine, that 
 was making sacrifice in the market place, and slue him with 
 a good number of his men : and when they had done, fled 
 out of the citie, which was straight in a great uprore for the 
 murther committed. Thereuppon they called a counsell, 
 and in the market place condemned Damon and his con- 
 federates to suffer paines of death : hoping thereby to have 
 cleared their innocencie for the fact done to the Romaines. 
 But the selfe same night, as all the magistrates and officers 
 of the city were at supper together in the towne house 
 according to their custome : Damon and his followers stale 
 upon them sodainly, slue them all, and fled againe upon it. 
 It chaunsed about that time, that Lucius Lucullus bding 
 sent on some jorney, passed by the city of Chseronea with 
 his army : and bicause this murther was but newly done, he 
 stayed there a few dayes to examine the troth and originall Lucius Lucul- 
 thereof. And found that the commons of the citie were in ^ s examineth 
 no fault, but that they them selves also had received hurte : ** murther 
 wherupon he tooke the souldiers of the Romanes that 
 remained of the garrison, and caried them away with him. 
 In the meane time, Damon destroyed all the contry there- 
 about, and still hovered neere to the citie, insomuch as the 
 inhabitantes of the same were driven in the end to send unto 
 him, and by gentle wordes and favorable decrees handled him 
 so, that they intysed him to come againe into the city : and 
 when they had him amongest them, they chose him Gym- 
 nasiarchus, to say, a master of exercises of youth. But 
 shortly after, as they were rubbing of him with oyle in his 
 stoove or hotte house, starke naked as he was, they slue him Damon slaine 
 by treason. And bicause that there appeared sprights of by treason, 
 long time after in that place, and that there were heard 
 gronings and sighings as our fathers tolde us, they caused the 
 dore of the hotte house to be walled up : yet for all that, 
 there are visions seene, and terrible voyces and cries heard in 
 that selfe place unto this present time, as the neighbours 
 dwellinge by doe testifie. Now they that were discended of 
 this Damon (for there are yet of his race in the contrie of 
 Phocides, neere unto the citie of Stiris, who do only of all 
 
 327
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CIMON other both keepe the language and maners of the ^Etolians) 
 Asbolomeni, are called Asbolomeni, signifyinge blacke, and besmered with 
 who they soote : bicause that Damon and his fellowes did blacke their 
 lfd faces with soote, when they slue the Romane Captaine. But the 
 Orchomenians being neere neighbors unto the Chaeroneians, 
 and therfore their enemies, hyered an informer of Rome, a 
 malitious accuser, to accuse the whole citie, (as if it had bene 
 one private person alone) for the murther of the Romanes, 
 Chaeronea in- whome Damon and his companions had slaine. The indite- 
 dited for tne ment was drawen, and the case pleaded before the governor 
 rnurther. Q f M acec } onj f or thai the Romanes did send no governors 
 at that time into Greece : and the counsellers that pleaded 
 for the citie of Chaeronea, relied upon the testimonie of 
 Lucullus Lucius Lucullus, referring them selves to his reporte, who 
 called for a k new the troth, and how it was. Thereupon the governor 
 witnesse of , j r 11 u- i a e 
 
 the troth. wrote unto him, and Lucullus in his letter of aunswere 
 
 advertised the very troth : so was our city cleared of the 
 accusation, which otherwise stoode in daunger of utter 
 destruction. The inhabitantes of the city of Chaeronea, for 
 that they had escaped the daunger by testimonie of Lucius 
 Lucullus, to honor him withall, they set up his image in 
 stone in the market place, next unto the image of Bacchus. 
 And we also that be living at this present, though many 
 yeares be gone and passed sence, do notwithstanding recken 
 our selves partakers of his forepassed benefit. And bicause 
 Historic, is we are perswaded, that the image and portraiture that 
 a certaine maketh us acquainted with mens manners and condicions, is 
 
 image of mens f arre m ore excellent, then the picture that representeth any 
 manners and i i MI i_ -i i v/ i 
 
 wisedom mans person or shape only : we will comprehend his life and 
 
 doinges according to the troth, in this volume of noble mens 
 
 lives, where we doe compare and sorte them one with an 
 
 other. It shalbe sufficient for us therefore, that we shew 
 
 our selves thankefull for his benefit, and we thinke, that he 
 
 himselfe would mislike for reward of his true testimonie, to 
 
 be requited with a favorable lye told in his behalfe. But 
 
 A prety like as when we will have a passinge fayer face drawen, and 
 
 similitude. lively counterfeated, and that hath an excellent good grace 
 
 withall, yet some manner of bleamishe or imperfection in it : 
 
 we will not allowe the drawer to leave it out altogether, nor 
 
 328
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 yet too curiously to shewe it, bicause the one would deforme CIMON 
 the counterfeate, and the other make it very unlikely. Even 
 so, bicause it is a hard thing (or to say better, peradventure 
 impossible) to describe a man, whose life should altogether Howe to de- 
 be innocent, and perfect : we must first study to wryte his scribe the life 
 vertues at large, and thereby seeke perfectly to represent the 
 troth, even as the life it selfe. But where by chaunce we 
 finde certaine faultes and errors in their doinges, proceeding 
 either of passion of the minde, by necessity of the time or 
 state of the common wealth : they are rather to be thought 
 imperfections of vertue not altogether accomplished, then 
 any purposed wickednes proceeding of vice, or certaine 
 malice. Which we shall not neede too curiously to expresse 
 in our history, but rather to passe them lightly over, of 
 reverent shame to the meere frayelty of mans nature, which 
 can not bringe foorth a man of such vertue and perfection, 
 but there is ever some imperfection in him. And therefore, 
 considering with my selfe unto whome I might compare 
 Lucullus, I thought it best to compare him with Cimon, bicause Cimon, and 
 they have bene both valliant souldiers against their enemies, Lucullus in 
 having both done notable exploytes in warres against the j^ ,* ges 
 barbarous people : and moreover, they have both bene cur- K^ 
 teous and mercifull unto their citizens, and were both the 
 only men that pacified the civill warres and dissention in 
 their contrie, and both the one and the other of them wan 
 notable victories of the barbarous people. For there was 
 never Greecian Captaine before Cimon, nor Romane Captaine 
 before Lucullus, that had made warres so farre of from their 
 contrie leaving a parte the deedes of Bacchus and of Hercules, 
 and the deedes also of Perseus, against the ^Ethiopians, the 
 Medes, and the Armenians, and the deedes of lason also : if 
 there remaine any monument extant since their time, worthie 
 of credit in these our dayes. Furthermore, herein they are 
 to be likened together : that they never ended their warres, 
 they only overthrewe their enemies, but never overcame them 
 altogether. Againe, they may note in them a great resem- 
 blaunce of nature, for their honestie, curtesie and humanitie, 
 which they shewed unto straungers in their contrie : and for 
 the magnificence and sumptuousnes of their life and ordinarie 
 3 : TT 329
 
 CIMON 
 
 Cimons 
 linadge. 
 
 Thucidydes 
 linadge. 
 
 Miltiades died 
 in prison. 
 
 Cimon de- 
 famed in his 
 youth. 
 
 Coalemos, 
 foole. 
 
 Cimons con- 
 
 dicions. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 expence. It may be we doe leave out some other similitudes 
 betwene them : howbeit in the discourse of their lives they 
 will easily appeare. Cimon was the sonne of Miltiades and 
 of Hegesipyle, a Thracian woman borne, and the daughter of 
 king Olorus, as we finde wrytten in certaine poeticall verses 
 which Melanthius and Archelaus have wrytten of Cimon. 
 The father of Thucydides the historiographer him selfe, who 
 was of kinne also unto Cimon, was called in like manner 
 Olorus, showing by the agreeing of the name, that this king 
 Olorus was one of his auncesters, and did also possesse mines 
 of gold in the contry of Thracia. It is sayd moreover that 
 he dyed in a certaine place called the ditchie forrest, where 
 he was slaine : howbeit that his ashes and bones were caried 
 into the contrie of Attica, where his tombe appeareth yet to 
 this day, amongest the tombes of them of the house and 
 family of Cimon, neere unto the tombe of Cimons owne sister 
 called Elpinice. Notwithstanding, Thucydides was of the 
 village of Alimus, and Miltiades of the village of Lacia. 
 This Miltiades Cimons father, being condemned by the state 
 to pay the summe of fifty talentes, was for non payment cast 
 into prison, and there dyed : and left Cimon and his sister 
 Elpinice alive, both Orphanes, and very young. Now, Cimon 
 in his first young yeares had a very ill name and reporte in 
 the city, being counted a riotous young man, and a great 
 drinker, following his grandfather Cimons facions up and 
 downe, as he had also his name : saving that his grandfather 
 for his beastlines was surnamed Coalemos, as much to say as 
 foole. Stesimbrotus Thasian, who was about Cimons time, 
 wryteth, that Cimon never learned musike, nor any other 
 of the liberall sciences accustomably taught to young noble 
 mens sonnes of Greece, and that he had no sharpe wit, nor 
 good grace of speaking, a vertue proper unto children borne 
 in the contry of Attica : howbeit that he was of a noble 
 minde, and plaine, without dissimulacion, so that he rather 
 lived Peloponnesian like, then like an Athenian. For he 
 was even such as the Poet Euripides described Hercules 
 to be: 
 
 330 
 
 A simple man he was, and could not well disguise : 
 
 As honest eke in thiuges of weight, as wit could well devise.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 This served fitly to be applied unto Stesimbrotus wordes CIMON 
 wrytten of him : but notwithstanding, in his first younge 
 yeares he was suspected of incontinency with his sister, who Elpinice 
 in deede otherwise had no very good name. For she was Cimons sister 
 very familiar with the painter Polygnotus, who painting the uncliast - 
 Troian Ladies prisoners, upon the walls of the gallery, 
 called the Plesianaction, and now Poecile : (to say, set out 
 and beawtified with divers pictures) he drue (as they say) 
 Laodices face upon Elpinices picture. This painter Poly- Polygnotus 
 gnotus was no common artificer nor hierling, that painted the painter, 
 this gallery for moneys sake, but gave his labor franckely to 
 the common wealth, as all the historiographers that wrote 
 in that time do witnesse : and as the Poet Melanthius also 
 reciteth in these verses : 
 
 At his owne proper charge, great cost he hath bestowed : 
 In decking up our temples here with gilted roofes embowed, 
 For honor of the goddes. And in our towne likewise, 
 He hath adornd the common place, with many a fine devise. 
 Painting and setting forth, in stately show to see, 
 The images of demy goddes that here amongest us be. 
 
 Yet some say that Elpinice did not secretly companie Elpinice 
 with her brother Cimon, but lay with him openly as his being poore, 
 lawfull maried wife, bicause she could not for her poverty f 1 re ^ rde 
 have a husband of like nobilitie and parentage to her selfe. cor( ii n g to her 
 Howbeit, that a certaine man called Callias, being one of state and 
 the richest men of the citie, did afterwardes fall in fansie calling, 
 with her, and desired to mary her, offering to pay her father 
 Miltiades fine of fiftie talents, wherein he stoode condemned 
 a debter to the state, so that he might have her to his wife. 
 Cimon was contented, and uppon that condicion maried his 
 sister Elpinice unto Callias. This notwithstandinge, it is 
 certaine that Cimon was somewhat amorous, and geven to Cimon subject 
 love women. For Melanthius the Poet in certaine of his to lascivious 
 elegies, maketh mencion for his pleasure of one Asteria borne ' 
 at Salamina, and of an other called Mnestra, as if Cimon 
 had bene in love with them. But undoutedly, he loved 
 his lawefull wife Isodice marvelous well, the daughter of 
 Euryptolemus, Megacles sonne, and tooke her death very 
 grievouslie, as we may conjecture by the elegies that were 
 
 331
 
 ditions. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CIMON wrytten unto him, to comforte him in his sorowe. Panaetius 
 the Philosopher is of opinion, that Archelaus the Phisitian 
 wrote those elegies : and sure it is not unlikely, considering 
 the time in which they were wrytten. But furthermore, 
 
 The praise of Cimons nature and condicions deserved great commendacion. 
 
 Cimons con- For his valliantnesse he gave no place unto Miltiades, and 
 for his wisedome and judgement, he was not inferior unto 
 Themistocles : and it is out of all doubt that he was a juster 
 and honester man, then either of them both. For he was 
 equall with the best of either of both in the discipline of 
 warres, and for the valliantnesse of a noble Captaine : and 
 he did much excell them both in the properties of a good 
 governor, and in thadministracion of the affayres of a citie, 
 when he was but a younge man, and had no experience of 
 warres. For when Themistocles at the comminge in of the 
 Medes counselled the people of Athens to goe out of the citie, 
 to leave their landes and contrie, and to shippe into gallies, 
 and fight with the barbarous people by sea in the straight of 
 Salamina : as everie man was wonderinge at his bolde and 
 venturous counsell, Cimon was the first man that went with 
 a life and jolitie through the streete Ceramicus, unto the 
 castell, accompanied with his younge familiars and com- 
 panions, caryinge a bitte of a bridle in his hande to con- 
 secrate unto the goddesse Minerva, signifyinge thereby, that 
 the citie had no neede of horsemen at that time, but of 
 mariners and sea men. And after he had geven up his 
 offering, he tooke one of the targettes that honge uppon 
 the wall of the temple, and havinge made his prayer unto 
 Minerva, came downe to the haven, and was the first that 
 made the most parte of the citizens to take a good harte 
 to them, and coragiously to leave the land, and take the 
 sea. Besides all this, he was a man of a goodly stature, as 
 Ion the Poet testifieth, and had a fayer curled heare and 
 thicke, and fought so valliantlie at the day of the battell, 
 that he wanne immediatly great reputacion, with the love 
 and good wll of everie man. So that many were still about 
 him to encorage him, to be lively and valliant, and to thinke 
 thence foorth to doe some actes worthie of the glorie that 
 his father had gotten at the battell of Marathon. And 
 332 
 
 Cimons per- 
 sonage com- 
 mended.
 
 afterwardes, so soone as he beganne to deale in matters of CIMON 
 state, the people were marvelous glad of him, and were 
 wearied with Themistocles : by meanes whereof Cimon was 
 presently advaunced and preferred, to the chiefest offices 
 of honor in the citie, being very well thought on of the 
 common people, bicause of his soft and plaine nature. 
 Moreover, Aristides also did greatlie furder his advaunce- 
 ment, bicause he sawe him of a good gentle nature, and for 
 that he would use him as a countrepease to controll Themis- 
 tocles craft and stowtnesse. Wherefore after the Medes 
 were fled out of Greece, Cimon being sent for by the 
 Athenians for their generall by sea, when the citie of Athens Cimon Gene- 
 had then no manner of rule nor commaundement, but rail for the 
 followed kinge Pausanias and the Lacedaemonians : he ever b * S g^ ians 
 kept his contrie men and citizens in marvelous good order 
 in all the viages he made, and they were readier to doe good 
 service, then any other nation in the whole armie what- 
 soever. And when kinge Pausanias had practised with the 
 barbarous people to betraye Greece, had wrytten also to the 
 kinge of Persia about it, and in the meane time delt very 
 cruelly and straightly with the confederates of his contry, 
 and committed many insolent partes by reason of the great King Pausan- 
 authority he had, and through his foolish pride whereof he j 3 . 8 * hrou gh 
 was full : Cimon farre otherwise, gently entertained them and^rideTost 
 whom Pausanias injured, and was willing to heare them, the Lacedae- 
 So that by this his curteous manner, the Lacedemonians monians all 
 having no eye to his doinges, he stale away the rule and their rule of 
 commaundement of all Greece from them, and brought the 
 Athenians to be sole Lordes of all, not by force and cruelty, 
 but by his sweete tongue, and gracious manner of using all 
 men. For the most parte of the confederates being no 
 lenger able to away with Pausanias pride and cruelty, came 
 willingly and submitted them selves under the protection of 
 Cimon and Aristides : who did not only receive them, but 
 wrote also to the counsell of the Ephores at Lacedsemon, 
 that they should call Pausanias home, for that he dishonored 
 Sparta, and put all Greece to much trouble and warres. 
 And for proofe hereof, they say that king Pausanias being 
 on a time in the citie of Byzance, sent for Cleonice, a young 
 
 333
 
 CIMON 
 
 Pausanias 
 tinevir ir 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 maiden of a noble house, to take his pleasure of her. Her 
 parentes durst not keepe her from him, by reason of his 
 crueltie, but suffered him to cary her away. The young 
 gentlewoman prayed the groomes of Pausanias chamber to 
 take away the lightes, and thinking in the darke to come to 
 Pausanias bed that was a sleepe, groping for the bed as 
 softly as she could to make no noyse, she unfortunately hit 
 against the lampe and overthrew it. The falling of the 
 lampe, made such a noyse, that it waked him on the sodaine, 
 and thought straight therewithall that some of his enemies 
 had bene comen traiterously to kill him, wherupon he tooke 
 his dagger lying under his beddes head, and so stabbed it 
 in the young virgine, that she dyed immediatly upon it. 
 ^ ow beit sne ney er let Pausanias take rest after that, bicause 
 her spirite came every night and appeared unto him, as he 
 would faine have slept, and spake this angrily to him in 
 verse, as followeth : 
 
 Keepe thou thy selfe upright, and justice see thou feare, 
 
 For woe and shame be unto him, that justice downe doth beare. 
 
 This vile fact of his did so stirre up all the confederates 
 against him, that they came to besiege him in Bizantium 
 under the conduction of Cimon : from whom notwith- 
 standing he escaped, and secretly saved him selfe. And 
 bicause that this maidens spirite would never let him rest, 
 but vexed him continually : he fled unto the city of 
 Heraclea, where there was a temple that conjured dead 
 spirites, and there was the spirite of Cleonice conjured, to 
 pray her to be contented. So she appeared unto him, and 
 told him that he should be delivered of all his troubles so 
 soone as he came to Sparta : signifying thereby (in my 
 opinion) the death which he should suffer there. Divers 
 wryters do thus reporte it. Cimon being accompanied with 
 the confederates of the Greecians, which were come to him 
 to take his parte: was advertised that certaine great men 
 of Persia, and allyed to the king himselfe, who kept the 
 city of Eione, upon the river of Strymon in the contrie of 
 Thracia, did great hurt and damage unto the Greecians 
 inhabiting thereabouts. Upon which intelligence he tooke 
 
 334
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the sea with his armie, and went thither, where at his first CIMON 
 
 comming he vanquished and overthrewe the barbarous people Cimonsjorney 
 
 in battell : and havinge overthrowen them, drave all the rest andvictorie 
 
 into the city of Eione. That done, he went to invade the u 
 
 Thracians that dwelt on the other side of the river of 
 
 Strymon, who did commonly vittell them of Eione : and 
 
 having driven them to forsake the contrie, he kept it, and 
 
 was Lord of the whole him selfe. Whereupon he held them 
 
 that were besieged at Eione so straightly from vittells, that 
 
 Butes the king of Persiaes Lieutenaunt, dispayringe of the 
 
 state of the citie, set fire on the same, and burnt him selfe, Butes burneth 
 
 his frendes, and all the goodes in it. By reason whereof, him selfe, city, 
 
 the spoyle taken in that citie was but small, bicause the ^ fj^ ^' 
 
 barbarous people burnt all the best thinges in it with them Cimon. 
 
 selves : howebeit he conquered the contrie thereaboutes, and 
 
 gave it the Athenians to inhabite, being a verie pleasaunte 
 
 and fertyle soyle. In memorie whereof, the people of Athens 
 
 suffered him to consecrate and set up openly three Hermes 
 
 of stone, (which are foure square pillers) upon the toppes of Statues of 
 
 the which they set up heades of Mercurye : upon the first of Mercury. 
 
 the three pillers, this inscription is graven : 
 
 The people truely were, of corage stowte and fierce, 
 
 Who having shut the Medes fast up (as stories do rehearce) 
 
 Within the walled towne, of Eione that tyde, 
 
 Which on the streame of Strymon stands : they made them there 
 
 abide 
 
 The force of famines pinche, and therewith made them feele, 
 The dynte of warre so many a time, with trusty tooles of steele, 
 Till in the end dispaire, so pearced in their thought, 
 As there they did destroy them selves, and so were brought to 
 
 nought. 
 
 Upon the second there is such an other: 
 
 The citizens which dwell, in Athens stately towne, 
 Have here set up these monuments, and pictures of renowne. 
 To honor so the facts, and celebrate the fame, 
 Their valliant chieftaines did achieve, in many a marshall game. 
 That such as after come, when they thereby perceive, 
 How men of service for their deedes, did rich rewards receive, 
 Encoraged may be, such men for to resemble, 
 In valliant acts, and dreadfull deedes, which make their foes to 
 tremble. 
 
 335
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CIMON And upon the third an other : 
 
 When Mnestheus did lead forth of this citie here. 
 
 An armie to the Troyane warres, (by Homer dotli appeare) 
 
 He was above the rest, that out of Graecia went : 
 
 A valliant knight, a worthy wight, a Captaine excellent. 
 
 To take in hand the charge, an army for to guide : 
 
 And eke to range them orderly, in battell to abide. 
 
 That praise of prowesse then, (O grave Atheniens) 
 
 Is now no newes to fill the eares of these your citizens. 
 
 Since through the world so wide, the fame and worthy praise, 
 
 For marshall feates, to you of yore hath judged beene alwayes. 
 
 Now, though Cimons name be not comprised in these 
 inscriptions, yet they thought that this was a singular honor 
 to him at that time : for neither Miltiades nor Themistocles 
 had ever the like. For when Miltiades requested the people 
 one day that they woulde licence him to weare a garland of 
 olyve boughes upon his head : there was one Sochares, borne 
 in the towne of Decelea, that standing up in open assembly 
 spake against him, and sayd a thing that marvelously pleased 
 the people, though in deede it was an unthankeful recoin- 
 pence for the good service, he had done to the common 
 wealth. When you have Miltiades, (sayd he) overcome the 
 barbarous people alone in battell, then aske to be honored 
 alone also. But howe was it then, that Cimons service was 
 so acceptable to the Athenians ? Yt was in myne opinion, 
 bicause they had with other Captaines fought to defende 
 them selves and their contrie onely: and that under the 
 conduction of Cimon, they had assulted and driven their 
 enemies home to their owne dores, where they conquered the 
 cities of Eione and of Amphipolis, which afterwardes they did 
 inhabite with their owne citizens, and wanne there also the 
 He of Scyros, which Cimon tooke upon this occasion. The 
 Dolopians did inhabite it, who were idle people, and lived 
 without labor or tillage, and had bene rovers of the sea of a 
 wonderfull long time, using pyracie altogether to maintaine 
 them selves withall : so that in the end they spared not 
 so much as the marchaunts and passengers tnat harbored 
 in their havens, but robbed certaine Thessalians that went 
 thither to trafficke. And when they had taken their goodes 
 from them, yet would they cast them in prison besides. 
 336 
 
 Sochares 
 Decelean, 
 spake against 
 Miltiades re- 
 quest for the 
 garland of 
 Olyve 
 boughes. 
 
 Cimon wanne 
 the He of 
 Scyros.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Howbeit the prisoners found meanes to escape, and after CIMON 
 they had saved them selves, repayred to the parlament of 
 the Amphictyons, which is a generall counsell of all the The counsel! 
 states and people of Greece. The Amphictyons understand- th e Am- 
 inge the matter, condemned the citie of the Scyrians to pay ^ 1C y ns - 
 a great summe of money. The citizens refused to be con- 
 tributaries to the payment of the fine, and bad them that 
 robbed the marchauntes and had the goodes in their handes, 
 pay it if they would. And therfore, bicause there was no 
 other likelyhood, but that the theeves them selves should be 
 driven to aunswer the fine, they fearing it, wrote letters unto 
 Cimon, and willed him to come with his army, and they 
 would deliver their city into his handes : the which was 
 performed. And thus Cimon having conquered this Hand, 
 drave out the Dolopians thence, and ryd the sea -^Egeum of 
 all pirates therby. That done, remembring that the auncient 
 Theseus, the sonne of ^Egeus, flying from Athens came into 
 that Hand of Scyros, where king Lycomedes suspecting his 
 comming had traiterously slaine him. Cimon was marvelous 
 carefull to seeke out his tombe, bicause the Athenians had 
 an oracle and prophecie, that commaunded them to bring his 
 ashes and bones backe againe to Athens, and to honor him 
 as a demy god. But they knewe not where he was buried, 
 for that the inhabitantes of the Ilande would never before 
 confesse where it was, nor suffer any man to seeke it out, till 
 he at the last with much a doe founde the tombe, put his Theseus bones 
 bones abord the Admirall galley sumptuously decked and brought to 
 set foorth, and so brought them againe into his contry, foure ver ^l^ r 
 hundred yeares after Theseus death. For this, the people his death by 
 thanked him marvelously, and thereby he wanne exceedingly Cimon. 
 the Athenians good willes: and in memorie of him they 
 celebrated the judgement of the tragicall playes of the Poets. 
 For when Sophocles the Poet, being a young man had played Sophocles and 
 
 his first tragedy, Aphepsion the president perceivinge there ^ scn yl us 
 
 , -X i i it i i contentionfor 
 
 was great strife and contention amongest the lookers on, v j ctory 
 
 would not draw them by lottes that should be judges of this 
 play, to geve the victorie unto that Poet that had best 
 deserved : but when Cimon and the other Captaines were 
 come into the Theater to see the same, (after they had 
 3 ; UU 337
 
 .ffischylus 
 overcome by 
 Sophocles, 
 dwelleth in 
 Sicilia, and 
 dyeth there. 
 
 Cimon sang 
 
 passing 
 
 swetelv. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CIMON made their accustomed oblations unto the god, in honor of 
 whom these playes were celebrated) he stayed, and made 
 them to minister an othe unto tenne, (which were of every 
 tribe of the people, one) and the othe being geven, he caused 
 them to sit as judges to geve sentence, which of the Poets 
 should cary away the prise. This made all the Poetes strive 
 and contend who best shoulde doe, for the honor of the 
 judges: but Sophocles, by their sentence bare away the 
 victory. But JEschilus (as they say) was so angry and 
 grieved withall, that he taried not long after in Athens, and 
 went for spight into Sicilia, where he dyed and was buried 
 neere unto the citie of Gela. Ion wryteth that he being but 
 a young boy, newly come from Chio unto Athens, supped 
 one night with Cimon at Laomedons house, and that after 
 supper when they had geven the goddes thankes, Cimon was 
 intreated by the company to sing. And he did sing with so 
 good a grace, that every man praised him that heard him, 
 and sayd he was more curteous then Themistocles farre : who 
 being in like company, and requested also to play upon the 
 citherne, aunswered them, he was never taught to sing nor 
 play upon the citherne, howbeit he could make a poore 
 village to become a rich and mighty city. After that done, 
 the company discoursing from one matter to an other, as 
 it falleth out commonly in speeche, they entred in talke 
 of Cimons doinges : and having rehearsed the chiefest of 
 them, he him selfe told one, which was the notablest and 
 wisest parte of all the rest that ever he played. For the 
 Athenians and their confederates together, having taken a 
 great number of barbarous people prisoners, in the cities 
 of Sestos and of Bizantium : the confederates to honor him 
 withall, gave him the preheminence to devide the spoyle 
 Cimons cun- amongest them. Whereuppon he made the division, and 
 ning division se t out the bodies of the barbarous people all naked by them 
 of the spoyle. se i ves? an( j l a yed the spoyles and their apparell by them selves. 
 The confederates founde this distribution very unequall : but 
 neverthelesse Cimon gave them the choyce to choose which of 
 the two they would, and that the Athenians should be con- 
 tented with that which they left. So there was a Samian 
 Captaine called Herophytus, that gave the confederats 
 338
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 counsel rather to take the spoiles of the Persians, then the CIMON 
 Persians them selves, and so they did : for they tooke the Herophytus 
 spoile of the prisoners goodes and apparell, and left the men Samian, gave 
 unto the Athenians. Wherupon Cimon was thought at that cCoTe the 
 time of the common souldiers to be but an ill devider of S p yle. 
 spoyle, bicause that the confederats caried away great store 
 of chaines, karkanets, and braselets of gold, and goodly rich 
 purple apparell after the Persian facion : and the Athenians 
 brought away naked bodies of men, very tender and un- 
 acquainted with paine and labor. But shortly after, the 
 parentes and frendes of these prisoners, came out of Phrygia 
 and Lydia, and redeemed every man of them at a great 
 raunsome : so that Cimon gathered such a masse of readie 
 money together by their raunsome, as he defrayed the whole 
 charges of all his gallies with the same, for the space of foure 
 monethes after, and left a great summe of money besides 
 in the sparing treasure of Athens. Cimon by this meanes 
 being nowe become riche, bestowed the goodes which he Cimons liber- 
 had thus honorably gotten from the barbarous people, more jdity and 
 honorably againe, in relieving his poore decayed citizens. os P lt! 
 For he brake up all his hedges and inclosures, and layed 
 them plaine and open, that travellers passing by, and his 
 owne poore citizens, might take as much frute thereof as 
 they would, without any maner daunger. And furthermore, 
 kept a continuall table in his house, not furnished with 
 many dishes, but with meate sufficient for many persons, and 
 where his poore contrie men were dayly refreshed, that would 
 come unto that ordinary: so as they needed not otherwise 
 care to labor for their living, but might be the readier, and 
 have the more leasure to serve the common wealth. Yet 
 Aristotle the Philosopher wryteth, that it was not for all the 
 Athenians indifferently, that he kept this ordinarie table : 
 but for his poore townes men onely in the village of Lacia, 
 where he was borne. Furthermore, he had alwayes certaine Cimons 
 young men waiting on him of his household servauntes well charity, 
 apparrelled, and if he met by chaunce as he went up and 
 downe the citie, any olde citizen poorely arrayed, he made 
 one of these younge men strip him selfe, and chaunge 
 apparell with tne olde man : and that was very well thought 
 
 339
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CIMON of, and they all honored him for it. Moreover, these 
 young men caried ever good store of money about them : 
 and when they met with any honest poore citizen in the 
 market place, or else where, knowinge his povertie, they 
 secretly gave him money in his hande, and sayd never a 
 worde. Which the Poet selfe Cratinus seemeth to speake 
 of, in a comedie of his intituled the Archiloches. 
 
 I am Metrobius the secretarie, he, 
 
 Which did my selfe assure (in age) well cherished to be : 
 
 At wealthie Cimons horde, where want was never found, 
 
 Whose distributions and his almes did to the poore abound. 
 
 There thought I for to passe myne aged yeares away, 
 
 With that right noble godly man, which was the Greecians stay. 
 
 How Cimon Furthermore, Gorgias Leontine sayd, that Cimon got 
 used his goodes to use them, and that he used them to be honored 
 
 goods. gy them. And Critias that was one of the thirty tyrannes 
 
 of Athens, he wisheth and desireth of the goddes in his 
 
 elegies : 
 
 The goddes of Scopas heyres, the great magnificence, 
 And noble hart of Cimon he, who spared none expence : 
 The glorious victories, and high triumphant showes, 
 Of good Agesilaus king, good goddes, oh graunt me those. 
 
 The hospital- The name of Lichas Spartan, hath bene famous amongest 
 ity of Lichas the Greecians : and yet we know no other cause why, saving 
 Spartan. that he used to feast straungers that came to Lacedaemon on 
 
 their festivall day, to see the sportes and exercises of the 
 young men daunsing naked in the city. But the magni- 
 ficence of Cimon, did farre exceede the auncient liberality, 
 curtesie, and hospitalitie of the Athenians : for they of all 
 other were the first men that taught the Greecians through 
 out all Greece, how they should sow corne, and gather it to 
 maintaine them selves withall, and also shewed them the use 
 of welles, and howe they should light and keepe fire. But 
 Cimons godly Cimon makinge an hospitall of his owne house, where all 
 actes. n i s poore citizens were fed and relieved, and permittinge 
 
 straungers that travelled by his groundes to gather such 
 frutes there, as the time and season of the yeare yelded : he 
 brought againe (as it were) into the world, the goodes to be 
 340
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 in common amongest them, as the Poets say they were in CIMON 
 the old time of Saturnes raigne. And now, where some Cimon 
 accused this honest liberality of Cimon, objecting that it brought the 
 was but to flatter the common people withall, and to winne g lden world 
 their good willes by that meanes : the maner of life he led, againe> 
 accompanying his liberality, did utterly confute and over- 
 throw their opinions that way of him. For Cimon ever 
 tooke parte with the nobilitie, and lived after the Lacedae- 
 monians manner, as it well appeared, in that he was alwayes 
 against Themistocles, who without all compasse of reason 
 encreased the authority and power of the people : and for 
 this cause he joyned with Aristides, and was against Ephi- 
 altes, who would for the peoples sake have put downe and 
 abolished Ariopagus courte. And where all other governors 
 in his time were extorcioners, and bribetakers : (Aristides 
 and Ephialtes only excepted) he to the contrarie led an 
 uncorrupt life in administracion of justice, and ever had 
 cleane hands, whatsoever he spake or did, for the state and Cimons in- 
 common wealth, and would therefore never take money of tegrityand 
 any man living. And for proofe hereof, we finde it wrytten, cleane hands, 
 that a noble man of Persia called Resaces, being a traitor to Resaces 
 his master the king of Persia, fled on a time unto Athens : attempted to 
 where being continually bayted and wearied, with the bribe Cimon - 
 common accusations of these tale bearers and picke thanks, 
 that accused him to the people, he repayred at the length 
 unto Cimon, and brought him home to his owne dore two 
 bowles, thone full of darickes of gold, and the other of 
 darickes of silver, which be peeces of money so called, Darickes, 
 bicause that the name of Darius was written upon them, whereof so 
 Cimon seeing this offer, fell a laughing, and asked him called - 
 whether of the two he would rather choose : to have him 
 his frende, or his hierling. The barbarous noble man 
 aunswered him, that he had rather have him his frend. 
 Then sayd Cimon to him againe, Away with thy golde and A noble say- 
 silver, and get thee hence : for if I be thy frend, that gold in g of Cimon. 
 and silver shall ever be at my commaundement, to take and 
 dispose it as I have neede. About that time beganne the 
 confederates of the Athenians to be weary of the warres 
 against the barbarous people, desiring thenceforth to live 
 
 341
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CIMON quietly, and to have leasure to manure and husband their 
 groundes, and to trafficke also, considering that they had 
 driven their enemies out of their contrie, and that now they 
 did them no more hurte : by reason whereof they payed the 
 money they were sessed at, but they would furnish no moe 
 men nor shippes as they had done before. But the other 
 Captaines of the Athenians compelled them to it by all the 
 meanes they could, and prosecuted law against them that 
 failed payment, condemning them in great fines, and that so 
 cruelly, that they made the seigniorie and dominion of the 
 Athenians hatefull unto their confederates. Howbeit Cimon 
 tooke a contrary course to them : for he compelled no man, 
 but was content to take money and voyde ships of them 
 that would not, or could not serve in their persons, being 
 very glad to suffer them to become slothfull mongrells in 
 their houses, by too much rest, and to transpose them selves 
 from good souldiers which they had bene, to laborers, mar- 
 chauntes, and farmers, altogether altered from armes and 
 warres, through the beastly slothfull desire they had, to live 
 The benefit of pleasauntly at home. And contrarily, causing a great 
 paines and number of the Athenians one after an other to serve in 
 service : and np a }ij es ne so acquainted them with continuall paines in 
 the discom- p. ,, ^, j ,, u , 
 
 modity of ease nls vla g es : that he made them in shorte space become 
 and idlenes. Lordes and masters over them, that gave them pay, and 
 entertainment. For they beganne by litle and litle to 
 flatter and feare the Athenians, whom they saw trained 
 continually in the warres, ever bearing armor, and carying 
 their weapons in their hands, becomming expert souldiers at 
 their charge, by reason of the pay they gave them : so that 
 in the end, they became subjects and contributaries as 
 it were unto them, where before they were their frendes 
 and companions. So as there never was Greecian Captaine 
 that brideled more the crueltie and power of that mightie 
 Cimon Persian king, then Cimon did. For, after he had driven 
 
 e him out of all G reece) he left him not so, but following 
 him foote hotte, as we commonly say, before the barbarous 
 people could take breath, or geve wise and direct order for 
 their doinges : he made so great speede, that he tooke some 
 of their cities from them by force, and other some by prac- 
 342
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 tise, causing them to rebell against the king, and turne to CIMON 
 the Greecians side. Insomuch as there was not a man of 
 warre left for the king of Persia, in all Asia, from the 
 contrie of Ionia, directly downe to Pamphylia. And 
 furthermore, being advertised that the kinges Captaines 
 were uppon the coast of Pamphylia with a great armie by 
 sea, bicause he would feare them in such sorte, that they 
 should not brave any more to shewe them selves apon the 
 sea, on this side of the lies of the Chelidonians : he departed 
 from the lie of Gindos, and from the citie of Triopium, with 
 two hundred gallies, the which at the first had bene excel- 
 lently well made and devised by Themistocles, as well for 
 swift sayling, as for easie turning. Howbeit Cimon made 
 them to be enlarged, to the end they might carie the greater 
 number of men of warre in battell, to assault the enemies. 
 And so went first against the Phaselites, who were Greecians 
 borne, and yet notwithstanding would neither take the 
 Greecians parte, nor receive their armie into their havens : 
 landed there, destroyed all the contrie, and then came and 
 camped with his armie hard at their walles. But the men 
 of Chio being auncient frendes of the Faselites, and in Chio an He. 
 Cimons armie at that jorney : did somewhat pacific his 
 anger, and gave advertisement to them of the citie of their 
 doinges by letters, which they tyed to their arrowes, and 
 shotte over the walles. So as in the end they procured their 
 peace with condicion, that the Faselites should pay ten Cimon wanne 
 talentes for a fine : and furthermore should also follow the the "ty of 
 armie of the Greecians, and from thencefoorth fight with Fasells - 
 them, and for them, against the barbarous people. Now 
 Ephorus sayth, that the Persian Captaine that had charge 
 of the armie by sea, was called Tithraustes, and the Captaine 
 of the armie by lande, Pherendates. But Callisthenes Ariomandes 
 wryteth, that Ariomandes the sonne of Gobrias was the the kinges 
 kinges Lieutenaunt, havinge chiefe authority over the whole Lieutenant 
 armie that lay at ancker, before the river of Eurymedon, f l" s whole 
 and had no desire to fight, bicause they looked for a new arm 7 by sea, 
 supply of foure score sayle of the Phenicians, that should anc ker before 
 come to them from Cyprus. But Cimon contrarily, sought the river of 
 to fight before these gallies of the Phenicians came to joyne Eurymedon. 
 
 343
 
 CIMON 
 
 Cimons vic- 
 tory of the 
 Persians both 
 by sea and 
 land. 
 
 Cimon tooke 
 two hundred 
 sayle prison- 
 ers at the 
 battell fought 
 by the river of 
 Eurymedon. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 with them, and put his gallies in order of battell, deter- 
 mininge to geve a charge, and compell them to fight, would 
 they, or would they not. Which the barbarous people per- 
 ceiving, drew neerer into the mouth of the river Eurymedon, 
 bicause they should not compasse them in behinde, nor 
 force them to come to battell against their willes. Which 
 notwithstanding, when they saw the Athenians come to set 
 apon them where they lay, they made out against them, a 
 fleete of sixe hundred sayle, as Phanodemus declareth : or as 
 Ephorus wryteth, three hundred and fifty sayle only. But 
 they did nothinge worthie of so great a power, at the least 
 touchinge the fight by sea, but turned their prooes straight 
 to the river : where such as coulde recover the mouth thereof 
 in time saved them selves, flying to their armie by lande, 
 which was not farre from that place set also in order of 
 battell. But the rest that were taken tardy by the way, they 
 were slaine, and their gallies sonke or taken : whereby we 
 may know that there were a great number of them, for 
 many were saved as it is likely, and many also were splitted 
 to peeces, and yet the Athenians tooke two hundred of them 
 prisoners. In the meane season, their armie by lande came 
 neerer to the sea side: which Cimon perceiving, stoode in 
 some doubt whether he should lande his men or not, bicause 
 it seemed a hard and daungerous thing unto him, to land in 
 spight of his enemies : and to put forth the Greecians already 
 wearied with the first battell against the barbarous people, 
 who were altogether whole, freshe, and lustie, and withall 
 many in number against one. Neverthelesse, perceiving 
 that his men trusted in their force, besides the corage which 
 the first victorie gave them, and that they desired none 
 other thing but to fight with the enemies: he put them 
 a lande while they were whotte yet with the first battell. 
 And so with great furie and lowde cries they ranne imme- 
 diatly against the barbarous people, who stoode still and 
 sturred not, and received their first charge very valliantly : 
 by reason wherof, the battell grew sharpe and bloody, inso- 
 much as there were slaine all the greatest personages and 
 men of best accompt of all the Athenians armie. But the 
 other fought it out so valliantly, that in the ende they wanne 
 344
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the field, and with marvelous difficultie made the barbarous CIMON 
 
 people flye, whereof they slue a great number in the place, Cimon over- 
 
 and tooke the rest prisoners with all their tents and pavilions, ^ a ^ 6 ii th e f .1 
 
 which were full of all sortes of riches. Thus Cimon like a barbarous 
 
 valliant champion of the holy games, having in one selfe day people also 
 
 wonne two victories, and having excelled the battell by sea by lande. 
 
 also which the Greecians had wonne within the channell of 
 
 Salamina, with that which he wanne then upon the lande : 
 
 and the battell which the Grecians wanne by lande before 
 
 the city of Platees, with that which he wanne the day before 
 
 on the sea: yet he was not contented with all this. For, 
 
 after two so famous victories obteined, he would once againe 
 
 fight for the honor of the tokens of triumphe : and being 
 
 advertised that the foure score sayle of the Phoenicians 
 
 (comming too late to be present at the first battell by sea) 
 
 were arrived at the head of Hydra, he sayled thither with all 
 
 possible speede. Now the Captaines of this fleete, knewe no 
 
 certainty of the overthrow of their chiefest armie, but stoode 
 
 in doubt of it, and would not be perswaded that it was over- 
 
 throwen in that sorte : and therefore were they so much the 
 
 more affrayed, when they descried a farre of the victorious 
 
 armie of Cimon. To conclude, they lost all their shippes, 
 
 and the greatest parte of their men, which were either 
 
 drowned or slaine. This victorie against the Persians did 
 
 so dawnte and plucke downe the pride and loftie minde of 
 
 the barbarous Persian king, as he made that condicion of Cimon 
 
 peace so much spoken of in auncient histories, in the which brought the 
 
 he promised and sware, that his armies thenceforth should | cm & ^ " ersia 
 
 . , ' , ,, to condiciou 
 
 come no neerer to the Graecian sea, then the carrere or a O f p eace . 
 
 horse, and that he would sayle no further forward, then the 
 lies Chelidonians, and Cyaneans, with any gallies or other 
 shippes of warre. Howbeit the historiographer Callisthenes 
 wryteth, that it was no parte of any article comprised within 
 the condicion of peace, but that the king kept it for the 
 feare he had of this so great an overthrow : and that after- 
 wardes he kept so farre from the Graecian sea, that Pericles 
 with fiftie saile, and Ephialtes with thirty only, did sayle 
 beyonde the lies Chelidoniae, and no barbarous fleete ever 
 came against them. Yet notwithstanding all this, amongest 
 3 : XX 345
 
 CIMON 
 
 Callias sent 
 Ambassador 
 to take the 
 othe of the 
 king of 
 Persia. 
 
 Cimon was at 
 the charge of 
 certaine com- 
 mon build- 
 ings. 
 
 Cimon drave 
 the Persians 
 out of 
 Thracia. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 the common actes of Athens, which Craterus hath gathered 
 together, the articles of this peace are found wrytten at large, 
 as a thing that was true in deede. And it is sayd, that for 
 this occasion the Athenians built an aulter of peace, and 
 that they did Callias great honor, for that he was sent 
 Ambassador unto the king of Persia to take his othe for 
 confirmation of this peace. So when all these spoiles of the 
 enemies were sold to them that would geve most, there was 
 such store of gold and silver in the sparing cofers of their 
 treasurie, that there was enough to serve their turne for 
 any service they would employ it to, and besides that, they 
 had sufficient to build up the side of the wall of the castell 
 which looketh towardes the south, this voyage and great 
 spoyle did so enrich them. And it is sayd moreover, that 
 the building of the long walles that joyne to the citie with 
 the haven, which they call the legges, was built and finished 
 afterwards : howbeit the first fundacions thereof were built 
 with the money Cimon gave towardes it, for that the worke 
 met with moorish and watery places, by meane whereof they 
 were driven to fill up the marisses, with force of flyntes and 
 great logges, which they threw unto the bottome. It was 
 he also that first did beawtifie and set forth the citie of 
 Athens, with places of liberall exercise and honest pastime, 
 which shortly after were much esteemed. For he caused 
 plane trees to be set in the market place : and the Academic 
 which before was very drye and naked, he made it now 
 a pleasaunt grove, and full of goodly springes which he 
 brought into it, and made fine covered arbors to walke in, 
 and goodly long smooth allies to runne a good course in. 
 On a time he had newes brought him, that certaine Persians 
 dwelling in Cherronesus, (to say a demy He of the contrie 
 of Thracia) would not be gotten out, but sent to the people 
 of high Thracia, to pray their aide to defend them selves 
 against Cimon : of whome they made but litle accompt, 
 bicause he was departed from Athens with a very few 
 shippes, who set upon them only with foure gallies, and 
 tooke thirteene of theirs. And so having driven the 
 Persians out of Cherronesus, and subdued the Thracians, 
 he conquered all the contrie of Cherronesus, from Thracia 
 346
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 unto his owne contrie. And departing from thence went CIMON 
 against them of the He of Thasos, that had rebelled against 
 the Athenians : and having overcome them in battell by sea, 
 he wanne three and thirtie of their shippes, and besides that 
 tooke their citie by siege, and wanne the mynes of golde 
 lying beyonde the same to the Athenians, with all the lands . 
 that belonged unto them. This conquest made his way 
 open into Macedon, and gave him great oportunitie to 
 have taken the best parte thereof at that present time. 
 But bicause he let it alone, and followed not that 
 oportunitie, he was suspected to have taken money, 
 and to have bene bribed by presentes of king Alex- 
 ander : whereupon, his secret enemies layed their heades 
 together, and accused him. But Cimon to clere him Cimon 
 selfe before the judges of this accusation, sayd unto them: accused and 
 I have practised frendshippe neither with the lonians, nor dlsc " ar & ed - 
 yet with the Thessalians, both which are very riche and 
 wealthie people : neither have I taken their matters in hand, 
 as some other have done, to receive both honor and profit by 
 them. But in deede I am a frende to the Lacedaemonians, Cimon prais- 
 for I confesse I love them, and desire to followe their sobrietie, eth the tem- 
 and temperaunce of life, the which I preferre and esteeme Ef ra | e * lf ? of 
 above any riches or treasure : although I am very glad not- mon j ans 
 withstandinge to enrich our state and common wealth with 
 the spoyles of our enemies. Stesimbrotus reporteth this ac- Stesimbrotus 
 cusation, and sayth : that his sister Elpinice went to Pericles the historian, 
 house, (who was the sharpest and straightest accuser of his) 
 to pray him not to deale so extreamely with her brother : 
 and that Pericles laughing on her, sayd, Alas, thou art too 
 old, Elpinice, thou, now to overcome these matters. Yet 
 for all that, when Cimons cause came to hearinge, he was a 
 more gentle adversarie, then any other of his accusers, and 
 rose up but once to speake against him, and that for manners 
 sake only : so that Cimon thereby escaped, and was cleared 
 of this accusation. And furthermore, so long as he was 
 present in Athens, he alwayes kept the seditious people in 
 obedience, who would ever crosse and thwart the authoritie 
 of the nobilitie, bicause they would have all the sway and 
 rule in their owne handes. But when Cimon was sent 
 
 347
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 abroade any whither to the warres, then the common people 
 having no bodie to gainesay them, turned, and altered the 
 government of the citie topsie turvey, and confounded all 
 the auncient lawes and customes which they had observed 
 of long time, and that by the procurement and setting on 
 of Ephialtes. For they tooke away all hearing of causes in 
 maner from the court of *Areopagus, and put all authoritie 
 of matters judiciall into the handes of the people, and 
 brought the state of the citie into a pure Democratia, to 
 say : a common weale ruled by the sole and absolute power 
 of the people, Pericles being then in great credit, who alto- 
 gether favored the peoples faction. Wherefore Cimon at his 
 returne, finding thauthority of the Senate and counsell so 
 shamefully defaced and troden under foote, was marvelously 
 offended withall, and sought to restore thauncient state of 
 judgement againe as it was before, and set up the govern- 
 ment of the nobility (called Optimacia) that was established 
 in the time of Clisthenes. But then beganne his enemies 
 againe with open mouth to crye out upon him, reviving the 
 olde former naughty rumor that ranne of him before, that 
 he kept his owne sister: and furthermore accusing him, 
 that he did favor the Lacedaemonians. And amongest other 
 thinges there ranne in the peoples mouthes the verses of the 
 Poet Eupolis, which were made against Cimon : 
 
 No wicked man he was, but very negligent, 
 
 And therewithall to wyne much more, then unto money bent 
 
 He stale somtimes away, at Sparta for to sleepe : 
 
 And left poore Elpinice his wife, at home alone to weepe. 
 
 And if it be so, that being thus negligent and geven to 
 
 wyne, he have gotten so many cities, and wonne such sundry 
 
 great battells : it is out of doubt then that if he had bene 
 
 sober and carefull, there had never bene before him nor 
 
 since any Graecian Captaine, that had passed him in glorie 
 
 Cimon follow- of the warres. In deede it is true, that from the beginning 
 
 ed the Lace- he ever loved the manner of the Lacedaemonians : for of two 
 
 twynnes which he had by his wife Clitoria, he named thone 
 
 of them Lacedaemonius, and thother Eleus, as Stesimbrotus 
 
 wryteth, saying that for that cause Pericles did ever twit 
 
 348 
 
 CIMON 
 
 * Areopagus 
 was a village 
 of Mars by 
 Athens, where 
 the judges 
 called Areo- 
 pagitae did sit 
 to judge 
 causes of mur- 
 der, and other 
 waightie mat- 
 ters concern- 
 ing the com- 
 mon wealth. 
 
 Democratia 
 rule of com- 
 munalty. 
 
 Pericles in 
 Cimons ab- 
 sence reduc- 
 eth the com- 
 mon wealth 
 unto the state 
 Democratia. 
 
 Optimacia 
 the govern- 
 ment of the 
 nobility.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 them in the teeth with their mothers stocke. Howbeit CIMON 
 Diodorus the Geographer wryteth, that both those two, and 
 an other third called Thessalus, were borne of Isodice, the 
 daughter of Euryptolemus, the sonne of Megacles. Howso- 
 ever it was, it is certaine that Cimons credit grew the greater, 
 by the favor and countenaunce which the Lacedaemonians 
 gave him, who had hated Themistocles of long time, and 
 for the malice they bare him, were glad that Cimon being 
 but a young man, did beare more sway in Athens then he. 
 Which the Athenians perceived well enough, and were not 
 offended withall at the beginning: bicause the goodwill of 
 the Lacedaemonians towardes him, did bring them great com- 
 modity. For when the Athenians beganne to growe of great 
 power, and to practise secretly that the confederats of the 
 Graecians should forsake the Lacedaemonians to joyne with 
 them : the Lacedaemonians were not angrie withall, for the 
 honor and love they bare unto Cimon, who did alone in 
 maner manedge all thaffayres of Graece at that time, bicause 
 he was very curteous unto the confederates, and also thanke- 
 full unto the Lacedaemonians. But afterwardes when the 
 Athenians were aloft and of great power, and that they 
 saw Cimon stucke not for a litle matter with the Lacedae- 
 monians, but loved them more then they would have had 
 him : they beganne then to envy him, bicause in all his 
 matters he had to do, he ever highly praised and extolled 
 the Lacedaemonians before them. But specially, when he 
 would reprove them of any fault they had committed, or 
 that he would perswade them to do any thing : The Lace- 
 daemonians, sayd he, I warrant ye do not so. That, as 
 Stesimbrotus sayth, made him marvelously to be maliced 
 of the people. But the chiefest thing they accused him 
 of, and that most did hurt him, fell out upon this occasion. 
 The fourth yeare of the raigne of Archidamusi, the sonne of 
 Zeuxidamus king of Sparta, there fortuned the wonderfullest A marvelous 
 and most fearefull earthquake in the citie of Lacedaemon, and res |* e . arth - 
 thereabouts, that ever was heard of. For the earth in many Lacedzemon 
 places of the contrie opened, and fell as into a bottomlesse 
 pit. The mountaine Taygetum shooke so terribly, that Taygetum 
 points of rockes fell downe from it. All the citie was 
 
 349
 
 CIMON 
 
 Archidamus 
 sodaine policy 
 saved the city. 
 
 Ilotae slaves 
 and bondmen 
 to the Lace- 
 daemonians. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 layed on the ground and overthrowen, five houses only ex- 
 cepted, the rest being wholy destroied. And it is said also, 
 that a litle before this earthquake came, the young men of 
 that citie were playing with the young boyes exercising them 
 selves starke naked under a great galery covered over : and 
 as they were sporting together, there started up a hare hard 
 by them. The young men spying her, ranne after the hare 
 starke naked and oyled as they were, with great laughter. 
 They were no sooner gone thence, but the top of the gallery 
 fell downe apon the boyes that were left, and squashed them 
 all to death. And in memorie of the same, the tombe where 
 they were afterwardes buried, is called unto this day Sismatias, 
 as much to say, as the tombe of those which the earth- 
 quake had slaine. But king Archidamus foreseeing straight 
 uppon the sodaine the daunger that was to come, by that 
 he saw present, perceiving his citizens busie in saving their 
 householde stuffe, and that they were running out of their 
 houses : made the trompetters to sound a hotte alarome 
 upon it, as if their enemies had come stealingly upon them 
 to take the citie, to thende that all the inhabitantes should 
 presently repayre unto him (settinge all busines aparte) with 
 armor and weapon. That sodaine alarome doubtlesse saved 
 the citie of Sparta at that time : for the Ilotae, which are 
 their slaves and bondmen in the contrie of Laconia, and the 
 contrie clownes of litle villages thereaboutes, came running 
 armed out of all partes, to spoyle and robbe them upon the 
 sodaine, that were escaped from this earthquake. But when 
 they found them well armed in order of battell, they re- 
 turned backe againe as they came : and then beganne after- 
 wardes to make open warres upon them, when they had 
 drawen certaine of their neighbors unto their confederacie, 
 and specially the Messenians, who made hotte warres upon 
 the Spartans. Whereupon the Lacedaemonians sent Peri- 
 clidas unto Athens to demaunde ayde : whome Aristophanes 
 the Poet mocking, sayed : 
 
 With visage pale and wanne, he on the aulter sate, 
 In skarlet gowne requiring ayde, to succor their estate. 
 
 Against whom Ephialtes also spake very much, protesting 
 350
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 that they should not ayde nor relieve a city that was an 
 enemy unto Athens, but rather suffer it to fall to the ground, 
 and to spurne the pride and arrogancy of Sparta under their 
 feete. But Cimon (as Cricias saieth) being more carefull for 
 the benefit of Sparta, then for thenlarging and encreasing 
 of his contry : brought it to passe by his perswasion, that 
 the Athenians sent him thither with a great power to helpe Cimon pro 
 them. And furthermore Ion rehearseth the very selfe woroes cured ayde 
 that Cimon spake to move the people to graunt his request. ~j e a ^ 
 For he besought them that they woulde not suffer Graece to 
 halte, as if Lacedsemon had bene one of her feete, and Athens 
 the other: nor to suffer their citie to lose an other citie 
 their frend, and subject to the yoke and defence of Graece. 
 Having therfore obteyned ayde, to leade unto the Lacedae- 
 monians, he went with his army through the Corinthians 
 contry : wherwith Lachartus a Captaine of Corinthe was 
 marvelously offended, sayinge, that he should not have 
 entred into their contrie with an armie, before he had 
 asked licence of them of the citie. For sayd he, when 
 one knocketh at a mans dore or gate, yet he commeth 
 not in, before the master of the house commaundeth him. 
 But ye Corinthians (sayed Cimon to him againe) have 
 not knocked at the gates of the Cleonaeians, nor of the 
 Megarians, to come in, but have broken them open, and 
 entred by force of armes, thinkinge that all should be open 
 unto them that are the stronger. Thus did Cimon stowtely 
 aunswere the Corinthian Captaine againe, bicause it stoode 
 him uppon, and so went on with his armie through the 
 contrie of Corinthe. Afterwardes the Lacedaemonians sent 
 againe unto the Athenians, to require ayde against the 
 Messenians and the Ilotes, (which are their slaves) who 
 had wonne the citie of Ithome. But when the Athenians 
 were come, the Lacedaemonians were afrayed of the great 
 power they had brought, and of their boldnes besides : 
 wherefore they sent them backe againe, and would not 
 imploy them of all other their confederats that came to 
 their succor, bicause they knew them to be men very tickle, 
 desiring chaunge and alteracions. The Athenians returned 
 home, misliking much that they were sent backe againe : 
 
 351
 
 CIMON 
 
 Cimon 
 banished for 
 10 yeares. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 insomuch as ever after they hated them that favored the 
 Lacedaemonians in any thing. And for the Lacedaemonians 
 sake therefore, taking a small occasion of offence against 
 Cimon, they banished him out of their contrie for tenne 
 yeres : which was the full terme appointed and limited unto 
 them that were banished with the Ostracismon banish- 
 ment. Now within the terme of these ten yeares, the 
 Lacedaemonians fortuned to undertake the delivery of the 
 citie of Delphes, from the servitude and bondage of the 
 Phocians, and to put them from the custodie and keeping of 
 the temple of Apollo, which is in the sayd city. Wherfore, 
 to obtaine their desire and purpose, they came to plante 
 their campe neere unto the citie of Tanagre in Phocide, 
 where the Athenians went to fight with them. Cimon 
 understanding this, although he was in exile, came to the 
 Athenians campe armed, with intent to do his duety to 
 fight with his contrie men against the Lacedaemonians, and 
 so went into the bandes of the tribe Oeneide, of the which he 
 was him selfe. But his owne contry enemies cried out against 
 him, and sayd, that he was come to none other ende, but to 
 trouble the order of their battell, of intent that he might 
 afterwardes bring them to the city selfe of Athens. Where- 
 uppon the great counsell of the five hundred men were 
 afrayed, and sent to the Captaines to commaunde them they 
 should not receive him into the battell : so that Cimon was 
 compelled to departe the campe. But before he went, he 
 prayed Euthippus Anaphlystian, and his other frendes that 
 were suspected as him selfe was, to favor the Lacedaemonians 
 doinges: that they should doe their best endevor to fight 
 valliantly against their enemies, to thintent their good 
 service at that battell might purge their innocencie towardes 
 their contry men : and so they did. For the Athenians 
 keeping the souldiers Cimon had brought with him, which 
 were a hundred in all, they set them aparte by them selves 
 in a squadron, and fought it so valliantly and desperatly, 
 that they were slaine every man of them in the field, leav- 
 ing the Athenians marvelous sory for them, and repenting 
 them that they had so unjustly mistrusted them as traitors 
 to their contrie. Wherefore they kept not their malice long 
 352
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 against Cimon, partely as I am perswaded, bicause they CIMON 
 called his former good service to minde which he had done 
 to their contrie aforetime, and partely also, bicause the 
 necessitie of the time so required it. For the Athenians 
 having lost a great battell before Tanagre, looked for no 
 other about the spring of the yeare, but that the Pelopon- 
 nesians would invade them with a great power : wherefore, 
 they revoked Cimons banishment by decree, whereof Pericles Cimon called 
 selfe was the only author and procurer. So civill and tern- from exile - 
 perate were mens enmities at that time, regarding the 
 common benefit of their publicke state and weale : and so 
 much did their ambition (being the most vehement passion 
 of all other, and that most troubleth mens mindes) geve 
 place, and yeelde to the necessities and affayres of the 
 common weale. Now when Cimon was againe returned to 
 Athens, he straight pacified the warre, and reconciled both 
 cities together. And when he saw that the Athenians could 
 not live in peace, but woulde be doing still, and enlarge their 
 dominions by warre, for lukers sake : to prevent them that 
 they should not fall out with any of the Graecians, nor by 
 scowring and coasting up and downe the contrie of Pelopon- 
 nesus, and the lies of Graece, with so great a navie, should 
 move occasion of civill warres amongest the Graecians, or of 
 complaintes unto their confederates against them : he rigged 
 and armed out two hundred gallies to go againe to make 
 warre in Cyprus, and in Egypt, bicause he would acquaint 
 the Athenians with the warres of the barbarous people, and 
 thereby make them lawfull gainers by the spoyles of those 
 their naturall borne enemies. But when all things were in 
 readines to departe, and the armie prest to shippe and sayle 
 away : Cimon dreaming in the night had this vision. It Cimons 
 seemed unto him that he saw a bitch angrie with him, and dreame. 
 barking earnestly at him, and that in the middest of her 
 barking, she spake with a mans voyce, and sayd unto him : 
 
 Come hardily, spare not : for if thou come by me, 
 My whelpes, and I which here do stand, will quickely welcome 
 thee. 
 
 This vision being verie hard to interpret, Astyphilus borne 
 3 : YY 353
 
 prognosti- 
 cated. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 CIMON in the citie of Posidonia, a man expert in such conjectures, 
 and Cimons familiar frende, tolde him that this vision did 
 The interpre- betoken his death, expounding it in this sorte. The dogge 
 tation of the commonly is an enemie to him he barketh at. Againe, 
 nothing gladdeth our enemie more, then to heare of our 
 Cimons death death. Furthermore, the mingling of a mans voyce with the 
 barking of a bitche, signifieth nothing els, but an enemie of 
 the Medes : bicause the armie of the Medes is mingeled 
 with the barbarous people and the Graecians together. 
 Besides this vision, as he did sacrifice to the god Bacchus, 
 the Priest opening the beast after it was sacrificed, about the 
 blood that fell to the grounde, there assembled a swarme of 
 antes, which caried the congealed blood of from the grounde 
 by litle and litle, and layed it all about Cimons great toe, a 
 great while together before any man marked it : Cimon at 
 the last spied it by chaunce, and as he was looking of them 
 to marke what they did, the minister of the sacrifice brought 
 the beastes liver that was sacrificed, to shew him, whereof 
 the biggest end that they call the head was lacking, and this 
 they judged for a very ill token. Notwithstanding, having 
 all things readie for preparation of this jorney, so as he 
 could not well goe backe, he launched into the sea, and 
 hoysed sayle, and sending three score of his gallies into 
 Egypt, sayled with the rest upon the coast of Pamphylia. 
 Where he wanne a battell by sea of the king of Persia, over- 
 comming the gallies of the Phenicians and the Cilicians, and 
 conquered all the cities thereabouts, making the way very 
 open to enter into Egypt. For he had no small thoughtes in 
 his minde, but reached to high enterprises, and determined 
 utterly to destroy the whole Empire of the mighty kinge of 
 Persia, and specially for that he understoode Themistocles 
 was in marvelous credit and reputacion amongest the bar- 
 barous people, bicause he had promised the king of Persia 
 to lead his armie for him, and to doe him notable service 
 whensoever he shoulde have occasion to warre with the 
 The cause of Graecians. It is thought this was the chiefe cause that 
 Themistocles ma( } e Themistocles poison himselfe, bicause he dispaired 
 ' ' that he could not performe that service against Graece 
 which he had promised : assuring him selfe that it was no 
 354
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 easie matter to vanquishe Cimons corage, and good fortune, CIMON 
 
 who lay at that time with his armie all alongest the He of 
 
 Cyprus, promising him selfe great matters at that instant. 
 
 But in the meane season, Cimon sent certaine of his men 
 
 unto the oracle of luppiter Ammon, to aske him some 
 
 secret question : for no man ever knew neither then nor 
 
 since, for what cause he had sent them thither, neither 
 
 did they also bring backe any aunswere. For they were 
 
 no sooner come thither, but the oracle commaundea them 
 
 straight to returne : saying unto them, that Cimon was then 
 
 comming to him. So Cimons men receiving this aunswere, 
 
 left the oracle, and tooke their jorney backe to the seawardes. 
 
 Now when they were commen againe to the Graecians campe, 
 
 which at that present lay in Egypt, they heard that Cimon 
 
 was departed this worlde : and reckoninge the dayes sence his The death 
 
 death, with the instant of their aunswere received by the of Cimon. 
 
 oracle, that Cimon was then comming unto him : they knew 
 
 straight that darkely he had signified his death unto them, 
 
 and that, at that very time he was with the goddes. He 
 
 dyed at the siege of the citie of Citium in Cyprus, as some 
 
 reporte, or else of a hurte he received at a skirmishe, as 
 
 other holde opinion. When he dyed, he commaunded them 
 
 that were under his charge, to returne into their "contry 
 
 againe, and in no case to publishe his death : which com- 
 
 maundement was so wisely and cunningly handeled, that Cimons death 
 
 they all came home safe, and not an enemie, nor any of their ke P t Ver 7 
 
 confederates that once understoode any thing of it. So was S( 
 
 the armie of the Graecians governed and led by Cimon, 
 
 though him selfe was dead, the space of thirtie dayes, as 
 
 Phanodemus wryteth : But after his death, there was no 
 
 Graecian Captaine that did any notable thing worthie of No famous 
 
 fame against the barbarous people, bicause the Orators and act done by 
 
 governors of the chiefest cities of Graece stirred them up any Graecians 
 
 i 4.u j J.L ii_ i5 to the bar- 
 
 one against an other, and there was no man that would tarous people 
 
 once steppe in as a mediator to make peace betwene them, after Cimons 
 And thus the Grascians now did one destroy and spoyle an death, 
 other by civill warre amongest them selves : which happely 
 gave the king of Persia leasure and time to restore him selfe 
 againe, and contrarily was cause of such utter ruine and 
 
 355
 
 CIMON 
 
 Cimons 
 monuments 
 at Athens. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 destruction of the whole power and force of Graece, as no 
 tongue can well expresse. In deede a long time after, kinge 
 Agesilaus came with an armie of the Graecians into Asia, 
 and beganne a small warre against the Lieutenauntes of the 
 king of Persiaes governors of the lower contries of Asia. 
 But before he could doe any notable exployte, he was called 
 home againe by occasion of newe troubles and civill warres 
 risinge amonge the Graecians, and compelled to returne 
 into his contrie, leaving the treasorers of the king of 
 Persia, raising of subsidies and taxes upon the cities of the 
 Graecians in Asia, although they were confederates of the 
 Lacedaemonians. Whereas in the time that Cimon governed, 
 they never sawe any of the kinges sergeauntes at armes, or 
 commissioner, that brought any letters pattentes or com- 
 maundement from the king, or any souldier that durst come 
 neere the sea, by fortie furlonges. The tombes which they 
 call unto this present day Cimonia, doe witnesse that his 
 ashes and bones were brought unto Athens. Neverthelesse, 
 they of the citie of Citium doe honor a certaine tombe, 
 which they say is Cimons tombe : bicause that in a great 
 dearth and barrennes of the earth, they had an oracle that 
 commaunded them, not to neglect Cimon, as the Orator 
 Nausicrates writeth it, but to honor and rever- 
 ence him as a god. Such was the life of this 
 Grsecian Captaine. 
 
 THE END OF CIMONS LIFE 
 
 356
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 LUCIUS LUCULLUS 
 
 S for Lucullus, his grandfather was a Con- Lucullus 
 sull, and so was Metellus (surnamed P arents 
 Numidicus, bicause of his conquest of 
 Numidia) his uncle by the mothers side. 
 His father notwithstanding was convict 
 of fellony, for robbing the treasure of the 
 state whilest he was officer: and Caecilia 
 his mother was reported to have led an 
 
 unchast life. But for Lucullus selfe, before he bare office, or 
 
 rule in matters of state : the first thing he towched and tooke 
 
 in hande for the cause of his contrie was, thaccusation of Lucullus 
 
 Servilius the soothsayer (who before had accused his father) accuseth Ser- 
 
 for that he also had delt falsely in his office, and deceived the X^Vf the 
 
 common wealth. And this the Romanes thought very well 
 
 handled of him, insomuch as a pretie while after there was 
 
 no other talke in Rome but of that matter, as though it had 
 
 bene a notable valliant acte done by him. For otherwise, The Romanes 
 
 though privately they had no just occasion, yet they thought thought it a 
 
 it a noble deede to accuse the wicked, and it pleased them as A ?r e to 
 
 , .111 accuse the 
 
 much to see the young men put lawe breakers in sute, as to w j c ked. 
 
 see a notable good course of a dogge at a hare. Howebeit 
 there followed such sturre and bandinge uppon this sute, 
 that some were verie sore hurte, and other slaine in the 
 market place : but in fyne, Servilius was cleared and quite 
 dismissed. Lucullus was verie eloquent, well spoken, and Lucullus 
 excellently well learned in the Greeke and Latin tongue : eloquence, 
 insomuch as Sylla dedicated unto him the commentaries of 
 all his doings which himselfe had collected, as to one that 
 could better frame a whole historic thereof, and cowche it 
 more eloquently together in wryting. For he had not only 
 a ready tongue to utter that he would speake, and pleade 
 
 357
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS his matters with great eloquence, as other be seene to doe, 
 having matters of sute or open audience : 
 
 Like tonny fishe they be, which swiftly dive and doppe, 
 Into the depth of Occean sea, withouten stay or stoppe : 
 
 But afterwardes also when ye take them out of their 
 common practise and pleadinges : 
 
 Then are they graveld straight withouten grace or skill, 
 
 Their eloquence lyes then in dyke, and they them selves be still. 
 
 For Lucullus had studied humanitie from his youth, and 
 was well learned in all the liberall sciences : but when he 
 to elder yeares, to refreshe his witte (after great 
 
 Lucullus 
 studied Philo- 
 sophy in his 
 latter time. 
 
 Lucullus 
 booke of the 
 warre of the 
 Marsians, in 
 Greeke. 
 Lucullus love 
 to his brother 
 Marcus. 
 
 Lucius, and 
 M. Lucullus 
 both chosen 
 .ffidiles. 
 
 came 
 
 troubles) he fell to the studie of Philosophie, which quickened 
 the contemplative parte of his soule, and mortified, or at 
 the least betimes brideled the ambitious and active parte, 
 specially after the dissention betwixt him and Pompey. But 
 to acquaint you better with his learning yet, it is said, that 
 when he was a young man, he layed a great wager with 
 Hortensius the Orator, and Sisenna the historiographer (in 
 jest as it were at the first, but afterwardes it fell to good 
 earnest) that he would write the breviary of the warres of 
 Marsicum in verse or prose, in the Latin or Greeke tongue, 
 which soever fell to his lotte : and I thinke his happe was to 
 doe it in prose in the Greeke tongue, bicause we finde a litle 
 Greeke storie extant of the warres of the Romanes against 
 the Marsians. He dearely loved his brother Marcus Lucullus, 
 as appeared by many manifest proofes : but the chiefest and 
 most noted proofe among the Romanes was this. Him selfe 
 was elder then his brother Marcus, and yet for all that would 
 never sue to beare office in the common wealth, nor accept 
 any before his brother, but taried alwayes till he should be 
 chosen, and let his owne time passe over. This great curtesie 
 to his brother so wanne the peoples hartes, as Lucius being 
 absent, they chose him ^Edilis, and his brother Marcus with 
 him for his sake. He was in the flower of his youth in the 
 time of the Marsians warres, wherein he did many wise 
 and valliant deedes. The cause notwithstanding that moved 
 Sylla to make choyce of him, was rather for his constancy, 
 358
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 and good curteous nature, then for any other respect. For LUCULLUS 
 when Sylla had once wonne him, he ever after employed him 
 continually in his most weightie causes : as in a commission 
 specially, he gave him to coyne money. For in deede parte Sylla gave 
 of the money that Sylla spent in the warres against king Lucullus com- 
 Mithridates, was coyned by Lucullus commaundement within ^ money 
 the contrie of Peloponnesus : whereupon they were called i n p e lopon- 
 Lucullian peeces, and were currant a longe time amongest nesus. 
 the souldiers, to buy such things as they stoode in nede of, 
 and never refused by any. Sylla being afterwards at Athens, 
 the stronger by land, but the weaker by sea, so as his enemies 
 cut of his vittells from him : sent Lucullus into Egypt and 
 Libya to bring him such shippes as he found in those partes. 
 It was in the deepe of winter, and yet he spared not to sayle 
 with three brigantines of Greece, and as many galliots of the 
 Rhodians, putting him selfe not only to the daunger of the 
 sea in so long a voyage, but of his enemies in like maner : 
 who knowing them selves to be the stronger, went sayling 
 every where with a great navie. But for all these daungers, 
 he first arrived in the He of Greta, and wanne their good- 
 willes. From thence went to the citie of Cyrene, where he 
 found the inhabitaunts turmoyled with civil warres and con- 
 tinuall oppressions of tyrans : from which troubles he delivered 
 them, and gave them lawes to establishe government amongest Lucullus 
 them, putting them in remembraunce of Platoes wordes g ev th lawes 
 spoken to their auncesters in old time, in the spirite of a <> re ni ans 
 prophecie. For when they prayed Plato to write them lawes, 
 and to appoint them some forme of government for their 
 common wealth, he made them aunswere : it was a hard A notable say- 
 thing to geve lawes to so riche and fortunate people as they ing of Plato, 
 were. For to say truely, as nothing is harder to be ruled, 
 then a rich man : so contrarily, nothing readier to receive 
 counsell and government, then a man in adversity. This 
 lesson framed the Cyrenians at that time to be more civill 
 and obedient to the lawes Lucullus gave them. When he 
 departed thence, he coasted towardes Egypt, where he lost 
 the more parte of his shippes by pyrates : but for his owne 
 person, scaping their handes, he was very honorably received 
 in the citie of Alexandria. For all the kinges armie came to 
 
 359
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Lucullus 
 jorney into 
 Egypt 
 
 A notable 
 rich emerod 
 geven Lucul- 
 lus by kinge 
 Ptolomye. 
 
 Lucullus 
 doinges under 
 Sylla by sea. 
 
 Lucullus 
 
 stratageame. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 meete him at sea, gallantly trimmed and appointed, as they 
 were wont to welcome home the kinge when he returned from 
 any voyage by sea : and king Ptolomye him selfe being very 
 young at that time, gave him as honorable entertainment as 
 he possible could. For amongest other honors that he did 
 him, he lodged him in his courte, and defrayed his ordinarie 
 dyet, where never straunge Captaine was lodged before : and 
 did not only spend the ordinary allowance in feasting of him 
 which he used unto others, but commaunded foure times as 
 much provision more to be made as he had before. Not- 
 withstanding, Lucullus tooke no more then reasonable was 
 for his person : nor yet would he receive any maner gift, 
 althogh the king had sent him presents to the value of foure 
 score talentes. And which more is, would not so much as go 
 see the citie of Memphis, nor any other of the famous monu- 
 mentes and wonderfull sightes in Egypt, saying : that it was 
 for a man that travelled up and downe for his pleasure, and 
 had leasure withall, to see such thinges, but not for him that 
 had left his Captaine in the field, at the siege of the walles 
 of his enemies. To conclude, this young king Ptolomye 
 would in no case fall in frendshippe with Sylla, fearing least 
 he should thereby put him selfe into warres : but gave him 
 men and shippes to bring him into Cyprus. And as he was 
 ready to imbarke, the king bidding him farewell, and em- 
 bracing him, gave him a goodly rich emerod set in gold, 
 which Lucullus at the first refused, untill the king shewed 
 him his picture graven in it: and then accepted the gift, 
 fearing least the utter refusall might cause the king thinke he 
 went away discontented, and should perhaps therefore lay an 
 ambushe by sea for him. Thus having gotten a certaine 
 number of shippes together of the porte townes thereaboutes, 
 over and besides such as the pyrates and sea rovers had 
 hidden, being parte of their spoyles, and bestowed with their 
 receitors : went on with them into Cyprus, where he under- 
 stoode that his enemies lay close in certaine creekes under the 
 foreland, watching to bourde him as he sayled by. Where- 
 uppon he unrigged and bestowed his shippes in docks, and 
 sent worde to all the porte townes thereabouts, that he was 
 determined to winter there: and therefore willed them to 
 360
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 provide him vittells and other necessarie munition to be in LUCULLUS 
 readines against the spring. But in the meane while, when 
 he saw time convenient, he put his whole fleete againe to the 
 sea with all possible speede, went him selfe away, and in the 
 day time caried a lowe sayle, but in the night packt on all 
 the cloth he could for life : so that by this craftie fetche, 
 he wanne Rhodes, and lost not one shippe. The Rhodians 
 they also furnished him with shippes : and besides them, he 
 so perswaded the Gnidians and the inhabitantes of the He of 
 Co, that they forsooke king Mithridates, and went to make 
 warres with him against them of the lie of Samos. But 
 Lucullus him selfe alone drave kinge Mithridates men out 
 of Chio, restored the Colophonians againe to libertie : and 
 tooke Epigonus the tyranne prisoner, who had kept them in 
 bondage. Now about that time, Mithridates was compelled 
 to forsake the citie of Pergamum, and to retyre to the citie 
 of Pitane, within the which Fimbria kept him besieged very Fimbria 
 straightly by lande. Wherefore Mithridates having the sea 
 open upon him, sent for his force and navy out of all partes, jj 
 not daring to hazard battell against Fimbria, who was very 
 valliant, of a venturous nature, and at that time moreover 
 was him selfe a conqueror. Fimbria perceiving what Mithri- 
 dates ment, and having no power by sea of his owne : sent 
 straight to Lucullus to request him to come with his navie 
 into those partes to his ayde, for thovercomming of this king, 
 the greatest and most cruell enemie that ever the Romane 
 people had. Bicause that so notable a praye, which they 
 followed with such daunger and trouble, should not escape 
 the Romanes, while they had him in their handes, and was 
 come him selfe within their daunger : and that therefore he 
 should so much the more harken unto it, bicause that if it 
 fortuned Mithridates to be taken, no man shoulde winne more 
 honor and glorie by his takinge, then he that had stopped 
 his passage, and layed handes on him, even as he thought 
 to have fled. And thereby should the praise of this noble 
 victorie runne in equalitie betwene them both : the one that 
 had driven him from lande, and the other that had stopped 
 his passage by sea. And furthermore, that the Romanes 
 would nothinge regard all the famous battells and victories 
 3 : ZZ 361
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS of Sylla in Graece, which he had wonne before the cities 
 of Chaeronea and Orchomene : in comparison of taking the 
 king. This was theffect of Fimbriaes message sent unto 
 Lucullus, wherein there was nothing, in the which there was 
 not great likelyhoode. For there is no man that can doubt 
 of it, but if Lucullus would have beleved him at that time 
 (and have gone thither with his ships to stoppe the havens 
 mouth of the citie, in the which Mithridates was besieged, 
 considering also that he was so neere at hande) this warre 
 had taken ende there, and the worlde besides had then bene 
 delivered of infinite troubles which fell out afterwardes. 
 But, whether Lucullus preferred the consideration and respect 
 he had unto Sylla, whose Lieutenaunt he was, before all other 
 due regarde of private or common benefit : or that he detested 
 and abhorred Fimbria as a cursed persone, who not long 
 before had through his wicked ambition imbrued his hands 
 in the blood of his Captaine : or else that it was through the 
 secret providence and permission of the goddes that he spared 
 Mithridates at that time, to the end he might be reserved as 
 a worthie enemie, against whom he might afterwardes shew 
 his valure : howsoever it was, it so fell out that he harkened 
 not unto Fimbriaes message, but gave Mithridates time and 
 leasure to flye, and finally to scorne all Fimbriaes force and 
 power. But Lucullus selfe alone afterwardes overcame the 
 kinges armie by sea, once neere unto the head of Lectum, 
 which is on the coast of Troade : and an other time neere 
 unto the He of Tenedos, where Neoptolemus, Mithridates 
 Lieutenaunt by sea, lay in wayte for him with a farre greater 
 number of shippes then he had. And yet so soone as 
 Lucullus had discried him, he sayled before all his navie 
 being Admirall, in a galley of the Rhodes, at five ores to 
 a bancke, whereof one Demagoras was master, a man well 
 affected to the service of the Romanes, and very skillfull in 
 battell by sea. And when Neoptolemus on the other side 
 rowed against him with great force, commaunding his pylot 
 that he should so order his galley, that he might stemme 
 him right in the prowe : Demagoras fearinge the full meet- 
 inge of the kinges galley which was very strong and heavie, 
 and furthermore well armed with poyntes and spurres of 
 362 
 
 Lucullus 
 would not 
 aide Fimbria 
 in besieging 
 Mithridates. 
 
 Neoptolemus 
 king Mithri- 
 dates Lieu- 
 tenant by sea.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 brasse before, durst not encounter her with his prowe, but LUCULLUS 
 nimbly made his gallie to winde about, and turned his poupe 
 towardes him. Whereby the galley being low at that end, 
 received the blow without hurte, considering that they hit 
 uppon the dead workes, and those partes which are alwayes 
 above water. In the meane time Lucullus other shippes 
 were come, who commaunding his master to turne the 
 beakehead of his gallie forward, did many famous actes : so 
 that he made his enemies flye, and drave Neoptolemus away. Lucullus put 
 And departing from thence, went to seeke out Sylla even *9 flight 
 as he was readie to passe over the seas, about Cherronesus : M^rMa^es 18 
 holpe him to waft his armie, and so passed him over with Lieutenaunt 
 safety. Afterwardes when peace was concluded, and that by sea. 
 king Mithridates was comen into his realme and contries 
 againe, which lye upon the sea Major : Sylla condemned 
 the province of Asia to pay the summe of twenty thowsand 
 talentes for a fyne, by reason of their rebellion. And for 
 leavying of this fyne, left Lucullus there with commission 
 to coyne money : which was a great comforte and hartes 
 ease unto the cities of Asia, considering the extreamitie that 
 Sylla had used towardes them. For in so grievous and odious 
 a commission unto them all, as that was : Lucullus did not 
 only behave him selfe uprightly and justly, but also very 
 favorably and curteously. For, as touching the Mitylenians 
 that were openly in armes against him, he was very willing 
 they should know their fault, and that for satisfaction of 
 thoffence they had committed takinge Marius parte, they 
 should suffer some light punishment. And seeing that they 
 were furiously bent to continewe in their naughtines, he went 
 against them, and having overcome them in battell, com- 
 pelled them to keepe within their walles, and layed siege 
 unto their citie, where he used this policy with them. At Lucullus 
 none dayes he launched into the sea, in the view of all the stratageame 
 Mitylenians, and sayled towardes the citie of Elea : howbeit a * * e s ^ e 
 in the night time secretly returned backe, and making no i en i ans 
 noyse, layed an ambushe nere unto the citie. The Mity- 
 lenians mistrusting nothinge, went out the next morning 
 very rashly without order, and without any maner watche 
 or ward, to spoyle the campe of the Romanes, supposing 
 
 ,363
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Lucullus 
 honored of 
 Sylla. 
 
 The first 
 occasion of 
 quarrell, be- 
 twext Pompey 
 and Lucullus. 
 
 Lucullus, 
 M. Cotta 
 Consuls. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 every man had bene gone : but Lucullus comming sodainly 
 upon them, tooke a great number prisoners, slue about five 
 hundred such as resisted, and wanne sixe thowsande slaves, 
 with an infinite quantitie of other spoyle. Now did the 
 goddes happely preserve Lucullus, that he was no partaker 
 at that time of the wonderfull miseries and troubles, which 
 Sylla and Marius made poore Italie suffer, even then when 
 he was occupied in the warres of Asia: and yet notwith- 
 standing his absence, he was in as good credit and favor 
 with Sylla, as any of his frendes about him. For as we 
 have sayd before, he dedicated his commentaries unto him, 
 for the goodwill he bare him, and by his last will and testa- 
 ment appointed him Tutor unto his sonne, leaving Pompey 
 out : which seemeth to be the first occasion of the quarrell 
 and grudge that fell out afterwardes betwene them, bicause 
 they were both young men, and vehemently desirous of honor. 
 Shortly after the death of Sylla, Lucullus was chosen Consull 
 with Marcus Cotta, about the three score Olympiade : and 
 then they began to revive the matter againe, that it was very 
 needefull to make warres against Mithridates, and specially 
 Marcus Cotta, who gave out that it was not ended, but 
 only slept for a while. Wherefore, when the Consulls came 
 to draw lottes what provinces they should take charge of, 
 Lucullus was marvelous sorie that the province of Gaule, 
 lying betwene the Alpes and Italie, fell to his lotte : bicause 
 he thought it no contrie wherein any great exploytes were 
 to be done, and againe, the glorie of Pompey grieved him 
 greatly, whose honor dayly increased by the famous battells 
 he wan in Spaine. So that it was most certaine, that so 
 soone as Pompey had ended the warres there, they would 
 have chosen him generall in the warres against Mithridates. 
 Wherefore, when Pompey sent to Rome in earnest maner, to 
 require money to make pay to his souldiers, wryting to the 
 Senate, that if they did not send him money the sooner, he 
 would leave Sertorius there, Spaine behinde him, and bring 
 his army backe into Italie : Lucullus made all the meanes he 
 could to have it quickely sent him, fearing least he should 
 returne into Italie upon any occasion, while he was Consul. 
 For he thought that if he returned againe to Rome with so 
 364
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 great an armie, he would easily do what him list : and the LUCULLUS 
 rather, bicause that Cethegus and he could not agree, who 
 at that time bare all the sway and rule at Rome, bicause he 
 spake and did all that pleased the common people, being a 
 vitious liver, and dissolutely geven, for which cause Lucullus Cethegus a 
 hated him. But there was an other common Orator among V1 ti us li y er. 
 the people called Lucius Quintius, and he would have had all Lucius Quin- 
 Syllaes doinges revoked and broken : a matter to alter even *j us ^ a se( *i- 
 the whole state of the common wealth, and to turmoyle the , OU j S Urator 
 citie of Rome againe with civill dissention, which then lived 
 quietly and in good peace. This Lucius Quintius Lucullus 
 talked withall a parte to perswade him, and openly reproved 
 him with such words, that he was disswaded from his evell 
 purpose, and by reason ruled his rash ambition, handling it 
 both wisely and as cunningly as he could possible (for the 
 safety of the common wealth) bicause it was the beginning 
 of a disease, from whence infinite troubles were like to growe. 
 While these thinges were thus in hande, newes came that 
 Octavius the governor of Cilicia was dead. Straight where- 
 uppon many put forward them selves to sue for this charge, 
 and to courte Cethegus, as the only man who above all other 
 might make any man officer whom he thought good. Now 
 for Lucullus, he made no great reckening of the government 
 of Cilicia in respect of the contry, but bicause Cappadocia 
 was hard adjoyning to it, and perswading him selfe that if 
 he could obtaine the government thereof, they would geve 
 none other (but him selfe) the authoritie to make warres Lucullus am- 
 with Mithridates: he determined to procure all the meanes bitiontomake 
 he could, that none should have it but him selfe. And warresagainst 
 having proved sundry wayes, was compelled in the ende, d ^ g 
 against his owne nature, to practise a meane neither comely 
 nor honest, and yet the readiest way he could possibly devise 
 to obtaine his desire. There was a woman in Rome at that 
 time called Praecia, very famous for her passing beawty, and Praecia a 
 also for her pleasaunt grace in talke and discourse, howbeit famous curti- 
 otherwise unchast after curtisan manner. But bicause she san 
 employed the credit and favor of them that frequented her 
 companie, to the benefit and service of the common wealth, 
 and of them that loved her : she wanne the reporte (besides 
 
 365
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Cethegus 
 ruled all 
 Rome. 
 
 The govern- 
 ment of Cilicia 
 and the warres 
 against king 
 Mithridates 
 were geven to 
 Lucullus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 her other excellent commendable graces) to be a very lovinge 
 woman, and readie to favor and further any good enter- 
 prise, and it wanne her great fame and reputacion. But 
 after she had once wonne Cethegus, (who ruled all the 
 common wealth at his pleasure) and brought him to be 
 so farre in fancie with her, that he could not be out of 
 her sight : then had she all the whole power and authority 
 of Rome in her hands, for the people did nothing but 
 Cethegus preferred it, and Cethegus did what ever Praecia 
 would will him to. Thus Lucullus sought to come in favor 
 with her, sending her many presentes, and using all other 
 curtesies he could offer unto her : besides that it seemed a 
 great reward for so prowde and ambitious a woman as she, 
 to be sued unto by such a man as Lucullus was, who by this 
 meanes came to have Cethegus at his commaundement. For 
 Cethegus did nothing but commend Lucullus in all assemblies 
 of the people, to procure him the government of Cicilia : 
 who after it was once graunted him, had then no neede of 
 the helpe neither of Praecia, nor yet of Cethegus. For the 
 people wholly of them selves with one consent did graunt 
 him the charge to make warre with Mithridates, bicause he 
 knew better how to overcome him, then any other Captaine, 
 and bicause that Pompey was in the warres with Sertorius in 
 Spaine, and Metellus also growen too olde, both which two 
 were the onely men that could deservedly have contended 
 for this office with him. Nevertheles, Marcus Cotta his 
 fellow Consull, made such sute to the Senate, that they 
 sent him also with an armie by sea, to keepe the coastes 
 of Propontide, and to defende the contrie of Bithynia. 
 Thus, Lucullus having his commission, went into Asia 
 with one legyon only, the which he leavied a new at 
 Rome : and when he was come thither, he tooke the rest 
 of the strength he founde there, which were men marred and 
 corrupted altogether of long time, through covetousnes and 
 delicacie of the contrie. For amongest others, were the 
 bandes which they called the Fimbrian bandes, men geven 
 over to selfe will, and very ill to be ruled by marshall 
 discipline, bicause they had lived a long time at their owne 
 libertie, without all obedience to any man. They were 
 366
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 those selfe souldiers that together with Fimbria, slue their LUCULLUS 
 general! Flaccus, Consull of the Romane people, and that Fimbrian 
 afterwardes betrayed Fimbria him selfe, and forsooke him, souldiers very 
 leaving him unto Sylla, being mutiners, traitors, and wicked 1SSO u t e j ani 
 people : howbeit otherwise very vallyant, well trayned, and 
 painefull souldiers. Notwithstanding, Lucullus in shorte 
 time brideled their boldnes meetely well, and reformed the 
 others also, who before had never proved (in my opinion) 
 what the value of a good Captaine and Generall ment, that 
 knew how to commaund : but were used to flattering leaders, 
 that commaunded the souldiers no more then they them selves 
 liked of. Now concerning the state of the enemies, thus it 
 was with them. Mithridates that in the beginning was very 
 brave and bolde (as these florishing Sophisters commonly 
 are) undertaking warre against the Romanes, with a vaine 
 unprofitable armie, but passing freshe and sumptuous to Mithridates 
 the eye : but after that he was once foyled and overcome armie against 
 Avith no lesse shame then losse, when he came to make this c 
 second warre, he cut of all superfluous pompe, and brought 
 his armie into a convenient furniture to serve for warres at 
 all assayes. For he put by the confused multitude of sundrie 
 nations, the fierce threatninges of the barbarous people in so 
 many sundrie tongues, and clearely banisht also the riche 
 graven armors with goldesmythes worke, and set with precious 
 stones, as thinges that more enriched the enemies that wanne 
 them, then gave strength or corage to those that ware them. 
 And contrariwise, caused long stiffe swords to be made after 
 the Romane facion, and great heavy shields, and brought to 
 the field a marvelous number of horse, more ready for service, 
 then riche in furniture. Then he joyned sixe score thowsand Mithridates 
 footemen together, appointed and set in order like unto the armie. 
 battell of the Romanes, with sixteene thowsand horse of ser- 
 vice, besides those that drue his armed cartes with siethes 
 about, which were in all to the number of a hundred. And 
 besides all this land preparation, he brought also a great 
 number of shippes and gallies together, which were not 
 decked with goodly pavilions as at the first, neither with 
 stooves nor bathes, nor with chambers and cabbons, curiously 
 hanged for Ladies and gentlewomen : but furnished full of 
 
 367
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Asia fell 
 into former 
 miseries by 
 the Romaue 
 userers. 
 
 Cotta the Con- 
 sull overcome 
 by Mithri- 
 dates in 
 battell. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 armor, artillerie, and slinges, and with money also to pay the 
 souldiers. With all this armie and preparation, he went 
 first to invade Bithynia, where the cities received him very 
 gladly, and not those only, but all the other cities of Asia 
 wholly : the which were fallen againe into their former 
 miseries and diseases, by the crueltie of the Romane farmers 
 and userers, who raising taxes and impostes uppon them, 
 made them abide untollerable thinges. It is true that 
 Lucullus drave them away afterwardes, like the Harpyae, 
 which tooke the meate out of the poore mens mowthes : 
 howbeit at that time he did no more, but brought them to 
 be more reasonable by the perswasions he used unto them, 
 and qualified a litle the inclination of the people unto 
 rebellion, being every one of them in manner willing to 
 revolt. Now Lucullus being busie about these matters, 
 Marcus Cotta the other Consull (and his companion) sup- 
 posing that the absence of Lucullus was a fit occasion offered 
 him to doe notable service, prepared to fight with Mithridates. 
 And although he had newes brought him from sundrie places, 
 that Lucullus was with his armie in Phrygia, and comming 
 towardes him : yet notwithstanding, imagining that he had 
 the honor of triumphe assured alreadie in his handes, and 
 bicause Lucullus should be no partaker of it, he advaunced 
 forwardes to geve battell. But Mithridates overcame him 
 both by sea and by lande : so that Cotta by sea lost three 
 score of his shippes with all the men in them, foure thow- 
 sand footemen by lande, and was after with shame shut 
 up and besieged in the citie of Chalcedon, remaining there 
 hopelesse to escape, but by Lucullus onely ayde and meanes. 
 Howbeit there were in Lucullus campe, that were very earnest 
 with him to leave Cotta, and to go further, assuring him that 
 he should finde the realme of Mithridates both without men 
 of warre, or any defence at all : so that he might easily be 
 Lord of the whole. And these were the wordes of the 
 souldiers that spyted Cotta, bicause his foolishe rashnes 
 and fonde imagination had not only brought those men to 
 the shambles to be slaine and cast away, whom he had the 
 leading of: but had let them also, that they could not over- 
 come him, and ende this warre without blowes, for that they 
 368
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 were driven to go to his helpe. Howbeit Lucullus making an LUCULLUS 
 Oration unto them, aunswered, that he had rather save the The godly 
 life of one Romane citizen, then winne all that his enemies saying of 
 
 had in their power. And when Archelaus, (who had bene .i UC or c 
 
 n/r-ii -j i r j. TJ a.- IT: n the saving of 
 
 Mithridates JLieutenaunt in Breotia in the first warres a citizen. 
 
 against Sylla, and now in this seconde warre tooke parte 
 with the Romanes) assured him that so soone as they sawe 
 him in the realme of Pontus, they would all rise against 
 Mithridates, and yeelde them selves unto him : Lucullus 
 aunswered him thus, that he would not shewe him selfe 
 more fearefull, then the good hunters which never suffer 
 the beast to recover his denne. And when he had so sayd, Lucullus 
 he marched with his armie towardes Mithridates, having army, 
 in all his campe thirtie thowsand footemen, and two thow- 
 sande five hundred horse. When he came so neere unto 
 his enemies, that he might easily at eye discerne all their 
 hoast, he wondered at the great multitude of souldiers that 
 were in their campe, and was in minde to geve battell, 
 supposing yet that the better way was to prolong time, 
 and drawe these warres out in length. But one Marius a 
 Romane Captaine, whom Sertorius had sent out of Spayne 
 unto Mithridates with a certaine number of souldiers : came 
 forwardes, and provoked him to battell. Lucullus for his 
 parte did put his men also in a readinesse to fight. But 
 even as both battells were prepared to joyne, the element 
 opened upon the sodaine, without any shewe of chaunge of 
 weather decerned before, and they plainly saw a great flake A flame of fire 
 of fire fall betwene both armies, in forme and shape much ^ e ^ betwene 
 like to a tonne, and of the colour of molten silver. This ^f^^ 8 ' 
 celestiall signe put both tharmies in such a feare, as they e i emen t. 
 both retyred, and fought not a stroke : and this wonderfull 
 sight fortuned (as it appeared) in a place of Phrygia, called 
 Otryes. Nowe Lucullus afterwards considering with him- 
 selfe, that there was no riches nor provision so great in the 
 world, that could suffice to vittell so many thowsandes of Lucullus 
 people as Mithridates had in his campe any long time politicke con- 
 together, having his enemies campe so lying before them : ^issiphei^the 
 willed that one of the prisoners should be brought into his enemy, 
 tent, and first of all he enquired of him, how many of them 
 3 : AAA 369
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS lay together in a cabin, then what corne he had left in their 
 cabbin. And when the prisoner had aunswered to all his 
 demaundes, he returned him to prison, and sent for an 
 other : then for a third, and questioned with them all as 
 he had done with the first. Then comparing the store of 
 their corne, and other proportion of vittells they had, with 
 the number of men the same should maintaine : he founde 
 that all would be spent in three or foure dayes at thutmost. 
 Whereupon he relied on his first determination, to delay 
 time without hazard of battell. So he caused a marvelous 
 deale of wheate to be brought into his campe out of everie 
 quarter, that the same being throughly vittelled, he might 
 easily tary the occasion which his enemies necessitie should 
 offer him. Mithridates in the meane time, sought which 
 way he might take the citie of the Cyzicenians, who had 
 bene overthrowen before with Cotta at the battell of 
 Chalcedon, where they had lost three thowsande men, and 
 tenne of their shippes. And bicause that Lucullus should 
 not understand of his enterprise, Mithridates stale away by 
 night after supper, taking the oportunity of a darke rainy 
 night, and marched thitherwardes with such speede, that 
 Mithridates he was before the city of Cyzicus by breake of day, and 
 besiegeth pitched his campe, where the temple of the goddesse Adrastia 
 Cyzicus. standeth, which is the goddesse of fatall destinie. Lucullus 
 
 receiving intelligence of Mithridates departure from his 
 campe, followed him straight wayes steppe by steppe, and 
 being glad that he was not met withall of his enemies in 
 disorder, lodged his armie in a village called Thracia, in a 
 place of great advantage for him, and commodiously seated 
 also uppon the high wayes, and through fare of the neighbors 
 therabouts, by the which they must come of necessity to 
 vittel Mithridates campe. Wherefore Lucullus wisely fore- 
 seing what would follow : would not keepe his purpose secret 
 from his souldiers, but after he had well trenched and forti- 
 fied his campe, called them to counsell, and there making an 
 oration unto them, tolde them openly by manifest demonstra- 
 tion of assured hope, that ere many dayes passed, he would 
 geve victorie into their handes, and that without losse of 
 one droppe of blood. In the meane season, Mithridates 
 370
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 environned the Grecians round about by lande, having LUCULLUS 
 devided his armie into tenne campes, and stopped up the 
 mouth of the arme of the sea, which devideth the citie from 
 firme lande, with his shippes from one side to an other. 
 Now the Cyzicenians were valliant men, and determined 
 to abide all extreamity for the Romanes sakes : but one 
 thing only troubled them much, that they knew not what 
 was become of Lucullus, neither could they heare any newes 
 of him, though his campe stoode in such a place, where they 
 might easily decerne it from the citie. But Mithridates 
 souldiers deceived them, for shewing them the Romanes 
 campe that lay above hard by them, sayd unto them : Doe 
 ye see yonder campe there ? They are the Medes, and the 
 Armenians, whom Tigranes hath sent to the ayde of Mithri- 
 dates. These wordes put the Cyzicenians in a marvelous The strata- 
 feare, seeing such a multitude of enemies dispersed round ??. ai ^ e . 
 about them : that when Lucullus should come to their aide, 
 he could not well tell which way to passe. Yet at the 
 length they heard of Lucullus approach, by one called 
 Demonax, whom Archelaus sent unto them, but they would 
 not beleve him at the first, taking it for a tale, only to make 
 them be of good corage, and valliantly abide the furie of the 
 siege : untill such time as a litle boy of theirs, escaped from 
 the enemies that before had taken him prisoner, was come 
 againe unto them. Of whome they inquired where Lucullus 
 was: the boy laughed at them, thinking they jeasted to 
 aske that question of him. But when he saw they were in 
 good earnest, he shewed them the Romanes campe with his 
 finger: then they beleved it in deede, and were coragious 
 againe. There is a lake neere unto the citie of Cyzicus 
 called Dascylitide, and it is navigable with convenient bigge 
 boates. Lucullus tooke one of the greatest of them, put it 
 in a carte, and so caried it to the sea, and there put as 
 many souldiers in her as she could well cary, who by night 
 entred into the citie, the skowte of the enemies never dis- 
 coying them. This small supply did marvelously comforte 
 the besieged Cyzicenians: and it seemeth that the goddes, 
 deliting to see their noble corage, would further increase 
 and assure the same, by many manifest tokens which they 
 
 371 "
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS sent from heaven, and specially by one which was this. The 
 day of the feast of Proserpina was at hand, and the citizens 
 had never a blacke cowe to offer in solemne sacrifice, as their 
 auncient ceremonies required : so they made one of paste, 
 
 A wonderfull and brought it hard unto the aulter. Now, the cowe that 
 
 . 1 O ' 
 
 \ a was vowed to this sacrifice, and which they reered up of 
 cow that came /> j / j. * r ,, 
 
 to offer her purpose to serve lor that day, was feeding amongest the 
 
 selfe to the heard of the citie in the fieldes, on thother side of the arme 
 Cizicenians to of the sea. But that day she kept alone from all the rest of 
 be sacrificed, ^he heard, and swamme over the arme of the sea, and came 
 into the citie : where she went of her selfe unto the place 
 of the sacrifice. Furthermore, the goddesse Proserpina her 
 Aristagoras selfe appeared unto Aristagoras in his dreame, secretary of 
 on> the state and common wealth of the Cyzicenians, and sayd 
 
 unto him : I am come hither to bring the flute of Libia, 
 against the trompet of Pont, and therefore tell the citizens 
 from me, that I will them to be of good corage. The next 
 morning when the secretarie had tolde them his vision, the 
 Cizicenians marvelled much at the goddesses wordes, and 
 could not imagine what they ment. Howbeit at the breake 
 of day there rose a great whistling winde, that made the sea 
 billowes rise very high : and the kings engines of batterie 
 which were brought to the walles of the citie to plucke 
 them downe (being wonderfull workes that one Niconides a 
 Thessalian enginer had made and devised) began to make 
 such a noyse, and to breake in peeces by the roughnes of the 
 winde, that a man might easily judge what would follow 
 upon it. Then all at one instant, the southwinde was 
 become so vehement bigge, that in a moment it burst all 
 these engines a sunder, and specially a tower of wodde of the 
 height of a hundred cubittes, which the winde shooke so 
 vehemently, that it overthrewe it to the ground. And it is 
 sayd furthermore, that in the citie of Ilium the goddesse 
 Minerva appeared unto diverse in their sleepe, all in a sweat, 
 and showing parte of her vaile torne, as if she had bene 
 newly retorned from geving ayde unto the Cyzicenians : in 
 confirmacion whereof, the inhabitantes of Ilium have a piller 
 yet unto this day, whereupon this matter is written for a 
 perpetuall memorie. Now was Mithridates marvelous sory 
 372
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 for the breaking and losse of his engines, by meanes wherof, LUCULLUS 
 the Cizicenians had escaped the daunger of assaulte, and 
 of the siege in like maner, untill he truly understood of the 
 great famine that was in his campe, and the extreame dearth Extreame 
 to be such, as the souldiers were compelled to eate mans famine in 
 fleshe, which (his Captaines abusing him) had for a time Mithndates 
 kept secret from his knowledge. But when he was enformed 
 of the troth in dede, he left of his vaine ambition obstinately 
 to continewe siege : knowing well that Lucullus made not 
 warres with threats and bravery, but (as the common pro- Proverbe: He 
 verbe sayth) lept on his belly with both his feete, that is to le Pt on his 
 say, he did what he could possible to cut of all the vittells u e l/v lth 
 from him. And therefore one day when Lucullus was gone f ee t e . 
 to assault a castell that troubled him very neere unto his 
 campe: Mithridates bicause he would not lose that oportunity, 
 sent the most parte of his horsemen to get vittels in Bithynia, 
 with all his cartes, and beastes of cariage, and his most 
 unprofitable footemen. Lucullus hearing thereof, returned 
 againe the selfe same night unto his campe, and the next 
 morninge betimes being in the winter season, followed them 
 by the tracke with ten ensignes of footemen only and all his 
 horsemen. But the snow was so deepe, the cold so terrible 
 sharp, and the weather so rough, that many of his souldiers 
 not being able to abide it, dyed by the way. For all that he 
 marched on still, till he overtooke his enemies about the river 
 of Rindacus, where he gave them such an overthrowe, that the Rindacus fl. 
 very women came out of the citie of Apollonia, and went to 
 steale the vittells they had loden, and strippe the dead, which 
 were a marvelous great number, as a man may judge in such 
 a case: and neverthelesse there were taken sixe thowsande 
 horse of service, an infinite number of beastes of cariage, and Lucullus 
 fifteene thowsande men besides, all which spoyle he brought overthrew 
 to his campe, and passed hard by the campe of his enemies. Mithndates 
 But I wonder much at the historiographer Salust, who 
 wryting of this matter sayth, that here was the first time 
 that ever the Romanes saw any camells. Me thinkes it 
 straunge how he should thinke so, that they who long before 
 had overcomen Antiochus the great under Scipio, and 
 thothers that a litle before had fought against Archelaus, 
 
 373
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Mithridates 
 fled by sea. 
 
 Granicus fl. 
 
 Lucullus 
 
 overthroweth 
 
 Mithridates 
 
 footemen by 
 
 the river of 
 
 Granicus. 
 
 Lucullus 
 dreame. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 neere unto the cities of Orchomene and Chaeronea, should 
 not have seene camells. But to returne againe to our matter. 
 Mithridates being feared with this overthrow, resolved with 
 him selfe immediatly to flie, with all the speede he could 
 possibly make: and to entertaine and stay Lucullus for a 
 time behinde him, determined to sende Aristonicus his 
 Admirall with his army by sea, into the sea of Graece. 
 But as Aristonicus was ready to hoyse sayle, his owne men 
 betraied him, and delivered him into the handes of Lucullus, 
 with tenne thowsand crownes which he caried with him, 
 to corrupt if he could parte of the Romanes army. Mithri- 
 dates hearing of this, fled by sea, leaving the rest of his 
 armie by lande in the handes of his Captaines, to be brought 
 away by them as well as they could. Lucullus followed 
 unto the river of Granicus, where he set apon them, and after 
 he had slaine twenty thowsande of them, tooke an infinite 
 number prisoners. And they say there dyed in that warre, 
 what souldiers, what slaves, what lackeis, and other stragglers 
 that followed the campe, about the number of three hundred 
 thowsand people. This done, Lucullus returned to the citie 
 of Cyzicus, where after he had spent some dayes, enjoying 
 the glorie due unto him, and received the honorable enter- 
 tainment of the Cyzicenians : he went to visite the coast of 
 Hellespont, to get shippes together, and to prepare an armie 
 by sea. And passing by Troade, they prepared his lodging 
 within the temple of Venus : where, as he slept in the night, 
 it seemed to him he saw the goddesse appeare before him, 
 which sayd these verses unto him : 
 
 O Lyon fierce, and stowte : why sleepest thou so sounde ? 
 Since at thy hande so fayre a praye, is ready to be founde. 
 
 Herewith he rose incontinently out of his bed, being yet 
 darke night, and calling his frends to him, tolde them the 
 vision he had in his dreame : and about that very time also 
 there came some unto him from the citie of Ilium, that 
 brought him newes of fifteene gallies of kinge Mithridates, 
 having five ores to every bancke, that were seene in the haven 
 of the Achaians, and that sayled towards the He of Lemnos. 
 Whereupon Lucullus tooke shippe straight, went and tooke 
 
 374
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 them every one : for at his first comming he slue the Captaine LUCULLUS 
 called Isidorus, and went afterwardes to the other mariners 
 that lay at ancker on the coast side, who seeinge him come, 
 drew towardes land with their shippes, in purpose to runne 
 them all a shore, and fighting above hatches, hurt many of 
 Lucullus souldiers, bicause they could not compasse them in 
 behinde, and for that also the place where they had layed 
 their shippes was such, as there was no way to force them 
 before, their gallies floting in the sea as they did, and 
 the others being fastned to the land as they were. Lucullus 
 with much a do all this notwithstanding, found meanes in 
 the end to put a shore certaine of the best souldiers he had 
 about him, in a place of the He where they might easily 
 lande. These souldiers went straight and set upon the 
 enemies behinde, slue some of them even at their first 
 comming, and compelled the rest to cut a sunder the 
 cables that fastned the gallies to the banckes. But when Lucullus 
 they thought to flie from lande, the gallies brused and overcame 
 brake one an other : and that worst of all was, ranne upon Mithr idates 
 the poyntes and spurres of Lucullus gallies. And so many ^ 
 
 of them that stoode above hatches were slaine, the rest taken 
 prisoners : amongest whom, Marius the Romane Captaine 
 was brought unto Lucullus, whom Sertorius had sent out 
 of Spaine unto Mithridates. He had but one eye, and 
 Lucullus had commaunded his men before they fought, not 
 to kill any of his enemies that had but one eye : bicause 
 Marius should not dye so happy a death, as to be slaine, but 
 that he should dye some shamefull death, and be condemned 
 by order of lawe. That done, Lucullus went in persone 
 with all the speede he could possible to follow Mithridates, 
 hoping to finde him yet upon the coast of Bithynia, where 
 Voconius should have stayed him : for he had sent this 
 Voconius before with a certaine number of shippes unto the 
 citie of Nicomedia, to stop him from flying. But he taried 
 so long in the He of Samothracia sacrificing to the goddes 
 of the same, and to be received into the fraternitie of their 
 religion, that he could never after come neere Mithridates to 
 stoppe him from flying : having alreadie made sayle with all 
 the whole fleete, and hasting with all possible speede to 
 
 375
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Mithridates 
 in great 
 daunger apon 
 the sea by 
 tempest. 
 
 Lucullus 
 ambition com- 
 mendable. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 recover the realme of Pontus, before Lucullus could returne 
 from whence he went. But in sayling thitherward es, he met 
 with such a terrible storme, that caried parte of his shippes 
 so away, that they ranne stragling to seeke their fortune, 
 and parte of them splitted and drowned outright : so that 
 all the coastes and rivers thereabouts, for many dayes after, 
 were full of dead bodies and shippewrackes cast a shore by 
 waves of the sea. No we for Mithri dates owne persone, he 
 was in a shippe of great burden, the which for her greatnes 
 could not sayle neere the shore, nor recover land, she was 
 also very evill to be guided by the pylots in so boysterous a 
 storme : the mariners besides were put out of all their skill 
 and knowledge, and the shippe her selfe moreover tooke in 
 such store of water, and was so heavely charged withall, that 
 they durst no more put her out to the sea. By reason 
 whereof Mithridates was compelled to goe abord a litle 
 pinase of pyrates, and to put him selfe and his life into their 
 handes, by whose helpe in the ende, (beyond all expecta- 
 tion, but not without great daunger) he got to lande, and 
 recovered the citie of Heraclea in the realme of Pontus. 
 Now here is to be noted, that the great braverie Lucullus 
 shewed unto the Senate of Rome, fell out according to his 
 imagination by the favor of the goddes. For when the 
 Senate had appointed for ending of these warres to prepare 
 a great navie of shippes, and therewithall had geven order 
 for three thowsande talentes : Lucullus stayed them by 
 letters that they should not doe it, wryting bravely unto 
 them, that without all this charge and great preparation he 
 would be strong enough to drive Mithridates from the sea, 
 with the onely shippes he would borrowe of their frendes 
 and confederates. And in deede, through the speciall favor 
 of the goddes, he brought it so to passe : for they say, that 
 this terrible storme that destroyed the armie of Mithri- 
 dates, was raised up by Diana, being offended with the men 
 of the realme of Pontus, bicause they had destroyed her 
 temple in the citie of Priapos, and had caried away her 
 image. Now there were divers that counselled Lucullus to 
 deferre the rest of this warre, untill an other season : but 
 notwithstanding all their perswasions, he went through the 
 376
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 contrie of Galatia and Bithynia to invade the realme of LUCULLUS 
 
 Mithridates. In the which voyage, at the first beginning he Lucullus 
 
 lacked vittells, so that there were thirty thowsand men of jorney into 
 
 Galatia following his campe, that caried every one of them a Pontus - 
 
 bushell of wheate on their shoulders : howbeit entring further 
 
 into the contrie, and conquering the whole, there was such 
 
 exceeding plenty of all thinges, that an oxe was sold in his An oxe 
 
 campe but for a Drachma, and a slave at foure times as bought for a 
 
 much. And of all other spoyle there was such great store, Drachma. 
 
 that either they made no reckening of it, or else they made 
 
 havoke of it, bicause there was no man to sell it unto, every 
 
 man having so much of his owne. For they ranne over all 
 
 the contrie unto the citie of Themiscyra, and to the vallies 
 
 that lay apon the river of Thermodon, and stayed no where 
 
 lenger then they were a spoyling. Thereupon the souldiers 
 
 beganne to mura?ure at Lucullus, bicause he assured all the The mutiny 
 
 cities upon composition, and never tooke any of them by of Lucullus 
 
 force, nor gave them any meanes to enrich them selves by sou ldiers. 
 
 spoyle : and yet sayd they, he would make us now go further, 
 
 and leave Amisus, a great rich citie which we might easily 
 
 take by force, if it were but a litle straightly besieged, and 
 
 lead us into the desertes of the Tibarenians and the Chal- 
 
 daeians to fight against Mithridates. Lucullus passed over 
 
 all these complaints, and made no reckening of them, bicause 
 
 he would never have thought that they would have fallen 
 
 into such mutinie and furie, as afterwards they did : and 
 
 contrarily excused him selfe the more carefully to them that 
 
 blamed and reproved him, for his long tarying upon townes 
 
 and villages that were not worth the reckening, and suffering 
 
 Mithridates in the meane time to gather a new force and 
 
 armie together at his pleasure. * For, said he, that is the Lucullus 
 
 ' marke I shotte at, and that maketh me linger time up and oration and 
 
 downe as I doe, wishing; nothing; more, then that he might excus . e to his 
 
 , & j i & j souldiers. 
 
 once agame make him selfe strong, and bring a second 
 
 armie to the field, that might embolden him to come 
 eftsoones to the fight with us, and runne away no more. 
 Doe you not see, sayd he, that at his backe he hath an 
 infinite number of desert contries, where it is unpossible 
 ever to follow him by the tracke : and hard by him also 
 3 : BBB 377
 
 Tigranes, 
 
 king of 
 
 Armenia, 
 
 maried 
 
 Mithridates 
 
 daughter. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS ' the mounte Caucasus, and many other unpassable places, 
 4 which are sufficient not only to hide him alone, but infinite 
 4 number of other princes and kings besides that would flie 
 ' battell, and not come to fight ? Furthermore, it is but a 
 ' litle way from the contrie of the Cabirenians unto the 
 4 realme of Armenia, where Tigranes the king of kinges 
 ' inhabiteth, whose power is so great, that he driveth the 
 ' Parthians out of Asia, and carieth whole townes and cities 
 ' of Greece unto the realme of Media, who hath all Syria and 
 ' Palaestine in his handes, and hath slaine and rooted out the 
 ' kinges and successors of the great Seleucus, and hath caried 
 ' away their wives and daughters prisoners by force. This 
 ' great and mightie kinge is allyed unto Mithridates, for 
 ' he maried Mithridates daughter : and it is not likely that 
 ' when Mithridates shall come and intreate him to helpe him 
 ' in his distresse, that Tigranes will refuse him, but rather 
 4 we must thinke certainly that he will make warres upon us 
 4 in his defence. And thus, in making hast to drive out 
 ' Mithridates, we shall bring our selves into great daunger, 
 ' to provoke a new enemie, even Tigranes against us, who of 
 4 long time hath lurked for a just occasion to make warres 
 4 with us : and he can have no honester cause to take armes, 
 ' then to defend and kepe a king his neighbour, and so neere 
 ' a kinseman, from utter destruction, and one that is com- 
 ' pelled to seeke upon him for succor. What neede we then 
 4 to provoke him to procure it, and teache Mithridates 
 4 (which he purposeth not) to whom he should repayre for 
 4 aide, to make warres against our selves, and pricke him for- 
 ' ward, or to say better, put him with our owne handes into 
 ' the way to go seeke aide of Tigranes : which of him selfe 
 ' he will never doe, (thinking it a dishonor unto him) onlesse 
 4 we drive him to it for very necessitie. Is it not better for 
 4 us to geve him leasure and time, to gather a second force 
 ' againe of him selfe, and his owne people, that we might 
 4 rather fight with the Colchians, Tibarenians, Cappadocians, 
 4 and with such other people whome we have so many times 
 4 overcome : then with the Medes and Armenians ? ' With 
 this determination Lucullus taried a great while before the 
 citie of Amisus, continuing this siege of purpose, without 
 378
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 distressing them at all. Afterwardes when winter was past, LUCULLUS 
 
 he left Murena there to continue the siege, and him selfe with Mithridates 
 
 the rest of his armie went to meete Mithridates : who had camped at 
 
 planted his campe neere unto the citie of Cabira, determining 
 
 to tarie the Romanes comming, having gathered together 
 
 againe a new armie of fortie thowsand footemen, and foure Mithridates 
 
 thowsand horsemen, in the which he put his most confidence army. 
 
 and trust, so that he passed over the river of Lycus, and went Lycus fl. 
 
 and presented battell to the Romanes in the plaine field. 
 
 There the horsemen skirmished, and the Romanes had the 
 
 worse : for there was one Pomponius a Romane taken, of 
 
 great estimacion, who was brought unto king Mithridates 
 
 hurt as he was. Mithridates asked him, if in saving his life, 
 
 and healing his woundes, he would become his servaunt and 
 
 frend. Straight replyed Pomponius, With all my hart quod The constancy 
 
 he, so that thou make peace with the Romanes : if not, I of a Romane 
 
 will ever be thine enemie. The king esteemed his corage sou ldier. 
 
 much, and would doe him no hurt. And as for Lucullus, he Lucullus 
 
 was affrayed to come into the plaine, bicause his enemie was ^ et h Mithri- 
 
 the stronger of horsemen : and he doubted also on thother 
 
 side to take his way by the mountaine, bicause it was very 
 
 high, uneasie to clime, and full of woddes and forrestes. But 
 
 as he stoode thus doubtfull, they tooke certaine Graecians 
 
 by chaunce that were fled, and hidden in a cave hard by, 
 
 among the which there was an old man called Artemidorus, 
 
 who promised Lucullus if he would beleve and follow him, 
 
 he would bring him into a sure strong place to lodge 
 
 his campe, where was a castell above the citie of Cabira. 
 
 Lucullus beleved the olde mans wordes, wherefore so soone 
 
 as night came, he raised great fires in his campe, and went his 
 
 way : and after they had passed certaine straight and daun- 
 
 gerous wayes of the mountaines, he came in the morning 
 
 unto the place which Artemidorus had promised to bring 
 
 him. Now the enemies were marvelously amazed when day 
 
 light came, to see him there over them, in a place where if he 
 
 list to fight, he might come apon them with advantage : and 
 
 if he liked not to sturre, it was unpossible to compell him. 
 
 For he stoode indifferent then to hazard battell or not. But 
 
 in the meane season, they say certaine of the kinges campe
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 The sight of 
 a Generall in 
 a battell is of 
 marvelous 
 force. 
 
 A politicke 
 devise of the 
 Romanes to 
 punishe 
 cowardly 
 souldiers. 
 
 The Darda- 
 rians what 
 people they 
 be. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 by chaunce were a hunting the harte. The Romanes per- 
 ceiving that, fell upon them to cut them of by the way : and 
 they began by this meanes one to charge an other in such 
 sorte, reliefe growing still from either side, as Mithridates 
 men grew the stronger. But the Romanes seeing their men 
 flie from the trenches of their campe above, were in such 
 a rage, that they all ranne in a choller to Lucullus to pray 
 him he would leade them to battell, and geve them a signall 
 to fight. Lucullus, bicause he would shew them by experi- 
 ence how much the presence and eye of a good wise Captaine 
 in time of neede was worth : commaunded them they should 
 not once sturre, and he him selfe in persone went downe into 
 the valley, where he commaunded the first of his men he met 
 withall flying, to stay, and returne to the fight againe with 
 him. Which they presently did, and all the other in like 
 case : and thus gathering them together againe, did easily 
 make their enemies returne, that before had them in chase, 
 and drave them backe, fighting with them even hard to their 
 owne forte. Afterwardes uppon his returne againe to his 
 campe, he sette his souldiers that fled, unto a certaine peece 
 of worke to shame them withall, which the Romanes are 
 wont to use in such a case : and that is, that he made them 
 digge a ditch of twelve foote longe, being in their shirtes, all 
 untrussed, and their other companions present seeinge them 
 doe it. Now there was in king Mithridates campe, one 
 Olthacus, prince of the Dardarians (which are certaine bar- 
 barous people dwelling upon the marishes of Maeotin) a noble 
 gentleman of his persone, vallyant, and skilfull in warres, and 
 a man of very good judgement to doe any great enterprise 
 as any that was in all the armie, and furthermore a prince of 
 great good grace and entertainment in companie, knowing 
 how to facion him selfe with all men. This prince, being 
 alwayes at strife with other Lordes of his contrie, and con- 
 tending who should have the first place of honor and favor 
 about the king : went unto Mithridates, and promised him 
 that he would do him notable service, and that was, that he 
 would kill Lucullus. The king was very glad of this promise, 
 and praised him marvelously in secret : howbeit openly of 
 purpose he did him many injuries, bicause he might have 
 380
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 some colour to counterfeate anger and displeasure, and to LUCULLUS 
 
 feve way for him to goe yelde him selfe unto Lucullus as he 
 id. Lucullus was marvelous glad of him, bicause he was Lucullus 
 one of the chiefest men of name in all his campe, and to prove ^ u ger by 
 him withall, gave him charge immediatly : in the which he g^^L. 
 behaved him selfe so well, that Lucullus greatly esteemed 
 his wisedome, and commended his diligence, in such sorte 
 that he did him this honor, to call him somtimes unto the 
 counsell, and make him sit at his borde. One day when this 
 Dardarian prince Olthacus thought to have found fit occasion Olthacus 
 to execute his enterprise, he commaunded his footemen to be prince of the 
 ready with his horse out of the trenches of the campe : and Dardarians. 
 at none dayes when the souldiers tooke rest, and slept here 
 and there in the campe, he went unto Lucullus tent, thinking 
 to have found no body there to kepe him from comming in, 
 considering the familiaritie Lucullus shewed him, saying also 
 he had matters of great importance to talke with him of: 
 and sure he had gone in immediatly unto him, if sleepe that 
 casteth away so many other Captaines, had not at that time 
 preserved and saved Lucullus that slept. For one of the Lucullus 
 groomes of his chamber called Menedemus, who by good h'fe saved 
 fortune kept the dore of the tent, told him that he came in y slee P e - 
 very ill time, bicause Lucullus being wearied with travell and 
 lacke of sleepe, was but then newly layed downe to rest. 
 Olthacus whatsoever the other sayd to him, would not be so 
 aunswered, but tolde him he would come in whether he 
 would or not, for he must nedes speake with him in a matter 
 of great importaunce. Menedemus aunswered him againe, 
 that nothing could be of greater importance, nor more 
 necessarie, then the preservation of his masters life and 
 health, who had neede to take rest : and with these words, 
 he thrust him backe with both his hands. Olthacus was 
 affrayed then, and withdrew him selfe secretly out of the 
 trenches of the campe, tooke his horse back, and rode 
 straight to Mithridates campe without his purpose he came 
 for, which was to kill Lucullus. And thus it plainly ap- 
 peareth, that occasion, and oportunity of time, even in great 
 matters delivereth meanes, to save or destroy the life of man, 
 like as drugges and medicines geven unto the sicke and 
 
 381
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Lucullus 
 victory of 
 certaine of 
 Mithridates 
 Captaines. 
 
 Mithridates 
 noble men 
 and familiars, 
 cause of 
 mutiny and 
 overthrowe 
 of his whole 
 army. 
 
 Mithridates 
 flieth. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 diseased persones. Shortly after, Lucullus sent one of his 
 Captaines called Sornatius to get vittells, with tenne ensignes 
 of footemen. Whereof Mithridates being advertised, sent 
 presently at his tayle one of his Captaines also, called 
 Menander, unto whom Sornatius gave battell, and slue him 
 with great slaughter of his men beside. And afterwardes 
 Lucullus sent an other of his Lieutenauntes called Adrianus 
 with a great companie of souldiers, to get vittells into his 
 campe more then he should neede. Mithridates did not let 
 slippe this occasion, but sent after him two of his Captaines 
 also called Menemachus and Myron, with a great number of 
 men, as well footemen as horsemen : all which were slaine, 
 two only excepted, that brought newes backe to Mithridates 
 campe : the which he sought to salve as well as he could, 
 saying that the losse was much lesse then it was thought for, 
 and that it fortuned through the ignoraunce and rashnes of 
 his Lieutenauntes. But Adrianus at his returne, passed by 
 Mithridates campe with great pompe and majestic, carying a 
 huge number of carts loden with come and spoyles he had 
 wonne : which drave Mithridates selfe into so great a dis- 
 paire, and all his people into such a feare and trouble, that 
 he presently determined to remove thence. Whereupon, the 
 nobility and such as had place of credit about him, beganne 
 to send before, and secretly to convey their stuffe out of the 
 campe, but utterly prohibiting others to doe the same. The 
 rest of the souldiers seing the stowtnes of the kinges minions, 
 beganne to set upon them with open force, not suffering them 
 on the other side once to issue out of the campe. This 
 mutinie grewe to such a fury, that they overthrewe their 
 cariages and sumpter moyles, and slue them presently downe. 
 Amongest others there was slaine Dorylaus, one of the 
 chiefest Captaines of all their campe, who had nothing 
 about him but a purple gowne, for the which they killed 
 him : and Hermaeus the Priest of the sacrifices was troden 
 under foote, and smoothered at the campe gate, by reason of 
 the multitude of those that fled in so great disorder. The 
 king him selfe amongest others fled, but having never a one 
 of his garde about him, nor any of thequiries of his stable 
 to bring him a horse : Ptolomy, one of the groomes of his 
 382
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 chamber, perceiving him in the company of them that fled, LUCULLUS 
 lighted of his owne horse, and gave him the king, but even in 
 manner too late. For the Romanes that followed him were 
 then even hard at his tayle : and it was not for lacke of 
 speede they missed the taking of him, for they were very 
 neere him : but the covetousnes of the souldiers was the losse Covetousnes, 
 of the praye they had so long sought for, with so great paine ^ e overthrow 
 and hazard of battells, and deprived Lucullus of the honor of sould: 
 and reward of all his victories. For they were so neere unto 
 him, that if they had but followed Mithridates never so litle 
 further, they had out of doubt overtaken him, and his horse 
 that caried him away. But one of the moyles that caried 
 his gold and silver (whether by chaunce, or of pretended A strata- 
 policie of Mithridates, as a matter purposely habandoned geame of 
 to them that pursued him) was found in the middest of the Mithridates. 
 high way betwixt him that fled, and the Romanes that 
 followed : who stayed there to robbe the gold and silver, 
 fighting about it, that Mithridates by that meanes wanne 
 ground so farre before them, as they could never after come 
 neere him againe. And this losse was not all which the 
 covetousnes of the souldiers made Lucullus to lose. For, 
 one of the chiefest secretaries of the king being taken, called 
 Callistratus, whom Lucullus commaunded to be brought 
 unto him to his campe : they that had the charge of him, 
 hearing tell that he had five hundred crownes in a girdle 
 about him, for greedines of them, slue him by the way, and 
 yet notwithstanding Lucullus suffered them to spoyle and 
 destroy the whole campe of their enemies. After Mithri- 
 dates flight, Lucullus tooke the citie of Cabira, and many 
 other castells and strong places, where he founde great 
 treasure, and the prisons full of poore prisoners of the 
 Grascians, and many Princes a kinne unto the king him 
 selfe, which were thought to be dead long before : and 
 then seeing them selves delivered from this miserable 
 bondage, by the grace and benefit of Lucullus, thought 
 with them selves they were not only taken out of prison, 
 but revived and turned againe unto a second life. There 
 was also taken one of king Mithridates sisters called 
 Nissa, whose taking fell out profitable for her : bicause all 
 
 383
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Mithridates 
 slue his sisters 
 and wives. 
 
 The corage 
 of Monime 
 Mithridates 
 wife. 
 
 Monime her 
 throte was 
 cut 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Mithridates other wives and sisters whome they placed 
 furthest of, as out of all daunger (and sent into a contrie 
 of greatest safety, neere unto the citie of Pharnacia) dyed 
 pitiefully, and were miserably slaine. For Mithridates sent 
 one of the groomes of his privie chamber unto them 
 called Bacchides, to bring them word that they must all 
 dye. Amongest many other noble Ladies, there were two 
 of the kinges sisters, called Roxane and Statira, which were 
 forty yeres old a peece, and yet had never bene maried : and 
 two of his wives also whom he had maried, both of the contrie 
 of Ionia, the one called Berenice, borne in the lie of Chio, 
 and the other Monime, in the citie of Miletum. Monime, she 
 was very famous amongest the Graecians : for notwithstand- 
 ing king Mithridates importunate dealing, being farre in love 
 with her, insomuch as he sent her fifteene thowsand crownes 
 at one time, yet she would never geve eare unto his sute, 
 untill such time as the mariage was agreed upon betwene 
 them, and that he had sent her his Diadeame or royall 
 bande, and called her by the name and title of Queene. 
 This poore Ladie after the mariage of this barbarous king, 
 had long lived a woefull life, bewailing continually her ac- 
 cursed beauty, that in steade of a husband, had procured her 
 a master : and in steade of the matrimoniall companie which 
 a noble woman should enjoy, had gotten her a gard and 
 garrison of barbarous men, that kept her as a prisoner, farre 
 from the sweete contrie of Greece : in chaunge whereof, she 
 had but a dreame and shadow of the hoped goods she looked 
 for, having unfortunately left them within her owne contry 
 she happely enjoyed before. Now when this Bacchides was 
 come unto them, and had commaunded them from the king 
 to choose what maner of death they would, and which every 
 one of them thought most easiest, and least painefull : 
 Monime pluckt of the royall bande from her head, and tying 
 it on a knot above her necke, hung her selfe, but the band 
 not being strong enough, brake incontinently. Whereupon 
 she cried out : O cursed and wicked tissue, wilt thou not yet 
 serve me to end my sorowfull dayes ? And speaking these 
 wordes, cast it on the grounde and spit apon it, and held 
 out her throte to Bacchides to be cut a sunder. The other, 
 384
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Berenice : she tooke a cuppe full of poyson her mother being LUCULLUS 
 present, who prayed her to let her have halfe, the which she 
 did, and they dranke it of betwene them. The force of the 
 poyson was stronge enough to kill the old mother weake 
 with age, but not so quickely to destroy the daughter : 
 bicause she had not taken that proportion which would have 
 served her turne, but drue out the paines of her death in 
 length, untill such time as Bacchides hasting to dispatch 
 her, she in the end did strangle her self. As for the kings Berenice 
 two sisters, Roxane and Statyra, which were virgines yet strangled 
 unmaried, they say, that one of them also dranke poison, seire. 
 cursing and detesting the cruelty of her brother: howbeit 
 Statira gave never an evill word, nor was fainte harted or The corage 
 sorowfull to dye, but contrarily did commend and thanke of Statira 
 her brother highly, that seeing him selfe in daunger, had Mithridates 
 not yet forgotten them, but was carefull to cause them dye, 
 before they shoulde fall as slaves into the handes of their 
 enemies, and before they could come to dishonor them, or do 
 them villany. These pitiefull misfortunes went to Lucullus 
 hart, who was curteous and gentle of nature : neverthelesse 
 he went on further, still following Mithridates at the heeles, 
 unto the city of Talaura. And there understanding that he 
 was fled foure dayes before unto Tigranes in Armenia, re- 
 turned backe againe, having first subdued the Chaldeans, 
 and the Tibarenians, taken Armenia the lesse, and brought 
 the cities, castells, and strong places unto his obedience. 
 That done, he sent Appius Clodius unto king Tigranes, to Appius Clo- 
 summone him to deliver Mithridates unto him : and him dius sent unto 
 selfe tooke his jorney towards the citie of Amisus, which 
 was yet besieged. The cause why this siege continued long, 
 was the sufficiencie and great experience of the Captaine that 
 kept it for the king, called Callimachus : who understoode Callimachus 
 so well howe all sortes of engines of batterie were to be used, governor of 
 and was so subtill besides in all inventions that might serve Anusus. 
 to defende a place besieged, as he troubled the Romanes 
 much in this attempt : but afterwardes he was not only met 
 withall, and payed home for all his labor, but also outreached 
 by Lucullus for all his finenesse. For where before he had 
 alwayes used to sound the retreate at a certaine hower, and 
 3 : CCC 385
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Lucullus wan 
 Amisus. 
 
 Callimachus 
 setteth fire of 
 Amisus and 
 flieth. 
 
 Lucullus cur- 
 tesie towardes 
 the citie of 
 Amisus. 
 
 Lucullus 
 gentle saying. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 to call his men backe from the assaulte, to rest them : one 
 day he brake that order on the sodaine, and comminge to 
 assaulte the walle, at the first charge wanne a peece of it, 
 before those within could come in time to resist them. 
 Callimachus seeing that, and knowing it was now impos- 
 sible to keepe the city any lenger, forsooke it. But before 
 his departing he set the citie a fire, either for the malice to 
 the Romanes, bicause he would not they should enriche 
 them selves with the sacke of so great a citie : or else for 
 a policy of warre to have the more leasure to save him selfe, 
 and flie. For no man gave eye to them that fled by sea, 
 bicause the flame was so great, that it dispersed it selfe even 
 to the very walles, and the Romane souldiers, they only 
 prepared to spoyle. Lucullus seeing the fire without, had 
 compassion of the citie within, and would gladly have holpen 
 it, and for the purpose prayed the souldiers quickely to 
 quench it : but not a man would harken to him, every one 
 gaping after the spoyle, making great noyse with classhing 
 of harnesse, and being very lowde besides otherwise, till at 
 the length enforced thereunto, he gave the city wholly to 
 spoyle, hoping thereby to save the houses from fire, but it 
 fell out cleane contrary. For the soldiers them selves in 
 seeking all about with torches and linckes lighted, to see if 
 any thing were hidden : they set a number of houses a fire. 
 So as Lucullus comming into the citie the next morning, and 
 seeing the great desolacion the fire had made, fell of weep- 
 ing, saying unto his familiar frends about him : he had 
 oftentimes before thought Sylla happy, howbeit he never 
 wondred more at his good fortune, then that day he did. 
 For, Sylla sayd he, desiring to save the citie of Athens, the 
 goddes graunted him that favor that he might do it : but 
 I that would faine follow him therein, and save this citie, 
 fortune thwarting my desire, hath brought me to the re- 
 putacion of Mummius, that caused Corinthe to be burnt. 
 Neverthelesse he did his best endevor at that time to helpe 
 the poore citie againe. For touching the fire, even imme- 
 diatly after it was taken, by Gods providence there fell a 
 shower of raine as it was newly kindled, that quenched it : 
 and Lucullus selfe before he left the citie, made a great 
 386
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 number of the houses which were spoyled by fire, to be LUCULLUS 
 built up againe, and curteously received all the inhabitauntes 
 that were fled, besides them he placed other Graecians there 
 also, that were willing to dwell amongest them, and increased 
 the boundes and confines of the citie which he gave them, 
 one hundred and twenty furlonges into the contrie. This 
 citie was a colony of the Athenians, who had built and 
 founded it, in the time that their Empire florished, and that 
 they ruled the seas: by reason whereof, many flying the 
 tyranny of Aristion, went to dwell there, and were made 
 free of the city, as the naturall inhabitants of the same. 
 This good happe fell upon them, that forsaking their owne 
 goodes, they went to possesse and enjoy the goodes of other 
 men : but the very citizens of Athens it selfe that had 
 escaped from this great desolation, Lucullus clothed them 
 well, and gave them two hundred Drachmas a peece, and sent 
 them againe into their contrie. Tyrannion the grammarian Tyrannionthe 
 was taken at that time, whom Muraena begged of Lucullus : grammarian 
 and Lucullus having graunted him unto him, he made him taken> 
 free, wherein he delt very discourteously, and did much abuse 
 Lucullus liberality and gift unto him. For in bestowing this 
 prisoner uppon him, who was a famous learned man, he did 
 not meane Muraena should take him for a bondeman, whereby 
 he should neede afterwardes to make him free. For seeming 
 to make him free, and restore him to libertie : was no more 
 but to take that freedome and liberty from him, which he 
 had from his birth. But in many other thinges, and not in 
 that only, Muraena layed him selfe open to the world, that 
 he had not all the partes a worthy Captaine should have in 
 him. When Lucullus departed from Amisus, he went to 
 visite the cities of Asia, to thend that whilest he was not 
 now occupied with warres, they might have some refreshing 
 of lawes and justice. For, by reason that law was not 
 executed of long time in Asia, the poore contry was so 
 afflicted, and oppressed with so many evills and miseries : 
 as no man living would scant beleve, nor any tongue can 
 well declare. For, the extreame and horrible covetousnes 
 of the farmers, customers, and Romane userers did not only 
 devoure it, but also kept it in such bondage and thraldome, 
 
 387
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Lucullus re- 
 lieveth Asia 
 from extreame 
 usery. 
 
 That is after 
 the rate of 12 
 in the hun- 
 dred for the 
 yeare. 
 
 Lawes set 
 downe for 
 userers. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 that particularly the poore fathers were driven to sell their 
 goodly young sonnes and daughters in mariage, to pay the 
 interest and usery of the money which they had borowed 
 to discharge their fines withall : and publilcely the tables 
 dedicated unto the temples, the statues of their goddes, and 
 other church juells : and yet in the end, they them selves were 
 also judged to be bondmen and slaves to their cruell creditors, 
 to weare out their dayes in miserable servitude. And yet 
 the worst of all was, the payne they put them to before they 
 were so condemned : for they imprisoned them, set them 
 on the racke, tormented them uppon a litle brasen horse, 
 sette them in the stockes, made them stande naked in the 
 greatest heate of sommer, and on the ise in the deepest of 
 winter, so as that bondage seemed unto them a reliefe of 
 their miseries, and a rest of their tormentes. Lucullus found 
 the cities of Asia full of such oppressions, but in a shorte 
 time after he delivered them all that were wrongfully tor- 
 mented. For first he tooke order, they should accompt for 
 the usery that was payed monethly, the hundred parte of 
 the principall det onely, and no more. Secondly he cut of 
 all useries that passed the principall. Thirdly, which was 
 the greatest matter of all, he ordained that the creditor and 
 userer should enjoy the fourth parte of the profites and 
 revenues of his detter. And he that joyned usery with the 
 principall, that is to say, tooke usery upon usery: should 
 lose the whole. So that by this order, all dettes were payed 
 in lesse then foure yeares, and the owners landes and revenues 
 set clere of all maner payments. This surcharge of useries, 
 came of the twenty thowsande talentes, wherein Sylla had 
 condemned the contrie of Asia : the which summe they had 
 payed twise before unto the farmers and collectors of the 
 Romanes, who had raised it, still heaping usery upon usery, 
 to the summe of sixe score thowsand talents. Wherefore 
 these collectors and farmers ranne to Rome, and cried out 
 upon Lucullus, saying, that he did them the greatest wrong 
 that could be, and by meanes of money, they procured certaine 
 of the common counsellers to speake against him : which they 
 might easily doe, bicause they had diverse of their names in 
 their bookes that delt in thaffaires of the common wealth at 
 388
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Rome. But Lucullus was not only beloved of those contries LUCULLUS 
 whom he did good unto, but was wished for and desired also of 
 others, who thought the contries happy that might have such a 
 governor. Now for Appius Clodius, whom Lucullus had sent Appius Clo- 
 before from Talaura unto king Tigranes in Armenia,and whose di . us > Lucullus 
 sister at that time was Lucullus wife : he first tooke certaine wlves 
 of the kings men for guides, who of very malice guided him 
 through the high contry, making him fetch a great compasse 
 about, by many dayes jorneys spent in vaine : untill such time 
 as one of his infranchesed bondmen that was borne in Syria, 
 taught him the right way. Whereupon he discharged these 
 barbarous guides, and leaving the wrong wayes they had led 
 him, within fewe dayes past over the river of Euphrates, and Euphrates fl. 
 arrived in the citie of Antioch, surnamed Epidaphne. Where 
 he had commaundement to abide Tigranes returne, who was 
 then in the contry of Phenicia, where he subdued certaine cities, 
 and had some other yet to conquer. Appius in the meane time 
 wanne secretly divers of the princes and noble men, that obeyed 
 this Armenian king but for feare, by force, and against their 
 willes, amongest whom was Zarbienus, king of the province Zarbienus 
 of Gordiaena: and promised the aide of Lucullus also to p n ^ 
 many the cities that sent unto him, (which had not long 
 before bene subdued and brought into bondage) to whom 
 nevertheles he gave in expresse charge, that for the time 
 they should not once sturre, nor alter any thing. For, the 
 rule of these Armenians was intolerable to the Graecians, 
 and specially the pride and arrogancie of the king. Who, Tigranes 
 by reason of his great prosperitie, was growen to such pride P nde an(J 
 and presumption, that whatsoever men did commonly esteeme P ^ 
 best, and make most reckoning of, he would not only have it, 
 and use it as his owne, but also tooke it that all was made 
 for him selfe whatsoever : and this great overwening grew, 
 by reason of fortunes speciall grace and favor towardes him. 
 For at the beginning he had but very litle, and yet with 
 this litle (which few made reckoning of) he conquered many 
 great nations, and plucked downe the power of the Parthians 
 as much as any man that ever was before him. He re- 
 plenished the contry of Mesopotamia with Graecian in- 
 habitauntes, which he brought by force out of Cilicia and 
 
 389
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 The boldnes 
 of Appius 
 Clodius, 
 Lucullus 
 Ambassador 
 unto Tigranes, 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Cappadocia, compelling them to inhabite there. He made 
 the Arabians chaunge their maner of living, who are other- 
 wise called the Scenites, as much to say, as tent dwellers, 
 bicause they are vagarant people that dwell in no other 
 houses but tentes, which they ever use to carie with them, 
 and brought them out of their naturall contrie, and made 
 them followe him, using them for his commodity in trade 
 of marchaundise. There were ever many kings in his courte 
 that waited on him : but amongest others, he had foure 
 kinges that waited continually on his person, as his foote- 
 men : for when he rode abroade any whether, they ranne by 
 his stirroppe in their shirtes. And when he was set in his 
 chaire of state to geve audience, they stoode on their feete 
 about his chaire holding .their handes together, which coun- 
 tenaunce shewed the most manifest confession and tokens of 
 bondage that they could do unto him : as if they had shewed 
 thereby that they resigned all their libertie, and offered their 
 bodies unto their Lord and master, more ready to suffer, then 
 any thing to doe. Notwithstanding, Appius Clodius being 
 nothing abashed nor feared with all this tragicall pompe, 
 when audience was geven him : tolde king Tigranes boldly 
 to his face, that he was come to carie king Mithridates away 
 with him, who was due to the triumphe of Lucullus : and 
 therefore did summone him to deliver that king into his 
 handes, or else that he proclaimed warres upon him selfe. 
 They that were present at this summons, knew well enough 
 that Tigranes (although he set a good countenaunce of the 
 matter openly with a fainte counterfeate laughing) yet 
 hearing these wordes so boldly and gallantly spoken out of 
 this young mans mowth, was galled to the quicke, and 
 hitte at the harte. For Tigranes having reigned, (or to 
 say better tyrannically governed) five and twenty yeares 
 space, had never heard any bold or francke speache but 
 that. Notwithstanding, he aunswered Appius, that he 
 would not deliver Mithridates : and if the Romanes made 
 warres with him, that he would defende him selfe. And 
 being greatly offended that Lucullus in his letters gave him 
 not the title, king of kinges, but only king simply : in the 
 letters he wrote backe to Lucullus againe, he did not so much 
 390
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 as vowchesave to call him Captaine onely. But when Appius LUCULLUS 
 tooke his leave, he sent him goodly riche presentes which he 
 refused. Whereupon the king sent others againe unto him, Appius abstin- 
 of the which Appius tooke a cuppe only, bicause the king ence from 
 should not thinke he refused ought of anger, or ill will: and so t ^ m ^ 
 sending all the rest againe unto him, made great hast to re- 
 turne to his Captaine Lucullus. Nowe Tigranes before that 
 time would not once see king Mithridates his so neere kinse- 
 man, who by fortune of warres had lost so puisant and great 
 a kingdome, but prowdly kept him under in fennie, marrishe, 
 and unholsome grounds, without any honor geven unto him, 
 as if he had bene a very prisoner in deede : howbeit then he 
 sent for him honorably, and received him with great curtesie. 
 When they were neere together in the kinges palace, they 
 talked secretly one with an other, and excusing them selves, Tigranes and 
 clearing all suspicions conceived betwene them, to the great Mithridates 
 hurt of their servauntes and frendes, whom they burdened meetm - 
 with all thoccasion of unkindnes betwene them : amongst 
 which number Metrodorus Scepsian was one, a man excel- 
 lently well learned, eloquent in speache, and one whome Metrodorus 
 Mithridates so much loved and esteemed, that they called praise, and 
 him the kinges father. Mithridates at the beginning of his deatn> 
 warres had sent him Ambassador unto Tigranes, to pray 
 ayde of him against the Romanes. At which time Tigranes 
 sayd unto him : But what sayest thou to it Metrodorus : 
 what advise wilt thou geve me ? Metrodorus either bicause 
 he had regard unto Tigranes profit, or else bicause he was 
 loth Mithridates should escape, answered him againe : As 
 Ambassador, O king, I would wish you should do it : but as 
 a counsellor, that you should not do it. Tigranes now 
 reported this speache unto Mithridates, not thinking he 
 would have hurt Metrodorus for it, though in deede he 
 presently put him to death upon it. Whereat Tigranes was 
 hartely sorie, and repented him greatly to have tolde him 
 so much, although he was not altogether the occasion of his 
 casting away, having but only revived Mithridates evill will 
 before conceived against him. For he had borne him dis- 
 pleasure of a long time, as appeared amongst his secret 
 papers and writings that were taken from him, where he 
 
 391
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS had ordained that Metrodorus should be put to death : but 
 
 in recompence thereof Tigranes buried his body honorably, 
 
 sparing no cost at all unto the dead body of him, whom 
 
 Amphicrates living he had betrayed. There dyed in king Tigranes courte 
 
 an Orator of a l so , an Orator called Amphicrates, if he deserve that men- 
 
 inkin^V^ra ^ on snou ^ be made of him, for the citie of Athens sake 
 
 nes courte. ' whereof he was borne : for it is sayd, that when he was 
 
 banished out of his contrie, he fled into the city of Seleucia, 
 
 Seleucia a which standeth upon the river of Tigris. When the inhabi- 
 
 ;ity standing ^ants o f the same praied him to teache them the arte of 
 
 ' eloquence in their contrie, he would not vowchesave it, but 
 
 A platter too aunswered them prowdly : that a platter was too litle to 
 
 litle to holde a no lcl e a Dolphine in, meaning that their citie was too small 
 
 V l in ' a thing to containe it. From thence he went unto Cleopatra, 
 
 Mithridates daughter, and king Tigranes wife, where he was 
 
 quickely suspected and accused : so that he was forbidden to 
 
 frequent the Graecians company any more, which grieved him 
 
 so much, that he famished him selfe to death, and would eate 
 
 no meate. And that man was also very honorably buried 
 
 by the Queene Cleopatra, nere unto a place called Sapha, 
 
 as they call it in that contry. Now when Lucullus had 
 
 quieted all thinges in Asia, and had established good lavves 
 
 among them, he was not carelesse also of games and pleasaunt 
 
 pastimes, but while he was at leasure in the city of Ephesus, 
 
 he made many games, feastes, wrestlinges and fence playes at 
 
 the sharpe for joy of his victory, delighting all the cities of 
 
 Asia with them, the which in recompence therof did institute 
 
 a solemne feast also in the honor of him, which they called 
 
 Lucullea, and did celebrate it with great joy, shewing a true 
 
 and no fained frendshippe and good will towardes him, which 
 
 pleased him better, and was more to his contentation, then 
 
 all the honor they could devise to geve him. But after that 
 
 Appius Clodius was returned from his Ambassade, and had 
 
 tolde Lucullus that he must make warres with Tigranes : 
 
 Lucullus went backe againe unto the realme of Pontus, 
 
 where he tooke his armie which he had left in garrison, and 
 
 brought it before the city of Sinope to lay siege unto it, or 
 
 rather to besiege certaine Cilicians that were gotten into the 
 
 city in the behalfe of Mithridates. But when they sawe 
 
 392
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Lucullus come against them, they slue a great number of the LUCULLUS 
 citizens, and setting fire on the city, fled their way by night. Lucullus tak- 
 Lucullus being advertised of it, entred the citie, put eight ? th Sinope 
 thowsande of the Cilicians to the sword which he found in Pontus - 
 there, and restored the naturall citizens and inhabitantes 
 thereof to all that was theirs. But the originall cause that 
 made him to be carefull to preserve the city, was this vision 
 he had. He thought in his nightes dreame that one came to Lucullus 
 him, and sayd : Goe a litle further Lucullus, for Autolycus dreame. 
 commeth, who is desirous to speake with thee. This dreame 
 awaked him, but being awake could not imagine what the 
 vision ment. It was the selfe same day on the which he 
 tooke the city of Sinope, where following the Cilicians that 
 escaped by flying, he found an image lying on the ground 
 upon the sea side, which the Cilicians would have caried 
 away : but they were taken and followed so neere, that they 
 had no leasure to shippe it. This statue (as it is reported) A statue made 
 was one of the goodliest and notablest workes of Sthenis the by Sthenis. 
 Image graver. And some say that it was the image of 
 Autolycus who founded the city of Sinope. For Autolycus Autolycus 
 was one of the princes that went out of Thessalie with founder of the 
 Hercules to go against the Amazones, and he was the sonne city of Sinope. 
 of Deimachus. And they reporte that at the returne from 
 this voyage, the shippe in the which Autolycus was imbarked, 
 with Demoleon and Phlogius, made shippewracke upon a 
 rocke on the coast of Cherronesus, where she was cast away : 
 howbeit that he and his men scaping with all their furniture, 
 came to the city of Sinope, which he tooke from certaine 
 Syrians, who came (as they say) of one Syrus the sonne The Syrians 
 of Apollo, and of the nimphe Sinope Asopus daughter. w hy so called. 
 Lucullus understanding this matter, called a saying of Sylla 
 to minde, which he wrote in his commentaries : that nothing 
 is more certaine, nor that we may geve more credit unto, Syllaes note 
 then that which is signified to us by dreames. In the meane * r dreames. 
 season he was advertised, that Tigranes and Mithridates 
 were ready to come downe into Lycaonia, and Cilicia, bicause 
 they might first enter Asia. Lucullus marveled much at 
 Tigranes counsell, that sithence he was minded to warre with 
 the Romanes, he did not use Mithridates ayde in his warres 
 3 : DDD 393 ^
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS at such time, as when he was in his best strength and force : 
 
 and that he did not then joyne his power with Mithridates, 
 
 rather then suffer him to be destroyed and overthrowen, and 
 
 afterwards with a cold hope go now to begin a new warre, 
 
 hazarding him selfe with those, that could not helpe them 
 
 selves. While these thinges passed in this sorte, Machares 
 
 king Mithridates sonne, that kept the realme of Bosphorus, 
 
 Machares sent a crowne of golde unto Lucullus, of the waight of a 
 
 Mithridates thowsande crownes, praying him that he would name him 
 
 3r e a frende and confederate of the Romanes. Whereupon 
 
 of Lucullus Lucullus thought he was then at the very last ende of 
 
 his first warre, and leaving Sornatius with sixe thowsand 
 
 men to keepe the realme of Pontus, he departed with twelve 
 
 thowsand footemen, and lesse then three thowsand horsemen 
 
 to go to the second warres. And herein all the world con- 
 
 Lucullus demned him, and thought it too rash and light a parte of him 
 
 goeth against to goe with so small a company to fight with so many warlike 
 
 Tigranes with nations, and to put him selfe unto the hazard of so many 
 
 pany 8 thowsandes of horsemen, in a marvelous large contry, and of 
 
 a wonderfull length, environned round about with deepe 
 
 rivers, and mountaines, covered with snowe all the yeare 
 
 through : so that his souldiers, which otherwise were no 
 
 speciall well trained men, nor obedient to their Captaine, 
 
 followed with an evill will, and did stubbornly disobey him. 
 
 The quarrel- And on thother side, the common counsellers at Rome cried 
 
 linge counsel- out on him continually, and openly protested before all the 
 
 nv " R V] e ' people, that out of one warre he sowed an other, which the 
 
 prosperity US common wealth had nothing to doe withall, and that he looked 
 
 after none other thinge but still to raise newe occasions of 
 
 warres, to the ende he might alwayes have armies at his 
 
 commaundement, and never leave the warres, bicause he 
 
 would make him selfe great with the cost and perill of 
 
 the common wealth. These crying counsellers in the end 
 
 Lucullus obtained their purpose, which was : to call home Lucullus 
 
 came to the againe, and to substitute Pompey in his place. But Lucullus 
 
 for all that, marched on with his army with all the possible 
 
 and found'it s P ee de he coulde, so that he came in few dayes unto the 
 
 very high, and river of Euphrates, the which he found very high and rough 
 
 rough. by reason of the winter season : which troubled him marvel - 
 
 394
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 ously at that present, doubting least it would hold him there LUCULLUS 
 a long time in finding out of boates, and making of postes 
 and planckes to build a bridge to passe over his army. But 
 towardes night the water beganne to fall a litle, and in the The straunge 
 night fell so much, that the next morning the river was *l n< * s dame 
 comen to her ordinary streame : and moreover, the contrie r j ve ^ f e 
 men them selves decerning certaine litle Ilandes that appeared Euphrates, 
 unto them in the middest of the water course, and the river from her great 
 very calme as a marrishe rounde about them, did honor swelling. 
 Lucullus as a god, bicause it was a thing they had never 
 scene chaunce before, as though at his comming the river had 
 sodainly yeelded unto him, and was become gentle to geve 
 him safe and easie passage. And bicause he would not loose 
 that oportunitie, he passed over his army immediatly : and 
 was. no sooner on thother side, but he met with a happie 
 token of good lucke, which was this. On thother side of the 
 river, there was a certaine number of kyne consecrated to 
 Diana Persica, whom the barbarous people inhabiting be- Diana 
 yonde the river of Euphrates, do reverence and honor above Persica. 
 all the other goddes : and these kyne they employ to none 
 other use, but only to sacrifice them unto this goddesse. 
 They wander all about the contry where they will, without 
 any maner of tying, or shackling otherwise, having only the 
 marke of the goddesse, which is a lampe printed upon their Kyne conse- 
 bodies, and they are not easie to be taken when one would crated to 
 have them, but with great a doe. One of these consecrated 
 kyne, after that Lucullus army was passed over Euphrates, 
 came to offer her selfe upon a rock which they suppose is 
 hallowed or dedicate unto this goddesse, bowing downe her 
 head, and stretching out her necke, like those that are tyed A straunge 
 shorte, as if she had comen even of purpose to present her thing of a cow 
 selfe to Lucullus, to be sacrificed as she was. And besides O ffe r ^^ e se ff e 
 her, he sacrificed a bull also unto the river Euphrates, in to Lucullus to 
 token of thankes for his safe passage over. Lucullus the be sacrificed, 
 first day did nothing but encampe him selfe only, on the 
 other side of the river : but the next morning, and the other 
 dayes following, he went further into the contry by the way 
 of Sophene, hurting none that came and yeelded unto him, or The contry of 
 that willingly received his army. For when his men would Sophene. 
 
 395
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Tigris fl. 
 
 Tigranes slue 
 the first mes- 
 senger that 
 brought the 
 newes of 
 Lucullus 
 approach. 
 
 Tigranes 
 sendeth Mith 
 robarzanes 
 against 
 Lucullus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 have had him to have taken a castell by force, where they 
 said was great store of gold and silver : he shewed them 
 mownte Taurus a farre of, and told them it is that which we 
 must rather go to take. As for the thinges which be in 
 this castell, they be kept for them that vanquishe : and 
 going on still with great jorneys, passed over the river of 
 Tigris, and so entred the realme of Armenia with a maine 
 armie. Now for Tigranes, the first man that ventured to 
 bring him newes of Lucullus comming, had no joy of it : for 
 he cut of his head for his labor. And therefore from thence- 
 forth there durst no man say any thing unto him, untill such 
 time as he was at the last environned rounde with fire, which 
 Lucullus army had raised about him, before he could heare 
 any thing thereof. For he was sporting and gauding with 
 his familiars, hearing their flattering tales, that Lucujlus 
 in deede were a noble Captaine, if he durst but tary 
 Tigranes comming downe in the citie of Ephesus only, and 
 howe he would straight flie out of all Asia, so soone as he 
 might but heare tell of his comming against him with so 
 triumphing an army of so many thowsand men. And thus 
 may we see, that like as all bodies and braines, are not a like 
 strong nor able to cary much wine : so in like case all wittes 
 be not resolute and constant, never to doe amisse, nor to 
 swarve from reasons bandes in great prosperity. Howbeit in 
 the end, Mithrobarzanes, one of Tigranes familiars, was the 
 next man that enterprised to tell him the troth : whose bold- 
 nes had litle better reward for his newes, then the first that 
 was beheaded. For Tigranes sent him immediatly with three 
 thowsand horse, and a good number of footemen, commaund- 
 ing him that he should bring Lucullus alive unto him, and 
 that furthermore, he should marche upon the bellies of his men. 
 Now was Lucullus alreadie camped with parte of his army, 
 and the other parte comming after, when his skowtes brought 
 him newes of the barbarous Captaines approache : which at 
 the first put him in feare, that if the enemy should come and 
 assaile them thus scattered in companies, and not raunged in 
 battell, and ready to fight, he might overthrow them whiles 
 they were in disorder. And therefore he remained within 
 his campe to fortifie the same, and sent Sextilius one of his 
 396
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 Lieutenaunts, with a thowsand sixe hundred horse, and as LUCULLUS 
 many footemen (or a few more) as well naked as armed : Lucullus 
 commaunding him to approach as neere to his enemy as he sendeth Sex- 
 could without fighting, only to stay him there, untill such j^rE-^ 
 time as he heard newes that all his army was comen together zanes 
 into his campe. Sextilius went to doe his commaundement, 
 but he was compelled to fight, (though against his will) 
 Mithrobarzanes came so bravely and lustely to assayle him. 
 So was the battell striken betwene them, in the which Sextilius slue 
 Mithrobarzanes was slaine valliantly fighting, and all his Mithrobar- 
 men either broken or killed, fewe excepted, that onely by zanes and 
 flying saved them selves. After this overthrow, Tigranes ^ f orce 
 forsooke his great royall citie of Tigranocerta that he built 
 him selfe, and went to mownt Taurus, where he assembled a The city of 
 great number of men out of all partes. But Lucullus would Tigranocerta, 
 geve him no leasure to prepare him selfe, but sent Muraena ~. ^ 
 on the one side to cut them of by the way, and to over- 
 throwe those that were assembled about him : and on the 
 other side Sextilius to stoppe a great company of the 
 Arabians that were comming to Tigranes, whom Sextilius 
 set apon as they were ready to lodge, and overthrew them 
 in maner every man. And Muraena following king Tigranes 
 at the heeles, spyed an occasion to geve the charge as he 
 passed a long and narrow valley, in the bottome wherof the 
 way was very ill, and specially for an armie of such a length : 
 and taking the oportunity, set apon the rereward, which 
 Tigranes perceiving, fled straight upon it, making all his 
 cariage to be throwen downe in the way before the enemies 
 to stay them. There were a great number of the Armenians 
 slayne in this overthrow, and moe taken. Those thinges 
 having this successe, Lucullus went to the city of Tigrano- 
 certa, the which he besiegeth round. In that citie were a Lucullus 
 marvelous number of Graecians that had bene brought besiegeth 
 thither by force out of Cilicia, and many of the barbarous Tl g rano 
 people also whom they had used in the like forcible maner, 
 as they had done the Adiabenians, the Assyrians, the Gor- 
 diaenians, and the Cappadocians, whose townes and cities 
 Tigranes had destroyed, and compelled them to come and 
 inhabite there. By reason whereof, this city of Tigranocerta 
 
 397
 
 Taxiles per- 
 swadeth 
 Tigranes not 
 to fight with 
 the Romanes 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS was full of golde and silver, of mettells, statues, tables and 
 pictures, bicause every man (as well private, as Princes and 
 Lords) studied to please the king, to enrich and beawtifie 
 this city, with all kindes of furniture and ornamentes fit for 
 the same. And hereuppon Lucullus straighted the siege as 
 much as he could, perswading him selfe that Tigranes would 
 never suffer, that it should be taken, but (though he had 
 otherwise determined) yet for very anger would present him 
 battell, thereby to enforce him to raise his siege. And 
 surely he gessed right, had it not bene that Mithridates had 
 disswaded him by expresse letters and messengers that he 
 should in no case hazard battell, and perswaded him rather 
 to cut of the vittells on all sides from the Romanes with his 
 horsemen. The selfe same counsell and advise did Taxiles 
 (the Captaine whom Mithridates sent) geve him in his 
 campe, and prayed him very earnestly, that he would not 
 prove the invincible force of the Romanes. Tigranes 
 pacientlie harkened to their reasons at the first. But 
 when the Armenians were come, and all the force of the 
 contry besides, and the Gordiaenians, and that the kinges of 
 the Medes and of the Adiabenians were commen also with 
 all their power, and that on thother side there came a mar- 
 velous great host of the Arabians that dwell apon the sea of 
 Babylon, and a multitude of the Albanians from the Caspian 
 sea, and of the Iberians their neighbors, besides a great com- 
 pany of free people living without a king, that dwell by the 
 river of Araxes, some comming freely to doe him pleasure, 
 other for their pensions and pay which he gave them : then 
 was there none other talke neither at his table nor in coun- 
 sell, but of assured hope of victorie, and of great bragges and 
 barbarous threatninges, so that Taxiles was in great daunger 
 of him selfe, bicause he was against the determination taken 
 in counsell for geving of the battell. Now was it thought 
 that Mithridates did envy the glory of king Tigranes, and 
 therefore did thus disswade him from battell. For which 
 respect Tigranes would not so much as tary for him, and 
 bicause also Mithridates should have no parte of the honor 
 of his victory : but went into the fielde with all this great 
 army, vaunting amongest his familiars as they reporte, that 
 398
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 nothing grieved him but one, that he should fight with LUCULLUS 
 Lucullus alone, and not with all the other Romane Cap- The prowde 
 taines. Now this bravery was not so fond, nor so farre out saying of 
 of square, but that there was great likelyhoode of it when he Tl ranes - 
 saw so many sundrie nations about him, so many kinges that 
 followed him, so many battells of armed footemen, and so 
 many thowsande of horsemen. For he had in his army of Tigranes 
 bowmen and slinges onely, twenty thowsand : five and fifty whole armie : 
 thowsand horsemen, whereof seventeene thowsande men of *7 hundred 
 armes, armed from toppe to toe, as Lucullus him selfe wrote thowsand 
 unto the Senate : and a hundred and fifty thowsand armed men. 
 footemen, devided by ensignes and squadrons : of pyoners, 
 carpinters, masons, and such other kinde of handy craftes 
 men, to plaine wayes, to make bridges to passe over rivers, to 
 stoppe streames, to cut wodde, and to make such kinde of 
 workes, of this sorte of people, the number of five and thirty 
 thowsand, who followed in battell ray in the rereward of the 
 army, making their campe seme farre greater, and by so 
 much the more stronger. When Tigranes shewed on the 
 toppe of mownt Taurus, and that they might plainly see his 
 whole army from the city, and that him selfe also might 
 easily decerne Lucullus armie that besieged Tigranocerta : 
 the barbarous people that were within the citie were so glad 
 of this sight, that they made wonderfull showtes of joy, 
 and great clapping of handes, threatning the Romanes from 
 their walles, and shewing them the army of the Armenians. 
 Lucullus in the meane time sate in counsell to consider what 
 was to be done : wherein some were of opinion that he should 
 raise his siege, and goe with his whole armie undevided 
 against Tigranes. But others liked not that he should leave 
 so great a number of enemies at his backe, neither that he 
 should raise his siege. Lucullus made them aunswere, that 
 neither of them both did counsell him well, but both to- 
 gether did counsell him right. Whereuppon he devided his 
 armie, and left Murana at the siege of Tigranocerta with 
 sixe thowsand men : and he with foure and twenty cohortes 
 (in the which were not above tenne thowsand armed foote- Lucullus 
 men) and all his horsemen, with a thowsand bow men and ai ; m y against 
 slinges or thereabouts, went towardes Tigranes, and camped 1 ranes - 
 
 399
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS in a goodly broade fielde by the rivers side. The Romanes 
 seemed but a handfull to Tigranes campe, so that for a while 
 Tigranes parasyts made but a May game of them to sporte 
 withall. For some mocked them to scorne, other drewe 
 lottes, and played away their parte of the spoyles, as if they 
 had already wonne the fielde : and every one of the kinges 
 and Captaines came and offered them selves to Tigranes, and 
 besought him everie man for him selfe, that he would geve 
 him the honor alone to leade this battell, and that it would 
 please him to sit by in some place to see the sporte. Tigranes 
 then, bicause he would shewe that he could be as pleasaunt as 
 the rest, spake a thing knowen to every man. If they come 
 as Ambassadors, quod he, they are very many : but if they 
 come as enemies, they be but fewe. And thus they played 
 upon the Romanes, and tooke their pleasure of them at that 
 time: but the next morning by breake of day, Lucullus 
 brought all his men armed into the fielde, and put them in 
 order of battel. Now the campe of the barbarous people 
 lay on thother side of the river towards the East, and by 
 chaunce the streame of the river turned sodainly towardes 
 the West, where there was a better ford to passe over. Wher- 
 fore Lucullus marching with his army by the rivers side, 
 following the streame to meete with some forde, hasting to 
 get over, Tigranes thought he had marched away, and called 
 for Taxiles, and sayd unto him, laughing : Doest thou see 
 Taxiles, those goodly Romane legyons, whom thou praisest 
 to be men so invincible : howe they flie away now ? Taxiles 
 aunswered the king againe : I would your good fortune (O 
 king) might worke some miracle this day : for doutlesse it 
 were a straunge thing that the Romanes should flie. They 
 are not wont to weare their brave cotes and furniture uppon 
 their armor, when they meane onely but to marche in the 
 fieldes : neither doe they carie their shieldes and targets un- 
 cased, nor their burganets bare on their heades, as they doe 
 at this present, having throwen away their leather cases and 
 coveringes. But out of doubt, this goodly furniture we see 
 so bright and glistering in our faces, is a manifest signe that 
 they intend to fight, and that they marche towardes us. 
 Taxiles had no sooner spoken these wordes, but Lucullus in 
 400
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 the view of his enemies, made his ensigne bearer turne LUCULLUS 
 sodainly that caried the first Eagle, and the bands tooke their 
 places to passe the river in order of battell. Then Tigranes 
 secretly comen to him selfe, as out of dronkennes : cried out 
 alowde twise, or thrise, Come they then to us ? But then 
 was there no small sturre and tumult, to put such a world 
 of people into battell. The king Tigranes him selfe under- 
 tooke to leade the midle battell, gave the left wing unto the 
 king of the Adiabenians, and the right unto the king of the 
 Medes : in the which were the most parte of the complete The ordering 
 armed men, who made the first front of all the battell. of Tigranes 
 But as Lucullus was ready to passe the river, there were batte "- 
 certaine of his Captaines that came unto him, to wish him to 
 take heede that he fought not that day, bicause it was one 
 of those which the Romanes thought unfortunate, and call 
 them Atri, to saye, blacke : for upon one of those dayes, one Atri blacke or 
 Caepio was overthrowen in a set battell with all his army by unfortunate 
 the Cimbres. But Lucullus gave them a prety aunswere da y es> 
 againe, which is not forgotten to this day : I will make this 
 a happy day (sayd he) for the Romanes. It was the six- 
 teenth day of the moneth of October. And so with those 
 wordes encoraging his men, passed over the river, and went 
 him selfe the foremost man, and marched directly towardes Lucullus 
 his enemy, armed with an anima of steele, made with scalloppe battell with 
 shelles, shining like the sunne, and upon that an arming il & ranes - 
 coate fringed round about, holding his sword drawen in his Lucullus 
 hand : to let his men understand, that they must sodainly armor, 
 joyne with their enemies, and fight at the swordes pointe, 
 that were not acquainted to fight but a farre of with shotte 
 and slinges, and that he would so quickely winne the dis- 
 taunce of grounde they had to marche ere they could joyne, 
 that they should have no leasure to shoote. And further- 
 more, perceiving that the strength of their men of armes 
 (wherof they made so great accompt) was ranged in battell 
 under a hill, the toppe whereof was very plaine and even, and 
 the way up the hill not passing foure furlonges travaill, and 
 not very hard nor steepe to clime : he sent thither certaine 
 horsemen of the Thracians and Gaules which he had in pay, 
 and commaunded them to geve a charge on the flancke to 
 3 : EEE 401
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS disorder them, and assay to cut their launces, with their 
 swordes. For all the strength of these men of armes con- 
 sisteth in their launces, and they can do nothing for them 
 selves, nor against their enemies, they are so heavely armed 
 and loden : so as it seemeth they are locked up in their 
 armor, as in an iron prison. And he him selfe therewithall 
 taking two ensignes of footemen, strove also to gaine the 
 toppe of the hill, his souldiers following him hard at the 
 heeles with a notable corage, bicause they saw him the for- 
 most man travailing a foote, and digging against the height 
 of the hill. When he had gotten up to the toppe, he stayed 
 a litle in the highest place he could finde, and then cried 
 out with a lowd voyce : Oh companions, the victory is ours. 
 And as he spake those wordes, he ledde them against these 
 men of armes, commaunding them they should not medle 
 with throwing of their dartes, but taking their swordes in 
 their handes they should strike at their thighes and legges, 
 bicause they have no other partes of their bodies naked. 
 Howbeit there was no neede of such fight, for they taried 
 not the Romanes, but with great crying out turned their 
 horse heades immediatly, and ranne cowardly (them selves 
 and their horses, heavie armed as they were) through the 
 middest of the bandes of their footemen, before they had 
 striken a stroke. And thus were so many thowsandes of men 
 broken without any stroke striken, or any man hurt, or one 
 droppe of blood seene to be spilt. But the great slaughter 
 was, when they beganne to flie, or (to say better) when they 
 thought to flie : for they could not flie, they ranne so one 
 apon an others necke by reason of the ^marvelous length and 
 bredth of their battells. Tigranes amongest the rest was one 
 of the first that dislodged with a small company, and seeing 
 his sonne running the same fortune, flying as him selfe did, 
 tooke of his diadeame or royall bande from his head, and 
 gave it him weeping, commaunding him to save him selfe as 
 well as he could by some other way. But the young prince 
 durst not put it on his head, but gave it to one of his 
 trusty servauntes to keepe, who by chaunce was taken and 
 brought unto Lucullus : so that amongest the other spoyle 
 and prisoners, there was taken Tigranes diadeame. It is 
 402 
 
 Lucullus 
 famous vic- 
 torie of 
 Tigranes. 
 
 Tigranes 
 flight. 
 
 Tigranes dia- 
 deame taken 
 by Lucullus.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES ( 
 
 thought that there were slaine at this overthrow, above a LUCULLUS 
 hundred thowsand footemen, and very few of all the horse- 
 men saved. On the Romanes side, there were about a 
 hundred hurt, and five slaine. Antiochus the Philosopher 
 speaking of this battell in a treatise he made of the gods, 
 wryteth that the sunne never saw the like overthrowe. And 
 Strabo an other Philosopher in a certaine abridgement he 
 made of stories sayd, that the Romanes were ashamed, and 
 laughed at them selves that they had drawen their swordes 
 against such dastardly slaves. And Titus Livius declareth 
 also, that the Romanes were never in any battell with so 
 small a number of fighting men, against so great a multitude 
 of enemies : for the conquerers were not in all the world the 
 twentith parte (nothing like) of those that were overcome. 
 Wherefore the oldest and best experienced Captaines of the Lucullus 
 Romanes did highly commende Lucullus, bicause he had praise, 
 overcome two of the greatest and most mighty Princes of Two puysant 
 the world, by two sundry contrary meanes : the one by tract Binges over- 
 and delay, and the other by spede and swiftnes. For he 
 undermyned and consumed Mithridates, by holding backe, 
 and delaying, at that time when all his strength was whole : 
 and to the contrary he destroyed Tigranes with great speede 
 and haste. And thus did he that, which few Captaines could 
 ever do : that is, used delay of time to execute, and valliant 
 expedition to winne the victory. This was the cause why 
 Mithridates made no hast to come to the battel, thinking 
 still that Lucullus had used his wonted policy, to delay and 
 geve backe alwaies : and therefore he came by small jorneys 
 unto Tigranes campe. But meeting at the first with a fewe 
 of the Armenians that fled as he came on his way, like men 
 that had bene frayed, he straight mistrusted the overthrow : 
 but afterwards meeting greater troupes of them naked, and 
 sore wounded, then he knew how the matter went. So he 
 went to seeke out Tigranes, whom he found alone, forsaken 
 of his men, and in very poore estate, yet did not he requite 
 Tigranes in adversity with that pride and disdaine he had 
 used him before in his miserie : but lighted of his horse, to 
 bewaile with him their common misfortune, and gave him all 
 his officers, and traine of a kings court that followed him to 
 
 403
 
 Lucullus 
 tooke Tig- 
 ranocerta. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS serve him, comforting him, and exhorting him to plucke up 
 his hart againe, and to be coragious thenceforth. Hereupon 
 they both leavied a freshe the whole force and power they 
 could from all the partes of their dominions. In the meane 
 season, there fell out great sedition in the city of Tigrano- 
 certa, betwene the Graecians and the barbarous people : for 
 the Graecians, they would have yeelded up the towne into 
 Lucullus hands. Whereupon, Lucullus geving an assault to 
 the city at that very instant, wanne it, and seased upon the 
 kings treasure there, leaving all the rest to the spoile of the 
 souldiers : in the which, besides all other riches, there was 
 eight thowsand talents in ready money. And yet besides all 
 that, he gave of the spoile that was won apon the enemies, 
 eight hundred Drachmas unto every souldier. And under- 
 standing that there were divers musitians, common players, 
 minstrels, and such kinde of people meete for feastes and 
 sporte, whom Tigranes had sent for thither from all partes, 
 to dedicate the Theater he had made in his city : he caused 
 all them to serve at the sportes and feastes of this victory. 
 After the solempnization whereof, he sent the Graecians 
 home againe unto their contry, and gave them money to 
 defraye their charges by the way, and the barbarous people 
 also that were brought thither by force from their native 
 contries. And so it fortuned, that by the desolation and 
 destruction of a city forsaken, many others were built againe, 
 and stored with people: bicause those cities had thereby 
 recovered their naturall inhabitants againe, who ever after 
 did love and honor Lucullus, as their benefactor and founder. 
 All other things prospered also, according to his vertue and 
 merites. For Lucullus liked better the praise that came of 
 bounty, of justice, and of clemencie : then that that came by 
 force of marshall prowes and chevalry. For in deedes of 
 armes, he sayd his army partly deserved praise, and fortune 
 also caried the best parte away : but the praise of the other, 
 were onely due unto him selfe. Whereby he shewed the 
 valor of an excellent good man, well taught and trained up 
 in vertue : and so reaped the frute of his worthy deserts. 
 For by those good partes, he wanne the hartes of the barbar- 
 ous people in such sorte, that the kinges of the Arabians 
 404 
 
 Lucullus 
 justice and 
 clemency.
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 came of good will to put them selves and their goods into his LUCULLUS 
 hands. So did the nation of the Sophenians also yeld them 
 selves unto him. The Gordiaenians in like maner, they liked 
 Lucullus so well, that they would willingly have forsaken 
 their cities, houses and contry, to follow him with their wives 
 and children upon this occasion. Zarbienus king of these 
 Gordiaenians, as we have recited before, had privily entred 
 amity with Lucullus, by meanes of Appius Clodius, who could 
 no lenger away with the tyranny of Tigranes. This practise 
 was bewrayed unto Tigranes, who put Zarbienus, his wife, Zarbienus 
 and children to death, before the Romanes maine army king of the 
 came into the contry of Armenia. Howbeit Lucullus did si^n^ty* 
 not forget it, but passing through his realme, gave him Tigranes. 
 very royall funeralles. For having heaped up a huge pyle 
 of wodde, sumptuously set out with cloth of gold and 
 silver, and other rich spoiles of Tigranes : he him selfe 
 in person, would needes set it a fire, and made the funerall 
 effusions and accustomed sprincklinges at burialles, with his 
 frendes and kinsemen, doing him this honor, as to call him 
 frend and confederate of the Romane people, and appointed 
 also a great summe of money besides to erect a sumptuous 
 tombe for him. For they found great store of gold and 
 silver in the kinges castell, and there was plenty of provi- 
 sion also of three hundred thowsand bushells of wheate : 
 the which did enriche his souldiers marvelously, and made 
 Lucullus to be wondered at, that havinge received not one 
 Drachma from the sparing coffers at Rome, he had notwith- 
 standing made the warre entertaine it selfe. About the self 
 same time also, the king of the Parthians sent Ambassadors 
 unto him to offer him his frendshippe and allyance : which 
 Lucullus willingly accepted, and sent Ambassadors from him 
 also of acceptation, who made reporte to Lucullus at their 
 returne, that the king of the Parthians stoode doubtfull how 
 to resolve which parte he should take, and that secretly he 
 sent unto Tigranes, to aske the realme of Mesopotamia for 
 his reward to aide him against the Romanes. Lucullus being 
 truly enformed of the king of Parthiaes double dealing, de- 
 termined to leave Tigranes and Mithridates, as two enemies 
 wearied and overcome, and a litle to prove the force and 
 
 405
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS power of the Parthians by making warres upon them, think- 
 ing it great honor unto him, if he might discomfit and 
 overthrow three so mighty kings one after an other, like a 
 valliant conqueror that had overcome three famous Captaines 
 together, and had passed through the contries of three of 
 the greatest Princes under the sunne, alwayes a conqueror, 
 and never conquered. Hereupon he wrote immediatly unto 
 Sornatius and other of his Captaines which he had left to 
 keepe the realme of Pontus, that they should repayre to 
 him with all speede with the bandes they had under their 
 Lucullus pre- charge, for that he was determined to departe out of the 
 pareth to goe con try of Gordiasna, to go against the Parthians : howbeit 
 Parthians & ^is purpose altered by occasion. For his Lieutenauntes that 
 had many times before founde their souldiers mutinous, and 
 Lucullus rebelling at their commaundements, knew plainly then their 
 souldiers fall cancred stomakes and incorrigible disobedience. For they 
 ' m V' could not possibly get them from thence, by any compulsion 
 or perswasions they could use : but contrarily they cryed out, 
 and tolde them plainly, that they would no lenger tary where 
 they were, but would goe home to their contry, and leave 
 the realme of Pontus without gard or garrison at all. And 
 further, that worst of all was, when these newes were brought 
 to Lucullus campe, they gave a full example of boldnes to 
 his souldiers there, to mutiny in such sorte, having good will 
 and disposition thereunto of themselves before. For their 
 Full purses, purses being full, and they acquainted with finenes, were 
 and ease :mak- become so dull and lasie, that they could endure no paines 
 th mutinous nor narc [ nes o f wa rres, but desired to live in all idlenes and 
 ease. And hearing the reporte of their fellowes stowtenesse, 
 called them lustie laddes, saying, they must needes take the 
 like course, and doe as they taught them, vaunting of their 
 good service of long time done, which well deserved leave 
 nowe to departe home with safety, and thenceforth take 
 their rest. Lucullus hearing of this their talke, and many 
 other their words worse, and fuller of sedition then these : 
 brake of his enterprise against the Parthians, and went againe 
 in the middest of sommer to meete with Tigranes. But 
 when he was come to the top of mount Taurus, it grieved 
 him to see the fields so full of wheate yet standing, which 
 406
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 came by the season of the yeare, and coldnes of the ayer, LUCULLUS 
 being so slacke and slowe in all those partes. Nevertheles, 
 he came downe into the valley, and at two or three skirmishes 
 overthrew the Armenians, that ventered to abide his comming 
 downe. And ranne over all the valley, and destroyed the 
 whole contry, without let or stoppe of any man, taking 
 away the provision of corne that was made for Tigranes 
 campe : wherby he straighted his enemies unto that nede 
 and necessity of vittells which him selfe feared, and yet 
 ceased not to provoke them (by all other meanes) to come 
 to battell. Somtime enclosing their campe with trenches 
 about, as if he ment to famish them : somtime againe de- 
 stroying and spoyling the whole contry before their face. 
 But bicause they had so ofte bene discomfited, they would 
 no more stirre, nor once move against him. Lucullus 
 perceiving that, in the end raised his campe, and went and 
 layed siege unto Artaxata, the chiefe city of the kingdom Lucullus 
 of Armenia, in the which were Tigranes lawfull wives and besiegeth 
 young children, hoping that Tigranes would rather hazard A^* 8 * 8 ^ 1 * 
 an other battell, then suffer that city to be lost. It is sayd Armenia^ 
 that Hanniball of Carthage (after king Antiochus was over- 
 throwen in battell by the Romanes) went unto king Artaxes, Artaxes king 
 whom he taught many necessary and profitable things for of Armenia, 
 his realme: and amongest others, considering that one of 
 the goodliest and pleasauntest places of all his kingdom lay 
 
 wast, and no reckoning made of it, drewe a plat of a city, 
 brought the king thither, and caused it to be built and Hanniball 
 inhabited. The king liked his devise marvelous well, and builded 
 prayed him to take the charge upon him to see the worke Artaxata - 
 finished. And thus was this noble and famous city built, 
 and called after the kings name, Artaxata : and held ever 
 after the reputacion of the chiefest place of the whole realme 
 of Armenia. Tigranes being advertised that Lucullus went 
 to laye siege thereunto, could not endure it, but went with 
 all his army to follow the Romanes, and the fourth day 
 came and camped hard by them : insomuch as there was but 
 the river of Arsanias betwene them, which the Romanes of Arsanias fl. 
 necessitie must passe over to goe to Artaxata. Lucullus 
 havinge first sacrificed unto the goddes, assuring him selfe 
 
 407
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Lucullus 
 order of his 
 army. 
 
 Other do read 
 in this place 
 against the 
 Atropaten- 
 ians, which 
 are people of 
 Media. 
 
 Three kings 
 ranged in 
 battell. 
 
 Lucullus mak- 
 eth Tigranes 
 flye againe. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 of the victorie, as if he had it already in his handes : made 
 his armie passe over in order of battell, putting twelve 
 cohortes in the fronte, and the other behinde, fearing least 
 the enemies having a great number of men of armes shoulde 
 environne them at their backes. They had against them 
 also the Mardian bow men a horse backe, and the Iberians 
 with their launces, in whom Tigranes trusted more then in 
 any other, as in the best souldiers he had in pay : and yet 
 for all that they did no notable service. For when they had 
 skirmished but a litle with the horsemen of the Romanes, 
 they durst not tarie the legyonaries or footebands that came 
 behinde them, but dispersed them selves, some flying one 
 way, some an other, which intised the Romane horsemen to 
 follow the chase. But when the men of armes that were 
 about Tigranes person, sawe the horsemen so scattered 
 abroade, they began straight to breake upon the foote- 
 men. Lucullus seeing the great multitude of them, and 
 how passingly they were armed and appointed, being some- 
 what affrayed. thereof: sent in hast to call in his horsemen 
 that followed the chase, and in the meane time him selfe 
 marched foremost, against these Lordes and Satrapes, which 
 were in the fronte before him with all the nobility of their 
 hoast, whom he put in such a feare, that before he could 
 come to hand strokes, they all turned taile and fled. There 
 were three kinges ranged in battell one hard by an other, 
 howbeit of the three, he that fled most shamefully and 
 cowardly, was Mithridates king of Pontus, who had not the 
 hart so much as to abide the cries of the Romanes. The 
 chase was very long : for it continued all night untill such 
 time as the Romanes were wearied with killing, taking of 
 prisoners, and packing up of all kindes of spoyles. Titus 
 Livius sayeth, that there were slaine moe men in the first 
 battell : but greater personages in the seconde, and the 
 chiefest of the enemies were all taken. After this battell 
 Lucullus hart being bigge, and fearing nothing, determined 
 to goe further into the contry, even utterly to destroy this 
 barbarous king. But in the time of the equinoctiall autumne, 
 (when the weather waxed more bitter then any man would 
 in that season have thought) there fell out so great a cold, 
 408
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 that for the most part it did nothing but snow : and if the LUCULLUS 
 element did any thing cleere, then frose it so hard, that the 
 horse could come by no water, the rivers were so extreamely 
 congealed with ise. And there could no man passe over 
 by forde : for they did not so soone enter, but the ise brake, 
 and cut the vaines and sinewes of the horse legges a sunder, 
 they were so hard and thicke withall. And furthermore, 
 the contry being full of trees, woddes and forrestes, and the 
 wayes very narrowe, not being able to passe by the fieldes, 
 they were through wet with snow that fell upon them : and 
 when they came to their lodging, then it was worse, for there 
 were they constrained to lye in soft and moyst places. And 
 therefore the souldiers had followed but few dayes after this 
 battell, but they refused to goe any further. And first they 
 sent their Collonells and Captaines to intreate Lucullus to 
 leave of this jorney. Afterwards they gathered together 
 more boldly in trowpes, and in the night time beganne to 
 murmure and groyne in their tents (which is a certaine signe 
 and token of a mutinous armie, that hath a minde to rebell 
 against their Generall) although that Lucullus used all 
 gentle perswasions to winne them with pacience to abide this 
 jorney, at the least, till time they might take the citie of 
 Carthage in Armenia : to thende they might there destroy 
 the worke and memory of the greatest enemy that ever 
 the Romanes had in this world, meaning Hanniball. But 
 when he saw all this would not prevaile, he brought them 
 backe againe, and passed over mount Taurus an other way, 
 and came downe into the contry called Mygdonia, a very The contry of 
 hotte and fertile soyle, where there is a great city, and Mygdonia. 
 marvelously replenished with inhabitauntes : who call it Nisibis, alias 
 Nisibis, and the Graecians call it Antioch, of Mygdonia. In Antiochia, 
 that city Gouras was Governor, who was Tigranes owne ^r Clt ^ 
 brother : but for experience in engines of battery, and for 
 sufficiencie and skill in such matters, there was Callimachus 
 also, he that so marvelously troubled Lucullus before at the 
 siege of the city of Amisus. Lucullus placing his campe 
 before this city, besieged the same by all such meanes as Lucullustak- 
 might enforce it, and that so valliantly, that in very shorte eth Nisibis 
 time he tooke it by assault. And as for Gouras, who sub- by assault. 
 3 : FFF 409
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Callimachus 
 did set the 
 city of Amisus 
 a fire. 
 
 Thalteracion 
 of Lucullus 
 good fortune. 
 
 Lucullus 
 cause of all 
 his mis- 
 fortune. 
 
 Lucullus 
 faults. 
 
 Lucullus 
 vertues. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 mitted him selfe to Lucullus mercie, he was very curteously 
 intreated. But for Callimachus, he would not once heare 
 him speake, notwithstanding that he promised, if they would 
 save his life, he would tell them of coffers full of great 
 treasure hidden, which no man knew but him selfe onely. 
 But Lucullus commaunded them to bring him with gyves to 
 receive the punishment he had justly deserved, for setting the 
 city of Amisus a fire, and taking from him the meane to 
 shewe the Grsecians his goodnesse, affection and liberality 
 towardes them. Untill this present time, it might be truely 
 sayd, that good fortune ever favored and followed Lucullus 
 in all his enterprises and affayres : but from that time for- 
 wards, it was quickely seene that the favorable blast of 
 fortune failed him, he did all his things with so great payne, 
 and all that he did fell out contrarie unto him, and to very 
 ill purpose. In deede he did ever shew the valiancy, pacience, 
 ana great corage that should be in a valliant Generall, or 
 Lieutenaunt of an armie. But his exployts and doinges had 
 never after that easie grace, nor shining glory they were 
 wont to have : but to the contrary, he was like to have lost 
 all that he had wonne before, through the misfortunes that 
 fell upon him, and for the brawles and vaine contention he 
 had with his people to no purpose. But the worst was, that 
 they make him selfe thonly author of all these evills, bicause 
 he could not, or would not entertaine the goodwill of the 
 multitude of his souldiers : thinking that whatsoever a 
 Generall, or any other officer of state or calling doth to 
 please and content them he hath under his charge, is to 
 dishonor him selfe, and to geve cause unto his souldiers to 
 despise his authoritie. But that which made most against 
 him was this : that he gave no estimacion to gentlemen, and 
 men of like quality to him selfe, but disdained them, and 
 thought them unworthy to be equall with him. For these 
 they say were his faultes and imperfections, but otherwise 
 that he wanted no vertues, nor naturall giftes and good 
 condicions that could be possibly wished for, or desired. 
 For he was a talle gentleman, of goodly presence, well 
 spoken, wise and discreete, as well in matters of govern- 
 ment, as in warres : and as well to perswade the people in 
 410
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 peace, as to encorage his souldiers in warre. Salust wryteth LUCULLUS 
 of him, that his souldiers began to mislike with him, even The cause 
 from the first entry into these warres, bicause he made them wh y Lucullus 
 lye out two winters together in the field, one after an other : *? d ^th"" 8 ' 
 the one before the city of Cizicus, and the other before the ^ m 
 city of Amisus. And even as much did the other winters 
 following vexe and trouble them. For either they lay in 
 their enemies contry, or else| if they lay in their frendes, yet 
 he made them campe abroade in the field, and shrowd them Lucullus 
 selves in their tentes : for Lucullus never entred with his army ever lay 
 army into any city or confederate towne of Graece. Now if in . t | ie fie ^e, 
 the souldiers of them selves misliked Lucullus, the counsellers rn 
 at Rome that were his enemies, and envied his prosperity and 
 glory, gave them yet greater occasions to mutine against 
 him. For they continually accused him to the people in 
 their orations, that he drew out this warre in length, pur- 
 posely bicause he would alwayes have occasion to rule, and 
 meanes to get, having in his hands in maner all Cilicia, 
 Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Galatia, Pontus, Armenia, and 
 all the provinces and regions as farre as to the river of 
 Phasis : and yet he had not long before spoyled the Princely Phasis fl. 
 houses of Tigranes, as if he had bene sent thither only to 
 sack and spoyle, and not to destroy and overcome those 
 kings. And they say that it was Lucius Quintius, one of 
 the Praetors, that spake these wordes. It was he also that 
 most moved the people to take order, that Lucullus should 
 be called home, and other sent to succeede him in the charge 
 and government of the contries he had subdued. By the 
 selfe same meane, it was also ordained : that divers which 
 were under his charge, should be dispersed with all for their 
 othes, and licenced to leave the warres when they thought 
 good. But besides those and such like great causes, there 
 was yet an other more daungerous plague, and that most 
 overthrew Lucullus proceedings, passing all the other evills 
 being put together : and that was Publius Clodius, a wicked, Publius 
 licentious, and a harebrainde man. He was Lucullus wives Clodius a 
 brother, and she was so light of her body, that Clodius her wlcked 
 brother was accused of incontinencie with her. This Clodius 
 being at that time in Lucullus campe, caried not that estima- 
 
 411
 
 Publius Clo- 
 dius stirred 
 up the 
 souldiers 
 against 
 Lucullus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS cion and credit he thought him selfe worthy of. For he tooke 
 him selfe equall with the best, and would needes have bene 
 holden for chiefe : when in deede there were many of farre 
 better desert, he being noted both for a vitious and ill dis- 
 posed person. Whereupon he beganne for spight to suborne 
 the bandes called Fimbrians, and to stirre them up against 
 Lucullus, sowing sweete and pleasaunt wordes amongest 
 the souldiers, which being wonted therunto, looked still to 
 be flattered. For they were those whom Fimbria had pro- 
 cured to kill the Consull Flaccus, and choose him in his 
 steede for their Captaine. By reason whereof they gave 
 good eare to Clodius words, and called him a noble Captaine, 
 and a lover of souldiers. For when he spake unto them, he 
 made as though he had pittied them, for that they should 
 never see an end of their great paynes and warres, but 
 should miserably consume their dayes in fighting con- 
 tinually, sometime with one nation, and sometime with 
 an other : and that they wandered through all the contries 
 of the world, receiving no worthy reward of so long and 
 painfull service, serving only to gard Lucullus cartes and 
 camells loden with plate and vessell of golde, and silver, 
 and other pretious stones. Where the souldiers that had 
 served under Pompey, tooke nowe their ease at home in 
 their contry with their wives and children, and were landed 
 men, dwelling in goodly fayer cities, as rich burgeses and 
 wealthy citizens : and yet they had not driven Mithridates 
 and Tigranes out of their kingdomes, into desert places 
 unhabitable, nor had destroyed the Princely houses of Asia, 
 but only made a litle warre in Spayne against those that 
 were banished, and in Italic against fugitive slaves. Shall 
 we then sayd he, cary harnesse on our backes all the dayes 
 of our life ? Is it not better that we which are escaped 
 until this present, reserve our selves, our bodies and lives for 
 that noble Captaine, who esteemeth the greatest honor and 
 glory he can atchieve unto, is to make his souldiers rich that 
 serve under him ? Lucullus army was so seduced and cor- 
 rupted, with these mutinous and seditious accusations, that 
 the souldiers would no lenger follow him, neither against 
 Tigranes, nor against Mithridates : who went presently out 
 412
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 of Armenia into his realme of Pontus, and beganne to LUCULLUS 
 conquer it againe, whilest the Romane souldiers mutining 
 against their General, remained idle in the province of 
 Gordisena, excusing them selves by the winter season, and 
 tarying untill Pompey or some other Captaine should 
 quickely come to raise the siege, and succeede Lucullus. 
 Notwithstanding, when they understoode that Mithridates 
 had overthrowen Fabius, one of Lucullus Lieutenaunts, and Mithridates 
 that he went against Sornatius and Triarius : they were then victory of 
 ashamed of them selves, and became contented to be led by tenauntes ^ 
 Lucullus. But Triarius in a bravery, when he heard that 
 Lucullus drew neere, made hast to winne the victory, as if 
 it had bene cocke sure before Lucullus came : and was him 
 selfe overthrowen in a great battell, where some say there Mithridates 
 dyed above seven thowsande Romanes, amongest the which overcame 
 were a hundred and fifty centurions, and foure and twenty L^oShL 
 Captaines or Collonells of a thowsand men a peece, and yet Captaine. 
 besides, Mithridates tooke their campe also. Shortly after 
 this overthrow, Lucullus came thither, who hid Triarius, 
 whom the souldiers sought in their anger by all the meanes 
 they could to kill. Now when Lucullus was come, he 
 prooved sundrie meanes to procure Mithridates to battell : 
 but Mithridates would not once sturre abroade, bicause 
 he looked for Tigranes that came downe with a mighty 
 power. Whereuppon he determined againe to goe against 
 Tigranes to fight with him, before Mithridates and he 
 joyned forces together. But as he was in his jorney 
 towardes him, the Fimbrian bandes beganne to rebell a The Fimbrian 
 new, and would not follow his ensignes, saying, and alleag- souldiers 
 ing of them selves, that by decree of the people they had 
 leave to departe, and were discharged from their othe : and 
 furthermore that Lucullus had no more to do to commaund 
 them, considering that the government of the provinces 
 which he had, was geven unto others. Lucullus perceiving 
 this, did so humble him selfe unto them, supposing that Lucullus 
 way to winne them, as there was no kinde of uncomely f 6 /!*?. 
 humility but he submitted him selfe unto it : insomuch as JJJJjJ f J 
 he went into their tentes to pray and intreate them one mutinous 
 after an other, with water in his eyes, and with so great souldiers. 
 
 413
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS lowlinesse, as even to shake handes with them. But they 
 fiercely rejected all his curtesies and fayer intreaties, cast- 
 ing their pennylesse purses before him, and angrily bad 
 him fight with his enemies alone, since he had with the 
 spoile of them all so well enriched him selfe alone. Never- 
 thelesse, at the intercession and earnest request of other 
 soldiers, these Fimbrian bands were compelled to promise, 
 The Fimbrian that they would yet tary all that sommer, so that if no man 
 souldiers tarie i n the meane time offred them battell, at the ende of the 
 the som- t earmej they might go where they would. Lucullus was 
 corfdicbiTto f rce d to accept this condicion, or else to remaine alone, and 
 departe when consequently to forsake the contry of the barbarous people, 
 sommer was With much a do thus he kept them together, but in such 
 done. sorte, as he durst no more venter to compell them to come to 
 
 battell, contenting him selfe that they were willing onely to 
 stay with him, being forced to suffer Tigranes in the meane 
 time to destroy and overrunne the contry of Cappadocia, 
 and Mithridates also to bragge againe, of whom he had 
 before wrytten to the Senate that he had utterly overcome 
 him : insomuch as there came commissioners and deputies 
 from Rome by his owne procurement, to order the state of 
 the realme of Pontus with him, as of a kingdom already 
 wonne to the Romane Empire. But when they were comen, 
 they found him not master of him selfe, and that his owne 
 souldiers flowted him, and did him all the spight and injury 
 they could. For they were so unruly towardes their Captaine, 
 and did so much disdaine him, that when the end of the 
 sommer was come, they armed them selves with armor and 
 weapon, and drawing out their swordes in mockery, challenged 
 their enemies to battell which were gone out of the fielde : and 
 after they had made the noyse and cryes accustomed when 
 they joyned battel, and made as though they fought, hurling 
 and swinging their swords in the ayer, they went from the 
 campe, declaring openly that their time was expired, which 
 Pompey, they promised Lucullus to tary. On thother side Pompey 
 Lucullus sue- had wrytten unto the other souldiers that were yet in campe, 
 to come unto him : for through the peoples favor at Rome, 
 the practises and flatteries of the common counsellers there, 
 he was substituted Generall in Lucullus place. Which much 
 414
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 misliked the Senate and nobility : for they thought Lucullus LUCULLUS 
 greatly wronged to have a successor sent, not to succeede 
 him in troubles and daungers, but in honor and glory of 
 triumphe. And that they should compell him not onely to 
 resigne up the office of a Generall to an other, but (for the 
 
 food service he long time had done) the reward of his honor 
 ue for the same : and this also more misliked them, that 
 were then about him. That so soone as Pompey was arrived 
 in Asia, he tooke all power and authority from Lucullus, to Injuries offer- 
 punishe or reward any man, for good or ill service done d L UCUU " US 
 to the common wealth in those warres, and did moreover ^ 
 prohibite by publicke bills set up in every common place, 
 that they should no more repayre unto him, nor obey ought, 
 that he, or any of the ten commissioners sent to dispose of 
 the state of the provinces wonne by him, should commaund 
 or ordaine : and bicause Pompey came with a greater power 
 and army then his, he was in some feare of him. Their 
 frends thought good neverthelesse they should meete together: 
 and so they did incontinently, in a village of Galatia, where Lucullus 
 at their first meeting they saluted ech other very curteously, an d Pompeys 
 rejoycing together of the noble victories that either had metm ' 
 wonne. Lucullus was the elder man, but Pompey of greater 
 dignity, bicause he had bene Generall of the Romane people 
 in many warres, and had already triumphed twise. The 
 bundells of roddes which the sergeaunts caried before them, 
 were wreathed about with lawrell braunches for the victories 
 they had both atchieved: but Pompeys bundells were withered 
 away, bicause they had comen a longe jorney through hotte 
 and drye contries. Lucullus officers seeing theirs withered, 
 curteously gave them of theirs fresh and new gathered : 
 which Pompeys frendes tooke for a signe of good lucke. For 
 to say truely, the thinges that Lucullus did in the time of his 
 charge, were cause of the honor that Pompey afterwardes 
 wanne. Howbeit in the end for all their talke, they were no 
 whit the better frendes: but departed thone from thother 
 more straunge then they met. For Pompey by a plaine Mislikinges 
 edict, brake, revoked, and disanulled all Lucullus ordinaunces, betwene 
 
 and taking from him all his other souldiers, left him but Pom 5fy and 
 
 i i -i -I , i i t Lucullus. 
 
 only sixtene hundred to accompany his triumphe, and yet 
 
 415
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS they followed him with unwilling mindes : such was Lucullus 
 imperfection and mayme, either by nature, or frowardnes of 
 fortune, that he lacked the chiefest thing a Generall should 
 Lucullus not have, which was, to be beloved of his souldiers. For if 
 beloved of his he had attained to that perfection, amongest many other 
 Liers. jjis excellent vertues, and magnanimity, wisedom, judgement, 
 and justice: the river of Euphrates had not bene the utter- 
 most confines of the Empire of Rome on Asia side, but 
 it had extended as farre as the sea Hyrcane, yea even unto 
 thutmost parte of the world. For king Tigranes had already 
 conquered the other nations that lye beyonde that, saving 
 the contrie of Parthia, which then was not so great nor 
 stronge, as it appeared afterwardes in Crassus time : nor so 
 joyned and knit together, but (what through civill dissen- 
 tions amongest them at home, and forrein warres with their 
 neighbors abroade) was so weake, that with great difficulty 
 they could defend them selves from the Armenians, that con- 
 tinually harried them out of their skinnes. But to take 
 thinges rightly as they be in deede, me thinkes that Lucullus 
 did more hurt unto his contry by other, then he did benefit 
 the same by him selfe. For the tokens of triumphe and 
 victories which he wanne in Armenia so neere unto the 
 Parthians, the cities of Tigranocerta and of Nisibis which he 
 had sacked and spoyled, the great treasure that he brought 
 to Rome, and the Diadeame also of Tigranes, which was 
 Crassus desire shewed in triumphe as a prisoner with the rest : moved 
 to conquer Crassus with such a marvelous desire to passe into Asia, as if 
 sifflrtofLucul- a ^ ^he barbarous people had bene nothing but an assured 
 lus triumphe. s Pyl e > an d a purposed pray unto all those that would come 
 to take them. But Crassus farre otherwise, finding him 
 See the life of selfe galled and troubled with the arrowes of the Parthians, 
 Crassus what k new then by proofe, that Lucullus had not so much over- 
 succes come his enemies for that they wanted skill, or were a 
 
 cowardly people, as he had done through his wisedom and 
 valliantnes. But that shalbe scene hereafter. Furthermore, 
 Lucullus Lucullus being now returned to Rome, found first of all his 
 returne to brother Marcus, accused by one Gaius Memmius, for that he 
 had done in his office of treasorer, in Syllaes time, and by his 
 commaundement, whereof he was cleared by sentence of the 
 416
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 judges. But Memmius of spight turned his anger against LUCULLUS 
 Lucullus selfe, stirring up the people against him, and letting 
 them understand that Lucullus had kept backe and robbed 
 much parte of the treasure, which should have comen to the 
 common wealth, and that to worke his feate the better, had 
 prolonged these warres as he did : wherefore he perswaded 
 them flatly to deny him the honor of his triumphe. And 
 truely Lucullus was in great daunger to have lost it utterly : 
 but that the noble men of the city, and they that were of 
 greatest authority, intermedled them selves with the tribes 
 when they came to passe it by voyces of the people, whome 
 they intreated so much through sute and perswasion, that in 
 the end, with much a doe, the people suffred him to enter 
 the city in triumphe. So Lucullus made a triumphant entry, Lucullus 
 not terrible nor troublesome for the long shewe or sight triumphe. 
 thereof, nor for the multitude of thinges that he brought 
 thither with him, as many other Captaines had done before 
 him. For he caused the showe place (which they call Circus 
 Flaminius at Rome) to be set out and furnished chiefly with 
 armor and weapons of the enemies to a marvelous number: 
 and with the kinges engynes and inventions of battering 
 peeces, which was a pleasant sight to behold. And in this 
 show, there was a certaine number of his men of armes 
 bravely armed, tenne cartes of warre armed with sythes 
 that passed by, and three score of the chiefest frendes and 
 Captaines of the two kinges that were led prisoners through 
 the city. And there were also drawen after them, a hundred 
 and tenne gallies all armed in the prooues with strong spurres 
 of copper, and a statue of Mithridates all of cleane gold, 
 sixe foote high, with a rich target set with pretious stones. 
 Besides all that, there were twenty cubberds as full of silver 
 plate as could be, and thirty cubberds full also of golden 
 vessell, armor and coyne of gold, caried upon mens shoulders. 
 After them followed eight mules loden with golden beddes, 
 and sixe and fifty other mules that caried silver bullion, and 
 a hundred and seven other moyles that caried silver coyne, 
 amounting to the summe of two hundred three score and 
 tenne thowsand Sestertios. Furthermore, there were bookes 
 of accompt caried also, wherein were particularly wrytten the 
 3 : GGG 417
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Lucullus for- 
 saketh Clodia 
 and marieth 
 Servilia 
 Catoes sister, 
 as unchast 
 as Clodia. 
 
 Lucullus 
 geveth over 
 government 
 of the com- 
 mon wealth. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 summes of mony which Lucullus had delivered before unto 
 Pompey for the warre against py rates on the sea, and unto 
 the treasorers, and high treasors, to put into the sparing 
 coffers of the common wealth at Rome. And afterwardes in 
 an article by it selfe, that he had geven nyne hundred and 
 fifty Drachmas to every souldier by the polle. After the 
 shewe of this triumphe was ended, he made a generall feast, 
 in the which he feasted all the city and villages thereabouts, 
 which the Romanes call Vices. And afterwardes forsooke 
 his wife Clodia for her unchast and wanton life, and 
 maried Servilia Catoes sister : howbeit he wanne nothing by 
 thexchaunge, for he sped as evill with the seconde, as he did 
 with the first. For, saving that she was not slatmdred with 
 thincest of her owne brethren, otherwise she was as dishonest 
 and unchast as Clodia : and yet he bare withall a while for 
 her brothers sake, but at the length grew weary of her, and 
 put her away as he had done Clodia. Nowe when he had 
 filled the Senate with a marvelous hope and expectation of 
 him, (who thought they had now got one to encounter and 
 withstande Pompeys tyranny, and to uphold and maintaine 
 the authority of the nobility and Senate against the people, 
 for that by his noble deedes he had atchieved so great fame 
 and reputacion) he sodainly gave over all dealinges in 
 thaffayres of the common wealth : either bicause he sawe it 
 so best, being a hard thing now to kepe it from ruine : or 
 else (as other sayd) for that he felt him selfe sufficiently 
 furnished with honor and wealth, and therefore determined 
 from thenceforth to live quietly all at his ease, after so great 
 paynes, travailes and troubles, the end whereof fell not out 
 over fortunately. And surely some were of his minde, and 
 liked this great chaunge of his marvelous well : bicause he 
 did not as Marius did, neither happened on the ill successe 
 and end that Marius had. For Marius after the notable 
 victories which he brought from the Cimbres, and after his 
 valliant actes in warres which had won him great honor, 
 yet would he not so leave of, when he might have bene 
 chronicled to his wonderfull glory : but of an unsatiable 
 minde, and ambitious desire to rule and beare sway, (being 
 withall a very olde man) went and sorted him selfe amongest 
 418
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 young men desirous of government, who brought him not LUCULLUS 
 only to commit many outrages, but made him selfe also to 
 suffer greater cruelties. It is thought also that Cicero had 
 ended his aged course more happely, if after he had quenched 
 Catilines conspiracy, he had then taken his ease. And so 
 had Scipio in like case, if when he had joyned Numantia 
 unto Carthage, he would then have quieted him selfe. And 
 therfore, some say, that there is a certaine revolution and 
 time appointed, beyond the which no wise man should 
 medle any more with thaffayers of the common wealth : no 
 more then a man whose youth and strength is gone and 
 decayed, is any more fit to just, wrestle, or enter into such 
 exercises of the body. But contrarily, Crassus and Pompey 
 mocked Lucullus, bicause he gave him selfe so much to 
 pleasure and pastime : as if to live pleasauntly, and delicatly 
 did not worse become his age, then to commaund an army, 
 or to governe thaffayres of a common weale. And for my 
 parte, reading Lucullus life : me thinkes that I read an 
 auncient comedy, the beginning wherof is tedious, and the 
 latter end joy full. For at the beginning of his life, you 
 finde notable exployts done by him in warres, and great good 
 government also in peace : but in the end they all turned 
 into feasts, and banckets, and lacking litle of maskes and 
 mommeries, dauncing with torches, and all other such 
 delights fitte for young men. For I bring within the com- Lucullus 
 passe and reckoning of his finenes and pleasures, his sumptu- buildinges 
 ous buildinges, his stately walles and galleries, his hotte and P leasures - 
 houses and stoves, his tables and pictures, his statues also : 
 and the great workmanshippe and curiositie he had besides 
 of all other cartes by him, gotten together out of all partes 
 to his infinite charge, abusing therein the world of goodes 
 and treasure gotten and wonne in the warres, in time of his 
 charge and office of Generall, and otherwise. Insomuch, 
 that notwithstanding excesse and superfluity hath ever since 
 increased until this present time, yet they reckon the 
 gardens Lucullus made, to be the most sumptuous and Lucullus gar- 
 delicatest places that the Emperors have. And therfore dens of great 
 Tubero the Stoike Philosopher, having seene these stately estimacion - 
 works which Lucullus had caused to be made neere unto 
 
 419
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Lucullus call- 
 ed Xerxes the 
 gowne man. 
 
 Xerxes cut 
 through the 
 mountaine 
 Atho, and 
 made a 
 channell for 
 his shippes to 
 passe thorow. 
 
 Lucullus 
 curiosity and 
 excesse in 
 meates and 
 service. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 Naples, by the sea side, (where there are mountaines cut 
 through, light as day, and hanged upon vawtes) and great 
 ditches cast by force to make the sea passe and runne 
 through his houses, to keepe fishe therein, and lodginges also 
 that he built in the sea it selfe : he called Lucullus, Xerxes 
 the gownman, as if he would have sayd, Xerxes the Romane. 
 For even so did Xerxes in olde time cause the mountaine 
 Atho to be cut in sunder, and a channell to be digged there 
 to passe his shippes through. He had also many other 
 pleasaunt places within the territories of Rome, neere unto 
 Thusculum, where there were great large halles set upon 
 tarrasses to see rounde about farre of in the day time. And 
 Pompey going thither somtime to see him, reproved him 
 greatly, telling him that he had built a marvelous fayer 
 sommer house, but not to be dwelt in, the winter season. 
 Lucullus laughing, answered him : Doe ye thinke me to have 
 
 O O' J 
 
 lesse wit and reason then storkes or cranes, that I can not 
 shift houses accordinge to the season ? An other time there 
 was a Praetor of Rome, that makinge playes to shewe the 
 people pastime, sent unto Lucullus to borrow certaine 
 purple clokes to set forth his players : Lucullus made him 
 aunswer, that he would cause his folkes to looke if he had 
 any. And the next morning demaunding of him, how many 
 he should neede : the other aunswered, that a hundred would 
 serve his turne. Whereupon Lucullus told him againe, he 
 would furnish him with two hundred, if his case so required. 
 And therefore the Poet Horace wryting this story, addeth 
 to a notable exclamation against superfluity, saying: that 
 men thinke that a poore house, where there is no more riches 
 then necessary, and where there is not more then appeareth 
 in sight, and that the master knoweth of. He was a vaine 
 man in his ordinarie service at his borde, not only in that 
 his beddes whereon he fedde, were covered with rich car- 
 pettes of purple, and him selfe served in gold and silver 
 vessell set with pretious stones, and that there was dauncing, 
 musicke, playes, and other such like pastimes of ordinary : 
 but also for that he was continually served with all sortes of 
 fine dainty dishes, with workes of pastry, bancketing dishes, 
 and frute curiously wrought and prepared, which only made 
 420
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 him to be wondered at of men of simple understanding LUCULLUS 
 and meane condicion. Therefore was Pompey marvelously 
 esteemed, and specially for a word he spake one day when 
 he was sicke, and that the Phisitian had willed him to 
 eate of a thrushe. For when his servaunts told him they 
 were hard to come by in sommer, but at Lucullus house 
 where they brought them up all the yeare through : he 
 would in no wise they should aske any of him, but sayd unto 
 his Phisitian : What if Lucullus were not geven to pleasure : 
 could not Pompey live? And so willed them to get him 
 some other such thing, as they might more easily come by. 
 Cato was Lucullus frend and kinseman both, and yet he so 
 much misliked his maner of living and ordinary expence: 
 that one day a young man making a long and tedious Oration 
 in open Senate (out of time, and to no purpose) touching 
 meane dyet, sobriety, and temperaunce of life : Cato could no 
 lenger abide him, but rose up, and sayd unto him : What, 
 wilt thou not leave babbling to us all day : thou that art 
 riche as Crassus, that livest as Lucullus, and speakest as Catoes saying 
 Cato ? Other affirme that these words were spoken thus, of Lucullus. 
 but that it was not Cato that spake them : neverthelesse it 
 is certaine, by the notable sayinges they have gathered of 
 Lucullus, he did not only delight to live so delicately, but 
 also he gloried in it. Some wryte that he feasted certaine 
 Graecians many dayes together in his house, that were come 
 out of Graece to Rome : and that they being men brought 
 up with the sobriety and simplicity of Graece, after they had 
 bene feasted there divers times, were ashamed, and refused 
 to goe thither any more, being afterwards intreated to 
 come to Lucullus, supposing that he had made them this 
 great chere for their owne sakes. Lucullus hearing of it, Certaine 
 told them : My Lords, I pray you refuse not to come to me sayinges of 
 for that. In deede I must needes graunt that there is some- Lucu " us 
 what more then ordinary, to welcome you with all: but 
 I tell you truly, the most parte is for Lucullus sake. An 
 other time when he supped all alone, and his men had layed 
 but one bord, and prepared but a reasonable supper for him, 
 he was very angry with them, and called for his steward to 
 know why he was served so : the steward aunswered him : 
 
 421
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 LUCULLUS My Lord, bicause I sawe you sende for no body, I thought 
 
 this supper sufficient. What, sayd he againe : knewest not 
 
 thou that Lucullus should suppe to night with him selfe ? In 
 
 fine, Lucullus fare was commonly knowen through Rome, 
 
 that there was no talke but of Lucullus noble housekeping. 
 
 Whereupon, Cicero and Pompey being desirous to see the 
 
 proofe thereof, came one day to him in the market place 
 
 seeing him at pleasure : (for Cicero was Lucullus very good 
 
 frend, and Pompey also : and though there was some jarre 
 
 betwene them for matters of warres, he did not let for that 
 
 to come unto him, and to speake gently one to an other) and 
 
 Cicero after he had saluted him, asked him if he would be 
 
 contented they should come and see him. Oh, sayd he, with 
 
 all my hart : I pray you come to me. Well then, sayd 
 
 Cicero, Pompey and I will come and suppe with you to night, 
 
 with condicion that you provide no more then your ordinary. 
 
 Lucullus told them againe, they should then fare but badly, 
 
 and therfore it were better they taried till to morrow. But 
 
 they would none of that, no nor suffer him to speake with 
 
 his men, for feare he should commaund them, to provide 
 
 somewhat more then for him selfe. Neverthelesse, at his 
 
 desire, they suffered him onely in their presence alowde to tell 
 
 one of his men, that he would suppe that night in Apollo : 
 
 (for so was one of his most stately and sumpteous halles of 
 
 his house called) and with that word only he finely deceived 
 
 Lucullus hav- them both, and they never found him. For every halle had his 
 
 ing divers certaine summe and rate appointed for the charge and expence 
 
 alles, had o f every supper they made in them, and the ordinary furni- 
 
 everv^all his ^ ure an( ^ sery i ce f r the same. So that when his servauntes 
 
 certen rate had their watche worde but in what halle he would suppe, they 
 
 and charge knewe straight what charge he would be at for his supper, 
 
 of dyet. aud w hat orders should be observed therin. Now Lucullus 
 
 manner was to spende when he made any feast in the hall of 
 
 What Lucul- Apollo, fifty thowsand pence, and that selfe day the supper 
 
 lus supper was was prepared according to that value: insomuch as Pompey 
 
 in Apollo. marveled howe it could be possible that a supper of so 
 
 exceeding great charge could be so sodainly prepared. In 
 
 such thinges therefore did Lucullus lavishly and riotously 
 
 spend his goodes, like spoyles in deede gotten of slaves and
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 barbarous people. But that specially which he bestowed LUCULLUS 
 uppon bookes, was very commendable and honest expence. 
 For he had gathered together a great number of notable 
 histories, the use wherof was more honor to him, then the 
 having of them. For his library was ever open to all comers, Lucullus 
 and they suffred the Graecians to come into his goodly library, 
 tarrasses and fayer walkes, or other pleasaunt places there- 
 abouts convenient to sit and reason together, and never shut 
 dore against them : where learned men met commonly, and 
 oftentimes spent the whole day in conference together, as in 
 the house of the Muses, being very glad when other matters 
 were dispatched, they had so much leasure as but to goe 
 thither. And Lucullus selfe would also many times be 
 amongest them, in those tarrasses and pleasaunt walkes, 
 delighting much to talke with them : and he did ever helpe 
 to dispatch them that had any busines with him, and graunted 
 the thing they requested of him. To conclude, his house was 
 a common receite for all them that came from Graece to 
 Rome. He loved all maner of Philosophy, and refused no Lucullus 
 sect of the same. But from his youth upward, he ever loved loved Philo- 
 and esteemed best the Academicke sect, not that which they s P hie - 
 call the new Academicke (although it florished at that time 
 through Carneades workes, which Philo made such estimacion 
 of) but the old Academicke, which the Philosopher Antiochus Antiochus of 
 of the city of Ascalon did defende and maintaine at that Ascalon an 
 time, being; an eloquent rethoritian and well spoken, whom el quent 
 T 11 i.i i i, 11 i t_< 'i.- \ j rethoritian. 
 
 .Lucullus sought to win by all meanes to make him his irende, 
 
 and to have him in house with him : bicause he might invey 
 against Philoes hearers and followers, whose scholler Cicero 
 among the rest was, that wrote a notable booke against this 
 olde Academicke sect. And in the same he reciteth Lucullus, 
 maintaining the opinion of the old Academickes : who hold, The opinion 
 that a man may certainly know, and comprehend something, f ^ e Aca- 
 and called that Catalepsin : but Cicero defended the con- demickes - 
 trary. The booke is intituled Lucullus: for they were (as 
 we have rehearsed before) very good frendes, and had both 
 one selfe desire for government in the common wealth. For 
 Lucullus did not so withdrawe him selfe from matters of 
 state, that he would no more medle at all, nor heare speake
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Marcus 
 Crassus, Cato, 
 Lucullus, 
 against 
 Pompey. 
 
 Lucullus and 
 Cato against 
 Pompey. 
 
 Pompey, 
 Crassus, 
 Caesar, con- 
 spired to- 
 gether against 
 the state. 
 
 *Cicero call- 
 eth him 
 Lucius Ves- 
 tius, howbeit 
 it may be 
 that he was 
 a Brutian 
 borne. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 of them : but he betimes gave over all ambition and conten- 
 tion, as a thing of no small daunger, and breeding great 
 reproache and dishonor to Marcus Crassus, and Cato, to be 
 chiefe in authority. And these two were they that defended 
 the Senate, and whom they raised up to withstand Pompeys 
 greatnes, being affrayed of him, after that Lucullus had 
 refused the chiefe place of authority. But otherwise, 
 Lucullus would be in the market place at courtes and com- 
 mon counsells, to pleasure his frendes when they requested 
 him : and would goe to the Senate also, when there was 
 occasion to breake any new practise, or to overthrowe 
 Pompeys ambitious policie. For he overthrewe all the 
 orders and constitutions that Pompey had made, after he 
 had overcome the kinges, Mithridates and Tigranes : and 
 with the helpe of Cato hindered a distribution of money 
 which Pompey had wrytten for to Rome, to be bestowed 
 amongest his souldiers. Whereupon Pompey fell in frend- 
 shippe, (or to speake more plainly, in conspiracy) with 
 Crassus and Caesar, by whose helpe and assistaunce, he filled 
 Rome with armes and souldiers: and made the people by 
 force to passe and confirme what he would have done, after 
 he had violently expulsed Lucullus and Cato out of the 
 market place. Whereat the noble men were much offended, 
 and misliking the great wrong they had offred Lucullus and 
 Cato, Pompeys followers suborned a * Brutian, and said he 
 was taken lying in waite to kill Pompey. Wherupon the 
 sayd Brutian being examined by the Senate, named certaine : 
 but when he came before the people, he named Lucullus, 
 saying that he had hyered him to kill Pompey. But no man 
 beleved him. For they perceived openly in the market 
 place, that he was procured by them selves falsely to accuse 
 Lucullus, and Pompeys other adversaries. And this was 
 proved more plainly within few dayes after, when they threw 
 the body of this Brutian dead in the middest of the streete, 
 out of the prisone : who they say dyed of him selfe with 
 sickenes. Howbeit the markes being plainly scene of the 
 halter wherewith they had strangled him, and the stripes 
 appearing also which they had geven him : did plainly shew 
 that they them selves did it, whom after they had suborned 
 424
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 to accuse Lucullus, they slue in this maner. This was the LUCULLUS 
 cause why Lucullus did more then before absent him selfe 
 from medling in publicke causes : but after, when he sawe 
 that they had so wickedly exiled Cicero, and found meanes 
 also to convey Cato farre enough of, under pretenced colour 
 to sende him with charge into the lie of Cyprus : then he 
 gave up altogether. Some wryte that a litle before his 
 death, he was not perfit in his wittes, decaying through age Lucullus fell 
 by litle and litle. Howbeit Cornelius Nepos sayth, that it out of his wits 
 was not for age, nor sickenes, that his wittes did alter : but |] efo l e his 
 through poyson which one of his slaves had geven him, whom 
 he had made free, called Callisthenes : who gave it him, not 
 of any evill intent, but bicause his master should love him 
 the more, supposing that this poyson had power to make Callisthenes 
 him love him. But he troubled his wits so much with this poysoned 
 poyson, that Lucullus while he lived was faine to have his 
 brother Marcus to oversee his goods. Notwithstanding this, dyed, 
 when he was dead, he was as much bewayled and lamented 
 of all the people, as if he had dyed in his best credit, and Lucullus 
 greatest prosperity. For all the people ranne to honor his death, 
 funeralls, and his bodie was caried to the place, by the young 
 noble men of the citie. The people woulde in any case have 
 buried him within the field of Mars, as they had before 
 buried Sylla. But bicause no man thought of it before, and 
 also for that things necessary were not easily to be provided 
 for the place : his brother Marcus besought the people they 
 would be content his funeralls might be at a towne of his 
 owne, neere unto the city of Thusculum, where his tombe 
 was prepared, and he him selfe lived not long time after. 
 For as Lucullus both in age, and honor, had not left him farre 
 behinde him : so did he not much in his death. For as 
 a brother that had alwayes dearely loved him, he 
 could not then long live, and survive him. 
 
 3 : HHH 425
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 THE COMPARISON OF 
 
 Lucullus 
 death blessed. 
 
 decay. 
 
 LUCULLUS WITH CIMON 
 
 OTHING (in my opinion) made Lucullus 
 more happy, then to dye when he did, 
 before he sawe the chaunge and alteracion 
 of the common weale, which the fatall 
 destinies plagued the Romanes withall, 
 with sedition and civill warres : and that 
 he dyed in his contry yet enjoying her 
 liberty, but beginning then to fall to 
 And in that he was likest unto Cimon above all 
 
 other things : who died whilest the Graecians were in good 
 love and peace with other, and not in broyle of discorde and 
 civill warres. In deede Cimon dyed in his campe, being 
 Generall of his contry, at the siege of the city of Citium 
 in Cyprus, not withdrawen to his home, as one wearied, 
 living idlely, or leading a voluptuous life in feastes and 
 bankets, making that the end and reward of his warres, 
 victories and triumphes : but as Plato said, (when he wisely 
 blamed and reproved Orpheus, who promiseth perpetuall 
 dronkenes in the world to come, for reward of their vertue, 
 that lived well in this life) merily: And truely it is a 
 great comfort and contentation of minde, for an old man 
 feebled with age, and compelled by weakenes, to withdraw 
 him selfe from the world, as well in matters of government 
 in peace, as in warres : and quietly to passe his time in 
 studie, where delight is joyned with honest contemplation. 
 But to finish his vertuous deedes, by referring them to plea- 
 sure, as unto their only end, and moreover, to grow old by 
 pleasure and vanity, solemnising Venus feast all the rest of 
 his life, after he hath made such warres, and commaunded 
 such armies : that me thinkes a thing unworthy of an honest 
 Academicke, and altogether unmeete for one professing olde 
 Xenocrates doctrine, but fit rather for a man geven over 
 426
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 altogether to Epicurus discipline. There is a wonderfull CIMON 
 thing to be considered of in these two men, that the ones AND 
 youth was altogether vitious and reproachfull, and thothers LUCULLUS 
 to the contrary, honest and vertuous. But he is the better 
 that chaungeth for the better : and that nature is alwayes 
 more commendable, in whom vice decayeth, and vertue 
 waxeth young : then that which by continuance of time A good gift to 
 sheweth still the contrary. And furthermore, they both d eca Y vice 
 grew rich by one selfe meaner but they did not both a like ^ ea * y'rtue 
 use their riches. For it were to no purpose to compare the 
 buildings of the wall that standeth south within the castell 
 of Athens, which was built with the money Cimon brought 
 thither : with the fine built chambers, and high raised turrets 
 to gase a farre, and environned about with conduits of water, 
 which Lucullus erected by Naples, with the spoyles of the 
 barbarous people. Neither is Cimons table also of moderate 
 fare and dyet, but yet open to every man, comparable to 
 Lucullus borde : which was sumptuously furnished, and 
 shewed the greatnes of his Lord. For Cimons bord fed 
 many mouthes dayly with a small charge : and Lucullus 
 table exceded in expence, to feede a few, with superfluous 
 dainties. Onlesse they will say, that time caused this differ- 
 ence betwene them. But who can tell, if Cimon had bene 
 at leasure to have withdrawen him selfe to quiet in age from 
 government, and armes, he also would not have ledde a more 
 sumptuous and dissolute life, geven to all pleasure, then 
 Lucullus did ? For of his owne nature he loved wine, 
 banckets, and playes, and was also geven to women, as we 
 have told you before. But prosperity, and fortunate successe 
 of thinges doe bring such delight to ambitious men of nature, 
 and borne to great enterprises : that they make them forget 
 to runne after their other voluptuous vaine desires. And 
 therefore had Lucullus dyed abroade in the warres, whilest 
 he commaunded armies : there had not bene that living man, 
 how curious soever he had bene to reprove other mens faultes, 
 that could have detected him of any reproachefull vice. And 
 thus much for their maner of life. Now furthermore, touch- 
 ing the state of their warres : no doubt both the one and the 
 other were excellent Captaines, as well by sea as by land. 
 
 427
 
 CIMON 
 
 AND 
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Cimons two 
 victories 
 obtained in 
 one day. 
 
 Great differ- 
 ence betwext 
 Cimon and 
 Lucullus. 
 
 LIVES OF THE NOBLE 
 
 And like as in games of prise and exercises of body which 
 are shewed in Graece, they that in one selfe day winne the 
 games at wrestling, and weapons both, are called by a 
 straunge custome, not conquerours only, but victors also, to 
 honor them withall : even so me thinkes that Cimon in like 
 case having in one selfe day crowned Graece with two notable 
 markes of triumphe, for two battels he wanne, the one by 
 sea, and the other by lande, deserveth to have some place 
 and preferment before other Captaines. And moreover, 
 Lucullus received the authoritie to commaund, of his contry 
 and common wealth : but Cimon gave his contry both 
 authority and ability to commaund. Lucullus found his 
 contry a commaunding people to all their frends and con- 
 federats : through whose aide he overcame his enemies. And 
 Cimon contrarily, found his contry marching under an others 
 ensigne, and through his valliantnes did so behave him selfe, 
 that he made his city goe before her confederats, and triumphe 
 over her enemies : compelling the Persians by force to geve 
 them the rule by sea, and perswading the Lacedaemonians 
 willingly to geve place unto them by lande. Now if the 
 chiefest thing that can be in an excellent Captaine, is to 
 make him selfe to be beloved of his souldiers, that they may 
 delight to obey him : then was Lucullus despised of his 
 souldiers, and Cimon esteemed and wondred at, even of the 
 confederates them selves. For Lucullus was forsaken of his 
 owne men : and Cimon was followed by very straungers, for 
 the confederates did joyne together with him. Lucullus 
 returned home into his contry, forsaken of those he caried 
 out with him. Cimon returned againe, commaunding them 
 that were sent out with him to obey others : and had at one 
 time done for his contry three notable things, and hard for 
 them to have compassed : to wit, made peace with the ene- 
 mies, geven them authority and rule of their confederats, and 
 joyned frendshippe with the Lacedaemonians. Both of them 
 undertooke to destroy great Empires, and conquer all Asia. 
 But neither of them both could bring their enterprise to 
 passe. The one by reason of his death, which cut him of on 
 the sodaine being Generall, and when his affayres prospered 
 best. The other can hardly be excused, that there was not 
 428
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 a great fault in him : either in that he could not, or bicause CIMON 
 he would not satisfie the complaints and griefes of his men, AND 
 which caused them so much to hate and mislike him. And LUCULLUS 
 yet it might be sayd also, that in this fault he was like unto 
 Cimon : who was oftentimes accused by his citizens, and at 
 the length banished his contrie for the space of tenne yeares, 
 bicause that in tenne yeares space (as Plato sayth) they 
 should no more heare him speake. For to say truely, it 
 seldom times happeneth, that the grave wittes of noble men 
 do please the multitude, neither are they acceptable unto 
 the common people: bicause they striving continually to 
 reforme them when they go awry, do grieve them as much, as Grave magis- 
 surgeons doe their pacients when they binde up their sores trat es re- 
 with bandes to cure them. For though by that binding Jfmilitude 
 they restore and bring to their natural places againe the unto g 00( j 
 broken bones or members out of joynt : yet put they the Surgeons, 
 pacient to great paine and griefe. And therfore me thinkes 
 neither the one nor the other is to be blamed. Furthermore, 
 Lucullus went a great deale further with his army, then ever 
 Cimon did. For he was the first Romane Captaine that 
 passed over mount Taurus, and the river of Tigris with an 
 army. He tooke and burnt almost in sight of both the 
 kinges, the royall cities of Asia, Tigranocerta, Cabira, 
 Sinope, and Nisibis. Towards the north, he went as farre 
 as the river of Phasis : towards the east, into Media : and 
 southward, even to the redde sea, and unto the realmes of 
 Arabia, subduing all unto the Romane Empire. And having 
 overthrowen all the power of these two mighty kinges, he 
 tooke from them all, but their persons only : who fled and 
 hid them selves like wild beastes, in infinite deserts and 
 unpassable forrestes. Wherin is easily discerned the differ- 
 ence betwixt the doinges of the one, and of the other. For 
 the Persians, as if they had had no hurt nor overthrow at all 
 by Cimon, fought a battell immediatly after against the 
 Grsecians, and overthrew the greatest parte of their army 
 in Egypt : where Mithridates and Tigranes, after Lucullus 
 victories, did never any notable act. For the one finding 
 him selfe altogether pulled downe on his knees, and broken 
 by the former battells : durst never once only shew his army 
 
 429 '
 
 CIMON 
 
 AND 
 
 LUCULLUS 
 
 Mithridates 
 king of Pon- 
 tus, dyed in 
 the realme of 
 Bosphorus. 
 
 Tigranes king 
 of Armenia, 
 submitteth 
 him selfe to 
 Pompey. 
 
 GRECIANS AND ROMANES 
 
 unto Pompey, out of the strength of his campe, but fled into 
 the realme of Bosphorus, where he dyed. And Tigranes, he 
 went and humbled him selfe on his knees, unarmed, and 
 without weapon, unto Pompey : and taking his diadeame of 
 from his head, layed it at his feete, not flattering him for 
 the victories he had won, but for those which Lucullus had 
 triumphed for. By reason wherof he scaped good cheape, 
 and thought him selfe happy, when Pompey gave him only 
 the marke and title of a king, the which before had bene 
 taken from him. He therefore is to be thought the more 
 worthy Captaine, and stowtest champion, that leaveth his 
 enemy in weake estate for him that followeth, and shall fight 
 afterwardes with him. And furthermore, Cimon found the 
 power of the king of Persia overharried, the pride and fierce- 
 nesse of the Persians layed a grounde, by many great battells 
 they had lost before unto Themistocles, king Pausanias, and 
 Leotychides, who had overthrowen them: and going now 
 againe to fight a fresh with them, it was an easie thing to 
 overcome the bodies of those, whose harts were already van- 
 quished. Where Lucullus to the contrary, assailed Tigranes, 
 that had never bene overcome, but bare a marvelous lofty 
 minde with him, for the many great battells and conquestes 
 he had wonne. And for the multitude of enemies, there was 
 no comparison betwene those that Cimon overthrew, and 
 those that were raunged in battell against Lucullus. So that 
 all thinges weyed and considered, it were hard to judge 
 which of them two proved the worthiest man : for that it 
 seemeth, that the goddes did favor both the one and the 
 other, telling the one what he should doe, and the other what 
 he should not doe. And thus it appeareth by testimonie 
 of the goddes, they were both good men, and that 
 they both obtained everlasting glorie. 
 
 THE END OF LUCULLUS LIFE 
 
 430
 
 EDINBURGH 
 
 T. & A. CONSTABLE 
 
 Printers to Her Majesty 
 
 1895
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 
 
 
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