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The force of the particle cij in Hdtus appears to be equivalent to Lo! or rather So you see ; it recurs from time to time in his story-telling style, to fix or recall the reader's attention. Stephens on Greek Particles, p. 60, " and carrying with them the exports of Egypt and Assyria, they came to many other countries, and also, which most concerns uy at present, (or, and what is more to our present purpose,) to Argos : now Argos, at this time, surpassed in every respect the other cities in the country now called Hellas. And the Phoenicians having come, as we have said, to this Argos, set out their merchandise for sale." Cf. Jelf, 724, 1. CH. II. a. iiqeav & av OVTOI KpfirtQ, and they miyht possibly be B 2 4 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Cretans. Jelf, 425, 1. Probably said, because the Cretans, after- wards infamous for their crafty and deceitful character, were at a very early date noted for their superiority in naval afi'airs. Cf. Thucyd. i. 4. B. With regard to their character for mendacity, it is the remark of Coleridge, Introduction to the Study of the Clas- sics, that Homer, in the Odyssey, never puts a false tale into the mouth of Ulysses, without his adding that he is a Cretan. Cf. the proverb quoted by St. Paul, Tit. i. 12. Cf. on the Cretans, i. 173, b. b. paKpy vrfla war-galley. Possibly, from its use here, we may infer that Jason's expedition was of a piratical nature ; as long vessels among the Greeks were generally used for warfare, and those of a round form for commerce. See Ships, Smith's D. of A. c. diriicaTo " est ipsum plusquam perf. cui hie proprius locus erat ; airnctaro autem est lonica forma aoristi aut imperfecti, idem valens ac aTrtWro." Cf. Matt. Gr. Gr. 204, 6 ; Jelf, 254, 2. ' On the position of iraJ, etiam, in diairphZ KOI raXXa apjriiaai, for KO'I apiriiaat, cf. Jelf, 761, 3. d. TOV K6\%ov, the Cokhians. The singular is sometimes used in a plural force to signify a whole nation. The nation being con- sidered as a whole, and represented, as in despotic governments was natural, by its head. Jelf, 354, 2. So TOV AvSbv, TOV 'Apa^tov, TOV lli(!(T)]v, Tifi Tvpi(ft, 6 Tt\tt>voQ, o yiantSwv, vii. 173, e. CH. III. a. -yivirj cf. ii. 142, where Hdtus computed 3 genera- tions at 100 years, i. e. 33 years and 4 months for each. The pas- sage in the text marks the time between the expedition of the Argonauts and the rape of Helen, which Miiller computes at about 40 years. B. On the infin. ciSovai (depending on tyaoav implied) with an accusative, instead of the verbum finitum, owing to the oratio obliqua, cf. Jelf, 889, b. b. roi'c Si r. r. \ but that they {the Trojans'] , when the mes- sengers [of the Greeks] had set forth this demand, threw in their [the Greeks] teeth the rape of Medea, how that they [the Greeks], when tJiey had themselves neither given satisfaction nor had given her [Medea] up, when they [the Trojans] demanded her, yet now [them- selves] desired to hate satisfaction from others. B. irpoia^o^cvwv . . . , airaiTtovToiv. The gen, participle sometimes stands alone, as a gen. absolute, without its subject, which is either supplied from the context, or, when it is wholly indefinite, a demonstrative pronoun, (as in this sentence, ai/rwv,) or the indefinite words 7rpay/xar rffc "Aalij^, constantly recurring, means all to the E. of the same river ; the upper part, as it would appear to a Greek coming from the sea-coast of Asia Minor. The Halys, now the Klsil-Irmak. B. b. TO Kippipiuv ffrpartvfjia. The substance of B.'s note is : " The expedition here mentioned took place when Ardys, son of Gyges, was king of the Lydians, as is manifest from c. 15, who began his reign B. c. 677. From a comparison of the passages in Hdtus, where an invasion of the Cimmerians is mentioned, L. supposes there were two distinct irruptions : the first during the reign of Ardys, B. c. 699, i. 6, 15 ; the second at the time of Halyattes and Cyaxares, i. 103. These probably refer to one and the same invasion, begun under Ardys, and continued till Halyattes, who finally expelled them from Asia Minor, B. c. 613. Some derive the name from the Hebrew ' Kamar,' dark, obscure ; others, as Volney, from the Celtic ' Kimr,' whence the name 'Cimbri.'" Cf. also Thirlw. ii. c. 13, p. 158, 159; and iv. 11, a. On the subjec- tion of Ionia, cf. i. 92, a. Trpiafivrtpov, earlier. Cf. ii. 2, quoted in Blak. Hdtus. 6 NOTES OX HERODOTUS. CH. VII. a. 47rirpa00vrfc 1st aor. part. pass, of tirirpsiruv, to commit, or intrust to one's charge, cf. iii. 157. B. The Heraclida. according to the command of an oracle, received the kingdom which iras committed to them, being intrusted icith it by, or, at the hands of, these monarchs. Schw. "The Trojan empire comprised, 1. Western Mysia. 2. The Phrygian empire, which became a pro- vince of the Lydian empire, about 560. 3. The Lydian empire. The Lydians (Mceonians) were a branch of the Carian tribe. According to Hdtus, three dynasties ruled in Lydia : the Atyadee, down to 1232; the Heraclidae, down to 727; and the Mermnadae, down to 557 ; the first two are almost wholly fabulous, and the proper history of Lydia may be said to commence with the last dynasty." H.Manua'l, p. 25, and 380. Cf. also Thirl w. ii. c. 13, p. 157. b. STTI Svo K. T. \. -during, or, for ticenty-tico generations. Cf. Jelf, 635, 2, b.; ii. 119. STTI iro\\bv,for long. B. CH. VIII. a. viriperiGiro, used to impart to him, ask his advice on. Cf. 107, 103. B. b. xpiJ v Y a P KttvS. For it was fated that misfortune should befall Candautes, &c. Cf. ii. 161 ; iv. 79; v. 92, 4; ix. 109. B. c. itTa yap K. T. \. So Horace, A. P. 180, " Segnius irritant animos," &c. airtarortpa, in an active sense, less believing or trust- ing , more mistrustful. S.andL. D. Cf. ix. 98, d. iroifs OKUC Qtriv, formerly . so in ii. 27, and 148. utrd tut iatkQovra. Cf. Jelf, 696, obs. 4, on the participle used to express time. To define any thing as follow- ing in time on the action of some other persons, ^tra is used, as /tr obs. 1. tf rov vkpirrov airoy. viz Crujsus. Cf. i. 91. W. c. TrpiV. TrpiV, with the indicative, until. Cf. Jelf, 848, 3. CH. XIV. a. Tvpavvivaaq, ivhen he had obtained the kingdom : cf. Herm. ad Viger. p. 774, who renders, reynum occitpavit et misit. B. b. a\\' oaa piv . . . ir\tiora, but his offerings at Delphi are ex- tremtly numerous. The word oaa is by some joined to irXtiara, and regarded as similar to apT)x avov oaov. It is thus viewed by Jelf, 823, obs. 7, " as a contraction of the principal and relative clauses," like 9avuaar6v oaov. This is objected to by B., on the ground that oaa is usually put after the word to which it is attached, and not, as here, before. He therefore follows Matth. Gr. Gr. 445, c., taking the order to be d\/V oaa ukv dpyvpov 8 NOTES OX HERODOTUS. ravra 01 TrXtlara tan iv AtX^oTtri, but the greatest part of the offerings ofsilcer at Delphi are his. That Hdtus visited Delphi, is evident. See D. p. 40. oi, dat. commodi. Jelf, 597. c. irapt,besides. Two prepositions joined together. Cf. Jelf. 640, 3, quoted in iii. 91, c. a\\ov re, both other gold,\. e. worked into other offerings. On the weight of the golden bowls, cf. iii. 95, where the value of gold in comparison with silver, is stated to be as 13 to 1 ; hence 30 talents of gold = 390 of silver, and the talent of silver being worth 225, the 390 of silver, or the 30 of gold, = 87,750, according to L. B. d. a\t)0.\6y. xpnaii'i.v(p,rccte(Bstimanti ; XP W M- the dat. commodi. Cf. Jelf, 599, 1, l)at. expressing reference to. When any thing is spoken of with especial reference to any person or thing, as if lie or it were interested, and in some sort benefited therein, (or the contrary,) the dativus commodi or incommodi is used. Cf. i. 51, a., vi. 33, iii. 90, vii. 143. Otjcavpoc., treasury. Cf. iv. 162. One of the cells in the temple, in which the offerings of kings or states were deposited. On Cypselus, see v. 92. e. fMirA MiSnv. Probably Midas III., circ. B. c. 800; but almost all the Phrygian monarchs were called either Midas or Gordius ; cf. the Oxf. Chron. Tables. Five kings are mentioned of the name of Midas ; Gyges B. c. 716. f. if rbv K. r. X. in which he used to come and sit in public, and, &c. On if cf. iii. 62, a., and similar instances in Jelf, 646, 1. ff. im tTTuvvfiinv surnamed after him who dedicated them. On tirl with a gen. Causal: the occasion, or author of any thing, KaXtiaBat iwi TIVOQ, to be named after some one, or something, whereon, as it were, the name rests, cf. Jelf, 633, 3, b., and on the ace. ixwr, accusative of equivalent notion, Jelf, 548, c. CH. XV. a. K/i/uptot. Expulsion of the Cimmerians from Europe by the Scythians, B. c. 634; taking of Sardis by them, B. c. 633; cf. iv. 11, a. On the Cimmerians, cf. note b, on en. 6. b. i"i9ta s. fjQtj, seats,fixed habitations, an Homeric word. Si'rp&c, Ionic ace. pi. ; so iroXtc,, fyic., &c., elsewhere in Hdtus. B. Cf. Jelf, 101, obs. 5, and iii. 7, irianc.; ii. 58, iravnyvpiQ. iiri rovrov rvp., while he reigned over, &c. On iiri with gen. temporal, cf. Jelf, 633, i. 2. CH. XVI. a. ovroc $1 KvaKapy K. r. X. Cf. i. 74. Ardys, grand- father to Alyattes, kg of Lydia, was contemporary with Phraortes, father of Cyaxares, kg of Media. Ardys died B. c. 628 : hence Hdtus's account is consistent with chronology. b. "Spvyvriv . . . KTiaBtiaav Cf. i. 149, a., 150, a. c. OVK we f)9t\iv aTrri\\aZiv he retired not as he wished, i. e. in a manner quite contrary to his wishes. Cf. viii. 68, c. ; and i. 32, UoXXd . . . ra urjne Wi\ti, and Eurip. Androm. 1168. B. CH. XVII. a. Kapiros indicat fructus satorum, the corn, or grain tifany kind which was sowed, B., not the fruit of trees. b. vwo .... avlprjiov under the accompaniment of (i. e. to tha BOOK I. CLIO. 9 tound of) pipes and lyres, and the masculine and feminine flute. Cf. vii. 2-2, ix. 98, &c.; Jelf, 639, i. 2, d. av\og avtp., probably like the Roman Tibia dextra, played with the right hand, which gave a bass sound. av\bc yvv. to the Tibia sinistra, played with the left hand, in the treble cleft", resembling a woman's voice. B. Cf. Smith's D. of A. ; Paradise Lost, i. 532 and 550. c. wg cnriicoiTo, so often as he might come. Cf. Jelf, 843, 2, on the optat. expressing indefinite frequency, ovrt Gvpae dirsaira. Cf. iii. 159, on the taking of Babylon. Schw. d. T% yap .... iiTfKpaTfov. " Miletus and Phocaea flourished between 800 500. Miletus is said to have had a hundred colo- nies in the Sea of Marmora, the Black Sea, and the Palus Maeotis, and ranked next to Tyre and Carthage." Oxford Tables, p. 8. On Miletus and its colonies, read H. P. A. 77? 78 ; and Thirlw. ii. pp. 85, 104, &c. oicwg i%. Cf. Jelf, 805. Final substantival clause introduced by o>c, in order that, OTTUC., 'iva, &c. CH. XVIII. a. rptapaTa overthrows, disasters, cf. vi. 132, iv. 160, vii. 233, and Horn. Odyss. xxi. 293, Olvog at rpwu /uXiqdifc c.r.X. B. b. nut yap Srj . . . .rvpavvtvovTi. On the origin of Despotisms in Greece, cf. H. P. A. 63 65, and 72, the reference to Arnold's Rome, in i. 59, b. and Thirlw. i. c. 10, p. 403. Read also an article on " the Grk Despot," in a review of Grote's Gr. in Edinb. Review for Jan. 1850. Neither Hermann nor B. considers that Thrasybulus was one of those entitled " ^Esymnetes," magistrates invested with unlimited power, (Aristot. Pol. iv. 8, 2,) for the pur- pose of moderating adverse factions, as was Pittacus in Mitylene. 10 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. The name " JSsymnete" was however given in some places, as in Cyme and Chalcedon, to the regular magistrates. b. OK(JJ .... fiouXeviirat that he, (2'hrasybulus,) having had pre- vious information, miyht farm some plan with regard to the present conjuncture. n depends upon fiovXivijTai. Cf. Jelf, 810, on the conjunctive and opt. with dv. To the final conjunctions , oirwc., }'/, and VW, the modal adverb av is frequently (especially in Hdtus) added, pointing to some (generally not expressed) condition. CH. XXI. a. 6 jt rfjv MiXr/rov f)v So then the messenger went to and arrived at (was at) Miletus. Cf. Jelf, 646, 1, quoted in iii. 62, a. V. 38, tf AaKtSalftova iyiviro, and Trap. i$ ' ATTIKI]V, and i. 14, /. o. vavra \6yov, all the matter, the ichole business. Xovo like^jj/in, the thing spoken of, the subject or matter of the Xoyof. S. and L. D. Cf. i. 127, rov Xoyou utriaxov, had to do ivith the matter, tcere in the secret, rd jusXAoi,cf. Jelf, 802, 8. The opt. used when it is only a suspicion, or a persuasion of the probability of any thing falling short of being an actual fact. Cf. iii. 68, we OVK tiij K. T. \. c. Kwny K. T. \. feasting, rereUing, iniav K. T. \. Cf. Jelf, 841, 3. CH. XXII. a. OKWC -dr,, that forsooth. Jelf, 722, 2. TO. rj tchich strait/htivay, &c. Jelf, 721, 1. rbv \twv rirfwaQai K. T. \.,that (he people had been reduced, worn out, to the extremity of distress. Cf. Horn. Odyss. xvii. 387, B. On front with gen., cf. Jelf, 487, 1. b. iir' $ re Zsivovc .... ilvai On condition of their being, &c. Cf. Jelf, 867, 2. On the tie of hospitality among the Greeks, cf. H. P. A. 15, View of the Political State of Greece before the Historical Times. Even the prisoner taken in war, after paying ransom, was SopvZivos. Cf. also the View of the Social State among the Greeks, in Coleridge's Introd. to the Classics, and Hospitium in Smith's D. of A. CH. XXIII. a. IltpiavSpoe Cf. iii. 48, b. seqq., v. 92, d. and m., and M filler Doi'. i. p. 188. KopivOov, relative gen. after trvp. Cf. Jelf, 502, 505. 6. Aea/Sioi mentioned as Arion belonged to Lesbos, where Me- thymna stood. B. c. 'Apiova K.T.\. B. defends this digression, 1st, as the tale is to the credit of a Greek state, which applies to many other of the Herodotean digressions, and 2nd, as teaching that no crime could escape the vengeance of heaven. On the story of Arion cf. Virg. Eel. viii. 56, and Georg. iii. 6. Its origin is explained by L. from the vessel, which probably picked up Arion when cast into the sea, having the figure-head of a dolphin. ovievoe, relative gen. Cf. Jelf, 502, 3. On ruv (= wv) >'//* K. T. X., gen. by Attraction, cf. Jelf, 822, 1. Cf. iv. 73, a. d. StQvpanfiov. A great impetus was given to choral poetry by its application to the dithyramb, or old Bacchic song. This BOOK I. CLIO. 11 ancient Bacchanalian performance, the origin of which is, at any rate, earlier than Archilochus, who, in one of the fragments of his poetry, says that "he knows how to lead off the dithyramb, the beautiful song of Dionysus, when his mind is inflamed with wine," (Athen. xiv. p. 628,) seems to have been a hymn sung by one or more of a .-\ioi xPOi an( l dithyrambic poets were understood by the term KVK\ioddeKa\ut. This also explains the name Cvcleus, given to the father of Arion (Miiller, Hist. Gr. Lit. p. 204). Smith's D. of A. Chorus. See more under Trav\aKriK&e, tiri/itXwe, cf. viii. 109, e. Schw. and Jelf, 496, Causal. Gen. On the construction of if .... iraptivai avrovG, cf. Matth. 538. " The accusative with the infinitive is also used after particles which begin a protasis, and in construc- tion with the relative both in the oratio obliqua, Herod, i. 94. (Xsyovrte) roue Amfoic (e. r. X., cf. i. 24; viii. Ill, 118, 135. f. ioropttaOai, that they were asked. " Passiva notione accipien- dum, in activa enira notione usurpatum nusquam utique, nee apud Nostrum, nee apud alium Scriptorem reperiri arbitror." Schw. we tit) re. K. r. X. Cf. Jelf, 802, 2, on the indie, and opt. in de- pendent sentences. The opt. used where the thing spoken of is represented as an uncertainty, a supposition. g. Trtpi 'iraXitjv, in Italy. Cf. c. 27- vtpl rt}v 'E\\dSa. Cf. Jelf, 632, iii. 1. Ti-tpt, with ace. frequently with verbs of rest, to ex- press, as it were, a circular extension through space round, at, through. Cf. iii. 62. irtpi Aiy. in and round Egypt, vii. 131, 7rpi Htfpiqv, in Pieria. h. dvdBrifta K. r. X. Lilian, Nat. Animal, xii. 45, gives the in- scription on the base of the statue : ' AQavartav TTOfnirataiv 'Api'ova, KwcXovoj vibv, 'Etc SucjXoi' irXayoi>e oiixrtv o^pa ToSt. The hymn Arion is said to have composed is given in Brunck's Analectt. vol. iii. p. 327. B. From " this the Lesbians say," it is evident that Hdtus visited their island. Cf. D. p. 43. It is plain that he also visited Corinth. Ib. p. 42. CH. XXV. a. vTTOKprirrfpidiov, a saucer for the silver goblet. >X- \IJTOV, probably inlaid or damasked with iron : Oetjc d%iov K. r. X. would be inapplicable, if the meaning were merely, according to B., ferruminatum, soldered, or welded to it. L. and S. and L. D. b. Sia iravruv Throughout, among all. Cf. Jelf, 627, 3, g. ia Causal. Value. Iliad xii. 104, 6 S' twpfirf eat Sid TTO.VTUV. Cf. also viii. 37, b. and vii. 83, eo Qtoite roue rfjs aXoutrijc TroXeoc iic\f.urtiv Xoyoe- The intention of the Ephesians was, by thus consecrating their town, to compel the goddess to aid them, and prevent her desertion, by means of having thus united her safety to that of the city. B. So Polycrates consecrated the island of Rhenoea to Apollo, Thucyd. iii. 104; and the Tyrians chained Hercules to Moloch, lest the former should desert their town. See Life of Alexander, Family Lib. c. vii. p. 132. BOOK I. CLIO. 13 CH. XXVII. a. Eiavra K.T.\. Both Bias and Pittacus lived in the time of Croesus. b. irtpl rfjv 'EXXa^a K. r. X. Ttpi, in ; cf. i. 24, g. n viwTipov Trtpi rji/ 'EXXdda, any thing new, i. e. newer than has yet happened. Cf. Jelf, 784. "We often find in Greek the comparative used with- out any object of comparison, so that where we use the positive, they use the comparative. The cause thereof seems to be, that the Greek had the power, by a sort of instinct, or by experience, of defining in his mind the proper or usual size or degree of any thing ; so that whatever went beyond or fell short of this size or degree, presented itself to his mind in the relation of greater or less : hence the comparative is used in Greek where we use the positive and the adverbs too, very, rather, somewhat ; the compari- son being made with reference to some such thought as, than it teas before usual fating riyht, &c., more or less clearly present to the speaker's mind, and sometimes expressed in words ; as, Hdtus vi. 84, fii6vw, i. 91, apilvovoq iiiroSitarkfov. iii. 145, viro\>.apy6- rtpog, &.C. &C. c. Al yap K. r. X. On this Homeric expression B. compares Odyss. iii. '205, at yap tfiol Otoi TtapaOtiiv, and Odyss. xiv. 273, Airrap t//o 'Attic; aiiTog ivl 0paae ?xc> cf. Jelf, 692. "E^tiv in the sense of to be, to hold oneself, forms, when joined with a parti- ciple agreeing with the subject, an apparent periphrasis for the simple verb, as it cannot be said to supply any definite form there- of, but expresses the continuance of the action when already begun, as in Latin habere with a pass. part, in ace., as rem aliquam pertrac- tatam habere. Cf. i. 27, 28 ; iii. 65. Soph. Ant. 22. CE. R. 371. CH. XXVIII. a. tvTogic.T.X. i.e. to the West, between the river and the Mediterranean ; see i. 6, a. b. A.vSol Schw. and B. retain this word, considering this as an enumeration of the nations over which Croesus reigned, and that the Lydians are put first, as those over whom he first was monarch, while the others were afterwards added to his empire. Cf. on Lydia 14 NOTES ON IIEUODOTUS. the ref. in i. 93, a. The Chalybes, cf. vii. 76, a., are not to be con- founded with the nation of that name beyond the Halys, whose first seat was about the Araxes, and who extended their dwellings to the mountains near the Euxine Sea, and are often called Chal- daeans. They are described in H. Pers. ch. i. p. 87. The Thracians are to be understood of the Asiatic Thracians, cf. iii. 90, divided into the Thynians and Bithynians who migrated from Europe, formerly called Strymonians, from the river of that name. Cf. vii. 75, and H. Pers., ch. i. p. 79. CH. XXIX. a. aotj>iffrai, tcise statesmen, sages. S. and L. D. This word, afterwards a term of reproach, is used here as an hon- ourable title, cf. ii. 49, iv. 95. On the Sophists, in the later sense, cf. Thirlw. iii. c. 24, p. 326, and Grote's dissertation on the So- phists in vol. viii. p. 4/9, seqq. of his History of Gr. There is a critique of this last in the Edinb. Rev. for July, 1851, and in App. ii. of Sheppard's Theophrastus. b. o>g etaaros (c. r. X. ut quisque corutn adventret, i. e. stio quisqne consilio et tempore, sive, pro se quisque. Poterat etiam simpliciter dicere we tKaarof. Sic. c. 114, de Cyro puero, ug (KOOT^ K. r. X. et Thucyd. i. 15, 89. Wyttenb. Cf. Jelf, 870, obs. 6. c. Karti\ovTo xpr)oia$at rovg av GiJTai. Cf. particularly Jelf, 887. Conjunctive in oratio obliqua 'Iva /*? avuyKaaQfi, cf. Jelf, 744, 1. In alljinal and conditional clauses introduced by 'iva, we, ixppa, or ft, &c., pi] (not oil) is always used, as these clauses depend entirely on the principal. d. roi'f av . . . . Grjrai. On the conjunctive here with av, cf Jelf, 829, 4. CH. XXX. a. tKSimriffag o 26X(uv. It is a disputed point, whether this interview could have taken place. The legislation of Solon is generally placed B. c. 594, and Crasus' reign, B. c. 560. Schult/., quoted by B., concludes that the journey of Solon cannot be put later than from B. c. 575 565, as he must have returned to Athens before the year B. c. 561, when Pisistratus was not yet in power : hence Solon's visit to Sardis cannot have taken place when Croesus was on the throne, unless we follow L., that Cro?sus was associated on the throne by. his father, Alyattes, during the life-time of the latter, B. c. 574. Cf. i. 86, a. and Thirlw. ii. p. 161. " Those who would fain find historical truth in a delightful story told by Hdtus. of a visit paid by Solon to the court of Croesus, are willing to col- lect from these hints, that the Athenian sage, though he could not on any reasonable calculation have seen the son of Alyattes on the throne, might have found him associated with his father in the- government, and perhaps flushed with recent victory, when he warned him of the inconstancy of fortune, and disclosed to him the secret of human happiness." ital cij KOI irapd Kpoiffov. Cf. Jelf, 724, 1. Kcii t) used to introduce the most important member of a sentence, or when a particular follows an universal : KOI $ *ai, and BOOK I. CLIO. 15 u- fiat's more. On the character of Solon, his reforms, c., cf. an excellent article on Grote's Gr. in Edinb. Review for Jan. 1850, and Grote iii. p. 208. b. iiriffTpttpewe accurate, diligenter : ad xoly, Jacobs, supplet yvojuy, i. e. qua tandem ratione (ductus) judicas, &c. Eodem modo ex- plicanda sunt, y, ravry et alia id genus. B. c. rov fiiuv tv i'/Kovri, being well off for, or, as regards, life, Cf. Jelf, 528, gen. of position, used when the notion of position (local, moral, or temporal) is determined by its relation to something else, which is in the genitive. So (he adverbs and adjectives iv, eaXd/e, i^c, TTUJC, virtue, and others, when joined with the verb ?x lv (/>'> Hdt.,) sometimes also tlvat and 7n>s- perously as things go, as is possible, among us. Cf. Jelf, 869, 5. d. ywofiivrjg yap K. r. \. Perhaps not against the Eleusinians, but at Eleusis, against the Megarians. Originally the Megarid was a district of Attica, and formed one of the four ancient divisions of the country. When the Heraclidae returned (eighty years after Bell. Troj.) the Athenians lost it to the Dorians; hence the Athe- nian hatred, and the i|/i70iQ6voc is meant Divine vengeance (ve/imc, c. 34) sent upon those, who, puffed up by exalted station or continual prosperity, forget that they are but men ; to the end that they may learn modesty and moderation ; and in this way the Deity is said to be QQovipbs, "an abaserof him that exalts himself." Cf. Find. Olymp. viii. 113, sub fin.; xiii. 34; Pyth. x. 31 ; and Isth. vii. 55 (ed. Heyne). That Hdtus en- tertained just notions of the Divine Providence for man's good, is manifest from iii. 103. d. ra ftrj TIQ IQiXti TO. = ola urj K. r. X. Cf. Jelf, 742, 2, on the use of fjtfi in dependent sentences. Cf. also i. 16, c. e. t yap . . . irporiQrini / set at the utmost, i. e. I set the term of man's life at 70 years at the utmost. Cf. Psal. xc. 10. In the next sentence, on the number of days in the 70 years, occurs a difficulty that has given rise to a variety of conjectural emendations of the text. The years being 70, produce 25,200 days, the intercalary month not being reckoned, which, if taken in every two years, gives 35 months for the 70 years, and each of these months being calcu- lated at 30 days, the sum of them will be 1050 additional days, so that 25,200 + 1050 = 26,250 days altogether. Now, if the" first calculation is right, viz. 70 years = 25,200 days, Solon must have made the year consist of 360 days ; but if the second also is cor- rect, viz. 35 months x 30 = 1050, his year would contain 375 days, which is both too long by 10 days, and would lead to a confusion of the seasons. Now Hdtus himself, elsewhere, iii. 90, fixes the year at 360 days ; and in ii. 4, says that the Greeks inserted the intercalary month every third, and not every second year. Some suppose that Solon, in this calculation, reckoned according to the Lydian year, each consisting of 350 days, and each intercalary month of 15 days, so as to make the first number 24,500 days, which + 1050 = 25,550 ; but this solution, as well as the one given by Wyttenb., must necessitate an alteration in the text. In the notes in Schw., B., and G.,the conjectures are given at full length. l/i/3. /iijvoc /*) y*v. supposing the intercalary month be not added. On the use here of ju/ (and not ov) when a participle or adjective can be resolved into a conditional clause, expressing a supposed case, cf. Jelf, 746, 2, and v. 35, c. f. irav . . . ffvpfyopri, homo, quantus est, fortunes casibus est obnoxius. Schw. Man is every whit made up of changes and chances, is wholly a chapter of accidents. On the masc. subject in apposition with a fern, predicate, cf. Jelf, 382, 1, quoted in iv. 50, b. BOOK I. CLIO. 1'7 y. Svoiat irpctx" iroXXoiffi. Cf. Aristot. Eth. vii. 13. h. irpiv d" av rtXturrjcry, K. r. X. Cf. Soph. (Ed. Tyr. sub fin., be- ginning " wcrre 6vtjrbv OVT " K. r. X., and Eurip. Androm. v. 100. B. (')vid. Metam. Hi. 136, ultima semper Expectanda dies homini, &c., and the criticism of Solon's opinion in Ethics i. c. 10. i. jrap' ipoi in my opinion. liana with dat. 1st, Local. Cf. iv. 53; vii. 150. 2nd, Causal, (as here,) to express standing before a person as a judge, and submitting to his decision or sentence. Jelf, 637, ii. 2. So iii. 160, irapa Aapiiy xpiry: and iii. 86. On dicaiog tori K. r. X., deserves to bear, Jelf, 677- CH. XXXIII. a. Tavra Xiyiav rif Kpoiffy G. and B. Here Solon is nominal, to txapi&ro and diroirtpirircii, pass., he is dismissed; los,as, appearing to him, i. e. to Croesus, to whom piv refers. Read- ing Xifovn and KpoTuof, then cxapi&ro is bestowed no favours upon him, Kpo? * express size. Cf. Aristoph. Vesp. 932, K\ITT- TOV TO xpj/ia ravSpog. Id. Nub. 2, xP*J/* ft T ^ v vvicTdiv. TO. tpya, the agricultural labours. c. ravrd ol K. r. \. i. e. rd row ydpov matrimonial matters. B. CH. XXXVII. a. diroxpttop'tviov K. T. X. when the Mysians were content with, &c. Cf. i. 102, owe airixpfjro, was not content. B. b. Teotffi pt x9>J ofipaai . . . aivio9at ; with what eyes must I be seen f i. e. with lohat eyes will the citizens look on me f CH. XXXVIII. a. iiri rd irapaX9apfiivov K. r. X. Cf. i. 34, b. CH. XXXIX. a. dXXd \i\rj9i < rd ovttpov. Either (Vard) TO ovit- pov, or (icaB' o) \i\nQe at TO bviipov, but in ivhat particular the dream, &c. Schw. B. follows Matth. Gr. Gr. 476, in taking the proper noun with the article as put after the relat., and, as it were, in op- position with it ; which will be seen more obviously, if the words rb ovitpov be considered as distinct from the rest of the sentence, and taken in explanation of it ; thus, TO S' ou navQavuq, dXXd XtXij- 0s at, i. e. TO ovupov, quod autem te latet, somnium scilicet istud but that which you do not understand, viz. the dream, &c. CH. XL. a. tan TJ (for $), quodammodo, somehow. Cf. Jelf, 817, obs. 3. CH. XLI. a. ffvfjKpopy axapi So G. and B. d^dpt, the Ionic form of the dative, as"lopy ToiySt Kexpnpwov that (one) having fallen into such a misfortune. Cf. Xen. Cyr. vi. 2, 1, >}X0ov .... yor>rc there came (people) who brought, &c. b. TOV v\dffaovroQ iivtKtv as far as depends on his guardian ; cf. iii. 122, tivtKiv Tt. xpnpdrwv. CH. XLI 1 1. ovroc 06vov, he, I say, who had been purified of the murder. $bvov accus. of equivalent notion. Jelf, 548, c. Cf. 545, 3. CH. XLIV. a. ircpitjuficTciv, moleste ferre, to be, or become, ag- grieved, sad, or angry at a thing. S. and L. D. Cf. iii. 64, viii, 109, BOOK I. CLIO. 19 , tcere indignant or vexed at the escape of the enemy, ix. 41, B. CH. XLV. a. rbv KaBypavra, i. e. Croesus; not his son, as L. would understand it ; for, in i. 35, we are told Croesus purified him, and here Adrastus may well say that, figuratively speaking, he had destroyed his purifier, i. e. Croesus ; inasmuch as he had destroyed the only one of his sons whom he considered as really living. b. ilg it oil av K. r. X. Cf. Horn. Iliad iii. 164, Priam to Helen, Ovri fioi ai'riq iaaC Oioi vv pot alnoi ilaiv. B. And Aristot. Rhet. ii. c. 3, on the topics of Placability. CH. XLVI. fl. airiiravai, tvifinii ci K.r.X. lit., made Croesus gire over his grief, and made him enter into a reflection, set him a think- ing, &c. Observe the transitive force of the 1 aor. caraXa/Stlr, to check it, to keep it down, (cf. c. 87, to stop,) not, to overthrow it, cara- fia\e~tv, as Gronov. would read. W. Cf. iii. 128, gartX. he checked or restrained them. b. roi'>e Si ig *Aj3ac K. r. X. In Phocis, near Exarcho ; famous for an oracle of Apollo, held in honour even in the time of the Romans. Plundered by the Persians, but shortly afterwards restored ; as we find Mardonius sending to consult it. Cf. viii. "27, 33, 134. B. On the oracle of Dodona, see ii. 56, b. See throughout the articles in Smith's D. of A., Oraculum. c. 'AnQidpiwv fal irapd Tpoqxavtov The oracle of Amphiaraus, one of the seven chiefs against Thebes, was at Oropus in Boeotia. Cf. Livy, xlv. '27. Of Trophonius, who, like Amphiaraus, was also swal- lowed by an earthquake, at Lebedsea in Breotia. Both oracles were consulted by Mardonius, cf. viii. 134; and are both mentioned by Cicero, de Nat. D. iii. 19. B. d. t Bpayx'&'e The site of a temple of Apollo, distant about two geographical miles from Miletus, the ruins of which are still visible at a place called lotan. It was afterwards called Didyma, and was burnt by the Persians. Cf. v. 36, vi. 19. al Bpayxtfat, BrancJiida, the place, oi EpayxiSai, the priests of the temple. e. irapd "Afipwva Cf. ii. 42,^/1 and 17. CH. XLV II. a. fiiyapov, here the sacred chamber in the temple at Delphi where the responses were received. S. and L. D. Cf. i. 65, and ii. 143. Also the shrine or sanctuary in other temples. Cf. Smith's D. of A. TempLum. " Many of the. great temples con- sisted of three parts: 1. the jrpovaof, or Trpoco/iof, the vestibule; 2. the cella, vaog, ffijroc, and 3. the tiriaOocopog. The cella was the most important part, as it was, properly speaking, the temple or habitation of the deity whose statue it contained. In temples where oracles were given, or where the worship was connected with mysteries, the cella was called dcvrov, piyapov, or dvaxropov, and to it only the priests and the initiated had access. The tem- ples, it should be added, were in early times separated from the profane land about them by very simple means, such as a string or rope ; subsequently by more efficient fences, or even by a wall, c 2 20 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. e, TTipi'/SoXoc, Herod, vi. 134. The whole space enclosed in such a Trtpi'jSoXoc, was called rsptvog, or sometimes lepov, Herod, ix. 36, vi. 19, b., Thucyd. v. 18, and contained, besides the temple itself, other sacred buildings and sacred ground planted with groves," &c. On Delphi, cf. E. Hist, of Gr. ch. ii. p. 12, and 124, and Smith's C. D., Delphi. b. Ktafyov. See i. 34, b. xaXicov 5' iiritarai, and it has brass upon it, 3 sing. perf. pass., from tiruvvvfju, to lay or spread upon. On the form- ation of Evvu/ji, cf. Jelf, 294. CH. XLV1II. a. Trpoaiiro pw pleasedor suited Ami, by hypallage for rfiv ftiv T) ai>Tog ovSiv irpoaitro, he approved none of them. W. npootvxiTo, he worshipped. S. and L. D. Cf. also Aristoph. Equit. 638. CH. XLIX. a, TO. vofju&ntva. Part of the ceremonies used at the oracle of Amphiaraus consisted, cf. viii. 134, in passing the night in the temple. Pausanias, i. 34, quoted by B., mentions that those who came to consult sacrificed a ram, on whose fleece they slept, awaiting the answer of the oracle in a dream. CH. L. a. KTrivia rt . . . . tQvoi, mactavit ter millenas hostias e quoque genere animantium quibus sacra fieri solent, Hermann in Viger, p. 727) he sacrificed 3000 of each kind ; not 3000 in all, which would require the article. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 266, and S. and L. D. under irag. Cf. 1 Kings viii. 5, 63, Solomon's sacrifice of 22,000 oxen and 120,000 sheep; and iv. 88, iraai Siuca, ix. 80, TravTO. Siica. b. rovri^ B. explains rovrtp, i. e. rqi 9t(p, and so Schw. Qu. with this, which each, &c., i. e. to make such an offering as each might be able, us Se . . . . iyivtro, and when the sacrifice was over, after it was completed. Cf. vi. 129, b. c. tifiiirXivQia K.r.X ..... ir)\avvt he hammered out, cf. c. 68. oiStjpov iZiXavvofjitvov. jj/u7rXij/0ia, demi-plinths, or, half-ingots : so Pliny, aurei lateres, golden bricks, whole ingots, or, cubes of gold, whence >}jUi7rXiv. is by some rendered tiles of gold. The words tiri fiiv TO. paKpoTipa (scil. /utpr;) iirl Si TO. /Spa^vrtpo .... vfyoq Si, give the three dimensions of these half plinths, in length of six palms, in breadth of three, in thickness of one palm. B. d. airie, himself with two others. Cf. Jelf, 165, 2, b. So also fin. cap. sfidonov }juiraXavrov, six talents and a half. Cf. also ii. 106, c. 7rs//7rrj aTriOapr). Observe rpirov ypiTdXavTov the accus. of quantity, equivalent to the cognate notion of value, which would be in the accusative and even with the cognate notion expressed, i\Kovaav araQuov rdXavra Siica. Jelf, 578, cf. 548, b. e. \pvoov, material gen. Cf. Jelf, 538. \eovroe tiitova Perhaps as a memorial of the lion mentioned in i. 84 ; the lion representing, as it were, the Palladium of the nation j that is, standing in the BOOK I. CLIO. 21 same relation to the Lydians, that the Palladium itself did to the Trojans. Schw. The lion was also venerated as a symbol of the sun, to whose worship, as also to that of the other heavenly bodies, the Lydians were much given. Creuzer, Symbol, ii. p. 230. B. /. trrei Tt KctTfKaitrot B. c. 548. Cf. ii. 180, and v. 62, d. The temple was rebuilt under the direction of the Amphictyonic Coun- cil. Cf. H. P. A. 13. The treasures were carried off during the First Sacred War, B. c. 355 346, by the Phocians, who maintained the contest by means of these and other offerings. On the trea- sury of the Corinthians, cf. i. 14, d, CH. LI. a. iaiovTi, dat. commodi. Cf. i. 14, d. VTTO rdv vqbv icaraicaevra. at the time tvhen the temple was burnt. Jelf, 639, iii. 2, a. Cf. ii. 36, vrrb rovg Oav, and vi. 2. On liri TOV irpov. ic. r. X., at the corner of the portico, Jelf, 633, i. 1, a. cf. viii. 122, and on fitydOu pry., see ii. 74, iv. 52. Jelf, 899, 1. B. So also Aristoph. Acharn. 909, /IIKKO^ ya fiaicos OVTOQ. Schw. b. iiriKipva.Ta.1 K. r. X., for wine is mixed in it by the Delphian* at the Theophania ; the festival of the appearance of the god, the commemoration of the day of his first coming. c. QtaSwpov TOV ~S.afj.iov. There were probably two ancient Samian artists of this name : the first, son of Rhsecus, and brother of Tele- cles, cf. iii. 60 ; he flor. circ. B. c. 600. The second was son of Telecles, and nephew of the elder Theodorus, flor. B. c. 560, the one here meant, mentioned also in iii. 41, as having made the ring of Poly- crates. Cf. Smith's D. of G. and R. Biogr., where the question is fully discussed. d. oil yap TO ffvvrvxov K. r. X. -for the work does not appear to me to be of a common order, not such as we meet with every day. Cf. Longinus, 10. e. irtpippavTrjpia fonts, or basins to hold holy water, placed at the threshold of the temples, that all those who approached might purify themselves. Cf. Smith's D. of A. Templum. f. row .... TO ovopa. Ptolemy says that the person here alluded to was ^Ethus. B. g. owe iiriaripa marked with no title, or inscription, Schw. and S. andL.D. [donaria] minoris pretii, offer ings not remarkable for value. B. \tvfiaTa, basins, or bowls. S. and L. D. h. TT/C apTOKonov. According to Plutarch, Croesus dedicated this statue, because his baking-woman saved him from being poisoned by his step-mother, the second wife of Alyattes, who gave her poison to be mixed up in his bread; she, however, gave timely notice to Croesus, and served up the bread to the children of the step-mother. B. On TO. dirb TTJC. Stiprjc., necklaces, cf. Jelf, 620, 3. CH. LII. a. TavTa. ptv, &c. In the Travels of Anacharsis, vol. ii. p. 603, there is a computation of the value of these offerings ; which, exclusive of the ^tvpaTa and the dvaO. oin iitia., amounts to about 844,447. b. Tqv . . . irdOijv. See i. 46, c. 22 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. c. TO Ivffrbv rf)m Xoy^yffi T. X. Ae shaft of the spear with the head, the shaft, head, and all. " Sunt partes m'x/iJ/c proprie u. ; 126, air. 'iirirtp ; vi. 32, ai>r. r. ipolfft ; 93, avr. dvSp.) This is very common when the substantive is accompanied by avrof, very, itself, and all, as this gives the notion of an accompaniment or an accessory. d. iv Qrjpyai teal Qrifialiov K. T. X. They (the spear and shield) yet remain in Thebes, and that (not only so, but also) in the temple of the Jsmenian Apollo of the Thebans. On the incressive force of KOI, cf. Jelf, 758, 3 ; and on the double gen., Jelf, 543, quoted in vi. 2, a. CH. LI II. a. ti ffrpartvrirai . . . . d irpooOsoiro if he may make an expedition (conjunct, with ', deliberative force, with notion of realization of the proposed end) ; f I irpooO'ioiro, if he could attach to himself any allies : the opt. the less immediate thought, represent- ing a mere possibility, a supposition ; and depending upon the first he would need no allies, if he did not make the expedition. Cf. ix. 54, tx^m ffwoiard, Pflugck on Ear. Hec. 1138, and an article by my friend Mr. Sheppard in the Classical Museum, No. vi. p. 342, and Jelf, 879. b. fteyaXiji/ apxriv K. T. X. The oracle is given in Diodorus, quoted by B., Kpotffoc "AXvv 5ia/3ae p.eya\r)v apx*)" tcaraXvatt, translated by Cjcero, de Divinat. ii. 54, 56, Crcesus Hali/m penetrans magnam pervertet opurn vim. Cf. Aristot. Rhet. iii. 5. Similarly juggling answers were said to have been given to Pyrrhus ; " Ibis redibis numquam per bella peribis," and " Aio te Pyrrhum Romanes vin- cere posse;" and to Manfred, concerning Chas. of Anjou, "No Carlo sara vittorioso del te Manfredo." CH. LIV. . tf Ilf0a>, AeX^ovc K. T. X. Ilv6w, the place or the seat of the oracle, Delphi. AX^oi>c, the Delphians. B. b. 7rpo/iavrjjt;j', first prophecy, i. e. the right of first consulting the oracle ; ortX., exemption from paying the regular dues ; irpoiS., the first seat at the games. The first of these privileges properly only 'belonged to the nations who made up the Amphictyons, and though there are instances of the Delphians themselves conferring this privilege on others, as here on Croesus, yet the right was lawfully vested only in the Amphictyonic Council, cf. ix. 73. B. On the BOOK I. CLIO. 23 Delphic omclc, and the Amphictyonic League as connected with it, cf. v. 62, c., and the references there given. On arA. cf. Smith's D. of A. Ateleia, and E. Hist, of Gr. ch. ii. p. 12. CH. LV. a. ivuftoakiTo aitrov. Partitive gen. Jelf, 536, took his Jill of it, often gratified himself -with consultiny it. b. im'iovos K. r. X. Cf. i. 91. B. refers to a similar story in the Arabian Nights. iroda(3pi, tender-footed, alluding to the effeminacy of the Lydians ; cf. Eurip. Troad. 506. The Hermus, cf. i. 80, and v. 101, now the Ohiediz-Chai. Smith's Diet, of Geogr. CH. LVI. a. TU irpoKtiepifieva, the principal nations TO piv, the Athenians, TO Si, the Lacedaemonians, and so also the following TO piv, &c. The Pelasgic origin of the Athenians is again spoken of in ii. 51, vii. 94, viii. 44, quoted by B., who refers to the discussion of this passage in Miiller's Dorians, I. c. i. p. 21, seqq. Read also H. P. A. 68, and particularly Thirlw. i. c. 4, pp. 101105. On the origin of the Athenians, Hermann, 91, and Thirlw. i. c. 2, p. 37, seqq. ; and on the Dorians, Hermann, 16, seqq. Cf. also viii. 31, a., 73, a., &c., and Thirlw. vol. i. c. 7, p. 250, seqq. On the Macedonian nation, cf. viii. 137, CH. LVII. a. Kprjarwva TroXiv the chief town of the district in Macedonia, between the Strymon and the Axius, near Mount Cercine. Smith's Diet, of Geogr. Cf. Thucyd. iv. 109, whence we learn that the Pelasgi, or Tyrrheni, who formerly inhabited Lem- nos and Athens, seated themselves on the coast of Thrace, and in that region was the Crestonic nation, which Hdtus mentions again, vii. 124, viii. 116. B. See also H. P. A. 6, note 8, for reference to a variety of works on the Tyrrhenian Pelasgi. This town is not to be confounded with Cortona in Etruria. " Who the Pelasgians really were, and their connexion with Etruria, are points which have distracted the learned men of all ages, and seem to have been as much disputed in the time of Herodotus and Strabo as in our own. They have been represented by some (Mrs. Hamilton Gray, History of Etruria) as being in Italy on the arrival of the Etrus- cans, (cf. note on i. 94,) and a distinct people from them. A con- trary opinion has been generally held, that the Tyrrheni-Pelasgi was another name for the Etruscans. Here the researches of Sir C. Fellowes (Discoveries in Lycia) throw light upon the question. The Pelasgi have left us nothing of their language, manners, or customs only their names and a few doubtful traditions. The chief records of their existence are their architectural remains ; the walls of enormous height and thickness, and built with im- mense stones, which are found throughout Italy and Greece and Asia Minor, occupying the highest point of every hill, the object of wonder to the present inhabitants, the work of giants or ma- gicians, or their master the devil. The higher road from Naples to Rome, by the Abruzzi, passes a line of these hill-forts, which seem to guard and over-awe the plains below. They are a portion of a longer line extending from the Adriatic coast of Italy, opposite 24 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Greece, quite across the Peninsula. They recall to mind the fenced cities, walled up to heaven, which terrified the Israelites before their entrance into the Promised Land. These various remains have been classified by architects and antiquaries (and the distinc- tion is as old as Pausanias) into the Cyclopean, the Pelasgic, and the Etruscan, according to the apparent art used in their construc- tion; the first being of large stones, so rudely piled together as to require the interstices to be filled up with smaller fragments ; the second of large stones, but fitting into each other ; and the third of quadrangular stones, occasionally secured by cement. Now the last are confessedly the work of Etrurian architects, and two well- known instances are the Arco del Bove at Volterra, and the gate still remaining at Peestum. The first notion about them was that the rudest were the oldest, and the more artificial the production of later and more civilized times. The latest investigations have, however, established, that all these kinds run into each other in the same building, and appear to have been in contemporaneous use ; that they are, therefore, the productions of one and the same people. At Mycena?, the ivKrifuvov irroXifQpov of Homer, the two kinds called Pelasgic and Cyclopean are found together, and also an approximation to regular masonry of hewn stone or the Etrus- can style. In many Italian provinces, Mrs. Gray tells us, there are Cyclopean, Pelasgic, and Etruscan walls of the same age, and in very many instances, there is a mixture of the Etruscan and Pelasgic, and the Etruscan and Cyclopean styles. The same is observable at Cadyanda and at Panora. Fellowes; Lycia, p. 121, 141. When we thus find the only authentic record of the Pelasgi bringing them into so close union with the Etruscans, we cannot, but accept the account of their being the Tyrrhene-Pelasgians, or Pelasgians who settled in Italy. There are many other circum- stances, such as their knowledge of letters, regular institutions, and use of arms, which connect them with the early Greek settlers, and antiquaries have dwelt upon Cecrops' twelve cities of Attica and the twelve cities of Etruria, as offering additional evidence. Of course, in a subject of this kind, the evidence itself is slight and indirect, but if we find all that there is pointing in one direction, we are bound to follow it." From an article in The North British Review, No. vi., on Mrs. H. Gray's History of Etruria. ft. IIAi, Ion. iai, Ep. dat. of ov. Cf. Jelf, 145. B. quotes Matthise on a difference between , in pretence. So, perhaps, here, professedly leading, or being the professed leader of, the Highlanders. i. is aypov, that is, into the fiat parts of Attica, the uiaoyaia, where the faction of the Pediaei, under Lycurgus, prevailed. SriBiv, forsooth, as he pretended. SfiQtv is used, almost always, in the ironical sense of Si], forsooth, scilicet, especially to express that the writer does not believe that the reason or account he is giving is the true one, but only the one given by others and it but seldom has a more explanatory force. Jelf, 726, 2, a. Cf. Thucyd. i. 92, iii. Ill ; cf. also vi. 1, a., vii. 211, b. Add also that "it is often used with we, of misconceptions and mistakes, as if forsooth." S.andL. D. Cf. i. 73, iii. 136, ix. 80, a. Like artifices were also used by Ulysses, Odyss. iv. 244 ; Zopyrus, Hdtus iii. 154 ; and Dionysius, Diod. Sic. xxi. 95. B. j. iv ry irpbg Mtyapsac K. r. \. This was an expedition to recover Salamis, which the Megarians had seized as well as Nisaea, at the time of the insurrection of Cylon, B. c. 620, and kept up till this time. See Clinton, Fast. Hell. ii. 369. Solon is said to have dis- tinguished himself in this expedition. Plutarch. Vit. Sol. c. 8, p. 82. On the hatred of the Athenians and Megarians, and the loss of the Megarid, cf. i. 30, d. k. ol dopvtyopoi Kopvvij(j>6poi Se. An instance of imoKopifffiog. Cf. Aristot. Rhet. iii. 2, 15. The changing the term opv6poi for KopwT)6poi, the less suspicious name, deceived the Athenians. /. iiri Se rolai KaTiartwai K. r. X. Cf. Jelf, 634, 3,c. tirl, the con- dition of any thing on these terms; the terms being considered the foundation on which the whole rests. Cf. iirl ry rvpavviSi, and i. 141. Similar also, both in use of the preposition and in sense, is e nl parole y'epaai : for, as the ancient monarchs held their power lirl pjjroic yepatri, upon certain fixed privileges and honours, (cf. vi. 56, seqq. on those of the Spartan monarchs,) so Pisistratus held the supreme power im roiai /carttrrfuxri, preserving the institutions as lie found them, and assuming to himself nothing beyond the ap- pointed honours and dignities, that had formerly belonged to the hereditary monarchs. On the p IJT& ylpta of the ancient monarchs, cf. Thucyd. i. 13; and for a sketch of these forms of government in the early ages, see H. P. A. 55, 56. On the words tvtpt ryv ju\iv Ka\H>( K. T. X., see Thucyd. vi. 54, and H. 110; also v. 55, 6. BOOK I. CLIO. 27 For an instance of Pisistratus' obedience to the laws, see Aristot. Polit. v. c. 12. CH. LX. a. i&Xavvovai fuv. B. c. 555. Cf. note b. on the pre- ceding ch. b. tic vlqc, afresh, ellipse of apx?/c, or atVi'ijc- Cf. Jelf, 891, obs. I, 2. iripif\avv6pivac, harassed, troubled. c. oi rt'jv Bvyaripa his daughter. So Find. 01. i. 91, rav ol irarjjp virtptpsfiaae. B. iirl Ty rvpavviSt, on condition of the despotism. See i. 59, /., ttrl rij Kad6t{t, for his return, in order, to the end that he might return ; so in i. 41, b., iirl SrjXrjan. It is inferred from the Schol. on Aristoph. Nub. 49, on iyKticotovpupevtjv, that the name of Megacles' daughter was Caesyra. d. twit yi K. r. \. The meaning is, the project appeared the most absurd une Hdtus ever knew, if it is to be believed that these men (Pisis- tratus and Megacles) then contrived such a one among the Athenians, the wisest of the Greeks, who themselves (i. e. the Grks) have been dis- tinguished of old from the barbarians, as being more acute than they, and more free from foolish simplicity ; i. e. the Grks are wiser than the barbarians, and the Athenians than the other Gks, and yet such a trick as this is said to have imposed upon them. e. rtf Si'i(t<{iT(ji The Demi (boroughs') of Attica were 174 in num- ber, and not 100, as is stated in v. 69. Cf. H. P. A. 111 and 123; and Thirlw. ii. p. 74. Phya, cf. Athenaeus, xiii. 9, was the d. of Socrates, and a garland-seller ; she was afterwards married to Hipparchus, s. of Pisistratus. /'. Kai TrpociZavriQ K. T.\. having shoicn her, i. e. instructed her to assume, the carriage of person and the expression of countenance with which she icould appear most cornel;/ and graceful. B. CH. LXL a. yafitu. Used in the active of the man, and in the middle mostly of the woman. Cf. Odyss. xi. 273. v'tti, said of Jocasta's wedding herself to her son. B. b. Xtyofitvwv ivafiiav llvai K. T. X. See V. 71, O. c. rbv 61 Suvov . . . 7rpo Hiiatffr. Here the infin. appears to be the subject of Stivov n ta-^tv. See Matth. Gr. Gr. 534. On ra iroitvp. iir' tuvrijt, what was being done with a view to harm hi), cf. Jelf, 634, 3, a. d. If 'Eptrpiav, i. e. the Eretria in Euboea. e. cuirivas, gifts, contributions. -rrnoyScaro from Trpoat&o/iai, rever- entiam et gratum animum ob acceptum ante beneficiwn testor. B. Ionic for irpoySijvTo, plusquam perf. pass., which owed them any gratitude or thanks for favours before done. The word is similarly used, iii. 140. irpotjSearo, without the t subscript, is derived by Gron. from Trpor]5ofiai, qucn ipsis nonnihil ante placuerant ; quoted and disapproved of by W. On the force of the particle KOV, Ionic for jroii, " denoting an undetermined state of mind, yet one when, out of several probable or conceivable cases, a preference, however slight, is given to one or more of these, as being more likely than 28 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. the rest," see Stephens on Grk Particles, p. 33. He renders, " The Pisistratidae having taken this resolution, collected voluntary con- tributions from several cities, which / suppose, or, most probably, were under some previous obligation to them." By this particle, Hdtus implies that there was little doubt that these cities were under an obligation to the Pisistratidse, but that he had no ex- press or sufficient information on the subject. f, woXXy X6y< * T. X. to be brief, time passed, lit. time intervened ; a poetical expression ; SupxtaQat being usually employed. g. AvySafuc. Cf. i. 64. Polyaenus, Stratag. i. 23, 2, calls him tyrant of Naxos. B. CH. LX1I. a. Sid IvStKctTov trios within the eleventh year. Cf. i. 59, b. B. b. Toiig KanovTae those who were returning home (from exile) ; cf. .i ITtiir., Pisistratus and his troops. Read Jelf, 436, d. c. *c rwvrb avvtovTtc. coming into the same place where they (the enemies) were posted. The comma should be after tiarv, and not after OVVIOVTIG, and thus B., following G., places it ; for t.g rwvro aw. refers not to the union of the party of Pisistratus, but to their meeting the army of their enemies. d. naXX/vidoe from Pallene, one of the Demi of Attica, near Acharnae, belonging to tribe Antiochis. The temple of Minerva there is mentioned by Euripid. Heraclid. 849, 1031. Schw. On the Demi of Attica, cf. i. 60, e. e. 9dy iropvy xpf<>>(ttvoQ under the guidance of the gods. B. Cf. also iii. 77, iv. 152; JEschyl. Agamemn. 757- W. f. 6 'Aeapvav. V. conjectures 6 ' Axapvtvc, the Acharnian, a man of the Demus of Acharnae ; as the mention of an Acarnanian sooth- sayer seems strange here : he confirms his conjecture from Plato, Theag. p. 124, where Socrates calls him 6 t'ip.t8airbc ' ApQiXvrog, our countryman. Gronov. considers that 'A^agvav, or, in the Ionic form, 'AKafvav, may be used as well as 'Axapvtvs, of a man of Acharnae. B. considers the text as correct, and refers to a dissert- ation of Lobeck's, proving that the Acarnanians were as much noted throughout Greece for their skill in augury, enchantment, &c., as the Marsi were in Italy. Other Acarnanian augurs are mentioned by Hdtus, vii. 221, and ix. 37. g. ^nafio\6yof dvtjp a soothsayer. In vii. 142, 143, an inter- preter of oracles, and in vii. 6, probably a collector of oracles, an oracle-monger. S. and L. D. j36Xoc, the throw of a net. In jEschyl. Persse, 424, the draught of fishes taken at one cast of the net. olfirjffovffi, from olpyv, impetu ferri ; poet, for 6p^a<, used by Homer, II. xxii. 140, of a hawk rushing upon a dove. B. CH. LXIII. a. ffv\\afiwv K. T.X. having understood, or com- prehended tlie oracle. b. ov.Cf. i. 47, a. Ufa, I doubt, cf. Horn. II. xvi. 713. B. 30 NOTES ON HEKODOTUS. e. o piv Si) Tivtg \kyovai K. T. \. Hdtus perhaps here refers to two other verses of the oracle, given in the fragments of Diodorus, found by Maii. i)Ktt tuvopiav airtvpivof' avrap eywyt SiiHjat rrjv owe aAXjj iiri\dofir) TroXig iei. B. Other instances of lawgivers pretending a divine authority for their laws, were Numa Pompilius, Minos, Pythagoras, Mahomet, &c. &c. Cf. Warburton, Div. Leg. ii. 2. f. \vKovpyov tiriTpoTrtvaavra K.T.\. This passage presents a great chronological difficulty ; for Labotas was of the Eurythenid line of kings, while Lycurgus belonged to the family of the Proclid, and nearly 100 years intervened between the death of Labotas and the legislation of Lycurgus ; besides which, it is generally agreed that the name of the nepliew of Lycurgus, to whom he was guard- ian, was Charilaus. Referring to the Table of Spartan Kings at the end of the Oxford Tables, the reader will see that Labotas be- longed to the 4th generation from Eurysthenes, and Lycurgus to the 6th from Procles. On this difficulty the various authorities are stated and briefly discussed in note 13 of 23 of H. P. A., and at length in note 217 of Blak. Hdtus, where a solution is proposed. Clinton, Fast. Hell. II. Appendix, considers the text to be corrupt. Cf. particularly the commencement of the article Lycurqus in Smith's D. of 'Gr. and R. Biog. and Miiller, Dor. i. p. 150. On Lycurgus and his institutions, cf. note c, supra on this chapt. and refs, and the remarks on the real nature of the Spartan constitu- tion in Smith's D. of A. Ttpovaia. The following summary is from the Oxfd Tables: " Legislation of Lycurgus, B. c. 817, to which Sparta was principally indebted for all her subsequent splendour. His celebrated constitution, which lasted about 600 years, was a mixture of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy ; two kings ; se- nate of twenty-eight nobles, five yearly-elected Ephori ; assemblies of the people, composed however only of the citizens of Sparta ; equal division of land among 30,000 families; no trade; iron money; public and equal education ; no walls ; no fleets ; common tables ; all luxury forbidden ; no theatre ; harsh treatment of the Helots, who alone attended to agriculture and trade." To this add that domestic life was destroyed, foreign intercourse cut off by the $ivrj- Xaaia, and travelling forbidden; and that the great object of all the institutions of Sparta was the formation of a race of warriors, who particularly excelled as heavy-armed infantry; their light troops consisting only of Helots. On the privileges of the Spartan kings, the condition of the Perireci, Helots, &c., cf. notes on vi. 56, seqq. There is an able sketch of " Sparta, her Position and Institutions," in an article on Grote's Gr. in the Edinb. Review, Jan. 1850. cf. svoj^on'ac divisions in the Spartan army. According to Thuc. v. 68, each Enomoty consisted of four files of 8 men ; four Enomo- tics made a Pentecostys ; four Pentecosties made a Lnchus, and four Lochi a Mora. At the head of each Mora was a Polemarch, of BOOK I. CLIO. 31 whom there were six in Sparta. Xenophon, Rep. Lac. xi. 4, reckons two Enomoties to each Pentecostys, and two of these to each Lochus, which account Hermann reconciles by considering that Thuc. in reckoning four Enomoties and Pentecosties, probably included the Periogci who fought in the ranks with the Spartans ; see H. P. A. 29, note 5. The Triecades L. conjectures to refer to divisions of the troops into messes of thirty for the convenience of meals ; but B., with greater probability, considers them as subdivisions ef the thirty Obes, each Obe being divided into Triecades, which consisted of 30 citizens each, more or less, as was the case in the Roman centuries. See Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 79. This latter hypothesis is strengthened also by the fact that among the Athenians, in early times, one of the subdivisions of their tribes was called Tpiqicdf, though whether this was another name for a yivos, of which 30 composed a phratria, or was a subdivision of the yivo^ which con- sisted of 30 houses, is not clear. Cf. H. P. A. 99. Whether they were divisions of the Spartan Obes or not, they would yet be sub- ordinate to the Polemarch, as well as the avaaina, and like them, from the military character and institutions of the nation, doubtless held good as well in war as in peace. Cf. H. 23, note 14, and infra i. 82, e., on the word ov\\oxir'tw. With regard to the insti- tution of syssitia or common tables, Arnold, Hist, of Rome, i. p. 453, note, observes, that " it is well known that it was not peculiar to the Lacedaemonians. It was practised at Carthage, and even its first origin was ascribed, not to any Greek people, but to the GEnotrians of the south of Italy. (Aristotle, Polit. ii. 11 ; vii. 10.) Aristotle blames the Lacedaemonians for altering the character of the institution by making each individual contribute his portion, instead of causing the whole expense to be defrayed by the public. The object of the common tables was to promote a social and brotherly feeling amongst those who met at them ; and especially with a view to their becoming more confident in each other, so that in the day of battle they might stand more firmly together, and abide by one another to the death." Cf. also " Syssitia" in Smith's D. of A., and on the organization of the Spartan army, the same work under " Army." h. impetus gal fipovTae. On the Ephors, cf. v. 39, &., vi. 82, a., ix. 76, rf. . and on the disputed point whether Hdtus is right in re- ferring their institution to Lycurgus, and not to Theopompus, 130 years afterwards, see H. P. A. 43 46. On the yipovria, or Council of 28, cf. vi. 57, ff., and Hermann, 25; Miiller's Dorians, ii. p. 285 ; and Ephori and ripovoia in Smith's D. of A. Observe, that the Ephors at the time of Lycurgus, though the same in name with those of after times, were far inferior to them in importance, being no more than mere police magistrates forming a court of justice, especially charged with the decision of ordinary civil cases, which was also their office in other Doric states. H. P. A. 25; Miiller, h'. p. 1 16. 32 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. CH. LXVl. a. ola Si c. r. \., i. e. ola Sf (ovrtg S. olteovvrte) tv X&py K. r. X. avd rt idpafiov, they sliot up, flourished. " Sic infra de Syracusanis." vii. 156. B. Kara(f>povr)aavT(s, cf. i. 59, g. ; iirl irdvy K. r. X., ix. 10, e. b. /faXuvij^ayot, acorn-eating. An epithet of the " prisca gens mortalium," to whom the acorn afforded sustenance, hence hardy, rude, &c. Cf. Hor. i. Sat. iii. 101, glandem atque cubilia propter, &c. c. ffffftaOivTie tie. This expedition was led by the Kg Charilaus, who was taken prisoner, but released on promising not to attack them again. The Arcadian women contributed greatly to the suc- cess of their countrymen, and in their honour a statue of Mars was erected in the forum of Tegea. See Pausanias, quoted in B. d. Kt^rjXtft deceitful, equivocal, cf. i. 75, v. 91. Of bad money, spurious ; Aristoph. Av. 158. B. e. tTi ical ic tpl. Part of these remained even to the time of Pau- sanias, (viii. 47,) circ. A. D. 170. B. /. rfig 'AXsje ' A0jjvaijc. The temple of Athena Alea ftt Tegea, was said to have been built by Aleus, the son of Apheidas, from whom the goddess probably derived this surname. Pausan. viii. 4, 5. Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog. Alea. B. has a long note on the word, in which the conclusion to be inferred appears to be, that the derivation of 'AXj; is to be found in "HXioj, Dor. "AXwf , the Sun. CH. LXVII. a. Kara Ttyeijraf. See refs in i. 65, b. " In what manner the towns of Arcadia came into the hands of the Spartans is very little known. During the Messenian war Arcadia was always opposed to Sparta. But the place most dreaded by Sparta, as being one of the most powerful cantons of Arcadia, and commanding the principal entrance to Laconia, was Tegea. Chari- laus, one of the early kings of Sparta, is said to have been com- pelled, by the valour of the Tegeate women, to submit to a dis- graceful treaty. Pausanias, viii. 48, 3. At a later period also, in the reigns of Eurycratis and Leon, the Eurysthenid, (cf. Hdtus, i. 65, a. b.,) Sparta suffered injury from the same state, until at last it obtained the superiority under the next king, Anaxandrides." Miil- ler, Dor. vol. i. 174. b. 'AvaSavdpiciw. Cf. v. 39, a. He appears to have begun to reign B. c. 570. On Aristo, cf. vi. 61, seqq., he began his reign B. c. 574, and sat on the throne 54 years. The embassy of Croesus to the Lacedaemonians may be fixed B. c. 561. B. c. OioTrponovG messengers publicly sent to inquire of an oracle : as in i. 48 ; v. 79 ; vi. 57, &c. By other writers called StupoL Cf. Qiupoi, Smith's D. of A. d. ri]v OfiKTjv the grave, vault. Cf. ii. 67, a. TTJV (sc. 6Sov) tj dtov, cf. i. 109, a. e. Xtvp'i>,i. q. Afi'ff), <>/iaXip g. irXaril, patente, eequo campo. Cf. Horn. Odyss. vii. 121. Trie tTtpov piv QitXoiriSov Xtupy ivl x^tf ripatrai. M f. KOI TVVOG avTiTwof and blow against blow, i. e. the hammer BOOK I. CLIO. 33 and the anvil ; TVTTOC,, the hammer that strikes, avriTviroc., the anvil that causes the recoil, irrjn' tiri irr/nari /carat, the operation of forging iron, by repeated strokes of the hammer. The words are purposely obscure. g. iTnrdfipodoc, superior to, victorious over. B. Better, giving aid against. Cf. S. and L. D. h. airti-^ov .... S^fifiivoi were not a whit the less far off discover- ing it, were not nearer the discovering it, though they sought every where. i. IG ov, for i'e ov, until. Cf. Jelf, 644, Prepositions joined with Adi-erbs. " The 300 (the 'nrirtis) were the picked regiment of Sparta, the flower of the youth, as the gerontes were of the old men, and also chosen on aristocratic principles. For the Ephors appointed three Mppagretce, each of whom chose one hundred young men, with a statement of the grounds of his selection ; from the number of those discharged from this body the five agathoergi were taken, who for the space of a year served the state in missions." Mull. Dor. ii. 257 ; cf. vi. 56, b. r&v dyadoepywv. Partitive Gen. Jelf, 533, 3, quoted in iv. 135, b. j. Tif Kotvif .... d\\y Us non licet otium agere, quippe qui rei publics causa alius olio dimittuntur. B. CH. LXVIII. a. iiri^iris, intercourse, as in Thucyd. v. 78. Pausanias, iii. 3, mentions a truce at this time between the Lace- daemonians and Tegeans, which L., not improbably, dates B. c. 568. B. b. 6 xa\t>e the blacksmith. Cf. S. and L. Diet. On the use of brass prior to iron, cf. Hesiod, Opp. et D. 151 ; Lucretius, v. 1292 prior eeris erat quarn ferri cognitus usus. c. OKOV, since. On the indie, after OTTOV, (Ion. OKOV,) cf. Jelf, 849, 2. Adverbial Sentences expressing the reason of the princi- pal clause. d. rbv vtKpov For other traditions of the discovery of bones of gigantic size, the reader can, if he thinks it worth his while, refer to the long note of Creuzer quoted by B., or to L. Observe that Hdtus relates the story as told him by the Lacedaemonians, and neither gives it as his own, nor answers for its truth. e. 6ir2, 263, and H. Pers. ch. i. p. 76. This wide extent of the name is to be explained from their being all of the Aramaic race, which had the name of Syrians in common ; to which also the Cappadocians (being of Armenian origin) belonged, and therefore were thus designated. See in particular the section on Syria and Phoenicia in H. Pers. ch. i. pp. 81 84. Thence also " the Syrians about the Thermodon " were so called, and also " the Syrians of Palestine." In the words oi 2upioi ouroi e Cf. v. 52, e., and iii. 94, b. Their being found in Asia Minor, in that part of Cappadocia, according to L., which, by Strabo and by Pliny, is called Morimene, is accounted for by their wandering habits and pastoral mode of life ; to which the Kurds, who now inhabit that country, are similarly devoted. B. d. ra aro> Cf. i. 6, a. av\ii]v, a narrow tract, or neck of land. Reckoning the day's journey, cf. D. p. 72, at 150 stadia, v. 53, or at 200 stadia, iv. 101, the width across would be about 1000 stadia, about half as much as it ought to be. IX., p. 73, defends Hdtus on the supposition that he is here speaking only of an experiment, which was made once or twice, diagonally across the Peninsula, and that by a trained pedestrian, who perhaps had done the dis- tance in five days; a feat possible, indeed, as the performances of modern pedestrians show, as well as what is mentioned of Pheidip- pides, vi. 10(5; cf. also vi. 120; but to which we can hardly sup- pose, as B. observes, Hdtus to be here alluding; but rather stating his own opinion of the breadth of the country from the shores of the Mediterranean, where it washes Cilicia, across to the Euxine. Cf. R. p. 189. " It appears that the Isthmus is not less than 3 4' of latitude across; or 240 G. miles. This would require a rate of 55 British miles, in direct distance, and certainly more than 60 by the road, for each day ; a rate of travelling, on "foot, which our D 2 36 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. author certainly had not in contemplation. And it may be con- ceived that little more than half this rate, that is, 33 miles by the road, is an ample allowance for a courier, on foot, when the jour- ney is continued five days ; and this is the rate at which the Indian couriers do actually travel. In consequence, Hdtus could not suppose the Isthmus to be more than 125 G. miles in breadth ; that is, 115 less than the truth." CH. LXXIII. a. ~S.Kvtikw . . . viriKTjXOt dated by Volney and L., B. c. 632, cf. i. 103, d. On the events alluded to in the pre- ceding part of the ch., cf. i. 130, a. and c. b. Tixvqv rS>v roKwv. Cf. iv. 131, 132, and iii. 21. B. c. ogyfjv aepog violent in temper, quick to anger. d. ifioi>\tvffav The active is here preferable to the middle ; they determined after deliberation ; so iii. 84. B. e. wg dypjjv dijQi v as if forsooth it were game they had taken. Cf. i. 59, i. CH. LXXIV. a. QaXijc mentioned in following ch. and i. 170, ii. 20; the founder of the Ionic School, which held the ma- terial origin of the world, and a noted mathematician. Cf. Smith's Diet, of Gr. and R. Biog. Tholes. Euclid is said to owe to him the 5th prop, of the 1st book. Eight different dates have been assigned for this eclipse. Clinton and Hales place it B. c. 603 ; B., B. c. 610; and Prideaux, on the 20th of Sept. B. c. 601, the 9th year of the reign of Jehoiakim, king of Judah. Cf. E. Orient. H. p. 318. Observe that Hdtus does not say more than that Thales fixed the year when the eclipse would happen, and says nothing about the day. b. 2wli/vffi .... Aa/Si'vjjroff. Syennesis, B. observes, was the common name or title of the Cilician kings, even after Cilicia was made a province of Persia: cf. JEsch. Persae, 325; and H. Persians, ch. i. p. 125; cf. iii. 90, d., vii. 98: this is confirmed by Bellanger, who refers to four Cilician monarchs of this name. The 1st in the time of Cyaxares, the one here mentioned; the 2nd con- temporary with Darius, cf. v. 118; the 3rd with Xerxes, cf. vii. 98; the 4th with Artaxerxes. So the name Labynetus frequently occurs in the kings of Babylon ; the one here mentioned is agreed by W., B., and Prideaux to have been the Nebuchadnezzar of the Scriptures, the son of Nabopollassar, and the same who dethroned Jehoiachin, and afterwards destroyed Jerusalem; 2 Kings xxiv. xxv. Cf. Prideaux, bk. i. pt i., who adds that " from the mar- riage of Astyages and Aryenis was born within a year Cyaxares, who is called Darius the Median in the book of Daniel." Observe that from Aryenis having married Astyages, Croesus was great uncle to Cyrus ; as Astyages was maternal grandfather to Cyrus, and Aryenis the w. of Astyages was sister to Croesus. c. iiriav TOVQ ic. r. X. Cf. iv. 70, and Tacit Ann. xii. 47- B. CH. LXXV. a. iv rolai. biriaut cf. i. 107, seqq. KifidfjXcv cf. i 66, d. BOOK I. CLIO. 37 b. Trpof iwvrov in his favour ; tlvai 7rpo rivog, to be on any one's side, stare ab aliquo, facere pro ah'quo, cf. i. 124, 6., viii. 22, &., and Jelf, 638, 2, 6. c. Kara rc iovaaQ K. r- X. at the bridges which are now there. ov yap f?) K. r. X. Sxbaudi, Xsytrou. B. d. iK api(mpj}e xpoe o'iovra flowing on the left of the army. The army would probably ascend the stream from the Euxine for the purpose of finding a ford, and thus they would have the river on their left hand. Schw. Thales' plan was this : beginning from above the camp, i. e. nearer the source of the stream, he drew behind the army a canal of a semicircular form, which again fell into the river below the camp ; so that the bed of the river before the camp became emptied of one half its waters, and therefore became fordable. CH. LXXVI. a. Kara SivwTrrjv over against Sinope : cf. iii. 14, a. ; vi. 19, a. ; Jelf, 629, 1. 9npuv K. r. X., wasting the lands of the Syrians. On the Syrians cf. i. 72, a. 5. avaarciTovQ tTroirjat, -funditus evertit, he drove them from house and home. Cf. i. 97, 155, 178. B. c. irplv i K. T. \.-but before he began, or purposed, to lead forth his army, &c. Cf. same sense in vii. 105. W. d. tTmpiiaro K. r. X. Ion. for tTrtipaivro. Srdplur. imperf. 7rtipao/*ai. Jelf, 197, 4. They made trial of each other, tried each other's strength, with all their might. CH. LXXVII. a. Kpolao? Sf /tcp^&ig K.r.X. but Croesus find- ing fault with his army, not because they had not fought valiantly, but because they were far inferior to the enemy in number : fiefi is manifestly to be understood in the wide sense in which any ancestor upwards is often called father; for Jeremiah says that ' the nations of the East were to serve Nebuchadnezzar, and his son, and his son's son. Now Evilmerodach being the son of Nebuchadnezzar, none but Bel- shazzar, here called Labynetus, could have been his son's son, for Neriglissar was only the husband of Nebuchadnezzar's daughter, and Laborosoachod was the s. of Neriglissar, and therefore neither of them WRS son's son to Nebuchadnezzar; furthermore, that this last kg of Babylon is said by Hdtus, i. 188, to be s. of the great Queen Nitocris, who must have been the wife of a king of Babylon to make her so, and he could have been none other than Evilme- rodach; for by him alone could she have had a son, that was son's son to Nebuchadnezzar. Hence it follows that Nabonadius, the last kg of Babylon, is the same as Belshazzar, and son of Evil- d3 NOTES OX HERODOTUS. merodach by Nitocris his queen, and so son's son to Nebuchad- nezzar. He came to the throne B. c. 555, and reigned 17 yrs, till B. c. 539, when the city of Babylon was taken, and the Babylonish empire ended, after it had continued from the beginning of the reign of Nabonassar, called in Script. Baladan, cf. Isaiah xxxix. 1, by others Belesis, who first founded it, 209 years." Prid. Conn. Pt. i. bk. ii. an. 555, and 539. Cf. E. Orient. H. p. 264. c. tvtvuTo, he intended. Ion. for svtvorjTo. Cf. i. 68, e. d. Kara rag avpnaxias in accordance tcith the treaties already made, by which he had a right to call on his allies for aid. B. Better, I think, ad socios, to his allies, abstract for concrete ; cf. i. 81, 82. So S. and L. D. also, comparing Thucyd. ii. 9. CH. LXXVI 1 1. a. Tavra tiriXtfonivtfi K. as Croesus was think- ing this over with himself. Cf. i. 86, ii. 120, i. 125 ; reading. B. On the dat here expressing reference to, cf. Jelf, 599, 2, and i. 14, d. b. Ti\nr]fffftuit> Telmessus, Mei, in Lycia, not to be confounded with the town of the same name in Caria. CH. LXXIX. a. cvpcmc irpfjypa 01 tlvat -found it icould be ad- vantageous for him. Cf. vii. 11, c., and Aristoph. Eccles. 656. B. b. WQ ol Trapd K. r. X. Cf. Jelf, 899, 7 Pleonasm. The notion of a single word is sometimes repeated in a whole sentence, thus, w ol Trapa Sogav tff^t TO. Trp/jy^ara 77 d) avTog KanSoKtt. Cf. Thucyd. V. 47, T(i6iro[3ssTai. So Xenophon, Cyropaed. vii. 1, 27, in his account of this battle. It is, of course, to be understood of horses unaccustomed to the sight of camels, and meeting them, pro- bably, for the first time: in other cases it is a vulgar error, which, though of long standing, is now quite exploded. R. p. 255. The Arabians are said to have been the first who rode on camels in war, cf. vii. 86. Isaiah, xxi. 7 describing the fall of Babylon by the Medes and Persians, alludes probably to the mixed nature of their forces, " and he [the watchman] saw a chariot with a couple of horsemen, a chariot of asses, and a chariot of camels." B. d. T(f> Sri teal ttrilxt K. r. \. upon ivhich the Lydian to a certain ex- tent depended to show off, or, on which he to a certain extent placed his hopes of shining forth superior; cf. viii. 74, a. iTri-^nv, sc. rov vnvv or roi's 600aX/*oi>e, to purpose, think, or intend, i. 153, vi. 96; cf. also vi. 49. CH. LXXXI. a. (rw^/ia^iaf, i.e. avfina-^ov^. Cf. i. 77 d. CH. LXXXII. a. Qvpiw- The border district of Cynuria BOOK I. CLIO. 39 fell into the hands of the Lacedaemonians, first, under the reign of Echestratus, the 2nd of the line of Eurysthenes : was demanded back by the Argives at the time of Labotas, the next king of the same line, cf. i. 65, f., and occasioned a war, terminated success- fully by the Lacedaemonians at the period here alluded to by Hdtus ; B. c. 550. After this time the district, with its principal town Thyria, remained in the power of Lacedeemon. Read Miiller Dor. i. 176, 180. At a subsequent period, B. c. 420, the Argives again demanded it, cf. Thucyd. v. 41, and in the same ch. the contest here mentioned is alluded to. The Argives afterwards re- ceived a decisive overthrow at Tiryns by Cleomenes, which hence- forth insured Sparta's political preponderance, cf. Hdtus vi. 76, 83, vii. 148. b. 'AXKijvwp K. T. \. Ad argumentum cf. Pausan. ii. 20, 4, et x. 9. B. c. fifi wportpov Qptyuv K. T. X. Alluded to by Socrates in Plato, Phsedo, c. 38, tvopnov av iroiij yap KtiifjiwvTtg vrpo TOVTOV onrb TOVTOV Kopav (sc. vopov tQtvTo). d. TOV It sva K. T. X. Othryades' death is differently related by Pausanias and in the Epigrams in Brunck's Analectt., both of which are quoted in L. Cf. also Ovid. Fast. ii. 663, " Nee foret Othryades congestis lectus in armis," &c. The Lacedaemoni- ans kept up a memorial of this victory as they considered it, by songs chanted at the festival of the Gymnopeedia, which some consider instituted in honour of it Cf. r^von-cuo'ia, Smith's D. of A. e. T&V ol av\\oxiTtu>v K. T. X. when his comrades (those of the same X6x<>c company, as he) had been destroyed. Deserting his com- panions was all the more heinous, as these divisions held good as well in peace as in war among the Spartans, those who fought to- gether in the same Xo^oc being also united at home in the same avaairtov. Cf. i. 65, ff- CH. LXXXIII. a. opfteaTo pi. pft. pass. 3, pi., Ion. for wpfirjvro, (cf. Jelf, 197, 4,) used here for the imperf., they were eager. So kirkiravvro a little lower, and i. 79, iXrjXvdff, for the aor. B. we /Xw)coi K. r. X. , that the Lydian citadel had been taken. Cf. Jelf, 802, 7, b., Construction of on, ivi]v rupit vocem; he broke loose his voice, he spoke with an effort. On the accus. cognate to the notion implied in the verb, cf. Jelf, 566, 1. On the verb, cf. ii. 2, of the infant's first attempt to articulate. B. And in v. 93, of declaring sentiments till then repressed. CH. LXXXVI. a. apavra artaic. r. X. Capture of Sardis, B. c. 546, Clinton's Fast. Hell. ii. p. 6, whence the reign of Croesus commences, B. c. 560. B. prefers to fix the capture of Sardis B. c. 557 ; hence if the visit of Solon be placed, according to him, B. c. 570, the interview mentioned above might possibly have happened, as Croesus would have come to the throne B. c. 571. Cf. also i. 30, a. BOOK I. CLIO. 41 b. b Sk ffvvvrtaaQ K. r. X. mentioned neither by Xenophon nor by Ctesias ; its improbability is heightened from the Persian venera- tion of the element fire, which would be polluted by being made an instrument of destruction. Cf. iii. 16. The narrative of Hdtus appears most adapted to Greek notions, while that of Ctesias, who relates that Croesus, having fled to the temple of Apollo and being there thrice bound by the Persians, was thrice released by the god, has a greater appearance of truth, as being less repugnant to Per- sian ideas. B. The affinity between Croesus and Cyrus, cf. i. 74, b., would increase the improbability of the story. Cf. Arnold, Hist, of Rome, i. p. 291. " Tnere was a time when burning alive was the punishment of traitors and deserters. That a foreign enemy, however, might be sometimes so treated, is not impossible, as is shown by the story of Cyrus' treatment of Croesus." c. ajg Se dpa fiiv irpoffrrjvai TOVTO K. r. \. and immediately when this entered his mind. avevtiKdptvov from uvafyeptaOai, to come to himself, to recover his senses ; better than with Schw., having drawn a deep sigh. Cf. i. 116, avivti-xQtiq, having collected his thoughts, returned to himself. B. tK TTO\. r'i. 01. ii. 55, XajSpoi Trayy\wtp. K. dyiw, as being part of a familiar formula. So Aristophanes, instead of saying dil irou'iv O.KOVTO. 7) 'inovra, says, Sti KOtiiv T) fKovra. CH. LXXXIX. a. 5r ol lvo^, t The Attic form of the optat. 42 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. for ivopaoir). He asked Crcesus what he saw for his (Cyrus*) adcan- tage, i. e. what he tJwught would be best for him to do. b. o'i \tf6vTw who, let them say. Observe the change of the con- struction from the relative and future to the imper. mood. Cf. also Jelf, 421. On this form, called the Attic imperative, cf. Jelf, 195, obs. 3. CH. XC. a. dvaprrjfiivov aiv .... iroiinv since you, a man of kingly rank, are fully bent upon doing good service and giving good advice : avapraaQai, to be set upon a thing, to be fully purposed to do it, cf. vi. 88, and vii. 8, quoted by B.; and on av?)p (3affi\sve, cf. Eurip. Supp. 444, dvrjp Si (BaaiXiitc, ix&pov r,ytlrai rode, and Hor. Ars Poet. 434, " Reges dicuntur," &c. b. airso This word ought to be thus accented, instead of having the accent cast back on the antepenult ; as it is the Ionic form of the imperat. for alreto, the first t being omitted by Ionic writers in pure verbs. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 205. c. o, TI 01 TOVTO iwqyoptvtiiv Trapair'eoiro what was this complaint against the God which induced him to make the request? d. KaT(f3aivf avric, Trapairtofifvoc, lit. came down to, i. e. concluded again icith the same request. Cf. i. 116, 118. Karsfiaivt. tywv, he came at last to say. e. sTTtivai o'i T tc. rbv TTE/UTTTOV a-rroyovov YvyHa, and Cicero, de Nat. Deor. iii, 38, referred to by L., " Dicitis earn vim," &c. c. firiff-rrofjitvoc, following, obeying, attending to ; 2 aor. part. mid. from g^ETTo). Cf. i. 103, and iii. 14, 31, 54. Homer, Odyss. iii. 215, iiri BOOK I. CLIO. 43 TpoQriv by Croesus, cf. i. 6, and 26. As the reign of Crcesus began B. c. 560, see Clinton Fast. Hell. ii. p. 8, and as he conquered all the states of Asia Minor, except Cilicia and Lycia, and Lydia, of which last he was kg, cf. i. 28, b., within the first nine years of his reign, Ionia must have been subdued B. c. 560 551. The second subjection of Ionia, by Cyrus, cf. i. 141, 162 169, took place shortly after the taking of Sardis, B.C. 546; Har- pagus being general of the Persians. Causes of their subsequent revolt from the Persians, v. 30 36; burning of Sardis, v. 100 103; taking of Miletus, and final subjection, vi. 18 32. This re- volt, instigated by Aristagoras and Histiseus, took its rise from the Naxian War, B. c. 501, cf. Fast. Hell. ii. p. 18; Sardis burnt, B. c. 499 ; decisive battle off Lade, B. c. 494 ; Miletus appears to have been taken, cf. vi. 18, HKT^ trii airb rrjg cnroffTUffioG, directly after, and the subjection of Ionia, i. e. its 2nd subjection by the Persians, and the 3rd mentioned in Hdtus, completed in the 2nd year after the taking of Miletus, cf. vi. 31, B.C. 492, under the reign of Darius I., Hystaspes. Ionia again revolted directly after the battle of Mycale, B.C. 4/9, in the reign of Xerxes; cf. ix. 103, 104. b. rpiirovQ Ty 'ATI-OX. r(ji 'lap. This temple w r as so adorned with votive tripods, that Pindar, Pyth. xi. 7, calls it x9 Vffiwv rpnrodwv Qqaavpov. B. Cf. Tripos, Smith's D. of A. c. ripovquje epithet of Athena at Delphi, because she had a chapel, or statue there, before the great temple of Apollo. W. quoted in S. and L. D. d. iv Bpayxidpoi. Cf. i. 46, d. e. KvaQov a cardin(/-comb,fuller's-club, to tear wool; hence an instrument of torture, set with spikes. W. Cf. S. and L. D. CH. XCIII. a. TfiwXov. Cf. v. 101, a. On the Satrapy of Lydia cf. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 66 68, and the extracts from it in i. 142, b.; vi. 6, a. The commencement of this ch., QuvpaTa it jfj A. K. r. X., is quoted by D. p. 91, in opposition to the opinion of Creu- zer, " that the historical work of Xanthus the Lydian a writer probably about 15 years senior to our author was made use of by Hdtus." As Strabo gives quotations from Xanthus to the effect that traces of volcanic action and other natural phenomena were observable in Lydia, D. concludes that, as Hdtus says " that the country of Lydia contains nothing peculiarly worthy of remark," he can by no means here see, as Creuzer does, a thrust at Xanthus, but rather one more proof that Hdtus was unacquainted with Xanthus' four books of Lydian history, and also ignorant of those remarkable operations of nature. On Xanthus, cf. Miiller's Lit. of Anc. Gr. ch. 18, p. 264, and Hist, of Gr. Lit. Ency. Metr. p. 264. b. 'iv St Ipyov K. r. X. Clearchus relates that a vast mound was raised by Gyges in memory of one of his mistresses, an origin pro- bably attributed to the monument, from its having been constructed principally at the expense of the courtezans. That this was the monument spoken of by Hdtus appears certain, as the remains of 44 NOTES OX HERODOTUS. it were observed near the Lake of Gyges, within 5 miles of Sardis, by Chandler. B. c. oi dyopaioi dvQpunoi, properly, those tcho frequented the market- place, hence retail or petty dealers. B. Cf. Acts xvii. 5. (Cf. Theo- phrastus. ITtpi 'Airovoiag. Sheppard's note, p. 148.) ^tptovaicrte, handicraftsmen. Cf. ii. 141, and i. 94, c. d. ai i*>pya?6jutvm TraiSiffKai, the harlots. PuellfB sunt qua corpore qu&stum faciunt, commode si/(pyao/tmu dicta, corpore vel iv iavrdig tpya6(itvai. V. e. ypannara. Observe characters or letters among the Lydians in ' the /th'century B. c.; the reign of Alyattes having commenced B. c. 610. f. ticSiSoaai K. T. X., and they give themselves in marriage ; choosing * their own husbands, their dowry being made by their own exertions ; iicSidovai, properly of the father who ffives his daughter away out, of his house. Cf. i. 196, and ii. 47 ' B. >'/ fitv Si) iripiodoe iloi K. T. X. On this construction by attraction, cf. Jelf, 389. The verbs slvat, yiyvtoQai, &c., when used for the copula, sometimes, by a sort of attraction, agree in number with the substantive, which stands as the predicate. Cf. iii. 60, rb piv iiiJK. K. T.\., andiii. 15, at 0. Aiy. tcaX. CH. XCI V. a. KaTouropvtvovai, they give up to prostitution. Cf. i. 196. B. b. TrpiJToi Si v6[iiffp.a %pv(rov . . . i-^prjuavTo. Phido, kg of Argos, is said to have coined the first silver money at .(Egina, bear- ing the figure of a tortoise, B. c. 750. Hdtus, vi. 127, ascribes to him the invention of weights and measures among the Lacedaemo- nians. The account given by Plutarch, who speaks of Theseus having coined money and stamped it with the figure of an ox, is considered by Payne-Knight, Prolegom. Homeric. 58, as alto- gether at variance with historical testimony, since even in the Ho- meric ages, long after the time of Theseus, cf. H. P. A. 97, coin was manifestly unknown to the Greeks. Xenophanes of Colophon agrees with Hdtus in considering the Lydians as the inventors of the art, and he is followed by Eustathius. Such an invention also suits the character of the Lydians (cf. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 68, seqq.) as a commercial nation. B. Cf. Smith's D. of A., Argentina. c. icaTrjjXoi retail dealers ; cf. iii. 89, and Aristoph. Pax, 447 f KUTTT]\OC av. d. KV : 3u>v Kai rSiv aorpayaXwv icat rijc j3oi, dice marked on all the 6 sides. Cf. particularly S. andL. D. Athenseus, i. 15, blames Hdtus for ascribing the invention of these games to the Lydians, as Homer speaks of them at a much earlier period. Cf. II. xxiii. 88 ; Odyss. vi. 100 ; viii. 372; but observe that though acrrpay. and ff^ai'p. are mentioned, yet Kv(3ot no where occurs in Homer. e. irtaaol calculi, oval-shaped stones or counters, not thrown like dice, but set in lines and then regularly moved ; perhaps similar to, BOOK I. CLIO. 45 or the same as our draughts. Cf. Odyss. i. 107, irfffoolcri Qvpov trtpTrov, and Soph. Fr. 380. S. and L. D. f. oiKjjiouvrat Cf. i. 4, b. g. iTTivrXoa, timoveablcs Cf. i. 150, 164. B. h. airiKtaBat t 'OpfipiKovg .... 6v<>naff9f)vai Tvpayvovg. Hence the allusions in Hor. I. Od. i. 1, and I. Sat. vi. 1, Non quia, &c., and in Virgil, Mn. ii. 782, Lydius Thybris. Few subjects are in- vested with more numerous difficulties than the origin of the Tyr- seni or Tyrrheni. The narrative of Hdtus that the Tyrseni were a colony from Lydia, &c., is decided against by many who have investigated the subject, and the Lydian origin of the nation re- jected. Hdtus, it is to be remembered, spoke generally from having actual intercourse with the countries he describes, and access to the best information which they possessed. His knowledge of the traditions of Asia Minor was, of course, complete ; and he spent some time in Magna Graecia. The tradition, which he says the Lydians repeated in his day, was asserted by them 500 years after with equal positiveness. The Sardians, in the time of Tiberius, asserted their common origin with the Etruscans and the Pelopon- nesians. The story was universally believed at Rome in the time of the historian Dionysius. As to his disbelief of it, because it is omitted by the historian of Lydia, this omission has no weight placed beside the positive testimony of Hdtus. But, besides this external testimony, there is internal evidence, at least for the fact, that the colony which settled in Etruria did come from Asia Mi- nor, and not from Africa or the Alps. There are many similarities between the Etruscans and the in- habitants of Asia Minor and Syria. 1. Their language, at least the names, belong to the Phoenician and Hebrew dialects. 2. Some of their peculiar notions of religion belong to the Phoeni- cians. 3. Their funeral monuments are alike. The three cele- brated tombs of Etruria that of Porsenna, as described by Pliny ; of Aruns his s., still remaining on the side of the road from Rome to Albuno, just at the entrance of the town, and the magnificent Regulini-Galassi sepulchre at Ceere, were of precisely similar con- struction to that of the tomb of Alyattes, still visible at Sardis, and described by Hdtus i. 93, as erected to the memory of that king. Besides the similarity in the form and nature of these tombs, some of them have interiors ornamented with bas-reliefs of domestic scenes and mythological stories, as in the pictured tombs of Etruria, and even coloured with the bright blues, yellows, and reds which abound so much in the Etruscan caverns. This analogy is fully explained by and firmly corroborates the story of Hdtus, the ac- curacy of whose traditions, and the care with which he selected them, are daily more and more felt and recognised. The theories as to the early history of Etruria, which, either op- posed to or differing from the account of Hdtus, have attracted most attention, are those of Niebuhr and his German followers, 46 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. among whom is Miiller, who has written a history of the Etrus- cans, Mannert, and Mrs. Hamilton Gray. Niebuhr assigns to the Etruscans an origin in the mountainous district at the top of the Adriatic Sea, and supposes they thence descended into Etruria. Mannert accepts the account of Hdtus as literally true ; and con- ceives that the Pelasgians, whose original seat he states to have been Thessaly, were forced to abandon that country, some of them taking refuge in Italy, whilst others went to Lydia and the districts of Asia Minor ; and that at a subsequent period the settlers in Lydia sailed to Umbria, and renewed their connexion with the earlier colonists. The difficulty that besets Niebuhr's theory, be- sides his entire refusal of credit to the account of Hdtus, is the eastern character, the arts and sciences, letters and learning, of the Etruscans. These, which are the peculiar characteristics of the people, cannot be supposed to have been practised by Alpine moun- taineers, or brought down by them into Italy. The views of Mrs. Hamilton Gray, respecting the origin of the Etruscans, are briefly as follows. Rejecting the credibility of the story of Hdtus, she says their proper name, that by which they called themselves, was Rasena, essentially the same with TYRSENI, or Tyrrheni, which w r as a name commonly applied to them, and derived, she says, from their great leader, Tyrrhenus, Tyrsenus, Tarchon, or Tarquin. She supposes the place of their real origin to be Resen, a city of Assyria, mentioned in the book of Genesis. From the similarity between the Etruscans and the Egyptians, she supposes that a large colony from this city of Resen dwelt for a long time in Egypt. There she connects them with the shepherd kings or Hyksos, of whose rule in Lower Egypt there are many traditions, and of which she supposes that it comprehended the various bands of foreigners, including the Jews, who occupied the fertile Delta of the Nile. She identifies the colonists of Resen and the future Etruscans with the scientific Assyrians, who are spoken of by Herodotus as dwell- ing in Egypt, and" building the Pyramids of Cheops and Cephrenes. At last the native Egyptians, who had retreated up the country, drove these strangers out, and forced them into Libya or Lybia. After inhabiting that country for a short time whence she sup- poses the mistake of Hdtus putting Lydia for Lybia, unless he confounded the term " Ludeni," or Assyrians, with " Lydians " they took ship, and, landing on the opposite coast of Umbria, founded the kingdom of Etruria. The time of their arrival she takes from the story of Plutarch, that in the year of Rome 666, when Sylla finally extinguished all hopes of Etruscan independ- ence, an Etruscan aruspex proclaimed that the Etruscan day of 1 100 years, during which their Jupiter, Tina, had given them do- minion, was near an end. Upon the public works of the Etrus- cans made on a great scale, in a truly public spirit, for the poor as well as the rich, Mrs. Gray dwells with great praise. They were particularly skilled in hydraulics ; part, as she considers it, of their BOOK I. CLIO. 47 oW Egyptian learning. They covered the plain of the Campagna with fertility ; the Cloaca Maxima at Rome, and the Emissario of Albano, were the work of Etruscan engineers. Upper Italy too felt the benefit of their knowledge of science. They sent a colony into the plain of the Po. They constructed a scheme of draining and irrigation for the superabundant waters of that river. They drained the Delta of the same stream, and made a magnificent harbour. Thus they civilized Italy, to whose prosperity these arts were essential. From the article quoted in i. 57, a. CH. XCV. a. a\\a TOV lovra \6yov the matter as it really is, the real state of the case. Cf. i. 30, 116. B. Also viii. 68, b. b. rpi^acriag dXXcr ic. r. \. Cf. ii. 20. Ctesias, Xenophon, and JEschylus, Persse, 767, seqq., all differ from Hdtus. On the dis- puted points of Cyrus' parentage, &c., read Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Cyrus, or Prid. Conn. vol. i. an. B. c. 559; H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 216, or E. Orient. H. p. 318, seqq. Cyrus' original name was Agradates, but, as general of the armies of Persia, he assumed the name or title by which he is constantly known and designated in history, and which betokens the sun ; Khor in Persic = the sun. From H. I. I. So in Egypt the royal cognomen was Pharaoh for many ages, from Phra, the sun. E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 152. c. ' Aaavpiwv ap\6vTwv K. T. \. Methods of reconciling the dura- tion here attributed to the Assyrian empire, viz. 520 years, with Ctesias and others, who assign 1360 years to it, are proposed in the notes of L. and B. ; the latter however allows that, whether Hdtus be speaking only of the later great empire of the Assyrians in Upper Asia, while Ctesias reckons the duration both of the smaller kingdom in its contracted limits between the Tigris and the Eu- phrates, as well that of the great empire they subsequently obtained by conquest ; yet, in any case, the difficulties attending the recon- ciliation of the two accounts appear inexplicable. Cf. particularly E. Orient. H. ch. ii. Hist, of Assyria, p. 231, 232. The revolt of the Medes from the Assyrians is dated by Prid. B. c. 709, (710, E. Orient. H.,) directly after the return of Sennacherib from his mi- raculous overthrow, in the 12th year of Kg Hezekiah ; from which calamity the Medes, as well as others of his subjects, cf. i. 102, took occasion to throw off his yoke. Cf. Prid. Conn. i. vol. an. B. c. 709 ; cf. also particularly the remarks at the end of the art. Sardunapalus in Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog. CH. XCVI. a. 6 ATJIOKJJC. " The Arphaxad of Judith, ch. i., who reigned from B. c. 709 B. c. 656, when he was overthrown and cut off in a great battle in the plains of Ragau by Saosduchinus, kg of Nineveh and s. of Esarhaddon, who, in the same book, is called Nebuchodonosor. That Arphaxad was the Deioces here mentioned, and that Nebuchodonosor was Saosduchinus, appears from hence, that Arphaxad is said to have been that kg of Media who founded Ecbatana, whom all other writers agree to have been Deioces, and that the 12th year of Saosduchinus exactly agrees with the last of 48 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Deioces, when this battle of Ragau was said to have been fought. It was also while Nineveh was the metropolis of the Assyrian em- pire, and while the Persians, Syrians, Phoenicians, Cilicians, and Egyptians were subject to them, while also the Median empire was in existence, and not long after the building of Ecbatana." Pri- deaux. Observe that Hdtus is silent concerning this overthrow of Deioces, though he speaks of that of Phraortes ; hence some have concluded that this latter monarch was the Arphaxad of Judith. Anyhow, Ecbatana seems still to have regained its independence after the overthrow of Deioces, which was contemporary with the 43rd year of Manasseh, kg of Judah. Deioces was perhaps the Dschemschid of Persian song. B. Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 212, and Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Deioces. b. SiKcuoovvrjv iiriQip. fiaKtt he practised justice with assiduity. S. and L. D. iiriQk^ivoq, by applying himself ; the participle used to express the means. Jelf, 698, e. So Xenoph. XqiZfyitvoi ui;/ip^e all day long. Cf. ii. 173, B. On r&v KUTIJK., the affairs before them, cf. v. 49, a., viii. 19, a., 102. iSidoaav iffi \6yov, deliberated among them- selves, cf. viii. 100, c. b. irpbf tpya, to our occupations. CH. XC VIII. a. fiv TroXAoe alvtoptvoc,, was much quoted and praised by every one. irpofiaX. put forward, proposed as a candidate. S. and L. D. On the use of the participle to complete the verbal notion, with wiipaaQai, and the Ion. phrases, iroXXoc ion, iravToloc t rtXtvrduf The 7 circles of walls or terraces one above BOOK I. CLIO. 49 the other, marked with different colours, within the innermost of which stood the king's palace, perhaps pointed to the 7 celestial spheres, by which the sun was supposed to be encircled, as the palace of Ecbatana by the city walls. Cf. Creuzer's Symbol, i. p. 469. B. f. TO Si avruiv .... piyi9oe. It is collected from Thucyd. ii. 13, that the circumference of Athens was 148 stadia, and from Dion. Hal., that it was 168 stadia, whence Kriise infers that 160 stadia is about the real number ; and Diodorus Sic. states the circumference of Ecbatana to have been 150 stadia. B. On the comparison of Ecbatana to Athens, see D. p. 41. That our author visited Ecb. is evident : see D. p. 57. CH. XCIX. a. tn yf\av .... alaxpov. Schw. explains *ai Siram, etiam (vet) omnibus, even to all, to all without exception. On the indignity of spitting, &c., cf. i. 133. B. " The government of the Medes, cf. i. 134, a., was completely despotic ; the court of their kings being guarded by a rigid system of etiquette, and distin- guished by a taste for magnificence, which could only be gratified by such a system. The description of the Persian court, which was founded on that of the Medes, will illustrate this." H. Pers. ch. i. p. 61, and cf. ch. ii. p. 221. CH. C. a. ry rvpawiSt, in the tyranny (kindly power). Local Dat. Jelf, 605, 1, nva irwQ., as often as he might hear of any one, &C., whenever he might hear of any one, &c. On the opt. with tl, used when the antecedent is regarded by the speaker as a mere supposition, supposing that, and hence to express indefinite fre- quency, cf. Jelf, 855, and cf. 843. tSueaiiv, he punished, cf. iii. 29. b. tear/iff KOTTOI icai KartjKooi spies and listeners, (eves-droppers). The first are called in i. 1 14, 6., the king's eyes, the second were the I'iraKovarat, the king's ears. Both were a kind of secret police, or spy-system. W. Cf. i. 114, b., and vii. 239, b. CH. CI. a. avviarpfbi collected, combined into one. Cf. i. 98, b., iv. 136, also ix. 18, a. V. b. Eovaai ic. T. X., by L. placed in Media, towards the S. shores of the Caspian. The Paretaceni, a robber tribe, in the N. of Per- sia and the Mts which divide that country from Media; H. Pers. i. p. 157. By R. p. 303, 304, they are supposed the same with the Parecanii in Gedrosia, Kedge or Makran. Cf. iii. 94, a. The Stru- cliates, bounded on the W. by the Matieni, on the N. by the Sa- pires, and on the E. by the Paretaceni. The Arizanti near the fountains of the Choaspes ; the Budii, whose seat is not accurately known, towards the W. of the Arizanti and Northward from the Magi. L. These (the Magi) " were originally of Median descent, and as to them was committed the conservation of the ordinances of Zoroaster, they became the priest-caste of the Persians, and as such possessed great influence in the government." H. Persians, ch. ii. p. 247 251- The name Magi, Moyh, is derived by B. from 50 XOTES ON HERODOTUS. Jfah, great, illustrious, or the head. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iii. Social Hist, of Persia, p. 307, 313, and Prid. on the Zenda vesta, Conn, pt. i. bk. iv. CH. C1I. a. Ti\fvrrjffavTog AjY6a>, Dejoces, B. c. 709 756, cf. i. 96, a., in which year Phraortes succeeded to the throne ; who, after reigning 22 years, undertook the expedition against the As- syrians, B. c. 635, and was cut off by them B. c. 634. Phraortes, according to Hammer, the Truteno of the Zendavesta, and the Feridun of the poem Schahnameh, being the s. of Dejoces, or Dschemschid. B. The expedition of Phraortes took place in the 6th year of Josiah, kg of Judah. Cf. Prid. Conn. i. an. B. c. 635. b. 'Affffvpiuv K. r. \. Hdtus under the name Assyrians includes both them and the Chaldeans, or Babylonians, and Syrians, cf. vii. 63. \V. " In the idea of Herodotus, Assyria comprehended not only Assyria Proper, of which Nineveh was the capital, but Syria and Mesopotamia likewise. Assyria Proper is known in the Scriptures by the name of Kir, to which the people of Damascus were carried away captive : 2 Kings xvi. and Amos ix, 7. " Have I not brought up the Assyrians from Kir ?" Isaiah xxii. 6, &c.; a name yet trace- able in the country of Kurdistan, the tribe of Kourds, &c. R. pp. 262, 392. Cf. also i. 178, 185, 193, iii. 155, iv. 39, 87. On the city Ninus, in the O. T. Nineveh, cf. i. 106, c. and Smith's C. D. Ninus: and particularly the very interesting ch. iii. of E. Orient. H. p. 234, seqq., where a summary is given with illustrations from the sculptures now in the British Museum, of the recent excavations of Botta and Layard at the traditional site of Nineveh, Konyunjk, opposite Mosul, as well as at Kkorsabad and Nimroud, 18 miles lower down the river. Cf. also ii. 150. c. art airtan WTWV. Cf. i. 95, c., on the date of this revolt, iwvrwv iv iJKOvrte, cf. i. 30, c. CH. CIII. a. TTpwroc .... 'Afftij. Military discipline was known before this period among the Hebrews ; but before David, and even in his time, they seem only to have fought on foot. Each tribe in the time of Moses composed a separate troop with their own standard, but David seems to have been the first who ar- ranged them into smaller divisions, and " set captains of thousands and captains of hundreds over them." 2 Sam. xviii. 1. Horse- men and chariots appear first introduced by Solomon, I Kings x. 26, contrary to the command of God. L. b. on vii r. T. X. when the day became night. General rule. The subject has the article, while the predicate is without it. On this and the exceptions to it, cf. Jelf, 460. Cf. i. 74, a. c. Tqv"A\voe dvia 'Affiqv the Asia to the E. of the Halys. Cf. i. 6, a. d. tTrrjXdf "ZKvQ'twv K. r. X. On this expedition of the Scythians, cf. i. 15, a. and i. 6, b. It happened about the 8th year of the reign of Josiah. They kept possession of Upper Asia 28 years; dating the commencement of their expedition, when they were driven out of Europe by the Cimmerians, at B. c. 634, or rather BOOK I. CLIO. 51 B.C. 633, as Phraortes the f. of Cyaxares was cut off in 634, and at least a year must be allowed between his death and his son's renewing the war, and being overwhelmed by the Scythian inroad ; their final expulsion from Europe by Cyaxares, B. c. 605. During this time they extended their conquests into Syria and to the borders of Egypt ; where Psammetichus, kg of Egypt, met them and persuaded them, by gifts, to proceed no further. Cf. i. 105. In this expedition they seized upon Bethshan, a city in the tribe of Manasseh, on this side Jordan, which they kept as long as they remained in Asia, whence it was called Scythopolis. Prid. Conn. 1, i. i., R. p. Ill, and H. Scyth. ch. i. p. 6. CH. CIV. a. *Ee first worshipped by the Assyrians, Pan- sanias i. 14. This appears to agree with i. 131, cf. 199, iii. 8; thence in Paphos, Palestine, and afterwards Cythera. The same as the Derceto of the Syrians, worshipped under the image of a woman with a fish's tail. The Astaroth (or Astarte) of the Scriptures, under which title Lucian says the Moon or Queen of Heaven was worshipped, called by Cicero the 4th Venus of Syria, was probably also identical with Venus Urania. B. See 1 Sam. v. 2. d. Oj)\etav vovaov. The six different opinions as to this disease are fully discussed in L. The conclusion of B. is, 0j\. vovtr. pri- maria et propria vi designat virilitatis jactwam, et virills natures cummutativnem in muliebrem formam, morbo certo effectam. Prid., 52 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. considering it to be the same as the affliction of emeroda, observes that we thence learn that the Philistines yet preserved the memory of what they once suffered on account of the ark of God, (1 Sam. v. 6, 9, 12,) from which it seems they looked upon this disease as a punishment for all sacrilegious impieties, and therefore assigned it to the Scythians in their histories, on their charging them there with this crime. e. 'Evapeag probably a Scythian word. S. and L. D. Perhaps as equivalent to avavcptng or avSpoywot, cf. iv. 6, from ivapa, spolia, virilitate spoliati. Cf. Arist. Ethic, vii. 8. B. CH. CVI. a. 'ETflft.lv wv 6 K ru, K.T.\. Cf. i. 103, d. c. tilvov d\ov perhaps B. c. 606, but if the Scythians were not expelled from Asia till B. c. 605, (cf. i. 103, d.,) better in B. c. 603, with L., as some time must necessarily have intervened between the Medes recovering their power, and their taking so great a city as Nineveh. Prideaux dates it B. c. 612, " In the 29th year of Josiah, which was the 23rd of Cyaxares, Nabopolassar, kg of Babylon, having made affinity with Astyages, the eldest s. of Cyaxares, by the marriage of Nebuchadnezzar his son with Amyitis the d. of Astyages, entered into a league with him against the Assyrians, and having joined their forces, they besieged Nineveh ; having taken the place and slain Saracus the kg, (who was either the successor of Chyniladanus or he himself under another name,) they utterly destroyed that great and ancient city, and from that time Babylon was the sole metropolis of the Assyrian empire. According to Diodorus Sic., the circuit of Nineveh was 480 furlongs, which make 60 miles, and hence, in Jonah, it is said to be a city of 3 days' journey, i. e. in compass, Jonah iii. 3, while Babylon, according to Strabo, was 385 furlongs in circuit, i. e. 48 miles. Thus were fulfilled the prophecies of Jonah, Nahum, ii. iii., and Zephaniah, ii. 13, against it." Cf. particularly E. Orient. H., referred to in i. 102, b. Layard suggests that this vast city may have extended all the way along the Tigris from Konyunjik to Nimroud, and to a corresponding breadth N. E. of the river as far as Khorsdbad. Smith's C. D. Ninus. d. iv trepoiffi X6yoiffw. As Hdtus no where fulfils this pro- mise, W. and others conclude that he wrote other histories besides the one before us, and especially one on the Assyrian history, cf. i. 184, and perhaps another on Libyan history, cf. ii. 161 : these are no where alluded to by other writers, except in a single passage in Aristotle, where the reading is doubtful. The passage is quoted and discussed in Dahlmann, p. 167. B. is of opinion that Ildtus intended to add at some future period an episode on the taking of Nineveh, and on other points of the Assyrian and Lydian history, Avhich he afterwards either forgot, or was prevented by some cause from doing. Cf. vii. 213, c., viii. 104, a. Read also particularly D. p. 166, seqq., on the Assyrian history of Hdtus. e. Kvaupt](; .... Ti\ivrv QvKaaaofjLivoQ hyytvrig ianv o 7raf. L. and B. b. Traaa-xpTiffy, neglect. Cf. ii. 141, a., viii. 20, a. /*ij& tpe . . . . 7r^f7rlcri;c, and neither expose me to danger, nor, by choosing others, (as masters instead of me, by preferring to serve others before me,} after- wards cause your own destruction, or, in S. and L. D., be caught in your own snare. c. TO yt ifjLov, as far as concerns me. Cf. Jelf, 436, obs. 1 . Some- times in tragedy, and occasionally in prose, ro/ta, TO i^bv. form a periphrasis for tyw, when not only the person himself, but that which belongs to him, is signified. So viii. 140, vptTtpuv, seemingly for I'/wTf. So also TO oov. CH. CIX. a. TTJV iirl davaTy. Schw. understands (rro\j}v or KOO- ttt}uiv, and in iii. 1 19, v. 72, he understands Sifftv, and so Jelf, 583, o2. B. renders ornatus (eo concilio) ut ad mortem duceretur, s. ut (ornatus pro more, dein) viam ad mortem abduceretur, understanding oSbv. Cf. i. 67, d. In S. and L. D. fyniav is supplied. Cf. vii. 223, rr\v ini 6. toSov irotivfttvot marching out to death. CH. CX. a. lmTrictQa\pbv fiaffiXijof. The Persian monarch received from those who bore this title information on all matters in agitation through- out his kingdom, the king's eyes being confidential officers through whom he beheld his kingdom and subjects. Cf. Stanl. JEschyl. Pers. 985: so the Chinese state-paper of 1834 called the British Superintendent " the barbarian Eye." S. and L. D. By H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 260, they are considered to be equivalent to our masters of the ceremonies, or guards through whom alone access could be gained to the monarch. Cf. Aristoph. Acharn. 91, seqq. c. wf tKdffTy. Cf. i. 29, o. In the preceding line, r&v 51 KOV nvd K. T. X., observe the force of the particle, and some one of them, I sup- pose, or most likely to be the King's Eye. Hdtus relates what boys playing at such a game would probably have done, not pretending to have express authority for every particular circumstance he details. Kow shows that the statement is of this nature. Stephens, Grk Particles, p. 35. Cf. also i. 61, e. CH. CXV. a. is 8 ?\a/3 TTJV Siicriv until at last he received the punishment (he deserved). B. WJierefore, &c. \V. Cf. ii. 116, a. CH. CXVI. a. t) viroKoiaiQ his delivery, action, manner. Cf. Aristot. Rhet. iii. 1, 3. b. avivu-)(Qtlq. Cf. i. 86, C. c. TOV iovra Xoyov. Cf. i. 95, a.; and on Karipaivi K. T. X., cf. i. 90, d. CH. CXVII. a. Xoyov Jjdt) Kai iXdaau tiroiiiro, sc. rov (3ovKO\ov, concerned himself less about him ; either not considering him so much to blame, or perhaps as too much beneath him to punish. CH. CXIX. a. es Kov iytyovK, in id, quoddebuit cesserat ; B. had turned out well. tiri rv\y TeXeijv a vision which had no accomplish ment, which imported nothing. Jsch. S. c. Theb. 832, quoted by B <1 fiiXaiva (cat rt\ta 'Apa. b. oil xrara Mtrpa^dnjv not after tJie fashion of Mithradates, very different people from Mithradates. Jelf, 629, 3, e. CH. CXXII. a. rjv re ..... rd iravra r\ Ki/i/w Ct/no was every- thing in his story; he talked of nothing but Cyno. Jelf, 382, 1. Cf. also iii. 157, vii. 156, a. CH. CXXI 1 1. a. iiriTpi6pivov growing up. Wyttenb. gives a peculiar force to the preposition in this word, growing up for his service, for the purpose of aiding his, Harpagus', revenge ; from the preceding nfiwpiijv he understands rt^wpov after the participle ; ren- dering it, sibi crescere et ali vindicem. Schw. b. are rHiv odwv v\affao[jLevwv. Ct. vii. 236, 6. CH. CXXIV. a. ae yap tfeol iiropktaai -for over thee do the gods watch, exercise guardianship, cf. i. 209, where Cyrus says fptv Qtoi KTfSovrai. Cf. Isaiah xlv. 1, " to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden," &c. b. yevoptvot Trpoc vio being on your side. So elvai irpoc TIVOQ, to be on any one's side. Jelf, 638, ii. c. card ra^ce in haste. Cf. Jelf, 629, 3, e. Kara, Causal. Mode and manner, as the model of the action according to after the fashion of. Cf. i. 9, icar' r/erv^njv: ix. 21, Kara owTvyinv, casu. Cf. i. 121, 6. there quoted. CH. CXXV. a. orttp rpon-ip avaireiffct. Cf. Jelf, 811. oiriii (for which ory rpoTry is used) and 015 with future indicative. Verbs of caring, considering, troubling oneself about, endeavouring, effecting, and inciting, or words which imply such notions, are followed by O7r(uc, (oTriiiG /ii?,) and in Hdtus also by we or o>e ^q, with the fut. ind. instead of the conjunctive. The sense of this future is nearly allied to the conjunctive, and only diners therefrom in that it definitely expresses the possible realization of the proposed end. *7ro' <5i) ravra. All this is different from the account given by Xenophon ; cf. i. 107, b. Previous to the revolt, it is to be observed that Cyrus procured himself to be appointed generalissimo of all the Persian tribes. This is described as having been effected by craft, and the Persian conqueror is said to have accomplished his purppse by a method similar to that adopted by Ginghis-Khan among the Mongols, before he also began his conquering career. The method pursued by both is decidedly characteristic of a rude state of society, when men were to be wrought upon only by ap- peals to their senses. As general of the armies of Persia, Cyrus assumed the name or title by which he is constantly known and designated in history, and which betokens the sun ; (so Khor in Parsee signifies the sun) ; his original name having been Agradates. It has been the invariable custom of princes of the East to changtL 56 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. the names of their birth for surnames or titles of honour, as Ginghis-Khan from the time of his elevation to the throne received the appellation of Temugin ; and such has continued to be the cus- tom of Persia, down to the most recent time. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 216. Cf. Cyrus, Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog. b. a\it)v, = tKKXrjffiav, an assembly, gathering of the people, from dX)c, crowded, thronged. S. and L. D. Cf. v. 29, 79, vii. 134. On iTriXiyofitvoe, cf. i. 7$> 0. c. tart dk Utpfftwv av^va yivsa. " As was invariably the case among the great nomad races, the Persians were subdivided into several hordes or tribes ; the number of these was 10 ; and they were dis- tinguished from one another no less by their differences of rank than by their modes of life. 3 of them were noble ; the Pasargadae, the noblest of them all, the Maraphii, and the Maspii. 3 other tribes devoted themselves to agriculture, the Panthialgei, the De- rusii, and the Germanii ; while 4 others, the Dai, Mardi, Dropici, and Sagartii, continued to retain their wandering and nomad habits, but are occasionally mentioned, more especially the last, as contri- buting hardy bands of cavalry to the Persian armies. Two prin- cipal observations illustrative of the history of Persia naturally flow from these facts, as recorded by Hdtus : 1st, We must discard the idea that the Persian nation, even at the most flourishing epoch of its history, was universally and equally civilized. A part of the nation ruled the remainder, and this portion alone had attained a certain degree of civilization by its acquaintance with the arts of peace and of luxury. The other tribes continued in their original barbarism, and partook but little, or not at all, in the improvement of the race. Persian history, therefore, as it has come down to us, is not so much the history of the whole nation as of certain tribes, or possibly even of a single tribe, that of the Pasargadae. These composed the court, and it appears that, almost without exception, all that was distinguished among the Persians proceeded from them. 2ndly, The above particulars would at once lead us to conclude that in a country so constituted, everything would depend on descent and the distinctions of tribe. As the tribes were distinguished by a greater or less degree of nobility, so there was a gradation also in the different families of which each tribe was composed. The noblest family of the most noble tribe was that of the Achaemenidse, from which exclusively the kings of Persia were always taken. The same distinction of more or less noble tribes has at all times pre- vailed among most of the nomad nations of Central and Southern Asia, the Arabs and Mongols, and probably had its origin in the military pride of the more warlike, to which the rest were reduced to pay homage." H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 214, seqq. a. dprearou Ion. for ijpryvTai or riprtipivot ilai, perf. pass, from dprdu, on whom the rest of the Persians depend, i. e. whom they acknowledge as their chiefs. S. and L. D. Cf. iii. 19, vi. 109, v. 31, ix. 6. BOOK I. CLIO. 57 e. ITa j3aai\ea ytvioQai . ... if whilst it teas in his power to become king. Jelf, 700, 2, Accus. Absolute, quoted in iii. 91, a. CH. CXXX. a. iir ma TOitjKovra Kai (KOTOV Sviav Sfovra K. r. X. A difficulty here occurs ; for, computing the reign of each monarch and subtracting the 28 years of the Scythian power, comparing the result with the duration assigned in the text to the empire, viz. of 128 years, a difference of 6 years is observable. Thus, from i. 102, 106, 130, we find Dejoces reigned 53 yrs, Phraortes 22, Cyaxares 40, Astyages 35, in all 150. Now, if from the sum total 150, we take 28, the time of the Scythians' power, there remains 122, and therefore 6 years too little. Either therefore we must suppose that some copyist has dropped out 6 years from one of the reigns, or with W. and Volney, that in assigning 128 years as the length of the Median empire, he is dating it from the time of their 58 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. first revolting, and that they had a popular form of government for 6 years before Dejoces was king. Schw. b. KOI a.Tctari\aav .... viKqQivTic. This revolt of the Medes took place under Darius Nothus, by whom they were again subdued, B. c. 408, in the 24th year of the Bell. Pelop. Cf. Xenoph. Hell. i. 2, fin. This event is considered by B. as the latest mentioned in Hdtus, who living to the age of 80, must have, according to his theory, inserted it among the additions and corrections made after the bulk of the work was finished. The contrary, viz. that Hdtus' work was written entire at an advanced age, is maintained with success by D. Cf. i. a. Allusions to other events after the siege of Sestos, B. c. 478, with which Hdtus' history closes, occur in ii. 156, iii. 15, c., iii. 160, c., v. 22, vi. 98, &., vii. 7, a., 106, 1 14, *., 137, 151, 170, e., 233, b., viii. 3, c., ix. 35, e.f., 64, 72, 105, b. Whether the revolt of the Medes here spoken of be the latest event alluded to by Hdtus, see iii. 15, c. CH. CXXXI. a. ayaXpara fifv ISpvurQai. Cf. viii. 109. From the adoration among the Persians of the element of fire, the principal object of their worship, the symbol of the primal fire or creative energy of the Godhead, from whence emanated Ormuzd himself, the author of all good, and of the Sun, the second great national deity of the Persians, whose whole mythology might be said to turn upon the ideas of light and the sun, their established symbols of wisdom and goodness and excellence, (H. Pers. ch. i. p. 131,) naturally followed their disregard of temples, images, &c. Creuzer, Symbol, i. p. 651, quoted by B., observes, that the relics of temples which may be discovered at the present day are not at all to be considered as contradictory to the testimony of Hdtus ; as he is here speaking of the earlier and purer state of the Persian reli- gion, before any of the superstitions of other nations had been in- grafted on to it. See more in vii. 54, a., and vii. 40, b. L. adds that the more ancient nations generally were not worshippers of images; according to Lucian, not the Egyptians ; nor, according to Euse- bius, the Gks, till the time of Cecrops ; and Plutarch says that Numa forbad the Romans to represent the Deity under the form of a man or animal, and that for 170 years there was in their tem- ples neither a statue or painting of the Deity. See on the Persian religion, H. Pers. ch. i. p. 130, and ch. ii. p. 243, seqq. Gibbon, i. ch. 8, p. 318329. b. dvdpuTToQv'eae of the same nature as men. Schw. of tlie same form as men. B. c. vofii^ovai K. r. X. vo/iiv here i. q. tv vo^y iroulaOai, to be ac- customed, or tcont. B. Cf. i. 133, ii. 64, iii. 100, iv. 191, vii. 120, a. By Jelf, 588, 1, (quoted in ii.50, c.,) Ad is taken as the Transmis- si've Dot. after vopl^ovat, in the sense of they pay customary honour to Zeus. d. Mirpav. This name is said to be derived from the old Persian BOOK I. CLIO. 59 word mihr, or mihir, lore see Hyde, c. iv. p. 107. B., from Creu- zer's Symbol, i. p. 729, says, " under the various names given to the goddess by the different Asiatic nations, see i. 105, c. ; they all agreed in adoring the one great feminine principle that pervades the universe, whether derived from the moon, the earth, or from nature herself." CH. CXXXII. a. Oioyovirjv. Not such a Theogony as that mentioned in ii. 53, but rather a narration concerning the origin of their gods ; which, though not the same as what the Gks assigned to their deities, viz. a human descent, was yet derived from various sources, as is manifest from the (Eons and Emanations, which the Gnostics derived from the Chaldseans, and hence may fairly be called a Theogony, without contradicting what was said in the preceding ch. concerning the gods not being of the same nature as man. W. Cf. i. 131, a. ; and on the Ferooher (archetypes, ideal essences, or spirits of all created things) which collectively com- posed the pure creation of Ormuzd, H. Pers. ch. i. p. 132. b. o, ri (jiiv Xoyoc aipiii in what way, according as, the reason (of the thing) persuades him, according as he thinks jit. Cf. iii. 45,, iv. 127. CH. CXXXIII. a. rj^v Si K. r, X. Cf. ix. 110, on the king's birth- day, when, as on other solemn occasions, such as the begin- ning of the new year, presents of the most valuable productions of each country were made to the monarch : see the description of the festival Norooz, extracted from Morier, i. p. 207, in H. Pers. ch. i. p. 106, seqq. b. oi (vSaipoviQ the wealthy; so in v. 8, B., and in i. 196, and in Latin beatus: Plautus, Paenul. v. 88, "Bonam quam beatam me esse nimis dici mavolo." c. TO. \tirrd TUV irpof3a.Tuv the smaller beasts, such as sheep, goats, &C. TrpOjSara, for cattle, i. 207, &C. Cf. ix. 93, a. iirifoprinuei, what is brought to table after the meal, sweetmeats, or dessert. OVK a\iot, not crowded together, not all at once, i. e. a little at a time, cf. i. 196, and iv. 184. B. d. oivy Si K. T. \. Cf. i. 71, b. c, the master of the house. CH. CXXXIV. a. r&v f.\ofikvtav, those who are nearest. Cf. iv. 169; v. 49 ; vi. 8. Kara rov avrov Xoyov icai K.T.\. On the same principle as, &c., cf. Jelf, 629, 3, a., and v. 8, c. In the last sen- tence of this ch., TO lOvoc, the Persians ; i. e. nearly in the same manner as the Medes, so the Persian nation extended its empire and its prefectures far and icide. Schw. and B. Cf. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 60, seqq., who seems rather to refer TO tOvoq to the Medes. " We learn, from other passages, that the government of the Medes, like that of other kingdoms, was one of satrapies, each foreign satrapy being intrusted to a Mede; and the system being probably nothing more than a classification of the different nations, each satrap receiving the tribute collected by his more remote neighbour, which was passed from one to the other, till it was handed over to the king's 60 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. treasury, by the satrap stationed nearest Media, properly so called," &c. CH. CXXXV. a. Ketvtica Sk tc. T. \. " The rude victors very soon adopted much of the manners, modes of life, and even the religion of the vanquished ; as was the case, also, with other nations re- sembling them in circumstances, and the degree of civilization they had attained. In the arts of luxury and effeminacy, the Persians became the pupils of the Medes, the Babylonians, and Lydians ; just as the Mongols, who overthrew the Chinese empire, adopted their manners. Nomad tribes are peculiarly prone to adopt such changes, owing to their unsettled mode of life, and because the desire of sensual gratifications is the only motive which spurs them to conquest. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 220. b. KovmSiat; yvvrnKaf, tcedded wires, opposed to TraXXacai, con- cubines ; as in Y. 18, vi, 133. B. Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 257. CH. CXXXVL a. 'AvSpafa9i>j Sk -n-alSae. Cf. Psalm cxxvii. 5, " Blessed is the man," &c. The idea was encouraged among the Persians by the laws of Zoroaster for the furtherance of marriage, and his praises of fruitfulness in women. H. Pers. ch. il. p. 247. of av diroc'sZy, (sc. TOVTOV) og av K. T. X. Cf. Jelf, 817 7, Omission of the Demonstrative before the Relative, Cf. also on the conjunctive (cnrodiKy), 829, 1. If av is joined to the relative and the conjunctive, it generally belongs to the relative and not to the verb, and gives an indefiniteness to it, by annexing the notion, " be he who he may ," and in consequence of this indefiniteness, the conjunctive is used where in English the indie, stands : be noui, he who does it ; oj iroiy, he who may do it ; OQ av woty, whosoever may do it, or does it. b. TO TroXXov, cf. Jelf, 436, y, ellipse of the substantive of which the adj. is the attributive, as here, in abstract notions. So TO KaXov, the beautiful. Cf. vi. 14, a., 113, a., vii. 157, b., there quoted. ftixP 1 tiKoaaiTo^. Xenophon fixes the termination of the Persian education at 17, Cyrop. i. 2, 4, &c. With regard to the 3 points of education, Xenophon and others agree with Hdtus ; but at the present day the Persians are much changed in the 3rd respect. B. Cf. also iii. 72, the speech of Darius, vpiv yevnrai. Cf. Jelf, 842, 4. ITpiv is used with the conjunctive of something future and only after negative clauses and principal tenses. In the last sentence danjv i. q. aij&'av, affliction, grief. B. CH. CXXXV II. a. airotc. dXX' oKoaa fjSri Totavra iyivtro, SC. rkicva, supplied from the general notion of the sentence. Jelf, 893, e., Brachylogy. CH. CXXXVIII. a. \iirpqv ft \IVKT\V scaly leprosy, or white leprosy. S. and L. D. b. Xcuxdc irtpiffTipac., white (i. e. leprous) doves, not naturally white ; for, according to Hammer, Vienna Review, ix. p. 17, the Persians held this colour, when natural, in great respect, as the type of innocence. B. BOOK I. CLIO. 61 CH. CXXXIX. a. TiXtvTuxri vavra .... 5%Tff K. T. X. Cf. on this custom Cicero Tusc. Quaest. i. 43. B. An instance of the preservation of a body thus en- closed is quoted by L. from the Annual Regist. of 1774, that the body of Edward I., which was covered with wax A. D. 1307, was found perfect by the Society of Antiquaries in 1774. c. KTilvovrig ..... irtTttva. This practice arose from their belief in the doctrine of a good and an evil principle, the sources of all good and ill, which is the foundation-stone of the whole structure both of the religious and political philosophy of Zoroaster, and the existence of a kingdom of light and a kingdom of darkness ; in the former of which reigns Ormuzd, the author and giver of all good ; in the latter, Ahriman, the source of all evil, moral as well as physical. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 244. These kingdoms are eternally opposed to each other, and hence the followers of the good Princi- ple were bound to destroy all that proceeded from the evil ; such as noxious creatures, serpents, scorpions, and the like. The dog, the friend of man, it will be observed, belonged to the good Principle. d. fxrw, WQ icai apxv" tvouioQr) let it rest, as it was at first estab- lished. By this phrase, Hdtus means that he is unable to suggest any satisfactory reason for a custom, which marks so decided a. dif- ference between the Magi and the priests of Egypt ; and that there- fore he has merely stated that such a custom exists, and so let the matter rest without further discussion. B. CH. CXLI. a. The history is now resumed from i. 92. Xoyov, an apologue, a fable. Thus ^Esop, XoyoTrotoj, a writer of fab/et, in ii. 134. B. b. iravtffOi pot 6px- Cf. Jelf, 598, quoted in vi. 86, b. ipio 62 NOTES ON HEUODOTUS. K. r. X. Qui sacras literas curant, recordabuntur Serva- toris verba, apud Matth. xi. 17. Sch\v. c. opyy i^ofitvof. Cf. i. 88, a. CH. CXLII. a. TOV ovpavov ry icaXXiVry. Cf. Jelf, 442, a. b., quoted in i. 183, a. Tpoirovt; Ttvatpac irapaywyiwv, four kinds of de- fections, varieties of language, i. e. four different dialects of the Ionic. So also the other dialects in Greece were subdivided, varying in the different states where each was spoken. b. M/Xi/rof. The founder of Miletus is said to have been Neleus, s. of Codrus ; and as, besides it, he founded two other cities, it may be concluded, as their dialect was the same, that these were Myus and Priene ; hence the inhabitants of Myus, when their city was devastated by an inundation, betook themselves to Miletus and formed one state with them. B. On Neleus, cf. ix. 97. On the Ionian colonies, from the Oxford Tables, p. 6 : " The lonians, (headed by Neleus and other sons of Codrus,) joined by some Thebans, (a colony of these afterwards came to Priene,) Phocians, Abantes, and other Greeks, founded 12 cities on the southern coast of Lydia and the northern of Caria, B. c. 1044. The most remark- able of these were Phocsea and Ephesus." On the remaining states B. quotes Raoul Rochette as follows : " That Ephesus and Colo- phon both existed before the coming of the lonians, who turned out their inhabitants to make way for themselves ; that Lebedus was in the same way at first in the hands of the Carians ; that Teos was first founded by the ./Eolians, and then received those Minyae of Orchomenos who accompanied the Ionian colonists, cf. i. 146 ; that Clazomenee and Phoccea were both built at a later period, the first by colonists from Colophon, the second by Athe- nians in company with Phocians, whence probably its name was taken. On the 3 remaining states nothing appears certain." On the Ionian states and their colonies, as well as the Dorian, &c., read H. P. A. Survey of the Gk Colonies, &c., 7681. Twelve of these towns, says H., the most celebrated of which were Phocsea, Ephesus, and Smyrna, formed, for the space of about 90 miles, an almost uninterrupted series of various establishments and edifices, and presented to the stranger, as he arrived by sea, an imposing spectacle of civilization and splendour, &c. Cf. also vi. 6, a., and H. Pers. ch. i. The Peninsula of Asia Minor, p. 107, seqq., the whole of which sect, is deserving of the Oxford reader's attention. c. "ETI SI Tptlc. viroX. XTot piv vvv Kai 'Epi/9. povvot. But besides those which I have mentioned, there are three Ionian cities, two of which are situated on the islands Samos and Chios, but Erythra, the third, is situated on the continent. Now, vvv, the Chians and Ery- ilirteans use the same dialect, but the Samians have one peculiar to them- selves. Stephens, Gk Particles, p. 111. On the force of the particle, cf. v. 119, b. On ITT iwvTiov, by themselves, cf. Jelf, 633, 3, e. CH. CXLIII. a. ffaav iv ffxtTry TOV tyofiov, were shelteredor screen* ed from fear: cf. Jelf, 531, Separative Gen. Cf. vii. 172. BOOK I. CLIO. G3 b. ore (iff, except, besides. Cf. i. 18, b. icai Jpov tfyvoavro K. r. X. Cf. i. 143, a. CH. CXLIV. a. Karan-fp K. r. X. The six Dorian colonies here enumerated were the only settlements of that nation in these countries ; others were formed from Rhodes, and others claimed their descent directly from Lacedaemon. B. Cf. H. P. A. 79, seqq., and Mull. Dor. i. p. 118, seqq. H. Pe:s. ch. i. p. 70, observes that the Doric colonies, of which Halicarnassus was the most con- siderable, did not come up to those of Ionia in the fertility of their soil, or extent of their commerce ; they were, however, treated by the Persians on the same footing with the others. b. Tpwu-iov 'ATroXXwvoc Triopium in Caria. C. Krin. Apollo and Diana, it will be remembered, were the peculiar deities of the Dorian race. Cf. i. 69, c. c. TpiTroSaQ. Cf. i. 92, b. d. iZ,tK\i)iaav 'AXirapvjjffov. Halicarnassus afterwards became subject to and the residence of the sovereigns of Caria, cf. vii. 99, a., and was peopled with Leleges by Mausolus. Cf. H. P. A. 79; cf. also i. a. CH. CXLV. a. on teal oTf lv K. T. X. Ton, s. of Xuthus kg of Athens, from whom the Athenians were called lonians, was said to have led a colony to .ffigialus, cf. vii. 94, a., on the coast between Elis and Sicyon,then subject to Selinuntus, kg of Sicyon, whose d.Helice he married. Thence they were afterwards driven by the Acheeans, and betook themselves to Attica, whence, with the sons of Codrus, they again migrated to Asia, and there built their 12 cities. B. Cf. i. 142, 6., H. P. A. 185, and Smith's C. D., Ionia. CH. CXLV I. a. 'nrti iig . . . . /jwp(>j jroXXj) Xtytiv. This observ- ation was perhaps directed, cf. D. p. 86, against the pride of He- catseus of Miletus and others who boasted of the purity of their Ionian descent ; whence follows the enumeration of the other tribes who took part in colonizing the Jonian states. B. On these other tribes cf. H. P. A. 77. 6. (uicffc diroca.ffp.ioi Phocians separated (from the remainder of their countri/men). These Phocians from Greece must not be con- founded with the Phoceeans of Asia Minor, in i. 142 and 163. Pausanias, vii. 2, explains airocuaftiot by saying that all the Phocians took part in these colonies, except those of Delphi. Cf. ii. 103, and Thucyd. i. 12, B., and on the migration here referred to, v. 57, o. c. airb rov irpvTavT)iov K. r. X. This refers to the custom of Gk colonists taking fire from the Prytaneum of the parent city, when they set forth on their journey. The practice, cf. H. P. A. 74, was one of those by which the perpetuity of the kindred duties between the parent city and the colony was symbolically set forth. Of the same nature was the establishment in the colony of the worship of the same deities, associating with them the founder as a hero, the participation in the chief festivals of the parent state, adopting the same emblems on the coinage, and treating the Am- 64 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. bassadors of the mother city with various marks of respect at festivals, sacrifices, &c. Cf. also Colmia, Smith's D. of A. d. t>ofti. yirvaioTarot tlvai. Cf. Jelf, 672, Nom.icith the Infinitive. When the same person is both the subject and object of a verb declarandi or sentiendi, governing an accus., the object is not, as in Latin, expressed by the personal pronoun, but altogether omitted, so that the nominative stands with the inf., as OVK fyti aurb^ Xsytiv = avrbf OVK tri iavrbv Xiyftv. e. ovvonan. Cf. Jelf, 603, Modal Dat. 2. The mode or manner, or wherein any thing takes place, is in the dative, j/v yivopiva, cf. viii. 136, a. CH. CXLVII. a. PXavKov The Glaucus of Homer, II. ii. 875, vi. 206, prince of the Lycians in the Trojan War. b. 'A.irarovpta One of the most ancient festivals of Attica, whose origin B. refers to the year 1190, B.C., and consequently long before the migration of the lonians into Asia. It was held, he considers, in honour of Bacchus, or rather of Dionysus Melanegis, who, according to the legend, deceived Xanthius, from which word aitarav, some wrongly derive the name. It was at this festival the children were admitted into the phratriae, cf. H. P. A. 1 10, and the young men into the list of citizens. It was the great political and religious festival of " the union of the Traroptq, or members of the irdrpai." The etymology of the word is discussed in Miiller, Dor. i. p. 95. The most natural transition appears to be irarrip, (in composition irarup,) iraTopiog, (whence iraTouptos, a-rraTovpia,) irdrpa ; hence ' Airarovpta, a festival of tlie paternal unions, of the Traropiat, of the irdrpai : the festival at which all the Patrae connected by marriage met, and took part in the same rites and sacrifices, and thus formed a certain political division, called a Phratria, from Qparrjp, i. q. frater. See also the excellent note on the Apaturia in Sheppard's Theophrastus, p. 88. The real etymology is from varfip and a copulative, like the Sanscrit sa, which comes from the same root as a/*. c. bprfiv, accusat. cognate to a notion implied in the rerb. Jelf, 548, d. Kara ffKijQiv, on or for the pretence. Cf. Jelf, 629, 3, c. Kara, Causal : the object at which any one looks and frames any action or motion. Cf. ii. 152, b. CH. CXLVIII. a. lap. noeuckaiw 'EXiKuviip set apart for, or in honour of Heliconian Poseidon. The dat. commodi. Cf. Jelf, 598, quoted in vi. 86, b. The name Heliconian was from Helice of Acliaia, in which the lonians had built a temple while in that country, cf. i. 145, a. : hence at their migration they carried with them his worship, and built the temple here referred to, preserving the ancient appellation. L. observes, on the authority of Eusta- thius, that the Eolians formed their possessives from the gen. case plur., thus 'EXiKuvioc from 'EXiKwv, gen. of 'EXtrai. The temple stood in the territory of Priene, whose inhabitants presided at the sacrifice. Thucyd. iii. 104, speaks of the festival of TO. Eftvia BOOK I. CLIO. 65 among the lonians, which if it was the same as is here called the Tlavnitvia, would appear (cf. H. 77, n. 18) to have been transferred to Ephesus at a later period. Cf. further on the Festival, the references given in i. 18, b. b. Softy, transmissive dat. with verbs of going towards, meeting, approaching, &C. Jelf, 592. Kara-Kip rStv Htpcswv K. T. \. Cf. i. 139, a. CH. CXLIX. a. Kv/ui;, j Qpiicwvlc Ka\iopivr). On the $]olic colonies, from the Oxford Tables, " B. c. 1124, JEolic migrations successively headed by Penthilus, a s. of Orestes, Archelaus his grandson, and Grais his great grandson, who occupy the coasts of Mysia and Caria, the islands of Lesbos, Tenedos, and the Heca- tonnesi, cf. i. 151. On the mainland they erected 12 cities, the most distinguished of which were Cyme and Smyrna. Their chief settlements however were in Lesbos. All their towns were inde- pendent, and possessed peculiar forms of government." Cf. Smith's C. D., jEolis. H., P. A. 76, observes that, besides these, many others were subsequently founded from Lesbos and Cyme, extend- ing along the Troad to Abydos, cf. i. 151, and Thucyd. iv. 52, and along the opposite Thracian coast ; such as Sestos, Hdtus ix. 115, and (Enos, Thucyd. vii. 57. Magnesia on the Meeander was also considered an ^olic settlement, but on the other hand, Smyrna, one of the 12, early passed into the hands of the lonians. Pol. Ant. 76. He also adds, (n. 11,) on the authority of Strabo, that Cyme was named 4>pca>vi'f, from Mt Phricion in Locris, the former dwelling-place of these chiefs, who derived their origin from Aga- memnon. On the idea, apparently unfounded, that the 12 cities composed a league, Panaolium, similar to that of the lonians, holding their federal festivals at the temple of Apollo Grynaeus, see n. 12 of the same . wp. Se ijicovaav OVK ou., but not equally well off for seasons. Gen. of position. Cf. Jelf, 528, quoted in i. 30, c. CH. CL. a. 2[jLvpvT)v, originally called Ephesus, according to H. P. A. 76, n. 18 ; referring to Strabo, who is quoted by L., to the effect that the name Smyrna belonged at first to a division of Ephesus, whose inhabitants founded the city here alluded to, and gave it the name of that part of Ephesus which they had at first occupied ; but the ./Eolians subsequently obtained possession of the city, which they were again forced to leave, owing to the attack of the Smyrnaeans and Colophonians, with whom the ejected in- habitants had taken refuge. This account, which makes Smyrna to be primarily an Ionian colony from Ephesus, differs from that of Hdtus, who considers it ^Eolian at first, but, taken from them by the Colophonians, an Ionian settlement. Either account will equally explain the allusion in i. 16. b. TCL tTrnrXa. Cf. i. 94, g. CH. CLI. a, TUV iv T$ "Idy oiKitpivuiv. Such were Antander, and those cities thereabouts which Thucyd. speaks of as at 'AKTO.UU 66 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. also Gargara, Assus, and others, in number 30, as h. conjectures: cf. Xenoph. Hell. III. i. 16. H. P. A. 76, n. 14. From v. 94, it appears also that the JEolians had the whole of the Troad, which they laid claim to from its having been conquered by Agamemnon, and to which the Athenians, as having also shared in the Trojan expedition, asserted an equal right. Sigaeum is there mentioned as having been taken from the Mitylenseans by Pisis- tratus. Cf. Thirl w. ii. p. 62, and v. 65, 6., 91, 94. b. irsvrt piv iroX. K. r. \. Lesbos reckoned 5 cities, Mitylene, An- tissa, Pyrrha, Eresus, and Methymna, all of which Mitylene appears subsequently to have united under its government. Cf. Thucyd. iii. "2. H. P. A. 76, n. 9. rffv ydp fKTTiv (TTO\IV) iovrag bfia'tfiov^. Adjective and participle not agreeing either in gender or number with the substantive of which they are the immediate attributives; by the construct (card avvtatv. Jelf, 379, a. c. 'Exarbv viiaoiffi, now Mosko-nisi, in number about 40, in the strait between Lesbos and the mainland. iroXiai, dat. trarvmutirt ; with verbs, &c. of pleasing. Cf. ix. 79 ; vi. 129. Jelf, 594, 4. CH. CLIII. a. Koaoi nXijGog, how many in number. Cf. Jelf, 579, 4, Adverbial Accus. fXXterxa, i. e. TO. iv Xitrxy yivoptva, their subject of conversation. Xea\n, conversation, ii. 32; ix. 71. cnrep- pn//t, cf. iv. 142, a. M'ith regard to the narrative that follows, ch. 1 53 161, in which Hdtus relates, in his simple style, the story of the Lydian Pactyas, who made the unsuccessful attempt to deliver his country from the dominion of Cyrus, cf. D.'s remarks, p. 88, on the improbability that our author had before him, or made use of, the works of Charon of Lampsacus " a popular and credulous writer contemporary with and perhaps rather earlier than Hdtus." Cf. also vi. 37, b., and M tiller's Lit. of Anc. Greece, ch. xviii. p. 263. b. iirtTptyac ..... Hipay. Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. pp. 226 and 269, on the careful separation made between the civil and military powers in the Persian system of government by satraps, the foundation of which beneficial arrangement was laid at the very commencement of the empire, by the appointment of receivers of the royal treasury, together with that of commanders of the forces. c. KOfii&iv, transferre, deferre, in regios scilicet Thesauros. B. d. rrjv Trpwrtjv, at fast, for the present, wpav or oSov being usually supplied. S. and L. D. The verb Hvai put absolutely, as in IKWV tlvcu for iicwv. Matth. Gr. Gr. 546. This is considered erroneous by Jelf, 679, 2, who says, tlvai is here the predicate of "lwva$, and the construction is correct without it. Cf. vii. 143. e. 'S.uxcii. Cf. iii. 93, d., vii. 64, a. f. iir ovc, against whom. Cf. Jelf, 635, 3, b. ttfil-^t. Cf. i. 80, d. CH. CLV. a. tear bSov, on his road. Cf. Jelf, 629, I. b. 0povr'w ftij dpivTov y, it is a matter of anxious consideration to me whether it would not be best, &c. On 0povric, anxious consideration, cf. Xen. Anab. ii. 3, 25. iaatf ol "EXAjvtc iipt I now bear the consequences, or take the responsibility on my own head (lit. wipe off, like a stain, on my own head. S. and L. D.). This, imitated, as B. thinks, from Homer, Odyss. xix. 92, 8 ay Ki$a\y dva/ia&tf, perhaps refers to wiping the knife on the head of the victim, after killing it ; which constituted part of the ftaa^aXi^uv. Cf. the Schol. on Soph. Elec- tra, 445. A little above Qaivopai irtirottjicsvai, I seem or appear to have done. Cf. Jelf, 684, obs. 2, c. c. civapnap. T Accus. of Time. c. 7rt7r\a. Cf. i. 94, ft. ypa^?'/, painting. JTTI Xi'ov, toioards Chios. Jelf, 633, I. 1, b. Cf. vii. 31. d. ri\v Si QwKairiv K. r. X. The migration of the Phocaeans is fixed by Schultz and L. in B. c. 542. B. CH. CLXV. a. rac Oivovaaas islands near Chios, between it and the mainland, five in number, now called Spalmadori. Cf. Thucyd. viii. 24. b. uvtoftfvoiai. Cf. i. 68, f. c. Kvpvov Corsica, said to be so called from Cyrnus s. of Her- cules. Diodor. Sicul. v. 13. B. d. dvfffTTjoavTo TroXiv they raised, or built themselves a city. S. and L. D. e. 'AXaXtj. Afterwards Aleria, on the E. coast of the island ; founded B. c. 564. Smith's C. D. f. TOV aroXcv. Privative Gen. Cf. Jelf, 529. pvdpoe aifyptof a mass of red-hot iron, and in gen. a lump of any metal, even not hot. S. and L. D. Cf. Hor. Epod. xvi. 25. Aristides, according to Plutarch, bound himself by a similar oath ; whence *oeaf Accusative to define the Part. -xw a Ka ^ ov Kal M*PC' 71, b., vi. 3S, vii. 69. CH. CLXVII. a. Twv St r. r. \. Schw. considers the gen. avr&v, the Phoceeans, to depend on the comparative iro\\ irXtiovs, q.d. that the Carthaijinians and Tuscans made far more captives out of the crews of the vessels that were destroyed, than the Phoctpans ; and tJiese they divided by lot, &c. The rendering of B., who also under- stands avrSiv of the Phoceeans, but considers it to be the genitive partitive, seems better : Far ihe greater part of the Phoccean crews of the vessels that were destroyed, the Carthaginians and the Tuscans divided by lot, and led them out and stoned them. ui(f>9iipttaswv dis- abled, shattered, rendered water-logged by the blows of the enemies' beaks, so as only barely to float with the deck above water, unable to defend themselves, or to escape. b. ' A.yv\\aioiffi inhabitants of Agylla ; afterwards called Caere, Cervetri, (cf. i. 166, a.,) an ancient Pelasgic city of Etruria, the iirbs Agyllina of Virg. J&n. vii. 652. Its inhabitants obtained the Ro- man franchise, without the sufrragium. Smith's C. D., Caere, which see. Cf. Hor. i. Epist. vi. 62, &c. c. inrfiffavTo iro\iv K. r. X. they obtained possession of the city, &c.; i. e. the Phocaeans were not the first builders of this city ; but won it from some other nation, who before held it. The CEnotrians formerly inhabited the Bruttian territory and Lucania, and before the invasion of the Sabelli, the W. coast as far as Posidonia. Cf. Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, i. 15, 68. B. The city 'YlXi;, afterwards called Elea, and, by the addition of the digamma, Velia. d. dc rov Kvpvov .... Kriaat condere Cyrnum, i. e. Cyrnum ut heroem cokre sacris. B. Observe that the word Kriaai, means either to found a city, as the Phocaeans at first understood it, or, to estab- BOOK I. CLIO. 71 lish rites in memory of the hero Cyrnus, the s. of Hercules ; the sense intended by the oracle. CH. CLXVIII a. iKnaav .... *A/3jpa. This 2nd foundation of Abdera, now Polystilo, near the mouth of the Nestus in Thrace, by the Teians B. c. 544. Timesius of Clazomenae first colonized Abdera, about B. c. 656. Cf. Smith's C. D., Abdera. CH. CLXIX. a. Sid /*xjc 'Apn-dyy went through battle against Harpayus. Cf. Jelf, 601, Dat. Incommodi. MiXrjffto* Si, we KUI K. T. \. Cf. i. 143. b. TO StvTipov 'Iwvit) iStdov\c, the broad leather belts, often mentioned in Homer. II. ii. 388, &c. B. Cf. Smith's D. of A., Clipeus. d. iv MvXaffotfft Aiif Kaptov In this town (Melasso, Smith's C. D.) was the temple of Zeus Srparwc, cf. v. 119, a title that marks the warlike character of the nation. B. Cf. Smith's C. D., Mylasa, and v. 66, a. CH. CLXXII. a, SOKEUV E/IOI as it seems to me. Cf. Jelf, 864, 1, Remarks on we, werrt, with infin. in a seemingly independent pa- renthesis. We frequently find a seemingly independent parenthesis introduced by we with the infin. The force of such a sentence is very often restrictive. The principal clause, the result or effect of which it expresses, must be supplied. Cf. ii. 10, iv. 36, vii. 24, &c. Very often these sentences are expressed shortly without we ; as ov TroXXw \oyif iiTTilv, especially 6\iyov, fiiKpov, TTO\\OV Stiv, ita ut paul- lum, multum absit : cf. vi. 30. 7rpox w P'?' cav dvQp&iruv. The genitive is partitive. AaKiSaifioviuv diromoi KviSiot. Cf. Herm. Pol. Ant. 79. Miiller's Dor. i. p. 142, and Smith's C. D., Cnidus. b. TpioTnov. Cf. i. 144, b. c. dpypevrjG & * TTJG K. T. X. The ordo is rrjg Rv(3aoapivtt)v EavBiiav flvat who assert that they are Xanthians. Cf. Jelf, 672, 3, Infinitive. When an adj., or a participle, or a subst. follows the infin. as part of the predicate, it is in the same case as the personal subject which precedes (gen., dat, or ace.); as V}ITJ at Maifuwa tlvut. 74 NOTES ON" HERODOTUS. CH. CLXXVII. fl. ra Kdrw rijc 'Aeriijc.y-Cf. I 6, a. In this expedition, Cyrus probably conquered Bactria and the Sacae. Cf. R. p 300. 'Aoavpiot, cf - i- 12 & CH. CLXXVIII. a. Nivow K. r. X. q/ter that Nineveh was laid waste. Cf. Jelf, 541, 2, Gen. absolute of time. Cf. i. 106, c. b. Bo|3iAiuv. The description here given is, without doubt, that of an eye-witness; cf. chs. 181 183, 193 200, and especially the remark in ch. 183, concerning the statue of Jove, iyu pev ^v OVK tlSov. B. Cf. H. as quoted below. In some respects, viz. the height of the walls, 200 cubits, it is manifest Hdtus speaks on the authority of others ; for at the time he visited Babylon the walls were not of this, their original, height ; having been pulled down by Darius, iii. 159, either to the height of 100 cubits, according to Curtius, or of 50 cubits, according to Strabo. Reckoning according to Hdtus the whole compass of the walls at 480 stades, or 60 miles, the space within the walls will be, according to Prideaux, 14,400 square stades or furlongs ; " but all of this was never fully inhabited, the city not having had time to grow up thereto. For within 25 years after the death of Nebuchadnezzar, the royal seat of the empire was re- moved thence to Shushan, or Susa, by Cyrus, which put an end to the growing glory of Babylon ; for after that it never more flour- ished. When Alexander came to Babylon, Curtius (v. 1) tells us, no more than 90 furlongs were then inhabited, which, under- stood as 90 in length, and the same in breadth be allowed, it will follow that no more than 8100 square furlongs were then built upon, so that there must have been 6300 square furlongs unbuilt upon, which Curtius tells us were ploughed and sown." R., 14, p. 335, seqq., remarks, that the 480 stades of Hdtus, taking the stade at 491 feet, would give about 126 square miles, or 8 times the area of London. The measure given by Ctesias and Clitarchus of the circuit of Babylon, (360 stadia,) is by R. preferred to that of Hdtus, as it corresponds with the number of days in the year ; a practice observed by ancient nations in building cities, as well as in other undertakings. So Cyrus divided the Gyndes into 360 channels, i. 190. B. Cf. the walls of Ecbatana, i. 98, e. See the account of Babylon, its buildings, antiquities, &c., in Prid. Conn. i. pt. i. bk. ii., or in E. Orient. H. Ency. Metr. p. 220, seqq., and the extremely interesting dissertation on the Babylonians in H. Bab. ch. i. p. 387, seqq. 71-6X1^ ioiiaiis nrpayiavov. Gen. abs. instead of nomin. We sometimes find the genitive absolute, even where we should expect the participle to agree with the subject of the verb, or some object thereof. It must be observed, that the subject of the gen. absolute is frequently supplied from the context. By this construction the notion of cause is rather called out. Jelf, 710, a. c. irri-xjuitv, attributive gen., in definitions of size. Jelf, 521, obs. *wpoc, adverbial ace. Cf. Jelf, 579, 4. vij^vc the cubit, or ell, = \\fl.; originally the length of the human arm from the elbow to the wrist, or to the knuckle of the middle finger. Smith's D. BOOK I. CLIO. 75 of A., Cubitus. See more in S. and L. D. iaKTvXoe the finger 1 * breadth, something less than an inch, about seven-tenths. On the measurement of length in Hdtus, see D. p. 69. CH. CLXXIX. a. 'iva where, or, how,\. e. to what purpose. Cf. Schw. Lex. Herod, bpvaaovrtq apa, cf. Jelf, 696, obs. 5. Par- ticiple used to express time, which is also more accurately expressed by the addition of the temporal adverbs, avriica, tvOvc, upa, &c. b. iXKvaavTtg 6f K.T.\. So in Latin, ducere lateres, to mould or make brides. Cf. also ii. 136, and Nahum iii. 14. W. On the build- ing materials of Babylon the two kinds of bricks, those dried in the sun, and those burnt in kilns and the two kinds of cement, lime and bitumen, cf. the very interesting extracts from Rich and Porter in H. Bab. ch. i. p. 380, 389, seqq. c. Std rpifiKovra Suftuiv K. T. \. between every thirty layers or rotes of bricks, (cf. Jelf, 627, i- 2,) stuffing in between (strengthening it with) hurdles of reeds. Cf. R. p. 337,' seqq. and H. L 1. p. 380. d. Trapd TO. ta\ara, olicf)fiaTa K. r. X. along (parallel to, cf. Jelf, 637, iii. 1> ) the edges of the wall they built edifices of a single room, turned towards each other. These edifices or towers were placed probably at certain distances from each other along the wall, con- taining each but one room, and that looking not outwards from the city, but either way laterally, towards the adjoining towers on its right and left hand. e. -uv oiKripaTuv Gen. of Position, cf. Jelf, 525. rtQp ..... TttpieXaatv space for a 4-horse chariot to drive round the walls ; i. e. a road-way tride enough for, &c. ; perhaps, space enough for a chariot to turn in. Tavernier, Travels, ii. c. 8, quoted by Schw., says that near the supposed site of Babylon he saw the remains of a wall of such thickness as to admit 6 chariots to run upon it abreast. The statements of Hdtus, Pliny, Ctesias, Clitarchus, Curtius, and Strabo of the circuit of Babylon, and of the height and breadth of the walls, are given in R. p. 354, note. On the gates of brass, Prideaux remarks, " hence it is that when God promised to Cyrus the con- quest of Babylon, he tells him that ' he would break in pieces before him the gates of brass.' Isaiah xlv. 2." Read the extremely in- teresting ch. xix. in vol. iii. of Grote's Gr., and an article upon it in Edinb. Rev. Jan. 1850. /. "Ic oiivofia avTy. Hit, on the Euphrates, 128 G. miles above Hillah; see R. p. 350, where springs of bitumen are still found. Cf. also H. Bab. p. 392. CH. CLXXX. a. 'Epv9pt)v QaXaaaav here, the Persian Gulf. Cf. i. 1, b. b. TO wv Sij TI~IXG * T - ^- The watt then on either side, i. e. both on the E. and W. side of the river, has arms stretching down to the river. In the next sentence, TO Sk dv6 TOVTOV and on the space along the river's bank on either side from one arm to the other ; i. e. from N. to S.; at 67riiea/*irat K. r. X. the transverse arms, (or, bends of the wall,) viz. a rampart of burnt bricks, extend along either bank of 76 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. the river. Observe that the verb agrees by attraction with the sub- stantive in apposition, (ai/iacriij,) instead of the preceding nomina- tive (at 7riica/i7rat) ; thus, at tiriicajiirai ai/iaffti) (in apposition) irapartivii. Jelf, 389, obs. 2. The meaning is, from the point where the arms of the wall touch the river, thence, on either side, a winding rampart of burnt bricks, at right angles to the arms of the wall, extends along the space enclosed by those arms on each bank of the river. In addition to this explanation of B., observe that the river runs through the middle of the city from N. to S., that the wall first mentioned is the outer wall of the city, on the E. and W. sides of the river, and extending from N. to S. ; next, that the > arms of these walls are at right angles with them, and are stretched from E. to W. down to the river's edge, and hence make up to- gether the N. and S. front of the city ; further, that from the ends of these arms, (i. e. rb airo TOVTOV,) another winding wall of burnt brick runs at right angles to these last-mentioned arms, along the river's edge, on both sides, and consequently from N. to S. ; and parallel with the first-mentioned wall, so as to defend the city from any attacks that might be made with vessels coming down the river. From the gates being left open in this wall along the river's bank, Cyrus was enabled to take the city. Cf. i. 191. See the plan of Babylon in R., or in the maps to Hdtus. Read H. Bab. ch. i. p. 386, seqq., or Prid. Conn. pt. i. bk. ii. p. 95, seqq. c. oiiuswv rpwp6uiv K. r. \. of houses 3 or 4 stories high. The number of the streets was, of course, 50 ; each 15 miles long, and each at rt angles with the other ; for the gates being 100 in num- ber, from the 25 on the N. side of the city, went 25 streets in straight lines to the 25 gates on the S. side of the city ; and these Hdtus means by rc r aXXac : so also from the 25 gates on the E. went 25 streets to the gates on the W., running transverse to the others, and each divided into two parts by the river. Besides these, Prid. remarks, there were 4 half streets, built only on one side, as having the wall on the other ; which went round the four sides of the city, each of them 200 ft broad, while the rest were about 150. Hence the whole city was cut out into 676 squares, each of which was four furlongs and a half on every side, that is, two miles and a quarter in compass. Karar'sTn^TM TUQ oSoi>s Cf. Jelf, 545, 3. CH. CLXXXT. a. iv SI Qapoti K. r. X. and in the centre of each division of the city, fortifications were raised. It is doubted on which side of the river the palace here spoken of stood. Diodorus places it on the W. side and the temple of Belus on the E., and he is fol- lowed by R. See his plan of Babylon, in the map opposite p. 335. Prid. also considers the new palace, the one probably alluded to by Hdtus, to be on the W. side, while the old palace and the temple of Belus stood on the E. This opinion is considered as erroneous by H. Bab. ch. i. p. 388, &eqq., on the authority of Rich and Porter. " The principal ruins lie on the E. bank of these, 3 immense BOOK L CLIO. 77 mounds are found in succession from north to south ; the 1st called by the Arabians Mukallibe, the overturned, which is the largest. This building has been erroneously taken for the ancient temple of Belus, its structure being quite opposed to the pyramidi- cal form in which this was built. It was probably the fortress which defended this quarter of the town, in which the royal palace was situated. 2ndly, el Kasr, the palace, in the ruins of which relics may be traced of the celebrated hanging gardens. 3rd, the Amram hill ; p. 156159. On the W. bank is the tower-like ruin called the Sirs Nimrod, Nimrod's tower, which corresponds with the an- cient temple of Bel in form, dimensions, and situation." Cf. the extracts from Mr. Rich's Travels in Early Orient. Hist. Ency. Metr. p. 268. iroXXy ri v , instrumental dat Cf. Jelf, 609, 1. b. A/DC B;Xov ipoj/ K. T.\. Belus, i. q. Bel and Baal, the Lord; hence as the chief god of the Babylonians, Hdtus adds Atoj to ex- plain to the Gks his degree of dignity; Hammer considers him to be the same as the sun, an opinion apparently more probable than that of Gesenius, viz. that the planet Jupiter was worshipped under this title. B. The tower that stood within the temple is by H., B., and Prid. held to be the tower of Nimrod, generally called the tower of Babel. H.'s opinion is founded principally on the travels of Porter, who distinguished the remains of 3 out of the 8 stories, and found that the length and breadth of the Sirs Nim- rod, cf. the preceding note a., agree with what is stated by Hdtus, so far as they can be determined from a mountain-heap of ruins. " Bel is supposed to have been the same with Nimrod, and to have been called Bel from his dominion, and Nimrod from his rebellion, this latter word signifying Rebel, and referring to his revolting from God to follow his own wickedness. The height of the tower being a furlong, full 600 ft, and therefore higher than the greatest pyra- mid by 119 ft, it was prodigious enough to answer the description in the Bible of the tower of Babel, and it is by several authors attested to have been all built of bricks and bitumen, as the Scrip- tures tell us the tower of Babel was. Furthermore, Callisthenes, who accompanied Alexander to Babylon, is said to have found that the Babylonians had astronomical observations, taken from the top of the tower, for 1903 years backward from that time ; which carries us up to the 115th year after the flood, i. e. 14 years after the tower of Babel was built, which was completed in the year Peleg was born, 101 years after the flood." Prid. Con. pt. i. bk. i. Cf. E. Orient H. Ency. Metr. p. 222 and 268, and the very in- teresting accounts of these ruins in Sir Ker Porter's Travels, ex- tracted in H. /. /. oradiov, cf. Jelf, Relative Gen. 518, 1, and on the gen. Trvpjtav, 512, 2. c. fiiaovvn ava/3a irpofiaTwv The adj. not unfrequently assumes a substantival force, and the subst. to which the adj. properly be- longs is put in the attributive genitive, defining the adj. instead of being defined by it. This occurs in the following cases, &c., when, as here, the adj. is in the neuter sing., sometimes in the neuter plural. Cf, viii. 100, TO TTO\\UV rijc , seqq., and Prid. Conn. pt. i. By other writers they are attributed, to Nebuchadnezzar, and perhaps, as Prid. observes, Nitocris his d.-in-law finished what he had left unperfected at his death, and that procured her with Hdtus the honour of the whole. Si& rfc iroXtog pkoris through the middle of the city. Cf. Jelf, 459, I, on the adj. placed without the article. d. wan Ik rplg K. T. X. " Hdtus relates as a curious fact, that the Euphrates had been rendered so serpentine by the number of canals dug above Babylon, that in its passage to the city, it passed three times the Assyrian village of Ardericca, and certainly on three dif- ferent days. It is evident from this passage that Ardericca lay above Babylon, and that the aim of this undertaking was to defend the country from the Medes, and to facilitate the navigation of the vessels from the higher countries. Hence it seems probable that these alterations were made in the districts where the bed of the Euphrates is full of rocks and sandbanks, and that they formed an immense series of sluices and floodgates, making the river navigable, but at the same time so lengthening it, both by the time occupied in going through the numerous locks, and by the numerous wind- ings of the canal, as to make it a three days' voyage to pass the village of Ardericca. But all that seems extraordinary vanishes, if it be considered that the canal was cut in this zigzag manner to diminish the fall occasioned by the steepness of the land. Thus the two outer branches of the canal, in passing to and fro, touched the two extreme points of the village : while the centre also passed by it, which fully explains the length of the voyage, while the time it occupied may be accounted for by the delay occasioned in pass- ing the great number of locks. This, to be sure, is no more than a conjecture, but it seems a more probable one, than that which makes BOOK I. CLIO. 81 the length of the canal alone require a navigation of three days duration." H. Bab. ch. i. p. 374. e. atrb TrjffSf TTJG 9a\daar)c i. e. the jEgean, or, the Mediterranean. Cf. i. 1, b. The voyagers would, after navigating the Mediterranean, leave their vessel at some port of Syria, and then go by land to the Euphrates, and taking ship, sail down the river with the stream. The preposition SQ after narairXiovrtg is rejected by Schw., but the words may be taken in a sensus praegnans ; when they have come down to the Euphrates, that is, from the mountains they must pass in crossing from the Mediterranean, and proceed thereon to Babylon. B. /. /ueyaOoc ai ttyoc oaov ri tan. This B. renders, tant 6 fisyac- The usual title of the Persian monarchs among the Gks, with which L. compares the title of the Sultan, the Grand Seignior. On the power and privileges of the Persian monarch, cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 260, seqq. " The king's table also was regulated by a system of etiquette no less absolute as lord and owner of the whole empire, it was thought unworthy of him to taste any but the best and most costly productions of his dominions the waters of the Choaspes salt from the neighbourhood of the temple of Jupiter Ammon in the centre of the African desert wine from Cnalybon in Syria wheat for his bread from jEolia," &c., &c. The Choaspes, the Kerah, or Kara-su, a river of Susiana, not to be confounded with the Eulaeus, the Ulai of Dan. viii. 2, now the Karoon. Smith's C. D. KOI Si) ical. Cf. Jelf, 724> 1> quoted in i. 30, a. d. TOV fiovvov, Partitive gen. with verbs of eating, drinking. Jelf, 537. TOV vdarof, Partitive gen. Jelf, 533, 3. CH. CLXXXIX. a. TvvSy Trorapy. Cf. v. 52, where this river, with others, is mentioned as crossed on the great road from Ephesus to Susa. R. p. 327, considers that Hdtus has confounded together two distinct rivers, to both of which he has given the name of Gyn- des, considering them as the same, and that the one here meant must be the Mendeli, and that mentioned in v. 52, the Diala. B. b. Aapcavkuv. For this, as their situation is unknown, some con- jecture Aapi/wv, as R., or 'Ap/itviuv. The situation also of the city is not clearly known, being by Strabo placed at some distance from the sea. and by Xenophon, Anab. ii. 4, 25, not below the Tigris, but much above it. Hence R., p. 328, infers that Hdtus had no very certain knowledge of these regions. B. adds that, on the authority BOOK I. CLIO. 83 of modern travellers, Opis stood at the juncture of a small stream, the Kufri, with the Tigris. c. ip&v 'i-Trirwv. Cf. vii. 40, b. av^rjffaf, sucking him into his ror- tex. B. i!7roj5pv\iov, under icater. d. KarirHvi .... dwpvxaq. This, cf. Schw. Lex. Herod., is put for i>iredii Sii!>pv\af , Kararii vag avrag a\oivoTtve.at;. he marked out by stretch- ed lines 180 channels, &c., TTUVTU rpowov, in every direction. Cf. i. 199. e. avTov ravry in that very place. Cf. also i. 210, 214, iii. 77, iv. 80, 135. B., and Jelf, 605, obs. 3. CH. CXC. a. tg TptijKoaiae r. \. On this number, cf. i. 178, b. b. irpoiffaavTo .... roXXwv. Enough, according to Xenophon, Cyrop. vii. 5, 13, for more than 20 years. B. On irtuv, Temporal gen., cf. Jelf, 523. CH. CXCI. a. T (txpr)i TOV GTOOTOV i. e. the part of his forces most unfit for active service, the least effective portion. Cf. i. 211, and i. 207, explained by rj/c orpanijf TO av\oTaTov. B. b. fTfpa ToiavTa. Cf. i. 120, b. c. TOV yap Trorajuov K. T. A. " Into this lake, which usually re- sembled a morass, they could introduce the waters of the Euphrates by means of a canal; and it was by doing this that Cyrus con- quered Babylon, when he forced his way into the city by the bed of the river." H. Bab. ch. i. p. 376. d. Kvpry lit. a fish-trap made of wicker-work. Cf. Theocritus, Idyll, xxi. 11. B. u s Xsytrm r. T. X. Cf. Jelf, 898, 4, Consolid- ation of Sentences. e. VTTO k (itydOtoG K. T. X. by reason of the size. Cf. Jelf, 639, 2, b. a. According to Aristotle, Polit. iii. 2, (quoted by B.,) it was not known, even on the third day after, in some parts of the city that it was taken : considering its size, cf. i. 178, b., this does not appear impossible, and at first the enemy might have entered into only one division of the city, viz. where the palace stood in which Belshazzar's festival was held. Cf. Jeremiah, K. 31, "One post shall run, &c., to show the king of Babylon that his city is taken at one end." The siege, according to Xenophon, had lasted nearly two years " In the taking of Babylon (says Prid.) ended the Ba- bylonish empire, having lasted from the beginning of the reign of Nabonassar, who first founded it, 209 years, and just 50 years after it had destroyed Jerusalem. Cf. i. 181, a. Herein were ac- complished the many prophecies delivered by Isaiah, Jeremiah, Habakkuk, and Daniel against it. It is to be observed, that in reference to the siege and taking of the place, it was particularly foretold by them that it should be shut up and besieged by the Medes, Elamites, and Armenians, Isa. xiii. 17, xxi. 2; Jer. li. 11, 27, seqq.; that the river should be dried up, Jer. 1. 38, li. 36; that the city should be taken at the time of a feast, Jer. li. 39, 57, while her princes and her wise men, &c. were drunken." Cf. also H. Bab. ch. i. p. 376, 397- /. Kal TO KapTa very much indeed, in good earnest. S. and L. 13. c 2 84 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Rather, TO Kapra, the thorough certainty, the real truth. The article joined with adverbs of quality and modality, when the adverb stands for a substantive. Cf. iii. 104, TO (capra i//ux. Thucyd. viii. 1. Jelf, 456, c. TOTS TrpaiTov apaipTjTo K. T. A. B. c. 538, cf. Clinton's Fast. Hell. ii. p. 8. Babylon was again taken by Darius. Cf. iii. 159. CH. CXCII.T a. SarpctTrijiijv On the Persian system of govern- ment by satraps, cf. i. 153, &., iii. 117, b., 127, b.; H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 269, seqq., and cf. p. 264, 228; and on the fertility of Babylonia, Bab. ch. i. p. 378, and ch. ii. On OKOV, cf. i. 68, c. b. tlpra/3j .... 'Arrucyoi. Hence, as the Artaba contained 3 choenices more than the medimnus, it = 51 choenices. The me- dimnus contained, cf. Smith's D. of A., 11 gallons, 7 pints, and a fraction of about one-tenth. Of the choenix the size is differently given, varying from about 1^ pints to nearly 4 pints. It probably was of different sizes in the different states. Cf. H. 1. 1. p. 140, 141 ; and on the importation of Indian dogs, ch. ii. p. 207. CH. CXCIII. a. raiv'Affffvpiutv. On the extent of this name, here applied particularly to the Babylonians, cf. i. 102, b. A de- scription of the province of Babylon, about A. D. 363, when Baby- lon had been converted into a royal park, is given in Gibbon's Decl. and Fall, vol. iv. p. 166, ch. 24. b. KjjXu/vjjioiffi tollenones, cranes with large buckets attached to draw up water ; swipes. S. and L. D. irpbe r/X. rtr/oo/i. TOV x (t P- i- e - turned towards the point of the horizon where the sun rises at the winter solstice. (From Blak.'s, Hdtus,note 653.) c. Jflvos TroXig Cf. i. 102, b., 106, c. aurjj ewvrjje, cf. Jelf, 782, g. t quoted in ii. 25, b. Kty\pov, millet. d. iv tidies K. T. X. This plainly shows that Hdtus visited this country. Cf. i. 178, b. TO. Kapirwv ixoutva, cf. i. 120, a. e. Toiif avKiwv rpoTrov K. T. X. Pococke, quoted in the Oxf. Tr., says, " the male bears a large fruit something like millet, which is full of white flour ; and unless the young fruit of the female is im- pregnated with this, the fruit is good for nothing. And to secure it, they tie a piece of the fruit of the male to every bearing branch of the female." Cf. H. Bab. ch. i. p. 379. /. 'iva iwraivy K. T. X. that the fly (gall insect, Cynips of Linnaeus, S. and L. D.) may enter into it and cause the fruit to ripen. o\w9oi, wild Jigs. Cf. S.' and L. D. CH. CXCIV. a. .TU TrXota K. r.X. Such vessels, cf. H. Bab. ch. ii. p. 428, are still in use on the Tigris, and are called Kilets ; Ren- nell says Kufah, i. e. round vessels ; he states that they are now but seldom made of skins, being merely reeds smeared over with bitumen. In shape they are like a sieve, and draw only a few inches water. Cf. Lucan. Pharsal. iv. 134. The ark, the cradle of Moses, was formed of the bulrush of the Nile and daubed over with pitch, we may suppose bitumen. R. p. 264. b. vopiac, the ribs of the vessel, cf. ii. 96. ISatyios rpon-ov, bottom- e, to serve as a bottom. BOOK I. CLIO. 85 c. ovrt irpvytvt}v K. r. X. making no difference in the stern, nor nar- rowing (lie protc ; making no difference between stern and prow. fotviKiiiov .... olvov. Cf. ii. 37, e. d. SiaSeoivrai. cf. i. 1, e. air' <5i/ tKr)pv%av, they straightway are wont to offer for public sale, from cnroKqpiiTTuv. On wv, Ion. for avv, cf. Jelf, 737, 3, quoted in ii. 39, a. CH. CXCV. a. \tviy linen, flaxen, made of flax. Cf. ii. 81, iL 305, and H. Bab. eh. ii. p. 417- b. BoM-iym tpfidoi. Boeotian shoes. A kind of felt shoe, S. and L. D., probably worn low on account of the heat of the country. B. c. cf. V. 9, a. ^ av ytvoiaro. The opt. is used with av, as in independent sentences, when the adver- bial sentence expresses an assumption, supposition, conjecture, of something happening at some time or season, depending on some condition to be supposed or expressed. Jelf, 845. ynfiwv wpaTai, Causal Gen. Cf. Jelf, 494. b. aXiac.. Cf. i. 133, c. Kara uiav iKaarnv, each singly. Cf. Jelf, 629, 3,/. c. i-l avvcucrjaii on condition of marriage. Cf. Jelf, 634, 3. c. fvSai- /*ov Cf. i. 133, b.; eieSovvai, to (jive in marriage, i. 93, /. IVKOV, were. Cf. vi. 133, b. av iXdupavov, used to receive, were wont to receive. Cf. Jelf, 424, 3, /3., on av with the Impft, to denote frequency. d. ; f4))v K. r. X. that assuredly he woidd marry her. Cf. Jelf, 728, 3, a. KaTairopvtvii. Cf. i. 94, a., and H. Bab. /. /. CH. CXCVIII. a.-tv ^Xtrt. Cf. the method of embalming among the Persians, i. 140,6., and Corn. Nepos, Agesil. viii. 7 who says that they poured melted wax " quod mel non habebant" round the body of Agesilaus to preserve it. B. b. jrtpt Gvuitjpa K. r. X. This custom, as well as that mentioned in the following ch., is alluded to in the Apocryphal Bk of Baruch, ch. vi., the Epistle of Jeremy, v. 43, " The women also with cords about them, sitting in the wa3*s, burn bran for perfume: but if any of them, drawn by some that passeth by, lie with him, she re- proacheth her fellow, that she was not thought as worthy as herself, nor her cord broken." CH. CXCIX. a. On the luxurious habits of the Babylonians, cf. H. Bab. ch. ii. p. 414, seqq. b. artyavov 0w/uyyoe, a circle, or, chaplet of cord. Whether it is to this, or to the ffxoivortvttc otiooi, that the words in Baruch, " The women also with cords about them" (7rpt0/ivac refer, does not appear certain; but the fact is indubitable, and is mentioned by Strabo and jElian quoted by B. Kariarai, Ion. for KaQqvTai, sit. Cf. ii. 86, oi kir' avr

dirrtadai rrvoc, aliquid at- tincjere, aliqua re potiri, pr&dilum csse aliqua re, nee tamen oninino, sett aliquantum. Wytten. quoted by B. Of. viii. 105, a. CH. CC. a. lirt fia^av fter. havirici kneaded them like a cuke, made them into a cake. Cf. Jelf, 548, 2, a., Accus. of cognate Substantive. Cf. 572. CH. CCI. a. Maffffayerac They appear to have belonged to the nomad tribes which wandered beyond the bounds of the Per- sian empire, i. e. beyond the Jaxartes : and which, sometimes Sacae, sometimes Scythians, sometimes Tartars, are not even at the present day known by any one common appellation. The Massagetae, as well as the Issedones, both of them belonging to the Mongolian race, were undoubtedly Scythians. B. R.p. 47, to whom B. refers, says, " It would seem Hdtus was not decided whether to esteem the Massageta; as a Scythian nation or not, but subsequent writers have most universally reckoned them so. So that the proper Scythians of Hdtus w r ere those at the Euxine, and those of succeeding writers at the Caspian (or rather the Aral) and Jaxartes. For from i. 201, 215, and 216, our author implies that the Massagetae were not confessedly a Scythian nation." See R.p. 47, 132, and 217, who sums up the principal points of similarity between them and the Scythians. " Not to mention that the nomad life was common to both, we shall only observe, I. That the clothes and fond of the Massageta? resemble those of the Scy- thians, i. 215. II. That both nations lived in icar/f/onR or car- riages, i. 216, and iv. 46, 121. III. That they fought chiefly on horseback, i. 215, iv. 46, 136. IV. That they sacrificed horses to their deities. The Massagetae in particular to the sun, i. 216, iv. 61." On the Issedones, cf. iv. 25, v .... tlpt}rai. Prideaux remarks that Hdtus, Diod. Sic., and Justin agree in their account of the death of Cyrus, but that Xenophon makes him die on his bed, in his own country : much the more probable account of the tavo; for neither is it likely that Cyrus, both so old and so wise a man, should engage in so rash an undertaking, neither can it be conceived that after such a blow his newly-erected empire could have been upheld, especially BOOK I. CLIO. 89 by such a successor as Cambyses, nor that he, Cambyses, should soon after it be able to wage such a war with the Egyptians, and make such an absolute conquest of the country, as he did. Besides, all authors agree that Cyrus was buried at Pasargada in Persia, in which country Xenophon saith he died, and his monument there continued to the time of Alexander. " Hdtus naturally prefers the account he gives, as throwing in a stronger light the vicissitudes of human nature." Cf. Thirlw. ii. p. 173, and D. p. 105107. B. follows Ctesias, that he died of a wound in his camp, and then was buried at Pasargada, where both Strabo and Arrian mention this monument as standing in their time. Cf. the very interesting description given from Porter and Morier in E. Orient. H. p. 291, of an edifice which exactly tallies with Arrian's account of Cyrus' tomb, the cuneiform inscription on which was deciphered by Lassen, Professor at Bonn. H. Pers. ch. i. pp. 126, 137, seqq., concludes that the building, of which he there quotes the description of Arrian and Sir K. Porter, is undoubtedly Cyrus' tomb that Per- sepolis, the modern Chehl-Mendr in the plain of Merdasht, is but a translation of Pasargada, or Parsagada, the encampment of the Per- sians the name Persepolis being probably applied in a wider signification, so as to comprehend not only the place of Chehl- Menar, but also the city, or rather the district, in which the multi- tude of ancient Persian monuments is found, and so extended to the tomb of Cyrus itself, (the ruins, according to Chardin, extend- ing as far as ten leagues round,) which stands in the plain of Mourghaub, a plain which is connected with that of Merdasht, and watered by the KJmr-Aub, the Cyrus of the ancients. CH. CCXV. a. Ma/?. Xw/3. avjjr. c. rfiv upnv .... atyac at the seasonable time to bring them goats. Sometimes we find the point of time in the accus., but this only in general notions of time, such as seasonably, lastly, where the accus. stands for the cognate substantive. So here r)v wpijv = wpalov, neut. ace. Jelf, 577, obs. 1. i-jrayiv'tttv, Ion. for iirayuv. d. > icoXirov the Gulf of the Arabs, from nXtv0j, the W.most city of Egypt. Smith's C. D. b. 2n>(3h>vi5og \ifivt)f El-Arisch, cf. iii. 5. Kdatov opoQ, El-Kas. B. The boundary of Egypt and Syria. R. p. 245, &c. c. Trapoo-ayyijc the farsang of the Persians = 30 stades, rather BOOK II. EUTERPE. 93 more than a league. Cf. R. p. 331, seqq. Others make it equal to 60 stades ; others to 40. d. (TXOIVOS .... OdXaaaav. On this and on the next ch., R. p. 16, 19, and 427, observes, in the report of Hdtus as to the extent of Egypt, he uses a stade totally different from that he uses when he refers to Greece or Persia. This appears in a remarkable in- stance, where he assigns the same number of stades, within 15, to the space between Athens and Pisa, as between Heliopolis and the sea-coast of Egypt; although the former be about 105, and the latter 86 G. miles only; the one giving a proportion of 755, the other of 1012 to a degree. So that he appears to have used stades of different scales without a consciousness of it. It appears that the error arises from his having taken the schoeni one third above^ the real standard ; that is, 60 stades, instead of 40, as it really ap- pears to be. See throughout ch. i. Land and People, of H. Egypt, and article 1, of JEyyptus, Class. Diet. CH. VII. a. 'HXiovTroAioc In the O. T. Ow, or Bethshemesh. Smith's C. D. About 6 miles to the N. E. of Memphis. Cf. par- ticularly E. Orient. H. ch. ii. p. 5658, and Hist, of Gr. Lit. Herodotus, p. 262. Also cf. R. p. 539, and Long, Egypt. Ant. i. p. 47, seqq. b. SvwStiea .... /3w/ioi5 This altar, cf. vi. 108, stood in the forum at Athens, and was built by Pisistratus, s. of Hippias, and dedi- cated by him to the twelve gods, whilst he was Archon ; which office he must have held while nis father Hippias was yet in power, and before 510, B. c., when he finally withdrew from Athens. Hence B. dates its erection 519, B. c., while the power of the Pisistratidse was yet unbroken. Cf. Thucyd. vi. 54. B. is of opinion that, from the frequent allusions to this altar, in inscrip- tions where distances are laid down, it served the same purpose at Athens as the golden milestone at Rome, to mark out, by measuring from it the length of roads both through Attica and the other countries of Greece. So also from the interesting relic, London stone, the Roman roads in Britain are said tu have been measured. Observe, however, that though the great military roads terminated at the " millarium aureum," a gilt pillar set up by Augustus in the forum, to which B. alludes, yet that distances were not measured to that, but to the gates of the city. c. rb pr) 'icraQ K. T. X. Cf. ii. 6, d. KaraSti TTIVT. araSiiiiv, Priva- tive gen. Cf. Jelf, 529, 1. CH. VIII. a. 'EpvQpijv QaXaaaav i. e. the Sinus Arabicus, the Red Sea. B. Cf. ii. 158, c., and D. p. 61. On its wider significa- tion, cf. i. 1, b. On the mts mentioned, cf. ii. 124, b. b. Tai>Ty fttv .... opoQ The mt. ending in that part where the quarries are, (i. e. not going on any further from N. to S.,) takes a turn towards that part which I have mentioned, (viz. to the Red Sea, as was said in line 4,) and then continues upwards with that sea, (and thus in an E. or S. E. direction,) extending to the region offrankin- 94 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. cense. On this mt. cf. also ii. 124, 6., ii. 158, and on its length, " a journey of two months," see the remarks of D. p. 72. On the quarries of Egypt, cf. H. Egypt, ch. i. p. 291293. " In the S. E. was found Syenite or Oriental granite, used for monoliths, such as obelisks, colossi, &c. The most N. district were mt. chains com- posed of calcareous stone, whence the pyramids were constructed the middle district, from Syene to Latopolis or Esneh, of sand- stone, of which the temples in U. Egypt are built, of various colours, grey, yellowish, pure white, with veins, occasionally, of light-pink or rose-colour." Cf. also E. Orient. H. ch. i. p. 14. c. Karu\vfji(vnv covered, from KartiXvu, obvolvo, obtego. W. d. we tlvai AlyviTTov -for ichat is considered to belong to Egypt, so as to be the country of Egypt, q. d. that from Heliopolis, Egypt strictly so called, extends to no great width. B. So Jelf, 869, 6, ut in JEgypto, for Egypt. CH. IX. a. ovrot awTiOtifizvoi K. T. \. Here Hdtus reckons 4860 stades from Heliopolis to Thebes, and in c. 7, supr., from the sea to Heliopolis, 1500; therefore, according to this calculation, there would be 6360 stades from the sea to Thebes ; while in this ch. he makes it but 6120. So that there is a mistake of 240 stades ; pro- bably the fault of the transcribers. Schw. On the exact agree- ment of the measurements of Hdtus with those made by the French, of the ruins of Thebes, from the sea 850 miles, and from Elephantine 225 miles, cf. E. Orient. H. p. 44. CH. X. a. yiiXovtovTOfirsvTaarofiov Cf. also c. 17, infr., where, as here, in enumerating the mouths of the Nile, Hdtus makes only 5 instead of 7, omitting the Bolbitine and Phatnitic, or Bucolic, as being artificial. B. For an account of the mouths of the Nile, collected from ancient and modern authorities, cf. R. sect. 19, E. Orient. H. ch. i. p. 19. H. 1. 1. p. 299, and the map opposite, p. 2S6. A few lines above, tioirip yt ra mpi "l\wv K. T. \. " How readily our author's memory turned to the different districts of his native land from his later home at Thurium, is shown by his comparison of some small portions of the sea-coast about Ilion, and in Ionia, with the larger localities of Egypt." D. p. 40. b. 'Extvafav Small islands at the mouth of the Achelous ; Cur- zolari, Smith's C. D. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 102. CH. XI. a. firjfOQ (ilv K. T. X. "Hdtus reckons the gulf itself 40 days' navigation : wherefore we may take the whole to Cape Gar- dafui at full two months'. The whole is about 30 degrees ; equal to 71 days, at 23 miles per day." R. p. 696. Cf. also p. 197, seqq. Niebuhr, the father of the Roman historian, D. p. 62, mentions, sailed the whole length of the Red Sea in 34 days, so that Hdtus' calculations were tolerably correct on this subject. According to Arrowsmith, Eton Geog. 23, p. 572, who probably reckons it only as far as the Straits of Babelmandel, and not to C. Gardafui, it is 1200 miles long, and 170 across in the widest part. From making the breadth so small, Breiger, quoted by B., concludes that Hdtus BOOK II. EUTERPE. 95 is here speaking only of the breadth of the upper extremity of the sea, the Sinus Heroopolites, Sea of Suez. b. IK rrjs jSopjjtijg QaXaoariz from the sea on the north, here mean- ing the Mediterranean, cf. ii. 32, e., as distinguished from ?/ vorirj QaXaaaa, the same as j 'Epw0p7), the Indian Ocean : of which the Red Sea or the Arabian, as well as the Persian Gulf, was part: cf. i. 1, b. Cf. particularly on the relative force of the terms, the sea on the north, and the sea on the south, iv. 13, c. c. ffxtdbv pri . . . . xuptie- This passage is explained by Blomfield, Gloss. Choeph. 449. awTtrpaivnv, to bore through or penetrate, so as nearly to meet one another. An intimos recessus penetrant idem fere terra spatium dissecanies, ut initium hujus cum Jine illius con- cordet, quod ad parallelismum attinet ; parvo autem spatio inter se distant. The sense of which appears to be, that the two arms of the sea (the one being the Red Sea, and the other supposed by Hdtus formerly to have existed, the first running from S. to N. from the Indian Ocean, and the other from N. to S. from the Mediterranean) carried out their extremities nearly to the same ex- tent, (so that the end of the one sea was nearly in the same parallel with the mouth of the other,) but were separated from each other only by a small tract of land. If I have rightly understood the above explanation of Blomfield, it differs from that given in S. and L. D., where TrapaXXao-rovrac is explained of passing by, and over lapping each other. d. IXirojuat. / think or reckon. In the same sense in the oracle, i. 65, &c. B. CH. XII. a. irpoKunsvnv K. r.X. extending farther into the sea than the adjoining country, to wit, Libya. b. fie\dyyaiov TS (cat (cartppjjyj/v^tvjjv both of a black soil and crumbling. Hence Egypt was anciently called X^/ii'a, cf. ii. 2, a. CH. XIII. a. b TTOTajtoe K. T. \. On the inundations of the Nile, cf. E. Orient. H. ch. i. p. 17, seqq., and H. 1. I. p. 287, seqq. b. Moipi ovKta fiv K. T. \. Dating Hdtus' visit to Egypt at 450 B. c., cf. ii. 1, a., and Moeris 2040 B. c., (Chronol. E. Orient. H.,) the number of years intervening will be about 1500. c. ov yap .... cnroffTpoaT) -for they have no other refuge against the want of, i. e. resource for obtaining, water. CH. XIV. a. tl Ufa vairat K.T.\. This was the opinion of many of the ancients, cf. also iii. 10: travellers, however, have ob- served rain in Egypt ; less in Upper Egypt, in which, see Pococke i. p. 195, during the space of eight years it had been known to rain hard but twice for about half an hour, but much more frequently in Lower Egypt, especially during the winter. Cf. H. /. 1. p. 286. b. ot ovTf aporpif) K.T.\. Cf. Deuteron. xi. 10, " For the land is not as the land of Egypt where thou sowedst thy seed, and wateredst it with thy foot, as a garden of herbs." Cf. H. /. /. p. 288, seqq. c. vg. From the probability of the swine eating instead of tram- 96 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. pling in the seed, and from the use of oxen, and not swine, in tread- ing out the grain, Deuteron. xxv. 4, the word fioi> has been here, and in the following line, conjectured instead of the \>f and vai in the text. L. considers that Hdtus was mistaken as to the time when the pigs were let into the fields; which, perhaps, was done before the corn was sown, that they might eat the roots of the aquatic plants, which might injure the grain ; but B. confirms the use of the pigs to trample the grain in, from Plutarch Sympos. iv. p. 670, and other authors ; though their employment in treading it out he is unable to confirm, and would therefore read /3ovm, but for the unanimous authority of the MSS. Perhaps the employment of swine instead of oxen in treading out the corn, arose from the reverence among the Egyptians to the latter animal, and their con- sequent unwillingness to use it for a servile purpose. H. /. 1. p. 337, agrees with the account given in the text as it stands. CH. XV. a. ntpjEojc o7rti/e. This watch-tower stood on the prom, of Canopus, immortalized since as Aboukir. B. b. TO ?rapd QaXaaaav K. T. X. Reckoning the distance along the coast from the Canopic to the Pelusian mouth at 40 schoeni, and each schoenus at 40 stades, cf. ii. 6, d., which gives a total of 1GOO stades, the calculation of Hdtus will not be far from that of modern geographers, who make the distance about 34^ G. miles. c. Tapxijtuiv. This name is found added to that of more than one place in Egypt; cf. ii. 113; it was derived probably from their preserving in those places the embalmed bodies. W. d. TroXXowc . . . vTTOKaTaj3aivovTaf many were left behind in their old possessions, and many gradually descended into the lower and more recently formed regions. From this passage H. 1. I. p. 310, infers that Thebes or U. Egypt was first inhabited, and thence the rest of Egypt was colonized and derived the seeds of civilization, &c. With regard to the assertion of Hdtus that directly follows, " that there was once a time when the whole of Egypt was called Thebes, not only the fruitful valley of the Nile, but also the Eastern and West- ern borders," cf. H. /. /. p. 432, and compare the answer of the oracle given in ii. 18. Cf. also Diod. i. 50, quoted by B. e. at Oij/3ai K. r.\. Thebes teas called Egypt. Cf. i. 93, /. Though Hdtus mentions this famous city elsewhere, ii. 3, 56, 58, yet he gives no account of it : that he visited it, may be inferred from the conversations held in ii. 143, and cf. ii. 3 ; besides which, it would be extraordinary, that having gone as far as Elephantine, ii. 9, he should not have seen and stopped at Thebes. Unless therefore he intended to add a description of it at some later period, which from some reason he neglected, the conjecture of Creuzer would appear probable, that he purposely omitted it, as Hecataeus had already given an account of it. Cf. H. /. L p. 430. Cf. on it Homer, II. ix. 383, seq. ; Tacitus, Ann. ii. 60 ; and Diod. i. 49. The Gk name of Thebes, AwairoXtc, indicates that it was the No, or No-Ammon, of the O. T., the possession of Amman, the Egyptian Jupiter. Cf. BOOK II. EUTERPE. 97 ii. 42, g. It stood on both banks of the Nile, where Medynet-alu now stands, on the \V. side of the river, and Luxor and Karnak on the E. B. The name Thebse is perhaps derived from the Egyptian word TJibaki, the city, and the No-Ammon of the He- brews and Diospolis of the Greeks are mere translations of Thbaki- antepi-Amoun of the Egyptians, i. e. City of the Most High. E. Orient. H. p. 45. On Thebes and its monuments, cf. the ch. so entitled, in H. Egypt., and the plan of the city in the same vol. Read also E. Orient. H. ch. ii., Thebes, p. 3845, and Long, Egypt. Ant. i. p. 62, seqq. /. rye K. r. X. These measurements refer not to the city, but. to the territory, the Thebaid, or U. Egypt, from Heptanomis to the borders of Ethiopia. B. CH. XVI. a. rpi'a /iopia K. r. X. The division of the world, W. observes, was a point of great doubt among the ancients, some making but two continents, Asia and Europe, considering Africa to be a portion of the last; as Sallust, Bell. Jug. c. 17; others again considering it to consist of three, as Lucan. Pharsal. ix. 410, but still connecting Africa with Europe ; while Isocrates, Paneg., and Silius Italicus, i. 195, hold it rather to belong to Asia. " Hdtus, R. observes, p. 3, and 411, " excludes Egypt from Africa, as well as from Asia; which can only be accounted for on the ground that he does not, like others, distribute the habitable world into conti- nents, but regions ; and that Egypt might, be considered as a region of itself. He seemed to think Egypt, if we may so say, extra-con- tinental : in effect, he thought the land of Egypt alone constituted the natural and proper limits or boundary of Asia and Africa. Thus in iv. 39, he says Asia terminates at Egypt, and in iv. 41, that Libya begins where Egypt ends. Again, in ii. 65, Egypt is said to be near to Libi/a, (to which may be added, that in iv. 197, when enumerating the nations of Libya, he says nothing of the Egyp- tians.) On the other hand, in iv. 41, 42, he says, except in that part which is contiguous to Asia, the whole of Libya is surrounded by sea, &c. It certainly appears on the whole that Hdtus had either no decided opinion of his own on the subject, or that in one of the places he has merely expressed the opinions of others, with- out explaining his own." See also D. p. 59 62. b. TOV AlAra .... NfiXoc but the Nile parts into two streams at the apex of this Delta, &c. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. i. p. 1721, and H. /. /. p. 287, seqq. CH. XVII. a. KaracovTTuv .... ' E\t(pavrivriG These were the bounds of Egypt towards Nubia; the first is now called the lesser cataract, Chcllal, not far from Syene. Elephantine, an island and a city, the boundary of Egypt from the Pharaohs till the Romans; cf. Tacit. Ann. ii. 61, just below the cataracts, near Syene. it is now called Jcziret-el-zahir, i. e. the flowery island. B., and E. Orient. H. ch. ii. p. 36. b. fiixp* pw NtlXoc K. r.X. On the mouths of the Nile cf. ii. 98 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 10, a., and refs. iy It Sff rj N. tffrtv tfSt, but the direct path or courst of the Nile is the following. On the dativus commodi here cf. Jelf, 597, obs. 2, and V. 8, a. CH. XVIII. a. Mnplijc This city stood beyond the Delta, on the S. side of the lake Mareotis: it was noted for its wine even till the time of the Romans. Cf. Virgil, Georg. ii. 91, &c. The re- gion where it stood, now almost a desert, is called Mariuth. B. Cf. Horace i. Od. 37, 14. The city Apis stood on the coast of the Medit. on the border of the country towards Libya. Smith's C. D. 6. /3ouX6/ivoi .... tp-yeodai cf. ii. 41, fl., IV. 186. c. teal OVK ofioXoytitv avrolai and do not use the same language tcith them. Cf. i. 142. W. 6 SI 6c a<; K. r. \. cf. iii. 15, d., and re'f. to H . CH. XIX. a. OTI Karspxrrai K.T.\. art, why, wherefore. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 477, e. " From the constant rains in the upper districts of Ethiopia from May to Sept., the Nile begins to rise in Egypt about the time of the summer solstice in the middle of June. It continues to rise till the end of July, though still confined with- in its channel, but in the first half of August it overflows its banks, inundates the neighbouring territory, and its waters continue with- out intermission to extend themselves till Sept. About this time it begins gradually to fall, but so slowly that it is not till the end of October that the waters return completely into their bed." H. /. /. p. 287- b. airo\i'nrii>v TO ptiOpov decreasing as to, i. e. in its stream, or, bulk of water. Cf. vii. 43, a. c. avpae -foggy vapours. B. Cool breezes from the water. S. and L. D. CH. XX. a. rS>v r/ tripi] K. r. X. Thales' opinion, according to Seneca. B. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. i. p. 17- On the Etesian winds, cf. vi. 140, a. " Agatharchides appears to have been the first who discovered the true cause of the overflow of the Nile." Agathar- chid. ap. Diod. i. p. 50. H. 1. I. See also D. p. 69. CH. XXI. a. r/ & MpT) K.T.\. The opinion of the Egyptian priests, according to Diod. i. 37, also of Euthymenes of Massilia, of Dicaearchus, and of Hecataeus of Miletus, cf. ii. 143, a., who visited and described Egypt. B. CH. XXII. a. i} Se TpiTT) K.T.X. The opinion of Anaxagoms. and of Euripides, Frag, ex Archelai tragaed. and Helen. 3. B. Observe the force of the particles Z>v and Hjra here ; " But the third supposition, though by far the most plausible, is furthest from the truth. For it is plain, &}, that this is not better founded than the rest, since it asserts that the waters of the Nile are sup- plied by melted snow. For the Nile flows from Libya through the midst of Ethiopia and thence into Egypt. How then (wv), / ask (irjra), could its waters be supplied by snow, seeing that it flows from the hottest regions of the earth to those that are of a colder temperature?" Stephens' Gk Particles, p.. 102, seqq. 6. ruv rd TroXXd sub. rtr/i^pia, W.; but the sentence does not BOOK II. EUTERPE. 99 appear to need it; render, of which reasons the greater part are of such a kind, that to a man capable of forming an opinion on such subjects, it would not appear even probable that the increase of the Nile should be owing to snow. B. c. on avopppoq K. r. \. In this, as regards the mountainous parts of Ethiopia, Hdtus was mistaken. Strabo and Callisthenes both ascribed the overflow of the Nile to its true cause ; viz. the violent rains that fall in Ethiopia from May to September. W. Cf. ii. 19, a. Homer appears to have known it, from the epithet of Suittry^ swelled by the rains, applied by him to the Nile, Odyss. v. 477. B. rf. tirl & . . . . riftspfjai K. T. \. but as a consequence of snow falling there needs must be rain within five days. Cf. Jelf, 699, obs. 2. This remark applied, probably, to Halicarnassus or Thurii, where Hdtus lived, and hence he has transferred it to Ethiopia, as if it were a universal rule. As regards the cranes, and the cause of the blackness of the natives, cf. Seneca Quaest. iv. 2, and Etirip. Helen, v. 1497- W. CH. XXIII. a. 'O Se irepi 'Qntavov A^af. Hecataeus of Miletus is meant, cf. ii. 21, a. supr. The obscure cause, which contains no- thing to convince us, mentioned shortly after, refers to the river Oceanus, the mighty stream said to encompass the whole disc of the earth. Cf. iv. 8, and Homer II. xiv. 245. B. Cf. also D. p. 59. b. fi riva ruv K. r. X. Cf. ii. 53, c. CH. XXIV. a. rffv xufii(>ivi)v K. r. \. The origin of this notion of Hdtus is explained by Bredow, Uranologia, Herod, p. 7> 13, quoted at length in B. " It arose from his belief that the earth was a flat surface, on which the heavens were fitted like a hollow hemisphere ; the extremities of which joined the edges of the world: during the summer time in Greece, the sun held a middle course in the heavens, but when the cold came on, he was driven further south, to Libya, &c., where, accordingly, it was summer, while it was winter in Greece. Hdtus of course considered Greece to be in the middle of the earth ; an idea, as regards Delphi, con- tinually found in the Tragedians. Cf. " Philosophy of Hdtus," Blackwood's Mag. Jan. 1842; and D. p. 5962, and p. 68. CH. XXV. a. 'Qf Sn\u>Tai. Cf. Jelf, 864, 1. inroXeiirioBai TTtpi ioivrov. Also the opinion of the Stoics, who thought that the sun was, as it were, fed with water. Cf. Cicero, Nat. Deor. ii. 15. B. Cf. D. p. 69. b. UVT'OQ tuivrov K. T. X. much inferior in bulk of tcater to what it generally is, viz. than in summer. Cf. Jelf, 782, g. If the sub- ject at one time is compared with itself at another, so that AN IN- CREASE OP DEGREE is signified, the genitive of the reflexive pro- nouns ipavTov, fffcivrov, iavrov is used, and after this last avro^ is added. Sometimes, as here, the difference of time is marked by T;, and an expression of time. Cf. v. 28, a., viii. 86, b., fj Trpbg Evfioiy. CH. XXVI. a. Siaicaiwv *. r. X. Sol qui exitrat suum transitutn, i. e. omnia quce transeat exurat : burning up, heating to excess. S. ami a 2 100 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. L. D. On the comparison of the Nile and the Danube cf. ii. 33, see D. p. 65, 66, 68. CH. XXVII. a. rfjs avprje K. T. \. Cf. ii. 19, c. CH. XXVIII. a. dpxi/v -from of old, from at first. Cf. i. 9, a. b. NfiXov rdf wijyac K. r. X. Cf. Hor. iv. Od. 14, 15, Te, fontium qui, &c. Diod. Sic. i. 37, also mentions the universal ignorance on this point. The name Nile seems connected with the Indian term Nilas, black, E. Orient. H. p. 15 ; which see for the allusions to it in the Greek and Latin poets. Many consider that Bruce, in placing the fountains of the Nile near the village of Gisch in Abyssinia, has mistaken one of the rivers that fall into the Nile for the Nile itself. The confluence of the Bahr el Azrek, the Blue River, the Abyssinian and E. branch, and the Bahr el Abiad, i. e. the IVhite River, is in about lat. 16 N.,* and the name of Nile, it should seem, should be restricted to the united waters of the Blue and White Rivers ; but which of these two great streams has better claim to be re- garded as the main branch of the Egyptian river, is yet a question. The " White River" has never been explored ; and this, as he con- siders it to be the more remote as well as the largest stream, R., p. 441, holds to be the true head of the Nile ; placing its source, not in Abyssinia, but in some country very far to the S. W. of it, and perhaps as far S. as the parallel of 6, but less remote than Hdtus, Ptolemy, or the Arabian Geographers supposed. That Bruce visited the E. sources of the Nile, R., p. 436, entertains no doubt ; but these he denies to be the proper heads of the Nile. Cf. particularly Early Orient. Hist. ch. i. p. 16, Smith's C. D., Nilus, and D. p. 64-66. c. ypaju/uarioT7c K - T. X. the secretary, steward of the college, or bursar ; " appointed to manage the common treasure of the temple, arising from the revenue of the estates attached to it." H. 1. 1. p. 326. d. Su/jvtje Assouan. On Elephantine cf. ii. 17, a. e. Kpw0t .... M<20i Crophi, according to Champollion, quoted by B., means la mauvaise ; and Mophi, la bonne. f. ravra yivopfva tAty, ra yivofitva, ea quce sunt et reapse con- tinqunt. W. CH. XXIX. a. avu iovrt, dat. commodi. Cf. Jelf, 599, 1, Dat. expressing reference to. KaTairip fiovv, i. e. they fasten ropes to the vessel on both sides, for the purpose of drawing it along, in the same manner that the priests were wont to fasten ropes on the horns of restive oxen to drag them up to the altar. b. fjdr) immediately after, or from this point. When applied to space jjlr) denotes to point where a new country or territory imme- diately begins. Jelf, 719, 4, a. 1. Ta^o^u According to H. Ethiop. ch. ii. p. 175, 457, seqq., the island Kalabshe, or per- haps another 20 miles further on. Qu. Derar. Smith's C. D., Tachempsah, i. e. the place of many crocodiles. B. * At a place catlled Khartoum. See Melly's account of the junction of the two ttreawb in his " Khartoum and the Kilei." BOOK II. EUTERPE. 101 c. i^trat .... fityaXt}. This great lake does not now exist : it might have been only a temporary inundation, or the features of the country may have been changed since, and the lake filled up with sand. Cf. H. Ethiop. ch. ii. p. 175, and on the course of the Nile above Egypt, p. 343, seqq. d. eat tTrttra .... Mtpoij. Part of this description is quoted and admired by Longinus de Sublim. 26. See the remarks in Spur- dens' translation. " We may safely conclude, 1st, that the ancient island of Meroe is the present province of Atbar, between the river of the same name, or the Tacazze, on the right, and the white stream and Nile on the left. It is between 13 and 18 N. lat. In recent times it has formed a great part of the kingdom of Sen- naar, and the S. part belongs to Abyssinia. 2ndly, Meroe was an extensive district, surrounded by rivers, whose superficial contents exceeded those of Sicily rather more than one half. Srdly, Upon, this island stood the city of the same name a little below the 4 present Shendy, under 17 N. lat., 5 E. long." H. Afr. Nat. i. State of Meroe, ch. ii. Cf. also Smith's C. D., Meroe. e. Aia Otuv cat Aiowffov Jupiter Ammon, and Osiris, are meant. Cf. ii. 41, a., 42, c. /., and particularly H. Ethiop. ch. ii. State of Meroe, p. 209, seqq. " Ammon was the original oracle god of Africa ; if afterwards, as was the case in Egypt, other deities de- livered oracles, yet they were of his race, of his kindred," &c. ry or, quocunque. Cf. Jelf, 605, obs. 5, Local Dat. The adverbial datives are used both in the transmissive as well as the local forcft of the dative. CH. XXX. a. AvTOfjioXovs. These deserted, according to Diod. Sic. i. 67, from a different reason to that here given ; viz. because Psammetichus, when marching into Syria, gave the honour of the right wing to foreign soldiers, and placed the Egyptians on the left. The foreign soldiers of Diod. were probably the lonians and Carians mentioned in ii. 152. If this be correct, it agrees with the conjecture of 'Affaer/jax for 'Adfidx, i. e. tvwvofiirat, those placed on the left. B. b. 'Aiyvnr'uiiv TUV /ia-^i/iiitv of those of the war-tribe, soldier-caste. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 154, and H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 327 330. iptiXaicai Kitrtffr. Trpoc AlQioTTwv K.T.\. Custodies collocates sunt adversus JEthiopes, &c., properly, before the Ethiopians, &c. ; but the gen. denotes them as the cause of the guard, as in Latin munimenta ab hoste. Jelf, 638, I. 2, e. On the island of Elephantine, cf. ii. 17, a. c. Acupvyat K. T.\. Mentioned in ii. 107; it stood about 16 miles S. of Pelusium, and is the Taphnes and Tahpanhes of the O. T. It was thither " the rebellious Jews under Johanan retired, and not long after Nebuchadnezzar took it, and placed his throne in the entry of it, as Jeremiah had pointed out by the hiding of stones. Jer. xliii. 711. Ezek. xxx. 18." Prid. d. Maps?. Cf. ii. 18, a. e. Tpia ma K. T. \. Cf. Aristot. Rhet. iii. 16, 5. 102 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. f. OVK ta was for not allowing them, tried to dissuade them. Cf. v.'96, a., and Jelf, 398, 2, also ix. 2, a. g. TUIV le nva In Machiavelli, Hist, of Florence, viii., a similar speech is attributed to Catherine Sforza. B. h. rovrovc tfiXivi it\6vTag Here tJtXovrae, which refers to the Egyptian deserters, governs TOVTOV$, i. e. the Ethiopians, who were dispossessed of their territory. With regard to the extent of Ethiopia, R., p. 430, remarks, that, by it Hdtus designs the whole of the S. part of Africa, extensive, as from his own descriptions, he must have conceived it to be. Cf. also H. Ethiop. p. 147, seqq. CH. XXXII. a. \E} Si AZyvTrroc . KIITO.I. That this is an error of Hdtus, owing to the limited state and means of obtaining geographical knowledge in his time, is now well known. Observe in this sentence uvrii) with Gen. of Position, Jelf, 525, and in the next, avriov with Dot. expressing reference to. Cf. i. 14, d. b. irivTi ijfjifpiuv K. r. A. Cf. i. 72, d. , BOOK II. EUTERPE. 105 CH. XXXV. a. ipya Xoyov fww wonders too great for descrip- tion. On TO. TroXXd iravra, cf. i. 203, b. b. ayopd&vai in foro agunt et versantur. On Kairri\evovaivovffi. " Weaving undoubtedly employed a large part of the population as it was the business of men, it was therev-> no f merely a domestic affair, but carried on in large manufactories." Jn the perfection to which the art was earned, cf. E. Orient. L. rn. iv. p. 165, H. Egypt, ch. iv. p. 453, seqq. Cf. also iii. 47. c. km r. KtQ., upon their heads. Cf. Jelf, 633, I. d. ipdrai taket, the office of priestess. This applies probably only to the more ancient times under the Pharaohs. Though women did not then act as priestesses, yet, cf. ii. 54, they held inferior offices in the temples in Egypt, like the lipoSov\oi in Greece. Cf. i. 182, a. e. T(i'iv K. T. X. Cf. also Diod. i. 88, and Plutarch de Isid. et Osirid. p. 363. B. Only red oxen were sacrificed among the Egyptians, both because Typhon was red, and because the Apis was black ; cf. iii. 28. B. L. remarks " that the Jews borrowed from the Egyptians the sacrifice of a red heifer without spot." That such was the colour of the victim whose ashes were used for the purpose of purifying the unclean is certain ; cf. Numb. xix. 2, and Heb. ix. 13; but the colour of the victim was most probably not derived from the Egyptians, but was typical of Christ, spoken of in Isaiah Ixiii. 1 3, as clothed in red apparel, which, as the colour of blood, denoted either his death, or the bloody destruction of his enemies. c. ti KaQapti rOtv irpoic. ai^^'nav if it be without blemish touching tJie appointed marks : jjv Si TOVTWV irdvTwv y icaSapof if in all these 108 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. respects it be without blemish. This is explained by Jelf of the Gen. Privat., and so in S. and L. D. also; but it seems to me erroneously, as the beast was plainly to have the marks, and not to be without them, iv d\\i[i Xoyy in alia narrationis parte. Id de quo hie agitur, habes iii. 28. Schw. d. yrjv arjfiai'rpida of the same nature probably with the Creta Asiatica spoken of by Cicero in Verr. iv. 26, &c., cf. Plutarch de Isid. et Osirid. p. 363, who mentions that the seal bore the figure of a man kneeling with his hands behind his back, and a sword presented to his throat. B. CH. XXXIX. a. K.t(j>a\y raropi/ffa/uvot As an expiatory sa- crifice on whose head they laid their sins, and devoted to destruc- tion. Cf. the sin-offering, Levit. xvi. 8, 21, 22; Numb. viii. 12. aw' uv idovro, they sell it them straightway. In the continued nar- rations of Hdtus, ovv is found in its Ionic form &v, in the sense of straightway, and between a preposition and the verb with which it is compounded. Jelf, 737, 3, cf. also 643, obs. 2, Tmesis in Compound Verbs. b. fapovm, rolfft K. T. X. -ferunt (caput) ii, quibus forum est etquibus Grteci adsunt mercatores, hi igitur caput in forum ferunt et vendere so- lent ; quibus vero Greed non adsunt, hi caput influmen conjiciunt. B. CH. XL. a. tJjaipfffic the taking out and inspection of the en- trails. Cf. ii. 57, b. b. firtav Si airortyuivrai but when they have done beating them- selces. Cf. ii. 73, diroirtipr)6y. The burning of the ox's body after taking off the limbs and stuffing it with spices, alludes, according to Creuzer, to the mutilation and subsequent embalmment of Osiris. The stuffing of the animal, with the exception of the oil to make it burn, he refers to the discovery of corn and the cultivation of the vine. B. See also the remarks of H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 358, seqq., on the popular feasts and sacred rites of the Egyptians ; which, notwithstanding the influence of agriculture and the arts of peace and the teaching of the ruling caste, bear evident marks of the rude state in which the lower classes remained, as to their character and manner of thinking; above which, in a moral point of view, they seem to have been very little raised, &c. CH. XLI. a. rac <5t 0^\ac ic. r. X. This regulation, which last- ed till the Emperor Constantine, arose from the utility of the fe- male for breeding, and also from the cow being the symbol of Isis, and the emblem of the creative power of nature. The name*Ix ?Kitr. dXXd /icrX. To call particular attention to a leading notion or thought, the Gks fre- quently express it twice once positively, and then negatively, or vice versa,- (Parallelismus antitheticus ;) cf. Thucyd. vii. 44. Jelf, 899, 6, Pleonasm. CH. XLIV. a. aiiroOi 'HpajcXeog The Hercules of the Phoe- nicians was possibly the same deity, the lord of the solar system, whom the Egyptians worshipped. Cf. note c. on ch. 42. His title in Tyre was Melkarth, the king of the city, or the strong king. B. Cf. v. 43, c. See also D. p. 45'. b. r'i ntv -xpvaov .... XiQov On %pv. airi(j>. cf. i. 50, d. The mean- ing of fffiapdvSuv is doubtful ; for neither is emerald found pf the size here spoken of, nor, if it were, could it emit any light during the night ; on the contrary, the larger it is, the more dull, B. : pro- bably some semi-transparent stone, like the aqua-marina. S. and L. D. H. Bab. ch. ii. p. 420, conjectures it might possibly have been lapis lazuli, like the pillars of the Jesuits' church at Rome. Xd/i- Trovroe jwyafioe, shining greatly. Some substantives, standing in the equivalent ace., have assumed from long usage a purely adverbial BOOK II. EUTERPE. 113 sense, as Kpdros strongly, JEsch. Suppl. 763 ; rax<>c &c. So here ptyaQoc, = fiiyaXrjv \afnruSa. Jelf, 5/9, 7- B. thinks something must have dropped out of the text, expressive of the size of the columns. c. tlvai 8s tTia .... SiaxiXia Tyre, after Zidon, the most ancient city of Phoenicia, Strabo xvi. p. 1097 ; Isaiah, quoted by W., also alludes to her antiquity; cf. xxiii. 7, "Is this your joyous city, whose antiquity is of ancient days," &c. The antiquity here as- signed by the priests is too great, as they would thus. B. observes, place the foundation of their city at 2760 B. c., that is, before the Flood. According to Hales, Tyre was founded B. c. 2267, and Zidon at a still earlier period ; Zidon, any how, flourished at a very early age, cf. Gen. xlix. 13, " Zebulun shall dwell at the haven o'f the sea and his border shall reach unto Zidon ; " and Josh. xi. 8, " And chased them unto the great Zidon." As to the temple that the priests asserted was coeval with their city, cf. H. Phcen. ch. i. p. 295, who observes that it had been long demolished and another built in its place by kg Hiram, the friend and contemporary of Solomon. But even that the temple built by Hiram was the one seen by Hdtus, as H. seems to suppose, may be doubted ; for Old Tyre on the continent was taken by Nebuchadnezzar, after a 13 years' siege, 572 B. c., on which the inhabitants retired to the island, where they built New Tyre, the city Hdtus must have visited, sub- sequently taken by Alexander the Gt. On Tyre and the prophecies concerning it, read Ezek. xxvi. xxix., and Isaiah xxiii., and Keith upon Prophecy, under Tyre. twwv. i%. Qa) GvfjLirtaitiv K. T. X. For I certainly cannot affirm that the Egyptian practice with regard to the festival of the god, is a mere coincidence with that of Greece : for in this case ice should be obliged to suppose that the Greek practice was of native growth, and not, as i'.v the case, of recent imputation. Or, for I do not mean to assert that the coincidence between the Dionysiac rites as practised in Egypt and in Greece iras accidental ; for [had the Grecian rites been indigen- ous] they would have been in accordance with the Grecian character, and not of recent introduction. Such appears the sense required by the context, Hdtus asserting his belief that the Dionysia of Greece were partially borrowed from Egypt : for the coincidence could i : 2 116 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. not have been accidental, nor could Egypt have borrowed from Greece. d. rr)v vvv Eonurirjv K.r.X. So called from the Boeotians, an ^Eolian tribe, who were driven from Arne by the Thessalians, 60 years after Bell. Troj., and established themselves in it : formerly called Cadmeis. Cf. Thucyd. i. 12, and Diod. Sic. iv. 67. B. Cf. Smith's C. D. Bceotia, and Smith's D. of A., Sceotarch. CH. L. a. Zxov St K.r.X. Hdtus means to say that the Egyptian names of the deities were transferred into Greece, not by the use of the actual Egyptian name among the Greeks, but by the translation of its sense into Gk ; so that the notion conveyed in the name was the same in both languages. Creuz. Symb. ii. p. 282292, in B. Cf. ii. 55, a., 81, b. b. tag ttal irportpov K. r. \. Cf. ii. 43. Creuzer, Symb. ii. p. 334, observes, that if there be any similarity to be found between the Dioscuri of the Gks, and the Cabiric deities of the Egyptians, it is not to be looked for either in the name or in the origin of these deities, but simply in the influence they were supposed to exercise ; for the Egyptian religion acknowledged no heroes as deities, nor adored them as such. Furthermore, as to Juno, though other writers speak of an Egyptian Juno, yet it would seem more pro- bable that they have mistaken for her the Egyptian Venus, cf. ii. 41, f.; as the worship of Juno appears to have been brought from the upper parts of Asia to the island of Samos, where her most ancient Greek temple stood, and thence to the rest of Greece. From the same parts of Asia came probably the worship of Vesta. B. c. TloauStuvoc K. r. \. Cf. iv. 188. vo^ovai K.r.X. pay custom- arily no honour to, &c. Transmissive Dat, Jelf, 588, 1, and cf. 591, obs., quoted in iv. 117, . In S. and L. D. it is rendered, are not used to demigods, i. e. practise no such worship. von'iZ,nv cum dat. like xp7j<70at, to be accustomed to a thing : hence to make common use of, to use; iv. 63, a., vou. i>ai. 117, a., Qutvy., there quoted. CH. LI. a. ravra vtvopiKaai have adopted these customs, &c. Accus. after verbs of learning, practising, being in tJie habit of. Jelf, 561. rtXiovm ig"EX\T]vag, are reckoned among the Gks, accounted as Gks. Cf. S. and L. D., riXiu, ii. 2. Cf. vi. 53, a., 108, b. b. ra Kapfiniov K. r. X. The Cabin were the " Magni Dii" adored in the Samothracian Mysteries ; according to some, four in num- ber, Ceres, Proserpine, Pluto, and Casmilus, the same with the ithyphallic Mercury. In these mysteries it is manifest Hdtus was initiated. Cf. Hist, of Gr. Lit., Herodotus, p. 250, and p. 261, Smith's D. of G. and R. Biog., Cabiri, and Creuz. Symb. ii. p. 318, who observes by this Mercury ithyphallicus was typified the creative and generative force in all things, especially in the male, opposed to Proserpine, the same nature in the female, the one con- sidered to reside in the sun, the other in the moon. Hence Cicero, De Nat. Deor. iii. 22, Plutarch, and Porphyry understand the first tie Sole vegetante, and the second dc Luna tegetata. B. 6pyt ^t^in/- BOOK II. EUTERPE, 117 rat, has been initiated into the mysteries. Accus. of Cognate notion, Jelf, 548, 6. CH. LII. a. tirwvvpiTiv It r.r.X. Hence Mitford, ch. ii. 1, concludes that the Pelasgians acknowledged but one god, for where polytheism prevails, distinguishing appellations must and will be given; but the unity of the Deity precludes such a necessity. b. Qtovs . . . . ort Koafiy Q'tvrtc K. r. A. Hence Hdtus derives 6t6c from Ouvai, to arrange or constitute the world. Plato, Cratyl. p. 397, derives it from 0ayiiv, its fruit being used for food in ancient times. c. oi aXXoi .... ipov. Whether Hdtus here intended to mean the Selli, cf. note b. on following ch., or, as they were also called, Hetti and Tomuri, whom Strabo, vii. p. 328, says were originally the priests of and attendants at the oracle round which they dwelt, (and in whose stead three priestesses were afterwards appointed,) is uncertain. B. CH. LVL a. aireSovro, they sold. i. 70, c. b. irpriOijvai EC Qiffirpurovf, Dodona, in Thesprotia, (which Hdtus doubtless visited, see D. p. 40,) stood, as Pouqueville has accurately determined, not far from where the city Janina now is, around which region the Selli formerly dwelt, on the site where the castle of Castezza at present stands. The mt which rises on the north of it, was probably the Tmnurus, so celebrated by the poets. B. " In the heart of this country, Epirus, within whose limits the Mo- lossians, Thesprotians, Chaonians, and many other obscurer people, had, from the earliest times, led the same life and kept the same institutions, stood the ancient temple of Dodona, a name famous for generations before Delphi was yet in existence ; the earliest seat of the Grecian oracles, whose ministers, the Selli, a priesthood of austerest life, received the answers of the god through no human prophet, but from the rustling voice of the sacred oaks which shel- tered the temple." Arnold, Hist, of Rome, ii. p. 438. Cf. par- ticularly on Mt Tomurus, (clearly the Someru of the Indian Epic, another form of Meru, the sacred mountain, again to be prominently recognised in Meroe of Ethiopia, the seat of a high sacerdotal caste,) E. Hist, of Gr. p. 33, ch. iii., Oriental Sources of GJr. Mythology. c. Cf. ii. 55, b. CH. LVII. a. UtXuaSte K. r. \. They were thus called, Creuzer, Symb. iv. p. 161, considers, because the dove was the peculiar bird of Venus Dione, and was believed to take its seat on the oak of Jove, with whose worship at Dodona that of Venus Dione was conjoined, and thence to utter the responses of the oracle. Among 120 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. the Egyptians also the black dove was the emblem of those widows, who not being allowed by the sacerdotal laws of the Egyptians to contract another alliance on the death of their husbands, thence- forth dedicated themselves to sacred offices and ministration. Some- thing to the same effect is quoted by Creuzer from " The History of English Poetry," pref. p. 101, viz. that all that Hdtus here says, arose from a golden dove, the symbol of Venus Dione, being sus- pended from the oak of Dodona. B. b. tart Si ftavTticri K. r. X. W. renders dirinatio in tcinplis ; but TU ipa in Hdtus frequently = TO. ip/7a, the victims sacrificed. So Bvtrai TCI Ipa, i. 59, viii. 54, mactare victimas. ii. 40, >/ iaiptv\daaovTif K. T. X. Cf. i. 48, 6. CH. LXIII. a. 'HXi'ou jroXtv K. T. X. On Heliopolis cf. ii. 7, ., and on Buto, ii. 155, b. b. Tlairprifii mentioned by none of the ancients, except Hdtus, cf. ii. 63, 64, 71, 165; in the W. of the Delta. By Mannert it is identified with Xois. B. Cf. Smith's C. D., Xois. c. iv vjjy //cp

Xtv< in a little wooden shrine or chapel, cf. ii. 91. B. d. oi Sk i>x

fpov, nor bringing credit, cf. viii. 60, a. Sid irdvrutv, among all, cf. i. 25, b. b. Tovrutv airavTtiiv alriovf ysveaOat K. T. X. i. e. rovrtttv diravruv alriovQ, yivfffQai (sc. alriovf) rijc 5ov\. K. T. X. that you (the Atheni- ans) who are the authors, or cause, of these things, should be the authors of slavery to the Greeks, &c. Jelf, 893, c., Brachylogy, quoted in viii. 80, a. Various other readings have been proposed ; as Tovriwv diravruvTuv now that these (the Persians) advance against us, by Schaefer ; or aviv rovr. cnravrtav, Reiske ; or qytloOai for ytveaQcu, Steph. c. o'invts alii .... QalvtoOt av9pv. Cf. Jelf, 818, 2. An agree- able compliment to Athenian ears, V. observes, who refers to simi- lar instances of judiciously applied flattery in the Panathenaics of Isocrates and Aristides. " Their (the Spartans') ambassador spoke of what Athens owed to her own renown, as a city famed above all others for her resistance to tyranny, and her efforts in behalf of the oppressed." Thirlw. ii. c. 16, p. 324. d. oiicoQdoprjaOt ye have been ruined in house and home. Cf. v. 29. W. On rd . . . . oiKtT. typi*. all in the way of, all that belongs to, your household, cf. i. 120, a., and on \tyvuc vii. 9, 3, d. rovry jroijjrsa iari. Cf. Jelf, 613, 5, Verbal Adjectives. CH. CXLI 1 1. a. rovro yt bvtiS'ifyiv to cast this at least in our teeth, to taunt us with this : ut non opus sit de ilia nos cum multa os- tentcttione admonere. Schw. Lex. oKtag av (cat SvvupiBa, in whatever way too we are able. Jelf, 868, 3. b. tar av b ijXios K. T. X. So long as the sun held on his course, &c. Thirlw. Cf. also iv. 201, a. c. oirtv awe, reverence, regard for. Cf. ix. 76. A Homeric word. Cf. II. xvi. 388. Qi&v omv OVK dXyovrc. Odyss. xiv. 82, &C. B. iveTrprjai K. T. X. Cf. v. 102, b. ^pj/ffrd inrovp. Many verbs which have the patient in the Dativus Commodi, have the act or 2 B 418 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. commodum defined by an elliptic accus. ; as ftoj^aai ra Siieaia sc. d. ovSlv axpt nothing unpleasant. An expression by which, as often in negative descriptions, something disagreeable or dangerous is hinted at. Death is probably meant ; and, according to Lycur- gus, in Leocrat. p. 156, quoted by W., Alexander ran a considerable risk of being stoned. Cf. Pausanias* hint to Lampon, ix. 79, that he might think himself lucky to escape unpunished. Cf. i. 41, avfi$. ax- TrtTrXijy. oppressed by a terrible misfortune, and vi. 19, viii. 13, quoted by B. e. IOVTO. irpoKeivov Cf. viii. 136, c. CH. CXLIV. a. TO 'ABrjv. ^povjj^a, the sentiments, disjwsitton, of the Athenians. B. Qu. the high spirit, the courage ; as in Thucyd. ii. 43, 61. b. p'tya vTrt(Mj>ipov0a,far surpassing, excelling. Cf. iv. 74, a. " The character of the Athenians ought to have protected them from the suspicion, that they could be tempted to betray Greece to the bar- barian, though he should offer them all the gold the earth con- tained, or the fairest and richest land under the sun." Thirlw. in /. c. avyKixiiKTpiva converted into heaps of ruin, overthrown. Cf. ix. 13. d. uiffre tTnQptyaiK.T.X. Cf. viii. 41. e. //tc XiTap. o55ra>, oica>c K. r. \. we, however, will hold out in whatever circumstances tee may be. Cf. ix. 45. Xtir. fikvovr^ (we t^trt). vvv St ac ovrat t^ovrdtv (rovrtav or TUV Trpay^iarwv), but now us matters are thus, Jelf, 696, bbs. 3. OI/K IKUS \povov, cf. Jelf, 526. Gen. of Position, with adverbs which express position in re- lation or proximity to, or distance from. f. vapiivai .... Ic Cf. i. 21, a., and Jelf, 646, 1. BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. MARCH OF MARDONIUS INTO ATTICA : BATTLES OF PLATjEA AND MYCALE : CAPTURE OF SESTOS. CH. I. a. rouTovf iraptXanfiavf. According to Diod. Sic. xi. 2tf, 30, Mardonius raised, in addition to the troops left by Xerxes, more than 200,000 men among the Macedonians, Thracians, and other states allied to Persia ; so that his whole force was 500,000 fighting men. B. On the Persian custom of compelling con- quered nations to join their troops, cf. vii. 108, a., and i. 171, b. rolffi Sf Qtaff. qyfofi. the chief men and leading families, oi 5wapov those not of your party. Cf. vii. 102, c. liaa- rijfftic, in the line above, you icill set at variance with itself, break up into parties. Cf. Thirlw. in I. ii. c. 16, p. 326. CH. III. a. 6 St OVK iirtiQ. " Perhaps," says Thirlw., /. /., " the advice was not wholly neglected ;" for, according to Diodorus, xi. 23, quoted by B., and Demosthenes, Philipp. iii. p. 70, money was sent by the hands of Arthmius of Zela to the principal states of the Peloponnese, for the purpose of breaking up the league. b. iviffraicTo fr. ivtrrdZw had been instilled, or, had insinuated it- self into him. Cf. /Esch. Ag. 179, arde ff iv tnrvtp K.T.\. C. irvpa. w vrjaiuv Cf. vii. 182, b. CH. IV. a. Trpot\wv K.r.X. in the sense of irponpov t^wv, though he had before met with no friendly feelings from, &c. W. Perhaps, knowing beforehand. Cf. Jelf, 642, n., Prepositions in composition. CH. V. a. rr\v /3oiA}> the Senate or Council of the Five-hundred. " Solon made the number of his /SovXjj 400, taking the members from the first three classes, 100 from each of the four tribes. On the tribes being remodelled by Cleisthenes, 510 B. c., and raised to ten in number, cf. v. 69, c. seqq., the Council also was increased to 500, fifty being taken from each of the ten tribes." That the Coun- cil of the 500 had the initiative in the deliberative power exercised by the community in its general assemblies, is seen in their receiv- ing the despatches and messengers sent by generals, giving audi- ence to foreign ambassadors, introducing them to the general assembly, and so forth ; but especially in the circumstance that the people could not decree any measure which had not previously been sanctioned by them, nor entertain any which they once re- jected. " The right of convening the people, twaynv TO* Srjpov, was generally vested in the Prytanes or Presidents of the Council of the 2 E 2 420 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. 500 ; and four general assemblies, EncXixricu, were, in the regular course of affairs, held during the presidency of each Prytany. In cases of sudden emergency, and especially during wars, the strategi also had the power of calling extraordinary meetings, for which, however, the consent of the Senate appears to have been neces- sary." From H. P. A. 125, seqq., " On the Senate and Gen. Assembly of the people," and Smith's D. of A., articles BouXq and 'EXjj(7a. Read also Thirlw. ii. c. 11, p. 42, seqq., and 74, 75. b. AvKtS. KciTi\ivaav Cf. on the same punishment, v. 38, ix. 120. The similar fate of Cyrsilus the previous year, (mentioned by Demosthenes and Cicero, Off. iii. 11, " Cyrsilum quendam, sua- dentem ut in urbe manerent Xerxemque reciperent, lapidibus ob- ruerunt,") was probably either unknown to Hdtus, or confounded by him with what is here narrated, unless indeed, cf. Thirlw. note ii. c. 16, p. 327, it be the same occurrence that is intended. Kara fikv tXtva. Kara dt K.T.\. Cf. Jelf, 641, obs. 1, quoted in ii. 141, d. Cf. viii. 33, a. CH. VI. a. aXivptjv ~tutamen, V., defence against an enemy, help, succour. S. and L. D. pip^. roiai A. Cf. Jelf, 589, 3, The transmissive dat. CH. VII. a. 'raicivOia. " This and the Carnea, cf. vii. 206, a., vL 106, b., were the two great Amyclean festivals in honour of the chief deity of the Spartan race. The worship of the Carnean Apollo, in which both festivals were included, was derived from Thebes, whence it was brought over by the .ZEgidae to Amyclse : it was, in all probability, originally derived more from the ancient worship of Ceres than that of Apollo, traces of the former deity being found in various detached rites and symbols of the worship ex. grat. the hyacinth the emblem of death in the worship of Ceres, &c. &c. At the union of the Amyclean worship with the Doric worship of Apollo, the Hyacinthia preserved, it would seem, more of the peculiarities of the former, the Carnea of the latter, although the sacred rites of both were completely united. The Hyacinthia took place in the month before the Carnea, and lasted three days ;" from Mull. Dor. i. p. 373, seqq. Cf. also Smith's D. of A., Carncea, Hyacinthia. ini-^tov i\dfj.pavf. Cf. Jelf, 3'JS, 1, on the Imperfect. b. Toi>c ifopove. Cf. v. 39, b., vi. 82, ., 85, a. c. Aia TI 'EXXjv. the Panhellcnic Zeus, cf. Aristoph. Equit. 1250, and Pind. Nem. v. 19, whose temple stood in /Egina, where his worship is said to have been instituted by ^lacus. Cf. Pausan. ii. p. 179. V. twj/c dvai. Cf. i. 153, and Jelf, 679, 3. d. icai TO (iiv .... rovg "EXXjjv. so entirely free from fraud are our dealings towards the Greeks, thus honestly are our efforts bestowed upon the Greeks. TO air' fipf.uv, what comes from us. Matth. Gr. Gr. 572. Cf. i. 66, d. w/Mi}\oc. e. -fifttT. Qpot'npa. Cf. viii. 144, a. rtT^. i\aw. Cf. vii. 139, 6., viii. 71. rijj; tiptT. Trtdiov. Cf. Jelf, 677, 2, obs. 1. BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 421 CH. VIII. a. 'QgSe dpa K. r. X. See the remarks of Thirlw. in 1. ii. c. xvi. p. 323, 329, and D. 8, 1, on the Candour of Hdtus. il ijftfp- Cf. Jelf, 621, 2. eat (T0t -qv irpbq TtXt'i, sc. TO Ttl^oQ supplied from inixiov. Jelf, 3/3, 4. CH. IX. a. KctTaoraffiog audience. Cf. Jelf, 502, Relative Gen. Cf. viii. 141, c. apOpiuv in concord with ; as in vi. 83, vii. 101, ix. 37, quoted by B. /y. K\ix tKovrtf, i. e. for though it is true they Medized, yet they did so very reluctantly. Cf. viii. 30, a., vii. 132, a., and ref. there given to D. b. ttr' tuvT&v by themselves. Cf. iv. 114, c. &o/3 ..... vvb Qiaa. tlandered by the Thessalians, perhaps, rendered objects of suspicion to them, by the arts of the Thessalians. Cf. vi. 64, a. c. paBsTw TIC avriwv let each of them learn. Cf. viii. 109, e., and Homer II. xvii. 254, dXXd ng avrbc Irw, let each come himself. S. and L. D., Ttc- ii. 2. CH. XVIII. a. Sureiv. TO. fiiXea " pk\o<; (lejaculo accipiendum." B., poised their lances. S. and L. D. " The Persians rode up, and levelled their javelins: one or two actually hurled them, &c." Thirlw. ffvffrpty. forming into a dense body. Cf. i. 101. i utrk-^ovai. On the indie, here, cf. Jelf, 879. Moods in the Interrogative Sentence. b. tvfpytaiyoi .... /SaffiXea. These words have a particular re- ference to the extraordinary gratitude shown by the monarchs of Persia for all good offices done them ; instances of which are found in iii. 140, a., iii. 160, v. 11, vi. 30, a., and vii. 194. CH. XIX. a. KaXXupriudvTwv TJV 'ipwv, cf. vii. 134, b., vi. 76, b. b. cnriKOVT ..... c 'Epv0p ..... aviraffff. iirl TTJQ i'Trmpaije TOV Ki0. " Near Ery three Pausanias halted and formed his line on the uneven ground at the foot of the mountain. His whole force, which con- sisted wholly of infantry, amounted to nearly 1 10,000 men," &c. Thirlw. in /. ii. c. xvi. p. 333. CH. XX. a. Matrtcrrioc, On the derivation of the name, cf. ix. 107, a. On the Nisaean horses, cf. vii. 40, b. b. Trpoffi/3. KUTO. rk\ta. " Troop after troop assailed them in succes- sion and allowed them no breathing time : their ranks were rapidly thinned by the missiles of the enemy, and their strength and spirits began to fail." Thirlw. in /. ii. 335. On the reproachful appella- tion women, cf. ix. 107, c. CH. XXI. a. xi7r Cf. Jelf, 505. Relative gen. after verbs oi governing, being lords over, &c. CH. XXII. a. QVTOI iaav K. T.\. B. calls attention to the testi- mony here borne to the merits of the Athenians. Cf. viii. 142 144, vii. 139, viii. 2, and D. p. 132, seqq. 6. OwpijKo. \f7riowT. Cf. vii. 61, b. " His scaly armour, in which, according to Plutarch, he was cased from head to foot, for a time resisted their weapons." Thirlw. c. iTroOtaav, absentis desiderio tacti sunt, B., they missed him, re- marked his loss or absence. d. w av TOV yf viicpbv aviXoiaro. that they might at any rate, at all events, carry off' the dead body. Cf. Jelf, 735. CH. XXI I L a. Tffv a\\. oTp. 7r/3u>Sk aQt t?tyvro e. r. X., nor could they succeed in recovering the corpse, &c. Cf. iii. 142, a. On TO ir\rj9oc iporiOnaav, BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 425 a plural verb joined to a noun singular in form, but plural in sense, by the Construct Kara a&vimv, cf. Jelf, 378, a. CH. XXIV. a. afyias .... Ktipovrig, cf. ii. 36; a custom also of the Greeks ; cf. Eurip. Alcest. 425- 429. L. oi/iwy. xP- ** se ^~ ting up an exceeding great wailing. CH. XXV. a. rtav i iiviKa K. r. X. ra>v St, id est, /jfyd&of t'ivnca KOI KaXXtog, ravra iiroitvv, nempe rbv vcicpbv Trapd Tag rdtc iKOpiZov. In Horn. II. xxii. 369, Hectoris cadaver iripilpapov vltg 'A.^aitav, o rat Qi\i]vavTo tyvriv KCII ilcoQ dyqrov "Eeropof. V. and B. " His body was placed in a cart, which was drawn along the lines, and the men ran out from their ranks to gaze upon the gigantic barbarian." Thirlw. in /. c. xvi. p. 336. b. dirucop. Sk . . . . cp/jv?c rrjq Fapya^. " Pausanias now posted himself on the bank of a stream which Hdtus calls the Asopus, but which must be considered as only one of its tributaries running northward to join the main channel. The right wing of the army, which, as the post of honour, was occupied by the Lacedaemonians, was near a spring, called Gargaphia, from which it drew a plentiful supply of water." Thirlw. in ii. 337- The fountain Gargaphia, now Vergentiari, B., was situated about a mile and hall from Plataea. See the map in Mull. Dor. i. Sid TTJS virwpiinc,, through the country at the mountain foot. Jelf, 627, i. 1> Sid with Gen. Local. Motion through a space and passing out of it c. 'AvSpoKp. TOV f/p. The shrine of Androcrates, a Plataean hero, stood not far from the temple of Ceres near Plateea, on the right of the road thence to Thebes. B. CH. XXVI. a. TO fVtpoi/ Ktpag, the other wing : this might mean either the left or the -right ; but the left, the 2nd in honour, is here intended. Schw. " The Tegaeans grounded their pretensions, cf. Thucyd. v. 6/, on the exploit of their ancient hero Echemus, who, they asserted, had been rewarded by the Peloponnesians for his victory over Hyllus, by the privilege, granted for ever to his people, of occupying one wing in all common expeditions made by the cities of the peninsula." On the return of the Heraclidae, &c. cf. vi. 52, a. , 55, a., viii. 31, a. note. See also Thirlw. i. c. vii. p. 255, seqq. " Hyllus, the eldest s. of Hercules, proposed to decide the quarrel by single combat ; and Echemus, king of Tegeea, was se- lected by the Peloponnesian confederates as their champion. Hyllus fell, and the Heracleids were bound by the terms of the agreement to abandon their enterprise for a hundred years," &c. &c. offat fjtiri toSoi iy'iv. for iv TrdoaiQ l6doi di iyivovTO. Cf. Jelf, 824, ii. 2, c. Adjectival Sentences. Inverse Attraction by the transposition of the substantive. b. r}/^ae iKviiaQat, belongs to us. ace. after verbs expressing or im- plying motion to. Jelf, 559. \wpls TOV dnny. preeter id quod exposi- tum est. Cf. Jelf, 368, a., on Deponent Verbs. c. TroXXoi .... irpof i'/i. t'lfilv .... dyHtvif Cf. i. 65 67> and ix. 35, d., on subsequent actions. Sucaiov fiirtp The comparative 4 426 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. sometimes stands after positive adjectives, or where pd\\ov is omitted. After StKawv em, \vaiTt\clv, &c. when they are used in doubtful cases, where the justice, expediency &c. of two things are compared. Jelf, 779, obs. 3. In the next ch., on KOWTOW {,, cf. Jelf, 779- d. dfioviSarai, 3 per. plur. perf. pass. Ion. for jjyomff/iivoi ton. have been fought. Cf, vii. 76, b. CH. XXVII. a. 'EpaicXtiSag K. r. \. Cf. note a. on the preceding ch. rtjv Evp. v(3piv K. T. \. " Ancient writers unanimously relate, that after the death of Hercules, his children, persecuted by Eurysthenes, took refuge in Attica, and there defeated and slew the tyrant," &c. &c. Thirlw. 1. I. le TOVQ diriKoiaro Cf. Jelf, 831, 2, on the opt. without uv. The relative without dv is joined with the opt. after an expression of indefiniteness, &c. b. 'Apyeiovg ro /*"a IIo\. The confederation of the seven against Thebes is placed between B. c. 1300 1200 by Thirl wall, i. c. v. p. 142; who, with regard to this, "the quarrel which divided the royal house of Thebes, and led to a series of wars between Thebes and Argos, which terminated in the destruction of the former city and the temporary expulsion of the Cadmeans, its ancient in- habitants, and other similar wars, expeditions and achievements of the heroic age," remarks, that, " though they may contain no less of historical reality than other legends that might be mentioned, yet, from not being attended with any important or lasting conse- quences, they are unworthy of more than a passing notice in the review of the mythical period of Grecian history." c. if 'AnaoviSae, cf. iv. 110, b., and Thirlw, i. c. 5, p. 134. d. Tpoujc. irov .... i\tnr6fi. Cf. II. ii. 546- 556, where the 50 Athenian ships are mentioned, and II. iv. 328, AQtjvdioi nrjaTupts dvrijc, and xiii. 196, 689, xv. 337. B. On the Trojan War see the discussion in Thirlw. i. c. v. p. 150, seqq., and Grote, in Appendix. e. ov TI irpoixti it is to no purpose, it does not avail, i. e. it is use- less. So in Latin, nihil promovet, and ov yap apuvov for OVK dyaOov. Schw. /. rifuv Sk, tl pridev K. T. \. " They (the Athenians) needed not, they truly said, to allege the exploits of their ancestors : the field of Marathon had been witness to one, equal to any in the days of yore : on this they were content to let their right rest." Thirlw. in /. ii. c. xvi. p. 328. On the allusions to Marathon, a pleasing topic to Athenian ears, V. refers to Thucyd. i. 73, Aristoph. Nub. 982, Equit. 1331. d rkoiai K. T. X. Cf. Jelf, 895, 2, Brachylogy. A verbal notion supplied from a preceding verb or verbal notion. g. lviKT}ff. t9v. ? re cat TianiodKovra. "Satis gloriose!" W. re- marks ; adding that though in iii. 90, seqq., more nations than the number here spoken of are mentioned as subject to Darius, yet it may be fairly doubted whether even that number came, and in only 600 ships, too, to Marathon. BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 427 h. dp' ov SiKaioi ilp.iv K. r. \. are we not justified in having, is it not just that we should have, &c.? Cf. viii. 137, e. dXXa yap /c. r. X. Cf. Jelf, 786, obs. 4. The premiss is often placed first, when, as being opposed to the conclusion, it is introduced by dXXd, which refers to some suppressed thought. CH. XXVIII. a. t(pv\aar. 35,000 light-armed Helots acted as esquires to them, the Spartans. Cf. vi. 58, c., and vii. 205, c. See particularly Clinton, Fast. Hell. i. App. c. xxii. p. 416, seqq. 411, 418, where the number of the inhabitants of La- conia at the battle of Platasa is particularly discussed the whole Lacedemonian force 50,000 men, ix. 61. Thus 5,000 heavy-armed Spartans. 35,000 light-armed Helots, ix. 28. 5,000 heavy-armed Perioeci, ix. 11. 5,000 ix.29. 50,000 As the whole number of the Spartan citizens was 8,000 and up- wards, cf. vii. 234, there were consequently five-eighths of their whole number present at Plateea. b. Trojod Sk i ivpovro c. T. X., and near themselves, the Corinthians obtained (leave) from Pausaniaa that the Potidceans should stand. Cf. ix. 26. tvpofjitBa TOVTO, we then obtained this honour. Schw. Potidsea, like Leucas, Anactorium, and Ambracia, was a Corinthian colony. Cf. vii. 123, a., and Thucyd. i. 56. On the rest of the Greek forces, cf. Thirlw. in 1. ii. c. xvi. p. 333, seqq., as the greater part have been already noticed wherever first the mention of their names occurred, to this any index to Hdtus will be a sufficient guide. See also App. c. 22, on the Population of Ancient Greece, in Clinton, Fast. Hell. i. p. 387, seqq. CH. XXIX. a. tyi\u>v piv Stf K. T. X. " The light-armed troops were 69,500 strong ; for besides the 35,000 Helots who attended the Spartans, each man of arms in the rest of the army was ac- companied by one light-armed ; and some small bodies which came from the Lacedaemonian colony of Melos, from Ceos, and Tenos, Naxos, and Cythnus, were probably equipped in a similar manner, and hence have been omitted in the list of Herodotus, though they earned a place for their names in the monument at Olympia, which recorded the cities that shared the glory of this great contest." Thirlw. in /. ii. c. xvi. p. 334. As the whole number of the Ho- plites amounted to 38,700 men, and, subtracting the 5,000 Spartans, to 33,700, the number of light-armed (not counting the Helots) would have been the same, i. e. 33,700 instead of 34,500, were one counted exactly to each Hoplite ; hence it must be either supposed with Thirlw. that there were some other small bodies not men- tioned, (see Clinton's Fast. Hell. i. App. c. 22, p. 427, 428, cf. also p. 4L3, seqq., where the subject is discussed at length,) or we tig 428 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. irtpl fKaarov K. r. X. is to be taken, with Schw., " about one to each man," some of the Hoplites, probably, having two, or even more squires, others perhaps having none. CH. XXX. a. Qfairuujv . . . . ol vtpuovrtc, Of the Thespians 700 had perished at Thermopylae ; cf. vii. 202, and 222 : their town had been also burnt, viii. 50 ; the survivors had retired into the Peloponnese. See Clinton's Fasti, I. 1. p. 401. The 1800 at the battle + 700 killed at Thermopylae = 2500 ; but 2500 males from 18 to 60 will give a population of 10,800 persons for the Thespian state at that period, even supposing slaves to be included. oTrXa Si K.T.\. they were not hoplites, had not heavy-arms ; the spear, hear;/ shield, &c., of the regular hoplite. Cf. Thucyd. iv. 9, ov yap rjv oir\a .... iropiffatrOai. Thirlwall has paraphrased the passage as if the Thespians had no arms at all. CH. XXXI. a. 01 Si d^i K.T.\. From this ch. to ch. 88 in- clusive, is, with a few omissions, translated in D. p. 141 145. b. oe dirtKr]Stvaav Maaiariov- token they had done bewailing Jfasis- tius. Cf. ix. 24. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 61, aira\yr)c Tty. stretched as far as, or, extended over against (so as to face) the Teyeans. So also a little lower, iirta^ov. B. e. Botwrowg rt K. r. \. The Boeotians, Locrians, and Melians are mentioned as on the Persian side in viii. 66. On the Thessalians' adherence, cf. vii. 172 174, and vii. 6, b., 130, c. On the Phocians, ix. 17, a., and refs 18. ,/. tyipov re icai jjyov. they plundered and pillaged. Cf. i. 88, c. The Macedonians, B. thinks, were some troops in the train of Alexander their king, spoken of as in the Persian camp, in vii. 137, viii. 140, and ix. 44 ; as the nation had submitted to Mar- donius, vi. 44. CH. XXXII. a. On the Phrygians, cf. vii. 73, Thracians, vii. 75, Mysians, vii. 74, Pseonians, vii. 185, Ethiopians, vii. 69, 70, Egyptians, vii. 89, and on the Hermotybians, &c., ii. 164, and notes. On the Egyptians here mentioned, cf. .^Esch. Pers. 39, t\oj3arat vaSiv tpirai envoi, Tr\rj96g r dvdpiGpoi. B. On the marines in the Persian fleet, cf. vii. 96, a. b. o> Kai Trpor. SeSfaittr. Cf. viii. 1 13. B. CH. XXXIII. a. yeveoc TOV 'lap. KKvr. "The Spartans had brought with them Tisamenus, the most celebrated diviner in Greece, sprung from a branch of the lamids in Elis." Thirlw. There appear to have been three families of soothsayers in Elis, the lamidse, Clytiadae, cf. ii. 49, b., and Telliadae, cf. ix. 37, and viii. 27, b. : unless then the text be corrupt, we must suppose that, cf. v. 44, b., one branch of the house of the lamida; must have taken its origin from some one of the name of Clytius, or that BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 429 Tisaraenus himself was nearly descended from some one of that name. B. Cf. Mull. Dor. i. p. 281, and p. 394. b. \foxr0trfpov, i. e. iroXjjjrjjv <701rfpov .... navrtvop. irtpi yovov consulting the oracle about offspring. Cf. for the same sense i. 46, viii. 36. B. c. Trcrpd tv . . . 6\vpirKida he came within one match, or bout, in wrestling of winning an Olympic victory. Per solam luctam stetit, quominus pr8' .... apa. TOVT. povv. that he would not now be con- tented with this alone. Cf. Jelf, 607, Instrumental Dat. CH. XXXIV. a. impel was for imitating. So shortly after- wards inii'i) Cf. ix. 86, 87- getting possession of them. CH. XL. a. pn8iovr. piydXnic.. Cf. ix. 17. On the Thebans, cf. vii. 132, 232, a. After Karnyiovro, supply TQ TOV Hitapdoviov "nrirtp, they went before, led the way for, the cavalry till they came to blows. B. CH. XLI. a. 'Aprd/3aoc Cf. vii. 66, viii. 126. v6Xiyori .... avqp SoKtpoc, a man approved among a few (who were so) oftJie Per- sians, a man of reputation such as few of the Persians had, i. e. of very high repute. Cf. iv. 52, b. A few lines above on the dat. dvrtearjj/ilvotffi, cf. ii. 145, a. 6. SiaTrpT)') pugnare ; and so S. and L. D. CH. XLII. a. iv dStiy .... Xsytiv, not thinking it safe to speak of them. Cf. iii. 154, iv IXaQptfi irottlodai, to hold it in little value. viii. 109, iv 6/zoiy TToulcrBui, to esteem equally. Jelf, 622, 3, b. b. UQ iripiitTopivovc, rifteac. 'EXXtjviav. since (i. e. as you think that) we shall prove superior tu the Greeks. Here w? = SOKOVVTIC, which it represents. Cf. Jelf, 551, obs. " After words which imply the notions of thinking, &c., we find an ace. with a participle. This seemingly anomalous construction arises partly from the notion arising from oc, and partly from the substitution of the part, foi the infinitive. Cf. also Jelf, 549, obs. 1, under accus. of equivalent notion. CH. XLIII. a. if 'IXXwpiowc re rat TOV ~Ey^iXtwv K. r. X. " Hdtus believed that the prediction referred to the irruption of an Illyrian horde, the Encheleans, cf. v. 61, b., who, as we learn from this accidental mention of them, had in very early times carried their ravages so far. But as this tradition was almost forgotten, the prophecy was generally applied to the Persians," &c. &c. Thirlw. ii. p. 342. On Bacis, cf. viii. 77, ., and on Musseus, v. 90, b., viii. 96,6. b. b Si etpuwSuiv K. T. X. This river, afterwards the Haemo, falls into the Asopus not far from Tanagra. Glisas is laid down in the map to Mull. Dor. i. a little to the N. E. of Thebes. It does not appear to be noticed in Arrowsmith, c. xvii. CH. XLIV. a. ae Si irpooy .... TrpotXiijXaro, when the night was far advanced. Cf. Rom. xiii. 12, >/ vi>% TTOOSKO^JCV, and Sallust Jugurth. c. xxi., " Ubi plerumque noctis processit." W. Cf. ix. 14, c. b. Trapayvnvoi discloses. Cf. i. 126,6. On Alexander ref. ix. 31, /. CH. XLV. a. diropprjTa iroieufi.tvoc. irpbg fnjctva, SC. tiria, Ut ix. 93, mea verbafaciens occulta ; s. rugans, ut occulta, tacita habeatis tnea verba, forbidding you to speak to any one of them, except to Pausanias. B. Cf. ix. 94. airopp. Trotjjerd/uvot, forbidding any one to mention (the oracles). b. ai>rbg. . . ."EXX. ytvoc tipi 'On the Macedonian monarchs, cf. viii. 137, a. ra piv aQayia i} is considered unnecessary by W., but is re- tained by Schw. with the approbation of Hermann, who, in Viger, p. 811, renders, si eum diem Per see sine preetio prestermisissent, add- ing that, omitting the ^77, the sense will be si eo die praelium com- nuttere Persce omisissent. B. b. ff^i^o/i. 6 7rora/i6c the river is not the Asopus,. but the rivulet OZroe, which descends from Mt Citheeron and forms the island of the same name with itself. It runs in quite a different direction from the Asopus, passing close by the city of Plateea, just above which it forms the island of OZroe, and empties itself into the Sinus Crisseaus, while the Asopus runs in a northerly direction, and flows into the Euripus. This is explained at great length by B., who remarks upon the erroneous topography of most of the maps and plans of the battle of Plateea. For tne same reason, the reader should be cautioned against the note of L. on this passage : " It was resolved, if battle should not be joined in the course of the 2 p 434 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. day, to retire during the following night to a part of the plain nearer Plataea, which, being almost surrounded by two branches of the (Eroe, was known by the name of the Island, and that on their arrival at this post, a strong detachment should be sent to clear the pass, and convoy the supply that was detained on the mountain into the camp." Thirlw. Cf. the map in Mull. Dor. i. c. wairep KOT IQv tovrtav. and that the cavalry might not harass them, as they would, if opposite them. d. Stvrkpij ff;c; WKTOQ. "Considerable uncertainty appears to prevail as to whether the watch among the Greeks was changed always at a constant and set time, or at the pleasure of the general. The Romans divided the night, as is well known, into 4 watches from sunset to sunrise, so that in the Gk Test. $v\aKi), answering to their vigilise, stands for a fourth part of the night, about the space of three hours." Cf. Smith's D. of A., Castra. CH. LI I. a. irovov arpvTov. luborem indefessum ; unabatint/, (lit. not worn au-m/,) hence continual toil. Cf. Soph. Aj. 788. B., and Find. Pyth. iv. 317. b. aipOkvriQ rising up, moving off. In the same sentence, oi iroXXoi and oi Si refer to the same persons the greater part took up their arms and marched away, having indeed no intention of gointj to the spot appointed, but as soon as ever they were in motion, gladly escaping from the cavalry, &c. &c. B. " Their object, in thus deviating from the preconcerted plan, was perhaps to take advant- age of such shelter as the remains of the city might afford for their wounded men." Thirlw. c. TO 'Hpalov. This stood on the E. of the city, irpb rjjfc 7r6X. : it is laid down in the map in Mull. Dor. i., and is mentioned in Thucyd. iii. 68. On the fountain of Gargaphia, cf. ix. 25, b. d. tQivro . ... ra oir\a. piled or stacked their arms. Cf. Arnold on Thucyd. ii. 2. The spear was thrust into the ground by the spike at the lower end, or orvpunov, cf. i. 52, c., and the shield was leant against it, while the soldier " stood at ease," or sat down. An open space within the camp was generally selected for piling the arms together in ; but on occasions where sudden danger was anticipated, each man seems to have stacked his arms before him- self, so as to be able to resume them at a moment's notice ; pre- serving his position in the ranks meanwhile, though he sat down to rest himself from their weight. Cf. ix. 72, ear/j^. iv ry rai. CH. LIU. a. KOTO, roi'c d\\ovg Cf. i. 84, f. b. rov niTavnriuv X6%ov Thucydides, i. 20, denies that such a Xoxog or regiment ever existed. " His censure," Arnold thinks, note on Thucyd. i. 20, " if designed to touch Hdtus at all, was not meant for him particularly, but rather for Hellanicus and those BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 435 earlier writers, whom Hdtus in this instance carelessly followed." Why our author should not have called the quota of forces fur- nished by Pitana by the name of the place whence they came, B. does not see ; even though there may not have been in the Spartan army any Xo^oc which was commonly known by the name of Tlira- varrig. So also Schw. On the constitution of the Spartan army, cf. i. 65, g. With regard to " what is the proper signification of the Phylee (as the grammarians sometimes call them) of Pitana, Limnae or Limnaeum, Mesoa, and Cynosura, which Pausanias also mentions together as divisions of the people," Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 50, comes to the conclusion, after weighing the various apparently contradictory accounts, some including these places in Sparta, and some not, that they were nothing else than the hamlets, K<3/ia, of which, according to Thucydides, i. 10, the town of Sparta con- sisted, and which lay on all sides around the city, 7roXe, properly so called. " We are best informed with respect to Pitana, an an- cient town, and without doubt anterior to the Dorians, which was of sufficient importance to have its own gymnastic contests, and to furnish a battalion of its own, called Pitanites. Of this Thu- cydides does not admit the existence ; but Caracalla, in imitation of antiquity, composed a Xoxoe nravrjc of Spartans." Cf. iii. 55, a., and the plan of Sparta in the map in Mull. Dor. ii. c. Ktivov ravra vtvwfiivov, perf. pass. part, contract, for vworiptvov from vo'na. Since he (Amompharetus) had thus determined with him- self, was thus minded. Cf. i. 68, e. B. d. fir), fjv airoXiTTdxri (aiiruv) SC. rov Xo^ov. lest, if they should leave behind the regiment, by carrying out the measures they had agreed upon with, &c. On arpifi. tfy., cf. vii. 8, 1, i. CH. LIV. a. AaKtSai/Moviuv .... wf dXAa povtovTwv K. r. X. A similar charge is made against the Spartans in vi. 108, with regard to the answer returned to the Platans : it appears beyond a doubt, to quote the opinion of B., that Hdtus was more inclined towards the Athenians, with whom too he went to Thurii, and the popular form of government, cf. v. 66, than towards the Spartans and their constitution. Cf. the praises of Athens in vi. 1 12, and elsewhere. But we should acquit him of any intentional partisanship towards the Athenians : an imputation which D., p. 132, seqq., has suc- cessfully rebutted ; cf. particularly vii. 138, 139, seqq. Nor, as is evident from vii. 102, o., does Hdtus defraud the Spartans of the praise they deserve. As to the passage in the text, it is hardly credible such an imputation would have been cast upon the Spartan character, had it been otherwise than the generally received opinion throughout Greece at that time. That the Doric character was unamiable and unattractive, particularly in the eyes of foreigners, though perhaps looked upon even more harshly than it deserved, can hardly fail to be the conclusion of the student of Hdtus and Thucydides. The unsocial nature of their policy towards foreigners and strangers, the habits of stern military subordination in which 2 F 2 436 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. their life was passed, the arrogance and oppression that subse- quently characterized the conduct of their harmosts in the con- quered towns, are all so many proofs that the dislike borne towards Sparta was not conceived without good grounds. In Miill. Dor. ii. p. 410, note, several passages are quoted from Euripides and Aristophanes to the same effect as that in the text. In W. and V.'s notes, the following are appositely adduced. Eurip. Androm. 447, \l/tvc avaKTig iiri\avoppa.pijica .... TrertOtg 'A\tvtu, Cf. ix. 1, J. virb VVKTU, during the preceding niyht. Cf. ii. 36, 6. b. brt ovoivtg dpa tovrte .... ivairtitticvva.ro. B. renders ivairiltiK. they hare shown themselves ; regarding it as supply equivalent to, and a repetition of, the preceding Sult^av ; He therefore takes the two verbs as if they were but one : they have sufficiently shmcn that, among tlie Greeks *cho are men of no consideration, they themselves are also men nf no consideration. So also Valla, unde nullius esse se pretii, inter Grcecos, et ipsos nullius pretii viros, ostenderunt. The version of Schw. seems better ; ivcnrtEfiicvvaTo, passive, pro; cateris ostentatos. selebratos fuisse, and they hare plainly shown, that, beinr/ worthless themselves, they have become illustrious among the Greeks, who are likewise icorthk-ss. ivairtSiixvvaTo In the Ionic and Epic dialects drat, dro, added to the tense root is the 3rd pi. for vrai, vro, instead of the periphrasis of the particip. and tlvai : a. very gener- ally in the pft. and plpft. as vtirtiOaTai. b. not unfrequently in the 3rd pi. opt. c. sometimes in the 3rd pi. imperfect ovro, the o being changed to t, as tj3ov\iaTo for t/3ou\ovro, &c. TtQearat, i. 133, vii. 119. inBean, i. 119 Jelf, 197, 4. On l>livt St cf. Jelf, 381. 065. 3. The pronouns, ovStic and ftq&i'c, agree generally with the subject, when they signify good for nothing, worthless. Cf. Arist. Eq. 158. c. iiratvtovTtitv rovrovc,, The participle iiraiviovTwv here refers to vfiiv iovrn, though the structure of the sentence is suddenly changed to that of a genitive absolute. B. Cf. Jelf, 710, c., and iii. 65, irnrov96-og t//oi, there quoted. On the form vvvySiaTt, second pers. plur. plusq. perf. Ion. of awgStiv from avvoita, cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 231, and 188, obs. i., B., when you praised men in whom you were conscious that there teas some worth. d. TO KOI Karaf>pv i//iXoi< apiQfjtbv K. T. X. Cf. ix. 28. a., 29. a. The number is thus reckoned by Schw. Spartans ......... 5,000 Helots . ........ 35,000 Lacedaemonians ....... 5,000 The rest of the light-armed, one to each Lacedaemonian 5,000 50,000 b. oil -yap . . .*. TO. ff(t>dy. ^p^ord, for their sacrifices gave no favour- able omens. Cf. vii. 134, b., vi. 76 b. c. 0pu'. y. ra yepp'a ol IT. -for the Persians locking their bucklers, forming a breastwork by setting them up close side by side. Schw. compares ix. 99, ffvvt6pnpaKavTt(; dopv Sovpt, (rddyta, s. rd iipd, yivtoQai, is used without the addition of xpqord, to express sacri- fices turning out favourably. V. On the locality of the Heraeum, cf. ix. 52, c. CH. LXI I. a. XP V V a t ^ngth. Proprie valet tempore aliquo praterlapso. B. rd r6a /ur. having laid aside, relinquished, their bows, to come, that is, to close quarters. Schw. On the situation of the temple of Ceres, cf. ix. 57, d. b. ic. o dirLKovro . . . . ol /3ap/3apot until they came to close quarters ; for the Barbarians, laying hold of the Greeks' spears, (which were longer than their own,) tried to break them off. MHTUOQ, cf. vii. 225, 3, the close conflict of men densely crowded together, and thrusting each other backwards and forwards. Schw. c. avoir\oi lightly armed, without the ojrXov or large shield ; as they carried only wicker bucklers. S. and L. Diet. Cf. the end of the following ch. : r/ kaQ^g ipfjuog iovaa oTrXwv. " Their short spears and daggers were as ill fitted to make an impression on the Spar- tan panoply, as their light corslets to repel the Spartan lance. Yet they fought bravely, though without method and order: they rushed forward singly (irpo^aiaaovT.i^) or in irregular groups (. Thirlw. in I. ii. c. xvi. p. 346. BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 439 d. ffoQit). skill, dexterity in the use of their arms. Cf. Aristot. Ethics vi. 7, , The pln.ins of Stenyclarus are marked by Miiller, map to Dorians i., in the centre of Messenia, not far from Ithome. In the N. of Messenia. Smith's C. D. CH. LXV. a. rx o c T $v\ivov, Cf. ix. 15, and 70. On the situation of the temple of Ceres, ix. 57, d. b. TO ipbv rb iv ' EXivu'ivi dvaxToptov. The temple of the Eleusinian Ceres appears to have been peculiarly called TO dvaKTopov s. TO dvaKTopiov ttpbv, or TO CLVCLKHOV. As the term dvaicTopov or dvctKTopiav is employed as an adjective, the substantive TO Ipbv is by no means to be omitted with V. ; who considers it to have been a marginal gloss, and thence to have crept into the text. B. There was also at Athens a temple of the Dioscuri, dvaKTig, similarly called dv&K- Ttiov or dvdictiov. V. observes that though the term dvaKropov Is especially used when speaking of the temple of the Eleusinian Ceres, yet that it was also employed of the temples of any other ot the deities : referring to Eurip. Androm. 43, 1 157- Iph. in Taur. 41, 66. Troad, 15. Ion, 55. Cf. Smith's D. of A., 'AVUKUOV. CH. LXVI. a. 'Apra/3aoc Cf. ix. 41, a., and refs, and on ear' dpxdg, omnino, vii. 88, b. b. rj'U Karjjpner^tvof, bene composite ordine, i. e. apte ordinato ex- ercitu, instructa acie, proc/ressus est. Schw. Lex. C. Kara TWVTO OKU*C av . . . . aTrovSrjg f^ovra. in the same manner as they should see him disposed in rei/ard of haste, with the same de- gree of haste that they should see him making. Cf. i. 30, c., and Jelf, 528. d. SijOfv as if, as he pretended. Cf. i. 59, i., and vi. I, a. ?rpo- Tipsw, as he was going forward, ix. 57, b. bSov, Gen. of the place ; perhaps to be explained as gen. partitive. Jelf, 522, obs. 2. CH. LXVII. a. ot ydp prf. riiv 9?j/3. It is to be remembered that the greater and more influential part of the Thebans sided with the Medes ; but not the whole of the state. Cf. ix. 86. Schw. CH. LXVIII. a. A/Xo! rt t/iot and it is plain, evident to me. Schw., who takes it intransitively, as also Jelf, 359 ; but the com- 440 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. man meaning of the verb, and it proves to me, seems quite as ap- plicable here. b. f/prnvTo were dependent upon. Cf. i. 125, d. c. ypoc ru>i> TToXtjjjW before, in front of the enemy. Cf. Jelf, 633, i. dyxiffTa iovaa, SC. roif Tlfpffaif. B. CH. LXIX. a. ol ant(>iaOai, to engage with, to bear down upon, cf. ix. 49, c. Xeoxw, conversation, talk, cf. i. 153, a. QS fkvot.ro K. T. \. On the use of the opt. here, with nouns which imply speaking, saying, telling , cf. Jelf, 802, obs. 1 . CH. LXXII. a. tXOwv av)p icaAXie Cf. Horn. II. ii. 673. Niptt'C, os KaXXiaros nvrjp VTTO "IXtov ^\0. On the custom of sitting down in the ranks while waiting the signal to move forwards, cf ix. 52, d., and Euripides Suppl. 357, quoted by W., irap' bn-Xoic 5' r]fj.ivog TTifjnl/w Xoyovs Kpsovri. CH. LXXIII, a. SK STJUOV AK. AticfXtwv TO>V iron K. r. X. So- j)hanes of the borough of Decelea, and one of those Deceleans who formerly performed an action that has been useful to them for ever after. On AtKtXfijQtv = AtwXewv, cf. Jelf, 481,ois. 2. The genitival suffix is not unfrequently used for the regular inflected genitive, so ovpavoBiv, fftdtv, cf. Eur. Ion. 960. B. observes that the particle & is added in an explanatory force, and one too of those Deceleans, or, nay too he was of those Deceleans, &c. b. KOTO. 'EXivys KOfiiS^v -for the recovery of Helen. 'AiSvag, cf. viii. 125, a. c. roiiri ff AIK iv Siraprp dnXtit] TI K. T. X. This, L. observes, is to be understood of the Deceleans settled in Sparta. urtXtitj, exemption from protection money ; cf. i. 54, b. Sophanes is men- tioned in vi. 93. d. At XE?JC d Troops a dixisset, nempe afroi (nva sive Tlavaavittv, sive rove "EXXqvas) ^fiwaai fftytac, quemadmodum v. gr. Greece dicitur aKiog itrri Oavpatrai pro davparrOfjvai, nempe intelligendo dio tan rov TOVQ f KOI .... Troi'j/troi', but do t.hou also what remains in addition to tfiis ; do ichat is left in addition to ichat thou hast done already. After bpoiriv. a few lines lower down, supply IIKI\V, as in vi. 21. B. CH. LXXIX. a. i^oag ydp /ic vfyov for having extolled or magnified me. Cf. vi. 126. B. b. Kai iKiivoiai It iirupOoveoptv. and (which) tee hate too, consider odious even in them. On the sentiment expressed in oaia piv iroiiuv K. r. X. W. aptly remarks, " Dictum laudabiliter ; at quantum mutatus ab illo Hectore in Thucydidis lib. i. 132." c. ov fuv-ot K. T. X. See therefore that you come no more to me with sitch counsel and suggestion, and consider yourself lucky in de- parting unpunished. D. 1. I. p. 153. On the force of this apparently gentle reproof, cf. viii. 143, d. CH. LXXX. a. an iovra \O\KOV SfjGtv, as if forsooth it were brass. Cf. i. 59, t. " Pausanias ordered the helots to collect the whole of the spoil, that gods and men might receive their due. Much, as might be expected, was concealed by the serfs intrusted with this task, and the great wealth of several families in Mgina was commonly attributed to the gains they made, in purchasing the embezzled treasures, from men who were ignorant of their value, so as even to sell gold for brass, and were glad to get rid of them at any price." Thirlw. ii. c. xvi. p. 138. So it is said, that the Swiss, after defeating Charles the Bold of Burgundy at Granson, 1476 A. D., mistook his vessels of silver for pewter. See Philip de Comines, v. 2. " The poor Swiss were mightly enriched by the plunder of the field ; at first they did not understand the value of the treasures they were masters of, especially the common soldiers. One of the richest and most magnificent tents in the world was cut into a hundred pieces. There were some of them that sold several dishes and plates of silver for about two sols of our money, sup- posing they had been pewter. His great diamond, (perhaps the largest and finest in Europe,) with a large oriental pearl fixed to it, was taken up, viewed, put up again into the case, thrown under a waggon, taken up again by the same soldier, and after all offered to a priest for a florin, who bought it, and sent it to the chief magistrate of that country, who returned him three francs as a sufficient reward. They also took three very rich jewels called the Three Brothers, another large ruby called la Hotte, and another called the Ball of Flanders, which were the fairest and richest in the world ; besides a prodigious quantity of other moveables, which 444 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. has since taught them what fine things may be purchased for money, &c." CH. LXXXI. a, SiKarrjv t%t\6vTi setting apart a tenth. Cf. iv. 161, 5. B. remarks that we are not to suppose that but one tithe was set apart, as L. conceives, for the three deities together ; but that each had his tenth selected, out of which his peculiar offering was constructed. I think, however, that it may be fairly objected that the tithes must have been paid in an odd way, if three tenths of the whole spoil made no more than the tripod and the 2 statues. L. therefore appears to me to be right. b. 6 rpiTrovc f. T. A. " This tripod was seized and melted down by the Phocians in the Sacred War. Cf. Thucyd. i. 132, Diodor. xi. 33, and Pausanias x. 13, 5. The three-headed brazen serpent certainly existed in the time of Pausanias, and is supposed by many to be the monument still to be seen at Constantinople; though that is not properly a three-headed serpent, but a column of three distinct serpents twisted together. The statue of Jupiter at Olympia is described by Pausanias, v. 23. \V. That the three- headed serpent is the Constantinopolitan monument, appears to be the opinion of Thirlw. ii. c. xvi. p. 349 ; " an offering which out- lasted not only the temple in which it was placed, and the worship of the god to whom it was dedicated, but the liberty of Greece, and the power which crushed it." Cf. Gibbon, D. and F. c. xvii. " The circus, or hippodrome, was a stately building about 400 paces in length, and 100 in breadth. The space between the two meta or goals was filled with statues and obelisks ; and we may still remark a very singular fragment of antiquity ; the bodies of three serpents, twisted into one pillar of brass. Their triple heads had once sup- ported the golden tripod, which, after the defeat of Xerxes, was consecrated in the temple of Delphi by the victorious Greeks." In a note Gibbon adds, that, "the Pagan Zosimus agrees with the three ecclesiastical historians, Eusebius, Socrates, and Sozomen, that the sacred ornaments of the temple of Delphi were removed to Constantinople by the order of Constantine, and among these the serpentine pillar of the hipprodrome is particularly mentioned. All the European travellers wno have visited Constantinople, from Buondelmonte to Pococke, describe it in the same place, and almost in the same manner ; the differences between them are occasioned only by the injuries which it has sustained from the Turks. Ma- homet the Second broke the under-jaw of one of the serpents with a stroke of his battle-axe." See also Smith's D. of A., Tripos, where it is figured. c. iravra dina ten of each kind, ten of every thing. Cf. i. 50, a, iravra rpKr^iXta. This passage is referred to by Miiller, ii. p. Ill, who remarks that " in later times it appears that a third of the booty fell to the king." Hence we may conclude too, that the use of gold and silver, though interdicted to the rest of the Spartans, was not so to the kings. B. BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 445 CH. LXXXII. a. /v iroXXov TO pioov, tlie difference between them iras great. Cf. i. 126, ol SI l$ao. K. T. X. that the difference be- tween them was great, and Eurip. Alcest. 914, ol/ioi iroXii yap ri> ftkffov. W. The line above, iirl fi\(ari,for a joke. Jelf, 634, 3, a. b. 8c ToifjvSf .... OVTU oi&priv K.T.\. " who, with such instru- ments of luxury at his command, had come to rob the Greeks of their scanty store." Thirlw. The word 6Yvp6c, wretched, sorry, is Homeric ; cf. II. i. 417, Odyss. iii. 95, &c. B. CH. LXXXIII. a. 6i]Kac xpvooii money-chests, S. and L. D., boxes, chests full of gold. B. So also D. 1. I. p. 154. b. iavT] Si . . . . vffTfpov tn rovriav, r&v K.T.\. This conjecture of V., instead of kiri rovriwv rwv viKpwv, (among or in the case of these corpses, when, &c.,) is adopted by B., who considers the other read- ing and the sense to be inexplicable then, afterwards, when the corpses became peeled of their jlesh, was seen, viz. what we are told of the skull of one solid bone without any suture. Other instances of similar conformations of the skull, and of the teeth, such as Pyrrhus is said to have had, may be found in L.'s note on this passage. CH. LXXXIV. a. l-^u fk riva ariv ical A. but the report goes tluit Dionysophanes buried Mardonius. Cf. S. and L. D. and v. 66, offjrjp Xoyov ?x, quoted by B. CH. LXXXV. a. Ma piv rot^ Ipivaf tOa-^av, "They, the Spar- tans, raised three barrows over their dead : one for the officers, among whom we read the name of Amompharetus ; the rest of the Spartans were buried under another, and the helots under a third : similar barrows marked the common graves in which the other cities collected their slain." Thirlw. ii. c. xvi. p. 350. V.'s con- jecture of Ipivag or ti'psvac for ipsac is adopted by all the comment- ators. Thirlw. further observes in a note that " this," viz. that the officers are intended, " seems to be the meaning of our author, if we adopt the reading tlptvtg for ipc, which manifestly cannot stand. But in this case the term Iprjv, or ilpt'iv, is here employed in a very different sense from that described by Plut Lye. 17, where it must be observed that the words OVTOG 6 tc'pr/v ap\n T&V viroTCTa-ffiivwv iv raif fiaxaig, refer, not as Manso, Sparta i. p. 344, understood them, to real battles, but to the exercises of the youths. If e'p fe is the true reading, it must be supposed that the tlpjjv was the name given, not to all the youths past twenty, but only to those who commanded the rest. This might be a regular step to rank in the army. But all this is very uncertain, and there seems to be less difficulty in the conjecture lirirktc." It is well known that at Sparta tKe young man from the age of eighteen to twenty was called ^tX- Xtipijv, and at twenty began to be called tlpijv, and that from both these periods he exercised a direct influence over his juniors in their several classes. H. P. A. 26. " The term "ipavtc. is explained by Hesychius as ap^ovrtf, SMKOVTIC., and t/pqva&t, to mean tcpard, and this appears to be the original meaning of the word. Amom- pharetus, Callicrates, &c., the Ipkvts i:i Herod, ix. 85, were cer- 446 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. tainly not youths, but commanders: particularly Amompharetus was lochagus of the Pitanatan lochus." Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 315, note. So also Smith's D. of A., EIpjjv. b. ry dirtarol at their absence from the battle. Cf. i. 85, b. " Many had lost no lives, or only in the skirmishes that preceded the decisive conflict. Yet, as the absence of their troops from the battle was involuntary, as all had borne a part in the danger, in the toil, in the purpose, which it fell to the lot of a few to effect, they cannot justly be charged with vanity or falsehood, if, as Hdtus as- serts, they raised some cenotaphs by the side of the sepulchres of their more fortunate allies." Thirlw. in I. THe battle of Plataa was fought, according to the Oxfd. Chron. Tables, Sept. 25, 479 n. c. According to others, Sept. 22. c. 7rp6voi/ Cf. viii. 136, c., and vi. 57, e. CH. LXXXVI. a. TV}yi/tf;v Cf. ix. 36. 'Arrayivov. Cf. IX. 15. aowykrai, i. q. dp^ovrtg dva Trpwroug, inter priinos s. principes. Cf. Viger, p. 575. B. 6. OVTU 5) Cf. ix. 63, b. CH. LXXXVI I. a. ;rXsw fttj avaTr\r)i ITIKTI K. r. X. Cf. iii. 65, the imprecation of Cambyses. B. e. irpotyavTo. St K. T. X. and it was foreshown or explained to them. On Trpo^jyraf, cf. viii. 36, b. f. avToi yap K. r. \.for they (the gods) had stirred up the wolr.es had set the wolves upon them. " Loquuntur prophetse sed uterque dei nomine cujus propheta est, avrol igitur intelliguntur Jupiter Dodonceus et Apollo Delphicus." Schw. g. Somv ToiavTT)v ri\v K. r. X. such a present as many men would pronounce him happy for having. CH. XCIV. a. cLTropp. 7Toi?j(r. Cf. ix. 45, a. ; and on virdyovrtc, viii. 106, c. On icare/Saivov ori'XXwTr. i. 90, d. b. Siio eXijpouc K. T. X. Miiller, Dor. ii. bk. iii. c. 9, p. 162, (quoted by B.,) referring to this passage, observes, " Apollonia kept the nearest to the original colonial constitution, upon which its fame for justice is probably founded. The government remained almost exclusively in the hands of the noble families and descendants ot the first colonists, to whom the large estates doubtless belonged." c. ipQvTov navnKrjv a divinely implanted (or inborn, innate) spirit of divination. Cf. Horn. Odyss. xxii- 348, Qtog Se /*ot iv Qpialv oi/*aj ITavroiac iv'tyvotv. Wess. CH. XCV. a. |jn/3ar. row Ei-tjv. ovvoftarog, usurping, assuming, the name of Evenius. Cf. iii. 63, a., 67. b. iZeXanfiavi iiri rtjv 'EXX. ic. T. X. he contracted to do work, viz. divination. S. and L. D. Lit. he took it in from others to do, as we say, " to take in needlework," and the like. tTri rijv 'EXX. is, simj ly, over Greece. CH. XCVI. a. if (caXXUp/rf, when tJie sacrifices -proved pro- pitious. Cf. vii. 134, b. b. TO 'HpoTov Cf. iii. 60, c. c. ov yap wv iSoK. lift, tlvat. The force of the particle <7v in this sentence is to express that something may be clearly inferred from the preceding circumstances. Matth. Gr. Gr. 625. d. iiiro TOV irt bv arparbv under the shelter of their land forces. On Tigranes, cf. vii. 62, ix. 102. B. e. Kpriatyi'ytTOV. Cf. V. 124, b. CH. XCVII. a. Taiauva The Gaeson, near Mycale, is men- tioned in Athenseus, vi. p. 311. The Scolopois is not mentioned by any other author, but it appears, by this passage, to have joined the Gaeson, not far from its mouth. Schw. b. NtiXty rif K6S. Cf. i. 142, b., and v. 65, c. Similar Ionic forms to KTHJTVQ are found principally in Callimachus, who uses apiraKTiif, SIWKTVC., yXac, pairrvg, aXr/rflf, otaTtvrvQ. In V. 6, OC- curs Xri'iffrvf, and in Hesychius, Qpaarvc., diroSaaTvc, &c. B. c. xapxrKtitndaTo. Srd.pers. plur. plusquam perf. pass. Ionic for BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 449 aafjiivoi fjaav from 7rapaata. It OCCUTS also in l. 100. Cf. Jelf, 197, 4, and 218, obs. 10. Cf. on iro\iopicjjffitvav Ictlv, ? distrusting that he sees her gone ; cf. Lin- wood's Lex. So in Thucydides dvpaKTog, not accomplishing his pur- pose ; and in Sophocles dSipKro^, d.K\avarof, &c. &c. CH. XCIX. a. TO.VTO. viroOtfitvov, when he had given this sug- gestion, viz. to the lonians. B. b. vTTovoriaavTfc . . . . ret 'EXX. tppov rd OTrXa. suspecting that the Samians held the same sentiments as the Greeks, i. e. took the 2 o 450 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. Greek side, they deprive them of their arms. Cf. rd 'EXXijvuv (poor. vii. 102, c., quoted by B. So rd Ilipatwv Qpovitiv. c. Xuffaptvoi. having ransomed. On the common rate of ransom among the Greeks, cf. v. 77, c. On Srjdtv, as they pretended, cf. i. 59, i. d. Tolai KCII KariSoKtov K. r. X. against whom they entertained the idea that they would attempt some revolutionary movement, roiat, dat. incommodi. The verb Karacoicilv in other passages of Hdtus (as in i. 22, 79, 111, iii. 27, vi. 16, viii. 69, ix. 57, collected by B.) when put absolutely, or with an accusative and infinitive, or with an ac- cusative only, has nearly the same force as the simple verb Soiciiv, existimare. Here the Kara adds its force, so that the verb signifies to form an opinion against one, i. e. to condemn, or, at least, to suspect. When thus used it might seem to require a genitive case; but Hdtus, instead of icaraytXav TIVOQ and Karaicpiviiv TtvoQ, says icara- ytXav Tivl, iii. 37, 38, &c. ; and KaTaicpiviiv nvi, vii. 146. So here KaraSoKtiv nvi. Cf. Jelf, 629, obs. vto\fibv irottlv, to make a disturb- ance, to attempt an insurrection or a revolutionary movement, occurs also, as B. notes, in iv. 201, and ix. 104. So vio^ovv in v. 19. e. avvtfyop. TO. yippa K.T. X. Cf. ix. 61, C. CH.^C. a. TTapiffKivdEaro Cf. ix. 97 f c. b. y Si tyriM K. r. X. Long (Summary of Hdtus, p. 129) observes that the exact meaning of ^ij/uj/, and the synonymous term K\rjSwv in the following ch., may be doubtful. He appears inclined to take it of " a supernatural voice." See S. and L. D., $r\\ii\. By B., Thirlw., &c., it is understood of " a rumour or report" It is sup- posed by Diodorus Sic. xi. 35, and by Polyaenus, Stratagem, i. 33, with more probability, that the report of the victory at Plateea was purposely spread by Leotychides, who really could not have known it, for the purpose of animating his troops. V. The contrary opinion, viz. that there is no reason for doubting the narration of Hdtus, is held by B. Cf. Thirlw. ii. c. xvi. p. 358. c. TtJ avTrjt; j'lftipng avfitwrrovang In this sentence if the word avrije were omitted, the sense, viz. the day (of the two battles) coin- ciding, would be quite clear; yet it is better to retain avrijs, the same day (of the two engagements) coinciding, i. e. the ttco engagements falling out on the same day, than with W. to alter the text to r>Jc awrTje ripipns, ovuiritrrovTog TOV .... rpwfiaTog. Schw. CH. CI. a. Trap' aitro TO A//i. Cf. ix. 57, 62. B. b. 6p9wf ffi ij (pi)nt) aw. tXQovaa. the rumour that came to them turned out correctly, i. e. to be true. Recte Us acciditfama adveniens, s. recte iisfama enunciavit. B. c. fijjvog rf TOV avTov, On the 3rd day of the Attic month Boedro- mion, according to Plutarch, Life of Camillus, c. xix. W. Cf. also ix. 85, b. irtpl StiXqv, in the line above, in the afternoon ; (Vapres midi. L.) Cf. S. and L. D., AXj. It occurs also in ii. 173, vii. 223, viii. 9. B. BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 451 d. firj irepi Map. irraiay / 'EXXaf. lest Mardonius should prove ft stumbling-block to Greece, i. e. lest Greece should meet a disaster at the hands of Mardonius. Cf. Thucyd. vi. 33, Kav iripl fftyiaiv avrou; ra ir\ilta TrrouWiv, even if they should miscarry mostly through their own blunders ; and in Thucyd. i. 69, irfpl ai/r} K\y5iliv, cf. preceding ch. note b. CH. CII. a. rolcri Tr/oofft^sirt K. r. X. with those who were drawn up next them ; to wit, the troops of Corinth, Sicyon, and Trcezen, see infra in this same ch., composing about half of the army. Thirlw. in /. The Athenians were under the command of Xanthippus, s. of Ariphron. b. tTi KUI Sij tpaxovTo. In this sentence Schw., B., and others are agreed that instead of m we should read rjSij, or entirely omit it, as having crept into the text from the preceding tYepy. e. ovStv tXauffov tlxov had none the worst of it, were not inferior. Cf. ix. 70, irXeov tl^ov, had the best of it. tpyou tlxovro, applied them- selves to the task in hand, or, applied themselves to the combat. Cf. also viii. 11, and ii. 121, 1. B. d. KO.T' oXtyove yivofjitvoi, cf. viii. 113, C. rotert alfl .... tffiri- iTTovai, with those who in succession kept rushing in. Cf. rov aid ftaa. ii. 98, a. e. 'Apravvrtg ical 'WafiirpriQ, Cf. viii. 130. On Mardontes, cf. vii. 80, viii. 130. On Tigranes, vii. 62, ix. 96. B. CH. CII I. a. ra Xoiira awSitxtipiZov. assisted in finishing ivhat remained. " The arrival of the Spartans decided the conflict, and put them to a total rout." Thirlw. in /. ii. c. xvi. p. 359. airai- paip/;/iEj/o TO. oTi-Xa, having been deprived of their arms. Cf. ix. 99, b. b. wf tldov .... frtpaXKeo rjv ^o^nv as soon as ever theyjirst saw the battle becoming inclined to one side, &c. So Thirlw. " as soon as they saw the battle begin to turn." S. and L. D. renders IT. /la^ here anceps pugna, which does not appear to me to hit the meaning, as I infer from the introduction of yivopivriv, and from the general notion the sentence seems to convey ; that they waited to see how the battle would go, and when they saw the victory inclining to the Greeks, then they interfered. Cf. ^Eschyl. Persse, 950, quoted by W., 'Iwvwv vavQpaKTOf "ApriQ trfpaXicjJe K. r. X. CH. CIV. a. irftoatTtTaKTo .... IJfp. rag SwSovc Instead of under- standing, as W. suggests, Trpoc before TWV Yltpaswv, or else consider- ing that the genitive depends upon the preposition in composition, Schw. connects rag SioSovg ru>v II. the passes of the Persians, the passes by which the Persians could retreat. b. TI vio\nbv irotiotiv. Cf. ix. 99, d. c. aXXac TI KaTrjytofjiivoi r. Cf. i. 24. vwiti. ioivrbv Karfp-ydaarrGai, he promised he would make away with himself, and so v. 20, iipyaiaOai. B. b. Kepi avacrraerioe 7"*JC 'Iuivi'j;c, about removing the inhabitants from Ionia, viz. into some other country, such as Greece, where they might be safe from the Persians, and there assigning them lands. So below ; owe tSoKit 'itavinv yivsaQai dvdararov, non placuit Ionics sedes relinquere, incolis in aliam terram translates, patrice solo mot is. Schvv. Lex., quoted by B. Hdtus is not here speaking of a violent removal from one's native country, (avaoirdarovq iroitiv, cf. iv. 204, and ii. 104, a.,) but of a voluntary transmigration. Cf. vii. 118. But TO. iftiropta iKai>a0rr}ffavrae is to be understood of a violent seizure, and transplantation of the inhabitants of those maritime towns which had sided with the Persians. Cf. i. 155, vii. 170. The remark of Blomfield, Glossary, jEsch. Persae, 42, is worthy of note, that in the catalogue of the Persian forces jEschylus makes no mention of the lonians, from an unwillingness to cast blame upon those who were colonists of the Athenians, and towards whom they were well disposed. B. oicy rijg 'E\\dSos. Gen. of Position. Cf. ii. 43, a., and Jelf, 527. c. 'iwvwv irpoKarijaOai, Ion. for irpoKaBrjoQai from TrpoKaQnuai, pro- perly perfect of irpoicaBtZofiai, to defend or protect the lonians. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 575, and viii. 36. A few lines below, 'Iwvac o&Sfpitjv .... a7raXXafu/, they had no expectation that the lonians would get offivith impunity from the Persians. d. n.t\oirovvr}aiwv .... rolai iv ri\ii iovei to those in office among the Peloponnesians, the Peloponnesian commanders. Cf. iii. 18, b. e. ovdt TTtXoTroi'vjjffioKTi .... fiovXtviiv, Instead of the dative, Schw. conjectures the accus. IIiXoTrovvnaiovs : others would under- stand abv, nor that they (the Athenians) should deliberate with the Peloponnesians ; or, iv, coram Peloponnesiis. It is better with B. to understand from the foregoing sentence, fivkaQai before Ht\oirov- BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 453 nor that it should fall or be permitted to the Pebponnesians, &c.; or else supply Sovvat, the Athenians did not think it right to give an opportunity to the Peloponnesians to interfere in the manage- ment of their colonies. f. dvTirtivovrwv It TOVT'IWV K. T. X. " Their allies readily dropped the scheme, which perhaps they had scarcely meditated in earnest, and it was agreed that the continental lonians should be left to make the best terms they could with the Persians, but that Chios, Lesbos, and Samos, and the other islands of the JEgean, should be solemnly admitted into the Greek confederacy, and should bind themselves never to abandon it." Thirlw. in 1. ii. c. xvi. p. 359. CH. CVII. a. MaC Se ol . . . . KctTtpyaaQijvai, when she could not be overcome by his messages or persuasions. Before iSvvaro sub. / yvvrj. o\ Trpojrs/iTrovn refer to Xerxes. Trponiinrftv, to send persons to solicit a woman's affection. So wpoac vtyKtiv \6yovc. by Xenophon, and Trttpav by Lucian, Valck. arfd B. On the story that follows, see the remarks in H.'s Pers. ch. ii. p. 256, seqq., on the economy of the Royal Harem, and cf. what is thence quoted in vii. 3, c. b. TrpofiTjGio/jitvoQ .... rffv ywalKa K. T. X., out of respect to his brother Masistes ; and this same thing (viz. the knowledge that Xerxes had this feeling) influenced the lady also ; for she was well aware that she would not meet icith violence. Cf. Jelf, 681, 6. Participle as the completion of the verbal notion. The nom. participle is sometimes found with future notions where we should use the infinitive, when the future may be paraphrased by /ieXXw, and ex- presses the present fact or certainty that something is about to 454 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. happen. Hence the participle refers to some present conviction or intention with regard to something future. c. spyo/jEvof T&V d\\iav, shut out from all other methods of proce- dure, B. or refraining from, giving over every other means. Schw. irpr)affii, he plans, endeavours to bring about. Aapay. Dat. Commodi. Cf. Jelf, 598. d. f "Zovffa. Cf. Hi. 68, 5. e. ?jyayTo .... rjjv yvvaTica, he brought the lady into his own palace, for, i. e. as a wife for, Darius ; cf. i. 34, aytrai piv T( naiSl yvvalea, brings into the house a wife for his son, in reference to the father contracting an alliance for the son and bringing the lady home to the paternal mansion, whence the newly-married couple would afterwards remove. So i. 69, -yvvalica .... aytaQai IQ ra oiKia, and in iv. 78. In the next line SiapiiiltaptvoG, changing, altering, irvy^avt, got possession of. CH. CIX. a. "AfiT)ffrpi TJ Ssp^ffc) yvvfi, Prideaux, Conn. sub. an. 477 B. c., after recounting the substance of the foregoing and fol- lowing chapters, says, " and in relating of this I have been the more particular, because several, viz. Scaliger and his followers, having been of opinion, by reason of the similitude that is between the names of Hamestris and Esther, that Xerxes was the Ahasuerus and Hamestris the Esther mentioned in Scripture, it may from hence (that is, from a recital of her cruelties) appear, how im- possible it is that a woman of so vile and abominable a cha- racter as Hamestris was, could ever have been that queen of Persia, who, by the name of Esther, is so renowned in holy writ," &c. Further on, sub. an. 465 B. c., " It appears from Hdtus that Xerxes had a son by Hamestris, who was marriageable, and there- fore it is impossible she (Hamestris) could be Esther; for Esther was not married to Ahasuerus till the seventh year of his reign, Esther ii. 16, nor could possibly have been taken into his bed sooner than two years before and therefore the sixth year was the soonest she could have a son by him. Besides, Artaxerxes, the third son of Hamestris, cf. Diod. Sic. ii., being grown up to the state of a man at the death of his father, which happened in the twenty-first of his reign, he must have been born before the sixth year of his reign. All which put together, do sufficiently prove, how much soever the names Esther and Hamestris may be alike, the persons could not be the same." Prideaux then goes on to prove, against Usher and Scaliger, that without doubt the Ahasu- erus of the book of Esther is Artaxerxes Longimanus. Cf. vii. 3, c., and refs given to H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 256, seqq. b. ry Si Kctewg yap K. r. X., but she, for it was fated that calamity should befall her and all her house, (or, her, household and all,) there- fore said to Xerxes, &c. ry refers to Artaynte. Cf. Jelf, 786, obs. 6. Tap, Explanatory force. The two clauses are often so com- pressed together, that the subject of the former is placed in the IX. CALLIOPE. 455 latter, and even follows the government thereof; as here, ry (} sc.) St Kcricuic yap fStt K. r. \. Cf. iv. 200, a., i. 24, b. c. Travrolog iyivero K.r. \., Nihil non tentavit, quo efficeret ut non daret. Jelf, 690, 1. Cf. vii. 10, 3, d., iii. 124, a. d. fifj KdTtiKaZovay K. T. X. lest he should be discovered in his in- trigue by Amestris, who had even already guessed what was going on. Instead of the dative, Gaisford reads the nominative, (cf. Jelf, 707, c.,) and Schw. the genitive of the participle. iSiSov was for giving, was ready to give. Cf. Jelf, 398, 2. CH. CX. a. QvXdZaoa .... Stiirvov trporiQiptvov waiting for the day when her husband Xerxes should hold the royal feast. Cf. on the regard for the birthday among the Persians, i. 133, a. Among the Romans similarly the emperor's birthday was celebrated by the ludi Natalitii. B. b. rfiv Kt^aXffv a^arai anoints his head. But in iv. 73, apr\- aafuvoi. rt\c Kfa\a, having washed or scoured their heads ; capita, sive foedati antea, sen quomodocunque lid, defricantes atque ablu- entes. W. CH. CXI. a. virb TOV vopov iipy6ptvo, being prevented by the law, i. e. from doing otherwise than grant the favour asked. Cf. vii. 96, b. b. Xoyov d\pr)(TTov, sermonem malum, inopportunum, infelicem, dam- nosum. Schw. Lex. Perhaps, rather, with S. and L. D., not XpqoTOG, a cruel, unkind proposal. c. Kara, voov .... Kapra tovffa. much to my mind ; i. e. extremely agreeable to, much in far^jur ivith me. Cf. vi. 37, It occurs also in v. 106, vi. 130, i. 117, ix. 45. B. A few lines lower pedantic (3tu, by no means constrain me, put no violence upon me. d. ovTia STJ . . . . 7r7rpj)icrai. igitur-huc profecisti ; so then you have brought things to this pass. Schw. Better with B., ita sane actum est de te ; so then it is all over with you, you have ruined yourself; cf. vii. 10, 3, SupyaoTo av K. T. X. it would have been all over with the Persians. CH. CXI I. a. SiaXvfiaivtTai foedissime tractat, dilacerat, fear- fully maltreats. Verba Tovg rt fta?oii airorapovaa in simili re exstant, iv. 202. B. Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 398, in vii. 3, c., and ix. 109, a. CH. CXIII. a. vouov rbv Baicrpiov, Cf. iii. 93, d. It was one of the most extensive and powerful satrapies of the whole empire, and hence, as well as from its position, it often became the seat of insurrection and war against the monarch. B. On the power of the Satraps, cf. refs in i. 192, a., iii. 127, b. b. TO.VTO. iKtlvov Trpf)-iroToirri9fvra, who suspected nought. Cf. vi. 70, a. b. Ttjv 'Affirjv iraaav vouiovai K. T. X. Cf. i. 4, b., vii. 5, b. and refs, on the same sentiment. c. rb Tffitvog tairiipf KOI tv'tptro. sowed tJie sacred enclosure, (the consecrated domain round the temple ; cf. iv. 161, b.,) and turned flocks and herds into it to graze. Artayctes' impieties are also men- tioned in vii. 33. CH. CXVI I. a. TJjffvaXXov were uneasy, or vexed. Cf. iii. 152. On OKo>c airayoitv, cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 531, obs. 2. oi)ro> Srf ianp- jov, then indeed they made themselves content with, or, acquiesced in, &c. B. CH. CXVIII. a. rove TOVOVG the cords or braces of their couches, rovoi rwv K\tvtwv, nervi, lectulis et sellis intendendis ha- biles, quibus elixis et igne mollitis famem domare nitebantur miseri. W. CH. CXIX. a. 'AtyivQtot A nation of the Thracian Chersonese mentioned in vi. 34. " nXttVrwpoc qui fuerit, aeque ignore atque Wesseling." B. ^Egos-Potamos, a small town and river in the Thracian Chersonese, witnessed the final defeat of the Athenian fleet at the close of the Peloponnesian War, 405 B. c. Cf. Xenoph. Hell. ii. 19, and Arrowsmith, Eton G. c. 15, p. 328. CH. CXX. a. rapi'xovg preserved, i. e. dried or salt fish. Fur- ther on in the ch., referring to Protesilaus, an embalmed body, a mummy. iiraXkovro Kai tfoTratpov, leapt and quivered. Cf. i. 141. b. TTtpixvQivrf, crowding round, airoiva .... tTriQitvai, heec re- demtionis pretia ei, Protesilao sc. adponam s. solvam, I will make him this compensation. ' So directly afterwards Karadtivai, deponere, in dei sc. templo, id est, solcere ; and in ii. 159, icara/3aXXv. B. c. rt/ztopoj/rfc> t avenge the cause of. Kara\pi}aQijvai, to make away with, slay. Cf. iv. 146, a. "MuSvrov, cf. vii. 34, a. d. ffaviSa Trpoairasa. avtrp. clavis assert adfixum suspenderunt. Schw. irpoffiraffaaXivaavTic sc. avTif. T/iey crucified him. Cf. vii. 33, b. KareXtvaav, stoned to death. Cf. ix. 5, b. CH. CXXI. a. ru ojrXo Cf. ix. 115, a. CH. CXXII. a. o .... itjyi)ffafuvoc Xoyov . r.X. who set forth, BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 457 or, ir as the author of a proposal, which they took up and addretsed to Cyrus. On the Persian Ztug, cf. vii. 40, b. b. yfiv .... oAryijv, rat Tavrrjv rpijxfTjv, a narrow territory and a barren one too. Cf. i. 71, b. . c. BuvfiaaroTfpoi. more regarded with admiration, more respected, or paid court to. KOTS .... raXAiov, for when Witt there' be a more favourable opportunity. Cf. iii. /3, 142. B. d. apZoptvovQ. to be ruled. Cf. Find. Ol. viii. 45, aptrat parebit, Jelf, 364, a. 7roAtopejj(ro/vo, about to be besieged. Cf. ix. 97, b., i. 135, a., iii. 97- H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 212, 213. f. avyyvovTis allotting, confessing, i. e. that the opinion of Cyrus was the correct one. iaawQ. ry yrw/jy, cf. viii. 130, c. \vvpjjv sc. yfiv, a poor, or sorry soil. S. and L. D. [This ch., the 122nd, is suspected by B. either to have been added by some grammarian, or to have been left unconnected by Hdtus. The composition of the speech itself he considers hard and somewhat unnatural, unlike the easy flow of Hdtus' language, and its introduction here out of place, as the work naturally terminates with the conclusion of the foregoing chapter.] APPENDIX. i. THE TROJAN WAR. [From Grate's History of Greece.'] ON the historical basis of this legend, Mr. Grote finely remarks, " Of such events the genuine Trojan war of the old epic was for the most part composed. Though literally believed, reverentially cherished, and numbered among the gigantic phenomena of the past by the Grecian public, it is, in the eyes of modern inquiry, essentially a legend, and nothing more. If we are asked whether it be not a legend embodying portions of historical matter, and raised upon a basis of truth ; whether there may not really have occurred at the foot of the hill of Ilium a war purely human and political, without gods, without heroes, without Helena, without Amazons, without Ethiopians under the beautiful son of Eos, without the wooden horse, without the characteristic and impres- sive features of the old epical war, like the mutilated trunk of Deiphobus in the under world ; if we are asked whether there was not really some such historical Trojan war as this, our answer must be, that as the possibility of it cannot be denied, so neither can the reality of it be affirmed. We possess nothing but the ancient epic itself, without any independent evidence : had it been an age of records, indeed, the Homeric epic, in its exquisite and unsuspecting simplicity, would probably never have come into existence. Whoever, therefore, ventures to dissect Homer, Ark- tinus, and Lesches, and to pick out certain portions as matter-of- fact, while he sets aside the rest as fiction, must do so in full re- liance on his own powers of historical divination, without any means either of proving or verifying his conclusions." APPENDIX. 45& II. THE EPHORJ. [From Encyclop. Metrop. Early History of Greece, p. 145.] WHETHER these magistrates, named the Ephori, were established by Lycurgus, or appointed under the sanction of the oracle, more than a century after his time, is uncertain. Herodotus and Xeno- phon attribute their appointment to Lycurgus, while Plutarch, after Aristotle, places their institution 130 years later, in the reign of Theopompus, of whom it is related, that when his wife up- braided him that he would leave the regal power to his children less than he received it, replied, Nay, but greater, because more lasting. The Ephori were five in number, like the Quinqueviri at Car- thage. They were annually chosen by the people, in their general assemblies, and designed to be a check on both the senate and the kings ; thus possessing a power not unlike the tribunitial authority in Rome. In the exercise of this power they were obliged to be unanimous. It was among the duties of the Ephori not only to preside in the assemblies of the people, and collect their suffrages, but also to proclaim war and negociate peace ; to decide on the number of troops to be embodied, and to appoint the funds for their maintenance. They appear, indeed, at length to have en- grossed nearly the whole power in the administration of the govern- ment ; yet, according to Herodotus, the kings still possessed an authority and distinction scarcely consistent with such a power in the Ephori. [For more, see the extracts from Smith's D. of A., Ephori, quoted in the body of this work, and the references given in vi. 82, a.] III. ON BOOK II. 109. [From Grote's Hist, of Greece, ii. p. 154.] THE Greeks obtained access in Egypt and the interior of Asia to an enlarged stock of astronomical observations, to the use of the gnomon or sun-dial, and to a more exact determination of the length of the solar year than that which served as the basis of their various lunar periods. According to Herodotus, they also 460 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. acquired from the Babylonians the conception of the " pole," or of the heavens as a complete hollow sphere, revolving round and en- closing the earth ; * and this idea, an important departure from the Homeric point of view, was either adopted from them, or imagined by Thales, who still, however, continued to treat the earth as a flat, thick plate, supported on water, and remaining unmoved. It is pretended that Thales was the first who predicted an eclipse of the sun not indeed accurately, but with large limits of error as to the time of its occurrence and that he also possessed so profound an acquaintance with meteorological phenomena and probabilities, as to be able to foretell an abundant crop of olives for the coming year, and to realize a large sum of money by an olive speculation. IV. SCRIPTURAL FACTS DISGUISED IN HERODOTUS. [From Literature of Ancient Greece, Encyclop. Metrop., HERODOTUS, p. 248, note.] THE connexion between Egypt and Judea, so often noticed in the Sqriptures, and the occasional alliances on the one hand, and the trade of the Phcenicians with both countries on the other, are quite sufficient to account for the disguise in which several scrip- tural facts appear in Herodotus ; for instance, Hercules' slaying a thousand men, is evidently an Egyptian version of Samson's ex- ploit at Ramath Lehi (Judg. xv. 17) ; and the taking of Hercules to the altar to be sacrificed, and his putting forth his strength and slaying them every one when they began the solemnities, (ii. 45,) shows that the slaughter of the Philistines .was mixed up with Samson's pulling down the temple of Dagon at Gaza (Judg. xvi. 30). Again, Herodotus (ii. 42) is told by the people of the Tneban nome, who wish to account for their sacrifices, sheep and not goats, "that Hercules was very desirous of seeing Jupiter; Jupiter did not wish to be seen ; he therefore skinned a ram, cut off the head, which he held before him, next wrapped himself in the fleece, and thus showed himself to Hercules." Now, though the ram may have been adapted by the Egyptians to emblematic astronomy, it is more decidedly emblematic of fact. Hercules, wishing to see, i. e. offer sacrifice to Jupiter, is the Egyptian garbled account of Abraham about to sacrifice his son. Jupiter does not wish to be * In the note on this passage, I have followed S. and L. D. and other authorities, in taking jroAo?, of a hollow tun-dial ; but Mr. Grote's opinion seemed to me well worth the transcribing at full length. APPENDIX. 46 1 seen, i. e. God does not wish to receive the sacrifice : he causes a ram to be slain, however, and, with this sacrificial intervention, shows himself to Abraham. Abraham's sojourn in Egypt, his in- timate connexion with that country, and the high antiquity of that connexion these at once prove the source of the Egyptian tale and account for its perversion: the "seeing" and "snowing" in Herodotus, involve devotional Hebraisms that throw still stronger light upon this source. The very Hebrew term, Amon, " faithful," closely connects this history with the title given to Abraham. Again, we find the same disposition to Egyptianize foreign history, in the account given to Herodotus (ii. 141) of Sennacherib king of the Assyrians' invasion of Egypt. Herodotus was told " that the field mice poured forth in legions against the enemy during the night, and ate up their quivers, and bows, and shield-thongs, so that next day, a multitude of the invaders, being deprived of their arms, fell in the night." With the Egyptians the mouse was em- blematic of destruction. (Horapoll. Hierogl. i. 50.) Hence, after appropriating to themselves the Jewish history, (2 Kings xviii. 19; '2 Chron. xxxii.,) they not only emblematized that destruction, but applied the emblem in its literal sense. Herodotus records the capture by Pharo Necos of Cadytis, (called by the Arabs, El-Cods, the holy city, i. e. Jerusalem,) and his victory over the Syrian forces at Magdolus. This time the Egyptian credit was safe, and we accordingly find greater harmony with the Scripture account. See 2 Kings xxiii. 29 ; 2 Chron. xxxv. 22. V. THE PELASGI. [From Grate's History of Greece.} THERE are indeed various names which are affirmed to designate ante-Hellenic inhabitants of many parts of Greece, the Pelasgi, the Leleges, the Kuretes, &c. These are names belonging to legendary, not to historical Greece. That these names designated real people, may be true, but here our knowledge ends : we have no well-informed witness to tell us their times, their limits of re- sidence, their acts, or their character : nor do we know how far they are identical with, or diverse from, the historical Hellens whom we are warranted in calling, not indeed the first inhabitants of the country, but the first known to us upon any tolerable evidence. If any man is inclined to call the unknown ante- Hellenic period of Greece by the name of Pelasgic, it is open to 462 NOTES OK HERODOTUS. him to do so; but this is a name carrying with it no assured pre- dicates, no way enlarging our insight into real history, nor en- abling us to explain what would be the real historical problem how, or from whom the Hellens acquired that stock of dispositions, aptitudes, arts, &c., with which they begin their career. Whoever has examined the many conflicting systems respecting the Pelasgi, from the literal belief of Clavier, Larcher, and Raoul Rochette, (which appears to me at least the most consistent way of proceed- ing,) to the interpretative and half incredulous processes applied by abler men, such as Niebuhr, or O. Miiller, or Dr. Thirlwall will not be displeased with my resolution to decline so insoluble a problem. No attested facts are now present to us, none were present to Herodotus and Thucydides even in their age, on which to build trustworthy affirmations respecting the ante-Hellenic Pelasgians : where such is the case, we may without impropriety apply the remark of Herodotus respecting one of the theories which he had heard for explaining the inundation of the Nile by a supposed connexion with the ocean that " the man who carries up his story into the invisible world, passes out of the range of criticism." [See also Appendix vii. p. 466.] VI. EGYPT. [From Smith's Diet, of Greek and R. Geogr., THE NOMES. THE Nile-valley was parcelled out into a number of cantons, varying in size and number. Each of these cantons was called a nome (voftog) by the Greeks, praefectura oppidorum by the Romans. Each had its civil governor, the nomarch (vo/xapxoc), who collected the crown revenues, and presided in the local capital and chief court of justice. Each nome, too, had its separate priesthood, its temple, chief and inferior towns, its magistrates, registration, and peculiar creed, ceremonies, and customs, and each was apparently independent of every other nome. At certain seasons, delegates from the various cantons met in the palace of the Labyrinth for con- sultation on public affairs. (Strab. p. 81 1.) According to Diodorus, (i. 54,) the nomes date from Sesostris. But they did not originate with that monarch, but emanated probably from the distinctions of animal worship ; and the extent of the local worship probably determined the boundary of the nome. Thus in the nome of APPENDIX. 463 Thebais, where the ram-headed deity was worshipped, the sheep was sacred, the goat was eaten and sacrificed : in that of Mendes, where the goat was worshipped, the sheep was a victim and an article of food. Again, in the nome of Ombos, divine honours were paid to the crocodile; in that of Tentyra, it was hunted and abominated; and between Ombos and Tentyra there existed an internecine feud. (Juv. Sat. xv.) The extent and number of the nomes cannot be ascertained. They probably varied with the political state of Egypt. Under a dynasty of the conquerors, they would extend eastward and westward to the Red Sea and Libyan deserts : under the Hyksos, the Ethiopian conquest, and the times of anarchy subsequent to the Persian invasion, they would shrink within the Nile-valley. The kingdoms of Sais and Xois, and the foundation of Alexandria, probably multiplied the Deltaic cantons : and generally commerce, or the residence of the military caste, would attract the nomes to Lower Egypt- According to Strabo (pp. 787 811), the Labyrinth, or hall of the nomarchs, contained 27 chambers, and thus, at one period, the nomes must have been 27 in number, 10 in the Thebaid, 10 in the Delta, and 7- as its name implies, in the Heptanomis. But the Heptanomis, at an- other period, contained 16 nomes, and the sum of these cantons is variously given. From the dodecarchy, or government of 12 kings, and from Herodotus' assertion (ii. 148) that there were only 12 halls in the Labyrinth, we are disposed to infer that at one time there were only 12 of these cantons, and that there were always 12 larger or preponderating nomes. According to the list given by Pliny (v. 9, 9) and Ptolemy, there must have been at least 45 nomes ; but each of these writers gives several names not found in the other, and if we should add the variations of the one list to the other, the sum would be much greater. ANIMAL WORSHIP. Animal worship is so intimately connected with the division of the country into noraes, and, in some degree, with the institution of castes, that we must briefly allude to it, although the subject is much too extensive for more than allusion. The worship of animals was either general or particular, common to the whole nation, or several to the nome. Thus throughout Egypt, the ox, the dog, and the cat, the ibis and the hawk, and the fishes lepidotus and oxyrrnchus, were objects of veneration. The sheep was wor- shipped only in the Saitic and Thebaid nomes : the goat, at Mendes ; the wolf, at Lycopolis ; the cepus, (a kind of ape,) at Babylon, near Memphis ; the lion, at Leontopolis ; the eagle, at Thebes ; the shrew- mouse, at Athribis ; and others elsewhere, as will be particularly noticed when we speak of their respective temples. As we have already seen, the object of reverence in one nome was accounted common and unclean, if not, indeed, the object of persecution, in 464 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. another. Animal worship has been in all ages the opprobrium of Egypt. (Comp. Clem. Alex. iii. 2, p. 253, Potter; Diod. i. 84.) The Hebrew prophets denounced, the anthropomorphic religionists of Hellas derided it. To the extent to which the Egyptians carried it, especially in the decline of the nation, it certainly approached to the fetish superstitions of the neighbouring Libya. But we must bear in mind, that our vergers to the Coptic temples are Greeks, who, being ignorant of the language, misunderstood much that they heard, and being preoccupied by their own ritual or philosophy, misinterpreted much that they saw. One good effect may be ascribed to this form of superstition. In no country was humanity to the brute creation so systematically practised. The origin of animal worship has been variously, but never satisfactorily, accounted for. If they were worshipped as the auxiliaries of the husbandman in producing food or destroying vermin, how can we account for the omission of swine and asses, or for the adoption of lions and wolves, amongst the objects of veneration. The Greeks, as was their wont, found many idle solutions of an enigma which probably veiled a feeling originally earnest and pious. They im- agined that animals were worshipped because their effigies were the standards in war, like the Roman Bii Castrorum. This is evidently a substitution of cause for effect. The representations of animals on martial ensigns were the standards of the various nomes. (Diod. i. 85.) Lucian (Astrolog. v. p. 215, seqq. Bipont) suggested that the bull, the lion, the fish, the ram, and the goat, &c., were corre- lates to the zodiacal emblems ; but this surmise leaves the crocodile, the cat, and the ibis, &c., of the temples unexplained. It is much more probable that, among a contemplative and serious race, as the Egyptians certainly were, animal-worship arose out of the detection of certain analogies between instinct and reason, and that to the initiated the reverence paid to the beasts was a primitive expression of pantheism, or the recognition of the Creator in every type of his work. The Egyptians are not the only peo- ple who have converted type into substance, or adopted in a literal senee the metaphorical symbols of faith. CASTES AND POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS. The number of the Egyptian castes is very variously stated. Herodotus (ii. 164) says that they were seven the sacerdotal, and the military, herdsmen, swineherds, shopkeepers, interpreters, and boatmen. Plato (Timaeus, iii. p. 24) reckons six ; Diodorus, in one passage (i. 28), represents them as three priests and hus- bandmen, from whom the army was levied, and artisans. But in another (i. 74) he extends the number to five, by the addition of soldiers and shepherds. Strabo limits them to three priests, soldiers, and husbandmen ; and as this partition is virtually correct, we shall adopt it after brief explanation. The existence APPENDIX. 465 of castes is a corroborative proof of the Asiatic origin of the Egyptians. The stamp of caste was not in Egypt, as is by some asserted, indelible. The son usually, but not inevitably, followed his father's trade or profession. From some of the pariah classes indeed such as that of the swineherds it was scarcely possible to escape. VII. THE PELASGIANS. [From Twiss's Niebuhr, ch. iii. p. 6.] THE Pelasgians were a different nation from the Hellens : their language was peculiar, and not Greek ; in other words, although it possessed an essential affinity to it, it was still so different as not to be intelligible to Greeks. Such is the meaning of Herodotus, who deviates, however, from all other Greek writers in ranking the Epirots with the Hellens. From the Pelasgians the Greek theology was derived, and to them the oracle of Dodona belonged. Their name was probably a national one ; at least the Greek explanations of it are absurd. Their mysterious character arises from their appearance in historical notices when already in a state of ruin and decay ; but a more accurate research after the traces of their diffu- sion, will enable us to penetrate this mystery, and to recognise in them one of the greatest nations of ancient Europe, whose migra- tions were as widely extended as those of the Celts. It was no arbitrary fiction of the poet, when ^Eschylus made king Pelasgus boast that he and his people were masters of the whole country to the west of the Strymon. The Hellens appear to have spread, like the Latins and Romans in Italy, by detachments settling amidst far more numerous communities of a different, though not wholly foreign, nature, which adopted the language and laws of the colo- nists, in order to resemble them. The Arcadians, the most ancient settlers at Argos, and the lonians, were all Pelasgian races : the people of Attica were styled Pelasgian Cranai. Thessaly was their second great seat in Hellas, or, as it was generally called, in Argos ; hence Thessaly was termed the Pelasgian Argos, and the words Thessalian and Pelasgian are equivalent. We identify Pelasgians in the Thesprotians and Epirot tribes ; in the Orestians, Pela- gonians, and Elimiots of Upper Macedonia, ; in the Amphilochians, Agneans, and other tribes of ^tolia ; and in the Teleboans and Dolopians. The Pelasgians as well as the Hellens were members of the Amphictyonic association, the main tie of which was religion, in which both nations agreed. When Macedonia became a great '2 a 466 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. kingdom, made up of Greeks, Illyrians, Pssonians, and Thracians, the core of the nation was still a peculiar race, neither Greek nor Illyrian ; this was Pelasgian. The Bottieeans were Pelasgians : we find Pelasgians likewise in Lemnos, Imbrus, and Samothrace ; in Lesbos and Chios: along the whole coast of Ionia, beginning from Mycale ; in JEolis; at Tralles in Caria ; on the Hellespont at Placia and Scylacej at Cyzicus; and most probably the Teucrians and Dardanians, who were very clearly perceived by the Greek philologers not to be Phrygians, and by some suspected not to be barbarians at all, were of Pelasgian extraction. In Euboea, in Andrus and Cythnus, and in Crete, we find traces of Pelasgians. In Italy we have the Pelasgian serfs of the Italian Greeks, who were the remains of the old ^Enotrian population : we find Pelas- gians at Coitona, in Etruria ; Caere was Pelasgian before it fell into the hands of the Etruscans, and hence arose its connexion with the Delphic oracle : hence the Agylleeans were termed Thes- salians. Ravenna was called a Thessalian settlement ; Spina had its treasury at Delphi, and is termed Pelasgian ; we may likewise recognise Pelasgians in the Greek founders of Pisa. The inhabitants of Tyrrhenia were originally Pelasgians : their Etruscan conquerors obtained the name of Tyrrhenians from the country. A similar error to that which imagines the Slavonic Dalmatians, who bear the name of Illyrians, to be for that reason the descendants of the ancient Illyrians, confounded the Etrus- can conquerors with their Tyrrhenian subjects, and hence involved the origin of the Etruscans in almost inextricable difficulties. The Pelasgian wanderers, who settled in Attica at the foot of Hymet- tus, had originally appeared in Acarnania, according to Pausanias, and were said to be Sicelians. According to the story, they had come from the south of Etruria, and most undoubtedly called themselves Tyrrhenians ; when driven out of Attica, they turned their course to Mount Athos and the Hellespont. The story of the Lydian colony of the Tyrrhenians may be explained by the fact that the Meeonians were Pelasgians, as is proved by the name of their stronghold, Larissa. Ardea is designated as a Pelasgian city by the poet, who styles it an Argive one founded by Danae. The legend, which represents Saguntum as a colony of the Arde- ates, extends the Pelasgians into Spain, where, moreover, the an- cient capital, Terraco, has been considered to be a Pelasgian city ; Antium, Circeii, Terracina, the Latin form of Trachnia, the towns near the Liris, such as Amynclse, Hormiae, and Sinuessa, the islands of Pontiae, and the inland Larrissa, lead us by their names to infer that they were Pelasgian. Pompeii and Hercula- neum were, according to Strabo, founded by Tyrrhenians. The worship of the Argive Juno was a peculiar characteristic of the Pelasgian tribes in Italy, and her temple near Salernum indicates the Pelasgian origin of the people of that neighbourhood. Ca- preae, which was inhabited by Teleboans, and Nuceria, are the APPENDIX. 467 final links in the chain of Pelasgian settlements, which extend along the western coast of Italy, from Pisa to the borders of the (Enotrians, whose Pelasgian origin has already been indicated. The earliest inhabitants of the plains of the Tiber were, according to Roman historians, the Siculians who dwelt at Tibur, Falerii, and a number of small towns about Rome, who were also called Argives, as Argos was termed Pelasgian. The original inhabitants of Latium went by the name of Aborigines, and were termed by Cato, Achaeans, another form of Pelasgians. These Siculi were subjugated by a strange people who came down from the Abruzzi, but the name of the conquerors, who became one people with the conquered, and were called Latins, was forgotten. One portion of the Siculians were said to have emigrated, owing to this cause, under the name of Tyrrhenians, to the eastern part of Greece, whilst another crossed over into Sicily. The traces of Pelasgian names in the interior of Italy, such as Acherontia, Argyrippa, Sipontum, afford us good ground for supposing that it was in- habited by the same nation, till it was driven out by the Opicans or Sabellians. We meet with Pelasgians along the whole coast of the Adriatic, from the Aternus to the Po ; Picenum, the territory of the Se- nones, the districts of Praetutium, Palma, and Adria, were at one time possessed by Tyrrhenians. The Greek coins of Pisaurum indicate the probability that its inhabitants were a tribe of Tyr- rhenians, which had maintained its independence when the Sabel- lians occupied the surrounding country. The Liburnians on the eastern shores of the Adriatic are distinguished by the accurate Scylax from the Illyrians. Corcyra was perhaps the connecting link between the Pelasgians of Epirus and of Italy. The expedition of the Illyrian Enchelades, who penetrated to Delphi, may have been a migration of the whole Illyrian people from regions far removed in the north, who in their progress overpowered the Pe- lasgian population of Dalmatia. The Teucrian origin of the Pieonians in Thrace points to their Pelasgian extraction. The great facility with which the Pannonians acquired the Latin language may corroborate in some respect their supposed identity with the Pseonians. It thus appears that there was a time when the country, from the Arno to the Ryndacus, was inhabited by Pe- lasgians. The chain of connexion, broken off on the continent by the Thracians, is kept up between Greece and Asia by the islands in the north of the rEgean, but when Hellanicus and the genealo- gers wrote, scattered remnants of this immense race only remained, like the detached Celtic tribes in Spain, solitary and widely scat- tered. The historical inquirer is not in any way justified in as- suming that any one of these separate regions, in which we find tribes of the same stock, was the original home, whence a part of the inhabitants emigrated to the others. The same analogy holds good in the geography of the animal and vegetable kingdoms. 2 H 2 468 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. In the Latin language there are two elements mixed up together, one connected with the Greek, the other entirely foreign to it ; but even in the former the distinction is no less evident than the affinity. The case was the same with the Pelasgians and Greeks, as races. Hence the latter, notwithstanding their affinity, would look upon the former as foreigners, and call their language a barbarous one. VIII. ON CADYTIS, BOOK II. 159. [From The Analysis of Herodotus; H. G. Bohn, 1852.] CADYTIS has been generally identified with Jerusalem, an opinion successfully combated by Mr. Ewing, in the Classical Museum, who was, however, not quite so fortunate in substituting Kedesh in Galilee as the Cadytis of Herodotus, for Phoenicia stretches southward some distance beyond Kedesh, and Cadytis must be looked for south of Phoenicia (iii. 5). The 47th chapter of Jeremiah prophetically describes the desolation by Pharaoh of the land of the Philistines ; and, further, expressly alludes to the capture and destruction of Gaza by the same king. The name of the Philistine city of Gaza, as given in the Assyrian inscriptions discovered by Mr. Layard, and interpreted by Colonel Rawlinson, is Khazita, which was probably changed by the Greeks into Cadytis, for the description given by Herodotus (iii. 5) is exactly applicable to Gaza, and will by no means answer to Jerusalem. IX. THE PYRAMIDS. [From Early Oriental History, ch. iv. p. 178, seqq., Encyclop. Metrop.] THE word n-wpa/it'e, pyramis, has often been derived from jrvpdc, (ofjire,) but the quantity of its first syllable is unfavourable to that supposition, and as a heap of wheat has not a spiral form terminating in a point, the term cannot with any probability be derived from TTVOOG (triticum). It is therefore more reasonable to suppose that the Greeks in this, as in many other cases, adopted the native name of an object not invented by themselves, accom- modating it, by a Greek termination, to the grammar of their own language ; so that the Egyptian pehram, i. e. the " sacred place," was converted into the Greek Pyramis. Of the most ancient and remarkable pyramids, several are still remaining in Egypt, and others, apparently unknown to the Greeks and Romans, have been lately discovered in the ruins of Napata and Meroe, the capitals of Ethiopia. The pyramids of Gizeh, called by the ancients " the pyramids ol APPENDIX. 469 Memphis," from their position on a rocky height projecting from the western mountains near the outskirts of that city, are the most remarkable, and as far as can be proved by historical testimony, the most ancient of any which ever were in existence. They are distinctly noticed by the oldest Greek historian, who was informed that they were erected in a very early age, as sepulchres of the sovereigns of Egypt. Three, lying in a diagonal line from north- east to south-west, are of a stupendous magnitude, especially the two most northern. The position of the second and pointed pyra- mid, as determined by M. Nouet, is in 29 5V 49' N., and 31" 11' 41" E., on a terrace projecting from the rock, partly levelled by art, and having an elevation of 137^ feet. It extends from east to west about 1^ mile, and from north to south more than f of a mile. The base of the great pyramid was found to measure 763 feet 7 inches, and its height 450 feet 9 inches. Its diameter from north to south deviates 20' from the true meridian. Its basis, as well as the two lowest steps, is hewn out of the rock on which it stands. Its base does not form an exact square. The whole mass amounts to nearly 9,000,000 cubic feet. It covered an area of more than 13 acres, and its masonry amounts to 6,848,000 tons. The vast magnitude of this truly stupendous work will be more distinctly perceived, when it is recollected that the area of its base nearly coincides with that of Lincoln's Inn Fields. It is 43 feet higher than St. Peter's at Rome, and 126 feet higher than St. Paul's in London. The second pyramid, of somewhat smaller dimensions, is about 2$ furlongs south-west of the first. Its base, according to M. Grobert, measures 700 feet, and its height 425 feet. Its summit is uninjured, and still retains its ancient casing, a plaster formed of gypsum, sand, and a few small pebbles. The third, somewhat nearer to the second, has an apparent base of 300 feet, and a height of 173 feet. This pyramid was cased with sienite from Elephan- tine, fragments of which are still found near its base. The form and approaches to their internal chambers are nearly the same in all the pyramids hitherto opened : and consist of one or more gal- leries, at first inclined to the horizon at an angle of 26 or 27, and afterwards in either an ascending or perpendicular direction lead- ing to a chamber nearly in the centre of the building. These chambers are quadrangular, and roofed- with large blocks of stone laid either flat or obliquely so as to meet and form an angle. Two have long been accessible in the great pyramid, called after its re- puted founder, Cheops, the lower immediately below the upper; and in the next, or pyramid of Cephren, two likewise have been lately discovered, equally in the centre ; but one of them at the base of the pyramid, and the other in the rock below the base, at the distance of about one-third of the perpendicular drawn from the side of the pyramid to its centre. At the extremity of the de- scending gallery all further ingress is barred by a portcullis of solid granite 1 foot 3 inches thick, sliding in grooves of similar stone. 470 NOTES OX HERODOTUS. In the great pyramid, originally explored by men of no skill or science, a way was forced round the portcullis, but in the second it was, by dint of excessive labour for nearly a day and a half, raised by levers so as to open a passage onwards. At a small dis- tance beyond the portcullis there is a perpendicular shaft, 15 feet deep in the second, but much deeper in the first. This shaft, hitherto known as " the well in the great pyramid," was explored for the first time by an English gentleman, Mr. Davison, who visited Egypt with the celebrated \V ortley Montague in 1763. His labours, and those of Caviglia, Vyse, Belzoni, Richardson, Perring, and others, have made us well acquainted w r ith the internal form- ation of the pyramids. It appears that each pj'ramid had a double entrance, by means of which a constant circulation of air could be maintained ; and that the principle on which the chambers and passages were formed was precisely the same as that which regulated the exca- vation of the catacombs hewn out of rocks, as at Biban-el-maluk, where the " long passages which lead to nothing " were doubtless, before the ravages of the Persians, filled with mummies of the younger branches of the Pharaonic families, while those of the sovereigns themselves, and perhaps of their children, were de- posited in the central chambers. Around the principal pyramids are the remains of many smaller ones in various stages of decay. The sepulchral chambers, apparently more modern, which are close to these pyramids, were perhaps built at the expense of the rich casing with which the pyramids themselves once were cover- ed ; but all, when examined, are found to cover an approach by a shaft to a subterranean apartment similar to those in the centre of most of the pyramids ; every thing, in short, conspires to prove that these extraordinary edifices were, as the ancients affirm, erected as sepulchres for the sovereigns of Egypt, whose capital was the adjoining city of Memphis. That the angles between the successive courses of stone were anciently filled up, so as to present a plane surface, and that the summit of each pyramid was pointed, may be inferred from the second, which is still terminated by a point, and retains its smooth coating for about 40 feet down- wards : and it is evident from the account of Abdu-1-latif, that, in the thirteenth century, the outer covering of the pyramids, crowded with hieroglyphic inscriptions, was still extant. There is likewise a fourth pyramid near the third, but it is so much smaller than the others as to attract little notice. Many others have been dis- covered by the late Prussian expedition. Sixty more, at least, are now known. The walls of many of the tombs near the pyramids are adorned with very interesting paintings and bas-reliefs, several of which are represented in the plates in the great French work, and in Professor Rosellini's " Monument! dell' Egitta." We have here delineations of various manufactures and implements of art, the most ancient, perhaps, now in existence ; some of these tombs, APPENDIX. , 47 1 however, were constructed from the ruins of more ancient build- ings, themselves posterior to the invention of hieroglyphics ; their antiquity, therefore, is not perhaps so great as has been supposed, and probably far inferior to that of the pyramids in which no hieroglyphics have been found. The regular order in which these tombs were placed (another remarkable feature) is clearly per- ceived, as before observed, from the summit of the great pyramid, the sides of which form a sort of rude staircase of 203 steps, varying in height and breadth, and occasionally interrupted by breaches. The truncated summit presents an area of about 30 feet square, irregular in its outline, from the removal of a few of the stones be- longing to that course. That the great pyramid was cased, and had a level surface, is evident from the express testimony of Herodotus ; who says, " The sums expended in radishes, onions, and garlic, for the work- men, were marked in Egyptian characters on this pyramid, and amounted, as I well remember what the interpreter who explained these characters said, to 1600 talents of silver," = 345,600. The age of these stupendous monuments, and the purpose for which they were erected, are involved in great obscurity ; various, consequently, and conflicting, have been the opinions to which those questions have given rise. The remote antiquity of the pyramids near Memphis, celebrated from a very early period as some of the wonders of the world, is indisputable. They are dis- tinctly mentioned by the oldest Greek historian, Herodotus ; and the three largest are ascribed by him to Cheops, Chephren, and Mycerinus, three Pharaohs who succeeded each other. These structures had also an astronomical reference. Sir John Herschel remarks, that " at the date of the erection of the great pyramid of Gizeh, which precedes by 3970 years (say 4000) the present epoch, the longitude of all the stars were less by 55 45' than at present. Calculating from this datum the place of the pole of the heavens among the stars, it will be found to fall near A Draconis ; its dis- tance from that star being 3 44' 25". This being the most con- spicuous star in the immediate neighbourhood, was therefore the pole star of that epoch. And the latitude of Gizeh being just 30 north, and consequently the altitude of the north pole mere also 30, it follows that the star in question must have had, at its lower culmination at Gizeh, an altitude of 26 15' 35". Now it is a re- markable fact, ascertained by the last researches of Colonel Vyse, that of the nine pyramids still existing at Gizeh, six (including all the largest) have the narrow passages by which alone they can be entered, (all which open out on the northern faces of their re- spective pyramids.) inclined to the horizon downwards at angles varying from 2ti" to '2> u - At the bottom of every one of these passages, therefore, the then pole-star must have been visible at its lower culmination a circumstance which can hardly have been unintentional, and was doubtless connected (perhaps supersti- 472 NOTES ON HERODOTUS. tiously) with the astronomical observation of that star, of whose proximity to the pole at the epoch of the erection of these wonder- ful structures, we are thus furnished with a monumental record of the most imperishable nature. No one now doubts that the pyramids were royal sepulchres, nay, as we have already remarked, the height of those royal monuments corresponds with the length of the monarch's reign under whom it was erected. Structures so vast are indeed royal ideas the massive means of a posthumous immortality. However, as Sir Thomas Brown remarks, " Only to subsist in bones, and to be but pyramidally extant, is a fallacy in duration." The edifices themselves may last as long as the framt work of the globe, and travellers on entering Egypt for many cen turies to come, will hasten to admire these characteristic wonders, Time's gnomons rising on the banks of Nile, Unchanging while he nies, serene and grand, Amidst surrounding ruins 'mid the works Of man unparalleled 'mid God's how small ! Beside His Alps, the pigmy works of ants, The mole-hills of a mole. NOTES OMITTED. Book i. c. 9. b. oiraig pri with the fut. indie, in- stead of the conjunctive. " The sense of this future is nearly allied to the conjunctive, and only differs therefrom in that it definitely expresses the possible realization of the proposed end." B. ii. 106. Another very interesting excursion may be made to Nimf,, where the very remarkable monument of Sesostris was lately discovered. The town of Nimfi is picturesquely situated about 5 hours east of Smyrna, in the direction of Casabar and Sardis. The road thence to the monument or trophy of Sesostris proceeds at first eastward, gradually turning more southerly round the moun- tains into a pass. l hour brings us to a spot where rocks, thickly clothed with trees and underwood, rise close on each side : on the left, a little way up, is a mass of rock, on the flat face of which, at right angles to the road, is the monument. It is obscured from the road by trees and underwood. 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