OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN THE SWEEP OF THE SWORD From Marathon to Mafeking In large crown 8vo (over 600 pages), with a Photogravure. Frontispiece, 16 full-page Illustrations of world-famous pictures printed on art paper , and nearly 150 Illustrations in the text. 6s. Truth :" Never before has Mr. Miles gathered such a harvest as this in a single volume. It is truly a stupendous volume, and there is quality as well as quantity to recommend it." Pall Mall Gazette : "It is a tremendously attractive and manly volume. It is not a book in favour of war, but it celebrates in a fitting way those virtues which war brings out." United Service Magazine : " Mr. Miles has com- piled an extremely valuable volume, from which not only boys, but also a great many men, will not only gain pleasurable excitement but much useful instruction of real historical value." The Navy : " A wonderful book. To write it and compile it has evidently been a labour of love, and it has been not less a work of almost inexhaustible patience." The Bookman : " Mr. Miles has produced many books of adventure, but this is by far the best. ' The Sweep of the Sword* is healthy and inspiriting in tone, and yet its stories lose nothing of that dash and enthusiasm that of right belong to them." STANLEY PAUL & CO., 31 ESSEX STEKET, STRAND, W.C. OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN BY LIONEL YEXLEY AUTHOR OP "THE INNER LIFE OF THE NAVY"; "WHEN THE EAGLE FLIES SEAWARD"; (JOINT) " GROG-TIME YARNS," ETC. EDITOR OF "THE FLEET"; "FLEET ANNUAL"; "LOG SERIES." LONDON STANLEY PAUL & CO 31 ESSEX STREET W.C. PRINTED BY HAZELL, WATSON AND VINEY, LD., LONDON AND AYLESBURY. CONTENTS PAGB INTRODUCTION 7 CHAPTER I FROM EARLIER TIMES 15 CHAPTER II THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 50 CHAPTER III SHIP MUTINIES HOW THEY ARE MADE 80 CHAPTER IV 1797 PORTSMOUTH IOO CHAPTER V 1797 THE NORE 133 CHAPTER VI l8l2 AND ITS LESSONS 144 CHAPTER VII OLD BOGIES AND NEW SUGGESTIONS .... 162 5 6 CONTENTS CHAPTER VIII PAGE PROFESSIONAL OPINIONS ON SERVICE CONDITIONS . . 2()6 CHAPTER IX COURTS-MARTIAL ANCIENT AND MODERN . . . 226 CHAPTER X SUMMARY AND OTHER PUNISHMENTS .... 26l CHAPTER XI THE FIGHTING SEA MAN'S PROSPECTS .... 280 CHAPTER XII THE TRADING SEA MAN ...... 2QO CHAPTER XIII IN LIGHTER VEIN 30O CHAPTER XIV WHAT OF THE FUTURE ? 307 APPENDIX LOWER-DECK PROMOTION 321 INTRODUCTION WHEN " Billy " Russell of the Times started to tell the country the truth about the condition of our troops in the Crimea, and the murderous mismanagement of things by those in command, both the Queen and Prince Consort were furious, the latter referring to Russell as " that miserable scribbler" ; while Sidney Herbert, the Minister of War, writing to Glad- stone, said : "I trust the Army will lynch the Times cor- respondent. ... If they were to hang Mr. Russell, I believe the public here would be very well pleased." But Russell, instead of being hanged, lived to be honoured; it was Herbert and his colleagues who were metaphorically hanged by an indignant country. When Sir William Butler dared to be honest enough to tell the truth about the condition of South Africa, he was re- lieved of his post. And the Government who committed that blunder also fell, stricken and shattered at the Polls. It is an exceedingly unpleasant, and not always a profitable task, to expose the feet of clay of a popular idol, and he who dares to do it must be prepared for the rending that is sure to follow. But I have been rent so often that really the process has no terrors for me, otherwise this book would surely not have been written. It is not by premeditation that it is published in this the Coronation year of our Sailor King, when a goodly fleet will be assembled at Spithead, the_envy and admiration of the 7 8 INTRODUCTION world. It should have seen the light last autumn, but " the ways of men and mice aft gang agley " ; and so it has been hung up for months to make its appearance when the whole world will be envying the strength of the British Navy. Even then, perhaps, it will cause some people " furiously to think." It was a mere coincidence that when it was being written the country was startled by the Archer-Shee case. The collapse of the Government defence in open court was the signal for a flood of Press comment, to be followed, on April 6 of the present year, by a lively debate in the House, during which the Admiralty expressed its decision to compensate the lad for the wrong done him. With the position taken up by Sir Rufus Isaacs I am in entire sympathy, and had Sir Edward Carson been called on to defend the case as law officer of the Crown, he would, no doubt, have done exactly as Sir Rufus Isaacs did, and try to block the case by demurrer. Sir Rufus Isaacs pointed out that " I was following out the traditions of my office as they have been handed down for centuries. There is no precedent for an officer, either of the Army or Navy, being allowed to bring his case into a court of justice before a judge and before a jury. Any person is liable to be dismissed without explana- tion and without any justification given, and still is not entitled to go into court to question it. It is not for me, as law officer, to make the law, but to administer it as I find it." Then he pointed out that if the present rights of the Crown " i.e. the rights of the public have to be abolished, it is entirely a matter for Parliament," and the action of Parlia- ment in this case has been to practically abolish those old rights. The money of Mr. Archer-Shee and the powerful pleading of Sir Edward Carson have shattered the traditions of centuries, so that this case opens up a new era, and a new INTRODUCTION 9 situation that will have to be faced. Already it has opened up an entirely new outlook for the lower-deck, and the petty officers, in their corporate capacity as members of societies, are already itching to get service wrongs righted through the law courts. Who can blame them ? What is right and fair for Cadet Archer-Shee must also be right and fair for Petty Officer Brown and Able Seaman Robinson. And what of the case of John Louis Bars tow, to which reference is made ? There is no money here ; no powerful King's Counsel to force through a Petition of Right and fight a department of State. So this man is still branded with a crime he never committed, and is still denied the pension he earned by years of long and faithful service. Such things cry out with a loud voice for a full review and revision of naval laws as they exist. It should not be left to one wealthy parent to vindicate his son : what we want is that sentences like this should be rendered impossible. Dozens of papers have insisted that the present state of things cannot be allowed to continue, and in Parliament it has been declared, amid cheers, that "it is very important that the British sailor and soldier should know with absolute confidence that if any wrong were done it would be redressed." If Parliament is in earnest, let it set to work, and so revise naval laws that wrongs are impossible. Here is a case that took place even as I write this : A stoker petty officer had been sent to a ship to enable him to get in twelve months' sea time previous to qualifying for a mechanician. He was stationed at the capstan engine, and one day, when the ship was unmooring, the bearings of the engine ran hot, which caused a slight delay. The captain ordered the petty officer to be placed in his report, and although he, the petty officer, was exonerated from all blame by the engineer-commander, io INTRODUCTION the captain insisted on punishing him on the ground that he was not going to have his ship made the laughing-stock of the-fleet. So he deprived the petty officer of one good- conduct badge, thus not only fining the man id. per day for six months, but practically ruining his career not because the petty officer had committed any offence, but because the captain's ill-humour had to be satisfied with a victim. I hold no mawkish sentiments about discipline proper the man who commits an offence against discipline, or who does not do his job, should be punished. It is against pseudo- discipline that the Navy cries aloud: the manufacture of " crimes " for the pleasure of punishing them. Lying before me as I write is a Commander's Order Book of three hundred odd pages, and every page has an average of six don'ts, musts, and mustn'ts. Here are a few " irregularities " that a dozen pairs of eyes were always on the look-out for " That men go in and out over the lower boom properly dressed and with their trousers turned down." " No men are to lean on the forecastle rails." " No men are to sit about on the booms." " No smoking is to take place on the forecastle before sunset." " Nothing is to be eaten anywhere except on the mess-deck." " Singing on the mess-deck is forbidden." And so the book goes on, page after page, and under every separate sub-heading is the preliminary caution : " All petty officers and non-commissioned officers are to consider it part of their duty at all times to see that these orders are obeyed." There we have pseudo-discipline in excelsis and naval *' crime " in the making, for the petty and non-commissioned officers were bound to see things to maintain their own posi- INTRODUCTION n tions. That " Order Book " was written, not for a ship, but for general use throughout the Navy ; it was published at 25. 6d. net, and, I believe, found a ready sale anyway, the first edition speedily sold out, when a " Revised and Enlarged" edition was published, probably because the first edition was found to contain not enough " don'ts " and " mustn'ts." Considering that the " Official King's Regulations and Ad- miralty Instructions " contain 1,888 " Articles," which, with their Appendices, cover 729 pages ; that there is also an Addenda running into 307 further pages, with further Ad- dendas running into 600 pages, published yearly, one would have though that every conceivable condition connected with naval life was fully met. The Official Regulations may be said to deal with discipline proper ; the private " Order Book " with pseudo-discipline that magnification of punitive power in a disciplinary system directed to petty and insignificant ends. It must be admitted that the Admiralty have made at- tempts to cope with this lust to punish, and to-day the com- manding officer whose ship sends in abnormally heavy punishment returns finds himself later on passed over for employment. This has led to the practice of making false returns, and most ships now keep two sets of Punishment Books : official and unofficial. The Naval Punishment Returns for the information of the country are compiled from the former, those punishments entered in the latter never see the light of day, and so both the country and the Admiralty are grossly misled. A ship may show a very low number of official punishments, and yet be a veritable penal establishment from the innumerable unofficial punishments inflicted. In civil life the falsification of accounts is a criminal offence ; apply the same code to the Navy, and this form of criminalty would soon die. 12 INTRODUCTION Every year the gap seems to grow wider between the conditions of naval life and civil life. Mr. Winston Churchill has outlined a scheme for dealing with our criminal popula- tion. These, when undergoing imprisonment, are to have life made more congenial ; there are to be facilities for reading (libraries), letter- writing, and even canteens are to be intro- duced where prisoners may purchase little luxuries from money earned. I am well aware that there are those who think the Home Secretary is going too far ; that does not concern me, I am stating a simple fact. What do we find in the Navy ? As recently as the end of 1910 one of those various " regrettable incidents " oc- curred in a battle-ship belonging to the Home Fleet. It was brought about by innumerable petty restrictions, backed up by a wholesale stoppage of leave. When the men showed open disapproval of their treatment the commanding officer met it, by closing the canteen, dismantling the reading-room, and stopping all smoking. He even stopped all communi- cation with the shore and the delivery of letters. Can it be seriously contended that men of this stamp are fitted to control our latter-day fighting sea men ? I have expressed a belief that a general outbreak among our sea men is impossible, and I do not think any living person will question that belief. Yet such ships as just mentioned constitute ever-present danger-spots which might jeopardise at any moment the loyalty and efficiency of a whole fleet or squadron. Let us suppose that the nation was at war, the petty restrictions of peace-time might, and probably would, be multiplied and accentuated as soon as war broke out, and so friction would be more acute. The eyes of the whole fleet would be on such a ship, for every petty officer and man would know what was going on, and their whole sympathies would be with their comrades. Suppose, INTRODUCTION 13 further, that at last the ship's company openly declined any longer to submit to their treatment, how would the situation be met ? Any attempt to repeat the tactics of St. Vincent with the Marlborough would at once plunge the whole fleet into open and active protest ! Expediency might suggest the removal of prominent officers : rather a dangerous proceeding at such a time. Common-sense suggests that the only proper course is to make such danger-spots impossible by a rigorous weeding-out process in time of peace. I am not foolish enough to appeal to the sense of justice of the nation, but to its self-interest. I know, and every one who has studied the subject knows, that a discontented super " Dreadnought " is not nearly such an efficient war machine as a contented " Formidable." Let publicists study the gunnery returns, and then find out why an obsolete battle-ship stands at the head in the order of merit of shooting, and some of our latest ships low down ; they will perhaps then ask them- selves whether the mere counting of ships denotes a Two Power or any other standard of strength. Further, let the nation fully realise that no great measure of reform will ever be initiated by the Navy from within. It is a viciously conservative service, and has ever resisted progress. Look at the tremendous fight that Lord Fisher, who was by nature a reformer, had to wage from the day he became First Sea Lord. The Board of Admiralty, in Lord Melville's day, was con- fronted by a proposal to introduce steam into the Navy. They drew back in holy horror from the monstrous innova- tion, and in the following minute, which deserves to be held up to everlasting remembrance, reprobated it : " They felt it their bounden duty, upon national and pro- fessional grounds, to discourage, to the utmost of their ability, the employment of steam-vessels, as they considered that the 14 INTRODUCTION introduction of steam was calculated to strike a fatal blow to the naval supremacy of the Empire ; and to concede to the request preferred would be simply to let in the thin end of the wedge, and would unquestionably lead to similar demands being made upon the Admiralty from other departments." The nation itself if it is determined to do justice by its fighting sea men must take the task in hand ere it is too late. For the book itself I offer no apology. My only qualifi- cation as author is that I am a " common sailor " ; and, free of all attempts at literary garnishings, I have set down what other " common sailors " throughout the Navy think, feel, and say. It may be complained that the book is somewhat dogmatic in tone ; my reply is, that conviction and dog- matism have ever been stable companions. I am dealing with hard facts, not theories. It may also be complained that there is a certain amount of repetition. It is deliberate ! To quote one of the innumerable apothegms of Lord Fisher, " Reiteration is the secret of conviction." And if I have hit the same nail on the head many times, it is because I wish to drive it in. And so the book must stand. It shows the Navy as it is. LIONEL YEXLEY. 8 YORK ROAD, ILFORD. June i, 1911. OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN CHAPTER I FROM EARLIER TIMES Fair is our lot O goodly is our heritage ! (Humble ye, O people, and be fearful in your mirth) ; For the Lord our God Most High, He has made the sea as dry, He hath smote for us a pathway to the ends of all the earth. RUDYARD KIPLING. TO-DAY the civilised world is busy piling Dreadnought upon Dreadnought, Invincible upon Invincible, Destroyer upon Destroyer, and Submarine upon Submarine. The music of a million hammers echoes round our own coasts, while our ship- yards teem with activity, and Parliament is the scene of angry wrangles as the demand is put forward for more and more ships for the defence of the Empire. And what of the men ? They are largely forgotten in the mad rush to build ships, though only a short time since the country was warned by Lord Charles Beresford that " You may have what size of ship you like, as many as you like, guns, armour, boilers and engines ; but remember, it is the human element, and only the human element, that wins battles." More recently the Governor of South Australia, Admiral Sir Day H. Bosanquet, told an audience that 15 16 OUR* FIGHTING SEA MEN " The personnel is the most important point in a fleet, and the education and training and discipline of the personnel are the whole end-all and be-all of a Navy. . . . When the crisis comes, when the hour of trial arrives, the slight differ- ence which only the eye of an expert can detect, is sufficient to send one ship to the bottom in ten minutes and leave the other untouched." Are we ready for the crisis ? On that point Great Britain does not concern herself ; she takes the men for granted. " The men ? oh, they are all right splendid fellows," is the comfortable assurance we hear on all sides. Yet through it all come angry mutter- ings like the echoes of thunder on a bright summer's day. Hardly a day passes in the House of Commons but several questions are addressed to responsible ministers about lower- deck affairs ; petty officers of all classes issue an annual " Appeal " against certain conditions of their lives, while now and again comes a louder and angrier clap of thunder in the shape of a " regrettable incident " on board some particular ship gun-sights thrown overboard, etc. to be immediately followed by the soothing information that it was only the work of some ill-disposed person on board and the emphatic assurance that no general disaffection exists among the crew, etc., etc. Then the nation goes comfortably to sleep again and dreams of the number of Dreadnoughts it possesses. But may we not be living in a fool's paradise ? And if it is true that everything depends on the human element, are we justified, in face of all these mutterings, to take that element for granted and believe that it is contented and fit to meet the crisis which sooner or later must come ? If it fails us in that crisis then the British Empire passes away to the region of have-beens. Surely the stake is too big for the matter to be left in doubt, FROM EARLIER TIMES 17 therefore it is well that we should frankly face facts and inquire fully into the cause of the discontent which undoubtedly prevails in our Navy at the moment. In that inquiry we shall see how the fighting sea man emerged from obscurity to the most honoured position in the land, and how he then sank into a position of degradation and serfdom from which he has never fully recovered. For one hundred and thirty years the process of degradation went on, during which time laws and customs came into existence to meet purely artificial conditions, while the sea man himself was seen through a dis- torting mirror for so long that the image became fixed in the national imagination and was accepted as true to life. The laws and the image still largely remain, the former an ever- present menace to our sea supremacy. Right back in early days the fighting sea man was a child of chance, fighting to-day with his neighbour on land, em- barking to-morrow in his roughly constructed craft to fight on the water an ever-present necessity, for did not the ancient name of Briton, " Clas Merdin," mean " Sea-defended green spot." But in those days there were no laws regulating sea life or sea fighting. In the open row-boats which constituted the war- fleet of Alfred the Great each man was a warrior and equal to all others. When his fighting was over for the time being he returned to shore, and the war-vessel became the trader. Sea life in such craft could not have been very enticing. Thus we find Athelstan, grandson of Alfred the Great, offering very special inducements to men to go to sea every merchant who made three voyages on his own account was raised to the rank of Thane, an exalted position hitherto confined to those of noble birth. So sea life gradually grew, though the sea man as such, the man whose profession it was to follow the sea exclusively, was not yet. 2 i8 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN Life on board these old-time craft must have been trying in the extreme, so that quarrels were no doubt frequent and violent, more especially as those who manned them when on fighting bent were not of the gentlest ; yet there is no record of any code of regulations until the " Naval Ordonnances " of Richard I., A.D. 1190. Richard was about to start for the Holy Land, in an attempt to rescue the Holy Sepulchre from the hands of the Saracens, and no doubt felt that some code of laws was necessary for the guidance of those who were going with him on the expedition. He therefore de- livered his charter to them as follows : " Know all men that we, with the aid of upright Councillors have laid down these Ordonnances : who ever shall commit murder aboard ship shall be tied to the corpse and thrown into the sea ; if a murder be committed on land the murderer shall be tied to the corpse and buried alive ; if any man be convicted of drawing a knife for the purpose of stabbing another so the blood shall flow he shall lose a hand ; if a man strike a man with his hand, he shall be ducked three times into the sea ; if any man defame, vilify, or swear at his fellow, he shall pay as many ounces of silver as times he has reviled him. If a robber be convicted of theft, boiling pitch shall be poured over his head, and a shower of feathers be shaken over to mark him, and he shall be cast ashore on the first land at which the Fleet shall touch." In the first part of this we have the old Mosaic law pure and simple " An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth." The second part the fine to a vilified fellow shows a law among equals, borne out by the decision to get rid of any who com- mitted the contemptible crime of theft by putting them ashore at the first land touched. These, however, could hardly be called sea men ; they were really land men (soldiers), FROM EARLIER TIMES 19 who had to cross the seas to get at their object. The same may be said of all those who took part in our earlier sea fights, with the exception of the men of the Cinque Ports, who were fighting sea men in the true sense of the term, and as such they had honours and liberties not enjoyed by others, which were accurately defined by royal charter. " In requital for their faithful and continual services the privileges of these Ports be very great, considering either the honour and ease, or the freedom and exemption that the inhabitants have by reason of the same." Bearing in mind the constant state of war which existed between England and France at this time and the frequent raids of the pirates of Sark and other places, the fighting sea men of the Cinque Ports could not have had a very great amount of ease though the honour was not little, while the amount of booty must have been considerable. We are told that in the first great fight which took place in 1217, the spoil from the French ships over which the ships from the Cinque Ports gained a great victory was " verie rich, so that the English men, being laden with riches and honour, upon their safe returne home were received with great joy and gladnesse." The fighting sea men of the Cinque Ports, while they were always ready to repulse an attack by the enemy, were never loth to start off on a marauding expedition of their own, so that attacks and reprisals were the normal conditions under which they lived ; the only sea laws being those that divided the booty and secured a kind of rough justice between man and man. Discipline, as we understand the word, or any fixed code of sea laws, did not exist beyond the Ordon- nances of Richard L, which held good for many centuries. Until well into the sixteenth century no standing Navy existed, fleets only being raised to meet emergencies, the code of laws governing which was fixed by the Lord High 20 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN Admiral or Commander-in-Chief. When the emergency had passed the fleet was disbanded and the laws governing it came to an end. All this time over- seas trade was growing, which neces- sitated a continual increase in the size and number of ships, all of which were armed and manned by sea men, who were fighting or trading sea men as necessity required. By the end of the fifteenth century the Commercial Navy of England was considerable, and the sea men who manned it had made their name respected throughout the world. Ostensibly traders, they were nevertheless prepared to fight, with or without provocation, whenever opportunity offered. Their only laws were the customs of the sea, which made it possible for such rough men to live in such curtailed space ; of the despotic power of the sea captain to punish and torture men to gratify his desire, we hear nothing. When war broke out, as ships were required for the service of the State, the seaports furnished their quota, while others were bought or hired by the Crown. The sea man then played a subordinate part, for to embark troops and cover their landing on an enemy's shore was the usual object. When in 1596 a great expedition was planned for the destruc- tion and capture of the Spanish Fleet at Cadiz, 126 ships were engaged, only 17 of which were Queen's ships. By 1630 a Royal Navy had become a permanent institution, to support which and keep himself in funds for other purposes Charles I. introduced ship money, which ultimately led to the Great Rebellion and the establishment of the Common- wealth. Now it was (1644) that a system of laws for the governance of the Navy was first passed. The leaders of the Long Par- liament recognised that Britain was indeed a " sea-defended green spot/' and that on her sea men depended, under the FROM EARLIER TIMES 21 good providence of God, " their wealth, peace and prosperity." They therefore drew up a code of laws, " based on the broadest principles and complete in all its details . . . founded on the great fundamental law of English liberty the trial of a man by his peers." l This birth of a real British Navy was immediately followed by the most glorious period in its history. Hitherto, ex- peditions had been entrusted to Court favourites, whose main inspiration was not patriotism, but gain ; now, patriot- ism, not profit, was to be its watchword ; glory, not gold, its reward. In April 1657 Blake, only a few years before a quiet country gentleman in Somerset, now an Admiral, hearing that a treasure fleet of twenty- two large vessels was en route for Spain, at once sailed for the Canaries. He found the Spanish Fleet at Santa Cruz, under the numerous land fortifications believed to be impregnable to attack from the sea. But Blake had trained his men with intelli- gence, and their gun fire was so accurate and destructive that in four hours all the forts had been silenced, and two hours later every Spanish ship in the land-locked harbour had been sunk or burnt. The object of Blake was not to seize treasure for the benefit of its captors, but to destroy it so that it might not be used against his country. Santa Cruz was the crowning glory of a great period. During this period 1645 to 1660 we have no record of disaffection in the fleet, while our naval renown grew till it may be said to have reached the apex of its glory at Santa Cruz. This also is the only period in the history of the British Navy when it was ruled with just and equitable laws, and the sea man enjoyed rights and privileges as well as duties. The Captains of ships and Admirals of Fleets enjoyed vast, but not despotic power ; pseudo discipline had not yet had 1 " Manual of Naval Law and Court Martial Procedure." 22 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN birth, and a man who offended against the laws of the Navy was tried by his peers and punished according to their finding. He was never the victim of the caprice of an individual vested with despotic powers. The leaders of the Long Parliament had seen the evils of absolutism on shore too fully to allow them to connive at it on board ship, where all its bad points must be accentuated by the limitations of space. They therefore gave their sea men a code of laws which not only encouraged a sea life, but fostered patriotism in those who followed it. All that came after cannot alter this great fact, that when the Commonwealth came into possession of the fleet it was disaffected fore and aft especially forward ; what supervened showed that it was not " discipline " but justice that was required. As soon as the latter was granted Blake was able to sweep the sea of Dutch and Spaniards, and the success that crowned his efforts has never been excelled, not even by Nelson : his sea men were as invulnerable as the old Ironsides of the Civil War. At the Restoration this happy state of affairs came with a crash to the ground. The government and command of all forces by sea and land were declared by Act of Parliament to be, and ever to have been, the undoubted right of His Majesty and of his royal predecessors, the Kings and Queens of England. From here started the demoralisation and degradation of our sea service, a demoralisation and degradation that became so general and pronounced, that in a hundred years the fight- ing sea man, instead of being a free son of the nation patrioti- cally fighting its wars for love of country, was a poor degraded serf denied every right, denied all freedom, flogged, starved, and worried, till a British ship-of-war became the nearest approach to hell that this world has ever witnessed. The mainspring of action that guided the Commonwealth sailors glory not gold passed away with the accession of FROM EARLIER TIMES 23 King Charles II. to the throne, and the Navy at once became the happy hunting ground of his corrupt favourites. Pepys has told us the state of the Navy under Charles. Worthless ships were commanded by incompetent officers, the bulk of whom were either the corrupt favourites of Charles himself or the proteges of his mistresses. It was only natural that these should be anxious to hide from the world the vastness of their incompetence, and the more the nation clamoured against it, or against the state of the Navy, the more did they endeavour to suppress all real and reliable information as to its cause. This they no doubt found they were able to do by the positions they held. The old code of laws not suiting the new conditions, a new code was enacted for the enforcement of discipline among the crews in actual service aboard men-of-war when at sea, or in the main stream of great rivers ; in these laws power was created for the trial of offenders by court martial. 1 Whatever may be said of the code of laws and their suit- ability for enforcing " discipline " among the crews, there is little doubt that they entirely failed to enforce discipline on ship captains, who were in practice above the law and able to enforce the whim of the moment under the guise of dis- cipline. Having entered on this slippery slope the Navy plunged rapidly down into the abyss that led to Portsmouth and the Nore, and nearly to the undoing of the Empire. Had the men who grasped this unfettered power been models of rectitude and morality, it would have tended to weaken the fibres of their nature ; being the very reverse, they looked on the ships they commanded and all they con- tained as theirs, and exercised their sway in a way that could not fail to irritate their subordinates. When this irritation showed itself in overt acts, severely repressive measures were 1 13 Charles II,, c, 9, 24 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN used, and punishment was introduced not for breach of the law, but to " maintain discipline." Every act of repression was excused on that head, and those in command clamoured for more power and more repression. The introduction of new laws and regulations was in the hands of Sea- Lords, who naturally viewed with sympathy the opinion of sea captains ; therefore it happened that giving information on the internal economy of a ship was made a capital offence and punished accordingly. Thus the King's sea service rapidly fell into dis- repute with the sea man, and a ship-of-war was looked on as something to be shunned. Sea officers entered the Navy when little more than children, and from this early age they had it instilled into their minds that the sea men could only be kept in order by perpetually exercised tyranny ; and they were encouraged to show their power by annoying and irritating men whenever opportunity offered. " By the god of war," said one unspeakable ruffian to his men when some of them complained at the devilish cruelty of a midshipman, "I'll make you touch your hat to a midshipman's coat if it's only hung on a broomstick to dry." Theoretically men had the right to complain, but in the "interests of discipline" they were punished if they did so. Midshipmen, brought up under such conditions, became habituated to scenes of violence and cruelty, and when men revolted they put it down to the wickedness of the men and not to the unnatural tyranny of the officers, who by this time had become generally brutalised. The greater the brutality the more frequent the revolt, either on the part of the ship's company or of individuals. At every revolt severer repres- sion was resorted to hanging at the yard-arm, flogging round the fleet and all in the name of " discipline," which, correctly interpreted, meant the right and privilege of sea officers to FROM EARLIER TIMES 25 wreak their will without let or hindrance on those who were under their command. That the sea man should show an ever-increasing aversion to voluntarily submit to such conditions was but natural; thus it came about that when the nation was at war her sons who should and would have crowded to her help held aloof , till first a press-gang had to be resorted to, and then our prisons were emptied to fill our ships : the fighting sea men, the pick of the nation's sons, were reduced to the status of a subject-race, and our ships- of -war became prisons in which they were forcibly detained to fight their country's battles. Other nations have used mercenaries and slaves of alien or subject-nations to fight their battles, but history records only one similar crime to that committed by England in the eighteenth century Venice. The Navy of Venice seems to have passed through similar stages to our own. " In the early days of the Republic the business of working the oars of the galleys was one of honour and of advantage to the community. For no one who was not a Venetian subject was admitted to row on board the galleys, and this branch of one of the most important services of the state was entrusted only to men whose stake in the Government was as great as the Patrician who commanded the vessel." 1 Here we have a somewhat similar condition to the days of the Cinque Ports Navy. But the time came for a State Navy ; then the arrogance of Patricians commenced to assert itself, and service in the galleys became a degradation instead of an honour, and a description of life on board reads like a page from our own naval doings of the eighteenth century. " The business of getting together a galley's crew was an arduous one. No freeman being easily persuaded to work an oar or submit to being chained, to be beaten, and to the 1 " The Navy of Venice," page 51. 26 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN innumerable discomforts of the galley. Were it not for the needs or foolishness of many vagabonds or of emancipated villains full of the lowest vices which lead them to sell them- selves, it may well be believed that no man would ever be found who would spontaneously submit to so unhappy a life, full of such miseries and such horrid accidents. " The business of recruiting was not carried on without loss of honour and temper, and ways were used which were not always highly commendable nor free from violence and dishonour. Condemned criminals were pressed into the ser- vice ; men who were sentenced to death were chained to the oar instead of being strung up ; and every judge was petitioned to ' send diligently and without delay ' the criminals that came under his condemnation to service in the galleys ac- cording to their sentences. " Offenders of high rank were entitled to buy themselves off, especially if they had been arrested for debt. They could then expiate their sentences either by purchasing so many slaves and sending them on board in their stead, or by main- taining a given number of slaves for the time which they themselves should have served. In fact, every rascal was swept off as a galley slave under one pretence or another . . . it was no easy job to keep such a crew in order, and the cruelty and harshness needed to maintain discipline is sickening to read of." * It was " discipline," or rather unbridled power in the hands of a few, that degraded the Navy of Venice and partly led to the undoing of the Republic, though on occasions the reign of terror on board ceased and the tyrants appealed to the slaves either through their religious fears or by kind treat- ment at the moment. Thus we read that immediately pre- ceding the battle of Lepanto " The great standard of the league, bearing the Image of the Crucified Redeemer and blest by the Pontiff, was run up 1 "The Navy of Venice," p. 69. FROM EARLIER TIMES 27 on the Commander- in- Chief's vessel. As the Standard rose in view every man in the Christian host, from the highest to the lowest, bared his head and on bended knee confessed his sins to the priest on board of each ship. The galley slaves were freed from their chains, food and wine was given liberally to all. " Promises of reward and gain in this world were held out to all who conquered in the fight ; whereas everlasting life was to be the guerdon of those who laid down their lives fighting the Infidel for God and their country." What the poor devils of galley slaves had to look for either from " God or country " it is difficult to say. But the Venetian commander was only anticipating British Admirals. As the process of degradation went on in our own Navy, and it became difficult and ever more difficult to induce sea men to join the King's ships, a host of apologists sprang into existence, all competing with each other to excuse everybody and everything but the poor unfortunate sea man. As cir- cumstances demanded, he was represented now as a roystering spendthrift, now a helpless child, again as a kind of untamable savage, but never as what he was really a very much- wronged man. Gradually the mind of the nation accepted this picture, and Clarendon, who has been claimed to be the greatest master of naval portraiture, gave it as his opinion that " The sea men are a nation by themselves, a humorous and fantastic people, fierce and rude and resolute in whatever they resolve or are inclined to, but are unsteady and incon- stant in pursuing it." While the great English novelist Henry Fielding wrote: " All human'flesh is not the same flesh ; there is a flesh of land men, and another of sea men." For twenty years I soaked my hands in a naval tar-pot 28 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN before I took to the pen for a living, and having cleansed my hands of the tar I venture to shed my ink in refutation of a theory that has hung like a blight over those whom circum- stance or inclination has led from the land to follow their lawful occasions on the great waters. This placing of sea men in a world by themselves " a rude, fierce, fantastic people" has acted as a kind of soporific on the national conscience, and thus given birth to laws and conditions so far removed in spirit from those governing the lives of land men, that our great Mercantile Marine, the basis of all our prosperity, is passing into the hands of aliens, and our Navy is seething with a chronic restlessness that may spell disaster if not dealt with. To cross swords with Clarendon and Fielding may be an act of temerity on my part, but fools have ever rushed in where angels feared to tread, and per- chance this is a fool's outing ! Yet in face of what lies ahead of us as a nation it may be worth the making. That the pernicious doctrines of Clarendon and Fielding were accepted when they were put forth and still sway the popular imagination is shown by the popular attitude towards our fighting sea men of to-day. This can be summed up in the words "We all love Jack." We do not "love" the miner, the mechanic, or the railway worker, neither do we flood our music-halls with songs about their doings ; it is only the sea man who is accepted as something abnormal, who must be favoured with the indulgence of a child in his moods, and punished as a brute in his tenses. That he is just a normal human who has a right to enjoy the same laws and conditions as his fellows seems to strike no one, for sea men are not land men, therefore sea laws cannot be the same as land laws. In this the sea man is wronged and misunderstood, and the sea Power that persists in a policy of that nature has its feet fixed in a bed of clay. FROM EARLIER TIMES 29 In his introductory chapter to " The British Tar in Fact and Fiction/' Mr. John Ley land says : " When Howard wrote to Walsingham in 1588 that neither sickness nor death should make them yield until the service in hand was ended, and when he added that he never knew nobler minds than those then in the fleet, he was expressing the two things that are primordial factors in success the moral ascendancy over all discouragements, and the capacity and energy that fit men to win. We may say that with these two elements, acting in all spheres of naval activity, success is not only possible, but certain." That was written in the happy days before the sea man had come to be regarded as an abnormal creature or the Navy had taken its downward plunge ; but the words are as true to-day as when they were uttered. Another writer, Fred. T. Jane, condensed the same idea into the term " fitness to win" ; and unless we possess that ''fitness," in the war that must come, then the Empire will go under. Even our Two-Power or any other standard will not ensure victory. By the later middle of the eighteenth century the de- moralisation that started in 1660 was complete, though it was at this time that one of the most brilliant achievements of the Navy took place the battle of Quiberon Bay. But before we deal with this let us retrace our steps to the Restoration. The vigour of Blake and his sea men had placed the Navy on a pinnacle of glory from which it was rapidly to fall during the second Dutch War, 1665-7. On the eve of the battle of Lowestoft, we are told : " Numberless young cavaliers joined the fleet, all anxious to prove their devotion to the throne by putting their precious lives in jeopardy." The value of this crowd to the ships may be judged by the following verses written by the Earl of Dorset, 30 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN afterwards one of Charles's boon companions ; the verses were dedicated to " The ladies left behind " : Then if we write not by each post, Think not we are unkind ; Nor yet conclude our ships are lost By Dutchman or by wind ; Our tears we'll send a speedier way . . . The tide shall bring them twice a day. Should foggy Opdam chance to know Our sad and dismal story, The Dutch would scorn so weak a foe And quit their fort at Gore ; For what resistance can they find From men who've left their hearts behind ? Then came the four days' battle lasting from June ist to the 4th, 1666, during which time the country must have longed for a Blake ! Gallant Sir Christopher Myngs was there, and, on the last day, received a bullet in the throat. Compressing the wound with his fingers he still remained on deck en- couraging his men, till a second bullet ended his agony. What became of the body of this gallant sea man Pepys has told us. The King allowed him to be buried not only without pomp and ceremony but without recognition. Sir William Coventry attended the funeral out of goodness of heart, and Pepys went to keep him company. Pepys records how on leaving the church he witnessed a scene " One of the most romantique that ever I heard of in my life, and could not have believed, but that I did see it, which was this about a dozen able lusty, proper men came to the coach side with tears in their eyes, and one of them that spoke for the rest began and says to Sir W T . Coventry, ' We are here a dozen of us that have long known and loved our dead Commander, Sir Christopher Myngs, and have now done the last office of lying him in the ground. We would FROM EARLIER TIMES 31 be glad we had any other to offer after him, and in revenge of him. All we have is our lives, if you will please to get His Royal Highness to give us a fire-ship among us all, here is a dozen of us, out of all which choose you one to be com- mander, and the rest of us, whoever he is, will serve him, and if possible will do that that shall show our memory of our dead Commander and our revenge.' ' But the loyalty of the fighting sea man and the gallantry of the dead sea officer were ignored. Charles was too much engaged shielding the Court favourites who had deserted their Admiral in battle to render them justice or to grant them acknowledgment, though he was very anxious to shuffle out of his responsibility, so that after the battle of St. James's day, July 25, 1666, we find thousands of sea men thrown out of employment and clamouring in vain for the pay they had earned. Failing to get it, and vowing vengeance, they entered the service of the enemy. King and courtiers seem to have conspired to bring the nation into disrepute and disgrace. In this they were eminently successful. But when the Dutch appeared in the Thames the plaintive cry arose, " Help ! help ! for God, and the King, and the kingdom's sake," while history tells us that " the Courtiers fled like children at the approach of a peril . . . there is hardly anybody in the Court but do look as if he cried." And so the tale proceeded as the years passed by, the position of the fighting sea man getting ever more desperate, ever more degraded, though his fighting and other qualities were surely and soundly laying the foundations of the Empire. In spite of the treatment of our sea men on board our own ships we could always rise to the height of fiery indignation against the foreigner who maltreated them, as witness the 32 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN " War of Jenkin's ear/' the outcome of the action of the Spanish " Guarda Costa," which inspired James Thompson to write : Rule Britannia, Britannia rule the waves ; Britains never ! never ! never ! shall be slaves. 1744 brought us another disgrace with the battle of Toulon. Mathews and Lestock, with their paltry crew of captains, are dealt with in another chapter, so we need not trouble with them here. But even in this action the sea man shone forth in the only two ships commanded by men fit to command the Marlborough, Captain Cornwall, and the Berwick t Captain Hawke ; and it is with the latter we will deal. Hawke joined the Navy in 1720 at the age of fifteen, and for twenty years had little chance to distinguish himself, but in 1743 he was appointed to the Berwick for service in the Mediterranean. In making ready for sea he had considerable difficulty to get a crew together, and was forced to resort to the press, for by this time the very name of " Navy " stank in the nostrils of every sea man. At last he succeeded, and very soon had his ship efficient and fit, for Hawke had a great many of the qualities of Nelson ; above all he was a leader and not driver of men. It was on that shameful day, February n, 1744, that his sun first shone forth, for while others were quarrelling or holding back from the enemy he went on. In his " Sea Kings of Britain," Callendar tells us : " Captain Hawke first laid himself alongside of the Neptune. In less than an hour he had driven her from the line with her captain killed, and 200 of her company. Here was a start. Next he singled out the Poder, vainglorious still and boastful, putting Englishmen to shame. He sought her out, left his station to do so and cared not. In this he anticipated the action of Nelson at the battle of St. Vincent. He laid the devoted Berwick alongside, and with his first broadside FROM EARLIER TIMES 33 slew twenty- seven men and dismounted several lower- deck guns. In twenty minutes he had shorn away her standing rigging and mown down her masts. The Poder contained brave men as she had already proved, and gamely they fought, but the English captain was not to be denied. After two hours' fruitless resistance the end came, and with casualties too horrible to describe and too numerous to reckon the gallant Poder struck. Not once nor twice in the combat her late antagonists invited her to submit, but she waved them aside ; to the captain of the Berwick, and to him alone would she strike, for here was a prince of men, not moulded from ordinary clay. That is how Captain Edward Hawke captured the only prize on that fateful nth February, and his casualties numbered five ! " Three years later he was a Rear-Admiral in the Channel Fleet under the command of Sir Peter Warren. Warren fell ill and the entire control of the fleet devolved upon Hawke, and on October 14, 1747, the second battle of Finisterre was fought. It was a battle and a victory only possible under such a leader. Of the eight French ships in the battle line, six surrendered, and of these, three to Hawke, the Servern, the Trident, the Terrible, all larger ships than his Devon- shire. The loss of Minorca and the execution of Byng cast a shadow over the nation, but Hawke's star still shone, and British prestige was re-established by him, for at the beginning of April 1758 Rochfort was a scene of activity and animation. Five ships of the line, seven frigates, and forty transports for the conveyance of 3,000 troops were being fitted out when, on April 8, Hawke hove in sight with seven ships of the line. Straight in by the He d'Oleron he went, followed by the rest of his command. The French did not stop to fight, but cutting their cables they fled, 3 34 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN ignoring in their terror the shallows over which it was impossible for them to pass. As they went aground they commenced to cast everything portable overboard ; guns and fittings went in the mad terror to escape. What a tribute to Hawke ! And now comes an incident which shows that numbers cannot always annihilate, even when they are two to one the fight between the Monmouth and Foudroyant. Captain Gardner of the Monmouth had been Byng's flag-captain on the Ramillies, at the battle of Minorca, when the Foudroyant carried the flag of Galissoniere. When she appeared under the Marquis Duquesne off Carthagena, where she had come to relieve the ships blockaded by Admiral Saunders, Gardner determined he would wipe out the stain of the earlier incident or perish. The Foudroyant carried a broadside twice as heavy as that of the Monmouth, and theoretically should have blown her out of the water, and probably, under happier conditions, would have done. Size, however, did not deter Gardner, who piped all hands aft and addressed them thus, pointing towards the Foudroyant : (( That ship has to be taken, my lads. I shall fight her until the Monmouth sinks," which utterance shows that he was by no means certain of the result, and indeed how could he be with such an antagonist ? But he hungered to wipe out the stain of Minorca as far as it had touched him personally, and nobly did his men respond to his wish. From seven in the evening till past midnight the unequal fight went on, and the decks of the Monmouth re- sembled a shambles, over one hundred of her men being killed or wounded. Captain Gardner himself was badly wounded, but refused to leave the deck ; later he was mortally wounded, and confided the ship to Lieutenant Carkett, second in com- mand, who at once nailed his flag to the mast for fear of accidents. At last the mainmast of the Foudroyant fell FROM EARLIER TIMES 35 across the fore and she was rendered unmanageable. Then the Swiftsure and Hampton Court appeared on the scene, and Duquesne struck, declining to surrender his sword to any one but the officer commanding the Monmouth, which was now Lieutenant Carkett. The astonishing result of this fight was afterwards explained by Duquesne, who declared that his crew was in such a mutinous state that he could not use the guns on his second deck, and that many of the men ran below directly the action began. Thus the Foudroyant, which as a ship was the pride of the French Navy, fell captive to an infinitely weaker foe because the human element, the only thing that wins battles, was lacking. And Hawke was eating his heart out and brooding over the ill- fortune that had latterly attended his efforts. Councils of war and lack of the barest necessaries had both tended to cripple his efforts, and he feared he was held responsible. Brilliant as he was in action, like Nelson he was deeply sensi- tive to any slights, and when Howe came to Portsmouth where Hawke was lying and told him that he (Howe) was commanded by the Ministry to make a descent on the coast of France, Hawke saw through the snub of the implied suggestion that this young man could do what he had failed to do, and he also realised that the shortcomings of the poli- ticians had been laid on his shoulders. His fiery soul re- volted at this injustice and without a moment's delay he wrote : "PORTSMOUTH, 7 o'clock p.m., "May 10, 1758. "SIR, "About four o'clock arrived here Captain Howe and delivered me their Lordships' order of the gth. In last September I was sent out to command an expedition under all the disadvantages one could possibly labour under, arising chiefly from my being under the influence of land officers 36 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN in Councils of War at sea. Last cruise I went out on a par- ticular service, almost without the least means of performing it. Now every means to crown success is provided, another is to reap the credit. I have therefore directed my flag immediately to be struck ... for no consequence that can attend my striking it without orders shall ever out-balance with me the wearing it one moment with discredit. " I am, &c., "E. HAWKE." That letter was worthy the man ; he, like Nelson, thought more of honour than place. We need not follow Hawke through the details of the succeeding eighteen months, during which time victory after victory was gained and immortalised in the song " Hearts of Oak." Come, cheer up, my lads ! 'tis to glory we steer, To add something more to this wonderful year ; 'Tis a free man we call you, not press you as slaves ; For who are so free as the sons of the waves ? x Hearts of oak are our ships, Jolly tars are our men ; We always are ready, Steady, boys, steady ! We'll fight and we'll conquer again and again. This song was sung nightly to crowded and appreciative audiences, which shows that Mafficking and mawkish sen- timents were known before the last Boer War ! While theatre audiences were bawling themselves hoarse at the bidding of a mummer and assuring themselves and each other that " none were so free as the sons of the waves," these " free men " were labouring under a serfdom as cruel as has ever afflicted man. France was completing her schemes of invasion at Vannes 1 Their brand of " freedom " was a peculiar one, as we shall see later. FROM EARLIER TIMES 37 and Havre. Theirot was to sail north and draw off our ships ; then the main fleet under Conflans at Brest and La Clue from Toulon were to cover the passage for the invading army, all of which nicely cut schemes fell through, though Louis XV. still believed that an invasion might be carried out from Brest. But Hawke stood watch and ward. Month after month through that exceptionably bad summer of 1759 he remained at his post, but he never forgot his men : he sent his ships home two at a time to be re-watered and re-victualled, and he gave the most stringent orders that their ships' companies should on these brief visits enjoy a rest and be liberated from the monotonous confinement of ship-life. In the early part of the blockade he had established a line of transports to bring fresh supplies of beer and beef to his men, and he himself inspected it to make sure that the supplies were good. He knew the corruption of victualling officials, and that however bad things were, once they were distributed the men dare not complain ; so when he received inferior beer he simply poured it into the sea and sent for more ; because inferior meat was sent he demanded live cattle. Still his wishes were not carried out to his satisfaction. He then peremptorily demanded that the victualling depart- ment at Plymouth should be instantly remodelled. The Admiralty knew the man ; they remembered his action at Portsmouth, so they meekly acquiesced, and Hawke got what he wanted. No other fleet had been so well looked after as this, and as a result his men were contented in spite of the cruel monotony of their lives. Winter came, and with it terrible gales that drove him to seek shelter at Torbay, but he was back again ere the enemy had noticed his absence. Again he was blown away, and this time incoming French ships from the Indies told Conflans that the blockade was raised, and he (Conflans) 3 8 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN sailed forth from Brest on the very day that Hawke left England to again take up his position. The news reached England that Conflans was out, and the fickle mob, who had not long before wept with maudlin sentimentalism what time they declared " Britons never, never, never should be slaves," now declared the country was doomed, and burned Hawke's effigy for " forsaking his post ! " But Hawke was advancing, and on the morning of November 20 Conflans discovered his ships on the horizon. Conflans had no heart for a fight with such an opponent ; the coast was near Quiberon Bay, with its rocks and shoals and everlasting breakers, even when all around is dead calm. Every French ship had a Breton pilot on board. He would lead his enemy into a trap : as his pilots guided his own vessels into channels they alone knew he would turn his guns on the English ships as they struck rock and shoal. He reckoned without Hawke. There is a magnificence, a grandeur, about this battle not found in any other in which English ships have taken part. A gale was blowing, the rain came down in a pitiless torrent, the sky was inky black ; at each ship's wheel there were eight men, and so violent was the motion of the ships as they plunged ahead that men were hurled about the decks. Ahead was Quiberon Bay, the rocky Cardinals on one side, the Four Banks on the other, the sea thundering over them with the noise of a thousand cannons. At three o'clock on that winter's afternoon Hawke made the signal to close. First to feel the brunt of the British attack was the Formidable, then the These ; the Heros, then the Superbe. This was Hawke's prey ; with one broadside delivered at point-blank range she was literally blown out of the waters and sank in that seething cauldron with all hands. The like had not been seen before. The These, FROM EARLIER TIMES 39 with more than 600 on board, sank like a stone, while the Heros drifted away towards the breakers. The Soleil Royal, the flagship of Conflans, was inside the Bay, but Hawke in the Royal George passed on, only to be warned by the master of the awful danger of the place. " You have done your duty in pointing out the danger," replied Hawke ; " now lay me alongside of the Soleil Royal." Darkness was now coming on, but the Soleil Royal was found and engaged at close quarters, only to escape again in the Stygian darkness. Panic had seized the French at this almost super- natural daring of the British, so that when morning broke and Hawke again commenced the attack Conflans fled before him, running his ship on the rocks. The other ships of the French fleet reached the river Vilaine, only to have their backs broken as the tide went out. Hawke had restored the trident to the hand of Britannia, and his sea men had gallantly repaid him for his care during the long days of the blockade. Here we saw England's fighting sea men at their best. The hardships incidental to a sea life were nothing, for justice and not tyranny was the keynote of Hawke's discipline ; but above all he had cultivated contentment by the way he had looked after the victualling of his fleet. That a well-filled mouth cannot grumble was fully realised by Hawke. He did not let his men go hungry and then flog them because they were discontented. Thus when the hour of trial came leader and led were irresistible. Such a victory naturally led to a great outburst of public rejoicing, and hardly were the ashes of the effigy cold before Hawke was the public idol. Quiberon Bay sealed the con- quest of Wolfe in the New World, and the British Empire had birth. Curiously enough the victory was followed by an outburst of discontent in Hawke's command, which found expression in the following lines : 40 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN Since Hawke did bang Monsieur Conflans You sent us beef and beer. Now Monsieur's beat We've naught to eat Since you have nought to fear. For once the complaint seems to have been ill-founded. True, the beer and beef did stop, but not through neglect but through the terribly stormy weather that followed the victory of Quiberon and made the service of the victualling ships almost impossible. The verse, however, shows how ever-present was the food question. No one who has not lived a life at sea can in any way appreciate what this food question means to the sea man. The first and fiercest instinct of nature is quest of food, and from my earliest days at sea I noticed the tremendous effect food had on a ship's company. I noticed that after being some time from harbour, when the meals approximated closer and closer to " bare Navy," as a purely official dietary was called, the tempers of the men grew worse, and things on board tended to run less smoothly. A hard forenoon on deck, followed by a dinner of rancid salt pork, mostly fat, would produce irritation, and men would quarrel among themselves and at the same time continually growl at the ship work and drills. As soon as the ship arrived in harbour and the larder was replenished from the bum-boats, all irritation would pass away, and a long trying day's work would be followed by a sing-song in the forecastle. I noticed this as a continually recurring phenomenon, and gradually took a keen interest in it till I became convinced that, once solve the food problem and give our fighting sea men reason- ably good meals at reasonable intervals, a great many other troubles would automatically die out ; but so long as they remained ill fed it would be useless to try and deal with other matters that affected them. It was this that induced FROM EARLIER TIMES 41 me to make a long and exhaustive study of naval victualling, and to suggest the abolition of the old system for the one now in operation. We have all heard the matron's advice to the young wife who wanted to know how to keep her husband in good temper : " Feed the brute ! " Good sage advice too, and specially applicable to the sea man. From the day I laid down the marling spike and took up the pen I used it to urge a better system of victualling in the Navy. It took over ten years' constant plodding before I converted the Admiralty to my views ; but everything comes to him who waits and works. Formerly it was the custom, as at the present day, for some officers, after a period at sea, to enter Parliament to " represent the Navy." In 1773, Howe, who was member for Dartmouth, brought forward the grievances of naval captains in the matter of their half-pay, and in spite of the opposition of Lord North, who was then Prime Minister, he gained the sympathy of the House, and a sum of 7,000 was granted. The scale of half- pay was fixed at los. a day for fifty captains, 85. for thirty, and 6s. for all the others in order of seniority. But not a word was said about the condition of the men, which was now deplorable. No officer, from the captain down to the youngest midshipman, ever went on deck without a rattan. 1 As men pulled on ropes the officers ran up and down cutting at them indiscriminately, and driving them like cattle from pillar to post ; flogging round the fleet became a common occurrence, while flogging on board was carried on to such an extent in some ships that the gratings were rigged at the gangway every morning and left rigged all day, so that men might be triced up at 1 There were of course notable exceptions, but they were the exception. 42 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN a moment's notice. "Four dozen before breakfast" was a terrible reality. I think there is nothing so terrible in all history as the condition of our fighting sea men at this period. Uncon- trolled power, with an absence of all criticism, had so brutalised the average naval officer that the only human thing about him was his shape. In Parliament and to his friends he was declaring that the sea men led one of the happiest and easiest of lives, and the country was flooded with literature bearing out that contention. In his admirable work, " The British Tar in Fact and Fiction," Commander C. N. Robinson, R.N., has made an extensive collection of these, together with old plates showing how the sea man was represented to a past generation : Tis grog is the soul of the sailor, 'Tis that makes him squeeze the French frog ; Was the boat full, by Neptune I'd bail her, Or drown in an ocean of grog. The above lines are typical of the verses representing the sea man's supposed drinking capability, while his happy and easy life at sea is represented by : Life is chequered toil and pleasure, Fill up all the various measure : Hark ! the crew with sunburnt faces Shouting Black-eyed Susan's graces ! Chorus Then hark to the Boatswain's whistle, whistle ! Then hark to the Boatswain's whistle, whistle ! Let us sing, let us toil, Let us drink all the while, For labour's the price of our joys, For labour's the price of our joys. And so that he should have a real happy time all round other songs dealt with his doings on shore : FROM EARLIER TIMES 43 At Portsmouth while we're lying, With our noble commodore ; We'll send our money flying, And then to sea for more. There seems to be no doubt that the average Englishman took these pictures as true to life, and thought that sea men were exceedingly lucky dogs. At the seaports they only saw Jack on shore suffering from the violent reaction of his life on board, and were quite content to benefit by his lavish- ness ; what went on aboard when ships were at sea was no concern of theirs. Throughout the service ship mutinies were becoming more and more frequent. Some were stamped out with a devilish severity, some were condoned, but all were as far as possible concealed from public knowledge. When things did leak out and questions were asked in the House, those naval officers who were at the time members always assured the House that there was nothing wrong with the Navy, and that whatever happened was due to the " natural cursedness " of the men. So the nation was lulled to sleep till 1797, when the great upheaval which had been so long brewing came, and with it nearly the winding up of the Empire. The main grievances of pay and food were dealt with, and duty was resumed by a number of those who had openly protested coming under the tender mercies of St. Vincent, then Commander- in-Chief of the Mediterranean. The " stern but kindly discipline " of St. Vincent has been referred to by many writers, but there was nothing kindly in St. Vincent's nature : he was a mere cattle driver of whom Nelson said, "He took a hatchet to every error, and enjoyed inflicting punishment." His reign in the Mediterranean was one of terror : flogging round the fleet ; hanging at the yard-arm. It really seemed as though he said, "You complained of the 44 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN officers of the Channel and North Sea Fleets because they flogged you with whips, I will flog you with scorpions." Of all the Admirals who rose to fame in the old wars I know of none who is so deserving of the execration of the sea man as St. Vincent. In all things he was the antithesis of such men as Hawke, Nelson, Hardy, and Collingwood. Nelson's star was now in the ascendant, and wherever Nelson was the rigours of " discipline," as it was understood, were at once abated, for he always gathered kindred spirits round him. Of Hardy his biographers say : " In the matter of discipline Sir Thomas Hardy was far n advance of his times. He was the first who had the courage to trust to the honour of his men and to dispense with the patrol of boats round the ships for the prevention of desertion. He was in the habit of granting shore-leave for forty-eight hours at a time, with no security for their punctual return but their pledged word. The result was an esprit de corps, and on one occasion when weighing anchor to put to sea the whole crew was apparently in a fervent state of dissatis- faction. It soon became known that the cause of the com- motion was the absence of two of the men on leave, which their comrades looked on as a breach of good faith reflecting on them all. Soon these two men were seen approaching the ship, ' rowing with might and main ' ; their being adrift was quite accidental, and as soon as they came on board three cheers were given for Sir Thomas Hardy ! " The experience of Hardy alone gives the lie to all those " strict disciplinarians " who turned their ships into prisons, with a cordon of armed boats keeping guard round them all night. Collingwood was a similar type to Hardy, and some have said that their association with Nelson had shaped their characters in this way. Rather let us think that it was their FROM EARLIER TIMES 45 nature that attracted Nelson towards them. " Birds of a feather flock together." Nelson would have no " flogging captains " with him if he could help it ; if they did get with him, his very presence curbed their brutality, and his fleet was contented if not happy. Under St. Vincent a fleet was a floating hell. On August i, 1798, Quiberon Bay was repeated at Aboukir Bay. Otherwise than in weather conditions never did history so closely repeat itself as in these two battles ; both commanders loved by their men on account of their continued generosity and justice. In the former, Hawke kept weary watch and ward month after month, because he knew just where his antagonist was ; in the final act swooping down in a gale of wind into a bay full of rocks, shoals, and quicksands, and destroying the enemy. In the latter, Nelson kept chasing Brueys, but always just missed him, till late in the evening of August i, 1798, when the naked topmasts of the French ships came into sight, showing like a fringe of lances against the low shores of Aboukir Bay. Darkness was falling, but little recked the intrepid Nelson. Into the Bay his fleet poured, risking shoals and darkness, and the result was not a victory but a conquest ; and this in spite of the assertion by an obscure naval captain that " Nelson demoralised his men by kindness." But neither Hawke, Nelson, nor any others of the school to which they belonged were guilty of weak kind- ness. Hawke could punish and Nelson could punish, but they never punished, or allowed others to punish, unless an offence had been committed and was proved to have been committed. Justice rather than kindness was the main- spring of their actions, and they hated tyranny and injustice with a very healthy hatred. These two men beyond all others proved that the cruel tyranny which the world has 46 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN been pleased to call " naval discipline " was as unnecessary as it was sinful. The culminating scene of Nelson's life on October 21, 1805, need not be dealt with at length. It is too well known, for, " If the chariot and the horses of fire had been vouchsafed for Nelson's translation, he could scarcely have departed in a brighter blaze of glory." But though we have practically canonised him as the patron saint of England, we have largely ignored the one great lesson he taught, that the fighting sea man is a much more formidable weapon when led by justice and kindness than when driven by tyranny and punishment. After " Eighteen Hundred and war time " the nation settled down to a long period of peace and prosperity, the fruits of the deeds of her fighting sea men. Did the national conscience then rouse itself to inquire fully into the conditions of sea life, so that its sea men might also enjoy some of the blessings their labours and blood had won ? Not a bit ! Playwright, poet, author, and artist had conspired to lull that conscience to sleep ; the soporific administered being that there was " one flesh of sea men and another of land men," while naval officers had become saturated with the superstition that the sea man must be ruled with a rod of iron, and they inflicted punishment when no offence had been committed, just as a foretaste of what would happen should a breach of law or custom take place. So we drifted along till the middle of the nineteenth cen- tury, when naval operations becoming again necessary, the Admiralty discovered the Navy was still unpopular with the sons of the " Mistress of the Seas." So a Royal Com- mission was appointed to inquire into the manning of the fleet. Here was the opportunity that should have been seized to inquire thoroughly and exhaustively into the laws FROM EARLIER TIMES 47 and customs of the Navy. But the sea man had not yet commenced to carry a pen at the end of his knife-lanyard, so his voice remained silent, and outside him were too many opposed to change, too many interested in maintaining the status quo. Of all these groups the most important was that inert but powerful mass of naval officers who took things as they found them, without reasoning as to why they existed, without observing their development or decline, and without applying their critical faculties to discover the relation which they might have to their changing surroundings. So the Royal Commission left the laws of the Navy untouched, and suggested a system of long service, with a pension at the end, as an inducement for sea men to join the Navy ; and in 1853 this scheme came into existence. A part of this scheme was the introduction of a training service, under which boys of tender years fifteen to sixteen and a half would be entered and trained for a sea life, these boys to have certain qualifications to enable them to join at all. Thus we passed from the old compulsion of the press-gang to the persuasive eloquence of the recruiting sergeant. But no far-seeing statesman arose, who, piercing through the blackness of the eighteenth century into Cromwellian days and seizing the " Instructions " of Monck, Disbrow, and Penn, could say, " The laws and customs that grew up when ships were filled from the prisons and the gutters of our cities can no longer hold good. Now we are about to fill them with the flower of our youth let us revise our naval laws to meet the requirements of the new personnel, so that the two can develop together, or else there surely must come a time when the two will clash, to the detriment, per- chance to the downfall, of the Empire." " No man putteth new wine into old bottles ; else the new wine will burst the bottles and the bottles shall 48 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN perish. But new wine must be put into new bottles, and both are preserved." The warning voice was lacking, so we proceeded to put our new wine into the old bottles. For some time we felt no ill results. But the personnel gradually changed, though no great standard of intelligence was yet called for. Sails were the motive power, and muzzle- loading guns the armament of our ships-of-war. Still, dis- content at the conditions commenced to assert itself. Men who were voluntarily serving their country would not tolerate flogging with the cat ; and though they were forbidden to raise their combined voice against its use they made their feelings known to their friends, and these feelings soon found expression in Parliament. Then came a general discontent with the victualling ar- rangements, which were the same in 1899 as they were in 1799. To every complaint came the stereotyped reply : " The vic- tualling is perfect ; the men are well fed and have nothing to complain at." Yet the complaints grew till in 1900 a Com- mittee was appointed, not to inquire into and find out the faults of the system, but to whitewash it and prove to the nation that the sea men had no cause of complaint. This Committee issued their report, and on October I, 1903, the fighting sea man had two ounces of jam allowed him daily to encourage him to be good ! Happily for the Navy, and happily for the nation, Trafalgar Day, 1904, saw a man don the mantle of First Sea Lord who hated sham, who hated incapables, whose favourite motto was " Ruthless, Relentless, Remorseless," yet who was saturated with the spirit of Nelson in his love of justice and hatred of tyranny, and to him more than any other man does the Navy owe its present admirable system of victualling. Mine was a poor weak voice crying in the wilderness, pointing FROM EARLIER TIMES 49 the line that reform should take, but it was Sir John, now Lord Fisher, who opened up the whole question with the object not of burking but welcoming reform. An iniquity was not less iniquitous because it had the sanction of 107 years. 1 So in 1906 another Committee was appointed, and this time the iniquity was wiped out. The present century ushered in an entirely new era. The sea man was no longer a mere hewer of wood and drawer of water. Mechanical science was rapidly changing a ship-of- war into a huge box of complicated machinery which required ever and ever more skill and intelligence for its successful manipulation. Submarines, wireless telegraphy, turbines, modern guns of precision, torpedoes, dirigibles, all demanded and had attention bestowed on them, till the sea man was turned into a student : brawn had to give way to brain, and our sea men had to be more and more carefully selected to enable them to meet the strain of the new conditions. Alongside this rapid development, mutterings of discontent grew more and more pronounced. Ministers were and are daily bombarded with questions concerning lower-deck life. It is the new wine stirring in the old bottles. Official replies are largely what they were 150 years ago. " Only a few malcontents ; the mass of the men are quite happy." Various writers, whose knowledge of the Navy is a purely arm-chair one, lament all these latter-day signs. Some ascribe them to the growth of Socialism, some to other causes, but no one has the courage to ask Britain, " Is all right with those who man your ships ? " for the fashion of the hour is to put our faith in Dreadnoughts. And now, having dealt with the general, let us turn to the particular. 1 Savings were legalised in 1799. CHAPTER II THE FESTIVE SEA MAN The Admiral struck his flag and went to London ; the Minerva went into Portsmouth Harbour to be paid off, and after being a week there, without having a moment's liberty on shore, after being abroad so long in unhealthy climates, thirty-seven of us were drafted on board the Royal William at Spithead, and the same day drafted again into the Prompte, a frigate of twenty-eight guns, and ready for sea. Here was encouragement for a sea man to fight for his king and country I A coolie in India was better off ! This took place on May 2, 1794. However, by getting fresh provisions the scurvy began to abate, thank God ! and my gums broke away bit by bit without pain as the new ones came." 1 WILLIAM RICHARDSON. FOR over a hundred years it has been the custom for drama- tists, playwrights, and, latterly, music-hall artists, to depict the sea man when on shore as a wild, roystering, debauchee, with heaps of gold in his possession and an abiding passion for women and wine. This phase of the sea man's supposed character has been repeated so often and so long till it has been accepted as true, not only by the land man, but by the average naval officer, and around the sea man of to-day all manner of restrictions are placed to see that he does not indulge in these his supposed special vices. It does not seem to have struck any one that excesses when on shore were but the natural reaction against repressions while on board, and that one was the measure of the other. 1 " A Mariner of England." An account of the career of William Richardson from Cabin Boy in the merchant service to Warrant Officer in the Royal Navy (1780 to 1819) as told by himself. 50 THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 51 There seems to have been a kind of unconscious conspiracy on the part of both writers and artists of the past to misrepre- sent the men who were gradually turning the small group of islands off the coast of France into a mighty Empire. Or, perhaps, it was not altogether unconscious, but a set desire to mislead public opinion. Uncontrolled and autocratic power had corrupted and brutalised sea officers to such an extent that our ships-of-war, in which it should have been an honour to serve and which should have been manned by the flower of the nation's manhood, were looked on with such aversion that they had to be manned with the help of the press-gang and from the convict prisons. Brutality followed on brutality, till even the pen of a Dante would have failed to describe the horrors of the sea man's life. Both writers and painters took their cue from naval officers, so both pen and brush depicted all his troubles as due to his own inherent wickedness. " Look," they seemed to say, " this is what he does when uncontrolled ; see how necessary it is to have a tight hand over him." Now and again a sea officer has seemed to step outside his environment, and plead against this universal brutality, but they have been very few and far between, and can be counted on the fingers of one hand. That there were kind, humane officers in the old days goes without saying, but they were the exceptions. William Richardson writes (1799) : " While at Port Royal I was much gratified in finding myself appointed to the Regulus (14 guns), commanded by my old friend Captain George Eyre, who commanded the Prompte when we came from England ; so I left the ' happy Prompte^ a ship where there was none of your browbeating allowed, nor that austere authority where two men durst hardly be seen speaking together (as I have seen since in the service). The Prompte' s crew were like a family united, and 52 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN would, both officers and men, risk their lives to assist each other. This I knew well, having belonged to her more than five years in continual active service." Happy indeed were the men who chanced to get into such a ship, for they were indeed few and far between. In Novem- ber 1745 Admiral Vernon wrote : " It will be necessary to reconcile the affection of the sea man to the public service by a more humane treatment. . . . I have long lamented their situation, and made some faint attempts towards relieving it." Admiral Patten describes the state of the Navy as one of civil war, the officers backed up by the marines on one side, the sea men on the other. " When the mode of supplying the British Navy with sea men is taken into account," he wrote, " it will not be a matter of surprise to find that they desert. Continual oppression will produce continual attempts to escape from it. In vain hath the most severe punishment been inflicted upon deserters. From the nature of mankind, it is not to be expected that five hundred men out of six hundred will patiently continue under a severe martial law, to which they have been subjected without their consent, during a whole war, which may last six, eight, or twenty years. The most violent attempts will certainly be made to regain freedom of action and escape the severity of discipline. Neither the fear of death, nor any other punish- ment, will be found effectual under such circumstances to secure sea men to the British Navy. The wonder is not that they desert, but rather how they have been able to bear con- finement with so much patience, as it appears they have done. As this imprisonment (for it deserves no other name) is well known to sea men to be the plan upon which Commanders think themselves obliged to proceed in order to keep the ships manned, it is of itself sufficient to make any man defend THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 53 himself to the last gasp, rather than yield to a confinement of which he can see no end." The second Article added to the Printed Instructions, in some measure required a captain to make a prison of his ship. This order, proceeding from the highest naval authority, gave a sanction to the most oppressive confinement if an officer happened to be so inclined. The " highest authority " were officers who had passed through and qualified in the school of brutality, and they merely acted according to their lights. On October 10, 1745, Admiral Vernon wrote a letter of protest to the Admiralty on this very subject : " Our longboats and cutters are all employed for impressing sea men, as their Lordships directed (but to be sure the greater part of them will escape, as they are as industrious to escape it as we can be to execute it), and which I shall do with all possible diligence, as it is my duty, being ordered, though much against my judgment and inclination. " The East and West India men are generally in a scorbutic state, that requires some refreshment and smell of the shore to recover therefrom, and for want of which it is to be feared the lives of many useful subjects to His Majesty are lost to the public. . . . Therefore I cannot but think it honest advice for His Majesty's service that some Parliamentary provision should be provided for the Crown's obtaining the voluntary service of our sea men ; that those who are to be depended upon for the defence of our present Royal family, our religion, and liberties, should not be the only persons in the country that appear to have no liberties at all." But the Admiralty did not want honest advice. Events, in fact, showed that they very bitterly resented it. Their lordships made Vernon feel the weight of their wrath, so impressment and its accompanying brutality went on and desertion proceeded apace. 54 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN Some apologists, Captain Glascock for example, have tried to show that it was only the land man and the " sea lawyer " who was dissatisfied. He makes one of his characters say " We never said a word, no, not so much as the sign of a syllable, against the use of the cat, for we knew, aye, better, by George, nor the officers themselves, there was a precious sight too many chaps in the service as couldn't be managed without it." Captain Frederick Chamier was another ex -naval officer, who used his pen to excuse, even laud the brutality of the Navy, and to try and prove that the sea man himself delighted in his treatment ; only sea lawyers or devil's attorneys ob- jected to the cat, and tried to make people believe they were whipped and kicked like dogs. Into the mouth of his hero, Ben Brace, he puts the following : " Let them be educated, say some. I say, no, you'll make them worse. Instead of talking of the good old times, spinning a yarn about Nelson of the Nile and such like, they would be squatting about the decks like a set of Turks, with newspapers before them, settling the affairs of the nation, and talking about that none of them understood. Let them alone ; they are used to it, they think less of the disgrace than the pain ; and whilst we have officers who are as humane as they are brave, we have little to fear from tyranny, and that tyranny can be stopped." That is the kind of soporific that has been handed out to the public ad nauseam. But the facts are all against the sea-lawyer apology. I have an authentic account of the qualities of the men who deserted from the whole Navy between the beginning of the month of May 1803 and June 8, 1805, showing that notwithstanding the great care sea officers took to keep sea men in their respective ships, and notwith- standing the awful punishments for desertion, the loss of THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 55 able sea men the prime sea men of the fleet was nearly equal to that of ordinary sea men and land men combined, and although no more than one third of a ship's company was allowed to consist of men rated A.B. Invalided by survey of captains and surgeons . Able sea men deserted ..... Ordinary sea men deserted .... Land men deserted ..... Total lost to the Navy in 25 months . . 15,319 And now let us turn to that old-time sea man, William Richardson, and see what he has to say about it all. " June 25, 1810. A transport boat was upset near us, but by speedy assistance they were saved. Sent Samuel Morgan, a prisoner for desertion, on board the Barfleur, to await his trial, and next day he and two men belonging to the Kent (likewise for desertion) were tried by a Court Martial and each sentenced to three hundred lashes. Poor Morgan was much pitied, being a good and mild creature, and almost fainted when the sentence was pronounced. By the kind interference of Lady Hardy poor Morgan afterwards got reprieved, but the other two poor fellows were punished round the fleet ; but did not receive their number of lashes (at once) because they could not bear it, so they were sent on board the flag ship until they recovered to receive the re- mainder. Horrid work ! Could any one bear to see a beast used so, let alone a fellow creature ? People may talk of negroes' slavery and the whip, but let them look nearer home, and see a poor sailor arrived from a long voyage, exulting in the pleasure of soon being among his dearest friends and relations. Behold him just entering the door, when a press- gang seizes him like a felon, drags him away and puts him into the tender's hold, and from thence he is sent on board a ship-of-war, perhaps ready to sail to a foreign station, without seeing either his wife, friends, or relations ; if he complains he is likely to be seized up and flogged with the cat, much more 56 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN severe than the negro driver's whip ; if he deserts he is flogged round the fleet nearly to death. Surely they had better shoot the man at once : it would be greater lenity." But lenity was the last thing that mattered with the treat- ment of the sea man. Who first devised flogging round the fleet it is not possible to know he must have been a fiend incarnate ; and that the punishment could ever have been generally adopted is a more lurid light on the callous brutality of the sea officer of the period than any volume that will ever be written. When a man was flogged round the fleet the ship's launch was prepared by means of three capstan bars being rigged triangle fashion, after the style of sheer legs. To this con- trivance the culprit was lashed, his wrists to the upper part above his head, his ankles spread-eagle fashion to the lower ends of two of the bars. In the stern sheets were the master- at-arms, boatswain's mates, with a supply of cats, and a ship's surgeon ; also a file of marines with loaded arms. In the fore part of the launch was a drummer, who used to play the " Rogue's March " as the boat was towed from ship to ship. When everything was ready the hands were ordered up to witness punishment, and manned the rigging and nettings. The captain stood at the gangway and read the particular Article of War relating to the crime ; then, at a signal, the boatswain's mate commenced the flogging, the number of strokes the victim received alongside each ship depending on the number of ships present, they being divided up so that no ship should miss its share of the spectacle. When the last lash had been given of the allotted number for the ship, the order " Pipe down ! " was given ; the crew left the rigging and carried on with their work, and a cutter took the THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 57 launch in tow and started for the next ship to the dismal rattle of the Rogue's March. Over the bare body and bloody back of the victim a blanket was roughly thrown, but in- variably he was left triced up to the triangle. The same performance would be repeated at ship after ship, till the poor wretch's back was a mere mass of torn and bleeding flesh. Should he faint, water was thrown on him as a reviver ; the surgeon stood by to say when endurance had reached its limit. If that should be before the allotted number of lashes had been given, the prisoner was taken on board the flag ship, where he remained until the skin on his back had sufficiently healed, when he was once more triced up and taken round the fleet for the completion of his punishment. Happy was the poor wretch who died without recovering, for this second part must have been indescribable torture. The livid flesh, barely healed and exquisitely tender, burst asunder at the first renewal of the punishment. But " dis- cipline," like Shylock, demanded its pound of flesh, and there was no Portia to circumvent the cat. During these punish- ments the officers were drawn up in full dress on the quarter- deck, while the marines, with bayonets fixed, were there to overawe the sea men England's fighting sea men ; the men who were building the islands into an Empire. What must have been the condition of ship-life when thousands of men risked this awful torture rather than submit to it .> The Glascocks and Chamiers may write of " sea lawyers " and " devil's attorneys " ; there were very few of the former forward and a surfeit of the latter aft, for they must have been devil's attorneys indeed who could have devised and repeated such a devilish torture as flogging round the fleet. " When the ship has been sufficiently depopulated by ill 58 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN usage/' says Edward Ward, "my Spark is dispatched ashore, with some choice Hounds, to go hunt up a fresh stock. He and his Bandogs together made a woeful noise in all the seaport towns round the Kingdom ; he beats up all quarters and rumages all the Wapping Ale houses as warmly as he would a prize from the Indies. In fine, he is a perfect hurri- cane in a town, and drives the laggard dog along the streets with as much noise and hustle as butchers do swine at Smith- field:' That very fairly represents the outlook of the average sea officer of the period towards the sea man : " like swine at Smithfield ! " This was shown by the system of " ship leave " or " mess- deck leave," that was granted by many captains. As soon as a ship came into port, after an absence at sea or on a prize station, the men naturally looked for leave, which was very rarely given ; instead of which a cordon of marine sentries was placed round the ship to prevent men breaking out. William Richardson tells us that " During the whole time we had been in the Prompte we had no liberty given to go on shore, and several of our best men had deserted from the boats. One day an officer was sent to press out of a merchantman just arrived in the Roads, and as soon as the officer stepped on board the boats' crew shoved off, set their sails, and ran up the Firth, the wind being fair, as far as they could get, then landed and travelled to Greenock. So strict a watch was kept at night that a man could not go to the ' head ' without being challenged by the sentries with ' Who comes there ? ' and I have heard since from a follower of the captain's that when he left his ship and joined the Andromeda he kept up the same discipline there." * 1 It was after this captain had left the Prompte and been replaced by another that she became the " happy Prompte " referred to on a previous page. THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 59 But withal it was not possible to isolate the men from the world entirely when their ship was laying only a few hundred yards from shore, for as soon as she dropped anchor she was surrounded by boats loaded with women and Jews. " Jew " does not necessarily mean that a man was of that nationality : it is a generic term used by sea men towards those who trade. Even to-day those sea men who try to supplement their wages by making clothes for their shipmates are called " Jews," and their sewing is termed "jewing." However, boats loaded with these gentry would at once put off to the ship, some with "jewellery," some with food stuffs, clothes, crockery in fact, a miscellany of articles all designed to catch the eye ; and if allowed inboard they opened up their goods in the gangways and proceeded to drive a roaring trade. If the men had not been paid they were willing to advance money on the security of a pay ticket ; and from what I know of somewhat similar conditions when I first joined the Navy, I should say that the men got about 75. 6d. for a sovereign, but as it was a question of submitting to the terms of the Jew or going without, the unhappy seaman had no alternative but to submit. If the captain decided to give " mess-deck leave " then ship routine came to an end for the time being, and women were let on board. These women of the ports really became part and parcel of the naval life of the time, and would follow ships from port to port, and it would seem that they also were the prey to harpies in very much the same way as the sea man, who in the end paid for all. When ships were at sea, these women were naturally without money, so had to eke out a very precarious existence. When a ship or ships returned to port there was a rush to be first alongside, but it was no use going ragged, or such might remain unchosen, so finery of 60 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN sorts had to be procured on loan/ no doubt at excessive rates. The boatmen, too, used to drive a flourishing trade with the women on a speculative basis. They would charge them many times the proper fare on the understanding that if they did not pick up a " fancy man " they should be landed and no fare charged at all. This naturally made them careful to take only gaily dressed women alongside ; and no doubt those with pretty faces in addition to fine clothes had first chance as a pure speculation. Once alongside the women trooped aboard, where they were seized on by the sea men and taken away to the mess-decks. William Richard- son tells us that when he returned from the East Indies in 1794 and had just anchored at St. Helen's : " As the Admiral was dressing to go on shore he saw out of the cabin window two wherries pulling up to the ship full of girls ; he came out much agitated, and sending for Captain Whitby, desired him not to allow such creatures inboard, so they were hailed to keep off ; but as soon as the Admiral got on shore they were permitted to come inboard, and the ship was soon full of them." Frequently in the first-rates there were several hundred of these women on board at one time, so that the ordered life of the ship came to an end for the time being, as the women would remain on board sometimes as long as a ship remained in port, sometimes only for a few days, according to the temper of the captain or officer in charge. Here is 1 Twenty-six years ago, when the writer paid off at Plymouth, hundreds of the women of the town were assembled on Mutton Cove to meet the sailors as they landed. These were all decked out in excessive finery, and I learned that there were people in Plymouth who drove a prosperous trade lending this finery so that the women might more easily entice men. THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 61 a little scene which took place on board H.M.S. Ccesar, Sir Richard Strachan's flag-ship in Cavvsand Bay, as described by William Richardson : " On May nth (1806) Her Royal Highness Caroline, Consort to His Royal Highness George, Prince of Wales, being on a visit to Edgcumbe House, paid our Admiral a visit on board the Casar, accompanied by Lady Hood and some other ladies of distinction, and were received with a royal salute of twenty-five guns. The ship had been cleaned and prepared for the purpose, and all the girls (some hundreds) on board were ordered to keep below on the orlop-deck and out of sight till the visit was over. " As Her Royal Highness was going round the decks and viewing the interior, she cast her eyes down the main hatch- way, and there saw a number of girls looking up at her. ' Sir Richard/ she said, ' you told me there were no women on board the ship, but I am convinced there are, for I have seen them peeping up from that place, and am inclined to think they are put down there on my account. I therefore request that it may no longer be permitted.' . " So when Her Royal Highness had got on the quarter- deck again the girls were set at liberty, and up they came like a flock of sheep, and the booms and gangways were soon covered with them, staring at the Princess, as if she had been a being just dropped from the clouds." What a sight for a royal princess and ladies of distinction to witness ! Richardson himself refers to " all the girls on board " as though it was in the natural order of things that they should be there, and the Princess's remark to Sir Richard, ;< You told me there were no women on board," shows that she was aware of the custom, so it must have been very general. There was and is about as much privacy on the mess-deck 62 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN of a ship-of-war as there is in the middle of Oxford Street. Under ordinary circumstances, with only the crew on board, the mess-deck or decks were crowded ; with several hundred women on board they must have been fearfully congested. With the women came drink, which they smuggled on board ; intercourse was open and promiscuous, and with men and women in all stages of drunkenness the scene must have been one that had its parallel nowhere else on earth except in another ship-of-war. It was the offspring of our " naval discipline. " Of a verity were the men brought to the level of "swine at Smithfield." It is a very grisly hand that shakes our "glorious naval traditions" in the eyes of the latter-day multitude. A few, very few officers prevented such bestiality by a discipline of kindness. As soon as the Hon. Edward Leveson- Gower was appointed to the Prompte (it was he who turned her from " the flogging " into the " happy Prompte ") he at once declared that his ship should never be called a prison ship, and arranged for his men to go ashore ten at a time on twenty-four hours' leave. Richardson tells us " I had the luck to be among the first ten, and glad was I to get my foot on English ground again, being the first time since I left it to go to the East Indies ! (Five years before. ) When we left the ship in the liberty boat some of our officers seemed to signify that they did not expect to see us again ; but they were all mistaken, for we returned to our proper time (and so did all the others after us), for we thought it would be very ungrateful now to desert, when we had got a captain who would give us liberty." Such liberty was, however, the exception so exceptional, in fact, that twenty-four hours' leave after a five years' confinement on board brought forth all the finer instincts THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 63 of the sea man, and they thought it would be ungrateful to desert after such kindness ! The only liberty on shore that was the lot of fighting sea men was at the end of a war, when they were no longer required, or when a ship paid off after a long commission and the " Press " was not afoot. Then they were turned adrift with their pockets full of money in a strange port, where, after the rigour of years, they gave full fling to their new- found freedom. Whatever may have been their moral and physical condition when they entered the Navy, persistent brutality which masqueraded under the guise of discipline, coupled with bad food and insanitary conditions, had de- moralised them, so much so that they sought oblivion in debauch. It was these periods that painters and writers seized on to depict either the abnormal licentiousness of the sea man, or to show what a really good time he had. Much of the former was no doubt done so as to lay all the blame for his bad treatment on his own shoulders ; much of the latter was done to order as recruiting literature when the nation in one of its generous moods was offering bounties for volunteers. But whether it was one or the other, it was a gross caricature of the sea man which became impressed on the national mind and still remains to this day. Rational leave, so that men would have behaved like rational beings, was made impossible, not from the viciousness of the sea man, but the animalism of the sea officer. He entered the Navy as a child, and from the day he stepped on board he was encouraged in every brutal act towards the men ; they had extraordinary privileges which they abused extraordinarily. We are told of a midshipman on board H.M.S. Revenge, just before Trafalgar, who used to amuse himself by climbing on to gun carriages, then, calling 64 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN to him the strongest and finest of the sailors, kick and beat them. To have resented this cruelty would have been mutiny, to strike him back would have meant hanging at the yard-arm or flogging round the fleet. The wonder is not that sea officers should have been so brutal, but that there should have been a single well-disposed man among them. Nelson must have been a phenomenon to have graduated in such a school and still have retained a heart overflowing with the milk of human kindness to all. Wherever we go, or to whatever authority we turn, we find that the sea man was simply an ordinary man much abused, much wronged, but always to be relied on unless driven to desperation, when he would occasionally turn and rend his tormentors. Barnaby Slush says : " Good mariners grow not up like mushrooms, without care or culture. It is morally impossible, nay and it is naturally impossible, too, to have a brave, active, skilful, resolute body of sailors without just and generous officers." But that is just what we did have, for as Mr. John Layland has pointed out " Success or failure (in action) depended upon the officers and not upon the men. There were gross abuses affecting the physique and fitness of the men, in bad and scanty food, cold and hardship ; but when the battle was engaged it was not the men of the lower-deck but the tone and quality of the officers that decided the course of the action. Not in any record of fighting in this period (1702-1756) do we find any failure in the sea men." It was not till later, when they met men of their own race in the American War, that they were outclassed, not through lack of bravery, but because they were for once pitted against men who were freely fighting for their country. It was Nelson who said : " Aft, the more honour ; forward, the better man." But both fore and aft were Englishmen, THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 65 and had the qualities of their race. It was the unbridled power of the sea officer that demoralised and brutalised him, and not any special fault inherent in his composition. As Barnaby Slush says, and very correctly this time, that it lay entirely in a captain's power " to have always his com- plement, nay, and double his complement, without even a pressed man among them," and to such, liberty on shore might be freely given ; but to expect those men to act in the same rational way when they were on shore for a brief period as men who were living comfortable, well-fed lives on shore, was to expect them to be above all human failings and weaknesses. As well expect a starving boat's crew, picked up after a month's privation, to sit down to their first meal and act with the same decorum and moderation as he who a few hours previously had partaken of a good repast. Those who go through the world with seeing eyes, and see men as men, may see a moderate repetition of the sea man's pranks any Bank Holiday. The workman freed for the day " lets himself go." And in different degrees. The man who leads a hard laborious life, into which there comes little pleasure or little comfort, takes his pleasure violently. The well-paid clerk, to whom some pleasure and comfort comes daily, has no leeway to make up, and his conduct when taking a holiday differs in no way from any other period of his life. Under the very best conditions of ship life a sea man is cooped up in a restricted place, with dozens or hundreds of his fellows, and the longer he is cooped up the greater the feeling of freedom when he steps on shore. If his ship life is accompanied by harsh treatment, momentary freedom is likely to upset his equipoise. I can write feelingly on this point, having experienced the restriction and the freedom. A ship enters port, and " liberty " is piped for the watch. The men dress themselves in the prescribed dress and fall in 5 66 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN for inspection. An officer comes along. This man has some dust on his cap : " Fall out ; leave stopped." Another has a break in the tape on his collar : " Fall out." And so the others stand waiting will they pass muster ? At last the ordeal is over, and with a great sigh of relief those who have passed through it go down into the boat that is to take them to shore and liberty. As the boat nears the shore feeling rises higher and higher, till at last they step on shore free free to do just as they like for a limited time. Ah, yes ! I have felt it hun- dreds of times, and have let myself go in a wild abandonment for twenty- four or forty- eight hours as the case may be, just because I am neither saint nor child, but just an ordinary man swayed by the same failings and feelings as my fellows, whether they be on sea or land. But all those bad old times have passed. We no longer have to press men, and leave is given on a generous scale. The traditions of the past, however, still sway the Navy of to-day, and liberty is still a thing granted as a privilege by commanding officers, with the result that the privilege fluctuates to-day just as it did a hundred years ago. Some officers believe in as little leave as possible, and will always find excuses for not granting it. Some years ago an Admiral of this type had command of the Channel Fleet, and denied leave to such an extent that there was a general outcry throughout the fleet. At last, when the ships of the fleet went into an Irish port where there was little in the way of recrea- tion or pleasure to be had, general leave was given for twenty- four hours to each watch, preceded by a general signal from the flag ship to the effect that any man breaking his leave would be severely punished. The resentment that already existed among the men at being unnecessarily confined on board was added to by this public threat, and as soon as they landed they commenced to indulge in all kinds of excesses, THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 67 while hundreds deliberately broke their leave to show their resentment. Exceedingly foolish no doubt, but human ! For several days the wildest scenes took place between leave- breakers, the local police, and armed patrols landed to arrest absentees ; and the Press, as usual, indulged in comments on the wickedness of the sea man. No one thought to find out the cause ; they were too busy reviling the effect. As was to be expected from this type of Admiral he took the leave- breaking as proof of the men's unfitness to be granted leave, and said, in effect, " You complained when I did not grant leave ; when I did, you proved you were not fitted to enjoy the privilege ; henceforth general leave will not be granted till the ships return to their home ports." For the remainder of that cruise leave was granted oc- casionally very occasionally to the chief petty officers only, with the result that " breaking out of the ship " was a frequent offence, while there was a general increase of " crime " throughout the squadron. Whenever this happens it points to general disaffection, with a consequent lowering of the fighting efficiency of the ship or squadron affected. To what extent fighting efficiency suffered in this case must be a matter of pure conjecture, but as it was the nation's first fighting fleet in the event of war, disaffection could not have been other than disastrous had war broken out. Under modern conditions, petty officers, non-commis- sioned officers, sea men, and marines are divided into three classes for leave : First Class (Special Leave) : Second Class (General Leave) : Third Class (Limited Leave). The King's Regulations and Admiralty Instructions say that: " Chief Petty Officers are not to be classed for leave, and are, whenever the Service admits of it, to be granted leave. 68 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN " The Special Leave List is to consist of all Men below the rating of Chief Petty Officers who return to their leave punc- tually and fit for duty, who have not misconducted themselves while on leave, and who are in the First Class for Conduct. " Whenever leave can properly be given and the Service will admit of it, Men of this class are to be allowed the privilege of leave to the fullest extent possible." So that in the general stoppage of leave referred to the Admiral broke both the spirit and letter of the Regulations. " Limited Leave " men are men who, having broken their leave frequently or for long periods, or, having been guilty of gross misconduct whilst on shore, are in the opinion of the captain unfit to be trusted. Every man in this class is allowed leave only when and where the captain of the ship may decide, but it must be at least once every three months. So soon as a man has returned punctually to his leave three times successively within a period of not less than nine months he is restored to the General Leave List. The General Leave List comprises all men not included in the Special or Limited Leave Lists, and the Regulations say that : " Leave is to be granted to this class when convenient to the Service, the principle to be observed being that frequent short leave is preferable to longer leave at protracted inter- vals." Thus, as far as the Regulations themselves are con- cerned, there is no fault to find : the fault lies in the freedom of interpretation that individual officers are allowed to place on them. To go to the other extreme we may take the genial and generous Admiral Lord Charles Beresford. Lord Charles has always had very pronounced views on the benefits of a dis- cipline of kindness, and whenever he has been on active service he has shown that such a discipline will fully stand the stress of war. When Commander-in-Chief of the Mediterranean, THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 69 1905-7, his leave arrangements for the men were on a very generous scale ; and on one occasion, when laying in an Italian port where general invitations from the local authorities to the ships' companies had been issued, Lord Charles made ar- rangements for the men under his command to take advantage of these to the fullest extent possible. Before they proceeded on a leave, which he knew would be full of temptations and festivities, he made a general signal wishing them all a very pleasant time, feeling sure they would maintain the credit of the jieet, and hoping to see them all on board fit for duty on , mentioning the time when the leave expired. Of three thousand odd men who landed there were only three absentees at the expiration of the leave. Then there arose a cry of admiration about the splendid character of the modern sea man, whereas he had simply proved that he was, as all other men, able to appreciate generous treatment in this case, even as he had resented injustice in the case of the Admiral pre- viously referred to. That is a characteristic not of the sea man, but of all men ; and when the former is treated as a rational ordinary man he behaves accordingly. When Lord Charles became Commander-in-Chief of the Channel Fleet in 1907, the interpretation he placed on " Special Leave men are to be allowed the privilege of leave to the fullest extent possible," was an extreme one. His attitude was that men who are called on to serve their country in foreign waters for lengthy periods, during which time they are denied the pleasure of seeing wives, mothers, and friends, should be given every chance to do so when serving in home waters. So when the fleet was at its base at Portland, he made arrangements with the railway people for special trains, and granted leave each week-end from noon Friday to noon the following Monday, thus practically demobilising his com- mand for four days out of each week. 70 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN It is not my task here to discuss whether this was harmful or beneficial, but there is surely something wrong with a " discipline " that makes such extremes possible. There is in this also a very grave danger to the State. When a generous man of the type of Admiral Beresford is followed by a strict disciplinarian, privileges which the men have come to look on as their right are suddenly cut oft for no rhyme or reason, except that the new man does not believe in them. Against this sudden curtailment there is a natural resentment which makes itself felt in acts overt and covert, to cope with which the discipline of punishment is brought into operation. In a very short time the squadron is seething with disaffection ; " crime " increases, and with it repressive measures for the "maintenance of discipline." This is no imaginary picture, because it is taking place continually, and will do so just as long as the nation is willing to allow its Navy to be the plaything of individuals. Were the comfort of the sea man the only thing at stake we might perhaps safely continue to drift along on the stream of laissez- faire ; but in the comfort and contentment of the fighting sea man lies the safety of the British Empire. In the olden days you ran him alongside the enemy till ship's side touched ship's side, then with pistol, rattan, and cat, he was " encour- aged " to load and fire his gun as quickly as possible, it being impossible to miss what he was firing at. To-day all that is altered. Writing to me from H.M.S. Bulwark at Barcelona on July 4, 1905, Lord Charles Beresford said : " The result of an action (after the Admiral in Command of a Fleet has placed that fleet in a position of advantage) will depend upon the Captains of Guns of Fleet ; on their accuracy of eye, readiness of resource, and strict discipline the fate of the Empire will depend, should the British Navy ever be engaged in warlike operations." THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 71 The captain of the gun is helpless unless he enjoys the intelligent co-operation of his gun- crew, and friction among the human element may render nugatory as a fighting machine the finest battleship ever built. This, no doubt, was what Admiral Bosanquet meant when he said that the discipline of one ship might sink her in ten minutes, and the discipline of another take her through unscathed. There is another type of leave known to the service, though those who grant it are few and far between. This is known as " a free gangway." When a ship is in harbour and the day's work is over a part of the watch is detailed for duty on board, the remainder of the ship's company being allowed to go on shore and return to the ship without let or hindrance, and altogether irrespective of what class for leave they belong to. And this, which is to-day the very rare exception, might well become the general rule, classes of leave and stoppage of leave being abolished, for stoppage of leave always has and always will encourage leave-breaking. Leave-breaking offences are punishable with disrating or reduction to the ranks ; deprivation of good conduct badges and good conduct medals ; reduction to second class for conduct ; solitary confinement in a cell or under a canvas screen on board (not to exceed fourteen days) ; or, by IOA or IOB punishment (black list) according to the degree of the offence. Every leave-breaker is also mulct of one day's pay for each period of six hours, or part of six hours, of improper absence. These mulcts are obligatory within the following limit, i.e. the total deduction, including time in cells, is in no case to exceed sixty days' pay, exclusive of every expense incurred in a man's apprehension. It will thus be seen that the punish- ments for this offence are exceedingly severe, yet leave-breaking continues to be one of the normal conditions of service life. 72 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN In some squadrons or ships it will suddenly become epidemic, in others it is practically unknown, and can always be traced to the interpretation placed on the Leave Regulations by the Admiral in command of the squadron or the captain of a ship. Fixed and definite rules, that leave to the men should be granted wherever the privilege was possible for the officers, should form part of the Regulations, and all classes of leave should be abolished. Keeping a man on board for ninety days, and then letting him go on shore for twenty- four hours never has and never will do any good. Restriction must and does find reaction in excess, and a man becomes a chronic " bad character." In the Navy of to-day intelligence more than brawn is required, and it should offer no asylum either to the habitual drunkard or offender. Stoppage of leave and " class " for leave are fertile breeders of leave- breaking, and should be abolished ; while the same system as is in vogue at the Royal Marine Barracks should be applied to all naval shore establishments and stationary harbour ships. The air of contentment which broods over the Royal Marine Barracks, with the very small number of punish- ments, is due entirely to the freedom enjoyed by their occupants. Compared with the number of men stationed in these barracks, the number of leave- breakers is a negligible quantity. When a recruit joins the Marines, he is allowed to go out of barracks on completion of duty, and remain out daily till 10 p.m. Should he desire to remain out later, he must apply for special midnight or reveille passes on such occasions as he may require them. On completion of his recruit's training, if the mystic letters "V. G." appear opposite his character on his parchment certificate, he is given a standing reveille pass. With this in his possession, he may leave barracks every day when his THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 73 work is finished, and remain out until reveille the following morning. Reveille sounds at 5.30, 6, or 6.30, according to the time of the year. On Sundays and holidays, as a rule, passes do not expire till about 8 o'clock. When a man wishes to go out of barracks, he does not need to get his name " ticked off " or to be " passed out " by a N.C.O. He simply gives his name to the sergeant on gate- duty. The duty of the sergeant is to see that the man is correctly dressed. N.C.O.'s do not require to call their names out as gunners and privates do. But, some may say, by this system defaulters could easily break out of barracks. De- faulters are so few and the regulations so sensible that there is no need to break out. Should a man desire to wear plain clothes instead of uni- form, he has only to request a pass and the privilege is granted. There is no obligation to come in at any particular hour of the night, and men may come in at any time they wish. Stand- ing passes must always be shown on returning to barracks after ten o'clock. The possession of these passes does not entitle their owners to proceed beyond the limits of the garrison. To do so one must apply for special permission. Week-end passes are freely granted to those desirous of obtaining them, the average being one per month. Three weeks' to a month's leave is granted at Christmas-time to every one not required for duty, with four or five days at Easter and Whitsun. Men coming in from sea are granted a week's furlough for every period or part of six months they have been afloat. Married marines are also given standing passes, as, techni- cally without them, they should be in their quarters by 10 p.m. nightly. They do not, however, require to be in barracks at reveille. They simply come in in time for their drill or duty, and on its conclusion they return home, their houses being 74 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN considered in the same relation to them as barracks to the single men. Single men must, of course, be correctly dressed in walking- out uniform in order to leave barracks, but married men pass between their homes and the barracks in whatever rig is required for their particular duty. When men are foolish enough to get " adrift," they are often punished by being deprived of their standing passes for a certain period. This still allows them to go out each evening till 10 o'clock. It will be seen, then, that marines serving in barracks enjoy practically complete liberty in their leisure hours. It is, too, a well-known fact that they are among the most contented and best behaved men in Great Britain's fighting services. Opponents of generous leave-giving would do well to study these two statements, and see if they cannot find any con- nection between them. The marines are exceedingly well behaved when in bar- racks, because, there being no petty restrictions, they cannot break them, and " crime " statistics are very low. During their leisure hours there is a policy of non-interference, and of course there are no ship's police always hunting round. The wet canteen (general) opens on week days at noon, closes at 2.15 p.m., re-opens at 2.45 p.m. and closes at 9.45 p.m. For the junior N.C.O.'s the times are the same, except that closing time at night is 10.30. The sergeants' bar opens at 10.30 a.m., closes at 10.45 p.m. There is no stipulation as to the amount of beer a man may have, and defaulters may use the canteen between 8 and 9 p.m. Yet it has never been suggested that laxity of discipline or drunkenness is to be found in a Marine Barracks ; the reverse is the case. The naval wet canteens open from 6.30 p.m. to 8.30 p.m., and each man THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 75 is limited to two pints of beer, which he has to drink under the eyes of the ship's police or a patrol which is detailed for that duty. Petty officers and men are treated the same. This system of supervision and espionage is extremely irk- some ; and fixing the quantity of beer to be consumed seems to have the exactly reverse effect to what was intended : men who use the canteen, knowing they are allowed two pints, think they are in duty bound to consume that quantity ; the marines, who are free to drink what they like, have their " pint " and are satisfied. The leave arrangements of the Navy have no resemblance to those of the marines (on shore). Even when the sea man is " following his private occasions " with the consent of the captain of his particular ship, he is never sure that they will not be cut short at the whim of some one else. At all the great ports there are naval patrols, whose theoretical duty is the maintenance of order in the public streets, a duty which the local police are quite capable of performing to-day, whatever may have been the case one hundred years ago. The interpretation those in charge of patrols place on " main- tenance of order " is often peculiar. A few years ago the captain of the receiving ship at Portsmouth, who had the ordering of patrols at that port, had personal fads on minute points of uniform. He therefore gave orders that patrols were to be stationed at the dockyard and gun- wharf gates to meet liberty men as they emerged. As they came out, each man was carefully inspected to see if his dress was correct in these small points (these men, be it remembered, had already been inspected on board their respective ships before landing) ; if not they were arrested and sent as prisoners on board the receiving ship, from whence a signal was made to their own ships to send boats for " men under arrest." Such men were invariably punished for " disobedience of orders and 76 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN being out of uniform/' though as already stated they had been inspected on their own ships before landing. It is the common practice to say, " Oh yes ! but these are all things of the past." They are not, but are constantly recurring in more or less acute forms. Take the following letter, written to me, June 14, 1910 : " DEAR SIR, " Knowing the interest you take in the welfare of the men of the lower-deck, and remembering your kindly efforts on their behalf in connection with public searching of men by the Custom Authorities, I beg to bring to your notice some recent occurrences in connection with the apprehension of Chief Petty Officers and Petty Officers in the public thoroughfares of Portsmouth by the Naval Patrol, for trivial and trumpery breaches of the Uniform Regulations. 4 'These arrests synchronise with the taking over of the Town Patrol by the Warrant Master- at- Arms, and it is thought that the Naval Authorities are quite unaware of the action he has taken, which savours more of petty spite than the enforcement of the Port Regulations, and the maintenance of order in the public streets. In connection with the latter it is safe to assume, that only the tact of the patrol prevented a serious outbreak, when these apprehensions took place ; it must have been a very unpleasant duty for the patrol to perform, and all praise is due for the manner in which they carried out their orders. "The facts are as follows, but before stating them, I beg to remind you that the Petty Officers had, before leaving their ships, reported themselves to the Officer of the Watch, and then, on setting foot outside the Dockyard or Gunwharf Gates as the case may be, were approached by the patrol and very closely scrutinised, as it was impossible otherwise to see whether a man was improperly dressed or not. You will doubtlessly wonder what the offence was, for which these Chief Petty Officers, some wearing the Good Conduct Medal, were marched through the public streets under arrest, to the THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 77 R.N. Barracks, and you will be dumbfounded to hear that the crime, for which these men were so humiliated and de- graded, consisted in wearing a soft white shirt instead of one starched ! To discover this ' crime ' the coats had some- times to be unbuttoned. I must add that these Petty Officers, after being detained at the R.N. Barracks for some consider- able time, were sent under escort to their respective ships. " The custom of wearing these soft white shirts in the hot weather is an extensive one, and the uniform white collar was of course worn in each case. "Another most arbitrary case which was brought to my notice, was that of a Petty Officer who had just landed in the Dockyard, when his name was taken by the patrol, and a report sent to his Commanding Officer, for the heinous crime of having a small portion of his chin stay showing below his cap. "I find it hard to believe, Sir, that in these enlightened days, the Naval Authorities can countenance such arbitrary mea- sures, and to see Chief Petty Officers and Petty Officers marched through the streets of Portsmouth under escort of the patrol, for such trivial offences, is a disgrace to the King's Uniform, and almost makes one loathe the uniform instead of being proud of wearing it. "Yours very truly, "CHIEF PETTY OFFICER. "PORTSMOUTH, June, 1910." The chief petty officers of the fleet are the very pick of the lower-deck ; their dress, a thick blue cloth with peaked cap, is the same summer or winter, and it is the custom to seek some relief in the warmer weather by wearing white shirts of soft -spun material instead of starched linen. Such a shirt, however, is not provided for in the Regulations, so the wearing of such is technically an offence. This was taken advantage of to arrest these men the highest grade of naval petty officer and march them through the streets as prisoners. 78 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN If we are to place an intelligent interpretation on " discipline," surely a gross breach was committed by such arrests. This interference with men while on shore takes different forms, but is very seldom entirely absent, and is always attended with danger of an outbreak of violent resentment. Let us take an example : For some reason or other the Sailors' Home, Weymouth, which was erected by public subscription for the use and convenience of the men of the fleet, had become the centre of rules and regulations that made it more like a " well-disciplined " ship than a resort for the festive sea man. Disciplinary notices were placed up in every position of van- tage, while a patrol was always kept on hand to ' ' maintain discipline." Quite recently a petty officer called on me, and we were discussing service topics when I happened to touch on this particular Home, when he gave me an instance of a narrowly averted conflagration. He, with several other petty officers, was in the saloon bar of a public-house, the general bar being full of younger men, when four or five more entered, in a high state of indignation at some affront they had met with at the Home, and commenced relating their troubles to the crowd, which brought forth such exclamations as "Too much Navy about that place " ; " It's nearly time we had a change," etc., when one more daring spirit than the rest said, "What say, down house ? " At which there was a general shout of ap- proval, and they all proposed to go at once and wreck the establishment, an intention which would have been carried out had not the petty officers immediately gone among them and dissuaded them from such a piece of stupidity. Yet one day, when the harbour is full of ships and hundreds of men are on shore, a spark may start a conflagration always sup- posing that the conditions continue. Then the military will be called out, armed patrols will be landed, and all the world THE FESTIVE SEA MAN 79 will lament the drunkenness and sinful ways of these strange sea men. That is the policy of the Navy supervise, irritate, punish, then blame the men ; and it all comes from the old legend that there is one flesh of the land man and another of the sea man, and that the flesh of the sea man is of a peculiarly wicked nature. CHAPTER III SHIP MUTINIES HOW THEY ARE MADE I don't wonder that mutinies happen on board ships, but do wonder they don't happen oftener, in cases where men are driven to such extremities that they don't care whether they live or die. Well might Lord Collingwood say that when a mutiny took place on board a ship it must be the fault of the captain or officers. WILLIAM RICHARDSON. 1 SHIP mutinies have been exceedingly numerous in the British Navy, if we are to accept as " mutiny " every revolt of men against the tyranny of their officers. In the vast majority of cases these have been mere momentary " flashes in the pan " which have been immediately stamped out without any grave results except to those who have been picked out as ringleaders. Naval historians have not even taken the trouble to record them. What mattered the treatment of the men so long as they won battles ? In one or two cases constant brutality has gradually driven men to desperation, till their pent-up feelings have overflowed like the eruption of a volcano, leaving behind a scene of " hell let loose " for future generations to contemplate with horror. Bounty, Hermione, stand out from the pages of our sea story, showing up in the most lurid colours what went on behind those wooden walls, surrounded by miles of ocean that com- pletely hid from the public gaze the daily lives and doings of our fighting sea men. 1 "A Mariner of England." 80 SHIP MUTINIES HOW THEY ARE MADE 81 The mutiny of the Bounty has been most often told, prob- ably because its romantic sequel lends itself to the pen, and John Adams stands out a picturesque figure from his peaceful little colony on Pitcairn Island. The Bounty was a small vessel carrying forty-four souls all told, with Lieut. V. Bligh in command. Bligh seems to have been a brutal bully, very fond of using the cat, so that when they reached Otaheite discontent was rife. Life under a good captain would not have been a bed of roses in a small ship like the Bounty ; when it was accompanied by constant abuse and flogging it soon became unbearable. The beauties of Otaheite, however, seem to have made the men forget their troubles ; and as it was impossible for his crew to desert by leaving the island, Bligh seems to have given them plenty of leave ashore, where they soon got on exceedingly friendly terms with the natives, both male and female. For five months this idyllic life continued ; the troubles of the ship partly lost sight of in the comforts and joys of the shore. Only partly, however, as several little incidents, such as the desertion of three of the men in the small cutter, the cutting of the cable, etc., show. At last, on April 4, 1789, the Bounty left Otaheite, laden with bread-fruit plants, and at once all the old trouble and discontent came to the surface. For five months Bligh's men had been enjoying a condition of life as pleasant as it was unusual ; now, once again, they found themselves cooped up in the tiny space afforded by the Bounty, with a bullying and brutal taskmaster ever alongside them. Here they were, out on the broad bosom of the Pacific, quite out of the track of shipping, beautiful islands all around them, and only one man between them and the life of Otaheite with all its sensuous sweetness and ease. The temptation was too great, and on the early morning of April 25, Bligh was seized, and with eighteen of the crew forced into the ship's launch and cast 6 82 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN adrift, with twenty-eight gallons of water, a hundred and fifty pounds of bread, a quantity of rum and wine, also a quadrant and compass. After an adventurous voyage of close on 4,000 miles Bligh reached Batavia without the loss of a man. The mutineers, as might have been expected, put back to Otaheite to settle down ; but some fearing that the Govern- ment might send out a ship to inquire into the fate of the Bounty, and thus find and punish them, set sail for Pitcairn Island. This party consisted of nine men belonging to the Bounty, six native men, and twelve native women. That their fears were not misplaced was shown by the visit of the Pandora to Otaheite, which captured twelve of the mutineers, three of whom were hanged. It is around the other party that all the romance of this tragedy hangs. They reached Pitcairn Island, where trouble followed, and the native women killed the native men, throw- ing in their lot with the white men ; and it was not till 1808 that their refuge was found by the American ship Topaze. By that time only one Englishman had survived, a patri- archal figure, who had organised a prosperous and peaceful little colony. This was one John Adams, and he was never molested ; he lived to a ripe old age, dying in 1829. The descendants of the mutineers of the Bounty people Pitcairn to this day. Although Bligh, in his own accounts of the mutiny, refers to his crew as " villains," their subsequent life, both at Otaheite and Pitcairn, shows them to have been simple, law-abiding men who were driven to mutiny by tyranny. The compara- tive mildness of their treatment of Bligh and those they sent adrift with him, is an index of their real character under normal conditions. The mutiny of the Hermione is of quite another nature. It stands by itself alone, both in the brutality of the captain SHIP MUTINIESHOW THEY ARE MADE 83 that led up to the mutiny, and the bloody revenge of the crew when at last it broke out. The Hermione was a frigate of 714 tons, launched at Bristol in 1742, and at the time of the mutiny was attached to the Leeward Island station, West Indies. The squadron, under the command of Rear- Admiral Sir Henry Harvey, had distinguished itself by its dealings with the French privateers with which those waters teemed, and our sea men had shown what they could do when led by officers who gave them only moderately good treatment. The Hermione was cruising off the Spanish Main, her captain being one Hugh Pigot. The captain was an officer of no mark. He seems to have been one of those men in whom the exercise of authority and seclusion from the check of criticism by equals permit the development of moral putre- faction. 1 It may be doubtful if Pigot was really in his right mind, for, to again quote David Hannay : " There was in the sea life of confinement to the ship, and long solitary cruises, an underworld of the brutal lust gener- ated amongst segregated men. The power of torture by flogging bred the foul love of inflicting torture which is never far from lust." But it could only be a moral and mental degenerate who could get to this state, and Pigot seems to have been both. From the time he joined the ship, flogging commenced. He was determined to have a " smart " ship, as he understood the term " smart/' and to that end he always found scapegoats if things were not done to his liking. The passion for punish- ment grew till at last the gratings were kept continually rigged at the gangway, ready for men to be strung up and flogged at a moment's notice; and it seemed to be Captain Pigot 's chief delight in life to walk round his ship with the 1 David Hannay, " A Short History of the British Navy." 84 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN sole object of finding excuses for flogging men. To such a degree was this carried out, and so severe were the floggings, that the men were always on the qui vive, till at last even Captain Pigot had a difficulty in discovering things with which to find fault, and thus an excuse for the use of the cat. It was at this time that he hit upon a plan which must infallibly place several men at his mercy nightly, and this was an order that in future two minutes only would be allowed to reef a topsail a thing which was, of course, a practical impossibility. It was the custom in ships-of-war of that time, when at sea, to reef topsails in the last dog-watch, and snug down for the night ; and evening after evening saw men triced up and flogged, and evening after evening witnessed the crew going forward after these scenes, their pent-up passions showing on their faces. The brutality of the captain seems to have been reflected in the boatswain of the ship, who supplemented the punishments of the captain by some of his own devising, with which he tortured the ship's boys, knowing full well there was no appeal to Caesar. And so things went on till the evening of September 21, 1797. The dog-watch evolution of reef topsails was taking place, and so rapidly had the men acted that there was every possibility of their doing the task in the allotted time. Seeing this, and no doubt fearing that he would be robbed of an excuse to use the cat, Pigot shouted out to the men on the mizen topsail yard, declaring that he would flog the last man to leave it. Knowing only too well that this threat would be put into execution, there was at once a rush for the rigging. Brenton, in his " Naval History," says : " The poor fellows, well knowing that he kept his word (and though the lot would naturally fall on the outermost, SHIP MUTINIES HOW THEY ARE MADE 85 and consequently the most active l ), each resolved at any rate to escape from punishment ; two of them (the yard- arm men), who from their position could not reach the topmast rigging, made a spring to get over their comrades within them ; they missed their hold, fell on the quarter-deck, and were both killed." Only a sea man can appreciate the situation and the fierce struggle that must have taken place on that topsail yard, and the wild fear of those who made such a desperate leap to escape the cat, only to meet death. To have made the spring they must have left the foot rope and scrambled up on the yard, a desperate enough undertaking with a ship curtseying and rocking in a seaway. The eyes of all their shipmates were no doubt fixed on them; they saw the leap and the swift descent to the deck, foUowed by the horrid thud, thud, as the bodies reached it. On one or two occasions I have seen men fall from aloft, and have felt the nausea that the sound of a body as it reaches the deck produces. On one such occasion I heard the bugle suddenly ring out " Still ! " while every officer and man on deck stood reverently at attention, bareheaded, while the bruised and battered remains were carried below. But this is another story. Here, when the matter was reported to Pigot, he brutally and casually remarked, "Throw the lubbers overboard," then turning to the other men, who had paused horror-struck in the rigging, he severely repri- manded them and threatened them with punishment. From that moment the men seem to have lost all control of themselves. They realised that try as they would they could not please the tyrant who had them in his power, 1 The smartest men would reach the topsail yard first from the deck, and would thus have the yard-arm billet. 86 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN and while the two bodies were being prepared for burial, they seem to have come to the fatal determination to take immediate revenge for their wrongs. Almost immediately after the accident the bodies were committed to the deep, and probably no burial at sea was ever so pregnant with tragic consequences. For that night and all the next day the men nursed their wrongs, and probably even then a tragedy might have been averted had Pigot only realised that he had reached the limit of endurance. This he seems to have been quite incapable of doing. " The foul love of inflicting torture " had become the ruling pas- sion of his life, and again the next day did he resort to flogging. About ten o'clock, in the first watch, the mutiny broke out. Pigot had retired to his cabin and the officer of the watch paced the poop when, without warning, he was knocked senseless with a belaying pin, then murdered. Then " hell broke loose/' The pent-up rage, the result of months of brutal treatment, burst forth in a raging torrent, and for a time the men were transformed into veritable monsters. A brutal captain makes a brutal ship's company. These men had been so habituated to scenes of violence and cruelty, that all their finer feelings must have been deadened. Pigot, hearing a noise, ran on deck, and the sight of him was the signal for an outburst of ferocity. He was driven back into his cabin badly wounded, where he was stabbed by his own coxswain and then flung through one of the stern ports into the sea. The other officers, with the exception of the master, gunner, carpenter, and one midshipman were all done to death, a horrible fate being reserved for the boatswain, who was handed over to the tender mercies of the ship boys ; these tied him down to the deck and murdered him slowly by scraping the flesh from his bones with dumbscrapers. SHIP MUTINIES HOW THEY ARE MADE 87 The nature of his death may be taken as the measure of his brutality when living. 1 Having satiated their lust for revenge, the mutineers were faced with the results of their actions. The other ships of the squadron were within measurable distance, and they knew that the mutiny must be speedily discovered. What were they to do ? They had passed the Rubicon, and no mercy could be theirs from the laws of their own country, for mutiny and murder, whatever may be the circumstances leading up to them, cannot be condoned. In their despera- tion they turned the ship towards La Guayra, a port on the Spanish Main, and handed her over to the Governor, repre- senting that they had turned their officers adrift in the jolly-boat. The historian James, who never seems to have been able to weigh up such doings in the scales of justice, says : " That the mutineers of the Hermione should turn traitors to their offended country, was the natural consequence of the enormity of their guilt." Looking at the matter im- partially through the perspective of 113 years, it is hard to see what else they could have done. To cruise the sea meant immediate capture by our own ships ; to enter a friendly port meant the same thing; so necessity drove them into the arms of the enemy. They were not traitors to their country, they were merely desperate men flying from the results of their own mad actions. Immediately he heard the news, Rear-Admiral Harvey demanded the restoration of the ship and mutineers from the Governor of La Guayra, but was refused, and she was later fitted for sea as a Spanish national frigate. Nearly the whole of the men shortly after fell into the hands of the 1 This account of the death of the boatswain is not generally accepted. 88 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN British, were tried and brought to execution, the remains of a number of them being suspended on gibbets at the entrance to Port Royal. James, with a one-sidedness which seems to have been his main characteristic, says: "Could we descant upon the humanity or general kind behaviour of the Hermione's captain it might serve to heighten, if any thing could heighten, the guilt of his murderers." Not a word of condemnation for the brutalities of Pigot, which alone were responsible for the terrible happening. There is no record in history of sea men mutinying against a kind captain, though history is one long record of men patiently and patriotically bearing the most inhuman treatment, lavished on them month after month and year after year by those placed in authority over them. When men mutiny they have been driven into the same position as a wild beast who finds itself in a corner with its would-be slayer in front of it. It cannot get away, so can only spring forward in a desperate hope of escape. While fully realising the enormity of the crime of mutiny, especially when accompanied by murder, is there nothing to say in condemnation of the system that made it possible not only for a man of the Pigot stamp to hold command of one of the nation's ships, but to systematically torture those under his charge day in and day out, without any tribunal to which they could appeal for relief, and from which the only escape was to murder and mutiny? In spite of the lucubrations of James the nation cannot hold itself guiltless for the mutiny of the Hermione. A thousand pens and a thousand brushes have painted in vivid colours our " glorious naval traditions " ; to the other side of the picture they have never turned their attention, or thought it necessary to demand for those who fought their battles some measure of justice and fair treatment. James, in his grandiloquent SHIP MUTINIES HOW THEY ARE MADE 89 way, says in his brief allusion to the horrors of the Hermione : " Although our plan has been to be sparing of details in cases of mutiny, especially where restricted to individual ships, yet there was one case of the latter description in the West Indies too flagrant in its proceedings, not to be made an exception." Then he proceeds to curse the men for their crime : " Crimes that had they had a dozen lives merited the sacrifice of the whole." For the two poor wretches who had been condemned to a horrid death and consigned to a watery grave through their wild attempt to escape the torture of Pigot, not a word of compassion or consideration. This attitude can surely only result from the mistaken idea that the sea man is a being to himself, and that the laws that govern the land man cannot be applied to him. The sequel to the Hermione added to the Navy List a name, the latter-day holder of which, a second-class cruiser, now lies at the Motherbank awaiting sale or breaking up, and which might well be obliterated altogether H.M.S. Retribution. The story is worth telling, because it shows the sea man in an entirely reverse position. The Spaniards, as soon as the Hermione came into their possession, made certain alterations in her before sending her to sea. In the British service she had been a 38-gun ship carrying 220 hands. The Spaniards, by cutting six gun ports, increased her guns to 44 and her complement to 320. In September 1799 the British Commander- in-Chief at Jamaica Admiral Sir Hyde Parker learned that she was about to leave Puerto Cabello for Havana, so despatched the 28-gun frigate Surprise to intercept her. Whatever may have been the feelings of the sea men on the station, the officers in charge of ships were determined that the Spaniards should not hold the Hermione if they could prevent it, and Captain Hamilton of the Surprise was ex- go OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN ceedingly keen on this point in fact, he proposed to Sir Hyde Parker at Jamaica, that the Surprise should attempt to cut out the Hermione, if the commander-in-chief would add a barge and twenty men to the Surprise's crew, which was 197. Sir Hyde Parker refused, considering the service too desperate. Captain Hamilton was, for the period, a humane man. He had the confidence of his crew, whom he had led on more than one successful expedition, and he must have determined in his own mind that, notwithstanding the refusal of the Admiral to countenance a cutting- out expedition, he would do it if opportunity offered. On the evening of October 21, the Surprise arrived off the harbour of Puerto Cabello, and there was the Hermione, moored head and stern between the strong batteries situated at the mouth of the harbour, and mounting nearly two hundred guns between them. The Hermione herself was ready for sea, and until the evening of the 24th the Surprise cruised in and off, waiting in vain for her to put to sea ; then, after evening quarters, Captain Hamilton had all hands aft and unfolded his plans. " I find it useless to wait any longer," he said; " we shall soon be obliged to leave the station, and that frigate will become the prize of some more fortunate ship than the Sur- prise ; our only prospect of success is by cutting her out this night. I shall lead you myself, and here are the orders for the six boats to be employed, with the names of the officers and men to be engaged in this service." One can imagine how such a straightforward, manly address went direct to the hearts of the crew, who answered with lusty cheers, so at half-past seven the boats were hoisted out, and everything prepared for what was a desperate expedition against enormous odds. But fortune ever favours the brave, and it was so on this occasion. Captain Hamilton had drawn SHIP MUTINIES HOW THEY ARE MADE 91 up his plans in a masterly manner, and before they left the ship every boat knew the part it had to play ; that is, if the enemy had acted in the way anticipated by the captain. But when within a mile of their prey, two small gunboats, armed with a long gun each, discovered them and at once opened fire. Captain Hamilton at once cast off tow and made straight for the Hermione, the crew of which were now at quarters. Some of the other boats, however, remained to attack the gunboats which, with a more determined foe, might have spelled disaster to the expedition. In due course the pinnace with Captain Hamilton got alongside, and the boarders were soon scrambling inboard, where they found the Hermione's crew at quarters on the main- deck, firing at their own two gunboats, that their fears had magnified into two frigates coming in to attack them ; they were quite oblivious of the fact that the enemy was actually on board. It was soon over with the Spaniards, though not before Captain Hamilton had had a very narrow escape. He was standing on the quarter-deck waiting the arrival of those who had not yet boarded, when he received a blow on the head from the butt end of a musket, which knocked him senseless. Happily, at this critical moment, some of his own men arrived and rescued him from his precarious position. In the meantime the carpenter had cut the stern cable, and as the vessel swung head to, the bow cable was cut, and the boats started towing her towards the harbour mouth. Shortly after the foretopsail, which was loose, filled, and the Hermione was standing out to sea with the fire of the batteries directed full on her. At 2 a.m. she was clear and out of gun- shot, when the towing boats came alongside; the prisoners were secured, a prize crew left on board, and Captain Hamilton, with his prize in company, stood away for Jamaica, and on November i anchored in Port Royal. On January 21, 92 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN 1800, the London Gazette contained a letter from Sir Hyde Parker, Commander-in-Chief on the Jamaica station, to the Secretary to the Admiralty. It ran : "SIR, "I have the peculiar satisfaction in communicating to you, for the information of My Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that His Majesty's late ship Hermione is again restored to his Navy by as daring and gallant an enter- prise as is to be found in our annals, under the command of Captain Hamilton himself, with the boats of the Surprise only." Sir Hyde Parker re- christened her the Retaliation , which was afterwards altered to Retribution. Whether this was in commemoration of her recapture from the Spaniards, who had acquired her in such an unusual way, or as a triumphant sequel to the mutiny, it is hard to say. In any case the name might well be allowed to sink into oblivion. The cutting out of the Hermione was one of the brightest, as the mutiny of the Hermione was one of the blackest, spots in British naval history ; together they form an admirable study in human nature. One shows to what depths men will descend when driven by tyranny, the other shows what deeds of gallantry they are capable of under good leadership. The incident shows that there is not " one kind of flesh of land men and another of sea men," but that each share the virtues and the failings of our common humanity. But have we ever read aright the lesson that tragedy taught ? In calculations of the naval strength of that day the Hermione appeared as an effective fighting unit ; she was an accepted item in British naval strength in West Indian waters, where happily we were faced with a weak, irresolute enemy. She could no doubt reef topsails quicker than any other ship in the Navy, but as a fighting unit she did not for the time SHIP MUTINIES HOW THEY ARE MADE 93 exist ; bad conditions made it possible for Pigot to render useless that ship, as far as the country was concerned, under the name of " discipline." Is all the naval paper strength of to-day an effective strength for war ? From 1797 to 1910 is a long stretch. In the intervening period the whole conditions of sea life have been changed. Masts and sails have made way for turbines ; muzzle-loading guns, weighing a few hundredweights, have made room for breech- loading monsters weighing more in tons; torpedoes, submarines, wireless telegraphy, and telephony; submarine mines and a hundred other things, demand for the sea service the best brains in the best bodies the nation can produce, and yet withal the so-called " discipline " of that sea service has changed so little that it can produce its Pigots even now. Not long since there was in one of our cruiser squadrons a vessel which on paper at least was a valuable item in the event of war. When she was first commissioned the commander addressed the ship's company in words to the following effect : " We shall be together for the next two years, and whether this ship is to be a happy ship or not depends entirely upon you. I shall take no notice of any man's previous character, but shall treat every one as having a clean defaulter's sheet. As much leave and other privileges will be given as is possible, and I hope these will not be abused. In return I want you to understand that this ship has got to be a smart ship. I shall study your comfort in every way so long as you carry out my wishes ; if you fail to do that, then the comforts will be few and far between. The routine of the ship will start to-morrow. To-day you may have to settle down. Bugler sound the disperse." Despite the covert threat, the address was a fair one and very similar to hundreds that sea men have listened to on 94 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN ships commissioning. But the commander was known as a " taut hand," and the captain as a weak man who would be hardly likely to interfere. The next day the trouble com- menced men did not move smartly enough, though it stands to their credit that they were fifth ship in an evolution in which some dozen ships took part, all of whom had been some time in commission and black list (loA punishment) was awarded to several men. Within four months of commissioning the ship was in- variably first or second in the majority of fleet evolutions performed, 1 yet men were being continually punished for " slackness." At last the commander hit on a device which in principle was a repetition of Pigot's. " Clear lower-deck," was an evolution that he had continually complained was not carried out smartly enough. Now the pipe to " Clear lower-deck" may take place when the men are on the mess- decks dis- tributed among their messes. To get on deck they must crowd up the narrow iron hatchways and from thence run aft and fall in in their appointed places on the quarter-deck. Immediately the mess- deck is clear the m aster- at-arms re- ports the fact to the commander, and the evolution is complete. In this case the time given for its execution was thirty seconds, which, with a ship's company of between seven hundred and eight hundred men, was not excessive. Immediately " Clear lower-deck " was piped, two petty officers had to station themselves, one in either gangway. The commander stood aft, watch in hand ; by his side a bugler, bugle to lips. When the watch indicated that the thirty seconds allowed had expired, the bugle sounded the " G " and the petty officers in the gangways at once prevented 1 It is worthy of note that this ship, like others run on similar lines, was low down the list in the order of merit at all her gunnery tests. SHIP MUTINIES HOW THEY ARE MADE 95 any more men getting aft : all those whom they stopped had their names taken by the ship's police and were punished with five days' " slack watch." This was quite an unauthorised punishment, and men dealt with under it would not be logged in the defaulter's book ; their punishment was extra drill and extra work, with stop- page of leave. This method of getting a slack watch together necessarily drew petty officers as well as the lower ratings into it, for whether a man succeeded in falling in, in the stipu- lated time, depended entirely on what he was doing at the moment the pipe went to " Clear lower-deck," so that dis- content was just as acute among the petty officers as the remainder of the ship's company. The time came when "Clear lower-deck " in thirty seconds was accomplished; then the commander removed the time limit and gave an order to take the names of the last six men. Here we have an exact repetition of Pigot's " last man off the yard." I have been told by men who were on board during this period that when the pipe "Clear lower- deck" went, the ladders leading to the upper- deck presented a mass of struggling, fighting, cursing humanity. The next feature was an outbreak of " serious crime." Men, finding that no matter how they tried they could not escape, refused to carry out the punishment awarded by the commander. They were therefore taken before the captain, charged with " refusing to obey the lawful commands of their superior officer," " insubordinate conduct," etc., and were punished with confinement in cells or imprisonment with hard labour. Petty officers who had the misfortune to get into the slack watch too often were taken before the captain, charged with " general slackness," and were disrated or de- prived of good conduct badges, and, to quote one correspon- dent who was on board, " the ship is a perfect hell." 96 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN At last the inevitable happened one night some of the gun- sights and other fittings disappeared and the ship's company were just at that point when the minute spark will precipitate a catastrophe. The incident, as is usual in such cases, was soon flashed all over the kingdom, and next day a News Agency said: " Our correspondent at understands that in connec- tion with the loss of gun-sights from H.M.S. , there is no disaffection on board. The act is put down to one or two malcontents who are now under arrest, and will be dealt with in accordance with naval discipline." Those who study the newspapers must have been struck with the sinister frequency of these " regrettable incidents " during the past few years. Here is a newspaper report of one such which occurred in the Channel Fleet. " The arrived at Portland on Saturday week. The same night all the gun-sights disappeared over the side of the vessel, and the most strenuous inquiry since has been fruitless in discovering the names of those responsible for the offence. Last evening the" war-ship sailed for Bantry Bay, and to-day a full court of inquiry regarding the incident was to be held on board one of the other war-ships now in Portland Harbour. Three of the crew are detained in the port guard-ship 1m- perieuse. " During the whole of last week all outside communication with the ship was strictly forbidden, save only from the flag-ship of the Channel Squadron, the Lord Nelson. No craft was allowed to approach the battle-ship with the exception of a boat from the Lord Nelson, which on three successive days brought a number of officers, who mounted the gangway, to return hours later after a secret investigation. " The most rigorous steps were taken immediately the loss of the gun- sights was discovered. Tobacco and every luxury were suspended. Even the postman was forbidden to deliver SHIP MUTINIESHOW THEY ARE MADE 97 his usual parcel of letters. The tradesmen's tug-boats at- tempted in vain to gain access to the ship." At first sight the throwing overboard of gun-sights appears as senseless as it is criminal, and a feeling of indignation arises against those who have been guilty of such an act. I shall not attempt to defend it, but let us look the thing fairly in the face. Acts of insubordination are an effect, and the general policy is to punish the effect, leaving the cause un- touched. The sea man has devoted his life to the service of his country and has voluntarily submitted himself to the restrictions of ship-life and the discipline of a fighting service. Prior to joining the Navy he spent many years of his life at school, where he was told of the greatness of the British Empire, the glory of our laws, the freedom of our people. When he came to make inquiries about the Navy, he was supplied with literature that set forth the life in glowing colours. Now he finds himself in a ship which is to all intents and purposes a penal establishment. Officers aft, ship's police forward, every moment of his waking life from 4.30 a.m. till 9.30 p.m. is a round of worry, drive, abuse, punish. The sea man's world is circumscribed by the walls of his ship, and inside those walls there is no one to whom he can appeal, neither do the regulations under which he lives pro- vide facilities for appeal to an outside power. He is strictly forbidden to write to the Press ; and even if he did, his com- plaint would necessarily be of such a general character that, in the event of it being published, it would convey nothing intelligible, so he grins and bears till human endurance reaches its limits, and he looks round for some means that will bring relief. If important ship's fittings are lost, this has to be reported, and an inquiry is sure to follow, with a more or less 7 98 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN accurate report in the Press, which calls public attention to the ship ; and as this was the one object aimed at, the sacrifice of the gun- sights achieves its object. Unfortunately the inquiry which follows is always carried out by naval officers, and is invariably devoted to discovering the individual or individuals who were guilty of the offence ; it is a matter of punish the effect, ignore the cause, and that being so, the effect continues to repeat itself, and will do so with growing frequency until the nation has the courage to deal with and stamp out the cause. 11 In all cases where one man is to direct the conduct and operations of other men, that degree of regard for the human species, or respect for society which in all ages and nations hath been justly and uniformly demanded from those who govern, is so requisite, that as far as the commander of a ship is deficient in this quality, in the same degree will his govern- ment be oppressive." x It is at present considered necessary that the captain of a ship shall be vested with what is despotic power ; that power is vested in him by the nation, and can only be beneficial to its interest so long as it is fairly and judiciously used. It therefore behoves it to see that any abuse of that power should be punished by its immediate withdrawal. To that end these " regrettable incidents " should be dealt with by an outside and entirely disinterested authority, with power to go into the matter with the object of tracing the cause and effecting its removal. It is not to sentimentalism I would appeal, but to the selfish interests of the nation. It is the human element, and only the human that wins battles, therefore the slightest disaffection on board a war-ship lessens her fighting value, 1 " Strictures on Naval Discipline," p. 8. SHIP MUTINIES HOW THEY ARE MADE 99 As disaffection grows, fighting efficiency diminishes, till it reaches vanishing point in open mutiny or insubordination. It is the happy belief of many that in face of a common enemy all internal strife would cease, and that a crew discon- tented with their treatment would not fight worse on that account. History has given the lie to that belief over and over again. Human nature is the same in all ages. It was hatred of a superior that induced Lestock in 1745 to withhold his help from Mathews. It was hatred of their officers that made the men of the Macedonian fall such an easy prey to the United States ; and where that feeling exists its effects will always be the same. It never has and never will exist as a result of discipline, i.e. the steady enforcement of instant and unquestioning obedience to authority in its administra- tion of those rules and regulations necessary to a fighting service. But the manufacture of crime for the purpose of gratifying a lust to punish is not discipline, but a crime against discipline, and should be equally punished with the excesses and insubordination it produces ; thus by stamping out the cause we should kill the effect. CHAPTER IV 1797 PORTSMOUTH There must have been a great fund of loyalty and discipline in England in the eighteenth century ; otherwise all this ill treatment of the sea man would not have been endured by armed men who again and again had the country, apparently at least, at their mercy. DAVID HANNAY. JUST before Queen Victoria's accession to the throne of England, a prominent statesman gloomily prophesied that it the throne was not worth ten years' purchase. A suc- cession of royal debauchees had brought monarchy into contempt, and it only required a few more indiscretions to sweep it away and place a Republican Government in its stead. Even as the advent of Nelson in the Mediterranean dispelled all traces of mutinous feeling and led to Trafalgar, so the advent of Queen Victoria to the throne was destined to raise the institution of monarchy from the slough into which it had fallen, whilst the effort of her son King Edward VII., of glorious memory, placed it on the rocky foundation of public favour, where it stands secure from assault. We can afford to let men of republican ideas give fervent expression to their feelings at street corners, because republicanism is an abstract idea in which the average Britain has no concrete interest ; the conditions necessary to a desire for such a change do not exist. And remote as is the possibility of a revolution in England for the purpose of upsetting the monarchy, more remote is the 100 I797 _PORTSMOUTH 101 possibility of a general mutiny in the British Navy the con- ditions that breed general mutinies no longer remain ; the very last was swept away with the revision of the victualling on October i, 1907 therefore we can afford to discuss mutiny with as little danger as we discuss republicanism. The great mutinous upheavals that convulsed the Navy in 1797 began with the Restoration. When Charles II. abolished the wise laws for the Navy framed by the Commonwealth, and turned the royal ships over to his corrupt favourites, the causes arose which in course of years were to produce the great mutinies of 1797. From that time, 1660, to the great upheaval, the life of the fighting sea man grew worse, until we had arrived at a state surely unparalleled in the history of the world an island kingdom struggling onward to its imperial destiny, while its own sons, who were so freely giving their lives to add to its glory, were treated as a subject race, denied all freedom, right, or privilege, badly fed, incessantly flogged, and yet ever vanquishing and overcoming the nation's enemies wherever they were found. Yet, brilliant as were their achievements in action, the sea men's nature never showed to greater advantage than when driven to revolt by the un- speakable misery of their lives. Their patriotism and loyalty to the country that had so cruelly wronged them, shone forth in the declaration that " We would suffer double the hardships we have hitherto experienced before we would suffer the Crown of England to be imposed on by that of any other Power in the world/' and induced them to ask simply that they might be fairly paid, decently fed ; that their sick might be attended to, and not robbed of even the necessaries the State allowed ; that if wounded in fighting their country's battles, they might be paid till their wounds were healed ; " and that we may in some wise have opportunity to taste the sweets of liberty on shore when we have completed the duty 102 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN of our ship on our return from sea." It is somewhat to the national disgrace that its fighting sons should have ever lacked such things, doubly so that they were forced to revolt to get them. For a hundred and thirty years they had borne their burden patiently, though it grew heavier year by year. Their complainings to their officers were only met by savage punish- ments, and as they pathetically remark in their Petition to the Commons : " Your petitioners, with all humility, laid their grievances before the Honourable Lord Howe, and flattered ourselves with the hopes that his Lordship would have been an advocate for us ; but to our great surprise we find ourselves unpro- tected by him " ; though there seems no reason why they should have thought Lord Howe would act differently from every other officer. It was this wilful blindness on the part of naval officers that made the outbreak inevitable ; their attitude then could be summed up as it can be summed up to-day : If the men do not complain they are perfectly contented. If they complain collectively it is a " mutinous assembly," and the " ringleaders " are punished. If a man complains singly he is a discontented sea lawyer, and is punished. If to avoid the result of open honest complaint they issue an unsigned petition, it is the work of some " evil-disposed person," and should be ignored. But before we proceed to deal with the outbreak of 1797, let us deal with latter-day conditions, which are of course infinitely better than they were then, and we shall be more able to appreciate the difficulties of the men and see how impossible it was for them to get relief without mutiny. Theoretically, every man in the Navy who has a grievance has a right to state it and get relief. Section 37 of the Naval Discipline Act provides that : 1797 PORTSMOUTH 103 " Every person subject to this Act who shall have any cause of complaint either of the unwholesomeness of the victuals, or upon any other just [my italics] grounds, shall quietly make the same known to his superior, or captain, or commander-in-chief, and the said superior, captain, or com- mander- in- chief shall, so far as he is able, cause the same to be presently remedied ; and no person subject to this Act upon any pretence whatever [my italics] shall attempt to stir up any disturbance, upon pain of such punishment as a court- martial may think fit to inflict, according to the degree of the offence." Now if an individual has a complaint which he requires to have remedied his proper course to pursue is to go to the master- at-arms or corporal of the gangway, and ask to see the officer of the watch. He falls in on the quarter-deck, and the officer of watch comes down to hear what is the matter, and either settles it himself or refers it to the commander. Now we will suppose that on some particular day there is something radically wrong with the provisions issued, and the whole of the lower- deck is in a state of tumult and ill- temper. What is to be done ? No general complaint can possibly take place, no matter how justified complaint may be, without some one taking the initiative being a " ringleader " ; so, though grumbling on the lower-deck may be very general, no complaint is made to authority for fear of the consequences. Let us further suppose that an individual more daring than the rest decides to see the officer of the watch, the first question is, " Is this man's food the same as has been issued to his messmates ? " " Yes, sir ! " " Then where are they how is it they are not complaining ? " Result, individual sent away, or more likely placed in the report for making frivolous complaints, and punished. If the caterers of messes, whose duty it is to look after the 104 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN interests of their messmates, are to go on the quarter-deck as a body to make a just complaint, they have to be got together by an individual. This may be quite possible, but when the quarter-deck is reached, that individual is expected to be spokesman for the party. Getting a party together for the purpose of complaint is by every law and custom of the service " stirring up a disturbance/' and as no person may do that upon any pretence whatever, such a one finds himself con- fronted with Section 14 of the Naval Discipline Act, which says : " Every person subject to this Act who shall make or endeavour to make any mutinous assembly, or shall lead or incite any other person to join in any mutinous assembly, or shall utter any words of sedition, or mutiny, shall suffer penal servitude or such other punishment as is hereinafter men- tioned." So the right of complaint is a purely theoretical one, for no matter how justified complaints might be, it is exceedingly dangerous to make them in the way provided for by the service regulations : those regulations are only traps leading to trouble. Realising these hard facts the latter-day petty officers have formed themselves into Societies whose Secretaries are not subject to the Naval Defence Act, and these solicit M.P.'s and the Press to get grievances remedied. Some years ago, when the naval warrant officers first put forward their " Earnest Appeal " and lobbied for it, the late Admiral Mayne, who was then an M.P., came to the leaders one day and said that the First Lord had had captains in the fleet written to, to get their views of the " Appeal," and those replies showed that it did not represent the feelings of the warrants as a body. In- stantly a printed letter was sent out by the Warrant Officers' I797 _PORTSMOUTH 105 Society to every warrant officer on the Active List, asking whether the " Appeal " represented his wishes or not ? When these letters were all returned it was shown that 95 per cent, had replied, and 90 per cent, were in favour. These replies were shown to Admiral Mayne, and the First Lord was in- formed of the result. The " Appeal " was then accepted as representative, and concessions followed. What steps did the captains in the fleet take to get the warrant officers' opinion ? We may judge by a recent experience of my own. A great many complaints were reaching me about the condition of a certain ship, so I went to the port to investigate things on the spot, and finding the state of affairs serious decided to give publicity to them in The Fleet, When the paper ap- peared, a copy was sent by the Admiralty to the Commander- in- Chief of the port, 1 asking for a report on the matter ; the captain of the ship was communicated with and an " inquiry " took place. The form this inquiry took was that the captain had all the petty officers of the ship fallen in on the quarter- deck, and asked them collectively, " Do any of you petty officers wish to identify yourselves with the statements that have appeared in The Fleet?" For any of their number to have made such an admission would have been to convict themselves of a punishable offence, therefore they all re- mained silent. This silence was followed with, " Then I under- stand that none of you identify yourselves in any way whatever with these charges ? " Again silence ! The report that reached the Admiralty was to the effect that all the petty officers of H.M.S. had been fallen in on the quarter-deck and closely questioned by the captain, and they one and all wished to repudiate every charge made by The Fleet, whose editor had evidently been misled by some evil-disposed person t 1 I was kept informed of all these proceedings by friends on the spot. io6 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN The naval officer who is ordered to investigate and report on a charge brought against himself or his ship would be something more than human if he gave a perfectly impartial and truthful one to his own disadvantage ! The mere fact that discontent exists in his ship is to his discredit, therefore he will strenuously deny that it does exist, and punish those who complain, because the complaints are in themselves criticisms of his administration. So it is practically impossible, or at least exceedingly dangerous, to make complaints. In short, we may say it is impossible to get redress for any grievance, however well founded, except by a breach of the Regulations. That is why the petty officers are banding themselves together in societies, but so careful do they have to be that in issuing their "Appeal" they do so through an individual living at Cardiff, who has no connection with the Navy. These are things as they exist to-day, so it is possible to imagine the hopeless position of the sea man of 1797, to whom we will now return. In spite of the writings of such men as Glascock and Chamier there is unquestionable evidence that the plan for obtaining redress of the grievances which the sea man had long and patiently suffered, was concerted among the best sailors of the line- of -battle ships of the Channel Fleet so early as the month of December 1796. That they were exceedingly anxious to get this redress without any open opposition to authority, is shown by the fact that between that time and the month of April 1797 a very humbly worded petition, addressed to Admiral Lord Howe, the Commander- in- Chief, had been sent to his lordship at Bath from most of the ships. These petitions Lord Howe said, in the House of Lords, had no signatures, and the dates of them appeared to be written by the same hand, which looks as though the men had taken the precaution to have a shore secretary through 1797 PORTSMOUTH 107 whom they could send their plaints. These circumstances, said his lordship, induced him to imagine that they were not the real petition of the ships' companies, but that they " had been drawn up by some evil- disposed persons for improper purposes." That, as we have seen, was and still is the attitude of naval officers to all documents of a like nature. Instead of trying to find out for himself first-hand if the petitions did represent the feelings of the men, he wrote to the officers acting immediately under him at Portsmouth, to know how far the petition might be regarded as genuine. The officers' answer was stated by Lord Howe, in the House of Lords, to be that the petitions were the work of some evil- disposed persons ; and it appears that no danger was appre- hended, either by Lord Howe or the Admiralty, from disre- garding any petitions which might be presented by the sea men of the fleet. The orders to sail issued to Lord Bridport upon the information of the outbreak, confirms this fact beyond the possibility of a doubt. It must appear strange how a large body of sea men, em- barked in sixteen ships, and having practically no communi- cation with each other, could secretly concoct, first a collective petition to their commander- in- chief, and then, when that failed, a general and simultaneous outbreak against authority ; yet such was the fact, and it shows how general was the dis- affection and how desperate the straits to which they were driven. The inattention to their petitions transmitted to Lord Howe showed that there was no hope from that quarter, and as they had reached the limit of human endurance, one thing and one thing only remained revolt ; so a plan was concerted for taking command of the ships from the officers by signal on the morning of April 16, 1797. The Queen Charlotte, flag- ship of Lord Howe, was to have hoisted a Union Jack at the io8 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN main, and to have fired two guns which the assembled ships were to have acknowledged by cheering, and immediately all command was to have been taken from the officers. As in most cases of a like nature there was a traitor in the camp, and Captain Patten of the Transport- Office, not then em- ployed in any ship, received information of the plan adopted by the men on the I2th ! He immediately informed the Com- mander-in-Chief at Portsmouth, Sir Hyde Parker, who sent for the flag officers of the fleet, acquainted them with the information he had received, and also acquainted the Ad- miralty. This should have been proof sufficient that the petitions sent to Lord Howe did emanate from the men, and an inquiry should have immediately followed, instead of which an order was sent for the immediate sailing of the fleet. This order reached Portsmouth on Saturday. The sea officers of the Admiralty fully realised that once get the ships to sea, the men would be helpless, and could be dealt with in detail ; the men thoroughly understood this too, therefore the order for immediate sailing only demon- strated how little the Admiralty understood the sea men's minds, and what erroneous ideas they had formed of the power that could be exercised in a general outbreak. As soon as Admiral Lord Bridport made the signal for the ships to prepare for sea, the sea men, without orders, manned the rigging of every ship, gave three cheers, and instantly all command was taken from the officers. This action must have been quite spontaneous, and is another proof, if any were needed, of the state of the fleet. James says of this : " On April I5th, Lord Bridport threw out the signal to prepare for sea ; when instead of weighing the anchor, the sea men of the Royal George ran up the shrouds and gave three cheers ; a proceeding which from the awful response it produced throughout the fleet at once betrayed it as a signal 1797 PORTSMOUTH of disaffection. The captain and officers of the different ships were astonished, nay almost astounded at this sudden act of disobedience, and, as may be supposed, did their best to per- suade the men to return to their duty ; but all their efforts were in vain. The spirit of mutiny had taken deep root in the breasts of the sea men, and from the apparent organisa- tion of the plan seemed to be the result of far more reflection than for which the wayward mind of a Jack Tar is usually given credit." James, like a good many others, seems to have imagined the sea man to have been a kind of trinity who combined the working power of a horse with the stupidity of an ass and the reasoning power of an ape. That the officers should have been astounded does not speak very highly for their powers of reflection. For a hun- dred and thirty years they had been sitting on the safety valve while they piled ever more and more fuel on the fire press, cat, bad food, ill-treatment ; and as they piled on the fuel, so they screwed down the safety valve tighter and tighter. And they were astounded when the explosion came ! We can only gaze with amazed admiration on the men whose loyalty to their country enabled them to submit to such conditions for so long without revolt. Having passed the Rubicon they proceeded to carry out their intention with that determination that characterises our race. At the same time they showed that, though they were determined to get just grievances removed once for all, they did not intend the fleet to fall into a state of anarchy. They proceeded to take oaths on board the different ships to be true to each other in such a dangerous undertaking. The council of delegates resolved at a meeting held that order must be maintained, sobriety enforced, and respect shown to the officers. For these purposes, and to show they were in no OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN earnest, they ordered yard ropes to be rove in each ship at the main and fore yard-arms, which might either signify death by hanging, or for ducking transgressors in the sea ; and they were really used for the latter purpose in several ships. Dur- ing the first outbreak the order and solemnity which prevailed were wonderful. The delegates, who had the whole command, appear to have been sensible and moderate men, which is shown in the two following Petitions : " To the Right Honourable, and the Honourable Knights and Citizens and Burgesses in Parliament assembled. The HUMBLE PETITION of the Sea men and Marines on board His Majesty's Ships, in behalf of themselves : Humbly sheweth " That your petitioners relying on the candour and justice of your Honourable House, make bold to lay their grievances before you, hoping that, when you reflect on them, you will please to give redress as far as your wisdom shall deem necessary. " We beg leave to remind your august assembly, that the Act of Parliament passed in the Reign of King Charles II. wherein the wages of all sea men serving on board his Majesty's fleet was settled, passed at a time when the necessaries of life and slops of every denomination were 30 per cent, cheaper than at the present time, which enabled sea men and marines to provide better for their families than we can now do with one half advance. " We therefore request your Honourable House will be so kind as to revise the Act before mentioned and make such amendments therein as will enable your petitioners and their families to live in the same comfortable manner as sea men and marines did at that time. " Your Petitioners, with all humility, laid their grievances before the Honourable Lord Howe, and flattered ourselves that his Lordship would have been an advocate for us, as we have been repeatedly under his command, and made the British flag ride triumphantly over that of our enemies ; but 1797 PORTSMOUTH in to our great surprise we find ourselves unprotected by him, who has seen so many instances of our intrepidity in carrying the British flag into every part of the seas with victory and success. " We profess ourselves as loyal to our Sovereign and zealous in the defence of our country as the army or militia can be, and esteem ourselves equally entitled to his Majesty's munificence ; therefore with jealousy we behold their pay augmented and their out- pensions of Chelsea College increased to 13 per annum while we remain neglected, and the out- pensioners of Greenwich have only 7 per annum. " We your petitioners therefore humbly implore that you will take these matters into consideration and with your accustomed goodness and liberality comply with the prayer of this petition. And your petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray, etc. " We the Delegates of the Fleet, hereunto sign our names for the ships' companies. "Royal George : VALENTINE JOYCE JOHN MORRIS Queen Charlotte : PATRICK GLYNN JOHN UDLEFON Royal Sovereign : JOSEPH GREEN JOHN RICHARDSON London : ALEXANDER HARDING WILLIAM RILEY Glory : PATRICK DUGAN JOHN BETHELL Duke : MICHAEL ADAMS WILLIAM HENDERSON Mars : THOMAS ALLEN JAMES BLYTH Marlborough : JOHN VASSIA WILLIAM SENATOR Ramillies : CHARLES BERRY GEORGE CLEAR Robust : DAVID WILSON JOHN SCRIVENER L'Impeteux : JOHN WILSON WILLIAM PORTER Defence : GEORGE GALOWAY JAMES BORERICK 112 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN Terrible : Minatour : MARK TURNER DENNIS LAWLEY GEORGE SALKED GEORGE CROSSLAND La Pompee : Defiance : WILLIAM POTTS JOHN SAUNDERS JAMES MELVIN JOHN HUSBAND." To the Admiralty these mutineers stated their case in language which for moderation and good sense it would be hard to beat. " To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty " My LORDS, " We the Sea men of His Majesty's Navy take the liberty of addressing your Lordships in an humble petition showing the many hardships and oppression we have laboured under for many years and which we hope your Lordships will redress as soon as possible. We flatter ourselves that your Lordships together with the Nation in general will acknow- ledge our worth and good service both in the American war as well as the present ; for which good service your Lordships' petitioners do unanimously agree in opinion, that their worth to the Nation and laborious industry in defence of their country deserve some better encouragement than that we meet with at present, or from any we have experienced. We your petitioners do not boast of our good services for any other purpose than that of putting you and the Nation in mind of the respect due to us : nor do we ever intend to deviate from our former characters ; so far from anything of that kind as that an Englishman or men should turn their coats we likewise agree in opinion that we should suffer double the hardships we have hitherto experienced before we would suffer the Crown of England to be in the least imposed upon by that of any foreign Power in the world. We there- fore beg leave to inform your Lordships of the grievances which we at present labour under. I797-PORTSMOUTH 113 " We, your humble petitioners relying that your Lordships will take into consideration the grievances of which we com- plain, and do not in the least doubt but that your Lordships will comply with our desires, which are in every way very reasonable. " The first grievance which we have to complain of is that our wages are too low, and ought to be raised, that we might be the better able to support our wives and families in a manner comfortable and whom we are in duty bound to support as far as our wages will allow, which we trust, will be looked into by your Lordships and the Honourable House of Commons in Parliament assembled. " We your petitioners beg that your Lordships will take into consideration the grievances of which we complain, and now lay before you. " First That our provisions be raised to the weight of sixteen ounces to the pound, and of a better quality, and that our measures be the same as those used in the commercial trade of the country. " Secondly That your petitioners request your honours will be pleased to observe there should be no flour served while we are in harbour in any port whatever under the command of the British flag, 1 and also that there might be granted a sufficient quantity of vegetables of such kind as may be the most plentiful in the ports to which we go ; which we grievously complain and lay in want of. " Thirdly That your Lordships will be pleased seriously to look into the state of the sick on board his Majesty's ships, that they may be better attended to, and that they may have the use of such necessaries as are allowed for them in time of their sickness and that these necessaries be not on any account embezzled. " Fourthly That your Lordships will be so kind as to 1 This flour must have been vile stuff when it was issued. In quite recent times I have seen the contents of a flour cask in one solid block owing to the dampness of the hold, so that it had to be split up with a hammer and issued to the messes in chunks ! ii4 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN look into this affair, which is no wise unreasonable, and that we may be looked upon as a number of men standing in defence of our country, and that we may in some wise have greater an opportunity to taste the sweets of liberty on shore, when in harbour, and when we have done the duty of our ship after our return from sea ; and that no man may encroach on his liberty there shall be a boundary limited, and those trespassing any further without a written order from a Commanding Officer, shall be punished according to the rules of the Navy ; which is a natural request, and con- genial to the heart of man, and certainly to us, that you make the boast of being the guardians of the land. " Fifthly That if any man is wounded in action his pay be continued until he is cured and discharged ; and if any ship has any real grievances to complain of, we hope your Lordships will readily redress them as far as is in your power to prevent any disturbances. "It is also unanimously agreed to by the Fleet that from this day, no grievance shall be secured in order to convince the Nation at large that we know when to cease to ask as well as to begin, and that we ask nothing but what is moderate and may be granted without detriment to the Nation or injury to the Service. " Given on board the Queen Charlotte by the Delegates of the Fleet this i8th day of April, 1797." Signed. Here follow the same signatures as in the Petition to Parliament. The last request " and if any ship has any real grievance to complain of, we hope your Lordships will readily redress them as far as is in your power, to prevent any disturbances," was by far the most objectionable in the eyes of the officers, because it was interpreted as meaning that where disaffection was rife from purely local causes, as distinguished from general causes, the officers should be tried by court-martial. The I797 _PORTSMOUTH 115 captains of the Marlborough and Nymph were in fact ordered to be so tried by the Admiralty. On April 16 three of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty arrived at Portsmouth and commenced an inquiry. To the very moderate demand of an increase in pay to one shilling a day they at first turned a deaf ear, and for eight days they argued and consulted, at the end of which time they had had to give way on every point. Admiral Patten says : " After all these deliberations, the great power of the State in full force on the shore, was compelled to yield to the sea men embarked in onty 15 ships of the line of battle ; for the delegates did not yield a single point to the Admiralty." With a moderation which under the circumstances was really marvellous, their petitions set forth the absolute minimum of their wants ; the members of the Admiralty who took part in the negotiations acted like Jew hucksters, instead of frankly meeting the men, and, by their methods, created a feeling of uncertainty and suspicion in the minds of the men generally and the delegates especially. Their first attitude was one of assured belief that the outbreak had been manu- factured by "some evil- disposed person or persons/' when they might have seen that without very general concurrence in opinion the unanimity which appeared could not have been produced. Even the marines concurred with the sea men ; and scarcely a dissenting voice was heard in any ship from the quartermasters, boatswains' mates, etc., down to the meanest sweeper. At Portsmouth, while the negotiations with the Admiralty were proceeding, the sea men printed and sold a paper con- taining the Petitions to the Commons and to the Admiralty. Now while the letter from the Board to Admiral Lord Bridport n6 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN granting the rise of pay, etc., asked for, was an answer to the latter, no notice was taken of the one addressed to the Com- mons. Immediately the reply came from the Board, the men, in accordance with their promise, returned to duty, and the fleet was ordered to sea, but was detained by contrary winds. With the exception of the London and Marlborough, against whose captain (Nichols) a court-martial was pending, the ships dropped down to St. Helen's, Isle of Wight, ready to seize the first opportunity to put to sea. While these things were in progress a discussion took place in the House of Lords, the tone of which was entirely against the case of the sea men. The newspapers which contained this discourse were no sooner circulated in the ships at St. Helen's than a considerable fermentation was produced in the minds of the sea men. The hesitation in actually carrying out the promises, and the orders to go to sea, were coupled with the House of Lords' discussion, and an intense distrust of the situation arose. It was exceedingly unfortunate that no discussion had taken place in the House of Commons, as the men looked on the Commons as the only branch of the Legis- lature which could dispose of the public money, and they felt that nothing was certain until a law sanctioning the promise made to them had been passed in Parliament. As though a final spark was necessary to fan these fears into activity, the unfortunate order dated May i was sent by the Admiralty to the Admirals and captains of the fleet. This order, after stating that " From the disposition lately shewn by the sea men belong- ing to several of His Majesty's ships, it had become highly necessary that the strictest attention should be paid by all officers in His Majesty's Service, not only to their own conduct but to the conduct of those who may be under their orders, the more effectively to insure a proper subordination and 1797 PORTSMOUTH 117 discipline, and to prevent as far as may be all discontent among the sea men." was followed by a new and uncommon instruction for the captains of His Majesty's ships, viz. : " To see that the arms and ammunition belonging to the Marines be constantly kept in good order , and fit for immediate service as well in harbour as at Sea." This was unquestionably interpreted by the men as meaning that the promises would not be carried out, but that as soon as they got to sea they would be subjected to a " vigorous discipline " backed up by the arms of the marines, especially as this order stated : " That the Captains and Commanders of his Majesty's ships be particularly attentive to the conduct of the men under their command, and that they be ready on the first appearance of mutiny to use the most vigorous means to sup- press it and to bring the ringleaders to punishment." Whatever may be said for this order in a general way, the issue of it at such a critical moment showed an extraordinary lack of tact and perception on the part of the Admiralty, for, had they seen things in their true light, the first outbreak would not have lasted twenty- four hours. As it was, their bargaining, submission, and then issue of the foregoing order, drove the men to a second outbreak on May 7. On that date they again acted in concert in all the ships at St. Helen's, took command of the fleet and appointed dele- gates. As already stated the Marlborough and London were still at Spithead, and there seems to have been a suspicion in the minds of their ships' companies that they had been singled out for punishment. Be that as it may, they were separated from the remainder of the fleet, so the delegates from the ships at St. Helen's came formally in boats to Spit- n8 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN head, intending to go on board these ships. But Admiral Colpoys, H.M.S. London, considered that the orders of May i were binding on his conduct, and refused to allow the delegates to come on board the London ; and having armed the officers and prepared the marines in accordance with the order, he ordered his ship's company to go below and let down the gun- ports, at the same time peremptorily refusing to allow the boats with the delegates to come alongside. The sea men of the London consulted together, and decided that the delegates should come into the ship, and one of their number commenced to unlash a gun for the purpose of pointing it towards the quarter-deck. Lieutenant Bover cautioned him against so doing, but as he persisted, Bover fired, killing the man on the spot, at which the men rushed to arms, drew the powder from the guns, and broke open the magazine. A short discharge of muskets and pistols took place, but the marines who had been armed rushed down and joined their shipmates, when the sea men drove the officers aft and disarmed them. In the first fury of resentment, the ship's company decided to instantly hang Bover, and for this purpose a yard rope was rove at the fore yard-arm. Bover was carried forward, the noose slipped round his neck, when Valentine Joyce of the Royal George, who had just come on board with the delegates from St. Helen's, interposed and saved his life. " His life was saved," wrote one of Bover 's sisters, " by one of the very delegates he fired upon. They seized our dearest Peter and were in the act of completing his destruction, when Joyce ran, clasped him by the neck and called out to the sea men, ' If you hang this man you shall hang me, for I will never quit him.' The recollection of how near it was makes me shudder every time I think of it." All this while Bover was doing his level best to drive the men to extremes by calling them dastards, cowards, traitors, I797 _PORTSMOUTH 119 and other choice epithets. At this very critical moment Admiral Colpoys intervened, and stated that if any one was to blame it was he, as Bover had simply acted on his orders, which at once drew the resentment on himself, which he en- deavoured to soften by producing the Admiralty orders to show that he also was but carrying out the orders of a superior authority. This however proved of little avail, when both the chaplain and surgeon, seeing how things were going, intervened and begged that they would leave the Admiral to be tried by the civil power. While this discussion was going on, as to whether Admiral Colpoys should be put to death there and then or not, a strange incident turned the fury of the men and saved his life. One of the seamen, in reply to some remark the Admiral made, called him a " d d bloody rascal," which so incensed the others that they turned their anger on him, threatening to throw him overboard, and for the time at least they decided to hold their decision over. This may seem strange, but it should be remembered that at no time did the sea men of the fleet view their conduct in the light of a mutiny. They had certain well-established grievances which they had in vain tried to get remedied by legitimate means. They all along regarded their refusal to weigh anchors as a combination to obtain what they con- sidered the just reward of their labours which they found no other means to accomplish. As showing their peculiar atti- tude towards the State it may be mentioned that some of the ship's company of the Mars talked openly of taking her to France. This got to the ears of the delegates, who threatened the destruction of that ship with all hands if they held forth such language, and to prevent any communication between the Mars and the shore they stationed two guard-boats to row round her night and day to prevent boats from the shore going on board. 120 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN A general consultation now took place among the delegates as to whether they should try Admiral Colpoys and Lieutenant Bover by a court of their own institution, or turn them over to civil authority to be dealt with. The general feeling of the fleet was towards the former course, when a bombshell was exploded in the shape of a letter from the London flatly refus- ing to hand over their officers to the decision of the delegates. This letter was sent to every ship at St. Helens, and is of itself testimony of the extraordinary nature of this outbreak : " To the Delegates of the Fleet at St. Helen s : " You have, I presume, read the address of the ship's com- pany, of which I am a member, to you, recommending me as their representative in future. They have further given me the most flattering proof of their opinion of my abilities to act as a Man and a Christian ought to do. Under these cir- cumstances I flatter myself you will hear me with patience, as I am partly convinced that your own sentiments when compared with mine will join me in saving a deserving char- acter from ruin and destruction. I shall not dwell on the particulars of yesterday ; they are I am confident still warm in your memory, but only call your attention to the behaviour of our brother Valentine Joyce his intrepid behaviour in rescuing the unfortunate gentleman from the hands of an enraged multitude, will I am sure make a deep impression on your minds and will, I hope, induce you to act in a manner worthy of Christians and British sea men. " This much my brethren for preface. Permit me now to speak for that ship's company whose confidence I enjoy. In the first place had they followed the momentary impulse of passion and wreaked their vengeance upon that unfortunate gentleman, a few minutes would have brought to their recol- lection the amiable character he has always borne among them, and I am confident would have embittered the latest moments of their lives. Now my brethren your general cry 1797 PORTSMOUTH 121 is ' Blood for Blood.' Do you mean that as a compliment to me : to assist us in following error after error ? If so, it is a poor compliment indeed. Do you (let me ask you) think it justice ? I hope not : if you do let me ask from whence did you obtain authority to sit as a court over the life of even the meanest of subjects ? The only answer you can give me is, you are authorised by your respective ships' companies, but is that authority sufficient to meet your consciences for taking the life even of a criminal much more that of a deserv- ing and worthy gentleman ? I can almost safely say you will say no. But if you are to be influenced by your ships' com- panies in spite of your own opinions I am but a single individual among you and before this arm of mine shall sub- scribe the name of Fleming to anything that may in the least tend to that gentleman's prejudice much more to his life, I will undergo your utmost violence and meet death with him hand in hand. " I am nevertheless as anxious as any member in the fleet for a redress of our grievances will maintain that point hand in hand with you all so long as you are contented with your original demands : but that moment I hear you deviate from those principles, that instant I become your most inveterate enemy. You see brethren I act openly and am determined to support it, so I will never form a part to do injustice to my country and for the future shall expect that whatever comes before us shall be only conducive to the much wanted and desirable end of restoring this fleet to the confidence of an injured country. Let these be your aims and depend on every support from me and this ship's company, and be assured that the life and character of Mr. Bover shall always remain inviolate in our hands ; and we think any steps taken to the contrary highly injurious to ourselves as brothers of your community. " We expect your answer this night and try to remain, " Yours most sincerely, " Per desire of the London's ship's company, " (Signed) JOHN FLEMING." 122 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN For three days Admiral Colpoys, his flag-captain, and Lieutenant Bover were kept under arrest. The two former were then sent on shore together, with the chaplain, for whom a dose of tar and feathers had been prepared, but which he escaped. Lieutenant Bover was tried on shore before a coroner's jury, the verdict being "Justifiable homicide." He then returned on board and continued to serve in the London till made commander on February 4, 1798. This was the ship's company that was afterwards sent to the Mediterranean for St. Vincent to " discipline." That St. Vincent was a petty-minded, vindictive man we are able to judge by his letter to Keppel, when he was John Jervis, and captain of the Foudroyant. We may therefore assume that he would take a delight in retaliating on the Marlborough and London for their share in the outbreak. But his secretary relates that "In a week the London had become as quiet as mice, and ever maintained an excellent character." There is no doubt that right through the outbreaks the men, with occasional exceptions, conducted themselves with marvellous moderation and courtesy towards their officers, who cannot be congratulated on showing a like spirit. Even James admits that on April 21, during the first outbreak, when the Vice-Admirals Gardner and Colpoys and Rear- Admiral Pole went on board the Queen Charlotte and had a conference with the delegates in the hope of removing the re- maining impediments in the way of a general reconciliation, they were anything but conciliatory in their attitude. As far as they were concerned, it was not a conference at all ; they treated the delegates with scant respect, and when the latter assured them that no arrangement would be considered as final until sanctioned by King and Parliament and guaranteed by a proclamation of pardon, Admiral Gardner was so incensed that he seized one of the delegates by the collar and swore he I797 _PORTSMOUTH 123 would have them all hanged, together with every fifth man in the fleet ! It was that attitude that made the second outbreak inevitable. In whatever light this combination may have been looked on by those who possessed the power of the State, two very material points stood out clear. First, that as the discontent was quite general, affecting both sea men and marines, no power whatever could dispossess the sea men of the command of the ships once they had taken them over. This being so, no means remained to secure to the nation the use of the fleet but the most speedy, the most ,full, and the most direct com- pliance with all their demands, even supposing them to have been unreasonable, which they were not. However clear these points may be now, they certainly were not perceived by the Admiralty when at Portsmouth ; had they any real concep- tion of the situation, they would not have issued the general order, dated May i, which certainly precipitated the second outbreak and led to the bloodshed on board the London. The immediate result of this was that the delegates directed the whole of the ships which lay at Spithead by Admiralty orders both ships of the line and frigates to get under way and join the fleet at St. Helen's. These commands were in- stantly obeyed, and the whole assembled ships were kept at single anchor in readiness for sailing. In addition, the guns were loaded ready for resistance, and a strict watch was kept in every ship, and every precaution was taken by the delegates to preserve the power in their own hands till their demands were met in full. Their attitude from the very first, as ex- pressed through their Petitions, seems to have been, " We have asked for the very minimum, and from that we shall not depart." There is one action of the delegates after the London inci- dent that has met with universal condemnation at the hands of 124 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN writers as being unnecessarily violent, viz. the landing of all unpopular officers. To me this has always appeared as a very wise course to pursue. The bloodshed on board the London unquestionably inflamed those men who might have been inclined to wreak their ill-feelings on those officers who were displeasing to them. Admiral Gardner, who, owing to his stupid threat during the first outbreak to hang the whole of the delegates and every fifth man in the fleet, had become exceedingly unpopular, was one of the first to be put on shore. But even here the delegates showed a deference to his wishes that did them credit. While he was drinking tea with some of his officers, a lieutenant entered the cabin and told him that he and his officers had to quit the ship at once, and that there was a cutter alongside for that purpose. The Admiral went on deck and asked, if he must go, that he might be allowed his barge. The request was granted without any demur ; and it is worthy of note that as soon as the general anger had softened the officers were asked by letter to come on board again, which they did. By this time the Government was fully alive to the position of affairs, and, realising that the fleet would not be at the nation's disposal till the claims of the men had been met in full, the Act of Parliament for raising their pay was passed with uncommon despatch, and sent to Portsmouth, where it was at once communicated to the delegates, who declared themselves perfectly satisfied on that point; but they still clung to their demand that objectionable officers should be placed on shore. In this they were inspired by the first law of nature : self-preservation. They knew that once the trouble was settled and duty resumed, no further general outbreak could take place, and that the tyrant officer, if left on board, would be free once more to wreak his will on them, therefore they decided he should go. 1797 PORTSMOUTH 125 Lord Howe was sent down vested with full power to settle all matters with the delegates, and his first object at the con- ference held with the delegates was to try and induce them once more to receive those officers who had been sent out of their ships, and to send no more on shore. He considered that to grant this point would be fatal to discipline; the delegates considered it as vital to their future, and in spite of all Lord Howe's pleadings they did not yield a single point, but continued to send officers on shore and remain complete masters of the situation. To Lord Howe himself they showed every respect and deference, but where their claims were con- cerned, they were adamant, and his lordship, fully realising the position, yielded point by point till every concession had been granted. That he must have deeply regretted his inattention to the Petitions sent to him at an earlier period is obvious, though he was not for a moment upbraided for this by the delegates, who at the end of the conference desired that they might be allowed to row him round the fleet as a token of approbation of the concessions that had been granted by him. Here again, surely, the sea men stand forth with credit. In spite of the fact that the conference had terminated in a complete acquiescence to their demands they evinced no elation ; in- stead, they treated the Admiral as the victor by rowing him round the fleet. This should and would have had the happiest results, had the friends of Lord Howe been blessed with the same modera- tion and good sense as the delegates, but these former, hearing of what was to take place, decided to turn it into a kind of triumphant procession. A large number of ladies, land officers, and others, together with two bands, attended in a large number of boats and accompanied his lordship round the fleet. Whatever might have been their ideas of the situation 126 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN the sea men, who knew they had won all along the line, took this procession as a sign of respect and recognition of their power. The delegates were regaled at the Governor's house ; and attempts were made to raise a popular demonstration in their favour on the occasion. Affairs being amicably adjusted in favour of the men the flag of revolt was struck, and at 10 a.m. the next day the fleet got under way, but the wind suddenly veering round to the southward, anchors were again dropped. But the next morn- ing, the I7th, the fleet again weighed and got to sea ; and so ended one of the most extraordinary revolts that had ever taken place in connection with the sea service of any nation. " Certainly," as David Hannay says, " no body of mutinous men were ever provoked by more genuine grievances, and none ever behaved with greater moderation." To thoroughly appreciate that moderation it is necessary to understand the condition of the ships' companies generally, and the prime sea men particularly. Each company was made up of a dozen different elements, among whom foreigners were a by no means negligible quantity. Then there were boys, marines, land men, quota men and ' 'State- the- case " men the sea men proper forming not more than one- third of the whole. The quota men were those supplied by the various counties throughout the United Kingdom, and were, without doubt, the scum tempted to sea by the high bounties offered. The " State- the-case " men were those who had been impressed illegally, or who believed thay had been impressed illegally. These sent in appeals to the Admiralty for relief, their appeals being a statement of their case for consideration. These became so numerous that they were dealt with by a special department at the Admiralty, and, for convenience, all com- munications connected with these appeals were marked on the outside " State-the-case " ; thus these men came to be 1797 PORTSMOUTH 127 known as " State-the-case " men. We can only imagine what their lives were on board. Dragged from their homes, with no knowledge of the sea, eternally appealing against their lot, they could have been of little use, and no doubt every one would have been glad to see the back of them. But the sea men themselves were the worst sufferers ; they were the most valuable to the nation, and by far the worst treated. Their main general grievance was unquestionably the matter of pay. In 1758 George Grenville, who was then Treasurer of the Navy, induced Parliament to pass an Act for the Encourage- ment of Sea men employed in the Royal Navy ; and for establishing a regular method for the punctual, frequent, and certain payment of their wages ; and for enabling them more easily and readily to remit the same for the support of wives and families, and for preventing frauds and abuses attending such payments. But these fine paper phrases, like a good many that exist to-day, were very different in practice, and were choked with many petty meannesses. Theoretically, a man who volunteered received two months' advance, and was allowed to allot part of his pay to support his wife and family. All men who had served for a year or over were entitled to receive the full wages due to them (less a deduction of six months, which was kept back as a provision against desertion) whenever their ship came into a port where there was a Commission of the Navy. Pressed men got no advance, and none of the men got paid when serving abroad, or at a home port when not a naval dockyard. Even when they were paid it was not in coin of the realm, but in pay tickets, which were surrounded by all kinds of red- tape regulations, and could only be cashed through a pay- ofhce. What this meant to a man pressed out of a home- coming merchant ship and to his wife and family can be imagined. Even when men sent tickets home to their fami- 128 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN lies to be cashed, the woman had to present them at a pay- office in a dockyard town, so that they were compelled to come there from all parts of the kingdom for the purpose. The people at these pay-offices seem to have been in league with the " Jews," as all manner of objections were raised to the tickets, and payments refused. The women, being ignorant of the forms to be complied with, either had their journey for nothing or sold the tickets to the " Jews," who were always on the look-out for such cases of want. From 15 per cent, to 50 per cent, was the commission charged for cashing the tickets. Of the men themselves, William Richardson l has told us how they were marched from one ship to another without a moment's liberty on shore, and with their paper money in their hands to start a new commission. Admiral Elkins re- cords one case where a man did fourteen years without touching a penny of actual pay, and he says that to his own knowledge men often did nine years without getting any wages. As they had to buy their own clothes they were often reduced to rags or practical nakedness on this account. Is it a wonder that Nelson said his heart was with the men who mutinied at Spithead ? On the other hand, Admiral Cunningham, who was captain of the Clyde at the mutiny of the Nore, and who seemed to have been of the type of Glascock and Chamier, declared that they were as happy as mortal sailor could expect to be ; and quoted as one of the blessings of the fighting sea man that the Admiralty had done all mortal wisdom could do to see that each man got exactly his right amount of wages ! In spite of Cunningham, it is easy to understand why the sea men made the claim for higher wages the main feature of their Petition to Parliament, and the first item in their Petition to the Admiralty. 1 " A Mariner of England," 1797 PORTSMOUTH 129 The request for sixteen ounces to the pound was the result of an inexplicable governmental meanness, it being the custom of the Admiralty to allow the men only fourteen ounces to the pound, in order to provide for what was called "leakage." Even this fourteen ounces dwindled, in the hands of dishonest pursers, down to ten, eleven, twelve ounces ; and to complain was a crime. Vegetables were a crying need. William Richardson gives us an idea of his state when he was sent from the Minerva to the Prompted Men were eaten up with scurvy ; their gums were in a horri- ble state. They had only salt meat and hard biscuit to eat, with the shore and an inexhaustible supply of fresh vegetables only a couple of hundred yards away. There is no record that the officers ever suffered from scurvy, or that they went without fresh provisions and vegetables, when these were by any means obtainable ; and no valid reason was ever given why the men should be denied fresh vegetables when in harbour. The condition of the sick was shocking in the extreme. The medical stores were insufficient and bad, in the first place, while the dishonesty of the surgical staff further reduced these, till the sick were left without any proper medicines. The Greenwich Hospital pension was 7 only as compared with the 13 given to the military pensioners at Chelsea. This difference was owing to the extraordinary maladminis- tration and corruption of old sea officers at Greenwich. These things alone were sufficient to inspire a chronic dis- content in the hearts of any men ; when they were coupled with practical slavery backed up with the whip, they became insupportable, and the wonder is not that there was a general uprising in 1797, but that it did not come many years before. Admiral Patten predicted one in 1792. And now, before we 1 See quotation at head of chapter on " The Festive Sea Man." 9 130 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN proceed to the Nore, let us take a brief glance at latter-day happenings. A few years ago there were very continuous murmurings at a certain naval depot against the short issue of provisions, especially fresh beef ; men declared that they rarely got more than fourteen ounces to the pound, often considerably less ; but how was it possible to prove this ? To make an effective complaint the meat, just as it was drawn from the beef- house, would have to be taken to an officer and weighed there and then. But it was not possible to get straight to an officer, especially the commander, who only receives requests and defaulters at stated times. A mass of red-tape formula had to be gone through, and this had to pass through officials who, in ninety- nine cases out of every hundred, were interested in maintaining the status quo. Things got worse and worse, till at last it was decided to deal with the matter in the Press. The commodore of the depot got wind of this. In fact, if I remember rightly, he had an advance proof of the article sent to him privately, which, like a wise man, he kept to himself. But the next morning he sent for three lieutenants ; to one he said : " Go down to the beef- house ; hang about, taking no notice of any one, and when the last mess has drawn its beef, turn every one out, lock up the place, and bring the key to me." To the others he said: "Take those scales, station yourselves at (mentioning a part of the barracks), and as the men come through with their messes' meat ask the amount they drew, and then weigh it to see just what they have got. Don't stop them if they are short, but simply note in this book their mess, what they were supposed to have, and what they really did have." These orders were faithfully carried out. When Lieutenant No. i descended on the beef- house, turned the issuing staff out I797-PORTSMOUTH I 3 i and locked the door, placing a sentry with orders that no one was to go near it, consternation spread. When Lieutenants 2 and 3 returned with their figures it was discovered that the difference between the supposed and real issue amounted to just on seven quarters (a bullock and three quarters) ; there were about 5,000 men in the depot. The paymaster was sent for with his books, and the commodore informed him that he wanted to survey the beef in the beef -house at once ; but before they went, would he, the paymaster, state what amount of beef should be there. This was done, and the procession wended its way to the beef -house, where a surprise was in store : instead of there being seven quarters of beef too many, there was about one and a half short! This was a totally unexpected situation, because it showed that instead of a few petty officials being guilty of small peculations, there must be a widespread conspiracy, as evi- dently the beef, though signed for, had never come into the barracks, thus involving the issuing staff at barracks, the victualling yard officials, contractors, and those accountant officers who had left everything to subordinates and signed for stuff they had never seen or checked. From five hundred to seven hundred carcases a year must have been the amount of plunder of this group, but the whole thing was hushed up " in the interest of the service." I only quote this to ask, if this could go on with impunity not long since, what must have been the conditions 150 years ago ? A perpetually hungry belly was the groundwork on which was built a monstrous structure of repression, corruption, and cruelty, which grew and grew till it became absolutely insupport- able. As there was no legitimate means whereby the burden could be lightened, revolt, the last resource of poor suffering humanity ever since the world began, was re- sorted to, with the results we have seen. Right through 132 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN this part of the serio- comedy, which might have ended in blackest tragedy, the sea man was the only one who shone to advantage. Authority began by ignoring him, then tried to bully him, granted all he asked, and ended by ban- quetting him and escorting him round the fleet in a kind of triumphal procession. Then, when he had returned to his duty, the safeguarding of the State, authority once more, in a vindictive reaction, whirled the cat and the yard rope round his head as though he was a felon of felons, and only fit for torture and death. CHAPTER V 1797 THE NORE THREE days before the men at St. Helen's returned to duty, signs of disaffection appeared in the ships congregated at the Little Nore. It has always been the practice to put this down to political influence organised on shore ; one writer credited it thus, and all those who came after have slavishly followed his lead. They have been incapable of looking at the thing through a sea man's eyes, and as they had a theory to hand already cut and dried, they have seized it to point a moral and adorn a tale. The outbreak at the Nore was not due to political influence, to Parker, or to any one else, but to the Admiralty order of May i, backed up by the fact that the grievances of the men were universal, and that the conditions which produced the outbreak at Spithead were to be found everywhere throughout the Navy. If we are to believe Admiral Patten, who was in the Navy at the time and who seems to have been a keen and uncom- monly shrewd observer of the conditions of the men, the Navy was on the brink of a general upheaval in 1792. This being so, it is only reasonable to assume that in the intervening five years it was a constant subject of discussion among the prime sea men of the Navy who were the chief sufferers ; not those belonging to the Channel Fleet alone, but the sea men of the Navy generally. It is also fair to assume that an understand- 134 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN ing was arrived at, that circumstances should be left to decide just when and where action should commence, and that as soon as the others heard of it they should follow the lead, and so make the thing general. The winter of 1796 offered special facilities to the men of the Channel Fleet, and in the December of that year Petitions began to reach Lord Howe which he was foolish enough to ignore, and so it came to pass that the men of the Channel Fleet decided to set the ball rolling. We have followed the vacillating policy of the Admiralty and their final collapse before the determined attitude of the delegates, and we have also seen how the senseless order of May i precipitated the second outbreak at St. Helen's. That order was of course promulgated throughout the Navy. Naval captains, taken in the bulk, were by no means slow in the use of the cat, even under ordinary circumstances, when what they were pleased to call " discipline " was normal. This order "That the Captains and Commanders of His Majesty's ships be particularly attentive to the conduct of the men under their command, and that they be ready on the first appearance of mutiny to use the most vigorous means to suppress it and bring the ringleaders to justice " frightened the more timid of the officers mentioned, and in- duced the more brutal to " see red," so that there was a general outbreak of authoritative violence. But there is a limit to all human endurance, and the sea man had reached that limit, so that the repressive measures that were now suddenly taken, instead of stamping out disaffection as was intended, only intensified his misery and precipitated the general revolt which tact and a generous acknowledgment of his claims would have made unnecessary and impossible. I am not here to defend Parker. Portsmouth and the Nore 1797 THE NORE 135 illustrated the two ends of one proverb. The banquet at the Governor's house showed the St. Helen's delegates that nothing succeeds like success ; the yard whip probably convinced Parker and his colleagues that nothing fails like failure. Had he been the perfect man, one could hardly regret the end ; he played for high stakes and lost : lost because, though he had some of the qualities of the leader, he lacked the essentials of moderation and level- headedness. Unlike the Portsmouth delegates, he did not know " when to cease to ask, as well as to begin." His want of level- headedness, and perhaps a strain of vanity, carried him over the border-line of legitimate demand to excess. He strutted on the stage for a few brief days in all the glory of a transient authority, then hit up against the swing-back of the pendulum at the yard arm of the Sandwich ! David Hannay admits " He met his death at the fore yard-arm like a man, having written a proper sort of letter to his wife, expressed due con- trition for his offences, and asked, as the leader of an unsuc- cessful rebellion should, that his life might be accepted as sufficient sacrifice. If it was all, or even partly, affectation, it was at least the affectation of a man who knew the proper thing to do." His last letter shows that he had made the great mistake of fancying himself the wheel instead of, as he was, the fly on the wheel. His leadership of an " unsuccessful rebellion " only existed in his imagination, for, as was the case at Portsmouth, the delegates refused to admit that they were engaged in a mutiny ; and that their attitude should not be mistaken, the King's birthday was observed with the usual forms of loyalty a royal salute was fired, ships were " dressed " with the usual display of bunting, and the chaplain of the Sandwich was sent for to preach the Birthday sermon. So if this was a 136 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN " rebellion/' it was one of the strangest in the history of man ! These loyal observances were strictly in accordance with the nature of the outbreaks, and those most intimately con- nected with them. Admiral Patten tells us that they were concerted among the best sea men in any ship. " When any ship arrived from sea and the delegates went on board, they immediately called for the captains of the fore- castle, who were always the best and most experienced sea men, and they never failed to concur with the delegates and to induce the ship's company to follow their opinions. All the petty officers, that is to say, quarter-masters, boatswains' and gunners' mates, etc., uniformly joined in the combina- tion ; and the boatswains, gunners and carpenters themselves at least stood neutral, and did not join the higher officers in any ship, according to the best information I have been able to collect on this subject; and in the London , the boatswain, gunner and carpenter went down to the orlop-deck during the unfortunate contention which took place on that ship." When a revolt consisted of such active and passive elements as these, there must have been something above the average in Parker that he should have been able to assume the leader- ship from the beginning. True, he was repudiated later, and his own messmates handed him over to authority, but that was after he had been tried in the scale and found wanting in the qualities of a leader. His brief power seems to have turned his head, and he imagined himself the " leader of a rebellion," instead of one of a combination whose object was not rebellion, but the abolition of well-founded grievances. The fantastic picture drawn by James is worthy of an arm- chair sailor totally ignorant of the sea. "It is notorious that a certain custom had long prevailed for the London police when a culprit possessed wit enough for his roguery just to elude the letter of the law, rather than 1797 THE NORE 137 discharge him that he might commit, with increased confi- dence, fresh depredations upon society, to send him on board a ship- of -war. He was generally a plausible fellow, with a smattering of learning and a knowledge of the world ; two qualities that ranked him very high in the estimation of the unsophisticated sailor. He sang a good song, or at all events he told a good story, and became in time the oracle of the fore- castle. He was perhaps a dabbler in politics, and certainly from the nature of his profession a bit of a lawyer. He therefore could expound Acts of Parliament to the sailor. In short, such a character was capable of infecting a whole ship's company, and many of the mutinous crews could no doubt trace their disorganisation to the first appearance among them of one of those pests of society." Had James spent only six months on the forecastle or lower- deck of a ship- of- war he would have found that the sea man is not so unsophisticated as he supposed, and that such a character as he depicts would be about the very last to get a hearing or demoralise a ship's company ; his fate would be to be kicked from pillar to post as a wind-bag. Of course James's object was to scout the idea of well-founded grievances, and to fix all the troubles on the " evil- disposed person." David Hannay takes his cue from James, and follows on with the same fable : " Whether Parker belonged to one of our revolutionary societies is not certain. It was afterwards asserted that he did, and was sent on board as being, from his training, a likely person to foment a mutiny. This, however, is so much the kind of story which would be told, that it cannot be accepted as evidence. On the other hand it is not intrinsically im- probable. He himself had the grace to " die game," and without betraying his associates on shore if he had any. All we can be sure of is that he was very much the stamp of men who did belong to Jacobin societies, and that his training had ad- 138 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN mirably qualified Mm for the part he played. On board the ships at the Nore he had plenty of the kind of material which the demagogues love. The London police had been in the habit of sending its criminals on board for some time, and among them undoubtedly were members of the Corresponding Society and United Irishmen." The obvious desire is to prove political influence, and a manufactured revolt by political agitation. But Parker has been so very much maligned that it is difficult to say at this time of day what manner of man he really was. Still, the disaffection in the North Sea Fleet, over which Parker had no influence, should dispel the idea of political influence. But after all is said, the character of Parker is quite im- material. In all great upheavals, men of various standards float to the surface ; those of the right type and character are able to seize opportunities and shape circumstances to the end desired, others may have the strength of purpose to get to the surface, but not the qualifications to act rightly when they get there. To whichever type Parker belonged is quite immaterial ; he was a bubble on the surface, a fly on the wheel, and to credit him with the organisation of the outbreak is to totally ignore the conditions of the Navy at the time, and to do grievous wrong to the sea men of the fleet, by implying that they could be led into such a movement by a man " who could sing a good song and tell a good story." As Admiral Patten says : " Had the whole of what had been admitted at Portsmouth with respect to the changing of officers been openly com- municated to the North Sea Fleet, and the same indulgence prudently granted, there is the strongest probability that no ship of the fleet would have gone to the Nore." There is also the strongest probability that the outbreak at 1797 THE NORE 139 the Nore would never have taken place. Instead of this the Admiralty issued the order of May i, and a reign of terror commenced. There seems to be no doubt whatever that the men became convinced that the concessions granted to the Channel Fleets were, as far as they were concerned, dead letters. They therefore determined to get equal treatment ; and as these concessions affected the prime sea men of the Navy more than any one else, it was only natural that the outbreak at the Nore should have commenced in the Sandwich, which was full of prime sea men at the time. They were not allowed on shore for fear they would desert, and Admiral Buckner was keeping them for the ships of the North Sea Fleet, which at the time was at sea, watching the coast of Holland under Admiral Duncan. James says of this outbreak : " The mutineers at Sheerness and Yarmouth had no solid, nor even plausible ground for complaint"; and Hannay follows this up with "When their petition was handed in it was found to begin with the super- fluous demand that whatever had been given to ships at Portsmouth should be given to those at the Nore." This request said : " That every indulgence granted to the fleet at Portsmouth should be granted to His Majesty's subjects serv- ing in the fleet at the Nore and places adjacent." This has always seemed to me proof positive that the Admiralty in- tention that what was granted at Portsmouth should affect the whole Navy had never been communicated to the service generally ; and, as already shown, the order of May i and the subsequent severity of ship captains led the men to believe that no benefits would accrue to them, and that their last condition would be, if anything, worse than the first. It was this feeling that induced the ships of the North Sea Fleet to leave Duncan and join the ships at the Nore. There were, of course, ship captains who had declined to " see red " over the 140 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN order of May i, and who treated their men with humane con- sideration. These, on the first sign of an outbreak, seem to have called their ship's companies together, explained the real situation, and that the concessions granted at Portsmouth were to be extended to them, which at once settled the ques- tion as far as they were concerned, and they declined to join the other ships in open revolt. As this news spread, and ship's companies became convinced that what they were fighting for had actually been granted, they began to return to duty, and the outbreak fizzled out. But at the beginning they were actuated by no mere " mischief-making spirit, with scarcely a knowledge of the object they had in view." They stated definitely what they wanted, which was practically the same as what had been asked for at Portsmouth. The Ad- miralty reply was anything but satisfactory, probably through a misunderstanding of the situation. The Admiralty and Government knew that the concessions made to the men of the Channel Fleet necessarily included the whole of the Navy. The men at the Nore did not know this ; therefore the Ad- miralty reply, refusing to accede to further demands and promising forgiveness if they would return to duty, only in- censed them. They did not want forgiveness, they wanted concessions, and they showed that they were prepared to go to any length to get them, quite ignorant of the fact that what they wanted was already theirs. Their conduct was certainly wanting in the moderation shown by the Spithead delegates, but the circumstances were so entirely different that this is hardly to be wondered at. At Spithead there was no mis- understanding : the men presented their Petitions, and were almost immediately met in conference by members of the Board of Admiralty ; and although the proceedings were some- what dilatory, the things asked for were granted, and the men at once returned to duty. But for the unfortunate order 1797 THE NORE 141 already referred to there would have been no further outbreak at St. Helen's. Had the Admiralty been as prompt to inform the men of the Navy of the permanent concessions granted, as they were to suggest repressive measures to ship captains, the combination at Spithead would have been the only one ; but they preferred to act timidly instead of boldly and generously, and the obloquy for all the subsequent violence has been piled on the shoulders of the sea man. All writers on the subject, without exception, have claimed that as there was no specific complaint made against the use of the cat, this bears out the claim of various naval officers that the men did not object to its use. That sort of argument was persisted in till as late as 1877, and we have seen how, when naval officers put such arguments forward in the House of Commons, they drew forth an immediate protest from the petty officers at Portsmouth. What the men of 1797 did was to ask, and persist in the request, that certain objectionable officers should be removed from the ships ; and as every captain so removed was a flogging officer, it is only reasonable to assume that that was why he was hated. Certain it is that every single instance of a ship mutiny was brought about by the excessive use of the cat, which was vigorous enough protest in all conscience. There was one demand put forward by the delegates at the Nore which did not figure in the Petitions from Spithead : that in future a foremast man should be a member of every court-martial by which a foremast man was tried. This has been quoted to show the " excessively revolutionary spirit " with which they were imbued. Yet they were< quite uncon- sciously, I believe simply falling back on the laws of the Commonwealth Navy which had worked so admirably in the seventeenth century, and which the compilers of the " Manual 142 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN of Naval Law and Court-Martial Procedure " 1 have since referred to as a " perfect system.'* For the various reasons mentioned, the outbreak at the Nore was entered upon in a very different spirit from the one at Portsmouth, and the exasperation caused by the Admiralty reply at once led to excess, the very means to suppress which only added fuel to the fire, which saw its last flicker in the eighteen bodies swinging at the yard arms, and the doleful and dreadful sounds of the drums as other poor wretches were flogged round the fleet. Seventeen ninety-seven is unquestionably the blackest year in the story of our Navy ; black, because the laws of that Navy offered the men no amelioration of their horrible position except through open revolt. Admiral de la Gravier said of the fight between the Chesa- peake and Shannon: "On the I4th day of September, 1806, the day when he took command of his frigate, Captain Broke had begun to prepare the glorious termination of this bloody affair." And of those others it may be truly said : " The day in 1660 when at the Restoration the wise laws of the Commonwealth Navy were wiped out, and corrupt court favourites entered on an era of cruel punishments and savage repression, they had begun to prepare for the outbreak at Portsmouth, The Nore and other places." Lower- deck feeling had been dammed back by flogging at the gangway, round the fleet, and by hanging at the yard arm, but it continued to rise until, like a great flood, it overflowed the dam. To brutalise men during that period of their lives when the animal passions run fiercest in the best of us, and then express wonder at their excess when they had resorted 1 The compilers of this work are J. E. R. Stephens, Barrister-at-Law ; C. E. Gifford, C.B., Fleet Paymaster, R.N. ; and F. Harrison Smith, Staff Paymaster, R.N. These can hardly be called revolutionists. I797-THE NORE 143 to that last desperate expedient force, is hardly consistent. What we should wonder at and extol is their marvellous moderation. We can afford to talk freely of these things to-day, because the possibility of a general upheaval in the modern Navy is even less likely than a revolution to upset the present mon- archy : the conditions for either do not exist. If we even admit that Parker was largely responsible for the outbreak at the Nore, it is safe to say that if ten thousand Parkers were let loose on the lower- deck to-day, they would fail to bring about a repetition of 1797. Disaffection there may be, and will be, but the waters of disaffection can never again rise to a dan- gerous height, for the dam of repression and cruelty that had held them back was shattered and broken beyond repair by the overflow. It has always been the fashion to anathematise the men for their few weeks of excess and defiance of author- ity ; how much more should we anathematise that authority which for 137 years had turned the Navy into an ever-growing hell! CHAPTER VI l8l2 AND ITS LESSONS IN the year 1812 the British Navy received the rudest lesson that had come to it in its long history : a lesson that the Navy and the nation might have laid to heart and profited by, had both not been blinded by old traditions and past successes over spent and disorganised foes. The sea thunders of the Napoleonic wars were gradually dying away, though Waterloo was still ahead, when the attention of Great Britain was called to the trading activities of the United States of America. The destruction of French merchantmen by our own war-ships, coupled with the destruc- tion of our own merchantmen by French privateers, drove trade into neutral bottoms, and the United States was the neutral who profited. Her merchants shipped cargoes to French ports, and as the trade grew apace ever more men were required to man the American ships. At this time the British sea man was looked on as the finest sea man in the world, and American merchant shippers were only too glad to welcome all they could lay their hands on, and they found plenty who were only too willing to take service under the American flag so as to avoid the press-gang and the brutal severity of British naval discipline. So great was this drain, and so great the harm done to British interests, that public feeling was inflamed, and Orders in Council were issued dealing with the subject, claim- 144 i8i2 AND ITS LESSONS 145 ing that our war-ships could at any time take British sailors wherever found, on the high seas. Whatever may have been the right, there seems little doubt that the method of exercising it left much to be desired, for not only British but American sailor men were lifted out of American ships (as it was of course very difficult to tell an American from a British subject), and " if the captain of a war vessel were short-handed, he was certain to resolve all doubts in his own favour ; and, consequently, thousands of impressed Americans served, much against the grain, in British war-ships." 1 Irritating as this was it was eclipsed later on by the order of Vice- Admiral the Hon. George Crosfield Berkeley, that vessels under his command on the American coast were to search all vessels, even American men-of-war, for deserters. The American frigate Chesapeake was about to put to sea when this order was issued, and the British 50 -gun ship Leopard intercepted her with the intention of searching. Captain Barrow of the Chesapeake refused to submit to such an insult, so the Leopard opened fire, and after three broadsides the Chesapeake, which was lumbered up with gear, and quite un- prepared for action, struck. The British then boarded her and took out four deserters from British ships ; three of these were American citizens who had previously been illegally pressed into the British Navy, and only one a British subject. Even then the pusillanimous Jefferson hesitated to act, which only led British naval officers to greater excesses, till finally, in June 1812, Madeson sent in a declaration of war without having made any preparation either on sea or land for its prosecution. At this time the whole of the United States Navy was composed of seven frigates, one corvette, two ship-sloops, four 1 Theodore Roosevelt, " The Naval Operations, 1812-15." IO 146 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN brig- sloops, and two brigs, while the British Navy stood at the very height of its splendour. Off the American coast there were half a dozen British frigates and the two-decker Africa carrying 64 guns. And now commenced a series of single ship actions that discovered the Achilles heel of the British Navy in a way that had never happened before or since. After a few preliminary skirmishes in which no great harm was done on either side, the American frigate Constitution, 44 guns, Captain Hull, on the afternoon of August 19, 1812, sighted the British Guerribre, 38 guns, Captain Dacres. The Guerriere at once backed her maintopsail and waited for her opponent, who was running towards her with a fair wind. At 5 p.m. she opened fire, and a ding-dong battle ensued, with the advantage always on the American side, till at 7 p.m. the British ship was a battered and defenceless hulk, and struck her flag just two hours after she had fired the first shot. Both the man- oeuvring and shooting of the American ship were, superior to the British, yet only six weeks before Captain Hull had written to the Secretary of the Navy : " The crew are as yet unacquainted with a ship- of -war, as many have but lately joined and have never been on an armed ship before. . . . We are doing all we can to make them acquainted with their duties, and in a few days we shall have nothing to fear from any single- decked ship," which showed a splendid trust in his men. In the fight fourteen of the Constitution's, and seventy- nine of the Guer- riere's were killed or wounded. 1 The result of this action caused consternation throughout the British Navy, for the American Navy had been viewed 1 In this fight ten of the Guerritre's crew were Americans who had been pressed and who refused to fight against their countrymen. Captain Dacres allowed these to go below. 1812 AND ITS LESSONS 147 with utter contempt, and no one had imagined that in a single ship, or any other action, the result could be other than victory for our side. But worse was to follow. On the evening of October 17, the American sloop Wasp, 18 guns, sighted the British sloop Frolic, also carrying 18 guns, she having with her a convoy of merchantmen. In the early morning of the i8th the Wasp bore down, the Frolic cleared for action, and at 11.30 a.m. the action began. The firing of the Frolic was far more rapid than that of the Wasp, being equal to three broad- sides to her opponent's two ; but while the Frolic's shooting was wild, that of the Wasp was precise, the gunlayers firing into their opponent's hull, doing great execution. 1 There was a heavy sea running at the time, and gradually the vessels drew closer together, till the Americans struck the Frolic's side with their rammers while loading their guns. After three- quarters of an hour's fighting the Frolic struck, both ships by this time being very severely damaged, so much so that the British ship Poictiers, 74 guns, coming along a few hours later, captured both victor and vanquished. In this action the ships were as near equal as possible, the superiority of armament being with the British; but once again the Americans showed a superiority of personnel that won the day. The rapid firing of the English gunners showed they had been well drilled, and in bravery they were not lacking, but the discipline of the Americans was of a different type it was the discipline of intelligence. Thrice we had met our adversary on the sea in single- ship combat, and twice we had had to acknowledge defeat. On October 25 the American frigate United States, 44 guns, Captain Decater, with a crew of 478 officers and 1 The Wasp lost ten men only ; of the Frolic's over fifteen were killed and forty-seven wounded. 148 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN men, fell in with the British 38-gun frigate Macedonian, Captain Garden, carrying a crew of 301 all told. Now the Macedonian had won for herself quite a name as a crack ship ; her captain had picked his crew with great care, taking every opportunity to get rid of every sea man whom he did not look on as a first-class man. He was what sailors call a " taut hand/' and delighted in the use of the " cat " to maintain " discipline," finding a kindred spirit and willing helper in his First Lieutenant David Hope. Both these officers were feared and hated by the crew, but the ship had attained to that " perfect state of discipline " when the men would fly at the slightest order, and every drill could be car- ried out with the precision of clockwork. When the ship was lying at Norfolk all leave was denied for fear the men would desert, a precaution that was absolutely necessary under the circumstances. On board the Macedonian there were a very fair number of American sea men, the bulk of whom had been pressed, and some of these, before the action commenced, requested permission not to fight against their countrymen, a request which Captain Garden refused, ordering them to the guns under penalty of death. On the other hand there were many British sea men on board the United States, and there is no record of these asking to be excused. In the mind of the British captain there could be only one result in an action between his own ship and another of any- thing like similar strength the discipline on board was ex- cellent; and Lieutenant Hope said afterwards that "in no other British ship was so much attention paid to gunnery," but it was the discipline of the slave compound and the " gunnery " of the tyrannical drill- master. However, as soon as the United States was made out, the Macedonian beat to quarters, and in a very few moments, 1812 AND ITS LESSONS 149 without any noise or confusion, the guns were cast loose and all was ready for the impending conflict. The discipline of peace immediately gave place to the discipline of war, for the junior midshipmen were stationed below, on the berth- deck with orders to shoot any man who ran from his quarters. The action began at 10.15 a.m., the Macedonian having the weather gage, but from the very commencement the superior- ity of the American was apparent, her rapidity of fire being twice as great as her opponent, while its accuracy was such that in a very short time the decks of the Macedonian re- sembled a shambles. The British sea men fought with the tenacity of despair, but their shooting was bad, and beyond some damage to the American's rigging, left her unscathed. Captain Garden did all he could to exhort his men, discard- ing for the nonce the discipline of the " cat " for the discipline of encouragement, appealing to his men to show fidelity and courage, even quoting Nelson's famous signal " England ex- pects every man to do his duty! " Was there ever such a ghastly parody of the " Nelson touch " ? But it was all of no avail ; the men had been drilled and disciplined till the only spirit that animated them was fear and hatred of their task- master. Battered aloft and below, the Macedonian gradually dropped to leeward, and at 11.15 struck her colours just an hour after the action began. This was a battle of long bowls, as the two ships were never close enough for grape or musketry to be used. The United States, beyond a few wounded spars and cut-up rigging, had come out practically scatheless, only two or three shots having touched her hull, and only twelve of her men were killed and wounded. The Macedonian, on the other hand, presented a sorry spectacle ; her fore and main topmast and mizzenmast were shot away, her hull was riddled with over a hundred 150 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN shots, her guns were dismounted, and 104 of her men either killed or wounded. The discipline of the United States was perfect, but of an entirely different type. The crew had not been a great while together, but they had been admirably drilled by their officers, and treated so humanely that instead of waiting to be driven they were anxious to anticipate every wish of those over them. When the Americans boarded to take possession of their prize, they found the British inflamed with rum the last desperate expedient of the incompetent commander and ready to resort to fisticuffs, but were so impressed with the good relations existing between the American sea men and their officers that they speedly fraternised, and the bulk of them expressed a willingness to enlist in the American Navy there and then. Leech, who is the authority for these inci- dents, tells us that Captain Decater refused this offer, though the bulk of the men managed to get away, thus escaping being sent to England in exchange for American prisoners. What concerns us here is that this company of picked men, after being beaten, were quite willing to become traitors and fight on the side of their country's enemies ; every sense of nationhood and patriotism had been stamped out by the brutality that hid itself under the guise of discipline. Sir Howard Douglas, in summing up the action, says : " As a display of courage the tradition of the service was nobly upheld ; but we would be deceiving ourselves were we to admit that the comparative expertness of the crews in gunnery was equally satisfactory. Now, taking the difference of effect as given by Captain Garden, we must draw this con- clusion that the comparative loss in killed and wounded (104 to 12), together with the dreadful account he gives of his own ship, while he admits that the enemy's vessel was in 1812 AND ITS LESSONS 151 comparatively good order, must have arisen from inferiority in gunnery, as well as in force." But the inferiority was really of quite another nature. The British sea men went into action sullen and discontented, with officers standing over them with loaded firearms to see that they worked the guns. They fired the guns, not caring where the shots went, and so really threw their ammunition away. The Americans, on the other hand, were animated, if not by love of their country, at least by love of their officers ; there- fore all their efforts were intelligently used. It was the old, old story of the led and the driven. The next action was between the United States frigate Constitution, 44 guns, Captain Bainbridge, and the British frigate Java? 38 guns, Captain Lambert. This took place on December 29, off the coast of Brazil. The Java was the swifter ship of the two, the comparative strength of the two ships being as five to four, or rather less, the advantage being with the Constitution. At 2 p.m. both ships opened fire at long range, the shooting being equally good on both sides. The Java had the weather gage, and bore down on her opponent till well within musketry range, and attempted to bear across her opponent's bow and rake her. But the American was too smart, and wore in the smoke. Then commenced a running fight at pistol-shot dis- tance, with the shooting all to the advantage of the American, finding which the Java forged ahead, again attempting to rake the Constitution , and again failing through the clever 1 James says that the Java (ex Renommee] had been commissioned at Portsmouth on August 17, 1812, to carry to Bombay the newly appointed Governor, Lieutenant-General Hislop, and that her ship's company included sixty raw Irishmen, fifty disaffected seamen from the Coquette, besides a considerable number of Marine Society boys in all 397 person of every description, mainly inexperienced, 152 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN tactics of the American, which shortly after passed under the Java's stern, raking her heavily. Captain Lambert, recog- nising that at an artillery duel he was outclassed, attempted to turn the scale by boarding, but was terribly raked as he came down, while the American topmen simply mowed down the boarders gathered in the gangways. Once again they got clear, and the fight waged as furiously as ever. But the cool precision of the American's fire rapidly told ; one by one the masts of the Java went over the side, her guns were dismounted and silenced, and she lay on the water a battered hulk. At 4.5 p.m. the Constitution ceased firing, and started to repair damages. At the end of an hour she was in as good a condition as ever, when she stood towards the Java, which then struck. Once again the Americans were victorious, though this time they had to pay a little more dearly for their victory, thirty- four of the Constitution's crew being killed or wounded ; beyond that, she was practically unhurt. The Java, on the other hand, sustained terrible damage, 124 of her complement, including her captain, were killed or wounded, all her masts were shot away, while her hull was battered. Being so far from a home-port she was destroyed, and the Constitution returned to the United States. On board the Constitution the same happy relationship ex- isted between officers and men as was the case in the United States. Her crew was enlisted from among the seafaring folk of the New England States, who enlisted freely in the Ameri- can ships, and were shown every consideration. They were continually practised at the guns in the art of hitting a target, and while exceedingly smart aloft and below, were never sub- jugated to that policy of drive and punish which was the distinguishing feature of British Naval discipline. The Java did not boast that perfection of smartness and discipline that 1812 AND ITS LESSONS 153 characterised the Macedonian^ she was merely a typical British war- ship of the period. Her crew, with the " fifty disaffected sea men of the Coquette" was made up of pressed men from various sources, who had no cause to love either the service or their officers ; their smartness was of that per- functory kind which consisted of doing certain set drills and evolutions in a certain set time, or being severely punished. When this was pitted against the intelligent discipline of the American ships, it crumpled to pieces and left us undone. James, in his " Naval History," rather belittles these ac- tions, putting the success of the Americans down to a great superiority of force. While in his " Remarks upon the Naval War of 1812 with the United States," published in the 1886 edition of James, Mr. H. J. Powell says : " It is impossible to deny that they (the Americans) gained some unexpected successes, and it would be ungenerous to dispute that they showed frequently a very respectable degree of efficiency ; yet we still must contend that those successes, as shown by William James, were in nearly every case due, not only to a superiority of force, but to a great superiority of force." That the American 44 -gun frigates were more powerful than those they captured is indisputable, but until the action had taken place and the captures made, no single British officer on the American station looked on the American ships other than with contempt ; the superiority in tonnage was never looked upon as being a possible factor in the result of an action. British ships had been in the habit of engaging French and Spanish ships of equal or superior weight, and the result was invariably the same. Their crews were all serving under compulsion and more or less brutal conditions, and had as little interest in the fighting ; the superior prowess and 154 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN stamina of the British made them irresistible against such foes, especially when it came to boarding. The American sea men were men of an entirely different mould. They were serving freely, and of their own wills ; their discipline, while it demanded instant and ready obedience to order, was exceedingly humane ; they, therefore, took an intelligent interest in their work, and when the battle joined issue each felt a personal interest in the result. Such men were irresistible, and wanted no looking after while the fight- ing was in progress. The sudden loss of a gun-captain did not demoralise the rest of the gun- crew, they immediately supplied his place from among their number and continued the firing. The British sea men, on the other hand, were drilled inces- santly; but the object was not so much war- efficiency as to enable them to do certain things in certain times. Mistakes were severely punished ; in fact, the whole discipline rested on punishment and drive. They were thus in the habit of doing what they were told, and only what they were told, not from a sense of duty, but from fear. The Guerriere, the Mace- donian, and the Java showed us our Achilles heel, but we blinded ourselves and turned unseeing eyes on the spot, and even till to-day our " eyes are holden." One more fight, that between the American sloop Hornet, and the British brig Peacock, demonstrated the superiority of the American sea men. This fight took place on February 24, 1813, near the mouth of the Demerara River. At 5,25 p.m. the vessels exchanged broadsides when only a few yards dis- tant from each other, but while the shooting of the English was exceedingly wild, passing through the Hornet's rigging doing no damage, the American fire struck the hull of the Peacock between wind and water, making holes through which the water gushed. Another broadside followed, the mainmast of the Peacock went by the board, and she commenced to 1812 AND ITS LESSONS 155 settle ; surrendering and hoisting her ensign Jack down as a signal of distress at 5.50 p.m. 1 The Peacock was one of the dandy ships of the British Navy : she was known as " the yacht " on account of the tasteful arrangement of her upper- deck ; her gun breechings were lined with white covers kept spotlessly clean, while the metal work shone like burnished silver and gold. For this action Captain Lawrence of the Hornet was pro- moted to the command of the 38-gun frigate Chesapeake, fitting out at Boston. Cruising off Boston harbour, was the British 38- gun frigate Shannon, Captain Vere Broke, who had commanded her since September 14, 1806. Captain Broke was well known throughout the service as a very able commander and an enthusiastic gunnery man. Of him James says : " From the day on which he joined her the Shannon began to feel the effect of her captain's proficiency as a gunner and zeal for the service. The laying of the ship's ordnance, so that it may be correctly fired in a horizontal direction, is justly deemed a most important operation ; upon it depends in a great measure the true aim and destructive effect of every future shot she may fire. On board the Shannon this was attended to by Captain Broke in person. 2 . . . and in the course of a year or two, by the paternal care of Captain Broke ... a rather motley ship's company became as pleasant to command as they would have been dangerous to meet." We further learn that " every day for about an hour and a half in the forenoon the men were exercised in training the 1 James says the action lasted from 5.25 to 5.50 p.m. ; Theodore Roosevelt from 5.25 to 5.39 p.m. 8 This is exactly what Captain Percy Scott did in the Scylla (1899) and Terrible (1900), and which led to the phenomenal shooting of those ships. 156 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN guns/' while twice a week they fired at targets both with the heavy guns and with musketry. Captain Broke, as an ad- ditional stimulus beyond the emulation excited, gave a pound of tobacco to every man who put a shot through the bull's-eye. He led his men on to war- efficiency with kindness and personal presents, where Captain Garden of the Macedonian drove his men to " smartness " with the lash. Every sailor man will recognise from this that the Shannon was what is called " a happy ship," emulation and not fear being the driving power. Captain James Lawrence of the Chesapeake was also a humane man, and somewhat of a gunnery enthusiast. His own very easy victory over the Peacock, coupled with the other single-ship victories referred to, seem to have had the effect of inducing him to take the British too cheaply, overlooking the fact that the British sea man, properly treated and properly led, was equal as a fighting man to the best production of the United States. His own crew, moreover, were a scratch lot, including forty Britishers. His officers, with one exception, were new to the ship, so that everything must have been at " sixes and sevens." But the Shannon was cruising about outside, and seems to have acted as the proverbial red rag to a bull, for as soon as he had got the last batch of his crew on board 1 he got under way, and proceeded to sea. Captain Broke was just as eager to pit his ship against the Chesapeake, and had actually sent to challenge Captain Lawrence, offering to meet him in a duel in any latitude and longitude he might appoint. Lawrence never received this letter. On June I, his complement being complete, he stood 1 These men came on board at the last moment, and when the ship was captured their bags and hammocks were still lying in the boom-boats. 1812 AND ITS LESSONS 157 out towards the Shannon, the shore, we are told, being lined with spectators waiting to see the captured Shannon brought into harbour. The ships were as near as possible equal. The Shannon carried 52 guns, the Chesapeake 50, while the former had a crew of 330, the latter, 379. x It is not necessary here to give a detailed account of the fight : that has been given by a thousand pens ; suffice to say that the Americans were out- manoeuvred, outfought, outclassed, and at 6.5, only fifteen minutes after the first gun had been fired, struck her colours. But if the fight was brief, it was bloody, the Chesapeake having 148 killed or wounded, the Shannon 83, which shows how desperately in earnest both combatants were. Many English writers have tried to belittle the success of the Americans in the single-ship combats in which they were victorious. That their frigates were more powerful than the British which they captured is indisputable, but the enormous difference in the killed and wounded, and damage done to the respective ships, speaks very highly for the Americans. That Captain Lawrence, who had only commanded the Chesapeake for a few days, and had never been to sea in her, should take her straight out to fight a ship like the Shannon, whose crew was notoriously efficient, was an act of foolhardiness ; but when we realise that even with his totally untrained crew and un- prepared ship he put up a fight that laid eighty- three of his opponents low thirty- three killed and fifty wounded we must surely admit that as a fighter the American sea man of that time was justly entitled to be proud. The superiority of the Shannon lay in her discipline, which was of a type quite unusual in the British Navy of that day ; the men were contented, they had been taught to take an intelligent interest in their ship, their smartness was the out- 1 James says 400. 158 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN come of a spirit of emulation and not of fear, so that when they went into action it was as the willing and devoted followers of their leader. As Admiral de la Graviere very truly said : (< The Shannon captured the Chesapeake on the ist June 1813, but on the i4th of September 1806, the day he took command of his frigate. Captain Broke had begun to pre- pare the glorious termination of this bloody affair." Equally true would it be to say that on the day he took over the command of the Macedonian, Captain Carden had begun to prepare for the day when she struck her flag to the United States. The story is as old as the hills. Great commanders have come, and great commanders have gone, but every really great commander in the world's history has owed his great- ness to his ability to lead men. The two glorious examples of the nineteenth century were Nelson and Napoleon. Hard taskmaster as was the latter, he was ever careful that his soldiers should see the silken glove and not the iron hand it covered, and the " Little Corporal " was responsible for many a glorious victory. When on February 26, 1815, after a brief period of inactivity at Elba, he sailed from Porto Ferrago with his army of nine hundred men to invade France, he knew that the soldiers of France loved him and would do his bidding in spite of what the House of Bourbon might order. From the day he landed at Antibes till he reached Paris his was a triumphal march. Meeting the six thousand royal troops who had been sent to bar his progress, he boldly ad- vanced, and throwing open his coat, exclaimed : " Soldiers, you have been told I fear death. If there be one among you, one man who would kill his Emperor, let him plunge his bayonet in this bosom." 1812 AND ITS LESSONS 159 They forgot everything but the loved leader before them, and he led them back with the imperial colours and not the white cockade decorating their helmets. Nelson is our own glorious example of the leader. In August 1781 he commissioned the Albemarle, a small frigate of 28 guns. This was at a time when the Navy was reeking with discontent, when our sea men, according to general belief, could only be kept in hand by the most brutal treatment ; when desertion, 1 in spite of the awful penalties, was of a wholesale nature, and men were not allowed shore- liberty for years at a stretch, yet Nelson said of the Albemarle, " I have an exceeding good ship's company, not a man or officer in her I would wish to change. . . .1 am perfectly satisfied with both officers and ship's company." Writing later he said : " We are all well ; indeed nobody can be ill 'with my ship's company, they are so fine a set." After a two years' commission in the West Indies the Albemarle returned to England, reaching Spithead on June 25, J when Nelson wrote : " Not an officer has been changed, except the second lieutenant, since the Albemarle was commissioned ; therefore, it is needless to say, I am happy in my ship's company." When he paid off , he again wrote 2 : " My ship was paid off last week, and in such a manner that must flatter any officer, in particular in these turbulent times. The whole ship's company offered, if I could get a ship, to enter for her immediately." 1 Lord George Hamilton, speaking at the anniversary celebration of the Marine Society on March 15, 1910, said : " According to figures laid before me less than 2,000 persons were killed in naval warfare, but no fewer than 133,000 died from sickness or deserted during the Seven Years' War 1756-1763." 2 Mahan's " Life of Nelson," p. 35. i6o OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN There was nothing special about this crew, they were just the ordinary sea men to be found right through the British Navy, " fully sensible," as Admiral Patten wrote in 1797, " of the eternal obligations and immutable effects of jus- tice, ready to return the full measure of gratitude and affec- tion to that Commander who treats them as rational beings, indeed with the same faculties and perceptions which he himself possesses." * Had Nelson, with all his genius, possessed the temperament of Jervis, he could never have attained to the pinnacle of glory on which he stands. Jervis held sway through the Articles of War, backed up with the cat ; Nelson through the love he inspired in his fellows. As soon as Nelson took command all trouble, all disaffection died away. Who could have successfully fought the battle of the Nile but Nelson ? and he fully realised where the success lay. " I had the happiness to command a band of brothers," he wrote ; " there- fore night was to my advantage. Each knew his duty, and I was sure each would feel for a French ship. My friends readily conceived my plan." No Articles of War here, just a " band of brothers " engaged in the annihilation of a common enemy. In 1803 he wrote from the Mediterranean, " My ships are the best commanded, and the very best manned in the Navy," yet these were the same men to a very large extent who took part in the mutinies of Portsmouth and the Nore. Under no other commander would the signal of Trafalgar have had any meaning : " ENGLAND EXPECTS THAT EVERY MAN WILL DO HIS DUTY ! " He had gained the confidence and esteem of his offi- cers, and he had weaned his men from fear of the cat and other punishment to love of their chief : the originally suggested form of his signal " NELSON CONFIDES THAT EVERY MAN WILL 1 " Strictures on Naval Discipline and the Conduct of a Ship of War." 1812 AND ITS LESSONS 161 DO HIS DUTY," shows the implicit faith he had in the magic of his name. But, as Mahan says, the change from " Nelson " to " England " could have made no difference to them, the two names meant the same thing. How different their effect when the same words were uttered on the blood-stained decks of the Macedonian by the brutal cat-loving Garden ! The moral is so obvious that he who runs may read. II CHAPTER VII OLD BOGIES AND NEW SUGGESTIONS The true secret of successful administration is the intelligent anti- cipation of agitation. Don't wait for agitation ! Things have got to come do them yourself and don't let them be forced on you. LORD FISHER. ANY suggestion for a change in the system or nature of naval punishment is sure to be met with the most violent opposition ; therefore, before suggesting change in latter-day punishments, it will be as well to go back a few years and briefly scan all the dismal forebodings indulged in when the use of the cat in the Navy was agitating the public mind. It will not be necessary to go back to the days when flogging round the fleet, with its five hundred lashes, was a common occurrence. Concession after concession had been wrung from the Admiralty. From five hundred the maximum had been reduced to three hundred, then to two hundred, later to one hundred, later again to forty- eight, and every concession had been accompanied by forebodings of the downfall of the Navy. " Discipline," said the advocates of flogging, " could not be maintained without the use of the cat." On April 10, 1877, there was a discussion in the House of Commons on flogging in the Navy, and a Mr. A. P. Taylor rose to move : " That in the opinion of this House the time has arrived when the punishment of flogging in the Navy should be en- tirely abolished." 162 OLD BOGIES AND NEW SUGGESTIONS 163 Mr. Taylor said : " When I last year for the first time brought forward a motion for the prohibition of flogging in the Navy, and treated the various steps reducing the punishment from five hundred lashes to two hundred and one hundred, I remember telling the First Lord of the Admiralty that there was still one chaplet to be gained by the man who would relieve the Navy of the stain of being the only Navy in the world which permitted this blot to remain. The motion I made had not been agitated through the country ; I found the country did not know this practice remained in the Navy, and it was not known to many in this House. If it be necessary for me to enter into the case again, should I now fail [to get flogging abolished] ; no honour will be with the Government, because I am perfectly certain the people of this country will not rest until this punishment is abolished, when the practice is made known to them. " We are told it is practically abolished; that there are two classes in the Navy ; that the upper class are never flogged ; and that if the men get into the lower class and then offend, they would probably be dismissed the Navy without flogging. There is for this no foundation in fact. Under a court- martial at this time a man may be flogged for any offence whatever. The terms of the Navy Discipline Act are that he may be flogged for ' any act, disorder or neglect, to the prejudice of good order and naval discipline.' It has been said that the power to flog by summary order of the command- ing officer has been limited to mutiny. What does ' mutiny ' mean ? Not to resist officers and gain possession of the vessel, for if you do gain possession you cannot be flogged, because you will be in possession of the vessel. What then does mutiny mean ? It means insolence, desertion, rudeness, disobeying the commander, or striking a petty officer. In fact, it means that should any dispute arise, the commander as judge- executioner shall have power to decide what shall be called insubordination and punish with the cat. " There is a court-martial now going on I will mention 164 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN no names, because the case is not yet concluded. I would not allude to the case at all except that it illustrates my position as to whether the commander be acquitted or not. In that trial many officers have come forward and borne testimony to the long- continued ill-usage by the captain of an inferior officer. The junior officer appears to have offered no resistance, but to have yielded almost abjectly to a galling and continuous oppression. Now whether this is true or not, the fact remains that a number of British officers believe it not incredible that such a system of persecution could have been maintained. Now what if a common sea man were placed in like circumstances ? How easy for such a commander to goad a man into insubordination, and then order him to be flogged ! The regulations affecting punishment appear to an outsider to be truly astonishing. Thus in Section 56 it is laid down : " Except in case of mutiny no man shall be sentenced to be flogged unless his offence has been inquired into by a sort of improvised court-martial, appointed by the commander, and yet, should the man be reported as inno- cent to the commander he may still flog him if he thinks fit! " The Regulations of 1875 are more restrictive in regard to summary corporal punishments, but are specially limited to time of peace. Was ever such fatuity ? Suppose the time should come when unhappily we are again at war and should want the best men and the best patriotism that is the time which we choose to wave the cat over their heads. There was no case in the world where a man was so absolutely sub- ject to the will of another as those on board a vessel. A hundred years ago it was thought necessary to inflict as much as five hundred lashes. ' Discipline must be maintained/ Sir, you know. We are now the only Navy in the world where discipline cannot be maintained without the cat. " tip to 1847 there was no power of imprisonment, and therefore some rough-and-ready method had to be resorted OLD BOGIES AND NEW SUGGESTIONS 165 to to deal with refractory sea men. It was suggested to me last year that I should postpone my Motion until I could find three Admirals and three Captains to support me in the matter. It was certainly not by means of Colonels that flogging was abolished from the Army ; it was certainly not by the action of the judges as a body that the abuses of capital punishment were removed in this country ; and it was certainly not by the manufacturers the Factory Acts were passed. Not that any of these very men or the officers of the Navy were more cruel or cold-hearted than other Englishmen, but because they were naturally steeped in the traditional superstition of their pro- fession. " I greatly regret that the House should have refused the Returns, which I asked for recently, as to the extent of crime and punishment in every ship in the Navy. 1 It is an absolute abomination to maintain flogging in the Navy and to refuse the fullest particulars to this House and to the country. It is contended that it is not a disgrace to the Navy to wave the cat over its head when it is not inflicted. Why then are officers, by a special clause in the Naval Discipline Act, ex- empted from this punishment ? It may be admitted that there is small chance of an officer being flogged. It might be said also, that there is small danger of a gentleman com- mitting murder or rape ; but at all events he ought to be left to take his chance. Here is a class difference of the grossest character, giving a key to the whole position that it is a matter of caste relations. Lord Clarence Paget in 1860, in introducing the Naval Discipline Act, said : " ' And if any should think how Draconic they still appear, I pray them to bear in mind that we have to deal with a great body of men of all classes, often drawn from the very dregs of society, and who too frequently enter the Navy without re- ligion or moral principles/ " Instead of now sweeping the dregs of your ports in order to get men you have now a body of men who enter the Navy 1 The Punishments Returns are now published yearly, and are dealt with in another chapter. 166 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN at fifteen and sixteen years of age. But flogging is still going on." I have quoted Mr. Taylor's speech at some length, be- cause the arguments he used are typical of those used right through the agitation. Mr. A. F. Egerton, who was Parlia- mentary Secretary to the Admiralty at the time, replied by saying that Mr. Taylor " had begun his speech by asking for a distinct expression of opinion from the Government with respect to the points under discussion. He had no objection to give that opinion. It was this that the Admiralty as at present advised had no intention of altering the existing regulations in regard to the infliction of corporal punishment in the Navy. The Board regretted the necessity which existed for the maintenance of the rule, but they were unable to see how discipline could be maintained unless the power to flog offending sea men were retained. The Board of Admiralty could not think that the time had arrived at which corporal punishment could safely be abolished. With regard to discipline at sea, there were officers on both sides of the House who would, he believed, corroborate him when he said that from the information he had received in some cases it would be impossible to preserve discipline without having recourse to the lash. He was, how- ever, happy to say that the cases of flogging were becoming fewer every year. But it was in the interests of the Service that power to flog should be left in the hands of the command- ing officers. " He might quote various instances where its use had been beneficial and necessary ; and so long as the morale of the Navy was such as it was at present he thought that it was necessary that the punishment should be preserved." That was the typical attitude of the old-time civil official. Go to the officers who believed in the cat, and then say its use was necessary because they felt they could not get on without OLD BOGIES AND NEW SUGGESTIONS 167 it. It never seems to have struck men of Mr. Egerton's type that the officer who declared that discipline could not be maintained without flogging proclaimed his incompetence by that fact. The commanding officer of a ship- of- war should be a leader of men, and not a driver of men. We hear a great deal about this and that punishment being retained " in the interests of the service." But when an officer proclaims his inability to lead by begging for power to drive, it is in the true interests of the service he should be placed outside it. Admiral Egerton followed the Parliamentary Secretary with a typical expression of opinion on the subject : " He now considered it was necessary to maintain corporal punishment in order to maintain discipline. With reference to the punishment being degrading, that might be the case, but he would show that in one instance at least a man who had been flogged bore no revengeful feeling. When he (Admiral Egerton) was in command of a small ship he was the prosecutor in a case where a man got four dozen lashes and was dismissed his ship. On the following day he met that man, who saluted him, just as if he still belonged to his ship and had not been punished. Within three or four months of that time the same man was serving as a petty officer in the Navy, and probably he ought to have reported him ; but he deemed it right ' in the interests of the service ' to be blind on that occasion." Here we see the extraordinary obliquity of vision that can affect those " saturated with the traditional superstitions of their profession." A man who had just been cowed with four dozen lashes is held not to have had revengeful feelings be- cause he saluted the man who had power to get him another four dozen. This man, who, under Admiral Egerton's rule, was a bad character and had to be flogged, was " within three or four months a petty officer under another officer," which 168 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN speaks infinitely more for the man than it does for Admiral Egerton. But let him proceed : " Last year an Honourable and Gallant Gentleman (Sir W. Edmundson) defended the punishment of flogging on the ground that the men rather liked it ; but without going that length, he himself thought that it was possible and probable that nine hundred and ninety-nine men out of a thousand in the Navy who knew they were not going to be flogged might not be entirely opposed to the thousandth man being flogged, inas- much as it secured them from having to do his work. The Admiralty had announced that it was not their intention to abolish the punishment in the Navy, and he presumed that Her Majesty's Government were able to carry out their views." On the House dividing there were Ayes 122, Noes 164, a majority of 42 against the abolition of flogging. It will not be necessary to quote at length further speeches by officials or naval officers in the House on this subject of flogging. The former was invariably to the effect that dis- cipline could not be maintained without the cat ; the latter was to the same effect, backed up by the impudent assertion that the men themselves liked it. But in spite of this, the Admiralty were forced to yield in face of a growing public opinion, and on July 5, 1879, the following Memorandum was issued : " ADMIRALTY, 11 5th July, 1879. i " My Lords desire that you will at once give directions to all Commanding Officers of ships under your orders that they shall in no case award corporal punishment amounting to 1 The above was supplemented on August 3, 1881, by a Circular Letter to the effect that " Should a Court-Martial award Corporal Punishment, it is not to be carried out without the previous approval of the Admiralty. Courts-Martial are however recommended not to include the award of Corporal Punishment in any sentence." OLD BOGIES AND NEW SUGGESTIONS 169 more than twenty- five lashes ; and My Lords further desire that you will convey to the President of any Court-Martial which you may order to assemble, the recommendation that no sentence of corporal punishment should exceed twenty-five lashes. " (Signed) ROBERT HALL. " To THE COMMANDERS-IN-CHIEF ON THE VARIOUS STATIONS." That was a sop thrown to public clamour, but it by no means satisfied the abolitionists or the Navy, i.e. the men of the Navy. At a subsequent debate on the question of flogging all the old arguments of the men being in favour of it were repeated by the naval officers, who were also members of Parliament, and this so incensed the men of the Navy that in July 1879 a mass- meeting of petty officers and men was held at Portsmouth to protest against such misrepresentation. This was imme- diately met by a memorandum from the Commander-in-Chief of the Port, prohibiting such expression of feeling, and on July 28, 1879, the following question was asked in the House and answer given : " Mr. Anderson asked the First Lord of the Admiralty, if it be the fact that a meeting of petty officers and men was held at Portsmouth to protest against the way in which the opinion of the men of the Navy on the subject of flogging had been misrepresented by certain naval officers in Parliament ; if Admiral Fanshawe issued a memorandum to captains of ships, pointing out that such meetings were subversive of discipline ; and if Admiral Fanshawe had issued any memor- andum to officers cautioning them against making public misrepresentations directly provoking to such breaches of discipline." Mr. W. H. SMITH. " There is no doubt, Sir, that a meeting was held at Portsmouth at which petty officers and sea men were present, and the punishment of flogging was discussed ; and it is a fact that Admiral Fanshawe, as Commander-in-Chief at Portsmouth, did issue a memorandum cautioning the men 170 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN from attending such meetings. He did so on his own re- sponsibility, but with the entire subsequent approval of the Admiralty, as it is clearly the duty of officers in his position to warn men against being led into acts which are subversive of discipline and are breaches of the Queen's Regulations. The statements which the Hon. Member alleges on his own authority to be misrepresentations having been made in Parliament, do not come under the cognisance of the Com- mander-in-Chief of Portsmouth, and I apprehend it would be a breach of the privileges of this House if he were to take notice of them." In spite of the warning the men of the Navy continued to protest, taking up the attitude that they had not broken the regulation, which read as follows : " All combinations of persons belonging to the Fleet formed for the purpose of bringing about alterations in the existing Regulations or customs of H.M. Naval Service, whether affecting their interests individually or collectively, are prohibited as being contrary to the traditions and practice of the service and injurious to its welfare and discipline." They had simply met to protest against their opinions being publicly misrepresented in Parliament without any attempt having been made to find out what their opinions really were. So on July 31, 1879, Mr. Anderson again returned to the charge by asking the First Lord : " If it be a fact that the Admiralty rules only prohibited combinations (here he quoted the regulation). If it be not the fact that the meeting of petty officers at Portsmouth was held for none of these purposes, but solely to protect them- selves against public misrepresentations of their opinions by certain naval officers, and, therefore, strictly in the exercise of citizen rights not abrogated by employment in Her Majesty's service, and whether in these circumstances, Admiral Fanshawe' s memorandum was not an indiscreet straining of authority." OLD BOGIES AND NEW SUGGESTIONS t 7 i Mr. W. H. SMITH. " Sir, I will not enter into an argument with the hon. member as to whether a meeting (on shore) composed of petty officers and sea men called to discuss punishments in the Navy does or does not come within the Articles in the Queen's Regulations to which he refers ; but I repeat it was the duty of a Commander-in-Chief at Ports- mouth to warn men against being led into the commission of acts which in his judgment are subversive of discipline and are breaches of the Queen's Regulations." Looking at the matter from this distance of time it is diffi- cult to see what breach of the Regulations the petty officers for as a matter of fact they were all petty officers concerned committed in their protest. They certainly did not meet for the purpose of bringing about any alterations in the then existing Regulations, but to protest against being misrepre- sented in Parliament. And so the struggle went on, and in the autumn of 1879 Mr. Joseph Chamberlain and others stumped the country during the General Election, and made the abolition of flogging one of the planks of their political programme. Mr. Chamberlain, speaking at Glasgow, said : " We are opposing the brutal and degrading punishment of flogging, a relic of the past which by special legislation has been reserved for the most abandoned ruffians in our gaols, and which at the same time is declared to be absolutely necessary to preserve the character and discipline of the British Army and Navy." On the return of the new Government (Liberal) to power, Mr. Gorst protested against the campaign, on June 7, 1880. He called the attention of the House to speeches made by members of the present Government : " At Birmingham, where two members of the present Cabinet were the successful Liberal candidates, a disgraceful 172 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN placard was posted 50 or 100 copies in a row in the streets. It contained a disgusting picture of a naked soldier being flogged by a political opponent of the right hon. gentleman. The letterpress gave a most minute and disgusting description of the mode in which the punishment was inflicted, and then in large letters came the following : " * The British Army is the only Army in the world in which this brutal and degrading punishment is inflicted. Last year Mr. Bright and Mr. Chamberlain struggled night after night in the House of Commons in order to secure its abolition. They succeeded in reducing the number of offences for which it could be inflicted from 100 to 10, although they were met by the most strenuous opposition from the Tory Party, who prevented its total abolition. Working men of Birmingham ! These men whom the Tory Party would see horribly tortured are your brothers.' " Whatever may have been the merits or demerits of these pictorial placards, they aroused the indignation of the country and sent a Liberal Government into power to deal with the question. And the same may be said of the meeting at Portsmouth. Whatever technical offence the petty officers committed, they at least convinced the country and Parlia- ment that, notwithstanding what naval officers might say to the contrary, the men of the Navy looked on corporal punishment with abhorrence. The case for abolition was therefore clear and emphatic, and it was the definitely ex- pressed wish of the nation that it should be abolished. But once again the Civil heads of the Board of Admiralty bent to the sinister influences of the sea members of the Board, who declared most emphatically that discipline could not be maintained if the cat was abolished, even as their predecessors in office had declared that the introduction of steam would mean the downfall of the British Navy. So they had their way, and the King's Regulations and Admiralty Instructions OLD BOGIES AND NEW SUGGESTIONS 173 of to-day still provide for the infliction of corporal punish- ment as follows : " It being requisite for the maintenance of the efficiency, discipline and even safety of His Majesty's Ships of War that the power of inflicting corporal punishments when absolutely necessary, should be continued, such punishment under the following conditions may be inflicted under the responsibility and authority of the Captain, who is however to exercise the power vested in him with the greatest discretion and for- bearance, compatible with the discipline of the Service : (a) Corporal punishment is never to exceed 25 lashes. (b) Except in a case of open Mutiny, no corporal punish- ment is to be inflicted without a Warrant in the es- tablished form, which must be fully completed 12 hours before the punishment shall take place. (c) No Petty or Non-Commissioned Officer and no sea man, Marine or other person in the First Class for Con- duct belonging to a Ship shall be liable to summary corporal punishment except for Mutiny as herein- after explained. (d) No sea man, Marine or other person in the Second Class for Conduct belonging to a Ship shall be liable to summary corporal punishment in time of peace, unless he shall be guilty of : I. Mutiny, or II. Using or offering violence to a Superior Officer. (e) Corporal punishment is not to be awarded for using violence to a Superior Officer should the offence be in its circumstances one that can be sufficiently met by summary imprisonment, and if the offender can within seven days from the date of the offence be sent to a prison in which such imprisonment can be properly carried out, or if, the offence being aggra- vated in its circumstances, the offender can within a reasonable time be tried by Court-Martial. (/) In time of peace, summary corporal punishment is not 174 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN to be awarded in the presence of a Flag Officer or Commodore for any offence without his approval. " When the Captain shall receive a complaint against, or observe any misconduct on the part of, any Man for which such Man is amenable to corporal punishment and he is of opinion that no other punishment which it is in his power to award would be applicable or expedient in the circumstances, then except in open Mutiny he is to appoint one or more Officers in inquire into the particulars of the offence with which the Prisoner may stand charged, and, having received the report of such Officer or Officers as to the guilt or innocence of the accused, and after subsequent and full investigation on his own part, he is to act as, according to his judgment may seem right. " If he should determine upon ordering the Prisoner to be corporally punished he is to make out a Warrant on Form S. 182, in which all the information required is to be clearly and explicitly set forth. " Exceptional power is hereby given to the Captain or to the Commanding Officer in the case of open Mutiny. When an immediate example is necessary to deter others from joining, any person under the grade of Subordinate Officer who shall be guilty of open Mutiny may be summarily punished corpor- ally : in such urgent cases neither Warrant nor preliminary enquiry by other Officers is necessary, but the Officer so acting is forthwith to forward for the information of the Admiralty a detailed statement of the circumstances which called for such deviation from the general rules in this respect, the degree of punishment inflicted and all other particulars required by the usual Warrant, and a duplicate statement is to accompany the Quarterly Returns. " By Corporal Punishment is to be understood the usual punishment at the Gangway : it is to be carried out according to the custom of the Service and in the presence of the Captain, the officers and the Ship's Company, or so many as can be spared from other duties. Every other description of Corporal OLD BOGIES AND NEW SUGGESTIONS 175 Punishment by rope, stick or any other instrument is hereby forbidden, with the exception of the authorised caning and birching of Boys. " Corporal Punishment is to carry with it in all cases : (a) Disrating to a grade below that of Leading Seaman or Non-Commissioned Officer. (b) Deprivation of Good Conduct Medal and Badges and reduction to the Second Class for Conduct. " In the casual absence of the Captain, the Commanding Officer is not to order Corporal Punishment to be inflicted, unless the Captain shall be absent on Admiralty leave : or, if abroad, on leave granted by a Commander-in-Chief for a lengthened period. " Nothing contained in the foregoing Articles can be deemed to extend to the nullification or abatement of such powers as are vested in Naval Courts-Martial by the Naval Discipline Act, to award Corporal Punishment to persons under the rank of Officer." The " Foot Note " referred to under Articles 748, 750 and 754 reads : " Note. The Power of Commanding Officers to award Corporal Punishment for any offences tried summarily under Section 56 of the Naval Discipline Act is suspended until further orders." When we turn to Article 691 of the King's Regulations and Admiralty Instructions we find that : " If a Court-Martial should award corporal punishment, it is not to be carried out without the previous approval of the Admiralty." So the use of the cat is to all intents and purposes abolished, though it is in the power of any reactionary Board to remove the restrictions that now exist without the matter coming before Parliament at all. 176 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN The Regulations on this point, as they stand, show the contradiction of cowardice. The advocates of flogging have taken up the " last trench " position that there may arise occasions when an immediate example is necessary to deter other persons from joining a mutiny (see Article 751) ; therefore they want to have power, should such an occasion arise, in their estimation, to tie a man up and administer a flogging pour encourager les autres. But the first necessity of a mutiny or anything approaching a mutiny is (a) a tyran- nical and brutal captain; (b) a weak captain who allows a tyrannical and brutal commander or first lieutenant to work his will on the ship's company. Neither type is fitted to have such power (or any power) placed in their hands, and it is probably in recognition of this that the power of com- manding officers to award corporal punishment is suspended. But provided the necessary number of ships are together it would be easy to convene a court-martial; and so as to prevent any hasty or ill-advised return to the use of the cat on the sentence of such a Court, flogging, even if awarded, could not be carried out without the previous approval of the Admiralty. So that the Regulations as they stand are a farce and a sham. Yet the country is living on the edge of a crater that may become active at any moment ; for while the power exists, no matter in how restricted a form, the danger exists. Let us take an imaginary case. A court-martial sentences a man to be flogged, because in its opinion such a punishment is absolutely necessary. Before the punishment can be carried out the approval of the Ad- miralty has to be obtained, which would take some days at least, even with a ship in home waters. In the meantime the news has been flashed all over the country, and violent articles appear in the Press against the revival of such an old-time brutality. At all the home ports the petty officers would OLD BOGIES AND NEW SUGGESTIONS 177 immediately assemble to lodge one united protest ; for let it be thoroughly understood that the Navy itself, i.e. the men of the Navy, would never tolerate a revival of flogging, and as there is no single class of petty officer to-day but what has its own society ostensibly a Death Benefit Society, in reality a society to protect and forward the interests of the class which forms it these petty officers would be able to bring considerable pressure to bear. If Parliament was sitting Ministers would be bombarded with questions, and it is doubtful if any Ministry would feel inclined to face public obloquy at the Polls by allowing the sentence to be put into effect. Thus the Navy would be shaken to its very foundations, and at a time when the loyal support of the men would be the one essential necessary to the security of the Empire. As long as these Articles form a part of the King's Regulations and Admiralty Instructions, they form a menace to the security of the Empire. Now let us turn to the list of summary punishments allowed by the Admiralty to be awarded to persons subject to the Naval Discipline Act, of and below the grade of chief petty officer or non-commissioned officer (of marines). 1. Dismissal with disgrace. 2. Corporal punishment not to exceed twenty-five lashes (suspended). 4. Imprisonment not to exceed three calendar months. 6. Disrating or reduction to the ranks (see Appendix A). 7. Deprivation of good conduct badge and of good conduct medals. 8. Reduction to 2nd class for conduct. 9. Solitary confinement in a cell or under a canvas screen on board. Not to exceed fourteen days. 10. (a) Grog to be stopped; eat meals under sentry's charge ; after half an hour for dinner to stand for the 12 178 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN remainder of the dinner time in the place appointed ; extra work in watch below ; to be deprived of smoking and to be under the sentry's charge during smoking hours. If in harbour, or an idler at sea, to stand on the upper-deck in the appointed place from 8 p.m. till 10 p.m. Not to exceed fourteen days. (b) Grog to be stopped ; after half an hour for dinner to stand for the remainder of the dinner time on upper-deck in place appointed. Not to exceed seven days. 11. Stoppage of leave. Not to exceed three months. 12. Deductions from pay for leave-breaking and for un- fit ness for duty from " drinking on shore." 13. Deductions from pay under Article 1,36s. 1 14. Reduction to a lower class for leave. 15. Stoppage of grog. Never to exceed thirty days except for habitual drunkenness. 16. Carrying hammock on bag. Not to exceed an hour . a day for three days. Punishments i to 9, when not referred to a court- martial, are awarded by captains of ships, though Clause 5 of Article 756 stipulates that : " In order to secure as much uniformity as possible in the award of sentences of punishment by officers in command of H.M. Ships at Home Ports, on Foreign Stations, and in Detached Squadrons, such officers, when in the presence of a Commander-in-chief or Senior officer, are to submit the Punishment Warrant S. 182 for his consideration and approval before completing it ; that is, before causing the sentence to be read to the prisoner." But as the sentence has already been awarded and the 1 For loss or destruction of Government property. OLD BOGIES AND NEW SUGGESTIONS 179 prisoner informed of it the submitting of the warrant to the Commander-in-Chief or senior officer is a mere matter of form which, as far as it protects men from harsh punishments, might be abolished. The awarding of No. 10 is invariably delegated to the executive officer, i.e. commander or first lieutenant ; and io(i life or limb or cashiering of captains to our own immediatt - knowledge. 254 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN " And it is lastly ordered that according to a former order of the i6th May 1653 all commanders of ships of war in the service of the State do without delay repair on board the flag of the division under which they are ranged, or the chief flag of the squadron, at all such times as a pennant or other signal for a council of war shall be put forth by any of the said flags, upon penalty of forfeiture of one whole day's pay for the first neglect, and the like for the second, unless cause allowable be shown to the contrary (in which case they are to send the officer nearest them in place of command to excuse their absence) and upon refusal of payment to be taken into custody by the Marshal General of the Fleet until the same be made. And the same persons offending a third time, to be presented and be prosecuted against at the next general council of war as a contenmer of order and discipline. " Given under our hands and seal of Anchor, on board the Swiftsure the i6th day of December 1653. "Signed GEORGE MONCK WILLIAM PENN." There we have courts-martial as they first came into exist- ence in the British Navy. " Here is a perfect system, with all the machinery for the fair and speedy trial of offenders, based on the broadest principles, and complete in all its details. The constitution of the court is founded on the great fundamental law of English liberty the trial of a man by his peers. Captains and commanders of ships are to be tried by a general council of war consisting of the flag commander and the commanders of the ships of his division. Subordinate officers and men arc; to be tried by a ship court-martial, composed of the officei rs and warrant- officers of the ship. These provisions secure ai^ assembly of upright and sensible judges of every rank and \~legree ; for the warrant-officers represent the best class of T sea men. Such a tribunal inspires confidence in the men, whi'le it is well calculated for the impartial in- COURTS-MARTIALANCIENT AND MODERN 255 vestigation of facts, and the protection of all ranks in the service." l It would seem as though the leaders of the Long Parlia- ment, always distinguished for their administrative ability, had recognised that the Navy was indeed the Island King- dom's all in all, in which it should be high honour to serve, and that they were therefore determined that it should be governed by laws whose ruling principles should be justice and equity ; and during the period these laws were in force some of the most glorious pages in British naval history were written. With the Restoration the Navy became the plaything of corrupt favourites. It was enacted that "The government and command of all forces by sea and land were declared by Act of Parliament to be, and ever to have been, the un- doubted right of His Majesty and his royal predecessors the Kings and Queens of England." Before long, war- vessels and seamen's lives to say nothing of the honour of the Flag were entrusted to favourites of Charles, or to proteges of his mistresses. It was the incompetency of these captains that necessitated the introduction of " masters " who had a knowledge of navigation. Under this type of officer the Navy rapidly deteriorated. They believed in no law but the unlimited gratification of their own desires, and they claimed unlimited and unbridled power over every soul on board their ships. They set up a standard that bred a type of sea officer who rapidly turned the Navy into a hell. Instead of it being an honour to serve in ships-of-war, men avoided them as though they were plague-spots, as indeed they were. As their brutality, the inevitable outcome of unlimited power, made the Navy ever and ever more impossible, they 1 " Manual of Naval Law and Court-Martial Procedure," p. 2 i. 256 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN created the press, went to the prison, and indulged in ever more brutality. Let us take a peep into Smollet. " About this time Captain Oakum, having received sailing orders, came on board and brought along with him a surgeon of his own country, who soon made us sensible of the loss we suffered in the departure of Doctor Atkins, for he was grossly ignorant, and intolerably assuming, false, vindictive, and unforgiving ; a mercilous tyrant to his inferiors, an abject sycophant to those above him. In the morning, after the captain came on board, our first mate, according to custom, went to wait on him with a sick list, which when this grim commander had perused, he cried with a stern countenance, ' Sixty-one sick people on board my ship ! Harkee, you sir, I'll have no sick people in my ship.' The Welshman replied he should be very glad to find no sick people on board, but while it was otherwise, he did no more than his duty in pre- senting him with the list. ' You and your list may be damned/ said the Captain, ' I say there shall be no sick in this ship while I have command of her.' Mr. Morgan told him his indignation ought to be directed to the Almighty, who visited His people with distempers, and not to him who contributed all in his power towards their cure . . . then he received a message from the doctor to bring all the sick to the quarter- deck, as the Captain had ordered all the patients thither to be received. This inhuman order shocked us extremely, as we knew it would be impossible to carry some of them on the deck without imminent danger of their lives ; but as we likewise knew it would be to no purpose for us to remonstrate against it, we repaired to the quarter-deck in a body, to see this extraordinary muster, Morgan observing, by the way, that the Captain was going to send to the other world a great many evidences to testify against himself. When we ap- peared on deck, the Captain bade the doctor, who stood bo\\'ing at his right hand, look at these lazy lubberly sons of b s, who were good for nothing on board but to eat the king's provisions, and encourage idleness in the skulkers. COURTS-MARTIALANCIENT AND MODERN 257 The surgeon grinned approbation, and, taking the list, began to examine the complaints of each as they could crawl to the place appointed. The first who came under his cognizance was a poor fellow just freed of a fever, which had weakened him so much that he could hardly stand. Mr. Mackshane (for that was the doctor's name), having felt his pulse, pro- tested he was as well as any man in the world, and the captain delivered him over to the boatswain's mate, with orders that he should receive a round dozen at the gangway immediately, for counterfeiting himself sick, but before the discipline could be executed, the man dropped down on the deck, and had well nigh perished under the hands of the executioner. The next patient to be considered laboured under a quartan ague, and being then in his interval of health, discovered no other symptoms of distemper than a pale meagre countenance and emaciated body, on which he was declared fit for duty, and turned over to the boatswain ; but, being resolved to disgrace the doctor, died on the forecastle next day, during his cold fit. The third complained of a pleuritic stitch and spitting of blood, for which Dr. Mackshane prescribed exercise at the pump to promote expectoration, but whether this was improper for one in his situation, or that it was used to excess, I know not, but in less than half an hour he was suffocated with a deluge of blood that issued from his lungs. A fourth, with much difficulty, climbed to the quarter-deck, being loaded with a monstrous ascites, or dropsy, that invaded his chest so much, he could scarce fetch his breath ; but his disease being interpreted into fat occasioned by idleness, and excess of eating, he was ordered, with a view to promote perspiration, and enlarge his chest to go aloft immediately. It was in vain for this unwieldy wretch to allege his utter incapacity : the boatswain's driver was ordered to whip him up with the cat of nine tails : the smart of this application made him exert himself so much, that he actually arrived at the futtoc- shrouds ; but when the enormous weight of his body had nothing else to support it than his weakened arms, either out of spite or necessity he quitted his hold, and plumped 17 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN into the sea, where he must have been drowned had not a sailor who was in a boat alongside saved his life by keeping him afloat until he was hoisted on board by tackle." There is no reason to believe that Smollett exaggerated or drew on his imagination. In August 1742 a court-martial was held at Spithead for the trial of Captain the Honourable William Hervey, third son of the first Earl of Bristol. He had been captain of the Superb, 60, in the fleet which sailed for the West Indies under Sir Chaloner Ogle in 1740, and he was proved to the satisfaction of the Court, composed of brother officers and presided over by Admiral Cavendish, to have been guilty of conduct surpassing everything Smollett has described in his grim pictures of the Navy. His first and second lieu- tenants, the gunner and purser of his ship, swore that he had beat an old sea man named White so brutally that the man was carried insensible to his hammock, and died there, accusing the captain of being the cause of his death; that he often beat the quartermasters from the wheel with a cudgel, and on one occasion actually endangered the ship in this way during a paroxysm of rage ; that he once threw a paper under the table of his cabin, ordered a subordinate to pick it up, and kicked him while on his knees, to the peril of his life ; that he injured the gunner seriously by a foul kick ; that he thrashed his purser on the deck at Kinsale ; that he threatened to beat all his officers, " from the first lieutenant to the cook's boy " ; and that he not only abounded in abusive terms, but enforced them by insulting gestures. Captain Hervey's defence was that he was never violent in word or action except when he was provoked ! l We owe this court-martial to the fact that he extended his brutality to his officers, instead of confining it to the men. 1 " A Short History of the Royal Navy," vol. ii., pp. 90, 91. COURTS-MARTIALANCIENT AND MODERN 259 The service abounded in this type, as it was bound to do. As David Hannay says, "If by any chance the cupidity which restrained them from obeying honour and duty was stirred to active malignity, by hatred of a comrade, or of a superior ; if, moreover, they were far away from home and might hope even foolishly to escape punishment, such persons would be capable of sinking to well nigh any excess of baseness." It was this type who were most clamorous of any inter- ference with or curtailment of their powers. Use is second nature, and sea officers entering the Navy as boys children even became habituated to their methods, and the laws of the Navy thus came to be based on the conditions they had created, and gradually the legend came to be accepted that naval discipline rested on three things : the denial of all rights to the men, incessant punishment, and the despotic power of a ship captain. By section 58 of the Naval Discipline Act the constitution of a court-martial must be as follows : 1. A court-martial shall consist of not less than five and not more than nine officers. 2. No officer shall be qualified to sit as a member of any court-martial held in pursuance of this Act unless he be a flag officer, captain, commander or lieutenant of His Majesty's Navy on full pay. 3. A court-martial shall not be held unless at least two of His Majesty's ships, not being tenders, and commanded by captains, commanders or lieutenants of His Majesty's Navy on full pay, are together at the time when such court-martial is held. 15. No commander or lieutenant shall be required to sit as a member of any court-martial when four officers of a higher rank and junior to the president can be 260 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN assembled at the place where the court-martial is to be holden ; and when any commander or lieutenant sits on any court-martial the members of it shall not exceed five in number. This latter clause makes it practically impossible for a lieutenant to sit at a court-martial, or if he does he is in a minority of one on account of the number of ships that must be present. As the compilers of the " Manual of Naval Law and Court-Martial Procedure " say : " More than two centuries have elapsed" (since the Com- monwealth laws were promulgated) ; " the material growth of the Navy and Army has been unexampled, the laws of the land have been amended and adapted to modern wants, but the constitution of military courts remains straightened in an age of progress. True, regimental courts-martial have been instituted in the Army, and commissioned officers of all ranks in rotation are members of these courts, but there is no representative of the subordinate class, a non-commissioned officer cannot sit on a court-martial. In the Navy the rule of seniority is more strictly followed, and the limits of jurisdic- tion more confined. Lieutenants can only be members of a general court-martial in exceptional cases, and a ship court- martial is an unknown institution. The possibility of a non- commissioned or warrant-officer becoming a member of a court-martial is classed by many good officers among the misguided theories of ardent reformers. Yet in the Fleet of the Commonwealth, a tribunal composed of all ranks was in good working order, and never was the naval renown of England at a higher pitch of glory." Is it not time that we pierced back through the hideous veil of the eighteenth century to the Commonwealth days ? for the time for complete and drastic reform in court-martial procedure and the general laws of the Navy is over-ripe. CHAPTER X SUMMARY AND OTHER PUNISHMENTS Pseudo discipline is a magnification of punitive power in a dis- ciplinary system, devoted towards a petty and insignificant end, ignoring the necessity of maintaining a community in unity and co- ordination, and usually accompanied by a lamentable lack of interest in war work. Where pseudo discipline prevails, discontent will flourish. LIEUT. A. C. DEWAR, R.N. OF the modern Navy it may be fairly said that it is crimeless. Its personnel is recruited from the very pick of the industrial class, and in intelligence and physique are above the average of that class, as not only are recruits very carefully selected from those who offer their services, but a further process of elimination goes on after those accepted have been a short time in the service; for although all boys and youths are entered with an obligation to serve twelve years, if not proved to be smart and intelligent they are liable to be discharged. Examinations for able sea men were some time since made more stringent, and none of the youngsters trying to pass for this rating, which is really the first rung of the ladder, are retained unless considered thoroughly fit for the service. This weeding-out process is necessary, for the fighting sea man of to-day is a highly skilled mechanic, and while physical perfection is essential to enable him to stand the strain incidental to a continuous preparation for war, a high standard of intelligence is also necessary to enable him to manipulate modern naval ordnance, torpedoes, etc. This condition of 261 262 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN things naturally shows itself in the general conduct of the men, which is reflected in the Punishment Returns. It is the custom to-day to publish yearly Returns of the number of Courts-Martial held and Summary Punishments inflicted on sea men of the Royal Navy and Royal Marines, which Returns are presented to Parliament, and can be pro- cured by the general public through any bookseller for id. Press reviews of these returns rarely venture beyond the first page, which deals with " Courts-Martial and Offences," and nothing could show better than this the high character of the modern naval sea man. Here is the table for 1908 : Sea men Non-Sea Marines Class. men Class. Afloat. Total. Offences against Discipline Desertion .... 2 2 Striking and attempting to strike Superior Officer . 37 36 14 87 Threatening language to Su- perior Officer 2 3 5 Wilful disobedience 5 7 2 14 Behaving with contempt to Superior Officer . 9 7 I 17 Improperly leaving place of duty i 5 6 Absence without leave 2 4 I 7 Drunkenness 2 3 I 6 Using profane language . i . i Negligent performance of duty 2 2 Acts to prejudice of good order and Naval discipline . 14 2 2 18 Offences punishable by ordinary Law : Theft and Embezzlement H J 7 I 7 48 Disgraceful conduct 5 I 6 TOTAL OF OFFENCES 9i 90 38 219 Of the above, five of the sentences were modified, and four annulled by the Admiralty. These are the crime statistics of the Navy for 1908, the total number of petty officers and men being 112,751. When we turn to the summary punishments, we find quite SUMMARY AND OTHER PUNISHMENTS 263 a different tale. Summary punishments are the pin-pricks of naval life, and are inflicted for a variety of offences, from breaking leave to not having one's cap on straight. 1 They are not only responsible for an enormous amount of discontent, but reduce the fighting efficiency of the Navy to quite an appreciable extent. The punishments themselves are the outcome of that old belief, expressed by both Clarendon and Fielding and re- peated by a thousand pens, that the fighting sea men are a nation by themselves, and must be legislated for and treated altogether different from the land men. Take for example the punishment known as " io(a)." Here is its official descrip- tion. 2 " Grog to be stopped ; eat meals under sentry's charge ; after half an hour for dinner to stand for the remainder of the dinner time on the upper-deck in the place appointed ; extra work in watch below ; to be deprived of smoking, and to be under sentry's charge during smoking hours. If in harbour, or an idler at sea, to stand on the upper-deck in the place ap- pointed from 8 to 10 p.m." The " place appointed " is facing the paint-work, with hands by side the punishment of our nursery days, when very naughty children we were stood in a corner. The remainder of the time, when the ship's company are at leisure, the black-list men are employed polishing bright work, cleaning paint-work, or any other job the ingenuity of the ship's police can suggest. io(a) is a favourite punishment with a large number of commanders, as it enables them to always have men on the bright work, therefore offences are manu- 1 " Cap-ribbons are to be worn with the ' S ' of ' Sovereign ' over the nose." " A Battle-ship Commander's Order Book," p. 122. 2 Article 744, page 247, King's Regulations and Admiralty In- structions, 264 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN factured so that black-list men may be had. Let us take the case of a cruiser that came under public notice in November 1909. Up till the beginning of that year she was looked on as a smart, happy ship ; then she changed captain and commander, and a new regime started ; privileges were cut down to a minimum, and the special offence of " throwing matches about the upper- deck " was invented by the com- mander. This really meant that if a man was seen to drop the end of a used match on the upper- deck after lighting his pipe, he was reported to the commander, and the punishment was three days io(a), followed by the culprit having to keep sentry on the upper- deck during smoking hours till he caught some one else committing the offence. Thus we had the ship's company spying one against the other, with the resultant friction from such a state of affairs. Irritated by such a policy, men committed more serious offences, and became in the eye of the service " bad charac- ters/' and the reading of " Warrants " became an almost daily occurrence. 1 Here is a list of the Warrant offences and punishments inflicted during the quarter ending September 30, 1909. No. of Warrant. Offence. Punishment. 296 297 / 298 \ 299 300 Absent without leave. Did not obey the orders of Car- penter when ordered to work Absent without leave. Breaking away from Patrol boat and resisting Patrol Deprived of i G. C. B. } - 7 days cells 10 days cells 1 Minor summary punishments such as io(a) are inflicted by the commander, and become operative at once ; but serious punishments, such as imprisonment, cells, disrating, etc., are accompanied by a Warrant, the King's Regulations (Art. 742) saying : " When signed, a Warrant is completed by being read to the Prisoner preceded by the Article of War under which his offence falls, the reading as a general rule, being carried out on the Quarter-Deck." SUMMARY AND OTHER PUNISHMENTS 265 Warrant offences and punishments, etc., continued. No. of Warrant. Offence. Punishment. 301 Neglect of duty Disrated to stoker 302 Absence without leave Deprived of i G. C. B. 33 Breaking out of ship . 28 days hard labour 304 Absence without leave 14 days cells 35 > )> Deprived of 2 G. C. B. 306 10 days cells 37 Disorderly conduct on shore 3 days cells 308 Absence without leave 14 days cells 39 Disgusting language . 5 days cells 310 Absence without leave Deprived of i G. C. B. 312 " " " 5 days cells j> 7 days cells 314 Breaking out of ship ; refusing to exercise and pick oakum . 90 days hard labour 315 Absence without leave 3 days cells 30 days hard labour 317 > 14 days cells Refusing duty . 14 3 J 9 Desertion .... 42 days hard labour 320 )> 90 321 ,,.... 3 322 Absence without leave 14 days cells 323 > 30 days hard labour 324 14 days cells 325 ,, ,, 14 >, 326 Refusing to obey orders 14 327 f 328 \ Absence and refusing to work when ordered by Master-at-Arms \6o days hard labour /go days hard labour 329 / 330 I Refusing to work when ordered by the Master-at-Arms . 1 90 days hard labour Refusing to attend church . 28 days hard labour 332 Refusing to do punishment [io(a)J 10 days cells This cruiser carried 100 sea man ratings, 126 engine-room ratings, and 25 marines ; they were bordering on a state of open mutiny when the attention of the Admiralty was called to the ship, and an inquiry led to an entirely new regime. The offences 327 to 332 were deliberately committed for the purpose of getting out of the ship prison life was pre- ferable. But the public interest here lies in the fact that during the period of friction this ship, so far as her value as 266 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN a fighting unit went, might as well have been scratched off the Navy List. In the published Returns an Abstract is given, showing the number of summary punishments awarded during the years 1898-1908 inclusive ; let us take those of the last six years for the PETTY OFFICERS, SEAMEN, AND MARINES AFLOAT Punishments Numbers Borne 1903 1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 H9,754 108,868 126,384 114,246 127,699 112,559 120,615 118,518 H9,35 111,836 119,247 112,751 The percentage of punishments to numbers borne is fairly constant for the whole eleven years, being one and a fraction per man per year, which does not seem excessive till we turn to the marines ashore for comparison. It should be under- stood that " Petty Officers, Sea men, and Marines afloat " in- cludes all the naval personnel, both in ships and at the naval shore establishments, as, in accordance with the custom of the Navy, the latter are rated as ships : the Royal Naval Barracks at Portsmouth being officially H.M.S. Victory, and the same applies to all the other Naval Barracks. When the marines leave their respective ships they return to their own Marine Barracks, where they at once come under a military as distinguished from naval discipline. What this means in the way of punishments will at once be seen from the following figures : ROYAL MARINES ON SHORE Punishments Numbers Borne 1903 1904 1905 1906 1907 1908 2,221 8,487 1,824 7,937 2,221 8,764 I,4l6 7,549 1,426 7,062 1,706 7,275 It is very generally claimed for the Royal Marines, (a) In efficiency as a fighting force they are second to none in the SUMMARY AND OTHER PUNISHMENTS 267 world ; (b) The discipline of the corps is of such a high order that it is held up as a model to both the Navy and Army. The superficial observer will say " Exactly so, and hence the great difference in the percentage of punishments to numbers borne." But when we turn to the marines afloat, this comfortable argument is at once upset ; here are the figures for two years : Afloat Ashore 1907 Punishments. 1908 Punishment*. 10,971 7,062 13,246 1,426 10,726 7, 2 56 13,057 1,706 It is not possible to believe that this force, as soon as it steps afloat, commences to misbehave itself, and as soon as it steps on shore loses its bad ways. The real difference lies in the different ideas of discipline that animate the naval and military mind. In the Navy everything is based on punishment and repression. If a man makes a mistake, no matter how innocently or unwittingly, he is not corrected and the mistake pointed out, he is punished. Not because naval officers are less humane or have less interest in their men than military officers, but because it is the custom of the service the sea man is a different being, and must therefore be treated differently from the rest of humanity. Under this belief he is surrounded with a multitude of petty restrictions, with a special body of ship's police con- tinuously watching and ready to pounce on him if he breaks them. This espionage is readily seen by results, as shown in the punishments of the different classes. PUNISHMENTS OF DIFFERENT CLASSES DURING 1908 Punishment . Numbers Borne Sea men Class. Non-Sea men Class. Marines Afloat. Marines Ashore. 59,755 43,010 40,259 47,296 I3, 2 46 10,726 1,706 7,275 268 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN The " non-sea man " class is composed very largely of stokers, who are often referred to as the undisciplined element, and it would be wrong to deny that the younger members of this class are more prone to leave-breaking and drunkenness than the deck hands (sea man class). This may be seen by the " cells " and " imprisonment " in the following table : NATURE OF SUMMARY PUNISHMENTS 1908 Nature of Punishment. Sea man Class. Non-Sea man Class. Boys. Marines Afloat. Dismissed with disgrace Dismissed H.M. Service Imprisonment Disrating Cells .... Minor Punishments TOTAL . I 26 95 437 2,974 55,367 34 1,231 363 3,791 34,840 I II 22 5,953 238 53 908 12,040 59,755 40,259 5,987 13,246 It is in the " minor punishments " that the startling differ- ence is found. Why is this ? The men of the non-sea men branch are for the greater part of the day at work in their different departments, under their own officers, and are from the very nature of that work unable to commit many of the " crimes " that affect the deck hands, such as being " out of the rig of the day," " being improperly dressed " (cap not on straight), and the hundred and one other little pin-pricks that seem to have been invented for no other purpose than to irritate men to the limit of endurance. Thus the minor punishments of the non-sea men branch are necessarily lower than those of the sea men branch and marines afloat, who for the greater part of each day while at work, are kept rushing about from place to place, because it is the custom of the Navy that men must be driven at top speed, and punished for every little slip. Another effect of this is seen in the number of disratings SUMMARY AND OTHER PUNISHMENTS 269 which take place amongst the sea men and non-sea men branches. Let us take the two years 1907 and 1908. 1907 .... 1908 .... Total Sea men. Disrated. Total Non-Sea men. Disrated. 43,216 43,010 528 437 46,538 47,295 335 363 The non-sea men ratings are made up of engine-room artificers, artisans, electricians, mechanics, stewards, writers, ship police, and chief and stoker petty officers, so that the percentage of petty officers to the total is infinitely greater in the non-sea man than the sea man class. Yet in spite of a larger total and a much larger percentage of petty officers, the disratings in the non-sea men class only amount to two- thirds of the disratings in the sea man class. Why is this ? Simply because the sea men class petty officers are always in the limelight : in the rush and turmoil of deck work. Some- thing goes wrong and delays an evolution, and the " captain " of the part of the ship " dips." There is no doubt whatever that a very fair percentage of the sea men class disratings were due solely to the zeal of those disrated they were always on the spot, so if anything went wrong theirs the blame and theirs the penalty ; for the one governing prin- ciple of naval custom is that if anything goes wrong, no matter what the cause, some one has to be punished. Another feature peculiar to the Navy is the ship's police. In the Marines and Army the ordinary non-commissioned officer is responsible for the discipline of the corps or regi- ment ; thus he realises his duties and responsibilities, and his subordinate comrades look up to him, so that, to quote Kipling : The backbone of the Army is the non-commissioned man. In the Navy the petty officer is not trusted with dis- 270 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN ciplinary duties; a special body of ship's police have been created for this work. The whole duty of this body is espion- age on the ship's company ; and though there are very many excellent men among them, my twenty years life on the lower-deck proved to me that they act very largely as agents provocateurs. This is not their fault but the system. 1 The petty officers, on the other hand, have learned to look to the ship's police to carry out this work, and therefore do not trouble themselves about disciplinary matters, contenting themselves with supervising their men at their work. The effect of this was seen when the trouble occurred at the R.N. Barracks, Portsmouth, November 5, 1906. The petty officers made no attempt to maintain discipline, leaving this to the ship's police, as they had always been accustomed to do. At this there was an outcry about the decadence of the modern petty officer ; yet if we look at facts squarely in the face, we must admit it is rather inconsistent to expect men to suddenly assume, in a moment of crisis, duties that have not been theirs under normal conditions. In this respect, 1 In one ship in which I served we had a very excellent ship's company, so that even minor faults were very few. But the captain was an enthusiast for bright work, and always wanted a body of black-list men for burnishing stanchions, etc. These not being forth- coming he sent for the master-at-arms, who is the head of the ship's police and complained because more men were not reported. Later he had all the ship's police and petty officers on the quarter-deck, and told them they were not doing their duty because " There isn't a half-dozen damned black-list men in the ship " ; so to save their own positions these people, of whom I was one, had to manufacture offences, and there was soon a plenitude of men doing io() punishment. Many of those ordered this punishment, smarting under the injustice of a trumped-up offence, refused to do it, and were sent to prison for periods ranging from twenty-eight to ninety days. There was, in fact, such a sudden increase in prison cases (we had previously gone six months without one) that the Admiral made inquiries, and at once put a stop to a state of affairs that could only have ended in general insubordination. SUMMARY AND OTHER PUNISHMENTS 271 if in no other, the discipine of the Navy, i.e. the discipline that will stand the strain of war, is on a much less firm foundation than that of the Army. It has ever been the policy of the Army and the Marines to elevate the non-commissioned officers in the eyes of the rank and file. He is the connecting link between officer and man ; therefore his position is of some importance and stability, as he cannot be reduced in rank except through the formality of a court-martial. Naval petty rank is not worth an hour's purchase ; it is in the gift of a captain, and can be taken away without fuss or formality. This also applies to the non-commissioned officer of marines when afloat, as then he is under naval discipline. How this affects him is seen by the Punishment Returns ; for 1908 the number of " Reductions to the ranks " out of the 7,275 non-com- missioned officers and men of the Royal Marines serving on shore was 4 ; out of the 10,726 serving afloat, the number of reductions was 53 ! These figures are more illuminating than any comments I can make. Splendid fighting men as are the marines, their position afloat is one of the many anomalies of the Navy. They owe their introduction to a ship-of-war to the bad old belief that the sea man could not be trusted to fight unless he had some one to force him to do so. His was a parlous position ; ship's police spying on his every movement on his own mess-deck, with an afterguard to coerce him into submission, if he should object to this treatment ! I would not rob the marines of one atom of their glory ; on their colours are emblazoned the records of the Empire's wars ; but they owe all this to the Navy. By their presence in ships-of-war they were always on board, wherever fighting was toward, either on sea or land, so that an abundance of opportunity was theirs. It was not, however, as fighting men pure and simple that the 272 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN Navy originally looked on them : it was as a repressive and coercive force to be used against the sea men. That practice, whatever may have been the need of it, has long since passed away, and the marines' presence on board our ships to-day is merely the relic of a barbarous age. It is to the credit of Admiral Lord Fisher that he realised this, and would have wiped out this stain on naval discipline. But General Prejudice is a very doughty foeman, and often and often wrests the laurels from both justice and efficiency. During the past few years we have heard Lord St. Vincent quoted ad nauseam. Of the marines, Lord St. Vincent said : " I have never called on these men that they have not realised my highest expectations. If ever the hour of trial should come to England, the Marines will be found the country's sheet anchor." And this has been seriously quoted to-day against either the reduction in their numbers or their withdrawal from our ships. But in what light was St. Vincent viewing the marines ? He had passed through troublous times, when the Navy was reeking with a disaffection that had found momentary vent at Portsmouth and the Nore, and as Commander-in- Chief of the Mediterranean he had largely, with the help of the marines, stamped it down, but not out, with a heavy hand. There must have continually recurred to his mind's eye that terrible May morning in 1798, when his fleet lay off Cadiz with their launches laying all round the Marlborough. Let us go back to it. The Marlborough joined the Mediterranean fleet off Cadiz, with two men in irons and a request for a court-martial. This was immediately formed, and the first of the Marl- borotigh's prisoners was sentenced to death, St. Vincent SUMMARY AND OTHER PUNISHMENTS 273 ordering him to be hanged on the following morning, and by his own shipmates. Captain Ellison, of the Marlborough, protested against what he considered an outrage, but St. Vincent was obdurate, and a general order was issued to the fleet for all launches to rendezvous alongside the Prince on the following morning at seven o'clock, armed with cannonades and carrying twelve rounds of ammunition each gun. Captain Campbell, of the Blenheim, was to be in charge, his orders being that he was to attend the meeting and that if " any symptoms of mutiny appeared in the Marlborough, any attempts to open her ports, or any resistance to the hanging of the prisoner, he was to proceed close, touching the ship, and fire into her, and continue his fire till all mutiny or resistance should cease. Should it be absolutely necessary, he should even sink the ship in the face of the whole fleet." At half-past seven all hands throughout the fleet were turned up " to witness punishment." The rigging of every ship was black with men, and every eye was directed to a boat proceeding from the flag-ship to the Marlborough, carrying the prisoner for execution. The Marlborough herself lay in the centre, between the two lines of the fleet, and the prisoner was placed on the cathead, and the running end of a yard whip was placed round his neck. Imagine the awful tension as he stood there for a moment, waiting for the bells to strike eight. As they broke the stillness, a gun from the flag-ship flashed forth, the prisoner was lifted from the cathead half way to the yard arm, and then fell back. " At this dreadful moment, when the eyes of every man in every ship were straining upon this execution ... by an accident on board the ship the men at the yard rope unintentionally let it slip." A moment later he was hauled to the yard arm, and St. Vincent exclaimed, " Discipline is preserved " ! 18 274 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN Yet he must have realised that it was a very terrible disci- pline, possible only so long as there was sufficient force to maintain it ; that he was living on a volcano which might erupt at any moment. That would be " the hour of Eng- land's danger," and her only sheet anchor the Royal Marine. Surely it is treating St. Vincent too cheaply to imagine that he thought a few thousand marines, scattered all over the world, could turn the scale in any pitched battle with our enemies ? It was the enemy within and not without the gates that he was thinking of ; and that enemy was mutiny. But the hour of England's danger passed away when Nelson took command. He stamped out mutiny, not with armed launches, hanging, and the cat, but by the kindness and care he lavished on his men ; they, in their turn, showing they were " fully sensible of the utmost obligations and immutable effects of justice, and uncommonly alive to every generous and every noble feeling." How much more is this true of the sea man of to-day ? The policy of pin-prick, drive, and punish does not promote efficiency, discipline, contentment, or good feeling towards the Navy. The highest state of discipline is found where punish- ment is least, and a good example of this is the Submarine and Destroyer services. In both submarines and destroyers the work is arduous, exacting, and dangerous, yet there are always hundreds of volunteers ready for either. Why ? I know it is the common practice to say of both these that the charm lies in the danger that where danger is, there will the Briton be found. My answer is a much more prosaic one : it is because the discipline of the destroyer and the sub- marine, especially the latter, is of a different order from the discipline of the battle-ship and the cruiser. The Submarine service is a service of infinite danger, where instant and implicit obedience, with a calm attention to duty, SUMMARY AND OTHER PUNISHMENTS 275 is required ; therefore the discipline must be of a very high order. How high it is was shown by Submarine A 8, which had a remarkable experience whilst manoeuvring off Plymouth on May 10, 1910. She went out in the morning with Sub- marines Ay, A 9, and A 10, for exercise in discharging tor- pedoes. She was accompanied by the Destroyer Snapper, the commander of the Onyx, tender to the submarines, being on board. At 1.30 p.m., A 8 dived, and went down a distance of over two hundred feet. It was only after considerable diffi- culty and over an hour's anxious labour that the boat could be made to rise, she having touched the bottom. It was this same submarine that five years earlier sank in Cawsand Bay, Plymouth, when fifteen of the crew were drowned. On this occasion the crew consisted of eleven men and an officer, and through that terrible and trying hour there was no panic, no expressed fear, the young officer, Lieutenant Donald Greig, giving his orders quietly and calmly, his men carrying them out in the same way ; the only expression they indulged in was a hearty cheer when the vessel finally rose to the surface. In the Submarine service there is no drive, no ship's police, and no system of punishment. If a man is not suited to the high state of discipline i.e. true discipline necessary to these craft, he is sent back to general service, i.e. service on board a big ship; that is his punishment. Very much the same thing applies to service in destroyers ; the life is hard, comfortless, and dangerous, but the petty vexations incidental to life in the average big ship are absent ; and as these petty rules do not exist, they cannot be broken, so punishment is scarce, with a consequent higher order of discipline. It is a strange fact that many of the drive-and-punish school of disciplinarians are continually finding fault with the present gunnery arrangements of the fleet, because they force gun- 276 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN nery officers to rely on the good will of the gun-layers. It is the present Admiralty policy to encourage good shooting by selecting for promotion those officers whose ships make the best shooting at the annual test of gun-layers and at battle- practice. Good shooting with heavy guns is the outcome of an intelligent co-operation between officers and men, and this can only be attained when mutual understanding and good will exist ; punishment and petty vexations do not lead to this end, and they find no place in the daily routine of the majority of good-shooting ships. The other school scout this idea of discipline, and contend that the sailor-man must have a tight hand over him, and they base their belief on " smartness " there is a great deal of difference between the good-shooting ship and the " smart " gunnery ship by which I mean carrying out certain fixed drills in certain fixed times, and punishing the ship's company by stoppage of leave, extra drills, etc., if these time limits are not reached. As war- ships, such as these are of little value in comparison with the others. This is a chapter of small things, and I know there are those who look on these as of no account. I write with the memories of twenty years spent in ships-of-war flooding before me, and I know it is the small things that count. I have seen a smart, happy, and efficient ship turned into a bear- garden, with the crew in a state of incipient mutiny, through the queer ideas of a new commander as to the proper way to enforce " discipline." Men, who a few months before were happy and contented workers in the service of the State, were turned into " bad characters " by a policy of pin-prick, re- pression, and drive, till they grew reckless and committed acts which under happier circumstances they would never have thought of. Court-martial reports often throw illuminating sparks on SUMMARY AND OTHER PUNISHMENTS 277 the internal conditions of a ship. In December 1908 two men belonging to the Amethyst were tried by court-martial for throwing overboard one of the gun-fittings. At the trial an officer giving evidence said that while going the " rounds " as officer of the day, he had occasion to find fault with certain men for smoking in the head of the ship. They were put in the report. Why smoking in the ship's lavatory at 9 p.m. was a " crime " in this particular ship it is difficult to imagine, but as it was, it is reasonable to suppose that privileges were exceedingly few, and that a state of tension existed. The breaking strain on this occasion was punishment for smoking in the head. These men were sentenced one to two years, the other to twelve months imprisonment, at the end of which both were to be dismissed the service. The Board of Admiralty cannot be fairly blamed for the system of which I complain, though they could do much by completely revising the nature of summary punishments. It may be quite reasonable and efficacious to stand a naughty child of five in a corner as a punishment for some childish fault, but the same punishment applied to a full-grown man would, outside the Navy, appear grotesque to the onlooker, and be exceedingly irritating to the person punished. The sailor however is " but a child " ; hence his punishments are of the nursery. Outside of this the policy of the Admiralty has for some years been an enlightened one ; they have shown their disapproval of excessive punishment by passing over officers for employment whose punishment reports were excessive. They have also recently introduced Detention for Imprisonment for offences against discipline, and are building Detention Barracks for this purpose. Of these, Dr. Macnamara, Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty, said in the House of Commons on Friday, October 22, 1909: 278 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN " We propose something which is far more than a change in title. We propose, in the cases which I have mentioned, to provide detention quarters at each of the home ports : Chatham, Devonport, and Portsmouth. The offender will not be a ' prisoner/ but a ' man under detention.' He will go to ' detention quarters ' in naval rig, under a naval escort. He will be confined in a ' separate room ' not ' a cell ' wearing ordinary uniform. He will be under orders of naval petty officers, and the captain of the detention quarters will be a commissioned officer on the active list of the Navy. During the first month of his sentence, as against the old system of oakum-picking and shot-drill, he will do five hours physical training and service drill and instruction, and five hours industrial work. During the succeeding month he will perform, daily, four and a half hours physical training and service drill and instruction, and three and a half to four and a half hours industrial work. The service drill and instruction will be of the nature to improve his physique, and to render him more efficient in the discharge of his duties as a sailor when he returns to his ship. That is the genesis of the new plan, and I am deeply interested in it, as are all the members of the Board of Admiralty. The approximate cost of building detention quarters at Chatham and Devonport, and of converting Portsmouth Naval Prison, will be about 50,000, and the approximate time to complete these buildings from the date of the order will be about two and a half years. The thing will take time, the change must be gradual, and we do not even propose to bring this Bill into operation till January I, 1911. We mean to make punishment deterrent severely deterrent, if you like but not degrading." All of which is very admirable, though it would be better were many of the causes that lead to " detention " punish- ments abolished. In their attempt to stamp out, or at least reduce, minor summary punishments by not employing those who indulge in them too frequently, the Admiralty have not been alto- SUMMARY AND OTHER PUNISHMENTS 279 gether successful, as many officers evade the result by intro- ducing unauthorised punishments, which, not being logged, leave no trace for the Admiralty to follow; 1 thus, petty punishments may be excessive in a ship while her official Punishment Returns may show an exceedingly small number. In the January 1911 Fleet I dealt with naval summary punishments, and almost immediately after the paper was published a naval warrant officer wrote me : " In your January issue you gave a table of punishments for 1909, together with the numbers borne. These figures alone seem very formidable, but what about the unrecorded punishments ? Could you only get behind the scenes in every ship of the fleet and cast your eyes over the books recording the fancy and illegal punishments awarded in practically every ship and establishment of the service, punishments which are purposely kept out of the official returns so that any particular ship, or I might rather say commanding officer, should avoid being relieved of his command, the total would be swollen to over 100 per cent." It will seem strange to those readers uninitiated with the ways of the Navy that such a situation as this should exist, yet it is a simple fact, and arises entirely from the belief in- grained in some officers' minds, that the sea man cannot be treated and trusted as an ordinary human, and that discipline means incessant punishment. 1 An example of this will be found in the Chapter on " How Mutinies are Made Past and Present." CHAPTER XI THE FIGHTING SEA MAN'S PROSPECTS The lower-deck richly deserves all we can do because of splendid loyalty and unequalled efficiency among the Navies of the world. Not only that, our warrant-officers and petty officers are competent for much higher positions than they now occupy, and for the good of the service their status should be raised. LORD FISHER. We know that every boy on board the War spite has the opportunity of becoming a commander in the British Mercantile Marine. Some years ago the Marine Society were good enough to accept a boy of my nomination. He turned out well. He served his time in the Warspite, and I got him a berth in a good line. He is now a lieutenant in the Royal Naval Reserve, and a commander in one of the finest steamers of one of the finest mail services in the world. What he has become any of you boys may also become. CAPTAIN SIR G. K. VYVYAN, K.C.M.G. THE above words were uttered by Sir George Vyvyan at the one hundred and fifty-fourth anniversary celebration of the Marine Society, which exists to " train poor boys of good character for the sea, and thus promote employment for British subjects in lieu of alien sea men." Nothing could show better one of the most glaring anomalies of our fighting sea service, for while it is possible for a Warspite boy to attain to commissioned rank in the Navy, no such possibility exists for those boys who enter the Navy direct ! Theoretically this statement is wrong, as on April i, 1903, a number of lieutenants were promoted from warrant rank. But these were purely honorary lieutenantcies, granted to 280 THE FIGHTING SEA MAN'S PROSPECTS 281 senior chief warrant-officers, the whole of whom had passed through active service in the fleet, and were holding shore billets either in the dockyards or naval barracks. On pro- motion to lieutenants they still continued to perform the work they had done as chief warrants, and as they have retired, other chief warrants have filled their places. Thus these are purely theoretical lieutenancies, given to old warrant- officers as a reward for long service and good conduct. There is also a possibility of promotion from the ranks for conspicuous service. Let us see how this works out in practice, taking the records of those so promoted from Witherby's Navy List. The first was R. A. Cathie, promoted June 21, 1887. His record is : " Cathie, R. A., Gunner of Sphinx ; served during the operations in the Eastern Soudan, 1884 ; landed with Naval Brigade, and present at battles of El Teb and Tamaai ; mentioned in despatches ; during the engagement of El Teb he had more than one hand-to-hand encounter with the enemy ; for the gallantry he displayed, both in bringing his gun into action, and for his bravery in his personal encounters with the enemy, he was strongly recommended by General Buller, and was also thanked on the field by Commander Rolfe ; the next morning, on his returning afloat, he was especially thanked by Admiral Hewett for his bravery at El Teb ; at the battle of Tamaai he was recommended by General Graham for his bravery (Egyptian Medal, Khedive's Bronze Star, El Teb-Tamaai Clasp) ; in same ship during the naval and military operations in the Eastern Soudan, at Suakin, 1884-5 (Suakin, 1885, To Frek Clasps) ; in same ship during the conquest of Upper Burma, and was present in H.M. Indian Marine gun-vessel Tigris at the capture of Mandalay ; afterwards employed for a short time Dacoiting until the return of the Sphinx Brigade (Burma Medal, Burma, 1885-7, Clasp) ; promoted to Lieutenant 2ist June, 1887, on the occasion of the celebration of the fiftieth year of Her Majesty's 282 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN reign, in recognition of services in the Soudan and Red Sea Expeditions, 1884-5 ; Lieutenant Cathie is the first Gunner ever so promoted in modern times." Employment was found for this officer in the command of the " Special Service vessel " Traveller, a kind of ocean tug. From here he went to the Coastguard as Divisional Officer, and was allowed to assume the rank of Commander on his retirement, February 2, 1907. Contemporary with Commander Cathie is Mr. Webber, who, as a young boatswain, distinguished himself up the Nile in 1885, and was promoted to " Chief " Gunner by Lord Charles Beresford on the field. In the jubilee of Queen Victoria he was promoted to lieutenant, and died in 1903 while " Commander " of the Magnet, another " Special Service vessel," which to-day is in command of a Chief Gunner. The next was W. Sims, promoted May 2, 1900, and of him the Royal Navy List says : " Sims, W., Gunner of Powerful ; landed with the Naval Brigade for the defence of Ladysmith during the war in South Africa, 1899-1900, and was specially elevated to the rank of Lieutenant for his brilliant services in the field, 2nd May, 1900 ; Captain Lambton says : ' Mr. Sims, gunner, is a most capable and indefatigable officer, and of great ability.' Specially mentioned in despatches for his gallant services at Waggon Hill, 6th January, 1900." He also found employment in the Coastguard. The next and last is T. J. S. Lyne, promoted June 26, 1902. Mr. Lyne is now in command of the Kinsha, a river steamer on the Yang-tse. His record is : " Lyne, T. J. S. ; served during the Boer War, 1901 to 1902, in command of No. 60 Torpedo Boat ; employed patrolling and despatch running on the West Coast of Cape Colony. During this period, when thirty miles from a dan- THE FIGHTING SEA MAN'S PROSPECTS 283 gerous coast, the main shaft broke, but the vessel being put under extemporised sail was eventually brought to a safe anchorage in Saldanha Bay ; was specially mentioned and pro- moted to Lieutenant for these services (South Africa Medal)." It is a mere mockery to call this " promotion from the ranks," or to suggest that under present conditions the naval sea man can become an " officer." The real attitude of the Admiralty towards this question may be seen by their action some years since, when the lieutenants' list was short. Instead of a competitive examination among the naval warrant- officers and petty officers passed for warrant to fill these vacancies, they went to the merchant service, and introduced a hundred supplementary lieutenants into the Navy from that service. These officers, having had no naval training, were in no sense of the word " Naval Officers." They were absorbed as navigating lieutenants ; the Admiralty, in fact, had reintroduced the old sailing-master in a different form, much to the disgust of the warrant and petty officers of the Navy. The bulk of the Warspite boys are waifs or orphans of sea- faring men. I am quite democratic enough to think that character and ability should open the door to every boy, no matter if he be waif, stray, or son of an Earl, and I do not grudge any good fortune that may come to those who may pass through the Warspite to the ward-room of a ship-of-war, which they are quite able to do under existing conditions. Still, it cannot be denied that a very fair percentage of those who go to the Warspite would fail to pass the necessary test to enable them to go direct into the Navy as bluejacket boys ; yet by going into the merchant service they can and do become, first officers in the mercantile marine, then officers in the Royal Naval Reserve, and from thence, bona fide naval officers. 284 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN The bluejacket boy is denied access to the ward-room, no matter what may be his character or professional abilities. If exceptionally able he may become a petty officer at from twenty-three to twenty-five years of age, and a warrant-officer at from twenty-six to twenty-eight. That ends his career. For at least twenty years he has to climb up the ladder of seniority as a warrant-officer; then, at the average age of fifty, chief warrant rank comes, with a quiet shore billet, followed two or three years later with the honorary lieutenancy and retirement at fifty-five. Is it a wonder that this is a burning question with the latter-day fighting sea man ? During the 1910 debates on the Navy Estimates in the House of Commons, Mr. Barnes, a Labour member, complained that the Admiralty method of selecting cadets was undemo- cratic in character, and he condemned the new scheme for the education of naval officers for several reasons, but mainly because of its undemocratic character, and because it nar- rowed the field of selection from which officers could be drawn. He urged that the cost entailed in graduating as a naval officer should be lessened, and asked whether we could not contribute a little more out of the public funds towards the cost of training these men in order to reduce the cost to the parents, and to throw the Navy open to larger numbers of the citizens of the country. Mr. McKenna, replying on behalf of the Board of Admiralty, denied that there was any desire at Whitehall to debar clever lads of humble birth from reaching the quarter-deck. The First Lord went on to say that the Admiralty had approached the County Councils, and invited them to establish Naval Scholarships, but that so far there had been no response. Dr. Macnamara said that to the objection that the cost prevented a working-class man from entering his son for service as a naval officer he had given a good^deal of attention, and no doubt the restriction THE FIGHTING SEA MAN'S PROSPECTS 285 narrowed the field of selection. Spread over a period of seven years the cost would be 600 or 700 by the time a lad entered on his career. The Admiralty had the power to reduce the fee to 75 a year for two years to 40 in certain cases for the sons of officers, and had made the reduction in 10 per cent, of the entries. The new system was not, he thought, more expensive than the old system, but the cost was restrictive. Personally, he had always thought the new scheme so admirable in many respects, that he had never done anything to raise the question in an administrative form ; but he recognised that the cost was a weak spot, and operated as a restriction. Of course there might be abolition or reduction of fees or the offers of scholarships ; but the results had been so good that though he was a man from the ranks himself, and had keen sympathy with the desire of any man to see his son get on in this great service he had not seen his way to make any proposition. All of which shows how utterly the House of Commons and the Admiralty mis- understand the feelings of the Navy on this question. The offer of scholarships would be the very worst thing that could happen, as it would inevitably lead to the degradation of the lower-deck and the weakening of the Navy as a fighting force. Just after the debate took place I received a letter from a naval officer who, if he is spared, is destined for high com- mand, and that letter so well expresses my own feelings, and is I believe so typical of service-feeling on the point, thai I have obtained permission to publish it, provided the writer's identity is not disclosed : " DEAR YEXLEY, " With reference to the proposals recently made that County Council Board Schools should offer their boys Scholar- ships to Osborne, I wonder if you will take the same view as I 286 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN do, and if you will oppose the proposal with all your might ? Anyway, you will agree that it is possible for people with the very best intentions to move cheerfully along in what they believe to be the right direction, and yet to fall over a precipice if only they are short-sighted enough. I think the Admiralty are strolling towards a precipice in this matter. " You and I want the best possible Service. We consider promotion from the lower-deck to be essential for this, because it will have the three separate effects of attracting even more and better men to the lower-deck, of inducing these men to make the most of themselves, and of somewhat improving the officers. I leave the question of ' Rights ' alone. But our only hope of obtaining these things is the influence which is being exerted to an increasing extent by the democracy, which naturally and rightly wants its sons to have equal chances with the sons of the rich. The democracy neither understands nor cares for the essential things mentioned above. " If the proposed scholarships are given, then that will be the rift in the great dam which separates the classes in the Navy. Naturally and inevitably it will widen and widen, till in time the greater part of all of our officers are selected by open competition from all classes. Of course I would have no objection to this in itself : it is only to the consequences that I object. When the democracy has free entry direct to the officers' corps, their influence will no longer be available for clearing the way for the lower-deck. Also, the very fact that of all those who think of going into the Navy, the best can go in as officers, will inevitably stamp the lower-deck not merely as a body of fine men of the lower classes, but as a body of inferior men of the lower classes. " We both of us know the general lines of the other alter- native how that, somehow and sometime, it will be made possible for the men to attain to the ward-room while still young enough to fit themselves for their position. How that immediately afterwards the lower-deck education will begin to modify itself to make the men ever more and more fitted THE FIGHTING SEA MAN'S PROSPECTS 287 to use the proffered opportunities ; how the men's ambition will grow in consequence ; how the naval training establish- ments and various private and public training ships will gradually feel the influence and be modified ; and how bit by bit the gulf between Board School and Naval School will be filled in. How better and better and ever more ambitious youngsters will insensibly be drawn into the Navy, until we have the pick of the nation to select from. How the lower- deck training will gradually come to resemble more and more the present training of an officer. How voices will be heard clamouring for the excellent German military system by which officers serve in the ranks for a time. And how, in the distant end, the final amalgamation will take place officers and men, one selection from the finest and best youth of the country, one training, one great ladder to climb by character and brains, and one undivided Navy, from truck to keelson, with no great gulfs spanned only by narrow and treacherous bridges : the flower of the nation, animated, I hope, by the same spirit as to-day. " I don't know how many decades I have looked ahead, but at least the beginning of this dream is well in sight. And now, when the first steps might actually be taken, the Admiralty look like switching the whole lot on to a track which can only lead to what to me appears disaster. " People will not see beyond their noses ; will not recognise that a single act, like the granting of a scholarship, is not really just that action alone, but is for all practical purposes the starting of an inevitable sequence, like the lighting of a bomb fuse. The ostensible object of the whole thing is to widen the basis from which officers are drawn. I am all for that. But it ought rather to be done by progressively lowering the cost of a cadet's training, so that the Navy itself would gradually come to understand that high birth and wealth were not essentials to naval efficiency, rather than by letting in a few specially brainy sons of pushful men, with all the incidental consequences I have sketched above. " If you agree with my views, won't you do your very 288 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN utmost to avert the danger ? The helmsman is just about to put his helm the wrong way. "io/6/io." Anything that would tend to lower the status of the fighting sea man should be fought tooth and nail, and who can doubt that the introduction of scholarships would do this more than any other plan that could be adopted ? Is the present condition of things a satisfactory one from the national point of view ? At one end of service-life we have the officer recruited from that comparatively small class that is wealthy enough to spend 700 on a boy ; at the other end we have the men recruited from the poorer artisan and labouring class. In between lies the pick of the nation. It will not send its sons on to the lower-deck because of the great limitation in the facilities for advancing ; it cannot send its sons in as officers through lack of money. And we are a maritime nation who continually assure ourselves that the Navy is our " all in all," and that in the Navy to-day only the very best will do both in men and material. We scrap ships and guns almost as fast as they are made in our eternal race after the latest pattern of ships and armaments, while the personnel remains still, because to the greater part of the nation the Navy is impossible. Fair is our lot, O goodly is our heritage ! and we are gambling with it like the veriest spendthrift. If Ministers are sincerely desirous of opening up the quarter- deck of a ship-of-war to the very pick of the nation, then let scholarships be offered, not to the children of .County Council schools, but to the Navy itself. The hollowness of the sug- gestive scholarships is apparent as soon as we realise that a cadet joins Osborne at the age of thirteen ; what kind of THE FIGHTING SEA MAN'S PROSPECTS 289 scholarship could be competed for by children of such tender years, or what guarantee would it be of their fitness for a sea life. The children who won the scholarship might be physic- ally unfit ; or is physical fitness not to count ? 1 If, on the other hand, every boy who joined the Navy knew that scholarships were open to him, the prize being quarter- deck rank, ambitious youngsters would at once start to fit themselves for the examination, boys from a much wider circle than at present would be attracted to the Navy, and in the distant end the great amalgamation would take place : " Officers and men, one selection from the finest and best youths of the country, one training, one great ladder to climb by character and brains, and one undivided Navy, from truck to keelson, with no great gulfs spanned only by narrow treacherous bridges." That is not an impossible ideal, and it is the ideal we should strive for, for " the Fleet of England is her all in all." 1 See Appendix. CHAPTER XII THE TRADING SEA MAN We only exist as a great nation so long as we have control of the sea, and we never can have control of the sea, or keep our mercantile navy up to its present dimensions, unless we get a good supply of British-born subjects who will go afloat. LORD GEORGE HAMILTON. THE trading sea man, i.e. the sea man whose life is spent in exclusively commercial pursuits, is a product of the nineteenth century ; he was made possible by the victories of Nelson, which gave Britain the unassailable dominion of the seas. Prior to that our sea trade could only be carried on by the help of sword and gun, now used against pirate, now against privateer, or against the duly commissioned ships-of-war of the King's enemies. Up to the end of the eighteenth and well into the nineteenth century, there was practically no difference between the man- of-war's man and the merchant sea man ; each had to fight as occasion demanded, and the demand was very frequent, while the weapons used to fight and the motive-power used to chase or run was the same in both cases ; therefore the sea man was equally valuable on board a ship-of-war or in a merchant bottom. He was so valuable and so eagerly sought after that the searching led to the war between Great Britain and the United States, 1812-1815. With the command of the sea, however, our trading sea men were able to follow their lawful occasions without let or 290 THE TRADING SEA MAN 291 hindrance, so that gradually every vestige of armament disappeared from their ships, and sea war having ceased through the dominance of the British Navy, it was no longer necessary to draw on our merchant ships for men wherewith to man our ships-of-war. Thus we gradually developed two distinct types the fighting and the trading sea man. During this process of evolution our over-seas trade was increasing by leaps and bounds, the number of our merchant bottoms increased and multiplied, till the red ensign was seen on every sea, and the carrying trade of the world rested in our hands. Had our statesmen been blessed with any sense of nationhood they would have seen that this foundation of our national prosperity and greatness was so regulated as to draw to it the pick of the nation's manhood ; also that the fighting sea man and the trading sea man were complementary one to the other. They preferred the policy of laissez-faire ; navigation laws were repealed so that the cupidity of shipowners might have full scope and the maximum of profit made without any consideration of the well-being of the men who manned our ships, with the result that the mercantile marine is the last instead of the first resort of the British-born subject. For many years, acting on tradition, we hugged the belief that the mercantile marine was the natural feeder of the Navy in time of war, and under that belief built up a Royal Naval Reserve composed of officers and men of the merchant service. Suddenly we discovered that practically every one of these were serving in one or other of our great steamship lines, which, war or no war, must continue to keep the sea if the heart of the Empire the United Kingdom is to be fed ; therefore we have had to turn to the Navy itself to supply its own Reserve, and have introduced a system of short service for that purpose. This was in 1903, and here are the 292 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN figures for the past six years, showing how the merchant sea man (R.N.R.) is being gradually ousted by the new force. R.N.R. . . . R.F.R. . . . 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 32,505 16,600 28,850 19,500 28,536 20,700 24,884 21,55 23,509 22,950 21,915 24,100 Speaking at the one hundred and fifty-fourth anniversary celebration of the Marine Society on March 15, 1910, Captain Sir George K. Vyvyan, K.C.M.G., said : " With regard to the Mercantile Marine, I must trouble you with a few figures. The total number of people who were employed in our merchant service in 1908 was 275,721, of whom only 196,834 were British, leaving 78,887 strangers in our British ships. It means this that 30 per cent, of our sailors were not British subjects, and had no interest in the British Empire or in our national prosperity." Have the 197,000 British subjects any interest in our national prosperity ? I am afraid only a very small per- centage of them : the bulk of the remainder are the dregs of our native manhood, whose interest in their motherland is nil. Captain Vyvyan, speaking of our alien sea men, said : " I have nothing to say against aliens. In their way they are a very creditable lot of men. They are endowed with most convenient virtues, and they are extremely amenable. . . . The native product is in all respects superior to the alien with the single exception that, perhaps, he is not so amenable to discipline. ... I am sorry to say that by the possession of the very qualities which the British sea man exults in, he requires to have over him what we call at sea a tight hand. Without that tight hand he is liable to go astray. . . . The result is that we take these aliens who are more convenient, more amenable to discipline." THE TRADING SEA MAN 293 The italics are mine ; and here we find in modern language the pernicious old doctrine of Fielding, that the sea man is different flesh from the land man, though Captain Vyvyan limits that doctrine in this case to the British sea man. But is the alien sea man so amenable to discipline as his apologists make out ? Here is an extract taken from a daily paper : " Reuter's Philadelphia correspondent wires that a mutiny has occurred on board a British steamer outward bound for Auckland. It appears that, finding confinement irksome, one of the Chinese crew on board asked the first mate to allow him to go ashore for a few hours before sailing. Upon his request being refused the man drew a knife and chased the mate about the ship. He was finally overpowered and put in irons. An hour later nearly all the Chinamen made a dash for liberty, and a hand-to-hand fight with the English crew followed. The Chinamen were in the end overpowered and forced back to the ship. The next day the ship sailed, but as she was passing through the drawbridge a dozen Chinamen appeared on deck, and seven of them leaped overboard without hesitation. The tide being strong, four of them were carried under and drowned, and three others barely succeeded in reaching the shore. These were arrested and placed in irons on board the vessel." That sort of report is of almost daily occurrence, and shows the type of " discipline " maintained in our mercantile marine. While on a railway journey I picked up a copy of The Story Teller to wile away the time, and in it I found a yarn by Captain F. H. Shaw, " The Gun Runners." A vessel was about to proceed to one of the South American States with a consignment of rifles and ammunition for the revolutionary party. " We had uncommon difficulty in getting a crew together. 294 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN Britishers we couldn't get at any price ; we badly wanted them for our job, but they weren't there. There'd been rather a rush on them of late a couple of new liners had recently filled up so we had to make do on Dutchmen and niggers, a beastly lot. Even Fordling, optimist as he was, couldn't restrain a sigh of disgust when they lined into the shipping office. " ' They're not fit to run a cargo of mud to East Ham/ he said. ' But time's money with us, and so sign here, you dull-faced blackguard.' " We got the crew signed on, telling them nothing about where we were bound, for we knew they'd have their final carousal before turning up close on midnight, and we'd no wish for the secret to leak out. Just as the last man made his mark on the articles, Benson, the chief officer, turned up, all smiling. I liked his look, and the feelings of dissatisfaction that had grown up as I watched the nondescript starvelings we'd signed on died a natural death straightway, and didn't resurrect worth mentioning, for Benson had the look of a man whom it would be bad to trouble. He looked at the beggars who were clustered about the counter drawing their advance notes, and I saw him smile grimly." When the over-loaded ship got to sea, life became a veritable hell for the crew. Work, work, work ; bully, bully, bully ; and for food and comfort well, here is Captain Shaw's description of that side : " I don't think the crowd in the forecastle had a particularly happy time. She was like a half-tide rock amidships ; for'ard she was worse. The galley was abaft the funnel ; and when the wind shifted a bit and brought the sea on the quarter, the place was washed out on an average three times a watch. So we got grub when we could manage it, which wasn't often." Down below in the engine-room and stoke-hole things were just as bad, if not worse. THE TRADING SEA MAN 295 " I went down to the engine-room, which was about the only dry place in the ship. Grant was standing watch him- self. He had a donkey-man, but he wouldn't trust him. He showed me a spanner ; it was all twisted and broken. ' They fellies in the stoke-hold cut loose an hour agone/ he informed me. ' Losh, mon, but they're unco' tough aboo the heid ! ' And when, a little later in the day, I saw a fireman walking for'ard with his head bandaged anyhow, I knew that Grant hadn't had a picnic down below whilst we were busy for'ard. . . . " He was a stickler for appearances, was Grant. He shook his head as he put the broken spanner back in its rack. ' I'll never get anither like her,' he mourned. ' She knew me weel. But I'll stop it oot the wages o' the mon I hit for having a hard skull, if for no other purpose or cause, Myers, my lad.' And I believe he did. A cool, level-headed man for a chief engineer." It is a well-told story as stories go told with considerable gusto. Only a magazine story ? Yes, but true to life. Captain Kettle, that virile ruffian, the creation of Cutcliffe Hind, is duplicated by the hundred in the mercantile marine : men whose chief boast is their powers of man-handling a recalci- trant crew. If it is true that every nation has the government it deserves, it is doubly true that the British Empire has got the trading sea man it deserves : white, yellow, black, the dregs of the earth. Poor, half-starved serfs, who are amenable to the discipline of a hungry belly, a spanner, a belaying pin, or a sea boot. While Lord George Hamilton tells us that " we can never have control of the sea or keep our mercantile navy up to its present dimensions unless we get a good supply of British- born subjects who will go afloat," Captain Vyvyan says that : " The native product is not so amenable to discipline. By 296 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN the very qualities that the British sea man exults in he re- quires to have over him what we call at sea a tight hand. Without that tight hand he is likely to go astray. The result is we take these aliens who are more convenient, more amenable to discipline \ " DISCIPLINE ! Surely the most-abused word that was ever introduced into the sea vocabulary ! If Great Britain wants the " native products " in her merchant bottoms, her sons who will stand her in good stead when the great fight comes, she may get them by teaching shipowners that " discipline " does not mean licensed brutality on one side and starved servility on the other ; that the British sea man is under the same laws as the British land man. There is no need for new laws, as existing laws give the trading sea man all he needs in the way of protection, if they were only administered with justice and impartiality. At present it is the practice when a few poor trembling wretches refuse to sail in a ship they have signed on for, to give them imprisonment for their crime. The horrors that lie behind are never inquired into. If half a dozen " tight hands " who hold masters' berths had their certificates suspended in- definitely, it would do more to induce the " native product " to go to sea than all the Board of Trade regulations that were ever framed. With maudlin sentimentality we declare that " We all love Jack! " and from the music-hall stage we are told that Every nice girl loves a sailor, every nice girl loves a tar. While our merchant " sailors," except in a few of the leading " lines," are derelict aliens or the dregs of our own country, battered and bruised serfs as soon as their ships poke their noses out of harbour. Ten hundred thousand will gloat over the truculent ruffian- THE TRADING SEA MAN 297 ism of a Captain Kettle, while to his victim they will offer a tract or a song, and deny him justice at all times, and then whine because he prefers to remain on shore instead of going to sea and maintaining " their great and glorious Empire ! " When the British people knock off " loving " the sea man they will be within appreciable distance of treating him with respect and a new era. An Admiral told us, more than a hundred years ago, that " In disciplining any body of men, particular attention must be paid to the opinion entertained in the country from which they are drawn." And this is where the British shipowners have failed: the discipline and condition of life in the average merchant bottom to-day are as bad comparatively worse as they were in " Eighteen Hundred and war time " ; bad food, filthy ac- commodation, backed up by the persuasive eloquence of a sea boot or belaying pin. A certain type of alien is amenable to this method of " discipline/' and is therefore welcome. Captain Vyvyan blames the English Government, who, he says, are not entirely free from blame in regard to the number of aliens we have on board our ships. " The Board of Trade have from time to time succumbed to pressure brought on them by sentimental theorists who are imperfectly acquainted with the subject, and they have given way, and have surrounded the sailor with precautions that really, in these days, Jack has come to be almost as good as his master." The Board of Trade, however, only stepped in when the dietary and system of cooking became so vile that even the British-born hard-up preferred to starve on shore rather than submit to it ; without Board of Trade intervention the number of alien sea men would not be 79,000, but 179,000. 298 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN Yet owners are not altogether oblivious of the part food plays in life at sea. Captain Frank H. Shaw, writing of " Life on a Liner," x says : " The life of a passenger at sea nearly approaches per- fection. ... He is fed at stated hours, and on the average well-found liner the meals are something to marvel at. The owners have an axiom that a food-filled mouth cannot grumble ; and so the mouths are plentifully filled." No one suggests that the mouth of the working sea man should be filled with the same plenitude as the mouth of a millionaire passenger ; but a decent meal should be his at regular intervals, and the discipline should correspond with the conditions of the country. The votaries of " the tight hand " will shake their heads, and declare that sea men require exceptional treatment ; let me again quote Admiral Patten : " Although sea men may have been regarded by certain characters who have unfortunately had power, and who were ignorant of their real dispositions as a species of mankind deficient in the nicer feelings of humanity, whose attach- ments might be sacrificed, their friendships disregarded, and even their healths ruined or destroyed, upon the most perilous occasions ; yet they are very far from being inferior to other men, either in generous or in elevated sentiments, They are, like land men, fully sensible to the eternal obligations and immutable effects of justice ; they are open to the dictates of common sense, and uncommonly alive to every generous and to every noble feeling. Nor will they ever fail to return the full measure of gratitude and affection to that Commander who treats them as rational beings endowed with the same faculties and perceptions which he himself possesses." The sea man, in fact, is the same as every other part of humanity, and amenable to exactly the same treatment. On 1 " The Sea and its Story," p. 97. THE TRADING SEA MAN 299 the recognition of that fact lies the future of our race, for we cannot keep the command of the sea " unless we get a good supply of British-born subjects who will go afloat " ; and they must be the pick and not the dregs of our manhood. Mr. Raymond Beck, Chairman of Lloyd's, said : " I think if some wild inhabitant of, say, Central Africa, asked to have pointed out to him on the map the Empire of Great Britain, he would be rather surprised when he was shown one little red blob on the northern seas, and also several in fact, many other blotches of red marked on both hemispheres. He would not be able to understand how it was that these atoms could make the one vast Empire of which he had heard so much. Well, I think the answer is in the 18,000,000 tons of shipping registered under the British flag. The blue water that separates these different territories is no gulf dividing us into separate nations. On the contrary, it is the very means of communication and, in conjunction with our Mercantile Marine, is what welds us into one whole. Or, to quote Kipling : For the Lord our God most High He hath made the deep as dry, He hath smote for us a pathway to the ends of all the Earth ! And we are marching along it with feet of clay ! CHAPTER XIII IN LIGHTER VEIN That the numerous unauthorised punishments which are known to be awarded in the Fleet be discontinued. LOWER-DECK " LOYAL APPEAL," 1910. NUMEROUS and varied as are the official punishments that may be awarded, they by no means satisfy those officers who " live to punish," and all kinds of ingenious devices are intro- duced by these to " haze " a ship's company. On the other hand there are officers who, disliking the stupidity of 10 (a), the unhealthiness of cells, or the harshness of prison, usually try to introduce punishments of their own to suit special cases. There is always a certain amount of danger in this, as the following will show. Not so long since a battle-ship commissioned for service in the Home Fleet, the captain of which was known for his unconventional ways. Shortly after the ship commissioned there was a small outbreak of " chucking hands in." This is a lower-deck expression for a refusal of duty, and is mainly confined to newly commissioned ships. A ship taken straight from the dockyard hands, especially if a new ship, leaves much to be desired both in the direction of cleanliness, easy working, and in other directions. The commander's one object in life is to get his ship and ship's company into trim as quickly as possible. Some, most, in fact, manage to do this with tact, others by the driving power of the King's Regulations and Naval Discipline Act, 300 IN LIGHTER VEIN 301 without any consideration of the feelings of the men, so that every rough corner of service-life stands out at an acute angle and gets in the way of men's tempers. A week of this kind of life is generally enough to try the temper of the most amiable ; men turn in dog-tired, and turn out at 4.30 a.m. in very much the same condition. If at sea, and night watches are thrown in, the strain is a little more acute. The old service saying, " Growl you may, but go you must," applies here, and though the growling is general, the going is continuous, for the men quite realise the necessity of what they are doing ; the sore point is the method of doing it. Where eight or nine hundred men are concerned it would be unreasonable to expect that they should all be of such amiable temperament as to stand the strain without some exhibition of temper. It may be a nagging petty officer adds the last strain to a hardly driven man, or something of a similar nature takes place, when he " chucks his hand in " and swears he will never do another stroke in " Andrew " another lower-deck phrase meaning the Navy. Of course in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred he means nothing of the sort, and if left alone to recover his temper would proceed with his job as though nothing had hap- pened. Unfortunately, the officer or petty officer who has driven a man to this limit is not the sort to overlook such an outbreak, and up goes the culprit on the quarter-deck to face all the rigours of the Naval Discipline Act, Section 17 of which reads : " Every person subject to this Act who shall wilfully dis- obey any lawful command of his superior officer, or shall use threatening or insulting language or behave with con- tempt to his superior officer, shall be punished with dismissal 302 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN with disgrace from His Majesty's Service, or suffer such other punishment as is hereinafter mentioned." The " other punishment " is invariably forty- two days hard labour, or fourteen days cells. The captain in question had appraised these insubordinate acts at their true value, and had decided not to treat them in a service way at all. Instead, he met offenders brought before him with, " So you refused duty, did you ? Well, you will go and keep a watch on the ' Jack ' staff till " (giving a time) ; " then, if you have altered your mind, let the officer of the watch know." Keeping watch on the open forecastle of a modern battle- ship in mid-winter in the North Sea is not a pleasant occu- pation, and twelve hours of it was sufficient to satisfy the ordinary man, who was only too glad to return to his job and the unsparing chaff of his topmates and messmates, until " chucking your hand in " became quite unpopular. Then came the climax. A man was sent on the forecastle for "chucking his hand in," and he was evidently much more afraid of the chaff of his shipmates than affected by North Sea air, and at the end of twenty- four hours he was still unrepentant. Forty-eight hours passed and still he was looking after the "Jack" staff, his meals being taken to him by his messmates. He now became a centre of interest to all hands, and bets began to be made on the result. Day suc- ceeded day, till seven days had passed, and the one topic of conversation was how long would he last, and bets were freely offered and taken. Then the captain, probably think- ing that all this was exceedingly bad for discipline, sent for the culprit and asked, " Well, what do you intend to do ? " The laconic, but startling reply was, " Oh ! Just carry on ! " Which shows that experimenting in punishments is not al- ways safe. By this time the ship had settled down and the IN LIGHTER VEIN 303 offence mentioned died out, but not the memory of the seven days " standing still Marathon," which is still a subject for merriment. Another experiment which had a much happier ending is related of a ship attached to the Mediterranean fleet. The captain was a very rigid total abstainer, but with a keen sense of humour, as events will show. His fixed idea was that every trouble in the Navy could be traced to grog. He was therefore at great pains to turn as many of his ship's company into total abstainers as he could, and to this end 10(6) was lavishly awarded for every little slip that could be construed into a " breach of discipline." Not that he wanted his men to do 10 (b) punishment, but because Article 754 of the King's Regulations and Admiralty Instructions says : " Stoppage of grog, when used apart from No. 10, is to be confined to offences comprised under the heading of Drunken- ness." So when io(b) was awarded the stoppage of grog held good, and the other part of the punishment was not pressed. By these means a goodly part of the ship's company were com- pulsory abstainers while on board. Christmas was coming along, and the sea men, like other men, looked forward to a little extra cheer, both solid and liquid, on that occasion, and it is the custom in most ships to allow a pint of beer out of the canteen funds on that day. It was quite certain that such a luxury would not be allowed in this case, and as a large number would be under punishment as far as stoppage of grog was concerned, liquid refreshment promised to be fairly scarce on Christmas Day. A few days before Christmas it was noticed that all the messes were laying in stocks of bottles of preserved fruits from the bum-boat. No notice was taken of this, as it was 304 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN quite in the nature of things for the men to indulge in fruit- pies and tarts on Christmas Day ; but two days before that event the master- at-arms was up at the gangway when a boy belonging to one of the messes came up from the bum- boat, which was laying alongside, with two bottles of the said fruit. As he reached the deck he stumbled and dropped one of the bottles, smashing it, and the stench that arose left no doubt as to what was the liquid preservative, for some brands of "brandy" sold at Malta are very loud-voiced ! The master-at-arms, who must have been a man of some readiness, took no notice beyond cursing the boy for his clumsiness and ordering him to " get that muck washed down before the commander sees it." And as he allowed the boy to take the other bottle down to his mess it was generally considered he had not noticed what the bottle really contained. That evening, after quarters, " Clear lower- deck " was piped ; and when every soul was aft the captain made a speech to the assembled ship's company. He told them that Christ- mas was drawing near, and that he hoped they had nearly completed their preparations, and that they would all spend a very comfortable day ! Then the disperse sounded ; every one went forward wondering what was the object of the speech. When they reached the lower- deck they found the ship's police had been very busy, every mess shelf, locker, and corner had been ransacked, and no trace of a bottle of fruit was left. The first feeling was one of consternation, especially on the part of the petty officers, for smuggling liquor on board may be visited with a punishment up to ninety days hard labour. But next day no defaulters were warned off, and rhe master-at-arms and ship's police assumed an air of sublime innocence, that was as puzzling as it was unusual. So on Christmas morning the mess-deck was decorated as usual, and IN LIGHTER VEIN 305 one or two of the more daring spirits had seized the oppor- tunity to throw out a hint on placards that an extra tot would be acceptable. In due course the captain went the rounds, accompanied by the officers, band, and usual " funny party." After the rounds, " Clear lower- deck every one aft," was piped, and when the men got aft the captain and all the officers were there, and there was a table rigged, and on the table were all the bottles of preserved fruit. As soon as the master-at-arms had reported " Every one aft," the captain commenced : " My object in bringing the ship's company aft is to wish you, on behalf of the officers and myself, a very merry Christ- mas. When going the rounds a few moments since, I noticed among the decorations, on which I heartily compliment you, many suggestions that a little extra liquid refreshment would be acceptable. " Now, you are all well aware that I hold very pronounced views on the drink question ; but this is a time of general good- will, so I have decided to relax my views in face of the generally expressed wish of you men for an extra tot. For- tunately I have recently come into possession of a fairly large consignment of a special brand of ahem ! fruit brandy, and my desire is that you should drink my health and the health of the officers in this choice liqueur. " I have consulted the doctor on this matter, and he is of opinion that it would not be wise for all the younger men to partake of this liqueur : therefore the caterers of messes will drink mine and the officers' health on behalf of their messmates ; and as the doctor is further of opinion that rum would not mix well with this potent spirit, it will not be ad- visable to serve out the daily allowance of rum till the even- ing, when the effect of the fruit brandy will have had time to work off. " The steward and his staff will issue this refreshment here on the quarter-deck, and as the messes are called they 20 306 OUR FIGHTING j_SEAJ_MEN will step forward, the caterer, before drinking, saying, ' On behalf of my messmates, I wish the captain and officers a very merry Christmas.' Steward, carry on, please." And there, on the quarter- deck, this exquisite farce was carried through to its conclusion. As the mess number was called all the men belonging to it fell in by the table, when the steward handed the caterer of the mess a tiny liqueur glass full of the liquid, before drinking which he repeated the formula referred to. At the completion of the ceremony the remainder was taken to the gangway, where each bottle was broken by the master- at- arms before being conveyed to the deep ; the disperse sounded, followed by "Pipe down." At 7.30 p.m. the bugle sounded off "Nancy Dawson," and off went the cook's of messes for the grog, and it was not till they were discussing it that they realised the colossal joke that had been played on them : then shouts of laughter rent the mess- deck, till some one shouted, "Let's go aft and give the old man three cheers " ; and that is just what they did. The officer of the watch was suddenly startled to see hundreds of laughing men rushing aft, where they cheered themselves hoarse. So ended an incident which, in the hands of a " strict discipli- narian," would have resolved itself into wholesale disratings, imprisonment, and open disaffection ; instead of which it brought officers and men to a much better appreciation of each other, and made possible a happy commission ! The captain, in his earnest desire to promote temperance, had overstepped the mark, and probably he realised it ; anyway, history records that io(b) and other punishments disappeared, and for the remainder of her commission she was known as a " happy ship." This is only a fragment of the light and happy side of naval life, and shows what is possible where the silken glove covers the iron hand. CHAPTER XIV WHAT OF THE FUTURE ? In the matter of naval preparations, whatever may be thought of military preparations, the heart of the people is perfectly sound. They would as readily add another ten millions a year to the Navy Estimates as they would five. The Spectator. THAT has been the weakness of the British people. They will pour out their millions ad lib., they will rejoice with an exceeding great rejoicing when they are told that their ships outnumber all other Powers' by two to one, and there their interest ends, everything else they take for granted. Fur- thermore, they persuade themselves that as long as they find money to build ships, they will never be faced with the ne- cessity to fight for what they already possess. In that respect we are ceasing to be a live nation ; we are like the elderly financier or merchant who, having attained to a position of affluence by the struggles and denials of earlier days, only wants to doze away the evening of his life in somnolent ease, with all his possessions secured to him. " British statesmen and the British public, except for some minute section of historians or students of political science, regard war always as the ultima ratio. They look upon it as something to be avoided wherever possible some- thing which is not to be spoken of, or even dreamt of, till every other means of settling a quarrel has been exhausted. In the main, that is, war is considered entirely as a matter of defence. We keep up our armaments and make our pre- 307 308 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN parations solely in order to defend our rights and our pos- sessions. We hold ourselves ready to deal with attempts to invade these islands or any part of our possessions, to repel them, and to make good our own. At the present day it is literally true that no responsible statesman ever thinks of regarding war except as a method of preserving the British Empire. No one ever thinks of war, or the threat of war, as an instrument of policy, a method of accomplishing political aspirations, or of dominating other independent nations and of bringing them under our influence or within our sphere of policy. The use of ships or armies as handmaids of state- craft is with us a wholly obsolete idea." l The world in general, and Germany in particular, is not willing to acquiesce in this happy state of retirement coupled with the holding of all we have. Germany, with all the energy and vigour of youth, longs to take first place among the nations, to dominate the world and spread German culture and influence, and to be able to say the final word on a hun- dred different questions. She also longs to build up an over- seas Empire ; but when she casts her eyes around she sees all the fair places of the world either under British sway or pro- tected by the Monroe doctrine. Her Army dominates the continent of Europe, but history has taught her that sea power and sea power alone can give her the position she longs for ; therefore she is creating with feverish activity a Navy that she hopes will win for her what she wants. Writing from Berlin in March last (1910) to The Navy, the organ of the United States Navy League, their special cor- respondent said : " The new German Navy is intended primarily as an irresistible, iron-shod battering-ram with which to smash the enemy out of existence. Everything is subordinated to this principle. Gunnery training is consistently conducted under 1 The Spectator, July 9, 1910. WHAT OF THE FUTURE? 309 battle conditions. The fleets never manoeuvre save in battle formation. The German Admiralty fills in its spare time by creating new plans of attack against every conceivable com- bination of foes, and it is the welcome duty of each officer to put these plans to the test day after day. " Nowhere, perhaps, is the fierce enthusiasm of the German naval man seen to better advantage than in the torpedo flotillas. We have all heard of the daring, devil-may-care British sub-lieutenant who takes his little steel cockleshell out in the teeth of a howling gale, pirouettes joyfully about the jagged rocks of the Irish coast, and does his twenty-eight knots in a crowded Channel route, showing not a light. Having participated in one of these nocturnal excursions, I am in a position to appreciate the fascination of the work after a time ! This enthusiasm is at least equalled in the German flotillas. It is a well-known fact that, in spite of their splendidly solid construction and superb machinery, German destroyers are continually in need of overhauling and minor repairs. Why ! Simply because they are driven to death, worked at high speed in all weathers, and wellnigh shaken to pieces by vibration. Far from discouraging such strenuosity, it is encouraged and rewarded by the Admiralty. "It is easy to forecast the tremendous role that German destroyers will play in war time. The commanding officers have their orders to steam to within pistol range before dis- charging their deadly missiles, so that a miss may be rendered improbable. And there is but little doubt of their executing these orders literally. The new German torpedo is an excep- tionally powerful type, carrying a heavy charge of gun-cotton and reaching a speed of thirty knots. The range is said to be four thousand yards. " Gunnery, as might be expected, is the object of persistent, detailed study, both in theory and practice. It is noteworthy that only on German ships are there auxiliary fire-control stations, these being behind stout armour. The mast fire- control stations are almost certain to suffer destruction in the first fifteen minutes' firing, and the auxiliary stations are 310 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN designed especially for medium-range work. This is only one instance of the deadly readiness for war which charac- terises the Kaiser's fighting fleet. " As to efficiency, I do not hesitate to say that, to all out- ward appearances, the German sea man is equal, if not superior, to his American contemporary. The long-service system has thus far given the British bluejacket a lead. While there may be more initiative and personal ' vim ' in the American tar, his training cannot compare with that given to the German bluejacket. From the moment he arrives at the swearing-in depot to his release at the end of three years' service, he is subjected to an absolutely unique course of instruction in every conceivable feature of the sea man's art. There is, perhaps, none of the romance or jovial freedom of tradition. It is all grim, heart-breaking work, but after the first few months he begins to enjoy it, and rapidly develops into a perfectly capable, handy man. His officers are beyond all praise, and the brutality of the German barrack-yard is unknown afloat. Something of the German sailor's keen devotion to his duties may be put down to the fact that the Emperor personally attends the swearing-in ceremonies, and addresses the marine conscripts in a few appropriate words. He exhorts them to do their duty for the honour of the Fatherland, and pointedly reminds them that the nation looks to each one of them for the defence of its interests in distant parts of the world. The conscript goes aboard his ship thrilling with the half -superstitious devotion to the Imperial Head that is assiduously fostered in every German school, and determines to prove his sincerity. The result will be seen when the hour of action arrives." My own observations have led me to the same conclusion. Germany is not blessed or cursed with " glorious naval tra- ditions," neither has her Navy had a century of peace to develop a pseudo- discipline that expects an intelligent man to study wireless telegraphy or some other scientific subject all day, and then contentedly stand in a dark corner for WHAT OF THE FUTURE? 311 two hours each night because the " S " of " Sovereign " on his cap-ribbon was not " over the nose." The German Navy is a business proposition all the time. Life on board both a German and a British war-ship is hard and exacting ; in the latter this is supplemented by a code of petty restrictions and punishments that have no relation to true discipline or war preparation, and only lead to a spirit of discontent and unrest. The Kaiser is too practical a student of human nature to tolerate such a weakening force in the weapon he is forging, hence the personal interest he takes in the swearing in of marine conscripts. He is too far-seeing a statesman not to realise that, sooner or later, that weapon must come to death-grips with the British Navy, and that on the result the fate of the Germans, as of the British Empire, will hang, as an unsuccessful German war would bring the House of Hohenzollern down with a crash, and add another republic to the Powers of Europe. Germany stands to-day where we stood in the past on the threshold of her future. In those days we looked on war, or the threat of war, not as a means of holding what we had, but as a means of wresting from others what they had. That is the German position to-day, or as The Spectator puts it : " German statesmen consciously and distinctly consider war, the threat of war, and the manipulation of sea power and of land power as instruments of policy. They would hear with astonishment any one who should assert that it was unfair or derogatory to make such a suggestion in regard to them. German statesmen study Clausewitz, and look upon his maxims of war and statecraft as irrefutable, while ours do not. The fundamental principle of Clausewitz's great work on the metaphysics of war is that policy and statecraft must go hand in hand with strategy. To put it in another way, the 312 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN business of the military authorities is to prepare an efficient instrument which can be used by the statesman as the lever with which he is to move the world. The notion that war is to be limited to defending one's own country and preventing other persons from interfering with one's rights is, by inference, scouted as a piece of primitive barbarism. The kind of glorified churlishness under which a nation proclaims : ' You leave me alone and I'll let you alone, but if you hit me I'll crack your skull/ is not of any use to students of the school of Clausewitz the school to which, as we have said, every German statesman in some sort belongs. To them such talk seems nonsense, either in the naked form in which we have just expressed it, or concealed, as they would say, under the pompous alias of ' international righteousness.' ' " International righteousness " did not build up the British Empire, neither will it hold it together. The position of Great Britain and Germany to-day is exactly similar to that which led to the Dutch wars, and so compendiously stated by Monk, Duke of Albemarle, when he said : "It was idle to dispute as to the rights and wrongs of the quarrels between the two nations, since they essentially amounted to this : that the English wanted a larger share of the trade enjoyed by the Dutch." History is repeating itself only to-day, the conditions are reversed ; or, to paraphrase Monk, "It is idle to dispute as to the rights and wrongs of the quarrels between the two nations, since they essentially amount to this : that the Germans want a larger share of the trade enjoyed by the English." And what was won by the sword must be held by the sword. If one thought that Germany would be so successful with this country in a policy of threat as she^was with Russia over the Austro-Balkan affair, then one would cry Ichabod, and say no more ; it is because of the belief that when the time comes we shall unsheath the sword that this is written. WHAT OF THE FUTURE? 313 And we shall be contributing to our own obsequies if we think that the glorious traditions of the past will help us. Tradition might be as disastrous as it was in 1812, when we sailed forth to crush the tiny Navy of the United States, which had dared to throw the gauntlet to us, yet, " In seven months/' says Mr. Roosevelt, " Great Britain had suffered from the Infant Navy of the United States in five single- ship contests severer imperial loss than she had suffered in all the single- ship contests of the preceding twenty years' warfare with the nations of Europe." And the Times of February n, 1815, was bitterly com- plaining of the American sloops-of-war and privateers that " They daily enter in among our convoys, seize prizes in sight of those who should afford protection, and if pursued put on their sea- wings and laugh at their clumsy English pursuers. To what is this owing ? Cannot we build ships ? It must indeed be encouraging to Mr. Madison to read the logs of his cruisers. If they fight they are sure to conquer ; if they fly they are sure to escape." The Times was unable to give the reply to its own question " To what is this owing ? " If it had been able, it would have replied " Tradition ! " When Blake swooped down on to Santa Cruz he destroyed fort and ship by means of accurate gun-fire, poured in by citizen sea men whose patriotism and intelligence could be relied on. Those who came after destroyed patriotism, and so dared not rely on intelligence ; they never, therefore, taught the men to shoot and destroy the enemy from a distance, but, instead, ran their ships alongside the enemy, then forced their men to fire the guns as quickly as possible under threat of punishment or death. As the years went on this became the settled policy of the Navy, and accurate shooting, except in a ship here and there, 314 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN became a lost art. How desperately bad the shooting from British ships ultimately became was shown at Porto Praya when the American sloop Levant put into that place and anchored only a couple of hundred yards from a heavy battery on the shore. Three British frigates the Leander, 50 ; Newcastle, 50 ; and Acasta, 40 put in after her and opened fire as soon as they got inside the harbour, while the British prisoners on shore fired the guns of the battery at her. Not one of the British ships was more than two hundred yards from the Levant, who was at anchor and did not resist, the whole being in smooth water, yet so bad was the firing that not a man was killed on board the American ship by the combined broadsides of the three frigates, the shots simply damaged the town in her rear. The American naval officers of 1812, recognising the traditional tactics of the British ships, set themselves to circumvent it by teaching their men the art of long-range shooting, with what results we have seen. Had America possessed a Navy in 1812, only one- third the strength of our own, she might comfortably have taken over the British Empire as a going concern. Her ships were manned with sea men of British stock, possessing all the courage and tenacity of the race, to which was added applied intelligence. Our boasted yard-arm to yard-arm fighting did not apply, for the Americans destroyed our ships and mowed down our men long before it could be brought into operation. Yard- arm to yard-arm fighting, originally introduced because men could not be driven to fight intelligently, at last became the Moloch of the Navy : "an idol god worshipped with human sacrifices." Is " discipline " to be the Moloch of the modern Navy ? Let us clear our minds of all cant, and ask ourselves fairly and squarely, " What is discipline ? " Captain Mahan has just told us, with brutal directness, that WHAT OF THE FUTURE? 315 "It is the privilege of insular democracies that they can pursue the quiet tenor of their way behind the bulwark of a fleet efficient in numbers that is, in great preponderance as well as in intrinsic worth. But note that a State thus favoured is militarily in the same position essentially as one that hires an army of mercenaries. The only difference is that the sea men are fellow-citizens : an immense distinction, it would be granted, but it does not invalidate the fact that the mass of citizens are paying a body of men to do their fighting for them. It follows that the least the mass can do in self-respect, as for security, is to pay amply and timely for the efficiency of the body they thus employ. If they do not pay ' with their persons/ as the French say, they should with their cash." There is much more than cash, however, demanded by the fellow- citizens whom we have hired to do our fighting. During the last decade reform has followed reform, and concession has followed concession ; yet the unrest grows. Were this unrest among the younger men who had not had time to settle down to naval conditions, we could accept it as transient and harmless, but it is most acute among the warrant-officers and petty officers of the fleet. The former, who are the very pick of the lower- deck, attain to their position at from twenty- five to twenty- eight years of age, and find before them a long dreary wait of twenty years ere they can get their next step chief warrant. Ships grow in size, and the warrants' duties and responsibilities increase and multiply, yet their prospects remain the same. Quite recently they have tried to mitigate the long dreary wait of twenty years by asking the Admiralty to create a greater percentage of chief warrants than at present exist, only to be met with a blank refusal. The petty officers have long since banded themselves into socie- ties, with joint committees representing the various classes, while delegates from the three ports meet and discuss things 3i6 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN in general, and issue an Annual Appeal. As is only natural in movements of this kind, men get in whose objects are altogether unworthy, and they make their voices heard through these Appeals. Outside this small flaw the Appeals represent the genuine unrest that exists. For some years I have closely followed this unrest, vigorously contesting certain phases of it. I have attended meetings of petty officers, discussed it with hundreds of men of all ratings, always to be faced with the hard, ominous fact that the time has arrived when naval laws and customs are altogether out of touch with the requirements of the modern Navy and the temperament of the latter-day fighting sea man. Curiously enough, various Press writers who interest them- selves in things naval are repeating the errors of 1797, and ascribing this interest to political influence the growth of Socialism in the Navy. This we have been told is " the canker of the service." Does Socialism exist in the Navy ? Un- questionably it does to the same extent and in exactly the same way as Conservatism, Liberalism, or any other political faith, each of which is just as much a " canker " as the others. This Socialist bogy seems to be the outcome of the number of Parliamentary complaints from the lower-deck, which of course implies disaffection. The lower- deck is disaffected, and the disaffection will and must grow year by year as the intelligence of the lower-deck increases. But this is not on account of Socialism, but because " naval discipline " has the same foundation to-day, when our ships- of-war are manned with the pick of the nation, as when they were manned from prison hulks and with the help of the press- gang. You cannot expect men who have sufficient intelligence to understand aviation, wireless telegraphy, torpedoes, sub- marine navigation, modern gunnery, etc., etc., to be silently amenable to such conditions. WHAT OF THE FUTURE? 317 Happily, in the majority of ships, naval officers read the Regulations with modern eyes and in a modern spirit ; even then they gall the modern sea man. In ships where officers care only for the letter and the spirit in which those Regula- tions were originally written, disaffection invariably declares itself in an open way. This sort of thing is inevitable under present conditions. When some old Act of Parliament, entirely out of touch with the spirit of the times, is raked up for a special purpose witness the Treasury's recent at- tempt to collect a debt through an old Act public opinion, intelligently expressed, acts as a gyroscope and brings matters back to a level. In the Navy, especially in those ships where " strict discipline " prevails, public opinion is ruthlessly stamped out, and this safety-valve being screwed down, steam escapes in other directions and blows things overboard ! " Strict discipline," in ninety- nine cases out of a hundred, spells petty tyranny ; and these open signs of disaffection, instead of being put down to a growth of Socialism, should be accepted for what they are storm- signals of wrong conditions. The nation will do well to grasp the simple truth, viz. that the personnel of the Navy has so completely changed that it is quite out of touch and out of sympathy with naval laws, and that history on this account is repeating itself. I am not suggesting that a repetition of 1797 is likely or even possible : there are too many safety-valves for that, and this continual questioning in Parliament is one. This, however, only applies to peace ; should we go to war the safety-valves would all be screwed down, and the question is, Would the machine bear the pressure ? We go on counting up our Dreadnoughts year by year, and imagine that as long as we have a superiority in numbers we are quite safe, yet at least one- sixth of our ships are afflicted with that type of discipline which, as Admiral Sir 3i8 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN D. H. Bosanquet says, is sufficient, when the crisis comes, to take them to the bottom in ten minutes. A hundred years ago a ship could be run alongside an enemy and a disaffected crew " encouraged " to load and fire the guns. It would hardly be possible, however, to send officers vested with plenary powers into turrets and casemates on punitive expeditions for the purpose of " encouraging " accu- rate shooting at ten thousand yards ! If Great Britain is wise, she will recognise hard facts, and try and solve the problem before war comes ; not by a few patchwork operations, but by a thorough overhaul. Socialism, as far as the Navy is concerned, is only a poor scarecrow with an empty turnip for a head useful enough, no doubt, for a sensational halfpenny Press to rave against at election times ; to hold it up as the cause of service discontent is to be either woefully ignorant or wilfully blind. The lower-deck is healthily patriotic : it is simply asking that the " discipline " and inner life of the Navy shall be brought up to date. One can imagine the volume of protest that will be hurled at these suggestions, for the British public love to think that all is well with its fighting sea men, and " My Lords " can harf ly be expected to admit that the state of chaos and unrest thrc I have depicted exists. But " My Lords " have not always been infallible guides. In 1800 a Mr. Bell submitted a memorial to the Admiralty calling attention to " the prac- ticability of, and utility of, steam as a marine propelling power against tides and winds, and every obstruction in rivers and seas, where there was a depth of water for vessels." "My Lords" replied that: "after careful consideration of his proposition, they had concluded that it would be of no value in transmarine navigation." Nelson was present at the Board meeting when Mr. Bell's proposition was discussed, and at once seeing its importance WHAT OF THE FUTURE? 319 said, " My Lords and Gentlemen, if you do not adopt Mr. Bell's scheme, other nations will, and, in the end, vex every vein of this Empire." But " My Lords " were adamant. When steam did come they dolefully prophesied the downfall of the Empire on that account. That experience has been repeated a hundred times. There is a story current in naval circles how when Captain Percy Scott paid off the cruiser Scylla in 1899, he went to the Admiralty and with some elation and pride laid before " My Lords " the little contri- vance with which he had taught his men to shoot (the " Dot- ter "), and which was destined to revolutionise the gunnery of the Navy. " My Lords " gazed on it with a supercilious air, and said pityingly, " Put it down there, Captain Scott; we have no time now to go into the merits of your gilguys." " Scott's gilguys " are mentioned in the Navy to-day, and with reason, for they have taught it how to shoot ! These are things of the past, and are merely mentioned in anticipa- tion of the reception these suggestions are likely to receive. Were it the Army, we could afford to let things slide and trust to our luck to " muddle through somehow." But there will be "no muddling through " in the next naval war, which is as inevitable as fate. Staring at us, with cold relentless eyes across the waters of the North Sea, is our future anta- gonist. In due course we shall join issue, and it will be a struggle of Titans. There will be no weary waiting of battered and befouled hulls cruising month in and month out in search of the enemy, only to fight indecisive actions when he is found. The fate of the Empire will probably rest on the results of the first action, and that result will depend entirely on the personnel, for, " The result of an action (after the Admiral in command of a fleet has placed that fleet in the position of advantage) will depend on the captains of guns of the fleet, upon whose accuracy of eye, readiness of resource, and strict 320 OUR FIGHTING SEA MEN discipline, the fate of the Empire will depend." And the captains of guns are helpless without the willing and in- telligent co-operation of their gun-crews and disaffection, however small, must spell disaster, and disaffection can only be dispelled by bringing the laws of the Navy more in touch with the laws of the land than they are at present. APPENDIX LOWER-DECK PROMOTION PART I FOR some years past occasional letters or paragraphs have appeared in various naval periodicals advocating increased opportunities for the men of the Navy to attain commissioned rank. Early in 1910 Mr. McKenna was questioned in the House of Commons as to his attitude towards proposals framed to enable poorerboys than at present to enter the Navy as officers, either by cheapening the cost to parents of keeping a boy at Osborne College, or by granting Osborne Scholarships to Board School boys. He replied that the Admiralty had no objections to the first proposal if the country were prepared to pay for it, and that they had already made overtures to certain County Councils with regard to the second one. It is not too much to say that the service was utterly astounded at this latter piece of news, and that it raised a storm of adverse criticism in naval circles. A flood of discussion broke out in the ward-rooms of the fleet and in the columns of the service papers. It speedily became evident that service opposition was not directed against the proposal to modify the present system of filling the executive ranks, but solely against the particular proposal to recruit officers by Board School Scholarships. Further, it appeared that this opposition was due, not to any inherent class prejudice, but to the fact that the service, almost unknown to itself, had slowly and quietly grown ready, almost anxious, to adopt a programme, real though 21 321 322 APPENDIX still undefined, which under the name of " Lower-deck Promotion " had matured in its midst. This programme had for its object the provision of facilities by which the more brilliant men of the lower-deck could, while still young enough to adapt themselves to their altered circumstances, be raised to commissioned rank and put approximately on an equality as regards career and " seniority for age " with those more fortunate officers who had entered in the usual way. It was felt that this programme, unformed and undefined as it was, was threatened by the Admiralty proposal ; that the latter would finally crush all hopes that the lower-deck had formed of their ever-improving character, discipline, and intelligence being recognised and rewarded ; that the dream of seeing the corps of officers invigorated by a stream of the finest blood from the lower-deck would be shattered for ever ; that the ever-rising standard required of recruits would come to a standstill, and then slide swiftly down when the notice was put up over the recruiting office : Only second-rate men required ; First-class men apply at the Board School. Hence the storm of opposition, and hence the silence of oblivion into which these Board-School-Scholarship pro- posals have since been dropped. But the voice of the service did not content itself with mere destructive criticism. As soon as the Navy had had time to realise the nature of its objections, practical proposals began to be put forward in all places and journals and from all ranks. These all tended in one direction, " Lower-deck Promotion." There have been wide differences of opinion ; schemes both vague and detailed have been put forward. Side issues, such as the improvement of W.O.'s status, have been dragged in with the hope that they, too, might benefit " when something is done." But irrespective of their source or motive, all proposals had this one view in common, that fresh regulations are required by which petty or warrant- officers can rise much more speedily to lieutenants' rank AND ONWARDS. Many commissioned officers who, a year ago, were almost alone in their messes in suggesting that such reforms were matters of immediate and practical importance, have now the pleasure of finding themselves in ward-rooms in which LOWER-DECK PROMOTION 323 there is not a single dissentient voice from the main pro- position, so marked has been the maturing of opinion. In fact, at the present moment all these proposals are ripe for collection into one coherent whole, and the problem itself for treatment. Although the need of reform is generally admitted, it may be as well briefly to re-state the case. It rests on a large number of different considerations, all pointing in the same direction. There is the claim of the men to better outlets for their ambitions and energies. Undoubtedly at the present time we have each year a large number of men of the highest ability and character who reach the top of their lowly tree ; here they stagnate. Even neglecting their own legitimate claims that their careers should not virtually be cut short at twenty-five or thirty, the very interests of the service demand that such a waste of energy should cease. Then there is the fear of many educated men, both officers and others, that our commissioned ranks are being recruited from too narrow a class, the wealthy class in fact. Then there is anxiety lest with our new system of training officers, in which scholastic work is emphasised so much more than of old, we may not be rearing a class that will no longer deserve the proud name of " Sea men," and that may fail in the day of trial. It is only by comparison that a judgment on this can be passed, and what better check could we have against such a tendency than that these, the products of our theoretical training, should work side by side as comrades with the finest of those who by sheer practical merit had raised themselves to petty or warrant rank before their elevation to the quarter-deck ? Lastly, for the thoughtful few, there remains one cogent reason which even alone would necessitate immediate and most careful attention being given to the recruiting of our officers. For some years past, for good or ill, democracy has been insurgent. Now the name of " Sea men," of which we are so justly proud, denotes not merely men who move over the face of the waters, but men who are trained to look ahead, to foresee the coming wind ; and who, too wise to try and bluff or defy the element they cannot control, prepare for it and turn it to their own advantage. The wind of democracy is sweeping on. Already, for good or ill, one fine stately ship is in distress. Who can 324 APPENDIX doubt, if they had foreseen its coming, the Lords might have got their reconstruction over years ago, and that the very storm which, at the time of writing, threatens, for good or evil, to engulf them, might have served merely to establish them more firmly as the safeguards of the nation. But they were not sea men, and so, fortunately or other- wise, the wind caught them with not one single preparation made. Turn now to our own case, leaving aside all considerations of right or wrong, or of the interests of the service or of classes. Already the line of foam is on the horizon, as evidenced by the questions and suggestions in the House of Commons. Already the ship feels the swell that goes before the wind, as evidenced by the gentle groaning and creaking of the hull, the reasoned, plaintive, or passionate appeals from our men of the lower-deck that appear now and then iii print appeals "to be given a chance ! " There is no hurry, no cause for alarm : the Navy is not on the verge of revolution or Socialism. We could, perhaps, preserve the status quo for many years ; but the sea man does not wait till he is dismasted before taking action. It's simply time to " Call the Captain," and report the wind is rising. Then, under his direction, we, the O.O.W.'s, can make all snug and use the freshness of the gale to put us far ahead of all competitors in the world-wide race for supremacy of the sea. " PLEASE, SIR, FROM THE OFFICERS OF THE WATCH, SIR ; WILL YOU COME ON DECK, AS IT'S COMING ON TO BLOW ? " Such are the arguments in favour of a change ; against them only one consideration has ever seriously been ad- vanced : it is that men of the lower-deck will feel them- selves ill at ease and socially out of place in the aristocratic atmosphere of the ward-room. Even though it were true, this argument would be quite negligible when weighed in the scales against the overwhelming contentions sketched above. But whatever our weaknesses may be, of education, habits, or manners, we can at least say proudly that we are not snobs ; and that if a self-made man is to feel uncom- fortable in our company, then nowhere in the world can he rise in comfort. But the case is not worth arguing. As soon as the contention has been voiced it has always been swept aside as a lying insult by the indignant protests of the great mass of honourable and manly naval officers. LOWER-DECK PROMOTION 325 The principle being conceded that "something must be done," it remains to formulate a practical proposal. From what has already been said it will have been seen that proposals fall, broadly speaking, under two headings Revolutionary and Constructional. The Revolutionary proposals are those which, by abolishing the charges at Osborne College, or by the granting of Board School Scholar- ships, propose to introduce direct into the ranks of our officers an element at present entirely foreign. Apart from the fact that such a solution would not meet all the conditions of the problem, and that it would deal a permanent and irrepar- ably disastrous blow at the quality of the personnel of our lower-deck, it will be evident that it would involve the com- plete negation and even reversal of the educational policy which the Admiralty have adopted. This policy, adopted only after mature deliberation, with the approval of and after consultation with the highest educational experts in the land, aims at abolishing cramming. These experts hold that, provided a very moderate educa- tional standard is ensured by a quasi-qualifying examination, the best selection of future officers can be made by an intelli- gent discrimination after an interview with each candidate. Now the reduction or abolition of fees at Osborne must inevitably be accompanied by the resurrection of entry by competitive examination. Unwarranted charges of favour- itism have even now been made against the Selection Board, though the candidates are in the main all of one social class. If all classes were admitted the numbers would inevitably be much increased, and such a system could not stand for a day against the fire of abuse which it would attract from the democratic parents of rejected candidates. Again, taking the scholarship proposals, it is evident that their very essence is competition preceded by cramming, pro- portionately more desperate and ruinous to the brain than any the Navy has hitherto known, as the ratio of candidates to vacancies would be greater than before. It has been seen that these revolutionary proposals rule themselves out of court on other counts counts which led to the outburst of opposition and to their relegation to silence ; but it is always best to kill a scotched snake ; and on this principle it is scarcely superfluous to point out that their adoption would cover the Admiralty with ridicule, and fully justify a charge that they were without settled principle or 326 APPENDIX policy, mere shuttlecocks tossed to and fro by the whim, first of a man, then of a party. Constructional proposals involve utilising our present naval personnel to the best advantage by suitably amending our present regulations. Now all the proposals of this type that have ever been put forward involve promoting either warrant or petty officers, or leading or able or ordinary sea men, or even boys, to either midshipman, sub-lieutenant, or lieutenant that is to say, they differ as to precisely WHERE the lower-deck tree of promotion should be tapped. Apart from this they differ on a number of details, but only on one other matter of radical principle, which will be dealt with in due course. What then are the considerations which should decide this first and all-important point ? They would seem to be two. The younger the men are at the time of separation from their fellows the more easily will they adapt themselves to their new conditions. The higher their rank, within certain limits, the more reliable will be the operation of any system of selection. The first of these considerations needs no explanation. The second is not so completely true. The step from boy to ordinary sea man, or from O.S. to A.B., involves practically no selection ; the step from able sea man to leading sea man involves a technical examination and also individual selection of the candidate by his own officers from amongst a large number of apparently equally eligible men. It thus involves the possession of character and executive fitness as well as of technical ability. The step from L.S. to petty officer involves the same qualities, but to a higher degree. The step from P.O. to warrant-officer mainly involves the voluntary principle, coupled with considerable educa- tional acquirements. But as candidates for the commissioned ranks will necessarily be volunteers, and as they must necessarily be examined according to an educational standard considerably in advance of that required for W.O., it is obvious that there is no gain in going so high up the tree as to the warrant rank. It might be argued that it would be useful to an officer to have had experience as a W.O., but as these officers' duties are arranged at present, the value of such experience is more than doubtful. So from a consideration of the qualifications involved in LOWER-DECK PROMOTION 327 gaining each step, the ranks from amongst which the " tapping point " must be chosen have narrowed themselves to two those of leading sea man and petty officer. At this point it is perhaps as well to make a digression and dispose of a fallacy. It is suggested by some, probably mainly interested persons, that to give these new opportunities to petty officers would be an injustice to the warrant rank. Undoubedly it would be very hard luck on many an able warrant-officer to find he had been born too soon ; but this particular piece of mis- fortune falls to many a man. Their grievance too is purely personal, and not worth counting against the interests of the service. Inevitably at whatever point the tapping takes place, even if it were in the junior ranks of the W.O.'s themselves, there will be weeping and gnashing of teeth in the ranks imme- diately above. This grievance is fallacious, because of a peculiarly tem- porary character. From the moment that a promotion scheme is started, all who become W.O.'s will have passed the tapping point and had their chance of winning a higher career by their own merit. Thus in a few years' time the grievance will have been cured, and it should have no influence whatever on the final selection of the point of tapping. To return. In theory, the steps A.B. to L.S., or L.S. to P.O., both ensure a man having all the qualities which are desirable in an officer, except only the necessary educational qualifications. But in practice the value of both these steps is vitiated, at least from this special point of view, by the number of rates which are given at depots. It is not for a moment suggested that the present system is faulty, but merely that as a consequence neither step by itself can be accepted as an absolute guarantee of character and executive fitness. But though singly they are unsatisfactory, together they practically preclude all possibility of an unworthy man attaining petty officer's rank. Till recently, depot ratings were not the only weak point in the system ; men whose " faces fitted " could be rushed through from step to step by a single officer in a single commission. But with the reduction of the length of a commission, and the introduction of a minimum period that a man must serve in each rank to qualify him for the next, the Admiralty can congratulate 3 :8 APPENDIX themselves on having obtained a system which approaches very near to perfection. Even so, granting the high quality of our present P.O.'s, it is not every one who is fit for a commission. But bearing in mind that the P.O.'s rate involves no educational aptitude we may neglect the puerile so-called educational test and is purely a matter of character and executive ability, it becomes evident that by lowering the age limit we can raise indefinitely the standard of those who are to be con- sidered eligible as regards character for the higher career. It then only remains to devise means simultaneously to ensure their educational fitness. Further, if the educational requirements are such that a man must, while still an able seaman, declare his ambition, then the final touch is given to the system, in that such a person will be a marked man, and his officers, who realise his desire to take his place among them, can, by the exercise of the powers of selection that they already possess, either accelerate his career so as to allow him to reach the required rank within the age limit, or else, without any hardship to the man, just retard it so that he reaches P.O.'s rank only at the ordinary age. Thus everything points clearly to the conclusion that it is from petty officers that selection should be made ; and numerous considerations, including the highly important one that the younger the man is the better he can adapt himself, all point to selection as soon after reaching this rank as can possibly be managed. It is sometimes fallaciously argued that a man's experience- as P.O. would be of great value to him as an officer. But it is on account of selection, not of experience, that it is advisable to tap the P.O.'s rank. It is their experience of the lower- deck, and not of taking charge, that will be of value. In the matter of taking charge, what they learn as lieutenants, among lieutenants, will very speedily outweigh any paltry experience as P.O. ; and whatever value, if any, there maybe in such experience will assuredly be conferred by their service as leading sea men and as P.O.'s during the few weeks or months preceding their separation. So only one conclusion seems possible : Selection should be made by competitive examination from among those who reach petty officer's rank before attaining a certain low age limit. LOWER-DECK PROMOTION 329, EDUCATIONAL This essential matter being settled, a number of details- arise, comparatively unimportant in themselves, but of which some mention must be made in order that the scheme may be seen complete and in its entirety. It is evident that by the time these men take their places- as lieutenants at sea, their educational standard should be approximately the same as that of the officers who will be their comrades. Apart from the fact that it is always better to make use of existing machinery rather than to create new, this can pro- bably best be ensured by passing these men through the identical courses of training which acting sub-lieutenants- undergo. Such an arrangement would have the additional advantage that contact with those sub-lieutenants who were going through these same courses would tend to accustom these lower-deck men to the mental and social outlook of the type of men among whom in future they are to live. It would thus form a sort of easy school of social educatioa preparatory to their entry into the ward-room. But these courses scarcely cover the entire ground. There are many little things which an officer " picks up " in his younger days, apart from the knowledge required for the seamanship and " Part I." examinations which he undergoes- on the completion of his time as midshipman. To deal with these it will be necessary for these men to have a special course of a few months' training before joining up with the acting sub-lieutenants. This course might well end in a sub-lieutenant's " Part I.' ; exam., and in another which, while embracing many other branches of general knowledge, would correspond as regards marks to a sub-lieutenant's- seamanship examination. Turning now to the examinations by which selection must be made from among those petty officers who are otherwise, eligible, it is evident that they should be such as will prepare them for those which are to follow. The annual examinations- of junior officers afloat are specially designed for this very purpose, and seem admirably suited to the requirements. These, then, should be the competitive examinations by means of which selection is made ; they have the additional advantage of simplicity in that no new machinery has to be 330 APPENDIX created. Examinations are contrary to the spirit and tastes of the British Navy, and the fewer there are the better. But it is not mere knowledge hastily acquired that gives power : it is rather the slow digestion of this knowledge. To ensure this process of digestion, it would seem desirable so to frame the regulations as to make men acquire their know- ledge early, and maintain and cultivate it over a period of years. The simplest way of doing this would be to lay down that a prospective candidate must compete in an annual ex- amination while still an A.B., obtaining a certain percentage, .and again as a L.S., obtaining certain higher marks. The use of these particular examinations has rather more to recommend it than at first sight appears. In such a scheme as is proposed, it is most desirable that all concerned should be able to scrutinise its working at every step. This can only be done by comparison with a known standard, such as the existing type of junior officer would afford. It is also desirable from all points of view to add interest to the game by throwing these able and leading sea men into direct competition with those whom they are intended to supplement. But whatever examination is chosen, it should be ad- ministered in two doses for digestion's sake, and it is as able sea man that a man should take the first dose, in order to make clear to himself and to his officers the goal of his ambition. Tentative details as to how selection might be made by means of the results of these examinations are -set forth in the subjoined " scheme." Those who have themselves found considerable difficulty in attaining to " lieutenant's standard " may be tempted to suggest that it is useless to expect comparatively uneducated men, working by themselves without proper instructors, to approach the standard here required. Also, the service as a whole would recoil from a vision of a Navy permeated with schoolmasters, in which all the best and brightest would spend every spare moment crouching over desks. But these are empty fears. Again and again these words have been written : " Make the standard as high as you like ; let us reach it as best we can. Only give us a chance, and some among us will be equal to taking it." It is precisely these " some " that are wanted. LOWER-DECK PROMOTION 331 The standard fixes itself naturally. There can be no two opinions about it. While as to the amount of assistance these men are to receive, the service owes them no duty but fair play. For their general assistance it would be well if in each ship a suitable executive officer were detailed to look after them, making use of the existing facilities. It would certainly be necessary that the Admiralty should publish a very full syllabus of the subjects to be studied, containing advice as to text-books. These text-books, and also books of examination papers, should somehow be made readily available to those who require them. Finally, in order to meet the case of men serving in small craft, and to eliminate as far as possible any inequalities of instruction, it would be most beneficial if the Admiralty could see their way to negotiat- ing with the now world-renowned " I.C.S.," or International Correspondence School. This latter has already a con- siderable clientele on the lower-deck. At the request of the Admiralty, it would gladly prepare a course covering all that is required ; and if, finally, the Admiralty undertook to pay two-thirds of the normal fees for each man who took up the course, the educational problem would be completely and satisfactorily solved from every point of view. We can now turn to the second and last matter of real and radical importance. Having selected our men, and eventually made them lieutenants, what is their career to be ? There are only three conceivable alternatives : Either they must serve as lieutenants for approximately the normal time, a large or small proportion eventually being promoted ; or they must serve as lieutenants till they reach the age at which the average lieutenant is promoted, and then, entirely irrespective of their seniority, they must be " con- sidered " for promotion in the usual way ; or while lieutenants they may have their seniority adjusted in such a manner that by the time they reach promotion age they will also have reached promotion seniority. The first of these alternatives fails in all respects : it is an unsatisfactory half-measure, foreign to naval instincts. The Admiralty would find it difficult to make billets for such an increased number of aged commanders ; these by reason of their age would be quite unsuitable for further promotion. As a career this would be unsatisfactory to the lower-deck, a mere mockery of their ambitions ; as a stimulus to or stan- 332 APPENDIX dard of comparison for the present type of officer it would be of no use whatever. It has indeed actually been advocated in print, but only to raise a crop of letters of protest, and it may definitely be considered as unworthy of more detailed notice. The two remaining alternatives both meet the main re- quirements, and the decision as to which should be adopted is only a matter of expediency. Both would enable these lieutenants to become commanders at the normal age, which is the condition most essential to success. But whereas under the third alternative a commander would have had at least a modicum of experience as a senior lieutenant, with the special responsibilities, forecastle duties, etc., entailed by such seniority, under the second he would have missed all this, and his value as a commander and in the higher ranks would be permanently impaired in con- sequence. Also it is not by any means every lieutenant who wins promotion, and for the sake of those others it is very desirable that their seniority should be adjusted as early as possible. One recognised means of doing this already exists namely, the awarding of seniority on the results of the acting sub- lieutenants' examinations. The details of these awards are changed from time to time ; but the general principle is that in each of the six examinations which go to make up the entire course, the candidate can obtain a " first," a " second," or a " third-class " certificate, carrying three, two, and one mark respectively. Seniority as lieutenant is then awarded in accordance with the total number of these marks obtained. If the man who obtained a " possible " were to date his seniority as lieutenant from the date on which he was rated petty officer, this would be equivalent to his having become a lieutenant at the age of, say, twenty-five. In order to put him approximately on an equality with other lieutenants it would then be necessary, before he reached the promotion age, to ante-date this seniority by at least three years. Now it must be recognised that when first such an officer goes to- sea he will require special treatment. Probably it would be best first to send him to a large sea-going ship for a year to learn his elementary duties. After that he, and through him the service, would probably benefit most if he were sent to a torpedo boat or destroyer as captain or second in command, LOWER-DECK PROMOTION 333 thereby giving him a position of some independent responsi- bility. Six months in such a position ought to fit him to take his place in all respects as a fully qualified officer. It would therefore seem desirable that he should by the end of this educational period have attained his full seniority, and the most obvious way of bringing this about is to seize the occasions of his leaving his two ships to date him back in each case by a year and a half. He would then be about twenty-seven to twenty-nine years old, and available for duty as a senior watch-keeper, or first lieutenant, or in any other non-specialist capacity. There is nothing new in this proposal to adjust seniority. It is done every day in the case of junior lieutenants ; of recent years it has been done for war services ; and it is done, though in an unfavourable sense, every month or so to some unfortunate who has run up against a court-martial. It would thus appear that the third alternative is emphati- cally the one to be adopted, and the one which would give the greatest satisfaction to the service at large, as well as to those most intimately concerned. The question of the number of commissions to be given can now be tackled. At first this must be merely a matter of administrative detail. Thirty commissions per annum might be suggested as a reasonable maximum to start with, though just at first the number of eligible petty officers who will pass the required educational standard at such short notice will be small, and hence the number of commissions actually given will probably be much lower than this. But in due course the number will become a matter of simple though exact scientific deduction, thus : Our entire naval administration is based on the assump- tion that, thanks to their various sources of information, the Admiralty are able successfully to select from among the host of lieutenants those most suitable for promotion to the higher ranks. This assumption must be accepted as correct. Presuming that they retain this faculty, it is evident that the relative proportion of promotions from the two types of lieutenants within the promotion zone i.e. the ratio of the percentage of "lower-deck" lieutenants who got promoted to the percentage of "old type" lieutenants who get pro- moted will give a true and scientific guide to the relative value of the two types of officer. 334 APPENDIX ^ If the percentage of promotions to commander is higher among the lower-deck lieutenants, then the number of com- missions given per annum should be increased, and vice versa. The service will be making the best use of its human material when these two percentages are equal. The relation of such a scheme to the stoker, signal, and telegraphist branches, though of trifling importance compared with the main problem of introducing it for the sea man or executive branch, requires mention if only on account of the wild suggestions which have been put forward. It has actually been suggested that each branch should have its own commissions ! As regards stokers, the solution is not difficult to foresee. With the advent of war-ships driven by internal combustion engines, the merging into one of the sea man and stoker branches is very near at hand. " Stokers " will no longer be required ; in their place " mechanics " or " motor men," specialised from the sea men branch, as are the gunnery or torpedo ratings. When this amalgamation is complete, the problem will have disappeared ; till then no temporary expedients are desirable. With the signal and telegraphist branches the case is quite different. First it must be recognised that the latter is absorbing the former ; whereas originally the Navy employed signal men, some of whom had a knowledge of wireless telegraphy, already the day is at hand (and about to dawn with the increased use of " short distance " wireless) when there will only be tele- graphists with a sound knowledge of signals, and when the warrant-officer telegraphist will have replaced the signal boatswain. Except, therefore, for purely temporary regulations, it is only the telegraphist branch that needs to be considered. According to our present system, telegraphists specialise so young that at no period do they come into close touch with the routine of the service. Consequently there are two alternatives either the branch must be recruited from among those boys who do not aspire to the highest ranks and of these there will always be an ample number or else the present system of specialising as a boy must be revised. Probably the latter course would be the better ; but the matter is in no sense of prime importance, and until the main scheme for the sea man branch is in thorough working LOWER-DECK PROMOTION 335 order, its consideration is much better postponed as being a side issue. But there is an important reservation to be made in this regard. It must be recognised that no such scheme can spring full-grown into operation. Although any initial difficulties or mistakes are in reality of no importance, yet such is human nature that it is apt to judge and to condemn before any innovation has had time to work out its own salvation. Mainly for this reason it becomes necessary to pay the utmost attention to details at the start, and to call in the aid of psychology and wisdom in order to ensure the system setting smoothly to work. In these early stages the signal and telegraphist branches may play a useful part. To ensure initial success it is necessary that at the first there should be a sufficiency of candidates, and particularly that these should be of the highest quality if possible even higher than that which will later be required. Now our signal ratings are universally recognised as among the most alert and capable, and our telegraphists as among the best educated men in the service. Among the latter there are actually some who were leading sea men when they turned over, and who should expressly be allowed to compete if otherwise eligible. A large proportion of the remainder transferred from the lower sea man ratings. These and all the members of the signal branch, provided they are eligible as regards rank and age, should be allowed to compete in the first few " Annual Examinations " on the special recom- mendations of their captains. In order to ensure a sufficiency of candidates it would possibly be advisable somewhat to lower the qualifying percentage of marks for the first two years, and otherwise slightly to modify the regulations. The alternative plan of postponing the first examination till a few years after the issue of the regulations would have the grave, even fatal, disadvantage that it would then be the youngsters who would be the first to sit down to work. This might easily wreck the whole scheme, for it must be anticipated that the worst elements on the lower-deck will offer considerable, though purely temporary, opposition to those in their midst who aspire to a higher career than they. Whereas young able sea men would be powerless against such a spirit, it would soon exhaust itself against the broad 336 APPENDIX backs of the petty officers ; and it is these and the leading sea men who would be the ones to set the example of working if competition were allowed at the very first examination after the issue of the regulations. Even though the standard had been somewhat lowered, the shortness of the time for preparation would give ample security for the high ability of those who reached it. COST Until enough time has elapsed to allow of the numbers l>eing adjusted, these new type officers would necessarily be in addition to the establishment, and would therefore entail some extra expense ; but as the new entries to Osborne would at the same time be curtailed accordingly, this expense would be more than counterbalanced, and in due course the actual total cost of officering the Navy would be somewhat reduced. There is one item on which it is highly important that no expense should be spared namely, the grants made to these new type officers to defray the cost of their uniform. Some of the officers will be married men ; none will have any cash to spare. Yet if the scheme is to be a success it is absolutely essential that during their early stages as lieutenants they should be dressed, both as regards uniform and plain clothes, up to the standard of their comrades. Dress is more than a matter of decency ; more than the mere insignia of rank and station ; more than a mere factor in gaining esteem ; it is indeed the first essential towards self-confidence, which is the key to merit, manners, and success. The Admiralty grant or grants should therefore be unstinted even to the verge of generosity, sufficient amply to defray the cost of both uniform and plain clothes and of any other minor expenses which may be incidental to the assumption of the rank of commissioned officer. Under such conditions, with the sympathetic attention of the Board of Admiralty, and with the hearty good-will of the service at large, the success of " Lower-deck Promotion " is a certainty ; and as it develops the service will become -enriched and energised, and knit ever more and more closely into one harmonious whole, inspired by ambition, zeal, and patriotism, a joy to itself, and the pride and safeguard of its King and Country. LOWER-DECK PROMOTION 337 SCHEME FOR THE PROMOTION OF PETTY OFFICERS TO THE RANK OF LIEUTENANT NOTE. As the statistics which would be necessary for the formation of a reasoned conclusion on certain points are not available, such details as the age limit and the qualifying percentages must be regarded as purely tentative. QUALIFICATIONS Petty officers of the sea man branch, under 26 years of age, who have passed the necessary qualifying examinations, will be appointed, according to their order of merit in the previous examination, to undergo a course of training for the rank of lieutenant. During this course they will hold acting warrant rank. The qualifying examination will be identical with the annual " Examination of Junior Officers Afloat." To be eligible for appointment to the course of training for the rank of lieutenant, a man must, while A.B., have obtained 50 per cent., and also while L.S. have obtained 70 per cent, of the total number of marks obtainable in one such ex- amination, excluding the marks awarded for French. A man may compete in as many such examinations as he pleases, except that an A.B. may not compete at all until he has passed the technical examination for L.S., nor a L.S. until he has passed the technical examination for P.O. Men who have " qualified " as A.B.'s will not under any circumstances be required to pass the P.O.'s educational test. METHODS OF SELECTION When the results of such an examination have been pub- lished, lists bearing that date will be distributed, showing the marks and ages of those A.B.'s and L.S.'s who have obtained the required percentages. Four months, eight months, and twelve months after the date of this list, returns are to be made to the Admiralty giving the names of such leading sea men on the above list, not above the age limit on the date of making the return, as have been rated P.O. since the date of the list. The required number will be selected from these P.O.'s in the order of their marks; and the ap- pointments, dated a month previously, will be published five, nine, and thirteen months after the date of the list. It will 22 338 APPENDIX thus be necessary for a L.S. desirous of undergoing this course of training to have competed in an examination whose results are published within a year of his promotion to P.O. A petty officer who has not been so appointed within a year of obtaining his rate will have no further chance of appoint- ment. COURSE OF TRAINING Except for the addition of a preliminary course and the omission from the " Part I." examination of " French " and " Observations," this course of training will be identical with the series of courses undergone by acting sub-lieutenants. The preliminary course will consist of four months' instruction in naval and general history, in the taking of observations, in certain matters of seamanship, and in other general subjects. On the completion of the preliminary course the class will join up with the next class of acting sub-lieutenants, com- mencing with their Part I. examination. Seniority on the completion of the training will be awarded as it is to sub-lieutenants, with the following modifications : (a) Marks counting towards promotion will be awarded for the examination on the preliminary course, in lieu of those awarded to acting sub-lieutenants for their examinations in seamanship. (b) The zero date, instead of being the date of seniority as sub-lieutenant, will be one year prior to the date of seniority as petty officer, so that men who obtain a " possible" will date their seniority as lieutenants from the dates on which they were rated P.O. The same regulations as to failure will apply as applied to acting sub-lieutenants, with the modification that officers failing in " Part I." will be sent on leave until the next ex- amination, and that officers finally failing will be confirmed in their warrant rank. RESPONSIBILITY AFLOAT Having completed his course of training, a lieutenant will be appointed to a sea-going ship for about one year for watch- keeping and general duties. On leaving his ship at the completion of this period, the date of his seniority as lieutenant will be put back one and a half years. He will then be appointed for a period of about six months to a T.B. or T.B.D., LOWER-DECK PROMOTION 339 or other small vessel, which will afford him a position of some independent responsibility. On leaving his ship at the completion of this period, the date of his seniority as lieutenant will be put back a further one and a half years. From this time onwards a lieutenant introduced under these regulations will be treated in all respects, and notably as regards pay, employment, and promotion, in the same manner as officers entered in the usual way. FACILITIES FOR PREPARATORY STUDY The Admiralty will issue a complete syllabus of the subjects required, for the guidance of candidates and their instructors. This syllabus will recommend the best text-books for the study of each subject. These books will be obtainable from the officer in charge of the instruction in each ship or establish- ment at the lowest possible prices. The C.O. of each ship or establishment will nominate one executive officer who, with the assistance of the naval instructor and schoolmaster, if borne, will render any educational assistance he can to those who may desire it. Arrangements have been made with the International Correspondence School whereby the latter are preparing a course covering the entire ground in all branches, to be taught by their correspondence method. Those who desire to avail themselves of this course should apply to . Only one-third of the full fee will be charged, the remainder being subscribed by the Admiralty. TEMPORARY REGULATIONS In order to enable this scheme to be introduced without delay, the examination to be undergone while an A.B. will not be required in the case of men who already hold the ratings of L.S. or P.O., or who may be rated L.S. during the next two years. The examination to be undergone while a L.S. will not be essential in the case of men already holding the rating of P.O., or who obtain that rating during the next two years. In any case, however, a man must, either as L.S. or as P.O., have obtained 60 per cent, of marks in one qualifying examination. The age limit will in no case be relaxed. Telegraphist ratings who have turned over from the 340 APPENDIX sea man branch, and who held the rating of leading sea men before turning over, may compete in the qualifying examina- tions in accordance with the above temporary regulations. Other telegraphist ratings who have turned over from able or ordinary sea men, and all signal ratings now in the service above the rank of boy, may compete under the same condi- tions, provided that they are specially recommended by their commanding officers. PART II CONCERNING AN IDEAL IN times of stress action is usually based on expediency. But under normal conditions nations, parties, boards, and individuals frame their policies with some ideal in view. Those that fail to do so lead a " hand-to-mouth existence," and sooner or later Nemesis overtakes them. Even those acts or policies committed or framed to meet some pressing necessity, if in truth they are not in keeping with the individual or national ideal, are always found to be mistakes, the traces of which (such as the ravages of a war, the lowering of a class, or the hurt of an individual) can never wholly be obliterated, and can only be mitigated by much toil and trouble. In fact, however close the reasoning or clear the logic, the true touchstone of any course of action is whether it is in keeping with the sacred ideal, whether it tends to its fulfil- ment. Now this matter of " Lower-deck Promotion," trivial though it is by comparison with the larger questions of naval policy, demands the mental review of the whole science of personnel, its development and aims, and therefore the formulating of a Naval Ideal. Such a thing exists : the developments of recent years have been too consistent, too much in harmony with it and with each other, for them to be merely isolated acts of mo- mentary expediency ; but it has sometimes been lost sight of as other acts betray ; and as at the present time the Navy is about to take one of the most momentous steps in its history, this is the psychological moment to frame it clearly. LOWER-DECK PROMOTION 341 One of the advantages of an ideal is its remoteness one need not criticise it from the practical standpoint. If at present any of its features seem impossible of attainment they are none the less " ideal," guides as clear as the stars, though possibly seeming as far beyond our present reach. An ideal, in fact, should be above the criticism of expediency or " practical politics," a noble thing of altruistic sentiment and lofty aspirations. This very aloofness makes it difficult to grasp, and calls for the employment of similes. In the ideal the great naval tree should have its roots spread far and wide, over the whole surface of our land ; and strong and deep, through castle to manor, manor to farm, farm to cottage ; through palace to mansion, mansion to villa, villa to tenement house. These mighty roots should draw to themselves all that is most fitted for a healthy growth, turn it into good sound fibre and pass it up into the trunk, which in the pride of prefection should taper and tower, straight and true, to its topmost twig. On every side and at every height the branches, each perfect in itself, protecting the ones below, filtering their sunshine, bearing the brunt of storms, breaking for them the force of the rain and passing it on in gentle measure. In the actual, three scrubby bushes, thickly intertwined ; their roots likewise intertwined, cramped into pots and buried in what must be regarded as the very lowest fruitful stratum of the soil. Entwined with these are creepers and parasitic plants, dozens of them, each beautiful in itself yet fatal to the whole. Overshadowing these bushes stand three trees also intertwined. The roots of two show signs of recent cutting ; they are dying down, greatly to the advantage of the third, a handsome growth, but weak. Its roots, though widely spread, are all on the surface ; they have no depth, no grip on the body of the soil. Even this, the choicest tree of all, is overgrown with ivy and the like, pleasant and vener- able, and seeming at first glance a source of support and shelter to the tree, but eating its substance and draining its vitality none the less. The bushes are our lower-deck sea men, stokers, and marines. The pots in which the roots are confined are narrow indeed, principally our naval ports and districts, and a few other special recruiting areas ; and thin is the layer of social soil from which they get supplies. What faintest 342 APPENDIX of inducements is there for the poorer middle-class, the doctor's, clergyman's, schoolmaster's, clerk's or farmer's son to join this, the finest of all professions for a man, on which, " under the good providence of God, the wealth, safety, and welfare of our country do chiefly depend " ? Is it not realised that in solid, sober fact we are at this moment manning our fleet with inferior men ? That their standard is none the less so fine and high is a credit to their country, a proof that, far from being decadent, this land is still in the pride of its youth and a certificate to the vigour of the service which they join. But none the less they are poor stuff compared to what might and should be ours. The creepers are the many auxiliary corps, all sound and successful, but all cruel parasites on the body they feed upon. For instance, the " Electrician Creeper," useful and sturdy and bearing good fruit, yet which literally crept in and up just when the torpedo personnel was ready for new and vigorous developments. What an immeasurable boon would have been conferred had the more suitable men of the latter branch been given time and opportunity to train and meet the new requirements and to win the higher ranks and pay to which they had already come to aspire. This one act of policy alone would have conferred more benefit on the lower- deck than hundreds of thousands of pounds spent on extra pay, than countless regulations framed to clear the warrant rank. Yet deliberately the Admiralty planted the parasite growth, which in due course, but only with much tribulation, must be cut down as other growths have been. The three trees, the three classes of officers, these need no explanation. The ideal has been recognised, and a move towards it has been made. Even the venerable ivy has been threatened, so it is currently reported ; but the Treasury warded off the blow, being with " fellow feeling . . . wondrous kind." Such is the actual. How can the ideal be accomplished ? How can we even start towards it without jeopardising all our present strength ? " Lower-deck Promotion," if full and generous, is one great step towards it ; and if subsequently the charges at Osborne College are very gradually and judiciously reduced, the advance will have begun on both flanks. Then the roots can be extended. Once the higher career has been made possible, with honest hearts the Admiralty could and should approach the County Councils and urge LOWER-DECK PROMOTION 343 them to popularise the Navy as a profession in every school throughout the land ; approach the medical profession and the clergy ; circularise them year after year ; show that the best of all trainings is now open to their boys, free, gratis, and for nothing. For as lower-deck promotion gets a hold, the whole system will respond ; the training establishments will find their present instructions, now the bane of the boys' lives, becoming for them a living thing. As the standard, step by step, is raised throughout the country, a different class of lad will join, and once again the whole tone and standard of the training will be raised. As these fellows get to sea, with something behind them and a goal in front, no longer will their well-ploughed minds be allowed to grow fallow, a nurture-ground for every weed. Intellect, character, and energy will multiply and grow ; from thirty per annum the Admiralty will find themselves compelled to raise and raise the number of lower-deck commissions till at length the old type officers themselves join in to fight for their existence. Then midshipmen will work ; then the " bitters " will fall off ; then there'll be no lounging in the ranks. Till finally (if not before) the Admiralty will take the last great step but one, and bridge the gap between the board schools and the naval training establishments. This may be done by co- operation with existing training ships, or by other means, but it must be done. Last of all, the second and greatest " Amalgamation Scheme," one common system of entry for officers and men, not narrow or confined to a single type or class or year of age. From the age at which a lad leaves the board school right up to eighteen or nineteen, at every step there would be a standard physical and educational, by reaching which a boy could enter from no matter where. Once inside, at every step there would be discriminatory training ; no false attempt to press each to a common mould ; for some are ready for the highest gifts of science, whilst on others all but elementary instruction would be wasted. The road will then be clear. From tutor or from board school, from public school or private school, from orphanage or royal palace, the best youth of the land will be able to enter the lists and the Navy through the lower-deck. Some would rise to the topmost twig ; some to the upper branches ; some to the lower ; some, including probably the aristocracy of the nation, would merely serve for a few short years : their 344 APPENDIX task, to set a standard ; and if the call should come to give their lives. Is this too much to hope for ? Have we not before us the example of Sparta and of a dozen other tribes and nations in which one special training was deemed the finest that a man could have, the finest preparation for no matter what, and one profession the noblest, whether for rich or for poor ? And of our aristocracy and gentry : is it too much to ask of them that they should deign to compete with their own fellow countrymen on equal terms ? Is the example of the abnegation of privileges by the Daimios and Samurai of once- despised Japan without inspiration to them ? There is much in heredity almost everything, in fact ; so much, that our ruling classes need have no fear of going under. The noble traditions of their caste, the brains and sinews which they have inherited, will suffice to keep them well in front for centuries, provided only that they do not shirk comparison, do not, like cowards, fear to face their own inferiors on equal terms. Is all this too much to ask ? For what is it we have to offer ? Why shirk the facts ? Has any other profession yet approached our British Navy in the health and manhood it produces ? In the loyalty it inculcates ? In the joie de vivre it brings ? In the love its children bear for it ? Then, if we add to this a perfect training of body and mind, provide a straight clear path for merit, a branch or place for every man of every taste or quality, a " school for life " which with our own conscious efforts would be recognised as finer even than the universities ; if, casting aside all prejudice, we make class to mix with class according to their instincts, and pit man against man according to their merits then, where in all the world will there be such a training, or profession, or gateway either for rich or for poor by which to enter upon any of the highest or the humblest walks of life ? This then is the ideal, and such are the paths that lead towards it. In the service it must be the officers, and outside the highest in the land who lead the way and set the pace, and there must be provision for the fallen. Our great newspapers, social institutions, and other organs of public opinion must boldly play their part, not fearing failure. LOWER-DECK PROMOTION 345 Thus in the end the Navy will be one, strong and undivided ; large or small, but with the whole strength of the nation behind it. No need then for a "Two-Power Standard." There is of course no need now for such a standard ; it may be a wise precaution, and if the country wants it, we in the service can but rejoice in our wider opportunities. But then \ Well, if the day of trial then should come, we shall merely prove just once again the old, old saw that : " One Englishman is worth two. , three , and a dozen of any other ! " AUTHOR'S NOTE. Courtesy forbids the printing of these words ; but those readers who have any pride and faith in the truth of the saw are requested to join this missing- word competition, and fill them in to taste, clearly and in ink, in their own individual copies. Printed by Maxell, Watson & Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury. 23 BOOKS ABOUT JAPAN and the FAR EAST By The BARONESS ALBERT D'ANETHAN Fourteen Years of Diplomatic Life in Japan Stray Leaves from the Diary of BARONESS ALBERT D'ANETHAN. The wonderful progress made by Japan in the last few years has given the dwellers in the Occident what, until this recent demonstration of the unexpected, seemed quite impossible a new interest in the East ; and this book, with its record of experiences enjoyed at first hand during the most important period of the Japanese Renaissance, cannot fail to appeal strongly to the Western world. The late Baron d'Anethan was for many years the representative of Belgium at the Court of Japan, where he was the head of the diplomatic corps, and much may be expected from this diary of potential days. The book will be fully illustrated. Love Letters of a Japanese Being the Correspondence of a Japanese man with his English betrothed. G. N. MORTLAKE. Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, 5s. net. In these love letters of a Japanese man and an English woman we have a human document of great psychological and ethnological value. For all English-speaking readers they will have a peculiar interest. This modernised Japanese and this highly cultured twentieth-century Englishwoman were uncommon lovers, it is true ; but all the world loves lovers. They may express their thoughts and feelings in earth's various tongues, yet the language they use is a universal one, and the appeal they make is wide as the world. To divulge the development, to reveal the ending of this unique love- story, would be unfair to the lovers and to their readers ; suffice it to say that it is a heart-record of absorbing interest. The A B C of Japanese Art J. F. BLACKER. Profusely Illustrated with 150 Line and 100 Half- tone Illustrations, printed on Art Paper. In large crown 8vo, 5s. net. Exceedingly useful to the collector, whom it will guide, assist and interest in the Art of Old Japan. Those who desire to collect with profit will hardly discover any object so suitable, whilst for home decoration the quaint beauty of Japanese Art is unequalled in its peculiar attractiveness. Armour and Swords with their Furniture, Pottery and Porcelain, Bronzes, Colour Prints, Ivory and Wood Carvings, including Netsukes, are amongst the subjects dealt with. Technical processes are explained and many illustra- tions given in addition to the 100 half-tone illustrations, and the marks, signatures and sale prices. A Passion in Morocco CHARLOTTE CAMERON. A romance rich in Oriental colour, the scenes of which are laid in Morocco. Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, 6s. The story opens on board a P. & O. steamer when it is ploughing its way steadily towards the Moroccan coast, and where a beautiful English girl, duly chaperoned, makes the acquaintance of a handsome Moorish prince who is returning to his native land after passing through the curriculum at Oxford, with the varied problems of East and West seeking solution in his mind. The presence of the girl presses one of these questions irresistibly to the forefront of his consideration. At Mazagan the ladies are invited by an officers' guide to visit the harem of the Kai'd, where the beautiful English girl, separ- ated from the party, is trapped by the wily owner, from whose hands she is duly rescued, at the eleventh hour, by Mohammed el Yurnar, the Moorish prince. Many adventures follow, and strange scenes are enacted against a background of vivid Oriental colour, and in the end East and West effect a union, finding that " love levels all." STANLEY PAUL & CO., 31 ESSEX STREET, LONDON. Telephone- 31 ESSEX STREET 6659 GERHARD LONDON Telegraphic Address- ENGLAND "GUCIEN LONDON MESSRS. STANLEY PAUL 6? CO.'S ANNOUNCEMENTS The Love Affairs of the Vatican. DR. ANGELO S. RAPPOPORT. Author of " Royal Lovers," " Mad Majesties," "Leopold II.," etc. In demy 8vo, handsome cloth gilt, with photogravure plates and numerous other illustrations, printed on art paper. The history of Rome and the Popes has often been treated in an exhaustive manner, but there is scarcely any authoritative work dealing with the more intimate side of the affairs of the Vatican. Dr. A. S. Rappoport, who has made a special study of the lighter side of history, and especially of the influence exercised by the favourites of kings and queens upon the politics of nations, endeavours to show the important part played by the favourites of the Popes in the nistory of the Vatican and Christianity. As an impartial historian this author draws attention to the discrepancy existing between the noble and sublime teaching of Christ and the practice of his followers. Beginning with the earliest history of the Bishops of Rome, who soon became the spiritual rulers of Christendom, he deals with the morality of the priests and the various love affairs of the Popes. The words of the prophet, "and the women rule over us," may literally be applied to the history of the Papacy during the middle ages and the Renaissance. For not only were such famous courtesans as Theodora and Marozia the actual rulers of the Vatican, and in possession of the Keys of Heaven, but a woman one day ascended the throne of St. Peter, and became Pope. The author further relates the story of Pope Alexander VI. and Signora Venozza of Pope Leo X. and a French court beauty, of Sixtus V. and the beautiful English heretic Anna Osten, of Innocent X. and his sister-in- law Olympia, and of many other Popes. Dr. Rappoport is a philosopher as well as a master of light biographical literature, and unobtrusively he teaches a lesson and draws a moral. Whilst exposing the intrigues of the Papal court, he does justice to such Popes as were worthy Vicars of Christ. The Life of Cesare Borgia. RAFAEL SABATINI Author of "The Lion's Skin," "Bardelys, the Magnificent," etc. In demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with photogravure frontispiece and other illustrations printed on art paper, i6s. net. Cesare Borgia, the most conspicuous figure in Italy's most conspicu- ous age, has hitherto been no more than a figure of romance, a villain of melodrama, and such conceptions as there are of him are vaguely of a splendid criminal, based upon the fictions of Hugo and Dumas. It is time we knew more of the prototype of "The Prince" of Machiavelli, and singular that in an age of historical biographies so amazing a subject should for so long have been neglected by the historian. Mr. Rafael Sabatini has undertaken the task of telling this tremen- dous and picturesque story. Ruthless, swift and terrific does Cesare Borgia appear in the pages of this engrossing biography, yet a man of sound judgment, as just as he was merciless too just, indeed, for mercy a subtle statesman and a military genius. Duchess Derelict : A Study of the Life and Times of Charlotte d'Albrct, Duchess of Valentinois. E. L. MIRON. Demy 8vo, fully illustrated, 2 vols., 243. net. The beautiful and saintly girl who became the wife of Cesare Borgia is one of the most pathetic of the minor figures which take the stage in the brilliant period of French history which is sand- wiched between the Mediaeval and the Renaissance epoch. In this book her brief life is presented to English readers for the first time, many of the documents consulted having never before been translated. Side by side with the hapless heroine move such arresting persons of the drama as Louis XII., his twice-crowned Oueen, Anne of Brittany, Louise d'Angouleme, the ambitious mother of Francis I., the worldly Cardinal, George d'Amboise, the "little deformed Queen" of France, Sainte Jeanne de Valois, and a host of lesser- known men and women, the most important being the crafty, blustering Gascon, the Sieur d'Albret, father of Charlotte. For setting, the book has the social conditions of life in the feudal chateaux of bygone France ; and the wardrobes, the jewel-caskets, the recreations and occupations of a great lady of the period are faithfully pre- sented in its pages. A Queen of Tragedy : The Romance of HYPPOLITE CLAIRON, the great Eighteenth Century Tragedienne, H. KENDRICK HATES. Demy 8vo, handsome cloth gilt, illustrated. The story of Hyppolite Clairon is told with lightness of touch and fulness of knowledge in the sparkling narrative of Miss H. Ken- drick Hayes. Only by endless study did her heroine conquer the tragic Muse, and bring the sceptical playgoers of Paris to her feet. Then, borne on the tide which " leads to Fortune," she gathered at her table Voltaire, Diderot, Vanloo and Louis XV. himself. The Coburgs : The Story of a Princely House. EDMUND B. D'AUVERGNK. Author of " Lola Monteg," " A Queen at Bay," " The Bride of Two Kings," etc. Photogravure frontispiece and other full-page illustrations on art paper. Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, IDS. net. The rise of the ducal house of Saxe-Coburg Gotha forms one of the most romantic chapters in the history of modern Europe. Unknown a hundred years ago except within a petty German duchy, the dynasty is now seated on the thrones of England, Belgium and Bulgaria, and is allied with nearly every royal and imperial house in Christendom. Little more than ninety years ago Leopold, a younger scion of the house, set forth in quest of a queen or a crown. He married Charlotte, the only daughter of George IV. only to lose her by the hand of death a few months later. After this he became King of Belgium, where he reigned many j-ears, reputed the wisest monarch in Europe. A life- long friend and counsellor of Queen Victoria he was the means of introducing her to his nephew Albert, whose memory as the Prince Consort is still venerated. This fascinating stoiy is full of anecdotes and details of curious Court intrigues, of which Mr. d'Auvergne is the first to tell. Dealing as it does with sovereigns actually living or their immediate predecessors, many of whom are, or have been, familiar to our eyes, the book is full of personal interest. The Amazing Duchess. The Romantic History of Elizabeth Chudleigh, Maid of Honour Duchess of Kingston Countess of Bristol. CHARLES E. PBAKCI. Author of "Love Besieged," etc. In two volumes, demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with two photogravure frontispieces and numerous illustrations. 245. net the set. " The Amazing Duchess " is the title Mr. Charles E. Pearce has given to one of the most puzzling and fascinating Court Beauties of the Eighteenth Century. The career of the elusive Elizabeth Chudleigh Duchess of Kingston, and Countass of Bristol after the result of her historic trial in Westminster Hall is as dramatic and adventurous as any story evolved by the imaginative fictionist. Her histor)? 1 is insepar- able from that of the Courts of George II. and of his son Frederick, Prince of Wales, and round her are clustered all the notabilities of the time, their frivolities, their intrigues, their scandals. Mr. Pearce 's volumes abound with anecdotes which throw interesting sidelights on the social life, the follies, the fashions and the amusements of the gayest and most reckless period of English history. Of especial piquancy is the account of the domestic life, of the duke and duchess told in a series of letters by the duke's valet and for the first time incorporated in a biography of the most-talked- of woman of her day. The Gay King. Charles II., his Court and Times. DOROTHY SENIOR. Demy Svo, illustrated, 12$. 6d. net. The salient qualities of Charles II., of whom it has been said that " he never said a foolish thing and never did a wise one," are aptly hit off in the sobriquet of " The Saunterer," which our author has applied to him. His whole life was a picturesque saunter through picturesque scenes. Miss Senior has given in this volume a consecutive and convincing portrait of the " merry monarch," showing penetration and a sense of humour. She deals fully with his saunterings on the Continent, and shows that his later failure as man and monarch was in no small measure due to the sordid and anxious years of his early life in exile. In this well-considered memoir the jovial monarch's deep devotion to his sister Henrietta is shown as a thread of gold in the dark web of his life. Charles' cynicism, his bonhomie, his dissolute character, his corrupt and ever more corrupt life, are clearly indicated, though not unduly emphasised. His mistresses also figure in the pageant of his entertaining life-drama. The author claims descent from Charles II., and writes with the sympathy, without which there is no true understanding, though without any attempt to gloss over facts or shape them to suit preconceived ideas. The Beloved Princess. Princess Charlotte of Wales, the lonely daughter of a lonely Queen. CHARLKS E. PEARCI. Author of "The Amazing Duchess," "Love Besieged," "The Bungalow under the Lake," etc. Demy Svo, cloth gilt, fully illustrated, i6s. net. The main incidents in the married life of " The First Gentleman in Europe " and of the hapless Caroline are fairly well known. It can hardly be said, however, that the story of their child, Charlotte Augusta, has received the attention it merits. That story occupies a distinct page in the history of the Royal Family of England, and the curious speculations of Professor Clerici give it an importance which was not suspected by the Princess Charlotte's early biographers. Mr. Pearce, while endeavouring to present a complete picture of an engaging and fascinating personality drawn from the material which has accumu- lated since Huish published his life of the Princess in 1818, has not omitted to dwell on certain points which appear to strengthen Clerici's suppositions. Apart from the mystery surrounding her birth which these suppositions suggest, the life of the Princess Charlotte, short as it was, has a human interest such as the lives of few royal personages possess. A Woman of the Revolution ; THEROIGNE DE MERI COURT. P'RANK HAMEL. Author of " The Dauphines of France," " An Eighteenth Century Marquise, " etc., etc. With Photogravure Frontispiece and 16 full-pnge Illustrations, printed on art paper. Demy 8vo, i6s. net. It has been said of The"roigne de Mericourt that she typified the spirit of the Revolution. Brilliant at the beginning, caught in the outbreak of unbridled passions, she was drawn by the force of circum- stances into a whirl of terror and bloodshed. Of humble parentage and but little learning she was swayed by the same destroying forces which attacked the highest in the land of France. Her charm lay in her elusiveness and in her versatility. From the village maiden who herded cows in the meadows and washed linen on the river banks, she became courtesan and virtuosa until, impelled by the rush of events, she turned patriot and reformer. The common people, soldiers, depu- ties, even nobles and princes, were influenced by her personality and oratorical powers, and one who had seen her and heard her speak for a short half hour declared that a thousand years would not weaken his recollection of her. Her arrest, her imprisonment, her triumphant return, and the downward career ending in a madhouse, are some of the incidents in her dramatic story. An Imperial Victim : MAKJB LOUISE, ARCHDUCHESS or AUSTRIA, EMPRESS OF THE FRENCH AND DUCHESS OF PARMA. EDITH E. CUTHELL, F.R.Hist.Soc. Author of " Wilhelmina, Margravine of Baireuth," etc. Fully illustrated. In two volumes, demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with two photogravure frontispieces and other illustrations, 245. net the set. Bonapartist writers have been unsparing in their condemnation of Marie Louise, the second wife of Napoleon I. History has never judged her fairly, nor has her life-story hitherto been fully and impartially told. Artistic, cultivated, well-read, she was a peculiarly sweet and gentle, if weak character, possessing great charm, and a power of making and retaining devoted friendships. She was thrice sacrificed by an unscrupulous, if fond father, and his callous mentor Meternich, to reasons of policy. First as a mere girl, brought up in cloister-like seclusion, she was hastily forced into marriage with Napoleon. At his downfall, the same hands and for the same reasons ruthlessly tore her from him, and separated her cruelly from her son, throwing her with brutal want of principle into the snares of a fascinating libertine. After the storm and stress of her youth and early married life in the vortex of the Napoleonic upheaval and cataclysm, for 31 years she was the adored sovereign of the one happy and peaceful principality in Italy, when the Peninsular was wrecked with her travail for liberty. 5 In the Footsteps of Richard Cceur de Lion. MAUD M. HOLBACH. Author of " Bosnia and Herzegovina," " Dalmatia," etc. In demy 8vo, fully illustrated, i6s. net. Born of a warrior race of princes, yet with troubadore blood in his veins, Richard Cceur de Lion united in himself the qualities of soldier and poet. His faults were many, but most of them were those of the age in which he lived. This book aims to sketch truly this almost mythical king, and to bring one of the most interesting characters in history from the land of shadows into the broad light of day, tracing his footsteps through medieval France and England to Cyprus and the Holy Land, and back along the Adriatic shores to the place of his captivity on the Danube, and finally to his tragic death in the land of his boyhood. The author has a personal acquaintance with the scenes of many of Coeur de Lion's wanderings which gives life to her narrative, and the historical bent which enables her to do justice to the subject. The France of Joan of Arc Lieut. -Colonel ANDREW C. P. HAGGARD, D.S.O. Author of "The Amours of Henri dc Navarre and of Marguerite deValois," "Sidelights on the Court of France," etc. In one volume. Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with photogravure frontispiece and 16 illustrations on art paper, i6s. net. The world will never cease to read with admiration the marvellous career of that admirable peasant girl Joan of Arc. Yet, while describing the personal events of Joan's own life, few writers have hitherto been at the pains to explain the previous topsy-turvy con- dition of affairs in France, which, had it not been for her almost. miraculous interposition would have left that country as a mere appen- dage to the English crown. Colonel Andrew Haggard, in his interest- ing pages, supplies this deficiency. He shows us how the discord in France commenced at the same time as the rising power of, that almost Empire, the Duchy of Burgundy. The wild youth, the tragic sudden madness of Charles VI., and the infidelities of his half Italian wife, Isabeau, arc graphically placed before us in his pages ; after reading which we marvel that Joan should have succeeded in firmly seating upon the French throne a prince of whom his own mother acknow- ledged the illegitimacy. Great light is thrown upon the long drawn-out and bloody quarrel known as that of the Armagnacs and Burgundians, which commenced with the treacherous murder of the King's brother by his cousin, the Duke of Burgundy, and was continued by the equally treacherous murder of the Duke of Burgundy, by his cousin the Dauphin of France. We learn also how, in spite of either Armagnac or Burgundian, the bold Henry V. contrived to seize the throne of France. One of the most interesting chapters reveals the awful state of the country, the Satan worship which made possible the terrible child-sacrifices to the Devil, by one of the greatest Seigneur*, the prototype of Bluebeard. Love Letters of a Japanese, being the correspondence of a Japanese man with his English betrothed. G. N. MORTLAKE. Crown 8vo, cloth gilt, 55. net In these love letters of a Japanese man and an English woman we have a human document of great psychological and ethnological value. For all English-speaking readers they will have a peculiar interest. This modernised Japanese and this highly Cultured twentieth century Englishwoman were uncommon lovers it is true ; but all the world loves lovers. They may express their thoughts and feelings in earth's various tongues, yet the language they use is a universal one, and the appeal they make is wide as the world. To divulge the development, to reveal the ending of this unique love story, would be unfair to the lovers and to their readers ; suffice it to say that it is a heart-record of absorbing interest. Via Rhodesia. CHARLOTTE MANSFIELD Super royal 8vo, cloth, richly gilt, with about 150 illustrations, printed throughout on art paper, i6s. net. This is a frank and chatty narrative describing the author's journey through the wilds of Rhodesia in 1909, in which she was accompanied for the greater part of the way only by native carriers. Her experiences were often amusing and sometimes thrilling, and the work is enlivened by many entertaining anecdotes. The atmosphere of the Rhodesian wilds is most effectively rendered, the scenery being very graphically described, and the reader will vividly realise the nature of the life on the lonely veldt. The quaint native villages which she visited, the dark forests teeming with wild beasts which lay in the course of her journey, the swamps through which she was carried shoulder high by her natives, are described in a series of striking impressionistic pen -pictures. The author was equally assiduous with note-book and camera, and vvhra words fail of adequate pictorial e'Tact the story is completed by rhe beautiful photographs which accompany the text. A Chateau in Brittany. MARY J. ATKINSON Demy 8vo, cloth gilt, with many illustrations, IDS. 6d. net. This delightful volume of travel recounts the journeys of a party through the high-ways and by-ways of picturesque Brittany. It describes in a chatty but scholarly manner the quaint customs of the simple peasantry and fisher-folk, the fairs, festivals and markets, the famous chateaux and the folk-lore which surrounds them with a halo of romance. No one contemplating a visit to this quaint and unspoiled corner of France should fail to read this entertaining book. America -Through English Eyes. "RITA" Author of "That is to Say" "Peg the Rake," etc., etc. Cloth boards, 23. 6d. net. In this volume " Rita " not only gives her impressions of the chief l! as its brighter aspects. Spain Revisited : A Summer Holiday in Galicia. C. GASQUOINE HARTLEY. Author of "A Record of Spanish Painting," "Moorish Cities," "Things Seen in Spain," etc., etc. In one volume, demy 8vo, cloth gilt. With numerous illustra- tions, las. 6d. net. C. Gasquoine Hartley is known already as a writer upon social life in Spain, and as an authority on the art of the country. In this volume the writer recounts, in a most entertaining manner, her experiences and impressions during a sojourn in Galicia, the mountainous and beautiful northern kingdom of Spain, which is still comparatively unexplored. Galicia is the Switzerland of Spain, but it is a Switzer- land with a sea-coast, and offers scenery that is not to be surpassed in Europe. The mediaeval city of Santiago de Compostilla is certainly, by its history and its magnificent old buildings, one of the most interesting towns in Spain. Its cathedral of St. James is the greatest monument of Romanesque architecture, while its Gate of Glory is the finest example of early Christian sculpture in the world. Galicia is an unrivalled centre for the study of Spanish sculpture, and her churches are museums of treasures in this art. The writer describes the fiestas, the religious ceremonies, the native dances, the Gallegan music, the theatre, and many customs of the people, who in many ways resemble the Irish Celts to whom they are allied by race. She has visited not only the towns, but has lived in the homes of the peasants in remote villages where English speaking people have seldom been seen. A Winter Holiday in Portugal. 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