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WEBSTER'S DICTIONARY
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See page 4.
WEBSTER'S GUINEA DICTIONARY
OF THE ENGLISH lANGUAGE. Thoroughly revised and im-
proved by CHArucKY A. GOOUMCH, D.D., LL.D.. and NOAH PC:
D.D., of Yale College.
The peculiar features of 'hi.- volume, which render it perhaps the most useful
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i. .Completeness. It contains 1 14,000 5. The Orthography is hased as far as
words more by 10.000 than any itber possible on Fixed Principle*. In all cant
Dictionary ; And these are, for the moat of doubt an alternative tpeUing it given.
part, unusual or technical terms, fur the
explanation of which a Dictionary IB moot 6. Pronunciation. This has been en-
wanted, trusted to Mr. W. G. WEBSTER aiid Mr.
2. Accuracy Of Definition. In this WHEELER, assisted by other scholars. Tb
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were most valuable, in correcting the faulty typographical signs, which are explained
and redundant definitions of I >r. Johnson, by reference to a KKY printed atthc. b-Xtom
which bad previously been almost auiver- of each page.
ally adopted. In the present edition all
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A Brief History of the English Lan-
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This Work shows the Philological Rela-
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the progress and influence of the causes
which have brought it to its present con-
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Principles of Pronunciation, By
Professor GOODRICH and W. A. WHEBLEK,
M.A, Including a Synopsis of Words
differently pronounced by different au-
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A Short Treatise on Orthography.
By ABTHUB W. WRIGHT. Including a
Complete List of Words that are spelt in
two or more ways.
An Explanatory and Pronouncing
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whether narrative, poetical, or dramatic,
but Mythological and Mythical names,
names referring to the Angelology and l>e-
monology of various races, and those
found in the romance writers ; Pseu-
donyms, Nick-names of eminent persons
aud parties, &c., &c. In tact, it is best
described as explaining every name which
is not strictly historical. A reference is
given to the originator of each name, and
where the origin is unknown a quotation
Is given to some well-known writer in
which the word occurs.
Tkit valuable Work may alto be tatf
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A Pronouncing Vocabulary of Scrip-
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M.A. Including a List of the Variation*
that occur in the Douay version of tue
Bible.
A Pronouncing Vocabulary of Greek
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of Prefixes. Terminations, and Formative
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ANNEX
PEEFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION,
IN preparing the following volume, I have endeavoured to
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PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
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fl PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
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Royal Institution S-hool, Liverpool.
November, 1852.
INTBODUCTIOK.
[From the article HERODOTUS. History of Greek Literature by Talfourd^
&c., reprint of the Encyclopedia JJetropolitana.]
FEW writers have attracted so irresistibly the investigations of
profound scholars and of enthusiastic admirers, as Herodotus;
and the names of Larcher, Valckenaer, Wesseling, Schweighaiiser,
Gaisford, Creuzer, Dahlmann, Baehr, and a host of other comment-
ators, show the high estimation in which the great father of history
has been increasingly held by the literary world. This illustrious
historian was born at Halicarnassus, in Asia Minor, in the first
year of the 74 Olympiad, B. c. 484. A Dorian by extraction,
and of distinguished family, we learn from the same authority that
the name of his father was Lyxes; his mother, Dyro; his brother,
Theodoras. Panyasis, an illustrious poet, was another relative :
so that by connexion, as well as by personal position, he was emi-
nently qualified for the high object which he early contemplated.
Herodotus, born ten years after the unsuccessful insurrection of
Asiatic Greece, soon left his native country, which had been com-
pletely enthralled by the grandson of the celebrated Artemisia, the
tyrant Lygdamis, by whom his uncle, Panyasis, had been cruelly
put to death.
That practical course of mental training, which in Europe pro-
ceeds from books to men, was not adequately available at the era
of Herodotus ; and the converse order of acquiring knowledge had
been the prevailing system, from Ulysses downwards. We ac-
cordingly find our author, in early manhood, when probably about
25 years of age, entering upon that course of patient and observant
travel which was to render his name illustrious as a philosophic
tourist. The shores of the Hellespont, Scythia, and the Euxine
Sea ; Syria, Egypt, Palestine, Colchis, the northern parts of Africa,
Ecbatana, and even Babylon, were the objects of his unwearied
research. On his return from these important travels, we find
him settling in Samos, for the power of Lygdamis was still para-
mount in Halicarnassus. A strong party, desirous of crushing the
power of the tyrant, still remained in that state. But a master-spirit,
well acquainted with the resources of the party, and the means of
Vlll INTRODUCTION.
insuring unanimity, was required to direct the springs of the enter-
prise. Such a one was found in Herodotus, who, urged by a desire
to avenge his slaughtered relative, and to secure the independence
of his country, lent his powerful aid, and carried the revolution to
a triumphant conclusion.
The tyrant was dethroned. The downfal of this oppressor
failed, however, to secure the freedom of the people : a powerful
oligarchy promptly seized the vacant position, and our historian,
deeply read in the selfishness of human nature, and despairing to
effect the desired result, bade his country a final adieu. Soon,
however, seeking that distinction which even the disasters of his
native land tended to advance, he proceeded to Olympia, where
those games which formed the glory of Greece were in actual cele-
bration. Here, amidst the vehement applause of the assembled
Greeks, we are told he recited his work, which was honoured by
the flattering title of The Nine Muses. On this occasion it was
that Thucydides, then a youth, touched by the noble ambition of
future excellence, was affected even to tears by the recitation of
Herodotus. "Olorus," said the historian to the youth's father,
"thy son is enthusiastically fond of science." Subsequently to
this, for ten years continuously, we find Herodotus prosecuting his
historical and geographical investigations, travelling principally in
the Grecian provinces ; when once more, stimulated by previous
triumphs, and possibly by the consciousness of enlarged informa-
tion and greater accuracy in his work, he is described as again re-
citing his composition before an Athenian audience, at the august
festival of the Panathenaea. The delighted assembly presented our
author with ten talents, for the noble manner in which he had re-
corded the glories of their ancestors. We might now naturally
have anticipated that after a triumph so signal, Herodotus would
have finally settled either at Athens or in Ionia. But he did not.
Powerful motives must have induced a deviation from so natural
a course. It is not improbable that the narration of certain
facts, apparently incredible to the Greeks, may have rendered him
the object of that incredulous laugh which not even "the stern
philosopher can bear."
An Athenian colony was just about sailing for Italy, to raise a
settlement upon the ruins of Sybaris. With these pioneers of
Italian civilization, Herodotus sailed, and in the city which they
founded, Thurii, he took up his final resting-place, occupying him-
self with putting in the last touches to his graceful portraiture of
the men and manners of his time. Hence, ne is sometimes called
the historian of Thurii. Here in retirement this great writer lived
till the time of the Peloponnesian war. The period of his death,
though unknown, must have been subsequent to B. c. 408; at
which date, as we may easily deduce from his own statements, he
was still living at the age of seventy-seven, and engaged on his
history. A cenotaph, (sometimes confounded with his grave,) close
INTRODUCTION. ^r
to that of Thucydides, and just on the exterior of one of the Athe-
nian gates, was the only spot which marked the reverence of an-
tiquity for the man who had enlightened, elevated, and ennobled
Greece.
The style of this philosophic history admirably corresponds in
sweetness with the various episodes which grace the leading nar-
rative ; the practical scope of which is to evince the triumph of
civilization over barbarism, and to point the victory of mind over
brute force. Before the eventful shock of Marathon, feeble and
disparate indeed were the subjects for record ; but now, the libera-
tion of Greece, a theme of surpassing glory, patriotic piety, and
meet triumph, formed a golden chain by which the affections of
Hellas were drawn towards the generation which had striven so
long and nobly for her children. The main achievement of our
author then was, essentially, a history in the best acceptation of
the term, a narrative unfolded by investigation and sealed by truth ;
a narrative having nought in common with the shadowy forms of
antiquity, save the race of heroes which its inspiration had called
into life.
We are now prepared to remark on the diverging tendencies of
these noble writings, the more powerful from the entire absence of
art. They are two-fold. First, they embody the internal policy of
Greece, with its attendant victories at Marathon and Platsea, while
they evolve her external policy under Agesilaus and Xenophon in
Asia. Secondly, they are philosophic ; taking the various forms
of historical and mytho-geographic investigations, antiquities, na-
tural history, and occasional speculative allegories.*
CHARACTER OF HERODOTUS.
[From Grate's History of Greece, TO!, i. c. 16.]
WE have next to consider the historians, especially Herodotus
and Thucydides. Like Hecatseus, Thucydides belonged to a gens
which traced its descent from Ajax, and through Ajax to ^Eacus
and Zeus. Herodotus modestly implies that he himself had no
such privilege to boast of. Their curiosity respecting the past
had no other materials to work upon except the myths ; but these
they found already cast by the logographers into a continuous
series, and presented as an aggregate of antecedent history, chro-
nologically deduced from the times of the gods. In common with
The student is strongly advised to read the whole of the beautiful article, whence
the above is extracted. The notes, particularly that in p. 240, on the recitations at
Olympia are well worthy of his attention.
b
X INmODUCTION.
the body of the Greeks, both Herodotus and Thucydides had im-
bibed that complete and unsuspecting belief in the general reality
of mythical antiquity, which was interwoven with the religion and
the patriotism and all the public demonstrations of the Hellenic
world. To acquaint themselves with the genuine details of this
foretime, was an inquiry highly interesting to them; but the in-
creased positive tendencies of their age, as well as their own habits
of personal investigation, had created in them an historical sense
in regard to the past as well as to the present ; they had acquired
a habit of appreciating the intrinsic tests of historical credibility
and probability ; and the particular narratives of the poets and
logographers, inadmissible as a whole even in the eyes of He-
catseus, were still more at variance with their stricter canons of
criticism.
And we thus find in them the constant struggle, as well as the
resulting compromise, between these two opposite tendencies ; on
the one hand a firm belief in the reality of the mythical world, on
the other hand an inability to accept the details which their only
witnesses, the poets and logographers, told them respecting it.
Each of them, however, performed the process in his own way.
Herodotus is a man of deep and anxious religious feeling; he often
recognises the special judgments of the gods as determining his-
torical events : his piety is also partly tinged with that mystical
vein which the last two centuries had gradually infused into the
religion of the Greeks, for he is apprehensive of giving offence to
the gods by reciting publicly what ne has heard respecting them ;
he frequently stops short in his narrative and intimates that there
is a sacred legend, but that he will not tell it : in other cases, where
he feels compelled to speak out, he entreats forgiveness for doing
so from the gods and heroes. Sometimes he will not even men-
tion the name of a god, though he generally thinks himself au-
thorized to do so, the names being matter of public notoriety. Such
pious reserve, which the open-hearted Herodotus avowedly pro-
claims as chaining up his tongue, affords a striking contrast with
the plain-spoken and unsuspecting tone of the ancient epic, as well
as of the popular legends ; wherein the gods and their proceedings
were the familiar and interesting subjects of common talk as well
as of common sympathy, without ceasing to inspire both fear and
reverence.
Herodotus expressly distinguishes, in the comparison of Poly-
crates with Minos, the human race to which the former belonged,
from the divine or heroic race which comprised the latter. But
he has a firm belief in the authentic personality and parentage of
all the names in the myths, divine, heroic, and human, as well as
in the trustworthiness of their chronology computed by generations ;
he counts back 1600 years from his own day to that of Semele,
mother of Dionysus ; 900 years to Herakles ; and 800 years to
Penelope ; the Trojan war being a little earlier in date. Indeed, it
INTRODUCTION. XI
would seem that even the longest of these periods must ha* e ap-
peared to him comparatively short, seeing that he apparently
accepts the prodigious series of years which the Egyptians pro-
fessed to draw from a recorded chronology 17,000 years from
their god Herakles, and 15,000 years from their god Osiris or
Dionysus, down to their king Amasis (550 B. c.). So much was
his imagination familiarized with these long chronological com-
putations, barren of events, that he treats Homer and Hesiod as
" men of yesterday," though separated from his own age by an
interval which he reckons as 400 years.
Herodotus had been profoundly impressed with what he heard
and saw in Egypt ; the wonderful monuments, the evident anti-
quity, and the peculiar civilization of that country acquired a pre-
ponderance in his mind over his own native legends, and he is
disposed to trace even the oldest religious names or institutions of
Greece to Egyptian or Phoenician original, setting aside in favour
of this hypothesis the Grecian legends of Dionysus and Pan.
The oldest Grecian mythical genealogies are thus made ultimately
to lose themselves in Egyptian or Phoenician antiquity, and in the
full extent of these genealogies Herodotus firmly believes. It
does not seem that any doubt had ever crossed his mind as to the
real personality of those who were named or described in the po-
pular myths ; all of them have once had reality, either as men, as
heroes, or as gods. The eponyms of cities, demes, and tribes, are
all comprehended in this affirmative category ; the supposition of
fictitious personages being apparently never entertained. Deu-
calion, Hellen, Dorus, Ion, with his four sons, the eponyms
of the old Athenian tribes, Autochthonous, Titakus, and Deke-
lus, Danaus, Lynceus, Perseus, Amphitryon, and Alcmena, and
Herakles, Talthybius, the heroic progenitor of the privileged
heraldic gens at Sparta, the Tyndarids and Helena, Agamem-
non, Menelans, and Orestes, Nestor and his son Pisistratus,
Asopus, Thebe, and Mgina, Inachus and 16, Metes and Medeia,
Melanippus, Adrastus, and Amphiaraus, as well as Jason and the
Argo, all these are occupants of the real past time, and prede-
cessors of himself and his contemporaries. In the veins of the
Lacedaemonian kings flowed the blood both of Cadmus and of
Danaus, their splendid pedigree being traceable to both of these
great mythical names : Herodotus carries the lineage up through
Herakles, first to Perseus and Danae, then through Danae to Akri-
sius and the Egyptian Danaus ; but he drops the paternal lineage
when he comes to Perseus, (inasmuch as Perseus is the son of Zeus
by Danae, without any reputed human father, such as Amphi-
tryon was to Herakles,) and then follow the higher members of
the series through Danae alone. He also pursues the same regal
genealogy, through the mother of Eurysthenes and Procles, up to
Polynices, OZdipus, Laius, Labdacus, Polydorus, and Cadmus ;
and he assigns various ancient inscriptions which he saw in the
b 2
Xll INTRODUCTION.
temple of the Ismenian Apollo at Thebes, to the ages of Laius
and (Edipus. Moreover the sieges of Thebes and Troy, the Ar-
gonautic expedition, the invasion of Attica by the Amazons,
the protection of the Herakleids, and the defeat and death of Eu-
rystheus, by the Athenians, the death of Mekisteus and Tydeus
before Thebes by the hands of Melanippus, and the touching ca-
lamities of Adrastus and Amphiaraus connected with the same
enterprise, the sailing of Castor and Pollux in the Argo, the
abductions of 16, Europa, Medeia, and Helena, the emigration
of Cadmus in quest of Europa, and his coming to Boeotia, as well
as the attack of the Greeks upon Troy to recover Helen, all these
events seem to him portions of past history, not less unquestion-
ably certain, though more clouded over by distance and misrepre-
sentation, than the battles of Salamis and Mycale.
But though Herodotus is thus easy of faith in regard both to
the persons and to the general facts of Grecian myths, yet when
he comes to discuss particular facts taken separately, we find him
applying to them stricter tests of historical credibility, and often
disposed to reject as well the miraculous as the extravagant. Thus,
even with respect to Herakles, he censures the levity of the Greeks
in ascribing to him absurd and incredible exploits ; he tries their
assertion by the philosophical standard of nature, or of determinate
powers and conditions governing the course of events. " How is
it consonant to nature, (he asks,) that Herakles, being, as he was,
according to the statement of the Greeks, a man, should kill many
thousand persons ? I pray that indulgence may be shown to me
both by gods and heroes for saying so much as this." The reli-
gious feelings of Herodotus here told him that he was trenching
upon the utmost limits of admissible scepticism.
Another striking instance of the disposition of Herodotus to
rationalize the miraculous narratives of the current myths, is to
be found in his account of the oracle of Dodona and its alleged
Egyptian origin. Here, if in any case, a miracle was not only in
full keeping, but apparently indispensable to satisfy the exigencies
of the religious sentiment ; any thing less than a miracle would
have appeared tame and unimpressive to the visitors of so revered
a spot, much more to the residents themselves. Accordingly,
Herodotus heard, both from the three priestesses and from the
Dodonaeans generally, that two black doves had started at the
same time from Thebes in Egypt : one of them went to Libya,
where it directed the Libyans to establish the oracle of Zeus Am-
mon ; the other came to the grove of Dodona, and perched on one
of the venerable oaks, proclaiming with a human voice that an
oracle of Zeus must be founded on that very spot. The injunction
of the speaking dove was respectfully obeyed.
Such was the tale related and believed at Dodona. But He-
rodotus had also heard, from the priests at Thebes in Egypt, a
different tale, ascribing the origin of all the prophetic establish-
INTRODUCTION. xiii
ments, in Greece as well as in Libya, to two sacerdotal women,
who had been carried away from Thebes by some Phoanician
merchants, and sold, the one in Greece, the other in Libya. The
Theban priests boldly assured Herodotus that much pains had
been taken to discover what had become of these women, so ex-
ported, and that the fact of their having been taken to Greece and
Libya had been accordingly verified.
The historian of Halicarnassus cannot for a moment think of
admitting the miracle which harmonized so well with the feelings
of the priestesses and the Dodonaeans. " How (he asks) could a
dove speak with human voice ?" But the narrative of the priests
at Thebes, though its prodigious improbability hardly requires to
be stated, yet involved no positive departure from the laws of na-
ture and possibility ; and therefore Herodotus makes no difficulty
in accepting it. The curious circumstance is, that he turns the
native Dodonajan legend into a figurative representation, or rather
a misrepresentation, of the supposed true story told by the Theban
priests. According to his interpretation, the woman who came
from Thebes to Dodona was called a dove, and affirmed to utter
sounds like a bird, because she was non-Hellenic and spoke a
foreign tongue : when she learned to speak the language of the
country, it was then said that the dove spoke with a human voice.
And the dove was moreover called black, because of the woman's
Egyptian colour.
That Herodotus should thus bluntly reject a miracle, recounted
to him by the prophetic women themselves, as the prime circum-
stance in the origines of this holy place, is a proof of the hold
which habits of dealing with historical evidence had acquired over
his mind ; and the awkwardness of his explanatory mediation be-
tween the dove and the woman, marks not less his anxiety, while
discarding the legend, to let it softly down into a story quasi-his-
torical, and not intrinsically incredible.
We may observe another example of the unconscious tendency
of Herodotus to eliminate from the myths the idea of special aid
from the gods, in his remarks upon Melampus. He designates
Melampus " as a clever man, who had acquired for himself the
art of prophecy;" and had procured through Cadmus much in-
formation about the religious rites and customs of Egypt, many of
which he introduced into Greece especially the name, the sacri-
fices, and the phallic processions of Dionysus : he adds, " that
Melampus himself did not accurately comprehend or bring out the
whole doctrine, but wise men who came after him made the
necessary additions." Though the name ot Melampus is here
maintained, the character described is something in the vein of
Pythagoras totally different from the great seer and leech of tne
old epic myths the founder of the gifted family of the Amytha-
onids, and the grandfather of Amphiaraus. But that which is
most of all at variance with the genuine legendary spirit, is the
XIV INTRODUCTION.
opinion expressed by Herodotus, (and delivered with some emphasis
as Iiis own,) that Melampus " was a clever man, who had acquired
for himself prophetic powers." Such a supposition would have
appeared inadmissible to Homer or Hesiod, or indeed to Solon in
the preceding century, in whose view even inferior arts come from
the gods, while Zeus or Apollo bestows the power of prophesying.
The intimation of such an opinion by Herodotue, himself a
thoroughly pious man, marks the sensibly diminished omnipre-
sence of the gods, and the increasing tendency to look for the
explanation of phenomena among more visible and determinate
agencies. We may make a similar remark on the dictum of the
historian respecting the narrow defile of Tempe, forming the em-
bouchure of the Peneus and the efflux of all the waters from the
Thessalian basin. The Thessalians alleged that this whole basin
of Thessaly had once been a lake, but that Poseidon had split the
chain of mountains and opened the efflux ; upon which primitive
belief, thoroughly conformable to the genius of Homer and Hesiod,
Herodotus comments as follows :
" The Thessalian statement is reasonable. For whoever thinks
that Poseidon shakes the earth, and that the rifts of an earthquake
are the work of that god, will, on seeing the defile in question, say
that Poseidon had caused it. For the rift of the mountains is, as
appeared to me, (when I saw it,) the work of an earthquake."
Herodotus admits the reference to Poseidon, when pointed out to
him, but it stands only in the back-ground : what is present to his
mind is the phenomenon of the earthquake, not as a special act,
but as part of a system of habitual operations.
Herodotus adopts the Egyptian version of the legend of Troy,
founded on that capital variation which seems to have been ori-
f 'mated by Stesichorus, and according to which Helena never left
parta at all her eidolon had been taken to Troy in her place.
Upon this basis a new story had been framed, midway between
Homer and Stesichorus, representing Paris to have really carried
off Helen from Sparta, but to have been driven by storms to Egypt,
where she remained during the whole siege of Troy, having been
detained by Proteus, the king of the country, until Menelaus came
to reclaim her after his triumph. The Egyptian priests, with their
usual boldness of assertion, professed to have heard the whole story
from Menelaus himself; the Greeks had besieged Troy in the full
persuasion that Helen and the stolen treasures were within the
walls, nor would they ever believe the repeated denials of the Tro-
jans as to the fact of her presence. In intimating his preference
for the Egyptian narrative, Herodotus betrays at once his perfect
and unsuspecting confidence that he is dealing with genuine mat-
ter of history, and his entire distrust of the epic poets, even includ-
ing Homer, upon whose authority that supposed history rested.
His reason for rejecting the Homeric version is, that it teems with
historical improbabilities : if Helena had been really in Troy, (he
INTRODUCTION. X?
says,) Priam and the Trojans would never have been to insane as
to retain her to their own utter ruin ; but it was the divine judg-
ment which drove them into the miserable alternative of neither
being able to surrender Helena, nor to satisfy the Greeks of the real
fact that they had never had possession of her in order that man-
kind might plainly read, in the utter destruction of Troy, the great
punishments with which the gods visit great misdeeds. Homer
(Herodotus thinks) had heard this story, but designedly departed
from it, because it was not so suitable a subject for epic poetry.
Enough has been said to show how wide is the difference between
Herodotus and the logographers, with their literal transcript of the
ancient legends. Though he agrees with them in admitting the
full series of persons and generations, he tries the circumstances
narrated by a new standard. Scruples have arisen in his mind
respecting violations of the laws of nature : the poets are unworthy
of trust, and their narratives must be brought into conformity with
historical and ethical conditions, before they can be admitted as
truth. To accomplish this conformity, Herodotus is willing to
mutilate the old legend in one of its most vital points : he sacri-
fices the personal presence of Helena in Troy, which ran through
every one of the ancient epic poems belonging to the Trojan cycle,
and is, indeed, under the gods, the prime and present moving force
throughout.
- CHARACTER OF HERODOTUS.
[Extract from The Times newspaper for Jan. 31, 1848. Review of
Turner's Notes on Herodotus.}
WHO does not remember the old Halicarnassian ? the father of
history, in whose pages, as an example of the Latin grammar tells
little boys, " there are innumerable stories." Some, it is true, ren-
der the word " lies." Heaven forbid ! Herodotus a liar ! the most
truthful and simple-minded of men a liar ! who went every where,
and saw every thing, and heard every thing, jotting it all down as
he went along in his easy-flowing Ionic ! A story-teller, if you
please ; but no relater of fibs. How the whole book tumbles at
once into the mind, head over heels, digression after digression,
episode on episode, as it were in a royal game of historical leap-
frog, or sacks-in-the-mill. "The strife of the barbarians and
Greeks," indeed ! Why, the book tells of the quarrels of the whole
world, Cimmerians, Scythians, Egyptians, Medes, Persians, As-
syrians, Indians, every tribe and kindred on earth, rush one after
the other on the scene, and tell their story, or have it told for
them in the same delightful long-winded way. And yet the work
XVI INTRODUCTION.
does not tire why ? Because it is pervaded by a profoundly re-
ligious idea, which distinguishes Herodotus from every other ancient
historian. It justifies the ways of Providence with men. It tells
how the Persians, having subdued the Medes and swallowed up
the kingdoms of Croesus and the Assyrians, having made Egypt
and India tributary, waxed haughty and insolent with the wealth
and magnificence of the East, and lusted for Greece also, the
favoured land of the gods, stretching forth impious hands against
the treasures of her fanes. " Pride goes before a fall," saith
the proverb, and so it was with the armies of Darius and Xerxes.
The indignation and vengeance of Heaven waited on the swell-
ing power of the barbarians, and marked them for its own, so
soon as they should have reached their pitch of pride. Tomyris
and her Scythians taught Cyrus a lesson, but he neglected the
warning; the slaughter of Marathon was wasted on Darius; his
son, Xerxes, renewed the impious struggle. Then the patience of
Olympus was exhausted, and the blessed powers passed the fatal
word that the Greeks " should pull down the Mede." Founding
his work on this idea, Herodotus pursues his way, and never loses
sight of it in his widest digressions ; they are only the tributary
streams which feed the great river of his story, and are, one after
the other, absorbed by it, until it flows alone in the breadth and
depth of its majesty.
It is not to be expected that a history of such extent, so filled
with matter requiring illustration and explanation, can be properly
understood and appreciated without a commentary. Of such
works, it is needless to say many have appeared ; the mere enumera-
tion of them would require more space than we can spare, while
the reading and mastering of their contents has become irksome
to the student. As it was said by some one in a forest that " he
could not see the wood for trees," so scholars can scarcely discern
Herodotus under the leaves of his commentators' books. The
work of Mr. Turner comes forward to remedy this evil, and, with-
out pretending to much originality, may fairly lay claim to great
judgment and taste in selecting such notes and explanations from
the works in question as may be most useful to the reader of
Herodotus. The " Notes on Herodotus " are, in short, a perpetual
running commentary on the author ; and, armed with them, the
student may safely dispense with any other guide, &c. &c.*
* In addition to the above most obliging notice in the Times, (for which I beg the
editor to accept my very best thanks,) I have to express my sense of the kindness dis-
played in noticing the 1st edition of this work in the Daily News, Athenaeum, Spect-
tor, Examiner, Lit. Gazette, and Westminster and Foreign Quarterly.
INTRODUCTION,
[The following articles appeared in the 1st edition of this work ; the preceding are TOT.]
ON THE CHARACTER AND STYLE OF THE WORK OF HERODOTUS.
" IT may be laid down as a general rule, though subject to con-
siderable qualifications and exceptions, that History begins in
novel and ends in essay. Of the Romantic Historians, Herodotus
is the earliest and best. His animation, his simple-hearted ten-
derness, his wonderful talent for description and dialogue, and the
pure, sweet flow of his language, place him at the head of narra-
tors. He reminds us of a delightful child. There is a grace be-
yond the reach of affectation in his awkwardness, a malice in his
innocence, an intelligence in his nonsense, an insinuating eloquence
in his lisp. We know of no writer who makes such interest for
himself and his book in the heart of the reader. At the distance
of three and twenty centuries we feel for him the same sort of pity-
ing fondness which Fontaine and Gay are said to have inspired in
society. He has written an incomparable book. He has written
something better, perhaps, than the best history ; but he has not
written a good history ; he is, from the first to the last chapter, an
inventor. We do not here refer merely to those gross fictions with
which he has been reproached by the critics of later times. We
speak of that colouring which is equally diffused over his whole
narrative, and which perpetually leaves the most sagacious reader
in doubt what to reject and what to receive. The most authentic
parts of his work bear the same relation to his wildest legends,
which Henry the Fifth bears to the Tempest. There was an ex-
pedition undertaken by Xerxes against Greece, and there was an
invasion of France. There was a battle of Plalgea, and there was
a battle at Agincourt. Cambridge and Exeter, the Constable and
the Dauphin, were persons as real as Demaratus and Pausanias."
A good deal more, to the same effect, on the dramatical style of
Herodotus, follows the above passage ; which, as far more remark-
SL * ill INTRODUCTION.
aoie for the talent with which it is written, than for its justice to
our author's accuracy of detail, (see Dahlmann, ch. iv. throughout,
and 8, 1), I venture to omit. The following, quoted from the same
beautiful essay, cannot fail to charm the reader ; it appears some-
what overdrawn and too highly coloured to convey a correct notion
of the real style of Herodotus ; and he will be on his guard against
admitting the tale of Herodotus' recitation at Olympia (see Dahl-
mann, ch. ii. throughout) as authentic.*
" Herodotus wrote, as it was natural that he should write. He
wrote for a nation susceptible, curious, lively, insatiably desirous
of novelty and excitement ; for a nation in which the fine arts had
attained their highest excellence, but in which philosophy was still
in its infancy. His countrymen had but recently begun to culti-
vate prose composition. Public transactions had generally been
recorded in verse. The first historians might, therefore, indulge
without fear of censure in the licence allowed to their predecessors,
the bards. Books were few. The events of former times were
learned from tradition and from popular ballads ; the manners of
foreign countries, from the reports of travellers. It is well known
that the mystery which overhangs what is distant, either in space
or time, frequently prevents us from censuring as unnatural what
we perceive to be impossible. We stare at a dragoon who has
killed three French cuirassiers, as a prodigy ; yet we read, without
the least disgust, how Godfrey slew his thousands and Rinaldo his
ten thousands. Within the last hundred years, stories about China
and Bantam, which ought not to have imposed on an old nurse,
were gravely laid down as foundations of political theories by
eminent philosophers. What the time of the Crusades is to us, the
generation of Croesus and Solon was to the Greeks of the time of
Herodotus. Babylon was to them what Pekin was to the French
academicians of the last century.
" For such a people was the book of Herodotus composed ; and,
if we may trust to a report not sanctioned indeed. by writers of high
authority, but in itself not improbable, it was composed not to be
read but to be heard. It was not to the slow circulation of a
few copies which the rich only could possess that the aspiring
author looked for his reward. The great Olympian festival the
solemnity which collected multitudes, proud of the Grecian name,
from the wildest mountains of Doris, and the remotest colonies of
Italy and Libya was to witness his triumphs. The interest of
the narrative and the beauty of the style were aided by the impos-
ing effect of recitation by the splendour of the spectacle by the
powerful influence of sympathy. A critic who could have asked
for authorities in the midst of such a scene, must have been of a
cold and sceptical nature ; and few such critics were there. As
v as the historian, such were the auditors inquisitive, credulous,
See, however, a note in the article Herodotus, Hist, of Gr. Lit. Ency. Atetrop.
{: iiO, quoted from in p. vii. of this Introduction.
INTRODUCTION. XIX
easily moved by religious awe or patriotic enthusiasm. They were
the very men to hear with delight of strange beasts and birds and
trees of dwarfs, giants, and cannibals of gods whose very name
it was impiety to utter of ancient dynasties, which had left behind
monuments surpassing all the works of later times of towns like
provinces of rivers like seas of stupendous walls, temples, and
pyramids of the rites which the Magi performed at day -break on
the tops of the mountains of the secrets inscribed on the eternal
obelisks at Memphis. With equal delight they would have listened
to the graceful romances of their own country. They now heard
of the exact accomplishment of obscure predictions of the punish-
ment of crimes over which the justice of heaven seemed to slumber
of dreams, omens, warnings from the dead of princesses, for
whom noble suitors contended in every generous exercise of
strength and skill of infants, strangely preserved from the dagger
of the assassin, to fulfil high destinies.
" As the narrative approached their own times, the interest be-
came still more absorbing. The chronicler had now to tell the
story of that great conflict, from which Europe dates its intellectual
and political supremacy a story which, even at this distance of
time, is the most marvellous and the most touching in the annals
of the human race a story abounding with all that is wild and
wonderful, with all that is pathetic and animating; with the
gigantic caprices of infinite wealth and absolute power, with the
mightier miracles of wisdom, of virtue, and of courage. He told
them of rivers dried up in a day of provinces famished for a meal
of a passage for ships hewn through the mountains of a road
for armies spread upon the waves of monarchies and common-
wealths swept away of anxiety, of terror, of confusion, of despair !
and then of proud and stubborn hearts tried in that extremity of
evil, and not found wanting of resistance long maintained against
desperate odds of lives dearly sold when resistance could be main-
tained no more of signal deliverance and of unsparing revenge
whatever gave a stronger air of reality to a narrative so well cal-
culated to inflame the passions, and to natter national pride, was
certain to be favourably received." Edinburgh Review, vol. 47,
p. 331.
" The whole work is pervaded by a profoundly religious idea,
which distinguishes Herodotus from all the other Greek historians.
This idea is the strong belief in a divine power existing apart and
independent of man and nature, which assigns to every being its
sphere. This sphere no one is allowed to transgress without dis-
turbing the order which has existed from the beginning, in the
moral world no less than the physical ; and by disturbing this order,
man brings about his own destruction. This divine power is, m
XX INTRODUCTION.
the opinion of Herodotus, the cause of all external events, although
he does not deny the free activity of man, or establish a blind law
of fate or necessity. The divine power with him is rather the
manifestation of eternal justice, which keeps all things in a proper
equilibrium, assigns to each being its path, and keeps it within its
bounds. Where it punishes over-weening haughtiness and inso-
lence, it assumes the character of the divine Nemesis, and no where
in history had Nemesis overtaken and chastised the offender more
obviously than in the contest between Greece and Asia. When
Herodotus speaks of the envy of the gods, as he often does, we must
understand this divine Nemesis, who appears sooner or later to
pursue or destroy him who, in frivolous insolence and conceit, raises
himself above his proper sphere. Herodotus every where shows
the most profound reverence for every thing which he conceives as
divine, and rarely ventures to express an opinion on what he con-
siders a sacred or religious mystery, though now and then he can-
not refrain from expressing a doubt in regard to the correctness
of the popular belief of his countrymen, generally owing to the
influence which the Egyptian priests had exercised on his mind :
but in general his good sense and sagacity were too strong to
allow him to be misled by vulgar notions and errors." From the
article Herodotus, in Smith's Biog. Diet. See also Dahlmann, 8,
1, p. 130, 131, seqq.
HERODOTUS' SOURCES OF INFORMATION.
On these, first, from the preparations he made, before undertaking
his work, by his travels and inquiries in Greece and foreign
countries, which probably occupied from his 20th or 25th year till
he settled in Rhegium and secondly, in his acquaintance with
the already existing literature, especially the poetic portion, of
his country, see Dahlmann, ch. vi. p. 76, seqq., and the articles
Herodotus, above quoted, in Smith's Biog. Diet., and in the En-
cyclop. Metropolttana.
SKETCH AND OBJECT OF THE WORK OF HERODOTUS.
" The object of the wqrk of Herodotus is to give an account of
the struggles between the Greeks and Persians, from which the
former, with the aid of the gods, came forth victorious. The sub-
ject therefore is a truly national one, but the discussion of it,
especially in the early part, led the author into various digressions
and episodes, as he was sometimes obliged to trace to distant times
the causes of the events he had to relate, or give a history or de-
scription of a nation or country, with which, according to his view,
the reader ought to be made familiar ; and having once launched
out into such a digression, he usually cannot resist the temptation
of telling the whole tale, so that most of his episodes form each an
interesting and complete whole by itself.
INTRODUCTION. XXI
" He traces the enmity between Europe and Asia to the mythical
times. But he rapidly passes over the mythical ages, to come to
Croesus, king of Lydia, who was known to have committed acts of
hostility against the Greeks. This induces him to give a full his-
tory of Croesus and the kingdom of Lydia. The conquest of Lydia
by the Persians under Cyrus then leads him to relate the rise of
the Persian monarchy, and the subjugation of Asia Minor and
Babylon. The nations which are mentioned in the course of the
narrative are again discussed more or less minutely. The history
of Cambyses and his expedition into Egypt induce him to enter
into the detail of Egyptian history. The expedition of Darius
against the Scythians causes him to speak of Scythia and the
north of Europe. The kingdom of Persia now extended from
Scythia to Cyrene, and an army being called in by the Cyrenseans
against the Persians, Herodotus proceeds to give an account of
Cyrene and Libya. In the mean time the revolt of the lonians
breaks out, which eventually brings the contest between Greece
and Persia to an end. An account of this insurrection, and of the
rise of Athens after the expulsion of the Pisistratidse, (with a di-
gression on the kings and government of Sparta,) is followed by
what properly constitutes the principal part of the work, and the
history of the Persian war now runs in a regular channel until the
taking of Sestos." See Dahlmann, ch. vii. throughout, p. 102 126.
In addition to the foregoing, reference has been made in the
course of the following notes to a most instructive as well as
amusing article, entitled " Philosophy of Herodotus," in Black-
wood's Magazine for January, 1842, the whole of which is strongly
recommended to the student's notice. Blackwood's Magazine is
so easy of access, that it has seemed advisable not to increase the
bulk and expense of this volume by making extracts from an arti-
cle, the effect of which would be much impaired by mutilation.
See particularly the very valuable information on Herodotus ii. 24,
under "The non-Planetary earth of Herodotus, &c. ;" on ii. 33,
the explanation of the parallelism of the Danube to the Nile,
" by which we must understand its corresponding rigorously, but
antistrophically, (as the Greeks express it,) similar angles, similar
dimensions, but in inverse order," under " The Danube of Hero-
dotus considered," &c. ; and on iv. 42, " The Africa of Herodotus,"
in which the truth of the great African Periplus is proved. " Per-
haps the very strongest argument in favour of the voyage is that
which Rennell insists on viz. the sole circumstance reported by
the voyagers which Herodotus pronounced incredible, the assertion
that in one part of it they had the sun on the right hand. And as
we have always found young students at a loss for the meaning of
that expression, since naturally it struck them that a man might
bring the sun at any place on either hand, or on neither, we will
stop for one moment to explain, that, as in speaking of the right
or left bank of a river, you are always presumed to look down the
XXli INTRODUCTION.
current, so in speaking of the sun you are presumed to place your
back to the east and accompany him on his daily route. In that
position it will be impossible for a man in our latitudes to bring the
sun on his right shoulder, since the sun never even rises to be ver-
tically over his head. First when he goes south so far as to enter
the northern tropic, would such a phenomenon be possible ; and
if he persisted in going beyond the equator and southern tropic,
then he would find all things inverted as regards our hemisphere.
Then he would find it as impossible, when moving concurrently
with the sun, not to have the sun on his right hand, as with us to
realize that phenomenon. Now, it is very clear, that if the Egyp-
tian voyagers did actually double the Cape of Good Hope, so far
to the south of the equator, then, by mere necessity, this inexpli-
cable phenomenon (for to them and to Herodotus, with his theory
of the heavens, in which there was no equator, no central limit, no
province of equal tropics on either hand of that limit, it was inex-
plicable) would pursue them for months in succession."
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
USED IN THIS WORK.
B. Baehr's edition of Herodotus.
Schw. Schweighaiiser's.
Blak. Hdtus. Blakesley's Herodotus with a Commentary. Bk. L
London, 1852.
Lex. Her. Schweighaiiser's Lexicon Herodoteum.
V. Valckenaer's Annotations.
Wytt. Wyttenbach.
W. Wesselin g.
H. P. A. Hermann's Political Antiquities of Greece.
Mull. Dor. Miiller's Dorians.
Prid. Conn. Prideaux' Connexion of the Old and New Testa-
ment.
R. Rennell's Geography of Herodotus.
Jelf, Jelf's Greek Grammar, (2nd edit.,) section, &c.
Matth. Matthise's Greek Grammar.
Plut. Plutarch.
A. Eton Geog. Arrowsmith's Eton Geography, 1 vol. 8vo.
S. and L. D. Scott and Liddell's Dictionary.
q. v. quod vide.
ref. references.
G. Gaisford.
L. Larcher.
D. Dahlmann's Life of Herodotus, translated by Cox.
H. Res. Bab. As. Nat. or Af., &c. Heeren's Researches ; Baby-
lonians, Asiatic Nations, or African. 2nd edition.
= equal to, identical with.
/. 1. loco laudato.
Class. Diet. Classical Dictionary, Barker's edition of Anthon's
Lempriere.
XXIV LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS.
I.iod. Sic. Diodorus Siculus [quoted in Baehr, &c. &c.].
L. Egypt. Ant. Egyptian Antiquities, &c., by G. Long, 2 vols.
12mo, published in the Library of Entertaining Knowledge.
Art. Article in Smith's Classical Dictionary, &c.
Cf. Confer, compare, look for.
Zllint. Fast. Hell. Clinton's Fasti Hellenici.
an. anno. look under the year,
sc. Scilicet.
D. of A. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities.
Smith's C. D. Smith's Classical Dictionary of Biography and
Geography. 1 vol., 1850.
Oxfd. Chron. Tab. Oxford Chronological Tables.
Hdtus. Herodotus.
Thirlw. ThirlwalPs History of Greece, in Lardner's Cyclopaedia.
Steph. Stephani Thesaurus Lingua? Grsecae [quoted in B.'s ed.].
sub. subaudi.
Smith's D. of G. and R. Biog. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and
Roman Biography and Mythology, 3 vols.
E. Orient. H. Professor Eadie's Early Oriental History, 8vo,
re-issue of the Encyclopaedia Metropolitana.
E. Hist, of Gr. Early History of Greece, by Pococke, Talfourd,
&c., 8vo, re-issue of the Encyclopaedia Metropolitana.
Miiller's Lit. of A. Gr. Miiller's Literature of Ancient Greece.
Hist, of Gr. Lit. History of Greek Literature, by Talfourd, Blom-
fiejd, &c., 8vo, re-issue of the Encyclopaedia Metropolitana.
An apology is due for the constant reference made to Smith's
invaluable Dictionary of Antiquities, and Liddell and Scott's
Lexicon ; books which in the present day no reader of Herodotus
should be without.
BOOK I. CLIO.
FROM THE TALE OF IO TO THE DEATH OF CYRUS,
a. " Herodotus, the father of history, born at Halicarnassus, 484
B. c., after travelling over Egypt, Libya, and a great part of Asia,
Scythia, Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece, returned to his native
city ; but disgusted with the tyranny of Lygdamis, (either the son
or grandson of the famous queen Artemisia,) withdrew to Samos,
where he began his history ; parts of which he recited, 456 B. c.
at the Olympic games ; (?) travelled over Greece, and again re-
cited at the festival of the Panathensea. (?) (These are alike re-
jected by D. Chap. 2, and passim, and Smith's D. of Gr. and R.
Biog. Hdtus ; but see Hist, of Gr. Lit. Hdtus, p. 240.) 444 B. c., goes
with an Athenian colony to Thurium, in Magna Grsecia, where
he was long occupied with his great work, and where he is sup-
posed to have died." (From the Oxford Chron. Tables.) Perhaps
B. c. 40S ; certainly not before, and perhaps a year or two later,
cf. i. 130, b., and D. p. 33, at the age of at least seventy-seven or
seventy-eight. For further information, see Long's Summary of
Herodotus, Dahlmann's Life of Herodotus, the article in Smith's D.
of G. and II. Biog., Miiller's Literature of Anc. Gr. ch. xix. p. 266,
and the beautiful ch. Herodotus, in History of Greek Literature, by
Talfourd, &c., republished from the Encyclopaedia Metropol., the
laborious treatise at the end of Baehr's edition, or the Preface of
\Vesseling, printed in Gaisford's Annotations. The first recitation,
according to Baehr, Heyse, c., but see D. p. 2, and remarks in
Introduction, is said to have taken place in 01. 81, 1, B. c. 456,
at which Thucydides is said to have been present ; and the second
in Ol. 83, 3, B. c. 445. From his residence at Thurium probably
arose the difference in the reading of the first line of his work, in
Aristot. Rhet. in. 5, 1 . Schw. quotes the subsequent mention made
of his country; i. 144; ii. 178; iii. 4; and vii. 99; in the first
of which passages his impartiality is strongly shown, in stating the
reason why his native city was excluded from the Dorian Hex-
apolis; (cf. i. 144, tl.) while, in vii. 99, viii. 68, 87, 93, 101, it is
plain that he feels an honest pride in the wisdom and courage dis-
played by the queen, and in the achievements of her small squadron.
See the remarks of D., pp. 4 7. See also a very amusing and in-
structive article on the Philosophy of Hdtus, in Blackwood's Mag.
Jan. 1842.
2 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
b. i<rropjjc. " In spite of the old traditional ' Historiarum Libri
Novem,' which stands upon all Latin title-pages of Hdtus, we
need scarcely remind a Greek scholar that the verb loropfw, or the
noun icrropia, never bears in this writer the latter sense of recording
and memorializing. The substantive is a word frequently employed
by Hdtus; often in the plural number: and uniformly it means
inquiries or investigations, so that the proper English version of the
title-page would be Of the researches made by Herodotus, nine
books." [From the art. in Blackwood above referred to.]
c. wg firjTt. B. constructs rd ytvo/i. t avQpdnruv, the deeds achieved
by men. IK causal. The agent (for virb) with passive or intransi-
tive verbs, almost entirely Ionic, especially Hdtus, rarely in Attic
prose. Cf. Hi. 62, k rov M. ; vii. 95, IK /3a<r. Jelf, 621, 3, c. For
other instances, cf. ii. 148; vi. 13, 22. Possibly the construction
may be i&rnXa t aV0p., obliterated from the memory of man.
d. TO. TI aXXa cum reliqua [opera], turn ea, qiue mutiti belli cattsam
preebuerunt. Wytt. " In the announcement of this historical de-
sign, Hdtus takes no notice of any previously existing models :
his wish is, by means of the information he has acquired, to pre-
serve the histories of men from the destruction with which time
threatened them, and not to allow the wonderful exploits per-
formed by Greeks and barbarians to w r ant their due celebrity ;
(they seemed then to him not to have been celebrated, or at least
not worthily ;) and in the next place his discourse was to be of the
causes of their mutual animosity." D. p. 103.
CH. I. a. oi Xoyioi, i. e. The learned in antiquities and history, his-
torians, chroniclers, rerum gestarum bene gnan, periti, docti. B. Cf.
ii. 3, quoted by B. Cf. ii. 77, b., and iv. 46.
b. 'Epvdpqe GaXdffatig, i. e. the Persian Gulf. Cf. i. 180, seq. The
name is in a wider sense applied to the whole of the sea which lies
between India, Persia, and Arabia (see R. p. 197, and cf. i. 202, d. :
iv. 37, a. ; ii. 8, a. ; 158, c.) ; and is " no where exclusively given to
the Arabian Gulf, which he treats of (ii. 8) and describes (ch. 11)
as part of the Erythraean." D. p. 61 ; see also Prid. Conn. pt. i.
bk. 1. " The great Southern Ocean, (cf. iv. 13, c.,) which, extend-
ing itself between India and Africa, washes up to the coast of
Arabia and Persia, from its appearing of a reddish colour by rea-
son of the fierceness of the sun-beams constantly beating upon it,
was therefore called the ' Red Sea ;' and this alone was that which
was truly and properly called so by the ancients ; while the Arabian
Gulf, which hath now obtained that name, was never for any such
redness of it so called, but throughout the whole of the Old Testa-
ment it is called Yam Suph, i. e. the Weedy Sea, cf. Exod. x. 19 ;
xiii. 18 ; but among the ancient inhabitants of the adjoining coun-
tries it was called the Sea of Edom, the name given to Esau (Gen.
xxv. 10). Hence the Greeks, who took this name from the Phoe-
nicians, instead of rendering it the Sea of Edom, or the Idumsean
BOOK I. CLIO. 3
Sea, mistook the word Edom to be an appellative, instead of a pro-
per name, and therefore rendered it ipvQpa flaXaao-a, the Retl Sea."
A different derivation is given by others. D. says, " the rocks of
porphyry on the Egyptian side of the Arabian Gulf, supplied a
natural cause for this appellation, throwing out their red colour far
into the sea ; thus it is readily comprehended why the Persians at
this day, still firmly retaining the antithesis, call the Mediterranean
the White Sea." Others say, from the redness of its sands or
waters ; but probably the derivation given by Prideaux seems the
correct one ; Edom or Esau being the same with the ancient hero,
or monarch, Erythneus. Cf. Smith's C. D. Eryth. Mare, and on the
navigation of the Persian Gulf, H. Bab. ch. ii. p. 430. i/ct T/ 9a\aaaa,
the Mediterranean, or /Egaean on the migration of the Phoenicians,
cf. vii. 89, c.
c. imOtaGcu applied themselves to. " The commerce of the Phoe-
nicians with Egypt must be considered as a second branch of their
South land trade. (That with Arabia, with which was interwoven
a connexion with the rich countries of the South, Ethiopia and
India, was the first.) Their intercourse with this nation was one
of the earliest they formed, as Hdtus expressly assures us that the
exportation of Assyrian and Egyptian wares was the first business
they carried on. Ezekiel, xxvii. 7> in his picture of Tyrian com-
merce, forgets not that with Egypt, but even enumerates the wares
which Tyre obtained from the banks of the Nile. " Fine cottons
and embroidered work from Egypt spreadest thou over thy pavi-
lions ; dark blue and purple from the Peloponnesus were thy
coverings." Cf. H. Phcenic. ch. iv. 343, seqq.
d. irt>oii\tv iiiraoi excel/ed in all points the cities in the, &c., so
Schw^omm&tu rebus eminent inter urbes ejus terra, guce nunc (fr<scut
appellatur. atraai is the datixe of the point in which this city ex-
celled ("the instrumental dative;") TWV [ir6\iwv'] the genitive of the
person excelled. Jelf, 504, obs. 1. Avoid therefore following the
construction given by L. On the date of the appellation of Hellas
being given to the whole of Greece, cf. Thucvd. i. 3, and read
Thirlw. i. ch. iv. p. 84.
e. SiariQiaOai, set out, arranged for sale. Cf. i. 194. B. TU.I>
fopriwv. Partitive gen., Jelf, 533, 3. The force of the particle cij in
Hdtus appears to be equivalent to Lo! or rather So you see ; it
recurs from time to time in his story-telling style, to fix or recall
the reader's attention. Stephens on Greek Particles, p. 60, " and
carrying with them the exports of Egypt and Assyria, they came
to many other countries, and also, which most concerns uy at present,
(or, and what is more to our present purpose,) to Argos : now Argos,
at this time, surpassed in every respect the other cities in the
country now called Hellas. And the Phoenicians having come, as
we have said, to this Argos, set out their merchandise for sale." Cf.
Jelf, 724, 1.
CH. II. a. iiqeav & av OVTOI KpfirtQ, and they miyht possibly be
B 2
4 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Cretans. Jelf, 425, 1. Probably said, because the Cretans, after-
wards infamous for their crafty and deceitful character, were at a
very early date noted for their superiority in naval afi'airs. Cf.
Thucyd. i. 4. B. With regard to their character for mendacity, it
is the remark of Coleridge, Introduction to the Study of the Clas-
sics, that Homer, in the Odyssey, never puts a false tale into the
mouth of Ulysses, without his adding that he is a Cretan. Cf. the
proverb quoted by St. Paul, Tit. i. 12. Cf. on the Cretans, i. 173, b.
b. paKpy vrfla war-galley. Possibly, from its use here, we may
infer that Jason's expedition was of a piratical nature ; as long
vessels among the Greeks were generally used for warfare, and
those of a round form for commerce. See Ships, Smith's D. of A.
c. diriicaTo " est ipsum plusquam perf. cui hie proprius locus
erat ; airnctaro autem est lonica forma aoristi aut imperfecti, idem
valens ac aTrtWro." Cf. Matt. Gr. Gr. 204, 6 ; Jelf, 254, 2. ' On
the position of iraJ, etiam, in diairphZ KOI raXXa apjriiaai, for KO'I
apiriiaat, cf. Jelf, 761, 3.
d. TOV K6\%ov, the Cokhians. The singular is sometimes used in
a plural force to signify a whole nation. The nation being con-
sidered as a whole, and represented, as in despotic governments was
natural, by its head. Jelf, 354, 2. So TOV AvSbv, TOV 'Apa^tov, TOV
lli(!(T)]v, Tifi Tvpi(ft, 6 Tt\tt>voQ, o yiantSwv, vii. 173, e.
CH. III. a. -yivirj cf. ii. 142, where Hdtus computed 3 genera-
tions at 100 years, i. e. 33 years and 4 months for each. The pas-
sage in the text marks the time between the expedition of the
Argonauts and the rape of Helen, which Miiller computes at about
40 years. B. On the infin. ciSovai (depending on tyaoav implied)
with an accusative, instead of the verbum finitum, owing to the
oratio obliqua, cf. Jelf, 889, b.
b. roi'c Si r. r. \ but that they {the Trojans'] , when the mes-
sengers [of the Greeks] had set forth this demand, threw in their [the
Greeks] teeth the rape of Medea, how that they [the Greeks], when
tJiey had themselves neither given satisfaction nor had given her
[Medea] up, when they [the Trojans] demanded her, yet now [them-
selves] desired to hate satisfaction from others. B. irpoia^o^cvwv . .
. , airaiTtovToiv. The gen, participle sometimes stands alone, as a
gen. absolute, without its subject, which is either supplied from the
context, or, when it is wholly indefinite, a demonstrative pronoun,
(as in this sentence, ai/rwv,) or the indefinite words 7rpay/xar</,
XpiiuaTa, dvOpwjroi, &c., are without difficulty supplied by the mind.
Jelf, 696, 3; 894, b. Cf. ix. 58, vfj.lv .... iieaivtovrtav rovrovt;.
CH, IV, a. SijXa yap t. T. X. Some take these words to be
Hdtus'sown opinion, on which surmise Plutarch, in his Treatise d<
Malig. Herod, p, 586, founds one of his charges. B. thinks that
they are part of the Persian account of the matter, and doubts
whether Hdtus meant at the same time to give us his own opinion.
On iapr)v i%iiv apTraaO., the attributive gen., cf. Jelf, 496, obs. 4.
b. olittiivvTai hold to belong to them, claim as their oicn. Cf. i
BOOK I. CLIO. 5
94, iii. 2, and a parallel passage in ix. 116. Cf. H. Pers. p.
262; also vii. 5, b., and D. p. 61. "The Persians, in the true
oriental spirit of uninquiring indolence, looked upon Africa as
part of the body of Asia which belonged to them, and upon
Kurope as a portion intended for them, but in which the Greeks
were pleased to play the master." See the speech of Xerxes,
vii. 8.
CH. V. a. Other passages referring to the tale of Troy, are ii.
1 16, seqq. ; vii. 43, 161 ; ix. 27. B. " Beyond the fact of the corn-
quest of Troy," ii. 120, D., p. 76, says " Hdtus hardly believed any
thing connected with the particular circumstances of the expedi-
tion, such as Homer relates them ; which, indeed, were by no
means considered by him as history, nor once made the basis of
his narrative," &c. Cf. Legend of Troy in E. Hist, of Gr. ch. v. p.
1 13 1 IS. Grote's observations on the historical basis of the legend
in his Hist, of Gr. I. ch. xv. p. 433, seqq., are well worth reading.
b. OVK tp%. ipewv / will not now proceed to set forth. Tbv, i. e. ov,
cui respondet, TOVTOV. B.
c. in tftiv, in iny time. Cf. Jelf, 633, II. " The hand of time
had buried before his (Hdtus's) eyes what was great and imposing,
while it had placed the unseen at an amazing elevation. There-
fore he resolved (for which resolution we are so much indebted to
him) that, in writing his book, nothing should be disdained on ac-
count of its smallness." D. p. 130.
CH. VI. a. pewv dirb (iiaauppitii: Hdtus's confused notion of the
course of the Halys is discussed in Blak. Hdtus, i. note 243. On
its real course, cf. Smith's C. D. Halys. Cf. also i. f2, where ra <drw
rfjs 'Aaitjs corresponds with ra ivrbs "AXvoc here, that is, all Asia
Minor W. of the Halys ; within the Halys, as it would appear to a
Greek ; while TO. avo> rffc "Aalij^, constantly recurring, means all to
the E. of the same river ; the upper part, as it would appear to a
Greek coming from the sea-coast of Asia Minor. The Halys, now
the Klsil-Irmak. B.
b. TO Kippipiuv ffrpartvfjia. The substance of B.'s note is : " The
expedition here mentioned took place when Ardys, son of Gyges,
was king of the Lydians, as is manifest from c. 15, who began his
reign B. c. 677. From a comparison of the passages in Hdtus,
where an invasion of the Cimmerians is mentioned, L. supposes
there were two distinct irruptions : the first during the reign of
Ardys, B. c. 699, i. 6, 15 ; the second at the time of Halyattes and
Cyaxares, i. 103. These probably refer to one and the same
invasion, begun under Ardys, and continued till Halyattes, who
finally expelled them from Asia Minor, B. c. 613. Some derive
the name from the Hebrew ' Kamar,' dark, obscure ; others, as
Volney, from the Celtic ' Kimr,' whence the name 'Cimbri.'" Cf.
also Thirlw. ii. c. 13, p. 158, 159; and iv. 11, a. On the subjec-
tion of Ionia, cf. i. 92, a. Trpiafivrtpov, earlier. Cf. ii. 2, quoted in
Blak. Hdtus.
6 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
CH. VII. a. 47rirpa00vrfc 1st aor. part. pass, of tirirpsiruv, to
commit, or intrust to one's charge, cf. iii. 157. B. The Heraclida.
according to the command of an oracle, received the kingdom which
iras committed to them, being intrusted icith it by, or, at the hands
of, these monarchs. Schw. "The Trojan empire comprised, 1.
Western Mysia. 2. The Phrygian empire, which became a pro-
vince of the Lydian empire, about 560. 3. The Lydian empire.
The Lydians (Mceonians) were a branch of the Carian tribe.
According to Hdtus, three dynasties ruled in Lydia : the Atyadee,
down to 1232; the Heraclidae, down to 727; and the Mermnadae,
down to 557 ; the first two are almost wholly fabulous, and the
proper history of Lydia may be said to commence with the last
dynasty." H.Manua'l, p. 25, and 380. Cf. also Thirl w. ii. c. 13, p. 157.
b. STTI Svo K. T. \. -during, or, for ticenty-tico generations. Cf.
Jelf, 635, 2, b.; ii. 119. STTI iro\\bv,for long. B.
CH. VIII. a. viriperiGiro, used to impart to him, ask his advice
on. Cf. 107, 103. B.
b. xpiJ v Y a P KttvS. For it was fated that misfortune should befall
Candautes, &c. Cf. ii. 161 ; iv. 79; v. 92, 4; ix. 109. B.
c. itTa yap K. T. \. So Horace, A. P. 180, " Segnius irritant
animos," &c. airtarortpa, in an active sense, less believing or trust-
ing , more mistrustful. S.andL. D. Cf. ix. 98, d. iroifs OKUC Qtri<riai.
After iroiiiv, instead of infin., we sometimes find OTTWC with ind.
fut., when the notion of taking care is to be expressed. Jelf, 666,
obs. 1, '6pa or opart, vide, videte, being readily supplied by the mind.
812,2.
CH. IX. a. apx^v, altogether: cf. Jelf, 580, 2; or, indea prin-
cipio, throughout. Schw. Cf. i. 86, ?i\9t ap^Tji' 6 26\o>v, formerly .
so in ii. 27, and 148. utrd tut iatkQovra. Cf. Jelf, 696, obs. 4, on
the participle used to express time. To define any thing as follow-
ing in time on the action of some other persons, ^tra is used, as
/tr<i SwXwvot oixoutvov, i. 34.
CH. XI. a. OITCU, so. Supposed by Schw. to be said SUKTIK&S,
as accompanied by the action of the queen, in pointing to the
guards ready to kill him, if he refused the conditions. B. considers
it to be said emphatically, so, as he (the king) also ought to die.
Above ocwc / /3a<r. K-aXsot. Cf. Jelf, 843, 2. The opt. used with the
uncompounded conjunctions brt, &c., very often to express indefinite
frequency.
b. UT) uiv dvayKaiy K. r. \., besought her not to tie him down to the
necessity of making, i. e. not to compel him to make such a choice. B.
Cf. ix. 16, avayic. wSsSip., and viii. 22. row \otirov, for the future,
the temporal gen. Cf. Jelf, 523, 1. Ktlvov yt. Where one alter-
native is contrasted with the other, ye is used with the one on
which the emphasis is to b'e laid. So in disjunctive sentences with
i"i 1$, yro rj, where of two persons one must suffer, or do some-
thing, ye is joined to the one which is to make the greatest impres-
sion. 735, 2.
BOOK I. CLIO. 7
c. iiriipuTa. On this form, cf. i. 88, b. ty'spi aicovaw, come, let me
hear. The 1st pers. sing. conj. expresses a strong desire, or wish,
let me. Jelf, 416,1.
CH. XII. a. ov yap piTtfro Ion. for ptGiiTo. Jelf, 284. Was
not let off ; perhaps it may mean, icas not allowed to return home. " It
is probable, though only to be received as a conjecture, that the
accession of this last dynasty, the MermnadEe, ought to be con-
sidered as the real foundation of the proper Lydian monarchy, (cf.
i. 7, .,) and that this is the historical substance of the tradition,
that Gyges, the first of the Mermnadae, dethroned his master, Can-
daules. He is said to have been aided by Carian auxiliaries, and
the Carians looked upon the Lydians as a kindred race, and ac-
knowledged Lydus as the brother of Car, as well as of Mysus."
Thirlw. ii. p. 158.
b. TOV Kai "Apx/Aoxoc * T - ^- This is cons.t.ered an interpolation
by W. and Reiz., but defended by Schw. and B., from the numerous
other instances, where Hdtus refers to the testimony of poets, as
ii. 53, to Homer and Hesiod; ii. 156, to ./Eschylus; ii. 116, to Ho-
mer; iii. 38, to Pindar; iii. 121, to Anacreon; iv. 29, to Homer
Odyss. ; iv. 35, to Olen the Lycian ; and v. 95, vi. 52, vii. 6, viii.
77, for which I am indebted to Schw. and B. The verse to which
Hdtus probably alludes, is quoted in Arist. Rhet. iii. 17. OD ftoi
TO. rfiytta rov iro\v\pvoov pfXii.
c. Kara T. aitr. \p. during the same time, contemporary with. Jelf,
629, ii. 2.
Cn. XIII. a. IK rov xpr)ar., by the oracle. Cf. Jelf, 621, 3, d.
IK causal. The cause, occasion : i tpiSoc paxtaOai, Homer; but rarely
of inanimate objects, instead of the instrumental dative ; Hdt. vi.
67, tK Toiovfit oviidtof. avvffiijaav i Tuivro . . . fjv fjitv d)) rb XP 7 ?"-
apx^v The partisans of Gyges, and the rest of the Lydians, came to
this agreement, if at length the oracle should decide in his favour,
that he should retain the kingdom ; but if not, that he should give back
the sovereignty to the Heradidce. On Stj, cf. Jelf, 720, 2, d.
b. 'HpctK\iiyai riaig, vengeance for the Heradidce. Dat. commodL
Cf. Jelf, 597> obs. 1. tf rov vkpirrov airoy. viz Crujsus. Cf. i.
91. W.
c. TrpiV. TrpiV, with the indicative, until. Cf. Jelf, 848, 3.
CH. XIV. a. Tvpavvivaaq, ivhen he had obtained the kingdom :
cf. Herm. ad Viger. p. 774, who renders, reynum occitpavit et
misit. B.
b. a\\' oaa piv . . . ir\tiora, but his offerings at Delphi are ex-
tremtly numerous. The word oaa is by some joined to irXtiara,
and regarded as similar to apT)x avov oaov. It is thus viewed by Jelf,
823, obs. 7, " as a contraction of the principal and relative clauses,"
like 9avuaar6v oaov. This is objected to by B., on the ground that
oaa is usually put after the word to which it is attached, and not,
as here, before. He therefore follows Matth. Gr. Gr. 445, c.,
taking the order to be d\/V oaa ukv dpyvpov
8 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
ravra 01 TrXtlara tan iv AtX^oTtri, but the greatest part of the offerings
ofsilcer at Delphi are his. That Hdtus visited Delphi, is evident.
See D. p. 40. oi, dat. commodi. Jelf, 597.
c. irapt,besides. Two prepositions joined together. Cf. Jelf. 640,
3, quoted in iii. 91, c. a\\ov re, both other gold,\. e. worked into other
offerings. On the weight of the golden bowls, cf. iii. 95, where
the value of gold in comparison with silver, is stated to be as 13 to
1 ; hence 30 talents of gold = 390 of silver, and the talent of silver
being worth 225, the 390 of silver, or the 30 of gold, = 87,750,
according to L. B.
d. a\t)0.\6y. xpnaii'i.v(p,rccte(Bstimanti ; XP W M- the dat. commodi.
Cf. Jelf, 599, 1, l)at. expressing reference to. When any thing is
spoken of with especial reference to any person or thing, as if lie
or it were interested, and in some sort benefited therein, (or the
contrary,) the dativus commodi or incommodi is used. Cf. i. 51, a.,
vi. 33, iii. 90, vii. 143. Otjcavpoc., treasury. Cf. iv. 162. One of the
cells in the temple, in which the offerings of kings or states were
deposited. On Cypselus, see v. 92.
e. fMirA MiSnv. Probably Midas III., circ. B. c. 800; but almost
all the Phrygian monarchs were called either Midas or Gordius ;
cf. the Oxf. Chron. Tables. Five kings are mentioned of the
name of Midas ; Gyges B. c. 716.
f. if rbv K. r. X. in which he used to come and sit in public, and, &c.
On if cf. iii. 62, a., and similar instances in Jelf, 646, 1.
ff. im tTTuvvfiinv surnamed after him who dedicated them. On
tirl with a gen. Causal: the occasion, or author of any thing, KaXtiaBat
iwi TIVOQ, to be named after some one, or something, whereon, as it
were, the name rests, cf. Jelf, 633, 3, b., and on the ace. ixwr,
accusative of equivalent notion, Jelf, 548, c.
CH. XV. a. K/i/uptot. Expulsion of the Cimmerians from
Europe by the Scythians, B. c. 634; taking of Sardis by them, B. c.
633; cf. iv. 11, a. On the Cimmerians, cf. note b, on en. 6.
b. i"i9ta s. fjQtj, seats,fixed habitations, an Homeric word. Si'rp&c,
Ionic ace. pi. ; so iroXtc,, fyic., &c., elsewhere in Hdtus. B. Cf. Jelf,
101, obs. 5, and iii. 7, irianc.; ii. 58, iravnyvpiQ. iiri rovrov rvp.,
while he reigned over, &c. On iiri with gen. temporal, cf. Jelf, 633,
i. 2.
CH. XVI. a. ovroc $1 KvaKapy K. r. X. Cf. i. 74. Ardys, grand-
father to Alyattes, kg of Lydia, was contemporary with Phraortes,
father of Cyaxares, kg of Media. Ardys died B. c. 628 : hence
Hdtus's account is consistent with chronology.
b. "Spvyvriv . . . KTiaBtiaav Cf. i. 149, a., 150, a.
c. OVK we f)9t\iv aTrri\\aZiv he retired not as he wished, i. e. in a
manner quite contrary to his wishes. Cf. viii. 68, c. ; and i. 32, UoXXd
. . . ra urjne Wi\ti, and Eurip. Androm. 1168. B.
CH. XVII. a. Kapiros indicat fructus satorum, the corn, or grain
tifany kind which was sowed, B., not the fruit of trees.
b. vwo .... avlprjiov under the accompaniment of (i. e. to tha
BOOK I. CLIO. 9
tound of) pipes and lyres, and the masculine and feminine flute. Cf. vii.
2-2, ix. 98, &c.; Jelf, 639, i. 2, d. av\og avtp., probably like the
Roman Tibia dextra, played with the right hand, which gave a
bass sound. av\bc yvv. to the Tibia sinistra, played with the left hand,
in the treble cleft", resembling a woman's voice. B. Cf. Smith's D.
of A. ; Paradise Lost, i. 532 and 550.
c. wg cnriicoiTo, so often as he might come. Cf. Jelf, 843, 2, on
the optat. expressing indefinite frequency, ovrt Gvpae dirsaira. Cf.
iii. 159, on the taking of Babylon. Schw.
d. T% yap .... iiTfKpaTfov. " Miletus and Phocaea flourished
between 800 500. Miletus is said to have had a hundred colo-
nies in the Sea of Marmora, the Black Sea, and the Palus Maeotis,
and ranked next to Tyre and Carthage." Oxford Tables, p. 8. On
Miletus and its colonies, read H. P. A. 77? 78 ; and Thirlw. ii.
pp. 85, 104, &c. oicwg i%. Cf. Jelf, 805. Final substantival clause
introduced by o>c, in order that, OTTUC., 'iva, &c.
CH. XVIII. a. rptapaTa overthrows, disasters, cf. vi. 132, iv.
160, vii. 233, and Horn. Odyss. xxi. 293, Olvog at rpwu /uXiqdifc
c.r.X. B.
b. nut yap Srj <rwSi^v(ucav. The date of this war appears
unknown. All three states were Ionian colonies, of which there
were twelve principal ones, between which the festival of the
Panionia, held at the temple of the Heliconian Neptune at Mycale,
cf. i. 142, &., 148, a., served as a bond of union ; though Hermann
remarks, they were not only, generally speaking, independent,
both often engaged in mutual hostilities. Cf. v. 99, and H. P. A.
77 note 21, art fir], except, properly oiiSkv on fir). Cf. Jelf, 743, 2,
on the use of ov and pij in dependent sentences.
CH. XIX. a. 'Awijm'ijc so called from Assesus, the name of a
small town or village in the territory of Miletus (see end of ch.)
where the temple of the goddess stood. B. On the accus. iTrtKXqmv,
cf. Jelf, 579, 2.
b. avTip .... Tr'ffti^avTa. Cf. C. 3. "E\\nai do%ai .... irffi-^avTac,
and c. 37, iv. 81, v. 109. B. Cf. Jelf, 675. Participles or adjec-
tives after infin., which ought to be in the same case (gen. or dat.) as
the object of the verb to which they refer, are often in the accus.,
because they are not considered as referring to that object, but as
separated from it, and as belonging to the accusative implied in
the infinitive to which they are joined.
CH. XX. a. T<i> . . . .rvpavvtvovTi. On the origin of Despotisms
in Greece, cf. H. P. A. 63 65, and 72, the reference to
Arnold's Rome, in i. 59, b. and Thirlw. i. c. 10, p. 403. Read also
an article on " the Grk Despot," in a review of Grote's Gr. in Edinb.
Review for Jan. 1850. Neither Hermann nor B. considers that
Thrasybulus was one of those entitled " ^Esymnetes," magistrates
invested with unlimited power, (Aristot. Pol. iv. 8, 2,) for the pur-
pose of moderating adverse factions, as was Pittacus in Mitylene.
10 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
The name " JSsymnete" was however given in some places, as in
Cyme and Chalcedon, to the regular magistrates.
b. OK(JJ .... fiouXeviirat that he, (2'hrasybulus,) having had pre-
vious information, miyht farm some plan with regard to the present
conjuncture. n depends upon fiovXivijTai. Cf. Jelf, 810, on the
conjunctive and opt. with dv. To the final conjunctions <!>, oirwc.,
}'/, and VW, the modal adverb av is frequently (especially in Hdtus)
added, pointing to some (generally not expressed) condition.
CH. XXI. a. 6 jt rfjv MiXr/rov f)v So then the messenger
went to and arrived at (was at) Miletus. Cf. Jelf, 646, 1, quoted
in iii. 62, a. V. 38, tf AaKtSalftova iyiviro, and Trap. i$ ' ATTIKI]V, and
i. 14, /.
o. vavra \6yov, all the matter, the ichole business. Xovo like^jj/in,
the thing spoken of, the subject or matter of the Xoyof. S. and L. D.
Cf. i. 127, rov Xoyou utriaxov, had to do ivith the matter, tcere in the
secret, rd jusXAoi,cf. Jelf, 802, 8. The opt. used when it is only
a suspicion, or a persuasion of the probability of any thing falling
short of being an actual fact. Cf. iii. 68, we OVK tiij K. T. \.
c. Kwny K. T. \. feasting, rereUing, iniav K. T. \. Cf. Jelf, 841, 3.
CH. XXII. a. OKWC -dr,, that forsooth. Jelf, 722, 2. TO. rj
tchich strait/htivay, &c. Jelf, 721, 1. rbv \twv rirfwaQai K. T. \.,that
(he people had been reduced, worn out, to the extremity of distress.
Cf. Horn. Odyss. xvii. 387, B. On front with gen., cf. Jelf,
487, 1.
b. iir' $ re Zsivovc .... ilvai On condition of their being, &c.
Cf. Jelf, 867, 2. On the tie of hospitality among the Greeks, cf.
H. P. A. 15, View of the Political State of Greece before the
Historical Times. Even the prisoner taken in war, after paying
ransom, was SopvZivos. Cf. also the View of the Social State among
the Greeks, in Coleridge's Introd. to the Classics, and Hospitium
in Smith's D. of A.
CH. XXIII. a. IltpiavSpoe Cf. iii. 48, b. seqq., v. 92, d. and m.,
and M filler Doi'. i. p. 188. KopivOov, relative gen. after trvp. Cf.
Jelf, 502, 505.
6. Aea/Sioi mentioned as Arion belonged to Lesbos, where Me-
thymna stood. B.
c. 'Apiova K.T.\. B. defends this digression, 1st, as the tale is to
the credit of a Greek state, which applies to many other of the
Herodotean digressions, and 2nd, as teaching that no crime could
escape the vengeance of heaven. On the story of Arion cf. Virg.
Eel. viii. 56, and Georg. iii. 6. Its origin is explained by L. from
the vessel, which probably picked up Arion when cast into the sea,
having the figure-head of a dolphin. ovievoe, relative gen. Cf.
Jelf, 502, 3. On ruv (= wv) >'//* K. T. X., gen. by Attraction, cf.
Jelf, 822, 1. Cf. iv. 73, a.
d. StQvpanfiov. A great impetus was given to choral poetry by
its application to the dithyramb, or old Bacchic song. This
BOOK I. CLIO. 11
ancient Bacchanalian performance, the origin of which is, at any
rate, earlier than Archilochus, who, in one of the fragments of his
poetry, says that "he knows how to lead off the dithyramb, the
beautiful song of Dionysus, when his mind is inflamed with wine,"
(Athen. xiv. p. 628,) seems to have been a hymn sung by one or
more of a <ru;/ioc, or irregular band of revellers, to the music of the
flute. Arion was the first who gave a regular choral or anti-
strophic form to the dithyramb. This improvement was introduced
at Corinth (Herod, i. 24; Pindar, Ol. xiii. 18 or 25, with the notes
of the commentators). The choruses, which ordinarily consisted
of fifty men or youths, danced in a ring round the altar of Diony-
sus. Hence they were termed cyclic choruses (ei'>.-\ioi xPOi an( l
dithyrambic poets were understood by the term KVK\ioddeKa\ut.
This also explains the name Cvcleus, given to the father of Arion
(Miiller, Hist. Gr. Lit. p. 204). Smith's D. of A. Chorus. See
more under Tra</(fdia. eat Si8 rroiijff. bvopdoavra StldZ. the first
whom ice know, who composed, and named, and brought out the Ditlu/-
ramb, &c. hSuoKtiv, like docere falulam, is pecul. used of the Dith-
rambic and dramatic poets, icho taught the actors their parts and
superintended the getting up and bringing out of their pieces. S.
and L. D. Cf. Hor. A. P. 288, " Vel qui prsetextas vel qui docu-
ere togatas." Cf. Theatre of the Greeks, p. 235, and on the
derivation of the term Dithyramb, sect. i. p. 3, of the same
work.
CH. XXIV. a. bnpaoQai K.T.\., accordingly he was going to
nail from, &c. Stephens on Greek Particles, p. 107, scqq. iv rip
iriXdytt, when note out at sea, i. e. beyond the harbour. Schw. On
SiaxpayBm, cf. i. 1 10, d. OVKUJV Srj TrdOitv. Infin. in oratio obliqua,
(they say that) he did not indeed persuade them. In Greek one or
more dependent clauses in a narration may stand as an oratio ob-
liyua in the accus. and infin., depending on a verb of saying, &c.,
expressed or implied, instead of the verbum jinitum. Jelf, 889.
TI'IV Ta\iaTi}v, generally explained by oSov supplied, but according
to Jelf, 891, obs. 2, by iKirr}Srioiv. In many phrases the subst.
suppressed after the adj. is implied in the verb. So that this is
brachylogy, rather than ellipse.
b. irfptictiiv K. r. X. to allow him to stand and sing. Cf. Jelf,
664, A., on the infinitive (without the article) as the object after
the verb. B. refers oKtvfi to the 6p9oa-aliai;, the long garment reach-
inr/ to the ancles, worn by the Cithareedfe. On Kartpyaaaadut, cf. ix.
106, a., and on rai rolai iaikQiiv yap t'lSovijv K. T. X., cf. Jelf, 786,
obs. 6, quoted in ix. 109, b.
c. vopov TOV opQwv The Orthian strain, so called from being per-
formed in a high key, the voice of the performer being raised and
clear. Blomfield, ^Esch. Pers. Gloss. T. 395. It appears to have
been particularly intended for the flute or cithara, and to have
been played in quick time. B. An air of sharp, stirring tone, Uk
our military music. S. and L. D.
12 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
d. we il\i, just as he teas. Cf. Matth. 337. Teenarus, C. Ma-
tapan s. Maina. B.
e. dvanuQi\uv K. r. X. sub. Xyov<rt [dicunt] eum cur am intendisse
in nautas ; looked carefully for, kept a sharp look-out for, the sailors.
dvaKtas, i. q. <f>v\aKriK&e, tiri/itXwe, cf. viii. 109, e. Schw. and Jelf,
496, Causal. Gen. On the construction of if .... iraptivai
avrovG, cf. Matth. 538. " The accusative with the infinitive is
also used after particles which begin a protasis, and in construc-
tion with the relative both in the oratio obliqua, Herod, i. 94.
(Xsyovrte) roue Amfoic (e. r. X., cf. i. 24; viii. Ill, 118, 135.
f. ioropttaOai, that they were asked. " Passiva notione accipien-
dum, in activa enira notione usurpatum nusquam utique, nee apud
Nostrum, nee apud alium Scriptorem reperiri arbitror." Schw.
we tit) re. K. r. X. Cf. Jelf, 802, 2, on the indie, and opt. in de-
pendent sentences. The opt. used where the thing spoken of is
represented as an uncertainty, a supposition.
g. Trtpi 'iraXitjv, in Italy. Cf. c. 27- vtpl rt}v 'E\\dSa. Cf. Jelf,
632, iii. 1. Ti-tpt, with ace. frequently with verbs of rest, to ex-
press, as it were, a circular extension through space round, at,
through. Cf. iii. 62. irtpi Aiy. in and round Egypt, vii. 131, 7rpi
Htfpiqv, in Pieria.
h. dvdBrifta K. r. X. Lilian, Nat. Animal, xii. 45, gives the in-
scription on the base of the statue :
' AQavartav TTOfnirataiv 'Api'ova, KwcXovoj vibv,
'Etc SucjXoi' irXayoi>e oiixrtv o^pa ToSt.
The hymn Arion is said to have composed is given in Brunck's
Analectt. vol. iii. p. 327. B. From " this the Lesbians say," it
is evident that Hdtus visited their island. Cf. D. p. 43. It is
plain that he also visited Corinth. Ib. p. 42.
CH. XXV. a. vTTOKprirrfpidiov, a saucer for the silver goblet. >X-
\IJTOV, probably inlaid or damasked with iron : Oetjc d%iov K. r. X.
would be inapplicable, if the meaning were merely, according to
B., ferruminatum, soldered, or welded to it. L. and S. and L. D.
b. Sia iravruv Throughout, among all. Cf. Jelf, 627, 3, g. ia
Causal. Value. Iliad xii. 104, 6 S' twpfirf eat Sid TTO.VTUV. Cf. also viii.
37, b. and vii. 83, eo<r/uov Sid TTUVTUV n. pracipuo cultu inter om-
nes eminebant ; there quoted.
CH. XXVI. a. 'E<psaioi K. T. X. Pindarus, whose mother was
daughter of Alyattes, (consequently he was nephew to Croesus,)
was at this time, B. c. 560, tyrant of Ephesus. See Thirlw. ii. p.
162. On the dedication of the town, cf. jEsch. vii. c. Theb. 203,
oXX' oJi> Qtoite roue rfjs aXoutrijc TroXeoc iic\f.urtiv Xoyoe- The intention
of the Ephesians was, by thus consecrating their town, to compel
the goddess to aid them, and prevent her desertion, by means of
having thus united her safety to that of the city. B. So Polycrates
consecrated the island of Rhenoea to Apollo, Thucyd. iii. 104; and
the Tyrians chained Hercules to Moloch, lest the former should
desert their town. See Life of Alexander, Family Lib. c. vii. p. 132.
BOOK I. CLIO. 13
CH. XXVII. a. Eiavra K.T.\. Both Bias and Pittacus lived
in the time of Croesus.
b. irtpl rfjv 'EXXa^a K. r. X. Ttpi, in ; cf. i. 24, g. n viwTipov
Trtpi rji/ 'EXXdda, any thing new, i. e. newer than has yet happened.
Cf. Jelf, 784. "We often find in Greek the comparative used with-
out any object of comparison, so that where we use the positive,
they use the comparative. The cause thereof seems to be, that
the Greek had the power, by a sort of instinct, or by experience,
of defining in his mind the proper or usual size or degree of any
thing ; so that whatever went beyond or fell short of this size or
degree, presented itself to his mind in the relation of greater or
less : hence the comparative is used in Greek where we use the
positive and the adverbs too, very, rather, somewhat ; the compari-
son being made with reference to some such thought as, than it teas
before usual fating riyht, &c., more or less clearly present to
the speaker's mind, and sometimes expressed in words ; as, Hdtus
vi. 84, fii6vw, i. 91, apilvovoq iiiroSitarkfov. iii. 145, viro\>.apy6-
rtpog, &.C. &C.
c. Al yap K. r. X. On this Homeric expression B. compares Odyss.
iii. '205, at yap tfiol Otoi TtapaOtiiv, and Odyss. xiv. 273, Airrap t//o
'Attic; aiiTog ivl 0p<ri rovro vorjpa TTOOJCT'. On the circumlocution l-trl
Avotiv Tral^of for iiri \vdove;, like Homer's vli and Kovpot 'A^aSv, cf.
Matth. 530.
d. dpdjfitvoi. Schw. conjectures attpafuvoi, postquam vela ventis
dederint, but the common reading is defended by Letronne, quoted
by B.. on the ground that Hdtus is wont often to employ a partici-
ple, either of the same verb which just before had been used in
the infinitive, or at least of a cognate verb ; so that apw. is here
used instead of iv\6ntvot, desirous, wishing eagerly, to avoid the
repetition.
e. TUV oiKTju'tvwv 'EXXijvwv, in behalf of the Greeks who dwell on
the mainland. Cf. Jelf, 368, a. Remarks on the deponent verbs.
So oiKjj/uvof for OIKUJV, i. 27, vii. 21, oi KCITOIKT] pivot, and immedi-
ately afterwards in a passive sense, 6 ydp w A0wg K. r. X. i. 96, 127,
172, viii. 115, and ii. 102. Sov\a>aae ?xc> cf. Jelf, 692. "E^tiv in
the sense of to be, to hold oneself, forms, when joined with a parti-
ciple agreeing with the subject, an apparent periphrasis for the
simple verb, as it cannot be said to supply any definite form there-
of, but expresses the continuance of the action when already begun,
as in Latin habere with a pass. part, in ace., as rem aliquam pertrac-
tatam habere. Cf. i. 27, 28 ; iii. 65. Soph. Ant. 22. CE. R. 371.
CH. XXVIII. a. tvTogic.T.X. i.e. to the West, between the
river and the Mediterranean ; see i. 6, a.
b. A.vSol Schw. and B. retain this word, considering this as an
enumeration of the nations over which Croesus reigned, and that
the Lydians are put first, as those over whom he first was monarch,
while the others were afterwards added to his empire. Cf. on Lydia
14 NOTES ON IIEUODOTUS.
the ref. in i. 93, a. The Chalybes, cf. vii. 76, a., are not to be con-
founded with the nation of that name beyond the Halys, whose
first seat was about the Araxes, and who extended their dwellings
to the mountains near the Euxine Sea, and are often called Chal-
daeans. They are described in H. Pers. ch. i. p. 87. The Thracians
are to be understood of the Asiatic Thracians, cf. iii. 90, divided
into the Thynians and Bithynians who migrated from Europe,
formerly called Strymonians, from the river of that name. Cf. vii.
75, and H. Pers., ch. i. p. 79.
CH. XXIX. a. aotj>iffrai, tcise statesmen, sages. S. and L. D.
This word, afterwards a term of reproach, is used here as an hon-
ourable title, cf. ii. 49, iv. 95. On the Sophists, in the later sense,
cf. Thirlw. iii. c. 24, p. 326, and Grote's dissertation on the So-
phists in vol. viii. p. 4/9, seqq. of his History of Gr. There is a
critique of this last in the Edinb. Rev. for July, 1851, and in App.
ii. of Sheppard's Theophrastus.
b. o>g etaaros (c. r. X. ut quisque corutn adventret, i. e. stio quisqne
consilio et tempore, sive, pro se quisque. Poterat etiam simpliciter
dicere we tKaarof. Sic. c. 114, de Cyro puero, ug (KOOT^ K. r. X. et
Thucyd. i. 15, 89. Wyttenb. Cf. Jelf, 870, obs. 6.
c. Karti\ovTo xpr)oia$at rovg av GiJTai. Cf. particularly Jelf,
887. Conjunctive in oratio obliqua 'Iva /*? avuyKaaQfi, cf. Jelf,
744, 1. In alljinal and conditional clauses introduced by 'iva, we,
ixppa, or ft, &c., pi] (not oil) is always used, as these clauses depend
entirely on the principal.
d. roi'f av . . . . Grjrai. On the conjunctive here with av, cf
Jelf, 829, 4.
CH. XXX. a. tKSimriffag o 26X(uv. It is a disputed point, whether
this interview could have taken place. The legislation of Solon is
generally placed B. c. 594, and Crasus' reign, B. c. 560. Schult/.,
quoted by B., concludes that the journey of Solon cannot be put
later than from B. c. 575 565, as he must have returned to Athens
before the year B. c. 561, when Pisistratus was not yet in power :
hence Solon's visit to Sardis cannot have taken place when Croesus
was on the throne, unless we follow L., that Cro?sus was associated
on the throne by. his father, Alyattes, during the life-time of the
latter, B. c. 574. Cf. i. 86, a. and Thirlw. ii. p. 161. " Those who
would fain find historical truth in a delightful story told by Hdtus.
of a visit paid by Solon to the court of Croesus, are willing to col-
lect from these hints, that the Athenian sage, though he could not
on any reasonable calculation have seen the son of Alyattes on the
throne, might have found him associated with his father in the-
government, and perhaps flushed with recent victory, when he
warned him of the inconstancy of fortune, and disclosed to him the
secret of human happiness." ital cij KOI irapd Kpoiffov. Cf. Jelf,
724, 1. Kcii t) used to introduce the most important member of a
sentence, or when a particular follows an universal : KOI $ *ai, and
BOOK I. CLIO. 15
u- fiat's more. On the character of Solon, his reforms, c., cf. an
excellent article on Grote's Gr. in Edinb. Review for Jan. 1850,
and Grote iii. p. 208.
b. iiriffTpttpewe accurate, diligenter : ad xoly, Jacobs, supplet
yvojuy, i. e. qua tandem ratione (ductus) judicas, &c. Eodem modo ex-
plicanda sunt, y, ravry et alia id genus. B.
c. rov fiiuv tv i'/Kovri, being well off for, or, as regards, life, Cf. Jelf,
528, gen. of position, used when the notion of position (local, moral,
or temporal) is determined by its relation to something else, which
is in the genitive. So (he adverbs and adjectives iv, eaXd/e, i^c,
TTUJC, virtue, and others, when joined with the verb ?x lv (/>'>
Hdt.,) sometimes also tlvat and 7<r0ac, take a gen. of that from the
antecedent conception whereof, and relation whereto, the notion of
the good or bad state or position arises; as in vi. 116, w^ srcc'iiv
fix 01 ', it is from a notion of the properties of the Toctf that the
notion of the state expressed by w$ i-^uv is formed. Cf. v. 20, ra\c
*X fiV J0/Ci to be well off for strong drinking, to be pretty drunk, viii.
107, ix. 59, 66. Cf. also i. 102, 149, viii. 111. wgrd K.T.\. as j>n>s-
perously as things go, as is possible, among us. Cf. Jelf, 869, 5.
d. ywofiivrjg yap K. r. \. Perhaps not against the Eleusinians,
but at Eleusis, against the Megarians. Originally the Megarid
was a district of Attica, and formed one of the four ancient divisions
of the country. When the Heraclidae returned (eighty years after
Bell. Troj.) the Athenians lost it to the Dorians; hence the Athe-
nian hatred, and the i|/i70i<r/za enacted against the Megarians; cf.
Thucyd.i. 139; Aristoph. Acharn. 533. Si tiller's Dor. vol. i. p. 102.
Thucyd. ii. 15, speaks of a battle between the Athenians and the
Eleusinians, but as that took place under Erectheus, Solon could
hardly have referred to it, so long before his own time, speaking
as he does of Tellus. On the loss of the Megarid, see v. c. 76, b.,
and H. P. A. 18, note 10, and ' 92, note 9, and Smith's C. D.
Megara. An expedition against the Megarians is also mentioned
in i. 59, infra.
Cn. XXXI. a. rd Kara K. r. X. B. inclines to understand \iy<av
after TtXXof, cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 421 ; and after Trpoirptyaro to un-
derstand Trpoc TO tpwrifv, i. e. impulit ad qittercndum sc. plitra. o\ fk
/3wc. their oxen. The dattrus contmodi, with possessive and
attributive notions. Cf. Jelf, 597, obs. 1 ; cf. i. 92, uvaO. KpoiVy,
and ii. 17, b.
b. iKK\T)wftfvoi Ii ry wpy tempore exclusi, hindered by (want of)
time, S. L. D., viz. from waiting any longer ; their mother being
priestess of Juno, and being obliged by law to be present at the
temple, and to be drawn thither by a yoke of oxen.
c. tv riXti rovrip iffxovro, rested in this end, or termination of their
life. Jelf. lit. iccrc. held by, i. e. met with. Cf. Jelf, 365, 2, on the
apparent use of the 2nd aor. mid. for the passive.
CH. XXX11. a, SfVTipt'ia y. olir., that Ju- would obtain (ii fit)
16 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
aiMffrtla, which had been already assigned) the second place then.
Jelf, 737, 8.
b. ovru rot aTrsppnrrai, has been so utterly rejected, considered as
nothing by you.
c. TO Qtlov irav ibv QQovtpov. So in iii. 40 ; vii. 46 ; vii. 10, 5,
quoted by B., who shows, from the last of these references, how we
are to understand Hdtus ; viz. with V., that by <t>Q6voc is meant
Divine vengeance (ve/imc, c. 34) sent upon those, who, puffed up
by exalted station or continual prosperity, forget that they are but
men ; to the end that they may learn modesty and moderation ;
and in this way the Deity is said to be QQovipbs, "an abaserof him
that exalts himself." Cf. Find. Olymp. viii. 113, sub fin.; xiii.
34; Pyth. x. 31 ; and Isth. vii. 55 (ed. Heyne). That Hdtus en-
tertained just notions of the Divine Providence for man's good, is
manifest from iii. 103.
d. ra ftrj TIQ IQiXti TO. = ola urj K. r. X. Cf. Jelf, 742, 2, on the
use of fjtfi in dependent sentences. Cf. also i. 16, c.
e. t yap . . . irporiQrini / set at the utmost, i. e. I set the term of
man's life at 70 years at the utmost. Cf. Psal. xc. 10. In the next
sentence, on the number of days in the 70 years, occurs a difficulty
that has given rise to a variety of conjectural emendations of the
text. The years being 70, produce 25,200 days, the intercalary
month not being reckoned, which, if taken in every two years, gives
35 months for the 70 years, and each of these months being calcu-
lated at 30 days, the sum of them will be 1050 additional days, so
that 25,200 + 1050 = 26,250 days altogether. Now, if the" first
calculation is right, viz. 70 years = 25,200 days, Solon must have
made the year consist of 360 days ; but if the second also is cor-
rect, viz. 35 months x 30 = 1050, his year would contain 375 days,
which is both too long by 10 days, and would lead to a confusion
of the seasons. Now Hdtus himself, elsewhere, iii. 90, fixes the
year at 360 days ; and in ii. 4, says that the Greeks inserted the
intercalary month every third, and not every second year. Some
suppose that Solon, in this calculation, reckoned according to the
Lydian year, each consisting of 350 days, and each intercalary
month of 15 days, so as to make the first number 24,500 days,
which + 1050 = 25,550 ; but this solution, as well as the one given
by Wyttenb., must necessitate an alteration in the text. In the
notes in Schw., B., and G.,the conjectures are given at full length.
l/i/3. /iijvoc /*) y*v. supposing the intercalary month be not added.
On the use here of ju/ (and not ov) when a participle or adjective
can be resolved into a conditional clause, expressing a supposed
case, cf. Jelf, 746, 2, and v. 35, c.
f. irav . . . ffvpfyopri, homo, quantus est, fortunes casibus est obnoxius.
Schw. Man is every whit made up of changes and chances, is wholly
a chapter of accidents. On the masc. subject in apposition with a
fern, predicate, cf. Jelf, 382, 1, quoted in iv. 50, b.
BOOK I. CLIO. 1'7
y. Svoiat irpctx" iroXXoiffi. Cf. Aristot. Eth. vii. 13.
h. irpiv d" av rtXturrjcry, K. r. X. Cf. Soph. (Ed. Tyr. sub fin., be-
ginning " wcrre 6vtjrbv OVT " K. r. X., and Eurip. Androm. v. 100. B.
(')vid. Metam. Hi. 136, ultima semper Expectanda dies homini, &c.,
and the criticism of Solon's opinion in Ethics i. c. 10.
i. jrap' ipoi in my opinion. liana with dat. 1st, Local. Cf. iv.
53; vii. 150. 2nd, Causal, (as here,) to express standing before a
person as a judge, and submitting to his decision or sentence.
Jelf, 637, ii. 2. So iii. 160, irapa Aapiiy xpiry: and iii. 86. On
dicaiog tori K. r. X., deserves to bear, Jelf, 677-
CH. XXXIII. a. Tavra Xiyiav rif Kpoiffy G. and B. Here
Solon is nominal, to txapi&ro and diroirtpirircii, pass., he is dismissed;
los,as, appearing to him, i. e. to Croesus, to whom piv refers. Read-
ing Xifovn and KpoTuof, then cxapi&ro is bestowed no favours upon
him, Kpo?<ro the nom. to it, and piv refers to Solon, and airoirkfi.-
irtrai, mid., dismisses him, i. e. Solon ; S6%ac, thinking him, i. e. So-
lon, to be, &c. According to B. and G., reading ovrt ixapiZm, he
(Solon) neither gratified him Ity flattery, Ssc.
CH. XXXIV. a. Mtra Sf SoX. oi'x- Cf. i. 9, a. WQ tiicaaai, ut con-
icere licet. Cf. Viger, p. 205, 744, B., and Jelf, 864, 1.
b. fuipoe, dumb. Cf. i. 85, where the young man is called a^wvoc,
and i. 47, in the oracle, ectyoc and ov Qwviwv are connected in the
same sense. Later writers add the sense of deaf to the word, but
Hcltus uses it only in the former signification. There is nothing
to hinder the conclusion that the young prince was both fyo,
dumb, and duty, rrjv dcoijv, deaf. B.
C. diroXiii )uv, he will lose him. fut. for airo\iau.
d. avvevtjai, heaped them up together. Cf. i. 50, 86.
CH. XXXV. a. ovpQopy k\dfuvo^, involved in, entangled in calamity.
KaQapvig. Cf. S.'s D. of A., Lustratio,an(i Sheppard's Theoph. p.220.
b. tTriffnoQ, Ionic for i<pi<moe, i. e. 6 tjrt ry lariq. wv, a suppliant, cf.
Horn. Odyss. vii. 153.
c. TopSicu K. r. X. It is manifest from this, that Adrastus was
of the royal race of Phrygia, but as there were several kings of this
name, (cf. i. 14, e.,) it is impossible to fix exactly his parentage,
and chronology will not allow us to suppose the Midas here men-
tioned to be the same with the one mentioned in i. 14. He pro-
bably fled to Croesus, as the kingdom of Phrygia was now added
to the Phrygian monarchy, (cf. i. 28,) and therefore he would be
under the protection of his sovereign. The name of his brother
is said to have been Agatho. B.
d. anT]\avr)atie ovSivoQ you shall be in want of nothing. Privative
gen. Jelf, 529. At tg tiptripov, B. quotes Homer's Hymn to
Mercury, 3/0, fi\Qiv tc r/^trtpow K. r. X., explaining the use of the gen.
instead of the accus. to arise from the relation between the per-
sonal and the possessive pronoun ; so that tc i/jmpov, used also in
vii. 8, is equivalent to tf tjuwv, as *c "ASov, sub. oucov. Cf. Schaefer
ad Bos, Ellipses, p. 345, and Matth. Gr. Gr. 380.
18 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. XXXVI. a. rif Mvoiip OiiXv/iTry cf. vii. 74, now Kecisce-
daghi. B.
b. trvbc xPW a /** 7 a a . < 7 reo ^ monster of a boar, a monstrous boar. Cf.
Jelf, 442, e. Inversion of the members of the attributive sentence.
A favourite construction of the poets is, to express the adjectival
property by a substantive, and put the person to whom the pro-
perty belongs in the attributive genitive. So, as here, in poetry
and prose, xPW a > * express size. Cf. Aristoph. Vesp. 932, K\ITT-
TOV TO xpj/ia ravSpog. Id. Nub. 2, xP*J/* ft T ^ v vvicTdiv. TO. tpya, the
agricultural labours.
c. ravrd ol K. r. \. i. e. rd row ydpov matrimonial matters. B.
CH. XXXVII. a. diroxpttop'tviov K. T. X. when the Mysians were
content with, &c. Cf. i. 102, owe airixpfjro, was not content. B.
b. Teotffi pt x9>J ofipaai . . . <f>aivio9at ; with what eyes must I be seen f
i. e. with lohat eyes will the citizens look on me f
CH. XXXVIII. a. iiri rd irapaX<j/*/3av6fi'a to what is taken in
hand, to the present undertaking, i. e. to the boar-hunt, irpbc rijv
fytv, in consequence of, &c. Jelf, 638, iii.
b. ti<f>9apfiivov K. r. X. Cf. i. 34, b.
CH. XXXIX. a. dXXd \i\rj9i < rd ovttpov. Either (Vard) TO ovit-
pov, or (icaB' o) \i\nQe at TO bviipov, but in ivhat particular the dream,
&c. Schw. B. follows Matth. Gr. Gr. 476, in taking the proper
noun with the article as put after the relat., and, as it were, in op-
position with it ; which will be seen more obviously, if the words
rb ovitpov be considered as distinct from the rest of the sentence,
and taken in explanation of it ; thus, TO S' ou navQavuq, dXXd XtXij-
0s at, i. e. TO ovupov, quod autem te latet, somnium scilicet istud but
that which you do not understand, viz. the dream, &c.
CH. XL. a. tan TJ (for $), quodammodo, somehow. Cf. Jelf, 817,
obs. 3.
CH. XLI. a. ffvfjKpopy axapi So G. and B. d^dpt, the Ionic
form of the dative, as"l<rt, ii. 40, and aTroXt, viii. 61, the accent being
on the penult, on account of the last syllable being made long by
contraction. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 114. Cf. on the force of the ex-
pression, viii. 143, d.
b. (cXwTree Kaicovpyoi Cf. Horn. Od. viii. 444, ju^rtc roi KaQ' ofiov
Si)\r)OfTai, and Hor. Sat. i. 1, 77 mali fures. B. tiri Sn\f}<rn, with a
view to injure. Cf. Jelf, 634, 3, a.
CH. XLII. a. ffvfji<j>opy ToiySt Kexpnpwov that (one) having fallen
into such a misfortune. Cf. Xen. Cyr. vi. 2, 1, >}X0ov .... yor>rc
there came (people) who brought, &c.
b. TOV <t>v\dffaovroQ iivtKtv as far as depends on his guardian ; cf.
iii. 122, tivtKiv Tt. xpnpdrwv.
CH. XLI 1 1. ovroc 06vov, he, I say, who had been purified of
the murder. $bvov accus. of equivalent notion. Jelf, 548, c. Cf.
545, 3.
CH. XLIV. a. ircpitjuficTciv, moleste ferre, to be, or become, ag-
grieved, sad, or angry at a thing. S. and L. D. Cf. iii. 64, viii, 109,
BOOK I. CLIO. 19
, tcere indignant or vexed at the escape of the
enemy, ix. 41, B.
CH. XLV. a. rbv KaBypavra, i. e. Croesus; not his son, as L.
would understand it ; for, in i. 35, we are told Croesus purified him,
and here Adrastus may well say that, figuratively speaking, he had
destroyed his purifier, i. e. Croesus ; inasmuch as he had destroyed
the only one of his sons whom he considered as really living.
b. ilg it oil av K. r. X. Cf. Horn. Iliad iii. 164, Priam to Helen,
Ovri fioi ai'riq iaaC Oioi vv pot alnoi ilaiv. B. And Aristot. Rhet.
ii. c. 3, on the topics of Placability.
CH. XLVI. fl. airiiravai, tvifinii ci K.r.X. lit., made Croesus gire
over his grief, and made him enter into a reflection, set him a think-
ing, &c. Observe the transitive force of the 1 aor. caraXa/Stlr, to
check it, to keep it down, (cf. c. 87, to stop,) not, to overthrow it, cara-
fia\e~tv, as Gronov. would read. W. Cf. iii. 128, gartX. he checked or
restrained them.
b. roi'>e Si ig *Aj3ac K. r. X. In Phocis, near Exarcho ; famous for
an oracle of Apollo, held in honour even in the time of the Romans.
Plundered by the Persians, but shortly afterwards restored ; as we
find Mardonius sending to consult it. Cf. viii. "27, 33, 134. B. On
the oracle of Dodona, see ii. 56, b. See throughout the articles in
Smith's D. of A., Oraculum.
c. 'AnQidpiwv fal irapd Tpoqxavtov The oracle of Amphiaraus, one of
the seven chiefs against Thebes, was at Oropus in Boeotia. Cf. Livy,
xlv. '27. Of Trophonius, who, like Amphiaraus, was also swal-
lowed by an earthquake, at Lebedsea in Breotia. Both oracles
were consulted by Mardonius, cf. viii. 134; and are both mentioned
by Cicero, de Nat. D. iii. 19. B.
d. t Bpayx'&'e The site of a temple of Apollo, distant about two
geographical miles from Miletus, the ruins of which are still visible
at a place called lotan. It was afterwards called Didyma, and was
burnt by the Persians. Cf. v. 36, vi. 19. al Bpayxtfat, BrancJiida,
the place, oi EpayxiSai, the priests of the temple.
e. irapd "Afipwva Cf. ii. 42,^/1 and 17.
CH. XLV II. a. fiiyapov, here the sacred chamber in the temple
at Delphi where the responses were received. S. and L. D. Cf. i. 65,
and ii. 143. Also the shrine or sanctuary in other temples. Cf.
Smith's D. of A. TempLum. " Many of the. great temples con-
sisted of three parts: 1. the jrpovaof, or Trpoco/iof, the vestibule; 2.
the cella, vaog, ffijroc, and 3. the tiriaOocopog. The cella was the
most important part, as it was, properly speaking, the temple or
habitation of the deity whose statue it contained. In temples
where oracles were given, or where the worship was connected
with mysteries, the cella was called dcvrov, piyapov, or dvaxropov,
and to it only the priests and the initiated had access. The tem-
ples, it should be added, were in early times separated from the
profane land about them by very simple means, such as a string
or rope ; subsequently by more efficient fences, or even by a wall,
c 2
20 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
e, TTipi'/SoXoc, Herod, vi. 134. The whole space enclosed in such
a Trtpi'jSoXoc, was called rsptvog, or sometimes lepov, Herod, ix. 36,
vi. 19, b., Thucyd. v. 18, and contained, besides the temple itself,
other sacred buildings and sacred ground planted with groves,"
&c. On Delphi, cf. E. Hist, of Gr. ch. ii. p. 12, and 124, and
Smith's C. D., Delphi.
b. Ktafyov. See i. 34, b. xaXicov 5' iiritarai, and it has brass upon it,
3 sing. perf. pass., from tiruvvvfju, to lay or spread upon. On the form-
ation of Evvu/ji, cf. Jelf, 294.
CH. XLV1II. a. Trpoaiiro pw pleasedor suited Ami, by hypallage
for rfiv ftiv T) ai>Tog ovSiv irpoaitro, he approved none of them. W.
npootvxiTo, he worshipped. S. and L. D. Cf. also Aristoph. Equit. 638.
CH. XLIX. a, TO. vofju&ntva. Part of the ceremonies used at
the oracle of Amphiaraus consisted, cf. viii. 134, in passing the
night in the temple. Pausanias, i. 34, quoted by B., mentions that
those who came to consult sacrificed a ram, on whose fleece they
slept, awaiting the answer of the oracle in a dream.
CH. L. a. KTrivia rt . . . . tQvoi, mactavit ter millenas hostias e
quoque genere animantium quibus sacra fieri solent, Hermann in
Viger, p. 727) he sacrificed 3000 of each kind ; not 3000 in all, which
would require the article. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 266, and S. and
L. D. under irag. Cf. 1 Kings viii. 5, 63, Solomon's sacrifice of
22,000 oxen and 120,000 sheep; and iv. 88, iraai Siuca, ix. 80,
TravTO. Siica.
b. rovri^ B. explains rovrtp, i. e. rqi 9t(p, and so Schw. Qu. with
this, which each, &c., i. e. to make such an offering as each might be
able, us Se . . . . iyivtro, and when the sacrifice was over, after it was
completed. Cf. vi. 129, b.
c. tifiiirXivQia K.r.X ..... ir)\avvt he hammered out, cf. c. 68.
oiStjpov iZiXavvofjitvov. jj/u7rXij/0ia, demi-plinths, or, half-ingots : so
Pliny, aurei lateres, golden bricks, whole ingots, or, cubes of gold,
whence >}jUi7rXiv. is by some rendered tiles of gold. The words tiri
fiiv TO. paKpoTipa (scil. /utpr;) iirl Si TO. /Spa^vrtpo .... vfyoq Si, give
the three dimensions of these half plinths, in length of six palms,
in breadth of three, in thickness of one palm. B.
d. airi<p9ov xpvoov K. r.X. of refined gold ; opposed to Xewog ^pixroc,
white gold, i. e. alloyed with silver. S. and L. D. rptrov ripiraXavTov,
2 talents, lit. the 3rd being a half talent, the 3rd of course implying 2
others, whole ones, like rpiYoe <zvn>e, himself with two others. Cf.
Jelf, 165, 2, b. So also fin. cap. sfidonov }juiraXavrov, six talents
and a half. Cf. also ii. 106, c. 7rs//7rrj aTriOapr). Observe rpirov
ypiTdXavTov the accus. of quantity, equivalent to the cognate notion
of value, which would be in the accusative and even with the
cognate notion expressed, i\Kovaav araQuov rdXavra Siica. Jelf,
578, cf. 548, b.
e. \pvoov, material gen. Cf. Jelf, 538. \eovroe tiitova Perhaps
as a memorial of the lion mentioned in i. 84 ; the lion representing,
as it were, the Palladium of the nation j that is, standing in the
BOOK I. CLIO. 21
same relation to the Lydians, that the Palladium itself did to the
Trojans. Schw. The lion was also venerated as a symbol of the
sun, to whose worship, as also to that of the other heavenly bodies,
the Lydians were much given. Creuzer, Symbol, ii. p. 230. B.
/. trrei Tt KctTfKaitrot B. c. 548. Cf. ii. 180, and v. 62, d. The
temple was rebuilt under the direction of the Amphictyonic Coun-
cil. Cf. H. P. A. 13. The treasures were carried off during the
First Sacred War, B. c. 355 346, by the Phocians, who maintained
the contest by means of these and other offerings. On the trea-
sury of the Corinthians, cf. i. 14, d,
CH. LI. a. iaiovTi, dat. commodi. Cf. i. 14, d. VTTO rdv vqbv
icaraicaevra. at the time tvhen the temple was burnt. Jelf, 639, iii.
2, a. Cf. ii. 36, vrrb rovg Oav, and vi. 2. On liri TOV irpov. ic. r. X., at
the corner of the portico, Jelf, 633, i. 1, a. cf. viii. 122, and on
fitydOu pry., see ii. 74, iv. 52. Jelf, 899, 1. B. So also Aristoph.
Acharn. 909, /IIKKO^ ya fiaicos OVTOQ. Schw.
b. iiriKipva.Ta.1 K. r. X., for wine is mixed in it by the Delphian* at
the Theophania ; the festival of the appearance of the god, the
commemoration of the day of his first coming.
c. QtaSwpov TOV ~S.afj.iov. There were probably two ancient Samian
artists of this name : the first, son of Rhsecus, and brother of Tele-
cles, cf. iii. 60 ; he flor. circ. B. c. 600. The second was son of Telecles,
and nephew of the elder Theodorus, flor. B. c. 560, the one here
meant, mentioned also in iii. 41, as having made the ring of Poly-
crates. Cf. Smith's D. of G. and R. Biogr., where the question is
fully discussed.
d. oil yap TO ffvvrvxov K. r. X. -for the work does not appear to me to
be of a common order, not such as we meet with every day. Cf.
Longinus, 10.
e. irtpippavTrjpia fonts, or basins to hold holy water, placed at the
threshold of the temples, that all those who approached might
purify themselves. Cf. Smith's D. of A. Templum.
f. row .... TO ovopa. Ptolemy says that the person here alluded
to was ^Ethus. B.
g. owe iiriaripa marked with no title, or inscription, Schw. and S.
andL.D. [donaria] minoris pretii, offer ings not remarkable for value.
B. \tvfiaTa, basins, or bowls. S. and L. D.
h. TT/C apTOKonov. According to Plutarch, Croesus dedicated this
statue, because his baking-woman saved him from being poisoned
by his step-mother, the second wife of Alyattes, who gave her
poison to be mixed up in his bread; she, however, gave timely
notice to Croesus, and served up the bread to the children of the
step-mother. B. On TO. dirb TTJC. Stiprjc., necklaces, cf. Jelf, 620, 3.
CH. LII. a. TavTa. ptv, &c. In the Travels of Anacharsis, vol.
ii. p. 603, there is a computation of the value of these offerings ;
which, exclusive of the ^tvpaTa and the dvaO. oin iitia., amounts to
about 844,447.
b. Tqv . . . irdOijv. See i. 46, c.
22 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
c. TO Ivffrbv rf)m Xoy^yffi T. X. Ae shaft of the spear with the head,
the shaft, head, and all. " Sunt partes m'x/iJ/c proprie u<rr6c, (the
shaft,) et duae ad laedendum, Xoyxai, quae alioqui dici solent aavpta-
rjp et tjridopar/c. This last only was properly used to strike ; the
other spike, which was blunter, they used to fix the spear upright
in the ground with. Cf. Iliad x. 153, ty^ta & "fiv "Opff iiri oavpu-
rfjpoe tXjjXuro, and JEn. vi. 632, Slant terra defixse hastae. The
<Taupwr/p, also called ovpiaxoc, orvpaiciov, and arvpaK, was sometimes
used as a weapon of offence ; cf. 2 Sam. ii. 23 : Abner smote Asa-
hel " with the hinder end of his spear, and slew him." Jortin. Cf.
also vii. 41, b., ix. 52, d. On the dat. ryot Xoy. cf. Jelf, 604, 1.
Circumstantial or modal dat. The circumstances, or accidents, or
accessories (as here) of any thing, are put in the dative, as being
after-thoughts, neither antecedent to, nor part of, the principal
notion of the thought. (Cf. iii. 45, oi/r. vtu>. ; 126, air. 'iirirtp ; vi.
32, ai>r. r. ipolfft ; 93, avr. dvSp.) This is very common when the
substantive is accompanied by avrof, very, itself, and all, as this
gives the notion of an accompaniment or an accessory.
d. iv Qrjpyai teal Qrifialiov K. T. X. They (the spear and shield) yet
remain in Thebes, and that (not only so, but also) in the temple of the
Jsmenian Apollo of the Thebans. On the incressive force of KOI, cf.
Jelf, 758, 3 ; and on the double gen., Jelf, 543, quoted in vi. 2, a.
CH. LI II. a. ti ffrpartvrirai . . . . d irpooOsoiro if he may make
an expedition (conjunct, with ', deliberative force, with notion of
realization of the proposed end) ; f I irpooO'ioiro, if he could attach to
himself any allies : the opt. the less immediate thought, represent-
ing a mere possibility, a supposition ; and depending upon the first
he would need no allies, if he did not make the expedition. Cf.
ix. 54, tx^m ffwoiard, Pflugck on Ear. Hec. 1138, and an article
by my friend Mr. Sheppard in the Classical Museum, No. vi. p.
342, and Jelf, 879.
b. fteyaXiji/ apxriv K. T. X. The oracle is given in Diodorus, quoted
by B., Kpotffoc "AXvv 5ia/3ae p.eya\r)v apx*)" tcaraXvatt, translated by
Cjcero, de Divinat. ii. 54, 56, Crcesus Hali/m penetrans magnam
pervertet opurn vim. Cf. Aristot. Rhet. iii. 5. Similarly juggling
answers were said to have been given to Pyrrhus ; " Ibis redibis
numquam per bella peribis," and " Aio te Pyrrhum Romanes vin-
cere posse;" and to Manfred, concerning Chas. of Anjou, "No
Carlo sara vittorioso del te Manfredo."
CH. LIV. . tf Ilf0a>, AeX^ovc K. T. X. Ilv6w, the place or the
seat of the oracle, Delphi. AX^oi>c, the Delphians. B.
b. 7rpo/iavrjjt;j', first prophecy, i. e. the right of first consulting the
oracle ; ortX., exemption from paying the regular dues ; irpoiS., the
first seat at the games. The first of these privileges properly only
'belonged to the nations who made up the Amphictyons, and though
there are instances of the Delphians themselves conferring this
privilege on others, as here on Croesus, yet the right was lawfully
vested only in the Amphictyonic Council, cf. ix. 73. B. On the
BOOK I. CLIO. 23
Delphic omclc, and the Amphictyonic League as connected with
it, cf. v. 62, c., and the references there given. On arA. cf. Smith's
D. of A. Ateleia, and E. Hist, of Gr. ch. ii. p. 12.
CH. LV. a. ivuftoakiTo aitrov. Partitive gen. Jelf, 536, took his
Jill of it, often gratified himself -with consultiny it.
b. im'iovos K. r. X. Cf. i. 91. B. refers to a similar story in the
Arabian Nights. iroda(3pi, tender-footed, alluding to the effeminacy
of the Lydians ; cf. Eurip. Troad. 506. The Hermus, cf. i. 80,
and v. 101, now the Ohiediz-Chai. Smith's Diet, of Geogr.
CH. LVI. a. TU irpoKtiepifieva, the principal nations TO piv, the
Athenians, TO Si, the Lacedaemonians, and so also the following TO
piv, &c. The Pelasgic origin of the Athenians is again spoken of
in ii. 51, vii. 94, viii. 44, quoted by B., who refers to the discussion
of this passage in Miiller's Dorians, I. c. i. p. 21, seqq. Read also
H. P. A. 68, and particularly Thirlw. i. c. 4, pp. 101105. On
the origin of the Athenians, Hermann, 91, and Thirlw. i. c. 2,
p. 37, seqq. ; and on the Dorians, Hermann, 16, seqq. Cf. also
viii. 31, a., 73, a., &c., and Thirlw. vol. i. c. 7, p. 250, seqq. On
the Macedonian nation, cf. viii. 137,
CH. LVII. a. Kprjarwva TroXiv the chief town of the district
in Macedonia, between the Strymon and the Axius, near Mount
Cercine. Smith's Diet, of Geogr. Cf. Thucyd. iv. 109, whence we
learn that the Pelasgi, or Tyrrheni, who formerly inhabited Lem-
nos and Athens, seated themselves on the coast of Thrace, and in
that region was the Crestonic nation, which Hdtus mentions again,
vii. 124, viii. 116. B. See also H. P. A. 6, note 8, for reference
to a variety of works on the Tyrrhenian Pelasgi. This town is not
to be confounded with Cortona in Etruria. " Who the Pelasgians
really were, and their connexion with Etruria, are points which
have distracted the learned men of all ages, and seem to have been
as much disputed in the time of Herodotus and Strabo as in our
own. They have been represented by some (Mrs. Hamilton Gray,
History of Etruria) as being in Italy on the arrival of the Etrus-
cans, (cf. note on i. 94,) and a distinct people from them. A con-
trary opinion has been generally held, that the Tyrrheni-Pelasgi
was another name for the Etruscans. Here the researches of Sir
C. Fellowes (Discoveries in Lycia) throw light upon the question.
The Pelasgi have left us nothing of their language, manners, or
customs only their names and a few doubtful traditions. The
chief records of their existence are their architectural remains ;
the walls of enormous height and thickness, and built with im-
mense stones, which are found throughout Italy and Greece and
Asia Minor, occupying the highest point of every hill, the object
of wonder to the present inhabitants, the work of giants or ma-
gicians, or their master the devil. The higher road from Naples to
Rome, by the Abruzzi, passes a line of these hill-forts, which seem
to guard and over-awe the plains below. They are a portion of a
longer line extending from the Adriatic coast of Italy, opposite
24 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Greece, quite across the Peninsula. They recall to mind the fenced
cities, walled up to heaven, which terrified the Israelites before
their entrance into the Promised Land. These various remains
have been classified by architects and antiquaries (and the distinc-
tion is as old as Pausanias) into the Cyclopean, the Pelasgic, and
the Etruscan, according to the apparent art used in their construc-
tion; the first being of large stones, so rudely piled together as to
require the interstices to be filled up with smaller fragments ; the
second of large stones, but fitting into each other ; and the third
of quadrangular stones, occasionally secured by cement. Now the
last are confessedly the work of Etrurian architects, and two well-
known instances are the Arco del Bove at Volterra, and the gate
still remaining at Peestum. The first notion about them was that
the rudest were the oldest, and the more artificial the production
of later and more civilized times. The latest investigations have,
however, established, that all these kinds run into each other in
the same building, and appear to have been in contemporaneous
use ; that they are, therefore, the productions of one and the same
people. At Mycena?, the ivKrifuvov irroXifQpov of Homer, the two
kinds called Pelasgic and Cyclopean are found together, and also
an approximation to regular masonry of hewn stone or the Etrus-
can style. In many Italian provinces, Mrs. Gray tells us, there
are Cyclopean, Pelasgic, and Etruscan walls of the same age, and
in very many instances, there is a mixture of the Etruscan and
Pelasgic, and the Etruscan and Cyclopean styles. The same is
observable at Cadyanda and at Panora. Fellowes; Lycia, p. 121,
141. When we thus find the only authentic record of the Pelasgi
bringing them into so close union with the Etruscans, we cannot,
but accept the account of their being the Tyrrhene-Pelasgians, or
Pelasgians who settled in Italy. There are many other circum-
stances, such as their knowledge of letters, regular institutions, and
use of arms, which connect them with the early Greek settlers, and
antiquaries have dwelt upon Cecrops' twelve cities of Attica and
the twelve cities of Etruria, as offering additional evidence. Of
course, in a subject of this kind, the evidence itself is slight and
indirect, but if we find all that there is pointing in one direction,
we are bound to follow it." From an article in The North British
Review, No. vi., on Mrs. H. Gray's History of Etruria.
ft. IIA<m')i/ rt Kal ZictAaKjjv Placia in Mysia E. of Cyzicus, and
Scylace a little further to the E. On the words o'i avvoiicoi . r. X.
cf. vi. 137, and Thucyd. iv. 109, B.
c. fiaav oi HiXaffyol .... uvrif. This subject is fully discussed
in Appendix A. of Twiss's Epitome of Niebuhr. See also Museum
Criticum, ii. 234, and Hermann's Pol. Antiq. 8, note 3. On the
form of expression cf. viii. 136, a.
d. aflat h K. r.\. o<f>i, Ion. <T(j>iai, Ep. dat. of ov. Cf. Jelf, 145.
B. quotes Matthise on a difference between <r0i and a$lo\. in Hdtus ;
<r(pi, generally used as the pronoun of the 3rd person, = avroif, ns,
BOOK I. CLIO. 25
illis, whilst oftm has the reflexive meaning = Jwuroiat, sibi, sibi ipsit;
as in this sentence. Cf. Jelf, 654, 1.
CH. LVIII. a. T&V iQvkwv TroXXwv the many nations, the nations
whom every one knows, mam/ in number. On the demonstrative
force of the article, cf. Jelf, 444, 4, 5.
6. ffpoc Sfi Siv K. r. X. B. quotes and approves Matthise as to the
meaning of this, taken in connexion with the preceding sentence.
Dicere voluit Trpoc f/ wv ovSk TO IltX. iQvoQ ovcafid /wydXwj yvHrjOr).
Praterquam quod multce barbarce gentes cum Hellenibus coaluerunt,
Pelasgica gens una e barbaris, per se etiam sine ilia causa, non mul-
tum aucta est. The Pelasgic nation, ivhich was a barbarian one, teas
neither augmented by the union of other tribes with it, as the Hellenic
was, and increased too but little of itself.
CH. LIX. a. TO fiiv 'ATTIKOV K.T.\. that the Attic nation was
both oppressed and distracted by faction, &c. ; kept down by the sway
of Pisistratus, and rent into factions ; as the Alcmaeonidee and their
party were exiles. Cf. i. 64, v. 62. W.
b. HtKriffTpdrov. The despotism of Pisistratus, B. c. 560 527.
Cf. Aristot. Politics, v. 9, 23, ed. Scheid. On the sway of Pisis-
tratus read 110 of H. P. A.; Grote, iv. p. 144. See also note /. on
this chapt. On the peculiar character of the ancient Despotisms,
to which that of Pisistratus was a glorious exception, see the fine
remarks in Arnold, Hist, of Rome, i. 476 ; and Edinb. Review for
Jan. 1850, on The Greek Despot.
c. XiXwv dt K. r. X. Cf. vii. 235. " Teneatur hie locus ad expli-
candam doctrinam septem sapientum ; exercet enim Chilon hoc
loco tipofiavrtiav." Creuzer, quoted by B.
d. TiKvoiroibv likely to bear children : cf. also v. 40.
e. tKirinireiv, of a man divorcing his wife, as here ; airo\fLirfiv, of
a woman leaving her husband airiiiraaBat, i. e. Jilium abjudicare, not
to consider him as legitimate, to disown him. B.
/. <tTa<iia.Z,6vTuv, &c. Of these factions, B. gives a synoptical view.
{being poor and of
the lo west orders,
bearing the name
of eriT.
f being wealthy
2. Pediaei (who inhabited the utaoiaia) Aristocracy^ fr ."} the fertility
I of their land and
L noble.
r being given to
commerce and
3. _ Parali ( the sea-shore) JSiSH && '
cesses of Demo-
* cracy.
B. remarks on the agreement of these with the ancient divisions
of Attica ; for under Cecrops there were four tribes, KtrpoTnV, avrox-
Btiiv, axTaia, TrapaXi'a, and under Cranaus the same four, only with
different names, Kpavatc, ar0if, /wiroyai'a, cWpi'c. Of these that
26 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
called irapa\ia agrees with the Parali here mentioned,
the Hyperacrii, and /uffoyaut with the Pediaei. Cf. H. P. A. 93,
106, 110.
(/. KaTa<ppovrjffa affecting or aiming at, including also a certain
idea of contempt ; as in i. 66, where the sense of thinking, con-
sidering, appears applicable, joined also to the same notion of a
contempt for the power of the enemy. B. Cf. viii. 10, i., and Jelf,
641,2, a.
h. (cat roi Xoy^j ic. r. X. having, by means of his eloquence, or argu-
ments, obtained the leading of the Hyperacrii. B. In i. 205, and v.
20, r<3 X6y<j>, in pretence. So, perhaps, here, professedly leading, or
being the professed leader of, the Highlanders.
i. is aypov, that is, into the fiat parts of Attica, the uiaoyaia, where
the faction of the Pediaei, under Lycurgus, prevailed. SriBiv, forsooth,
as he pretended. SfiQtv is used, almost always, in the ironical sense
of Si], forsooth, scilicet, especially to express that the writer does not
believe that the reason or account he is giving is the true one,
but only the one given by others and it but seldom has a more
explanatory force. Jelf, 726, 2, a. Cf. Thucyd. i. 92, iii. Ill ;
cf. also vi. 1, a., vii. 211, b. Add also that "it is often used with
we, of misconceptions and mistakes, as if forsooth." S.andL. D.
Cf. i. 73, iii. 136, ix. 80, a. Like artifices were also used by
Ulysses, Odyss. iv. 244 ; Zopyrus, Hdtus iii. 154 ; and Dionysius,
Diod. Sic. xxi. 95. B.
j. iv ry irpbg Mtyapsac K. r. \. This was an expedition to recover
Salamis, which the Megarians had seized as well as Nisaea, at the
time of the insurrection of Cylon, B. c. 620, and kept up till this
time. See Clinton, Fast. Hell. ii. 369. Solon is said to have dis-
tinguished himself in this expedition. Plutarch. Vit. Sol. c. 8, p.
82. On the hatred of the Athenians and Megarians, and the loss
of the Megarid, cf. i. 30, d.
k. ol dopvtyopoi Kopvvij(j>6poi Se. An instance of imoKopifffiog.
Cf. Aristot. Rhet. iii. 2, 15. The changing the term opv<f>6poi
for KopwT)<j>6poi, the less suspicious name, deceived the Athenians.
/. iiri Se rolai KaTiartwai K. r. X. Cf. Jelf, 634, 3,c. tirl, the con-
dition of any thing on these terms; the terms being considered the
foundation on which the whole rests. Cf. iirl ry rvpavviSi,
and i. 141. Similar also, both in use of the preposition and in
sense, is e nl parole y'epaai : for, as the ancient monarchs held their
power lirl pjjroic yepatri, upon certain fixed privileges and honours, (cf.
vi. 56, seqq. on those of the Spartan monarchs,) so Pisistratus
held the supreme power im roiai /carttrrfuxri, preserving the institutions
as lie found them, and assuming to himself nothing beyond the ap-
pointed honours and dignities, that had formerly belonged to the
hereditary monarchs. On the p IJT& ylpta of the ancient monarchs,
cf. Thucyd. i. 13; and for a sketch of these forms of government
in the early ages, see H. P. A. 55, 56. On the words tvtpt ryv
ju\iv Ka\H>( K. T. X., see Thucyd. vi. 54, and H. 110; also v. 55, 6.
BOOK I. CLIO. 27
For an instance of Pisistratus' obedience to the laws, see Aristot.
Polit. v. c. 12.
CH. LX. a. i&Xavvovai fuv. B. c. 555. Cf. note b. on the pre-
ceding ch.
b. tic vlqc, afresh, ellipse of apx?/c, or atVi'ijc- Cf. Jelf, 891, obs.
I, 2. iripif\avv6pivac, harassed, troubled.
c. oi rt'jv Bvyaripa his daughter. So Find. 01. i. 91, rav ol irarjjp
virtptpsfiaae. B. iirl Ty rvpavviSt, on condition of the despotism. See
i. 59, /., ttrl rij Kad6t{t, for his return, in order, to the end that he
might return ; so in i. 41, b., iirl SrjXrjan. It is inferred from the
Schol. on Aristoph. Nub. 49, on iyKticotovpupevtjv, that the name of
Megacles' daughter was Caesyra.
d. twit yi K. r. \. The meaning is, the project appeared the most
absurd une Hdtus ever knew, if it is to be believed that these men (Pisis-
tratus and Megacles) then contrived such a one among the Athenians,
the wisest of the Greeks, who themselves (i. e. the Grks) have been dis-
tinguished of old from the barbarians, as being more acute than they,
and more free from foolish simplicity ; i. e. the Grks are wiser than
the barbarians, and the Athenians than the other Gks, and yet such a
trick as this is said to have imposed upon them.
e. rtf Si'i(t<{iT(ji The Demi (boroughs') of Attica were 174 in num-
ber, and not 100, as is stated in v. 69. Cf. H. P. A. 111 and
123; and Thirlw. ii. p. 74. Phya, cf. Athenaeus, xiii. 9, was the
d. of Socrates, and a garland-seller ; she was afterwards married to
Hipparchus, s. of Pisistratus.
/'. Kai TrpociZavriQ K. T.\. having shoicn her, i. e. instructed her to
assume, the carriage of person and the expression of countenance with
which she icould appear most cornel;/ and graceful. B.
CH. LXL a. yafitu. Used in the active of the man, and in
the middle mostly of the woman. Cf. Odyss. xi. 273.
v'tti, said of Jocasta's wedding herself to her son. B.
b. Xtyofitvwv ivafiiav llvai K. T. X. See V. 71, O.
c. rbv 61 Suvov . . . 7rpo Hiiatffr. Here the infin.
appears to be the subject of Stivov n ta-^tv. See Matth. Gr. Gr.
534. On ra iroitvp. iir' tuvrijt, what was being done with a view to
harm hi), cf. Jelf, 634, 3, a.
d. If 'Eptrpiav, i. e. the Eretria in Euboea.
e. cuirivas, gifts, contributions. -rrnoyScaro from Trpoat&o/iai, rever-
entiam et gratum animum ob acceptum ante beneficiwn testor. B.
Ionic for irpoySijvTo, plusquam perf. pass., which owed them any
gratitude or thanks for favours before done. The word is similarly
used, iii. 140. irpotjSearo, without the t subscript, is derived by
Gron. from Trpor]5ofiai, qucn ipsis nonnihil ante placuerant ; quoted
and disapproved of by W. On the force of the particle KOV, Ionic
for jroii, " denoting an undetermined state of mind, yet one when, out
of several probable or conceivable cases, a preference, however
slight, is given to one or more of these, as being more likely than
28 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
the rest," see Stephens on Grk Particles, p. 33. He renders, " The
Pisistratidae having taken this resolution, collected voluntary con-
tributions from several cities, which / suppose, or, most probably,
were under some previous obligation to them." By this particle,
Hdtus implies that there was little doubt that these cities were
under an obligation to the Pisistratidse, but that he had no ex-
press or sufficient information on the subject.
f, woXXy X6y< * T. X. to be brief, time passed, lit. time intervened ;
a poetical expression ; SupxtaQat being usually employed.
g. AvySafuc. Cf. i. 64. Polyaenus, Stratag. i. 23, 2, calls him
tyrant of Naxos. B.
CH. LX1I. a. Sid IvStKctTov trios within the eleventh year. Cf.
i. 59, b. B.
b. Toiig KanovTae those who were returning home (from exile) ;
cf. .<Esch. Agam. 1283, and ic<mpxo/*at in Aristoph. Ranse, 1165.
oi afi<j>i ITtiir., Pisistratus and his troops. Read Jelf, 436, d.
c. *c rwvrb avvtovTtc. coming into the same place where they (the
enemies) were posted. The comma should be after tiarv, and not
after OVVIOVTIG, and thus B., following G., places it ; for t.g rwvro aw.
refers not to the union of the party of Pisistratus, but to their
meeting the army of their enemies.
d. naXX/vidoe from Pallene, one of the Demi of Attica, near
Acharnae, belonging to tribe Antiochis. The temple of Minerva
there is mentioned by Euripid. Heraclid. 849, 1031. Schw. On
the Demi of Attica, cf. i. 60, e.
e. 9dy iropvy xpf<>>(ttvoQ under the guidance of the gods. B. Cf.
also iii. 77, iv. 152; JEschyl. Agamemn. 757- W.
f. 6 'Aeapvav. V. conjectures 6 ' Axapvtvc, the Acharnian, a man
of the Demus of Acharnae ; as the mention of an Acarnanian sooth-
sayer seems strange here : he confirms his conjecture from Plato,
Theag. p. 124, where Socrates calls him 6 t'ip.t8airbc ' ApQiXvrog, our
countryman. Gronov. considers that 'A^agvav, or, in the Ionic
form, 'AKafvav, may be used as well as 'Axapvtvs, of a man of
Acharnae. B. considers the text as correct, and refers to a dissert-
ation of Lobeck's, proving that the Acarnanians were as much
noted throughout Greece for their skill in augury, enchantment,
&c., as the Marsi were in Italy. Other Acarnanian augurs are
mentioned by Hdtus, vii. 221, and ix. 37.
g. ^nafio\6yof dvtjp a soothsayer. In vii. 142, 143, an inter-
preter of oracles, and in vii. 6, probably a collector of oracles, an
oracle-monger. S. and L. D. j36Xoc, the throw of a net. In jEschyl.
Persse, 424, the draught of fishes taken at one cast of the net.
olfirjffovffi, from olpyv, impetu ferri ; poet, for 6p^a<, used by Homer,
II. xxii. 140, of a hawk rushing upon a dove. B.
CH. LXIII. a. ffv\\afiwv K. T.X. having understood, or com-
prehended tlie oracle.
b. <kwc prjTt .... rt that they should neither again collect together
BOOK I. CLIO. 29
and should be dispersed, i. e. that they should not only not again col-
lect together, but also should be thoroughly scattered. B. On the opt.
(<i\ic6i~iiv) after a principal tense or aor., cf. Jelf, 807-
CH. LXI\ . a. rwv ply avroQtv, rOtv Ik airb Srptyiovoc- The first
of these revenues refers to the mines at Laurium and Thoricus; the
second, to the mines of gold in Thrace, the possession of which was
afterwards so much contested by the Athenians ; cf. v. 1 26, a. The
Thracian mines are also mentioned in vi. 46, 47- On the Athenian
revenue, see TEAO2 in Smith's D. of A., and H. P. A. 126, 156.
b. KOI yap ravrijv . . . rartffrpt\//aro. Naxos was again subdued by
Cimon, B. c. 466. Cf. Thucyd. i. 98.
c. Aj/Xov KaOypae This is mentioned by Thucyd. iii. 104, and
the account in the text agrees with what is there said of it. The
island was again purified by the Athenians, (cf. Thucyd. /. /.,) in
the 6th yr of the Bell. Pelop. B. c. 426, and again during the year's
truce, B. c. 423 ; they further added to the purification by expel-
ling the Delians, Thucyd. v. 1, whom they again brought back,
Thucyd. v. 32, with the exception of those who were treacherously
murdered by Astacus ; Thucyd. viii. 108. IK r&v \oyiuv, according
to the oracles. Cf. v. 43, b.
d. 'ABijvaiuv i K. r. X. This refers, not to the Athenians generally,
but to those whom he calls, in c. 62, 63, roue i* TOV aartog, that is,
his opponents, of the other faction. 'AXxfiaiuviStw, of the son of
Alcmeeon, (Megacles). Cf. c. 59. B.
CH. LXV. a. Atovroc, . . . . rai 'HyijerucXfoc. Cf. the genealogy
of the Spartan kings, at the end of Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog.
or in the Oxfd Tables ; and on the Spartan kings, their privileges,
&c., vi. 51, b., 52, a., and 56, a.
b. irpbg TtyfT/ras K. T. X. On this and the other Wars during the
early period of the rise of Lacedaemon, cf. H. P. A. 31, 32, seqq. ;
and L 67, a., ix. 35, d.
c. KOKovofioiraroi r^tav. M tiller, Dor. ii. p. 11, discussing the sup-
posed legislation of Lycurgus, considers it proved from Pindar,
Pyth. L 61, " that the laws of Sparta were considered the true Doric
institutions, and that their origin was held to be identical with that
of the people; hence it follows, that when Hdtus describes the
Spartans before the time of Lycurgus, as being in a state of the
greatest anarchy, icaicovo/iwraroi, he can only mean that the original
constitution had been overthrown and perverted by external cir-
cumstances, until it was restored and renewed by Lycurgus." It
is observed by B., that the words Ztivoimv aitooapitTM cannot be
taken as an evidence that the institution of the vjjXa<ria existed
before the time of Lycurgus, of which that lawgiver himself is
generally considered as the author. On the &vjXaffea itself, see
M tiller's Dor. ii. p. 4; and on Lycurgus, read particularly Lycur-
gus in Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog. ; H. P. A. 2326 ; and
infra note /, and refs.
d. ni 7 a(>ov.Cf. i. 47, a. Ufa, I doubt, cf. Horn. II. xvi. 713. B.
30 NOTES ON HEKODOTUS.
e. o piv Si) Tivtg \kyovai K. T. \. Hdtus perhaps here refers to two
other verses of the oracle, given in the fragments of Diodorus,
found by Maii.
i)Ktt tuvopiav airtvpivof' avrap eywyt
SiiHjat rrjv owe aAXjj iiri\dofir) TroXig iei. B.
Other instances of lawgivers pretending a divine authority for their
laws, were Numa Pompilius, Minos, Pythagoras, Mahomet, &c.
&c. Cf. Warburton, Div. Leg. ii. 2.
f. \vKovpyov tiriTpoTrtvaavra K.T.\. This passage presents a
great chronological difficulty ; for Labotas was of the Eurythenid
line of kings, while Lycurgus belonged to the family of the Proclid,
and nearly 100 years intervened between the death of Labotas and
the legislation of Lycurgus ; besides which, it is generally agreed
that the name of the nepliew of Lycurgus, to whom he was guard-
ian, was Charilaus. Referring to the Table of Spartan Kings at
the end of the Oxford Tables, the reader will see that Labotas be-
longed to the 4th generation from Eurysthenes, and Lycurgus to
the 6th from Procles. On this difficulty the various authorities are
stated and briefly discussed in note 13 of 23 of H. P. A., and at
length in note 217 of Blak. Hdtus, where a solution is proposed.
Clinton, Fast. Hell. II. Appendix, considers the text to be corrupt.
Cf. particularly the commencement of the article Lycurqus in
Smith's D. of 'Gr. and R. Biog. and Miiller, Dor. i. p. 150. On
Lycurgus and his institutions, cf. note c, supra on this chapt. and
refs, and the remarks on the real nature of the Spartan constitu-
tion in Smith's D. of A. Ttpovaia. The following summary is from
the Oxfd Tables: " Legislation of Lycurgus, B. c. 817, to which
Sparta was principally indebted for all her subsequent splendour.
His celebrated constitution, which lasted about 600 years, was a
mixture of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy ; two kings ; se-
nate of twenty-eight nobles, five yearly-elected Ephori ; assemblies
of the people, composed however only of the citizens of Sparta ;
equal division of land among 30,000 families; no trade; iron money;
public and equal education ; no walls ; no fleets ; common tables ;
all luxury forbidden ; no theatre ; harsh treatment of the Helots,
who alone attended to agriculture and trade." To this add that
domestic life was destroyed, foreign intercourse cut off by the $ivrj-
Xaaia, and travelling forbidden; and that the great object of all the
institutions of Sparta was the formation of a race of warriors, who
particularly excelled as heavy-armed infantry; their light troops
consisting only of Helots. On the privileges of the Spartan kings,
the condition of the Perireci, Helots, &c., cf. notes on vi. 56, seqq.
There is an able sketch of " Sparta, her Position and Institutions,"
in an article on Grote's Gr. in the Edinb. Review, Jan. 1850.
cf. svoj^on'ac divisions in the Spartan army. According to Thuc.
v. 68, each Enomoty consisted of four files of 8 men ; four Enomo-
tics made a Pentecostys ; four Pentecosties made a Lnchus, and four
Lochi a Mora. At the head of each Mora was a Polemarch, of
BOOK I. CLIO. 31
whom there were six in Sparta. Xenophon, Rep. Lac. xi. 4, reckons
two Enomoties to each Pentecostys, and two of these to each Lochus,
which account Hermann reconciles by considering that Thuc. in
reckoning four Enomoties and Pentecosties, probably included the
Periogci who fought in the ranks with the Spartans ; see H. P. A.
29, note 5. The Triecades L. conjectures to refer to divisions of
the troops into messes of thirty for the convenience of meals ; but
B., with greater probability, considers them as subdivisions ef the
thirty Obes, each Obe being divided into Triecades, which consisted
of 30 citizens each, more or less, as was the case in the Roman
centuries. See Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 79. This latter hypothesis is
strengthened also by the fact that among the Athenians, in early
times, one of the subdivisions of their tribes was called Tpiqicdf,
though whether this was another name for a yivos, of which 30
composed a phratria, or was a subdivision of the yivo^ which con-
sisted of 30 houses, is not clear. Cf. H. P. A. 99. Whether they
were divisions of the Spartan Obes or not, they would yet be sub-
ordinate to the Polemarch, as well as the avaaina, and like them,
from the military character and institutions of the nation, doubtless
held good as well in war as in peace. Cf. H. 23, note 14, and
infra i. 82, e., on the word ov\\oxir'tw. With regard to the insti-
tution of syssitia or common tables, Arnold, Hist, of Rome, i. p.
453, note, observes, that " it is well known that it was not peculiar
to the Lacedaemonians. It was practised at Carthage, and even
its first origin was ascribed, not to any Greek people, but to the
GEnotrians of the south of Italy. (Aristotle, Polit. ii. 11 ; vii. 10.)
Aristotle blames the Lacedaemonians for altering the character of
the institution by making each individual contribute his portion,
instead of causing the whole expense to be defrayed by the public.
The object of the common tables was to promote a social and
brotherly feeling amongst those who met at them ; and especially
with a view to their becoming more confident in each other, so
that in the day of battle they might stand more firmly together,
and abide by one another to the death." Cf. also " Syssitia" in
Smith's D. of A., and on the organization of the Spartan army, the
same work under " Army."
h. impetus gal fipovTae. On the Ephors, cf. v. 39, &., vi. 82, a., ix.
76, rf. . and on the disputed point whether Hdtus is right in re-
ferring their institution to Lycurgus, and not to Theopompus, 130
years afterwards, see H. P. A. 43 46. On the yipovria, or
Council of 28, cf. vi. 57, ff., and Hermann, 25; Miiller's Dorians,
ii. p. 285 ; and Ephori and ripovoia in Smith's D. of A. Observe,
that the Ephors at the time of Lycurgus, though the same in name
with those of after times, were far inferior to them in importance,
being no more than mere police magistrates forming a court of
justice, especially charged with the decision of ordinary civil cases,
which was also their office in other Doric states. H. P. A. 25;
Miiller, h'. p. 1 16.
32 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. LXVl. a. ola Si c. r. \., i. e. ola Sf (ovrtg S. olteovvrte) tv
X&py K. r. X. avd rt idpafiov, they sliot up, flourished. " Sic infra de
Syracusanis." vii. 156. B. Kara(f>povr)aavT(s, cf. i. 59, g. ; iirl irdvy
K. r. X., ix. 10, e.
b. /faXuvij^ayot, acorn-eating. An epithet of the " prisca gens
mortalium," to whom the acorn afforded sustenance, hence hardy,
rude, &c. Cf. Hor. i. Sat. iii. 101, glandem atque cubilia propter, &c.
c. ffffftaOivTie tie. This expedition was led by the Kg Charilaus,
who was taken prisoner, but released on promising not to attack
them again. The Arcadian women contributed greatly to the suc-
cess of their countrymen, and in their honour a statue of Mars was
erected in the forum of Tegea. See Pausanias, quoted in B.
d. Kt^rjXtft deceitful, equivocal, cf. i. 75, v. 91. Of bad money,
spurious ; Aristoph. Av. 158. B.
e. tTi ical ic tpl. Part of these remained even to the time of Pau-
sanias, (viii. 47,) circ. A. D. 170. B.
/. rfig 'AXsje ' A0jjvaijc. The temple of Athena Alea ftt Tegea,
was said to have been built by Aleus, the son of Apheidas, from
whom the goddess probably derived this surname. Pausan. viii.
4, 5. Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog. Alea. B. has a long note
on the word, in which the conclusion to be inferred appears to
be, that the derivation of 'AXj; is to be found in "HXioj, Dor. "AXwf ,
the Sun.
CH. LXVII. a. Kara Ttyeijraf. See refs in i. 65, b.
" In what manner the towns of Arcadia came into the hands of the
Spartans is very little known. During the Messenian war Arcadia
was always opposed to Sparta. But the place most dreaded by
Sparta, as being one of the most powerful cantons of Arcadia, and
commanding the principal entrance to Laconia, was Tegea. Chari-
laus, one of the early kings of Sparta, is said to have been com-
pelled, by the valour of the Tegeate women, to submit to a dis-
graceful treaty. Pausanias, viii. 48, 3. At a later period also, in
the reigns of Eurycratis and Leon, the Eurysthenid, (cf. Hdtus, i.
65, a. b.,) Sparta suffered injury from the same state, until at last it
obtained the superiority under the next king, Anaxandrides." Miil-
ler, Dor. vol. i. 174.
b. 'AvaSavdpiciw. Cf. v. 39, a. He appears to have begun to
reign B. c. 570. On Aristo, cf. vi. 61, seqq., he began his reign
B. c. 574, and sat on the throne 54 years. The embassy of Croesus
to the Lacedaemonians may be fixed B. c. 561. B.
c. OioTrponovG messengers publicly sent to inquire of an oracle :
as in i. 48 ; v. 79 ; vi. 57, &c. By other writers called StupoL Cf.
Qiupoi, Smith's D. of A.
d. ri]v OfiKTjv the grave, vault. Cf. ii. 67, a. TTJV (sc. 6Sov) tj
dtov, cf. i. 109, a.
e. Xtvp'i>,i. q. Afi'ff), <>/iaXip g. irXaril, patente, eequo campo. Cf. Horn.
Odyss. vii. 121. Trie tTtpov piv QitXoiriSov Xtupy ivl x^tf ripatrai. M
f. KOI TVVOG avTiTwof and blow against blow, i. e. the hammer
BOOK I. CLIO. 33
and the anvil ; TVTTOC,, the hammer that strikes, avriTviroc., the anvil
that causes the recoil, irrjn' tiri irr/nari /carat, the operation of
forging iron, by repeated strokes of the hammer. The words are
purposely obscure.
g. iTnrdfipodoc, superior to, victorious over. B. Better, giving aid
against. Cf. S. and L. D.
h. airti-^ov .... S^fifiivoi were not a whit the less far off discover-
ing it, were not nearer the discovering it, though they sought every
where.
i. IG ov, for i'e ov, until. Cf. Jelf, 644, Prepositions joined with
Adi-erbs. " The 300 (the 'nrirtis) were the picked regiment of Sparta,
the flower of the youth, as the gerontes were of the old men, and
also chosen on aristocratic principles. For the Ephors appointed
three Mppagretce, each of whom chose one hundred young men,
with a statement of the grounds of his selection ; from the number
of those discharged from this body the five agathoergi were taken,
who for the space of a year served the state in missions." Mull.
Dor. ii. 257 ; cf. vi. 56, b. r&v dyadoepywv. Partitive Gen. Jelf,
533, 3, quoted in iv. 135, b.
j. Tif Kotvif .... d\\y Us non licet otium agere, quippe qui rei
publics causa alius olio dimittuntur. B.
CH. LXVIII. a. iiri^iris, intercourse, as in Thucyd. v. 78.
Pausanias, iii. 3, mentions a truce at this time between the Lace-
daemonians and Tegeans, which L., not improbably, dates B. c.
568. B.
b. 6 xa\t>e the blacksmith. Cf. S. and L. Diet. On the use
of brass prior to iron, cf. Hesiod, Opp. et D. 151 ; Lucretius, v. 1292
prior eeris erat quarn ferri cognitus usus.
c. OKOV, since. On the indie, after OTTOV, (Ion. OKOV,) cf. Jelf,
849, 2. Adverbial Sentences expressing the reason of the princi-
pal clause.
d. rbv vtKpov For other traditions of the discovery of bones of
gigantic size, the reader can, if he thinks it worth his while, refer
to the long note of Creuzer quoted by B., or to L. Observe that
Hdtus relates the story as told him by the Lacedaemonians, and
neither gives it as his own, nor answers for its truth.
e. 6ir<!jirit Ion. and poet. pft. for OKM-XI, of opaw, I see. Jelf,
269, 4. ivvioffuf for ivvoriaac,, considering, refiecting on; cf. i. 86;
vii. 206; and ix. 53. B. aw. TOV 'Op. TOVTOV tlvai. Conjectured
that this was the long sought for Orestes. The predicate with the
article, (contrary to the general rule,) as expressing something de-
finite. Jelf, 460, 2.
/. 01 St . . . . ISita^av And they, having brought a charge against
him, or having laid on him the burden of a charge, by means
of a fictitious story, drove him into banishment. In, means and
instruments, as IK fiiac., according to Jelf, 621, 3, e., or rather,
framed from, or formed out of, a fictitious story. ix here denoting
the material cause. kfuuBovro, desired, or endeavoured to hire.
D
34 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
Cf. wviovro, i. 69, a., iii. 139, they wished to purchase, &c. i. 165,
wvioptvotffi, desirous to but/, i. 174, iopvaaov, intended to dig through.
Cf. also v. 22, 70, and Jelf, 398, 2.
g. O'IXITO Qepw K. T. X. The story of the efforts of the La-
cedaemonians to recover the bones of their king is explained by
the belief among the Doric tribes, that the spirits of the mighty
dead guarded the land where they lay buried ; and thus in carrying
off the bones of Orestes, they would deprive the Tegeans of his
assistance, and henceforth enlist him on their own side. B.
CH. LXIX. a. atvsovTo Cf. i. 68,/. As both present and im-
perfect signify an action not yet completed, they are often used to
express the attempt to do any thing. Jelf, 3iK '2.
b. TO vvv .... 'ATroXXuvof Cf. Miiller, Dor. i. 377; and on the
worship of Apollo among the Dorians, Bk. ii. of the same vol.,
particularly chs. 3, 7, and 8, and pp. 277, 311, and 329.
CH. LXX. a. Ztadiutv Dimin. from <aov, small figures of all
sorts, as well of animals, as of fruits, flowers, and the like. So Z<Za,
i. 203; ii. 4 ; 'iii. 47, and iv. 88. Schw.
b. j/j/wcri naicpfjffi Cf. i. 2, b.
c. rb 'Hpaiov Cf. iii. 60, c.; vi. 81, a.; ix. 52. From Ta-^a Ii to
the end of the ch. is Hdtus's own opinion of the foregoing narra-
tive. curtdovTo, they sold. (Cf. ii. 48, 56.) 2 aor. mid., from ajroSicwui.
Cf. Jelf, 258, 27.
CH. LXXI.--a. ffKVTivac avavpiSae, trowsers of skin, cf iii. 87,
viii. 67 ; a close-fitting garment common to all the tribes that dwelt
on the mountainous and colder districts of Asia, while the Medes
wore a looser dress. Cf. iii. 84, a. Figures of men dressed in
either way, and hepce distinguishable as to nation, are yet to be
seen in the ruins of Persepolis. B. Cf. H. Pers. ch. i. pp. 103
108.
b. x&priv txvTie Tprjxtlnv Cf. ix. 122. " The Persian nation
previous to Cyrus, a highland people, subject to the Medes, dwell-
ing in the mountainous parts of the province of Persis, and leading
wholly, or for the most part, a nomad life." H. Manual, p. 73.
Cf. iii. 97, a. . H. Pers. ch. i. p. 213. Hence their frugality and
temperance ; afterwards, enriched by their conquests, they fell into
every kind of luxury and became addicted to wine, (i. 133, v. 18,)
from which here, and in Xenophon. Cyrop. i. 2, 8, they are men-
tioned as altogether abstaining. B. Cf. also E. Orient. H. p. 271,
seqq. and 316, seqq.
c. irtpdZovToi, they will cleave to them Cf. iii. 72, and viii.
60, /.
CH. LXXII. a. Cf. the beginning of ch. 71, with which the
commencement of this ch., touching the Cappadocians, must be
taken in connexion. The name of Syria in ancient times belonged
to all the country from Babylonia down to Egypt, including Cilicia
and Palestine, and thence also up to the Euxine : this is confirmed
by Strabo, who calls the Cappadocians Leuco-Syri, i. e. white Sy-
BOOK I. CLIO. 35
rians, in contradistinction to the Syrians of Babylon. Cf. also R.
pp. 2!>2, 263, and H. Pers. ch. i. p. 76. This wide extent of the
name is to be explained from their being all of the Aramaic race,
which had the name of Syrians in common ; to which also the
Cappadocians (being of Armenian origin) belonged, and therefore
were thus designated. See in particular the section on Syria and
Phoenicia in H. Pers. ch. i. pp. 81 84. Thence also " the Syrians
about the Thermodon " were so called, and also " the Syrians of
Palestine." In the words oi 2upioi ouroi <c. r. X., Hdtus manifestly
speaks of the ancient inhabitants of Armenia, called by the Greeks,
Syrians. B. The Aramaic race had its name from Aram, grandson
of Nahor, the brother of Abraham, see Gen. xxii. 21, and
from him sprung all the nations which the Greeks called Sy-
rians, Aram being the Hebrew for Syria; hence we read of Aram-
Naharaim, or Mesopotamia; Aram-Zobah, or Syria of Zobah. On
the Syrians of the Thermodon, i. e. the Cappadocians, cf. ii. 104;
and on the Syrians of Palestine, i. e. the Jews and the neighbour-
ing nations, ii. 106, a., &c.; iii. 91; vii. 89, b.
b. 'Appiviov ovpioc By ouptoc Hdtus does not here intend one
particular Mt, but the chain of Mts to which geographers have,
rather inaccurately, given the name of Anti-Taurus, situated in the
\V. of Armenia Minor, or rather in Cappadocia itself, up to which
the Armenia of Hdtus extended. To this chain belonged both
Mt Paryadres, from which the N. stream, and Mt Argseus,
from which the S. stream of the Halys flowed. B. On Armenia,
cf. H. Pers. c. i. p. 87.
c. M<m?;vo>e Cf. v. 52, e., and iii. 94, b. Their being found in
Asia Minor, in that part of Cappadocia, according to L., which, by
Strabo and by Pliny, is called Morimene, is accounted for by their
wandering habits and pastoral mode of life ; to which the Kurds,
who now inhabit that country, are similarly devoted. B.
d. ra aro> Cf. i. 6, a. av\ii]v, a narrow tract, or neck of land.
Reckoning the day's journey, cf. D. p. 72, at 150 stadia, v. 53, or at
200 stadia, iv. 101, the width across would be about 1000 stadia,
about half as much as it ought to be. IX., p. 73, defends Hdtus on
the supposition that he is here speaking only of an experiment,
which was made once or twice, diagonally across the Peninsula,
and that by a trained pedestrian, who perhaps had done the dis-
tance in five days; a feat possible, indeed, as the performances of
modern pedestrians show, as well as what is mentioned of Pheidip-
pides, vi. 10(5; cf. also vi. 120; but to which we can hardly sup-
pose, as B. observes, Hdtus to be here alluding; but rather stating
his own opinion of the breadth of the country from the shores of
the Mediterranean, where it washes Cilicia, across to the Euxine.
Cf. R. p. 189. " It appears that the Isthmus is not less than 3 4'
of latitude across; or 240 G. miles. This would require a rate
of 55 British miles, in direct distance, and certainly more than 60
by the road, for each day ; a rate of travelling, on "foot, which our
D 2
36 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
author certainly had not in contemplation. And it may be con-
ceived that little more than half this rate, that is, 33 miles by the
road, is an ample allowance for a courier, on foot, when the jour-
ney is continued five days ; and this is the rate at which the
Indian couriers do actually travel. In consequence, Hdtus could
not suppose the Isthmus to be more than 125 G. miles in breadth ;
that is, 115 less than the truth."
CH. LXXIII. a. ~S.Kvtikw . . . viriKTjXOt dated by Volney and
L., B. c. 632, cf. i. 103, d. On the events alluded to in the pre-
ceding part of the ch., cf. i. 130, a. and c.
b. Tixvqv rS>v roKwv. Cf. iv. 131, 132, and iii. 21. B.
c. ogyfjv aepog violent in temper, quick to anger.
d. ifioi>\tvffav The active is here preferable to the middle ; they
determined after deliberation ; so iii. 84. B.
e. wg dypjjv dijQi v as if forsooth it were game they had taken. Cf.
i. 59, i.
CH. LXXIV. a. QaXijc mentioned in following ch. and i.
170, ii. 20; the founder of the Ionic School, which held the ma-
terial origin of the world, and a noted mathematician. Cf. Smith's
Diet, of Gr. and R. Biog. Tholes. Euclid is said to owe to him
the 5th prop, of the 1st book. Eight different dates have been
assigned for this eclipse. Clinton and Hales place it B. c. 603 ;
B., B. c. 610; and Prideaux, on the 20th of Sept. B. c. 601, the
9th year of the reign of Jehoiakim, king of Judah. Cf. E.
Orient. H. p. 318. Observe that Hdtus does not say more than
that Thales fixed the year when the eclipse would happen, and
says nothing about the day.
b. 2wli/vffi .... Aa/Si'vjjroff. Syennesis, B. observes, was the
common name or title of the Cilician kings, even after Cilicia was
made a province of Persia: cf. JEsch. Persae, 325; and H. Persians,
ch. i. p. 125; cf. iii. 90, d., vii. 98: this is confirmed by Bellanger,
who refers to four Cilician monarchs of this name. The 1st in
the time of Cyaxares, the one here mentioned; the 2nd con-
temporary with Darius, cf. v. 118; the 3rd with Xerxes, cf. vii.
98; the 4th with Artaxerxes. So the name Labynetus frequently
occurs in the kings of Babylon ; the one here mentioned is agreed
by W., B., and Prideaux to have been the Nebuchadnezzar of the
Scriptures, the son of Nabopollassar, and the same who dethroned
Jehoiachin, and afterwards destroyed Jerusalem; 2 Kings xxiv.
xxv. Cf. Prideaux, bk. i. pt i., who adds that " from the mar-
riage of Astyages and Aryenis was born within a year Cyaxares,
who is called Darius the Median in the book of Daniel." Observe
that from Aryenis having married Astyages, Croesus was great
uncle to Cyrus ; as Astyages was maternal grandfather to Cyrus,
and Aryenis the w. of Astyages was sister to Croesus.
c. iiriav TOVQ ic. r. X. Cf. iv. 70, and Tacit Ann. xii. 47- B.
CH. LXXV. a. iv rolai. biriaut cf. i. 107, seqq. KifidfjXcv cf.
i 66, d.
BOOK I. CLIO. 37
b. Trpof iwvrov in his favour ; tlvai 7rpo rivog, to be on any one's
side, stare ab aliquo, facere pro ah'quo, cf. i. 124, 6., viii. 22, &., and
Jelf, 638, 2, 6.
c. Kara rc iovaaQ K. r- X. at the bridges which are now there. ov
yap f?) K. r. X. Sxbaudi, Xsytrou. B.
d. iK api(mpj}e xpoe o'iovra flowing on the left of the army.
The army would probably ascend the stream from the Euxine for
the purpose of finding a ford, and thus they would have the river
on their left hand. Schw. Thales' plan was this : beginning from
above the camp, i. e. nearer the source of the stream, he drew behind the
army a canal of a semicircular form, which again fell into the river
below the camp ; so that the bed of the river before the camp became
emptied of one half its waters, and therefore became fordable.
CH. LXXVI. a. Kara SivwTrrjv over against Sinope : cf. iii.
14, a. ; vi. 19, a. ; Jelf, 629, 1. <t>9npuv K. r. X., wasting the lands of
the Syrians. On the Syrians cf. i. 72, a.
5. avaarciTovQ tTroirjat, -funditus evertit, he drove them from house
and home. Cf. i. 97, 155, 178. B.
c. irplv i K. T. \.-but before he began, or purposed, to lead forth his
army, &c. Cf. same sense in vii. 105. W.
d. tTmpiiaro K. r. X. Ion. for tTrtipaivro. Srdplur. imperf. 7rtipao/*ai.
Jelf, 197, 4. They made trial of each other, tried each other's
strength, with all their might.
CH. LXXVII. a. Kpolao? Sf /tcp^&ig K.r.X. but Croesus find-
ing fault with his army, not because they had not fought valiantly, but
because they were far inferior to the enemy in number : fiefi<p9tt^ in an
act. sense, as in iii. 13, vii. 146. Schw. On the accus. of equivalent
notion after ntptyQuc., cf. Jelf, 548, c. , and cf. 495, obs. 3.
b. A.a[3vvT]TO " This prince was the 2nd of the name of Laby-
netus, and by Ptolemy is called Nabonadius, and by all agreed to
have been the last of the Babylonian kgs ; hence he must be the
same that in Scripture is called Belshazzar. He was of the seed
of Nebuchadnezzar, who is called his father in Dan. v. 11, 18;
which, from a comparison with Jeremiah xxvii. 7> is manifestly to
be understood in the wide sense in which any ancestor upwards is
often called father; for Jeremiah says that ' the nations of the
East were to serve Nebuchadnezzar, and his son, and his son's son.
Now Evilmerodach being the son of Nebuchadnezzar, none but Bel-
shazzar, here called Labynetus, could have been his son's son, for
Neriglissar was only the husband of Nebuchadnezzar's daughter, and
Laborosoachod was the s. of Neriglissar, and therefore neither of
them WRS son's son to Nebuchadnezzar; furthermore, that this last
kg of Babylon is said by Hdtus, i. 188, to be s. of the great Queen
Nitocris, who must have been the wife of a king of Babylon to
make her so, and he could have been none other than Evilme-
rodach; for by him alone could she have had a son, that was son's
son to Nebuchadnezzar. Hence it follows that Nabonadius, the
last kg of Babylon, is the same as Belshazzar, and son of Evil-
d3 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
merodach by Nitocris his queen, and so son's son to Nebuchad-
nezzar. He came to the throne B. c. 555, and reigned 17 yrs, till
B. c. 539, when the city of Babylon was taken, and the Babylonish
empire ended, after it had continued from the beginning of the
reign of Nabonassar, called in Script. Baladan, cf. Isaiah xxxix.
1, by others Belesis, who first founded it, 209 years." Prid. Conn.
Pt. i. bk. ii. an. 555, and 539. Cf. E. Orient. H. p. 264.
c. tvtvuTo, he intended. Ion. for svtvorjTo. Cf. i. 68, e.
d. Kara rag avpnaxias in accordance tcith the treaties already
made, by which he had a right to call on his allies for aid. B.
Better, I think, ad socios, to his allies, abstract for concrete ; cf. i.
81, 82. So S. and L. D. also, comparing Thucyd. ii. 9.
CH. LXXVI 1 1. a. Tavra tiriXtfonivtfi K. as Croesus was think-
ing this over with himself. Cf. i. 86, ii. 120, i. 125 ; reading. B. On
the dat here expressing reference to, cf. Jelf, 599, 2, and i. 14, d.
b. Ti\nr]fffftuit> Telmessus, Mei, in Lycia, not to be confounded
with the town of the same name in Caria.
CH. LXXIX. a. cvpcmc irpfjypa 01 tlvat -found it icould be ad-
vantageous for him. Cf. vii. 11, c., and Aristoph. Eccles. 656. B.
b. WQ ol Trapd K. r. X. Cf. Jelf, 899, 7 Pleonasm. The notion of
a single word is sometimes repeated in a whole sentence, thus,
w ol Trapa Sogav tff^t TO. Trp/jy^ara 77 d) avTog KanSoKtt. Cf. Thucyd.
V. 47, T(i6ir<j) OTToiy .... Kara rb SVVOTOV.
c. t't Sf /ix7 .... air' t7r:ruiv now they fought on horseback. Cf.
Jelf, 6,20, 1, a. 'ATTO. Local. Very often with a notion of some
elevated place or object whence something is supposed to proceed.
CH. LXXX. a. 4/iXov, naked, bare, i. e. open, without trees or
shrubs.
b. MTpbs Aii/fo/iqpijc i. e. Cybele ; cf. Horace, I. Od. xvi. 5,
Dindymene, and Catullus, Ixx. 91, Dea Dindymi : from the
mountain Dindymus, in Galatia, near the city of Pessinus.
c. Kann\ov tTTTroe (f>o[3ssTai. So Xenophon, Cyropaed. vii. 1, 27,
in his account of this battle. It is, of course, to be understood of
horses unaccustomed to the sight of camels, and meeting them, pro-
bably, for the first time: in other cases it is a vulgar error, which,
though of long standing, is now quite exploded. R. p. 255. The
Arabians are said to have been the first who rode on camels in war,
cf. vii. 86. Isaiah, xxi. 7 describing the fall of Babylon by the
Medes and Persians, alludes probably to the mixed nature of
their forces, " and he [the watchman] saw a chariot with a couple
of horsemen, a chariot of asses, and a chariot of camels." B.
d. T(f> Sri teal ttrilxt K. r. \. upon ivhich the Lydian to a certain ex-
tent depended to show off, or, on which he to a certain extent placed
his hopes of shining forth superior; cf. viii. 74, a. iTri-^nv, sc. rov
vnvv or roi's 600aX/*oi>e, to purpose, think, or intend, i. 153, vi. 96;
cf. also vi. 49.
CH. LXXXI. a. (rw^/ia^iaf, i.e. avfina-^ov^. Cf. i. 77 d.
CH. LXXXII. a. Qvpiw- The border district of Cynuria
BOOK I. CLIO. 39
fell into the hands of the Lacedaemonians, first, under the reign
of Echestratus, the 2nd of the line of Eurysthenes : was demanded
back by the Argives at the time of Labotas, the next king of the
same line, cf. i. 65, f., and occasioned a war, terminated success-
fully by the Lacedaemonians at the period here alluded to by
Hdtus ; B. c. 550. After this time the district, with its principal
town Thyria, remained in the power of Lacedeemon. Read Miiller
Dor. i. 176, 180. At a subsequent period, B. c. 420, the Argives
again demanded it, cf. Thucyd. v. 41, and in the same ch. the
contest here mentioned is alluded to. The Argives afterwards re-
ceived a decisive overthrow at Tiryns by Cleomenes, which hence-
forth insured Sparta's political preponderance, cf. Hdtus vi. 76,
83, vii. 148.
b. 'AXKijvwp K. T. \. Ad argumentum cf. Pausan. ii. 20, 4, et
x. 9. B.
c. fifi wportpov Qptyuv K. T. X. Alluded to by Socrates in Plato,
Phsedo, c. 38, tvopnov av iroiij<raifji.7)v, &Girip "ApytToi, K. T. X. In the
following sentence, on Kwfj.wvTtQ, (wearing their hair long,) cf. Jelf,
709. Nom. participle with a verb supplied directly from the con-
text. The partic. sometimes stands in the nominat. seemingly
without any verbum finitum, which however is to be supplied either
by what has gone before or what follows: AOK. tQivro vopov oi>
yap KtiifjiwvTtg vrpo TOVTOV onrb TOVTOV Kopav (sc. vopov tQtvTo).
d. TOV It sva K. T. X. Othryades' death is differently related by
Pausanias and in the Epigrams in Brunck's Analectt., both of
which are quoted in L. Cf. also Ovid. Fast. ii. 663, " Nee
foret Othryades congestis lectus in armis," &c. The Lacedaemoni-
ans kept up a memorial of this victory as they considered it, by
songs chanted at the festival of the Gymnopeedia, which some
consider instituted in honour of it Cf. r^von-cuo'ia, Smith's
D. of A.
e. T&V ol av\\oxiTtu>v K. T. X. when his comrades (those of the same
X6x<>c company, as he) had been destroyed. Deserting his com-
panions was all the more heinous, as these divisions held good as
well in peace as in war among the Spartans, those who fought to-
gether in the same Xo^oc being also united at home in the same
avaairtov. Cf. i. 65, ff-
CH. LXXXIII. a. opfteaTo pi. pft. pass. 3, pi., Ion. for
wpfirjvro, (cf. Jelf, 197, 4,) used here for the imperf., they were
eager. So kirkiravvro a little lower, and i. 79, iXrjXvdff, for the
aor. B. we /Xw)coi K. r. X. , that the Lydian citadel had been taken.
Cf. Jelf, 802, 7, b., Construction of on, <Ic, &c., with Indie, and
Optat. in Dependent Sentences.
CH. LXXXIV. a. Maodog.Cf. i. 125, iii. 94. "As the
Baskirs and Calmucks follow the Russian armies, so did the
Mardi, Pericanii, and others of the nomad tribes who wandered
on the borders of the Persian empire follow those of Cyrus ; and
the more widely the dominion of the Persians was extended, the
40 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
greater became the number of such auxiliaries." H. Pers. p. 281.
Cf. E. Orient H. p. 276. " The Mardi occupied the valleys and
declivities on the confines of Susis and Persis. This tribe appears
to have been dispersed over all the mountainous tracts of ancient
Persia; for we read of Mardi in the neighbourhood of the Euxine
and Caspian, as far as Bactria : but as mard signifies a man, and
thence a man of valour, a hero, in the ancient as well as the modern
languages of Persia, it was probably assumed as a name through-
out the country." Sardis was again taken in the same manner by
Lagoras for Antiochus, B. c. 214.
b. Mr/Xjjc the last but one of the Lydian kings of the race of
the Heraclidse, cf. i. 7, a., if we may trust to Eusebius, Chronic,
p. 58. TOV \iovTa, the lion, (not a proper name,) cf. i. 50, e. B.
c. diKaffavTwv, cum Telmessenses statuissent. So i. 78, tyvuvav.
Schw. we tffovrai, cf. Jelf, 886, 2. Indicative in the oratio obli-
qua. The indie, is used where the oratio obliqua assumes the cha-
racter of oratio recta. This frequently happens in stating some-
thing which holds an important place in the events detailed in the
sentence, which is, as it were, the essence of it.
c. tffTi oe vrpof .... Ttjg TToXioe Now it is the quarter (TO
X^piov) of the city (of Sardis) that is turned towards (that faces)
Mt Tmolus. Cf. a similar use of the genitive in vi. 22, rrje Sue., and
vii. 176, rye bov. B. On irpo, on the side of, towards, cf. Jelf,
638, 1, a.
e. tTTi Kwitjv, to get a helmet. Cf. Jelf, 635, iii. 3, a. 'Exf
Causal. The object intention : with verbs either expressing or
implying motion. typdaOrj K. T. X. observed it and turned it over in his
mind. Imitated from Homer. B.
f. icar' OVTOV after his fashion, i. e. in the same manner as he
(ascended). Cf. i. 121, b., Jelf, 629, 3, e.
CH. LXXXV. a. TOV Kal irpoTtpov K. r.\. Cf. i. 34, b.
b. aWroi prosperity. Cf. vi. 128, and ix. 85, avvtarw, ban-
queting, curfffTu, absence. B.
c. lijv voice or sound. JEsch. Pers. 940, KaicofikXtTov lav. Eurip.
Rhesus, 922. B. ol Siafrpe cf. Jelf, 599, 1, on the Dativus
Commodi, or Incommodi.
d. ipptjKt (pi>ivi]v rupit vocem; he broke loose his voice, he spoke
with an effort. On the accus. cognate to the notion implied in the
verb, cf. Jelf, 566, 1. On the verb, cf. ii. 2, of the infant's first
attempt to articulate. B. And in v. 93, of declaring sentiments
till then repressed.
CH. LXXXVI. a. apavra artaic. r. X. Capture of Sardis, B. c.
546, Clinton's Fast. Hell. ii. p. 6, whence the reign of Croesus
commences, B. c. 560. B. prefers to fix the capture of Sardis
B. c. 557 ; hence if the visit of Solon be placed, according to him,
B. c. 570, the interview mentioned above might possibly have
happened, as Croesus would have come to the throne B. c. 571.
Cf. also i. 30, a.
BOOK I. CLIO. 41
b. b Sk ffvvvrtaaQ K. r. X. mentioned neither by Xenophon nor by
Ctesias ; its improbability is heightened from the Persian venera-
tion of the element fire, which would be polluted by being made an
instrument of destruction. Cf. iii. 16. The narrative of Hdtus
appears most adapted to Greek notions, while that of Ctesias, who
relates that Croesus, having fled to the temple of Apollo and being
there thrice bound by the Persians, was thrice released by the god,
has a greater appearance of truth, as being less repugnant to Per-
sian ideas. B. The affinity between Croesus and Cyrus, cf. i. 74,
b., would increase the improbability of the story. Cf. Arnold, Hist,
of Rome, i. p. 291. " Tnere was a time when burning alive was
the punishment of traitors and deserters. That a foreign enemy,
however, might be sometimes so treated, is not impossible, as is
shown by the story of Cyrus' treatment of Croesus."
c. ajg Se dpa fiiv irpoffrrjvai TOVTO K. r. \. and immediately when this
entered his mind. avevtiKdptvov from uvafyeptaOai, to come to himself,
to recover his senses ; better than with Schw., having drawn a deep
sigh. Cf. i. 116, avivti-xQtiq, having collected his thoughts, returned
to himself. B. tK TTO\. r'i<rvx; after long silence. Cf. i. 186, a.
d. apxpv. Cf. i. 9, a.
e. iwisiaavra. Cf. i. 68, e.
f. tTriXt^dfjitvov. Cf. i. 78, O.
CH. LXXXVIL a. iraXa/3v. Cf. i. 46, a.
b. EI rt 01 KExapiapsvov K. r. \. Cf. Aristoph. Pax, 385, ti n ictxapiff-
(nevov xoipi'&ov K. r. \. Both imitated from Homer II. i. 39, ti TTOTB
TOI xapitvr' STTI VTJOV tpt-^a K. T, \. W.
c. Xa/3porary, most violent. Cf. Pindar, Pyth. iii. 70, fire \appbv
ffiXag 'H0a(<rroi>. 01. ii. 55, XajSpoi Trayy\w<j<ria. B. tic Sk aiQpii)(;,
immediately after, immediately from its being, a bright clear sky.
Cf. Jelf, 621, 2. IK of the immediate succession in time,
so that there is an unbroken connexion between one thing and
another.
CH. LXXXVIII. a. vvwoiy i-^o^vog, pensive, oppressed (as it
were) with thought. Cf. i. 35, avpfyopg %o/t. i. 141, opyy t%of. iii. 50,
irtpi9v(jiw txH' B.
b. tiptura, 3rd sing, imperf. without the augment, from ti'pwraw,
Ep. and Ion. for eptordw. Cf. i. 11, 88. tipwrtw/jEvouc, iirttpwrwai,
tlpuiTticrOai. ii. 32, vi. 3, vii. 148.
c. 0jpou<n rs KOI dyovffi pillage and plunder, sweep the country of
every thing, cf. iii. 39, ix. 31. The former of these verbs is generally
considered to refer to inanimate movables, which would be carried
off, and the latter to animate objects, cattle, captives, &c., driven
away. Observe that uytiv may also be applied to what is inanimate,
but this arises from the ellipsis, where ayuv is used for the whole
expression, <j>tp. K. dyiw, as being part of a familiar formula. So
Aristophanes, instead of saying dil irou'iv O.KOVTO. 7) 'inovra, says, Sti
KOtiiv T) fKovra.
CH. LXXXIX. a. 5r ol lvo^, t The Attic form of the optat.
42 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
for ivopaoir). He asked Crcesus what he saw for his (Cyrus*) adcan-
tage, i. e. what he tJwught would be best for him to do.
b. o'i \tf6vTw who, let them say. Observe the change of the con-
struction from the relative and future to the imper. mood. Cf. also
Jelf, 421. On this form, called the Attic imperative, cf. Jelf,
195, obs. 3.
CH. XC. a. dvaprrjfiivov aiv .... iroiinv since you, a man of
kingly rank, are fully bent upon doing good service and giving good
advice : avapraaQai, to be set upon a thing, to be fully purposed to do
it, cf. vi. 88, and vii. 8, quoted by B.; and on av?)p (3affi\sve, cf. Eurip.
Supp. 444, dvrjp Si (BaaiXiitc, ix&pov r,ytlrai rode, and Hor. Ars Poet.
434, " Reges dicuntur," &c.
b. airso This word ought to be thus accented, instead of having
the accent cast back on the antepenult ; as it is the Ionic form of
the imperat. for alreto, the first t being omitted by Ionic writers in
pure verbs. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 205.
c. o, TI 01 TOVTO iwqyoptvtiiv Trapair'eoiro what was this complaint
against the God which induced him to make the request?
d. KaT(f3aivf avric, Trapairtofifvoc, lit. came down to, i. e. concluded
again icith the same request. Cf. i. 116, 118. Karsfiaivt. tywv, he
came at last to say.
e. sTTtivai o'i T<f 9i(f TOVTW ovfiSiaai that it might be permitted to
him to reproach the God with these things. On the construction of
6vtiSiZ,nv with a gen. of the cause, cf. Jelf, 495, and on the dat.
with the infinitive in the last sentence in the ch. ' dxapiaroim K. T. \.
Cf. Thucyd. vii. 35, OVK av a<pioi /3oiAo/i/oic tlvai, and Jelf, 673, 4.
CH. XCI. a. Ttjv TrtTrptaiiivTjv K.T.\. On this sentiment, cf. ii.
133, iii. 43, ix. 16, and ^sch. P. V. 518, seqq.
b. irffnrTov JOVIOQ of his 5th ancestor, of his ancestor in the 5th
generation ; including both the first and last, i. e. Gyges and Croe-
sus ; there being five of the family of the Mermnadae ; Gyges, Ardys,
Sadyattes, Alyattes, and Croesus. Cf. i. 13, rims > tc. rbv TTE/UTTTOV
a-rroyovov YvyHa, and Cicero, de Nat. Deor. iii, 38, referred to by L.,
" Dicitis earn vim," &c.
c. firiff-rrofjitvoc, following, obeying, attending to ; 2 aor. part. mid.
from g^ETTo). Cf. i. 103, and iii. 14, 31, 54. Homer, Odyss. iii. 215,
iiri<nr6nevoi Qiov 6fi<py. Sophocl. Elect. 973, quoted by \V.
d. AoZirjc,, an epithet of Apollo ; from the crooked and ambigu-
ous answers of his oracles ; or from the oblique course of the sun
in the ecliptic. B. Better from Xiyuv, Xoyoc, as being the inter-
preter of Zeus, Trpo^jjrjjc AI'OC. -ZEsch. Eum. 19, cf. viii. 136. S.
and L. D.
e. rjfiwvov. Cf. i. 55.
f. ftijrpoc .... varpoQ K. r. \. On the parentage of Cyrus, cf. i.
107, b. tvep9t K. T. X., being inferior in all respects.
CH. XCII. a. Kpoia<f K. T. \. Now Crcesus has, &c. There are of
Croisus many other, &c. Dat. commodi, with possessive and attri-
butive notions. Cf. Jelf, 597, s- 1, and i. 31, a. 'luvii)$ TI]I>
BOOK I. CLIO. 43
TpoQriv by Croesus, cf. i. 6, and 26. As the reign of
Crcesus began B. c. 560, see Clinton Fast. Hell. ii. p. 8, and as he
conquered all the states of Asia Minor, except Cilicia and Lycia,
and Lydia, of which last he was kg, cf. i. 28, b., within the first
nine years of his reign, Ionia must have been subdued B. c. 560
551. The second subjection of Ionia, by Cyrus, cf. i. 141, 162
169, took place shortly after the taking of Sardis, B.C. 546; Har-
pagus being general of the Persians. Causes of their subsequent
revolt from the Persians, v. 30 36; burning of Sardis, v. 100
103; taking of Miletus, and final subjection, vi. 18 32. This re-
volt, instigated by Aristagoras and Histiseus, took its rise from the
Naxian War, B. c. 501, cf. Fast. Hell. ii. p. 18; Sardis burnt, B. c.
499 ; decisive battle off Lade, B. c. 494 ; Miletus appears to have
been taken, cf. vi. 18, HKT^ trii airb rrjg cnroffTUffioG, directly after,
and the subjection of Ionia, i. e. its 2nd subjection by the Persians,
and the 3rd mentioned in Hdtus, completed in the 2nd year after
the taking of Miletus, cf. vi. 31, B.C. 492, under the reign of Darius
I., Hystaspes. Ionia again revolted directly after the battle of
Mycale, B.C. 4/9, in the reign of Xerxes; cf. ix. 103, 104.
b. rpiirovQ Ty 'ATI-OX. r(ji 'lap. This temple w r as so adorned with
votive tripods, that Pindar, Pyth. xi. 7, calls it x9 Vffiwv rpnrodwv
Qqaavpov. B. Cf. Tripos, Smith's D. of A.
c. ripovquje epithet of Athena at Delphi, because she had a
chapel, or statue there, before the great temple of Apollo. W. quoted
in S. and L. D.
d. iv Bpayxidpoi. Cf. i. 46, d.
e. KvaQov a cardin(/-comb,fuller's-club, to tear wool; hence an
instrument of torture, set with spikes. W. Cf. S. and L. D.
CH. XCIII. a. TfiwXov. Cf. v. 101, a. On the Satrapy of
Lydia cf. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 66 68, and the extracts from it in i.
142, b.; vi. 6, a. The commencement of this ch., QuvpaTa it jfj A.
K. r. X., is quoted by D. p. 91, in opposition to the opinion of Creu-
zer, " that the historical work of Xanthus the Lydian a writer
probably about 15 years senior to our author was made use of by
Hdtus." As Strabo gives quotations from Xanthus to the effect
that traces of volcanic action and other natural phenomena were
observable in Lydia, D. concludes that, as Hdtus says " that the
country of Lydia contains nothing peculiarly worthy of remark,"
he can by no means here see, as Creuzer does, a thrust at Xanthus,
but rather one more proof that Hdtus was unacquainted with
Xanthus' four books of Lydian history, and also ignorant of those
remarkable operations of nature. On Xanthus, cf. Miiller's Lit. of
Anc. Gr. ch. 18, p. 264, and Hist, of Gr. Lit. Ency. Metr. p. 264.
b. 'iv St Ipyov K. r. X. Clearchus relates that a vast mound was
raised by Gyges in memory of one of his mistresses, an origin pro-
bably attributed to the monument, from its having been constructed
principally at the expense of the courtezans. That this was the
monument spoken of by Hdtus appears certain, as the remains of
44 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
it were observed near the Lake of Gyges, within 5 miles of Sardis,
by Chandler. B.
c. oi dyopaioi dvQpunoi, properly, those tcho frequented the market-
place, hence retail or petty dealers. B. Cf. Acts xvii. 5. (Cf. Theo-
phrastus. ITtpi 'Airovoiag. Sheppard's note, p. 148.) ^tptovaicrte,
handicraftsmen. Cf. ii. 141, and i. 94, c.
d. ai i*>pya?6jutvm TraiSiffKai, the harlots. PuellfB sunt qua corpore
qu&stum faciunt, commode si/(pyao/tmu dicta, corpore vel iv iavrdig
tpya6(itvai. V.
e. ypannara. Observe characters or letters among the Lydians in '
the /th'century B. c.; the reign of Alyattes having commenced B. c. 610.
f. ticSiSoaai K. T. X., and they give themselves in marriage ; choosing *
their own husbands, their dowry being made by their own exertions ;
iicSidovai, properly of the father who ffives his daughter away out,
of his house. Cf. i. 196, and ii. 47 ' B. >'/ fitv Si) iripiodoe iloi K. T. X.
On this construction by attraction, cf. Jelf, 389. The verbs slvat,
yiyvtoQai, &c., when used for the copula, sometimes, by a sort of
attraction, agree in number with the substantive, which stands as
the predicate. Cf. iii. 60, rb piv iiiJK. K. T.\., andiii. 15, at 0. Aiy. tcaX.
CH. XCI V. a. KaTouropvtvovai, they give up to prostitution. Cf. i.
196. B.
b. TrpiJToi Si v6[iiffp.a %pv(rov . . . i-^prjuavTo. Phido, kg of
Argos, is said to have coined the first silver money at .(Egina, bear-
ing the figure of a tortoise, B. c. 750. Hdtus, vi. 127, ascribes to
him the invention of weights and measures among the Lacedaemo-
nians. The account given by Plutarch, who speaks of Theseus
having coined money and stamped it with the figure of an ox, is
considered by Payne-Knight, Prolegom. Homeric. 58, as alto-
gether at variance with historical testimony, since even in the Ho-
meric ages, long after the time of Theseus, cf. H. P. A. 97, coin
was manifestly unknown to the Greeks. Xenophanes of Colophon
agrees with Hdtus in considering the Lydians as the inventors of the
art, and he is followed by Eustathius. Such an invention also suits
the character of the Lydians (cf. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 68, seqq.) as a
commercial nation. B. Cf. Smith's D. of A., Argentina.
c. icaTrjjXoi retail dealers ; cf. iii. 89, and Aristoph. Pax, 447 f
KUTTT]\OC a<nriii>v.
d. KV : 3u>v Kai rSiv aorpayaXwv icat rijc <r$a<'pi;, dice, knuckle-bones
and ball. aorpayaXot, dice with only 4 jfiat sides, the other two being
round: at first made of ancle-bones, (d<rrpayaXot,) but afterwards of
stone or other materials. Ki>j3oi, dice marked on all the 6 sides. Cf.
particularly S. andL. D. Athenseus, i. 15, blames Hdtus for ascribing
the invention of these games to the Lydians, as Homer speaks of
them at a much earlier period. Cf. II. xxiii. 88 ; Odyss. vi. 100 ;
viii. 372; but observe that though acrrpay. and ff^ai'p. are mentioned,
yet Kv(3ot no where occurs in Homer.
e. irtaaol calculi, oval-shaped stones or counters, not thrown like
dice, but set in lines and then regularly moved ; perhaps similar to,
BOOK I. CLIO. 45
or the same as our draughts. Cf. Odyss. i. 107, irfffoolcri Qvpov
trtpTrov, and Soph. Fr. 380. S. and L. D.
f. oiKjjiouvrat Cf. i. 4, b.
g. iTTivrXoa, timoveablcs Cf. i. 150, 164. B.
h. airiKtaBat t 'OpfipiKovg .... 6v<>naff9f)vai Tvpayvovg. Hence
the allusions in Hor. I. Od. i. 1, and I. Sat. vi. 1, Non quia, &c.,
and in Virgil, Mn. ii. 782, Lydius Thybris. Few subjects are in-
vested with more numerous difficulties than the origin of the Tyr-
seni or Tyrrheni. The narrative of Hdtus that the Tyrseni were
a colony from Lydia, &c., is decided against by many who have
investigated the subject, and the Lydian origin of the nation re-
jected. Hdtus, it is to be remembered, spoke generally from having
actual intercourse with the countries he describes, and access to
the best information which they possessed. His knowledge of the
traditions of Asia Minor was, of course, complete ; and he spent
some time in Magna Graecia. The tradition, which he says the
Lydians repeated in his day, was asserted by them 500 years after
with equal positiveness. The Sardians, in the time of Tiberius,
asserted their common origin with the Etruscans and the Pelopon-
nesians. The story was universally believed at Rome in the time
of the historian Dionysius. As to his disbelief of it, because it is
omitted by the historian of Lydia, this omission has no weight
placed beside the positive testimony of Hdtus. But, besides this
external testimony, there is internal evidence, at least for the fact,
that the colony which settled in Etruria did come from Asia Mi-
nor, and not from Africa or the Alps.
There are many similarities between the Etruscans and the in-
habitants of Asia Minor and Syria. 1. Their language, at least
the names, belong to the Phoenician and Hebrew dialects. 2.
Some of their peculiar notions of religion belong to the Phoeni-
cians. 3. Their funeral monuments are alike. The three cele-
brated tombs of Etruria that of Porsenna, as described by Pliny ;
of Aruns his s., still remaining on the side of the road from Rome
to Albuno, just at the entrance of the town, and the magnificent
Regulini-Galassi sepulchre at Ceere, were of precisely similar con-
struction to that of the tomb of Alyattes, still visible at Sardis, and
described by Hdtus i. 93, as erected to the memory of that king.
Besides the similarity in the form and nature of these tombs, some
of them have interiors ornamented with bas-reliefs of domestic
scenes and mythological stories, as in the pictured tombs of Etruria,
and even coloured with the bright blues, yellows, and reds which
abound so much in the Etruscan caverns. This analogy is fully
explained by and firmly corroborates the story of Hdtus, the ac-
curacy of whose traditions, and the care with which he selected
them, are daily more and more felt and recognised.
The theories as to the early history of Etruria, which, either op-
posed to or differing from the account of Hdtus, have attracted
most attention, are those of Niebuhr and his German followers,
46 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
among whom is Miiller, who has written a history of the Etrus-
cans, Mannert, and Mrs. Hamilton Gray. Niebuhr assigns to the
Etruscans an origin in the mountainous district at the top of the
Adriatic Sea, and supposes they thence descended into Etruria.
Mannert accepts the account of Hdtus as literally true ; and con-
ceives that the Pelasgians, whose original seat he states to have
been Thessaly, were forced to abandon that country, some of them
taking refuge in Italy, whilst others went to Lydia and the districts
of Asia Minor ; and that at a subsequent period the settlers in
Lydia sailed to Umbria, and renewed their connexion with the
earlier colonists. The difficulty that besets Niebuhr's theory, be-
sides his entire refusal of credit to the account of Hdtus, is the
eastern character, the arts and sciences, letters and learning, of the
Etruscans. These, which are the peculiar characteristics of the
people, cannot be supposed to have been practised by Alpine moun-
taineers, or brought down by them into Italy. The views of Mrs.
Hamilton Gray, respecting the origin of the Etruscans, are briefly
as follows. Rejecting the credibility of the story of Hdtus, she
says their proper name, that by which they called themselves, was
Rasena, essentially the same with TYRSENI, or Tyrrheni, which
w r as a name commonly applied to them, and derived, she says, from
their great leader, Tyrrhenus, Tyrsenus, Tarchon, or Tarquin.
She supposes the place of their real origin to be Resen, a city of
Assyria, mentioned in the book of Genesis. From the similarity
between the Etruscans and the Egyptians, she supposes that a large
colony from this city of Resen dwelt for a long time in Egypt.
There she connects them with the shepherd kings or Hyksos, of
whose rule in Lower Egypt there are many traditions, and of which
she supposes that it comprehended the various bands of foreigners,
including the Jews, who occupied the fertile Delta of the Nile.
She identifies the colonists of Resen and the future Etruscans with
the scientific Assyrians, who are spoken of by Herodotus as dwell-
ing in Egypt, and" building the Pyramids of Cheops and Cephrenes.
At last the native Egyptians, who had retreated up the country,
drove these strangers out, and forced them into Libya or Lybia.
After inhabiting that country for a short time whence she sup-
poses the mistake of Hdtus putting Lydia for Lybia, unless he
confounded the term " Ludeni," or Assyrians, with " Lydians "
they took ship, and, landing on the opposite coast of Umbria,
founded the kingdom of Etruria. The time of their arrival she
takes from the story of Plutarch, that in the year of Rome 666,
when Sylla finally extinguished all hopes of Etruscan independ-
ence, an Etruscan aruspex proclaimed that the Etruscan day of
1 100 years, during which their Jupiter, Tina, had given them do-
minion, was near an end. Upon the public works of the Etrus-
cans made on a great scale, in a truly public spirit, for the poor
as well as the rich, Mrs. Gray dwells with great praise. They were
particularly skilled in hydraulics ; part, as she considers it, of their
BOOK I. CLIO. 47
oW Egyptian learning. They covered the plain of the Campagna
with fertility ; the Cloaca Maxima at Rome, and the Emissario of
Albano, were the work of Etruscan engineers. Upper Italy too
felt the benefit of their knowledge of science. They sent a colony
into the plain of the Po. They constructed a scheme of draining
and irrigation for the superabundant waters of that river. They
drained the Delta of the same stream, and made a magnificent
harbour. Thus they civilized Italy, to whose prosperity these arts
were essential. From the article quoted in i. 57, a.
CH. XCV. a. a\\a TOV lovra \6yov the matter as it really is, the
real state of the case. Cf. i. 30, 116. B. Also viii. 68, b.
b. rpi^acriag dXXcr ic. r. \. Cf. ii. 20. Ctesias, Xenophon, and
JEschylus, Persse, 767, seqq., all differ from Hdtus. On the dis-
puted points of Cyrus' parentage, &c., read Smith's D. of Gr. and
R. Biog., Cyrus, or Prid. Conn. vol. i. an. B. c. 559; H. Pers. ch.
ii. p. 216, or E. Orient. H. p. 318, seqq. Cyrus' original name was
Agradates, but, as general of the armies of Persia, he assumed the
name or title by which he is constantly known and designated in
history, and which betokens the sun ; Khor in Persic = the sun.
From H. I. I. So in Egypt the royal cognomen was Pharaoh for
many ages, from Phra, the sun. E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 152.
c. ' Aaavpiwv ap\6vTwv K. T. \. Methods of reconciling the dura-
tion here attributed to the Assyrian empire, viz. 520 years, with
Ctesias and others, who assign 1360 years to it, are proposed in the
notes of L. and B. ; the latter however allows that, whether Hdtus
be speaking only of the later great empire of the Assyrians in
Upper Asia, while Ctesias reckons the duration both of the smaller
kingdom in its contracted limits between the Tigris and the Eu-
phrates, as well that of the great empire they subsequently obtained
by conquest ; yet, in any case, the difficulties attending the recon-
ciliation of the two accounts appear inexplicable. Cf. particularly
E. Orient. H. ch. ii. Hist, of Assyria, p. 231, 232. The revolt of
the Medes from the Assyrians is dated by Prid. B. c. 709, (710, E.
Orient. H.,) directly after the return of Sennacherib from his mi-
raculous overthrow, in the 12th year of Kg Hezekiah ; from which
calamity the Medes, as well as others of his subjects, cf. i. 102,
took occasion to throw off his yoke. Cf. Prid. Conn. i. vol. an.
B. c. 709 ; cf. also particularly the remarks at the end of the art.
Sardunapalus in Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog.
CH. XCVI. a. 6 ATJIOKJJC. " The Arphaxad of Judith, ch. i., who
reigned from B. c. 709 B. c. 656, when he was overthrown and cut
off in a great battle in the plains of Ragau by Saosduchinus, kg
of Nineveh and s. of Esarhaddon, who, in the same book, is called
Nebuchodonosor. That Arphaxad was the Deioces here mentioned,
and that Nebuchodonosor was Saosduchinus, appears from hence,
that Arphaxad is said to have been that kg of Media who founded
Ecbatana, whom all other writers agree to have been Deioces, and
that the 12th year of Saosduchinus exactly agrees with the last of
48 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Deioces, when this battle of Ragau was said to have been fought.
It was also while Nineveh was the metropolis of the Assyrian em-
pire, and while the Persians, Syrians, Phoenicians, Cilicians, and
Egyptians were subject to them, while also the Median empire was
in existence, and not long after the building of Ecbatana." Pri-
deaux. Observe that Hdtus is silent concerning this overthrow of
Deioces, though he speaks of that of Phraortes ; hence some have
concluded that this latter monarch was the Arphaxad of Judith.
Anyhow, Ecbatana seems still to have regained its independence
after the overthrow of Deioces, which was contemporary with
the 43rd year of Manasseh, kg of Judah. Deioces was perhaps
the Dschemschid of Persian song. B. Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 212,
and Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Deioces.
b. SiKcuoovvrjv iiriQip. fiaKtt he practised justice with assiduity. S.
and L. D. iiriQk^ivoq, by applying himself ; the participle used
to express the means. Jelf, 698, e. So Xenoph. XqiZfyitvoi ui<nj/,
raptu vivunt. Cf. iii. 76, prfe .... tiriridiaSai, sc. rolai Trpqy/iaert, nor
should we make an attempt upon (the sovereign power, the empire) ;
perhaps, apply ourselves (to the matter in hand).
c. Sucaffofitvoi. Act. ucdtiv,jus dicere, and mid. duca&oQai, facere
jus sibi did, s. judicio cum aliquo disceptare. B.
CH. XCVII. a. SiKav pro Sucafftiv, fut. infin. Si >;/ip^e all day
long. Cf. ii. 173, B. On r&v KUTIJK., the affairs before them, cf. v.
49, a., viii. 19, a., 102. iSidoaav <r<j>iffi \6yov, deliberated among them-
selves, cf. viii. 100, c.
b. irpbf tpya, to our occupations.
CH. XC VIII. a. fiv TroXAoe alvtoptvoc,, was much quoted and
praised by every one. irpofiaX. put forward, proposed as a candidate.
S. and L. D. On the use of the participle to complete the verbal
notion, with wiipaaQai, and the Ion. phrases, iroXXoc ion, iravToloc
t<m, e. g. Tfoiwv TI, which imply the notion of endeavouring, he used
all means to do it, or require the participle to complete the notion,
he does it in all sorts of icays, cf. Jelf, 690, 1, vii. 10, vi. 172.
b. fv noXiafia iroirjvaaBai. Observe the similar policy of Theseus
in Athens, Thucyd. ii. 15, of Gelo in Syracuse, Herod, vii. 156, a.,
and the advice of Bias and Thales to the lonians, i. 170.
c. TOVTO TrtptoreXAovrae, taking care of, paying attention to this.
Cf. ii. 147, iii. 30. B.
d. 'Ay/3arava This city continued to be the residence of the
Persian monarchs during the spring of the year ; (the three sum-
mer months were spent at Susa, the autumn and winter at Babylon.
H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 259 ;) it increased no less than the other two
capitals in wealth and opulence. The site of the city was where
Hamadan now stands, in Greater Media, Al Jebal, R. p. 272, and
near Mt Orontes, Mt Elwund. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 161, seqq. Cf.
Judith i. 2, and the extracts from Porter and Morier's Travels on
the remains of Ecbatana in H. /. /.
e. iv fk T<j> rtXtvrduf The 7 circles of walls or terraces one above
BOOK I. CLIO. 49
the other, marked with different colours, within the innermost of
which stood the king's palace, perhaps pointed to the 7 celestial
spheres, by which the sun was supposed to be encircled, as the
palace of Ecbatana by the city walls. Cf. Creuzer's Symbol, i. p.
469. B.
f. TO Si avruiv .... piyi9oe. It is collected from Thucyd. ii. 13,
that the circumference of Athens was 148 stadia, and from Dion.
Hal., that it was 168 stadia, whence Kriise infers that 160 stadia is
about the real number ; and Diodorus Sic. states the circumference
of Ecbatana to have been 150 stadia. B. On the comparison of
Ecbatana to Athens, see D. p. 41. That our author visited Ecb.
is evident : see D. p. 57.
CH. XCIX. a. tn yf\av .... alaxpov. Schw. explains *ai
Siram, etiam (vet) omnibus, even to all, to all without exception. On
the indignity of spitting, &c., cf. i. 133. B. " The government of
the Medes, cf. i. 134, a., was completely despotic ; the court of their
kings being guarded by a rigid system of etiquette, and distin-
guished by a taste for magnificence, which could only be gratified
by such a system. The description of the Persian court, which
was founded on that of the Medes, will illustrate this." H. Pers.
ch. i. p. 61, and cf. ch. ii. p. 221.
CH. C. a. ry rvpawiSt, in the tyranny (kindly power). Local
Dat. Jelf, 605, 1, nva irwQ., as often as he might hear of any one,
&C., whenever he might hear of any one, &c. On the opt. with tl,
used when the antecedent is regarded by the speaker as a mere
supposition, supposing that, and hence to express indefinite fre-
quency, cf. Jelf, 855, and cf. 843. tSueaiiv, he punished, cf. iii.
29.
b. tear/iff KOTTOI icai KartjKooi spies and listeners, (eves-droppers).
The first are called in i. 1 14, 6., the king's eyes, the second were the
I'iraKovarat, the king's ears. Both were a kind of secret police, or
spy-system. W. Cf. i. 114, b., and vii. 239, b.
CH. CI. a. avviarpfbi collected, combined into one. Cf. i. 98, b.,
iv. 136, also ix. 18, a. V.
b. Eovaai ic. T. X., by L. placed in Media, towards the S. shores
of the Caspian. The Paretaceni, a robber tribe, in the N. of Per-
sia and the Mts which divide that country from Media; H. Pers.
i. p. 157. By R. p. 303, 304, they are supposed the same with the
Parecanii in Gedrosia, Kedge or Makran. Cf. iii. 94, a. The Stru-
cliates, bounded on the W. by the Matieni, on the N. by the Sa-
pires, and on the E. by the Paretaceni. The Arizanti near the
fountains of the Choaspes ; the Budii, whose seat is not accurately
known, towards the W. of the Arizanti and Northward from the
Magi. L. These (the Magi) " were originally of Median descent,
and as to them was committed the conservation of the ordinances
of Zoroaster, they became the priest-caste of the Persians, and as
such possessed great influence in the government." H. Persians,
ch. ii. p. 247 251- The name Magi, Moyh, is derived by B. from
50 XOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Jfah, great, illustrious, or the head. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iii. Social
Hist, of Persia, p. 307, 313, and Prid. on the Zenda vesta, Conn,
pt. i. bk. iv.
CH. C1I. a. Ti\fvrrjffavTog AjY6a>, Dejoces, B. c. 709 756,
cf. i. 96, a., in which year Phraortes succeeded to the throne ; who,
after reigning 22 years, undertook the expedition against the As-
syrians, B. c. 635, and was cut off by them B. c. 634. Phraortes,
according to Hammer, the Truteno of the Zendavesta, and the
Feridun of the poem Schahnameh, being the s. of Dejoces, or
Dschemschid. B. The expedition of Phraortes took place in the
6th year of Josiah, kg of Judah. Cf. Prid. Conn. i. an. B. c. 635.
b. 'Affffvpiuv K. r. \. Hdtus under the name Assyrians includes
both them and the Chaldeans, or Babylonians, and Syrians, cf. vii.
63. \V. " In the idea of Herodotus, Assyria comprehended not only
Assyria Proper, of which Nineveh was the capital, but Syria and
Mesopotamia likewise. Assyria Proper is known in the Scriptures
by the name of Kir, to which the people of Damascus were carried
away captive : 2 Kings xvi. and Amos ix, 7. " Have I not brought
up the Assyrians from Kir ?" Isaiah xxii. 6, &c.; a name yet trace-
able in the country of Kurdistan, the tribe of Kourds, &c. R. pp.
262, 392. Cf. also i. 178, 185, 193, iii. 155, iv. 39, 87. On the
city Ninus, in the O. T. Nineveh, cf. i. 106, c. and Smith's C. D.
Ninus: and particularly the very interesting ch. iii. of E. Orient. H.
p. 234, seqq., where a summary is given with illustrations from the
sculptures now in the British Museum, of the recent excavations
of Botta and Layard at the traditional site of Nineveh, Konyunjk,
opposite Mosul, as well as at Kkorsabad and Nimroud, 18 miles
lower down the river. Cf. also ii. 150.
c. art airtan WTWV. Cf. i. 95, c., on the date of this revolt, iwvrwv
iv iJKOvrte, cf. i. 30, c.
CH. CIII. a. TTpwroc .... 'Afftij. Military discipline was known
before this period among the Hebrews ; but before David, and
even in his time, they seem only to have fought on foot. Each
tribe in the time of Moses composed a separate troop with their
own standard, but David seems to have been the first who ar-
ranged them into smaller divisions, and " set captains of thousands
and captains of hundreds over them." 2 Sam. xviii. 1. Horse-
men and chariots appear first introduced by Solomon, I Kings x.
26, contrary to the command of God. L.
b. on vii r. T. X. when the day became night. General rule. The
subject has the article, while the predicate is without it. On this
and the exceptions to it, cf. Jelf, 460. Cf. i. 74, a.
c. Tqv"A\voe dvia 'Affiqv the Asia to the E. of the Halys. Cf. i. 6, a.
d. tTrrjXdf "ZKvQ'twv K. r. X. On this expedition of the Scythians,
cf. i. 15, a. and i. 6, b. It happened about the 8th year of the
reign of Josiah. They kept possession of Upper Asia 28 years;
dating the commencement of their expedition, when they were
driven out of Europe by the Cimmerians, at B. c. 634, or rather
BOOK I. CLIO. 51
B.C. 633, as Phraortes the f. of Cyaxares was cut off in 634, and
at least a year must be allowed between his death and his son's
renewing the war, and being overwhelmed by the Scythian inroad ;
their final expulsion from Europe by Cyaxares, B. c. 605. During
this time they extended their conquests into Syria and to the
borders of Egypt ; where Psammetichus, kg of Egypt, met them
and persuaded them, by gifts, to proceed no further. Cf. i. 105. In
this expedition they seized upon Bethshan, a city in the tribe of
Manasseh, on this side Jordan, which they kept as long as they
remained in Asia, whence it was called Scythopolis. Prid. Conn.
1, i. i., R. p. Ill, and H. Scyth. ch. i. p. 6.
CH. CIV. a. *E<m Si . . . . otioe. From a comparison with i.
72, d., (the time necessary to travel from the coast of Cilicia to the
Euxine,) 30 days is too long, unless we suppose, not the part of the
Palus Maeotis nearest Colchis to be meant, but the further coast of
it, where the Cimmerians formerly dwelt. Schw. The calculation
here of 30 days for an active traveller from the P. Mseotis to the
Phasis supplies no decision to the question, (viz. of the difficulty
that attaches to the passage in i. 72,) from Hdtus' ignorance of
these parts. D. p. 73.
b. ZaoTTftpiQ. About the upper r. Cyrus, nearly in that part of
Georgia where Tiflis now stands. B. Cf. iii. 94, b.
c. dXXd TTIV KaQviripQe K.T.\. Cf. iv. 12, and vii. 20. This same
route along the W. shore of the Caspian, leaving Mt. Caucasus on
the rt, was afterwards taken by the Huns in their incursions into
Media and Persia; and in later times by Peter the Great of Russia.
The defiles between the Sea and the Mts are now called Derbend. B.
CH. CV. a. UaXaiffTtvg Svpc'y, cf. i. 72, a.
b. iv ' AaicdXwvi. One of the 5 cities of the Philistines ; between
Gaza and Azotus (Ashdod), near the sea. It is no where mentioned
how far the inroad of the Scythians affected Judea, except with
regard to Bethshan, cf. i. 103, d. ; we may suppose therefore that
they went along the coast and did not interfere much with the
Jews. Their passing by Ascalon would also favour the suppo-
sition that this was their route doivi wv, committing no injury, more
frequent in a passive sense, uninjured. Cf. iii. 114, 181, &c. B.
c. Ovpavitif 'A0pocirT>e first worshipped by the Assyrians, Pan-
sanias i. 14. This appears to agree with i. 131, cf. 199, iii. 8;
thence in Paphos, Palestine, and afterwards Cythera. The same
as the Derceto of the Syrians, worshipped under the image of a
woman with a fish's tail. The Astaroth (or Astarte) of the
Scriptures, under which title Lucian says the Moon or Queen of
Heaven was worshipped, called by Cicero the 4th Venus of Syria,
was probably also identical with Venus Urania. B. See 1 Sam. v. 2.
d. Oj)\etav vovaov. The six different opinions as to this disease
are fully discussed in L. The conclusion of B. is, 0j\. vovtr. pri-
maria et propria vi designat virilitatis jactwam, et virills natures
cummutativnem in muliebrem formam, morbo certo effectam. Prid.,
52 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
considering it to be the same as the affliction of emeroda, observes
that we thence learn that the Philistines yet preserved the memory
of what they once suffered on account of the ark of God, (1 Sam.
v. 6, 9, 12,) from which it seems they looked upon this disease as
a punishment for all sacrilegious impieties, and therefore assigned
it to the Scythians in their histories, on their charging them there
with this crime.
e. 'Evapeag probably a Scythian word. S. and L. D. Perhaps
as equivalent to avavcptng or avSpoywot, cf. iv. 6, from ivapa, spolia,
virilitate spoliati. Cf. Arist. Ethic, vii. 8. B.
CH. CVI. a. 'ETflft.lv wv 6 K ru, K.T.\. Cf. i. 103, d.
c. tilvov d\ov perhaps B. c. 606, but if the Scythians were not
expelled from Asia till B. c. 605, (cf. i. 103, d.,) better in B. c. 603,
with L., as some time must necessarily have intervened between
the Medes recovering their power, and their taking so great a city
as Nineveh. Prideaux dates it B. c. 612, " In the 29th year of
Josiah, which was the 23rd of Cyaxares, Nabopolassar, kg of
Babylon, having made affinity with Astyages, the eldest s. of
Cyaxares, by the marriage of Nebuchadnezzar his son with
Amyitis the d. of Astyages, entered into a league with him against
the Assyrians, and having joined their forces, they besieged
Nineveh ; having taken the place and slain Saracus the kg, (who
was either the successor of Chyniladanus or he himself under
another name,) they utterly destroyed that great and ancient city,
and from that time Babylon was the sole metropolis of the Assyrian
empire. According to Diodorus Sic., the circuit of Nineveh was
480 furlongs, which make 60 miles, and hence, in Jonah, it is said
to be a city of 3 days' journey, i. e. in compass, Jonah iii. 3, while
Babylon, according to Strabo, was 385 furlongs in circuit, i. e. 48
miles. Thus were fulfilled the prophecies of Jonah, Nahum, ii.
iii., and Zephaniah, ii. 13, against it." Cf. particularly E. Orient.
H., referred to in i. 102, b. Layard suggests that this vast city may
have extended all the way along the Tigris from Konyunjik to
Nimroud, and to a corresponding breadth N. E. of the river as far
as Khorsdbad. Smith's C. D. Ninus.
d. iv trepoiffi X6yoi<ri Srj\ii>ffw. As Hdtus no where fulfils this pro-
mise, W. and others conclude that he wrote other histories besides
the one before us, and especially one on the Assyrian history, cf.
i. 184, and perhaps another on Libyan history, cf. ii. 161 : these
are no where alluded to by other writers, except in a single passage
in Aristotle, where the reading is doubtful. The passage is quoted
and discussed in Dahlmann, p. 167. B. is of opinion that Ildtus
intended to add at some future period an episode on the taking of
Nineveh, and on other points of the Assyrian and Lydian history,
Avhich he afterwards either forgot, or was prevented by some cause
from doing. Cf. vii. 213, c., viii. 104, a. Read also particularly D.
p. 166, seqq., on the Assyrian history of Hdtus.
e. Kvaupt](; .... Ti\ivr<f. B. C. 594.
BOOK I. CLIO. 53
CH. CVII. a. viripQspivog consilivm communicans, disclosing it
to them, in order to ask their advice, cf. iii. 155, b. Observe that
both sacred and profane history equally point out that among
the eastern nations, matters even of the greatest importance were
decided on by the interpretation of dreams ; in the elucidation of
which, the Magi had the greatest authority. B. Cf. E. Orient. H.
ch. iii. Magi, p. 313, and H. Persians, vol. i. p. 248, seqq.
b. Ka^j8''<rj;e. It is on all hands agreed that the m. of Cyrus was
Mandana, d. of king Astyages, and his father Cambyses, a Per-
sian ; but whether this Cambyses was kg of Persia, subject to the
Medes, as Xenophon makes him, or only a private Persian noble-
man and one of the Achsemenidse, according to Hdtus, is not
agreed. And not in this particular only, but also in most others
concerning Cyrus, these historians differ. Prid. Conn. I. i. bk ii. 1.
Cf. on Cyrus, the revolution achieved by him, his conquests, ex-
peditions, &c., E. Orient. H. ch. iv. ; Political History of Persia,
p. 318, seqq. ; and the excellent remarks in H. Pers. vol. i. ch. ii.
p. 216, seqq., and on Cambyses, p. 222. Cf. also i. 125, a.
CH. CVIII. a. ravra Si) S>v QvKaaaofjLivoQ h<ec sibi cavens, stand-
ing therefore on his guard against this. avfiaa O!KT)"IOV, a man of his
house, relation ; cf. Harpagus' speech in the next ch., <n>yytvrig ianv
o 7raf. L. and B.
b. Traaa-xpTiffy, neglect. Cf. ii. 141, a., viii. 20, a. /*ij& tpe . . . .
7r^f7rlcri;c, and neither expose me to danger, nor, by choosing others, (as
masters instead of me, by preferring to serve others before me,} after-
wards cause your own destruction, or, in S. and L. D., be caught in
your own snare.
c. TO yt ifjLov, as far as concerns me. Cf. Jelf, 436, obs. 1 . Some-
times in tragedy, and occasionally in prose, ro/ta, TO i^bv. form a
periphrasis for tyw, when not only the person himself, but that
which belongs to him, is signified. So viii. 140, vptTtpuv, seemingly
for I'/wTf. So also TO oov.
CH. CIX. a. TTJV iirl davaTy. Schw. understands (rro\j}v or KOO-
ttt}uiv, and in iii. 1 19, v. 72, he understands Sifftv, and so Jelf, 583,
o2. B. renders ornatus (eo concilio) ut ad mortem duceretur, s. ut
(ornatus pro more, dein) viam ad mortem abduceretur, understanding
oSbv. Cf. i. 67, d. In S. and L. D. fyniav is supplied. Cf. vii.
223, rr\v ini 6. toSov irotivfttvot marching out to death.
CH. CX. a. lmTrict<aTa.Taq most fit for his purpose. Schw.
b. ~S.va.Ka. It is not known whether the Persian and Median lan-
guage were the same; they were certainly not so, according to H.
In Persian there is no name like this, of the same meaning; but
according to Lefevre, quoted by L., the Hyrcanians, a nation sub-
ject to the Persians, yet call a dog Spac, and among the Russians
a dog is Sabac. B.
c. ir/oof Sao-TTt/pwv towards the Saspires. Cf. i. 104, b.
d. at dtaxpnataOat, that he (Astyages) will kill you. Cf. also i. 24,
j pw, to kill himself.
54 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. CXII. a. "Apa Sk . . . . fXtyt .... *i awtfoiewt. Cf. Jelf,
752, 2. Subordinate (dependent) thoughts standing in a co-or-
dinate form as if independent. Cf. i. 36, vii. 217, and Thucyd. i.
120, ivQvfitirai yap tc.r.X., there quoted.
CH. CXIV. a. TOVTOV Sri iralda him, I mean, the son of the
herdsman, as they used to surname him.
b. 6<t>Qa\pbv fiaffiXijof. The Persian monarch received from those
who bore this title information on all matters in agitation through-
out his kingdom, the king's eyes being confidential officers through
whom he beheld his kingdom and subjects. Cf. Stanl. JEschyl.
Pers. 985: so the Chinese state-paper of 1834 called the British
Superintendent " the barbarian Eye." S. and L. D. By H. Pers.
ch. ii. p. 260, they are considered to be equivalent to our masters of
the ceremonies, or guards through whom alone access could be gained
to the monarch. Cf. Aristoph. Acharn. 91, seqq.
c. wf tKdffTy. Cf. i. 29, o. In the preceding line, r&v 51 KOV nvd
K. T. X., observe the force of the particle, and some one of them, I sup-
pose, or most likely to be the King's Eye. Hdtus relates what boys
playing at such a game would probably have done, not pretending
to have express authority for every particular circumstance he
details. Kow shows that the statement is of this nature. Stephens,
Grk Particles, p. 35. Cf. also i. 61, e.
CH. CXV. a. is 8 ?\a/3 TTJV Siicriv until at last he received the
punishment (he deserved). B. WJierefore, &c. \V. Cf. ii. 116, a.
CH. CXVI. a. t) viroKoiaiQ his delivery, action, manner. Cf.
Aristot. Rhet. iii. 1, 3.
b. avivu-)(Qtlq. Cf. i. 86, C.
c. TOV iovra Xoyov. Cf. i. 95, a.; and on Karipaivi K. T. X., cf. i. 90, d.
CH. CXVII. a. Xoyov Jjdt) Kai iXdaau tiroiiiro, sc. rov (3ovKO\ov,
concerned himself less about him ; either not considering him so much
to blame, or perhaps as too much beneath him to punish.
CH. CXIX. a. es Kov iytyovK, in id, quoddebuit cesserat ; B. had
turned out well. tiri rv\y<ji xpn ar y at i with a good omen ; i. e. he con-
sidered the invitation as an omen that all would go well. Cf. Viger.
Idiom, p. 620.
CH. CXX. a. irapd aftiKoa yap xwp? -fr wen some of
our oracles have turned out of no moment. Jelf, 637, iii. 3, f. Trc?d
efiucpa, nearly the same as tf aoQivtc in the following sentence. B.
rd rStv ovttpdrwv i-^o^tva, what belongs to dreams, all of the nature
of dreams, ovcipdruv, partitive gen. Cf. Jelf, 536. Cf. i. 193, ii.
77, iii. 25, v. 49, viii. 142, d. W.
b. rije aris apx?je TrpooTr. On the gen. cf. Jelf, 496, quoted in ii.
141, a. iVtpa roiaura alia talia, i. e. similia, et adverbii potestate,
similiter. B. Both we ourselves are of good courage, and tee exhort
you to a similar course, to be so too, like us. Cf. i. 191, 207, ii. 150,
iii. 47, 79. Wytten.
c. rove ynfanivovg, for yovilc. his parents. On adjectives, parti-
ciples, and pronominal adjectives, with the article, used as sub-
BOOK I. CLIO. 00
stantives, cf. Jelf, 436, a. So Thucyd. v. 32, 01 )/3iLvnc (for
CH. CXXI. a. o^iv oi> TeXeijv a vision which had no accomplish
ment, which imported nothing. Jsch. S. c. Theb. 832, quoted by B
<1 fiiXaiva (cat rt\ta 'Apa.
b. oil xrara Mtrpa^dnjv not after tJie fashion of Mithradates, very
different people from Mithradates. Jelf, 629, 3, e.
CH. CXXII. a. rjv re ..... rd iravra r\ Ki/i/w Ct/no was every-
thing in his story; he talked of nothing but Cyno. Jelf, 382, 1.
Cf. also iii. 157, vii. 156, a.
CH. CXXI 1 1. a. iiriTpi<j>6pivov growing up. Wyttenb. gives a
peculiar force to the preposition in this word, growing up for his
service, for the purpose of aiding his, Harpagus', revenge ; from the
preceding nfiwpiijv he understands rt^wpov after the participle ; ren-
dering it, sibi crescere et ali vindicem. Schw.
b. are rHiv odwv <j>v\affao[jLevwv. Ct. vii. 236, 6.
CH. CXXIV. a. ae yap tfeol iiropktaai -for over thee do the gods
watch, exercise guardianship, cf. i. 209, where Cyrus says fptv Qtoi
KTfSovrai. Cf. Isaiah xlv. 1, " to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right
hand I have holden," &c.
b. yevoptvot Trpoc vio being on your side. So elvai irpoc TIVOQ, to be
on any one's side. Jelf, 638, ii.
c. card ra^ce in haste. Cf. Jelf, 629, 3, e. Kara, Causal. Mode
and manner, as the model of the action according to after the
fashion of. Cf. i. 9, icar' r/erv^njv: ix. 21, Kara owTvyinv, casu. Cf.
i. 121, 6. there quoted.
CH. CXXV. a. orttp rpon-ip avaireiffct. Cf. Jelf, 811. oiriii
(for which ory rpoTry is used) and 015 with future indicative. Verbs
of caring, considering, troubling oneself about, endeavouring, effecting,
and inciting, or words which imply such notions, are followed by
O7r(uc, (oTriiiG /ii?,) and in Hdtus also by we or o>e ^q, with the fut.
ind. instead of the conjunctive. The sense of this future is nearly
allied to the conjunctive, and only diners therefrom in that it
definitely expresses the possible realization of the proposed end.
*7ro' <5i) ravra. All this is different from the account given by
Xenophon ; cf. i. 107, b. Previous to the revolt, it is to be observed
that Cyrus procured himself to be appointed generalissimo of all
the Persian tribes. This is described as having been effected by
craft, and the Persian conqueror is said to have accomplished his
purppse by a method similar to that adopted by Ginghis-Khan
among the Mongols, before he also began his conquering career.
The method pursued by both is decidedly characteristic of a rude
state of society, when men were to be wrought upon only by ap-
peals to their senses. As general of the armies of Persia, Cyrus
assumed the name or title by which he is constantly known and
designated in history, and which betokens the sun ; (so Khor in
Parsee signifies the sun) ; his original name having been Agradates.
It has been the invariable custom of princes of the East to changtL
56 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
the names of their birth for surnames or titles of honour, as
Ginghis-Khan from the time of his elevation to the throne received
the appellation of Temugin ; and such has continued to be the cus-
tom of Persia, down to the most recent time. H. Pers. ch. ii. p.
216. Cf. Cyrus, Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog.
b. a\it)v, = tKKXrjffiav, an assembly, gathering of the people, from
dX)c, crowded, thronged. S. and L. D. Cf. v. 29, 79, vii. 134. On
iTriXiyofitvoe, cf. i. 7$> 0.
c. tart dk Utpfftwv av^va yivsa. " As was invariably the case among
the great nomad races, the Persians were subdivided into several
hordes or tribes ; the number of these was 10 ; and they were dis-
tinguished from one another no less by their differences of rank
than by their modes of life. 3 of them were noble ; the Pasargadae,
the noblest of them all, the Maraphii, and the Maspii. 3 other
tribes devoted themselves to agriculture, the Panthialgei, the De-
rusii, and the Germanii ; while 4 others, the Dai, Mardi, Dropici,
and Sagartii, continued to retain their wandering and nomad habits,
but are occasionally mentioned, more especially the last, as contri-
buting hardy bands of cavalry to the Persian armies. Two prin-
cipal observations illustrative of the history of Persia naturally flow
from these facts, as recorded by Hdtus : 1st, We must discard the
idea that the Persian nation, even at the most flourishing epoch of
its history, was universally and equally civilized. A part of the
nation ruled the remainder, and this portion alone had attained a
certain degree of civilization by its acquaintance with the arts of
peace and of luxury. The other tribes continued in their original
barbarism, and partook but little, or not at all, in the improvement
of the race. Persian history, therefore, as it has come down to us,
is not so much the history of the whole nation as of certain tribes,
or possibly even of a single tribe, that of the Pasargadae. These
composed the court, and it appears that, almost without exception,
all that was distinguished among the Persians proceeded from them.
2ndly, The above particulars would at once lead us to conclude that
in a country so constituted, everything would depend on descent
and the distinctions of tribe. As the tribes were distinguished by
a greater or less degree of nobility, so there was a gradation also
in the different families of which each tribe was composed. The
noblest family of the most noble tribe was that of the Achaemenidse,
from which exclusively the kings of Persia were always taken. The
same distinction of more or less noble tribes has at all times pre-
vailed among most of the nomad nations of Central and Southern
Asia, the Arabs and Mongols, and probably had its origin in the
military pride of the more warlike, to which the rest were reduced
to pay homage." H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 214, seqq.
a. dprearou Ion. for ijpryvTai or riprtipivot ilai, perf. pass, from
dprdu, on whom the rest of the Persians depend, i. e. whom they
acknowledge as their chiefs. S. and L. D. Cf. iii. 19, vi. 109, v.
31, ix. 6.
BOOK I. CLIO. 57
e. ITa<rapya<5i. The name of this tribe is probably traceable in
Fasa, the name of a town and district of some consideration, in
Persia Proper, at this day : R. p. 285. So also Lassen. Cf. par-
ticularly E. Orient. H. p. 291, seqq., where Pasargadce (the town)
seems to be identified with the plain of Mourghab, famed for the
supposed tomb of Cyrus. Of the other tribes of the Persians, the
Germanii were probably the people of the modern Kerman, who
continue to give some attention to agriculture, and the Mardi (cf.
i. 84, a.) occupied the Mts to the S. of the Caspian, and the Dai
the sandy plains to the E. of that Sea. H. Pers. p. 214.
CH. CXXVI. a. Trpoe Se divy ic. r. X. and, in addition, with wine
and icitli victuals the most proper possible. Cf. on irpdf, Jelf, 640,
(quoted in iii. 74, a.) olvtf, Instrumental Dat., Jelf, 607. On <ag
tTTiTtjl., Jelf, 870, obs. 4, (quoted in vi. 44, a.,) and obs. 5, anb
Stiirvov, after supper, cf. vi. 129, b. ot Sk tfyatrav . ... TO ptaov. Cf.
ix. 82, a.
b. Traptyujui/ou he opened or disclosed: cf. viii. 19, and ix. 44, b.
Schw. ipio TrdQtaQai. Cf. Jelf, Causal Gen., 487, 4.
c. raSi x"P a G dytaOai to take these matters into my hands, i. e.
to undertake them. Cf. iv. 79, vii. 8. B.
d. w &v k-xpvTiav StSt as then matters stand so. Cf. viii. 144, e.
and Soph. Aj. 915. W.
CH. CXXVII. a. ?i(3ov\TiffiTaicf. Jelf, 886, 2. Indie, in
Oratio obliqua. TOV Xoyou ^trka-^ov, cf. i. 21, b.
CH. CXXVIII. a. avioKuXo-maf. he impaled. Cf. Smith's D.
of A. Crux.
CH. CXXIX. a. KOI STJ icai cf. i. 30, a. ' eutvrov iroittrai TO Ku-
pou tpyov if he claims the achievement of Cyrus as his own. avrbe
ypa'i//ai, cf. Jelf, 672, 2, Nom. with the Infinitive.
b. Ttf Xoy^ re vera, in reality. Schw. Cf. v. 84, a.
c. d ydp Sij Stov . . . . fj Iltpfflwi/. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 556, 2,
with il yap Si] supply aXX^ TrtpdOrjKt TO Kpdroc, and render Ssov
quia oportnisset. So it irapibv avr<i> j3aai\ea ytvioQai . ... if whilst
it teas in his power to become king. Jelf, 700, 2, Accus. Absolute,
quoted in iii. 91, a.
CH. CXXX. a. iir ma TOitjKovra Kai (KOTOV Sviav Sfovra K. r. X.
A difficulty here occurs ; for, computing the reign of each monarch
and subtracting the 28 years of the Scythian power, comparing
the result with the duration assigned in the text to the empire,
viz. of 128 years, a difference of 6 years is observable. Thus, from
i. 102, 106, 130, we find Dejoces reigned 53 yrs, Phraortes 22,
Cyaxares 40, Astyages 35, in all 150. Now, if from the sum total
150, we take 28, the time of the Scythians' power, there remains
122, and therefore 6 years too little. Either therefore we must
suppose that some copyist has dropped out 6 years from one of the
reigns, or with W. and Volney, that in assigning 128 years as the
length of the Median empire, he is dating it from the time of their
58 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
first revolting, and that they had a popular form of government for
6 years before Dejoces was king. Schw.
b. KOI a.Tctari\aav .... viKqQivTic. This revolt of the Medes took
place under Darius Nothus, by whom they were again subdued, B.
c. 408, in the 24th year of the Bell. Pelop. Cf. Xenoph. Hell. i.
2, fin. This event is considered by B. as the latest mentioned in
Hdtus, who living to the age of 80, must have, according to his
theory, inserted it among the additions and corrections made after
the bulk of the work was finished. The contrary, viz. that Hdtus'
work was written entire at an advanced age, is maintained with
success by D. Cf. i. a. Allusions to other events after the siege
of Sestos, B. c. 478, with which Hdtus' history closes, occur in ii.
156, iii. 15, c., iii. 160, c., v. 22, vi. 98, &., vii. 7, a., 106, 1 14, *., 137,
151, 170, e., 233, b., viii. 3, c., ix. 35, e.f., 64, 72, 105, b. Whether
the revolt of the Medes here spoken of be the latest event alluded
to by Hdtus, see iii. 15, c.
CH. CXXXI. a. ayaXpara fifv ISpvurQai. Cf. viii. 109.
From the adoration among the Persians of the element of fire, the
principal object of their worship, the symbol of the primal fire or
creative energy of the Godhead, from whence emanated Ormuzd
himself, the author of all good, and of the Sun, the second great
national deity of the Persians, whose whole mythology might be
said to turn upon the ideas of light and the sun, their established
symbols of wisdom and goodness and excellence, (H. Pers. ch. i.
p. 131,) naturally followed their disregard of temples, images, &c.
Creuzer, Symbol, i. p. 651, quoted by B., observes, that the relics of
temples which may be discovered at the present day are not at all
to be considered as contradictory to the testimony of Hdtus ; as he
is here speaking of the earlier and purer state of the Persian reli-
gion, before any of the superstitions of other nations had been in-
grafted on to it. See more in vii. 54, a., and vii. 40, b. L. adds that
the more ancient nations generally were not worshippers of images;
according to Lucian, not the Egyptians ; nor, according to Euse-
bius, the Gks, till the time of Cecrops ; and Plutarch says that
Numa forbad the Romans to represent the Deity under the form
of a man or animal, and that for 170 years there was in their tem-
ples neither a statue or painting of the Deity. See on the Persian
religion, H. Pers. ch. i. p. 130, and ch. ii. p. 243, seqq. Gibbon, i.
ch. 8, p. 318329.
b. dvdpuTToQv'eae of the same nature as men. Schw. of tlie same
form as men. B.
c. vofii^ovai K. r. X. vo/iiv here i. q. tv vo^y iroulaOai, to be ac-
customed, or tcont. B. Cf. i. 133, ii. 64, iii. 100, iv. 191, vii. 120, a.
By Jelf, 588, 1, (quoted in ii.50, c.,) Ad is taken as the Transmis-
si've Dot. after vopl^ovat, in the sense of they pay customary honour
to Zeus.
d. Mirpav. This name is said to be derived from the old Persian
BOOK I. CLIO. 59
word mihr, or mihir, lore see Hyde, c. iv. p. 107. B., from Creu-
zer's Symbol, i. p. 729, says, " under the various names given to
the goddess by the different Asiatic nations, see i. 105, c. ; they all
agreed in adoring the one great feminine principle that pervades
the universe, whether derived from the moon, the earth, or from
nature herself."
CH. CXXXII. a. Oioyovirjv. Not such a Theogony as that
mentioned in ii. 53, but rather a narration concerning the origin of
their gods ; which, though not the same as what the Gks assigned
to their deities, viz. a human descent, was yet derived from various
sources, as is manifest from the (Eons and Emanations, which the
Gnostics derived from the Chaldseans, and hence may fairly be
called a Theogony, without contradicting what was said in the
preceding ch. concerning the gods not being of the same nature
as man. W. Cf. i. 131, a. ; and on the Ferooher (archetypes, ideal
essences, or spirits of all created things) which collectively com-
posed the pure creation of Ormuzd, H. Pers. ch. i. p. 132.
b. o, ri (jiiv Xoyoc aipiii in what way, according as, the reason (of
the thing) persuades him, according as he thinks jit. Cf. iii. 45,,
iv. 127.
CH. CXXXIII. a. rj^v Si K. r, X. Cf. ix. 110, on the king's
birth- day, when, as on other solemn occasions, such as the begin-
ning of the new year, presents of the most valuable productions of
each country were made to the monarch : see the description of
the festival Norooz, extracted from Morier, i. p. 207, in H. Pers. ch.
i. p. 106, seqq.
b. oi (vSaipoviQ the wealthy; so in v. 8, B., and in i. 196, and
in Latin beatus: Plautus, Paenul. v. 88, "Bonam quam beatam me
esse nimis dici mavolo."
c. TO. \tirrd TUV irpof3a.Tuv the smaller beasts, such as sheep, goats,
&C. TrpOjSara, for cattle, i. 207, &C. Cf. ix. 93, a. iirifoprinuei, what
is brought to table after the meal, sweetmeats, or dessert. OVK a\iot,
not crowded together, not all at once, i. e. a little at a time, cf. i. 196,
and iv. 184. B.
d. oivy Si K. T. \. Cf. i. 71, b. <m-yapx<>c, the master of the house.
CH. CXXXIV. a. r&v f.\ofikvtav, those who are nearest. Cf. iv.
169; v. 49 ; vi. 8. Kara rov avrov Xoyov icai K.T.\. On the same
principle as, &c., cf. Jelf, 629, 3, a., and v. 8, c. In the last sen-
tence of this ch., TO lOvoc, the Persians ; i. e. nearly in the same
manner as the Medes, so the Persian nation extended its empire and
its prefectures far and icide. Schw. and B. Cf. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 60,
seqq., who seems rather to refer TO tOvoq to the Medes. " We learn,
from other passages, that the government of the Medes, like that
of other kingdoms, was one of satrapies, each foreign satrapy being
intrusted to a Mede; and the system being probably nothing more
than a classification of the different nations, each satrap receiving
the tribute collected by his more remote neighbour, which was
passed from one to the other, till it was handed over to the king's
60 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
treasury, by the satrap stationed nearest Media, properly so
called," &c.
CH. CXXXV. a. Ketvtica Sk tc. T. \. " The rude victors very soon
adopted much of the manners, modes of life, and even the religion
of the vanquished ; as was the case, also, with other nations re-
sembling them in circumstances, and the degree of civilization they
had attained. In the arts of luxury and effeminacy, the Persians
became the pupils of the Medes, the Babylonians, and Lydians ;
just as the Mongols, who overthrew the Chinese empire, adopted
their manners. Nomad tribes are peculiarly prone to adopt such
changes, owing to their unsettled mode of life, and because the
desire of sensual gratifications is the only motive which spurs
them to conquest. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 220.
b. KovmSiat; yvvrnKaf, tcedded wires, opposed to TraXXacai, con-
cubines ; as in Y. 18, vi, 133. B. Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 257.
CH. CXXXVL a. 'AvSpafa9i>j Sk -n-alSae. Cf. Psalm
cxxvii. 5, " Blessed is the man," &c. The idea was encouraged
among the Persians by the laws of Zoroaster for the furtherance
of marriage, and his praises of fruitfulness in women. H. Pers. ch.
il. p. 247. of av diroc'sZy, (sc. TOVTOV) og av K. T. X. Cf. Jelf, 817
7, Omission of the Demonstrative before the Relative, Cf. also on
the conjunctive (cnrodiKy), 829, 1. If av is joined to the relative
and the conjunctive, it generally belongs to the relative and not to
the verb, and gives an indefiniteness to it, by annexing the notion,
" be he who he may ," and in consequence of this indefiniteness, the
conjunctive is used where in English the indie, stands : be noui,
he who does it ; oj iroiy, he who may do it ; OQ av woty, whosoever may do
it, or does it.
b. TO TroXXov, cf. Jelf, 436, y, ellipse of the substantive of which
the adj. is the attributive, as here, in abstract notions. So TO KaXov,
the beautiful. Cf. vi. 14, a., 113, a., vii. 157, b., there quoted.
ftixP 1 tiKoaaiTo^. Xenophon fixes the termination of the Persian
education at 17, Cyrop. i. 2, 4, &c. With regard to the 3 points
of education, Xenophon and others agree with Hdtus ; but at the
present day the Persians are much changed in the 3rd respect. B.
Cf. also iii. 72, the speech of Darius, vpiv yevnrai. Cf. Jelf,
842, 4. ITpiv is used with the conjunctive of something future
and only after negative clauses and principal tenses. In the last
sentence danjv i. q. aij&'av, affliction, grief. B.
CH. CXXXV II. a. airotc. dXX' oKoaa fjSri Totavra iyivtro, SC.
rkicva, supplied from the general notion of the sentence. Jelf,
893, e., Brachylogy.
CH. CXXXVIII. a. \iirpqv ft \IVKT\V scaly leprosy, or white
leprosy. S. and L. D.
b. Xcuxdc irtpiffTipac., white (i. e. leprous) doves, not naturally white ;
for, according to Hammer, Vienna Review, ix. p. 17, the Persians
held this colour, when natural, in great respect, as the type of
innocence. B.
BOOK I. CLIO. 61
CH. CXXXIX. a. TiXtvTuxri vavra .... 5%<a. Denied by
Scaliger, Hyde, and Gataker, but defended by B., on the authority
of Creuzer and Schlegel, on the ground that it refers only to the
nom. case of the masculine proper names, and those also of the
ancient Persian language, of which hardly any thing is known.
CH. CXL. a. irplv av inr' opviQot; K. r. X. It is certain from his-
tory, that the Median priest-caste, the Magi, became established
among the Persians as early as the foundation of their monarchy
by Cyrus and that the first consequence of their appointment
was the introduction of a certain religious ceremonial in the court
of Persia. It by no means, however, follows from this that the
Persians at once laid aside the manners and customs of their fore-
fathers, and as it were became suddenly converted into Medes, but
rather that a mixture and union of their ancient and newly-adopted
opinions and customs took place. The laws of the Persians were
cited with those of the Medes, their national deities were still re-
verenced as before, and in his time Herodotus (as in the passage
in the text) remarked certain diversities observable in the cere-
monies of the Persians, as compared with those of the Magians.
H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 249, and cf. p. 221. On irpiv av with the infin-
itive, cf. Jelf, (Oratio Obliqua,) 889, c., and 885, 3.
b. KaTaKr)pu<rai>Tff K. T. X. Cf. on this custom Cicero Tusc. Quaest.
i. 43. B. An instance of the preservation of a body thus en-
closed is quoted by L. from the Annual Regist. of 1774, that the
body of Edward I., which was covered with wax A. D. 1307, was
found perfect by the Society of Antiquaries in 1774.
c. KTilvovrig ..... irtTttva. This practice arose from their belief
in the doctrine of a good and an evil principle, the sources of all
good and ill, which is the foundation-stone of the whole structure
both of the religious and political philosophy of Zoroaster, and
the existence of a kingdom of light and a kingdom of darkness ;
in the former of which reigns Ormuzd, the author and giver of all
good ; in the latter, Ahriman, the source of all evil, moral as well
as physical. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 244. These kingdoms are eternally
opposed to each other, and hence the followers of the good Princi-
ple were bound to destroy all that proceeded from the evil ; such
as noxious creatures, serpents, scorpions, and the like. The dog, the
friend of man, it will be observed, belonged to the good Principle.
d. fxrw, WQ icai apxv" tvouioQr) let it rest, as it was at first estab-
lished. By this phrase, Hdtus means that he is unable to suggest
any satisfactory reason for a custom, which marks so decided a. dif-
ference between the Magi and the priests of Egypt ; and that there-
fore he has merely stated that such a custom exists, and so let the
matter rest without further discussion. B.
CH. CXLI. a. The history is now resumed from i. 92. Xoyov,
an apologue, a fable. Thus ^Esop, XoyoTrotoj, a writer of fab/et, in
ii. 134. B.
b. iravtffOi pot 6px- Cf. Jelf, 598, quoted in vi. 86, b. ipio
62 NOTES ON HEUODOTUS.
K. r. X. Qui sacras literas curant, recordabuntur Serva-
toris verba, apud Matth. xi. 17. Sch\v.
c. opyy i^ofitvof. Cf. i. 88, a.
CH. CXLII. a. TOV ovpavov ry icaXXiVry. Cf. Jelf, 442, a. b.,
quoted in i. 183, a. Tpoirovt; Ttvatpac irapaywyiwv, four kinds of de-
fections, varieties of language, i. e. four different dialects of the Ionic.
So also the other dialects in Greece were subdivided, varying in
the different states where each was spoken.
b. M/Xi/rof. The founder of Miletus is said to have been Neleus,
s. of Codrus ; and as, besides it, he founded two other cities, it may
be concluded, as their dialect was the same, that these were Myus
and Priene ; hence the inhabitants of Myus, when their city was
devastated by an inundation, betook themselves to Miletus and
formed one state with them. B. On Neleus, cf. ix. 97. On the
Ionian colonies, from the Oxford Tables, p. 6 : " The lonians,
(headed by Neleus and other sons of Codrus,) joined by some
Thebans, (a colony of these afterwards came to Priene,) Phocians,
Abantes, and other Greeks, founded 12 cities on the southern coast
of Lydia and the northern of Caria, B. c. 1044. The most remark-
able of these were Phocsea and Ephesus." On the remaining states
B. quotes Raoul Rochette as follows : " That Ephesus and Colo-
phon both existed before the coming of the lonians, who turned
out their inhabitants to make way for themselves ; that Lebedus
was in the same way at first in the hands of the Carians ; that
Teos was first founded by the ./Eolians, and then received those
Minyae of Orchomenos who accompanied the Ionian colonists, cf.
i. 146 ; that Clazomenee and Phoccea were both built at a later
period, the first by colonists from Colophon, the second by Athe-
nians in company with Phocians, whence probably its name was
taken. On the 3 remaining states nothing appears certain." On
the Ionian states and their colonies, as well as the Dorian, &c.,
read H. P. A. Survey of the Gk Colonies, &c., 7681. Twelve
of these towns, says H., the most celebrated of which were Phocsea,
Ephesus, and Smyrna, formed, for the space of about 90 miles, an
almost uninterrupted series of various establishments and edifices,
and presented to the stranger, as he arrived by sea, an imposing
spectacle of civilization and splendour, &c. Cf. also vi. 6, a., and
H. Pers. ch. i. The Peninsula of Asia Minor, p. 107, seqq., the
whole of which sect, is deserving of the Oxford reader's attention.
c. "ETI SI Tptlc. viroX. XTot piv vvv Kai 'Epi/9. povvot. But besides
those which I have mentioned, there are three Ionian cities, two of
which are situated on the islands Samos and Chios, but Erythra, the
third, is situated on the continent. Now, vvv, the Chians and Ery-
ilirteans use the same dialect, but the Samians have one peculiar to them-
selves. Stephens, Gk Particles, p. 111. On the force of the particle,
cf. v. 119, b. On ITT iwvTiov, by themselves, cf. Jelf, 633, 3, e.
CH. CXLIII. a. ffaav iv ffxtTry TOV tyofiov, were shelteredor screen*
ed from fear: cf. Jelf, 531, Separative Gen. Cf. vii. 172.
BOOK I. CLIO. G3
b. ore (iff, except, besides. Cf. i. 18, b. icai Jpov tfyvoavro K. r. X.
Cf. i. 143, a.
CH. CXLIV. a. Karan-fp K. r. X. The six Dorian colonies here
enumerated were the only settlements of that nation in these
countries ; others were formed from Rhodes, and others claimed
their descent directly from Lacedaemon. B. Cf. H. P. A. 79,
seqq., and Mull. Dor. i. p. 118, seqq. H. Pe:s. ch. i. p. 70, observes
that the Doric colonies, of which Halicarnassus was the most con-
siderable, did not come up to those of Ionia in the fertility of their
soil, or extent of their commerce ; they were, however, treated by
the Persians on the same footing with the others.
b. Tpwu-iov 'ATroXXwvoc Triopium in Caria. C. Krin. Apollo
and Diana, it will be remembered, were the peculiar deities of the
Dorian race. Cf. i. 69, c.
c. TpiTroSaQ. Cf. i. 92, b.
d. iZ,tK\i)iaav 'AXirapvjjffov. Halicarnassus afterwards became
subject to and the residence of the sovereigns of Caria, cf. vii. 99,
a., and was peopled with Leleges by Mausolus. Cf. H. P. A. 79; cf.
also i. a.
CH. CXLV. a. on teal oTf lv K. T. X. Ton, s. of Xuthus kg of
Athens, from whom the Athenians were called lonians, was said to
have led a colony to .ffigialus, cf. vii. 94, a., on the coast between Elis
and Sicyon,then subject to Selinuntus, kg of Sicyon, whose d.Helice
he married. Thence they were afterwards driven by the Acheeans,
and betook themselves to Attica, whence, with the sons of Codrus,
they again migrated to Asia, and there built their 12 cities. B. Cf.
i. 142, 6., H. P. A. 185, and Smith's C. D., Ionia.
CH. CXLV I. a. 'nrti iig . . . . /jwp(>j jroXXj) Xtytiv. This observ-
ation was perhaps directed, cf. D. p. 86, against the pride of He-
catseus of Miletus and others who boasted of the purity of their
Ionian descent ; whence follows the enumeration of the other
tribes who took part in colonizing the Jonian states. B. On these
other tribes cf. H. P. A. 77.
6. <t>(uicffc diroca.ffp.ioi Phocians separated (from the remainder of
their countri/men). These Phocians from Greece must not be con-
founded with the Phoceeans of Asia Minor, in i. 142 and 163.
Pausanias, vii. 2, explains airocuaftiot by saying that all the Phocians
took part in these colonies, except those of Delphi. Cf. ii. 103, and
Thucyd. i. 12, B., and on the migration here referred to, v. 57, o.
c. airb rov irpvTavT)iov K. r. X. This refers to the custom of Gk
colonists taking fire from the Prytaneum of the parent city, when
they set forth on their journey. The practice, cf. H. P. A. 74,
was one of those by which the perpetuity of the kindred duties
between the parent city and the colony was symbolically set forth.
Of the same nature was the establishment in the colony of the
worship of the same deities, associating with them the founder as
a hero, the participation in the chief festivals of the parent state,
adopting the same emblems on the coinage, and treating the Am-
64 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
bassadors of the mother city with various marks of respect at
festivals, sacrifices, &c. Cf. also Colmia, Smith's D. of A.
d. t>ofti. yirvaioTarot tlvai. Cf. Jelf, 672, Nom.icith the Infinitive.
When the same person is both the subject and object of a verb
declarandi or sentiendi, governing an accus., the object is not, as in
Latin, expressed by the personal pronoun, but altogether omitted,
so that the nominative stands with the inf., as OVK fyti aurb^ Xsytiv
= avrbf OVK t<f>ri iavrbv Xiyftv.
e. ovvonan. Cf. Jelf, 603, Modal Dat. 2. The mode or manner,
or wherein any thing takes place, is in the dative, j/v yivopiva, cf.
viii. 136, a.
CH. CXLVII. a. PXavKov The Glaucus of Homer, II. ii. 875,
vi. 206, prince of the Lycians in the Trojan War.
b. 'A.irarovpta One of the most ancient festivals of Attica, whose
origin B. refers to the year 1190, B.C., and consequently long
before the migration of the lonians into Asia. It was held, he
considers, in honour of Bacchus, or rather of Dionysus Melanegis,
who, according to the legend, deceived Xanthius, from which word
aitarav, some wrongly derive the name. It was at this festival
the children were admitted into the phratriae, cf. H. P. A. 1 10,
and the young men into the list of citizens. It was the great
political and religious festival of " the union of the Traroptq, or
members of the irdrpai." The etymology of the word is discussed
in Miiller, Dor. i. p. 95. The most natural transition appears to
be irarrip, (in composition irarup,) iraTopiog, (whence iraTouptos,
a-rraTovpia,) irdrpa ; hence ' Airarovpta, a festival of tlie paternal unions,
of the Traropiat, of the irdrpai : the festival at which all the Patrae
connected by marriage met, and took part in the same rites and
sacrifices, and thus formed a certain political division, called a
Phratria, from Qparrjp, i. q. frater. See also the excellent note on
the Apaturia in Sheppard's Theophrastus, p. 88. The real etymology
is from varfip and a copulative, like the Sanscrit sa, which comes
from the same root as a/*.
c. bprfiv, accusat. cognate to a notion implied in the rerb. Jelf, 548,
d. Kara ffKijQiv, on or for the pretence. Cf. Jelf, 629, 3, c. Kara,
Causal : the object at which any one looks and frames any action
or motion. Cf. ii. 152, b.
CH. CXLVIII. a. lap. noeuckaiw 'EXiKuviip set apart for, or in
honour of Heliconian Poseidon. The dat. commodi. Cf. Jelf, 598,
quoted in vi. 86, b. The name Heliconian was from Helice of
Acliaia, in which the lonians had built a temple while in that
country, cf. i. 145, a. : hence at their migration they carried with
them his worship, and built the temple here referred to, preserving
the ancient appellation. L. observes, on the authority of Eusta-
thius, that the Eolians formed their possessives from the gen. case
plur., thus 'EXiKuvioc from 'EXiKwv, gen. of 'EXtrai. The temple
stood in the territory of Priene, whose inhabitants presided at the
sacrifice. Thucyd. iii. 104, speaks of the festival of TO. Eftvia
BOOK I. CLIO. 65
among the lonians, which if it was the same as is here called the
Tlavnitvia, would appear (cf. H. 77, n. 18) to have been transferred
to Ephesus at a later period. Cf. further on the Festival, the
references given in i. 18, b.
b. Softy, transmissive dat. with verbs of going towards, meeting,
approaching, &C. Jelf, 592. Kara-Kip rStv Htpcswv K. T. \. Cf.
i. 139, a.
CH. CXLIX. a. Kv/ui;, j Qpiicwvlc Ka\iopivr). On the $]olic
colonies, from the Oxford Tables, " B. c. 1124, JEolic migrations
successively headed by Penthilus, a s. of Orestes, Archelaus his
grandson, and Grais his great grandson, who occupy the coasts of
Mysia and Caria, the islands of Lesbos, Tenedos, and the Heca-
tonnesi, cf. i. 151. On the mainland they erected 12 cities, the
most distinguished of which were Cyme and Smyrna. Their chief
settlements however were in Lesbos. All their towns were inde-
pendent, and possessed peculiar forms of government." Cf. Smith's
C. D., jEolis. H., P. A. 76, observes that, besides these, many
others were subsequently founded from Lesbos and Cyme, extend-
ing along the Troad to Abydos, cf. i. 151, and Thucyd. iv. 52, and
along the opposite Thracian coast ; such as Sestos, Hdtus ix. 115,
and (Enos, Thucyd. vii. 57. Magnesia on the Meeander was also
considered an ^olic settlement, but on the other hand, Smyrna,
one of the 12, early passed into the hands of the lonians. Pol.
Ant. 76. He also adds, (n. 11,) on the authority of Strabo, that
Cyme was named 4>pca>vi'f, from Mt Phricion in Locris, the former
dwelling-place of these chiefs, who derived their origin from Aga-
memnon. On the idea, apparently unfounded, that the 12 cities
composed a league, Panaolium, similar to that of the lonians,
holding their federal festivals at the temple of Apollo Grynaeus,
see n. 12 of the same . wp. Se ijicovaav OVK ou., but not equally
well off for seasons. Gen. of position. Cf. Jelf, 528, quoted in
i. 30, c.
CH. CL. a. 2[jLvpvT)v, originally called Ephesus, according to
H. P. A. 76, n. 18 ; referring to Strabo, who is quoted by L., to
the effect that the name Smyrna belonged at first to a division of
Ephesus, whose inhabitants founded the city here alluded to, and
gave it the name of that part of Ephesus which they had at first
occupied ; but the ./Eolians subsequently obtained possession of
the city, which they were again forced to leave, owing to the attack
of the Smyrnaeans and Colophonians, with whom the ejected in-
habitants had taken refuge. This account, which makes Smyrna
to be primarily an Ionian colony from Ephesus, differs from that
of Hdtus, who considers it ^Eolian at first, but, taken from them
by the Colophonians, an Ionian settlement. Either account will
equally explain the allusion in i. 16.
b. TCL tTrnrXa. Cf. i. 94, g.
CH. CLI. a, TUV iv T$ "Idy oiKitpivuiv. Such were Antander, and
those cities thereabouts which Thucyd. speaks of as at 'AKTO.UU
66 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
also Gargara, Assus, and others, in number 30, as h.
conjectures: cf. Xenoph. Hell. III. i. 16. H. P. A. 76, n. 14.
From v. 94, it appears also that the JEolians had the whole of the
Troad, which they laid claim to from its having been conquered
by Agamemnon, and to which the Athenians, as having also shared
in the Trojan expedition, asserted an equal right. Sigaeum is there
mentioned as having been taken from the Mitylenseans by Pisis-
tratus. Cf. Thirl w. ii. p. 62, and v. 65, 6., 91, 94.
b. irsvrt piv iroX. K. r. \. Lesbos reckoned 5 cities, Mitylene, An-
tissa, Pyrrha, Eresus, and Methymna, all of which Mitylene appears
subsequently to have united under its government. Cf. Thucyd. iii.
"2. H. P. A. 76, n. 9. rffv ydp fKTTiv (TTO\IV) iovrag bfia'tfiov^.
Adjective and participle not agreeing either in gender or number
with the substantive of which they are the immediate attributives;
by the construct (card avvtatv. Jelf, 379, a.
c. 'Exarbv viiaoiffi, now Mosko-nisi, in number about 40, in the
strait between Lesbos and the mainland. iroXiai, dat. trarvmutirt ;
with verbs, &c. of pleasing. Cf. ix. 79 ; vi. 129. Jelf, 594, 4.
CH. CLIII. a. Koaoi nXijGog, how many in number. Cf. Jelf,
579, 4, Adverbial Accus. fXXterxa, i. e. TO. iv Xitrxy yivoptva, their
subject of conversation. Xea\n, conversation, ii. 32; ix. 71. cnrep-
pn//t, cf. iv. 142, a. M'ith regard to the narrative that follows, ch.
1 53 161, in which Hdtus relates, in his simple style, the story of
the Lydian Pactyas, who made the unsuccessful attempt to deliver
his country from the dominion of Cyrus, cf. D.'s remarks, p. 88,
on the improbability that our author had before him, or made use
of, the works of Charon of Lampsacus " a popular and credulous
writer contemporary with and perhaps rather earlier than Hdtus."
Cf. also vi. 37, b., and M tiller's Lit. of Anc. Greece, ch. xviii. p. 263.
b. iirtTptyac ..... Hipay. Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. pp. 226 and 269,
on the careful separation made between the civil and military
powers in the Persian system of government by satraps, the
foundation of which beneficial arrangement was laid at the very
commencement of the empire, by the appointment of receivers of
the royal treasury, together with that of commanders of the forces.
c. KOfii&iv, transferre, deferre, in regios scilicet Thesauros. B.
d. rrjv Trpwrtjv, at fast, for the present, wpav or oSov being usually
supplied. S. and L. D. The verb Hvai put absolutely, as in IKWV
tlvcu for iicwv. Matth. Gr. Gr. 546. This is considered erroneous
by Jelf, 679, 2, who says, tlvai is here the predicate of "lwva$, and
the construction is correct without it. Cf. vii. 143.
e. 'S.uxcii. Cf. iii. 93, d., vii. 64, a.
f. iir ovc, against whom. Cf. Jelf, 635, 3, b. ttfil-^t. Cf. i. 80, d.
CH. CLV. a. tear bSov, on his road. Cf. Jelf, 629, I. b. 0povr'w
ftij dpivTov y, it is a matter of anxious consideration to me whether it
would not be best, &c. On 0povric, anxious consideration, cf. Xen.
Anab. ii. 3, 25. iaatf ol "EXAjvtc i<ppovTiZ.ov ; and on fiij, whether,
cf. Jelf, 814. we ii TIG K.T. X. Taken perhaps from Stasinus,
BOOK I. CLIO. 67
Nijirioc og Traripa KTiivdg iraica^ Kara\iiirn a proverbial saving in
Greece. Cf. Aristot. Rhet. i. 15, 14. B.
6. tyti ipy Kft. dvafi. <f>ipt I now bear the consequences, or take the
responsibility on my own head (lit. wipe off, like a stain, on my
own head. S. and L. D.). This, imitated, as B. thinks, from
Homer, Odyss. xix. 92, 8 ay Ki$a\y dva/ia&tf, perhaps refers to
wiping the knife on the head of the victim, after killing it ; which
constituted part of the ftaa^aXi^uv. Cf. the Schol. on Soph. Elec-
tra, 445. A little above Qaivopai irtirottjicsvai, I seem or appear to have
done. Cf. Jelf, 684, obs. 2, c.
c. civapnap. T<av Kai TWV vvv iartiiiruv. Privative Gen. Cf. Jelf,
529, 1. r$ <ri) K.T.\. From i. 153, we learn that it was not
Pactyas, but Tabalus, who was governor of Sardis : unless there-
fore we suppose that Croesus intentionally spoke thus, as consider-
ing that Pactyas, from having the care of the treasures, had, ipso
facto, the care of the city also, it is only left us to suppose that
Hdtus has fallen into an inaccuracy ; for the supposition of W.,
understanding TOVTOV, sc. rbv Ta/3aXov, after adinewv, appears little
agreeable to the diction of Hdtus. Schw.
d. rdSt avrolffi iiriraov K. r. \. This passage is noticed by H.
Pers. ch. ii. p. 219, as "one of the 3 methods, at different times
adopted, for the maintenance of dominion acquired by the Persians
through conquest. I. The most natural and simple, by keeping
on foot standing armies in the conquered districts at their expense.
II. By transplanting, cf. ii. 104, a., such conquered nations as,
having been once overcome, had proved refractory. III. A per-
haps still more extraordinary method adopted for the same end ;
compelling by positive laws certain powerful and warlike nations
to adopt habits of luxury and effeminacy. In this way, from the
most warlike people of Asia, the Lydians soon became the most
effeminate : a lot, which, within a short time, was shared by their
conquerors also, uncompelled by any legal enforcement of luxury."
e. Kairn\ivuv. Cf. i. 94, c.
CH. CLVII. a. $\iro Qtvyuv hastened away inflight. Cf. Jelf,
694. poipav oaqv Srj KOTI i^tuv, partern, quantulacunque erat. Jelf,
823, Attraction of the relatives, olo, 8<rot,-, ?J\KO. ffvpfiovXijc
rripi, with regard to the counsel they must take in this matter. B.
dvyoai, to refer it, cf. vi. 66, a.
b. iv 'BpayxiSyoi. Cf. i. 46, d.
CH. CLVIII. a. !<r x i rf ^oi^ai. Cf. Jelf, 749, 1. With verbs
expressing the semi-negative notions of fear, anxiety, care, delaying,
doubt, distrust, denial, forbidding, preventing, &c., the infinitive is
used with pri, instead of without it, as we might expect ; so that
the negative notion of the verb is increased thereby. Cf. iii. 128,
66. ix. 51.
CH. CLIX. a. te iravrwv. Cf. viii. 83, b.
CH. CLX. a. 'AOnvaitie Ho\iov\ov. The Chians, as an Ionian
colony from Athens, thence transported her worship. The title,
F 2
68 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
like IToXiac, denotes the guardianship of the acropolis or citadel, of
w r hich at Athens she and Z6c TldXuuc were the especial pro-
tectors ; fl-oXtf being particularly and originally applied to that
part of the city.
b. ivi Tip 'Arapvtl (itffOy, on condition of (receiving) Atarneus as
their pay. Cf. vi. 29, viii. 106. Schw. Cf. Jelf, 634, 3, g. The
town of Atarneus, Dikeli, on the coast of Mysia, over against Les-
bos. A few lines above, iirl [uaQy ovy Srj, mercede qitantulacunque
est. Cf. Jelf, 823, Attraction of the relatives, oi'og, ocroc, r/Xi'eoe.
c. ovrt oiiXdc KpiOwv irpoxvfftv neither barley to sprinkle, on the
head of the victim. Cf. S. and L. D. under Ov\ai, and Horace,
" Farre pio et saliente mica," and Ovid, " Far erat et puri lucida
mica salis." Cf. also Sacrificium, Smith's D. of A.
d. ovSiic TTffifinra kirkoatro, no one cooked (or, baked) himself cakes,
irkfi. Accus. of cognate substantive. Jelf, 548, a. aTrtixtro were
kept away. As this verb is scarcely ever found in this sense in the
passive, some conjecture airip^tro ; but as awkxuv is found in the
act., as keeping off, removing, viii. 20, 22, there appears no reason
why it should not be here used passively in the same sense. B.
OH. CLXII. a. rbv 6 Mt^wv K. r. X. On the circumstances, cf.
i. 119. vw^ara \&v, heaping up mounds. Cf. Jelf, 571.
CH. CLXII I. a. rov rt 'ASpiyv the Adriatic. By Tvparivitj,
Bredow observes, we are not to understand Tyrrhenia alone, cf. i.
94, h., but all Italy ; for what we call Italy is by Hdtus rather
considered as a part of Tyrrhenia. 'I/Sijpijjv, Spain. The name
Tartessus (probably the Tarshish of the Scripture) was applied by
the inhabitants of the East to all the most remote regions of the
West, but by the Phoenicians particularly to the S. of Spain; whence
we find it given both to the Baetis, Guadalquivir, and to the island
formed by the two mouths of that stream, and also to the town, if
such existed, there situated, and to all the region thereabouts. Hence
it would seem that if there was a town of the name, and not only a
country, it was founded by the Phoenicians, whose yoke it after-
wards cast off. B. Cf. Smith's C. D. and H. Phoenic. ch. ii. p.
315, 316 ; cf. also iv. 152, b.
b. BvavriXXovro .... TnvTijicovripoiai. Cf. i. 2, b. The use of
penteconters, (vessels of the long shape, of 50 oars, usually employed
for warfare,) by the Phocseans, for the purposes of merchandise,
was necessitated at that time, from the naval power and frequent
piracy of the Tuscans. B. Cf. If. Afr. Nat. p. 77, and vi. 17,
where Dionysius of Phocaea retaliates on them.
c. 'ApyavO&vioc. Alluding to this passage, H. Phoen. ch. ii. p.
319, observes that it is quite certain that the Phoenician colonies
in Spain, if not independent from the first, became so at a very
early period ; for when the Phoceean Greeks first voyaged to
Phoenician Spain, which happened in the period of Cyrus,
about 556 B. c., they found Tartessus existing as a free state,
with its own king, who bore himself so civilly towards the Greeks
BOOK I. CLIO. 69
as plainly to show, that he was not unaccustomed to the visits of
strangers.
d. TOV Mrrfov the Medes, cf. i. 2, d., or Persians; among the Gks
the Persians were very commonly signified under the appellation
of Medes. B. Cf. vii. 62, a. [TO] irdvra, in all. Cf. Jelf, 454,
obs. 1.
^pnc KOV povXovTcu. Cf. Jelf, 527, Gen. of Position. On
rai, cf. Jelf, 886, 3. In the compound oratio obliqua, we
often find a curious mixture of the oratio obliqua and recta. The
principal clause is in the oratio obliqua, and then follows a depend-
ent clause, in which the verb stands in the form of the oratio recta,
marking the most important words in the sentence by giving them
in the mood in which they would have originally been uttered ; as
here, (inf. and accus. as the oratio obliqua,) iickXtvt OKOV jSovXovrai,
(originally OKOV fiovXiaOi).
CH. CLXIV. a. tig ol Karaxpf, that it is enough for him, that he
is satisfied, &c. Cf. iv. 118, vii. 70, quoted by B., who calls atten-
tion to the use of the pres. indie, in this passage. Cf. Jelf, 886,
Indie, in oratio obliqua. irpona-xiwva, tower or bulwark, rather than
battlement. So also in iii. 151.
6. Kai o'lKTipa tv /cartpuicraj to consecrate one edifice, viz. to the king;
jcanp6a, Ion. for KaQiepou; in token of their subjection to the Persian
power, W.; for whatever belonged to the monarch was considered
sacred, and hence this building might be considered as consecrated,
or dedicated, to him. Schw. iinsptjv piav, during one day. Cf. Jelf,
577> Accus. of Time.
c. 7rt7r\a. Cf. i. 94, ft. ypa^?'/, painting. JTTI Xi'ov, toioards Chios.
Jelf, 633, I. 1, b. Cf. vii. 31.
d. ri\v Si QwKairiv K. r. X. The migration of the Phocaeans is fixed
by Schultz and L. in B. c. 542. B.
CH. CLXV. a. rac Oivovaaas islands near Chios, between it
and the mainland, five in number, now called Spalmadori. Cf.
Thucyd. viii. 24.
b. uvtoftfvoiai. Cf. i. 68, f.
c. Kvpvov Corsica, said to be so called from Cyrnus s. of Her-
cules. Diodor. Sicul. v. 13. B.
d. dvfffTTjoavTo TroXiv they raised, or built themselves a city. S.
and L. D.
e. 'AXaXtj. Afterwards Aleria, on the E. coast of the island ;
founded B. c. 564. Smith's C. D.
f. TOV aroXcv. Privative Gen. Cf. Jelf, 529. pvdpoe aifyptof
a mass of red-hot iron, and in gen. a lump of any metal, even not hot.
S. and L. D. Cf. Hor. Epod. xvi. 25. Aristides, according to
Plutarch, bound himself by a similar oath ; whence *oea<ui' apd
became proverbial. B.
CH. CLXVI. a. TvpaTjvol KO.I Kapxjj&Jwoi. Qn the Tyrseni or
Tuscans, cf. i. 94, h. From the naval power possessed by both
these nations, their alliance is accounted for; afterwards we find
70 NOTES ON HERODOTU3.
them united in league, cf. Find. Pyth. i. 139, seq. Niebuhr con-
siders that only the Tuscans of Agylla, afterwards called Caere, are
here to be understood, and not the whole body of the nation, a.s
from i. 167 we find that the Agyllaeans alone had to expiate the
murder of the captives. B. On the commercial treaties between
Carthage and the Etrurians and Romans, a great part of which
related to the suppression of piracy, cf. H. Carthag. p. 77-
b. KaSftttT) rit; viicr) K. r. \. a kind of Cadmean victory, (in which
the conqueror received more harm than he inflicted,) a dear-bought
victory. Schw. Either from Cadmus' victory over the dragon, in
which he lost all his men but one, or from the combat of Eteocles
and Polynices. In Plato de Legg. i. 11, Kadptia iraidiia, a ruinous
education. The victory mentioned in the text, is not to be con-
founded with that which Thucyd., i. 13, says the Phocseans gained
over the Carthaginians, when founding Marseilles ; as that place
was founded nearly 60 years before the time here spoken of.
Creuzer, in B.
c. diritrrpcupaTo yap row; t/*j3oA.ovc -for they were bent back in their
beaks, they had their beaks twisted back. Cf. Jelf, 584, 2, Use <>f
Accusative to define the Part. -xw a Ka ^ ov Kal M*PC'
71, b., vi. 3S, vii. 69.
CH. CLXVII. a. Twv St r. r. \. Schw. considers the gen. avr&v,
the Phoceeans, to depend on the comparative iro\\<j> irXtiovs, q.d.
that the Carthaijinians and Tuscans made far more captives out of the
crews of the vessels that were destroyed, than the Phoctpans ; and
tJiese they divided by lot, &c. The rendering of B., who also under-
stands avrSiv of the Phoceeans, but considers it to be the genitive
partitive, seems better : Far ihe greater part of the Phoccean crews
of the vessels that were destroyed, the Carthaginians and the Tuscans
divided by lot, and led them out and stoned them. ui(f>9iipttaswv dis-
abled, shattered, rendered water-logged by the blows of the enemies'
beaks, so as only barely to float with the deck above water, unable
to defend themselves, or to escape.
b. ' A.yv\\aioiffi inhabitants of Agylla ; afterwards called Caere,
Cervetri, (cf. i. 166, a.,) an ancient Pelasgic city of Etruria, the iirbs
Agyllina of Virg. J&n. vii. 652. Its inhabitants obtained the Ro-
man franchise, without the sufrragium. Smith's C. D., Caere, which
see. Cf. Hor. i. Epist. vi. 62, &c.
c. inrfiffavTo iro\iv K. r. X. they obtained possession of the city, &c.;
i. e. the Phocaeans were not the first builders of this city ; but won
it from some other nation, who before held it. The CEnotrians
formerly inhabited the Bruttian territory and Lucania, and before
the invasion of the Sabelli, the W. coast as far as Posidonia. Cf.
Niebuhr, Hist, of Rome, i. 15, 68. B. The city 'YlXi;, afterwards
called Elea, and, by the addition of the digamma, Velia.
d. dc rov Kvpvov .... Kriaat condere Cyrnum, i. e. Cyrnum ut
heroem cokre sacris. B. Observe that the word Kriaai, means either
to found a city, as the Phocaeans at first understood it, or, to estab-
BOOK I. CLIO. 71
lish rites in memory of the hero Cyrnus, the s. of Hercules ; the
sense intended by the oracle.
CH. CLXVIII a. iKnaav .... *A/3jpa. This 2nd foundation
of Abdera, now Polystilo, near the mouth of the Nestus in Thrace,
by the Teians B. c. 544. Timesius of Clazomenae first colonized
Abdera, about B. c. 656. Cf. Smith's C. D., Abdera.
CH. CLXIX. a. Sid /*xjc 'Apn-dyy went through battle against
Harpayus. Cf. Jelf, 601, Dat. Incommodi. MiXrjffto* Si, we KUI
K. T. \. Cf. i. 143.
b. TO StvTipov 'Iwvit) iStdov\<iiTo. On the conquests of Ionia, cf. i.
6, 28 ; and i. 92, a.
CH. CLXX. a. ig 'SapSat. Here, as well as in v. 106, and vi.2,
Hdtus mentions Sardinia as the greatest of the islands, a mistake
which D., p. 40, lays rather heavily to his charge. We must re-
member that he is only mentioning the opinions of others, and not
his own ; and there is more excuse in his following the commonly
received account, as it does not appear he was ever able to visit it
himself, and it was considered the most important province of the
Carthaginians ; affording them supplies of corn only surpassed by
their African dominions, as well as precious stones and metals. IJ.
Cf. H. Afr. Nat. ch. ii. p. 2528.
b. ttri Stt^Oapftevoiffi "loxrt after the lonians were ruined ; so iir'
tpya<r/Kj'oee iXQilv to come too late, after the thing was done : viii.
94, ix. 77, &c. Jelf, 634, 2, b., and 699, obs. 2.
c. oe iicsXtvt iv K. T. \. For other instances of this policy, cf. i.
98,6.
d. TO oe liven and this was to be, &c. On the demonstrative force
of the article here, cf. Jelf, 444, 5. d tltv. Cf. Jelf, 855, 1.
The opt. with el is used when the antecedent is regarded by the
speaker as a mere supposition, supposing that, without any notion
of its past or future realization, and is to be represented as uncer-
tain, simply as possible.
CH. CLXXI. a. upa ayo/xtvocK.r.X. A Persian practice, which
when they began their career as conquerors they adopted, and
always maintained, that the conquered nations should swell the
numbers of their host, and accompany them in their more remote
expeditions. Cf. iv. 87- H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 217- Cf. also vii. 108,
a., ix. 1, a.
b. Kaptc- Of the tribes that claim particular notice, with regard
to their naval power and piratical pursuits, are, besides the Tyr-
rhenian Pelasgi, cf. i. 163, b., the Carians and Leleges, whose naval
empire was destroyed by Minos, kg of Gnossus, about B. c. 1250,
and who, from being possessed of all the islands and shores of the
Archipelago, were confined by him to a narrow district on the coast
of Asia Minor. H. P. A. 6*. What Thucyd., i. 4, says, viz. that
Minos expelled the Carians from the Cyclades, need not be con-
sidered contradictory of the account in Hdtus ; for probably he
expelled only those who were unwilling to submit, and sent colonies
72 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
in their place, leaving, however, the rest who acknowledged his
authority. Cf. Aristot. Pol. ii. 7, 2, B., and H. Pers. ch. i. p. 71.
c. o\ava handles, these consisted of two bands fastened crossioise
on the under side of the shield, cf. S. and L. D., distinguished from
rXa/xwi>c, the broad leather belts, often mentioned in Homer. II. ii.
388, &c. B. Cf. Smith's D. of A., Clipeus.
d. iv MvXaffotfft Aiif Kaptov In this town (Melasso, Smith's C.
D.) was the temple of Zeus Srparwc, cf. v. 119, a title that marks
the warlike character of the nation. B. Cf. Smith's C. D., Mylasa,
and v. 66, a.
CH. CLXXII. a, SOKEUV E/IOI as it seems to me. Cf. Jelf, 864,
1, Remarks on we, werrt, with infin. in a seemingly independent pa-
renthesis. We frequently find a seemingly independent parenthesis
introduced by we with the infin. The force of such a sentence is
very often restrictive. The principal clause, the result or effect of
which it expresses, must be supplied. Cf. ii. 10, iv. 36, vii. 24, &c.
Very often these sentences are expressed shortly without we ; as ov
TroXXw \oyif iiTTilv, especially 6\iyov, fiiKpov, TTO\\OV Stiv, ita ut paul-
lum, multum absit : cf. vi. 30. 7rpox w P'?' ca<rt ^ yXw<r<rav K. T. X.
but they have more approached in tongue to the Carian than, &c.
Cf. Jelf, 579, 1. TUIV Tt aXXwv dvOp. -both from all the rest of men.
Cf. Jelf, 454, 3.
b. ptKpi ovpwv eirovro. Cf. on similar conduct of the Se-
gestans in carrying Diana out of their city, Cicero in Verr.
iv. 35. V.
CH. CLXXIIL a. Ol SI AVJCWI " Of the districts on the S. coast
of Asia Minor, the Lycians were the most civilized. At an early
period, according to Strabo, their cities formed a federal league, re-
sembling that of the Achaeans. They held congresses, and were
governed by a president styled Lysiarchus, with other subordinate
magistrates. The date of this constitution is uncertain, but the
Lycians are always spoken of as a free people up to the Persian
invasion, when they sank under the attacks of the generals of Cyrus ;
i. 28, 176. Their subsequent revolts prove that they had been re-
duced to the state of a conquered province, although we do not
find any satrap of Lycia expressly mentioned." H. Pers. ch. i. p.
80. Cf. Smith's C. D., Lycia. They served in Xerxes' fleet, vii. 92.
b. rrjv yap Kprjrtiv K. T. X. The most ancient inhabitants of Crete,
cf. Diod. Sic. v. 64, 80, were the Eteocretse, true Cretans, or abo-
rigines, whose kg was Cres ; afterwards came the Pelasgi ; thirdly
the Dorians, under Tectamus s. of Dorus. And lastly a mixture
of barbarous tribes, who adopted the language of the inhabitants
they found already there. The Minos here mentioned was the
grandf. of the Minos mentioned by Thucydides as famous for his
naval power. (H. P. A. 20.) On the Cretans, cf. vii. 169171,
infr. B. On the institutions, &c. of Crete, cf. H. P. A. 21, 22.
And on the Doric migration to Crete, Miiller, Dor. i. p. 36, 37, and
on the Cretan character, vol. ii. p. 414. l^iK^arriai ry araou jtr-
BOOK I. CLIO. 73
vailed with his party, by means of his faction. Cf. Jelf, 609, In-
strumental Dat.
c. MiXvat TtpuiXai. Cf. vii. 77 and 92. dvd xpovov in
course of time. B. Cf. Jelf, 624, 2, and vii. 10, avd \povov, with
time, there quoted, rd ulv Kpijr. K. T. X. -partly Cretan, and partly
Carian. Cf. Jelf, 764, 3, b.
d. ToSt vivopiicaffi have adopted this custom, Cf. Jelf, 548, c.
561. KoraXt&t. By the future here the notion of custom, or a case
of probable occurrence, is conveyed. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 502, 4,
and Jelf, 406, 2, 5. Miiller, Etrusc. i. p. 403, remarks that in
the Etruscan inscriptions also, the name of the mother is much
oftener found than that of the father. B.
CH. CLXXIV. a. oaoi 'EXXjvuv.Cf. Jelf, 442. The adj.
not unfrequently assumes a substantival force, and the subst. to
which the adj. properly belongs is put in the attributive genitive,
defining the adjective instead of being defined by it. This occurs
in the following cases. The subst. stands with the plural adj.,
which retains the gender of the subst., as, ol xptjffTol rS>v dvQp&iruv.
The genitive is partitive. AaKiSaifioviuv diromoi KviSiot. Cf. Herm.
Pol. Ant. 79. Miiller's Dor. i. p. 142, and Smith's C. D., Cnidus.
b. TpioTnov. Cf. i. 144, b.
c. dpypevrjG & * TTJG K. T. X. The ordo is rrjg Rv(3ao<rit]c, apy. tie rjc
Xtp. cum Jiubassus regio a Chersoneso inciperet. L. B. Hence
Bybassia was without the peninsula called Cnidia, which was, with
the exception of the isthmus that joined it to the mainland, irXj)v
Xiyjc, surrounded by water ; therefore, where the peninsula, which
belonged to the Cnidians, ended, Bybassia on the mainland began,
and there the Cnidians began to dig through their isthmus. Cf.
Jelf, 530, obs. 4, Separative Gen.
d. avrfje i. e. the Chersonese, or peninsula.
e. upwfffov. On the imperf. here, cf. i. 68, f. TO dvri^oov oppo-
sition. S. and L. D. Jelf, 436, y. quoted in i. 136, 6. Cf. also
vii. 49, a.
CH. CLXXV. a. iruywva .... i<?x il ' *- ff X H (*X fl ) i- Q- irapixtt
displays. Cf. viii. 104, where the phenomenon is said to have oc-
curred only twice. B.
CH. CLXXYI. a. KUI tirtiTa virityav K.T.\. ac deinde ignem
subjecerunt, accenderunt, ita ut tota arx Jlammis absumeretur. The
infin. used with verbs of giving, taking, causing, &c., to express the
aim or object, and generally answers to the Latin supine. Jelf,
669, 2. On three occasions did the Xanthians thus display their
heroic love of liberty ; the first as here related, the second against
Alexander, and the third against Brutus. W.
6. <j>apivtt)v EavBiiav flvat who assert that they are Xanthians.
Cf. Jelf, 672, 3, Infinitive. When an adj., or a participle, or a
subst. follows the infin. as part of the predicate, it is in the same
case as the personal subject which precedes (gen., dat, or ace.); as
V}ITJ at Maifuwa tlvut.
74 NOTES ON" HERODOTUS.
CH. CLXXVII. fl. ra Kdrw rijc 'Aeriijc.y-Cf. I 6, a. In this
expedition, Cyrus probably conquered Bactria and the Sacae. Cf.
R. p 300. 'Aoavpiot, cf - i- 12 &
CH. CLXXVIII. a. Nivow K. r. X. q/ter that Nineveh was laid
waste. Cf. Jelf, 541, 2, Gen. absolute of time. Cf. i. 106, c.
b. Bo|3iAiuv. The description here given is, without doubt, that
of an eye-witness; cf. chs. 181 183, 193 200, and especially the
remark in ch. 183, concerning the statue of Jove, iyu pev ^v OVK tlSov.
B. Cf. H. as quoted below. In some respects, viz. the height of
the walls, 200 cubits, it is manifest Hdtus speaks on the authority
of others ; for at the time he visited Babylon the walls were not of
this, their original, height ; having been pulled down by Darius,
iii. 159, either to the height of 100 cubits, according to Curtius, or
of 50 cubits, according to Strabo. Reckoning according to Hdtus
the whole compass of the walls at 480 stades, or 60 miles, the space
within the walls will be, according to Prideaux, 14,400 square stades
or furlongs ; " but all of this was never fully inhabited, the city
not having had time to grow up thereto. For within 25 years after
the death of Nebuchadnezzar, the royal seat of the empire was re-
moved thence to Shushan, or Susa, by Cyrus, which put an end to
the growing glory of Babylon ; for after that it never more flour-
ished. When Alexander came to Babylon, Curtius (v. 1) tells
us, no more than 90 furlongs were then inhabited, which, under-
stood as 90 in length, and the same in breadth be allowed, it will
follow that no more than 8100 square furlongs were then built
upon, so that there must have been 6300 square furlongs unbuilt
upon, which Curtius tells us were ploughed and sown." R., 14, p.
335, seqq., remarks, that the 480 stades of Hdtus, taking the stade
at 491 feet, would give about 126 square miles, or 8 times the area
of London. The measure given by Ctesias and Clitarchus of the
circuit of Babylon, (360 stadia,) is by R. preferred to that of Hdtus,
as it corresponds with the number of days in the year ; a practice
observed by ancient nations in building cities, as well as in other
undertakings. So Cyrus divided the Gyndes into 360 channels, i.
190. B. Cf. the walls of Ecbatana, i. 98, e. See the account of
Babylon, its buildings, antiquities, &c., in Prid. Conn. i. pt. i. bk.
ii., or in E. Orient. H. Ency. Metr. p. 220, seqq., and the extremely
interesting dissertation on the Babylonians in H. Bab. ch. i. p. 387,
seqq. 71-6X1^ ioiiaiis nrpayiavov. Gen. abs. instead of nomin. We
sometimes find the genitive absolute, even where we should expect
the participle to agree with the subject of the verb, or some object
thereof. It must be observed, that the subject of the gen. absolute
is frequently supplied from the context. By this construction the
notion of cause is rather called out. Jelf, 710, a.
c. irri-xjuitv, attributive gen., in definitions of size. Jelf, 521, obs.
*wpoc, adverbial ace. Cf. Jelf, 579, 4. vij^vc the cubit, or ell,
= \\fl.; originally the length of the human arm from the elbow
to the wrist, or to the knuckle of the middle finger. Smith's D.
BOOK I. CLIO. 75
of A., Cubitus. See more in S. and L. D. iaKTvXoe the finger 1 *
breadth, something less than an inch, about seven-tenths. On the
measurement of length in Hdtus, see D. p. 69.
CH. CLXXIX. a. 'iva where, or, how,\. e. to what purpose.
Cf. Schw. Lex. Herod, bpvaaovrtq apa, cf. Jelf, 696, obs. 5. Par-
ticiple used to express time, which is also more accurately expressed
by the addition of the temporal adverbs, avriica, tvOvc, upa, &c.
b. iXKvaavTtg 6f K.T.\. So in Latin, ducere lateres, to mould or
make brides. Cf. also ii. 136, and Nahum iii. 14. W. On the build-
ing materials of Babylon the two kinds of bricks, those dried in
the sun, and those burnt in kilns and the two kinds of cement,
lime and bitumen, cf. the very interesting extracts from Rich and
Porter in H. Bab. ch. i. p. 380, 389, seqq.
c. Std rpifiKovra Suftuiv K. T. \. between every thirty layers or rotes
of bricks, (cf. Jelf, 627, i- 2,) stuffing in between (strengthening it
with) hurdles of reeds. Cf. R. p. 337,' seqq. and H. L 1. p. 380.
d. Trapd TO. ta\ara, olicf)fiaTa K. r. X. along (parallel to, cf. Jelf,
637, iii. 1> ) the edges of the wall they built edifices of a single room,
turned towards each other. These edifices or towers were placed
probably at certain distances from each other along the wall, con-
taining each but one room, and that looking not outwards from the
city, but either way laterally, towards the adjoining towers on its
right and left hand.
e. -uv oiKripaTuv Gen. of Position, cf. Jelf, 525. rtQp .....
TttpieXaatv space for a 4-horse chariot to drive round the walls ; i. e.
a road-way tride enough for, &c. ; perhaps, space enough for a chariot
to turn in. Tavernier, Travels, ii. c. 8, quoted by Schw., says that
near the supposed site of Babylon he saw the remains of a wall of
such thickness as to admit 6 chariots to run upon it abreast. The
statements of Hdtus, Pliny, Ctesias, Clitarchus, Curtius, and Strabo
of the circuit of Babylon, and of the height and breadth of the
walls, are given in R. p. 354, note. On the gates of brass, Prideaux
remarks, " hence it is that when God promised to Cyrus the con-
quest of Babylon, he tells him that ' he would break in pieces before
him the gates of brass.' Isaiah xlv. 2." Read the extremely in-
teresting ch. xix. in vol. iii. of Grote's Gr., and an article upon it
in Edinb. Rev. Jan. 1850.
/. "Ic oiivofia avTy. Hit, on the Euphrates, 128 G. miles above
Hillah; see R. p. 350, where springs of bitumen are still found.
Cf. also H. Bab. p. 392.
CH. CLXXX. a. 'Epv9pt)v QaXaaaav here, the Persian Gulf.
Cf. i. 1, b.
b. TO wv Sij TI~IXG * T - ^- The watt then on either side, i. e. both
on the E. and W. side of the river, has arms stretching down to the
river. In the next sentence, TO Sk dv6 TOVTOV and on the space
along the river's bank on either side from one arm to the other ; i. e.
from N. to S.; at 67riiea/*irat K. r. X. the transverse arms, (or, bends of
the wall,) viz. a rampart of burnt bricks, extend along either bank of
76 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
the river. Observe that the verb agrees by attraction with the sub-
stantive in apposition, (ai/iacriij,) instead of the preceding nomina-
tive (at 7riica/i7rat) ; thus, at tiriicajiirai ai/iaffti) (in apposition)
irapartivii. Jelf, 389, obs. 2. The meaning is, from the point
where the arms of the wall touch the river, thence, on either side, a
winding rampart of burnt bricks, at right angles to the arms of the
wall, extends along the space enclosed by those arms on each bank of
the river. In addition to this explanation of B., observe that the
river runs through the middle of the city from N. to S., that the
wall first mentioned is the outer wall of the city, on the E. and
W. sides of the river, and extending from N. to S. ; next, that the
> arms of these walls are at right angles with them, and are stretched
from E. to W. down to the river's edge, and hence make up to-
gether the N. and S. front of the city ; further, that from the ends
of these arms, (i. e. rb airo TOVTOV,) another winding wall of burnt
brick runs at right angles to these last-mentioned arms, along the
river's edge, on both sides, and consequently from N. to S. ; and
parallel with the first-mentioned wall, so as to defend the city from
any attacks that might be made with vessels coming down the
river. From the gates being left open in this wall along the
river's bank, Cyrus was enabled to take the city. Cf. i. 191. See
the plan of Babylon in R., or in the maps to Hdtus. Read H.
Bab. ch. i. p. 386, seqq., or Prid. Conn. pt. i. bk. ii. p. 95, seqq.
c. oiiuswv rpwp6</>uiv K. r. \. of houses 3 or 4 stories high. The
number of the streets was, of course, 50 ; each 15 miles long, and
each at rt angles with the other ; for the gates being 100 in num-
ber, from the 25 on the N. side of the city, went 25 streets in
straight lines to the 25 gates on the S. side of the city ; and these
Hdtus means by rc r aXXac : so also from the 25 gates on the
E. went 25 streets to the gates on the W., running transverse to
the others, and each divided into two parts by the river. Besides
these, Prid. remarks, there were 4 half streets, built only on one
side, as having the wall on the other ; which went round the four
sides of the city, each of them 200 ft broad, while the rest were
about 150. Hence the whole city was cut out into 676 squares,
each of which was four furlongs and a half on every side, that is,
two miles and a quarter in compass. Karar'sTn^TM TUQ oSoi>s Cf.
Jelf, 545, 3.
CH. CLXXXT. a. iv SI Qapoti K. r. X. and in the centre of each
division of the city, fortifications were raised. It is doubted on which
side of the river the palace here spoken of stood. Diodorus places
it on the W. side and the temple of Belus on the E., and he is fol-
lowed by R. See his plan of Babylon, in the map opposite p. 335.
Prid. also considers the new palace, the one probably alluded to by
Hdtus, to be on the W. side, while the old palace and the temple
of Belus stood on the E. This opinion is considered as erroneous
by H. Bab. ch. i. p. 388, &eqq., on the authority of Rich and Porter.
" The principal ruins lie on the E. bank of these, 3 immense
BOOK L CLIO. 77
mounds are found in succession from north to south ; the 1st
called by the Arabians Mukallibe, the overturned, which is the
largest. This building has been erroneously taken for the ancient
temple of Belus, its structure being quite opposed to the pyramidi-
cal form in which this was built. It was probably the fortress
which defended this quarter of the town, in which the royal palace
was situated. 2ndly, el Kasr, the palace, in the ruins of which relics
may be traced of the celebrated hanging gardens. 3rd, the Amram
hill ; p. 156159. On the W. bank is the tower-like ruin called
the Sirs Nimrod, Nimrod's tower, which corresponds with the an-
cient temple of Bel in form, dimensions, and situation." Cf. the
extracts from Mr. Rich's Travels in Early Orient. Hist. Ency.
Metr. p. 268. iroXXy ri v , instrumental dat Cf. Jelf, 609, 1.
b. A/DC B;Xov ipoj/ K. T.\. Belus, i. q. Bel and Baal, the Lord;
hence as the chief god of the Babylonians, Hdtus adds Atoj to ex-
plain to the Gks his degree of dignity; Hammer considers him to
be the same as the sun, an opinion apparently more probable than
that of Gesenius, viz. that the planet Jupiter was worshipped
under this title. B. The tower that stood within the temple is
by H., B., and Prid. held to be the tower of Nimrod, generally
called the tower of Babel. H.'s opinion is founded principally on
the travels of Porter, who distinguished the remains of 3 out of the
8 stories, and found that the length and breadth of the Sirs Nim-
rod, cf. the preceding note a., agree with what is stated by Hdtus,
so far as they can be determined from a mountain-heap of ruins.
" Bel is supposed to have been the same with Nimrod, and to have
been called Bel from his dominion, and Nimrod from his rebellion,
this latter word signifying Rebel, and referring to his revolting from
God to follow his own wickedness. The height of the tower being
a furlong, full 600 ft, and therefore higher than the greatest pyra-
mid by 119 ft, it was prodigious enough to answer the description
in the Bible of the tower of Babel, and it is by several authors
attested to have been all built of bricks and bitumen, as the Scrip-
tures tell us the tower of Babel was. Furthermore, Callisthenes,
who accompanied Alexander to Babylon, is said to have found that
the Babylonians had astronomical observations, taken from the
top of the tower, for 1903 years backward from that time ; which
carries us up to the 115th year after the flood, i. e. 14 years after
the tower of Babel was built, which was completed in the year
Peleg was born, 101 years after the flood." Prid. Con. pt. i. bk. i.
Cf. E. Orient H. Ency. Metr. p. 222 and 268, and the very in-
teresting accounts of these ruins in Sir Ker Porter's Travels, ex-
tracted in H. /. /. oradiov, cf. Jelf, Relative Gen. 518, 1, and on
the gen. Trvpjtav, 512, 2.
c. fiiaovvn ava/3a<rioc and when one is some where about the mid-
dle of the ascent. Cf. Jelf, 525, Gen. of Position. KM oi rpairi a
jrapadtrai. Gesenius, quoted by Cr., considers this to refer to the
custom called by the Romans lectisternium, and practised as well
78 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
by them and the Gks, as by the Asiatic nations. See the story of
Bel in the Apocrypha. B. Cf. Arnold, Hist, of Rome, vol. iii. p.
1 17, (after the disaster of Thrasymenus) " for three days those
solemn sacrifices were performed, in which the images of the gods
were taken down from their temples, and laid on couches richly
covered, with tables full of meat and wine set before them, in the
sight of all the people, as if the gods could not but bless the city
where they had deigned to receive hospitality."
d. ot XaX&uot i. e. the race of priests in Babylon, who applied
themselves particularly to astronomy, astrology, philosophy, and
soothsaying ; see Dan. ii. 2, 4 ; and who in the time of Strabo are
said to have dwelt by themselves in a particular part of the city,
viz. the east side, cf. H. Bab. ch. i. p. 41 1, and alone to have had
the name of Chaldaeans, while the rest of the people were called
Babylonians. The nation of the Chaldaeans, B. considers formerly
to have dwelt in the plains watered by the Upper Araxes, and to
have been a nomad and warlike tribe, greatly given, like the Arabs,
to plunder. This, the reader will recollect, agrees with the first
notice we have of them in Scripture, viz. that three bands of them
carried off Job's camels, Job i. 17; as well as with H. Bab. ch. i.
p. 383, " We must distinguish the ancient inhabitants, the Baby-
lonians, who dwelt here before the invasion of the Chaldseans, from
the latter race, who, about the year 630, B. c., became the dominant
people of Babylon. A revolution then took place in Asia, similar
to that which Cyrus afterwards effected. A nomad people under
the name of Chaldaeans, perhaps identical with the Scythians, cf.
iv. 11, a., descending from the Mts of Taurus and Caucasus, over-
whelmed Southern Asia and made themselves masters of the Syrian
and Babylonian plains. Babylonia, which they captured, became
the chief seat of their empire, and their king, Nebuchadnezzar, by
subduing Asia to the shores of the Mediterranean, earned his title
to be ranked among the most famous of Asiatic conquerors. Thus
was founded the Babylonian-Chaldsean empire, which about half
a century later was in its turn overthrown by Cyrus." The reader
will be careful not to confound the Chaldaeans, the priests so called,
(cf. H. /. /. p. 383, 410,) with the Magi of the Persians, in whose
religion a far greater degree of purity, as B. notes, is to be observed,
as admitting of no images or statues of the gods; cf. i. 131, a.;
while the Chaldeeans were particularly given to the worship of
idols. Hence their manner of worship was held in detestation by
the Jews and Persians, and hence the sacrilege of Xerxes, i. 183.
CH. CLXXXII. a. Kotftarai .... ywri. The female attendants
on the gods mentioned by Hdtus at Babylon, Thebes, and Patara,
were of the same kind as those who were known in Asia and
Greece under the name of iipoSoiJXoi. Such in Corinth was
the itpoSovXia, and in Athens the Hetaerarum Societas, instituted
by Solon. B. Even in Egypt there appears to have been women
attached to the temples, though not as priestesses. Cf. ii. 35, d.
BOOK I. CLIO. 79
b. irtav ytvijrai. The conjunctive is used after temporal relative
adverbs or conjunctions, when what is said is not considered as an
actual fact, but only as something imagined or thought of, and the
verb of the principal clause is in a principal tense, &c. Jelf, 841,
1. ov yap Ziv . . . . avroQi. According to Servius, Apollo dwelt
during the winter at Patara, and during the summer at Delos ;
hence " Delius et Patareus," Hor. iii. Od. iv. 64. B. Cf, Smith's
D. of A., Oraculwn.
CH. CLXXXIII. a. raXavruv oKraoiiav. Material Gen., Jelf,
538. rd rkXia. run> irpofiaTwv The adj. not unfrequently assumes
a substantival force, and the subst. to which the adj. properly be-
longs is put in the attributive genitive, defining the adj. instead of
being defined by it. This occurs in the following cases, &c., when,
as here, the adj. is in the neuter sing., sometimes in the neuter
plural. Cf, viii. 100, TO TTO\\UV rijc <rrp<mjje : vi. 113, i. 185, v. 58,
iii. 154. Jelf, 442, a. b. tn rbv xpovov ietivov even at that time,
i. e. up to the time of Xerxes ; as is manifest from what follows.
B. adds nothing on the possibility of the statue mentioned in the
text being the same as that which Nebuchadnezzar set up in the
plains of Dura, Dan. iii. 1. If the height given by Hdtus be cor-
rect, that is, 12 cubits, it could not be the same ; for that mentioned
in Daniel was 60 cubits in height, that is, the image and pedestal
together, as Prid. observes, who goes on to show that the image
itself was 27 cubits, i. e. 40^ ft, which exactly agrees with what
Diod. Sic. ii. 9, says, that " Xerxes, after his return from his
Grecian expedition, plundered the temple of its immense riches ;
among which were several statues of massy gold, one of which
was 40 ft in height," doubtless the same as that spoken of by
Daniel, which contained, according to Diodorus, 1000 talents of
gold. Unless, therefore, the text be incorrect, or the account given
by the priests to Hdtus erroneous, the statue here mentioned as
taken away by Xerxes could not have been the same as that spoken
of by Diodorus and Daniel ; which was more than double the
height given by Hdtus. On eyw \itv fuv OVK tlSov, cf. i. 187, b., and
on the motives of Xerxes in plundering the temple, besides that
of recruiting his exhausted treasury after his calamitous expedition
into Greece, cf. i. 181, d. It is also mentioned by Arrian, quoted
by W. Cf. also H. Bab. ch. i. p. 387, note, 395, 397.
CH. CLXXXIV. a. iv role* 'Aaovpioiat XoyoitTt. Cf. i. 106, d.
ytviyff^ Instrumental Dat. Cf. Jelf, 609, 1. With comparatives
and analogous words, that whereby one thing exceeds another is
in the dative, conceived of as the instrument whereby the differ-
ence is produced. So u-oXXy, oXi'yy ptiZwv, oXryy irponpov. Cf. vi.
58, upiOfi'f certo numeru. 89, ripipy piy b;/ one day. 106, iroX. Xoy.
b. Ztpipapis. On the legendary history of this queen, read E
Orient. H. p. 217 220, and the article Semiramis in Smith's D.
of Gr. and R. Biog., which ends thus: "There is no occasion to
suppose two different queens of the name : the Semiramis of Hdtus
80 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
is probably as fabulous as that of Ctesias, and merely arose from
the practice of assigning the great works in the East of unknown
authorship to a queen of this name." Cf. also H. 1. I. p. 396.
c. Kt\ayi*tiv to overflow, or, to form a sea. So, speaking of Ba-
bylon, Isaiah, xxi. 1, says, The burden of the desert of the sea, and
in Jer. li. 36, I will dry up her sea.
CH. CLXXXV. a. Nirwrpic- This queen is by H. Bab. ch.
i. p. 383, supposed to have been the wife of Nebuchadnezzar,
and so, according to Hdtus, mother to Labynetus or Nabonadius,
the Belshazzar of Daniel, the last kg of Babylon ; by W. and by
Prid. she is considered to be the d.-in-law of Nebuchadnezzar, and
wife to Evil-Merodach his s., and in that manner m. to Belshazzar.
Cf. i. 77, b. ; and E. Orient. H. p. 264. In the first sentence, OVTIJ
Sk ffwtr. ytvofilvT] K. r. X., the participle is put in parentheses, when
they have a subject in common with the principal proposition, and
in this case the verb in the principal proposition extends its influ-
ence to the parenthesis. Matth. Gr. Gr. 556, obs. 1, 2.
b. NTvov.-^-Cf. i. 106, c.
c. irpGtra ptv *. r. X. On these works cf. H. Bab. ch. i. p. 37. r >,
seqq., and Prid. Conn. pt. i. By other writers they are attributed,
to Nebuchadnezzar, and perhaps, as Prid. observes, Nitocris his
d.-in-law finished what he had left unperfected at his death, and
that procured her with Hdtus the honour of the whole. Si& rfc
iroXtog pkoris through the middle of the city. Cf. Jelf, 459, I, on
the adj. placed without the article.
d. wan Ik rplg K. T. X. " Hdtus relates as a curious fact, that the
Euphrates had been rendered so serpentine by the number of canals
dug above Babylon, that in its passage to the city, it passed three
times the Assyrian village of Ardericca, and certainly on three dif-
ferent days. It is evident from this passage that Ardericca lay
above Babylon, and that the aim of this undertaking was to defend
the country from the Medes, and to facilitate the navigation of the
vessels from the higher countries. Hence it seems probable that
these alterations were made in the districts where the bed of the
Euphrates is full of rocks and sandbanks, and that they formed an
immense series of sluices and floodgates, making the river navigable,
but at the same time so lengthening it, both by the time occupied
in going through the numerous locks, and by the numerous wind-
ings of the canal, as to make it a three days' voyage to pass the
village of Ardericca. But all that seems extraordinary vanishes,
if it be considered that the canal was cut in this zigzag manner to
diminish the fall occasioned by the steepness of the land. Thus
the two outer branches of the canal, in passing to and fro, touched
the two extreme points of the village : while the centre also passed
by it, which fully explains the length of the voyage, while the time
it occupied may be accounted for by the delay occasioned in pass-
ing the great number of locks. This, to be sure, is no more than a
conjecture, but it seems a more probable one, than that which makes
BOOK I. CLIO. 81
the length of the canal alone require a navigation of three days
duration." H. Bab. ch. i. p. 374.
e. atrb TrjffSf TTJG 9a\daar)c i. e. the jEgean, or, the Mediterranean.
Cf. i. 1, b. The voyagers would, after navigating the Mediterranean,
leave their vessel at some port of Syria, and then go by land to the
Euphrates, and taking ship, sail down the river with the stream.
The preposition SQ after narairXiovrtg is rejected by Schw., but the
words may be taken in a sensus praegnans ; when they have come
down to the Euphrates, that is, from the mountains they must
pass in crossing from the Mediterranean, and proceed thereon to
Babylon. B.
/. /ueyaOoc ai ttyoc oaov ri tan. This B. renders, tant<K est illud
opus magnitudinis et altitudinis quantee fix quidquam aliud invenitur.
The ellipsis in the sentence, according to his construction of it, he
does not give. The words oaov ri tan, it would seem, have an
idiomatic sense, such as, so great is it ! hence render, worthy of ad-
miration, so great is it in size and height ! Schw. considers it used
for on TOOOVTO tan. On the work here spoken of, cf. H. 1. 1. p. 375,
" But according to Hdtus," &c. &c.
g. iXvToov \iuv?j a reservoir for a marsh (the pooh of standing
water left by the river) ; the lake acting as a drain for the morass
formed by the overflowing of the river, and thus saving the fields.
*c rb vowp, till they came to water. H. Bab. ch. i. p. 376, explains
it of stagnant water. It seems to me that water naturally springing
up, i. e. springs, are meant. On fXvrp. Accusat. of equivalent notion,
cf. Jelf, 548, c., and 571.
h. IK rt TUV TT\OWV .... paicpri. Here after ^K&cijrai understand
roie jroXe/iiowf i. e. that after the enemies had done navigating the
river, when they disembarked to go by land to Babylon, they would
have to march round the extent of the lake, and hence their journey
would be the longer, and their progress would be more easily pre-
vented, than if they could at once advance straight on the town.
B. TIL avvrofia. Tije bSov. Cf. i. 183, a.
CH. CLXXXVI. a. Tavra plv $r) K. r. X. These works, or forti-
fications, she (the queen) raised around her city [having taking
them] from the excavation ; i. e. she applied the earth that had
been dug up in the formation of the lake to make the embankments
spoken of. rouyvfo 1 avr. <c. r. X. and after them, cf. i. 86, c., she made
the fulloicing addition, rijc Qapasuv the city consisting of tico divi-
sions, or quarters. On the Relative Gen. Qaaotuv, cf. Jelf, 518, 2, a.
b. t TO wpvaat xwoiov. On the transposition of \ugiov, cf. Jelf,
898, 2. TO. -)(ti\ia TOV TroTapov .... dvoiKoS6iiT}(Tt she built up the
banks of the river, &c., i. e. lined them with a facing of brick ; con-
structing quays on both sides of the river. This work, cf. Prid.,
was carried on for the length of 160 furlongs, or 20 miles; and
therefore must have begun 2^ miles above the city, and continued
down 2 miles below it ; for through the city was no mere than
15 miles.
82 NOTES ON HEKODOTUS.
C. if Slav. Cf. 119, C.
d. jtyvpa. This bridge was, cf. Diod. Sic. ii. 8, five stades in
length, and was probably built of this length by the queen, not
only so as to cross the usual bed of the river, which, according to
Strabo, was only one furlong across, but also to correspond with
the width of the stream, when it happened to overflow. On the
ruins of this bridge, see Buckingham's Travels, p. 482. B.
CH. CLXXX V II. a, ov yap afitivov. An instance of" Meiosis,"
signifying not only that it will not be better, but that it will be much
icorse. Cf. iii. 71 and 82 ; Hesiod, Op. et Di. 748, quoted by W.
b. ctwbv fii) ov K. T. X. Cf. Jelf, 750, 2, b. MT) ov is also used
in the sense of quominus quin, with the infin. After Stivbv ilvai,
aiff\pov, alaxvvtjv tlvai, ala^vvtffOai, which imply a negative notion.
ai/oiae Si The same thing is related by Josephus, Antiq. vii. 15,
xiii. 8, to have happened to Herod on opening the tomb of David,
in which Solomon was said to have laid up great treasures ; and
/Elian mentions that the same fortune attended Xerxes on open-
ing the sepulchre of Belus. B.
CH. CLXXXVIII. a. ravr^ . . . TOV Tralca. Cf. i. 185, a.
b. Aafivvhrov. Cf. i. 74, b.
c. (3atTt\ti> 6 fisyac- The usual title of the Persian monarchs
among the Gks, with which L. compares the title of the Sultan,
the Grand Seignior. On the power and privileges of the Persian
monarch, cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 260, seqq. " The king's table also
was regulated by a system of etiquette no less absolute as lord and
owner of the whole empire, it was thought unworthy of him to
taste any but the best and most costly productions of his dominions
the waters of the Choaspes salt from the neighbourhood of the
temple of Jupiter Ammon in the centre of the African desert
wine from Cnalybon in Syria wheat for his bread from jEolia,"
&c., &c. The Choaspes, the Kerah, or Kara-su, a river of Susiana,
not to be confounded with the Eulaeus, the Ulai of Dan. viii. 2,
now the Karoon. Smith's C. D. KOI Si) ical. Cf. Jelf, 724> 1>
quoted in i. 30, a.
d. TOV fiovvov, Partitive gen. with verbs of eating, drinking. Jelf,
537. TOV vdarof, Partitive gen. Jelf, 533, 3.
CH. CLXXXIX. a. TvvSy Trorapy. Cf. v. 52, where this river,
with others, is mentioned as crossed on the great road from Ephesus
to Susa. R. p. 327, considers that Hdtus has confounded together
two distinct rivers, to both of which he has given the name of Gyn-
des, considering them as the same, and that the one here meant
must be the Mendeli, and that mentioned in v. 52, the Diala. B.
b. Aapcavkuv. For this, as their situation is unknown, some con-
jecture Aapi/wv, as R., or 'Ap/itviuv. The situation also of the city
is not clearly known, being by Strabo placed at some distance from
the sea. and by Xenophon, Anab. ii. 4, 25, not below the Tigris, but
much above it. Hence R., p. 328, infers that Hdtus had no very
certain knowledge of these regions. B. adds that, on the authority
BOOK I. CLIO. 83
of modern travellers, Opis stood at the juncture of a small stream,
the Kufri, with the Tigris.
c. ip&v 'i-Trirwv. Cf. vii. 40, b. av^rjffaf, sucking him into his ror-
tex. B. i!7roj5pv\iov, under icater.
d. KarirHvi .... dwpvxaq. This, cf. Schw. Lex. Herod., is put for
i>iredii Sii!>pv\af , Kararii vag avrag a\oivoTtve.at;. he marked out by stretch-
ed lines 180 channels, &c., TTUVTU rpowov, in every direction. Cf. i. 199.
e. avTov ravry in that very place. Cf. also i. 210, 214, iii. 77,
iv. 80, 135. B., and Jelf, 605, obs. 3.
CH. CXC. a. tg TptijKoaiae r. \. On this number, cf. i. 178, b.
b. irpoiffaavTo .... roXXwv. Enough, according to Xenophon,
Cyrop. vii. 5, 13, for more than 20 years. B. On irtuv, Temporal
gen., cf. Jelf, 523.
CH. CXCI. a. T<J> (txpr)i<i> TOV GTOOTOV i. e. the part of his forces
most unfit for active service, the least effective portion. Cf. i. 211,
and i. 207, explained by rj/c orpanijf TO <j>av\oTaTov. B.
b. fTfpa ToiavTa. Cf. i. 120, b.
c. TOV yap Trorajuov K. T. A. " Into this lake, which usually re-
sembled a morass, they could introduce the waters of the Euphrates
by means of a canal; and it was by doing this that Cyrus con-
quered Babylon, when he forced his way into the city by the bed
of the river." H. Bab. ch. i. p. 376.
d. Kvpry lit. a fish-trap made of wicker-work. Cf. Theocritus,
Idyll, xxi. 11. B. u s Xsytrm r. T. X. Cf. Jelf, 898, 4, Consolid-
ation of Sentences.
e. VTTO k (itydOtoG K. T. X. by reason of the size. Cf. Jelf, 639, 2,
b. a. According to Aristotle, Polit. iii. 2, (quoted by B.,) it was
not known, even on the third day after, in some parts of the city
that it was taken : considering its size, cf. i. 178, b., this does not
appear impossible, and at first the enemy might have entered into
only one division of the city, viz. where the palace stood in which
Belshazzar's festival was held. Cf. Jeremiah, K. 31, "One post
shall run, &c., to show the king of Babylon that his city is taken
at one end." The siege, according to Xenophon, had lasted nearly
two years " In the taking of Babylon (says Prid.) ended the Ba-
bylonish empire, having lasted from the beginning of the reign of
Nabonassar, who first founded it, 209 years, and just 50 years
after it had destroyed Jerusalem. Cf. i. 181, a. Herein were ac-
complished the many prophecies delivered by Isaiah, Jeremiah,
Habakkuk, and Daniel against it. It is to be observed, that in
reference to the siege and taking of the place, it was particularly
foretold by them that it should be shut up and besieged by the
Medes, Elamites, and Armenians, Isa. xiii. 17, xxi. 2; Jer. li. 11,
27, seqq.; that the river should be dried up, Jer. 1. 38, li. 36; that
the city should be taken at the time of a feast, Jer. li. 39, 57, while
her princes and her wise men, &c. were drunken." Cf. also H.
Bab. ch. i. p. 376, 397-
/. Kal TO KapTa very much indeed, in good earnest. S. and L. 13.
c 2
84 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Rather, TO Kapra, the thorough certainty, the real truth. The article
joined with adverbs of quality and modality, when the adverb stands
for a substantive. Cf. iii. 104, TO (capra i//ux. Thucyd. viii. 1. Jelf,
456, c. TOTS TrpaiTov apaipTjTo K. T. A. B. c. 538, cf. Clinton's Fast.
Hell. ii. p. 8. Babylon was again taken by Darius. Cf. iii. 159.
CH. CXCII.T a. SarpctTrijiijv On the Persian system of govern-
ment by satraps, cf. i. 153, &., iii. 117, b., 127, b.; H. Pers. ch. ii. p.
269, seqq., and cf. p. 264, 228; and on the fertility of Babylonia,
Bab. ch. i. p. 378, and ch. ii. On OKOV, cf. i. 68, c.
b. tlpra/3j .... 'Arrucyoi. Hence, as the Artaba contained 3
choenices more than the medimnus, it = 51 choenices. The me-
dimnus contained, cf. Smith's D. of A., 11 gallons, 7 pints, and a
fraction of about one-tenth. Of the choenix the size is differently
given, varying from about 1^ pints to nearly 4 pints. It probably
was of different sizes in the different states. Cf. H. 1. 1. p. 140, 141 ;
and on the importation of Indian dogs, ch. ii. p. 207.
CH. CXCIII. a. raiv'Affffvpiutv. On the extent of this name,
here applied particularly to the Babylonians, cf. i. 102, b. A de-
scription of the province of Babylon, about A. D. 363, when Baby-
lon had been converted into a royal park, is given in Gibbon's Decl.
and Fall, vol. iv. p. 166, ch. 24.
b. KjjXu/vjjioiffi tollenones, cranes with large buckets attached to draw
up water ; swipes. S. and L. D. irpbe r/X. rtr/oo/i. TOV x (t P- i- e -
turned towards the point of the horizon where the sun rises at the
winter solstice. (From Blak.'s, Hdtus,note 653.)
c. Jflvos TroXig Cf. i. 102, b., 106, c. aurjj ewvrjje, cf. Jelf, 782,
g. t quoted in ii. 25, b. Kty\pov, millet.
d. iv tidies K. T. X. This plainly shows that Hdtus visited this
country. Cf. i. 178, b. TO. Kapirwv ixoutva, cf. i. 120, a.
e. Toiif avKiwv rpoTrov K. T. X. Pococke, quoted in the Oxf. Tr.,
says, " the male bears a large fruit something like millet, which is
full of white flour ; and unless the young fruit of the female is im-
pregnated with this, the fruit is good for nothing. And to secure
it, they tie a piece of the fruit of the male to every bearing branch
of the female." Cf. H. Bab. ch. i. p. 379.
/. 'iva iwraivy K. T. X. that the fly (gall insect, Cynips of Linnaeus,
S. and L. D.) may enter into it and cause the fruit to ripen. o\w9oi,
wild Jigs. Cf. S.' and L. D.
CH. CXCIV. a. .TU TrXota K. r.X. Such vessels, cf. H. Bab. ch.
ii. p. 428, are still in use on the Tigris, and are called Kilets ; Ren-
nell says Kufah, i. e. round vessels ; he states that they are now but
seldom made of skins, being merely reeds smeared over with bitumen.
In shape they are like a sieve, and draw only a few inches water.
Cf. Lucan. Pharsal. iv. 134. The ark, the cradle of Moses, was
formed of the bulrush of the Nile and daubed over with pitch, we
may suppose bitumen. R. p. 264.
b. vopiac, the ribs of the vessel, cf. ii. 96. ISatyios rpon-ov, bottom-
e, to serve as a bottom.
BOOK I. CLIO. 85
c. ovrt irpvytvt}v K. r. X. making no difference in the stern, nor nar-
rowing (lie protc ; making no difference between stern and prow.
fotviKiiiov .... olvov. Cf. ii. 37, e.
d. SiaSeoivrai. cf. i. 1, e. air' <5i/ tKr)pv%av, they straightway are
wont to offer for public sale, from cnroKqpiiTTuv. On wv, Ion. for avv,
cf. Jelf, 737, 3, quoted in ii. 39, a.
CH. CXCV. a. \tviy linen, flaxen, made of flax. Cf. ii. 81,
iL 305, and H. Bab. eh. ii. p. 417-
b. BoM-iym tpfidoi. Boeotian shoes. A kind of felt shoe, S. and
L. D., probably worn low on account of the heat of the country. B.
c. <r0pijy7<5a .... fftcfjirrpov. On the signet-rings of the Babylon-
ians, cf. H. Bab. ch. ii. p. 419, 421, and Aristoph. Aves, v. 508,
quoted by L.
CH. CXCVI. a. 'EvtToi> cf. V. 9, a. ^ av ytvoiaro. The
opt. is used with av, as in independent sentences, when the adver-
bial sentence expresses an assumption, supposition, conjecture,
of something happening at some time or season, depending on
some condition to be supposed or expressed. Jelf, 845. ynfiwv
wpaTai, Causal Gen. Cf. Jelf, 494.
b. aXiac.. Cf. i. 133, c. Kara uiav iKaarnv, each singly. Cf. Jelf,
629, 3,/.
c. i-l avvcucrjaii on condition of marriage. Cf. Jelf, 634, 3. c. fvSai-
/*ov Cf. i. 133, b.; eieSovvai, to (jive in marriage, i. 93, /. IVKOV, were.
Cf. vi. 133, b. av iXdupavov, used to receive, were wont to receive.
Cf. Jelf, 424, 3, /3., on av with the Impft, to denote frequency.
d. ; f4))v K. r. X. that assuredly he woidd marry her. Cf. Jelf, 728,
3, a. KaTairopvtvii. Cf. i. 94, a., and H. Bab. /. /.
CH. CXCVIII. a.-tv ^Xtrt. Cf. the method of embalming
among the Persians, i. 140,6., and Corn. Nepos, Agesil. viii. 7 who
says that they poured melted wax " quod mel non habebant" round
the body of Agesilaus to preserve it. B.
b. jrtpt Gvuitjpa K. r. X. This custom, as well as that mentioned
in the following ch., is alluded to in the Apocryphal Bk of Baruch,
ch. vi., the Epistle of Jeremy, v. 43, " The women also with cords
about them, sitting in the wa3*s, burn bran for perfume: but if any
of them, drawn by some that passeth by, lie with him, she re-
proacheth her fellow, that she was not thought as worthy as herself,
nor her cord broken."
CH. CXCIX. a. On the luxurious habits of the Babylonians,
cf. H. Bab. ch. ii. p. 414, seqq.
b. artyavov 0w/uyyoe, a circle, or, chaplet of cord. Whether it is
to this, or to the ffxoivortvttc otiooi, that the words in Baruch,
" The women also with cords about them" (7rpt0/ivac <rx*" a )>
refer, does not appear certain; but the fact is indubitable, and is
mentioned by Strabo and jElian quoted by B. Kariarai, Ion. for
KaQqvTai, sit. Cf. ii. 86, oi kir' avr<p K. r. X., those who are appointed,
for this purpose, i. e. those who practise this art: the met. seems taken
from workmen sitting in their shops at work.
86 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
c. iiriKa\i<i) TOI e. r. X. rot, i. e. troi, tibi, in tuam gratiam, ut tibi
propitia adsit dea. B. / beseech the goddess Mylitta to favour thee :
in S. and L. D., I call tipon the name of the goddess in adjuring tltcr,
i. e. / adjure thee by the yoddess Mylitta. Mylitta, i. e. genetrix,
omnium parens, in Chaldee. B. On this goddess, worshipped
under many titles, cf. i. 105, c., 131, d. The custom which obliged
their women to prostitute themselves, as well as that of exposing
sick persons in the market-place, and of the public auction of
marriageable virgins, can alone be explained on the principle that
many of their civil institutions were of such a nature as only to be
calculated for a city into which there was a continual influx of
strangers. H. Bab. ch. ii. p. 416.
d. oaat piv .... [ttydOiog participes pttlchritudinis, endowed witJi
a certain degree of beauty and stature ; l<f>dirrtadai rrvoc, aliquid at-
tincjere, aliqua re potiri, pr&dilum csse aliqua re, nee tamen oninino,
sett aliquantum. Wytten. quoted by B. Of. viii. 105, a.
CH. CC. a. lirt fia^av fter. havirici kneaded them like a cuke,
made them into a cake. Cf. Jelf, 548, 2, a., Accus. of cognate
Substantive. Cf. 572.
CH. CCI. a. Maffffayerac They appear to have belonged to
the nomad tribes which wandered beyond the bounds of the Per-
sian empire, i. e. beyond the Jaxartes : and which, sometimes
Sacae, sometimes Scythians, sometimes Tartars, are not even at
the present day known by any one common appellation. The
Massagetae, as well as the Issedones, both of them belonging to
the Mongolian race, were undoubtedly Scythians. B. R.p. 47,
to whom B. refers, says, " It would seem Hdtus was not decided
whether to esteem the Massageta; as a Scythian nation or not, but
subsequent writers have most universally reckoned them so. So
that the proper Scythians of Hdtus w r ere those at the Euxine, and
those of succeeding writers at the Caspian (or rather the Aral)
and Jaxartes. For from i. 201, 215, and 216, our author implies
that the Massagetae were not confessedly a Scythian nation."
See R.p. 47, 132, and 217, who sums up the principal points of
similarity between them and the Scythians. " Not to mention that
the nomad life was common to both, we shall only observe, I. That
the clothes and fond of the Massageta? resemble those of the Scy-
thians, i. 215. II. That both nations lived in icar/f/onR or car-
riages, i. 216, and iv. 46, 121. III. That they fought chiefly on
horseback, i. 215, iv. 46, 136. IV. That they sacrificed horses to
their deities. The Massagetae in particular to the sun, i. 216, iv. 61."
On the Issedones, cf. iv. 25, </., and R. p. 134, and H. Scyth. ch.
i. throughout. TT^OC }, towards the east. Cf. Jelf, 628, 1, 1, a.
CH. CCI I. a. o fr'ApaZriG- It is doubtful whether the Araxesof
Hdtus is the Oxus, (Jihoun), the Jaxartes (St/honn), or the Volyu
Smith's C. I). Cf. also D. p. 58, and p. 105. Hdtus appears to have
been very ill-informed about the Araxes, c. If the account of
this river, which had not ceased to flow, could become so perplexed,
BOOK I. CLIO. 87
it is not perhaps too bold to suggest in connexion therewith, that
the traditionary account of Cyrus' death in the country of the
Massagetae, might also, under the influence of time and distance,
have lost some of its truth. The note (677) in Blak.'s Hdtus is
worth consulting on this subject.
b. r'i Sk KaffTTuj K. r. X. Hdtus rightly describes the Caspian as a
sea distinct from all others ; i. e. a lake. The dimensions, given in
the next ch., are not far from the truth, but the width is too great,
if meant for the Caspian alone ; but as Alexander, and all geogra-
phers from his time to that of Delisle, included the Aral as part
of the Caspian, it is probable that Hdtus did so too, since he con-
ducts the Jaxartes into the Caspian, and not into a separate lake.
The real length of the Caspian from N. to S. in a straight line is
about 740 miles. The knowledge of the unconnected state of the
Caspian was lost in the time of Eratosthenes, Strabo, and Pliny,
but regained in that of Ptolemy. R. p. 193, and Smith's C. D.
c. TI)V ptv yap .... Tracrav the sea within the Pillars of Hercules,
the Mediterranean, tfot f] QaKaoaa, i. 185. Cf. i. 185, e. and D. p. 62.
d. fi 'Ept;0p?7 not the Persian Gulf only, as in i. 180, a., but in the
wider signification, the Indian Ocean. Cf. i. 1,5. It is plain that
Hdtus thought that Africa could be circumnavigated, as he joins
the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. B. Cf. iv. 42; and D. p. 60.
CH. CCIII. a. prjKogniv .... ivpofSt. On the length of the Cas-
pian see note b. in preceding ch. In breadth, R. says, it contracts it-
self to less than 130 miles at the N. neck, and to about 100 at the S.
b. TO. iroXXd TrdvTa all (of them, i. e. the nations) for the most
part living, &c. Here vavra seems to agree with tOvta, and rd
voXXd is adverbial accus. Cf. Jelf, 578, obs. 2. Cf. v. 67.
c. &aCf. i. 70, a.
CH. CCIV. a. [iirexovffi /xoipjjv. Cf. Jelf, 535, obs. 1. The
Massagetse occupy the greatest share in commonage, fttrix- implies
a joint possession, = /ra dXXwv t%ovai. Blak.'s Hdtus, note 686.
Maffffayerat. Cf. i. 201, a.
CH. CCV. a. iiroitero began to make, set about undertaking.
Cf. i. 68, /., on this force of the imperf. Siufiaffiv, (as a means of
crossing,) in opposition to ytqtvpac.. Cf. Jelf, 382, 1.
CH. CCVII. a. iraOrjuaTa .... ftyovet. Perhaps taken from
the proverbial saying TraOfiuara nadrjpara. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 87, icai
oaa tjfjLaordvofiti' K.T.X., and jEschyl. Agam. 185, irdOy fidOot; K.r.X.
On ra ([nraXiv 77 OVTOI, (the reverse of ivhat these men entertain,)
cf. Jelf, 503, obs. 2. "H is also used instead of the gen. after com-
parative notions.
b. XW/MC rov ttTrrcyij/nsvov prceter id, quod expositum est. Pft in
passive sense of a deponent verb. Cf. Jelf, 368, 3, a. TrpojSnrwv
Cf. i. 133, c.
c. oaov dv difiwffi On the conjunctive with av, cf. Jelf, 829, 4.
rrpari'je TO tyXavporaTov, cf. 191, a.
CH. CCVIII. a. rvupat .... avvioraaav These opinions clashed
88 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
together. Cf. vii. 142, a, and viii. 79, a. tag avrov Sta/3., gen. abs. of
participle instead of nom. Cf. i. 178, TTO\IQ iovarjQ rtrp., and ii. Ill,
T. TTOT. KaTl\Q6vTOQ KVfl. O TTOTUflO^ y. Jelf, 710, tt.
b. KOTO, viria^tro according as site promised, /card Ion. for na6a,
i. e. ica0' a. Cf. iii. 86.
c. Tfirtp .... iliSov Before undertaking an expedition, on ac-
tount of the uncertainty of its result, the Persian monarchs were
tvont to name their successor. Cf. vii. 2, a. W.
CH. CCIX. a. 'AxcuntriSyCf. i. 125, c.
b. Ifitv .... KrfSovrat Cf. i. 124, a. tirtav iKtl thither. Cf.
Jelf, 605, obs. 5.
CH. CCX. a. avrov ravry Cf. i. 189, e. dvrl Sk ap^terflai
upx" K. T. X. Hdtus alone uses dvri with the infin. without the
article; apparently for antithesis. Jelf, 678, obs. 1.
CH. CCXI. a. rov KaBapov orparov the sound part of his army,
what was Jit for active service ; opposed to rov xpjjtov. Cf. i. 191,
a., and iv. 135. B.
CH. CCXII. a. ivavair\Mtiv Indicat Tomyris ebriis sitrsum
tendere et quasi in ore natare improba verba ; so that when the icine
has descended into your bodies, foul language floats on, rises to, your
lips. W. Cf. Persius, i. 105, " Hoc natat in labris."
CH. CCXIII. 4 a. 'iva T]V KUKOV in what a calamitous condition he
was. Cf. Soph. Aj. 386. oW opae, VV il KUKOV. The gen. used with
adverbs of place, when the relation is not strictly local. Jelf, 527.
CH. CCXIV. a. iriptsytveaTo. Ion. for irtpuy'evovTo gained the
superiority. The 3d person plur. aor. 2 mid. is frequently in Ionic
karo for OVTO, as in the imperfect, e. g. Tripie(3a\'earo, Herod, vi. 25.
tTTvdiaro, vii. 172. iyivtaTO, i. 214, ii. 166. Jelf, 197, 4. avrov
ravry, cf. i. 189, e.
b. fiaaiXivtrac .... ma. Ctesias and others write that he reigned
30 years. In the 7th year after the restoration of the Jews, (B. c.
536,) died Cyrus, having reigned, since he first took the command of
the Persian and Indian armies, 30 years ; from his taking Babylon,
9 years ; and from his being sole monarch, after the death of
Cyaxares, or Darius the Mede, his uncle, 7 years ; being at the time
of his death 70 years old. Prideaux, an. 530 B. c. Cf. Clinton F.
H. i. p. 12.
c. tvairiiKt immisit. The 3d sing. i. aor. act. Ion. for Iva^Kt,
from Eva0i7^u. G. reads tvaTrrjirn, from ivairairrtiv or ivafydnTiiv,
adligavit superiori ori utris. Crassus' head is said to have experi-
enced somewhat similar treatment.
d. TroXXwv X6yu>v .... tlpt}rai. Prideaux remarks that Hdtus,
Diod. Sic., and Justin agree in their account of the death of Cyrus,
but that Xenophon makes him die on his bed, in his own country :
much the more probable account of the tavo; for neither is it likely
that Cyrus, both so old and so wise a man, should engage in so
rash an undertaking, neither can it be conceived that after such a
blow his newly-erected empire could have been upheld, especially
BOOK I. CLIO. 89
by such a successor as Cambyses, nor that he, Cambyses, should
soon after it be able to wage such a war with the Egyptians, and
make such an absolute conquest of the country, as he did. Besides,
all authors agree that Cyrus was buried at Pasargada in Persia, in
which country Xenophon saith he died, and his monument there
continued to the time of Alexander. " Hdtus naturally prefers
the account he gives, as throwing in a stronger light the vicissitudes
of human nature." Cf. Thirlw. ii. p. 173, and D. p. 105107.
B. follows Ctesias, that he died of a wound in his camp, and then
was buried at Pasargada, where both Strabo and Arrian mention
this monument as standing in their time. Cf. the very interesting
description given from Porter and Morier in E. Orient. H. p. 291,
of an edifice which exactly tallies with Arrian's account of Cyrus'
tomb, the cuneiform inscription on which was deciphered by Lassen,
Professor at Bonn. H. Pers. ch. i. pp. 126, 137, seqq., concludes
that the building, of which he there quotes the description of
Arrian and Sir K. Porter, is undoubtedly Cyrus' tomb that Per-
sepolis, the modern Chehl-Mendr in the plain of Merdasht, is but a
translation of Pasargada, or Parsagada, the encampment of the Per-
sians the name Persepolis being probably applied in a wider
signification, so as to comprehend not only the place of Chehl-
Menar, but also the city, or rather the district, in which the multi-
tude of ancient Persian monuments is found, and so extended to
the tomb of Cyrus itself, (the ruins, according to Chardin, extend-
ing as far as ten leagues round,) which stands in the plain of
Mourghaub, a plain which is connected with that of Merdasht,
and watered by the KJmr-Aub, the Cyrus of the ancients.
CH. CCXV. a. Ma<r<Taysrat Cf. i. 201, a.
b. ffayapte the weapon of the Sacse and Scythians, vii. 64; also
of the Persians and Amazons, iv. 70; whence R. p. 302, considers
it a species of bill-hook ; and S. and L. D. as probably resembling
the old English brown bill. vofii^o^rtc, being accustomed, or wont,
cf. i. 131, c.; sometimes put by itself in the sense of using or em-
ploying. Cf. i. 142, ii. 42, 64.
c. xP va< ? 3 f xpioivn. " The gold and brass with which
their country abounded were not found in Great Bucharia, but in
the Altai Mts." H. Scythians, ch. i. p. 20; on these mines H.
speaks at length in As. Nat. vol. i. Asia, p. 27 31.
d. dpSitc,, arrow-heads. Cf. also iv. 81.
e. ftaaxa^ttrrfjpaG, belts, girdles ; fr. fiaax^at, the armpits. Cf.
.<Escri. P. \ 7 . 71, a\\' a^ujtl Tr\tvpalc jua<rxaXrr;pac jSaXt. Below
fftSrip. t ov$' apyvptp K. r. X. Here the negation is wanting in the
first clause, and must be supplied from the second. Jelf, 776, 2,
obs. 4.
CH. CCXVI. a. ^uptrptwva .... aStwc.. Cf. iv. 172, on the
Nasamones. R. p. 78, note, says the Facquirs in India leave one
of their slippers at the door as a signal of retirement or privacy.
b. ol irpoarjKovns .... Qvovai piv. Like customs L. mentions as
90 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
having existed among the Hyperboreans and in the islands of Sar-
dinia and Ceos, and at the present time in Arracan.
c. Qt&v $t . . . . 'iinrovQ. A custom also of the Persians, and in
honour of the same deity. B. Cf. also Xenoph. Cyrop. viii. 3,
5, and Ovid. Fasti, i. 386, Placat equo Persis, &c.
BOOK II. EUTERPE.
EGYPT, ITS ANTIQUITIES, INSTITUTIONS, ETC. ETC.
CH. 1. a. Kapflvffris His reign from 529 521, B. c., and 525,
B. c. his conquest of Egypt, Libya, and Cyrene to the frontiers of
Carthage, and unsuccessful attempt against Ammonium and Meroe.
On the date of Hdtus' visit to Egypt, cf. ii. 3, b. In Ezra, iv. 5,
Cambyses is called Ahasuerus, cf. Prid. Conn. sub. an. 529. " The
internal constitution of Persia appears to have received little de-
velopment under Cambyses. Like his father, he also was a con-
queror. In estimating the character of this prince, however, as
given by Herodotus, great allowance must be made for the hatred
borne him by the Egyptian priests, who could never forgive him
the humiliation and loss of dignity to which he had subjected them,
and were thus led to represent him as brain-sick and epil eptical .
He is described in a less odious light by Ctesias, except that the
murder of his brother leaves him with a stain which is of too fre-
quent and almost uniform occurrence on a change of reign in the
Asiatic monarchies. The continual wars which, like his father, he
waged at a distance from his own country, and his consequent
absence from the seat of government, were little favourable to the
advancement of civilization at home. Nevertheless the foundation
of the principal cities of Persia and the adoption in the court at
that early period of the Median system of education, (to which,
viz. to the committing the education of the heir to trie throne to
the women and eunuchs of the seraglio, may be traced the dis-
orders during the reign and after the decease of Cambyses,) prove
that a great alteration had already taken place in the manners of
at least the principal tribe." H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 222.
CH. II. a. Atyvirrtot. " In the language of the earliest inhabit-
ants, Egypt was entitled Chemi, or the Slack Earth ; by the Hebrews
it was called MIZRAIM;" (? i. q. Menes the s. of Ham, Gen. x. 6,
said with his posterity to have peopled Egypt after the flood ;)
" by the Arabians MESR, by the Greeks jj Alyvn-rog, and by the
Copts ELKEBIT." Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Geog., Mgyptus. Cf.
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 91
particularly E. Orient. H. ch. iii. p. 66, and cf. ch. i. p. 10. Also
ii. 12, b. Its length from Syene to the Mediterranean is about
526 miles, (Smith's Diet, of Geog., JEgyptus,) but its mean width
between Syene and Cairo is not more than 9 miles. E. Orient.
H. p. 12. On Egypt, its name, history, mythology, &c., &c.,
read in particular the article JEyyptus, above quoted from ; E.
Orient. H. ch. i. iv. ; and H. At'. Nat., Egyptians. Some of
the articles also under JBpwtnu, by Prof. Anthon. in Class. Diet.,
are worthy of notice, and there are two extremely pretty and in-
teresting vols. in the Libr. of Entertaining Knowl., called " Egypt-
ian Antiquities," by Long.
b. tirtrv^ovruv homines files, B., those one first meets with, any
chance people, common people, cf. i. 51, d. rptty. rpo0/;v TraiSia, on the
double accus. here, of the cognate substantive, and of the patient,
cf. Jelf, 548, 2, a. and 583; and iii. 154, iuvrbv Au>/?. Xw/3. avjjr.
c. rfiv upnv .... atyac at the seasonable time to bring them goats.
Sometimes we find the point of time in the accus., but this only in
general notions of time, such as seasonably, lastly, where the accus.
stands for the cognate substantive. So here r)v wpijv = wpalov,
neut. ace. Jelf, 577, obs. 1. i-jrayiv'tttv, Ion. for iirayuv.
d. <p(iivr)v pifcovat Cf. i. 85, d.
e. /3tc6c- Perhaps the children cried fax, imitating the cry ol
the goats, and the Gk termination has been added to it. L. It
appears, however, that the word jStic is Phrygian ; cf. \ T olney's
Chronol. of Hdtus, p. 28, B., and Aristoph. Nubes, 397, fitKKiae\nvt .
CH. III. a. 'HQaiarov i. q. the Egyptian deity Phthah, the
parent of the sun. Cf. Creuzer, Symb. i. p. 529. B.
b. 'EXiovTroXirai .... hoyiwraTotdoctissimi s. rerum peritissimi.
Cf. i. l,o. There were three principal colleges of Egyptian priests,
at Memphis, Thebes, and Heliopolis, and of these the last was the
most noted. B. To these H. 1. I. p. 323, adds Sais. On the
priest caste, H. p. 322 327, should be carefully studied. Cf. also ii.
99, fl. It is clear that Hdtus went first to Memphis, at that time
the capital, and obtained there his information from the priests ;
and then went to Heliopolis and Thebes for the sake of comparing
it with theirs. The historical accounts, ch. 99 142, he noted
down as he received them, from the mouths of the priests. He
generally mentions what he received from the priests at Thebes,
as, for instance, ch. 143. See also p. 367, 368, of the same vol.,
and D. p. 47 51. His conclusion, particularly drawn from iii.
3 15, is that Hdtus could not have undertaken his travels in
Egypt till h g was between thirty and forty years old, that is, from
454 444, B. c. Cf. on Hdtus' sources of information, particularly
in Egypt, through the medium of the Ionic residents at Naucratis,
and elsewhere, Hist, of Gr. Lit., Herodotus, p. 245.
c. voftiwv .... tTrioTaffOai thinking that all men have an equal
knoicledf/e concerning them, i. e. the names of these deities, which
Hdtus would be guilty of no crime in mentioning, as thereby he would
92 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
divulge nothing further as to their mysteries, ii S' imfivriaOai K. T. X.,
but what I shall mention besides, (the mere names,) &c. Cf. iiriKpa-
TII, ii. 1, whom besides, or a/so, he ruled. B. See D. p. 48, 49,
and 108.
CH. IV. a. Sia rpirov treoe K. r. \. every third year after three
years (inclusive of the year then current). " The genitive ex-
presses the time (or space) which is the antecedent condition of
the action ; and Siti the extension of the action through that, time
or space." Jelf, 627, L 2. Cf. i. 32, e.
b. wa Cf. i. 70. iyyXfyat, carved in bas-relief.
c. Mijva Cf. ii. 2, a. Cf. E. Orient, ch. iii., Dynastic Hist, of
Egypt, p. 76, where an endeavour is made to approximate to the real
date of the epoch of Menes, and a table given exhibiting the re-
sults obtained by Gliddon " We cannot define with precision the
epoch of Menes within 500 years, but all differences considered,
between the extreme of 2890, B. c. for remoteness and 2412 for
proximity, we would place Menes about 2750, B. c. ; supposing the
deluge had happened, according to the LXX., 3154 B. c. Cf. also
Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Geog. JEgyptus, Pharaonic Era. " Al-
though Bunsen and other distinguished Egyptologers are disposed
to assign an historical personality to Menes, his very name, as the
name of an individual man, seems suspicious. It too nearly re-
sembles the Menu of the Indians, the Minyas and Minos of the
Greeks, the Menerfa of the Etruscans, and the Mannus of the Ger-
mans, (in all which languages the name is connected with the root,
man, signifying " to think and to speak," see Quarterly Review, vol.
Ixxviii. p. 149,) to be accepted implicitly as a personal designa-
tion. The Pharaonic era of Egyptian history may be divided into
three portions the old, the middle, and the new monarchy. The
first extends from the foundation of the kingdom in B. c. 3S92, to the
invasion of the Hyksos. The second, from the conquest of Lower
Egypt by the Hyksos, and the establishment of an independent
kingdom in the Thebaid, to the expulsion of the Hyksos. The
third, from the re-establishment of the native monarchy by Amosis
to the final conquest by Cambyses in B. c. 525. (Kenrick, Ancient
Egypt, vol. ii. p. 110.)" See the 10th article, History, under
JEgyptus, in Class. Diet., and ii. 101, a., 102, a.
CH. V.-^-a. tKftvot they, i. e. the priests.
b. y/tp?7c fyofiov, K. T. X. the day's sail (of 24 hours) equalled
nearly 1 300 stadia, cf. iv. 86, a., or about 160 miles : opyvid, & fathom,
6 ft. Shaw says that the black mud appears by soundings at the
distance of 20 leagues, and Pococke, at 7 or 8. See R. 18, on
the Delta of the Nile.
CH. VI. a. Tl\ivOtvr]T(t>> icoXirov the Gulf of the Arabs, from
nXtv0<V>j, the W.most city of Egypt. Smith's C. D.
b. 2n>(3h>vi5og \ifivt)f El-Arisch, cf. iii. 5. Kdatov opoQ, El-Kas.
B. The boundary of Egypt and Syria. R. p. 245, &c.
c. Trapoo-ayyijc the farsang of the Persians = 30 stades, rather
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 93
more than a league. Cf. R. p. 331, seqq. Others make it equal to
60 stades ; others to 40.
d. (TXOIVOS .... OdXaaaav. On this and on the next ch., R. p.
16, 19, and 427, observes, in the report of Hdtus as to the extent
of Egypt, he uses a stade totally different from that he uses when
he refers to Greece or Persia. This appears in a remarkable in-
stance, where he assigns the same number of stades, within 15, to
the space between Athens and Pisa, as between Heliopolis and the
sea-coast of Egypt; although the former be about 105, and the
latter 86 G. miles only; the one giving a proportion of 755, the
other of 1012 to a degree. So that he appears to have used stades
of different scales without a consciousness of it. It appears that
the error arises from his having taken the schoeni one third above^
the real standard ; that is, 60 stades, instead of 40, as it really ap-
pears to be. See throughout ch. i. Land and People, of H. Egypt,
and article 1, of JEyyptus, Class. Diet.
CH. VII. a. 'HXiovTroAioc In the O. T. Ow, or Bethshemesh.
Smith's C. D. About 6 miles to the N. E. of Memphis. Cf. par-
ticularly E. Orient. H. ch. ii. p. 5658, and Hist, of Gr. Lit.
Herodotus, p. 262. Also cf. R. p. 539, and Long, Egypt. Ant. i. p.
47, seqq.
b. SvwStiea .... /3w/ioi5 This altar, cf. vi. 108, stood in the forum
at Athens, and was built by Pisistratus, s. of Hippias, and dedi-
cated by him to the twelve gods, whilst he was Archon ; which
office he must have held while nis father Hippias was yet in power,
and before 510, B. c., when he finally withdrew from Athens.
Hence B. dates its erection 519, B. c., while the power of the
Pisistratidse was yet unbroken. Cf. Thucyd. vi. 54. B. is of
opinion that, from the frequent allusions to this altar, in inscrip-
tions where distances are laid down, it served the same purpose at
Athens as the golden milestone at Rome, to mark out, by measuring
from it the length of roads both through Attica and the other
countries of Greece. So also from the interesting relic, London
stone, the Roman roads in Britain are said tu have been measured.
Observe, however, that though the great military roads terminated
at the " millarium aureum," a gilt pillar set up by Augustus in the
forum, to which B. alludes, yet that distances were not measured
to that, but to the gates of the city.
c. rb pr) 'icraQ K. T. X. Cf. ii. 6, d. KaraSti TTIVT. araSiiiiv, Priva-
tive gen. Cf. Jelf, 529, 1.
CH. VIII. a. 'EpvQpijv QaXaaaav i. e. the Sinus Arabicus, the
Red Sea. B. Cf. ii. 158, c., and D. p. 61. On its wider significa-
tion, cf. i. 1, b. On the mts mentioned, cf. ii. 124, b.
b. Tai>Ty fttv .... opoQ The mt. ending in that part where the
quarries are, (i. e. not going on any further from N. to S.,) takes a
turn towards that part which I have mentioned, (viz. to the Red Sea,
as was said in line 4,) and then continues upwards with that sea, (and
thus in an E. or S. E. direction,) extending to the region offrankin-
94 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
cense. On this mt. cf. also ii. 124, 6., ii. 158, and on its length, " a
journey of two months," see the remarks of D. p. 72. On the
quarries of Egypt, cf. H. Egypt, ch. i. p. 291293. " In the S. E.
was found Syenite or Oriental granite, used for monoliths, such as
obelisks, colossi, &c. The most N. district were mt. chains com-
posed of calcareous stone, whence the pyramids were constructed
the middle district, from Syene to Latopolis or Esneh, of sand-
stone, of which the temples in U. Egypt are built, of various
colours, grey, yellowish, pure white, with veins, occasionally, of
light-pink or rose-colour." Cf. also E. Orient. H. ch. i. p. 14.
c. Karu\vfji(vnv covered, from KartiXvu, obvolvo, obtego. W.
d. we tlvai AlyviTTov -for ichat is considered to belong to Egypt, so as
to be the country of Egypt, q. d. that from Heliopolis, Egypt strictly
so called, extends to no great width. B. So Jelf, 869, 6, ut in
JEgypto, for Egypt.
CH. IX. a. ovrot awTiOtifizvoi K. T. \. Here Hdtus reckons 4860
stades from Heliopolis to Thebes, and in c. 7, supr., from the sea
to Heliopolis, 1500; therefore, according to this calculation, there
would be 6360 stades from the sea to Thebes ; while in this ch. he
makes it but 6120. So that there is a mistake of 240 stades ; pro-
bably the fault of the transcribers. Schw. On the exact agree-
ment of the measurements of Hdtus with those made by the
French, of the ruins of Thebes, from the sea 850 miles, and from
Elephantine 225 miles, cf. E. Orient. H. p. 44.
CH. X. a. yiiXovtovTOfirsvTaarofiov Cf. also c. 17, infr., where,
as here, in enumerating the mouths of the Nile, Hdtus makes only
5 instead of 7, omitting the Bolbitine and Phatnitic, or Bucolic,
as being artificial. B. For an account of the mouths of the Nile,
collected from ancient and modern authorities, cf. R. sect. 19, E.
Orient. H. ch. i. p. 19. H. 1. 1. p. 299, and the map opposite, p. 2S6.
A few lines above, tioirip yt ra mpi "l\wv K. T. \. " How readily our
author's memory turned to the different districts of his native land
from his later home at Thurium, is shown by his comparison of
some small portions of the sea-coast about Ilion, and in Ionia,
with the larger localities of Egypt." D. p. 40.
b. 'Extvafav Small islands at the mouth of the Achelous ; Cur-
zolari, Smith's C. D. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 102.
CH. XI. a. firjfOQ (ilv K. T. X. "Hdtus reckons the gulf itself 40
days' navigation : wherefore we may take the whole to Cape Gar-
dafui at full two months'. The whole is about 30 degrees ; equal
to 71 days, at 23 miles per day." R. p. 696. Cf. also p. 197, seqq.
Niebuhr, the father of the Roman historian, D. p. 62, mentions,
sailed the whole length of the Red Sea in 34 days, so that Hdtus'
calculations were tolerably correct on this subject. According to
Arrowsmith, Eton Geog. 23, p. 572, who probably reckons it only
as far as the Straits of Babelmandel, and not to C. Gardafui, it is
1200 miles long, and 170 across in the widest part. From making
the breadth so small, Breiger, quoted by B., concludes that Hdtus
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 95
is here speaking only of the breadth of the upper extremity of the
sea, the Sinus Heroopolites, Sea of Suez.
b. IK rrjs jSopjjtijg QaXaoariz from the sea on the north, here mean-
ing the Mediterranean, cf. ii. 32, e., as distinguished from ?/ vorirj
QaXaaaa, the same as j 'Epw0p7), the Indian Ocean : of which the
Red Sea or the Arabian, as well as the Persian Gulf, was part: cf.
i. 1, b. Cf. particularly on the relative force of the terms, the sea
on the north, and the sea on the south, iv. 13, c.
c. ffxtdbv pri . . . . xuptie- This passage is explained by Blomfield,
Gloss. Choeph. 449. awTtrpaivnv, to bore through or penetrate, so
as nearly to meet one another. An intimos recessus penetrant idem
fere terra spatium dissecanies, ut initium hujus cum Jine illius con-
cordet, quod ad parallelismum attinet ; parvo autem spatio inter se
distant. The sense of which appears to be, that the two arms of
the sea (the one being the Red Sea, and the other supposed by
Hdtus formerly to have existed, the first running from S. to N.
from the Indian Ocean, and the other from N. to S. from the
Mediterranean) carried out their extremities nearly to the same ex-
tent, (so that the end of the one sea was nearly in the same parallel
with the mouth of the other,) but were separated from each other
only by a small tract of land. If I have rightly understood the
above explanation of Blomfield, it differs from that given in S. and
L. D., where TrapaXXao-rovrac is explained of passing by, and over
lapping each other.
d. IXirojuat. / think or reckon. In the same sense in the oracle,
i. 65, &c. B.
CH. XII. a. irpoKunsvnv K. r.X. extending farther into the sea
than the adjoining country, to wit, Libya.
b. fie\dyyaiov TS (cat (cartppjjyj/v^tvjjv both of a black soil and
crumbling. Hence Egypt was anciently called X^/ii'a, cf. ii. 2, a.
CH. XIII. a. b TTOTajtoe K. T. \. On the inundations of the Nile,
cf. E. Orient. H. ch. i. p. 17, seqq., and H. 1. I. p. 287, seqq.
b. Moipi ovKta fiv K. T. \. Dating Hdtus' visit to Egypt at 450 B. c.,
cf. ii. 1, a., and Moeris 2040 B. c., (Chronol. E. Orient. H.,) the
number of years intervening will be about 1500.
c. ov yap .... cnroffTpoa<t>T) -for they have no other refuge against
the want of, i. e. resource for obtaining, water.
CH. XIV. a. tl Ufa vairat K.T.\. This was the opinion of
many of the ancients, cf. also iii. 10: travellers, however, have ob-
served rain in Egypt ; less in Upper Egypt, in which, see Pococke
i. p. 195, during the space of eight years it had been known to rain
hard but twice for about half an hour, but much more frequently
in Lower Egypt, especially during the winter. Cf. H. /. 1. p. 286.
b. ot ovTf aporpif) K.T.\. Cf. Deuteron. xi. 10, " For the land
is not as the land of Egypt where thou sowedst thy seed, and
wateredst it with thy foot, as a garden of herbs." Cf. H. /. /. p.
288, seqq.
c. vg. From the probability of the swine eating instead of tram-
96 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
pling in the seed, and from the use of oxen, and not swine, in tread-
ing out the grain, Deuteron. xxv. 4, the word fioi> has been here,
and in the following line, conjectured instead of the \>f and vai in
the text. L. considers that Hdtus was mistaken as to the time
when the pigs were let into the fields; which, perhaps, was done
before the corn was sown, that they might eat the roots of the
aquatic plants, which might injure the grain ; but B. confirms the
use of the pigs to trample the grain in, from Plutarch Sympos. iv.
p. 670, and other authors ; though their employment in treading it
out he is unable to confirm, and would therefore read /3ovm, but for
the unanimous authority of the MSS. Perhaps the employment
of swine instead of oxen in treading out the corn, arose from the
reverence among the Egyptians to the latter animal, and their con-
sequent unwillingness to use it for a servile purpose. H. /. 1. p.
337, agrees with the account given in the text as it stands.
CH. XV. a. ntpjEojc o7rti/e. This watch-tower stood on
the prom, of Canopus, immortalized since as Aboukir. B.
b. TO ?rapd QaXaaaav K. T. X. Reckoning the distance along the
coast from the Canopic to the Pelusian mouth at 40 schoeni, and
each schoenus at 40 stades, cf. ii. 6, d., which gives a total of 1GOO
stades, the calculation of Hdtus will not be far from that of modern
geographers, who make the distance about 34^ G. miles.
c. Tapxijtuiv. This name is found added to that of more than
one place in Egypt; cf. ii. 113; it was derived probably from their
preserving in those places the embalmed bodies. W.
d. TroXXowc . . . vTTOKaTaj3aivovTaf many were left behind in their
old possessions, and many gradually descended into the lower and more
recently formed regions. From this passage H. 1. I. p. 310, infers
that Thebes or U. Egypt was first inhabited, and thence the rest of
Egypt was colonized and derived the seeds of civilization, &c. With
regard to the assertion of Hdtus that directly follows, " that there
was once a time when the whole of Egypt was called Thebes, not
only the fruitful valley of the Nile, but also the Eastern and West-
ern borders," cf. H. /. /. p. 432, and compare the answer of the
oracle given in ii. 18. Cf. also Diod. i. 50, quoted by B.
e. at Oij/3ai K. r.\. Thebes teas called Egypt. Cf. i. 93, /. Though
Hdtus mentions this famous city elsewhere, ii. 3, 56, 58, yet he
gives no account of it : that he visited it, may be inferred from the
conversations held in ii. 143, and cf. ii. 3 ; besides which, it would
be extraordinary, that having gone as far as Elephantine, ii. 9, he
should not have seen and stopped at Thebes. Unless therefore he
intended to add a description of it at some later period, which from
some reason he neglected, the conjecture of Creuzer would appear
probable, that he purposely omitted it, as Hecataeus had already
given an account of it. Cf. H. /. L p. 430. Cf. on it Homer, II.
ix. 383, seq. ; Tacitus, Ann. ii. 60 ; and Diod. i. 49. The Gk name
of Thebes, AwairoXtc, indicates that it was the No, or No-Ammon,
of the O. T., the possession of Amman, the Egyptian Jupiter. Cf.
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 97
ii. 42, g. It stood on both banks of the Nile, where Medynet-alu
now stands, on the \V. side of the river, and Luxor and Karnak
on the E. B. The name Thebse is perhaps derived from the
Egyptian word TJibaki, the city, and the No-Ammon of the He-
brews and Diospolis of the Greeks are mere translations of Thbaki-
antepi-Amoun of the Egyptians, i. e. City of the Most High. E.
Orient. H. p. 45. On Thebes and its monuments, cf. the ch. so
entitled, in H. Egypt., and the plan of the city in the same vol.
Read also E. Orient. H. ch. ii., Thebes, p. 3845, and Long,
Egypt. Ant. i. p. 62, seqq.
/. rye K. r. X. These measurements refer not to the city, but. to
the territory, the Thebaid, or U. Egypt, from Heptanomis to the
borders of Ethiopia. B.
CH. XVI. a. rpi'a /iopia K. r. X. The division of the world, W.
observes, was a point of great doubt among the ancients, some
making but two continents, Asia and Europe, considering Africa
to be a portion of the last; as Sallust, Bell. Jug. c. 17; others again
considering it to consist of three, as Lucan. Pharsal. ix. 410, but
still connecting Africa with Europe ; while Isocrates, Paneg., and
Silius Italicus, i. 195, hold it rather to belong to Asia. " Hdtus,
R. observes, p. 3, and 411, " excludes Egypt from Africa, as well as
from Asia; which can only be accounted for on the ground that
he does not, like others, distribute the habitable world into conti-
nents, but regions ; and that Egypt might, be considered as a region
of itself. He seemed to think Egypt, if we may so say, extra-con-
tinental : in effect, he thought the land of Egypt alone constituted
the natural and proper limits or boundary of Asia and Africa. Thus
in iv. 39, he says Asia terminates at Egypt, and in iv. 41, that
Libya begins where Egypt ends. Again, in ii. 65, Egypt is said to
be near to Libi/a, (to which may be added, that in iv. 197, when
enumerating the nations of Libya, he says nothing of the Egyp-
tians.) On the other hand, in iv. 41, 42, he says, except in that
part which is contiguous to Asia, the whole of Libya is surrounded
by sea, &c. It certainly appears on the whole that Hdtus had
either no decided opinion of his own on the subject, or that in one
of the places he has merely expressed the opinions of others, with-
out explaining his own." See also D. p. 59 62.
b. TOV AlAra .... NfiXoc but the Nile parts into two streams at
the apex of this Delta, &c. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. i. p. 1721, and H.
/. /. p. 287, seqq.
CH. XVII. a. KaracovTTuv .... ' E\t(pavrivriG These were the
bounds of Egypt towards Nubia; the first is now called the lesser
cataract, Chcllal, not far from Syene. Elephantine, an island and a
city, the boundary of Egypt from the Pharaohs till the Romans;
cf. Tacit. Ann. ii. 61, just below the cataracts, near Syene. it is
now called Jcziret-el-zahir, i. e. the flowery island. B., and E.
Orient. H. ch. ii. p. 36.
b. fiixp* pw NtlXoc K. r.X. On the mouths of the Nile cf. ii.
98 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
10, a., and refs. iy It Sff rj N. tffrtv tfSt, but the direct path or courst
of the Nile is the following. On the dativus commodi here cf. Jelf,
597, obs. 2, and V. 8, a.
CH. XVIII. a. Mnplijc This city stood beyond the Delta, on
the S. side of the lake Mareotis: it was noted for its wine even till
the time of the Romans. Cf. Virgil, Georg. ii. 91, &c. The re-
gion where it stood, now almost a desert, is called Mariuth. B.
Cf. Horace i. Od. 37, 14. The city Apis stood on the coast of the
Medit. on the border of the country towards Libya. Smith's C. D.
6. /3ouX6/ivoi .... tp-yeodai cf. ii. 41, fl., IV. 186.
c. teal OVK ofioXoytitv avrolai and do not use the same language tcith
them. Cf. i. 142. W. 6 SI 6c <j>a<; K. r. \. cf. iii. 15, d., and re'f. to H .
CH. XIX. a. OTI Karspxrrai K.T.\. art, why, wherefore. Cf.
Matth. Gr. Gr. 477, e. " From the constant rains in the upper
districts of Ethiopia from May to Sept., the Nile begins to rise in
Egypt about the time of the summer solstice in the middle of June.
It continues to rise till the end of July, though still confined with-
in its channel, but in the first half of August it overflows its banks,
inundates the neighbouring territory, and its waters continue with-
out intermission to extend themselves till Sept. About this time it
begins gradually to fall, but so slowly that it is not till the end of
October that the waters return completely into their bed." H. /. /.
p. 287-
b. airo\i'nrii>v TO ptiOpov decreasing as to, i. e. in its stream, or,
bulk of water. Cf. vii. 43, a.
c. avpae -foggy vapours. B. Cool breezes from the water. S. and
L. D.
CH. XX. a. rS>v r/ tripi] K. r. X. Thales' opinion, according to
Seneca. B. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. i. p. 17- On the Etesian winds,
cf. vi. 140, a. " Agatharchides appears to have been the first who
discovered the true cause of the overflow of the Nile." Agathar-
chid. ap. Diod. i. p. 50. H. 1. I. See also D. p. 69.
CH. XXI. a. r/ & MpT) K.T.\. The opinion of the Egyptian
priests, according to Diod. i. 37, also of Euthymenes of Massilia,
of Dicaearchus, and of Hecataeus of Miletus, cf. ii. 143, a., who
visited and described Egypt. B.
CH. XXII. a. i} Se TpiTT) K.T.X. The opinion of Anaxagoms.
and of Euripides, Frag, ex Archelai tragaed. and Helen. 3. B.
Observe the force of the particles Z>v and Hjra here ; " But the
third supposition, though by far the most plausible, is furthest
from the truth. For it is plain, &}, that this is not better founded
than the rest, since it asserts that the waters of the Nile are sup-
plied by melted snow. For the Nile flows from Libya through the
midst of Ethiopia and thence into Egypt. How then (wv), / ask
(irjra), could its waters be supplied by snow, seeing that it flows
from the hottest regions of the earth to those that are of a colder
temperature?" Stephens' Gk Particles, p.. 102, seqq.
6. ruv rd TroXXd sub. rtr/i^pia, W.; but the sentence does not
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 99
appear to need it; render, of which reasons the greater part are of
such a kind, that to a man capable of forming an opinion on such
subjects, it would not appear even probable that the increase of the Nile
should be owing to snow. B.
c. on avopppoq K. r. \. In this, as regards the mountainous parts
of Ethiopia, Hdtus was mistaken. Strabo and Callisthenes both
ascribed the overflow of the Nile to its true cause ; viz. the violent
rains that fall in Ethiopia from May to September. W. Cf. ii. 19,
a. Homer appears to have known it, from the epithet of Suittry^
swelled by the rains, applied by him to the Nile, Odyss. v. 477. B.
rf. tirl & . . . . riftspfjai K. T. \. but as a consequence of snow falling
there needs must be rain within five days. Cf. Jelf, 699, obs. 2.
This remark applied, probably, to Halicarnassus or Thurii, where
Hdtus lived, and hence he has transferred it to Ethiopia, as if it
were a universal rule. As regards the cranes, and the cause of the
blackness of the natives, cf. Seneca Quaest. iv. 2, and Etirip. Helen,
v. 1497- W.
CH. XXIII. a. 'O Se irepi 'Qntavov A^af. Hecataeus of Miletus
is meant, cf. ii. 21, a. supr. The obscure cause, which contains no-
thing to convince us, mentioned shortly after, refers to the river
Oceanus, the mighty stream said to encompass the whole disc of
the earth. Cf. iv. 8, and Homer II. xiv. 245. B. Cf. also D. p. 59.
b. fi riva ruv K. r. X. Cf. ii. 53, c.
CH. XXIV. a. rffv xufii(>ivi)v K. r. \. The origin of this notion
of Hdtus is explained by Bredow, Uranologia, Herod, p. 7> 13,
quoted at length in B. " It arose from his belief that the earth
was a flat surface, on which the heavens were fitted like a hollow
hemisphere ; the extremities of which joined the edges of the
world: during the summer time in Greece, the sun held a middle
course in the heavens, but when the cold came on, he was driven
further south, to Libya, &c., where, accordingly, it was summer,
while it was winter in Greece. Hdtus of course considered Greece
to be in the middle of the earth ; an idea, as regards Delphi, con-
tinually found in the Tragedians. Cf. " Philosophy of Hdtus,"
Blackwood's Mag. Jan. 1842; and D. p. 5962, and p. 68.
CH. XXV. a. 'Qf Sn\u>Tai. Cf. Jelf, 864, 1. inroXeiirioBai TTtpi
ioivrov. Also the opinion of the Stoics, who thought that the sun
was, as it were, fed with water. Cf. Cicero, Nat. Deor. ii. 15. B.
Cf. D. p. 69.
b. UVT'OQ tuivrov K. T. X. much inferior in bulk of tcater to what it
generally is, viz. than in summer. Cf. Jelf, 782, g. If the sub-
ject at one time is compared with itself at another, so that AN IN-
CREASE OP DEGREE is signified, the genitive of the reflexive pro-
nouns ipavTov, fffcivrov, iavrov is used, and after this last avro^ is
added. Sometimes, as here, the difference of time is marked by T;,
and an expression of time. Cf. v. 28, a., viii. 86, b., fj Trpbg Evfioiy.
CH. XXVI. a. Siaicaiwv *. r. X. Sol qui exitrat suum transitutn,
i. e. omnia quce transeat exurat : burning up, heating to excess. S. ami
a 2
100 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
L. D. On the comparison of the Nile and the Danube cf. ii. 33,
see D. p. 65, 66, 68.
CH. XXVII. a. rfjs avprje K. T. \. Cf. ii. 19, c.
CH. XXVIII. a. dpxi/v -from of old, from at first. Cf. i. 9, a.
b. NfiXov rdf wijyac K. r. X. Cf. Hor. iv. Od. 14, 15, Te, fontium
qui, &c. Diod. Sic. i. 37, also mentions the universal ignorance on
this point. The name Nile seems connected with the Indian term
Nilas, black, E. Orient. H. p. 15 ; which see for the allusions to it in
the Greek and Latin poets. Many consider that Bruce, in placing
the fountains of the Nile near the village of Gisch in Abyssinia, has
mistaken one of the rivers that fall into the Nile for the Nile itself.
The confluence of the Bahr el Azrek, the Blue River, the Abyssinian
and E. branch, and the Bahr el Abiad, i. e. the IVhite River, is in
about lat. 16 N.,* and the name of Nile, it should seem, should
be restricted to the united waters of the Blue and White Rivers ;
but which of these two great streams has better claim to be re-
garded as the main branch of the Egyptian river, is yet a question.
The " White River" has never been explored ; and this, as he con-
siders it to be the more remote as well as the largest stream, R., p.
441, holds to be the true head of the Nile ; placing its source, not
in Abyssinia, but in some country very far to the S. W. of it,
and perhaps as far S. as the parallel of 6, but less remote than
Hdtus, Ptolemy, or the Arabian Geographers supposed. That
Bruce visited the E. sources of the Nile, R., p. 436, entertains no
doubt ; but these he denies to be the proper heads of the Nile. Cf.
particularly Early Orient. Hist. ch. i. p. 16, Smith's C. D., Nilus,
and D. p. 64-66.
c. ypaju/uarioT7c K - T. X. the secretary, steward of the college, or
bursar ; " appointed to manage the common treasure of the temple,
arising from the revenue of the estates attached to it." H. 1. 1. p. 326.
d. Su/jvtje Assouan. On Elephantine cf. ii. 17, a.
e. Kpw0t .... M<20i Crophi, according to Champollion, quoted
by B., means la mauvaise ; and Mophi, la bonne.
f. ravra yivopfva tAty, ra yivofitva, ea quce sunt et reapse con-
tinqunt. W.
CH. XXIX. a. avu iovrt, dat. commodi. Cf. Jelf, 599, 1,
Dat. expressing reference to. KaTairip fiovv, i. e. they fasten ropes to
the vessel on both sides, for the purpose of drawing it along, in the
same manner that the priests were wont to fasten ropes on the
horns of restive oxen to drag them up to the altar.
b. fjdr) immediately after, or from this point. When applied to
space jjlr) denotes to point where a new country or territory imme-
diately begins. Jelf, 719, 4, a. 1. Ta^o^u According to H.
Ethiop. ch. ii. p. 175, 457, seqq., the island Kalabshe, or per-
haps another 20 miles further on. Qu. Derar. Smith's C. D.,
Tachempsah, i. e. the place of many crocodiles. B.
* At a place catlled Khartoum. See Melly's account of the junction of the two
ttreawb in his " Khartoum and the Kilei."
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 101
c. i^trat .... fityaXt}. This great lake does not now exist : it
might have been only a temporary inundation, or the features of
the country may have been changed since, and the lake filled up
with sand. Cf. H. Ethiop. ch. ii. p. 175, and on the course of the
Nile above Egypt, p. 343, seqq.
d. eat tTrttra .... Mtpoij. Part of this description is quoted and
admired by Longinus de Sublim. 26. See the remarks in Spur-
dens' translation. " We may safely conclude, 1st, that the ancient
island of Meroe is the present province of Atbar, between the river
of the same name, or the Tacazze, on the right, and the white
stream and Nile on the left. It is between 13 and 18 N. lat.
In recent times it has formed a great part of the kingdom of Sen-
naar, and the S. part belongs to Abyssinia. 2ndly, Meroe was an
extensive district, surrounded by rivers, whose superficial contents
exceeded those of Sicily rather more than one half. Srdly, Upon,
this island stood the city of the same name a little below the 4
present Shendy, under 17 N. lat., 5 E. long." H. Afr. Nat. i.
State of Meroe, ch. ii. Cf. also Smith's C. D., Meroe.
e. Aia Otuv cat Aiowffov Jupiter Ammon, and Osiris, are meant.
Cf. ii. 41, a., 42, c. /., and particularly H. Ethiop. ch. ii. State of
Meroe, p. 209, seqq. " Ammon was the original oracle god of
Africa ; if afterwards, as was the case in Egypt, other deities de-
livered oracles, yet they were of his race, of his kindred," &c. ry
or, quocunque. Cf. Jelf, 605, obs. 5, Local Dat. The adverbial
datives are used both in the transmissive as well as the local forcft
of the dative.
CH. XXX. a. AvTOfjioXovs. These deserted, according to Diod.
Sic. i. 67, from a different reason to that here given ; viz. because
Psammetichus, when marching into Syria, gave the honour of the
right wing to foreign soldiers, and placed the Egyptians on the left.
The foreign soldiers of Diod. were probably the lonians and Carians
mentioned in ii. 152. If this be correct, it agrees with the conjecture
of 'Affaer/jax for 'Adfidx, i. e. tvwvofiirat, those placed on the left. B.
b. 'Aiyvnr'uiiv TUV /ia-^i/iiitv of those of the war-tribe, soldier-caste.
Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 154, and H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 327
330. iptiXaicai Kitrtffr. Trpoc AlQioTTwv K.T.\. Custodies collocates
sunt adversus JEthiopes, &c., properly, before the Ethiopians, &c. ;
but the gen. denotes them as the cause of the guard, as in Latin
munimenta ab hoste. Jelf, 638, I. 2, e. On the island of
Elephantine, cf. ii. 17, a.
c. Acupvyat K. T.\. Mentioned in ii. 107; it stood about 16 miles S.
of Pelusium, and is the Taphnes and Tahpanhes of the O. T. It was
thither " the rebellious Jews under Johanan retired, and not long
after Nebuchadnezzar took it, and placed his throne in the entry
of it, as Jeremiah had pointed out by the hiding of stones. Jer.
xliii. 711. Ezek. xxx. 18." Prid.
d. Maps?. Cf. ii. 18, a.
e. Tpia ma K. T. \. Cf. Aristot. Rhet. iii. 16, 5.
102 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
f. OVK ta was for not allowing them, tried to dissuade them. Cf.
v.'96, a., and Jelf, 398, 2, also ix. 2, a.
g. TUIV le nva In Machiavelli, Hist, of Florence, viii., a similar
speech is attributed to Catherine Sforza. B.
h. rovrovc tfiXivi it\6vTag Here tJtXovrae, which refers to the
Egyptian deserters, governs TOVTOV$, i. e. the Ethiopians, who were
dispossessed of their territory. With regard to the extent of
Ethiopia, R., p. 430, remarks, that, by it Hdtus designs the whole
of the S. part of Africa, extensive, as from his own descriptions,
he must have conceived it to be. Cf. also H. Ethiop. p. 147, seqq.
CH. XXXII. a. \E<rxT)Cf. i. 153, a. On the Ammonians, cf.
ii. 42,/., iv. 181, and iii. 25. The temple of Jupiter Ammon ap-
pears undoubtedly to have stood in the Oasis of Siwah or Seeira.
See R. xxi. p. 576, and H. Carthagin. ch. vi. p. 99 104, for a
,very interesting account; also Smith's C. D., Oasis.
b. tiaaapaivas Cf. iv. 172, a.
c. rijc yap Ai/3iije K. r.\. Cf. also iv. 181, where the same three-
fold division of Libya is mentioned ; this appears to be still pre-
served in the names Barbarei, or Tell, the fertile land, Bilcdnh/crul,
or the land of dates, and Sahara, or the sand. This is the more
probably true, as it is a division made in accordance with the
nature of the country. The regions that lie beyond the desert of
Sahara are fertile and cultivated ; at the present time known under
the name of Nigritia or Sudan, of which, from the end of this ch.,
we may conclude that Hdtus was not altogether ignorant. B. Cf.
H. Ethiop. ch. i. p. 148.
d. SoXofvroc arpjc Cape Cantin, according to R. p. 421, D'An-
ville, and Smith's C. D. cf. iv. 43. B. follows Ritter, in consider-
ing it to be Cape Spartel.
e. Trie yap Atf^vrjg .... 9a\affffav with regard to those parts of
Libya which extend along the sea on the north, i. e. the Mediterranean.
Cf. ii. 158, h., and R. p. 36.
/. liTfl Stv livai, cf. Jelf, 889. In Greek one or more de-
pendent clauses in a narration may stand as an oratio obliqua in the
accus. and infin., depending on a verb of saying, &c., expressed 01
implied, instead of the rerbum finitum. vSaai rt Kai K. T. \. On
this expedition, cf. H. Carthag. ch. vi. p. 92, seqq., " Though the
number of real adventurers was but five, yet their attendants must
have been more numerous, so as to form a small caravan ; in no
other way is travelling possible in these regions." airnaOat Kapirov,
not, to gather, but to eat or taste fruits. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 50. The
fruit meant was probably that of the butter-tree. H. /. 1. p. 94.
g. dvtpac fincpoiie. It is evident from this account, that the Nasa-
mones reached the Negro lands beyond the desert, and came to a
Negro people. H. 1. I. p. 93, men of diminutive stature, but not
ilwarfs.
h. if iroXiv This city, H. /. /. 94, and R. p. 431, consider to
have been probably the present Timbuctoo, and the river the Niger
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 103
or Quorra, which is now ascertained not to be the upper part of
the Nile. The Niger is by the natives called the loliba, i. e. Great
river: this agrees well with the words Trorafiov /isyav. What Hdtus
here says of this river having crocodiles, he appears to have for-
gotten in iv. 44, where he mentions the Indus as the 2nd river
which had crocodiles, the Nile being the first; unless, indeed, he
really considered this river to be part of the Nile. See Smith's
C. D., Niger.
CH. XXXIII. a. yotirasK.r.X. " We know from Mungo Park
that a belief in magic and amulets generally prevails among the
negro nations." H. 1. I. p. 93
b. awifidXXtTo .... a'lpsii. Cf. note h. in the preceding ch.
c. ry'Itrrpy .... opfjiciTai. Rendered by Schw. parallelum Istro
cursum habet. B. thinks that Hdtus is not intending to speak of
the courses, but of the fountains, or sources, whence the Nile and
the Ister flow; meaning that they both took their rise opposite each
other, from the same quarters ; that is, in the same quarter of the S.
part of the tvorld in which the Nile begins its course, in that same in
the N. does the Ister rise; and to elucidate this, he adds that the
Ister divides Europe in the midst, in the same way as the Nile
divides Africa. perpa, however, per se, cannot mean either" sources,"
or " courses." The real point of comparison is that the Nile runs
through Libya, just in the same way as the Danube through
Europe, and the proof adduced is, that they disembogue into their
respective seas nearly opposite each other. Render, it proceeds
upon equal measures, meaning, I think, that it pursues an analogous
course to the Danube, and that the courses of the rivers are propor-
tionate. Cf. also the following note. On the course of the Ister,
cf. also iv. 49, and Find. Olymp. iii. 25.
d. Hvpiivw TroXtoc This city is scarcely mentioned in any other
writer. As it is certain that the Danube does not take its rise in
the Pyrenees, as Hdtus seems to think from the name of this city,
but in Mt Abnoba, in the Black Forest, L. and others have en-
deavoured to connect the word Pyrene with the names of two small
streams, Briyen and Pregen, which take their rise near the Danube.
But from what has already been said, concerning the fountains of
the Nile and the Danube being opposite to each other, and their
flowing in a parallel direction, it can hardly be doubted that our
author here does intend to speak of the country of the Pyrenees
Mts, and places the fountain of the Danube over against where, he
considered, the Nile took its source. B. This is also evident from
the position of the Celtae in iv. 49. Cf. Smith's C. D., Pyrene.
e. Ki\Toi .... ornXtwv. All that was beyond the straits of
Gibraltar, towards the ocean from the promontory of Calpe, where
the Pillars of Hercules were considered to stand, was called without
these Pillars. Thus Cadiz (cf. iv. 8, a.) and the extreme part of
Lusitania was considered without the Pillars of Hercules. Arnold,
Hist, of Rome, i. p. 491, says, speaking of the Barbarians of the
104 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
west of Europe, that " though it may be true that the Kelts or
Gauls had long before the fourth century of Rome crossed the
Alps, and that Keltic tribes were to be found in the heart of Spain,
yet they had no connexion with the civilized world, the Cartha-
ginians had no opportunity of enlisting them into their armies, nor
had the Greek traders acquired any direct knowledge of them.
Their name was known only through the reports of those Phosni-
cians who navigated the Atlantic and the Bay of Biscay on their
way to the tin mines of Britain. And this explains the strange
description of their position given by Herodotus, ' that the Kelts
dwell without the Pillars of Hercules, and that they border on the
Kynesians, who live the farthest to the west of all the people of
Europe.' This is clearly the language of some Phoenician Periplus
of the western coasts of France and Spain: the Kynesians must
have lived on the coasts of Portugal, Gallicia, and Asturias ; and
perhaps on that of Gascony and Guienne; beyond these, as the
voyager pursued his course along the land, he came to the country
of the Kelts, who occupied the whole coast north of the Garonne,
and were very probably intermixed with the Iberian Kynesians on
the coasts of Gascony and Navarre. The Greeks, when they read
this account, little suspected that these same Kelts reached from
the shores of the ocean inland as far as the Alps, and, possibly,
nearly to the head of the Adriatic ; and that while they heard of
them only as dwelling without the Pillars of Hercules, they were
advanced in the opposite direction almost within the horizon of
Greek observation, and in a very short time would unexpectedly
appear like a wasting torrent in the heart of Italy." With refer-
ence to the identity of the Keltse and Galatae, from p. 522 of the
same vol., " They are undoubtedly only different forms of the same
name; the first was the form with which the Greeks were earliest
acquainted, at a time when their knowledge of the Kelts was con-
fined to the tribes of Spain and Gaul. The great Gaulish migra-
tion of the fourth century before Christ introduced the other and
more correct form " Galatee ; " yet many writers continued to use
the old orthography, and in fact, with the exception of the Gala-
tians of Asia Minor, the other Gauls in all parts of the world are
generally called by the Greeks according to their old form of the
name, not Galatte, but Keltse."
f. KvvijaioKft, called in iv. 49, Cynetes ; cf. the preceding note.
g. 'Iffrpirjv also called Istropolis, on the coast of the Euxine,
near the mouth of the Danube. Smith's C. D. Also mentioned
in iv. 7&
CH. XXXIV. a. >} Si AZyvTrroc . KIITO.I. That this is an
error of Hdtus, owing to the limited state and means of obtaining
geographical knowledge in his time, is now well known. Observe
in this sentence uvrii) with Gen. of Position, Jelf, 525, and in the
next, avriov with Dot. expressing reference to. Cf. i. 14, d.
b. irivTi ijfjifpiuv K. r. A. Cf. i. 72, d.
, BOOK II. EUTERPE. 105
CH. XXXV. a. ipya Xoyov fww wonders too great for descrip-
tion. On TO. TroXXd iravra, cf. i. 203, b.
b. ayopd&vai in foro agunt et versantur. On Kairri\evov<ri, cf.
i. 94, c.
c. oi Se dvSpce .... v(f>aivovffi. " Weaving undoubtedly employed
a large part of the population as it was the business of men, it
was therev-> no f merely a domestic affair, but carried on in large
manufactories." Jn the perfection to which the art was earned,
cf. E. Orient. L. rn. iv. p. 165, H. Egypt, ch. iv. p. 453, seqq. Cf.
also iii. 47. c. km r. KtQ., upon their heads. Cf. Jelf, 633, I.
d. ipdrai taket, the office of priestess. This applies probably only
to the more ancient times under the Pharaohs. Though women
did not then act as priestesses, yet, cf. ii. 54, they held inferior offices
in the temples in Egypt, like the lipoSov\oi in Greece. Cf. i. 182, a.
e. T(i'i<pnv ,. . . . /3ov\of*ivyat. Cf. Soph. Antig. 337- *Q KO.VT'
tKtivtii K. T. X.
CH. XXXVI. a. Ol \pitg .... Zvpivvrai. " The Jewish priests
also followed the custom of the Egyptian, and, it is said, cut off the
hair of their beard with scissors once every fortnight while they
served at the temple." Cf. H. on the Egyptian Priest-caste, Egypt,
ch. ii. p. 323327.
b. VTTO rove OavaiTovG at the time of the deaths, i. e. of their friends,
&c. Cf. Jelf, 639, iii. 2, b. 'YTTO. with Ace. Temporal, (as here,)
Extension in time- which is conceived as extending under and
parallel to the object. Cf. ix. 58, a. The Jewish priests also were
forbidden, except in certain circumstances, to mourn and disfigure
themselves. Cf. Levit. xxi. 1,5.
c. -ypafiiiara ypdtyovffi K. T. X. On the Egyptian modes of writing,
read particularly E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 183194. Briefly, " The
characters used by the ancient Egyptians, before their conversion
to Christianity, (after which they adopted the Greek alphabet with
a few supplementary letters,) were threefold; 1. Hieroglyphic; 2.
Hieratic ; and, 3. Demotic. The first was formed by images of
visible objects ; the second, by very coarse and indistinct outlines
of the whole or of parts of such images ; and the third, by a further
reduction of such outlines in a similarly crude and negligent style.
The first, from which the others were derived, was originally, be-
yond a doubt, a simple system of picture writing, representing ideas
by their visible images, when possible, or by obvious symbols,
when any direct representation was impossible." In hieroglyphics
four kinds of characters were employed; 1. Pure hieroglyphics or
images ; 2. Symbols ; 3. Phonetic characters ; 4. Enigmatical.
The hieratic or sacred character consisted of nothing more than
imperfect and dashing sketches of the hieroglyphics, which thus
assume the form of a rapid and flowing hand. The common
Egyptian character, called demotic from its popular use, epistolo-
graphic from its fitness to letter-writing, and enchorial from its
being peculiar to that country, and distinct from the Greek, so
106 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
familiarly known there under the Ptolemies, seems to have been
derived from the hieratic by nearly the same process as that was
from the hieroglyphic. It is however more simple ; not strictly
alphabetic, because a small number of images or figures are still
found in it; some symbols also occur; but these figures and sym-
bols are almost invariably so curtailed and simplified, as to lose all
resemblance to the objects expressed. The whole, therefore, has
the appearance of a written alphabetic character, &c." Condensed
from the above ; which is well worth a most careful study ; com-
prising, as it does, and reviewing, the works of the most famous
writers on this subject of ancient and modern times. Cf. also H.
Egypt. Prelim. Observat. p. 255, seqq., who enters into the dis-
cussion at great length.
CH. XXXVII. a. ra re . . . . tivtietvIt has been much dis-
puted whether the Jews or Egyptians first practised circumcision.
B. considers it certain that the Egyptians were the first who prac-
tised and taught it to other nations ; but that the Jews derived
their knowledge of it directly from God's command to Abraham ;
later, however, in point of time than the Egyptians, and from a
different cause ; as to the Jews it was a religious rite, and to the
Egyptians a point of cleanliness. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 156,
" Circumcision was generally practised, (in Egypt,) as among other
oriental nations, and was indispensable to initiation into the sacred
mysteries. The want of it is called in Joshua, v. 9, ' the reproach
of Egypt,' a phrase implying two things that circumcision was
regarded in Egypt with peculiar honour, and that the Hebrew
slaves, for their neglect of it during their servitude, were spurned
as a race of impure and degraded foreigners." It was practised
also by the Colchians, &c. ii. 104.
b. ol Sk ipstc K. T. \. Cf. on the same custom among the Jewish
priests, Numb. viii. 5 8, and xix. 7. Sta rpirjjc r'tpepnGi every third
day.
c. ItfQijTa .... \ivit]v garments of flax, i. e. linen: by this word,
however, it is probable that cotton is also to be understood ; H.
Egypt, ch. ii. p. 327; cf. also i. 195, a., ii. 81, a.; Ezek. xxvii. 7,
Proverbs vii. 16, and Isaiah xix. 9.
d. ovre n yap K. r. X. Cf. ii. 28, c., H. Egypt, ch. ii. pp. 325, 326,
on the estates attached to the temples ; and E. Orient. H. ch. iv.
p. 153.
e. olvog a/tTreXti/of. Hdtus adds a/iTrsXtvog, to distinguish it from
the olvog IK /cpi0!wv generally used in Egypt, ii. 77, because, as he
there adds, they have no vines in that country ; an assertion which
doubtless applied only to that part of Egypt marked out for the
cultivation of corn. For though the juice of the grape came far
more into use after the reign of Psammetichus, yet it is evident
that the ancient Egyptians were neither unacquainted with the
vine, nor with wine made from it ; as this passage and ii. 60 shows,
as well as the testimonies of Strabo and Diod. Sic. i. 36. On the
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 107
icine from barley, or beer, mentioned in ii. 77, cf. Diod. Sic. i. 20,
34, who says that it was called 2v0oc, now called by the Egyptians
liusa. B. That the vine was known in Egypt at a very early time
is manifest from Numb. xx. 5, W. : add also the dream of the chief
butler in Gen. xl. 9 11. Dried grapes were also placed in the
body of the bullock, cf. ii. 40, and Osiris is identified by Hdtus
with Bacchus, the known inventor of wine. They had also palm-
wine, ii. 36 ; used also by the Babylonians, i. 193, cf. iii. 20. Cf.
H. Egypt, ch. iv. p. 450.
/. IxOvw .... irdaaaOai. A fish was, among the Egyptians, ac-
cording to Clemens Alexand. Strom, v. 7, the symbol of hatred,
from the legend of the fishes tearing the body of Osiris, when cast
into the Nile by Typhon. B.
ff. Kvdfiovs .... ovrs rpwyovat K. T. X. they neither eat rate nor
boiled. Abstinence from beans is said to have been derived by the
Pythagoreans from Egypt ; cf. Cicero de Div. i. 30, &c. ; it is less
generally known that hence also none of the initiated in the Gk
mysteries were allowed to taste them, as having been considered
impure by Ceres, when she blessed mankind with all other kinds
of seeds for his use. The sacred bean among the Egyptians was
probably the Lotus, or Nelumbium speciosum, whose root and fruit
were articles of food, ii. 92 ; and from its sanctity, all other beans
were, in process of time, held sacred. B. On the two kinds of
Lotus, cf. H. Egypt, ch. iv. p. 448450.
n. iirtav .... avTiKariaraTat. This refers to the Sacerdotal Caste,
the different establishments or colleges of which were kept as dis-
tinct from each, as the order itself was from the other castes. See
H. 1. 1. ch. ii. p. 323, 324, seqq. B. Instances among other nations
of the separation of the priest caste were the Magi, the Druids, the
Levites, the Brahmins, and at Athens the families of the Eumol-
pidae, Ceryces, Eteobutades, &c. On the impress stamped upon
Egyptian life by the predominance of the sacerdotal caste, as the
prevailing element in Egyptian society, cf. ii. 164, a. and b.
CH. XXXYIII. a. 'Evdtov Cf. ii. 153, and iii. 27, 28.
b. rpi'^a r>v K. T. X. Cf. also Diod. i. 88, and Plutarch de Isid. et
Osirid. p. 363. B. Only red oxen were sacrificed among the
Egyptians, both because Typhon was red, and because the Apis
was black ; cf. iii. 28. B. L. remarks " that the Jews borrowed
from the Egyptians the sacrifice of a red heifer without spot." That
such was the colour of the victim whose ashes were used for the
purpose of purifying the unclean is certain ; cf. Numb. xix. 2, and
Heb. ix. 13; but the colour of the victim was most probably not
derived from the Egyptians, but was typical of Christ, spoken of
in Isaiah Ixiii. 1 3, as clothed in red apparel, which, as the colour
of blood, denoted either his death, or the bloody destruction of his
enemies.
c. ti KaQapti rOtv irpoic. ai^^'nav if it be without blemish touching tJie
appointed marks : jjv Si TOVTWV irdvTwv y icaSapof if in all these
108 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
respects it be without blemish. This is explained by Jelf of the Gen.
Privat., and so in S. and L. D. also; but it seems to me erroneously,
as the beast was plainly to have the marks, and not to be without
them, iv d\\i[i Xoyy in alia narrationis parte. Id de quo hie agitur,
habes iii. 28. Schw.
d. yrjv arjfiai'rpida of the same nature probably with the Creta
Asiatica spoken of by Cicero in Verr. iv. 26, &c., cf. Plutarch de
Isid. et Osirid. p. 363, who mentions that the seal bore the figure
of a man kneeling with his hands behind his back, and a sword
presented to his throat. B.
CH. XXXIX. a. K.t(j>a\y raropi/ffa/uvot As an expiatory sa-
crifice on whose head they laid their sins, and devoted to destruc-
tion. Cf. the sin-offering, Levit. xvi. 8, 21, 22; Numb. viii. 12.
aw' uv idovro, they sell it them straightway. In the continued nar-
rations of Hdtus, ovv is found in its Ionic form &v, in the sense of
straightway, and between a preposition and the verb with which
it is compounded. Jelf, 737, 3, cf. also 643, obs. 2, Tmesis
in Compound Verbs.
b. fapovm, rolfft K. T. X. -ferunt (caput) ii, quibus forum est etquibus
Grteci adsunt mercatores, hi igitur caput in forum ferunt et vendere so-
lent ; quibus vero Greed non adsunt, hi caput influmen conjiciunt. B.
CH. XL. a. tJjaipfffic the taking out and inspection of the en-
trails. Cf. ii. 57, b.
b. firtav Si airortyuivrai but when they have done beating them-
selces. Cf. ii. 73, diroirtipr)6y. The burning of the ox's body after
taking off the limbs and stuffing it with spices, alludes, according
to Creuzer, to the mutilation and subsequent embalmment of Osiris.
The stuffing of the animal, with the exception of the oil to make
it burn, he refers to the discovery of corn and the cultivation of
the vine. B. See also the remarks of H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 358,
seqq., on the popular feasts and sacred rites of the Egyptians ;
which, notwithstanding the influence of agriculture and the arts
of peace and the teaching of the ruling caste, bear evident marks
of the rude state in which the lower classes remained, as to their
character and manner of thinking; above which, in a moral point
of view, they seem to have been very little raised, &c.
CH. XLI. a. rac <5t 0^\ac ic. r. X. This regulation, which last-
ed till the Emperor Constantine, arose from the utility of the fe-
male for breeding, and also from the cow being the symbol of Isis,
and the emblem of the creative power of nature. The name*I<nf,
according to some = ancient, hence applied to the moon. lablonski
considers \t=the cause of abundance, and that it was applied by the
Egyptian priests to the moon, from her supposed influence on the
atmosphere, winds, rains, &c., and they regarded it like the sun,
Osiris, as one of the sources of the inundation of the Nile. B.
Also by Osiris was understood the Nile itself, cf. ii. 90, b., and by Isis
the land of Egypt or the fruitful earth ; cf. H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 342.
The ox and the cow seem to have been their symbols, and emblems
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 109
of the generative force of nature ; the horns on the head of the
image of Isis probably referring to the horns of the new moon.
On the successive changes which the ideas concerning Isis and
Osiris underwent, cf. Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Isis. Briefly,
Isis and Osiris, at first, = the goddess of the earth and the god of
the Nile; next = the divinities of the moon and sun; finally iden-
tified with Demeter (cf. ii. 59, d.} and Dionysus. Cf. also notes
on ii. 42, 144, and particularly E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 195, on the
Theology of Egypt, and cf. p. 71.
b. ypd^otxri, represent, -ypdfaiv, pingere, et omnino imagine ex-
primere vel in tabula vel lapide. B.
C. OVTS paxaipy .... ovSi .... yivfftTai. So in Gen. xliii. 32,
" The Egyptians must not eat bread with the Hebrews, for that
is an abomination to the Egyptians:" the prohibition probably
extended to other nations also. B.
d. ^ rbv TTOTdfibv cnrlaat. The river is the Nile; into which the
cows were probably thrown from a belief in its generating and pro-
lific power. B.
e. /3pie cf. ii. 96, a. B.
e. iTpoirtdTrirtdoe .... vrjffov. Formed by the Sebennytic and
Canopic branches of the Nile. B. The Athenians sent to aid
Inarus against the Persians, were besieged and defeated there, 455
B. c. Cf. Thucyd. i. 104, 109.
/. 'Ardp/Sijictf from 'Ardp or 'A0wp, (night,} the Egyptian name
of Venus, cf. ii. 156, a., and Baki or Bek, a city ,- lablonsky,
quoted by B., an etymology which agrees with Pliny and Strabo,
who call this city Aphroditopolis. The word Bek is also found in
Balbec, the city of the Sun. L. Athor, one of the eight great deities.
E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 196.
CH. XLI I. a. "Oirot .... 'iSpwrai Ipbv 'iSpvvrat = iSpvfiivov l\ovci,
or iSpvicaatv favToig ; so ii. 44, iSpvffafj.evot tKTijvrai. L. has rendered
it ridiculously. Schw. On Thebes, cf. ii. 15, e.
b. vonov name, district. It is the opinion of H. /. /. ch. ii. p.
315, seqq., that each Nome belonged to its own particular temple
and college of priests, and was kept distinct from the other Nomes
by the difference of religion and rites ; so that these Nomes being,
at their origin, appended to the temples, and every new settlement
of priests constituting one of these Nomes, they were in their
earliest form just so many independent states of the priest caste.
It is therefore in this sense that the Egyptian tradition ascribed
this division to Sesostris; because he was sole monarch of all
Egypt. Thus we arrive at the conclusion, that, " the most ancient
states of this country were originally settlements of the priest caste,
who by accustoming the inhabitants to fixed dwellings and to
agriculture, by the introduction of a religious worship formed ac-
cording to the locality, and supported by local circumstances, wove
a political band by which they connected these rude tribes with
themselves." Cf. Appendix to this vol., Nomes.
110 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
c. "Iffioc Kal 'Offipioc Cf. note a. in preceding ch. As a summary
of the opinions of the most noted writers on Egyptian Theology,
see E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 195, seqq., Theology of Egypt, and
Article 12 of Ec/yptus, in Class. Diet. " The secret doctrine of the
Egyptian priests contained, like every other mysterious system
practised in the habitable globe, a Divine Triad; which some
writers refer to traditions of the Trinity, and others to the triple
offspring of Noah. The Egyptian Triad consisted of the Father,
of whose deity every thing is part, a single, indivisible, infinite, and
eternal being, who created the egg of the world by his word, and
produced from himself a subordinate Creator, a son like unto the
father. This is the second person of their Triad, and is the same
with Kneph, the god of Thebes, cf. ii. 74, a., the deity, without any-
beginning or end, and with Amoun, cf. note g. infr. The sun is
the third Demiurgus, who, incarnate, becomes Osiris, the author of
all good, and he it is who completes the Egyptian Triad. To him
was added the moon, Isis : the one the father, the other the mother
of all things. In the three seasons, which, though strangers to
one another, form the year by a marvellous concert and agreement,
these two deities govern, produce, and nourish every thing con-
nected with this visible universe." By some Osiris is considered
the same as Mizraim s. of Ham, who peopled Egypt after the
deluge. Cf. ii. 2, a. The great gods were eight in number, four
male and four female. E. Orient. H. p. 196. Perhaps this Ogdoad
took its rise from a tradition of the 8 persons preserved in the ark,
the egg that floated on the waters ; all knowledge of the ante-dilu-
vian world being lost, and its origin ascribed to what was but the
re-peopling of it by Noah and his triple offspring. There were also
twelve gods of the second order; cf. E. Orient. H. p. 197.
d. MsvStfTos in the Delta, on the south side of the lake Tanis
(Menzaleh), Ru. near Matarieli. Smith's C. D. Cf. ii. 46.
e. 'HpaicXsa GtXrjffai K. r.\. B. quotes Creuzer's explanation of this
fable. His theory, Symbol, ii. p. 205, appears to be the same with
that propounded by Dupuis; viz. "that Hercules, or Honts, (see
the extract from Creuzer's Symbols, ii. 276, under Horns, Class.
Diet, and ii. 144, a.,) is no other than the sun, and that his twelve
celebrated labours were nothing else than a figurative representa-
tion of the annual course of that luminary through the signs of the
Zodiac. He is the powerful planet which animates and imparts
fecundity to the universe, whose divinity has been honoured in
every quarter by temples and altars, and consecrated in the re-
ligious strains of all nations. Many ages before the pretended
Tirynthian hero is said to have performed his exploits, Egypt and
Phoenicia, which certainly did not borrow their divinities from
Greece, had raised temples to the sun under the name of Hercules,
and had carried his worship to the isle of Thasos, and to Cadiz.
Here was consecrated a temple to the year, and the months, which
divided it into 12 parts, that is, to the twelve labours or victories,
BOOK II. EUTERPE. Ill
which conducted Hercules to immortality. It is under the name
of Hercules ' ' AaTpo-^iriav, or, the god clothed with a mantle of stars,
that the poet Nonnus designates the sun, adored by the Tynans."
The coincidences between the 12 fabled labours and the Zodiacal
signs are ingeniously pointed out by Dupuis, whose remarks ^re
given at length in the article Hercules, Class. Diet., to which I am
indebted for the preceding. The fable related by Hdtus refers to
the entering of the sun in the spring into Aries, the first of the
Zodiacal signs among the Egyptians, and from this sign of Aries
is to be derived the ram's head and horns, with which they deco-
rated Jupiter Ammon. This last is the observation of Creuzei.
So also JR. p. 593, that if Hercules denoted the sun, and the ram
the first sign of the Zodiac, the whole may be an allegory of the
opening of the year. Cf. Appendix to this vol., Scriptural facts
disguised in Hdtus. It is to be remembered, that, besides their
Hercules, the Gks also compared their Apolio with the Egyptian
Horus, as a solar deity. Cf. ii. 144, and particularly on the Oriental
origin of the legend of Heracles, ch. v. p. 84, of E. Hist, of Greece.
In the following sentence, re\o $t TOV Aicr MX- Kpibv iKStip. irpoi-
XtoOai K. r. \. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 650, e., " When two propositions
are placed together, of which the first expresses generally what
the second defines more exactly, they are often placed without
any connexion, especially after rovro, roSt, ourmg, and such asyndeta
are often found, as in the sentence in the text, even where no pro-
position with Toiiro, &c., precedes.
/. 'A/^WVMH. " These people," cf. R. 20, 21, "dwelt in the
Oasis of Ammo, (where, near the temple, was the famous fountain
of the Sun, iv. 181,) now called the Oasis of Shcah ; where
Browne discovered, in 1792, the site of the temple of Ammon, 5
degrees, nearly, W. of Cairo. In 1798 Hornemann discovered the
Fons Solis. In 1816 Belzoni visited the spot, and tried the tem-
perature of the fountain. He had unfortunately no thermometer,
but judging from his feelings, he found it might be 100 at mid-
night, 80 in the morning early, and at noon about 40. The truth
appears to be that no change takes place in the temperature of the
water, but in that of the surrounding atmosphere; for the well is
deeply shaded, and about 60 ft deep. The account of Hdtus, who
was never on the spot, is evidently incorrect. He must have mis-
understood his informer." Ammo, Class. Diet. A plan of Am-
monium, or Siwah, and an interesting account of the ruins of the
temple, from Browne, Hornemann, and Minutoli, is given in H.
Ethiop. ch. ii. p. 209; read also Carthag. p. 100. Cf. Hist, of Gr.
Lit., Herodotus, p. 256.
y. Appovv .... Ata. " Ammo, (Plutarch de Isid. et Osir. 354,)
the Egyptian name for Jupiter ; particularly worshipped at Thebes,
No-Ammon ; cf. ii. 15, e. Jablonski derives Ammo from Am-oein,
shining. According to Chanipollion the younger, Amon, or Amen,
means in Egyptian, secret, concealed, or he who reveals his secret
112 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
powers. It is sometimes, the same writer informs us, united with
the word Kneph, another appellation of the Supreme Being, and
from this results the compound Amenebis, or Amen-Neb, which is
found on a Gk inscription in the Greater Oasis." Latronne, quoted
in the art. before mentioned. Cf. particularly E. Orient. H. ch.
iv. p. 204, " The Egyptian Theology embraced much that remained
of patriarchal faith the first religion of the world. In fact, the
name of the great god, Amon, Hamon, or Khem, is but a disguised
form of the name of their prime father Ham." Pococke, in Lit.
of A. Gr. p. 248, note, suggests the Hebrew Amon, faithful, con-
necting the myth with Abraham's sacrifice of Isaac. Cf. Appendix
to this vol., Scriptural facts disguised in Hdtus.
h. Tvitrovrai . . . rbv icpibv planqunt arietem, they beat themselves
for, they mourn for, the ram. Cf. 'ii. 61, 132. W. Cf. Jelf, 566,
4, obs.
i. GfjKy a burying-vault. Est enim Hdto OJJKJJ conditorium, sive
camera in qua pluribus sarcophagis locus. Cf. iii. 16, seqq. Schw.
CH. XLIII. a. ovcafiy Aiyv-n-Tov no where in Egypt. Gen. of
position used when the notion of position (local, moral, or tem-
poral) is determined by its relation to something else, which is in
the genitive. Cf. i. 163, OKOV rjjc yap. Jelf, 527. on rt TOV 'Upa
icXiog TOVTOV e. r. X. Both Amphitryon and Alcmena derived their
origin from Perseus, descended from Belus, kg of Egypt. B.
a7roSi5B^aTat. Ion. for aTroSt8tiyp,ivoi ilaL (Cf. vh. 76, b.) have not
been appointed, have not been given the rank of, gods. Cf. iii. 63, airiS.
iTTiTp., appointed steward, and iii. 88, Ba<r. airiS., was appointed kg.
b. iirii rt IK rwv oicrw t-ykvovro since what were the eight gods be-
came the twelve ; since the number of the gods was increased from
eight to twelve. Cf. ii. 42, c. Amasis, from 570 B. c. 526 B. c. Cf.
Clinton's F. H. vol. i. p. 14. Above, oi>x ?Kitr. dXXd /icrX. To call
particular attention to a leading notion or thought, the Gks fre-
quently express it twice once positively, and then negatively, or
vice versa,- (Parallelismus antitheticus ;) cf. Thucyd. vii. 44. Jelf,
899, 6, Pleonasm.
CH. XLIV. a. aiiroOi 'HpajcXeog The Hercules of the Phoe-
nicians was possibly the same deity, the lord of the solar system,
whom the Egyptians worshipped. Cf. note c. on ch. 42. His title
in Tyre was Melkarth, the king of the city, or the strong king. B.
Cf. v. 43, c. See also D. p. 45'.
b. r'i ntv -xpvaov .... XiQov On %pv. airi(j>. cf. i. 50, d. The mean-
ing of fffiapdvSuv is doubtful ; for neither is emerald found pf the
size here spoken of, nor, if it were, could it emit any light during
the night ; on the contrary, the larger it is, the more dull, B. : pro-
bably some semi-transparent stone, like the aqua-marina. S. and L.
D. H. Bab. ch. ii. p. 420, conjectures it might possibly have been
lapis lazuli, like the pillars of the Jesuits' church at Rome. Xd/i-
Trovroe jwyafioe, shining greatly. Some substantives, standing in the
equivalent ace., have assumed from long usage a purely adverbial
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 113
sense, as Kpdros strongly, JEsch. Suppl. 763 ; rax<>c &c. So here
ptyaQoc, = fiiyaXrjv \afnruSa. Jelf, 5/9, 7- B. thinks something
must have dropped out of the text, expressive of the size of the
columns.
c. tlvai 8s tTia .... SiaxiXia Tyre, after Zidon, the most ancient
city of Phoenicia, Strabo xvi. p. 1097 ; Isaiah, quoted by W., also
alludes to her antiquity; cf. xxiii. 7, "Is this your joyous city,
whose antiquity is of ancient days," &c. The antiquity here as-
signed by the priests is too great, as they would thus. B. observes,
place the foundation of their city at 2760 B. c., that is, before the
Flood. According to Hales, Tyre was founded B. c. 2267, and
Zidon at a still earlier period ; Zidon, any how, flourished at a very
early age, cf. Gen. xlix. 13, " Zebulun shall dwell at the haven o'f
the sea and his border shall reach unto Zidon ; " and Josh. xi. 8,
" And chased them unto the great Zidon." As to the temple that
the priests asserted was coeval with their city, cf. H. Phcen. ch. i.
p. 295, who observes that it had been long demolished and another
built in its place by kg Hiram, the friend and contemporary of
Solomon. But even that the temple built by Hiram was the one
seen by Hdtus, as H. seems to suppose, may be doubted ; for Old
Tyre on the continent was taken by Nebuchadnezzar, after a 13
years' siege, 572 B. c., on which the inhabitants retired to the island,
where they built New Tyre, the city Hdtus must have visited, sub-
sequently taken by Alexander the Gt. On Tyre and the prophecies
concerning it, read Ezek. xxvi. xxix., and Isaiah xxiii., and Keith
upon Prophecy, under Tyre. twwv. i%. Qa<r. tlvai. having tJie sur-
name of Thasian. The verbs 6vofj.auv, ovopuZiaBat, frequently add
tli'ai to the nom. or ace. Cf. iv. 33. Jelf, 475, 2, obs. 3, and cf.
(i6(3. Infin. without the article, after verbs or adjectives which ex-
press the notion of ability, causing, &c., and after verbs expressing
action, to denote the object or effect thereof.
d. if Qaaov, iv ry . . . . yivwQai. Heracles was worshipped at
Thasos principally in the character of a saviour (awrrip). Smith's
I), of Gr. and R. Biog., Heracles. On Thasos, which from its
wealth in mines attracted the attention of the Phoenician colonists,
cf. vi. 47. B. and H. Phcen. ch. ii. p. 312.
CH. XLV. a. tTrti SI . . . . KaTapxovTO cum ad altare auspica-
rentur sacrificium, Schw., when they were commencing the ceremonies
over him before sacrificing. These ceremonies were the plucking
the hair from the forehead, sprinkling the barley, pouring libations
on him, &c. Pococke, Hist, of Gk Lit., thinks this an Egyptian
version of a Scriptural fact. Cf. Appendix to this vol., Scriptural
Facts disguised in Hdtus.
b. (ewe uv . . . Qvouv That the custom of human sacrifices,
abolished in Egypt by kg Amasis, existed no longer in the time of
Hdtus, is evident from this passage ; but that such had been prac-
tised in Egypt is certain from Diod. Sic. i. 88, and the testimony
of Manetho, Plutarch, and Porphyry. Cf. also Athenaeus iv. 21. W,
114 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
c. icaic (fivaiv i x*i quomodo verisimile sit f Viger, Idiotism, p. 255.
How is it natural, or possible for him ? S. and L. D. " He (Hdtus)
applies but one standard, and that is nature ; and his conclusion
is, that such things cannot be." Hist, of Gk Lit., Hdtus, p. 249.
CH. XLVI. a. Alyv-irriwv o\ tlpijftivoi, i. e. the Mendesians. Cf.
ii. 42. B.
b. rbv Udva rtiv . . . . ol MfvSffftoi On the eight primitive deities
of the Egyptians, cf. ii. 42, c. The representation of Pan under
the image of a goat refers (Creuzer, Symb. i. p. 476, &c., quoted
by B.) to the passing of the sun from Taurus to Capra, when the
prolific principle in nature, typified in the worship of Pan, is at its
height Hence the he-goat was his emblem. According to Bochart,
Mendes means goat ; according to Jablonski, prolific, fertile. See
the art. Mendes.
c. ov poi ijdtov tart \fytiv, I may not say. So the comparative for
the positive, ii. 47, OVK ivirptTrkoTipof K. r. X. V. Cf. Jelf, 784.
d. KOI rovTwv ... . in Se TOVTWV These words in both cases refer
to the he-goats. So aliroXog alyiav, Horn. Odyss. xvii. 246, 269.
Schw.
e. TOVTO .... airtKiTo hoc ad hominum notitiam pervenit. B.
CH. XLVII. a. vv Sk K. r. X. " Swine were not less an abomin-
ation in the eyes of the Egyptians, than they were to the Jews ;
a superstition which no doubt had its rise in some local circum-
stance with which we are unacquainted, or at least cannot account
for with certainty." H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 337.
b. ol <7v/3ujrm K. r. X. The contempt in which the swine-herds
were held, arose in a great measure from the desire of the priests
and legislators of Egypt to turn the attention of the people as far
as possible to the pursuits of agriculture, as being that on which
the state most depended. Hence a pastoral and nomad mode of
life was held in such abhorrence by them, that those who followed
it were considered in a manner infamous. B. Cf. ii. 14, c., ii. 100.
b., 128, a., and H. I I.
C. ovds aipt ticSidoaQai K. r. X. Cf. i. 93, f.
d. 'StXfjvy It K. r. X. The sacrifice of a pig to the moon refers to
the Upoc Xoyoc, which Hdtus is unwilling to relate, that Typhon,
pursuing a pig at the time of the full moon, found a wooden chest
containing the body of Osiris, which he tore to pieces. Cf. also
Odyss. xx. 156. B. iirtav Svoy (sc. 6 9vTrjp). Cf. Jelf, 373, 2, on
ellipse of the subject, when definite, and implied in the predicate.
e. tTriirXoov the caul,- in which the bowels are enclosed.
/. ffrairivas .... vfpiffs of dough, or paste, cf. Thucyd. i. 126,
Bvftara iirivtopta, and Smith's D. of A., Unbloody Sacrifices.
CH. XLVI 1 1. a. HJC 6pr/c ry dopiriy on the evening preceding
the festival, the eve. In the festival of Apaturia, cf. i. 147, b., the
first day was called Aop?ria or Aopjrna, from the commencement of
the festival on the evening. H. P. A. 100.
b. TV diroSofiivtfi to him iclw sold it them. Cf. i. 70, c
BOOK H. EUTERPE. 1 15
< rijv Ss a\\ijv .... oprijv the remainder of, i. e. the remaining
ceremonials of, the festival. Schw.
d, TrXrjv xop&v That this is the correct reading, and not xot'pwv,
the sense snows; for it is evident from the Schol. on Aristoph.
Ran. 341, that the Gks, as well as the Egyptians, sacrificed pigs
in the Dionysiac festivals. B.
e. dydA/zara vtvpoffiraara imagines, quce nervo moventur. Cf.
Lucian, ix. p. 99, de Dea Syr. 16. B.
f. irpotiyiiTai tie awXof. The flute, said to be invented by Osiris,
was peculiar to the festivals of Bacchus. As the harp was used in
mysterious rites, so the flute was in the Bacchic festivals, which
were openly celebrated. Cf. Creuz. Symb. i. p. 448. B.
ff. atidovaai rbv Atovvvov lamenting, singing mournful dirges in
honour of, Bacchus, i. e. Osiris, slain by Typhon and cast into the
waters. Creuz. in B.
h. \6yog .... ipog Xeyouevoc, Cf. Plut. de Isid. et Osirid. p. 358.
The story that Hdtus is unwilling to divulge, is that Isis collected
the scattered limbs of Osiris, who was torn in pieces by Typhon,
but was unable to find the virile member, which was devoured by
the fishes: in its place she consecrated the phallus, an imitation
of it, whence arose its veneration in the Dionysiac festivals. B.
Cf. Dionysia, Smith's D. of A.
CH. XLIX. a. MXd/i7rowc A name perhaps referable to the
Egyptian origin of the priests and to the Egyptian rites brought
from that land of dark soil, perhaps by the natives themselves, who
were also dark. B. On the Egyptian origin of the Gk Worship,
&c., cf. ii. 81, b. Melampus was also noted as a soothsayer and
physician. Cf. also ix. 33, a., where the three families of the
Olympic soothsayers, the Clytiadse, lamida?, and Telliadae are
mentioned; of whom the Clytiadee considered themselves as be-
longing to a clan which produced very many soothsayers, viz. the
Melampodidae. This explains the fable that Melampus received
the gift of prophecy from Apollo on the banks of the Alpheus,
Pausan. v. 8, 1, in the place where it was exercised by his descend-
ants the Clytiadae. Miiller, Dor. i. bk ii. c. 3, p. 281 ; cf. ix. 33,
a., 34. On the gen. after dSatjg and tpiriipoc, cf. Jelf, 493.
b. aoQiarai in the same sense as in i. 29, a,
c. ov yap S>) GvfjLirtaitiv K. T. X. For I certainly cannot affirm that
the Egyptian practice with regard to the festival of the god, is a mere
coincidence with that of Greece : for in this case ice should be obliged
to suppose that the Greek practice was of native growth, and not, as i'.v
the case, of recent imputation. Or, for I do not mean to assert that
the coincidence between the Dionysiac rites as practised in Egypt and
in Greece iras accidental ; for [had the Grecian rites been indigen-
ous] they would have been in accordance with the Grecian character,
and not of recent introduction. Such appears the sense required by
the context, Hdtus asserting his belief that the Dionysia of Greece
were partially borrowed from Egypt : for the coincidence could
i : 2
116 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
not have been accidental, nor could Egypt have borrowed from
Greece.
d. rr)v vvv Eonurirjv K.r.X. So called from the Boeotians, an
^Eolian tribe, who were driven from Arne by the Thessalians, 60
years after Bell. Troj., and established themselves in it : formerly
called Cadmeis. Cf. Thucyd. i. 12, and Diod. Sic. iv. 67. B. Cf.
Smith's C. D. Bceotia, and Smith's D. of A., Sceotarch.
CH. L. a. Zxov St K.r.X. Hdtus means to say that the
Egyptian names of the deities were transferred into Greece, not by
the use of the actual Egyptian name among the Greeks, but by the
translation of its sense into Gk ; so that the notion conveyed in
the name was the same in both languages. Creuz. Symb. ii. p.
282292, in B. Cf. ii. 55, a., 81, b.
b. tag ttal irportpov K. r. \. Cf. ii. 43. Creuzer, Symb. ii. p. 334,
observes, that if there be any similarity to be found between the
Dioscuri of the Gks, and the Cabiric deities of the Egyptians, it is
not to be looked for either in the name or in the origin of these
deities, but simply in the influence they were supposed to exercise ;
for the Egyptian religion acknowledged no heroes as deities, nor
adored them as such. Furthermore, as to Juno, though other
writers speak of an Egyptian Juno, yet it would seem more pro-
bable that they have mistaken for her the Egyptian Venus, cf. ii.
41, f.; as the worship of Juno appears to have been brought from
the upper parts of Asia to the island of Samos, where her most
ancient Greek temple stood, and thence to the rest of Greece. From
the same parts of Asia came probably the worship of Vesta. B.
c. TloauStuvoc K. r. \. Cf. iv. 188. vo^ovai K.r.X. pay custom-
arily no honour to, &c. Transmissive Dat, Jelf, 588, 1, and cf.
591, obs., quoted in iv. 117, . In S. and L. D. it is rendered, are
not used to demigods, i. e. practise no such worship. von'iZ,nv cum dat.
like xp7j<70at, to be accustomed to a thing : hence to make common use
of, to use; iv. 63, a., vou. i>ai. 117, a., Qutvy., there quoted.
CH. LI. a. ravra vtvopiKaai have adopted these customs, &c.
Accus. after verbs of learning, practising, being in tJie habit of. Jelf,
561. rtXiovm ig"EX\T]vag, are reckoned among the Gks, accounted
as Gks. Cf. S. and L. D., riXiu, ii. 2. Cf. vi. 53, a., 108, b.
b. ra Kapfiniov K. r. X. The Cabin were the " Magni Dii" adored
in the Samothracian Mysteries ; according to some, four in num-
ber, Ceres, Proserpine, Pluto, and Casmilus, the same with the
ithyphallic Mercury. In these mysteries it is manifest Hdtus was
initiated. Cf. Hist, of Gr. Lit., Herodotus, p. 250, and p. 261,
Smith's D. of G. and R. Biog., Cabiri, and Creuz. Symb. ii. p. 318,
who observes by this Mercury ithyphallicus was typified the
creative and generative force in all things, especially in the male,
opposed to Proserpine, the same nature in the female, the one con-
sidered to reside in the sun, the other in the moon. Hence Cicero,
De Nat. Deor. iii. 22, Plutarch, and Porphyry understand the first
tie Sole vegetante, and the second dc Luna tegetata. B. 6pyt ^t^in/-
BOOK II. EUTERPE, 117
rat, has been initiated into the mysteries. Accus. of Cognate notion,
Jelf, 548, 6.
CH. LII. a. tirwvvpiTiv It r.r.X. Hence Mitford, ch. ii. 1,
concludes that the Pelasgians acknowledged but one god, for where
polytheism prevails, distinguishing appellations must and will be
given; but the unity of the Deity precludes such a necessity.
b. Qtovs . . . . ort Koafiy Q'tvrtc K. r. A. Hence Hdtus derives 6t6c
from Ouvai, to arrange or constitute the world. Plato, Cratyl. p.
397, derives it from 0<o, curro, referring to the motion of the heavenly
bodies, the earliest objects of adoration. It appears to be sprung
from the same root as the Latin Deus, and the Gk Atvc, 2&$, Zfi^-,
in all of which is conveyed the same idea of supreme Lord. B.
To the Gk and Latin, the Sanscrit Deva is added in S. and L. D.*
c. iv ry AwSifJvy oi HtXaoyoi. Cf. i. 57, #, ii- 55, a. and refs.,
tmd cf. also particularly Horn. II. xvi. 233, and Odyss. xiv. 327,
quoted by B., and on the situation of Dodona, ii. 56, b.
CH. LI II. a. fiK\pt ov Trpwrjv rt (cat \9kg K.r.X. till yesterday or
the day before, so to say ; meaning, not till very lately.
b. 'HaioSov .... irXioffi. Hence, as Hdtus was born 484, B. c.,
cf. i. a., he considers Homer and Hesiod as not earlier than 884,
. c. The various dates assigned to Homer's age offer no less a
diversity than 500 years (from B. c. 1 184 684). See the most in-
teresting article Homerus by my friend Dr. Ihne in Smith's D. of
Gr. and R. Biog. Clinton fixes Homer probably between 962927,
B. c., and Hesiod probably between 859 824, B. c.
c. oi irotijaavriG K.T.\. According to W., L., and Wyttenb., de-
scribed in verse ; hi vero sunt, qui deorum generationes Gratis car-
mine prodidarunt ; meaning that Homer and Hesiod were the first
H-/IO related and adorned in verse the legends, which tradition had
/landed down to them ; these legends not being their own invention.
But this interpretation appears neither agreeable to the sense of
what has gone before, nor will woitlv with a dative following, as
Wolf, Prolegg. Homer, p. 54, observes, bear the meaning assigned
to it by W. Other examples also of iroulv with a dat. are adduced by
Creuzer, Symb. ii. p. 451, proving that the word can only mean
'making or inventing ; so that no other interpretation can be here
admitted than, that Homer and Hesiod were the first who drew up a
Theogonyfor the Greeks ; primos Hesiodum atque Homerum Theogu-
niam, Gratis condidisse. The sense in which they are said to have
been the inventors of a Theogony, is explained by Heyne and
Creuzer to be, that all those myths concerning the nature, form,
offices, &c., of the gods, formerly scattered in the various poetical
compositions that preceded their age, and variously reported in tra-
ditionary lore, according to the diiierent places in which they were
known, were by Hesiod first embodied and enlarged upon, and by
Homer adapted to the dignity of epic poetry, with such additions
* There is a very interesting article bearing on this subject in the Edinb. Review,
No. 192, for Oct. 1851.
118 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
and embellishments, that they came by posterity to be regarded in
the light of a perfect code or system. B. On the Oriental sources
of Gr. mythology, cf. the very interesting ch. iii. in E. Hist, of Gr.,
and cf. Miiller's Lit. of A. Gr. ch. iii. and xvi.
d. riftdr SuXovTig. Cf. jEsch. P. V. 228, or 237, Blomf. B.
e. oi Sf irportpov .... avfyuv .... TOVTWV. Hdtus does not here
mean to deny that there were poets before the time of Homer and
Hesiod, for in many places he seems to refer to verses and traces
of rites which must be referred to a more ancient date, cf. ii. 49,
51, 52, 81, and on the poets themselves, cf. ii. 23; but as Heyne
and Creuzer explain, he here intends to speak of the poems circu-
lated during his own time under fictitious titles, as the works of
Orpheus, Linus, and others. B. On these, cf. ch. iii. and xvi. of
Miiller's Lit. of Anc. Gr., or Hist, of Gr. Lit. p. 112.
f. Kal TO. (ikv .... Xtyovcrt meaning what he has mentioned in
ii. 52. This care in distinguishing his own opinion from what he
reported on the authority of others, is a strong instance of Hdtus'
candour as a writer. B.
CH. LIV. a. ywoTicac iprjiagCf. note a. on the following ch.
and ii. 35, d. on the sense of these words. Cf. also ii. 56, apQnro-
\ivovaav K. r. X. On tyrriatv cnrb atyiwv ytv. that there was a great
search made by them for these teamen, cf. Jelf, 620, 3, c., on airb,
signifying " causation by a person, with passives instead of VTTO
with the gen. (but seldom)." Cf. v. 2, a.
CH. LV. a. TUVTO. p'tv K. r. \. H. Ethiop. ch. iii. p. 244, note,
226, 243, seqq., makes particular reference to what is here narrated.
After speaking of the commercial intercourse, (the principal seat
of which for Africa was Meroe,) that in the earlier ages existed
between India and Arabia, Ethiopia, Libya, and Egypt, which,
founded upon their mutual necessities, became the parent of their
civilization, and of which traces are found in the earliest Gk myth-
ology, in the fame of the Ethiopians and the hundred-gated Thebes
in Homer, (cf. iii. 18, a., and vii. 70, &.,) the myths of Jupiter
Ammon, the Triton Sea, the Garden of the Hesperides, the Gor-
gons, &c., he goes on to say that " the account here given of the
origin of the Dodona oracle under the Pelasgi seems evidently to
prove, that not merely rumour of this commerce found its way into
Greece, but that an attempt was actually made, at a very early
period, to introduce it from Africa, by the then usual means of
founding a sanctuary and oracle, ii. 51 58. The priests of Am-
mon at Thebes informed him, ch. 54, that the oracles of Ammon
and Dodona were both founded from Thebes ; and he himself tes-
tifies that they were both delivered in the same manner. So far
as regards Ammon, we know from other credible testimony that
this oracle was a colony founded by Thebes and Meroe ; it is there-
fore exceedingly natural to conjecture the same of Dodona, and to
consider the holy women as merely representing these settlements,
because they, as prophetesses, certainly were the chief personages.
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 119
Thus, then, becomes explained the account of Hdtus, ii. 51 58 ;
the oracle at Dodona commanded the Pelasgians to adopt the
Egyptian names of the deities, which at that time passed through
them to the Hellenes. I need scarcely repeat that I only state
this as a conjecture ; but yet I know no more natural way of ex-
plaining Hdtus's extraordinary account of the adoption of the
Egyptian names of deities in Greece than that the oracle of Dodona
was influenced, from now known causes, to introduce the Egyptian
worship into Greece. That this did not produce the same effect
as in Africa is easily accounted for : Greece was altogether a differ-
ent world, whatever the Greeks adopted from foreigners they always
stamped as their own property." Read ch. iii., Oriental Sources
of Gk Mythology, in E. Hist, of Gr. p. 26, seqq., and cf. p. 24.
b. SiJo -irtXeidSag K.T.\. Cf. ii. 57, a. 0i?ydv, not the beech t but
the esculent oak ; as in ii. 56, derived probably from q>ayiiv, its fruit
being used for food in ancient times.
c. oi aXXoi .... ipov. Whether Hdtus here intended to mean
the Selli, cf. note b. on following ch., or, as they were also called,
Hetti and Tomuri, whom Strabo, vii. p. 328, says were originally
the priests of and attendants at the oracle round which they dwelt,
(and in whose stead three priestesses were afterwards appointed,)
is uncertain. B.
CH. LVL a. aireSovro, they sold. i. 70, c.
b. irpriOijvai EC Qiffirpurovf, Dodona, in Thesprotia, (which Hdtus
doubtless visited, see D. p. 40,) stood, as Pouqueville has accurately
determined, not far from where the city Janina now is, around
which region the Selli formerly dwelt, on the site where the castle
of Castezza at present stands. The mt which rises on the north
of it, was probably the Tmnurus, so celebrated by the poets. B.
" In the heart of this country, Epirus, within whose limits the Mo-
lossians, Thesprotians, Chaonians, and many other obscurer people,
had, from the earliest times, led the same life and kept the same
institutions, stood the ancient temple of Dodona, a name famous
for generations before Delphi was yet in existence ; the earliest
seat of the Grecian oracles, whose ministers, the Selli, a priesthood
of austerest life, received the answers of the god through no human
prophet, but from the rustling voice of the sacred oaks which shel-
tered the temple." Arnold, Hist, of Rome, ii. p. 438. Cf. par-
ticularly on Mt Tomurus, (clearly the Someru of the Indian Epic,
another form of Meru, the sacred mountain, again to be prominently
recognised in Meroe of Ethiopia, the seat of a high sacerdotal caste,)
E. Hist, of Gr. p. 33, ch. iii., Oriental Sources of GJr. Mythology.
c. <tniy<i> Cf. ii. 55, b.
CH. LVII. a. UtXuaSte K. r. \. They were thus called, Creuzer,
Symb. iv. p. 161, considers, because the dove was the peculiar bird
of Venus Dione, and was believed to take its seat on the oak of
Jove, with whose worship at Dodona that of Venus Dione was
conjoined, and thence to utter the responses of the oracle. Among
120 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
the Egyptians also the black dove was the emblem of those widows,
who not being allowed by the sacerdotal laws of the Egyptians to
contract another alliance on the death of their husbands, thence-
forth dedicated themselves to sacred offices and ministration. Some-
thing to the same effect is quoted by Creuzer from " The History
of English Poetry," pref. p. 101, viz. that all that Hdtus here says,
arose from a golden dove, the symbol of Venus Dione, being sus-
pended from the oak of Dodona. B.
b. tart Si ftavTticri K. r. X. W. renders dirinatio in tcinplis ;
but TU ipa in Hdtus frequently = TO. ip/7a, the victims sacrificed.
So Bvtrai TCI Ipa, i. 59, viii. 54, mactare victimas. ii. 40, >/ iaipt<rt
r&v ipwv, exenteratio victimarum. Cf. also v. 44, ix. 19, 36, and
viii. 134. Ipolai xprjffTnpiaZtaQai, ex victimis responsa dei petere.
Hence here riav \piav (i. q. Sta T&V ipwv) / fiavriK^ is the manner or
custom of divination from victims. Schw.
CH. LVIII. a. Trpoouywyac accessiones, nempe ad Deorttm
aras, suj)pUcationes, resorting to the temples to pay one's rows:
whether this be the meaning, or, bringing offerings in procession,
appears doubtful. Schw.
CH. LIX. a. TV 'Apr^i Cf. ii. 83, 156, d. On Bubastis, cf.
ii. 60, 6., and read E. Orient. H. ch. ii. p. 59.
b. Bo?';<rtpiv iroXiv Abousir, in Lower Egypt, in the middle of the
Delta, on the W. bank of the Nile. Smith's C. D. Its name, ac-
cording to Jablonsky, from Be- Ousiri, the tomb of Osiris ; according
to Champollion, from Tapausiri, the city of Osiris. B.
c. nsyiorov'Iatoc. Ipuv This stood a little below the centre of the
Delta. R. p. 513.
d. *I<rc Si . . . . Aij^j/rjjp. As Isis among the Egyptians was the
cause of all abundance, the soil they dwelt on, the mother and
producer of all things, cf. ii. 41, a., 42, c., she agrees with the
Ceres of the Greeks, cf. ii. 171, the earth, and the parent and
mother of all things thereon ; whence her name Annifrnp, Mother
of the Earth. So Isis called Mouth, the Mother, viz. of the World.
Cf. Creuz. Symb. iv. p. 303, note, 492. B.
e. rpira V c SaV'v K. T. X. Cf. ii. 62, a., 63. On the town of Buto,
&c., cf. ii. 155, b.
CH. LX. a. nopifovrai, nave deferrentur Cf. iv. 76, &c. V.
b. BovfiaffTiv. The Pibeseth of Ezekiel, xxx. 17- R. p. 461.
In the Delta on the E. bank of the Pelusiac branch, cf. ii. 158,
on the spot now called Tell-Bastah, the hill of Bastah. E. Orient.
H. ch. ii. p. 59.
c. dlvof a/iTrlXivoc Cf. ii. 37, e., and H. Egypt ch. iv. p. 450,
and on the festival of Artemis Bubastus, p. 367.
CH. LXI. a. tlpnrai K. r. X. Cf. ii. 40, and on Busiris, ii. 59, b.
b. rov Si Tvitrovrai On the verb, cf. ii. 42, h. The deity is Osiris,
whose death by Typhon was thus bewailed, and whose memory,
as the founder of agriculture and the arts of civilized life, was thus
preserved. Cf. ii. 40, b., 132, a.
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 121
CH. LXII. a. 2ai/ In the Delta, on the E. side of the
Canopic branch, where the village of Ssa-al Hadjar now stands,
It was the ancient capital of Lower Egypt, and the chief seat of
the worship of the Egyptian goddess Neith, Hdtus ii. 59. On the
feast cf. ii. 170, 171. B., and Smith's C. D.
b. \v\va Kaiovm Lamps were common in the Egyptian festivals :
in this they were probably used from Osiris being adored as the
god of fire and the sun, ii. 41, a., and for the same cause afterwards
in the festivals of Serapis. Also to Neith, as goddess of the
purest light Spencer (de ritt. Hebr. iv. 6) thinks that from
Egypt the Jews also derived their custom of lighting candles, &c.
in some of their festivals. B. Cf. Persius, Sat. v. 181, "Lucernse
Portantes violas."
c. <f>v\daaovTif K. T. X. Cf. i. 48, 6.
CH. LXIII. a. 'HXi'ou jroXtv K. T. X. On Heliopolis cf. ii. 7, .,
and on Buto, ii. 155, b.
b. Tlairprifii mentioned by none of the ancients, except Hdtus,
cf. ii. 63, 64, 71, 165; in the W. of the Delta. By Mannert it is
identified with Xois. B. Cf. Smith's C. D., Xois.
c. iv vjjy //cp<p i>Xtv< in a little wooden shrine or chapel, cf. ii.
91. B.
d. oi Sk i>x<uXjuaioi those who wish to pay their vows, B., or, those
who are under a vow.
e. paxr) .... yiverai. This combat, Creuzer, Symb. iv. p. 267,
quoted in B., considers a representation of one of the doctrines of
the Egyptian Mysteries. " Mars, among the Egyptians and other
ancient nations, was held to be the god of nature, who contained the
seeds of all things ; which seeds, when communicated by him to
the earth, his mother, see next ch., gave birth and life to all that
exists. And as they believed this to have happened at the com-
mencement of the world, so they considered that the same process
took place at the beginning of each year, in the spring, when the
world, as it were, begins anew, and again receives the seed, not at
once and without some struggle, but only after resistance and op-
position. Hence, as the ancients held that both the influence that
made nature productive, as well as the generative power of nature
herself, resided in the deity, it may be conceived that these com-
bats, in which the image of Mars was only after a struggle carried
into the temple, represented in an allegoric manner the struggles
and resistance of nature, that had to be overcome by agricultural
toil and labour at the commencement of every year." Hence the
meaning, inhonesta notio, (Valck.) in ovppitat in the following ch.,
which confirms Creuzer's idea of this combat ; viz., that the en-
trance of Mars after contest and labour is a representation of the toil
and labour necessary to be undergone every year, before the earth can
be made to receive the seeds committed to her care; an illustration
of the Divine command, " In the sweat of thy face shall thou eat
bread" for, " cursed is the ground for thy sake," &c.
122 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. LXIV. a. vopiaai Cf. i. 131, c.
b. ffvfifiiKat. Cf. note e. on preceding ch. So also Sta\tyio6ai,
ofjii\ilv, c Xoyove t\Qt?v, and tA&tv napd, in ii. 115. B.
c. TTJ n^rpl Hence, as Cr. conjectures, in all likelihood, arose
the Greek fable of Mars and Venus; this goddess, as seems pro-
bable, being the Mother into whose temple Mars desired to enter ;
and the Greeks derived the story from the Egyptians, but without
understanding to what it alluded. See note e. on preceding ch.
d. iv tpouri Here, in the wider meaning, including the vaoc and the
riptvog, the sacred close, grove, and all the buildings that might adjoin
the temple, as well as the temple itself, cf. i. 47, a., and Thucyd. iii. 96.
e. AiyvirTioi Si QprfffKtvovai K. r. X. That the adoration of beasts
by the Egyptians could not have arisen from the respect they bore
to animals for their utility, or from feelings of superstition alone,
may well be believed : the cause of it must be sought in something
far different ; it had reference doubtless to some of the mysterious
doctrines of the Egyptian Theology concerning the hidden opera-
tions of nature, the causes of which were objects of their greatest
research. The signs of the Zodiac also, intimately connected with
Egyptian belief and doctrines, contributed to it in no slight degree.
Cf. Creuz. Symb. i. p. 475. B. H.'s opinion upon this difficult sub-
ject, Egypt ch. ii. p. 355, seqq., I snail endeavour to condense :
" Animal idolatry, the prevailing superstition of almost every part
of Africa, and, reasoning from the analogy of other nations, the
religion of the earliest rude inhabitants of Egypt its origin, diffi-
cult, if not impossible to explain all hypotheses, such as the
rarity of the animals, their utility or their noxiousness to man, in-
sufficient a mere childish delight in this or that kind of animal
probably one of the causes; the great variety of it to be explained
by the great number of different tribes which inhabited Egypt
in later times it stood in a closer relation to the political formation
of the people, and was made the means, in the hands of the ruling
priest caste, at the foundation of their colonies, of alluring the
neighbouring savage tribes and bringing them into a political
connexion with themselves. As it differed in the different nomes,
we may conjecture that the priests, in the places where they
founded colonies, gained over the rude inhabitants by the adoption
of their worship, and, by appointing apartments in their temples
for the animals which these held sacred, made these temples the
common sanctuary of the tribe. This worship probably much
changed by political revolutions ; for example, the national wor-
ship of the sacred steer of Memphis may be supposed to be owing
to Memphis having been the capital of Egypt. Of the animals
held sacred by the vulgar, the priests made, in their literature, a
very different application : many of their written characters bor-
rowed from them. As hieroglyphics were pictures of objects of
nature and art, pictures of animals naturally formed a large pro-
portion of these characters. Further, as these animals were held
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 123
sacred by popular superstition, they became pre-eminently adapted,
by a very natural association of ideas, as the representatives of
divinity. Thus the sparrow-hawk at the entrance of the temples,
signified in general, divine, sacred, consecrated; the beetle the
universe, &c. From certain attributes of the gods being expressed
by certain animals, probably arose the custom of representing the
deities with the heads of animals ; and hence, from the constant
endeavour of the priest caste to copy, to a certain extent, the
deities they served, in their bearing and exterior deportment, arose
the pourtraying of the priests with animals' heads or masks."
" As the adoration of animals in Egypt was not founded on their
utility to man, Lucian (de Astrol. v. 218) conjectures that the
several animals were emblems of the imaginary figures, into which
the ancients had in very early times distributed the stars, distin-
guishing them by the names of living creatures ; but the relation
between the zodia, or celestial images, and the animals of the Egyp-
tian temples is far too limited to warrant this hypothesis. The
real clue is, no doubt, that furnished by Heeren, Fetichism ; and
the result, the notion is as worked out by him, a system of religion,
with Fetichism for basis, worship of heavenly bodies for outward
characteristic, and, within, a science founded on astronomy, and
by the operation of which the fetichs, serving as gods for the
people, became merely symbols for the priests ; who, allowing the
mass of people to indulge in this gross and humiliating species of
adoration, reserved for themselves a secret and visionary system of
Pantheism or emanation. Article 15, J&jyptus, Class. Diet. Cf.
E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 198, and Appendix to this vol., Animal
Worship, from Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Geog.
CH. LXV. a, iovaa . . . . ry Atfivy on Hdtus' idea of Egypt
being a region by itself, cf. ii. 16, a.
1. avilrai ab avitj/jii are consecrated, dedicated. Cf. ii. 165, are
devoted, given up wholly to.
c. niXiSwoi K. T. \. keepers, stewards : [i&tSiav&c. is dicitur qui
alicujus rei curam gcrit, cf. iii. 61, viii. 31, 38. B.
d. tl>xa<; rdaSt <npi K. T. X. The a$t refers to the fjn\iS<ivol just
mentioned. On the passage, cf. Diod. i. 83. B.
e. Sf S' av "ifSiv ) 'iprjKa K. r. X. On this ibis cf. ii. 75, c. seqq.
The 'iptjK or ifpa?, one of the sacred birds of Egypt, the falcon, called
by Egyptians (3ai>)0, soul. Hence as the symbol of the soul, its
figure is every where painted in the entrances of their temples, and
in other sacred places. Hence the reverence paid to it. Cf. Creuz.
Symb. i. p. 487, quoted by B. Also H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 357, and
E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 186, 187.
CH. LXV I. a. tl /i) KariXappave .... roiuSi if something of
the following nature did not frequently happen to the cats, icaraXo/*-
fidvtiv incidere, accidere, ii. 152, iii. 42, iv. 33, ix. (50. Wytt.
b. Biia irpriypaTa .... aitXovpovg mira res accidit felibus ; or
with Gesner, madness, a supernatural impulse, seizes the cuts. Schw.
124 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
" The cat, indebted to its glossy fur, was a symbol of the moon."
Class. Diet, Article 15, ^Egyptus.
c. itaoTavTig standing at intervals from each other, ravra 1
fivofitva, and while this happens. Cf. Jelf, 700, 2, Accus. Absolute.
CH. LXVII. a. c tpdc artyag, i. q. ipai QiJKai cells or chambers
in the burying vaults. Schw. On the embalming and worshipping
of the brute-creation among the Egyptians, cf. ii. 64, e.
b. Bow/3acm Cf. 60, b.
c. Kvvag The dog, no doubt the type of the dog-headed Anubis,
who, endowed with that animal's nature, followed Isis in her search
for the remains of Osiris : whether identical with Thoth, the Egyp-
tian Hermes, or with Sirius, appears uncertain. Cf. also E. Orient.
H. ch. iv. p. 187.
d. d> S' a'vruQ K. r. X. and in the same way as the bitches, &c.
Transmissive dat. after verbs, adjectives, and adverbs of coincidence,
equality, similarity, &c. Jelf, 594, 2. ol ixvtvrai the ichneumons.
Cf. Diod. Sic. i. 83, 87; probably the same animal as that called in
Egypt, Pharaoh's rat, somewhat like a ferret, only much larger.
Whether it really devours the crocodile's eggs, and destroys that
animal, as Diod. asserts, by creeping down its throat, Pococke, i.
p. 203, was unable to learn, but thought the first probable, and
the latter improbable, if not impossible. B.
e. BowroDv iro\iv. Cf. ii. 155, b.
f. T&g & I/3if c 'Ep/iew TroXiv. There were two cities of this name;
1st, The smaller Hermopolis, in Lower Egypt, of which Hdtus
makes no mention ; 2nd, The great Hermopolis, in the Heptanomis,
or Middle Egypt. W. It is necessary to observe that the ibises
Hdtus here speaks of as laid up at Hermopolis, were the state-
ibises, belonging to the public in general, kept and fed in the tem-
ples ; while, besides these, each private family maintained its own
peculiar bird, which at death was not sent to the general repository
at Hermopolis, but embalmed wherever it might chance to be.
This is evident from the immense number of their mummies dis-
covered at Memphis, and from the variety of the method of their
embalming. The ibis, as a sign and symbol of the rise of the Nile,
making its appearance at that time and destroying the river-insects,
was sacred to Hermes, who was believed first to have pointed out
the admeasurements of the increase of the river, whence in the
hieroglyphics he is drawn with the head of an ibis. Hence the
sacred bird was laid up in Hermopolis, the city of Hermes or Thoth.
Creuzer, quoted by B. Cf. particularly on this city, also called the
Ibeum, or city of the Ibis, near Oshmanein, E. Orient. H. ch. ii. p.
48. Thoth, or Hermes, the inventor of arts and sciences, the
Egyptian god of wisdom. The stately ibis, which, year after year,
measured off the fresh mud, a cubit at each step, first gave the
Egyptians an idea of number and mensuration, and was for that
reason consecrated to Thoth, the reputed inventor of both. Cf.
ii. 138, c,
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 125
ff. \VKOVQ. Some suppose jackals are meant, as modern travellers
deny the existence of wolves in Egypt. Aristotle, however, and
Pliny, confirm our author's account. The mummies of jackals are
frequently found, and the figures of wolves also among the Egyp-
tian carvings and on the wrappings of mummies. B. " Wolves
are the animals of the lower world, the guardians of Amenthes,
the empire of the dead among the Egyptians, over which Dionysus
and Ceres, that is, Isis and Osiris, ruled, and where the latter bore
the ^surname of Serapis. Hence therefore they appear so fre-
quently, as well as the deities just mentioned, upon the monuments
of the dead." H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 364, seqq.
CH. LXVIII. rt. Tw/ Si KpoKodtiXuv K.T.X. Hdtus, it is to be
observed, here speaks of the crocodilus vulr/aris, s. Niloticus, by
which name the Egyptian crocodile is usually distinguished from
that of other countries. B. refers to a crowd of writers on the
subject: H., referred to in ii. 64, e., after speaking of the great
variety in animal worship owing to the number of different tribes
in Egypt, says ; why therefore the crocodile was holy in one part of
Egypt and the hippopotamus in another, it is now impossible to
determine, any further than that it was the primaeval religion of
this or that race. Cf. Long, Egypt. Ant. ii. p. 300, seqq. The de^
scription of the crocodile, from which perhaps the emblematical
representation of Leviathan is drawn, in Job xli. 1 34, is well
known.
1>. TOVG xtipipiuTdTovs .... ovSlv. Pliny, H. N. viii. 25, says that
they lie hid in caves during this season, speaking, as probably
Hdtus did, of the crocodiles of the Delta, which, in a state of leth-
argy from the cold, would stand in less need of food. Even at the
present day it has been asserted by a man of learning, that they
are capable of living for many months without food, and an in-
stance is positively known of one that passed 17 days without any
kind of nutriment. B. Denon also, Travels in Egypt, ii. p. 308,
unable to account otherwise for their power of long abstinence,
says that it appears probable that they find in the Nile a sufficient
quantity of easily procurable food, which they digest slowly, being,
like the lizard and serpent, cold-blooded and of an inactive stomach.
General Belliard had a young one in his possession which lived
four months without eating, without appearing to suffer, or to grow
larger or become leaner.
c. fXtiffffuv .... OVK fyvfft. So too Denon, ii. p. 82, thought,
considering that the throat, which hangs as loose as a purse, sup-
plied with its elasticity the place of a tongue ; but a more careful
search has detected a tongue, which from its small size, only 3
inches long and 5 wide, and from its being attached to the lower
edge of the lower jaw, had escaped the observation of many.
d. Sippa .... viarov. Denon, ii. p. 186, writes, that he fired at
one within 20 paces with a heavy musket: the ball struck and
rebounded off his scales ; he made a leap of ten feet and dived into
126 NOTES ON HERODOTUS,
the river. " His scales are his pride, shut up together as with a
close seal." Job xli. 15.
e. pS(\\iu>v. Either leeches are not meant by this word, as there
are none in the Nile, or else Hdtus intended to have said, flies, or
ynats. (To this it may be objected, that flies or gnats cannot be
meant ; for the reason given for the (3Si\\ai in the crocodile's month,
is art iv vSan Siairav TTOU fyuvov, and flies and gnats do not live
under water. Perhaps river-lampreys might be what Hdtus meant.)
The bird, the T(io\l\oc, who is said to perform this good office for
the crocodile, is supposed to be the Egyptian wren, called the
Saq-saq. B.
CH. LXIX. a. roioi $' oi> K.T.\. At Tentyra the crocodiles
were destroyed, and at Ombos held sacred. Cf. ii. 68, a. Juvenal
Sat. xv. 28, &c., and E. Orient. H. ch. ii. p. 45 47.
b. 'E\t>avrivr)v Cf. ii. 17> a.
c. xdp^ai. by the Copts still called Amsah, and by the Arabs
lemtsah; both appellations resembling that here given. By "the
lonians who gave them the name," are probably meant those
lonians who settled in Egypt under Psammitichus; ii. 154. At
the end of the ch. KpoKoS. lizards, cf. iv. 192. B. Cf. Long, Egypt.
Ant. ii. p. 305, note.
CH. LXXI. a. lirirot ol Trora/noi Bochart considers the Hip-
popotamus to be the Behemoth of Job, xl. 15 ; others, the elephant.
Lee translates Behemoth by " cattle." (Townsend's Chronol. and
Hist. Bible, pt. ii. p. 342.) On Papremis, cf. ii. 63, b.
b. Qvcnv Si K. T. X. Some of these particulars are inaccurate ; for
the animal does not show its tusks when its mouth is closed, nor
has it the tail of a horse ; on the contrary, Aristotle's account, viz.
that it has the tail of a hog, is more like the truth. It is no longer
found in Egypt, but only above the cataracts, in the more interior
parts of Africa. Of its hide the Abyssinians to this day make
bucklers. B.
CH. LXXII. a. XSTT^WTOV scaly fish ; probably the bichir, de-
scribed by Geoffrey de St. Hilaire, covered with strong scales, suf-
ficient to defend it from the tooth of any animal that may attack
it. This solidity arises from a bony substance which lines each
scale underneath, so thick and compact, that very few of our cut-
ting instruments will penetrate it. Schw. Linnaeus considers it
the Cyprinus rubescens Niloticus, Red Carp of the Nile. B.
b. xriva\tairiKa. The Vulpanser, or Anas tadorna, of Linmcus ;
the cravant. Horapollo says that this bird denoted in hierogly-
g'lics, a son ; from the exceeding affection it showed its offspring,
ence perhaps the reverence paid it. B.
CH. LXXI 1 1. a. <f>oiviS. " The Egyptian Phoenix was a fabul-
ous bird, and all that Hdtus and others have related of it, has
reference to the symbolical doctrines so much in vogue among the
ancients, and especially in Egypt. Its explanation is astronomical ;
by its advent the Egyptian priests intended to show the return of
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 127
' The Great Year,' which, when completed by the recurrence of
many of the common cycles, produces as it were a new birth of
time. As the sun is the author of this, his course marking the
period and the return of this New ^Era, the Phoenix consequently
is the bird of the sun ; his appearance and splendid colour are
tokens of this ; he comes from Arabia, the land of the rising sun,
and bears with him his deceased parent, all the passed ages com-
pleted in the cycle just gone by, wrapped in myrrh, the produce
of the East, like an egg, (for all past time may be considered as
shut up, and gone, never to return,) and this he bears to Heliopolis,
the city of the sun, who receives the offering into himself, and
hides it in the womb of eternity, thenceforth to begin a new sera
of the world." Creuzer, quoted by B. Hence, among the early
Christians, it was the emblem of immortality and resurrection. Cf.
iii. 28, c., and Early Orient. Hist. ch. ii. p. 58. " It may be briefly
stated, that the symbolic fable of the return of Phoenix is now
generally supposed to represent the well-known Sothic period
the great year of the Egyptians the last of the 1461 years that
elapsed ere the solar year of 365 days coincided with the fixed year
of 365 days." Cf. also ch. iv. p. 182.
b. a><; 'KXiovTroXirat K. r. X. probably meaning the noted college of
priests there. B. Cf. ii. 3, b.
c. airoTTupiiOij, has finished his trials. Cf. iii. 40, b.
CH. LXXIV. a. TOVTOV yap .... tpoi>c. The serpent is a con-
stantly recurring symbol in Egyptian hieroglyphics. It was, says
Creuzer, the emblem of immortality, and hence the symbol of the
Theban Jupiter, to whom the reptile itself was held sacred. Eter-
nity also was represented by a serpent with its tail in its mouth, or
an endless serpent enclosing an eye ; and wisdom by the same ex-
tended at length.
CH. LXX V . a. Rovrovv ir6\iv in Lower Egypt, where the vil-
lage El-Bneib now stands ; another town of the same name is men-
tioned in ii. 63, 59, 133, and 155, b. B.
b. impwruiv 6<j>lwv. Winged serpents are also mentioned by Pau-
sanias and ./Elian ; also in Scripture as appertaining to Egypt.
Isa. xxx. 6, " The burden of the beasts of the south from whence
come the viper and the flying fiery serpent," &c. Cf. also Cicero,
Nat. Deor. i. 36. B.
c. rrjv Ij3tv the Numenius Ibis, or, Ibis religiosa of Cuvier ;
white, with the head and neck bare, and the tips of the wings and
tail, feet and beak, black. Cf. ii. 67, /. The black ibis, the Ibis
Falcinetta of Cuvier, is said to make its appearance some days after
the other on the banks of the Nile. Of the last no mummies have
been discovered. B. They are both figured and described in Long,
Egypt. Ant. ii. p. 307.
CH. LXXVI. a. K p&. From the Schol. on Aristoph. Av. 1 138,
some suppose a bird of the species comix. B. Gesner thinks it
our corncrake.
128 NOTES ON HEKOIK)TUS.
b. ?iai . . . I/3c. Cf. note c. on preceding ch.
CH. LXXVII. a. ot ftev vipl K.T.\. " The Egyptian husband-
men or peasantry, who dwelt in villages and open places, and made
the tending of cattle and agriculture their business, always re-
mained distinct from the nomad herdsmen, who dwelt in the moun-
tains and marshes, where the land is unfit for tillage. H. Egypt.
ch. ii. p. 335.
b. pvfifitiv liraffKiovTt, Accus. after verbs of learning, conclud-
ing, studying, practising, being in the habit of, &c. (Cf. ii. 51, a.)
Jelf, 561. Cf. 548, c. /xvjj/iij, not memory, so much as observ-
ation, attention to all that has already past. Care and great attention
to the records of time past, and a strong desire to keep up this
knowledge in those who come after, Schw. considers to be here
meant. Hence Xoyiwraroi just after, rerum prater iturum maxime
periti, most conversant with antiquities, &c. &c. Cf. i. 1, a.
c. KvXXfiffriQ bread, so called, Casaubon conjectures, from its
shape being like a cone, similar to our long rolls. B.
d. olvy & (K KptQiwv .... a/iTTfXot. On these two points, cf. ii. 37,
e., and H. /. 1. p. 450. On the importance of the Egyptian fisheries,
cf. H. Egypt, ch. iii. p. 442, and Isaiah xix. 5 9, there quoted.
CH. LXXVIII. a. ^iui^irifiivov adimitationemexpressum. Jelf,
368, a., Remarks on the Deponent Verbs.
CH. LXXIX. a. Mavepmc meaning, according to Jablonsky,
offspring of Menes, the eternal, said to have been the first king of
Egypt, cf. ii. 4, c. Hence Osiris or Horus is probably meant, on
whose mournful fate the song was composed. Cf. Creuz. Symb.
i. p. 446, seqq., B., and ii. 48, g. h.
X
CH. LXXX. a. Sv/i^lpovrat .... AaKfSainovioim K.T.\. On
the reverence paid in Lacedasmon to the aged, cf. the scattered
notices in Muller's Dorians, ii. pp. 94, 194, 403, and Aristoph.
Nub. 989. iiKovffi 7-TJc oSov, retire from the road for them, make iccn/
for them. Separative gen., Jelf, 530, 1, b.
CH. LXXXI. a. KiQtavaq \ivi owe KaXaalpig K.T. \. under-shirts
next the skin, fringed about the legs and reaching to the knees ; Kali
or Keli, in Egyptian, meaning, according to Jablonsky, the knee or
leg. Modern travellers inform us that in Egypt dress has under-
gone little change. According to Creuzer the KiQ&vtq are now
called milayeh, and the tipara ilpivta are the Arabian barnouses.
B. Cf. i. 195, a., ii. 37, c.
b. 'Op^ucoioY .... HvOayopiiotoi Cf. ii. 49, 50, a. b., 55, a., &c.,
illustrating the connexion between the Egyptian and the Gk
Sacred Rites and Mysteries, and the derivation of the latter from
the former; at least as far as regards the more ancient Gk doc-
trines. On the origin of the Gk mythology and its connexion with
the Egyptian, cf. Thirlw. i. c. vi. p. 185 192 : on the Pythagorean
doctrines, ii. c. xii. p. 141, seqq., and cf. E. Hist, of Gr. ch. iii.,
Oriental Sources of Gk Mythology.
c. oi>Si .... offtov tan K.T.X. Cf. the reference in ii. 37, c., to
BOOK li. KLTERPE. 129
H. Plutarch, de Isid. et Osi. p. 352, gives the reason of this : viz.
that wool being produced from an animal, was considered as im-
pure, and therefore unfit for the pure ; hence it was not worn in the
temples ; while from flax, the production of the immortal earth, a
garment thin and pure was made, unstained with the filth of
animal contact. B.
CH. LXXXII. a. Kai rdSt d\\a, fiti'c rt rat K. r. X. And these
thiiif/s besides have been invented by the Egyptians, viz. to which of the
(jods each day and month belongs, and how, according to what day each
is born on, icith what fortune he shall meet, &c., i. e. they have in-
vented the consecration of the several days and months, and the
science of calculating fortunes according to the birthday. Cf. H.
Egypt, ch. ii. p. 343, seqq. : " The construction of a correct calendar
must have been of the greatest importance in a country dependent
upon the periodical overflow of the Nile, where it was of consequence
to know the exact epochs at which this would take place, in order
to prepare for it beforehand; and where in general the business of
agriculture turned upon the knowledge of the seasons and the cor-
rect determination of the year and its parts. It was the foundation
of husbandry, and, with that, of political civilization and the do-
minion of the priest caste, who bestowed extraordinary assiduity
upon it," &c. &c.
b. oreoiffi ifKvprjfftt, with what chances he shall meet, i. e. what his
future fortune sJtall be. In the following sentence oi tv iroiiimi
E'wofjiivoi, those who have been occupied in, who hare practised poetry.
. Cf. Jelf, 622, 3, b. 'Ev Causal. Situation external or in-
ternal circumstances feelings, in which a person is, or is caught
or detained, whereby he is, as it were, surrounded. Cf. vi. 37, a.
On the influence of astrology and astronomy in Egypt, see H. 1. I.
ch. ii. p. 341.
CH. LXXXIII. a. di yi ^avrijiai the modes in which oracles
\rere given. Schw. On the influence in Egypt of the oracles, (the
strongest band by which rude nations, in the infancy of society,
can be chained to a certain degree of civilization,) in the formation
of the earlier states and in strengthening the influence of priest
caste, cf. H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 359. According to the testimony of
Hdtus, they were only given by the gods, and only by certain of
these to whom it was appointed : a regulation by which the priest
caste kept them more securely in their own hands."
CH. LXXXIV. a. 'H Sk inroiKr, K.T.\. Cf. H. Egypt, ch. ii. p.
345 : " The medical science of the Egyptians was closely connected
with astrology, the different parts of the body having reference to
the astronomical deities, and to each of them a particular member
was dedicated; that there should be physicians for particular
members of the body and for their particular diseases, affords an-
other proof how rigidly the subdivisions of the castes were kept
separate," &c. Cf. E. Orient. H. p. 169.
CH. LXXXV. a. Q^vot. de e. r. X. Embalming was known also
130 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
to the ancient Peruvians and Mexicans. The reasons for its
practice in Egypt were chiefly, 1st, Their unwillingness to have
the body either consumed by fire, which they considered a beast,
or eaten by worms, cf. iii. 16 ; 2ndly, Their desire to preserve it,
from their belief in the transmigration of souls, cf. ii. 123, and
Diod. i. 91, and from the commonly received idea that if the body
were kept entire and fresh, the soul would remain the longer near
it, and be detained from setting out immediately on its unhappy
wanderings through the earth ; 3rdly, That they might retain after
death, pledges, in the earthly remains of those most dear to them :
with this idea were connected the annual sacrifices to the dead, the
worship of the Manes, and the custom of depositing the body
either in or near some temple. B. in his 6th Excursus; to which
a list of writers on embalmment is annexed. By H., on the other
hand, embalmment and the care taken in the preparation and safe
preservation of mummies is considered to have originated from and
to be connected with the popular belief in a continuance after death,
a coarse, sensual kind of notion, and one closely connected with the
continuance of the body ; the identity of which was never laid aside,
and upon its preservation depended the continuance of existence
in Hades, or Amenthes, the empire of the lower world. Cf. ii. 67,
g. The doctrine of the transmigration of souls, H. considers, culd
not possibly have been the popular belief, bearing about it too
clearly the marks of having been formed according to a scientific
system, to be considered any other than a philosophical system of
the priests. H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 359, seqq. Cf. also ch. iv. in E.
Orient. H. p. 170. Some trace embalmment to the religious creed
of the country ; others view it as a wise expedient, suggested by
the annual inundation, during the continuance of which in so
many parts of the land sepulture was impossible. Both causes
perhaps co-operated. Other reasons, such as scarcity of wood for
funeral piles, are given in art. 19, JEgyptus. Cf. also L. Egypt.
Ant. i. p. 15, and ii. p. 99, seqq.
CH. LXXXVI. a. ol raramu, cf. i. 199, b.
b. TTJV nlv ajrovSaioTUTrjv sc. raoiytvaiv. Observe that of each of
these three ways of embalmment there were further subdivisions, as
is evident from the mummies that have come down to us. Minutoli
and Belzoni reckon five methods in all. The expense of the 1st me-
thod, according to Diod. i. 91, was an Attic talent, 243/. 15s., and
of the 2nd twenty minas, or 811. 5s. B. Cf. L. Egypt. Ant. ii. p.
99, seqq.
e. TOV OVK oaiov K. r. X. The name and image of Osiris, doubtless,
are meant. Cf. ii. 61, 132, 170. B. And L. Egypt. Ant. ii. p. 104.
d. oiplv Sfi tKirodwv. viz. the friends of the deceased, and oi Si
j/TroXtiTTo/wvot are the taricheutse or embalmers. oi'c?//ia<rt, the public
buildings set apart for the purpose of exercising their art, whither
they carried the corpses. Cf. end of the preceding ch. B.
o. consisting of resin, and of aromatic drugs, and other
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 131
such ingredients ; which have been found in the skulls of mummies.
The Ethiopian stone was probably of that kind which Strabo says
he found between Syene and Philae, black and very hard. Knives
of this same stone have been discovered in mummies. B.
f. TTJV KotXirjv iraaav K. T. X. In this sentence Hdtus refers to
KoiXirjv in two senses, the intestines in the belly, and the belly itself.
He says they take out all the boivels ; and having cleansed it, avrt}v
sc. T*}V icaiXoji', i. e. the cavity of the stomach, &c. To this, the cavity
of the belli/, all that is afterwards mentioned of washing with palm-
wine, &c., belongs, and not to the bowels; for they were not re-
placed ; but, as Porphyry tells us, were put into a chest, and after
a prayer for the dead man pronounced by one of the embalmers,
in which all sins of repletion were laid upon the bowels, were cast
into the river. B.
ff. olv<{> <f>oiviKrfi(f cf. ii. 37> e.
h. Xirpy. i. q. virptp. Not nitre, but natron, mineral-alkali or
potash, used in the composition of soap. B. So L. and S. D., soda
or potasw.
i. jj/xfpac f/3doju}icoi/ra. Some suppose this space refers not only
to the number of days the body lay in alkali, but to the whole
time consumed in the embalmment 5 and that 30 or 40 days is the
time during which the body was left in the alkali, as Diodorus
states; and that the 70 days during which they mourned for the
patriarch Joseph, refer to the whole time consumed in the cere-
mony : cf. Gen. 1. 2 4. The account of Hdtus is, however, clear,
and, as far as he informs us, 70 days were appropriated to the
alkalization alone; longer was not permitted, lest the more solid
portions of the body should be dissolved. B.
j. Tip Koppi gum-arabic,- produced from the Egyptian thorn or
acacia; by some supposed the same with the Mimosa Nilotica of
Linnaeus. Cf. Pococke i. p. 69.
CH. LXXXVII. a. rijv /eotXiTjv the belly, not its contents.
iiriXafiovTtQ TO icXvcrpa K.T.\. preventing the injection from returning
back.
CH. LXXXVIII. a. ffvpuaiy. Some think this purgatorial
liquor 'the juice of the horse-radish, ii. 125; others, salt and water.
According to Creuzer, either the juice of aloes, or aloes in water.
Creuzer, after a comparison of the different authorities, concludes
that these taricheutse belonged to the class Pastophori, the lowest
order of priests. B.
CH. XC. a. j iiir' avTov .... TtOvquc. K. T. X. A similar belief
prevails among the Hindoos of the peculiar blessedness of those
drowned in the Ganges. H. alludes to this in enumerating the
resemblances of the external worship of the Egyptians and Indians.
Cf. H. Ind. ch. ii. p. 306.
5. Spc . . . . roO NaXow. " There is scarcely a single Egyptian,
deity, who does not bear some relation to agriculture, and the de-
sire on the part of the first founders of the Egyptian states for its
K 2
132 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
promotion. The sun, moon, earth, and Nile, which, as so many
various parts and powers of nature, became, under the veil of divers
symbols, objects of worship, became so scarcely at all on their
own account, but only so far as they promoted increase and fruit-
fulness. Osiris is a representation of the Nile, when he steps forth
and manures the earth ; in like manner the representation of the
sun, so far as he returns yearly to bring back fecundity to the
land ; and becomes thus, in general, the symbol of civilization, so
far as it is founded upon agriculture." H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 342.
Cf. also ii. 41, a.
CH. XCI. a. Xe/ifMf, on the E. bank of the Nile, in the Thebais,
or Upper Egypt ; by the Gks called Panopolis, from the worship
there paid to Pan. Ruins of it are to be seen at Ekhmim. Smith's
C. D. and Wess.
6. Htpffloc K. T. \. " The exploits of Perseus and Bellerophon are
laid out of Greece, in the East, he (Perseus) is carried along the
coasts of Syria to Egypt, where Hdtus heard of him from the pnests,
and into the unknown lands of the south. There can be no doubt
that these fables owed many of their leading features to the Argive
colonies which were planted at a later period in Rhodes, and on
the S. W. coast of Asia. But still it is not improbable that the
connexion implied by them between Argolis and the nearest parts
of Asia, may not be wholly without foundation." Thirlw. i. p. 125.
Creuzer, Symbol, vol. i., thinks that the legend of Perseus refers to
astronomical and physical phenomena that the hero is no other
than the Egyptian Hercules, Horus, or the sun, cf. ii. 42, e., whose
advent brings fertility and prosperity, ivQr]v. airacr. Aly., who con-
quers all that opposes him ; the solar influence overcoming moisture,
fogs, vapours ; and, rejoicing like a giant to run his course, com-
pletes in spite of them his annual revolution who, transferred to
Greek mythology, is the Hercules of the 12 labours, the founder
of the Olympic games, as he here is of those in Chemmis. Cf. also
E. Hist, of Gr. ch. v. p. 81, Legend of Heracles.
c. Sia Traffic dywv/rye l-^ovra a gymnastic contest, including every
kind of exercise. Schw.
d. x\aivac ical I'tpfiara. Both v as well as cattle, mentioned as
prizes in the Gk games. Cf. Pind. 01. ix. 146, Nem. x. 82, and
Horn. II. xxii. 159, and Schol. B.
e. Karifiaivov Cf. i. 90, d.
CH. XCII. a. ol iv rolert f\tffi As formerly the whole of Lower
Egypt was a marsh, so, even in after-ages, though much raised by
the deposit of the river, it still continued in very great measure
fenny ; so that we have frequent mention of the marshes of Egypt.
Besides this general appellation, TO Xoe was peculiarly applied to
the region between the Bolbitine and Sebennytic branches of the
river, and of this part Hdtus here means to speak. Its inhabitants
followed a pastoral life, perhaps not being of the Egyptian stock,
but of the Arabian or Libyan, and in mode of living resembling
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 13o
the nomad tribes ; whence they were hated and despised by the
rest of the Egyptians, who devoted themselves to agriculture, and
from whom they must be carefully distinguished. Those dwelling
above the marshes are the same as those who, he elsewhere says,
inhabit the part of Egypt that is sowed. B. Cf. ii. 77, and the
ref. to H., who enlarges on the fact, that " it was not so much the
keeping of cattle which in fact was equally indispensable with
agriculture as the nomad life of the neatherds, to which caste be-
longed those tribes who dwelt in the marshy plains of the Delta,
that was an abomination to the Egyptians, Gen. xlvi. 34, and
directly opposed to the views and policy of the ruling priest caste,
who carefully strove to nourish the hate and scorn in which they
were at all times held." Cf. ii. 100, b., on the sway of the Shep-
herd Kings in Egypt, and ii. 128, a.
b. irpop ivTf\iir]v TWV airitoiv ad victus facilitatem. B.
c. Xwrov. Of the two kinds of lotus here mentioned, (on an-
other kind, cf. ii. 96, iv. 177,) the 1st is the Nymphcea lotus of Lin-
nseus, with a white flower, and an esculent round root, like that of
the potato ; the second, Nymphcea nelumbo, or Nelumbium speciosum,
" with a pinkish flower, whose capsule contains esculent seeds."
The first is still found in great abundance in Lower Egypt, near
Damietta, and is used as food ; the latter species appears extinct
in Egypt, though plentiful in India. Schw. Savary (letter 1)
says, " The calix of the lotus blows like a large tulip, with a sweet
smell like that of a lily ; it is found plentifully on the sides of lakes
and in the rivulets near Damietta, which are covered with this
majestic flower, that rises upwards of two feet above the water."
A detailed account is given in H. Egypt, ch. iv. p. 448, seqq.
d. KaXvKt not a calyx, but a separate stalk or stem. H. /. /.
e. rffv St jSu/SXov the plant from which the papyrus was made,
generally so called itself. The part which ej aXXo rpairovoi, was
employed as well for writing on as for manufacturing sails, mats,
garments, bed-coverings, cordage, &c. B. Cf. also ii. 100, k /3u/3-
Xovfrom a roll of papyrus, and on the period when it came into
use among the Greeks, v. 58, c. On the Papyrus plant, see more
in Heeren, 1. 1. ch. iv. p. 449, seqq.
f. iv KXipdvy Sia<j>avi'i in a red-hot stew-pot. K\ipavoq, some kind
of pot or pan, probably with a cover to keep in the heat Cf. H.
Egypt, ch. iv. p. 448.
g. U><TI . . . IxOvujv novvwv. This appears to speak the non-Egyp-
tian origin of the inhabitants of the marshes, (cf. ii. 92, a.,) any now,
their half-barbarian method of life ; for, as H. observes, speaking
of the Ethiopian Icthyophagi, it is a remark that applies to the
whole history of the human race, that the nations subsisting on
fish are the very lowest in the scale of civilization. Cf. i. 200, a.,
and the ref. to H. Egypt, in ii. 77. d.
CH. XCIII. a. TWV yap il>a>v .... Kiy^iav. The construction
here given by Schw., who makes the gen. TUV wwv depend on ruv
134 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
, taking the two together as the grains or spawn of the eggs,
i. e. the eggs themselves, does not appear so good as Schaefer's, quoted
in B., nam ex ovis excemunt cenchros, quos dicimus, neque hos con-
fertos, OVK aQpoovg, sed paucos singulis vicibus : for from their eggs
they shed grains of spawn, i. e. balls or small masses of spawn of the
shape and size of grains, by a few at a time.
CH. XCIV a. o\ Ti-tpi rd Xca. Cf. ii. 92, a.
b. KI. A kind of sesamum. H. 1. 1. The castor-berry. S. and L. D.
c. ol pfv Kotyavne . . . airtyovai some press the oil out of the grains
by bruising them, others parch it first and then boil it.
CH. XCV. a. an<f>ifi\TiaTpov. Such nets to keep off gnats, &c.
were known to the Gks and Latins, who called them conopcea,
Ktaviaviia. Cf. Brunck's Analecta, iii. p. 92, and Juvenal Sat. vi.
80, Ut testudineo, &c. They are still used by the Egyptians, and
are made of muslin or gauze. B. Of a similar nature are the
mosquito curtains used in Italy, the East, &c. Cf. Conopceum,
Smith's D. of A. T-JJC //PJG ty dy- i"nv ok VVKTO. throughout
the night. Cf. Jelf, 606, obs. 2. The gen., accus., and dat. are
all used to express relations of time, and they differ as follows : the
time is represented by the gen. as the antecedent condition of the
action : by the dat. as the space wherein the action took place ; while
the accus. expresses the duration of the action.
CH. XCV I. a. ctKdvOtjf probably the Mimosa Nilotica of Lin-
naeus, one of the kinds of acacia. B. On the Egyptian boats,
internal navigation, Xa/*7rp6e dvtpoe the north winds which pre-
vail during certain periods of the year, and render the navigation
against the stream easy, and commerce, cf. H. Egypt, ch. iv. p.
456, seqq.
b. T($ Kvpijvai'y Xwry the lotus-tree of Cyrene and Libya, the
Rhamnus lotus of Linnaeus ; whence the lotophagi received their
name; cf. iv. 177, b.; not to be confounded with the lotus of ii. 92,
c. B.
c. KOfipt Cf. ii. 86, j.
d. ravra oil Svvavrai, exception to the rule that a neuter plur.
subject is joined with a singular verb; when, as here, the neuter
plural does not express living objects, but the personality or plu-
rality of the parts to be signified. Cf. Thucyd. i. 126, tvuSri tTrijX-
6ov 'QXvfnria the Olympic (not festival but) games. Jelf, 385, b.
ava rav Trorapov up the river. Jelf, 624, 1, a. 6vpy, a door-
shaped raft, or float.
CH. XCVII. a. t^pc vfiffoun. Cf. Diod. i. 36, and Isaiah
xix. 5, where, from its vast overflow, the Nile is called the sea. B.
b. Nawcpartoc Cf. ii. 178, a. 179.
c. aurag rdf irupa/ii'tfaf. " The pyramids which are denominated
from Gizeh, are always intended by the pyramids, and Hdtus men-
tions no others." R. p. 496.
CH. XCVIII. a., rov altl fiaafrivovTOf of the reigning monarch.
So jEschyl. P. V. 937. rbv Koarovvr ati the sovereign for the tim
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 1G5
being. Cf. ix. 102, d. The Satrap of Egypt is intended, who, from his
power, almost that of an independent monarch, might be not inaptly
termed a king, cf. ii. 149, /. Such at the present day is the power of
the Turkish Pasha. Of this the strongest instance has been given in
our time by the present revolt and actual independence of the Pasha
of this very country. The setting aside of this city Anthylla, sup-
posed by L. to be the same as Gynoecopolis in Lower Egypt, for the
expenses of the Satrap's wife, further illustrates the regal powers
of those great officers, and the magnificence of their courts. On
the refractory conduct and frequent revolts of the powerful Satraps
one of the causes of the internal decomposition of the Persian
empire cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 228, seqq., 272, 274 ; and on the
allotment of districts, cities, and villages to favoured individuals
and their female relatives, p. 267, seqq. Cf. also on the Persian
conquest of Egypt and its effects, H. Egypt, ch. v. p. 466.
CH. XCIX. a. Aiyvjrriove . . . Xoyovg ioktav. The opinion of H.,
Egypt, ch. iii. p. 367, seqq., appears on this point highly probable,
viz. that all that is related by Hdtus on Egyptian history was de-
rived principally from the priests of Memphis, whom he particu-
larly consulted, cf. ii. 3, b. ; but that Diodorus has followed the
priests of Thebes, and Manetho those of Heliopolis. Hence the
discrepancies in these writers, in their several enumerations of the
Egyptian 'monarchs. Cf. Hist, of Gr. Lit., Herodotus, p. 251.
b. Mjjya Cf. ii. 2, a. 4, c. On the sources and the value of the
sources we have of ancient Egyptian history, read particularly E.
Orient. H. ch. iii., and Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Geogr. JEgyptus,
Pharaonic Era. In Appendix iii. of H. Egypt, a comparison is
given of the Egyptian kings, as given by Hdtus, Diodorus, and
Manetho, with some very valuable remarks on the subject : cf.
also the Fragments of the History of Thebes, in the same vol., p.
419, seqq.
c. airoyi<pvpuaai K. r.\. Tttyvpa, cf. Schneider's Lexicon, not only
a bridge, but also an embankment, or mound, in Iliad v. 89 ; and
yifvpovv, not only to join by a bridge, but also to block up with an
embankment, cf. II. xxi. 245. So Find. Nem. vi. 67, the isthmus
RQVTOV yityvpav ; and in Isth. iv. 34, ye0ypav irovnaSa : so that here
it may mean that by raising embankments he separated Memphis
(from the Nile), and rendered it safe from inundation. Schw. and
B. In S. and L. D. it is translated, furnished with dykes. E. Orient.
H., ch. ii. p. 52, follows the sense of embankment.
d. rbv yap irorctfiov . . . airb M/i0oc .... ovpsw pittv. " It ap-
pears," says R., p. 497, " that Memfov Menouf, which is rather a
position than a village, (cf. Jer. xlvi. 19, Noph shall be waste and
desolate without an inhabitant,) is the site of Memphis, a name
which signifies full of good things. Jablonsky. In Scripture Moph
or Noph. Cf. Isa. xix. 13, and E. Orient. H. ch. ii. p. 52. Tne
name is supposed by Wilkinson to be derived from Me-n-nofri,
the abode of yuod men. On the ancient course of the Nile alluded
136 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
to in the text, R. says, p. 500, " From this description, a part of
which however is obscure, together with the description of the
ground in Dr. Pococke, and the aid of our own observation on
other capital rivers, it appears very clearly that the Nile in ancient
times ran through the plain of the mummies near Sakkara ; and
thence along the foot of the rising ground on which the pyramids
of Gizeh stand, and finally in the line of the canal of Beheira,
into the bay of Abukir or Canopus." A chart of the present and
ancient course of the Nile is given in R. p. 494, and extracts from
various travellers on the ruins of Memphis, p. 497 499. Cf. also
the interesting extract from Russell's Egypt in Class. Diet., Mem-
phis. Though Psammitichus and his successor usually lived at
Sais, ii. 152, yet Memphis was always considered as the capital of
Egypt, cf. H. Egypt, ch. v. p. 469, and appears in that character
at the Persian conquest, iii. 11, 13, 91, e., at the time of Hdtus'
visit to Egypt, ii. 3, b., and even under the Ptolemies, as is shown
by the inscription at Rosetta. See further, on the tradition of the
change of the course of the Nile, H. Egypt, ch. i. p. 293.
e. fiiaov TWV ovpiwv in the midst between, equi-distant from, the
vtts of Arabia and Libya. B.
f. og uTripyfiivos pin tohich flows, excluded from its old course,
viz. in a different direction. See the map in R. p. 494. iroXiv 7/re.
this city (the same, I say) that is now called, &c. Cf. Jelf, 816, 6,
Remarks on the Relative Pronoun. OOTU; throws an emphasis on the
substantive to which it refers, introducing an especial attribute
belonging to the nature of the object, its real and peculiar pro-
perty, or differentia, while oc expresses merely an accidental pro-
perty, which may be assigned to other objects. Cf. ii. 151, a.
g. rov 'HtfiaiffTov TO ipuv K.T.\. See more in ii. 101, 108, 110,
121, 136. Later monarchs added to what Menes had begur:
Moeris built the northern portico of it, Rhampsinitus the western,
Asychis that on the east, which was the most magnificent, and
Psammitichus that on the south. On the colossus erected before
this temple by Amasis, cf. ii. 176. The ruins of this most splendid
structure are yet to be found near the village Mit-Rahineh. The
Hephaestus or Vulcan of Hdtus, is the Egyptian Phtha. See
Creuz. Symb. i. p. 329. B. On this deity, Phtha, cf. article 12,
Theology, jEgyptus, Class. Diet. : " The second Demiurgus, the
god of fire and life, was Phtha ; who came forth from the egg of
the world, cf. ii. 42, c., which Kneph had formed. Phtha is
organizer, artisan of the world, who executes his work with ac-
curacy and truth ; the power of fire, which bears so important a
part in the production of things, and favours their increase and
development." Cf. also E. Orient. Hist. ch. iv. p. 195.
CH. C.a. IK pvpXovCf. ii. 92, e.
b. dXXuv fiafftXfuv rpitiicoaiwv K. r. X. The following is extracted
from article 10, History, ^Egyptus: "From the time of Menes to
that of Moeris, Hdtus leaves us entirely in the dark j stating merely
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 137
that the priests enumerated between them 330 kings. Diodorus, i.
45, counts an interval of 1400 years between Menes and Busiris,
8 kings named Busiris, and makes the 8th successor of the last
of these, by name Uchoreus, the founder of Memphis. From
Uchoreus to Moeris he reckons 12 generations. Manetho, on the
other hand, reckons between Menes and the time at which we
may consider his history as authentic, 16 dynasties, which include
3000 years. Cf. also the ref. to H. in ii. 99, b. But whatever
opinion we may form relative to these obscure and conflicting
statements, whether we regard these dynasties as collateral and
contemporary reigns, or as belonging merely to the fabulous periods
of Egyptian history, the following particulars may be regarded as
correct. Egypt during this interval had undergone numerous
revolutions; had detached itself from Ethiopia; the government,
wrested from the priestly caste, had passed into the hands of the
military caste ; Thebes, under a line probably of native princes,
had commenced her career of conquests; Memphis had been
founded, and already, no doubt, other cities had arisen in Middle
and Lower Egypt. On a sudden, in the time of a king, called by
Manetho, Timaus, but who does not appear among the names in
his list of dynasties, a race of strangers entered from the East into
Egypt. Every thing yielded to these fierce invaders, who, having
taken Memphis, and fortified Avaris, or Abaris, afterwards Pelu-
sium, organized a species of government, gave themselves kings,
and, according to certain traditions, founded On, the city of the
Sun, Heliopolis, to the east of the apex of the Delta. More than
2 centuries passed under the dominion of this race, commonly
called the Shepherd-Race, their dynasty that of Hyksos, or Shep-
herd-Kings. Their sway is said by Manetho to have been unjust
and tyrannical, and their treatment of the native inhabitants, bar-
barous. Their conquest of Egypt dates B. c. 2082, and their
dynasty ruled at Memphis 260 years, under 6 monarchs. Thebes,
however, formed a powerful league against them, and under two
warlike princes drove them from Egypt, and shut them up in
Avaris or Abaris, whence they at last departed under capitulation.
Even however after the expulsion of the Hyksos, Lower Egypt
seems to be divided among communities of different origin, some
of whom had formed petty states, while others, pastoral tribes, like
the Israelites, fed in this quarter numerous flocks. Cf. ii. 92, a. </.,
77, a- The kings of Thebes, however, taught by experience, dis-
trusted such dangerous neighbours. Once masters of Memphis,
which they defended against the inundations of the Nile, and the
incursions of the nomades, by vast and splendid works, they be-
gan to conquer the states of the Delta ; and after vain efforts to
turn away these pastoral communities from the life they pursued,
by making them build cities, took the bold resolution of embracing
them all in one vast proscription of the impure, i. e. of those who
refused submission to the sacerdotal behests. Hence the coin-
138 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
plaints of the Hebrew race, and their consequent departure from
the land; hence, the Grecian traditions of the departure of Cadmus
and Danaus for other lands." Cf. ii. 4, c., and Smith's D. of Gr.
and E. Geog., The Middle Monarchy, where much the same ac-
count is given of the Hyksos, (a nomadic Arab horde,) and the
very interesting ch. iii. in E. Orient. H. p. 80 83.
c. Ntrwrptc. "A long succession of queens, under the title of
Candace, reigned over Ethiopia in Meroe bas-reliefs of the queens
as conquerors and heroines are found at Naga, near Shendy, which
is close to the site of the ancient Meroe Hdtus mentions a Nito-
cris among the ancient queens of Ethiopia, who ruled over Egypt."
H. Ethiop. ch. ii. p. 205.
d. Kaivovv T<$ Xoyy i. e. she pretended she teas going to consecrate
it. Cf. also i. 164, oiKrjfta iv Kanpqiffai, and viii. 114. Schw.
e. p'tyat .... TrXsov Ctesias, fragg. Persic, c. 47, 50, 51, men-
tions that among the Persians criminals were sometimes condemned
to a similar death to that which Nitocris inflicted on herself. W.
CH. CI. a. ou yap tXeyov Cf. Jelf, 786, obs. 6, quoted in ix.
109, b. tear' ovStv ilvat Xa/iTrportjroc. i. e. tv ovStvt, or ear' ovdiv,
XrtfiTrpo&c flvat. Gaisf. These 330 kings, who left no monuments
behind them, are undoubtedly the first 17 dynasties of Manetho.
See H. Egypt. Append, xii. 1. I. in ii. 99, b. See also H. Egypt.
Pref. p. 281, on the inference to be drawn from the passage in the
text, viz. that the ancient history of the Egyptians and the deeds
of their kings as related by Hdtus, and by him collected from the
mouths of the Egyptians, is undoubtedly an hieroglyphic history
merely assumed from public monuments ; which appears from the
fact, that, beyond the names of these 330 kings off the papyrus
roll, they could relate nothing, because they left no monuments
behind. Cf. also jEgyptus, Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Geog., The
Old Monarchy.
b. Moiptoc On his date, cf. ii. 13, i., and ref. in 100, b. Cf. also
H. /. 1. p. 409.
c. roij 'H<t>aiffrov .... irpoirvXata Cf. ii. 99, g. " The remaining
monuments of this monarch's reign, are, the pilaster and granite
halls of Karnak, several temples in Nubia, the great Sphinx of the
Pyramids, and the colossal obelisk now in front of the church of St.
John Lateran, at Rome." Americ. Quart. Rev. in JEgyptus, Class.
Diet.
d. varfpov $t}\taaa Cf. ii. 149.
CH. GIL a. 2tffw<rrptc Cf. ii. 100, b. "There is no date, per-
haps, in the whole range of profane chronology, more disputed
than that of the age of Sesostris. Various epochs have been
assigned,; the extremes differing nearly 600 years." Dr. Hales,
quoted* in E. Orient. H., Chronology, where Sesostris is dated
1618 B. c., but by Dr. Hales 1308 B. c. See the discussion on
Sesostris in that work, (E. Orient. H.,) p. 9099. The following
is extracted from Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Sesostris.
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 139
11 Sesostris (Slo-wffrptc), or, as Diodorus calls him, Sesoosis (2<row<ric),
was the name given by the Greeks to the great king of Egypt, who
is called in Manetho and on the monuments Ramses, or Harnesses.
Not only do Manetho and the monuments prove that Sesostris is
the same as Ramses, but it is evident from Tacitus, (Ann. ii. 59,)
that the Egyptian priests themselves identified Ramses with Se-
sostris, in the account which they gave to Germanicus of the vic-
tories of their great monarch. Ramses is a name common to
several kings of the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth dynasties ;
but Sesostris must be identified with Ramses, third king of the
nineteenth dynasty, the son of Seti, and the father of Menephthah,
according to the restoration of the lists of Manetho by Bunsen.
This king is frequently called Ramses II., or Ramses the Great,
to distinguish him from Ramses, the first king of the nineteenth
dynasty. It was under the kings of the eighteenth and nineteenth
dynasties that Egypt obtained her greatest splendour, and of these
monarchs, Ramses-Sesostris obtained the most celebrity. Al-
though the Egyptian priests evidently exaggerated the exploits
of Ramses-Sesostris, and probably attributed to him the achieve-
ments of many successive monarchs, yet it is evident, from the
numerous monuments bearing his name still extant in Egypt, that
he was a great warrior, and had extended his conquests far beyond
the boundaries of Egypt. His conquest of Ethiopia is attested by
his numerous monuments found in that country, and memorials of
him still exist throughout the whole of Egypt, from the mouth of
the Nile to the south of Nubia. In the remains of his palace-
temple at Thebes we see his victories and conquests represented on
the walls, and we can still trace there some of the nations of Africa
and Asia whom he subdued. We have, moreover, another striking
corroboration of the Asiatic conquests of this monarch, as well as
of the trustworthiness of that prince of travellers, Herodotus. The
latter writer relates, that most of the stelae which Sesostris set up
in the countries he conquered, were no longer extant in his time,
but that he had himself seen those in Palestine of Syria with the
inscriptions upon them. He also adds that he had seen in Ionia,
two figures (rinroi) of the same king, cut in the rock; one on the
road from Ephesus to Phocaca, and another on the road from Sardis
to Smyrna. Now it so happens that one of the stelae, which
Herodotus saw in Syria, has been discovered in modern times on
the side of the road leading to Beirut, (the ancient Berytus,) near
the mouth of the river Lycus ; and though the hieroglyphics are
much effaced, we can still decipher the name of Ramses. The
monument, too, which Herodotus saw on the road from Sardis to
Smyrna, has likewise been discovered near Nymphi, the ancient
Nymphaeum; and although some modern critics maintain, that
the latter is a Scythian monument, we can hardly believe that
Herodotus could have been mistaken in the point. (Wilkinson,
Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, vol. i. p. 98;
140 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Lepsius, in Anal. dell. Instit. di Corrisp. Archeol. vol. x. p. 12;
Classical Museum, vol. i. pp. 82, 231, where a drawing is given of
the monument near Nymphi.) The name of Sesostris is not found
on monuments, and it was probably a popular surname given to
the great hero of the nineteenth dynasty, and borrowed from
Sesostris, one of the renowned kings of the twelfth dynasty, or
perhaps from Sesoothus, a king of the third dynasty. It appears
from Manetho, that Ramses-Sesostris was also called Sethosis,
which Bunsen maintains ought to be read Se-sothis, and that its
meaning is, the son of Sethos or Seti. (Bunsen, JEgyptens Stelle
in der Weltgeschichte, vol. iii. pp. 97 114.)" "That Sesostris,
or Ramesses the Great, the conqueror of Ethiopia, is not to be
considered a mere creature of the imagination, but historically a
monarch of Egypt, is so obvious as to render it almost unnecessary
to mention it the name of no Pharaoh appears so often upon tfie
Egyptian monuments, or with so much splendour, as the name
and title of Ramesses the Great. ' Beloved and confirmed of
Ammon, Son of the God of the sun, ruler of the obedient people.'
are the titles here frequently bestowed upon him." H. See the
very interesting account of his expeditions, conquests, and mar-
vellous monuments, in H. Egypt, ch. iii. p. 426, seqq. Cf. also H.
Ethiop. ch. ii. p. 215. " He cannot be placed later than B. c. 1500."
b. TrAotOKTi /taicpolcrt Cf. i. 2, b., and on '~Epv9. QdXaaaav, the
Arabian Gulf and Indian Sea, i. 1,6. H. /. /. p. 428.
CH. CHI. a, cnrodaffaiitvos Cf. i. 146, b. Qaivovrai .... ai
<77-ij\a, cf. D. p. 45.
CH. CIV. a. Qaivovrai .... Alyvirrioi. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 219,
considers that these were Egyptians transplanted either by Nebu-
chadnezzar, or some other Asiatic monarch, into Colchis ; in the
same manner that we know other nations were treated, whom
Hdtus hence calls dvacriraoToi. Cf. iii. 93, iv. 204, v. 12, vi. 20. B.
And vi. 3, where a story is forged by Histiaeus that Darius medi-
tated transplanting the lonians to Phoenicia. The instance of the
Jews is well known: cf. 2 Kings xviii. 32. Cf. also i. 155, d., and
R. p. 269. Ritter, however, Vorhalk, 35, quoted under Colchis,
Class. Diet., employs strong arguments to prove that the Colchians
were a colony from India. The country of Colchis was bounded
on the W. by the Euxine, on the N. by the Caucasus, on the E.
by Iberia, (the modern Georgia,) on the S. and S. W. the bound-
aries were somewhat indefinite, and were often considered to ex-
tend as far as Trapezus (Trebizond). Smith's C. D.
bt iipoprjv apQoTipovc- This shows Hdtus visited Colchis; pro-
bable also from iv. 86. See D. p. 45, on Hdtus' Travels out of
Greece.
c. irfpiranvovTcu K. r. X. Cf. ii. 37, a- In reference to the ob-
servation just above, that " the Egyptians are a black race with
gypt, ch. i. p. 301,
assertions must be limited ; first, that it applies only to the great
woolly hair," H. Egypt, ch. i. p. 301, seqq., observes that these
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 141
body of the people, and not to the upper classes ; and secondly,
that the expression does not exactly signify a complete black, but
rather a dark brown, and hair rather curly than woolly. Cf. E.
Orient. H. ch. iii. p. 63.
d. Svpot ol K. T. X. Svpiot Sk oi K. r. \. Cf. i. 72, The Ther-
modon, the Thermeh in Cappadocia. The Parthenius, the Chati-
Su or Bartan-Su, separates Paphlagonia from Bithynia, Smith's
C. D. Trap' AlyvTTTioiv ptp., have learnt from the Egyptians. Ilapri.
Causal. The person or thing whence knowledge or hearing, &c.
proceeds. Jelf, 637, 2.
e. MdicpwviQ towards the N. of Armenia, on the coast of the
Euxine: afterwards called Sanni. R., p. 282, and iii. 94, c.
CH. CV. a. \ivov novvoi K.T,\. Cf. i. 195, a.
b. SapSoviKbv As this word properly refers to the island of Sar-
dinia, which can hardly be intended in this passage, it appears
probable, as Schw. notes, that the Gks themselves confounded the
two, Ta/odoj'iKov, Sardinian, and Sapfoavov or 2ap5avKcov, Sardian,
belonging to Sardis; the linen of which, either manufactured or
dyed there, was noted throughout Greece. Hence /3a^/*a ZapSt-
aviicov, Aristoph. Acharn. 1 12, Pax, 1 174. B. See H. Pers. ch. i. 68.
CH. CVI. a. iv HaXaiffrivy Zvpiy Though this name included
the land of Judaea, i. 72, a., yet here the maritime coast occupied
by the Philistines and Phoenicians must be meant ; for we can
hardly believe that Hdtus could have visited the interior without
leaving us some description of a nation so peculiar as the Jews
Cf. ii. 159, b. B.
b. tf Qwicaiav Cf. i. 142, b.
c. TrifnrTrjs omQafifjs The oiriBafir), span, naif a cubit ; as rpirov
jj/iiraXavrov is two talents and a half, and tj38. t'lfurdX. six talents and
a half, so TTBHTTTT) amQanri is four cubits and a half, i. e. 6 ft 9 inches.
Cf. i. 50, d. Schw.
d. wpoioi rolai tfioilffi Cf. Soph. Trach. 1057- Kat JW" * a ' *"**"
rotfft poxGriffai; -ya> (/caica). W. Cf. H. 1. 1. p. 426, seqq., on Sesostris.
CH. CVII. a. Adfvyai K.T.\. Cf. ii. 30, c.
CH. CVI II. a. KM rat; hw^v^aq Cf. H. I. I. on Sesostris, and
ii. 102, a. On his monuments at the temple of Hephaestus or
Phtha, p. 427, and on Hephaestus, ii. 99, g.
b. 7rXarvrpoi<ri somewhat salt, or brackish. Pococke, i. p. 198,
says that through Egypt the water of the wells is salt.
CH. C1X. a. Karavtlfiai Is rr/v %wpj;v Cf. Diod. i. 54, and H.
1. I. on Sesostris, p. 438.
b. SoKsu .... ytuifjitrpirj tvptQtlffa It is plain that this art existed
prior to the advent of Joseph into Egypt; cf. Gen. xlvii. 20. B.
" \Vhen Hdtus ascribes the origin of geometry to these mensura-
tions, it can be hardly understood otherwise than of the mensura-
tions of the areas of whole townships, though he might derive his
conjecture from private possessions. These mensurations were
undoubtedly connected with the canal system, for the construction
142 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
and preservation of which considerable mathematical knowledge
was required, and upon the good order in which these were main-
tained, the fruitfulness of the land chiefly depended. An intimate
connexion between these seems evident, from the canal system and
the division of districts by measurements being ascribed to the same
ruler, Sesostris." H. 1. I. p. 440.
c. iroXov .... yvdjfiova both sun-dials : the iroXog, a concave
sun-dial, the gnomon, a column on a plane surface. B. The latter
the more simple kind of sun-dial. So also S. and L. Diet., which
adds that the first was so called from being shaped like the vault of
heaven (TroXoe), and that the shadow was cast by the sides. Cf.
Smith's D. of A.
CH. CX. a. OVTCZ AtfioTujjc %>?. Cf. H. /. /. p k 428:
" That he subjugated Ethiopia there can be no doubt ; that is, all
Ethiopia, as well as the most southern part of it, or Meroe ; for
part of it was very early reduced under the sway of the Pharaohs,
or at least was dependent upon them." Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iii. p.
88, 93.
6. Aapov rov Hipotjv As mention is made no where else, except
in Aristot. Rhetor, ii. 20 3, of Darius' making a stay in Egypt,
the answer here of the chief-priest was probably made to the
satrap, and reported to the king, iordvai in the following sentence
has, like loravra, a transitive force, and is said of him wno sets up
his statue ; hence from the context supply dvd0?j/*a or avSpiavra. B,
c. pfi OVK t>7Tp/3aX\. if he did not surpass him, &c. M?) ov is used
with participles after negative propositions, Herod, vi. 106, ii. 110,
Soph. (Ed. T. 12, 221. It is usually rendered by nisi; but the
" if" is contained not in /*} ov, but in the participle ; and pfi, which
is in this connexion the appropriate negative" particle, is only
strengthened by oi. Matth. Gr. Gr. 609. Cf. also Jelf, 750.
CH. CXI. a. Qtp&v Diodorus, i. 59, calls this monarch Se-
sostris, or Sesoosis, a name that was his father's and which he
assumed on succeeding to the throne. By Eusebius he is called
Pharaoh, the name common to all the Egyptian sovereigns, the
meaning of which is king. W. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iii. p. 99, and
H. 1. I. p. 430. TOV irorctfiov Ka.Ti\Q6vTO KVfiarirj^ 6 Trorafjiog iytv.
Cf. Jelf, 710, a., gen. abs. instead of nominative. We sometimes
find the gen. absolute, even where we should expect the participle
to agree with the subject of the verb, or some object thereof. It
must be observed, that the subject of the gen. absolute is frequently
supplied from the context. By this construction the notion of
cause is rather called out.
b. /rd Sk . . . TvQXwQrivai. This story took its origin from the
sacred and almost divine character attributed to the Nile. Cf. ii.
90, b., &c. B. KapvovTa roi> 600aX/*ove- Cf. Jelf, 579, 1, on the
particular uses of the equivalent accusative as a means of defining the
verbal notion, and cf. 543, c.
c. ofiiXoiis Svo XiQivovc. " One of these obelisks was afterwards
BOOK H. EUTERPE. 143
carried to Rome by Caligula, and placed on the Vatican in the
circus of Caligula. It stands at present in front of St. Peter's,
where it was placed in 1586, and its whole height is about 132 ft,
and without the base and modern ornaments at top about 83 ft."
Smith's D. of A. Pope Sixtus V. raised the obelisk : the inscrip-
tion he placed upon it is an extraordinary one indeed. Obelisks
were consecrated to the sun, whose rays they were supposed to re-
present. B. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 177.
CH. CXII. a. ITpwrsa B. c. 1214, or, according to others, B. c.
1189. Chronol. E. Orient. H. Cf. also ch. iii. p. 99. On the
Proteus of Grecian mythology, cf. Horn. Odyss. iv. 384, and Eurip.
Helen, 46, referred to by B. rov 'U<t>. IT. vor. av. Kfi/i. lying south
of the Hephcestceum. On the gen. of position here, cf. Jelf,
526, 1.
b. TTfptoiKeovoi . . . QoiviKte Ti'ipjot. This was an exception to the
usual custom of the Egyptians in forbidding all foreigners to ap-
proach their coast ; " but to make up for this, the Phoenicians had
a large settlement in the capital of Egypt itself; one entire quarter
of Memphis being inhabited by them : a very evident proof that
they carried on, by inhabitants of that quarter of the world, a part
of the primitive caravan trade of Eastern Africa." H. Phoen. ch.
ii. p. 313. On their trade with Egypt in cotton-stuffs, and corn,
and the importation of wine, iii. 5, 6, see ch. iv. p. 361, seqq. See
also, on the jealousy with which foreigners were regarded in
Egypt, H. Egypt, ch. iv. p. 458, and article 21, Trade, of JEgyptus,
Class. Diet.
c. aTparoTTiSov an establishment for trade under the protection
of a sanctuary, though called the camp. Cf. ii. 154, where the
quarters given by Psammitichus to the lonians and Carians are so
called. Similarly Naucratis was given to the Gks by Amasis, ii.
178. H. Egypt, ch. iv. p. 463.
d. ?tivfje 'A0po&rjc probably identical with Astarte, or another
Phoenician goddess ( ?) mentioned in i. 105, c. Her appellation
Ztivi] distinguishes her from the Venus of ii. 41, f. H. /. 1. p. 461.
e. iiruvviuov i. q. inuvvfiov, sc. ro Upov. Cf. Find. Ol. x. 95.
Pyth. i. 58. Schw.
CH. CXIII. a. ra irtpi 'EXsvijv. This tradition refers to the
story of Helen in Stesichorus, cf. fragg. Stesich. p. 92, ed. Kleine,
followed by Euripides, Hel. 25. Cf. also Plato, Polit. ix. 10, p. 586.
B. Bryant, in his dissertation on the war of Troy, has ingeniously
shown the difficulties that occur in the computation of Helen's
life. Cf. H. N. Coleridge's Introduction to the Study of the Gk
Classic Poets, p. 163, 169, and read Hist, of Gr. Lit., Homer, p. 50.
CH. CXIV. a. Kavupwbv .... oropa. Cf. refs in ii. 10, a.
b. 'HpaicXioe ipov. near the citv of Canopus, the suburb of which
was thence called Heraclium. Cf. Strab. xvii. p. 801. The Her-
cules worshipped there was probably the Hercules of Thasos and
Tyre, whose worship the Tyrians, mentioned in the preceding ch.,
144 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
probably introduced, and whose temple they built in this place, a
spot peculiarly adapted for their mercantile transactions. B.
c. tirtj3aXjrai emy/zra ipa ic. r. X. gets stamped upon himself sa-
cred marks or brands, thereby showing he was dedicated to the
deity of the temple and initiated in his rites. Perhaps in reference
to this custom Galat. vi. 17, "I bear in my body the marks of the
Lord," &c. B. Cf. also vii. 233, a.
d. QUVIQ. Cf. Horn. Odyss. iv. 228, whence it has been supposed
he was a king of Egypt. Diodorus mentions a seaport, Thonis,
to which he assigns a high antiquity. H. /. /. p. 458.
CH. CXV. a. avaTTTfywcac avrqv alas ei addens, i. e. incitans
earn. B. Exciting her vehemently. S. and L. D.
CH. CXVI. a. tg 8 tcherefore, on which account. Schw. So
also W. would render it in i. 115.
b. tirtul/zvijrat 1 K. T. X. These lines are from II. vi. 289, and the
title under which Hdtus has here mentioned the part of the poem
whence they were taken, though applied in later times only to the
5th book of the Iliad, may very well have been understood by him
as including part, perhaps the whole, of the 6th also. Other parts
of the Iliad had similar titles, taken from the subjects they were
chiefly concerned with : thus the 1st, the wrath of Achilles ; the
1 1 th, the bravery of Agamemnon. So the Necyomanteia of the
Odyssey, &c. Cf. Lit. of A. Gr., Homer, p. 20.
c. dviirodioe iaivrbv has corrected or contradicted himself. S. and
L. D. Lv 'OSvffaiiy. In Odyss. iv. 227, 351.
d. ff Zvpii; ir. r. X. Cf. i. 72, a.
CH. CXVIL . Sti\oiit is plain. S. and L. D. Cf. ix. 68, a.
Jelf, 359.
b. Kara ravra K. r. X. The subject of the Cyprian verses was
the Trojan war from Helen's birth. On their author read Cole-
ridge's Introd. to the Gk Classic Poets, ch. on the origin and pre-
servation of the Iliad and Odyssey, p. 50 : " The most celebrated
the
of the second race of 'YafytpSoi were the Homeridae, a name given
to a school or family of them, which had its head-quarters in the
island of Chios, and pretended to be the correctest reciters of the
verses of Homer. Among these was Cynaethus, whose fame was
so great that the Hymn to Apollo was attributed to him, and it
may be suspected that the well-known lines relative to the resi-
dence and person of Homer, are an instance of the fraud and the
talent of him, or of some other Chian rhapsode. Certain is it that
during the age of this second race, a great number of poets flour-
ished, by whom it is reasonable to believe that much of the cycli-
cal heroic poetry, now or anciently existing under various names,
must have been composed. We are told of Arctinus the Milesian,
author of the jEthiopis ; of Lesches the Lesbian, author of the
little Iliad ; of Stasinus the Cyprian, author of the Cyprian verses,
&c. &c." On the Cypria of Stasinus, cf. also Miiller, Lit. of A.
Gr. ch. vi. p. 68.
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 145
CH. CXVIII. a. fifi plv txttv 'EX. that in truth they had not
Helen. Instead of pi]v, the Ionic uses the shortened form ftiv.
pijaev = ni) ui'iv. Jelf, 729, 3, . tAtv (confirmativum).
CH. CXX. a. TI X6yy rtp Trtpi "EXJvi/c \t\dsvTt. Cf. i. 113, a.,
and refs. KOI ravra my. ffvpfiaivovTuv especially token mighty ca-
lamities, through his means, befell, &c. Cf. Jelf, 697, d., Participle
Causal.
b. TOV fai/toviov Cf. i. 32, c. OKOI iroiTjawai. Observe oTrug joined
with the conj. of aor. 1, act. (instead of the ind. fut.) contrary to
Dawes' Canon. " The difference between these two forms doubt-
lessly is, that the fut. ind. represents the proposed end as some-
thing existing in future time ; the aor. conj. as something of which
the future realization is only conceived, but without any notion of
its actually existing." Read Jelf, 812, 1.
CH. CXXI.-<i. 'Pa^iviTov Dated 1124, B.C. in the Oxfd.Tab.
On the temple of Hephaestus, cf. ii. 99, g. irpoe /3oplw n-pof vorov,
cf. Jelf, 638, i. 1. Kai rbv (i. e. ov) piv TOVTOV ptv If pkv is used
in adjectival (relative) or adverbial sentences, it is often repeated
in a following demonstrative sentence, for the sake of emphasis.
Jelf, 765, 5.
b. 1. On the story that follows, B., in his 9th Excursus, re-
marks that nearly the same tale is found in the Gk legend of Aga-
medes and Tropnonius. Cf. Pausan. ix. 37, 3. Creuzer assigns
a symbolic meaning to it, considering it to refer to the. process of
agriculture ; for, by Trophonius (the same as Hermes x96vu>c, by
whom the subterranean treasures are brought to light) is meant
the crop of corn, drawn, as it were, from the inmost recesses of the
earth. Nor is this done without danger and suffering ; he that
brings forth the hidden store for our use, being supposed himself
to suffer death in the task. In which, remarks B., the idea is con-
tained of the Deity undergoing human ills, that he may confer
benefits on the human race. Creuz. Symb. ii. p. 379. To this also
belongs the journey, cf. ch. 122, of Rhampsinitus to the infernal
regions.
c. rov TWV rolxoiv .... ?x liv f which one wall belonged to, or was
on, the outside of the palace -fe' edificare una camera di pietr'a, della
quale uno dd muri riferiva alia parta esterna della casa. The Italian
version, quoted by B. we tKtivwv Trpooptuvthat with the intention
of providing for them. Causal Gen., cf. Jelf, 496.
d. OVK ig /ioicpijv K. T. X. paullo post, B. q. d. and his sons not long
after applied themselves to the undertaking. paKpriv used as an adv.,
oipav, or some word of the kind, being supplied. Viger, p. 596, 2.
<JC rvxtiv K. T. X. On the Accus. with Infin. in Oratio Obliqua in-
stead of the Verbum Finitum, cf. Jelf, 889, quoted in i. 24, a.
Cf. vi. 117,o.
e. 4. rat ruv QvXdictav .... irapijWoc- Cf. 2 Samuel X. 4. W.
/. 5. r)v x*<pa the hand and arm, cf. also iv. 62, in the same
sense. W. ^ r/)v dvyuripa, to the daughter of the king. 'Qc, ad,
L
146 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
to, is used by good authors only with persons, or things conceived
of as persons. It is more common in Attic Greek, though we find
it as early as Homer. Od. p. 218, w aUl rbv bpoiov ayu Oibf <ijf rbv
ofioiov. It is joined with names of towns, used instead of the in-
habitants thereof. Thucyd. viii. 36, 103. Jelf, 626.
g. 6. TUVTTIV awoixiaai. Ut avvouciiv matrimonio junctum esse.
ii. 120, &c., ita ovvouciZuv JUiam in matrimonium dare, nuptum
dare. B.
CH. CXXII. a. Kal TO. fiiv, vucav avrrjv K.T.\. Cf. note b. on
preceding ch. The playing at dice with Ceres, and winning and
losing in turn, signifies, according to Szathmar's Dissertat. on the
Pharaohs, experiencing by turns favourable and unfavourable har-
vests. V. The doctrine of the immortality of the soul appears
also to have been intended to be conveyed in this fable. Cf. the
following ch. The golden napkin also was a pledge of the golden
crop, shortly to rise from the earth, and the weaving the cloak an
emblem of weaving the web of human life, in which all its chances
were portrayed. B.
b. Svo XVKWV K. r. X. " The animals of the lower world, the guar-
dians of Amenthes." H. cf. ii. 85, a., 67, g.
CH. CXXIII. a. AripriTpa ical Aiovvcrov. i. e. Jsis and Osiris. Cf.
ii. 41, a. 42, c., and particularly the ref. in the preceding note.
b. irp&Tot Se at ic. r. X. After quoting various opinions as to what
is here intended to be asserted, B. concludes, probably rightly, that
Wyttenbach best interprets Hdtus' meaning, viz. that the Egyptians
first asserted that the soul, being immortal, passed into all other bodies
in turn, and again returned to a human body at the end of 3000 years,
cf. ii. 148, d., and that therefore the Egyptians were the authors, not
so much fif the doctrine of the immortality of the soul, as of the Me-
tempsychosis. Cf. ii. 85, a., and ref. to H., &c.
c. roiiTif rip \6y(ft flfflv 01 'EXXjjvuii' K. r. X. Hdtus here probably
alludes to Pherecydes of Scyros and Pythagoras ; the first of whom
flourished about B. c. 600, and was tutor to the latter. W.
CH. CXXIV. a. XEOTTO, Cheops, or Chemmis, B. c. 1082.
Chronol. E. Orient. H. Cf. also ch. iii. p. 78, and ch. iv. p. 181,
quoted in App. to this vol., Pyramids. iXdffat, cf. v. 50, a.
b. in rwv XiOoroudwv K. r. X. " The granite or southern district
extends from Philae to Assouan, and is formed for the most part
by rocks of Syenite or oriental granite, in which the quarries may
yet be seen, from which the ancients drew the masses required for
colossal statues and obelisks. Between Assouan and Esna, the
ancient Aphroditopolis, is the sand-stone or middle district, which
supplied slabs for most temples, and beyond it the northern or cal-
careous district stretches to the southern angle of the Delta. This
last chain of hills furnished not only the solid part of the pyra-
mids, but materials for many public buildings long since destroyed,
because they proved excellent stores of lime and stone for the
Arabs and other barbarians, who destroyed Egypt for so many
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 147
centuries." Article i. Geological Structure, JEgyptus. Cf. E. Orient.
H. ch. i. p. 14.
c. rijq otioii Kara r^v K. T. X. This causeway appears, from Nor-
den and Pococke, to have been kept in repair even till the present
day, though some of its materials have been changed, being now
built with free-stone. " The stones," says Pococke, " for the pyra-
mid, might be conveyed by the canal that runs about two miles
north of the pyramids, and thence part of the way by this extra-
ordinary causeway. For at this time there is a causeway from that
part, extending about 1000 yards in length and 20 feet in breadth,
built of hewn stone," &c. See Pococke, Descrip. of the East, i.
p. 42.
d. Tijf iffTi TravraKy K. T. X. Hence as the irXiOpov = 100 feet, the
height of the great pyramid, according to Hdtus, is 800 ft, and the
width of one of its sides the same. Extraordinary to say, no two
either of the ancients, or of the modern travellers, who have cal-
culated or measured its height, agree together; which can only be
accounted for from its being measured from the level of the sur-
rounding sand, and this, though its accumulation since the days
of Hdtus may very well account for his dimensions of it exceeding
those of any one else, we must necessarily suppose to be of a very
shifting nature, and thereby to have caused the discrepancy ob-
servable in the measurements of Le Brun and Niebuhr. These,
as well as the many others, of Strabo, xvii. p. 1161, Diodorus, i.
63, Pliny, H. N. xxxvi. 12, and of modern travellers, may be
omitted as only likely to cause confusion. According to the article
Pyramides, Class. Diet., " The height of the first, ascribed to
Cheops, is 477 ft, 40 ft higher than St. Peter's at Rome, 133
higher than St. Paul's in London; and the length of the base is
720 ft. This pyramid had been opened and some chambers dis-
covered in it, but not so low as the base, till Mr. Davison, British,
consul at Algiers, explored it in 1763, and discovered a room be-
fore unknown, and descended the successive wells to a depth of
155 ft. Another spacious room under the centre of the pyramid,
supposed by Mr. Salt to have been the place for containing the
theca or sarcophagus, though none is now found in it, was discover-
ed at a later period by Capt. Caviglia; this last room is 20 ft. above
the level of the Nile, and Hdtus erred in supposing that its waters
could ever surround the tomb of Cheops." See further the inter-
esting article whence this extract is borrowed; which illustrates
the connexion between Egypt and Hindoostan, on which cf. ii.
143, g., 164, a. The opinion of H., it should be observed, opposed
to that of Wilford and others, is that the pyramids were sepulchral
monuments, raised, in all probability, to preserve the entrances of
the subterranean burying vaults, prevent their being choked by
sand, and keep the whole distinct further, that they belong to the
most ancient monuments of Egypt, are of Ethiopian origin, and
were built by those 18 Ethiopian Pharaohs, who reigned long be-
L 2
148 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
fore Sesostris, and are included in the 330 kings whose names were
read over by the priests. H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 363 and 318. Cf.
particularly E. Orient. H. ch. ii. p. 78,andch. iv. p. 1 77, seqq., quoted
in Appendix to this vol., The Pyramids. On the district of the
pyramids which stand sometimes singly and sometimes in
groups on the strip, about 35 miles long, reaching from Ghizeh
to beyond Meidun see H. Egypt, ch. i. p. 297.
CH. CXXV. a. Kpuavat, (pyramidum) queedam eminentice, gra-
duumformam reprasentantes, seu, dva/3afycoi quos alii j3oj/ii&ic dicunt,
artilas quasi. W. Courses, or steps. S. and L. i).
CH. CXXVI. a. rfiv iv \ikvtp TWV rpidiv The' three here men-
tioned are the great ones at Ghizeh, the 1st built by Cheops, the
2nd by Chephren, ii. 127, and the 3rd by Mycerinus, ii. 134. The
little one built by Cheops' daughter, Zoega considers to be the same
observed by Norden and Pococke between the Sphinx and the
great pyramid. B.
CH. "CXXVIL a. Xffprjva 1032, (? 1492,) B. c., Chronology
in E. Orient. H. For the particulars of his pyramid, which was
opened by Belzoni, and appears to have been explored also in the
15th century by one of the sovereigns of the Ottoman empire, see
article Pyramides, quoted above, and Appendix to this vol., The
Pyramids.
b. ovTf yap inrb y/v -for neither are there beneath it any chambers
running below ground. 'YTTO, with Accus. Local. Extension under
any object. Jelf, 639, iii. 1, b. ovrt /c rov NeiXow K. T. X. On
Hdtus' error in this point, cf. ii. 124, d.
c. rbv irpuTov dopov the first tier, or range, cf. i. 179, c. The
Ethiopian Stone is the beautiful oriental, or rose-coloured granite
from the quarries of Philce, Elephantine, and Syene, cf. ii. 124, b.,
and E. Orient. H. ch. i. p. 14.
d. riootpdicovra iroSaf vTro/3ag K. r. X. i. e. lie built it 40 ft lower
than the great pyramid, close by which it stands. \V. Lit. going 40^/35
lower than the same size, &c.
CH. CXXVIII. a. TOVTOVQ virb ftlfftof Troiftivog <ttXi'rtoc
K. r. X. On the conquest of Egypt by the Hyksos, or Shepherd
Kings, neighbouring nomad hordes of Libyan, Ethiopian, and
Arabian descent, their establishment of themselves in Lower and
Middle Egypt for 260 years Memphis their capital hence their
kings enumerated in the series of Egyptian dynasties their ex-
pulsion, after a long struggle, by the rulers of the kgdom of Thebes,
cf. ii. 100, b., E. Orient. H. ch. iii. p. 8083, H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 317,
seqq. That this race were, under the 18 Ethiopian Pharaohs, ii. 124,
d., the builders of the pyramids, long before the flourishing times of
Egypt under the Sesostridae, is considered by H. /. /. p. 363 and
318, no improbable conjecture. See also H. 1. I. p. 336, on the
contempt in which the caste of Neatherds of Arabian or Libyan
descent owing to their nomad life, directly opposed to the views
and policy of the ruling priest caste, were held. Cf. ii. 47, b.
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 149
CH. CXXIX. a. Mvictpivov 960, B. c., Chronol. E. Orient H.
His name, according to Zoega, signifies tranquil.
b. rtrpvpivov Cf. i. 22, a.
c. /3oOv v\ivrii> Cf. the following note.
CH. CXXXII. a. rvimtivrai .... rov OVK avofia^o^ivov 6ibv
K. r. \. On the verb, cf. ii. 42, h. The deity was doubtless Osiris;
cf. ii. 61, b. Creuzer, Comment, on Herod, p. 127, quoted by B.,
discusses the reason of Mycerinus' having entombed his daughter
in the image of a cow : " by this means having, as it were, wedded
her to Osiris, who assumed the shape of that animal. By so doing
Mycerinus effected a kind of apotheosis of his daughter, and pro-
cured divine honours for her. For this reason she was brought
out once a year, when the lamentation for Osiris was celebrated,
and to this refers also the illuminated chamber where the image of
the cow was kept, and the perfumes," &c.
CH. CXXXIil. a. IK Si rov xpr\ort]piov after that first oracle.
B. Cf. i. 86, c. ivrjfinrfipia tirirtjCtwrara most agreeable places of
amusement. B.
b. 'iva ol SvwStKa . ... at vvKTfg v/ufpai -xoiiVfitvai where al VVKTIG
is the nom. absolute ; the nights being converted into days. Cf.
vi. 21, b.
CH. CXXXIV. a. TlvpapiSa K. T. X. Cn this, generally called
the 3rd Pyramid, see Pococke's Travels, vol. i. p. 47. iroXXbv i\da-
ota rov TTarpoQ left behind him a pyramid of far less size than his
father left, = OVT. diri\. iroXXov fXaaaia irvpapida j 6 irarrfp. If the
comparative word belongs to the verb of the clause, either the gen.
or fj may be used. Jelf, 782, c.
b. ("iKoat iroSwv K. r. X. wanting twenty feet of three plethra on each
side. Cf. ii. 124, d., on the ir\eQpov. On the Ethiopian stone, see
ii. 127, c.
c. oil yap dv K.T.\. -for they would not otherwise have attributed
to her the building of such a pyramid. Kara. "Apaffiv jSacr. during the
reign of Amasis. Cf. Jelf, 629, 2. Kara, duration of time, during.
d. Aiawirov K.r.X., flourished about 570 B. c. See Smith's D. of
Gr. and R. Bioe.
CH. CXXXV. a. we av ilvai 'Podwirtv K.r.X. She made much
money, considering she was Rhodopis : much for a person oflthodopis'
station. Instead of the accusat., some read the gen. 'PoS&Trioc
looked at as the property of a private lady like Rhodopis, but still not
so large as, &c. Jelf, 869, 6. Cf. ii. 8, d.
CH. CXXXVI. a. "Aav^iv. Asychis, also called Bocchoris, 815
B. c., E. Orient H. Chronol. On the temple of Hephaestus and
the propylaea, cf. ii. 99, g.
b. firjr ai'Tif iKiivtf) ri\irrrr](ravri K. r. X. From the Egyptian belief
that those deprived of sepulture could not attain the tranquil king-
dom of Osiris in the other world. Cf. ii. 67, g., 85, a., and ref. to
H. The custom of giving the dead as pledges, which prevailed
also among the Romans, was abolished by Justinian. B.
150 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
c. K6vT(f> yap vTroTvirTovTif K. T. X. -for, pushing down with a long
pole into the lake, &c. Cf. iii. 130.
d. irXivOovg ilpvaav. Cf. i. 179, b.
CH. CXXXVIL a. 'Awfftv 771 B. c., Chronol. E. Orient. H.
Cf. also ch. iii. p. 100. The Sabacon of Hdtus, the first Ethiopian
kg of Egypt, the same with the So of 2 Kings xvii. 7. Usher and
Prideaux, Conn, part i. bk i. sub an. 742 B. c. H., Ethiop. ch. ii.
p. 214, seqq., considers that, under the name of Sabaco, Hdtus has
included his whole dynasty, that is, the three monarchs, Sabaco,
Sevechus, and Tarhaco, the three mighty rulers of Meroe, who,
between 700 B. c. and 800 B. c. contemporary with the reigns of
Hezekiah and Hoshea, Salmanassar and Sennacherib conquered
at least Upper Egypt. Tarhaco is, without doubt, Tirhakah the
Ethiopian, who came out to fight against Sennacherib ; and Seve-
chus, or Sabaco, the So to whom Hoshea sent an embassy : 2 Kings
xix. 9. Cf. also H. Egypt, ch. iii. p. 421, 432, and ch. v. p. 466,
on the end of the splendid period of the Pharaohs about 800 B. c.
On the conclusion of the Ethiopian sway, cf. Smith's D. of Gr.
and R. Geog., JEgyptus, the New Monarchy, &c., ii. 141, a. Also
on this portion of the history the Amer. Qu. Review, 7, 39, quoted
in JEgyptus, Hist. Class. Diet.
b. ra tXta Cf. ii. 92, a.
c. TCLC. Stwpvxae Cf. ii. 108, a., 109, b.
d. Bow/3a<m Cf. ii. 60, b.
e. / Sk Bovpaarif .... *Aprt/c. The name Bubastis was given
to the new moon, meaning, according to Jablonsky, she who dis-
closes her face. The resemblance between her and the Diana of
the Gks and Romans was imperfect, as the Egyptians did not con-
sider her to be the goddess of the woods ; hence Juvenal, Sat. xv.
8, " Oppida tota canem venerantur, nemo Dianam." B.
CH. CXXXVIII. a. rviroim K.T. \.--jigures, statues of men, co-
lossi. Cf. ii. 106.
b. a'lpaoii} a wall, especially a loose wall of small stones, a stone
fence. S. and L. D. Cf. i. 180, b. odbc. \i9ov a causeway of stone.
Cf. Jelf, 538, obs. 2, Attributive gen. of the material.
c. 'Ep/ilw pov. " Hermes, of whom the Gks made a god of the
2nd rank, was in some sort a personification of the Egyptian priest-
hood ; in this sense therefore he was regarded as the confidant
of the gods, their messenger, interpreter of their decrees, genius
who presided over science ; conductor of souls ; elevated indeed
above the human race, but the minister and agent of celestial na-
tures ; was designated by the name Thot or Thoth, in Egyptian
signifying an assembly, more particularly one composed of sages
and educated persons, or the sacerdotal college of a city or temple :
thus the collective priesthood of Egypt, personified and considered
as unity, was represented by this imaginary being, to whom was
ascribed the invention of language and writing, as well as the
origin of geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, music, rhythm, institu-
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 151
tion of religion, &c. &c." Cf. Jablonsky, Panth. JEgy^t., quoted
in Mercurius, Class. Diet, and ii. 67, /.
CH. CXXXIX. . TeXoc ft K. r. \. Sabaco, or So, (cf. ii. 13/,
a.,) resigns his throne 719 B. c., (E. Orient. H. Chronol.,) in obedi-
ence to an oracle, or more probably from an apprehension of war
with Assyria, and retires into Ethiopia. Cf. refs in ch. 137,
irpoj Siwv fi Trpbf dvOp. at the hands of gods or men. Cf. Jelf,
638, 1, 2, c. a. Ilpfe. Gen. Causal. The person or point whence
any thing proceeds, the author or giver of any thing.
CH. CXL. a. myy row AiOioTrof clam vel inscio JEthiope. B.
So also in vii. 237, KOI tan Svafi. ry <riyy, and hates him secretly.
b. 'Apvpratov. The revolt of the Egyptians, through the tyranny
of Acha?menes, brother of Xerxes, began 460 B. c., under Inarus,
assisted by the Athenians. In 455 B. c., the whole country was
subdued by Megabyzus, except the Marshes, which held out under
Amyrteeus. To this period Hdtus probably alludes. Amyrtaeus
re-establishes himself 414 B. c. Hdtus is manifestly in error, (cf.
ii. 137, a. on the date of Sabaco,) in saying the island lay undis-
covered for more than 700 years ; more than 300 would be nearer
the truth ; and to this some would alter the text: others date Sabaco
at a much earlier period. B.
c. vwy 'EXjSw. By Mannert considered situated at. the lake
Menzaleh. ~L. and others place it in the district called by more
modern writers Elearchia. B. On the marshes, cf. ii. 92, a.
CH. CXLI.-a. Se0wv. 713 B. c., E. Orient. H. Chronol. " The
Ethiopian dominion, which endured 50 years, cf. ii. 137, -, seems
to have laid the foundation of that general change of affairs of
Egypt which soon took place under Psammetichus. For although,
according to the tradition of the priests, the preceding king, who
is said to have concealed himself for 50 years in the marshes, re-
gained the throne, yet Sethos, a priest of Vulcan, soon afterwards
usurped the government ; and by uniting in himself the dignity of
high priest and king, materially changed the former constitution.
He moreover exasperated the warrior caste," &c. &c; H. Egypt
ch. v. p. 466. fid-^ntoi AlyvTTT., ii. 163, and 164, a. On their lands,
cf. ii. 168. Trapaxprjadnivov K.T.\., thinking little of, holding in no
account, the tear caste, &c. Cf. Jelf, 496, Causal Gen., after verbs
which express the notion of caring for, thinking much of, or the
contraries, which necessarily imply an antecedent notion of the
cause (person or thing) whence the care arises. Cf. i. 120, b.
b. KairfjXovg It, Kai \npwvaKTUQ K. T. X. Cf. i. 93, C., 94, C.
c. tTri-)(vQ'e.vTaq WKTOQ pvs dpovpaiovc; K. T. X. Founded on what is
related in 2 Kings xix. 35, 2 Chron. xxii. 21, and Isaiah xxxvii.
" The Babylonish Talmud," says Prideaux, Conn. an. 710 B. c.,
" hath it that this destruction of the Assyrians was executed by
lightning. But it seems most likely that it was effected by bring-
ing on them the hot wind or Simoom, which is frequent in those
parts. And the words of Isaiah, xxxvii. 7 which threatened Sen-
152 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
nacherib with a blast, that God would send upon him, seem to de-
note this thing. Hdtus gives a disguised account of this deliverance
from the Assyrians, in a fabulous application of it to the city of
Pelusium, instead of Jerusalem, and to Sethon the Egyptian king,
instead of Hezekiah," &c. It would appear however, with defer-
rence to Prideaux, that the loss of the Assyrian army did not take
place before Jerusalem, if one may so infer from v. 33, of the ch.
of Isaiah " Therefore thus saith the Lord concerning the king of
Assyria, He shall not come into this city, nor shoot an arrow there,
nor come before it with shields, nor cast a bank against it," &c.
Whence it would seem that the army did not even appear before
Jerusalem. That " the king of Assyria was warring against Lib-
nah " is the last thing we hear of him, before beginning his retreat;
hence it was before Libnah that his army perished, and we may
conclude with L. that Pelusium was so called ; especially as Jo-
sephus says that Sennacherib was before Pelusium, and was about
to take the place, when he heard that Tirhakah, king of ./Ethiopia,
was coming to the assistance of the Egyptians. If this solution
be correct, be careful not to confound this with the Libnah of the
tribe of Judah, mentioned in Josh. xxi. 13. The story in Hdtus'
account arose, according to Bochart, quoted by B., from the simi-
larity of the words Xapde, a mouse, and Xoijuoe, a pestilence, which
Hdtus confounded, when the priests told him that the army had
been destroyed by a pestilence. A more probable explanation is
that of Michaelis, quoted by Creuzer, viz. that a mouse was the
hieroglyphic symbol for destruction and slaughter, and that Hdtus
was deceived by the figure of this animal sculptured in the hand
of the statue of the king, and took it literally. Possibly the priests,
though they understood the meaning of the symbol, might be un-
willing to communicate it to Hdtus ; though initiated into some of
their mysteries. Cf. Hist, of Gr. Lit., Hewdotus, p. 250.
d. Kara piv ipuyiftv (card Sk TO. roa. Cf. Jelf, 643, Tmesis in
Compound Verbs, a. Where the preposition seems to be separated
from the verb, but really is used alone in its original force of a local
adverb, obs. 1. Here belongs an abbreviated form of expression;
when the same compound should be repeated in each of several
succeeding sentences, the verb is used only in the first, and the
preposition stands alone in the others. Cf. viii. 33, a., ix. 5, b.
CH. CXLII. a. Kai rot TpirjKoaiai tan. Cf. i. 3, a.
b. (\tyov i% rjO'twv rbv ij\iov avartiXai. Goguet, quoted by W. (
thinks that here is obscurely intimated the change of the course of
the sun under Joshua, Josh. x. 12, 13, and the sign given to Heze-
kiah. Cf. Home's Introduct. vol. i. ch. iii. 1.
CH. CXLIII. a. 'Eicaraiy K.T.\. an historian and native of
Miletus : flor. about B. c. 520. Cf. also v. 36 and 125, vi. 137.
Cf. Hist, of Gr. Lit., Hecateeus, p. 215, and Smith's D. of Gr. and
R. Biog., and D. p. 84.
b. rtf Xcyonrocp " XuyoTroibv eum Herodotus vocat, qui quidquid
BOOK H. EUTERPE. 153
enarrat, refert, sensu latiori ; unde et fabularum narratorem et his-
toriarum Scriptwem vox indicat." B. In the 1st sense in ii. 134,
and in the 2nd here, and in v. 36 and 125.
c. olov TI KOI ffioi. From this we may infer that Hdtus not only
visited, but made some stay at, Thebes. Cf. ii. 3, i., 15, e.
d. TO [jiiyapov. Cf. i. 47, a.
e. KoXoffffoiic v\ivove. " They were probably colossal pilaster-
caryatides." H. Egypt, ch. iii. p. 419.
f. KOI avaSrjaavTi t .... 8ibv, 'Eg Oeov ava^aat [tuvrbv], and
avaSfivai TTJV TraTpirjv, = TO ysvog tig 9tbv aj/a0tpiv. Similarly dvai^/ai
TO ftvoQ ti'f Aia. V.
g. lUpwpir IK Ilipw/itoe In the modern Coptic Romi is simply
= Lat. fir , pi is said to be the article : cf. Wilkinson's Egyptians
i. p. 17. S. and L. D. Lacroze, Hist. Christ, des Indes, 429,
traces an analogy between Brahma, Birma, and the Egyptian
Piromi; and observes that Brama, which the Indians of Malabar
pronounce roumas, signifies, like piromis, an honest and virtuous
man, Herod, ii. 144, and that piramia, in the language of Ceylon,
means man. There is an evident analogy between peirom or piro-
mis and Pharaoh, dignity, honour, elevation, equivalent to our title
highness. From Pyramides, Class. Diet., where it is adduced as
one of the proofs of the intimate connexion between the religious
systems of Egypt and India, a point profoundly discussed in the
Oriental disquisitions of Wilford, " after the perusal of which, we
are left under a strong impression, if we are not actually convinced,
that there must have been a period when a Hindoo dynasty reigned
by right of conquest in Egypt, and established in it the religion of
Brahma." Cf. ii. 164, a. "This title (pyromis) perhaps did not
refer to the moral character, but to nobleness of descent these
offices of high priest, in the Metropolitan temples, were the first
and highest in the state. To a certain degree they were hereditary
princes, who ranked next to the kings and enjoyed nearly equal
advantages. Both Memphis and Thebes had at the same time
high priests and kings, so long as they flourished as separate and in-
dependent states. Whenever mentioned in history, it is as the high-
est persons in the state. Thus, Gen. xli. 43, Joseph, when elevated,
connected himself with the priest caste, marrying the daughter of
the high priest of On or Heliopolis." H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 324.
CH. CXLIV. a. T Qpov TOV 'Ocriptoe .... "Offtpic SI K. r. X. On
these deities, cf. ii. 41, a., 42, c. e., 59, d., 90, b. The allusion in
Kararravff. Tup. is thus illustrated by Creuzer: cf. ii. 42, e. " Horus
recalls his father Osiris from the lower world, revives the parent
in the son, avenges him on Typho: the solstitial sun brings back
the Nile from the bottom of Egypt, where it appeared to be sleep-
ing the sleep of death, the waters spread themselves over the land,
every thing receives new life j contagious maladies, hurtful reptiles,
parching heats, all disappear before the conqueror of Typho;
through him nature revives and Egypt resumes her fertility."
154 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. CXLV. a. rwv wrw r&v K. r. X. Cf. ii. 42, c., and E.
Orient. H. ch. iii. p. 71. 'HpaicXa filv $ EC "Apaaiv. -from Her-
cules, &c., lit. for Hercules, as it were to be set down to Hercules'
account. On this, the dative commodi, cf. v. 8, a., Jelf, 597, and
ix. 41, ivSiKari) iytf. ajmicarjj/jj>ot(Ti K. r. X.
b. Uavl Cf. ii. 46, b. 'Epptu, cf. ii. 138, c. On the legend of
Pan the son of Penelope, cf. the Syrinx of Theocritus, OvSivoe
tvvarupa K. r. X.
c. KUTO. t^rjicoffia K. r. X. Kara ilvctKoma, about 600 years about
900 years. Cf. Jelf, 629, 3, Kant, Causal. Secundum. d. An in-
definite quantity assimilation to a number, proportion. So KOTO.
TO fi/iiav, in the proportion of half, KOTO. (juKpbv, tear oXiyov, icard TroXv,
7roX\d, by far.
CH. CXLVI. a. ig Jlvaav cf. iii. 97, C. avr'iKa ytvojitvov, as
soon as he was born, cf. Jelf, 696, obs. 5. Participle ; Temporal.
The time is also more accurately expressed by the addition of the
temporal adverbs, aurlica, tuOvs, &c., to the gen. absolute, or the
simple participle. Cf. i. 179, vi. 10.
CH. CXLVII. a. larriuavTO Svoifcica fiacriXkag, The Dodecarchy,
B. c. 685, or reign of 12 contemporary kings, one over every nome
or district, which lasts 15 or 25 years. Chronol. E. Orient. H.
These 12 kings were probably taken from the military caste, ii. 141,
a., whose lands Sethon, being of the sacerdotal caste, had taken
from them, and had usurped the throne, which probably had be-
fore his time descended in the military caste. Cf. H. Egypt, ch.
v. p. 467.
b. irepi<rT\\ovTig Cf. i. 98, C.
CH. V CXLVIIL a. XafttpivdovCf. Diod. Sic. i. 61, 89, Strabo
xvii. p. 811, and Pliny H. N. xxxvi. 13. B. The labyrinth with
3000 chambers, half above and half below the earth, on the S. of
lake Moeris in Middle Egypt ; about B. c. 660, during the reign of
Psammetichus I. Chronol. E. Orient. H. Cf. also en. ii. p. 50, of
the same work. " The labyrinth, according to Strabo, was a struc-
ture equal to the pyramids. Adjoining to it was the tomb of the
kings by whom its was erected." They were near a village on a
level table land, through which the canal passed, at the distance
of 30 or 40 stadia (2J or 3 miles) from its entrance into the valley.
This palace was the work of several kings, at that early period
when there seem to have been as many as there were nomes.
That is, as we learn from Herodotus, when the Egyptians, having
regained their liberty after the death of Sethos, king, and also
priest of Vulcan, chose twelve kings, to whom they delivered up
the twelve portions into which the whole country was then divided.
These princes resolving to leave behind them a common monu-
ment, erected the labyrinth. " I have seen that building," says the
historian, " and it exceeds all description. The same indeed may
be said of the pyramids, and each of them taken separately is equal
in value to many of the greatest works of the Greeks taken to-
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 155
gether; but the labyrinth, in truth, excels even the pyramids.
It consists of twelve courts surrounded by covered porticoes, and
having their gates opposite to each other. These courts are all
contiguous, and six of them are turned to the north, and six to the
south; they are all likewise enclosed by the same outer wall.
There are two suites of chambers, one under, and the other above
ground, over the former; they are three thousand in number,
fifteen hundred above, and as many below." The upper chambers
he went through and examined, but the lower ones he knew only
by description ; for the Egyptians who had the care of them re-
fused to show them, alleging that they were used as sepulchres for
the sacred crocodiles and the kings who erected the whole of the
labyrinth. The chambers above ground, which he himself had
seen, " are," he adds, " greater than any other human works. For
the communication through the corridors, and the winding passages
from one court into another, are so varied as to occasion infinite
surprise. These passages lead from the chambers into porches,
from the porches into other apartments, and from them into other
halls. The roof of all of them is made of stone, as are the walls,
which are full of sculptures. Each court is surrounded by a co-
lonnade of white stone, the blocks of which are as closely joined
as possible. At the angle which terminates the labyrinth, there
is a pyramid of 40 orgy SB, or 261 feet, on which large figures of
beasts are sculptured. The way to it is under ground." Such is
the account of this extraordinary building given by Hdtus, from
whom Strabo does not materially differ : but other ancient writers
seem to be at variance with them on this subject. Some attempt
to reconcile them -by supposing that the work was executed at in-
tervals by different princes; having been commenced by Mendes,
continued by Tithoes 01 Petesuccus, and finished by the twelve
kings and Lacharis, son of Sesostris. This great labyrinth was
identified by Dr. Lepsius in June, 1843 ; and on reading a cartouche
found in it, he discovered it to have been built by the same mon-
arch who reared the labouring pyramid the former his palace,
the latter his tomb. The name itself has been variously interpreted;
Diodorus calls it the tomb of Marros, and Manetho speaks of it as
the work of a king Lamaris. By a slight and common interchange
of letters, M is altered into B, and the same king is named Labaris
Labar-inthe will signify the tomb of Labar : inthe being a term
cognate with the Greek eavaroc, death." On the site of this noted
edifice, cf. article 22, JEgyptus, which quotes from Jomard, ii. ch.
17- " To the N. and E. of the 2nd pyramid in the valley of Fayoum
have been discovered ruins of the famous labyrinth, of which no-
thing is to be seen but immense heaps of rubbish," Heeren, Egypt,
ch. i. p. 296 ; here also are remains of the vast labours connected
with the irrigation of ancient Egypt ; here also is the lake Mceris,
hod. Birket Caroun, the basin of which, prepared by nature, the
hand of man enlarged and vivified by opening a communication
156 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
between it and the waters of the Nile. In the middle of Fayoum,
the city of Medinat-el- Fayoum occupies, in part, the site of the
ancient Crocodilopolis, afterwards Arsinoe. The environs are
covered with ruins to the N. as far as the borders of the lake.
Xoyou [iiw too great for words, exceeding all description, grandiorcs
quum ut oratione explicari possit. Cf. Jelf, 783, h., Remarks on
the use of %, and the Genitive, with a Comparative. A peculiar form
of comparison is found, when any thing is compared in respect of
some property with a whole thought or sentence. In this case the
thought is contracted into a single substantival notion, which stands
in the genitive after the comparative. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 50, uptlvoov
\6yov K.r.X. rd f' 'E\X. rtixta, the walls, or fortifications, which
owe their origin to the Greeks. Cf. Jelf, 483, obs. 4, Attributive
Gen. Qu. rather, i<c denoting the material cause.
b. aiiXal KardaTfyot. The latter word cannot mean roofed-in, as
au\tj is an open court, whose only canopy is the sky. Gronovius
rightly renders aulce porticibus circumdatce, surrounded by a peri-
style^ which Hdtus explains below, by aiiXj) k tKaarn, irtpiffrwXof.
Schw. See the preceding note.
c. i plv . . . t( ft c. r. X. " From what is said by Gatterer, it
appears probable that the labyrinth with its twelve palaces, was
nothing more than a symbolic representation of the yearly course
of the sun through the 12 signs of the zodiac, and wholly appro-
priated to astrological observations." H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 341.
d. rptd^tXta. This number appears to point to the doctrine of
transmigration, the soul' being supposed to return again to a human
body after 3000 years. Cf. ii. 123, b., and Creuz. Symb. i. p. 377,
referred to by B.
e. dpxijv Cf. i. 9, a.
f. arty'ttav . . . tXiy/iOt . . . iraaraSaQ " Partes av\fjf sunt TraaruSfg
et fXiyuoi : partes oreyije sunt oucfinara et SdZodot. Aulce erant duo-
decim, totidemque tecta cedificia, urkyai : ex aula per tXiy/tovc anfrac-
tus et curvas vias accedebatur ad iraffrdSag, i. e. atria arkyn^ deinceps
in oiKrjfinra, conclavia, per quae erant vice rectce, certe exitus non vo-
luminum instar, ddo$oi." Wyttenbach, quoted by B. Cf. note a.
g. &3a Cf. i. 70, a.
CH. CXLIX. a. r/ Moi'ptog raXto/itvjj \iuvr] Birkct-el-Keroun t
on the W. side of the Nile. Cf. ii. 148, a., Alceris, in Smith's C.
D., and R. p. 504. " Properly a part only of this remarkable lake
exists, under the name of Lake Kerun. Modern research has here,
however, confirmed the opinion previously entertained, that this
lake cannot be regarded as entirely the work of man's hand, but
that art has here only assisted and brought into use the work of
nature." H. Egypt, ch. i. p. 296. That the lake Moeris is the
modern lake Birket-el-Keroun, is doubted in E. Orient. H. ch. i.
p. 24.
b. Ktfrai Ii paepi) . . . vorov and the lake lies lengthwise, stretches
in its length, from N. to S. Trpoc fiopiriv K. T. X. Cf. Jelf, 638, 1, 1, a.
BOOK II. EUTKRPE. 157
c. Svo irvpaf^iSeg. Of these no traces are now left, according to
Jomard, Mem. sur le lac de Mceris, quoted by B.
d. cpyviai fathoms ; 6 feet. On the 7rX0p6v, c ii. 124, d.
e. Kara fowpv^a. Cf. the references in note a. on this ch.
f. TO jSofftX^Vov the king's treasury. By the king is here proba-
bly meant the Persian satrap, (cf. Diod. i. 52,) so called in ii. 98, a.,
and not the ancient kings of Egypt. B. The talent, the Attic,
that is, = 243 15s., and the mina, 4 Is. 3d., according to Hus-
sey. The talent a day for six months = about 43,953, and the
20 minas (81 5s.) per day for the other six months = 14,580,
and the whole amount about 58,533, reckoning the year at 360
days. Cf. H. Egypt, ch. iv. p. 465.
CH. CL. a. TJ}V 2. rrjv if At/3. the Syrtis in Libya, the Libyan
Syrtis. flf for iv. Cf. Jelf, 647, b., and vii. 239. rb is AtX0ot>c
XP?<T., the oracfe at Delphi, the oracle (for which the people sent) to
Delphi ; there quoted and explained. OVK wpsov rbv xot/v-^The dif-
ficulty of carrying away such an immense mass of earth is con-
sidered a proof, and with great probability, among modern writers,
that the lake was the work of nature, and not of art. Thus Browne
in his Travels, p. 169, says, " Nothing can present an appearance
so unlike the works of men. On the N. E. and S. is a rocky ridge,
in every appearance primeval." R. p. 504.
b. Zrtpdai/ctTrdXXov. His death is dated in Prid. Con. p. 1, B. c.
747. This is the only passage in which Hdtus mentions him. in-
tending probably to have added something about him and Nlnus
in his " Assyrian books." Cf. i. 106, d., and Smith's D. of Gr. and
R. Biog. Sardanapalus. On Nineveh see note c. on the same ch.
CH. CLI. a. TO xprjor. on IKB^TJOTO oQi, oraculum, cvjusmodi Us
datum erat ; considering the oracle, of what sort, with what meaning,
it had been pronounced to them. Cf. Jelf, 816, 6, quoted in ii. 99, /.
rd I'Xta. Cf. ii. 92, a., 77, a., 140, c.
CH. CL1I. a. 2a/3a/c(Dv cf. ii. 137, . rijc Ityioc. K. r. X. in
consequence of the vision. Cf. v. 43, b.
b. 'Bovrovv TTO\IV . . . ATJTOVC,, cf. ii. 155, b. KOTO. Xrfitiv, -for the
purpose of piracy. Cf. Jelf, 629, 3, c., quoted in i. 147, c.
c. 0i'Xa . . . Trowtrat benigne excipit, grata facit, ut v. 37. Psam-
mitichus, B. c. 671 617- The force of mercenaries raised by him
became a standing Gk army with his successors, a measure which
had no slight influence on the affairs of Egypt, as the other Egyp-
tians, and most especially the military caste, were strongly opposed
to it, and, at a subsequent period, deserted him in a body and re-
tired to Ethiopia. Cf. ii. 30, a. b. The seat of the empire of Psam-
mitichus, adds B., was Sais, ii. 62, a., 99, c?., as the inhabitants of that
place appear particularly to have assisted Psammitichus, and close
at hand near Bubastis was the camp, ii. 112, c., of the Gk merce-
naries, which was afterwards transferred by Amasis to Memphis.
Cf. ii. 154, c., and iii. 4. Psammitichus re-established the fallen
throne of the Pharaohs; cf. i. 141, a. his reign an epoch in
158 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Egyptian history the unity of the empire restored, but its former
power gone constant connexion henceforth till the conquest of
Cambyses, with foreign nations, Gk and Asiatic from the intro-
duction of, and restoration of the empire by, foreigners, Phoanician,
Greek, and Carian mercenaries, who were kept in pay, and by
whom he maintained his authority, he was naturally considered
a usurper by a great part of the nation the warrior caste, ex-
asperated by seeing foreigners preferred, emigrate to Ethiopia
the strength of the nation much diminished remarkable ambition
of foreign conquests henceforth displayed by the Egyptian kings,
shown in the constant desire to possess themselves of Syria and
Phoenicia, and in the establishment of a navy, paved the way for the
destruction of their dynasty. From H. Egypt, ch. v. p. 467, seqq.
d. Karaipin ro^e ^afftXkaf. Similarly in the last century Ali-Bey
gained the sovereign power in Egypt, having put to death or ban-
ished the 11 other Beys. This he retained till 1772, when he was
killed in battle in Palestine, whither he had fled. B.
CH. CLIII. a. r<j> 'H0ai<rr<p irpoirvXata. Cf. ii. 99, g.
b, aiiXrjv .... iripiarvXov. Cf. ii. 148, b. " Memorials of this
monarch's reign," says the Bulletin des Sc. Hist. vii. 472, quoted in
article 10, JEgyptus, " exist in the obelisk now on Monte-Litorio at
Rome, and in the enormous columns of the first court of the palace
of Kamac, at Thebes."
c. b Sk "Avis. Cf. iii. 28, b.
CH. CLIV. a. SrparoTretfa. Cf. ii. 112, c., 152, c.
6. ol vvv tp/tiji/Mc . . . ysyovaot. mentioned again in ii. 164. " This
caste," says Pritchard, Anal, of Egypt. Myth. 373, [quoted in
jEgyptus, Castes,] " as well as that of pilots, must have comprised a
very small number, since the Egyptians had little intercourse with
foreigners ; and until the Gk dynasty their navigation was princi-
pally confined to the Nile." Cf. Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Geog.,
JEgyptus, Castes, &c. Also H. Egyptians, ch. ii. p. 334, who
observes that, from the hatred borne by the Egyptians towards
foreigners, and especially towards those who were so highly hon-
oured by the king, those children who were instructed by them,
were not allowed to rejoin their own caste afterwards ; whence in
self-defence they were necessitated to form a caste by themselves.
Trpof 3a\aff<rjc, near the sea. Cf. Jelf, 638, 1, b.
c. KarotKiffe is Mludtv, " For the protection of his person." H.
/.f. Cf. 152, c.
CH. CLV. a. iro\\a iTrtfivrjaQriv rjSr]. Cf. ii. 83, a., and comp.
ii. 18, 55, 152, &c. B. On the Sebennytic mouth of the Nile,
cf. ref. in ii. 10, a.
b. Boimu (c.r.X. Cf. ii. 59, 63, 83, and 133. This town is not
the same with that in ii. 75, a., but stood on the W. bank of the
Sebennytic branch of the Nile, near the Butic lake, (see the follow-
ing ch.,) to the S. of which ruins are yet to be found, according to
Ritter. B. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. ii. p. 58.
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 159
c. yijoj, t Ej/og \iQov K. r. \. " This enormous rock," says Savary,
Letter xxxvii., " 240 ft in circumference, was brought from a
quarry in the island of Philse, near the cataracts, on rafts, for the
space of 200 leagues to its destined place, and without doubt was
the heaviest weight ever moved by human power.
d. irapwpoQitia K. r.X. the projecting part of the roof which extends
beyond the wall of the building, the eaves. W. Schwi
CH. CLVI. a. vijcroe >/ Xs/t/iig From this legend of a floating
island, the Gks probably invented their fable about Delos. Cf. Pliny,
H. N. iv. 12. B. Muller, Dor. i. p. 332, considers that the Gk
fable of the floating island " indicated merely the restless condition
which preceded the tranquillity and brightness introduced by the
manifestation of the god." Mannert, 10, 1, 559, quoted in Class.
Diet., Cheinmis, makes the Egyptian legend arise from the wish of
the Egyptian priests to explain the Greek mythology, by referring
to their own as its parent source. The legend of Delos was per-
haps founded on some tradition of its late volcanic origin. Smith's
C. D., Delos.
b. h Xi/ipy K. T. \. now Siirlos. B.
c. ?rXa7-q. Cf. Homer, Odyss. x. 3 : of the island of Jiolus,
TrXwry ivi vrjaifi K. T. X. B.
d. Ajjrw, iovaa TWV OKTW K.T.\. On the eight prime deities, cf. ii.
42, c. " Under the name of Latona," says Creuzer, Symb. i. p. 519,
ii. 121, 169, quoted by B., "was personified the primitive state of
darkness or night, whence all things took their origin, and first the
lights of heaven, the sun and moon. Hence she agrees with the
goddess Athor : cf. ii. 41, f. The same also is said in the Classical
Journal, xxiv. 214, quoted in article Latona, " Night was by the
Gks," observes Knight, " personified under the title of Ajrw, or
Latona, and Bav/3o>, the one signifying oblivion, and the other steep ;
both were meant to express the tranquillity prevailing through the
infinite variety of unknown darkness, which preceded the creation,
or first emanation of light ; hence she was said to be the first wife
of Jupiter, mother of Apollo and Diana, or the sun and moon, and
nurse of the earth and the stars ; the Egyptians differed from the
Gks, and supposed her to be the nurse and grandmother of Horus
and Bubastis, their Apollo and Diana, in which they agreed with
the ancient naturalists, who held that heat was nourished by the
humidity of the night. Her symbol was the Mygale or Mus
Araneus, supposed to be blind," &c.
e. 'Ar6XXwi/a The Horus of ii. 144, a.
/. AiVxiiXoc K. T. X. Cf. Pausan. viii. 37, 3. To this refers what
is related of ^Eschylus, that he disclosed something appertaining to
the Mysteries, for which he was therefore called in question ; see
Zell's Comment, on Aristot. Ethics iii. 1, 13, p. 86. B.
g. fiovvoc dr/ troii]Tk(av run> irpoyivopivtut'. B. considers that from
Hdtus' applying "former poets" to JEschylus, it is probable that
this was one of the passages added by him in old age, after the bulk
160 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
of the work was completed; the recital of it, according to his
theory, taking place only in 456 B. c., cf. i. a., the year in which
JSschylus died. Cf. i. 130, b., and D. p. 12, seqq.
CH. CLVII. a. ^a W ^rt X oe .... trta. Cf. ii. 152, c. H.
I. 1. p. 390.
b. "AUTOV one of the 5 Philistine towns, situated on the sea-
coast, N. E. of Ascalon. The Ashdod of 1 Sam. v. 1, and Acts
viii. 40. The siege, according to B., is not to be understood of a
regular blockade, but only of a perpetual series of attacks made
against the town, carried on possibly from a fort erected in the
neighbourhood (7riri'x'<c)- Cf. Thirlw. i. p. 155, and Hdtus'
account of Alyattes' attacks on Miletus, i. 17-
CH. CLVIII. a. titKwg the Pharaoh-Necho of 2 Kings xxiii.,
xxiv., 2 Chron. xxxv., and Jerem. xlvi. He reigned 616600
B. c. B. Cf. Prid. Conn. an. 617 B. c. H. I. I ch. v. p. 470.
b. Ty diwpvxi K. T. X. This canal, according to Diod. Sic. i. 33,
was completed by Ptolemy II. Probably he only restored it and
cleared it from the sand, as it is hardly probable that Hdtus would
have spoken of it as he does, had it not been completed by Darius.
It was cleared out and restored by Hadrian, and again about 500
years afterwards by the order of Omar, A. D. 639. It fell finally into
decay in A. D. 762, and remains in that condition to the present
day. B. See also R. p. 464, seqq., H. 1. 1. p. 470, seqq.
c. 'Epv0. QaXaaaav. The Sinus Arabicus, our lied Sea, is here
meant. Cf. i. 1, b., and ii. 159, iv. 42. B.
d. TTJS /iijicoe K. r. \. " The 1000 stades [or 100,000 orguise, iv.
40] allowed for the narrowest part of land between the two seas
equal about 83 G. miles ; but Hdtus appears to have regarded the
whole water communication between the two seas, a great part of
which was by the Nile itself, as the canal. He also says ' the
length of the canal was equal to a 4 days' voyage,' but it appears
to have been considerably more." R. p. 451. Of the Isthmus of
Suez the width is really 60 miles, see Arrowsmith, Eton G. ch. v.
p. 61. From Hdtus' calculating the breadth of the canal by
triremes, H., 1. I. p. 471, infers that it was originally intended not
for commercial, but for warlike purposes.
e. ndTovpov the Pithom of Exod. i. 11, on the E. margin of
the Delta; near the commencement of the canal; and probably
near the modern Belbe'is. Smith's C. D.
f. wpvKTcu 8t . . . opoe, i. e. the excavation of the canal teas com-
menced from that part of the plain of Egypt that lies towards Arabia ;
to which plain from above (i. e. from the S.) the int that stretches from
opposite Memphis (in an E. direction to Heroopolis) is contiguous.
B. Cf. also R. /. /. On Kara, cf. i. 76, a. On the Mt, cf. ii. 8, b.,
and 124, b.
ff. Bopijif/e 9a\. the sea on the North, here meaning the Mediter-
ranean. Cf. ii. 32, e., and iv. 13, c. Mons Casius, El Kas. Cf.
on the extended signification of Syria, i. 72, a., and also ii. 116.
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 161
CH. CLIX. a. O\KOI cradles on rollers, machines for drawing
lips. Cf. H. 1. I., p. 471.
b. Kal Z6poi<ri . . . . iv MaydoXy tW/cTjat. The expedition of Pharaoh-
Necho into Asia, B. c. 610, in the 31st year of Josiah, king of Ju-
dah. The battle here mentioned was fought at Megiddo, in which
king Josiah was slain, see 2 Kings xxiii., and 2 Chron. xxxv., but
Hdtus has confused the names of the places ; Magdolus being a
town of Lower Egypt, 12 miles, according to B. in Excurs., E. of
Pelusium, the Migdbl of the O. T., while Megiddo belonged to the
half-tribe of Manasseh on the W. of the Jordan, near Mt Carmel.
From his limited knowledge of Palestine, into the interior of which,
certainly, he appears never to have penetrated, cf. ii. 106, a., Hdtus
probably fell into this error. " Near Megiddo was the town of
Hadad-Rimmon, (afterwards called Maximianopolis,) and therefore
the Lamentation for the death of Josiah is in Scripture called, ' The
Lamentation of Hadad-Rimmon in the valley of Megiddon,' which
was so great that it became a proverbial phrase for expressing any
extraordinary sorrow. By the city Cadytis, Jerusalem is doubtless
to be understood ; for in iii. 5, Herodotus describes it as not less
than Sardis in Lydia, cf. D. p. 55, and there is no other city in the
mts of Palestine, which could be equalled to Sardis, but that only.
And it is certain that after this battle Necho did take Jerusalem ;
for he was there when he made Jehoiakim king, 2 Chron. xxxvi. 3.
But that it was called Cadytis in the time of Hdtus by the Syrians
and" Arabians, is manifest from this, that they call it by no other
name, but one of the same original and signification, even to this
day ; viz. by the title Al-Kuds, i. e. The Holy, which is the sense
also of Cadytis. For from the time that Solomon built the temple
there, this epithet was commonly given to it. See Nehein. xi. 1,
Psal. xlviii. 2, Iii. 1, Dan. ix. 24; and also in the N. Test. Matt. iv.
5, and Rev. xxi. 2. And the same title they gave it on their coins;
for the inscription on their shekels was Jerusalem Kedushah, that
is, Jerusalem the Holy, and this coin going current among the neigh-
bouring nations, especially after the Babylonish captivity, it carried
this name among them ; and hence they called the city by both
names, and at length, for shortness' sake, Kedushah only, and the
Syrians (who in their dialect turned the Hebrew sh into th) Kedu-
tha. And the Syriac being the only language spoken in the time
of Herodotus in Palestine, (the Hebrew being no more used as a
vulgar language after the Captivity,) he, by giving it a Gk termin-
ation, made it Kd^vrtf or Cadytis, in his history which he wrote
about the time that Nehemiah ended his 12 years' government at
Jerusalem." Prid. Conn. an. 610 B. c. On the taking of Carche^
mish or Circesium on the Euphrates by the Egyptians, and the
events that followed, see Prid. as quoted, and H. /. L p. 469. The
opinion of Prideaux, that by Cadytis Hdtus means Jerusalem,
has been lately attacked with much ingenuity by Mr. Ewing in the
Classical Museum, No. IV. He considers " Kedesh in Galilee in
162 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Mt Naphtali," one of the six cities of refuge, called also Kedesh
Naphtali, Josh. xx. 7, Judg. iv. 6, to be the city intended. He
founds his opinion on the following arguments : that proceeding on
his road after the battle of Megiddo and taking the city of Cadytis,.
Jerusalem would have been quite out of the line of N echo's march :
next, that by Hdtus' speaking, in iii. 5, of " the maritime towns
between Cadytis and Jenysus," it is plain that Jerusalem could not
be meant; for of maritime towns between Jerusalem and Jenysus,
(which stood on the confines of Syria, S. of Gaza, and is now called
Khanyounes,) one could not speak with more propriety than of
maritime towns between Oxford and London, whereas between
Kades in Galilee' and Jenysus are included from N. to S. almost
all the maritime towns of Palestine. Besides, from the expression
used by Hdtus when speaking of Cadytis, <if fytoi Sontei, iii. 5, it is
clear that he visited Cadytis, but there is no evidence that he ever
visited Jerusalem, but a strong inferential evidence to the contrary,
in his silence respecting it. For it is not to be supposed that, had
he visited the capital of the Jewish nation, he would have omitted
to describe the city, the temple, and the Jews themselves, a people
who of all others were most likely to attract the attention of that
minute observer, &c. Cf. also Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog.,
Necho.
c. ig Bpa-yx'C cf. i. 46, d.
CH. CLX. a. a/ijuv B. C. 601 596. nQ'ivai non QiaQai, i. q.
fitTTttv, curare, administrare iraoa ravra prce his. B.
CH. CLXI. a. 'ATrpiijc B. c'. 596570. The Pharaoh-Hophra
of the Scriptures, with whom Zedekiah kg of Judah made an al-
liance, to procure his aid against Nebuchadnezzar ; Jer. xxxvii.,
xliii., &c., Ezek. xxx., Habak. ii., Isa. xix. and xx. On him and
his Cyrenaean expedition, &c., cf. Diod. i. 68, quoted by B., E.
Orient. H. p. 103, Prid. Conn. an. 590, 574 B. c., and H. /. 1. p. 4/1.
b. rif Tup/y cf. i. 2, d. On roiai Ai/3. \6yoiai, cf. i. 106, d., and
on itin KCIKWC K. T. A., i. 8, b.
C. tiri Kvpjjvai'owe cf. iv. 159. tie TIJG iOiitjg openly, plainly,
point-blank. Cf. iii. 127, ix. 57, c.
CH. CLXI I. a. lirl /3a<n\ijty with a view to regal power, i. e.
with the view of declaring him king. Cf. i. 41, ii. 121. Jelf, 634,
3, a. The helmet appears, from ii. 151, to have been the sign of
royalty in Egypt. B. 01 . . . . i<j>poviovwho were yet of his side.
Cf. vii. 10.2, c.
CH. CLXIII. a. Kapac . . . ."Iwvascf. ii. 152, c.
b. Mcuu^0i Panouf-Khet or Manouf el Seffli, i. e. Lower Mem-
phis, in Lower Egypt, on the E. side of the lake Mareotis. Smith's
C. D.
CH. CLXIV. a. firrti yivta. Plato, Timseus iii. p. 24, reckons
6 castes. Diodorus, in one passage, (i. 28,) represents them as 3
priests and husbandmen, from whom the army was levied, and arti-
sans. But in another (i. 74) he extends the number to 5, by the
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 163
addition of soldiers and shepherds. Strabo limits them to 3
priests, soldiers, and husbandmen. The stamp of caste was not
in Egypt, as is sometimes asserted, indelible. Smith's D. of Gr.
and R. Geogr., JEgyptus, Castes. Cf. also the remarks of Prichard,
quoted under Art. 15, 16, and 17, Castes, JEgyptus, Class. Diet.,
and H. Egypt, ch. ii. p. 322, seqq. The resemblance between the
Egyptian and the Indian castes is, as many writers observe, no
slight argvftnent for the hypothesis that the one country was co-
lonized by the other ; perhaps the latter by the former, as L. is
inclined to think. Cf. H. /. I. ch. i. p. 301, seqq., and ii. 124, d.,
143,5-.
b. oi ply, ipc. I extract from the Edin. Review, Oct. 1845, p.
389, the following summary of the commencement of M. Guizot's
second Lecture on European Civilization, as bearing upon the pre-
dominance of the sacerdotal caste in Egypt. The reader will pro-
bably consider it well deserving of the praise there bestowed upon it.
" He (M. Guizot) observes, that one of the points of difference
by which modern civilization is most distinguished from ancient,
is the complication, the multiplicity, which characterizes it. In
all previous forms of society, Oriental, Greek, or Roman, there is
a remarkable character of unity and simplicity. Some one idea
seems to have presided over the construction of the social frame-
work, and to have been carried out into all its consequences, with-
out encountering on the way any counterbalancing or limiting
principle. Some one element, some one power in society, seems to
have early obtained predominance, and extinguished all other
agencies which could exercise an influence over society capable of
conflicting with its own. In Egypt, for example, the theocratic
principle absorbed every thing. The temporal government was
grounded on the uncontrolled rule of a caste of priests ; and the
moral life of the people was built upon the idea that it belonged to
the interpreters of religion to direct the whole detail of human
actions. The dominion of an exclusive class, at once the ministers
of religion and the sole possessors of letters and secular learning,
has impressed its character on all which survives of Egyptian
monuments on all we know of Egyptian life. Elsewhere the
dominant fact was the supremacy of a military caste, or race of
conquerors : the institutions and habits of society were principally
modelled by the necessity of maintaining this supremacy. In other
places, again, society was mainly the expression of the democratic
principle. The sovereignty of the majority and the equal par-
ticipation of all male citizens in the administration of the state,
were the leading facts by which the aspect of those societies was
determined. The singleness in the governing principle had not
indeed always prevailed in those states. Their early history often
presented a conflict of forces. Among the*Egyptians, the Etrus-
cans, even among the Greeks, the caste of warriors, for example,
maintained a struggle with that of priests ; elsewhere, in ancient
M 2
164 NOTES ON JIKRODOTUS.
Gaul, for example, the spirit of clanship against that of voluntary
association, or the aristocratic against the popular principle. But
these contests were nearly confined to ante-historical periods; a
vague remembrance was all that survived of them. If at a later
period the struggle was renewed, it was almost always promptly
terminated ; one of the rival powers achieved an early victory, and
took exclusive possession of society." On the colleges of the
priest caste, cf. ii. 3, b., on their influence through the oracles, ii. 83,
a., on their disbelief of the popular superstition, ii. 64, e., 85, a.
c. fiovKoXoi .... <rvj3wrat Cf. ii. 47, a. b., 92, a. tpfir}viig Cf. ii.
154, b.
d. KaXaaipuf .... 'Ep/iorir/3ic. The first, according to Jablonsky,
signifies the youth, Jit for active service abroad ; and the second, the
veterans reserved at home for the defence of the country. B. Cf. ii.
152, c., 30, a. b. E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 154, and H. I 1., ch. ii. p.
328, seqq.
e. vo/totif Cf. ii. 42, b.
CH. CLXV. a. Bovertpirijc Cf. ii. 59, b. On Sais see ii. 62, a.
On Chemmis, ii. 91, a. On Papremis, ii. 63, b. On the island Pro-
sopitis, ii. 41, e. Natho appears to be the nome Ntoir of Ptolemy
between the Phatnitic and Pelusiac branches of the Nile.
b. aviovrai iq TO fid^ifiov are given up to, are devoted to warfare.
3rd pers. plur. pres. from dvew, old form of dvirifu, and used for
dvifvrai. Cf. ii. 65, 6.
CH. CLXVL a. 8ij/3aloe Cf. ii. 15, e. On Bubastis, ii. 60, 6.
'A00irije- The situation of this nome is unknown.
b. Tavirjjg so called from Tanis, San, one of the most ancient
towns in Lower Egypt, the Zoan of the O. T., Numb. xiii. 22: on
the E. bk of the Tanitic branch, near the lake Menzaleh. B. It
was one of the capitals of Lower Egypt, under the early kings.
Smith's C. D. Cf. Isa. xix. 1 1 ; xxx. 4.
c. Mfv&yertoc Cf. ii. 42, d. The city Sebennytus stood on the W.
bank of the Sebennytic branch of the Nile ; Semennout. Smith's
C. D. Cf. ii. 10, a.
d. 'A0pi/3trr/e The city which gave its name to this nome, stood
on the E. of the Pelusiac branch, Atrib. B.
e. <tap/3at0irje The city Pharbeethus, on the W. of the Pelusiac
branch. Thmuis not far from the Mendesian branch ; Tmaie, Ru.
near Mansourah. The position of the district Onuphis is uncertain.
Smith's C. D. The Anysian nome, probably so named from kg
Anysis having taken refuge there; jcf. ii. 137; situated, according
to Mannert, on the E. of the lake Menzakh. B.
f. MviKipopiTtjQ signifying, according to Champoll. quoted by
B., the flowery island. The district, for the island was but small,
according to Mannert, lay N. of Bubastis, cf. ii. 60, b., between
the Pelusiac and Tanitic branches.
g. iv vr]atf oiiciti is situated in an island. Cf. Horn. II. ii. 626-
Nrj<rv, at vaiovffi K. T. X. , and Soph. Aj. 604. Wess.
BOOK II. EUTERPE. 155
CH. CLXVII. a. avtiptvovs Cf. ii. 165, b. On the prepon
derance of the military element in Greece, compared with that of
the priests in Egypt, cf. ii. 164, b.
CH. CLXVIII. a. yepta gifts of honour, i. e. the lands from
revenues of which the soldiers were maintained. Cf. ii. 30, a. b.,
ii. 141, and iv. 162, 165. B.
b. dpovpai square areas of 100 cubits each way, hence 10,000
sq. cubits = 22,500 sq. feet. B.
c. TaSe what follows, &c., viz. the portions of bread, b'eef, and
wine. The Attic mina = 100 drachmas, about 1 Ib. 4 oz. weight.
The apvarrjp, according to Hesych. = the cotyle, about pt. B.
CH. CLXIX. a. MW/I^H/ Cf. ii. 163, b.
b. ifia\saavTo . . . . ol kttvot. On the mercenaries of Apries, cf.
ii. 152, c., 154, and Jerem. xlvi. 21, " Also her hired men are in the
midst of her like fatted bullocks," &c. On the battle, &c., cf. ii.
161, a., and Prid., Conn. an. 570, who refers there to the prophecies
pronounced against him, and compares with his boastful thought
here given, the words of Ezekiel, xxix. 3 10, " The river is mine,
and I have made it for myself," &c. " The rebellion of the Egyp-
tians against Apries, after his unsuccessful expedition against Cy-
rene, sufficiently evinces that the extravagant projects of their
kings were but little in unison with the feelings of the people.
The consequence of this rebellion was a war between the Egyp-
tians and the mercenaries, in which the latter were defeated and
Apries soon after lost his life." H. Egypt, ch. v. p. 4/1. Cf. E.
Orient. H. ch. iii. p. 103.
c. at Sk . . . . 'A9f)vair]g. This arose from Osiris being buried
in the temple of Athene, so that his tomb would be shared by the
Egyptian monarchs. Cf. the following ch.
d. ptyapov Cf. i. 47, a. av\f), iraarui;, ii. 148, f.
e. Siu dvp&nara sunt geminates fores, janua bivalvis, i. e. reposito-
rium bivalvi janua clausum ; a chamber or closet with double doors,
iv role Ovpup., i. q. ivrbg rOav Bvpuparuv. B.
CH. CLXX. a. TOV owe omov K. T. \. Cf. ii. 61, 6. On Sais, cf.
ii. 62, a.
CH. CLXXI. a. aurovi. e. of Osiris. Cf. ii. 40, b., 132, a., &c.
b. GfOfioQopia. On the Gk Thesmophoria, " a festival intended to
commemorate the introduction of the laws and regulations of civil-
ized life, which was universally ascribed to Demeter," cf. Smith's
D. of A. On the Gk Ceres, the same with Isis, cf. ii. 59, d.,
67, g.
CH. CLXXIL a. 'Apaaig, B. c. 569525. Smith's C. D. On
Sais, cf. ii. 62, a. As this town and its district were on the E. bank
of the Canopic branch, Siuph stood probably where the village
Safi now stands, as Champollion conjectures. B.
b. Srjfiorrtv a plebeian, a man of low origin.
c. irpofit)9ierr9cn, to show regard or respect for. S. and L. D.
CH. CLXXIII. a. 7rXij0ap}c ayopijc. By this is meant the time
166 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
that precedes the mid-day, the forenoon, and not the mid-day itself.
Cf. vii. 223, a. W. Cf. also iii. 104, a., and iv. 181.
b. ftdratoQ foolish, trifling ; perhaps conveying the idea of ob-
scene jests, for uarai^tiv and aoxripoviiv are used promiscuously.
Jf. Soph. Trach. 565, ilavwv ^araiaiq xipviv. V.
c. Si >)/ispjc Cf. i. 97, a.
d. XdOot av rjToi fi oyt K. r. X. he would surely either gradually
become mad, or he indeed (this very man, the person I speak of) would
tecome crazy. Cf. Jelf, 655, Demonstrative Pronouns, obs. 2, 3.
When the same subject belongs to two sentences, oy is often used
emphatically in the second sentence, to mark distinctly the iden-
tity of the subject. This repetition of the subject by 6 Si, o-yi, ovroc
Si, is often called for by the mention of another person in the pre-
ceding sentence, or by some obscurity in the construction, which
makes it necessary that the subject should be distinctly stated.
This idiom is much used by Horn, and Hdtus in disjunctive sen-
tences : t) ) oye : Od. ii. 327. So Lat. ille ; as, nunc dextra in-
geminans ictus nunc ille sinistra. (Virg.)
CH. CLXXV. a. 2<u ry A9T,vaiyCf. ii. 62, a.
b. avSp6ff<t>iyvae Sphinxes with the bust of a man. S. and L. D.
According to Schw., Sphinxes with human faces : the word not ne-
cessarily inferring, as he thinks, that they had a male more than a
female face. Maillet explains the Sphinx from the union of a virgin's
head with a lion's body to be a symbol of the solstice, and of the Nile,
which overflows when the sun is in Leo and Virgo. According to
Plutarch and Clement it is a type of the enigmatic nature of the
Egyptian Theology. But see Wilkinson's Egypt, 2nd series, vol.
ii. ch. 14, p. 201, where the Andro-Sphinx, with the head of a man-
and the body of a lion, denoting the union of intellectual and phy-
sical power, (as well as the other two kinds, the Crio-Sphinx and
the Hieraco- Sphinx,) is shown to be the type or representation of
the king. On the great Sphinx, near the 2nd Pyramid, ii. 124, cf.
Class. Diet., Sphinx, and Lib. of Entertaining Knowledge, by
Long, Egypt. Antiq. ii. ch. vi.
c. Xi0oro/ue<ov Cf. ii. 124, b., ii. 8, b., and E. Orient. H. ch. ii.
p. 36, on the monolithe temple at Sais. Elephantine, cf. ii. 17, a.
d. TrvyovoQ = 5 palms ; the cubit, 6. B.
CH. CLXXVI. a. Aieiomicov . . . \i9ov, Cf. ii. 127, c., and ii. 8, b.
CH. CLXXVII. a. iw 'Apdffiog . . . tvtatfiovijpat, "The flour-
ishing state of Egypt described by Hdtus as under Amasis. is con-
tradicted by Scripture, for at that time the land lay desolate 40
years, being overrun and ravaged by Nebuchadnezzar, from Mig-
dol, or Magdolum, which is at the first entry into Egypt, even to
Syene, on the borders of Ethiopia." Cf. Ezek. xxix. 9, 10, " And
the land of Egypt shall be desolate and waste I will make Egypt
utterly waste and desolate, from the tower of Syene to the border
of Ethiopia," (or from Migdol to Syene,) " No foot of man shall
pass through it, nor foot of beast shall pass through it, neither
BOOK 11. EUTERPE. 167
shall it be inhabited 40 years." See also Ezek. xxx. and Jer. xlvi.
Prid. We must therefore suppose with W. that Hdtus derived his
account from the priests, who, through their regard for Amasis
who paid them particular respect, gave a partial account of his
reign, or that Hdtus speaks only of the latter part of his reign,
when Egypt had in some degree recovered itself. In the E. Orient.
H. ch. iii. p. 104, the invasion of Nebuchadnezzar appears confined
to the reign of A pries (Pharaoh-Hophra) only; and so H. observes,
that under Amasis Egypt is said to have enjoyed its greatest hap-
piness. Egypt, ch. v. p. 471, cf. p. 464, seqq. By him the mouths
of the Nile were opened at last to foreign merchants, cf. ii. 178,
179, a concession which led to important changes in the character
of the nation, and produced an entire alteration in the whole in-
ternal commerce of Egypt.
b. iroXtc . . . otKeopivae. Cf. Diod. Sic. i. 31. who says that in
ancient times Egypt had 18,000 towns, and in tne time of Ptolemy
Lagus, 323 B. c., there were more than 30,000. W. Cf. E. Orient.
H. ch. ii. p. 31.
c. SoXwv . . . tQiTo. This law, it appears, was established by
Draco, and not by Solon, who lightened the penalty for transgress-
ing it. W. The Egyptian Toparchi clearly officiated as police,
discountenancing or punishing idleness. H. 1. I. p. 438.
CH. CLXXVIII. a. Navtpani' in the Delta; it belonged to
the Saitic nome ; and stood on the E. bank of the Canopic branch,
N. W. of Sais. It continued an important place for many cen-
turies, long after its privileges had been done away, by the open-
ing of the mouths of the Nile by the Persian conquest of Egypt.
Its site appears to be indicated by the ruins found by Niebuhr at
Salhadsjar, not far distant from Alexandria. Cf. on the settlement
of Naucratis, and the advantages Hdtus would derive from the
Ionic residents there, Hist, of Gr. Lit., Herodotus, p. 245, and H.
Egypt, ch. iv. p. 463.
b. 'Jwvaiv . . . Aupisiav . . . AioXswr. Cf. notes on i. 142, 144, 149.
Phaselis, on the borders of Lycia and Pamphylia.
CH. CLXXIX. a. /3apTt Cf. ii. 96, and notes.
CH. CLXXX. a. fiirrOaxTavTiav t(p-ydaaff9ai locantes cedem
exstruendam ; letting out the building of the temple for 300 talents.
S. and L. D. (i. e. contracting to pay so much for it.) On the
Amphictyons, cf. v. 62, c.
b. KaTiKat}. Cf. i. 50, /.
c. iirB(3a\i it fell to, was the duty of, &c. Cf. iv. 115. TO lirifta\-
\ov, sc. /ifpoc, the portion which falls to the lot of each. B.
d. oTVTTTTipiric according to B., on the authority of Beckmann,
rough vitriol: some species of astringent salt, probably alum. S.
and L. D.
CH. CLXXXI. a. Barro>, ol S' AptctoiXcw. Two MSS. here read
rov instead of oi S', which is preferable, as this Battus was the con-
temporary of Apries, and therefore of Amasis; cf. iv. 159. W.
168 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
b. ftiixoQ, remedium, effugium : cf. .&sch. Ag. 2, and P. V. 605. B.
c. tu> rtrpafiftivov probably meaning that the statue was placed
in the city, and looked out towards the suburbs. W.
CH. CLXXXII. a. Owptjica Xiviov Cf. ii. 37, c., iii. 47, and
Plin. H. N. xix. 1. B.
b. tpbv TO Iv AivSy K. T. A. From this place, where the worship
of Athene, Neith, cf. ii. 62, a., was first established, (brought hither
from Egypt, and from Sais probably, as she there was held in
especial honour,) it spread throughout Greece. B. Cf. also ii. 171,
b., on the introduction of the Thesmophoria.
c. il\t & Kvjrpov K. r. \. D. thinks that " Hdtus, in saying that
Amasis was the first who conquered Cyprus, (about B. c. 540,) de-
rived his account from the priests, as the island had long before
been in subjection to the Tyrians." But they gained it by colon-
ization. " Cyprus stood in the closest connexion with Tyre : it
formed one of their provinces : the city of Citium, the Kittim of
Josephus, was their principal settlement : the name signified not
only the whole island, but also the neighbouring islands and
coasts ; the Chittim of Isaiah xxiii. 12." H. Phoen. ch. ii. p. 305,
seqq. It subsequently fell to the Persians under Cambyses. In
Thucyd. i. 94, Pausanias is said to have subdued (viz. from the
Persians) TO. -rroXXd riyc Kvirpov B. c. 478. It fell under Alexander,
Hit was afterwards re-united to Egypt by Ptolemy Lagus, B. c. 313,
and belonged to Egypt till B. c. 58, when Clodius sent Cato to
avenge a fancied insult he had received, when it became a Roman
province.
BOOK III. THALIA.
FROM CAMBYSES' CONQUEST OF EGYPT TO THE TAKING OF
BABYLON BY DARIUS HYSTASPES.
CH. I. a. Si alrirjv rotrjvSt. The causes of the invasion of Egypt
by Cambyses are considered by D., p. 148, to have been of a far
more general nature than those assigned by Hdtus, viz. 1st, because
the Egyptians had entered into an alliance with Croesus against
the Persians ; and 2ndly, because the country lay close to the Per-
sian borders, and tempted the ambition of Cambyses to imitate his
father's example. So H., Egypt, ch. v. p. 394, says, " Whatever
its pretext, the true cause was a hankering after the riches and
other good things of Egypt." And Creuzer, " if we remember that
the Persians claimed to themselves all Asia, cf. i. 4 ; that Libya
was in ancient times considered as part of that quarter of the globe,
BOOK HI. THALIA. 169
(flat. Gorg. p. 523) ; that Nebuchadnezzar had overrun Egypt and
Libya, cf. ii. 177> a., and that the Persian monarchs considered
themselves the successors of the Babylonians ; we may readily be-
lieve that Cambyses had persuaded himself that Egypt and Libya
belonged to his empire by ancient and hereditary right." B. So
also Pricl. an. 528, " the true cause of the war was, that whereas
Amasis had subjected himself to Cyrus, and become his tributary,
he did on his death withdraw his obedience from his successor."
Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iii. p. 105.
b. ijjrpbv (HpOdXpwv. As the opthalmia was common in Egypt,
that country would supply the best doctors for such cases : besides,
from iii. 129, it seems that, generally, Egyptian doctors were held
in great repute.
CH. II. a. otKfi'itvvrai Cf. i. 4, b.
b. voeov .... jSacrtXfvffat Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 399. " Un-
certainty of succession is an inseparable consequence of a harem
administration. It is true that illegitimate children were altogether
excluded from inheriting by the customs of Persia ; but the in-
trigues of their mothers, and the treachery of eunuchs, with the
help of poison, often prepared the way for them to the throne;
as in the case of Danus Nothus and Darius Codomannus. Of
legitimate sons the rule was, that the eldest should inherit, espe-
cially if he was born when his father was king. The selection
was, however, left to the monarch, commonly influenced by the
queen-mother. Cf. vii. 2. As every thing in the constitution of
the country depended on the distinctions of tribes, the consort was
chosen from the family of Cyrus, or that of the AchaemenkUe."
Cf. iii. 88, c.
CH. IV. a. iirtKovpwv mercenaries, principally Gks, lonians
and Carians ; whom Amasis had followed his predecessor in retain-
ing as a standing army. Cf. ii. 152, c., and E. Orient. H. ch. iii.
p. 105.
CH. V. a. KaSvrtoQ n-oXioc Cf. ii. 159, b. On the Syrians of
Palestine, cf. ii. 106, a.
b. 'Irjvuffov hod. Khanyounes, Cf. ii. 159, b. rbv 'Apa/3ov, cf.
i. 2, d.
.,. 2pj3wvi&>c \iftvric On this and Mt Casius, ii. 6, b.
CH. VI. a. icai Trpoe and in addition. Cf. Jelf, 640, 2, quoted
in iii. 74, a. nipapos put collectively for a number of earthen
vessels, crockery. Kiiptvov, laid up. On the importation of wine into
Egypt, cf. ii. 112,.*., and ref. to H. Phoen. p. 362. See also Egypt,
ch. iv. p. 450.
b. Srjuapx * -governor of a village or deme, under the vo/zapvjjf,
governor of a district or nome, cf. ii. 42, b., and ii. 109, b. The
tjrirpoTToi of iii. 27, probably, under the demarch. B. ror>c St Ir M.,
and that those at Memphis, &c. On and dvo used for iv, cf. Jelf,
647, a., and iii. 22; oi IK r. irvp. vi. 32; 6 rrjy y. vii. 70 ; ol airb r.
faraar. there quoted.
170 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
c. oiirw o tTTi^oiriiav .... Swpiijv. \. e. thus the earthen vessels that
are brought to and unladen in Egypt, are carried back into Syria to
the foi-mer vessels already there. The language of the foregoing
ch. is plainly that of an eye-witness. See D. p. 46.
CH. VII. a. Guru) ft,iv .... AiyvTrrov So then it is the Persians,
who, as soon as they had got possession of Egypt, facilitated this passage
(through the desert to Egypt), by supplying it with water in the
manner above mentioned. " These earthen vessels were applied to
an extraordinary purpose by the Persians, when they ruled in this
country. They were placed as cisterns in the three days' desert,
which divided Syria from Egypt, in order to make the communi-
cation easier for strangers." H. Phrenic, ch. iv. p. 362.
b. rbv "Apj8tov Cf. i. 2, d.
CH. VIII. a. opola Toim \ia\t<rra second to none. S. and L. Diet.
Jelf, 456, c., considers the article to be neuter. So ra fiaXwra,
and if TO. /uaAtora, maxime ; vi. 63. aXtiQii .... \iOove (.TTTOL. The
number seven appears to have been held sacred among the Arabs ; by
it an oath is exacted in Gen. xxi. 29. " And Abraham said, These
seven ewe lambs thou shall take of my hand, that they may be a wit-
ness unto me, that I have digged this well," &c. B. So also, besides
the many instances of it recurring among the Jews, Balaam's sacri-
fice on 7 altars, and of Job's friends offering 7 bullocks and 7 rams.
b. OiiporoX .... 'A\i\dr. meaning the two great deities of the
East, the Sun and Moon. In the first we can trace the Arabic and
Hebrew word for the sun or light ; and the second is identical with
Alitta, the celestial Aphrodite of the Arabs. Wess. Cf. i. 105, c.,
131, a, d.
CH. IX. a. iirii S>v, when therefore. Cf. Jelf, 791, 1. ovroe
fitv 6 iri6av<anpoc K. r. \. " Perhaps the truth might have been, that
the water was conducted through pipes into reservoirs, either from
small running springs, whose waters were ordinarily absorbed by
the sands of the desert, which is the case in many places, or from
draw-wells. It appears morally impossible to have supplied a
Persian army and its followers with water by means of skins dur-
ing the whole march. Arabia could scarcely have supplied skins.
The caravans at the present day carry their water on camels in
skins of camels." R. p. 257.
b. StKafitvdf cisterns, reservoirs, cf. vi. 119.
CH. X. a. Hr)\ov<riif> .... arofiari Cf. ii. 10, a.
b. anfit)viroc 526 B. c., last of the twenty-sixth dynasty. Cf.
Early Orient Hist., Ency. Metr. ch. iii. p. 101, 107, seqq. On the
invasion of Cambyses and his subsequent undertakings, cf. ii. 1,
., H. Egypt, p. 464, 471, seqq., Prid. Conn. an. 526 B. c., and E.
Orient. H. /. /. The American Quar. Rev. says " Few tokens of
the short reign of Psammenitus are extant, besides the inscription
of a statue in the Vatican; he was defeated and dethroned by
Cambyses, nor did he long survive his misfortune. With him fell
the splendour of the kingdom of Egypt; and from this date the
BOOK III. THALIA. 171
edifices and monuments assume a character of far less importance."
On the causes which led to the downfal of the kgdom of the
Pharaohs, cf. ii. 152, c., 169, b.
C. trdtyt] Iv TJjfft Tcupijin K. r. \. Cf. ii. 169, C.
(L vaQt\(iav yap ni 0rj/3a Cf. ii. 14, a.
CH. XI. a. oi STTi'fcoupoi Cf. iii. 4, a.
b. i(T0aov eg TOV upriTTjpa, cut their throats into the bowl, brought
them to the bowl and butchered them so that the blood flowed into it.
Cf. Jelf, 646, 1, quoted in iii. 62, a. t/iTrtovrtc Si rov alparoe
K. T. \. A similar piece of barbarity is mentioned by Diod. Sic. ii.
p. 563. Cf. also Hdtus iv. 70, and Sallust. Bell. Catal. 22. Also
customary among the Armenians and Iberians, cf. Tacitus Annal.
xii. 47; but no traces of such a barbarous rite is found to have ex-
isted among the Germans. B.
CH. XII. a. Iv Uairprmi, cf. ii. 63, b.
b. TWV apa 'Axaipivii K. T. \. 459, B. c. Inarus revolted, 460 B.
c., and in the following year the Athenians having joined Inarus,
cf. Thucyd. i. 104, 109, assisted in the overthrow of the Persians.
This revolt lasted till 455 B. c., when Megabyzus reduced all Egypt,
except the marshes where Amyrtseus had taken refuge. In 414 B.
c. Amyrtseus established himself as king, and 65 years of inde-
pendence followed. Egypt was finally reduced by Artaxerxes
Ochus, who expelled Nectanebus Il.nd, whom Agesilaus had
established on the throne, and Egypt became a Persian province,
350 B. c. Clinton's Fasti Hell. i. p. 540. It fell under Alexander's
power, 332 B. c. On the revolt of Egypt and the transactions of
the Athenians there, cf. E. Orient. H. ch. iii. p. 113 115, and
Index, Chronology of Egypt, also Prid. Conn. an. 460 B. c. From
this passage m Hdtus, D., quoted by B., considers that the date of
his visit to Egypt may be inferred ; viz. after 456 B. c., and between
454 444 B. c., (cf. it. 1, a., 3, b.,) while he was between 30 and 40
years of age. Cf. also vii. 7, and iii. 15.
CH. XIII. a. Kam\ii9ivTwv, sc. avr&v, supplied from the con-
text (and when they were cooped up in, &c.). Cf. Jelf, 696, obs. 3.
KptovpyTjdov, piece-meal (like a butcher. S. and L. D). Cf. Jelf,
339, 2, a., Formation of adverbs by derivation, from substantives
with the ending S6v or uS6v, probably ace. expressive of the way or
manner ; as KwySov, like a dog, irXivOqSov, like bricks, oi Si Ttpoat \kic
Atj3ie These Libyans, D., quoted by B., thinks were probably
the same as those over whom Inarus had formerly reigned, who
was succeeded in Hdtus' time by Thanyras; iii. 15. ^6pov tra.,
agreed to pay tribute.
b. ptfupQitQ Cf. i. 77, a. The 500 minas mentioned, if Attic
minas are meant, = about 2031. Cf. ii. 149,/.
CH. XIV. a. d> Ik Kara, roi>c iraTepaq, over against, opposite
to. Jelf, 629, 1. liri yjjpaoc oi>fyJ. Homerica formula. Cf. II.
xxii. 60 ; xxiv. 486 ; Odyss. xv. 346. B.
b. KpoTtrov c. r. X. Cf. i. 88, seqq. On the magnanimity of
172 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Psammenitus, by mistake transferred to Amasis, cf. Aristot. Rhet.
li. 8, 12.
CH. XV.- a. t)v Si eac jjTTKrrjjOij derived by Wess. from iiriora-
ftat scio, which is finally preferred by Schw. ; see his Lex. under
iiriaTaoQcu. He renders it, with Werfer, in an act sense, si scivisset
novas res non moliri, i. e. si potuisset se a novation rerum molitione
retinere. B. derives it from airiarkta, so that the expression = ' /j)
fTrtffnvOt] TroXt/Trpjjy/iowv, nisi creditum esset eum novas res moliri ;
this is followed in S. and L. D., if he had not been believed to be
meddling, i. e. unless he had been, &c. The particle HTJ is inserted
before voXvirp. in the same way as in i. 68, virb dmffTirjg /*} K. r. X.,
and in Thucyd. i. 10, and ii. 101. Schw.
b. Ty Ai/3wof 'IvaptD Cf. iii. 12, b.
b. Tiji 'A/iwpraiow Havoipi If the succession of Pausiris be dated
with Prid. 407 B. c., this will be the latest event mentioned in Hdtns,
who consequently must have lived till the 25th year of the Bell.
Pelop. In the E. Orient. H. Pausiris is dated 408 B. c., the same
date as the event alluded to in i. 130, b. Cf. D. p. 32. On Amyr-
tffius see ii. 140, b.
CH. XVI. a. Zdiv Cf. ii. 62, a. On the palace of Amasis, cf.
ii. 169. The intention of Cambyses in desecrating the tomb ol
Amasis, and his following actions, H., Egypt, ch. v. p. 472, con-
siders as directed principally against the priest caste, whose great
influence over the rest of the Egyptians in exciting them to revolt
would be well known to the Persians, and whose power it would
be their chief interest to diminish and break. B. On the probable
exaggeration of the accounts they gave Hdtus, cf. ii. 1, a.
b. art Tirapi^ivfttvof Cf. i. 86.
c. ivTtX\6pivog oi>x o<na Cf. i. 86, b., and Ctesias Excerpt. Per-
sic. 57, where burning a corpse is mentioned as being contrary to
the law. B.
d. KOI Sia ravra ra/M^f I'owffi K. r. X. Cf. ii. 85, a.
d. iirt rfjat 9vpy<ri near the door. Jelf, 634, l,/3. Ivrbg rije iwvrov
0/jojC- Cf. on OijKT], ii. 42, *'., and on the sepulchre of Amasis, ii.
169, 170.
/. apxijv at all, as in i. 193, ii. 95, &c. B.
CH. XVII. a. i/3ov\ rpul>. <7rparf}tac> ^projected three expeditions,
rrpar. accus. of equivalent notion. Cf. Jelf, 551, 1, c. ^airpojS/ovc
A0('o7rae, cf. iii. 25, and 1 14. From a comparison of these passages,
and from what Hdtus says here on their situation on the coast of
Africa, S. of the Straits of Babel Mandel, on the shore of the In-
dian Ocean, H., Ethiop. ch. i. p. 163, seqq., infers that Bruce is
mistaken in considering them the same as the Shangallas, inasmuch
as they are to be sought more towards the S. on the coast near C.
Gardefui, where the Somaulies now live. R., p. 429, considers
them the same as the Abyssinians.
b. rov iriZov, (a portion) of the infantry. Cf. Jelf, 533, 3,
Partitive gen.
BOOK III. THALIA. 173
CH. XVIII. a. 'H Sk rpairia K. r. X. By this table of the sun is
supposed by H., 1. I. p. 168, to be meant the market-place, where
commerce with the natives of Sasu for gold and frankincense in
exchange for oxen, salt, and iron, was carried on ; a place con-
sidered sacred under the protection of temples and sanctuaries, and
a trade under the care of the public magistrates. B. refers the
matter to a religious source and to the worship of the sun, whose
festivals and lectisternia, cf. i. 181, c., would be held on those days
when a great concourse both of natives and foreigners would be
assembled. This view he supports on the authority of Gesenius,
on Isaiah Ixv. 11, "But ye are they that prepare a table for that
troop, and that furnish the drink offering unto that number." That
such festivals were not unknown throughout the East, (whence the
idea arose among the Gks, of Jupiter and the deities of Olympus
repairing at stated seasons to enjoy a banquet among the Ethiopians,
cf. Horn. Odyss. i. 22 25,) is maintained by Creuzer, Symb. iv. p.
376. The same view is also taken by Minutoli and Maltebrun.
Cf. also Mannert, x. 103, quoted in article ^Ethiopia, Class. Diet.
b. rove iv riXt'i those in office: the magistrates Cf. ix. 106, d.
CH. XIX. a. 'Irfvofyayiav ic.r.X. From Pausan. i. 33, 4, Diod.
Sic. iii. 15, the Icthyophagi dwelt on the coast of the Red Sea, S.
of Egypt. B. From what Hdtus here says about their being
sent for from Elephantine, H., /. 1. p. 170, infers that part of the
nation had fixed itself in Upper Egypt, and belonged to the wan-
dering tribes by whom communication by caravans was carried
on between the Egyptians and Ethiopians; hence they understood
the language of both nations, and knew the paths through the
deserts. Probably they belonged to the Ababdse, who from the
most remote periods have been the carriers of merchandise. On
Elephantine, cf. ii. 17, a.
b. Kal OVK av iroikiiv oaia K. T. X. On the sentiment here contained
cf. viii. 22, Thucyd. i. 38, v. 106, Polyb. xii. 10, 3, Livy xxxiii.
48, and H. Carthag. ch. i. p. 28. B.
c. on aQiai; rt K. T. X. Hence Schlosser infers that Tyre had
voluntarily yielded to the Persian power, as we do not find that
the Phoenicians generally or the town itself were subdued by them
forcibly. D. considers that they became subject to the Persians
in the reign of Cambyses, and not in that of Cyrus, as is generally
supposed. B.
CH. XX. a. Kal Swpa Qtpovrac "The vast quantity of gold is
easily accounted for : it -was either a natural production of the
country, or the inhabitants had accumulated it by commerce, (!) cf.
iii. 18, a. The presents of the Persian king, therefore, composed
of golden ornaments and myrrh, and consequently of exactly those
very commodities which they had in the greatest abundance, seem-
ed to them a mockery," &c. H. Ethiop. ch. i. p. 169.
i. <j>oivtKT)iov oivov Cf. ii. 37, e.
C. Xtyovrm ilvai /ulyiorot K. T. X. Cf. Isa. xlv. 14, " The labour
174 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
of Egypt and the merchandise of Ethiopia and of the Sabeeang.
men of stature, shall come over unto thee," &c. Cf. also H. /. I.
p. 171.
CH. XXI. a. roKov r6&. "Bruce takes the Macrobians for a
tribe of the Shangallas, cf. iii. 17, a. He appeals particularly to
the bow sent to Cambyses, with a challenge to bend it It is the
custom of this race to bind round their bows ferrules of the hides
of the wild beast they slay, whereby they are continually becoming
stiffer, and at last become altogether inflexible. They then hang
them on a tree as trophies of their prowess : such a bow it might
have been which the Ethiopian king sent to the Persian. But this
custom of hanging up the bows can scarcely be altogether peculiar
to the Shangallas, but has probably spread itself among their
neighbours." H. /. 1. p. 163. The bow appears to have been the
ensign of royalty and command among the Persians.
CH. XXII. a. fl ffiTtoptvoi KOTTpov if feeding upon such rubbish.
" Their contempt of bread must have applied to that maclH of
dhourra and baked, which becomes unfit to be eaten in a very
short time." H. /. I. p. 161.
CH. XXIII. a. iv ireSyiri xpvctyffi K.r.X. Cf. iii. 20, a. H. /. I.
p. 162, seqq.
CH. XXIV. a. 1% vaXov according to various interpreters,
glass, crystal, antimony, amber, fossil-salt, bitumen or gum, rock salt
or mica ; perhaps it signifies lapis alabastritis, oriental alabaster ; a
sarcophagus of which substance was found by Belzoni at Thebes,
and is now in the British Museum ; it becomes transparent if a
light is placed behind one of its sides. B. H., 1. I. p. 162, seems to
think crystal is meant.
CH. XXV. a. rd . . . . airitav ixopiva Cf. i. 120, a. On the
expedition against the Ethiopians see D. p. 115.
CH. XXVI. a. 7r"A^ov/owc Cf. ii. 42,/.
b. "Oamv voXtv. " The Oases (called by the Copts Wah, or El-
Wah, the habitation) are insulated fertile spots like islands, in the
midst of an expanse of desert; probably owing their existence to
that principle that fertilizes them, viz. fountains of water spring-
ing up in the desert. It may be satisfactorily made out, we trust,
that the more consistent descriptions, ancient and modern, agree
in fixing 3 Oases; two of which belong to Egypt properly, and the
third to Libya. Hdtus appears to have known but one: he de-
scribes the Greater Oasis, under the name of Oasis, as appropriate
to it; not having, we may suppose, heard of its application ge-
nerally to the islands in the desert. But he nevertheless describes
those of Ammon, Augila, the Garamantes, &c., though not under
the name of Oasis. The Greater Oasis is the Wdh-el-Kharijah, or
outer Wah of the Arabs." R. p. 546. Cf. E. Orient. H. c'h. i. p.
25, and the refs. to H. in ii. 42, /.
c. Sa/iioi riig A.i<rx(* wv '1 QvXqG Polycrates, in iii. 39, is mention-
ed as having made a threefold division of Samos : two tribes are
BOOK lit. THALIA. J 75
probably the 2xj<na and 'A<n-v7raXa<a, Etymolog. p. 160, 22, and
the 3rd the one mentioned here, named from the hero ^Eschrion.
How the Samians got to the Oasis cannot be certainly affirmed,
probably for mercantile purposes, as Samos was quoted for its
spirit of enterprise about 01. 37, and her traders reached as far as
Tartessus, cf. iv. 152, b., about which period probably they settled
themselves at the Oasis. B.
d, iirntvtvaai vorov .... aAavioOrjvai. Cf. Prid. Conn. an. 524
B. c. R., p. 578, remarks, " M. Savary and M. Poucet have both
given a frightful idea of the journeys across the Libyan sands.
Nothing, however, appears more likely than that the armies per-
ished through fatigue and want of water. Mr. Browne does not
so readily give into the belief of the possibility of a living person
being overwhelmed with sands. See his bk, p. 248, &c."
CH. XXV II. a. 6 'ATTIC, Cf. iii. 28, b.
b. roi>g sTrirpoTrove, the viceroys. Cf. iii. 6, b., and v. 30.
CH. XXVIII. a. ov \f]fftiv j0j OVTOV K.T.\. he said that he
would not remain in ignorance whether or no any tame, or tractable,
god had come to the Egyptians.
b. 6 St "ATTIC oSroe 6 "E-n-aQog K. r. X. Apis is considered by Creuzer,
Symb. i. p. 482, as a kind of living symbol of Osiris, cf. ii. 41, .,
90, b., and of all the fertility, whether arising from the sun or the
Nile, supposed to reside in that deity. B. Cf. the article Apis,
Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., and E. Orient. H. ch. iii. p. 110.
c. altrov tiKaaiikvov " This bird," says Creuzer, quoted in B., " was
probably not the vulture, as Zoega thinks, but the Phoenix, cf. ii.
73, a., which Hdtus has himself described as miry 7rfpi7}y?j<nv 6/xoto-
raroe, ii. 73, and the figure of this bird might be marked on Apis,
for 2 reasons ; 1st, in reference to the increase of the Nile ; in al-
lusion to which this bird is represented in the sculptures at Thebes
as carrying a pitcher and a goblet; and 2ndly, because the chrono-
logical period of Apis, viz. 25 years, is exactly contained 56 times
in 1400 years of the Phoenix." Cf. ii. 73, a. Or taking 500 years,
with Hdtus, as the cycle of the Phoenix, the cycle of Apis is con-
tained in it 20 times.
d. KavOapov. The beetle or scarabseus was the Egyptian symbol
of the sun and light, and hence of all life and generation. Hence
it is often found in mummies, as a sign of the preservation of the
soul in the change of the body. Creuz. Symbol, i. p. 489. B. Cf.
E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 186.
CH. XXIX. a. idiKauvvro were punished, i. 100, a. On the
character of Cambyses, his madness, &c., cf. ii. 1, a., iii. 16, .
b. IQa^av K. r. X. Plutarch, de Is. et Os. p. 368, says that the
bull Apis was killed by Cambyses' order, and the carcase devoured
by dogs. B.
CH. XXX. a. 'Ep V 0. 0aX. here the Gulf of Persia, cf. i. 1, b.
CH. XXXI. a. rove jSafftXjjfove SiKaarctf, These were probably
7 in number, and of the caste of the Magi, cf. Esther i. 13 : H.
176 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Pers. ch. ii. p. 251, 252. i s ov airoB. fuxf* TOVTOV. Cf. Jelf, 822,
obs. I, Attraction.
b. TTJV Ipwpizriv. This was Atossa, afterwards married to Darius,
cf. iii. 88. iv\t, had as wife- V. " The answer of this high tri-
bunal, the king's judges, makes it plain that the authority of the
kings of Persia was as unlimited as that of any other oriental des-
pot at any period. Marriage with the sister was manifestly unlaw-
ful among the Persians, nor is the act of the monarch recorded to
be taken as a proof that the custom was general. Among no peo-
ple of antiquity was the moral feeling with reference to marriage
among relatives so blunted as among the Egyptians. The mar-
riage with the sister, so strongly forbidden by Moses, was considered
among them as unconditionally allowable." From Hengstenberg's
Egypt and the Bks of Moses, English Rev. No. 6.
CH. XXXIII. a. vovffov /wyaXijv the epilepsy; the appellation
sacred was probably given it either from the inability of the faculty
of those times to cure it, or from the greatness and violence of the
disease. B.
CH. XXXIV. a. wpoc TOV irarepa reXeerat what sort of a man
he was to compare, i. e. to be compared, with his father. Schw.
CH. XXXV. a. roov. This weapon, as peculiar in a manner
to the Persian monarchs, cf. iii. 21, a., lay probably close at
hand.
b. tjri 0aXj)v rarwpi> buried them by the head, i. e. either up
to tlie head, or head downwards. Cf. vii. 136, a., iiri KtQ. uQ., and
Odyss. v. 245, tirl ffrdBpriv ad amussim, by the line or rule, quoted
m Jelf, 635, iii. b. 'Eirl. Conformity mode and manners, as
that to which the person goes. Similar instances of despotism are
referred to in H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 251.
CH. XXXVI. a. >;Xuciy youthful impetuosity. Cf. vii. 18,
ao(f>bv ( t'i TTpofi., and Soph. Phil. 558, aXX' r) x"P'C V^ v K - r -^' """<>
fiiv wXtirac, cf. Jelf, 643, 1, Tmesis in Compound Verbs, rciiai
Qipdirovat X~a/36vrac, on the dat. here, with accusative following,
cf. Jelf, 675, b.
b. oil KaTa7rpoitffQai that they should not get off scot-free w T ho had
preserved Croesus, but that he would kill them. Cf. iii. 156, &c. V.
CH. XXXVII. a. 'H^aiarov TO ipov Cf. ii. 99, g.
b. <boiviKT}ioi0i HaraiKolat K. r. \. " Figure-heads, insignia, irapii-
ffnfta, or images placed on the prow, giving the name to the vessel,
were probably used from the first origin of navigation. On the
war-galleys of the Phoenicians, who called them, as Hdtus says,
iraratKoi, carved images, they had sometimes a very grotesque ap-
pearance." Smith's D. of A. B. notes that this name was given
to the deities of the Phoenicians, and perhaps of the Syrians too,
which they carried with them as tutelar guardians of their vessels.
These, Creuzer, Symb. ii. 386, considers identical with the Cabin
of Egypt, whose worship he traces to the Phoenicians. On the
Cabiri, cf. ii. 51, b.
BOOK III. THALIA. 177
CH. XXXVIII. a. lipiro i-n-i (coo-y . T. \. Cf. Xenoph. Cyrop.
iii. 1, 43, and Plat. Apolog. p. 41. B.
b. KaXXariag the same, according to R., p. 308, as the Padaei,
iii. 99, the people of the Padda or Ganges. H., Pers. ch. i. p. 194,
seqq., considers them the savage tribes of the district above Guze-
rat. " Their name, Calantise or Calatia?, iii. 97, seems to have
been immediately derived from their Indian appellation of Callar,
Coolier or Cooleries ; and that of Padeei from the r. Paddar, on
the further side of the Indus, which was the boundary of the do-
minion of Darius. Without vouching for the truth of the account
of their eating their parents, yet it is clear that the tradition is of
genuine Indian growth, being repeated almost word for word nearly
2000 years after the time of Hdtus by Marco Polo."
c. TlivSapog iroiijiTai. The passage Hdtus alludes to is preserved
in the Schol. on Nem. ix. 35. See Dissen's Pindar, vol. i. p. 245,
Frag. 48.
CH. XXXIX. a. TloXvKparta K.T.\. B. c. 525, according to
Thirlw. On Polycrates and his policy, see Hist, of Gr. vol. ii. c.
13, p. 178, seqq., and cf. H. P. A. 32, 64, and 87.
b. Tpi%rj Saffd^itvo^ K. r. X. Cf. iii. 26, c.
c. *A/iao-i Cf. ii. 172, a., 177, a., on his liberal policy towards
foreigners.
d. x<X'iovg ToKoroQ probably the royal body-guard only, as from
iii. 45, it would seem his whole force was much more numerous.
In the same ch. the ro. oi'ici/Yot are most likely the same as these here
mentioned; usually called Sopvtyopot, i. 59. B. tyipt Sk K. r. X. Cf.
i. 88, c.
CH. XLI. a. Qfudwpov K.T.X. On this artist, cf. i. 51, c.
CH. XLII. a. x<>>pri<TavTO Sk ot TOVTO& when this fell out, teas
permitted, to him. So of a matter turning out favourably, v. 62, vii.
10, 2, viii. 102. W.
6. T& TTOTTjffavra piv K. r. X. qu&facienti sibtqualia accidissent; ichat
he had done, and what had hence resulted to him. Cf. ii. 66, &c. B.
CH. XLIII. a. epaOt on K . r. X. Cf. on the sentiment ref. in
i. 91, a.*
CH. XLIV. a. 'Evl rovrov . . . AaKiSai^ovwi The attack on Poly-
crates would appear to have been part of the regular Lacedaemonian
policy, one of the chief objects of which was the extermination of
the tyrants who nourished about this period in all the cities of
Greece ; by the overthrow of whom the superiority of Sparta was
principally attained. H. P. A. 32. On Cydonia, iii. 59, a.
CH. XLV. a. iv KapirdGy Scarpanto.
b. ovdi \6yoc aipid nor does it stand to reason. S. and L. D.
ro. OIK., cf. iii. 39, d.
CH. XLVI. a. KaTaaraau introduction intoan assembly to speak :
cf. viii. 141, c. TW QvXdKy inpupfaaQat panario (nempe hoc vo
* Schiller's ballad, " Der Ring des Polycrates," is well worth the German scholar'*
reading.
N
178 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
cabulo, panarium sive saccus) supersedere eos potuisse ; i. e. that the
word sack was superfluous ; meaning to say that as they had brought
the sack before them, they need only have said, air'nav Setrai, and
that there was no need to have added also the word 6 OvXaKOQ. The
drift of the passage is that the Spartans affected brevity of speech
even to absurdity. Schw.
CH. XLVII. a. '6ri o-0t vportpoi K.T.\. Probably about the
time of the end of the 2nd Messenian War, B. c. 679 662. B.
b. luuv Cf. i. 70, a.
c. ilpiotai airb v\ov cotton Cf. iii. 106, vii. 65. " Embroideries
of cotton, and with cotton, were common in Egypt, and considered
as master-pieces of art. Weaving was one of their principal occu-
pations, cf. ii. 35, c., and cotton a native of their soil. Ezekiel,
xxvii. 7, forgets not the wares which Tyre obtained from the banks
of the Nile : ' Fine cottons and embroidered work from Egypt
spreadest thou over thy pavilions.'" H. Phcen. ch. iv. p. 361,
Egypt, p. 460, and E. Orient. H. ch. iv. p. 165.
d. TOV v AivS<f> avt9r]Kt Cf. ii. 182, b.
CH. XLVIII. a. ytvty irponpov K.T.\. 565 B. c., the rescue
of the Corcyreans. 555 B. c., the carrying off the cup. 525 B. c.,
the Lacedaemonian expedition against Polycrates. From L.'s
note.
b. UipiavSpog K. r. X. Cf. i. 23, and v. 92. He succeeded his fa-
ther Cypselus, who overthrew the oligarchy of the Bacchiadae at
Corinth, about 655 B. c., and who reigned 30 years ; hence Peri-
ander succeeded in the Despotism about 625 B. c., and held it 40
years. Cf. Thirlw. i. c. 10, p. 419423, H. P. A. 65, and Smith's
D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Pcriander, Cypselus.
c. itr k-ro/ty Cf. viii. 105, and H. Pers. ch. i. p. 105.
CH. XLIX. a. l-irti n iKriaav TIJV vrjvov, Settlement of Corcyra
by the Corinthians under Chersicrates, one of the Bacchiadre, about
700 B. c. Cf. H. P. A. 86, and Thirlw. ii. p. 93.
CH. L. a. MeXioaav also called Lysis. Cf. Smith's D. of Gr.
and R. Biog., and Thirlw. i. p. 421.
ft. irepi 6vfi( ixofitvog valde iratus animo, cf. II. xxii. 70, d\va-
irovTts Trtpt Qvftif, and II. xxiv. 236, vept S' ijQtXt 6vp(f. B. Cf. also
i. 88, a.
CH. LI. a. paXctKov tvStSovat .... oi>Skv nihil (de ira) remittere.
Cf. iii. 105, nihil (de cursu) remittere, do not give in fromfaint-heart-
edness, do not flaq in the least. B.
CH. LI I a. 8f av fj oiKiotai K.T.X. Cf. Soph. (Ed. Tyr. 347,
fjiijT tlaSkxiaQai, pr)Tt irpoafywviiv nva. W.
b. KopivQov rijc tWat/iovoc So Homer, II. ii. 570, calls Corinth
cupvtibv, and Find. Olymp. xiii. 4, 6\piav. Cf. also Thucyd. i. 13.
C. iv aiirolffi Sub. Trp/jy/iafft. W.
d. oay QQov'tiffBai K. r. X. Cf. Pind, Pyth. i. 164, Kpiaaw oiKTipuwv
jfiovoc. W.
CH. LI1I. a. ry irptaflvriptp T>V iraiSwv K.T.\. According to
BOOK III. THALIA. 179
Diog. Laert. i. 94, his name was Cypselus ; according to Aristotle,
Pol. v. 12, Gordias. B.
b. OVK ivtwpa, sub. TO tivat Svvurbv TO. Trpay. Sitiruv. Schw. Cf.
also viii. 140, e.
c. Kreivovai TOV viavioicov. The Scholiast on Thucyd. i. 13, is
mistaken in thinking that it was on account of this crime that the
naval engagement between the Corinthians and Corcyraeans, there
mentioned as the most ancient, took place ; as that happened 260
years before the end of the Bell. Pelop., and consequently 664 B. c.,
at which time Cypselus, father of Periander, had not obtained the
power. W.
CH. LV. a. Tlirdvy one of the 5 quarters of Sparta. Cf.
Smith's C. D., Sparta, H. P. A. 24, and cf. ix. 53, b., on Hdtus'
visit to the Peloponnesus, vii. 224, a.
CH. LVI. a. v6(j.Mfia K. r. X. If this be true it is the earliest
instance on record of the adulteration, or rather the forging of coin,
circ. 525 B. c., cf. iii. 39, a., though it appears from Demosthenes,
adv. Timocrat. in fin. p. 765, ed. Reiske, that the crime was known
and forbidden on pain of death in the time of Solon, circ. 594 B. c.
Cf. also Boeckh Pub. (Econ. of Athens, p. 25, seqq. B.
b. rai>TTiv Trpurrjv ffrparjjtiji' From i. 152, we learn that the Lace-
daemonians had before interfered in the affairs of Asia ; but this
was the first expedition they undertook. V.
CH. LVII. a. *2i<f>vov. One of the Cyclades, Siphno. On the
wealth and mines there, W. refers to Pausanias x. 11.
CH. LVII I. a. jHXrjjXi0 painted with red ochre. Cf. Horn.
II. ii. 637, ni\T07ra.pyoQ. Odyss. xi. 123, ipoiviKOirapgoi. B.
CH. LIX. a. KvSwviqv .... tKTiaav. About 524 B. c. It was
one of the chief cities in Crete ; on the N. W. coast. Khania. Cf.
Smith's C. D.
b. AiKTvvriQ from being supposed to have invented hunting-
nets, Sixrva. She was also called Britomartis, and represented with
the horns of the new moon. Cf. Diod. Sic. v. 76. B.
c. Kairpiovs .... 7rpo>pac with figure-heads like wild boars. Ac-
cording to Neecke, with blunt prows, like boars' snouts. B.
d. I?!-' ' ApQiKpan OQ K. T. X. About 680 B. c. , according to Pa-
nofka, Res Samior. p. 26. B.
CH. LX. a. ori ff(j>i rpi'a K. r. X. Cf. Aristot. Polit. v. 11.
b. Sta iravroq o avrov aXXo ic. r. X. " This appears to have been
within the other, and, as it was only 3 ft broad and the other was
eight, there was probably a dry path of 2 ft and a half on each
side, in order that the channel might be repaired if necessary."
Oxf. Tr. The name of the fountain mentioned shortly after was,
according to Panofka, p. 4, quoted by B., Gigartho, or, Leucothea.
A little below, |3a0oe Kara ttKoai 6p-ymswv, where the preposition ex-
presses the measure from top to bottom. Jelf, 628, i. a.
c. rpirov Sk (T0i ?fpya<rrat This was the Heraeum or temple of
N 2
180 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Juno ; according to Miiller, 346 ft in length and 189 in breadth ;
but few traces of it now remain ; see Leake's Asia Minor, p. 348.
Rhoecus probably flor. aboxit 640 B. c., cf. i. 51, e., and this work,
begun by him, was, we may suppose, carried on as the Samians
increased in power, and finished under Polycrates. B., and Smith's
D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Rh(Kcus. Cf. Mull. Dor. i. p. 410, 411.
CH. LXL- a. iiraviarkaTai avopie Mayot Usurpation of Smerdis
the Magian, 522 B. c., in the 8th year of Cambyses. Cf. E. Orient.
H. ch. vii. p. 355, Prid. Conn., and H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 346. " The
Magian conspiracy had principally in view the restoration of the
monarchy to the Medes and themselves, at that particular time,
when, at the death of Cambyses, the royal race appeared extinct."
Such also may be inferred, remarks B., from the latter part of
Cambyses' speech, iii. 65.
b. iTrtxiipqai rdlai (iaffiXtjioiffi regiam occupare instituit. Schw.
Rather, sc. Trpqy/iaeri, he invaded, affected the kingdom. B.
C. tlai ayuiv cf. Hom. Odyss. i. 130, avrijv 5' ttQ dpovov tlfffv aywv,
and Odyss. ix. 98. B.
CH. LXII. a. 'Ayfiardvoiai, a small town in Lower Galilee, at
the foot of Mt Carmel ; Caiffa. arag iq (isa., having come and stood
in the midst. The verb of rest is considered as signifying the notion
of the previous motion implied in it, when the prepos. fe with the
accus. is used instead of iv with the dat. : the particular sort of
motion, whether coming, sitting down, drawing, &c., must be de-
termined by the context. Cf. i. 14, &c. Jelf, 646, 1.
b. ovSk re. . . . fj jutya TJ (T/uepdv, nihil prorsus. Cf. v. 106. Valck.
On viwrtpov, cf. viii. 21, b. IK rov Mayou tK HpriZdcraTrfoc., cf. Jelf,
621, 3, c. tK the agent (for VTTO), with passive or intransitive verbs,
almost entirely Ionic.
CH. LXIII. a. itrifiaTtvtav .... oiivo/iarof, usurping the name
of Smerdis, as in i. 67, ix. 95, a.
CH. LXIV. a. rov KOV\IOV .... airoiriirTii, the tip or cap (of
metal) of his sword-sheath falls off. V.
b. Bovrovc TroXiof. Cf. ii. 75, a.
c. 6 fiiv Sq Iv . . . . yipaibg, " There are many instances of such,"
says Prideaux, " who, on their over-curious inquiry into their
future fate, have been in the same manner deceived. Thus Henry
IV. of England, being foretold that he should die at Jerusalem,
was suddenly taken sick in the Abbot of Westminster's house, and
died there in Jerusalem Chamber. (Cf. Shakspeare, Henry IV. act
iv. scene 4.) And so Ferdinand the Catholic, king of Spain, being
foretold that he should die at Madrigal, carefully avoided going
thither. But while he was thus, as he thought, avoiding his
death, he found it at Madrigalejo, or little Madrigal, a poor little
village he had never before heard of." B. also remarks that the
same thing happened to Robert Guiscard, Duke of Apulia, who
died at a place called Jerusalem in Zante, while travelling to the
BOOK III. THALIA. 18 1
Jerusalem in Palestine, where it was predicted, as he thought,
that he should die. Cf. also vi. 80, the oracle which foretold to
Cleomenes that he should take Argos.
CH. LXV. a. airmpiQ'to) Ion. for aQaiptGw, conj. aor. 1, pass.
Ta\vT. r} ffotywripa. " If any two properties of the same object are
compared in degree, they are sometimes signified by the compar-
atives (cf. 784) of their proper adjectives, and contrasted by
V : Qarrtav fj ao<pwrepoQ, possessing a degree of quickness greater than the
degree of wisdom." Cf. Horn. Od. i. 164; Thucy. iii. 42; Jelf,
783, f. aSt\(p. rt, ovdtv Stov, quumfasnon esset; accus. absol. Cf.
Jelf, 700, 2, a., quoted in iii. 91, a.
b. TOVTOV SevTcpa TWV Xoiir&v K. T. X. since then he is dead, as the
next best remaining thing for you, O Persians, it becomes most neces-
sary for me to enjoin, what I wish to be done at the end of my life.
On the attributive gen. rtiv \onrZ>v, cf. Jelf, 534.
c. TO. ivavria TOVTOKJIV apiofiai Imitated perhaps, as also vi. 139,
(ovTt yfi K. T. X.,) from Soph. CEd. Tyr. 277, KalravTa role; fitj fpwcnv
K. T. \.
CH. LXVI. a. KaTTjpiiicovTo, rent in pieces. Cf. jEsch. Pers.
537, TroXXai S' aTraXalc x P <r ' icoXwjrrpaff Kariptucofjifvai. W^.
b. airfiviuct KaujBvota SC. j vovaog, TO KO.KOV, or, TO bar'tov a^ta-
Kt\iaav Kai o firipog acnrii. Cf. also vi. 27, 6. Schw. ixTroXififaOy,
might be rendered hostile, set at variance.
CH. LXVII. a. 6 plv Si) Mayof. "That Cambyses was the
Ahasuerus, and Smerdis the Artaxerxes, that obstructed the work
of the temple, is plain from hence, that they are said in Scripture,
Ezra iv. 4 7? to be the kings of Persia that reigned between the
time of Cyrus and the time of that Darius by whose decree the
temple was finished. But that Darius being Darius Hystaspis,
and none reigning between Cyrus and that Darius in Persia but
Cambyses and Smerdis, it must follow from hence that none but
Cambyses and Smerdis could be that Ahasuerus and Artaxerxes,
who are said in Ezra to have put a stop to this work." Prid. Conn.
an. 522 B. c. So also E. Orient. H. ch. viii. p. 351.
CH. LXVIII. a. TySt ffvn(3a\\t6(itvo. Of all this Ctesias,
Persicc. 13, says nothing; but he states that Ixabates, who car-
ried the body of Cambyses into Persia, on his return thence related
the artifice of the Mage in the presence of the army, and that then
flying for refuge to a temple, he was taken and put to death. This
appears to be, in substance, what our author relates of Prexaspes.
B. Cf. E. Orient. H. ch. vii. p. 356.
b. IK rije dirpoTroXiog the royal palace, cf. also i. 98, e., at Susa;
as is evident from iii. 70, w r here Darius is said to have come to
Susa, and there deliberated with the conspirators. This was the
summer residence, cf. i. 98, d., of the Persian monarchs, the
Shuslian of Esther i. 2, ii. 3. The palace is the same that Hdtus,
v. 53, a., vii. 151, calls the Memnonian palace. B. Susa stood on
the E. bank of the Choaspes, and is said to have derived its
182 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
name from the number of lilies in the neighbourhood. Cf. Smith's
C. D., Susa, and E. Orient H. p. 288.
c. 'Ar<Wjc The wife and sister of Cambyses, cf. iii. 31, 88,
ifterwards the wife of the Mage and then of Darius Hystaspes, iii.
133, 134, vii. 3.
d. ovn dXXijv ovSepiijv e. r, X. On the similarity of the domestic
economy of the ancient Persian monarchs, and of Asiatic sovereigns
of the present day, cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 256, seqq.
CH. LXIX. a. iird rt aitry ptipog K.T.\. quum veniret ordo
(the turn) puellce, ut ad regem accederet. Cf. Esther ii. 12. W., and
H. /. I. p. 257.
CH. LXX. a. rot<ril ruv K. T. X. On the opinion of H. that
the 7 conspirators were the heads of the Persian tribes, or the
chiefs of the tribes of the Pasargadse, see Pers. ch. ii. p. 224.
CH. LXXI. a. ov yap dfiuvov. Cf. i. 187, o. jrtpi/3aXXo/voc
.... KtpSta, compassing advantage for himself. Perhaps in the same
sense in ix. 39.
CH. LXXII. a. IvQa yap rt Itl fyvSoc K.T.\. This sentiment
befitted a Gk, and not a Persian; as from i. 138, it is evident that
nothing was more disgraceful among the latter nation than a lie.
Cf. Soph. Phil. 107. W. It is plain from Plato, Polit. ii. 21, iii.
3, that the sentiment here set forth was one of the questions
agitated by the Gk Rhetoricians and Sophists, and that all that is
added by Hdtus to explain or prove this point, may be looked upon
as said after the model of the Sophists, and perhaps borrowed from
their disputations. B.
b. aiirif 01 .... t \povov tarai. it shall be the better for himself here-
after, he himself shall have reason to rejoice hereafter, cf. ix. 89, b.
CH. LXXIII. irapiKti, sc. 6 0eoc when will the gods afford us,
&c. Cf. Jelf, 373, 3, Ellipse of the Subject. On the use of art
just afterwards instead of on, cf! Jelf, 804, 8.
CH. LXXIV. a. U^dairta On what is here related of
Prexaspes, cf. iii. 68, a. irpbe & In, and besides too. On irpoc, besides
thereto, cf. Jelf, 640, 2. Prepositions in the original adverbial
force, in Homer and in Ionic Greek. The particle Ii is often join-
ed to them, and they are frequently placed first in the sentence for
greater emphasis. Cf. iii. 6, a.
b. rd iruvTa ol ftvpia, all sorts of possessions by the thousands.
Jelf, 454, 1.
CH. LXXV. a. tl pri avaKTrivaiaro .... riaaiaro. In the 3rd
person opt. aor. 1, mid. aiaro for aivro is very frequent in the
Ionic and Attic poets, e. g. aptioaiaro Od. i. 164, tic<rw<raiaro, ^Eschyl.
Pers. 360, &c. Matth. Gr. Gr. 206, obs. 3. Jelf, 197, 4.
CH. LXX VI. a. /?j5 .... iiririBtaQai. neque, in hac rerum
perturbatione, adgrediendum. Cf. Tacitus Hist. ii. 32, quoniam
Gallic tument. B. Cf. i. 96, b.
CH. LXX VI I. a. Qti-g voftTry XPtwuh'ovg. Cf. i. 62, e.
CH. LXXIX. a. payofovta. Cf. Prid. Conn. an. 522 B. c.
BOOK III. THALIA. 183
" It was from this time they first had the name of Magians, which,
signifying the Cropt-ear'd, was then given unto them by way of a
nick-name because of this impostor, who was thus cropped. For
Miye-Gush signified one that had his ears cropped, in the language
of the country then in use," &c. According to Smith's C. D.,
Magi from mag, mogh, or mugh, a priest. Cf. the article Magi,
and Zoroaster, in Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog. Also H. Pers.
ch. ii. p. 241, seqq.
CH. LXXX. a. sAix0ij<rav Xoyoi <c. T. \. On these discourses,
cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 224. The substance of his remarks is as
follows : " The agitation of the question how Persia should be
governed, so singular a phenomenon in Asiatic history, that even
in Hdtus' time many were disposed to disbelieve it. His express
assertion a proof that it was no mere fiction of his own some
foundation for the narrative probably existed, though the fact is
disguised by a Grecian dress, in the absence of authorities, rea-
soning upon analogies drawn from the practices of other nations
of a similar constitution with the Persians, we snould conclude the
seven conspirators to be unquestionably the chiefs of the Persian
tribes met together for the purpose of discussing the claims of a
successor to the throne, hence it is not improbable that an aris-
tocracy of this sort, consisting of the heads of the tribes, should
be proposed and discussed. The proposal of a democracy would
appear, on the same grounds, to be nothing more than a pre-emi-
nence accorded to the principal tribe, as is the case with the ' golden
horde ' among the Mongols. Such a supposition, though impossi-
ble to establish by positive proof, appears to be the only one in
accordance with the known usages and temper of oriental nations."
l\ixQr}aav S' uv but they were really said. Cf. Jelf, 737, 2. ovv
also used to confirm a statement of which there is some doubt.
Cf. viii. 133, c.
b. TO. fitv yap i'/3p *. r. \. Cf. Soph. (Ed. Tyr. 883, fySpie QVTVH
rvpavvov K. T. \.
c. dvapnoaroTarov most incongruous, unsuitable.
d. 7r\fj0oe i dpxov, On the form and principles of Gk demo-
cracy, see the discussion in H. P. A. 66, seqq. TOVTWV ruv, On
ritv, gen. by attraction, cf. Jelf, 822, obs. 3.
CH. LXXXI. a. oXtyapxiy On the oligarchies of Greece, their
origin, &c., cf. H. P. A. 53 60. yvw/jujc. t'lftdprtjict. Relative
Gen. after words expressing the notion of failing in, missing, de-
ceived in, which imply an antecedent notion of an object aimed at,
or an opinion entertained. Cf. Jelf, 514.
b. ig Sti/jiov aKo\darov v/3piv *. T. \. Cf. Plato, Polit. viii. 13, Cicero
de Repub. i. 43, and Arist. Pol. iv. 4, 4. B.
c. T$ St ov yivwaKitv (intelligentia) ivi. Infinitive (without the
article) as subject. Jelf, 663, 1. Cf. Eurip. Suppl. 417- Ajj/ioj
yap K. T. X. W.
d. dpiorwv Si dvS. oUbf (consentaneum est) dpttrra /Sow. yit'irQai.
184 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
(should arise from). Cf. Jelf, 483, Causal Gen. Verbs of pro-
ceeding from, becoming, arising, &c., being produced or created, take
a genitive of that whence they proceed, &c., as fiyviaQai, <pvvai,
ilvai, &c.
CH. LXXXII. a. 7ro\X<j> rovro (i. e. fiovap^ov tlvai) irpotxitv
Cf. Jelf, 381, obs. 2. The neuter demonstrative also is joined with
a masculine or feminine substantive when this expresses a general
notion, as is most frequently the case in abstract substantive .s :
tKaarot; fiov\6ftivoc aviKviovTcu, cf. Jelf, 478, 2^^a Kaff o\ov rat
fiipof, and cf. 708, 2, d. airk^T) SC. TO, wpay/iora, cf. Jelf, 3/3,
3, Ellipse of the Subject, here supplied from the context avyicv-
\jjavrtG irouvai bending forward and laying their Iieads together, act-
ing in concert. S. and L. D. Cf. vii. 145, and Aristoph. Equit.
850. W.
b. 6wvfiaiTai is courted, looked up to. Cf. Eurip. Med. 1141.
Siairoiva S', ijv vvv avn aov QavpaZo/ttv. So miror, Hor. ii. Od. 14,
42, " Te profugus Scythes Miratur."
CH. LXXXI1I. a. IK TOI- pevov KarfjffTo. e medio secessit, s. par-
tium erat neutrarum, W., took no share in the contest. Cf. Jelf,
621, 1, b. IK Distance from, with verbs of rest, out of, Epic, as
tic fiiXtwv extra telorum jactum. But also Hdtus iii. 83. IK r. u.
KO.Q., instead of the more usual IKTOQ and i<o. Cf. iv. 118, viii.
22, b., 73, e.
CH. LXXXIV. a. iaeijrd rt MnStKriv In vii. 116, given to the
Acanthians as an honorary distinction. So Cyrus the younger
gives a similar present to the Cilician prince ; Xenoph. Anab. i. 2,
27. The dress intended is the Median stole, a garment reaching
to the ancles, made of silk, and assumed by the king and the nobles
of Persia, after they gained the empire of the Medes, and often
presented as a mark of dignity to illustrious characters. These
Median dresses, styled by the Romans Assyrian, and afterwards
known as Seric, are discussed by H., As. Nat. i. p. 38, seqq., and
Pers. ch. i. p. 159, who concludes that they were unquestionably
of silk. " Other customary marks of honour bestowed by the king
of Persia on his favourites were, a cimeter, a chain of gold, and
a richly caparisoned horse." Cf. Esther vi. 8. Where Hdtus
speaks of the Persians having assumed the Median dress, he is to
be understood only of the chiefs of the Persians, for it continued
only to be the court-dress, and it is an error to suppose that all the
Persians indiscriminately adopted the garb of the vanquished. The
present custom among the Persians of presenting a dress of honour,
the Caftan, or the Khelat, to distinguished men, whether natives
or foreigners, coincides with the above. To such presents the gifts
in i. 135, iii. 160, iv. 88, vii. 8, viii. 120, refer. See H. Pers. ch. i.
p. 103. B. The Khelats are mentioned in every one of Morier's
works, whether of fiction or travel. See his Sketches of Persia,
vol. i. c. 18, p. 152.
b. yapitiv It /u) tm>ai This refers to the lawful wives of the
BOOK HI. THALIA. 185
Persian king, the KovptSiaf ywaT<cae, cf. i. 135, whose children alone
were considered as successors to the throne. B. Cf. iii. 2, b., and
H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 257.
c. onv av 6 'iinrogCf. Horn. Hymn to Apollo, 231, on another
instance of an augury drawn from a horse, quoted by B., and Tacit.
Germ. c. 10. \V. observes that they chose the morning, from the
veneration paid by the Persians to the rising sun ; according to
Prideaux, equally adored by all, whether of the Sabian or Magian
sect. Cf. i. 131, ., 140, c., and E. Orient. H. p. 364.
CH. LXXXVI. a. Kara avveOfjKavro, Cf. i. 208, b.
CH. LXXXVII. a. avalvpiat.Cf. i. 71, a.
CH. LXXXVIII. a. Aoptlof re K.T.\. Darius Hystaspes, 521
485 B. c. See Clinton, Fast. Hell. i. pp. 16, 30, cf. 379. The
theory that Darius Hystaspes is the Gustasp to whom Zoroaster
generally addresses his doctrines, or that this prophet was at all
contemporary with Darius Hystaspes, the opinion of Hyde, Pri-
deaux, &c., is combated at great length by H., Pers. ch. ii. p. 367,
seqq., on the ground principally that in the catalogue of the pro-
vinces and cities of king Gustasp, at whose court Zoroaster re-
sided, no mention is made of the two chief ones, Persis and Su-
riam, nor of their capitals, Persepolis and Susa, nor of Babylon
further, that neither Hdtus, Ctesias, nor Xenophon, who so
frequently mention the Magi, ever speak of Zoroaster, and that
the name Gustasp was no uncommon appellation or title in the
East, of itself consequently proui.g nothing. Read also D. p.
1 17, seqq., and E. Orient. H. p. 365, and cf. p. 301, and particularly
Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Darius. For his pedigree, cf. vii.
11, b. It should be added, that "though, as well as Cyrus and
Cambyses, of the ruling family of the AchEemenidae, yet we find
that he esteemed it essential to the confirmation of his title to
take in marriage, cf. vii. 11, a daughter of Cyrus." H. Pers. ch.
ii. p. 225.
b. 'ApajSwi Si ovdapa K. r. X. One of the many testimonies to the
truth of prophecy concerning the Arabs ; and even, see Keith's
Evidence of Prophecy, ch. 7, " though Gibbon attempts, from the
exceptions which he specifies, to evade the force of the fact, that
the Arabs have maintained a perpetual independence, yet he ac-
knowledges that these exceptions are temporary and local, and that
the body of the nation has escaped the yoke of the most powerful
monarchies ; and the arms of Sesostris and Cyrus, of Pompey and
Trajan, could never achieve the conquest of Arabia." Gibbon,
Decl. and Fall, ix. c. 1. The independence of the Arabs was and
is proverbial, and they not only subsist unconquered to this day,
but their prophesied and primitive wildness, and their hostility to
all, remain unsubdued and unaltered. " They are a wild people ;
their hand is against every man, and every man's hand is against
them." Gen. xvi. 12, xvii. 20.
c. yapovc TI Toiig K. T. X. Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 257- " As every
186 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
thing in the constitution of the country depended on the distinc-
tions of tribe, the consort was chosen from the family of Cyrus, or
that of the Achaemenidae ; though the example of Esther appears
to prove, that occasionally concubines were elevated to the same
rank. In that case they were invested with the insignia of roy-
alty, the diadem and the other regalia." Among the wives of
Darius, Atossa had most influence, see vii. 3, and cf. iii. 133. From
the d. of Gobryas, Darius had three sons ; Artabazanes, vii. 2,
Ariabignes, vii. 97, Arsamenes, vii. 68 ; from Atossa, Xerxes, Ma-
sistes, Achaemenes, and Hystaspes, vii. 64, 82, 97 ; from Arystone,
Arsames and Gobryas, vii. 69, 72 ; from Parmys, d. of Smerdis
the brother of Cambyses, Ariomardus, vii. 78 ; and from Phrata-
gyne, Abrocomes and Hyperanthes, vii. 224. V.
d. Swdfitog rt iravra oi tTwrXiaTo. omnia ei potentid compleban-
tur. B. Perhaps rather, The sovereign power was in all points
fuUy held by him ; taking Sw. iravra together, all points, exercises,
developements of power were perfected. His power was in all points
perfected. For another instance of a similar neuter plural fol-
lowed by a plural verb, cf. ii. 96, ra jrXota oil dvvavrat Tr\inv.
tTTtjrXlaro. Ion. for en-iTrXavro, from 7ri'/*7r\j/n. Jelf, 279, obs. 10,
and 280, 9.
CH. LXXXIX. a. op^ac e-f ar^aaro K. r. X. " Cyrus and Cam-
byses," says Thirlw. ii. p. 185, "had conquered nations; Darius
was the true founder of the Persian state. The dominions of his
predecessors were a mass of countries only united by their subjec-
tion to the will of a common ruler, which expressed itself by arbi-
trary and irregular exactions : Darius first organized them into an
empire, where every member felt its place and knew its functions.
His realm stretched from the ^Egean to the Indus, (cf. iv. 44, a.,)
from the steppes of Scythia to the cataracts of the Nile. He di-
vided this vast tract into 20 satrapies or provinces, and appointed
the tribute which each was to pay to the royal treasury, and the
proportion in which they were to supply provisions for the army
and for the king's household. The proper Persis alone was exempt
from the new system of taxation, and was only charged with its an-
cient customary gifts, &c. &c." Cf. also H. Pers. ch. i. p. 62, 63, and
ch. ii. p. 225, seqq. He particularly adverts to " the exchange under
the internal organization of the empire by Darius, of the simple
institutions of a constitution of tribes for those of a regular state
the right of succession being fixed in the family of Cyrus (cf. iii.
88, a.) the change in the habits of the ruling tribe from a nomad
life to one more stationary, marked in his first establishing the
royal residence in certain fixed situations the division of the em-
pire into departments, by which means the authority of the sove-
reign was extended through all the gradations of his subjects, and
from which, though it was ethnical rather than geographical, yet
the beneficial effects resulted of a regular nomination of governors,
a regular collection of the tribute, and, from the former of these
BOOK III. THALIA. 187
two institutions, an established civil administration distinct from
the military government."
b. Kal virtppuivwv K. r. X. i. e. sometimes remote and sometimes
adjoining tribes were thrown together into the same government.
This latter, however, appears to have been the case only in two
instances. But that the division of the Satrapies which follows
is a financial division distinct from the territorial, is unquestion-
ably erroneous. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 63. His geographical survey
deserves the closest study, as also does R., xi. and xii., and his
admirable map, p. 229.
c. BafivXwvtov rdXavrov ic.r.X. It appears probable, from a com-
parison of authorities, that the Euboic standard was a little, though
but very little, greater than the Attic, and the Attic talent, con-
taining 60 minee = 243/. 15s., and being, in English avoirdupois
weight, 56 Ib. ISJoz. lOOgrs., was to the Babylonian as 60 to 72, or,
reckoning the Euboic and Attic minee as exactly equal, according
to Pollux, ix. 6, the Attic talent would bear to the Babylonian the
ratio of 6 to 7. From Smith's D. of A. siri yap K. ap^., for during
the reign of Cyrus. Cf. Jelf, 523, obs. 1. "To define this relation
(the temporal gen.) prepositions are sometimes used : IK, dvb, kiri,
which represent the time, as it were, as something on which the
action rests or depends : Sta ivroq, and taia intra ; as IK WKTOQ like
de node, IK iroXXov xpovov, tirl Kvpov Cyri estate, tir tjuov (t/ioO re-
presenting the space of life) meet cetate, generally with a part,
present.
CH. XC. a. Mrtyvjjrojv rwv iv 'A<riy. On the two Magnesias in
Lydia, both founded, it is said, by the Magnetes of Thessaly, (cf.
vii. 173, 183,) cf. Smith's C. D., Magnesia. The Milyans pro-
bably the same as in vii. 77, a. On these and the nations subse-
quently mentioned, cf. R. xi. p. 234. He remarks that the Hyge-
nians are entirely unknown. W. proposes to read " Obigenians :"
Obigene was a district of Lycaonia.
b. airb 8k Mvowv .... irtvraKooia rdXavra. " This division," says
R. p. 235, "by far the smallest of the twenty, does not appear to
have touched the sea in any part. The greatness of the tribute
paid by it, in proportion to its very confined limits, requires ex-
planation ; and none appears more satisfactory, than that the
sources of the vast riches of Croesus, viz. mines of the precious
metals, and the golden streams of the Pactolus, and a very fertile
country, were contained in it." Cf. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 71.
c. epjjticwv .... 'Affiy, cf. i. 28, b. The Mariandynians, cf. R.
p. 239, occupied a part of the coast of the Euxine, between Bithynia
and Paphlagonia. By the Syrians here are meant the Cappado-
cians ; cf. i. 72, a., and vii. 72, a., R. p. 238. The Ligyes of vii. 72,
appear to have been the neighbours of fhe Mariandynians to the E.
d. curb fit KiXiiciav. R., p. 241, remarks on the arrangement here
mentioned for the payment of 140 talents for the cavalry that
guarded this country, arising from its great importance in a mill-
188 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
tary point of view, as connecting or separating, according into
whose hands it fell, Asia Minor and Persia on the one hand, and
Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt on the other. This province too re-
tained, any how at first, a prince of its own styled Syennesis, cf. i.
74, b., vii. 98, and at a later period too, at the time of the younger
Cyrus, it was so governed ; and, though Persian Satraps of Cilicia
are mentioned in Arrian, ii. 4, yet it is evident that the Persian do-
minion over it continued to be undefined and modified by existing
circumstances. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 80.
CH. XCI. a. 6 'A/i0apw On Amphiaraus, cf. i. 46, c. dpZapivov
airb ravTTfg, commencing here, Accus. abs. In Hdtus and Attic
writers, the accus. (singular or plural, usually the former) is used
in the same construction as the gen., but scarcely ever except
when the participle has no definite subject, as in impersonal verbs,
as t6v, ichilst it is allowed, (from Qicm, it is lawful,) or impersonal
phrases, as aiaxpbv ov. Cf. i. 129, c., iii. 95, a., vi. 72, a., v. 49, c.
Jelf, 700, 2, a.
b. irX^v .... 'AprtjSiwv, probably Idumaeans and Nabatheans ;
not of Arabia Felix. R. p. 255. Cf. iii. 88, b. On Syria called
Palestine, cf. i. 72, a., ii. 106, a., and vii. 89, b., and in particular
the delightful 2nd , " Syria and Phoenicia," in H. Pers. p. 81,
seqq. On Cyprus, ii. 182, c., D. p. Ill 114.
c. irapt besides. In poetry we often find two prepositions
joined together ; whereof the first is always adverbial, the second
is sometimes followed by its case. This is not mere pleonasm, but
gives a poetic fulness to the expression. Jelf, 640. Cf. iii. 116, 6.,
tnriK. TOV tic rfjg Moiptoe K. r. X. Cf. ii. 148, a., 149,^/1
d. jrpoe yap K. r.\. -for thereto, besides. Cf. Jelf, 640, 2, quoted
in iii. 74, a. The sense is, for in addition (to the ordinary tribute,
and the revenue accruing from the lake Mceris,) they sujrply tJie Per-
sians in the citadel of Memphis, and their auxiliaries, with 120,000
bushels of corn. At fivpiaat (the dative of measure, coming under
the general head of the instrument, that by which the measurement
is effected) supply ptlipvuiv, and after Karaptrpeovffi sub. alrov.
e. iv T$ AtvK( Tti\ti K. r. X. The city of Memphis consisted of 3
divisions, two of which were of burnt brick, and the third, the
fortress, was built of white stone; whence its name. Cf. Thucyd.
i. 104, and Diod. Sic. ix. 74. On the mercenaries, see iii. 4, a., ii.
99, d. Cf. R. p. 251, seqq.
/. Sarrayv&M. " No name like this can be found. From what
scanty notices we have, it can only be supposed that the 7th satrapy
of Hdtus was made up of the province of Margiana, and some
tracts adjoining to the W., and that it had for its boundaries on
the S. the ridge of mts that separates it from Asia ; on the W., the
countries of Baverd, Toos, &c., the original seats of the Parthians ;
on the N., the desert towards the Oxus ; and on the E., Bactria.
In effect, that it was surrounded on three sides by the 16th, and on
the fourth by the 12th satrapy, Bactria." R. p. 295.
BOOK III. THALIA. 189
g. airb Sovffojv 8k K. r. X. " This division, known as Cissia or
Susiana, says R. p. 267, answers to the modern Khuzistan. Though,
next to the Lydian, the smallest of the satrapies, yet as it contained
the then capital of the empire, and had a rich soil, it was enabled
to pay so large a tribute. The wealth of Susa is mentioned by
Aristagoras, in v. 49." " There were Cissians, or Susians, both
cavalry and infantry, in the army of Xerxes, vii. 62, 88. Their
armour, arms, and accoutrements, appear to have been like those
of the Persians ; only they were mitres, probably what is now
known as a ' fez,' instead of tiarce, and from circumstances in
general, they appear to have been a rich and a civilized people."
R. p. 207- On the city of Susa, cf. iii. 68, >., and on Susiana, H.
Pers. ch. i. p. 154, and E. Orient. H. p. 275.
CH. XCI1. a. TTJS XoiTrjJe 'Auirvpuje Cf. i. 102, b.
b. MrjSixfjc StKaroe OVTOQ. " There were two Medias at the
time of the Macedonian conquest ; the greater and the less. The
greater Answers to the modern division of Al Jebal, or Irak Ajami;
the less to Aderbigian, called by the Gks Atropatia. We conclude
that Hdtus intended the greater Media only, because he classes
Matiene, which lay between the two, as distinct from Media, and
because also Aderbigian appears to form a part of the Saspires and
Caspians. The Orthocorybantes may be taken for the people of
Corbiana, now Currimabad, the S. part of Media ; and by the
Paricanii we conclude are meant the Paretacceni, the people of the
E. province of Media, which extends from Persis to the Caspian
straits." R. p. 270. Cf. E. Orient. H. p. 282.
c. Havaiicai, "There are found in Strabo and Ptolemy some
notices respecting the Pasicae and Aspasiacee, who appeared to be
the Pausicje of our author. They are placed near the Chorasmians.
The Caspians inhabited the shore of the sea of that name, from
the mouth of the river Cyrus, southward. Hence this satrapy
constitutes one vast natural division of country, and that of tne
most fertile kind, viz. the modern provinces of Ghilan, Mazanderan,
or Taberistan, Kerkan, Dahestan, &c., known in ancient geography
by the names of Gela, Maxere, Tapuri, Hyrcani, and the country
of the Dahae. Hyrcania, the modern Corcan, H., ch. i. p. 165,
should have been included in this division, though omitted in the
statement of Hdtus." R. p. 275, 276.
d. cnro BaKTpiavwv K. r. \. " There is little question but that the
city of Balk is the Bactra, or Baclria, of the ancients ; but whether
the modern province answers to the ancient one, cannot be known,
cf. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 166, seqq. ; Jiglos is an unknown position.
Perhaps the remote E. province of Balk, called Kil, Gil, or Kilan,
may be the Kilos, Ekilos, or ^Eglos of our author." R. p. 297, 8.
Cf. E. Orient. H. p. 281.
CH. XCIII. a. naicrwicije K. r. \. The Pactyans in vii. 67 f
should be taken for the Bactearis, seated in the mountains on the
W. of Ispahan ; and the Pactyans of Armenia a different people
190 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
and quite unknown to us. When our author extends this satrapy
to the Euxine, he appears to contradict what he says of the 19th.
R. p. 279.
b. CLTTO Se SayapnW r. r. X. " This satrapy must be regarded as
comprising Zarang, or Sigistan, which, together with the islands in
the Persian Gulf, was the territory of the Sarangae, cf. vii. 67, and
such parts between it and the Persian Gulf, as were not exempted
from tribute by Darius. We conceive Car-mania in general, as
well as the country of Lar, on the Persian Gulf, and the islands
of it, to belong to this satrapy." R. p. 291. Cf. E. Orient. H. p.
278. On the islands of the Persian Gulf, Tyrine, Oaracta, and
Pylora, cf. Arrowsmith's Eton Geog. ch. 24, p. 605.
c. roif ' AvatTiraarove Cf. ii. 104, a.
d. Sarat .... Kaamoi The Sacae possessed the modern Kotlan
and Sagantan, adjacent to Bactriana, Sogdia, and Mount Imaus.
The Caspians may probably be the Caspiri of vii. 86, and Casians
of Ptolemy ; that is, Kashgur, which borders on the country of the
Sacae. R. p. 299, 302.
e. HapQoi Se K. r. X. The provinces of this satrapy are all con-
tiguous, and form one of the largest of these divisions. The
original Parthia of Hdtus appears to be nothing more than the
mountainous tract between Hyrcania, Margiana, Aria, and the
desert of Chorasmia. Cf. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 165, cf. E. Orient. H.
p. 280. Soghd, or Samarcand, between the Oxus and Jaxartes, is
doubtless Sogdia, excluding Kotlan, Saganian, and Kilan, as parts
of the Sacian or Bactrian satrapies. Chorasmia must be taken for
Khowarezma, at large; and Aria for Herat. R. p. 294, 295. Cf.
E. Orient. H. p. 278; H. Pers. ch. i. 167, seqq., cf. vii. 66.
CH. XCIV. a. Hapiicdvioi Se K. r. X. " These Paricanii we refer
to the country of Gedrosia, (cf. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 165,) Kedge or
Makran : considering the town of Fahraj or Pooraj, as the Poorah
of the historians of Alexander ; and this Poorah as the capital of
the Paricanii. We must regard the Ethiopians of Asia as the
people of Makran, Hour, and other provinces in the S. E. angle
of Persia towards India." R. p. 303. Cf. also vii. 70, a.
b. MartrjvoItH. Matiene was properly the N. W. part of Media
Major, lying above the ascent of Mt Zagros; and between
Ecbatana and the lake of Maraga. The Saspires, or whatsoever
may be their proper name, must occupy the space in the line be-
tween the Matieni and Colchis, now the E. part of Armenia. The
Alarodians we cannot find any authority for placing, but may sup-
pose their country to be parts of Iberia and Albania, bordering on
the Colchians and Saspires. R. p. 277, 278.
c. Moffxoioi .... OUT-OC. "This satrapy must have extended
along the S. E. of the Euxine, and was confined on the inland or
S. side by the lofty chain of the Armenian Mountains. On the E. it
was bounded by the heads of the Phasis and Cyrus ; and on the
W. by the Thermodon. The Tibareni appear to have bordered on
BOOK III. THALIA. 191
the E. of the Thermodon, and the Mosynfeii, Macrones, and
Moschi, to follow in succession, Eastward." R. p. 282. So also
H. Pers. ch. i. p. 134, 135. On the-Mardi, cf. i. 84, a., vii. 78, a.
d. 'IvSwv 81 K. r. X. Cf. iii. 98, a. See the accounts of this and
the other satrapies in R. xi. and xii., and H. Pers. ch. i. p. 178,
seqq. vpbg Trdvrac K. T. X., in comparison with, with a collateral
notion of superiority. Jelf, 638, iii. e.
CH. XCV. a. To plv off K. T. X. The numbers as they stand in
the test involve a difficulty. The first, the silver being 9,540
talents, and the gold amounting to 4,680 talents, the sum total
will be 14,220 talents, and not 14,560, as Hdtus computes it. Some
mistake has probably arisen in copying the Gk numerals, and,instead
of 9,540, we should read with L.a'nd one of the MSS. 9,880, which
will make the computation correct. The whole 14,220 talents =
3,466,1257., or the 14,560 talents = 3,549,0007.
b. TO i xpvatov rpiaKailtKaardaiov K. r. X. In Plato's time gold
was to silver as 12 to 1 ; in Menander's as 10 to 1 ; in Constantine's
as 15 to 1 ; under the younger Theodosius as 18 to 1. From the
time of Caesar to Diocletian it was among the Romans as 12 or 11
to 1. At the present time in France it is said to be as 15 to 1. B.
c. TO S' tri TOVTUV tXavaov K. T. X. viz. 700 talents for the value
of the Egyptain grain, 1000 more for the contribution of the Ara-
bians, 2000 more as the gratuities of the Persians, Ethiopians, and
Colchians, in all 3,700 talents in addition, R. p. 315, = 901,8757.
This sum added to 3,549,000/., given in note a. supra, will equal
4,450,8757., as tne gross revenue of the Persian empire. But, cf.
iii. 89, c., something more must be allowed for the difference of the
Attic and Euboic talent, as 72 Attic minse = 70 Euboic minae.
Taking this, then, as the ratio that the one bore to the other, cf.
Smith's D. of A., ^ of the two amounts may be allowed additional ;
viz. on 3,549,0007., allow an increase of 101,4007., and on 901,8757.
an increase of 25,76/57., in all an increase of 127,167*7., which
added to 4,450,8757. = 4,578,0427. 17s., as the whole amount. R.,
p. 315, makes the total much less; owing to a mistaken idea of the
value of the talent, the value of which has been, since his time,
much more accurately calculated by Mr. Hussey. But even this
sum, rather more than 4^ millions of our money, must, as he says,
strike every one as a very small revenue for an empire, little in-
ferior in extent to Europe, were not the inference which is thence
collected accurate, that the value of money was incredibly greater
at that time than at present. Cf. E. Orient. H. p. 365.
CH. XCVI. a. TTJS At/3ujc meaning particularly Cyrene and
Barcc, cf. iii. 91, not in the wider sense of a77 Africa, as in iii. 115.
B. Cf. R. p. 251, and ii. 32, c. *
6. VTITWV probably meaning the islands of the jEgean, those at
least near the coast of Asia Minor. B. Cf. R. p. 314.
c. tj jrieovc Cf. iv. 166. "Hence," R. p. 316, observes, "we
may infer that the invention of coinage was either unknown among
* v\i-Yaxo9(i-.from fvir [tarts or places. S. and L. D.
192 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
the Persians, or not practised as yet; for when the Daric, a gold
coin, its value 20 drachmee, or 16s. 3d., was struck by Darius
Hystaspes, it appears, according to the words of the histo'rians, iv.
166, to have been regarded as a new thing. Though indeed the
novelty might have Iain in the superior fineness of the gold." Cf.
1. 94, b.
CH. XCVII. a. TI Utpfflf $1 x^Pf i.T.X. i.e. Persia proper,
Fars or Parisian ; cf. i. 71, b., 125, c. e. R., p. 288, rightly observes
that this freedom from tribute was granted to all the ten tribes of
Persia. Cf. also on Persia proper, E. Orient. H. p. 274, 276, H.
Pers. ch. i. p. 90, seqq. ; read also D. p. 116, seqq.
b. Stu rpirov Irtoc, every third year after three years (inclusive
of the year then current). Ata, Temporal. The course of some period
of time : properly, through it, and out of it. Jelf, 627, 1, 2. Cf.
vi. 118, a. Siapa dyivtov Cf. iii. 95, c. On the Macrobian Ethio-
pians, &c., cf. iii. 17, a. b. "The Ethiopians above Egypt, who
were subdued by Cambyses, and who followed the army of Xerxes,
vii. 69, inhabited, along with an immigratory Arabian race, the
eastern districts of North Africa above Egypt, now called Nubia
and Sennaar." H. Ethiop. ch. i. p. 306. So R. p. 252.
c. Vuat}v according to Diod. Sic. i. 15, in Arabia Felix; in iv.
2, he states that it was between Phrenicia and the Nile, leaving its
precise situation altogether unknown. B. doubts the existence of
such a city, considering it merely as an indication of the worship
of Bacchus. On the cities of this same name, see Nysa, Smith's
C. D.
d. ffirtpfian piv K. r. X. either rice, or some kind of millet ; also
mentioned in. iii. 100. Cf. Denon's Travels in Egypt, vol. i. p. 75.
Schw. On the Calantian Indians, cf. iii. 38, b.
e. olicrinaTa .... Kardyaia Cf. IV. 183, d.
f. dirvftov xpvaiov Cf. i. 50, d.
g. irdZavro is K.T.\. agreed to give an annual present. On the
Colchians, cf. ii. 104, a. b.
h. if TOVTO yap TO ovpof .... apxtrat. SC. ry yrj. Cf. Jelf, 373, 4,
Ellipse of the Subject. See H. Pers. ch. i. p. 86. " The mountains
which bounded Mesopotamia to the N. were, in a great measure,
occupied by rude and warlike tribes, which, though occasionally en-
rolled as mercenaries in the Persian armies, paid little regard to
the authority of the great king, being sufficiently protected by their
mountains and strong holds against the incursions of his troops."
Utpffewv. Causal Gen. Cf. Jelf, 496, quoted in ii. 141, a.
*'. tKarbv trdiSag. From these same regions the Mamelukes were
in later times recruited, and the slave mart of Constantinople sup-
plied. It appears too from Ezek. xxvii. 13, 14, that slaves from
the North were sold in Tyre. R. p. 315.
CH. XCVIII. a. oi 'ivSo'i These were the nations of N. India
that lay nearest to Persia, and hence were subject to it. R. con-
siders the regions intended by Hdtus were those now called
BOOK III. THALIA. 193
Kandahar, the Punjab, Scinde, and the countries along the Indus
generally. In vii. 65, we learn th^t their bows were made of reeds,
by which, as in several other instances, as among the Bactrians,
vdi. 64, Caspians, &c., bamboos are unquestionably to be under-
stood, as they are at this day in common use. Their arrows were
also of reeds, of a small size we may suppose, as at present, p. 306.
From various remarks of our author we may conclude that Darius,
in fact, possessed no more of India than what lay contiguous to the
Indus and its branches ; and also that the limit of Hdtus's know-
ledge eastward was the sandy desert of Jesselmere, called Registan,
or, the country of sand ; and that the rest was described by mere
report, p. 310. So, by H., a considerable part of the regions of
North India, embracing portions of Little Thibet and Cabul, as
well as the S. districts near the mouth of the Indus, and beyond
that river, as far as the Paddar and the confines of Guzerat, are
comprised in the India of Hdtus. See throughout the very inter-
esting dissertation on Persian India in H. Pers. ch. i. p. 179, and ref.
in Appendix 5, on the castes of the Indians, to which Hdtus' re-
mark Ian St TroXXd tQvia 'IvSCJv, no doubt, applies ; the division into
castes being based, at least originally, on the difference of the stock
of the various tribes. Cf. E. Orient. H. p. 378, H. Ind. ch. ii. p.
242, seqq., and D. p. 66.
b. iv Tolai i\tai .... rov Trorapov. By the river is meant the
Indus ; hence, it would seem that the nations here spoken of dwelt
by its mouths, near the Arabitae, or perhaps the same as they,
in the lower part of what is now Scinde: under which name,
lately become so famous, is comprehended not only the Delta
of the Indus, but all the country above as far as the influx of the
Acesines or Chunab. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 191.
c. te vXoLwv Ka\afiiv(tiv bpptwfitvoi. e navigiis arundineis piscantur,
s., utuntur narigiis arundineis ad captandos pisces. G. The reed,
of which one joint made a boat, was, according to Cuvier, quoted
by B., the Bambus arundinacea, the bamboo, wnich grows to the
height of 60 ft and more. Cf. also H. 1. 1. p. 192.
CH. XCIX. a. naSaiot. R., p. 310, observes, "It must be sup-
posed that Hdtus meant the people who inhabit by the Ganges,
the proper and Sanscrit name of which is Padda ; Gunga being
the appellative only ; so that the Padaei may be the Gangaridae of
later Gk writers." Cf. also Tibullus 145, quoted by W.,
" Impia nee stevis celebrans convivia mensis
Ultima vicinus Pha3bo tenet arva Padaeus."
H. s of a different and more probable opinion, cf. iii. 38, b.
b. ic. It TOVTOV Xoyov, as to the matter of that, i. e. old age ; (S. and
L. D.,) or, as to that consideration when you come to consider that,
not many arrive at old age. Cf. vii. 9, c. Above, ov avyyivtua. not
agreeing with him, cf. vii. 12, b.
' CH. C. a. 'Erepwv Sf . . . 'IvSwv K.T.\. "These, as well as the
Padaeans, are evidently South Indians, living on the further side
194 NOTES ON HEUODOTUS.
of the Indus, the countries therefore which flank the Indus to the
E. near the sea ; the province, namely of Scinde, already mentioned,
or the country between Moultan and Guzerat. Nor can we fail to
recognise the race of Indians who abstain from all things having
life. The distaste for animal food is indeed extremely general
aznong the Hindus, but it may also be traced among their neigh-
bours whom we at present know under the name of Mahrattas,
whose ancestors have always occupied the same districts rice,
undoubtedly the grain which is described, being the principal diet
of these tribes, and what is said of their wild and savage character,
as well as of their complexion, being strictly conformable with what
we know of their warlike and cruel habits as well as of their colour."
H. Pers. ch. i. p. 195. The extent of the immense district here
referred to the Maharashtra, or land of the Mahrattas is laid down
in the map to the 2nd vol. of Duff's Hist, of the Mahrattas.
b. Kal auToiat .... oaov Ksy^pog TO K. r. X. According to some the
marsh-mallow, or else t/ie wall barky is meant. Perhaps rice, pi-
yafloe, Adverbial Accus. Cf. Jelf, 579, 4.
c. avry KO\VKI, with the husk itself, husk and all. Cf. Jelf, 604,
I, quoted in i. 52, c.
CH. CII. a. Kao-Trarupy rt TTO\I. Cf. iv. 44, c. " The city and
territory of Cabul." H. Pers. ch. i. p. 180.
b. Kara, yap TOVTO tan ipnpiri. The desert here meant must be
that of Gobi, as the Indians spoken of are those who dwelt N. of
the rest of the Indians, and consequently in the Mts of Little Thi-
bet or Little Bucharia; H. I. I. p. 181. So R. p. 167. Cf. also D.
p. 66.
c. fivovTai nupprjKfc, Some writers consider the story here told as
wholly fabulous ; others, that what Hdtus calls ante is some species
of the marmot ; others, that that kind of fox, called by Linnaeus
the Cam's Corsak, the Prairie dog, is intended. Probably it was
some species of the hycena, or jackall: pvpfiri being derived either
from the Persian mur, an ant, muress, a great ant, hence mirmisch,
a large animal like an ant ; or from myr, which in many Eastern
languages means a wild beast. Maltebrun considers that in the
stories of the ants and the griffins, nothing more is conveyed than
that the natives, during their search for gold, have to contend with
various wild beasts of the desert ; and the fable of the ants arose
from the Indians, in their search for gold dust, following the traces
of the white ants, and their wearing the skins of foxes, hya>nas,
&c., while that from the ravages of the white ants arose the tale
of their war with men. B. H., Pers. ch. i. p. 181, seqq., con-
cludes that " anyhow the story, possibly only a caravan legend,
such as we are told of almost every desert, will not appear out of
character to any one acquainted with the East, even though it
should be pure fiction. It is possible, all the same, that the fable
may have some historical foundation, and may have taken its rise
in the existence of some species of animal, which, like the Ham-
BOOK III. THALIA. 195
ster rat, burrows in the earth," &c. From the words tlai yap avriuv
K. T. X., D., p. 57, infers that we n^ay assuredly determine that our
author visited Susa, the peculiar residence of the kings of Asia,
cf. vi. 119, a. c., from his adding, when he is speaking of the so-
called Indian ants, " that some of them were in possession of the
king of Persia," i. e. in the royal palace.
d. oeipriQopov led, or fastened, by a rope. Cf. Aristoph. Nub.
1302. JSschyl. Agam. 841, 1649, &c. B. iiriTn.divaag WKUS Zevfy,
The conjunctive often follows an aorist participle, when this is
used in narrations rather to denote the momentary character of the
action than as an expression of past time. Jelf, 806, obs. 2.
wj t/twrarwv, as young as possible. Cf. Jelf, 870, obs. 4, (quoted
in vi. 44, a.,) and obs. 5.
CH. CIII. a. rsfffftpag pt)poi>g,four bones in the leg. Schneider
quotes from Gesner, who writes from actual observation, in his
Hist, of Quadrupeds, p. 165, " by the 4 knees, I understand 4 joints,
and by the 4 thighs, 4 bones ; of which there are 3 in the fore legs,
and 4 in the hind legs." B. By S. and L. D. the words appear
to be taken to mean two thighs and two shins in each leg.
CH. CIV. a. TO twQivbv, -during the morning time, in the morning.
Adverbial expression. Cf. Jelf, 577, obs. 2, Accus. of Time. ui\-
pig ov a-fop^g SiaXvaiog. about 12 a. in. Cf. ii. 173, a. Hdtus' mis-
taken ideas on the heat of the morning sun in the East, appear to
have arisen, according to Bredow and Mannert, quoted by B., from
his imagining the earth a plane surface over which the sun tra-
velled, rising in the East, (which of course, according to his theory,
would feel the heat then most,) and passing through a concave
heaven, the extremities of which verged all round close to the
earth. See R.'s remarks, p. 9, and the reference in the preface to
this vol. on " The Non-Planetary Earth of Hdtus." See also D.
p. 59, seqq., and p. 69.
b. rb Kapra ^>v\u, it is cold in good earnest, is thoroughly cold. Cf.
Jelf, 456, c., quoted in i. 191, /.
CH. CV. a. Kal irapa\vt(?9ai kTrt\KO[ievovg, The verb here may
either be understood of the failing, i. e. the breaking of the ropes, or
of the failing of the strength of the male camels. In the 1st sense ;
The male camels that are dragged along by the rope, become un-
fastened, but not both together, i. e. the right hand one perhaps first is
unloosed, and then the left, or vice versa. In the 2nd ; which appears
preferable; The male camels, for they cannot run like the females,
fall in their strength, (are exhausted,) being dragged on, not equally,
i. e. not keeping up with the female, or, not together, side by side. B.
The latter sense is preferred in S. and L. D.
b. fv6i6vai juaXaKuv ovd'tv. Cf. iii. 51, a.
CH. C VI. a. Al S' taxaTiai . . . . i) 'EXXdc ic. T. X. Hence it seems
that Hdtus thought, like others of his countrymen, that Greece was
the centre of the universe. B. Cf. the refs in iii. 104, a.
b. xpv<roc awXtroe Cf. H. Asia, p. 27 35, and Pers. p. 181, seqq.
o '2
196 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
" The lofty chain of Taurus, which encompasses little Bucharia
and the desert of Gobi, is rich in gold ; and not only the rivers
which flow from it westward, through Great Bucharia, but the de-
sert streams which run to the E. and lose themselves in the sand,
or in inland seas, all carry down gold-sand." Cf. also D. p. 07.
c. SivSpa .... icap/rov tlpia the cotton tree is meant. Cf. iii. 47, c.,
and H. Asia, p. 37, seqq.
CH. CVII. a. It is to be remembered that Hdtus appears never
to have visited Arabia himself, (cf. ii. 108, Xsyotxn . . . 'Apq&ot. cf.
also ii. Ill, and ii. 75,) and that all from chs 107 113 is related
probably on the authority of some Arabian whom he may have
met in Egypt, or one of the countries bordering on Arabia. B.
Cf. also D. p. 51, 52.
b. \rjdavov. the gum of the XijSov, or Cistus Creticus. H. Phoenic.
ch. iv. p. 348.
c. irrvpaica a species of resin, the gum of the storax officinalis. On
the commerce of the Phoenicians with Arabia, in spices, perfumes,
frankincense, &c., cf. H. Phoenic. ch. iv. p. 348, seqq.
d. 6<t>uf ii/roTrrtpot, H. Phoen. /. I., says, "it may be doubtful,
whether the small flying serpents were any thing more than mos-
quitoes; or the winged insects, similar to bats, any thing more
than the winged lizards, Draco volans of Linnaeus, so common in
that country." D. /. I. appears to consider the story as totally
fabulous.
CH. CVIII. a. TOV Qiiov 17 vpovoirj, Cf. i. 32, c.
b. ixiKviffictTai conceives again when already big with young, su-
perfetates. The hare, Leuckart observes, has a double uterus, and
thus can conceive again, though one part of it be filled. B.
c. } St STJ Maiva K. r. \. In this Hdtus is mistaken, as Aristotle,
H. A. vi. 31, observed; viz. " that the lioness usually brought forth
2 young ones at a time, never more than 6, and sometimes only
one." B. Schw. remarks that the lioness at Paris brought forth
3 times in the same year, 1st an abortion, the 2nd time 3 male
cubs, the 3rd time 2 female cubs.
d. iaiKvkiTai Karayvcujxav, um/uibus obstantia lacerando penetrat.
B. scratches his way into it, i. e. into the coating of the womb ;
which we must suppose to be of some considerable thickness.
CH. X. a. Otjpia irrfpuTo. K. r. \. Cf. ch. 107, d., above.
CH. CXI. a. iv rolffi b Aioi/wffoc ir^a^r). B. thinks that Ethiopia
is here meant, and refers to ii. 146, and iii. 97 ; H. Phoenic. ch. iv.
p. 350, that " India is meant, as thence came the cinnamon or can-
nella into Arabia, thence transported to other countries by the
Phoenicians; the fabulous account which he repeats upon the
authority of the Phoenicians showing very plainly that they made
a mystery of its real native country," &c. &c.
CH. CXII. a. \f)$avov,Cf. iii. 107, b. This method of gather-
ing this gum prevailed in ancient times, the peasants collecting it
from the beards of the goats with combs made for the purpose. It
BOOK III. THALIA. 197
is now gathered, according to Tournefort, quoted by L., with a
kind of whip with a long handle and a double thong, which is
passed over these plants. By shaking and rubbing it over the
leaves, the thongs become loaded with an odoriferous glue, adhering
to the leaves. When saturated with this, they are scraped with a
knife, and the substance rolled into a mass." So also H. Phoenic.
ch. iv. 349.
CH. CXIII. a. Svo Si yevea oiutv K. r. \. The wool from the two
sorts of sheep of which the breed is composed, that with a long
tail, and that with a broad, was one of the great articles of mer-
chandise in the Phoenician trade. See H. Pers. p. 65, p. 184.
CH. CXIV. a. i, Mdioiriri xwpjj, Cf. ii. 30, h., iii. 17, a., 18, a.,
97, b. Ethiopia and the Malabar coasts of India and the coasts of
Arabia are probably denoted under the general and celebrated
name of Ophir. With these coasts, the African, Arabian, and
Indian, the Phoenicians carried on at first a caravan trade, and
afterwards a maritime communication, to their great profit. The
commodities which they imported were ivory, precious stones,
ebony, and gold, to which may be added apes and peacocks ; all
satisfactorily proving that they visited the countries just mentioned,
especially Ethiopia, and probably India. H. Phoenic. ch. iii. p.
334, seqq. Cf. also p. 352, on the joint participation of the Chal-
dseans and Phoanicians in this trade " The men of Dedan were
thy merchants and went to extensive countries, who gave them in
exchange for thy wares, horn, ivory, and ebony." Ezek. xxvii. 15.
And cf. H. Egypt, ch. iv. p. 450, 456. " When Hdtus visited Egypt,
about 30 years after the death of Darius, the trade with the interior
of Africa and Ethiopia had again revived," &c. &c. On Hdtus' no-
tion of geography, " Ethiopia extending far to the west," cf. D. p. 66.
CH. CXV. a. ry Ai&uyCf. iii. 96, a.
b. 'UpiSavov K. T. \. That Hdtus here means the Eridanus, or
Padus, the Po, in the N. of Italy, appears hardly probable; since,
residing at Thurii, he could hardly have remained ignorant of its
existence. The river intended was probably the Rodaun which
flows into the Vistula, as W., L., and R. agree; on the banks of
which the Phoenicians, noted as they were for their commercial
enterprise, may be supposed to have traded for amber ; and their
jealousy of any rivals may have induced them to keep the source
of their trade in obscurity. Amber is still found on the banks of
the Rodaun. Others suppose the Dwina, or the Vistula, to be
meant. The Phoenician tin and amber trade is discussed in H.
Carthag. ch. v. p. 80, seqq. " The ancient R. Eridanus was en-
tirely fictitious, and every circumstance respecting the trade was
mystified by fable, commercial jealousy keeping the matter as
secret as possible. Gades was the starting-point for this traffic
the British and Cassiteridean islands, the Stilly, were the seat of
the tin trade, but nothing is known beyond probable conjecture
19 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
I
respecting the native country of amber. To confine this trade to
a single place is incorrect it is plain from Pliny that amber was
a native of many countries or islands in the north of Europe : all
*he districts of Scandinavia were famous for producing it ; there is
no reason why the daring nation, which doubled the Cape of Good
Hope, and sailed from Tyre to Britain, might not have reached the
Baltic Sea and the coast of Prussia." H. 1. I., and Phoenic. ch. iii.
p. 331. See also App. H. Indians.
b. KaffairtpiSas- Some suppose the Balearic, but H., Mannert,
and B. think that tlie Scitty islands are intended. R., p. 4, observes
" that Cornwall ought also to be included, and that great changes
may have taken place in the state of Scilly and Cornwall since
the date of that traffic. There are some curious particulars in
Diod. Sic. v. 2, respecting an island near the British coast, to
which carriages laden with tin came at low water, in order to its
being embarked in vessels for the continent. The want of inform-
ation of Hdtus on these matters can only be referred to the
jealousy of the Phoenicians." The island here spoken of may
possibly refer to St. Michael's Mt, near Penzance, accessible at low
water. The subject is copiously discussed in H. /. /. See the fore-
going note. He is decidedly of opinion that the Cassiterides can
be no other than the Scilly islands. Cf. also D. p. 67.
CH. CXVI. a. IIpoc &l dpicrow rjfc Evpwwtj^ The northern parts
of Asia are here meant; for Europe, according to Hdtus, extended
far into N. Asia. See R. 3, p. 34, and H. As. i. p. 30, who con-
siders that Hdtus meant to speak of Siberia and the mts which
separate it from Great Tartary, the range namely of the Altai; for
it must be remembered that Hdtus considered the Euxine, the
Caspian, and the river Phasis, as the boundaries of Europe and
Asia. In another passage too, iv. 27, he evidently fixes the country
of the Arimaspians in the N. E. of Asia. See also D. I. I.
b. VTTIK rwv ypuTi-uJv K. T. X. On vTTfK, from vnder, away from, cf.
Jelf, 640, 3, quoted in iii. 91, c. " Ritter," Vorh. 281, quoted in
the article Arimaspi, " sees in the fable of the Arimaspi and griffins
the germ of that relative to the Argonauts and the golden fleece ;
suggests that the Arimaspi and griffins may be only symbols of
two contending parties in some early religious war between Turan
and Iran ; the griffin being the fabulous animal of the Persians."
B. seems of opinion that the story of the gold-guarding griffins is
an invention on the part of some Eastern monarch or nation, to
deter adventurers from prying too closely into the gold countries.
Wilford thinks that the bird of Vischnou in the Indian mythology,
bears some resemblance to the griffin of Oriental fable. Asiat.
Res. 14. The fable of the griffins and Arimaspians is noticed by
H. Asia, p. 29, and Scyth. ch. i. p. 16." Whatever might be the
origin of the fable, in it is to be traced the fact that the mines of
the Altaic chain and of the adjacent regions were worked at a very
BOOK III. THALIA. 199
early period." See the remarks of D. p. 67, 68, and p. /9. For
more see the Excursus at the end of vol. ii. of B. On the
Arimaspi, see iv. 13 and 27. '
CH. CX VII. a. 'Aicjjc. " This story, so improbably told, seems to
relate to the Oxus, or to the Ochus, both of which have undergone
considerable changes, partly by dams, partly by their own deposi-
tions, for they certainly flow near the countries of the Chorasmians,
the Hyrcanians, and Parthians ; but the Sarangaeans, if taken for
the people of Zarang, that is, Segistan, as no doubt they ought to
be, are out of the question as to any connexion with these rivers.
But Segistan, as being a hollow tract surrounded by mts, and hav-
ing a river of considerable bulk (the Hindmend) flowing through
it and terminating in a lake, viz. the lake of Zurrah or sea of Arius,
after forming vast alluvions, may have been confounded with those
through which the Oxus and Ochus flow." R. p. 195. That the
Aces is the Oxus appears to be H.'s opinion, Scyth. ch. i. p. 18.
Cf. also Pers. ch. i. p. 169.
b. irdpiZ TOV 06pov. On the financial system of -the Persians, cf.
i. 153, b., 155, d., and H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 262, seqq. "The end of
it was in fact no other than to oblige the conquered nations to pay
for every thing, and provide for the maintenance of the king, the
court, and in some sense, of all the nation. Hdtus tells us that,
independently of the tribute, the whole Persian empire was divided
into portions for the support of the king and his army and his
suite ; each district being obliged to provide for a certain period ;
i. 192. In consequence of this arrangement the payments from
the provinces were principally made in the fruits and natural pro-
ductions of the earth ; exacted with a reference to the fertility of
each soil, and its natural advantages," &c. &c. The embankments
on the Aces are also noticed p. 265.
CH. CXVIII. a. xpjjfiarfaaaSai aaerede aliqua re, to hare some
business with, hold a conference with. Cf. vii. 163, b.
CH. CXIX. a. idrjaf TTJV iirl Qavartf. Cf. i. 109, a.
b. r; ' ctfiiifttro K. r. X. Cf. Soph. Antig. 909. of Kai dXXorpici-
raroe, K. T. X., who too is more alien to thee than thy children ; cf. ii.
103, oi> irpbauraTa, and Jelf, 502, 3, on the relative gen. after the
superlative, when it expresses a very high degree of superiority
arising from a comparison.
CH. CXX. a. U7rapxe satrap. Cf. i. 153, b., ii. 98, a., and
i. 192, c., and refs.
b. ovrt yap TL naQuv K. r. X. It appears that Polycrates had given
offence, by first receiving and then putting to death some Lydians,
who had fled from the power of Orcetes to Samos. Cf. Diod. xxi. B.
CH. CXXI. a. 'AvaKpeovTa c. r. X. After the death of Poly-
crates, he was sent for by Pisistratus to Athens. The mention of
Anacreon at the court of Polycrates is one of the many notices
scattered up and down, which show the influence of the Despots on
the arts, &c., of Greece. B. cf. i. 20, a., 59, b., and H. P. A. 64, &c.
200 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. CXXII. a. Mayi/jjffty ry ?Wtp Maia'
" Added to distinguish it from Magnesia ad Sipylum, (Munissa,)
in Lydia at the foot of Mt Sipylus, to the N.\V. of Sardis and E.
of Phocaea."
b. HoXvKpaTTiG . . . oc 6a\aff00Kpa-'mv iirivofjQi). Cf. Thucyd. i.
13. See also on this subject H. P. A. 6, and H. Greece, p. 69,
seq. ; and on Minos, Thucyd. i. 4, Diod. Sic. iv. 60, and Aristot.
Polit. ii. 7, 2. See also Thirlw. ii. p. 178, &c., and D. p. 116, 117.
CH. CXXIII. a. JAaidvdpiov He succeeded Polycrates. Cf.
iii. 142.
b. rbv Koapov the furniture. On the temple of Here, cf. iii. 60, c.
c. XdpvctKog OKT-UI A similar stratagem of Hannibal on the Gor-
tynians, is told in Corn. Nep. Vit. Hann. 9. Cf. also Thucyd.
vi. 46, and Cicero de Off. iii. 14. V.
d. KaraSrjffac *. r. \. Eustathius, on Odyss. viii. 447, observes that
before the invention of locks, it was the custom to fasten doors, boxes,
&c., with cords or thongs, tied in the most intricate knots. Schw.
CH. CXXIV. a. iravroit) iykvtro K.T.\. in omnes se formas
vertebat ; she tried all sorts of ways obsecrans Pulycratem, domo ne
abiret. V. Cf. Jelf, 690, obs. 1 ; also vii. 10, d., and ix. 108.
CH. CXXV.-^. Awo K r,S ta Cf. iii. 129.
ft. ol 2vpjKov<r .... rvpavvoi, Gelo and Hiero are meant, the
latter of whom flourished cir. 478 B. c., not long before the time
when Hdtus composed his history. imyaXoirpiirtiriv Cf. the defin-
ition given of it in Aristot. Rhet. i. 9, 12, ' aptrfi iv
c. OVK aiw dirriyriffios in a way not proper, i. e. too dreadful to be
tnld : probably by flaying, practised on criminals before crucifixion,
cf. vii. 238, as was also beheading, vi. 30. W.
CH. CXXVI. rt. IITTO Mq5. aTropaipjj^svoue K.T.\. Cf. iii. 61, ft.,
seqq., and H. as there quoted. The Magians, as has been ob-
served, were a Median race, (cf. E. Orient. H. p. 312, 360,) and it
was natural for the Medes, when the true stock of Cyrus had ended
in Cambyses, to aim at a resumption of their ancient sway. The
commotions which ensued were so vast as to be felt throughout all
Asia.
b. nva a-yyaprjiov one of the mounted couriers, who conveyed the
royal mandates to the satraps, and their despatches to the court ;
who had authority to press horses for the royal post. Esther viii. 9,
10. Cf. viii. 98, 6. Xenoph. Cyr. viii. 6, 17- Perhaps derived from
the Persian Hanjar, the dagger worn by the courier as the badge
of his office. Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 273.
c. tnrtiaac 1 aor. part. act. Ion. for v<f>daas, from vQtijfu, privately
placing men in ambush against him. Cf. vi. 103. Schw., and Matth.
Gr. Gr. 211, under Vq/ir On avry iWu, horse and all, cf. Jelf,
604, 1, quoted in i. 52, c.
CH. CXXVII. a. sic.... rfc *0'i|C sc - ^ov, openly, straight-
forwardly ; used adverbially. Cf. ii. 161, c., and ix. 57, iOt
BOOK III. THALIA. 201
" By artful surprise only could Darius venture to attack Oroetes."
See D.'s remarks, p. 117, on the ^policy of Darius towards this
powerful rebel, " whose previous conduct, as well as whose fate,
had already shown the internal weakness of the empire."
b. TOV \l\ioi ptv .... idopwpopt ov. " The court of the satrap was
formed on that of the monarch, and all its ceremonial, the same,
only less magnificent. They had their harems, and a numerous
attendance of household troops, distinct from the king's soldiers,
and consisting in part or altogether of Persians." H. Pers. ch. ii.
p. 273. In i. 192, the wealth of Tritanteechmes, satrap of Babylon,
is spoken of. Cf. also ii. 98, a. A little below, on ?;7ro<rrdc> cf. ix.
34, c. T'I dv sirtTt\taiif, who in the world, = would that some one,
could accomplish, Sec. Cf. Jelf, 427, 4. "Av with the opt. in the
formulas of wishing with irwe, rig, &c., to express the urgency or
the impossibility of the wish.
CH. CXXVIII. a. Kard\ af i(3avf. Cf. i. 46, a.
b. iripiaipiofiivoQ taking off' the seal or cover, undoing the fasten-
ing of each of the letters. Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 273. "To take
care of the king's interests there were also attached to the court of
each satrap royal scribes, to whom were issued the king's com-
mands, and by whom they were communicated to the satrap. The
commands thus conveyed required the most prompt obedience, and
the smallest resistance was accounted rebellion," &c. airafoptvu
fir,, Cf. Jelf, 749, 1, quoted in i. 158, a.
CH. CXXIX. a. Aifvirriuv TOVG SoKtovTac, K.T.\. As the heal-
ing art was but little practised among the Persians, it is probable
that after Cambyses had added Egypt to the empire, they obtained
their physicians thence ; especially as the art was much practised
there. Cf. ii. 84. B.
b. irapaKoixraf having heard accidentally. QXavpwc. i\., being ill,
as in vi. 135 ; but in the following ch. 0X. i%. TTJV re^vriv, knew his
art but badly, had but a poor knowledge of it. Cf. vi. 94.
CH. CXXX. a. rt^vd^av iirtffTdfitvoc he appeared to Darius
to dissemble, though he knew the art full ivell ; tiriordptvoc = eaiVtp
tviffTdfjitvos. Schw. This appears preferable to, he appeared to
know how to dissemble, of W.
b. lag oi tTrirpt^i, SC. tavTOv, aut TO irpajfia. Schw.
c. 6 Si piv tTTiipiTo .... iiroiriae. but he (Democedes) asked him
whether he intentionally gave him a double evil, (i. e. 2 pair of fetters,
instead of one,) because he had cured him.
d. vTTOTvirrovaa dipping down deep. Cf. ii. 136, c., and Aris-
toph. Aves, 1145. rov xpwcroi} avv Oqicy, B. confesses himself unable
to explain. The emendation of Toup is if rr\v xpvffo9f]icT)v, and of G.,
*C TOV xpvaov rijv Qr)Kr}v, into the money-chest.
e. urariipas By this the Attic gold coin, so called, is intended,
equal in value to the Daric, (the coin, no doubt, with which De-
mocedes was paid, cf. iii. 96, c.,) that is, to 20 drachmae, or 16s. 3rf.
202 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
It is said to have been first coined by Croesus in Lydia, i. 94, b. ;
but be this as it may, the stater of Croesus was the first gold coin-
age with which the Gks were acquainted. B. In later times the
tetradrachm = 3s. 3d., was also called stater, Matt, xxvii. 27, but
it is doubted whether it bore the name in the nourishing times of
the Athenian Republic. Smith's D. of A., Drachma, Aurum, &c.
CH. CXXXI. a. Trarpi avvti\tro K. r. X. teas oppressed, ill treat-
ed, by a harsh father. B.
b. ticarbv ILV'IIDV. 100 minas = 410/. ; the mina = 4Z. Is. 3d., ac-
cording to Hussey; and the talent = '2431. 15s. The greatness of
this pension seems improbable, considering that it is said to have
been given before the Persian war, after which Athens, when far
more rich, could afford but two drachmas per diem to an ambassa-
dor. See Aristoph. Acharn. 66, andcf. Plut. 408. The conjecture of
D. p. 36, appears probable ; that Hdtus was thus informed by the
Crotomats, during his stay in Magna Graecia ; and they would be
likely to exaggerate the fame of, and pension granted to, their
countryman.
c. rat 'Apytlot ijicovov K.T.\ Cf. Miill- Dorians, ii. ch. 6, "On
the music of the Dorians." He particularly mentions Sacadas,
about B. c. 588, who wrote poetry, composed music, and played
lyric songs and elegies to the flute, pp. 334, 345 ; also Ariston, an
ancient flute-player of Argos, and Hierax.
CH. CXXXIL a. o/iorpaTrtfre Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 254,
seqq. speaking of the courtiers of superior rank who were dis-
tinguished by the general appellation of the friends, the kinsmen,
or the servants of the king, titles which under every despotic
government are understood to confer a high degree of importance.
They were commonly called fvrijuoi and oporifioi, or also ovyytvtie,
not always implying a real consanguinity with the king, but only
a certain dignity, see Esther iii. 2, 3, " Those who stood in the
king's gates," the courtiers and great officers ; and in p. 102, of the
same vol. speaking of the site of the palace of Persepolis the
building, that is, which was destined, according to the customs of
the Persians, for the entertainment of the grandees of the court on
occasions of solemn festival. That such was the custom of the
court of Persia, there is no question see Esther i. 3, 4.
CH. CXXXIII. a. 'Ar6(r<rp Cf. iii. 88, c.
CH. CXXXIV, a. ai)avoptvtp yap K. r. X. Cf. Odyss. ii. 315,
and Lucretius iii. 447
" Praeterea, gigni pariter cum corpore, et una
Crescere sentimus, pariterque senescere mentem," &c. V.
b. rrjv -irpii>Tf]v (sc. woav, oSov.) -primum, at first, at present. Cf.
Jelf, 558, 1. tiriOvptu yap K.T.\. Cf. Athenceus xiv. c. 18, p
652, where other causes also are mentioned, and Thirlw. ii. c. xiv.
p. 191, seqq. And on the effects of the war with Greece upon
Persia, H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 227, 228.
BOOK III. THALIA. 203
CH. CXXXV. a. /cat lifia tiroc., supply tine Cf. Jelf, 895, 2,
Brackylogy. Cf. II. xix. 242 Avrtic 7r0' a^a /*>0ot; tr/v, TirkXfaro
ci ipyov. W.
b. oKtag Tt pri and to take care that Democedes shall not run away
from them, Cf. Jelf, 812, 2. OTTWC or bVcoc \t,r\ stands with the fut.
ind. or with the conj. to express a desire or warning, opa or opart,
ride, videte, being readily supplied by the mind. On liriTrXa cf. i.
94, g.
c. !/ Traaav rr^v 'EXXdSa. An especial method of bringing a
word or words prominently forward is by separating those which,
as making up one notion, would be naturally joined together.
Hereby generally only one is marked as important, but sometimes
two, especially when they stand at the beginning and end of the
sentence. ( 902, 3.) The old grammatical term for this is Hy-
perbaton, Lat. verbi transgressio. Jelf, 904, 1. If ra Swpa ....
aviifiaXeiadai ad ilia dona, s. donis illis, sese adjecturum (would add
or contribute) onerariam navem, is the later interpretation of Schw. ;
but because the words vpoq Se will then be superfluous, B. prefers
his earlier rendering of g TO. Swpa, ad transferenda dona fyc.
avn/3a\ia9ai xprjpaTa, contribute money, is used in vii. 29.
d. kiridpafiuiv eagerly catching at or seizing, iv Ion. for ov, stii
ipsius ; in this place it loses its accent as being an enclitic. Schw.
Cf. Jelf, 145.
CH. CXXXVI. a. rrjs 'IraXijc By Italy, as in iv. 15, vi. 126,
viii. 62, Hdtus does not intend all that we now call Italy, but only
the S. part, colonized by the Grks, and afterwards called Magna
Graecia. B. Cf. Smith's'C. D. Italia.
b. in pjjffrwvjjf TTJ ATj/ioKiy&oe out of favour or kindness for
Democedes. Attributive gen. Jelf, 496, obs. 4. Cf. i. 4, a., iii. 155.
CH. CXXXVI I. a. dyopaZovTaforo versantem. Cf. ii. 35,
iii. 139, iv. 164. B. On this and the following ch. see the re-
marks of D. p. 36, on the inference thence that Hdtus' history was
written in Italy and at an advanced age.
b. KOJ ravra .... TrtpivfipioBai ; how will it satisfy Kg Darius,
i. e. how will king Darius be pleased, to be insulted in this manner ?
Cf. viii. 70. W. After fiv aitk\r)aQt jy/ieac sub. avrov, if you de-
prive us of him, take him from us. Schw.
c. upnoarat .... ywatea. that he was engaged to marry the
daughter, &c. appoZiiv nva nvi desponsare mulierem alicui, cf. ix.
108 ; ap/iot<T0ai nva sibi puellam desponsare, s. uxorem ducere. Cf.
v. 32, 47, vi. 65. Milo the noted Athlete, said to have been 7
times crowned at the Pythian games, and 6 at the Olympic, was
a pupil of Pythagoras, died about 500 B. c. B. Cf. Thirl w. ii. p.
145, 153.
CH. CXXXIX. a. TroXewv .... vpiarrjv K. T. X. On the power
and wealth of Samos, cf. iii. 59, 60, and Thirlw. ii. p. 178. ol
ffTpaTtv6[iivoi, in the following sentence, = ol tTrkowpw, the mercen-
aries, in iii. 4, a. On Syloson cf. ii. 182, and iii. 39. B.
204 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
b. wvitTo teas for buying it, would fain have bought it. B. Cf.
i. 68,/. aXXwc, simply, plainly, gratis. See S. and L. D.
CH. CXL. a. tvipy'sr^g cf. viii. 85. The Persian title of those
who had conferred any benefit on the monarch, or done the state good
service, whose names also were enrolled in the records, and to
whom great honour was paid, was Orosanges. B. So the name
of Mordecai, Esther vi. 1, was inscribed, " in the book of the re-
cords of the Chronicles," from which Chronicles of the reign of
Ahasuerus, cf. Esther ii. 23, x. 2, it has been thought that the Bk
of Esther is itself a translated extract. Such were kept by the
kings of Israel and Judah. With regard to those of the Persians
kept by the royal scribes, see the interesting account in H. Pers.
p. 56, 57, seqq., E. Orient. H. p. 311. Cf. v. 58, c., vii. 61, a., and
on the Euergetae, H. Pers. ch. i. p. 254.
b. irpoaiSivncu. / owe honour, or gratitude. Cf. i. 61, e.
c. % TIC fl oviiffew or none, next to none, hardly anybody. Cf.
Persius Sat. i. 3, " Vel duo, vel nemo." Thucyd. iii. Ill, and Jelf,
659, obs. 2.
CH. CXLI. a. 'QTUVIO.. Cf. iii. 68, 80. oTk\\uv, to Jit out, or
prepare. Cf. Blomf. Gloss, ^sch. Pers. 615. B.
CH. CXLII. a. owe iZeysvero, whose wish did not turn out suc-
cessfully to him, teas not granted to him. Cf. i. 78, vii. 4, 8, v. 51,
&c. B.
b. iyu $t ra rip 7r\ac K. T. \. but what I blame in my neighbour,
i. e. in another, I myself will not do, as far as in me lies. Cf. vii.
136. W.
CH. CXLIII. a. <if J>) . . . . S&auv under pretence of giving an
account of the treasure. Sovvai \6yov, cf. viii. 100, c.
b. Auicdpjjroc, afterwards made governor of the island by the
Persians. Cf. v. 27.
CH. CXLV. a. tiTro/xapyorspoc, hebetioris ingenii, considerably
maddish. On the comparative used without any object of compari-
son, cf. Jelf, 784, quoted in i. 27, b. Siaicty. Sid rjjc yop., creep-
ing out through the prison. Jelf, 627, i- 1, *< <*$ rifiwp. rjjj
iv9. a7ri. / will take vengeance on them for their coming here. Verbs
of requital, revenge, &c., take a gen. of that whence the desire of
requital or revenge arises. Jelf, 500.
CH. CXLVIII. a. SKTTXSH tc, A.aiciSuiftova. From iii. 54, 56, and
47, it seems that friendship anciently existed between Samos and
Lacedaemon ; though afterwards broken off by hostilities. Hence
Maeandrius retired to Sparta, and as the Samian exiles came to
ask aid of Lacedeemon, so he now trusted, through the help of
Sparta, to recover his power at Samos. B.
b. rtfibjpiqv aid, assistance. Cf. Thucyd. i. 58. V.
CH. CXLIX. a. aayiivtvaavrts sweeping with a drag-net. Cf.
vi. 31, and H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 219. After speaking of the custom
of transplantation among the Persians, cf. ii. 104, a., and i. 155, d.
he says, " in the case of islanders it was even their custom to make
BOOK III. THALIA. 205
a sweep of the inhabitants. The army of conquerors was formed
in a line, extending across the island, and drove every thing before
it which bore the human form, leafing a desert behind. It is the
characteristic of despotism, says Montesquieu, to cut down the
tree in order to get at the fruit." Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 195, remarks,
" Syloson was put in possession of a desert ; the solitude he had
made passed into a proverb: Hejjn 2iAo<ro5vroc tvpvxupir) ; which
however Strabo, xiv. p. 638, supposes to have arisen out of the
desolating tyranny of Syloson himself. It was at length re-peo-
pled ; but the sun of Samos never rose again with its pristine lustre."
CH. CL. a. Ba/3tAt/viot airiffrrioav, According to the E. Orient.
H., Darius Hystaspes, 521 485 B. c., and this revolt 518 B. c.
Prideaux fixes it 517 B. c. ; " for in the beginning of the third year
of Darius, we learn from Zechariah i. 11 15, that the whole em-
pire was then in peace ; and therefore the revolt could not then
have happened ; and the message of Sharezer and Regem-Melech
from Babylon, Zech. vii. 1 3, proves the same for that year also.
And therefore it could not be till the 5th year that<this war broke
out," &c. Cf. Clinton's Fast. Hell. i. p. 379, and E. Orient. H.
p. 372.
b. teal ry rapaxy- Cf. iii. 126, a. " How grievously the Baby-
lonians felt the Persian yoke is proved by this their general revolt
at the commencement of the reign of Darius, who after the cap-
ture of Babylon by the stratagem of Zopyrus, demolished the greater
part, if not the whole, of its outward walls." H. Bab. ch. i. p. 397-
c. kvoiijaav TowvSt K. T. \. " Hereby," says Prideaux, I. I., " was
very signally fulfilled the prophecy of Isaiah, xlvii. 9, ' That two
things should come to them in one day, the loss of children and
widowhood, and that these should come upon them in their per-
fection, for the multitude of their sorceries, and the great abund-
ance of their enchantments.'" See also the rest of Prideaux's
remarks on this taking of Babylon.
CH. CLI. a. Toi> Trpoftaxewvaf Cf. i. 164, a.
CH. CLIII. a. TUIV ivTu av&pwv K.T.\. Cf. iii. 70, seqq. and
80, a.
b. fifiiovtav nia tTtKe. so rare an occurrence as to be considered a
prodigy : by Aristotle, H. A. vi. 24, it is altogether denied. B.
c. TO /3p!0o. In applying this word to the young of a beast,
Hdtus copies Homer : cf. II. xxiii. 266 ; jSps^ot; t'tuiovov Kvkovaav.
W.
d. Trpoc TO. . . . . pfift, .... irpbg rr/v <f>f)pT]v The prepos. Trpoc here,
in consequence of, in accordance with. Cf. Jelf, 638, iii. 3, c.
e. iiriav irtp fipiovoi when mules, although mules, although they
are barren, should breed. So Homer, ytwalos irtp iuv, although
so noble. Jelf, 734, 3. Cf. S. and L. D., Trtp.
CH. CLIV. a. icapra .... at ayaQoepyiai .... Tt/iaijTat. noble
deeds are held worthy of honour in a very great degree. Cf. iii. 140,
a. ti St iiavrbv K. T. \. Here ' 61 = /u), unless he should muti-
20C NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
iate himself and desert. Cf. Jelf, 860, 5. When two conditional
sentences are opposed as alternatives, i & is often used for tl li pri,
as the first clause is already negatived by means of the opposed
sentence. So, as here, where the first alternative is not expressed
by a conditional clause. Cf. vi. 56, a. Cf. also iii. 160, and i. 67,
on dyaO., noble deeds wrought for one's country.
CH. CLV. a. '\aavpiovg i. e. the Babylonians. Cf. i. 102, b.,
193, a.
b. l&irXuoag rSiv <j>ofvHJv, have you not lost your reason ? lit. hare
you not sailed out of your mind? A figure of speech natural to the
maritime lonians ; cf. vi. 12. V. Ei . . . . vireptTtOta, if I had dis-
closed to you. Cf. i. 107, a. The imperf. tTtOtjv (in Attic usually
iriOavv) in Ion. retains what was probably its oldest form, iriBta,
(as trfTtxfiia for iTtriHjtiiv,) triQitf, , &c. Jelf, 279, 8. Cf. Trpo-
cn'dcc, viii. 49, dvtte, iv. 125.
c. Jjv fi.fi TWV ffuiv if)<ry, here ru ad sub. fiiptj, = ffii, nisi tua defue-
rint paries: unless there be a failing on your part. So viii. 140, TO
i'/rtpov = vfitif. Schw.
d. rd /3aXavdypa the keys. A hollow piece of iron, or key,
used to lay hold of and draw the fldXavog, the pin, out of the /3a-
XavoSoKri, the hole in the extremity of the /xoxXoe or bar, through
the extremity of which the J3a\avog passed. The bar stretched
across the gate, and was secured by the /3dXavo, which could not
be withdrawn from its place, the ^aXavoSoKt), without the proper
key, /3aXavaypa, to lay hold of it with. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 4, and Ar-
nold's note: also Thucyd. iv. 111.
CH. CLVI. a. tTriarprfoftivos turning himself about and looking
back, as if in fear of pursuit. Sri, scilicet, forsooth. V.
b. oi> ydp fli) . . . . earaTrpoiStrai -for surely he shall not escape with
impunity. Cf. iii. 36, a. 8u. r. fiovX. cf. vii. 234, b.
CH. CLVII. a. irdvra Si) ffv iv K. r.X. Cf. i. 122, a.
CH. CLVIII. a. rdc. rt Kr<ruic * T. X. " The Cissian or Susian
gate, cf. R. p. 357, must surely have been on E. front of the city,
as Susa lay to the E., and from the position of the Persian troops,
the Belidian gate was near it ; for they were stationed opposite
these gates, and matters would be so contrived, as to facilitate, as
much as possible, the junction of the two bodies of troops which
were first to enter the city, as a kind of forlorn hope. The other
gates at which the feints were made, the first the Ninian towards
Ninus, or Nineveh, to the N. ; the Chaldaean to the S. ; (B. thinks
to the E., as that side of the city was particularly the residence of
the Chaldaeans ;) and perhaps those of Semiramis to the N. E." So
also, cf. i. 181, a., it may be doubted, from the position of what is
now considered to be the Birs Nimroud, (cf. H. Bab. ch. i. p. 399,)
whether the Belidian gates were not on the W. side, as thither, to
the temple of Belus, as to the nearest place of refuge, the besieged
would most probably have fled, ipivov rat <fca<rro in quo quis-
que ordine manserunt. Cf. Jelf, 478, Especial Peculiarities in the
BOOlt IV. MELPOMENE. 207
use of the Nominative. When the action of a whole body is at-
tributed likewise to each individual of that body, (axnua Ka9' '6\ov
(cat /KEOOC,) the whole is put in the ! nom. instead of the gen., each
part thereof being considered as in opposition to the whole.
CH. CLIX. a. TO mxe tf^iuXt K.T.\. B. c. 517. E. Orient.
H. " As soon as Darius was master of the place, he took away all
their hundred gates, cf. Jeremiah li. 53, and beat down their walls,
cf. Jer. 1. 15, 41, 44, 48, from 200 cubits, their former height, to
50 ; and of these walls only, Strabo and others are to be under-
stood, when speaking of the walls of Babylon as no more than 50
cubits high. The inhabitants he gave to be a spoil to his Persians,
who had before been their slaves, according to the prophecy of
Zechariah, ii. 9." Prid. pt. i. bk. iii. ; cf. i. 178, a. seqq.
CH. CLX. a. Ka i yap Supd K. r. A. Cf. iii. 84, a., 140, a.
b. oc iv Alyvirry K.T.\. Cf. Thucyd. i. 109. This happened in
the 7th year of Artaxerxes I., 458 B. c. Cf. Prid. Conn. pt. i. bk.
v., and Clinton's Fast. Hell. i. p. 50.
c. MeyaflvZov & . . . . ZwTTv/ooe, og K. r. X. This happened 425 B. c.,
in the 7th year of the Peloponnesian war. Cf. i. 130, 6., iv. 43,
and Ctesias Excerpt. Persic. 43, referred to by B.
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE.
SCYTHIA AND DARIUS' EXPEDITION THITHER THE GREEK COLO-
NIES ON THE COAST OF LIBYA, AND THE VARIOUS TRIBES OF
LIBYA.
CH. I. a. ivi 2/cv0ac .... tXa<ne, 508 B. c. E. Orient. H. Cf.
also Clinton's Fast. Hell. i. p. 579 ; but according to Thirlw. and
Prid. 513 B. c. On the causes of Darius' invasion of Scythia, and
the probability or improbability of his ever having done so at all,
cf. iv. 83, a., 118, a. In connexion with book iv. the two chs. on
the Scythians in vol. ii. of H. As. Nat. should be read throughout ;
also Niebuhr's Geog. Researches on Hdtus, and D. p. 1 18 122. Cf.
also E. Orient. H. p. 375, seqq., and on Hdtus' Scythia, iv. 16, a.
b. wj; Kai irporipov /*ot ttpjjrm K.T.\. Cf. i. 6, b., 15, a., 103, d.,
and particularly iv. 11, a. TTOVOC, a battle or action. Cf. vi. 114, a.
CH. II. a. 7TfpiffriavTig placing the blind men at equal distance s
all round. Cf. iv. 202.
b. TO . . . . siriffTantvov the cream, that which floats on the surface
of the milk. After ti7n<rra/vov supply qytvvTcu. Cf. Jelf, 895, 2,
JBrachylogy .
CH. III. a. raQpov 6pa/xi/ot ic. r. X. R., p. 95, observes ; " Hdtus
208 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
speaks again of the same trench in c. 20, as the E. boundary of
the Royal Scythians. No mts, however, are marked in any posi-
tion corresponding to the above idea ; and we have never heard of
any mts of Tauris, save those within the Krimea. It is probable,
therefore, that the trench intended was that which shut up the
peninsula. In this case, therefore, some other word than moun-
tains should be read ; and the trench, a fortification implying a
rampart too, would have been drawn from the Palus Moeotis to
the opposite shore of Tauris." The Palus Moeotis, Sea of Azov,
cf. iv. 86, c. On the derivation of the name, &c., see article Mceotis,
Class. Diet., and the extracts there given from Creuzer, &c. Briefly,
the name is a connecting link between the early religion of India
and the countries of the West, the slimy waters of the Moeotis or
Mother of the Euxine, iv. 45, 86, a type of the primitive slime from
which the world was supposed to be formed ; the name Moeotis =
Mo0, Terra Mater, or Isis of the Egyptians, the Mwr of Sancho-
niatho, limus, the yjj /<jrijp, primitive slime ; the root to be found in
the Sanscrit Maha Mai, Magna Mater.
b. 0/j.oloi ilvai. On the nom. with the infin, cf. Jelf, 672, 673.
CH. V. a. Tapyiraov. " The Targitaus of Hdtus has in its root
some affinity to the name Turk ; as that of Paralatse, the tribe
descended from his youngest son, has to Perlas, or Berlas, the tribe
last in rank of those descended from Turk. Targitaus was the s.
of Jupiter ; Turk of Japhet." Cf. R. p. 73. So also Hammer,
quoted by B., considers that Turk and Targitaus are the same with
Togarmah, the s. of Gomer, the s. of Japhet, Gen. x. 3, in whom
also the name of Thor is traceable. Cf. E. Orient. H. Introd.
Ethnography, p. 3. On the construction of the 1st sentence of this
ch., 'Qg Si 'SKvdai .... atyirtpov, cf. Jelf, 898, 4, Consolidation of
Sentences.
b. AturoKdiv K.T.\. According to Pelloutier, Hist, of the Celts
i. p. 136, the termination arm's signifies son. These names, Rei-
chard, also quoted by B., endeavours to trace in those of different
towns at the present time ; as from ATTO|. Lipowetz in the province
of Kiew ; from 'A/JTTO?. Aparka in Tula ; from KoXo. Kolomna,
&c. &c., with more ingenuity probably than truth.
c. oa-vaptv Cf. i. 215, b. tiriovro^ sc. avrov, when he advanced
to it. On the gen. partic., standing alone, without its subject,
which is supplied from the context, cf. Jelf, 696, obs. 3.
CH. VI. a. SfcoXorowc Cf. iv. 11, a.
CH. VII. a. StSoaOat Se oi Sia TOVTO not because he would not
live through the year, but, on account of the danger, this reward was
given to him who had properly watched it. L. With this B. appears
to agree, as he adds no more, merely quoting Schw., " that the
meaning of the passage is not sufficiently clear." The words &<i
TOVTO, however, as Hdtus is not speaking of keeping awake, but of
falling asleep during the watch, appear hardly to bear the sens*:
assigned by L., besides which the supposition of their having to
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 209
give so great a portion of land annually to the wakeful sentinel
would involve some difficulty. It may perhaps be inferred that
the land was given to him who fell asleep during his watch, from
the idea that the slumber was supernatural, and therefore that the
sleeper would soon be called away from the earth, till which time
he was assigned this portion of land for his maintenance ; and this,
as means, doubtless, were provided to fulfil the prediction of his
speedy death, would not be long in his possession. Similar customs
are alluded to in Ovid. Metam. xv. 616, &c. Cf. also Livy ii. 5.
b. V7TO TTTtpiiJV Cf. iv. 31.
CH. VIII. a. Vrjpvovta, B., from Pliny H. N. iv. 3, and Pomp.
Mela iii. 6, 15, concludes that the kingdom of Geryon was not, as
some suppose, in Ambracia, but in the S. of Spain, and that the
Island Erythia is the present Isla de Leon. Such also seems to
be the idea of H., Phoen. ch. ii. p. 31, cf. also the Classical Journal
iii. 140. For the astronomical explanation of this, part of the 10th
labour of Hercules, according to the theory of Dupuis, cf. ii. 42, e.,
see Hercules, Class. Diet. " In the 10th month the sun enters the
sign Taurus : the constellation Orion now sets ; the Herdsman, or
conductor of the oxen of Icarus, also sets ; as does likewise the
Eridanus, &c. Now in his 10th labour Hercules slew Busiris,
here identical with Orion, and in this same labour bore away from
Spain the oxen of Geryon, and arrived in Italy, &c. &c." Cf. also
Hercules, Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog.
b. tu> 'HpaK\7]id>v ffTti\sttiv. Cf. ii. 33, e.
c. rbv fit 'Qicfavbv K. r. \. Cf. ii. 23, at.
CH. IX. a. TT)V 'YXatjjv " Hylsca was the name of the penin-
sula now called Jamboylouk, adjacent to Taurica on the N. W.
formed by the lower part of the Borysthenes, the Euxine, the gulf
of Carcinitis, and the river Hypacyris, hod. the Kalauczac, which
flowed into it. This tract, unlike the rest of the maritime Scythia,
had trees in it; iv. 193. This is not only confirmed by Pliny, but
by Baron Tott in modern times." R. p. 63.
CH. X. a. rbv ZtaffTTJpa TrpocilEai/ra, showing her the way offittimj
on the girdle. B., following the reading of G. and Schw. instead
of TrpoaBtZavra.
b. TTJQ 7roToXi}e mandati, of his orders ; cf. vi. 50, and Blom-
field's Gloss, ad JEsch. P. V. B.
c. IK Ttav <i>oTi)pti>v 0op{7v (fna\. carry dririking-cups hanging from
their girdles. Jelf, 646, 3. rb 5r) povvov K. T. X. hoc igitur nnuin
matrem parasse Scythas, s. in Scythce commodum instituisse. B.
CH. XI. a, MaooayiTetav .... 'Apdta K.T.\. "The settle-
ments which Hdtus assigns to the Scythians proper extend from
the Danube to the Tanais, or Don, around which several other
tribes had their residence. The Scythians, in their own language
Skolots, (i. e. Slavonians,*) had not always inherited this country,
but were reported, by historical tradition preserved among thera-
See also Donaldson's Varronianus, ch. ii. 5, p. 29, seqq.
P
210 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
selves, to have come from the E. Being pressed by another people,
the Massagetae, they crossed the R. Araxes, (that is, here probably,
the Wolffa,) expelled the Cimmerians, and took possession of their
settlements, which they still retained in the age of our historian.
From time to time they made irruptions into the S. of Asia; and
in a great expedition against the remains of the Cimmerians, they
even conquered the Medes about 70 years before Cyrus, kept the
whole of Asia Minor for 28 years, and extended their excursions
to Egypt, whose king Psammitichus was obliged to buy them off."
H. Scyth. ch. i. p. 6. In the note, p. 6, he agrees with Michaelis and
Schlozer, that this invasion of the Scythians is identical with that
of the Chaldaeans, i. 181, d. See also on this invasion refs. in iv.
1, b., and on the Massagetae, i. 201, a.
b. Ktft[i(pi(av Cf. the preceding note. Niebuhr considers them
to be ]\ r jngok ; how much of W. Scythia they occupied is unknown,
but it appears that their possessions extended westward, at least
to the river Tyras or Dneister ; respecting the walls, &c., still
found in the time of Hdtus under the name of Cimmerian, he does
not say they were in the peninsula, but the context implies it, and
it is not improbable that ne had seen them, &c. R. p. 74.
c. WQ curaXX. pqde Tr/ooe iroXXovc K. T. X. that it was their businrx.-i,
or plan, to retire, nor teas it proper to incur risk ayainst a numerous
enemy. Stoptvov (tit)) = Sioi. Cf. i. 79, . ^
d. TTorafibi" Tvprfv. the Dniester, " still called Tyral near its
mouth." Cf. iv. 51. H. /. 1. p. 5.
CH. XII. a. Ki/^/tspia Tfi%. . . . ITopO. Kt/i/i. As m^of means a
town, as well as a fort or castle, iv. 46, it is possible, that by the
Kipp. rti\ia here spoken of, may be meant tne town Cimmerium,
now Eski Krim, i. e. Old Krim, in the interior of the Tauric Cher-
sonese. The place called the " Cimmerian Ferry " was probably
at the mouth of the Cimmerian Bosphorus. R. p. 74, mentions that
Baron Tott saw, in the mountainous parts of the Krimea, ancient
castles, &c., perhaps, originally at least, the works here alluded to.
b. BocrTropoc Kt/i/ifptoe the Straits of Kaffa. Cf. Smith's C. D.
c. Sivwirij voXif K. T. X. on the E. coast of Paphlagonia ; Sinob;
a Milesian colony founded 632 B. c., and the mother city of Tra-
pezus and several other cities. See H. P. A. 78, and Smith's
C. D. All the Gk colonies on the coast of the Black Sea appro-
priating to themselves the navigation and commerce of that Sea,
infusing life and activity into the tribes of the North, and opening
a connexion with the niost remote countries of the East were
colonies from Miletus. See the interesting ch. in H. on the Com-
merce of the Scythians, p. 22, seqq.
CH. XIII a.'Apiorsjjc " The accounts of his life are as fabulous
as those about Abaris the Hyperborean." Cf. Ansteas, Smith's D.
of Gr. and R. Biog. He is said to have written an epic poem on
the Arimaspi, in 3 bks, 6 of the verses of which are preserved by
Longinus, 10. Ritter, Vorhalle, p. 271, considers that the legend
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 211
concerning him was derived from the ancient doctrine of Buddha,
concerning the immortality and transmigration of the soul ; as a
similar account concerning Buddha is believed among the Indians:
cf. iv. 53, d. The same origin he assigns to the fables of Zalmoxis,
iv. 95, Epimenides, Pythagoras, and Abaris. H., 1. I. p. 16, fixes
Aristeas at about 200 years before Hdtus, and remarks, that we
see by the account here given of the poet, to what high antiquity
the commerce of the Greek colonies of the Pontus Euxinus with
Eastern Asia must be referred. Cf. D. p. 78, 79, and 119.
b. 'Iffaqdovae, in Great Tartary, Cf. i. 201, a., iv. 25, d. On the
Arimaspi, cf. iv. 27, 32. On the Griffins, iii. 1 16, 6. The Hyper-
boreans, a name applied pretty indiscriminately by ancient writers
to every nation far to the North, are discussed at length by Rennel,
p. 150, seqq. He calls them the incogniti of Hdtus, but appears to
conclude, that, according to our author's extended dimensions of
Europe, he meant to include in it the Hyperboreans, and that by
them are represented the Russians and Siberians, and particularly
those of the latter, who dwell on the upper parts of the rivers Oly
and Irtish. Cf. also iv. 33, a. There is a very interesting extract
from Miiller's Universal History in Class. Diet., Hyperboreans.
By " a sea," up to which their country extended, appears to be
meant a Northern Ocean. This is largely discussed in R. p. 148,
seqq. See D. p. 86. He appears to consider that Hdtus glances
at Hecatseus in " his jests about the Hyperboreans."
c. tTrl ry voriy QaXdaffy. i. e. the Euxine, as being the South Sea
in respect to the Northern or Frozen Ocean, mentioned a few lines
above. Elsewhere the S. Sea, so called in opposition to the N. Sea
or Mediterranean, ii. 158, h., is the same as the Red Sea, in its
wider sense, the great Ocean between Africa and India. The force
of the words of course depends entirely on the position where the
speaker conceives himself to be, like the Latin altus, high or deep.
Thus Hdtus, talking of Egypt, calls the Arabian, the S. Sea ; and
when he speaks of the Cimmerians, he calls that Sea the South
Sea, which is south of them. Of course when the country is given,
the Sea is easily determined. Cf. iv. 37, . Cf. i. 1,6.
CH. XIV. a. 'Apraici'i/c TroAioc, a sea-port near Cyzicus, Artaki.
B. Cf. D. p. 44, on our author's extensive travels.
5. tyavivra tf IIpoK. having (come to, and) appeared at Proco-
nessus. Cf. Jelf, 646, 1, quoted in iii. 62, a. T& 'Apipdoirta Cf.
note a. on the preceding ch. This poem contained the most an-
cient traditions concerning the E. and N. of the ancient world.
H. /. /. Cf. also Mull. Dor. i. p. 301.
CH. XV. a. TdSt St olSa K. T. X. As Metapontum was scarcely
a day's journey from Thurii, we may well suppose that Hdtus
visited this place himself, and hence derived his information. That
he did so indeed cannot be doubted, see D. p. 35. Cf. iv. 99, c. On
the woH Italy, see iii. 136, a.
b. 'ir MTtuv Itali, the aboriginal inhabitants of Italy, Italiotaj,
p 2
212 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
the foreigners, especially Greeks, settled in the country. Cf. Matth.
Gr. Gr. 103.
c. tlvat KopaK. See what is said of Zalmoxis in iv. 95. Ac-
cording to Porphyry, a crow, in the tenets of the Magi, signi-
fied the priest of the sun, the most ancient deity, the Indian
Koros or Buddha, whose priest Ritter considers Aristeas to have
been. B.
CH. XVI. a. Sects, iv. vii. and x. of R. are taken up with
Scythia. They are well worthy of being read through. H.'s Geog.
of the Scythians, ch. i. is, however, shorter and more interestingly
written, besides the advantages he possesses over Rennel in an
acquaintance with Greek and with the works of Mannert, Gal
terer, &c.
" The boundaries which Hdtus assigns to Scythia were as fol-
lows : On the South, the coast of the Black Sea, from the mouth
of the Danube to the Palus Maeotis.
On the East, the Persian Gulf and the Don, or Tanais, to its rise
out of the lake Ivan, which Hdtus was acquainted with.
On the North, a line drawn from this lake to that out of which
the Tyras or Dniester flows, that is, to the northern arm of the last
lake in the circle of Sambrov, in Galizia ; for Hdtus makes this
lake the frontier between the Scythians and Neuri, whose settle-
ments begin about lat. 50.
On the West, a line from thence to the Danube. Thus the figure
of Scythia is that of an irregular oblong, which Hdtus ascribes to
it; iv. 101, 102.
Hdtus begins his description with the European countries on the
side of the Don or Tanais, or New Ukraine. The settlements of
the Scythians proper extend from the Danube to the Tanais. As
long as we are confined to the shores of the Black Sea, the subject
is clear : it is first involved in obscurity when it regards the remote
countries of the North." From H. 1. 1. p. 6, seqq.
CH. XVII. a. TOV BopvaGivurtwv tpiropiov This port, Olbia,
was on the site of the modern Cherson, (Kudak, Smith's C. D.,)
at the mouth of the Borysthenes, the Dnieper. Cf. H. I. I. 8, 9,
and R. p. 57.
b. KaXXiTTs&u They appear to have occupied the banks of the
Dnieper, to the W., above Olbia ; the Alazones part of Padolia and
Braclaw ; R. p. 72 ; and the agricultural Scythians in the Ukraine,
or the W. part of the country between the Don and the Dnieper.
tTri aiTTfau, for food, iirl irprjan, for sale. Cf. Jelf, 634, 3, a.
c. Ntwpot. Near the sources of the Hypanis, the Boug, and the
Tyras, the Dniester, in the country of Galitia. R. In the interior
of Poland and Lithuania. R. p. 264. Cf. iv. 51, 105.
CH. XVIII. a. >/ 'YXai'ij, Cf. iv. 9, a. On the Borysthenitse, R.
. 65, says, " It would appear from c. 53, that these people, cf. note
. on the preceding ch., dwell also on the W. side of the Borys-
thenes, the Dnieper, near its mouth, as far as the influx of the
p
b.
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 213
Hypanis, or Boug." On the Panticapes, cf. iv. 54, a., and on the
Androphagi, iv. 106, a.
CH. XIX. a. -fyiXfi SivSpewv, bare of trees. Privative Gen. Jelf,
529, 1. Tforafibv rijppov. the Molosgnija-wodi. D'Anville. The
Tascenac, R. p. 71. Cf. iv. 54, a., and H. /. 1. p. 5.
CH. XX. a. rd . . . . Eaat\i]ia the JRoyal country the seat of
the Royal horde. According to these notices, the Royal Scythians,
the great body of freemen of the nation, occupied the tract, gene-
rally, between the Meeotis on the S., the Tanais on the E., the
river Gherrus and the Nomades on the W., and the river Desna
and its eastern branch on the N. R. p. 72. On Cremni, cf. iv.
110, c.
b. MtXayx^atvot, Cf. iv. 100, 102, 107, By the Xi>vat Mannert
thinks the lakes Ladoga and Onega are meant. B.
CH. XXI. a. 2ai>|0<ytarwi> K. r. X. " The Sauromatue of Hdtus,
for his Scythia is the Sarmatia of later authors, may be supposed
to have extended along the E. side of the Mseotis, and thence up
the Tanais, to where that river and the Wolga approach each other,
to form the Isthmus at Zaritzyn ; and on the probable supposition
that the lower part of the Donetz was taken for the Don, they must
have occupied both banks of that river to the same extent, that is,
15 journeys of 3000 stadia." R. p. 89. So H. /. I. p. 11, The
Cossacks of the Don ;" and Smith's C. D., Sarmatce.
b. Bovftlvoi, " The present governments of Pensa, Simbirsk, Ka-
san, and part of Perm provinces now abounding in oak forests,
near the Ural Mountains ; and the Thyssagetse of the next ch. the
remainder of the government of Perm." H. 1. I. p. 13, seqq.
CH. XXII. a. Qvaffa-yerui, The country of this tribe may be
readily conceived to extend along the N. and N.E. of the Budini,
between the upper part of the Tanais, and the Wolga about Sara-
tow. The Wolga may be taken for the Oar us ; cf. iv. 123, and
Erhaps the Medweditza and Choper (or rather the Donetz) for the
/cus and Hyrgis in iv. 57. R. p. 90.
b. 'Ivpieai, The lurcse in all probability the same as the Jugrians,
in the W. of Tobolsk, Perm, and on both sides the Ural Mts ; who
dwell on the banks of the Obi, under the name of Voguls and
Ostiacks. H. 1. I. p. 13, 27, 28.
c. 'SxvOai. u\\oi " These emigrants from Scythia, Scytha exules,
probably voluntarily changed their country, so as to be fixed on
the great commercial road from the cities on the Black Sea to the
Ural Mts." H. 1. 1. p. 26. Somewhere on the frontiers of Siberia,
near the Ural Mts, they may probably be placed.
CH. XXIII. a. TlovrtKov fitv K.T.X. i. e. the Nux Ponlica or
Corylus, the fruit of which is the hazel-nut or filbert. H, 1. L p. 14,
and 24, 30, says the fruit in question is probably the bird's cherry,
Pennus Padus, Linn., which at this day the Calmucks eat in al-
most the same manner; they dress the berries with milk, then press
them in a sieve, and afterwards form them into a thick mass, which
214 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
is called moisun chat ; a small piece of which, mixed with water,
makes a nutritious and palatable soup. This people, the Argippaei,
made their tents, as at present, of black felt : the supporters of
them were in the shape of trees, whence has arisen Hdtus' misun-
derstanding, for trees are not to be found in the desert. They be-
longed to the great Mongolian family, the modern Calmucks, and
roved about in the country they at present inhabit, in the Western
part of Great Mongolia, probably in the present canton of the Kir-
^his. d-noppitt ira%{> K. T. X. and there exudes a juice from it thick
and black ; Tra-xy. Adverbial accits., like onv ijSv. Jelf, 555, d.
b. ipol yap K. r. X. " Their (the Argippaeans') territory was there-
fore a sanctuary, as well as the emporium of an extensive commerce ;
iv. 24. The name of holy people shows that they had a religious
character, and that they filled the same office among the Mongols,
as the sacerdotal order amongst other nations. This is proved too
by their being bald, for the Lamas, the priests of the Calmucks,
are bald-headed. What is said of their reconciling those of their
neighbours who were at variance can imply nothing else than their
acting as mediators between the various merchants, who were such
entire strangers to each other. We thus discover the connecting link
so often in antiquity uniting religion to commerce." H. /. /. p. 32.
CH. XXIV. a. woXXj) iripufidvtia a clear knowledge. W. So
also H. the country is very well knoion.
b. "S.KvQ'i.ii)v Si ot . . . . iiairpqooovrai. This H. /. 1. p. 23, seqq.,
understands to mean that the Gk and Scythian merchants had to
journey through 7 different tribes, ofj different dialects, and therefore
stood in need of 7 different interpreters to transact their business. Cf.
ix. 41, b. "This remarkable passage evidently describes a com-
merce by caravans, which, starting from Olbia, crossed the Ural
Mts, travelled northward round the Caspian, and thence into the
interior of Great Mongolia. The commerce was jointly carried on
by the Gks of Pontus and by Scythians. The 7 tribes are un-
doubtedly those Hdtus himself has mentioned: the Tauri, Sarma-
tians, Budini, Geloni, Thyssagetse, Jurcae, and Agrippaei. The
route was from Olbia, along the Hyleean, or wood-country, coast-
ing the Sea of Azov, to the mouth of the Tanais, where the
Tauri dwelt, iv. 99; passing the Tanais they enter the Steppe of
Astracan ; then in a N. direction across the country of the Sar-
matians, to the Budini, and thence to the wooden city of Geloni, a
commercial establishment for the fur trade. Hence to the N.E.,
and, after a 7 days' journey through a desert, reached the Thys-
sagetae and Jurcae on the frontiers of Siberia. After passing the
Ural Chain, they came into the Steppes of the Kirghis and Cal-
mucks, which terminated their journey. This was a circuitous
route possibly necessary on account of the predatory hordes
which infested the more direct road, but more likely enjoined by
the demands of commerce, as is shown by the use of interpreters,
whom they could otherwise have dispensed with." H.
BOOK IV. MELrojiENE. 215
CH. XXV. a. oSpto yap in^n\a ic. r. I. Evidently the Altai
chain of mts bounding S. Siberia. H. /. 1. p. 15.
I. ajyiTi-o&Jc avdpae, L. thinks that this was a figt rative name for
men who could climb the mts like goats. Gatterer, quoted by B.,
supposes that they were mountaineers who contrived some fasten-
ing to their feet, such as cramps or spikes to prevent their slipping on
the ice. B. follows H. /. L p. 15, in deeming the whole to be one
of the fabulous narrations related of the inhabitants of distant
countries, and particularly Siberia, which were spread through
Greece.
c. o'i rqv tZuftrjvov KaQtvdovm. " In this we can perceive a ray of
truth, inasmuch as we know that the Polar regions continue for 6
months, more or less, without having the light of the sun; their
darkness being only relieved by the moon and the aurora borealis."
H. 1 1. p. 15.
d. 'iffffijSovuv, " This nation was a Calmuck tribe." R. p. 134.
So H. /. /. p. 16, says, "they began in the interior of Great Mon-
golia, the present residence of the Sungares the inhabitants also
of the ancient Serica appear to have been derived from them." Cf.
also i. 201, a.
CH. XXVI. a. ii ayd\fian, as a votive gift, a sacred vessel. B.
R. p. 144, mentions that he had seen skulls formed into drinking-
bowls, which were brought from Bootan, nearlv in the same region
with Oimir, the country of the Issedones. The same custom of
eating their nearest relations, when old and infirm, prevails among
the Battas of Sumatra. H. /. /. p. 16, note.
b. TO. ytvtvKz the day kept in commemoration of their death dis-
tinguished from TO. ytviQXia, the anniversary of the birthday. Schw.
CH. XXVII. a. ypvirac. .... 'Apifiaairovf. Cf. iii. 116, a. 6.
Taking the derivation here of Arimaspian to be correct, the name
was possibly derived from their skill in archery, as when taking
aim, they would close one eye : perhaps from their wearing a snow-
cap, with only one sli* to save the eyes from the snow-blink, as
the Greenlanders and the other nations do. Wahl. quoted by B.
Rhode quoted in the article Arimaspi, Class. Diet., makes the word
to signify a mounted native of Aria, in the Zend tongue; asp, in
that language, signifying a horse* JEschylus alludes to them in
P. V. 809, and Milton in P. L. ii. 943.
CH. XXVIII. a. Avffxiiiiipoc. 1 K.T.\. R. p. 157, quotes the
statement of Pliny to the same effect, and observes that by j
QaXaatra is meant the Palw, M<eotis. o^opijroc oloq, such as to be in-
tolerable. Cf. Jelf, 823, obs. 7, quoted in i. 14, b. Cf. iv. 194, a.
b. ol tvrbc. TuQpov. Cf. iv. 3, a.
c. rove. Zivdovc.. Sindica must be near the Mseotis ; for in iv. 8G,
* Cf. Donaldson's Varronianus, ch. ii. p. 38, " With the change of r for d, so com-
mon in Latin, (compare aurio, audio, meridie = medi-die, &c.,) arima will represent
the Sanscrit ordinal ndima ; and we may compare aitav with the root ipic- or *pec-,
signifying ' to spie,' or ' to see.'"
216 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Hdtus says the broadest part of the Euxine is between -the R.
Thermodon and Sindica ; which latter must therefore of course be
looked for opposite to the Thennodon, R. p. 158, and in the country
now called from a river of the same name Kuban, as B. concludes ;
which has become of late years famous in the Russian and Circas-
sian wars. Cf. iv. 86, b.
d. iv T$ i. q. iv <. sc. x'f<">>"> during which, i. e. the winter in
Scythia, rr\v ftiv wpuinv OVK v, it does not rain during the time that
it usually does in other countries. Schw. rf/v upainv (sc. <l>pji') Jelf,
577, obs. a., on the accus. of time. B. renders during the spring-
time.
CH. XXIX. 2. iv 'OSvfffftiy, Cf. Odyss. iv. 85.
CH. XXX. a. 7rpo<r0;rac digressions, episodes. The curse al-
luded to here is also mentioned by Pausanias. V. 5. B.
CH. XXXI. a. TUV impu>v Cf. iv. 7-
CH. XXXII. a. 'Yirfp/Sopscuv Cf. iv. 13, b., 33, a., and D. p.
119. On the Issedones, cf. i. 201, a., iv. 13, b., 33, a.
b. iv 'Eiriyovoiai. This poem, the subject of which was the
second Theban war, is rightly considered by M. E. L. de Leutscu
to have been part of the poem entitled the Thebais, which, whether
Homer was the author of it or not, was of great antiquity. By the
Schol. on Aristoph. Pax, 1270, it is ascribed to Antimachus, but
as he was posterior to Hdtus, this is impossible. B. Other
opinions are quoted in article Epiyoni. Class. Diet. See also D.
p. 76, and Mullet's Lit. of Anc. G. ch. vi. p. 71.
CH. XXXIII. a. iv KaXdfiy wpwv By the sacred offerings en-
reloped in wheaten straw are undoubtedly meant offerings of the un-
bloody kind, (peculiar to Apollo, cf. Mull. Dor. voL i. bk. ii. ch. 8, p.
!J43,) of wheat, or barley ; in short, the first fruits. The fable of the
Hyperboreans in connexion with the worship of Apollo is the
subject of ch. iv. bk. ii. of Miiller's Dorians. " This fable must
have arisen whilst that primitive connexion between the temples
of Tempe, Delphi, and Delos, which was afterwards entirely dis-
solved, still existed in full vigour, and it bears upon the original
and widely-diffused worship of Apollo. The same tradition existed
with little variety both at Delos and Delphi at Delphi, that
Apollo, after visiting the Hyperboreans, when the first corn was
cut in Greece, returned to Delphi with the full ripe ears at Delos,
that Latona first arrived in that island from the country of the
Hyperboreans, afterwards Arge and Opis with Apollo and Diana ;
a lofty tomb was erected to their memory, upon which sacrifices
were offered; a hymn, attributed to the ancient minstrel Olen,
celebrated their appearance. Afterwards the Hyperboreans sent
two other virgins, Hyperoche and Laodice, names that occur also
in Delphic tradition, and with them five men called Perpherees,
from their bringing the sacred gifts wrapped in wheaten straw :
this exactly corresponds with ' the golden summer' of the Delphians.
The Perpherees received great honours at Delos ; and the Deliaa
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 217
maidens before marriage laid on the tomb of the Hyperborean
virgins a spindle, the young men a branch, both entwined with
locks of hair. The offering, however, of the Hyperborean women
was, it was said, really intended for Ilithyia, the protectress of
women in labour, in order to fulfil a vow made to that goddess for
the birth of Apollo and Diana. Now these missions, according to
Delian traditions, always continued to be carried on. The Hyper-
boreans were supposed to pass them on to their neighbours the
Scythians ; from them they were transmitted through a chain of
nations on the coast of the Adriatic, by Dodona, through Thessaly,
Euboaa, and the island of Tenos, and came with flutes and pipes
to Delos. This story cannot have been a mere poetical fiction ; it
doubtless originated in the active connexion kept up by means of
sacred missions with the ancient settlements of the worship of
Apollo in the N. of Thessaly. The name itself indicates a north-
ern nation; which idea is sufficiently accounted for by the fact
that the worship of Apollo came from the most northern part of
Greece, from the district of Tempe further the Hyperboreans are
said to dwell beyond Boreas, so that this happy nation never felt
the cold north wind. Dissatisfied, however, with such scanty in-
formation on the origin of this fabulous people, poets and geogra-
phers have attempted to assign it a fixed habitation among the
catalogue of nations, and, connecting multifarious accounts of the
northern regions of the world with the religious fable of the Hy-
perboreans, have moulded the whole into an imaginary picture of
a supposed real people." On the names Arge and Opis, epithets
of Diana, cf. p. 387, of the same vol. ^
b. ry 'Aprs/ii^t K. r. X. Creuzer, Symb. ii. p. 129, hence infers
that the ancient worship of the sun and moon prevailed through-
out Thrace. He adduces also proofs that the worship of Apollo
appears to have been received at a very early date in Thrace, and
thence to have spread further. The Royal Diana was probably
identical with the Thracian Bendis. B.
CH. XXXIV. Tycri Si irapQ'tvoim Ktipovrat, cut their hair in honour
of, for the sake of, these maidens. Cf. Jelf, 598, quoted in vi. 86, b.
CH. XXXV. a. ayft'pm* is used, W. quaintly remarks, " of
those who demand contributions for the gods, as they pretend, but
in reality for themselves ; as is often done now."
b. 'QXtjv avfip AVKIOQ The title of Lycian marks, in the opinion
of Creuz. quoted by B., that these rites were brought from Lycia
into Greece. On Olen, an ancient poet in Greece, prophet and
bard of Apollo, at a period long antecedent to history, cf. Miiller's
Lit. of Anc. Gr. ch. iii. 7, p- 24.
c. irpoe ;u> nrpannivT) M tiller, Dor. i. p. 298, note, considers
this circumstance to show that it was of the Cretan time, since
the Dorians buried their dead to the East, and the lonians to
the West.
CH. XXXVI. a. 'A/3apiof a>; rbv oiardv Triniffyipc oiTs6fiivo.
218 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
This correction of \V., is adopted by G., B., &c., in preference to
the old reading 6rroc airtoptvov. That the fable of Abaris has
some connexion with the worship of Apollo, cf. iv. 33, a., as brought
from a more northerly country into Greece, can hardly be doubt-
ed, as the arrow was one of the symbols of that deity. Mull. Dor.
i. p. 343. Creuzer, Symbol, i. p. 142, seqq., quoted by B., specu-
lates that in Abaris is personified wisdom and learning, particularly
in all that concerns religious rites, propagated in Greece from the
North and the East, and that he forms one of the links of the
chain that connects the religion of the North and South of Europe,
so clearly exemplified in the fable of the Hyperboreans sending
their offerings to Delos. Cf. also iv. 13, a., and Abaris, Smith's
D. of Gr. and R. Biog.
b. ytXw $1 iroXAo^c jjdn, probably directed against Hecataeus of
Miletus. Cf. ii. 21, a., 23, a., and on the subject in general, R.
p. 6, seqq., and D. p. 59 62. vouvvrtav, cf. Jelf, 495. Causal
Gen. The verbs of wondering at, congratulating, praising, blaming,
&c., take a gen. of the cause whence the feeling arises. So here
ITOUVVTUV seems to depend on a notion of wonder or blame implied
in the preceding sentence.
CH. XXXVII. a. TTJV vorc'ijv QaXaoaav the South Sea; that is,
the sea south of the Persians, of whom Hdtus is speaking ; either
the Persian Gulf or the Arabian Sea (our Indian Ocean) including
it. Cf. i. 1, 6., and Dahlmann, p. 62. By rr/v /Sop. SaX. the sea an
the north, is meant the sea north of the Medes and Colchians, which
is, of course, the Euxine. Cf. iv. 13, c. On the R. Phasis, cf. iv.
45, b. *
CH. XXXVIII. a. aicrai SiQaffiai two tracts. By the term
akte is meant not a peninsula like the Peloponnesus, or the tongues
of land near Mt Athos, because in that case the idea required a
narrow neck or isthmus at the point of junction with the adjacent
continent, but a square tabular plot of ground having three sides
washed by some sea, but a fourth absolutely untouched by any sea
whatever. In fact, to Hdtus, Asia Minor, with part of Armenia,
made up one akte, the western, for the Persian empire, and the
tract of Arabia and Syria made up another akte, the southern, for
the same empire ; the two being at right angles ; and both abutting
on imaginary lines drawn from different points of the Euphrates.
See the diagram imagined by Niebuhr in illustration of this idea,
on which he was the first to throw light. From the article in
Blackwood's Mag. quoted in Introduction. Cf. also R. p. 185,
seqq., and D. p. 6264, Sketch of Asia.
CH. XXXIX. a. 'EpvB. Sd\a<T<ra>> i. e. probably the Persian
Gulf. Cf. iv. 37, a. Assyria here is to be taken in its extended
sense; cf. i. 102, b. On the canal cut by Darius, cf. ii. 158, b.
b. tf Ttjv Tt\vra. Cf. ii. 16, a. By the three nations are meant,
Assyria, Arabia, and Syria.
CH. XL. a. 6 'Apditjy .... aviexavra. Cf. i. 202, a., and on
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 219
the Caspian Sea, i. 202, b. The desert spoken of in the following
lines is no doubt that of Gobi, cf. iii. 102, b.
CH. XLI. a. 'H & Aifivii K.r.X. Cf. ii. 16, a., and D. p. 63.
Libya is here used in the sense of all Africa. Cf. R. pp. 410 and 447.
b. TfjaSe rris 3\rtWjjf ic. r. X. i. e. the Mediterranean. By the
Erythreean Sea, directly afterwards, is here meant the Sinus Arabi-
cus, the Arabian Gulf, now the Red Sea. Cf. ii. 11, b. The narrow
tract that Hdtus is speaking of is the Isthmus between the Medi-
terranean and the Red Sea, the Isthmus of Suez. Cf. ii. 158, d.,
and D. p. 60. av thv, cf. Jelf, 425, a. When the condition is con-
ceived of as fulfilled, the opt. with av expresses a modest assertion
of some action or fact, present or fut., marking it as less certain
than if it had been in the present or future, and depending on the
will of the person who is addressed, or on some other condition
which is supposed to be fulfilled.
CH. XLII. a. OuvpaZu wv K.T.\. See ii. 16, a., and R.'s ob-
servations, p. 447, seqq. He concludes that Hdtus probably ex-
tended Africa to five or eight degrees S. of the equator; and he
rests his opinion, first upon the fountains of the Nile being said to
be much more than four months' journey from U. Egypt, and Hdtus
would hardly limit the continent to the place of the source ; second-
ly, from what is said here ; as it must be remembered that Hdtus'
Europe extended far beyond its accustomed boundaries, C. St.
Vincent and the Tanais, including even the Issedones ; so that the
length of Europe would have reached, in his idea, from the N.
point of Africa near Carthage to 20 S. Lat. in Africa. And of
this extent f or | may be assumed, probably, as the proportion of
Africa, in its united length with Asia. See also particularly D. p.
60. Siovpiadvrwv, cf. Jelf, 495, quoted in iv. 36, b.
b. Trap' a/iipoT-epae, parallel to, alongside of both. Cf. Jelf, 637, iii.
b. NfKw .... rt)v faipvxa K. r. X. Cf. ii. 158, b. On the most in-
teresting narration that follows, cf. remarks in Introduction, on
" the Great African Periplus ;" and particularly H. Phoenic. ch. iii.
p. 337340, seqq.
c . lir\iov SdXaaaav, sailed along, navigated the southern sea. Cf.
Jelf, 558, 1, Accus. with verbs of moving along.
d. SipiffavTfc $' av, Jelf, 429, 4. "Av with the particip. to ex-
press repetition.
CH. XLIII. a. ZwTrt/pow. Cf. iii. 160, c. SoXoc. Cf. ii. 32, d.
iaQffTt 0oiviKjip, garments made of the leaves of the palm tree. B. On
fl-po/3ara, i. 133, C.
b. rb TT\O~IOV TO irpoffia K. T. X. " It is very probable that Sataspes
was discouraged from prosecuting his voyage by the adverse winds
and currents that prevail on the coast of Sierra Leone, &c., from
April to October, and which would be felt by those who left Egypt
or Carthage in the spring ; a more likely season to undertake an
expedition of this sort than in winter, when the order of things is
different." R. p. 716. Cf. also the ref. in iv. 42, b.
220 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. XLIV. a. 8c Stvr. ovroc On the relative and demonstr.
here in the same sentence, cf. Jelf, 833, obs. 2. In such passages
the demonstr. points to some thought to be supplied which and
indeed tJuit river is one of two, &c., or, which this I mean, c.
rpoeo&i'Xovc irapex trat > Cf. ii. 32, h. ; and on the crocodile, ii.
68, a. " The Indus formed at all times the eastern boundary of the
Persian dominion, and is mentioned as such by Jewish, Esther i. 1,
as well as Grecian authors. That they did not carry their con-
quests further, into a country too which has at all times attracted
the cupidity of conquerors by its riches, was owing to their being
too much occupied by wars in the west, especially with the Greeks,
to have leisure to extend their dominion in the opposite direction,
even if the warlike and populous tribes of the interior of India had
not been able to oppose their progress," &c. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 64.
Cf. iii. 89, a.
b. 2icv\aKa. A different Scylax from the one, whose " Periplus
of the coast beyond the Pillars of Hercules " has come down to us ;
who probably flourished cir. B. c. 360. Cf. the remarks in Intro-
duction, and Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Scylax.
c. KaffTrarvpov n woXioc K. T. X. By Dodwell this city and country
is placed on the Ganges ; Rennel finds Pactyica in Pakholy, the
Peuceliotis of the Greeks. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 189, considers that
Caspatyrus is Cabul, and that the Guraeus or Kameh, which flows
into the Indus, is the river intended; which Hdtus mistook for
the Indus.
CH. XLV. a. <pavipi) ytvtaffKop.svr}, On the use of Qavipf) with
the participle, instead of the impersonal form, cf. Jelf, 684, obs.
1. fiijKti Si . . . pi'y eovay yy K. T. X. Cf. iv. 42, a.
b. IK OTIV, for why. Jelf, 633, 3, b. rbv Mtwjrjjv This is the
only reading in the MSS., and there is no reason why the Tanais
should not here be named the Mceotian, i. e. that which flows through
the borders of the Maeotians, as the Nile is called the Egyptian, and
the Phasis, (the Faz, or Rioni,) the Colchian. Schw. Cf. D. p. 60.
c. IIopQuTi'ia. Cf. iv. 12, a.
d. fi St 'Aaii) iiri K.T. X. Bochart conjectures that Asia is derived
from the Phoenician As, middle, and Europe from Ur-Appa, of a
white aspect. Others derive Europe from ti>pi>c, broad, and the root
6ir, to see, from the wide extent of its coast. Smith's C. D. TJJV
inuwfinji', supply t%tiv. Cf. Jelf, 895, 1, e., and 2, Brachylogy.
e. a\\' offov K. r. X. Here dXXa = irXi/v or d pr), nisi, but ; and is
thus used after negative clauses, when the universal negative is to
be limited by a particular exception. Jelf, 773, 4.
CH. XLVI. a. avSpn Xoyiov Cf. i. 1, a. On Anacharsis see
iv. 76, a., 77.
b. iTnTOTo^orai horse-archers ; cf. Thucyd. ii. 96, on which Duker
quotes Ovid. Trist. iii. 10, 54, v. 7, 14. B. The treatise of H. on
)he Scythians, in As. Nat. vol. ii., has been already referred to.
What is here said is particularly noticed in p. 24, the Tartar ori-
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 221
gin of the nation being shown by their habit of living in their
waggons. Tolfft y dXXd iwai ITTTT. Cf. Jelf, 828, 2. The
relative without dv is used in general statements which refer to
some definite substantive or pronoun in the principal clause, that,
or who, which ; the conjunctive is used to give that indefiniteness
which a general statement implies.
c. K&C OVK av tlnoav K. r.X. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 97. Hor. ii. Od. ii. 1.
Cf. also 7rpo<T^lp<r0ai a;ropoi, difficult to come to close quarters with,
ix. 49.
CH. XLVII. a. "lorpoc K. T. \. Of these the Ister or Danube
is the most western ; the Tanais or Don the most eastern. Cf.
iv. 16, a., 20, a., and 51 57. From what is said in this ch. it is
evident that " our author must have passed beyond the mouths, of
the Danube." See D. p. 45, on Hdtus' Travels out of Greece,
CH. XLVIII. a. nai Oeptog ical \uiiuvos,both in summer and win-
ter. Temporal Gen. The moment of time in which an action
takes place is sometimes conceived of as a necessary condition of
the action, and therefore antecedent to it. Jelf, 523. Tiopara
the Pruth, according to D'Anville, followed by R. p. 59, the
Ararus is the Siret, the Naparis the Proava, the Odressus the
Argis, and the Tiarantus probably the Olt or Alut.
CH. XL IX. a. IK .... Si 'Aya9vp(rwv Mdptc On the Agathyrsi
cf. iv. 104, a. The Maris, cf. R. p. 86, and H. Scyth. ch. i. p. 10,
the Marosch, which rises in Transylvania and falls into the Tiess,
a tributary of the Danube.
b. rpttf aXXoi K. T. X. Of these three the Tibisis is the Tiess, ac-
cording to R., p. 59, which Hdtus by mistake has made to descend
from Mt Haemus, the Balkan, instead of from the Bastarnian Alps
in the opposite quarter. The other two Larcher confesses himself
ignorant of ; nor is it by any means easy to fix them without con-
sidering Hdtus guilty of some error. B. Mt Rhodope, now Des-
poto Dayh. On the authority of Mannert, the Athres is the lan-
tra; the Noes, also called Osmus, the Osma; the Atarnes, the Vid ;
the Scius or Cius, the Jsker ; the Angrus, the Morave of Servia ;
the Brongus, the Morave of Bulgaria. The situations of the Carpis
and Alpis cannot be fixed. The Umbrica or Ombrica of the Gks,
see Niebuhr, (vol. i. ch. viii., Twiss,) bordering upon the obscure
regions of the Adriatic, was of a large and indefinite extent. In
Hdtus it reaches to the foot of the Alps, whilst in the earlier
geography of the poets, it undoubtedly extended as far S. as Mt
Garganus.
c. piu yap 6 *I<rrpoc .... KtXrwv, Cf. ii. 33, e., and on the
Cynetes the same ch. For further information, see the extracts
from Mannert and Niebuhr given in the articles Celtce and Ci/nesii,
Class. Diet. The student should read D., p. 64, " The Nile and
the Danube." *c TXj0oe, with respect to size. Cf. Jelf, 625, 3, c.
CH. L. rt. vinery It iravra xparat, sc. olVij 17 yij- constanter nive
terra hcec, i. e. snow covers every thing in the icinter-time,
222 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Schw. Wh it is said aoove auout the Nile receiving no tributary
stream, pro jably refers to its receiving none after it has entered
Egypt. Cf. ii. 28, b.
b. avrmOifiiva avriarjKtaai^ yivtrai, and these matched or set one
against pro luce a restoration of the balance. Observe avriaiiKtavis
fern, predicate. When the predicative substantive does not signify
a person, but a thing, (abstract or concrete,) it is frequently joined
with a subject of different gender, and sometimes of different num-
ber. This occurs also in the apposition of substantives. (Cf. i.
32, /., 205, a.) Jelf, 382, 1.
CH. LI. a. Tupi/c, the Dniester. Cf. iv. 11, d.
CH. LII. a. "Yiravtg "As the Hypanis is the 3rd in order of
these rivers, and placed next to the Borysthenes, both here and in
iv. 17, it can be no other than the Boug ; as the Tyres, which im-
mediately preceded it, can be no other than the Dniester-. The
circumstance of the near approach of the two, shows how well our
author was informed ; for these rivers do really approach very near
to each other at Braclaw and Mohilow, in the early part of their
courses ; and afterwards diverge very considerably in their way to
the Euxine." R. p. 56.
b. iv 6\ifotffi peyav. fluvium inter minores magnum. Schw. Or
rather, great among a few, (viz. that are so,) i. e. there are few rivers
as great as it: great even among rare examples of greatness. So the
French translator, " d' une grandeur peu commune." Cf. Jelf,
622, 1, a. Cf. ix. 41, a. On the agricultural Scythians and the
Alazones, cf. iv. 17, b.
CH. LIII. a. Bopv<r0i/jc, the Dnieper. Cf. iv. 17, a.
b. pin Tt K. r. X. and it flows with a clear stream among muddy
ones, (Jelf, 637, ii- 1>) i. e. among other turbid rivers, it alone pre-
serves its waters clear. On the country adjacent, cf. H. Scyth. ch.
i. p. 8.
c. terfTtd rt K. T. \. These B. thinks to be sturgeons ; of the roe
of which the caviare is made. In the next sentence, the region
Gherrus, so called from the river, cf. iv. 54, a., is spoken of as 40
days' sail up the Dnieper. Cf. H. Scyth. ch. i. p. 9.
d. Mnrpog Cybele, the Phrygian deity, worshipped in Olbia, a
colony of Miletus, is probably here intended : this is evidenced
by some of the coins of Olbia lately discovered with the head of
the Mater Phrygica encircled with her mural crown. B. Cf. v.
102, a. Others find an Indian deity in the Cybele here spoken of,
and trace in her worship a connexion in the way of commerce of
that country with Scythia. Cf. iv. 79, b., 81, b., 82, a., 13, a.
e. airb TOVTUV K. r. X. thus much then (worthy of mention) urixpa
from (the subject of) these rivers, i. e. so much concerning them. Cf.
Jelf, 620, 3, d. airb TOVTWV nearly = TO. irtpl rovrovq, as in iv. 195,
and vii. 195. Schw.
CH. LIV. a. Uavrucairne " The description of the courses and
confluences of the Panticapes, Hypacyris, and Gherrus, cannot be
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 223
reconciled to modern geography, and, as far as we can understand,
they cannot have been of any great bulk." R. p. 57- The Panti-
capes perhaps was the Desna, the Hypacyris the Kanilshak, and
the Gerrhus the Tasczenac, according to R., p. 71. Cf. iv. 19, a.
H., 1. 1. p. 9, considers the Panticapes either the Psol or the Sula,
a more southern branch of the Dnieper.
CH. LVIL a. TavaV t the Don (i.e. Water)* "The modern
name Don, seems to be a corruption of Tana, the proper name 0'
the river, as well as of a city which stood on or near the site o
Azoph, and not far from its embouchure in the Palus Maeotis. The
Tanais does indeed spring from a lake, but it appears to be a verj
small one, and is not even marked in the Russian maps. R. p. 57
and note. On the Hyrgis, cf. iv. 22, a.
CH. LVIII. a. avoiy. rolai Krrivtffi K. T. X. by opening the carcasset
of the beasts, &c. Cf. Jelf, 609, 3, Instrumental Dat. That
whereby any judgment concerning any thing is formed.
CH. LIX. a. ovpaviijv 'A0po&r;v Cf. i. 105, c. The mention
of Hercules and Mars, Ritter, Erdkunde ii. p. 838, refers to a re-
port that spread far in the early ages of some monarch of very
great wisdom, who flourished in the golden age, by the Phoanicians
named Malek-art-es, by the Gks Hercules, by the Romans Mars,
and by others of the Gks and the Scythians Ares. In another
place, ii. 793, he traces the worship of Mars to the nation of the
Chalybes and the Scythians, who dwelt near the Pontus and ex-
celled in the art of working iron, to which also he refers what is
said in iv. 62, of the worship paid to Mars under the image of a
sword by the Huns. B. On the affinity, and perhaps identity, of
Hercules with Malek-art-es, or Melcarth, see Mull. Dor. ii. p. 459.
Cf. also ii. 44, .
b. TafitTi K. r. X. This and the following names, Anquetil, quoted
by Creuzer, derives from the Zend, the Persian sacred language ;
according to which, Tahiti from tabad, heated ; UaTralog from Baba,
Father ; 'ATT'IU, the earth, from Apria, dust ; 0Y6ervpoe, Apollo, from
Doethre, i. e. an eye, according to Ritter, Erdk. ii. p. 906, who
traces the worship of Apollo and Diana among the Scythians to the
Indian adoration of the sun and moon, this deity being identical
with the Indian Buddha and the Odin or Wodan of the Northern
nations ; 'Aprifitraffa, Venus Urania, from Artpada, perhaps identical
with the Hertha of the Germans, great queen ; and Qanmnaaacn^.
Neptune, from Tamen-zadeh, i. e. parturition-aiding. B.
CH. LXI. a. viroKaiovai TO. barta L., quoted by the Oxfd.
Trans., refers on the custom to Ezekiel xxiv. 5, " Take the choice
of the flock, and burn also the bones under it, and make it boil well,
and let them seethe also the bones of it therein."
b. airafiapivos offering part of. S. and L. D., which see under
* On the derivations of the names of the Scythian rivers, most of which contain
one or more elements signifying, in Sclavonian, water, or river, read Donaldson**
Varronianus, ch. ii. &, p. 32, seqq.
224 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
and Karopxo/iat, and cf. Odyss. iii. 446, seqq., and cf. ii.
45, a.
C. 7rp6/3ara cattle. Cf. i. 133, c.
CH. LXII. a. Kara vopovs ap^jjtwv in their several districts,
in each of the places appointed for the magistrates to assemble
<ipXov, Curia, the senate-house, here the place used for assembly by
the Scythians in the open air. B. On the origin of the Nomes in
Egypt, cf. ii. 42. From what follows, it would appear probable
that those of the Scythians might be something similar.
b. *Apjoe TO dyaXfia. " The adoration of the god of war under
the figure of a scimitar was a Mongolic custom, and was prac-
tised at the time of Attila among the Huns, and again at the ele-
vation of Genghis-Khan. The filthiness also of the Scythians,
the paste with which the women smeared themselves, their huts,
and their sluggish listlessness, are all Siberian features, as also is
the use of red-hot stones to produce the vapour from hemp-seed."
Niebuhr, Geog. Herod, p. 46. Hence he concludes " they were a
Mongolian race equally distinct from the Getee and the Sarma-
tians." Cf. Thirlw. ii. p. 196.
C. aitv TJjffi \ipai Cf. ii. 121, 5, f. diripZavris from airipSu
having finished or brought to an end.
CH. LXIII. a. val vo/ujovo*, but they are in no wise used to
sicine, make no customary use of swine. Cf. Jelf, 591, obs., quoted
in iv. 117, a-i and ii. 50, c.
ClI. LXIV. a. fit) tviLKat; Si Cf. V. 35, C. lire \fip6/jaKTpov as
a napkin. Cf. Sophocl. frag, of CEnomaus, 2et/0i<rri x tl PP aKT (> v
tKKtKappivoc.. B. On the custom of carrying the heads of their
enemies to the king, as a title to a share of the spoil, rdf w^aXac
diroQspu K. T. X. mentioned just above, cf. Arnold, Hist, of Rome,
i. p. 539, speaking of the same thing among the Gauls after the
battle of the Allia.
CH. LXVI. a. ovttSof .... fikyiarov Cf. Pomp. Mela ii. 1, 118,
" Ut quisque plures interemerit, ita apud eos habetur eximius. Cse-
terum expertem esse csedis, inter opprobria vel maximum est." B.
b. ovvdvo Ki>\iKag t^ovrts bina pocula singuli habentes. Schw.
So also Miot, quoted by B., " ils regoivent deux coupes pleines au
lieu d'une, et boivent la fois dans Tune et 1'autre." Cf. Matth.
Gr. Gr. 141, obs. 2, and Jelf, 161, obs. 2.
CH. LXVII. a. Ini uiav ticdorrijv K.r.X. putting each twig
separate by itself, one by one. The prepos. here expresses an end or
limit of quantity. Jelf, 635, 2, b. Cf. Thucyd. iv. 93, iir' dinrilaf
itkvrt Koi iiKoat. A few lines above, ftavnvovrai pdpSotoi, they divine
by the assistance of many willow wands. On similar methods of
divination, W. refers to Ezekiel xxi. 21. Tacitus, Germ. 10, &c,
b. ol Ik 'Evdpfts Cf. i. 105, e.
CH. LXXI. a. Tafai $1 K.T.\. R., p. 103, observes on the
sepulchres of the ancient Scythians, " that the general truth of our
author's report is fully proved, if it be allowed that a part of the
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 225
tumuli in the plains towards the upper branches of the Irtish, Oby,
&c., are of so ancient a date. Over the whole tract also from the
Wolga to the lake Baikal these tumuli appear scattered," &c. &c.
b. KaTaKfKTjpit>nkvov .... ouipa, vTjSvv accusatives of the part.
Cf. Jeif, 584, 1, Use of Accusative to define the Part. ^\f)fta
KoQ' o\ov teal ftspoc, cf. 478. We must not confound with the real
double ace. case the accusatives of the patient and the part, which
are frequently found with all pure transitive verbs ; the part being
put in apposition with the patient, of which it is only a more ac-
curate expression. On the custom here spoken of, cf. i. 140, 6., 66, c.
c. iv $1 Ty Xoiiry tvpwxuoiy * r. X. Cf. v. 5, and R. p. 109, who
says, " The Kalmucs are still in the habit of burying horses, arms,
&c., with their chiefs." Referring to this passage Arnold, Hist, of
Rome, vol. ii. p. 537, speaking of the first exhibition of gladiators
at Rome, at the funeral of D. Junius Brutus, B. c. 264, observes,
" The principle of this, as part of the funeral solemnity, was very
ancient and very universal ; that the dead should not go on his
dark journey alone, but that a train of other departed souls, whe-
ther of enemies slain to avenge him, or of followers to do him
honour, should accompany him to the unseen world. But the
Romans, it is said, borrowed the practice of substituting a combat
for a sacrifice, that the victims might die by each other's swords,
immediately from the Etruscans," &c. From the note p. 538,
" Every one remembers the slaughter of twelve Trojan princes over
the funeral pile of Patroclus. When the Scythian kings died, some
of all their servants were slain and were buried with them. Herod,
iv. "1- In Thrace single combats took place at the funerals of the
chiefs ; and there also, as in India, the best beloved of the wives of
the deceased was killed and buried with her husband. Herod, v.
5, 8. In Spain, too, when Viriathus was burnt on his funeral pile,
there were single combats fought around it in honour of him," &c.
CH. LXXII. a. a\jjio Et IJUKTV K.T.\., having placed the half of
a icheel, iciih its concave side uppermost, upon two stakes, &c. iirtav
viKpov tKaffTov K. T. X. i. e. by driving a straight stake along the spine as
far as the neck of each corpse, and, of this stake, the end which comes
otit below beyond the body, they fix into an aperture in the other stake,
tchich passes through the horse. B. observes, that the genitive TOVTOU
rov vXov depends on the relative 76 that follows.
b. KvicXtf) rb ffijua, round the tomb, HVK\H> for iripi, cf. Jelf, 621, obs. 2.
CH. LXXIII. a. iravriav TWV, (for a) by Attic Attraction.
Cf. Jelf, 822, 2, and i. 23, a. ffun adnt vot Cf. ix. 1 10, b.
CH. LXXIV. a. rainy 5l voXXif K. r. X., and in this respect, viz.
in being thicker and larger, this hemp far surpasses flax, and it
grows both spontaneously and when sowed. W.
CH. LXXV. a. A similar custom to this is referred to by L.,
from Histoire des Voyages, xiv. p. 666, among the Indians of Hud-
son's Bay, to produce perspiration. Niebuhr considers the prac-
tice was intended, not for a vapour bath, which would have been
Q
226 NOTES ON HEKODOTUS.
effected probably by hot stones alone with water, but to produce
intoxication from the vapour of the hemp seed. B. Cf. iv. 62, b.
CH. LXXVI. a. 'Avaxapaif probably flor. circ. 600 B. c.
Cicero, Tusc. Disp. v. 32, quotes from one of the epistles attributed
to him, which are considered spurious, and the work of a later age.
B. The Abbe Barthelemy's "Letters of Anacharsis" are well
known. Cf. the article Anacharsis, Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog.
b. ry Mrjrpt e. T. X. On the worship of Cybele at Cyzicus, cf. iv.
53, rf., and the refs given by W. : ig Tavrtjv /}, into this, I say, cf.
Jelf, 721, 2, b. tKdnadfiivoe ayaXfiara, having suspended from his
men neck or person little images of the gods. These were hung about
him while he performed the rites.
c. tTrirpoirov, the steward, as Niebuhr explains it, (not the guard-
ian:) he remarks that this incident shows that Hdtus visited the
country. B. Cf. D. p. 45.
CH.'LXXVUI. a. i 'IffTpirjvtJc K.T.\. Cf. ii. 33, g. ctairn
"SicvQiicy, was by no means content with the Scythian fashion of life.
Cf. Jelf, 607, 1, Instrumental dat.
b. ig TO Bopv<70fwYwv darv Olbia. Cf. iv. 17, <*, 12, c.
c. ywdlna ?yi;M c avrd uxorem duxit in istas &des, married a
wife to dwell in his house ; avra referring to ouci'a. V.
CH. LXXIX. a. 'E .... ytvioQat, cf. i. 8, b.
b. ff^iyytf ic. T. \. This Ritter, Vorhalle, p. 226, considers an
argument for the Indian origin of the worship and rites here paid
on the coast of the Euxine. B. Cf. iv. 53, d.
c. Suirprjarivfft This is B.'s reading, which Stephens renders,
indicium detulit, indicavit, informed. Reize conjectures Suirtpiaatvfft,
nimid loquacitate rem effutiit, and Schneider Supfi<?Tivoi, aufuyit,
clapsus est. B. proposes SitTrpriooi, egit, transegit ; 1'eferring to iv.
24, SiairpriffaovTai, and ix. 94. ijpv earaytXore, cf. Jelf, 589, 3,
Transmissive dat.
CH. LXXX. a. TeraX^c Cf. vii. 137.
CH. LXXXI. a. a>e 2i50ac tlvm,for Scythians, considering them
as Scythians. The meaning appears to me to be, that though
they are many absolutely, yet they are few when one considers
that they are Scythians, a nation occupying such an immense tract
of country, and so forth. Cf. ii. 8, d., 135, a. Jelf, 869, 6.
b. TOV Uavaavinc .... aveBtjKf. Cf. Athen. xii. 9, referred to by W.,
where Nymphis relates that this brazen bowl was consecrated by
Pausanias to Neptune, while, after the victory at Plataea, he was
staying near Byzantium. Ritter, Vorhalle, p. 345, quoted by B.,
considers the bowl, which Hdtus appears to have seen at Exam-
paeus, (see D. p. 45, on Hdtus' travels out of Greece,) not to be the
work of Gks, but of the ancient Cimmerians, and to be a proof of
the worship among that nation of Buddha or the sun, the deity of
India; from which country, according to him, the Cimmerians
came. The name of the king Ariantes, he refers to Aria, the
country of the worshippers of Buddha in Aria-Bactria, and con-
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 227
siders the species of vessel here alluded to, to have been among the
most ancient offerings to that deity.
CH. LXXXII. a. Ixvos 'HpaKXtoc Hitter, Vorhalle, p. 382,
seqq., quoted by B., deriving all the religion of Scythia from India,
recognises in this footstep of Hercules, an allusion to the sacred
sandal of Buddha, which appeared after the great deluge, for the
benefit and safety of mankind, the track of which is sho\vn still in
many parts of India, and especially in Ceylon. Thus by a colony of
Indians migrating to the river Tyras (Dniester}, and carrying with
them the rites of Buddha, what properly belonged to the Indian
deity came to be ascribed to the Grecian.
CH. LXXXIII. a. On the date, &c. of this expedition, cf. iv.
1, a., 118, a. On the probable reasons why Darius undertook it,
cf. Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 198, "not to cbnquer the country, but as
a precaution of security to his empire, to weaken and humble the
people to terrify the Scythians with his gigantic power, having
the subjugation of Thrace as his real object, and perhaps to avenge
some recent aggressions."
6. iriii iirnrkiiiTovToq ayfi\ovQ K. r. X. "On extraordinary occasions,
whether of great national undertakings for the aggrandizement of
the empire, or of formidable invasions from without, the custom
was revived of mustering the whole force of the empire, as is proved
by the mighty expeditions of Darius Hyst., Xerxes, and the last
Darius. Even the preliminary steps to such armaments were of
vast magnitude. The king's mandate was addressed to all nations,
and specified the number of men, horses, and ships, or the amount
of provisions to be furnished by each. Cf. vii. 20. Throughout
the vast dominions of Persia, the nations of the East and West
were gathered together in herds, and one of the most extraordinary
spectacles ensued which the history of the world has recorded, &c.
The numbering the enemy by tens of thousands was the customary
practice on such expeditions, nor must the recorded amounts be
considered as an exaggeration of Hdtus." From H. Pers. ch. ii.
p. 232, seqq. The whole of the above sect. i. is in the highest de-
gree worth attention, rolai piv roiffi ci roiai ct, We sometimes
find in a succession of actions to be distinguished from each other,
fjiiv with the first, and then ?i with each succeeding one. Cf. vi.
122; iii. 108; Jelf, 764, rf.
c. rt}v diropirjv. inopiam, paupertatt-m. Others render dijficulta-
tem, i. e. Scythanim terram inradendi, as in iv. 40, c. airopoi
Trpovfiiaytiv. B. Cf. also Thticyd. iv. 32, n-Jtoptararai.
CH. LXXXIV. a. Cf. vii. 33, where a similar instance of in-
humanity is related of Xerxes ; and cf. vii. 39, a. What is here
related of Darius is considered by Mitford, c. vi. 3, note 15, as
most improbable, both from the politic nature and humanity of
Darius' character, on which cf. vi. 30, a., i. 41, a.
CH. LXXXV. a. rij<; Ka\x/eovii}e c. r. X. "This bridge," says
R. p. 117, "was thrown across the Bosphorus, now called the
Q 2
228 NOTES OX REUODOTUS.
channel of Constantinople. Although Hdtus seems to speak as if
the bridge had been at Chalcedon, yet this may be a loose way of
speaking; Chalcedon being the nearest town of note to the bridge.
In c. 87, he speaks more accurately. Besides, Chalcedon is situ-
ated beyond the opening of the Bosphorus into the Propontis ; and
has an expanse of more than double the breadth of the Bosphorus,
between it and Constantinople." See the plan in R. p. 116.
b. rag Kvavkag 2 small rocky islands (the Sympleyades of my-
thology, Urek-Jaki) at the entrance of the Euxine. Cf. R.'s map,
and Cyanece, Smith's C. D.
c. rtf ip<{> i. e. the temple ofZiiig Oupioe, who presided over favour-
able winds : at the entrance of the Pontus, on the. Asiatic side, about
5 miles from the Cyanean rocks. B. It is marked in R.'s map.
d. TOV Hovrov, Cf. Gibbfln, Decl. and Fall, c. 17, R- p. 53, seqq.,
and particularly p. 120, seqq. The average width of the Thracian
Bosphorus (C/iannel of Constantinople) is from one to two miles, in
one place about 500 paces, and its length from the Cyanean rocks
to the harbour of Constantinople, 16 miles.
CH. LXXXVI. a. VTJVQ K. r. \. According to Hdtus' calcula-
tion that a vessel makes in a long day 70,000 orguise, or fathoms,
and in a night 60,000, which are respectively equal to 700 stades
and 600 stades, the whole distance will be 1300 stades in the 24
hours. The whole navigation being of nine days and eight nights
= 16 days, gives about 38 G. miles per diem. See the very in-
teresting comparison in R. p. 678, seqq. of the ancient rates of
sailing ; the mean of which he concludes to be 37 G. miles for a
day's sail of 24 hours ; hardly so much as one-third of the rate of a
modern ship.* See also D. p. 73, 74.
b. eepitwlovTt Cf. ii. 104, d. Sii/ducije Cf. iv. 28, e., and R. p. 158.
C. \lfivt]v . . . . ov iro\\tf Tftfi i\a<fffit> fiaiiTov, On the Palus MjBOtis,
cf. iv. 3, a. R., p. 54, remarks that " our author must have sup-
posed this sea to have extended a vast way to the N. and E. beyond
the truth. The ideas of Polybius, iv. 3, on this subject are worth
attention, as well for the matter of them, as that they serve to ex-
plain the idea of Hdtus in this place."
CH. LXXXVI I. a. ivr. -ypa//para, Accus. of cognate substantive,
to the notion implied in the verb. Jelf, 548, obs. 3. iOvi a iravra, cf.
Jelf, 580, 1. Accus. in Apposition. The accus. (frequently with a
gen. depending on it) is put in apposition to the patient of the
verb, or the cognate or equivalent notion, with which it agrees.
'Aoavfua ypa/jpara i. e. in the Babylonish character cf. i. 102, b.,
* Sailing vessels have lately attained an astonishing speed. From the Liverpool Al-
bion (local paper) of Dec. 29, 1851, 1 extract the following : " The Stornaway,"Aberdeen
built ship, from Whampoa to Liverpool in 104 days ; " the Chrysolite." also Englis.li
built, the same distance in 105 days ; and " the Surprise," American built, in 106 days.
In the same paper of Feb. 23, 1852, " the Phoenician," Aberdeen clipper, 83 days from
Sydney to Liverpool, a distance of, at least, 13,000 miles, (taking the shortest passant-.
round C. Horn,) giving an average rate of 15C$ miles per day. The two quickest passages
on record, are said to be those of "the Scottish Maid" from Liverpool to Lima in 75
days, and of " the Flying Cloud," American clipper, from New York to San Francisco
in 90 days. The latter vessel is said to have run on one day the distance of 374 miles, an
average of) 5 J knots per hour. The log is copied in the Liverpool Albion of Oct. 27, 1851.
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 229
on the extended signification of the word Assyrian. In all proba-
bility, the writing which the Gks and Persians termed " Assyrian,"
was no other than the cuneiform character, in general use among
the Persians for inscribing on public monuments ; found, as well
on the Babylonish bricks, as in the inscriptions at Persepolis ; all
of which in the cuneiform character have reference to Darius
Hystaspes and his s. Xerxes. They are scattered about in all
directions there. Read Appendix ii. to H. As. Nat. ii. p. 323, 332,
338, and see on the late discoveries in reading the cuneiform letters,
&c., the very interesting ch. iii. Nineveh, in E. Orient. H. p. 251.
b. ri/c 'Op0u<T'ijc 'AprifuSof. The Diana Orthia, Ortnosia, or
Iphigenia or Diana Tauropolus, whose rites were celebrated at
Sparta and elsewhere. Her worship was at first brought from
Scythia and Tauris into Greece, and afterwards carried by the
colonies of the Dorians, among whom she was peculiarly adored,
to Byzantium. B. Miiller, Dor. vol. i. B. p. 397, seqq., conceives
that her worship came to Laconia from Lemnos, probably identical
in early tradition with Tauria, a poetical name that the country
derived from the symbol of the bull, in the same manner as Lycia
in later times took its name from the symbol of the wolf. It seems
certain that the Tauric Diana was no more derived from the Tau-
rians, than the Ethiopian Diana from the Ethiopians. Cf. Smith's
C. D., Artemis.
c. 6 x<5poe TOV !v K. T. \. B. inclines to the opinion of Kruse
that the bridge was constructed where, on the European shore, the
towers Rumili-Eski-Hissar, and on the Asiatic, Anadoli-Eski-Hissar,
now stand ; probably the same as those marked in R.'s plan, p. 120,
the Old Castles of Europe and Asia.
CH. LXXXV1II. a. iraai Stica. with ten of every thing. Cf. i.
50, a., and ref. in iii. 140, a., iii. 84, a. <a ypa^dfitvoc (= wypa-
$a(uvo) K.r.X., having had painted (from the life) all the passage of
the Bosphorus. Cf. j'elf, 548, obs. 3, 569, 3.
b. 7-6"HpaTov, Cf. iii. 60, c.
CH. LXXXIX. a. TOV irora^ov rbv av^sva, The point above the
head of the Delta, where this bridge was built, would be at Tilt-
scha, not far from the city of Ismail, nor from where the r. Pruth
joins the Danube. B. The two mouths of the Danube formed
the island Pence, where the Scythians placed their wives and chil-
dren when Alexander invaded "them ; a proof that in after times
the Scythians had changed their abodes. Niebuhr, Res. into the
Hist, of Scyth. p. 60.
b. Tidpov, the Teara, Deara, or Dera. Smith's C. D.
CH. XC. a. ' A.iro\\uvinG afterwards Sozopolis, SizeboK. The
Contadesdus, the Kutschukdere, according to Mannert, quoted by
B. The Agrianes is the Erkene ; and the Hebrus, the Maritza.
CH. XCII. a. 'Aprtaieof the Arda, according to Gatterer; ac-
cording to Mannert, the Tunsa. B.
CH. XCIII. a. Tirac roi>s aQavari^ovraf. icJio hold the soul im-
230 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
mortal. "\V. The Getae anciently dwelt in the region between the
Hfernus and the Ister, now called Bulgaria, with part of Servia ;
but in the time of Philip of Macedon, they crossed the Ister and
dwelt in Wallachia and Moldavia, and became known by the name
of Dacians. B.
b. 2aXfv<5jj<r<T6v By this is meant not only the city Salmydessus,
Sfidja, but the whole extent of coast from C. Ainada to the mouth
of the Thracian Bosphorus. B. Mesembria, Messivria, on the
coast of the Euxine, at the W. end of Mt Hsemus, the Balkan.
CH. XCIV. a. 'La\noZ,iv According to Porphyry, Vita Pythag.
14, his name was derived from the Thracian ZaX/ioc, a bear's hide,
having been covered with a bear's skin, as soon as he was born.
Cf. Creuzer, Symbol, ii. p. 301, not. 20. B. "The Pythagorean
doctrines about the soul spreading in various forms, among the
barbaric races who came in contact with the Greeks, seems to have
given rise to this whole fable about Zalmoxis." Smith's D. of Gr.
and R. Biog. Cf. iv. 13, a., and 95, b.
b. rtj3t\ii^iv, meaning lie who gives repose, from the Lithuanian
(jeyra lei/sis. Boyer, quoted by L. and B.
CH. XC\. a. 'Op St iruvQc'tvofiai TOV ZaX/to(f $ov\tvaat, Cf.
Jelf, 193, 4, Consolidation of Sentences, on the accus. and infin.
here. From the beginning of this ch. it is evident that Hdtus
visited the coast of Thrace, and the Gk colonies on the Euxine,
though it does not appear he ever penetrated into the interior of
Thrace. B. Cf. also v. 10, a., and H. Scyth. ch. i. p. 4. Ba0.
17 Kara Qpi/tKac., deeper than were common among the Thracians.
Cf. Jelf, 629, 3, e. Kara, according to, after the fashion of. Cf. i.
121,6.
b. IlvOayopij, probably born about 570 B. c., flourished in the time
of Polycrates and Tarquinius Superbus, B. c. 540 510. See the
discussion on his institutions in Thirlw. ii. c. 12, p. 139156.
" The conjecture that the chief object of the mysteries was to in-
culcate the dogma of the immortality and migrations of the soul,
seems to be confirmed by the story which was current among the
Gks on the Hellespont about the imposture of Zalmoxis." See
Pythagoras, Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog. D. p. 115, observes
that " here also in relation to Samos, as in iii. 26, the purely acci-
dental similarity of names has manifestly jumbled together distinct
narratives. The Greeks of the Hellespont and Pontus made the
national god of the Getse to be a native of Samos, simply because
he was called Zalmoxis ; and in order to account for the belief of
the Getae in the immortality of the soul, they still further repre-
sented him to have been a scholar of Pythagoras. Hdtus acknow-
ledges the unsuitableness of the assumption, without, as it seems,
having discovered the occasion of ir."
CH. XCVII. a. ti oi 0i'Xoi> tit), cf. Jelf, 879, Moods in the In-
terrogative Sentence. The conjunct, (with idv or ft) after principal,
the opt. (with ') after historic tenses, have a deliberative force.
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 231
CH. XCVIII. a. d-n-a-^ag apparci Cf. Jelf, 569, 3. A similar
method of calculation was used among the early Romans, by driv-
ing a nail into the door-post of the temple of Minerva. Cf. Livy
vii. 3. B. So Abba-Thulle, the kg of the Sandwich Islands, com-
puted by untying the knots tied on a rope for the purpose, the
length of time his son, Prince Lee-Boo, would be absent in England.
It was a method of surprising rudeness, Thirlw. remarks, to be em-
ployed among the Persians.
CH. XCIX. a. avrri ijSii apxai'q ?KV()IKT) hcBC est veins Scythia :
nempe prisca Scj/tharum terra, prius quam illi, pulsis Cimmeriis,
versus orientem limites suos promovissent." Cf. iv. 11, a. ijSrj est
Nine jam incipit. Schw. Cf. also D. p. 65.
b. Xec>(Tovi)ffov TTJC rpj/x^e By this Hdtus meant, not the city of
this name, now called Sevastopol, which, B. notes, was altogether
unknown to him, not being built till after his time, but the whole
of the Chersonesus, known generally under the name of Taurica or
Sci/jthica. By the Eastern Sea the Pahts Maotis is meant, which
Hdtus considered to be nearly as large as the Euxine itself. Cf.
iv. 86, c. Schw.
c. <if ti rrjf ' ArrtKJjc r. r. X ..... wg ft rrjq 'Ij/Truyi'jjj K. r. X. See the
very interesting remarks of D. p. 35, on the inference to be drawn
from these comparisons ; viz. " that our author wrote his history
in Italy." Cf. also iv. 15, to which he refers, we tlvai ravra. K. r. \.
Cf. Jelf, 864, i. 2. wg tlvat (i. e. IZiivai) fffitupd ravra ntyaXoicri
ovpfiaXttiv, i. e. ita, ut liceat, comparare.
CH. CI. a. "Although the area and extent of Scythia was
greatly under-rated by Hdtus, yet, by a misconception of the re-
lative positions of the coasts of the Euxine and the Palus Maeotis,
he has over-rated the extent of the coast of Scythia on those seas.
For, by the context, it appears that he supposed the coasts of the
Euxine and Maeotis to form a rt angle at their point of junction,
at the peninsula of Taurica, the Krimea ; representing two sides
which respectively faced the S. E. and S.W.; or perhaps more
strictly the E. S. E. and S. S. W. The truth is, that the coasts of
the Euxine do not conjointly present any such forms as he sup-
poses but, on the contrary, the maritime part of Scythia extends
generally in an E. N. E. direction from the mouth of the Danube
to that of the Tanais ; forming not two sides of a square, but in
effect one side only of a parallelogram of much greater dimensions ;
although that side be very crooked and indented. R. p. 51. avd
3ir)K. drat. about 200 stades. Jelf, 624, 3.
6. i/ Si odog 17 K. r. X. In this it is to be remarked that Hdtus is
not even consistent with himself in calculating the length of a
day's journey ; for in v. 53 he gives only 150 stades, instead of 200.
Cf. i. 72, d. The variation is still greater in Strabo, i. p. 61, where
the day's journey is reckoned at from 250 to 300 stades. W. Such
an uncertain method of calculation may well account for Hdtus'
errors in computation. See D. p. 72, and cf. p. 74, note 11
232 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. CII. a. Taupwv K. r. X. "It would appear that some at
least of these names were purely Grecian, and are therefore the
nicknames given by that people, rather than the proper names of
the nations. Or the Grecians may have given significant Greek
names, which in sound resembled the proper ones." R. p. 83.
CH. CIII. a. Tavpoi The Tauri Gatterer has shown with great
probability to have been the remnant of the ancient Cimmerians,
who were driven from their homes by the Scythians. Schw. The
same is also the opinion of H., Scyth. ch. i. p. 7. Cf. iv. 24, b.
They occupied the greatest part of the Crimea, to which they gave
their own name.
b. Qvovoi fji'tv ry Ilap&vy i. e. to IpJiigenia, cf. iv. 87, b., as ap-
pears from what follows. Hence, according to some, arose the
epithet Tawpon-oXoc, usually applied to Diana. On the worship
paid to Iphigenia, whom some writers make only to be the priestess
of the goddess, and not the goddess herself, cf. Creuzer, Annall.
Viennenss. liv. p. 133, B., and Smith's C. D., Artemis,
CH. CIV. a. 'AyaBvpffoi According to R., p. 85, they occupied
the province of Transylvania generally; together with the N.E.
part of Hungary. " Their vicinity to the Carpathian Mts, which
exceed all other mountainous parts of Europe in their productive-
ness of gold, accounts for the abundance of this metal among the
Agathyrsi." H. As. Nat. i. p. 30. Cf. iii. 116, b., and Yirg. jn.
iv. 146.
CH. CV. a. Nevpoi Cf. iv. 17, c. By the plague of serpents
in this ch., B. conjectures is meant a swarm of locusts, which com-
mit infinite devastation in the S. parts of Russia bordering on the
Black Sea, and which must have caused such a scarcity of the
agricultural produce, as to have necessitated the Neuri for a time
to quit their own country and seek sustenance elsewhere. " They
afterwards returned." Cf. H. Scyth. ch. i. p. 10, note.
b. KtvSvvtvovat .... t Ivai videntur esse, sunt, run the risk of being
thought, are like to be thought. A phrase very common in Plato
and Xenophon. V.
c. Xvicog yivtrcu The wolf Creuzer, Symbol, ii. p. 131, considers
as appertaining to the worship of the sun, and to have been a sym-
bol of that luminary ; whence also Latona was represented to have
come to Delos and brought her worship thither from the Hyper-
boreans under the image of a she-wolf. B. Cf. iv. 33, a. KOI
opvvovoi & Xeyovrtf. and they swear it too, when they say it. Jelf,
769, 2. icat 8s (divided, except in Epic, by the word in which the
contrast resides) may be translated by, and on the other side, also,
then too, which is derived from its original force of in the second
place.
CH. CVI. a. 'Avfyo^ayot " This tribe," says R. p. 86, " must
have occupied Polish Russia, and both banks of the river Prypetz,
the western head of the Borysthenes." Gatterer, who is quoted
and followed by Heeren, Scyth. p. 11, says it is plain that neither
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 233
the name of this nation, nor the name " Melanchlseni," were the
peculiar appellation of the tribes to which they belonged, that
they were called Bastarnte at a later period, and were a branch of
the German stock ; and that the appellations by which Hdtus
speaks of them were derived from the Greeks. That those whom
he calls the Androphagi, adds Schw., should have been accustomed
to support life on the raw flesh of horses, may be believed ; but
not that they should have lived on human flesh ; a custom, more-
over, which would be greatly at variance with the wise and equit-
able answer attributed to them in iv. 119.
b. tffQijra St tyoptovm . . . y\S>aaav t lSir\v. " An important use
of brachylogy is where several objects depend on one verb, which
strictly can be applied to only one of them ; but the notion of the
verb is such as admits of a more general or more particular appli-
cation. This sort of brachylogy is called Zeugma. Cf. II. iii. 326.
Find. 01. i. 88, &c." Jelf, 895, 5. Thus, in the sentence above,
the latter -Xwa. Si IS. is referred to the idea of l-xpvai, contained in
tfiopeovm.
CH. CVII. a. MeXayx^aivoi H. 1. 1. p. 11, agrees with R. p. 86,
m placing the Anthropophagi in the vicinity of Smolensk, and the
Melanchlseni near Moscow.
CH. CVIII. a. 'BovSlvoi Cf. iv. 21, b. yXavKvv rrvpoov, blue-
eyed and red-haired. Schw., B., and H. Scyth. I. 1. p. 12. The
wooden city, and the lake of the Budini, mentioned in the following
chapt., are commented on by H. Scyth. p. 27, seqq. The wooden
city, which the Geloni, originally Gks who had retired thither
from the commercial towns on the Black Sea, inhabited, was a
commercial establishment, a slobode, designed as a staple for the
fur trade ; it was founded by the Gk traders of the Pontus, and con-
tained buildings and temples for their use. The lake was a species
of preserve for the various animals whose fur was valuable, otters,
beavers, and other animals of the same kind ; either sables, or the
sea-dogs, phocce vitulince, which inhabit the lakes of Siberia; the
surprising size of whose heads justifies the expression employed by
Hdtus in describing them.
CH. CIX. a. QQtipoTpayeovai eat lice. Hitter interprets it eat
the seeds of the fir-cone, but neither this sense, nor that which sup-
poses some species of fish to be intended, appears applicable to the
passage. Eaters of lice are also spoken of in iv. 168, among the
Libyans, by Strabo among the inhabitants of the Caucasus, and by
Pomponius Mela and Pliny Phthirophagi are mentioned among
the Scythian tribes. B.
b. Qrjpia rerpaywvoTrpoawTra, Schw. and B. observe " Quaenam
quidem alia animalia dicat quadrato vultu, definire non ausim."
Perhaps, as B. suggests, Hdtus may have only seen the dried or
stuffed heads of the animals, and these may have lost their natural
shape and so deceived him. Cf. iv. 108, a.
234 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. CX. a. ^avpoftnriuv K. r. X. Cf. iv. 21, a.
b. 'Ana&vai; " Justin, ii. 4, describes the origin of the Amazons
to be this : a colony of exiled Scythians established themselves on
the coast of the Euxine Sea, in Cappadocia,' near the river Ther-
modon ; and being exceedingly troublesome to their neighbours,
the men were all massacred. This accounts very rationally for the
existence of a community of women ; but who can believe that it
continued?" R. p. 91. The legend of the Amazons is well known.
M tiller, Dor. vol. i. p. 405, seqq., conceives it to have arisen from the
female attendants on the Ephesian Diana, a deity represented as
well beneficent and nourishing, as with the attributes of war and
destruction ; a double and opposite character, traceable in the other
branches of her worship. The native place of this deity was pro-
bably Cappadocia, where the sight of the innumerable female
slaves, ifp6Sov\ot, engaged there and in other parts of Asia .Minor
in her temples, suggested the idea of an army of Amazons, cele-
brating, as they did, with frantic rites a divinity who was at the
same time a Bdlona and a Magna Mater. The theory of Creuzer,
Symbol, ii. p. 115, 175, is not very dissimilar that they were a
class of female Lunar worshippers, of a w r arlike as well as a re-
ligious character that the word, in short, signified viragoes, and
was derived from the Circassian maza, the moon. The word oi'op,
Hitter observes, who refers the legend to Oriental mythology, re-
sembles the Sanscrit viroh, a man, or hero. " The belief of the Grks
in their existence as a real historical race, may have arisen from
the peculiar way in which the women of some of the Caucasian
districts lived, and performed the duties which in other countries
devolve upon men, as well from their bravery and courage, which
are noticed as remarkable even by modern travellers." Smith's C.
D., Amazons. Kara nvpa, The singular has sometimes a collective
force, and stands for the plural ; this arose from a poetical way of
looking at plurality as unity. Jelf, 354, 1.
c. Kpripvovg. On the Palus Mfeotis ; the name is supposed by
Mannert to be of Gk origin, and to refer to the rocky situation of
the place, which he conceives stood at the mouth of the Tanais near
Taganrog. B. iiri TOVTWV (sc. ITTTTWV supplied from t7T7ro0op/3(y). Cf.
Jelf, 893, d., Brachyloyy. A substantive cognate to some word in
the sentence is supplied from that word (Trapou/i^a).
CH. CXI I. a. o?jv t^oiov, Accusat. cognate subst. Jelf, 552, a.
CH. CXIII. a. tvxP'V*"'''ro,aceess2,"Veneris causa. Cf.iii.85. B.
b. titrtXwffavro from KTiXou, mansurfecerunt, tamed, won over. Cf.
Find. Pyth. ii. 30, itpsa icriXov 'AQpodirag. W.
CH. CXIV. a. ai vn'trepat yvva!c K. T. X. Hdtus has here
attributed to the women of Scythia the manners of those of Greece,
among whom TO ivSbv psvuv icai otKovptlv was the first virtue. V.
Cf. the close of the funeral oration, Thucyd. ii. 45, and Aristot.
Khet. i. 5, 6.
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 235
b. (Tv/WpfffOai to ayree with them, live on good terms with them. B.
Cf. S. and L. D.
c. iir' iipewv avr'nav, by ourselves, apart, separate. Cf. ix. 17.
iir iwiJTwv K. T.\. he bade them take their post by themselves ; and v.
93. Cf. Jelf, 633, 3, e.
CH. CXV. a. TO kirt(3a\\ovCf. ii. 180, c.
b. </>6/3oc .... &og terror and affright: the latter word is dis-
tinguished, according to Ammonius, from the former, as being more
lasting. B.
CH. CXVI a. TWV ZavpopaTewv Cf. iv. 21, a.
CH. CXVII. a. <bwvy voftitovffi 2*., use customarily the
Scythian tongue. Cf. Jelf, Transmistsive Uat. 591, obs. In the
construction of vopifyiv there seems to be a notion supplied by the
mind, of xp^9ai, or some such word, to which vo/*(v added the
notion of " habitually, bciny accustomed" and was thence substituted
for it. Cf. ii. 50, c., iv. 63, a.
b. ao\(HKioi>TiQ avTij, speaking it incorrectly, making solcecisms in it.
Cf. Jelf, 603, Circumstantial or modal Dative. Trpiv av airoKnivy,
cf. Jelf, 848, 1, 2, 4, obs. 1.
CH. CXVIII. a. 'ETTI TOVTW K.T.\. On the causes, &c. of
Darius' Scythian expedition, cf. iv. 83, a. On the probability, or
improbability, that "Darius ever really traversed the regions in
Scythia that Hdtus describes," see the excellent remarks in Thirl-
wall ii. ch. xiv. p. '200, &c. Niebuhr, Geog. Researches, p. 57, has
some observations on this expedition, and on Scythian History in
general, well worthy the reader's attention. " Hdtus mentions
only three events in the history of the Scythians. First, that they
subdued the Median empire and Asia, as far as Egypt; which
they lost after 28 years' dominion. Secondly, the expedition of
Darius. Third, that about the beginning of the Bellum Pelop.
Scyles in vain fled to Sitalces, and was given up to Octamasdes.
At the time when Hdtus wrote, above 80 years had elapsed since
the expedition of Darius; but had he collected his information
many years earlier, it might even then have been altogether false.
Nothing can be so fabulous as that a million of men should have
marched beyond the Don, through a desert of many hundred miles
in width, where the grass and pasturage was destroyed, and re-
turned unmolested over such rivers as the Don, the Dniester, and
the Dnieper ; nor indeed would the king have so soon given up an
expedition he commanded in person. In short, the whole matter
involves an impossibility, nor have we any certain historical know-
ledge of it at all. As to their form of government, Hdtus takes for
granted the assertion that the Scythians were all dependent on the
Royal Horde, on which point he adduces no testimony whatever.
Connexions of this kind were uncertain, and short in duration, and
when Thucydides wrote, the nation was disunited and broken up
into separate tribes." Add also H. Scyth. ch. i. p. 4. " The dif-
ferent accounts of Darius' Scythian expedition rested upon tradition
236 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
collected in Olbia and in Scythia itself; iv. 81. on this point I ac-
knowledge with the excellent biographer of Hdtus, Dahlmann, (p.
120, seqq., which see throughout,) that there is much exaggeration
in the assertion of these people that Darius reached the Wolga and
raised some forts on that river. But we must not forget that the Per-
sian army contained an abundance of light cavalry, which, like the
Cossacks before the Russian regular armies, could and must have
advanced in all directions as the Scythians retired before them. I
would not maintain, however, that the vanguard of the Persian
army reached the Wolga, but only give the point of view in
which we ought, in my opinion, to look upon the subject." Cf. iv.
143, a.
b. IK ptttov tcarj'ipivoi Cf. iii. 38, a. OVKIOV iroirjtriTt ravra, cf. Jelf,
752, 3. Cf. 860, 8.
c. iiri 7-owry, on this condition, on these terms, i. e. on the supposi-
tion that you do not help us. Jelf, 634, 3, c.
d. ovdtv rt paXXov y ow, cf. Jelf, 749, 3. After y, qitam, after
comparatives, or comparative expressions, ov is sometimes used, as
a repetition of the negative notion of disjunction implied in these
expressions. Cf. v. 94, vii. 16, there quoted.
CH. CXIX. a. 6 rf\wvb(;the Geloni. Cf. i. 2, d.
b. teal fifths TTfia6(ii9a. From rrdox<, nos quoque (hanc invasionem)
non tolerabimus, s. sinemus, B. The conjectures of OVK olaofuGa oiiic
virtiooptQa, &c., seem needless.
CH. CXX. a. TCI TTaptZioitv. Opt. without dv after an expression
of indefiniteness. Jelf, 831, 2.
b. ti St pri tKovrtg y aXX' aKovrag. Where one alternative is
contrasted with the others, yi is used with the one on which the
emphasis is to be laid. " If you will not do it voluntarily, you shall
involuntarily." Jelf, 735, 2.
CH. CXX 1 1. a. ciafidvTw St . . . . fdvdiv K. r. X. This passage
involves a great difficulty as to how the Persians were able so
quickly and easily to traverse the country between the Ister and
the Palus Maeotis, a journey, according to Hdtus himself, iv. 101,
of 20 days, even leaving the rest of his career in Scythia out of the
question. The conjecture of Palmer, Exercitt. ad Grsec. Auct. p.
21, is that Darius either believed that the Hypanis, or perhaps the
Borysthenes, was the Tanais, or pretended to believe it, out of a
desire to increase his own reputation. B. Cf. iv. 118, a. R. p.
113, observes that "even taking Scythia under the limits assigned
by Hdtus himself, that is, from the Danube to the Tanais, the ex-
tent is such, as to require 60 days for an army even to march
through it ; and reckoning to the embouchure of the Tanais only,
no less than 50. Had Scythia indeed been confined within the
supposed dimensions, 4000 stades, 53 days' constant marching
would have sufficed both for the way out and home. But the cir-
cuit taken by Darius cannot well be estimated at less than 150 days'
or 5 months' march ; and had he barely gone to the mouth of the
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 237
Tanais and back, 100 days would be required, although no halts
were allowed for, which could not be dispensed with. When it is
stated therefore that the 60 days, iv. 98, a., were not expired, after
the Persians had passed the borders of the Agathyrsi on their re-
turn, iv. 132, and not long expired when Darius came to the bridge,
this must surely be an error, though he might have expected to re-
turn about that time." See D.'s criticism of B. p. 120, 121.
CH. CXXIII. a. ^ TJjv tpfjfjtov Cf. iv. 22, where this desert is
also mentioned. Gatterer considers it to be the Uralian desert,
situated between the Tanais and the Volga, the same now called by
the Calmucks Naryn, and by the Russians Rynpeski. Mannert
thinks the desert near the salt lake Elton, beyond the Volga, is
meant. B. On the Thyssagetae and the rivers mentioned in the
latter part of the ch., cf. iv. 22, a., on the Tanais, iv. 57, a,, and on
the wooden town mentioned above, iv. 108, c.
CH. CXXIV. a. 6<crw rei'xa D. p. 120, seqq., quoted by B.,
considers the fact that ruins of these castles were to be seen in the
time of Hdtus as certain, from the manner in which he speaks, but
observes that it does not therefore follow that they were built by
Darius ; a point admitting of great doubt, as the reason and object
of their erection by that monarch is by no means manifest. R. p.
103, seqq., appears to have no doubt that the Persians did reach
the Oarus, the Wolga, and fixes the bound of the expedition at the
great bend of that river near Saratow. He appears, however, and
with good reason, sceptical about the distances compared with the
time allowed, and alludes to the obvious difficulty of supplying such
a host with food. Cf. iv. 118, a., 122, a., and D. L I throughout.
CH. CXXV. a. viriKQipovrac K. T. X. semet ex conspectu aufe-
rentes. W. Getting the start by a day's journey, a day's journey ahead.
CH. CXXVI. a. Aai^ovie ill-fated, ill-starred being, according
to Schw. and so S. and L. D., luckless wight. Lange renders it
wonderful or strange man, cf. viii. 84, and the Italian translation
O stravagantissimo degli uomini. B. i6v roi, when it is in your
power. Accusative absolute. Cf. v. 49. irapixov quum liceat.
twv quum oporteret. Jelf, 700, 1, a.
b. yijv n Kal vdupCf. vi. 48, and Aristot. Rhet. ii. 23, 18, TO
tiovai yrjv KOI vEwp SovXiitiv tori. The same form of acknowledging
submission, Pliny, H. N. xxii. 4, mentions as existing among the
Germans of his time. It lasted through the middle ages, as is
evident from Ducange. Glossary, ii. p. 103. Cf. also Virg. ^En.
viii. 128. B.
CH. CXXVII. a. f,v pr, X6 7 o C aipy. Cf. i. 132, b. On
A/a .... eat 'loriqv, cf. iv. 58, b.
b. K\ainv Xiyw, plorare jubeo, I bid you go howl, = I bid you go
hang yourself, I defy you, or something of that kind : a common
phrase among the Attic writers, in which, under a kind of eu-
phemism, the wish is conveyed that those to whom it is addressed
may have evils to undergo and deplore. C, Aristoph. Ach. 1131,
238 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Equit. 433; Plut. 62, 612; Av. 341, &c. B. Cf. also Horace i. Sat.
x. 90, " Discipularum inter jubeo plorare cathedras."
CH. CXXVIII. a. tSo& irXavav *. r. X. it appeared good to
them, the;/ decided, no longer to lead the Persians about, but to attack
them wJutnever they were taking their meals. SIra aipto/wvoi s.
avaipiofiivot., qui prandent cibumque sumunt, occurs also in iii. 26,
vii. 120. W. It is rendered by Schw. going out to orage. B.
perfers the interpretation of W.
CH. CXXIX. a. To ot rolm K. r. \. On the ass, which the Per-
sians employed in war, Creuzer refers to Gesenius, on Isaiah xxi.
7, where the prophet describes in a vision the forces of the Medes
and Persians ; " And the w r atchman saw a chariot with a couple
of horsemen, a chariot of asses, and a chariot of camels," &c. B.
b. vfipiZovris braying. Cf. Xenoph. Anab. v. 8, 8, and Pind.
Pyth. x. 55. W.
c. 6pOa iffTavrec. rd Sra K. T. X. Perhaps borrowed from the fine
description of the horse in Sophocles Elect. 25. Cf. also Horace
ii. Od. xix. 4.
d. ravra piv .... TOV voXifiov. tytpovro (sc. np<rai) from (fxpiaOai.
reportare, adipisci. Schw. So also G., atque hoc, leve quidem, sal
aliquid ad belli successum adepti-sunt Persee. They received this as a
small help toward the war. S. and L. D. This construction
appears preferable to Vallas', as it refers the plural verb to the
raasc. nom. Htpaai, instead of to the neut. ravra.
CH. CXXXII. a. <ruj><rr*/m Ft ravry was opposed to, clashed
with, this. Cf. i. 203, a. On Gobryas, cf. iii. 70.
b. "Hv pri opviBeg K. r. X. Cf. Eurip. Phreniss. 1222. r\v fit'i yt
^fuywi/ iicijtvynQ irpbf aldtpa, and Plautus Amph. i. I, 294. Y.
CH. CXXXIV. a. T f,v aTrop/ijv. Cf. iv. 83, b.
CH. CXXXV. a. rtf Ka9ap<j> TOV arparov Cf. i. 21 1, a.
b. "itffav rijg 0>v^c. Sent forth (of) their I'oice. Gen. Partitive.
Cf. Jelf, 533, 3. Any verb whose operation extends only to part
of the objects signified by the objective substantive may be follow-
ed by a partitive genitive. Cf. i. 67, ?'., vii. 6. Kara xwpTjv, t their
place just as they were, in their former position. Cf. also vii. 95, <!vc.
CH. CXXXVI. a. ffvarpcupsvrfs, having combined their forces.
Cf. i. 101, a. Near the end of the ch. vapacrTticrouida, tee will arrange
or dispose of for our own purposes. S. and L. D. cf. viii. 80, b.
CH. CXXXVIL a. MiXno&w K. r.X. Cf. also vi. 34, 133, &c.
On what Hdtus here relates of Miltiades, Thirlwall, ii. ch. xiv. j).
203, remarks, " Though Histiaeus was so well rewarded for his
loyalty, we do not find that Miltiades' treason was ever punished ;
cf. vi. 30, a., for he remained long unmolested in his Chersonesian
government, and was driven from it by an inroad of the Scythians
themselves, three years before he was finally compelled to abandon
it by the Persians : an impunity which reflects great doubt on the
story of his offence, especially as it was no less glorious at Athens,
than it was dangerous to him while he was surrounded by the
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 239
Persian arms." ovrt avTog M. ol6$ n farai aXXov oitSiva ovcaftwv,
as if it had been olov n. In this construction (change of the im-
personal into the personal) another clause sometimes follows,
referring to some other person ; and the ace. of this person is used
with the infin. as if the impersonal form had been used in the for-
mer clause. Jelf, 677, 2, obs. 2.
Cll. CXXXVII. a. oi Statyipovric TS n}v i^rjtyov qui lianc sen-
tentiam (a Miltiadis sententia) atienam s. contrariam ferebant. B.
On Strattis cf. viii. 132, ^Eaces, vi. 13, and on Histiaeus, v. 30, seqq.
iovTtc Xoyov K. r. X., being of note in the eyes of the king. Jelf, 518, 1.
CH. CXXXIX. a. ra re . . . . oSovrat, i. e. you are showing us
the right way. Cf. vi. 73, and ^Esch. Agam. 184, and Prom. V.
497. W. are advancing, succeeding. S. and L. Diet.
CH. CXLII. a. ravra .... dirkppiirTai. heec a Scythis in Innas
projiciuntur dicteria : these reproaches, or keen words, have been
shot forth. S. and L. D. Cf. i. 153. direppityt 6 K. and vi. 69,
viii. 92.
CH. CXLIII. a. Mjyo/3a2o/, One MS. reads Miyd(3vov, but
the name was a common one among the Persians ; and the person
intended is probably not the Megabyzus in iii. 160. B. See the
remarks of D., p. 121, on the statement that a portion of the army
of Darius, no less than 80,000 men, are here said to have remained
behind on the coast of Thrace ; as invalidating the notion of R.,
cf. iv. 122, a., of the length of the march, and showing that the
whole account of the expedition an occurrence only 30 years
anterior to the birth of Hdtus was greatly exaggerated.
CH. CXLIV. a. kv Bugavrup. Constantinople, a Megarian co-
lony, as well as Chalcedon and many others on the coast of Thrace
and Bithynia. Chalcedon was founded 685, and Byzantium 658,
B. c. Cf. H. P. A. 85, notes 12 and 15, where abundant refer-
ences are given on both these colonies.
CH. CXLV. a. rbv avrbv . . . \povov K. r. X. If this expedition
to Libya took place about the time of the conclusion of the
Scythian campaign, it would fall about 507 B. c. Read D. p.
122, 123.
b. TUV IK rfJQ 'Apyovc *. r. X. H., P. A. 79, speaking of Melos and
Thera, says, " these islands were chiefly colonized by Achieans and
Minyse, the latter having sought shelter in Laconia, on being ex-
pelled from their original possessions in Lemnos by the Tyrrhenian
fugitives from Attica. Theras, of the line of Agidoe, led the co-
lonists, and from him one of the islands received the name Thera,
instead of that of Calliste, which it had till then borne. From
that island Battus founded Cyrene, 632 B. c., where his descend-
ants were still reigning as late as 440 B. c." On the Minyee, cf.
Thirlw. i. c. 4, and on their arrival in Laconia, &c. &c., c. vii. p.
269, &c. of the same vol., where the probabilities of the correct-
ness of Hdtus' account are discussed. Cf. also p. 278.
c. [ncilpdv fiiTex VTf ' Cf. Jelf, | 535, obs. 1.
240 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. CXLVI. a. tirel &v ipt\\ov K.T.X. when then they were
about to make away with them, put them to death, &c. The same
-story, V. notes, is told by Polysenus, Plutarch, and Val. Maximus,
who adds, that the supposed women were allowed to pass with
their heads veiled on account of their feigned grief. Lavalette
and Lord Nithsdale escaped from prison in a similar way.
CH. CXLVI I. a. eijpac e. T. X. Cf. Thirlw. i. c. 7, p. 268, and
p. 277, seqq. Cf. also vi. 52, b.
b. 6i;pp vi)<j(p, Santorin. Cf. Smith's C. D.
CH. CXLVIII. a. oi yap ir\ivvtc K.r.X. On the probability of
this account of this settlement in Triphylia being correct, see
Thirlw. i. c. vii. p. 269. Cf. also H. P. A. 15, note 20.
6. iii tpio 'HXtlot 7rop0/jrav. Miiller, Orchem. p. 3/4, refers this
event to Olymp. lx., when war raged between the Minyae and the
Elaeans. Mannert refers it to the time of the 3rd Messenian war,
464 461 B. c., at the conclusion of which the Elaeans received
this territory, in return for having aided the Spartans. B. D., p.
43, considers it to have happened shortly before the time when
Hdtus visited these cities, when on his travels through Greece.
See also his note, p. 43.
CH. CXLIX. ^. 5iv iv Meow. Cf. Matth. x. 16, " Behold, I
send you forth," &c. W.
b. AlfuSai K. T. X. Cf. Thirlw. i. c. 7, p. 270, and v. 57, a.
CH. CL. a. Krtgctv iv Atfivy voXtv. "Our curiosity might be
more reasonably excited to inquire, how it happened that no Greek
colonies had taken the same course before, viz. to Libya, than, amid
the contradictory statements of the ancient authors on a subject
in its own nature obscure, to determine the causes which, circ. 632
B. c., induced Battus, one of the principal citizens of Thera, to
undertake an expedition to the north coast of Africa." Thirlw.
ii. c. 12, p. 95.
CH. CLI. a. nXarsav vfjffov now called Bomba. R. p. 609.
CH. CLII. a. Tapr;<T<T6v, Cf. i. 163, a.
b, ffv ctKrjpaTov TOVTOV rbv \povov, was that time untouched, u it-
visited (by merchants) ; so Schw. intactum, i. e. illibatum, nondum
frequentatum. " This may appear to contradict i. 163, that the
Phoceeans were the first who caused Tartessus to be known to the
Gks. The Samians, however, were the first acquainted with it,
but did not discover it to the other Greeks, and by that means kept
to themselves the commerce of the place." L., quoted in the Oxf.
Ed. Cf. Arnold, Hist, of Rome, i. p. 486, " The Samians returned
home enriched beyond all their hopes, for the port of Tarshish.
says Herodotus, was at that time fresh and undisturbed ; the gold
of its neighbouring mines was a treasure not yet appreciated by
its possessors ; they bartered it to the Samian strangers, in return
for the most ordinary articles of civilized living, which barbarians
cannot enough admire. This story makes us feel that we are in-
deed living in the old ages of the world. The country then so
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. . 241
fresh and untouched, has now been long in the last state of decre-
pitude : its mines, then so abundant, have been long since ex-
hausted ; and after having in its turn discovered and almost
drained the mines of another world, it lies now like a forsaken
wreck on the waves of time, with nothing but the memory of the
past to ennoble it."
c. ypvjrwv KHpaXal Trpo/rpoacroi tiai gryphum capita prominentia,
i. e. griffins' heads carved round probably the edge of the bowl as an
ornanu-nt. W., Schw., and B. So also S. and L. D., set at regular
distances round it.
CH. CLV. a. la-^voipuvoQ rai rpauXof, stuttering and lisping.
aXXo TI, for some other reason. B. Others render some other name
sc. ovofia. It appears from Find. Pyth. iv. 104, &c., referred to
by B., that his name before was Aristotle.
b. EO.TT', iiri Qwvfiv K. T. X. Battus, (or, O king,) thou hast come
for a voice, to get or gain a voice. On tTn, Causal, expressing the
object or intention, with verbs expressing or implying motion, cf.
Jelf ; 635, 3. On this oracle, cf. Find. Pyth. iv. (59, seqq.) 105,
w f.iaKap i<il TloXvuvaffTov K. T. X. B.
CH. CLVI. a. avviQepiro TraXiyKoruc., it turned out ill to him
again. S. and L. D. Cf. next ch. and vii. 8.
b. nXarfa the island of Bomba, iv. 151.
CH. CLVII. a. *Apee, Temmineh on the main-land over against
the island of Bomba. B.
b. vairai hills and valleys. Schw.
CH. CLVIII. a. TrapairrjffUfifvoi ol A.i/3veg K.r.X. The Libyans
having requested their permission to be allmved to lead them into a
better country. B.
b. *lpa<7a probably where the fountain Ersen now is ; M. Pacho
Voyage dans la Marmorique. Paris, 1828, p. 53. The fountain
of Apollo was doubtless the fountain Cyre, from which the town
in all probability derived its name. That which is called Thestis
in the following ch. is not the same, according to B., to whom I
am indebted for the preceding ; but, according to L., is considered
to be the Libyan name of the spring, while Cyre, he conceives, is
the Grecian. Foundation of Gyrene, 631 B. c. Thirlw., ii. c. 12,
p. 95, observes, " At the distance of ten miles from a part of the
coast, which, with a little aid of art, afforded a commodious har-
bour, near the gushing spring of Cyre, the Gks founded Gyrene,
and soon converted the adjacent land into a luxuriant garden, while
they extracted from its rocky basis the materials of imperishable
monuments. Gyrene became, as Pindar expresses it, the root of
other cities ; perhaps of several which have been forgotten. Four
of them its port Apollonia, Barce, Tauchira, and Hesperis, which
seemed by its fortunate position to rival or realize the fabulous
gardens of the Hesperides composed, with the capital, what in
later times was called the Cyrenaic Pentapolis." " All these towns,
R. p. 611, observes, not only exist now, under the form of either
242 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
towns or villages, but it is remarkable that their names are scarcely
changed from what we may suppose the pronunciation to have been
among the Gks. They are now called Kurin, Barca, ToUamata,
Sernic, and Taukera" Cf. Cyrene and Cyrenaica, Smith's C. D.
c. b oiipavbg rerprjrai. meaning that here there was an abundance of
rain. Cf. Gen. vii. 1 1, " The windows of heaven were opened." W.
CH. CLIX. a. iirl yfjs avaSa<r[i(f, on condition of a division of
land, on the terms of giving them a share in the public land. " The
public or demesne land in the ancient commonwealths was na-
turally looked to as a resource on every admission of new citizens.
They were to receive their portion of freehold land, according to
the general notion of a citizen's condition ; but this land could
only be found by a division of that which belonged to the public,
and by the consequent ejectment of its tenants at will. Hence, in
the Greek states, every large accession to the number of citizens
was followed by a call for a division of the public land, cf. Thucyd.
v. 4, Herodot. iv. 159, and as this division involved the sacrifice of
many existing interests, it was regarded with horror by the old
citizens as an act of revolutionary violence." Arnold Hist, of
Rome, i. p. 158. Cf. vii. 155, b. See also on the changes in the
government of Cyrene, Mull. Dor. ii. p. 181, seqq., and iv. 161, b.
b. ffv\\ixQivTOQ Si 6/uXov TTO\\OV From the division of the tribes
by Demonax, iv. 161, we may infer that the new colonists con-
sisted chiefly of Peloponnesians, Cretans, and islanders of the
.ZEgaean. That they were many in number, is evident from the
mention in the following ch. that 7000 heavy-armed soldiers of the
Cyrenaeans perished. Among the colonists the Cretans were pre-
dominant in numbers, according to Raoul Rochette, iii. p. 268. B.
c. TTfpira/ij/o/itvoi yrjv iro\\ijv being deprived, curtailed, of a great
portion of their land. Cf. Jelf, 545, 3.
d. tBoaav ffQ'eag avTotoc. 'Anpiy K. T. X. On this expedition of Apries,
circ. B. c. 571, or 570, cf. ii. 161, a. and ref.
e. ira/oaxptw/uvoi (?) despising them. Cf. i. 108, b. In S. and
L. D. q. v., fighting without thought of life, setting nothing by their
life. Cf. vii. 223, c.
CH. CLX. a. roT<rt iuvrov adi\<f>ioiffi Their names, according to
Stephanus Byz. s. v. Bap*;;, p. 211, were Perseus, Zacynthus, Aris-
tomedon, and Lycus. B.
b. Bap K r)Cf. iv. 158, b.
CH. CLXI. a. Karapmrrf/pa a reconciler, composer of their
troubles: B. in S. and L. D., a reformer. Cf. v. 28, 29, 106. The
constitution of Cyrene, B. observes, was at first similar to that
of Sparta, and the kgs, studious to increase their prerogatives and
gain power, gave cause for dissensions. The Mantineans had the
character of possessing excellent laws, cf. Thirl w. ii. p. 100.
b. rtn'ivta tt\wv Kai IpwavvaQ setting apart (for Sattiis) certain
domains, and sacerdotal offices the land being assigned as his
revenue, and the priesthood being a regal privilege, as among the
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 243
Spartans ; cf. Mull. Dor. ii. p. 181, 182. " The power of the kings
was limited within the narrowest bounds ; and they were only per-
mitted to enjoy the revenues flowing from the sacerdotal office and
their own lands, whereas they had before claimed the whole pro-
perty of the state," &c. &c. Cf. also i. p. 142, and ii. p. 63. So
also B. and Thirlw., who says, that " Demonax, after determining
the respective rights of the new and old colonists, and distributing
them into three tribes, of which the descendants of the original
settlers formed the first, probably with some peculiar privileges,
proceeded to deprive the king of all his substantial prerogatives,
leaving him only the ensigns of royalty, a domain, and certain
priestly offices." The passage in the text is referred to by Arnold,
Hist, of Rome, i. p. 88, speaking of the state of the Romans under
their kings. " The king had large domains of his own, these were
the Greek Ttpivri, which the kings always had assigned to them,
partly arable, partly pasture, and partly planted with vines and
olives ; hence he was in a condition to traffic with foreign countries,
and much of the Roman commerce was probably carried on by
the government for its own direct benefit, as was the case in Judeea
in the reign of Solomon."
c. ig pkaov rift dtjfiif i 0ij surrendered it into the hands of the
people ; cf. iii. 80, vii. 164. V.
CH. CLXII. a. yepta. privileges, prerogatives : cf. i. 59, L " The
word here refers to the revenues, as well as to the privileges of
which the kings had been deprived." Miiller, /. /.
b. is Za/iov, For there was friendship between the Samians and
Cyreneans from the first foundation of the latter state, cf. iv. 152,
and at this time Polycrates was tyrant of Samos, from whom
Arcesilaus might have expected aid in being restored to his king-
dom. B.
c. Brjffavpy Cf. i. 14, d. iiri iravrl T$ did. at every present that
was given her. Cf. Jelf, 634, 3, d. 'Eiri, Causal. It expresses also
the antecedent as well as the final cause.
CH. CLXIII. a. ini pfv reaaepat; Barrovg K. r. A. The eight
generations are as follows :
B. C.
Battus I. the founder of Cyrene (oiWrjjp) began his reign 631
Arcesilaus I. . . . . . 599
Battus II. the happy .... 583
Arcesilaus II. the oppressive .... 560
Battus III. the lame .... 550
Arcesilaus III. son of Battus III. and Pheretime . 530
Battus IV. the handsome .... 514
Arcesilaus IV. ...... 466
This last kg was victor in the Pythian games, and is celebrated by
Pindar, Pyth. iv. and v. Cf. Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Bat-
tus, from which the above dates are taken, and Miiller, ii. p. 182,
" He ruled with harshness and protected his power by foreign
R 2
244 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
mercenaries." On his death, perhaps 432 B. c., his s. Battus en-
deavoured to gain the kingdom, but was driven into exile, and a
democratical government succeeded.
b. atroiripTrt nar' ovpov, trade secundo "cento ; i. e. let them go their
way in peace, speed them on their way. Cf. Soph. Trach. 474, and
^Esch. vii. c. Theb. 696, irw KUT ovpov. W.
c. ravpoe 6 KaXXtartvwv. The oracle seems to hint at Alazir the
father-in-law of Arcesilaus, who perished with him ; so Philip the
f. of Alexander the Great is designated as ravpog in Diod. xvi. 91.
W. So also in ^sch. Agam., Agamemnon as J3ovg tni Qarvy.
CH. CLXIV. a. rovTovg fjif.v vw Kvidioi K.T.\. Miiller, Dor. i.
p. 142, 145, considers that this kind office of the Cnidians towards
the exiled Cyreneans, as also towards the Tarentines, cf. iii. 138,
arose from their memory of their common origin. Their being
sent to Thera, proves that there was still intercourse kept up be-
tween the mother-state and the colony. It is evident, though
Hdtus does not state it, that the constitution established by De-
monax was overthrown, and that the regal office had regained its
former prerogatives. Cf. iv. 161. B.
b. tir iipya0fjiivoiG, after it was all over. Jelf, 634, 2, b. Cf.
699, obs. 2, and i. 170, b.
CH. CLXV. a. / St (and then she, but she,) avrfi K.T.\. Cf.
Jelf, 655, obs. 2. fiaav yap ol IK TOV K. T. X. Schw. observes, Hdtus
makes no mention of Arcesilaus in iii. 13, when speaking of the
gifts sent by the Cyreneans to Cambyses; which, as B. thinks,
were probably sent after the surrender of Cyrene, as a token of sub-
mission.
CH. CLXVI. a. -n-vdo^evog yap icai icwv K. r. X. From this it
seems that no one coined money before Darius, who struck the
coins that bore his name. Cf. iii. 96. The idea is erroneous that
refers the name of the Daric, worth 16 drachmas, and of the purest
gold, to another prince of the same name, and not to Darius
Hystaspes. B.
CH. CLXVII. a. aWpa Mapd^iov The Maraphii were one of
the Persian tribes, cf. i. 125, c. H., Pers. ch. ii. p. 214, seqq., 255,
considers this to be nearly the only instance of a general being ap-
pointed of any other tribe than the Pasargadee, and of the family
(generally) of the Achaemenidce, cf. v. 32, vii. 82, 88, 97, or such as
were connected by marriage with the royal house, cf. v. 116, vi. 43,
94. The Maraphii, however, were one of the 3 noblest tribes.
b. Trpovxnfia, pretext, alleged cause. Cf. ix. 87, b., and vi. 44, a.
CH. CLXV I II. a. At/3ic> See throughout on the digression
that follows, H. Af. Nat. vol. i., the Introduct, and ch. i. and ch.
vi. particularly, and R. 16, 22, and 23. "Hdtus collected the
materials for this part of his history in Egypt, the only country of
Africa that he is known to have visited. He repeatedly appeals to
the testimony of the natives of Libya, the Carthaginians, Am-
monians, Nasamonians, and others, ii. 28, 32, iv. 43, 173, 187, 195,
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 245
196, whom he met in Egypt, the rendezvous of the caravans from
the Western and Southern nations, and from whom he collected
his accounts respecting the interior of Africa : that is, from the
very persons themselves who performed these caravan journeys,
and who, without doubt, had at that time come to Egypt in com-
pany with some of these caravans. The circumstance of his com-
puting the distances and the day's journeys from thence, iv. 181,
&c., is a sufficient proof of this fact. That he no where mentions
these caravans was probably because he considered it as having
nothing to do with his object, which was only to give geographical
information ; moreover, to those who have travelled much and seen
much, many ideas and facts become so familiar that they are apt
to pre-suppose a knowledge of them in others. Hdtus' general
knowledge of Africa embraced the greater part of the Northern
division. He gives us an accurate enumeration of all the small
tribes dwelling on the coast as far as the territory of Carthage, cf.
iv. 191, c. To the W. part, afterwards called Numidia, or Mauri-
tania, his information did not extend ; though he was acquainted
by name with the promontory Soloes, on the W. coast, cf. iv. 43,
and 32, d. ; nor are the fertile and inhabited lands beyond the
desert of Sahara, now known as Nigritia or Soudan, included in
his account, though they were not altogether unknown to him ; cf.
ii. 32, and notes. But his knowledge of the interior is most de-
serving of our admiration. It comprises not only whatever is most
remarkable in the desert, the Oases and the tribes inhabiting them,
but it extends to that mysterious stream beyond the desert flowing
from E. to W., which, under the name of the Joliba, has been again
brought into our notice in the present age." H. 1. 1. p. 91. On
Hdtus' division of Libya, cf. ii. 32, c. It is discussed in H. I. L
p. 6, seqq., R. 425, read also D. p. 59, seqq.
b. ' ASvpnaxiSat "The Adyrmachidse and Galigammae on the
frontiers of Egypt nomad tribes." H. /. /. R. p. 608.
CH. CLX1X. a. 'AQpoSiaiaSog vfaov. Possibly the island of
Drepanum near Derna may be meant. R. p. 609.
b. TO ai\<piov. " A kind of laserpitium or asafcetida, used," see
article Cyrenaica, Class. Diet., " for fattening cattle, rendering their
flesh tender, and also as an aperient for man ; it formed a great
article of trade, and at Rome the composition above mentioned
sold for its weight in silver ; hence it appeared always on the
medals of Cyrene. Its culture was neglected when the Romans
mastered the country, and pasturage was more attended to." Cf.
S. and L. D., 2tX0iov.
c. rijc Svprioe Niebuhr, Geog. of Herod., considers that Hdtus
was acquainted with only one Syrtis, and that the smaller. If this
were the case, his knowledge of the coast was very limited ; hence
B , L., and R. p. 647, rather conclude that " the greater Syrtis, the
only one he knew by that name, must be intended, which is in the
neighbourhood of Barce, and nearer Egypt than the less Syrtis.'
246 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
So Smith's C. D. The Lesser Syrtis it is clear from this passage
that Hdtus took to be the same with the Triton lake, Shibkah el
JLowdeath, or closely connected with it. This is confirmed by Scy-
lax, p. 49, in whose time they were united by a small opening,
now blocked up with sand. H. Garth, ch. i. p. 7. Cf. R. p. 662
and 647, and Smith's C. D., Syrtes.
CH. CLXX. a. 'Aafluorai. "The Asbi/stcK beyond Gyrene, a
nomad tribe." H. /. I p. 16. Cf. R. p. 609.
CH. CLXXI. a. Evta-jripiSaf. On the legend of the gardens of
the Hesperides, cf. Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Hesperides.
The town Hesperis was afterwards called Berenice, from the wife of
Ptolemy Euergetes. Ruins at Ben Ghazi. Cf. H. /. Z., and the
article Berenice, Smith's C. D.
b. Ka/3a\, According to R. perhaps the Kabyles of Shaw.
They dwelt around the Greater Syrtis, as did also the Auschisae
both nomad tribes. H. /. 1. p. 16.
CH. CLXXIL a. Nara/iJtoc, Cf. ii. 32, and H. 1. I pp. 16, 91,
92, 104. "The Nasamones, one of the tribes dwelling in the dis-
tricts about the Syrtes. They sent a caravan yearly to Augila for
dates, one of the principal articles of food in Africa. Aur/i/a, which
bears the same name, at present the capital of a district which
comprises two other villages, cf. Hornemann, Travels, p. 46, 10
days' journey from Siwah, the Oasis of Ammon, a great thorough-
fare for caravans a principal mart for dates of an excellent quality,
&c." Cf. also R. p. 568 and 613.
b. arrtXs/Sowf, locusts. A species of them tcitJioiit icings. S. and
L. D. For an account of them, see Shaw's Travels in Barbary,
p. 187-
c. iir'iKoivov avribiv .... Maffffayirai, Cf. i. 216 ; practised also by
the Agathyrsi, iv. 104, and the Ausenses, iv. 180. we tKaaroQ oi
Hi\6>l, cf. Jelf, 842, 2. The conjunctive without dv, &c.
d. bpvvovai fjitv Toiig K. r. X., they swear indeed by &c., cf. Jelf,
566,2. -n-iartffi Se K. r. X. " The ancient ceremony of the Nasamones
to drink from each other's hands, in pledging their faith, is at pre-
sent the only ceremony observed in the marriages of the Algerines."
Shaw's Travels in Barbary, i. p. 303. W.
CH. CLXXIII. a. uA\oi. This nation appears to have dwelt
between the two Syrtes in the country now called Mesurate. R.
p. 614. See H. /. I. pp. 16, 106. " How closely this narrative agrees
with the place," we again learn from the latest discoveries. " The
south wind," says Delia Cella, Viaggio, p. 93, " drives the sand
out of the great deserts like moving clouds, which bury whole
caravans." It is probable that only part of the Psylli were de-
stroyed the rest it appears were pressed back into the mts by the
Bedouin Arabs. H. refers to Lyon, p. 85, 94, and to Bruce, iv. p.
548, for a description of a simoom. He finely pictures a caravan
journey himself, p. 108. " Augila's groves of palms are soon left
behind, and the vault of heaven and the plains of burning sand
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 247
are the only objects which the eye can reach. No sound of ani-
mated nature nor the rustle of a leaf breaks the everlasting death
silence of the dreary waste. Suffocated birds point out the path of
the fiery simoom, and perhaps only yesterday fell its victims : the
heavens seem to glow, and volumes of sand, whirling upwards
into spiral columns, are chased by the winds, like clouds of mist
atftwart the dreadful desert. The most desolate of all wastes, the
Harutsh Mts, still lies before him, and demands another ten days'
journey ere these terrors can be overcome. Then the gigantic
ostrich reappears, troops of playful antelopes disport before him,
and announce the vicinity of more hospitable regions."
CH. CLXXIV. a. Tapd^avrtf, This people (cf. R. p. 615) may
clearly be made out to be the people of Fezzan, the ancient Pha-
zania; H. p. 216; a considerable tract of inland country, between
Tunis and Egypt. Its capital Garama (Mourzouk). See H.'s
very interesting confirmations of Hdtus, Garth, ch. vi. p. 95 120.
CH. CLXXV. a. Marat. Pliny confirms this situation gener-
ally, by placing the Masse, as he writes the name, on the W. of
the Nasamones. According to the ideas of Hdtus, the Masse ought
to extend westward to the neighbourhood of the present Tripoli.
R. p. 621.
b. \60ouf ictipovrai. cristas sibi tondent, they shave their heads so
as to leave a crest or tuft in the middle. Schw. On the practice, cf.
the remarks in Home's Introd. on the allusions in the Scriptures
to the idolatrous rites of the Heathens ; Pt. iii. ch. vi. 1, vol. iii. p.
357 of the 7th edit.
c. arpovGuv Karayaiuv ostriches. In vii. 70> the Ethiopians
are mentioned as using the same kind of skins, as of cranes, for
armour. W.
d. Kiwn// This river, which, according to Bochart, quoted in
article Cinyps, owed its name to the number of porcupines in the
vicinity, fell into the sea south-west of the promontory of Cephalee,
flowing from a hill in the Punic tongue called Zachabari, or the
Hill of the Graces, in the country of the Macae, now Wady el Kha-
han. The modern name of the Cinyps, cf. H. /. 1. p. 49, is the
Zenifes, or Magro. According to Smith's C. D., the Kinifo. Cf.
also R. p. 621.
CH. CLXXVI. a. Tivdavtc Probably the people of Gadamis,
the Gadzames of Reiske, a well-known city and territory, situated
in the road from Tunis to Agadez and Kasseena. R. p. 623. H.
1. I. p. 15.
CH. CLXXVIfc a. Awro^ayot. It appears that the sea-coast
between the two Syrtes was divided between the Macae and Lo-
tophagi, the latter of whom also possessed the island of Menix, (or
Meninx,) now Jerba, and the coast beyond it, R. p. 624; that is,
in the neighbourhood of the present Tripoli. H. /. /. Carth. p.
15,111.
b. Kapirbv TOV \UTOV The reader will be careful to distinguish
248 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
the lotus here intended from the Egyptian lotus ; " which latter
was an aquatic plant, whose roots and seeds were eaten in Egypt,
while the former, the one here spoken of, was the fruit of a shrub
on the sandy coast of Libya, which is disseminated over the edge
of the Great Desert, from the coast of Cyrene, round by Tripoli
and Africa Proper, to the borders of the Atlantic, to Senegal and
the Niger. It has been described by several modern travellers,
Shaw, Defontaines, Park, Beechy, all of whose accounts perfectly
agree among themselves, and also with those of the ancients. Ac-
cording to the first of these, the lotus is now called seedra by the
Arabs, and is a species of ziziphus or jujeb, the Rhamnus Lotus of
Linneeus, cf. H. /. 1. p. 15, and the fruit tastes somewhat like gin-
gerbread, and is, when fresh, of a bright yellow colour. Park,
Travels, p. 99, describes the berries as " small, farinaceous, of a
yellow colour and a delicious taste." R. p. 626.
CH. CLXXVIII. a. Mo^Xwej, We meet many names that in
modern geography bear some similarity to the name of this nation.
The Machres of Leo, and Mackaress of Shaw, at the N. part of !he
Lesser Syrtis, certainly agree with the supposed position of a part
of the Maxyes. R. p. 637-
b. \ifivriv .... Tpirwvida K.T.\. Cf. iv. 169, c., and H. 1. I. p. 7>
note. The only river in the vicinity, it appears, which will answer
to Hdtus' river Triton is the little river el Hammah of Shaw, which
R. compares in size with the Cherwell; on which H. remarks that
" the narrative of Hdtus, iv. 179, is drawn, without doubt, from some
Argonautic poet : may not then the size of the river, if not its very
existence, be merely the creation of some such poet's imagination ? "
Cf. R. p. 647, 659.
CH. CLXXIX. a. tTriGiffTriaavTa rt rip rp'nrotii K.T.\. Cf. Find.
Pyth. iv., Apollonius Rhod. iv. 1548, seqq., and Diod. Sic. iv. 56.
W. The opinion of H. given in the preceding note seems ex-
tremely probable. B. quaintly remarks, " In ipso fabulae argumento
nuper sudavit C. O. Miiller, Orchomen. p. 353 ; qusecunque hie
enarrentur Libyca, ea omnia e Boeotia in Libyam traducta statuens
ab illis Minyis, qui per varias rerum vicissitudines in Libyam tan-
dem devenerint," &c. &c., from which explanation he sagaciously
dissents, cf. iv. 180, b. For quotations on the lake Tritonis, see
: Arrowsmith's Eton Geog. p. 716, seqq.
CH. CLXXX. a. Avails. " Of the name Ausenses we find no
trace in modern geography," R. p. 637, nor does H. say more than
that they lived on the shore of the Lesser Syrtis, the G. of Cabes.
b. opry 1 iviavaiy 'AOrjvaiqc K. r. X. The theory of Miiller, cf. iv.
179, a., referring the origin of these rites to Boeotia and Greece, is
with reason rejected by B., who observes that the worship of this
foddess, whom Hdtus himself speaks of as indigenous here, was
oubtless practised among the Africans at a far earlier period than
among the Greeks. He therefore agrees with Creuzer, Symbol, ii.
p. 642, who compares with the contest here mentioned in honour
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 249
of the goddess, the rites at Sais of Isis-Neith (Athene), and con-
siders both to refer to the courses of the sun and moon, of the in-
fluences of which the goddess herself is a personification.
c. rt)v Si AOrjvainv <f>aal K. r. X. The clue to this fable is given by
Creuz. Symbol, ii. p. 646. The birth of Minerva from Neptune
and Tritonis allegorizes the doctrine of the production of all tnings
from Oceanus and Tethys, i. e. from water and earth. The nature
of the goddess is closely connected with the lunar influences as
belonging neither to earth nor water, and therefore bears a great
affinity to that of the solar deity, Jove, in whose power it is ab-
sorbed ; which is, in short, the explanation of the fable of her
adoption by Jupiter. B.
CH. CLXXXI. a. virlp k rovruv K.T.\. Cf. ii. 32, c., where
the threefold division of Libya of Hdtus is spoken of as founded
on the natural features of the country and answering to the modern
names of Barbary, for the inhabited, Bildulgherid, or, the land of
dates, for the ivild-beast land, and Sahara, for the desert. They are
discussed in H., Afric. Nat. Introd. p. xxvi. seqq., who considers,
and doubtless with justice, that from ch. 181 185, the description
of a caravan journey is given ; cf. iv. 168, a.; and the arguments
he adduces, such as the route being only passable by caravans, the
distances given by day's journeys, the route being the same that is
now taken, &c., are most convincing. He comments on the whole
journey, one of more than 1800 miles, throughout in a manner no
less lucid than delightful. Briefly, from ch. 181 185, is " the
description of the commercial road between Egypt and Fezzan ;
likewise between Carthage and these countries, and probably still
further, even to the countries near the Niger. Its course is traced
from Egypt, starting from Thebes, by the desert of Thebais to the
temple of Ammon ; thence by part of the desert of Barca, and
the deserts of the Harutsch Mts to Fezzan, and finally seems to
be lost in the present kingdoms of Kashna and Bornou." The
student -will lose much gratification if he does not read the discus-
sion on the whole route, in H. Garth, ch. vi. p. 95120. The de-
scription of the Oasis of Ammon, Siwah, is excessively interesting,
and fully bears out " there are patches of ground above a mile
long so covered with salt as to have the appearance of a field of
snow, out of the midst of these springs of fresh water sometimes
gush forth" the narrative of Hdtus. From a computation of
distances, cf. H. /. I., it would seem that Hdtns has missed out
the 1st station, probably the Great Oasis, El wah ; the 2nd is the
Oasis of Ammon, Siwah ; Augila the 3rd ; another missed, pro-
bably Zala, the 4th ; then Germaor else Zuila in the Garamantes,
Fezzan, the 5th ; thence, probably with the intermediate stations
of Stockna and Sebha missed, to Tripoli, the land of the Loto-
phagi ; or, to Ter/erry on the borders of Bornou, the land of the
Atarantes, and thence to Bilma, the rocky district of the Atlantes,
the Tibboos, the great salt mart for Soudan.
250 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
b. 'Afipwvioi, cf. ii. 42, /. " The first or second station of the
caravan-journey. What an admirable locality for the temple!"
H. /. 1. p. 99. eta. dsica tm. oSov, at the distance of ten days' journey.
Jelf, 627, i. 2.
c. dyopijs ( Tr\T]Qvovffr)g Cf. ii. 173, a. 6<ppvr) 4/afifirjf, a bank or
ridae of sand, " a tract of sand." H. /. /.
CH. CLXXXII. a. KW\<HVO a\6c K.T.\. " Although it is im-
probable that either mountains or beds of salt should be placed in
such order, yet we learn from Shaw that both hills and beds, or
lakes of salt, do exist in the country between Tripoli and Mauri-
tania ; also that the soil is generally impregnated with it ; and that
it sends forth a great number of copious salt springs. Shaw, p.
228, seq. Dr. Shaw enumerates three mountains of salt only, but
Hdtus five. The doctor went no further eastward than the Lesser
Syrtis ; otherwise it is possible that he might have told us of more.
We cannot refer either of the mountains of Shaw to any particular
one of Hdtus." R. p. 641.
b. AiiytXa The 3rd station. ? Cf. iv. 172, a., 173, a., and H. 1. 1
p. 104, seqq.
CH. CLXXXIII. a. Tapa/tavrff Cf. iv. 174, a. The 5th sta-
tion. ? H. 1. I. p. 105, seqq.
b. ol omaOovouoi /36tc yi'i/ovrat. " I have in vain sought some ex-
planation of this in our writers on Natural History. But the neat-
herds of Africa frequently amuse themselves by giving an artificial
form to the horns of their cattle, by continually bending them.
This was probably the case here ; and this, an early conjecture of
mine, has since been confirmed by the figures of the steers on the
great bas-relief at Kalabshe." H. L 1. p. 109.
c. Tptyiv. hardness, or, firmness to the touch when rubbed. Schw.
and S. and L. D. Cf. H. 1. 1.
d. Tptiiy\oSvras, i. e. dwellers in caves. Smith's C. D., and H.
Ethiop. ch. i. p. 156. Cf. H. Carth. ch. vi. p. 108. " This wild
negro race, who were kidnapped by the Garamantes and sold as
slaves, are yet to be found S. of Fezzan, in the deserts of Bornou
and in the Tibesti range, and are still exposed to the man-hunting
Razzias of the sultan of Fezzan." Horneman bears testimony that
" their language is said, by the Augilians, to be similar to the
whistling of birds." See Lyon's Narr. p. 250. H. I. I. p. 111.
On the Lotophagi, cf. iv. 177i
CH. CLXXXIV. a. 'Arapavrtc. This nation we discover in the
territory of Tegerry, the frontier town of the land of Fezzan, which
is, according to Lyon, the halting-place for the caravans which
come through the desert from Bornou and Soudan, and here the
Arabian language ends and the Bornou begins. What Hdtus here
says of their cursing the sun and of their having no proper names
for individuals, is marvellously confirmed by an Arabian traveller,
Leo of Africa ; who mentions that the people of Bornou invoke
with great vehemence the rising sun ; and that, instead of being
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 251
called by proper names, they are all called after their height, thick-
ness, or some accidental quality, and have therefore merely nick-
names. H. /. 1. p. 114, seqq.
b. "ArXavTie. The Mtainous district of Bllma the great salt
lakes there supply all the negro country : some of the rocks are so
high and steep that their tops are scarcely visible. Lyon's Narr.
p. 266. H. 1. 1. p. 1 16. Cf. also D. p. 54.
c. "Ar\nq. On this chain of mts, cf. articles Atlas and Africa,
Smith's C. D.
CH. CLXXXV. a. TU Si OIKIU TOVTOHTI K.r.X. H. has with
great probability traced the salt mine here spoken of to be that
described, almost in the same words, by Leo Africanus, who had
never seen, nor could read, the account of Hdtus the great salt
mines of Ter/adza, on the S. E. of the desert of Zanhaga, between
Morocco and Timbuctoo, and about 20 days' journey from the
latter place. " Whether, however, they are the same or different,
for many such may be perhaps found in this vast desert, they at
least convince us how well Hdtus was acquainted with every thing
remarkable in the desert, and how true his statements are. Short-
sighted critics have often calumniated his manes ; but the silence
of the desert remains, in awful grandeur, an eternal witness of his
credibility!" H. 1. L p. 118. Cf. also R. p. 642.
CH. CLXXXVI. a. SioTiirtp ov$l Ai'y. Cf. ii. 41, a., 47, a., and
on the origin of animal worship, ii. 64, e.
CH. CLXXXVII. a. ola-ny lana succida, moist and greasy
wool, not cleaned since the shearing, which of course would readily
catch fire. Hippocrates, quoted by L., mentions a similar custom
among the Scythians, who " applied fire to their shoulders, arms,
stomachs, &c., on account of the moisture and relaxed state of their
temperament ; this operation dries up the excess of moisture in the
joints." (!) On the division that commences at the lake Triton of
the nomad and agricultural tribes, see H. 1. I. Carth. ch. i. p. 7 :
briefly " the Father of history has so accurately described and
enumerated them that the credibility of his accounts cannot be
doubted." i>yij. S' wv e!ai, but in truth they are most healthy. On &v
Ion. for ovv, realty, truly, then, cf. Jelf, 737, 2.
b. rpoyov yap oJpov K. r. \. On this L., quoted in the Oxfd. Tr.,
observes that the remedy is excellent, (!) and has the same effect as
spirits of hartshorn which we use.
CH. CLXXXVIII a. ry IloaeiSeum. From ii. 50, it appears
that Poseidon was originally a Libyan deity, and thence brought
to Greece. Hence also was derived the consecration of the horse
to him, which appears to have been first tamed and used in a
chariot in Libya, and hence his title of 'iTnrwg. On the meaning
of the fable of the consecration of the horse to him, cf. Creuz.
Symbol, ii. p. 589. B. See also the concluding remarks in Nep-
twie, Class. Diet.
CH. CLXXXIX. a. aiyiag yap 7Tpi|3a\Xovrai K.T.\. Cf. R.
252 NOTES ON 'HERODOTUS.
23, " on the JS,gis of Minerva, &c.," p. 667, seqq. On the passage
in the text he observes " it is curious, as showing the antiquity
of the art of dressing skins in Africa." " Rams' skins dyed red"
were enjoined to be used for the covering of the tabernacle in the
time of Moses, Exod. xxv. 5; xxxv. 7, &c., and were probably
brought out of Egypt, as they are spoken of in the first year of
their wanderings : as the animal which produces the skin seems a
native of the Libyan provinces, they were probably brought thence
and not manufactured in Egypt, &c. &c. They are a great article
of traffic still in the same country, and are known by the name of
moroquins.
CH. CXC. a. oiKripaTa Sk rnifjiirt]KTa K. T. X. their houses are con-
structed of the stalks of the asphodel, intertwined with rushes, and are
portable.
CH. CXCI. a. Mdvt. The Maxyes, Zaueces, and Gyzantes
were all within the territory of Carthage, which followed the very
natural policy of endeavouring to civilize the nomad hordes,
wherever she could bring them under her yoke : the nomad cus-
toms here mentioned that they still retained plainly show that they
had not long been accustomed to their new manner of life. Their
method of cropping their hair is still retained by their successors,
the Tuaricks." H. /. /. p. 8, seqq. It is to be observed that Hdtus
quotes the authority of the Carthaginians, individuals of that na-
tion whom he met in Egypt, cf. iv. 168, a., directly afterwards.
b. dpKTot Shaw, p. 249, enumerates bears among the animals he
found in Africa. The asses with horns B. considers, with great
probability, to be some species of antelopes, and remarks with re-
gard to the Cynocephali and the Acephali, that Hdtus is here in-
tending to speak of some species of beast, and not of man ; of which
too he himself testifies his disbelief by adding " as the Libyans say."
L. thinks the Cynocephali to have been a species of ape, remarkable
for its boldness and ferocity.
C. ; \ourrj rfjg At/3yjc r) Trpoj iffntpriv <c. r. X. The scantiness of
Hdtus' information and the brevity of his notices on the Cartha-
ginians, are remarkable. Arnold, Hist, of Rome, ii. p. 546, says,
in the commencement of the 39th ch., on the isolation of Carthage
from all the surrounding people, as offering a striking contrast to
the position of Rome in Italy, where the allies and the Latin name
were bound to the Romans and to each other by manifold ties and
the communication of the Roman franchise " To this, and to the
jealousy with which the Carthaginians guarded their territory from
the approaches of foreigners, a jealousy exceeding that of the La-
cedaemonians, and more resembling in its strict watchfulness that
of the Japanese at the present day, must be ascribed Hdtus' ignor-
ance." Speaking subsequently, p. 583, of the reluctance of the
soldiers of Regulus to be " carried to a strange country, into the
very stronghold of the enemy's power, to a land of scorching heat,
and infested with noisome beasts and monstrous serpents, such as
BOOK IV. MELPOMENE. 253
stories of Africa had told them of," Arnold quotes, and remarks
upon the passage in the text ; " Libya to the west of the lake Tri-
tonis," that is, the present pashalik of Tunis, the ancient territory
of Carthage, " is very hilly," says Hdtus, " and overgrown with
woods, and full of wild beasts. For here are the monstrous serpents,
and the lions, and the elephants, and the bears, and the asps, and
the asses with horns, and the dog-heads, and the creatures with no
heads, whose eyes are in their breasts, at least as the Libyans say,
and the wild men and the wild w r omen, and a great many other
creatures besides." This description is very remarkable, following,
as it does, a detailed and most exact account not only of all the
African tribes on the coast from Egypt to the Lesser Syrtis, but
also of those in the interior. But the Carthaginian territory was
rendered so inaccessible to foreigners, that all sorts of exaggerations
and fables were circulated respecting it. Hdtus seems to have
known nothing of its fertility, but only of its woods and its wild
beasts, the terror of which the Carthaginians no doubt purposely
magnified." Cf. also H. I. I. p. 9, seqq. and D. p. 53.
CH. CXC1I. a. Trvyap-foi On this animal Shaw, p. 171,
remarks " Besides the common gazelle or antelope, op/cdc, antilope
dorcas of Cuvier, and the antilope bubalis of Linnasus, a species of
wild goat, that this country produces another species of the same
shape and colour, though of the bigness of a roebuck, with horns
sometimes two feet long. This, which the Africans call lidmee,
may be the same with the Strepsiceros and Adduce of the ancients.
Bochart, from the supposed whiteness of the buttocks, finds great
affinity between the addace and the bison, which, in Deut. xiv. 5,
our translation, agreeably to the LXX. and Vulgate versions,
renders the pyyarg.
b. OQVIQ the Antilope Leucoryx of modern writers, and the oryx
of Pliny and Aristotle : a species of antelope. B.
c. ftaaffapia K. T. X. -foxes, hycenas, porcupines. What the dictyes
and boryes were, is unknown. The Owtg probably jackals, or lynxes,
and the iravQijpis panthers or leopards. By the land crocodile the
Lacerta Dractsna of Linnseus is meant. B.
d. t\a<po K. T.\. In this, Hdtus appears to have been mistaken ;
as, according to Shaw, Bruce, and others, these animals are found
abundantly in this country.
e. SiTroSic. KoXiovrai, probably, the jerboas, from the great length
of the hind-legs, are intended; by the Zegeries some species of
field-mice or rats, and by the Echinees hedge-hoys. yaXai, weasels. B.
CH. CXCIII. a. ZavriKfg "There are no traces of this name
in modern geography as far as we can learn. We must suppose
them to have occupied the space between the Lesser Syrtis and
the Gulf of Adrumetum, since the Zygantes were next beyond
them ; and these are clearly the Zeugitanians of Pliny, being the
inhabitants of the province which contained Carthage." R. Cf.
iv. 191, a.
254 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. CXCIV. a. Tv^avng " This is in some editions Zygantes.
Dr. Shaw, p. 97, conjectures that the name Zygantes may have
been derived from that of the towns and mountains of Zow-aan or
Zayican, situated about 40 G. miles S.W. of Carthage." R. p. 639.
Cf. iv. 191, a. a$0ovoi otfot, in immense numbers. On the contrac-
tion here of the principal and relative clauses, cf. Jelf, 823, obs.
7, Attraction of the Relatives.
b. TroAXip ' tn nXiov K. T. \. This honey was no doubt made
from the juice of the palm tree, in the same manner that Shaw, p.
143, says it is now prepared in Algiers and Tunis. Cf. H. 1. I. p. 9.
CH. CXCV. a. Kvpawtv. " By this we can only suppose the
islands of Querkyness or Kerkiness, the Cercina of the ancients, to
be meant." R. p. 639. B. So also Smith's C. D. Probably the
same as Cercina, Karkenah, at the mouth of the Lesser Syrtis.
b. iv "LaKvvQy The truth of Hdtus' statement is confirmed by
many modern travellers. Cf. Chandler's Travels, c. 79, and Spon,
vol. i. p. 89, quoted in the Oxfd Tr. The pitch of Pieria, men-
tioned subsequently, was greatly valued. On the force of OTTO at
the end of the ch. cf. iv. 53, e.
CH. CXCVI. a. Aeyowo-i Sk icat K.T.\. This traffic, according
to Shaw, p. 239, is still kept up among the Moors and Nigritians
precisely in the same way. H., 1. I. Garth, ch. v. p. 85, quotes the
narratives of Hoest. p. 279, and Lyon, p. 149. The inhabitants of
Morocco and Fez, according to these travellers, carry on precisely
the same dumb trade with the frontiers of Guinea and Timbuctoo ;
exhibiting and exchanging tobacco, salt, &c., for gold dust, negroes,
and ostrich feathers, neither party scarcely opening their lips ; and
in Soudan, Capt. Lyon was told, dwells an invisible nation who
are said to trade precisely in the fashion described by Hdtus, only
at night " Thus has Hdtus been frequently accused of credulity,
till successive centuries have established his authenticity ! " H. /. /.
p. 84, seqq. Gold dust was, with slaves, dates, and salt, one of the
principal articles of the inland commerce of Africa, p. 89, 118, seqq.
CH. CXCVII. rt. Aipvtc ptv icai AiOioTteg, avTo\QovtQ Hdtus here
makes no mention of the Egyptians, possibly because he deemed
them not to belong to Libya at all. Cf. ii. 16, a. R., p. 427, con-
siders that by the Libyans in the N., and by the ^Ethiopians to-
wards the S., the Moors and Negroes of the present day, nations
still as distinct from each other as ever, are meant. This opinion
appears erroneous, for the Moors are not to be considered as an
aboriginal nation, but one that entered Libya from some other
quarter, and won the land by right of conquest. B. H., Garth,
ch. v. /. I. considers that the ancient inhabitants of Libya, all the
aboriginal tribes of N. Africa beyond Egypt, from the Atlantic to
the Arabian Gulf, were pressed back to the South, first by the
conquering Vandals and afterwards by the Arabs, and are known
as Berbers, Tibboos, and Tuaricks, being in fact one and the same
people, equally distinct from the Moors, (the common name of the
BOOK IT. MELPOMENE. 255
various conquerors of N. Africa,) and from the Negroes. Cf. Smith's
C. D., Africa.
CH. CXCVIII. a. KiWoc Cf. iv. 175, d. On Hdtus' ignor-
ance of the fertility of Cyrenaica and the provinces of Carthage,
cf. iv. 191, c. and ref., and on the comparison of Libya in the 1st
line in the ch. see D. p. 60.
b. ry Ba/3vXhm'uv yy Cf. i. 193. Euesperitse, cf. iv. 171, a.
CH. CXCIXr a. 6py apaaQai rt KO.I rpvyaaSat. i. e. Maritimus
tractus fructibus turget et ad messem vindemiamque maturus est.
Schw. opyp, swells, teems, is ripe.
CH. CC. a. OJ Si frpen'/jqc K. r. \. The narrative is here con-
tinued from iv. 165 167. The expedition of the Persians is dated
by L. 518 B. C. TWV Se irav ydp K. r. X., for oi Si (irav yap ijv TO irXrjO.
[O.VTUV sc.] fitTainov) 011% iSi^. rovg X6y. The two clauses are often
so compressed together that the subject of the former is placed in
the latter, and even follows the government thereof. Jelf, 786,
obs. 6. Tap, for. Explanatory force, cf. ix. 109, 6.
b. TU piv 6pvy/iara K. T. X. For similar devices to detect mines
employed by the Rhodians and Ambraciots, cf. Diod. xx. 94, Livy
xxxviii. 7, and Polybius xxii. 11. V.
c. tmxaXKip affTTtSi, a brazen shield, or, the brass plate that covered
a shield; not a shield covered with brass; for the addition of any
other substance would of course have prevented the effect intended
to be produced by the metal ringing. Schw.
d. airticpovovTo, beat off, repulsed their attacks. Cf. viii. 61, 6.
CH. CCI. a. e r av 17 yij OVTU tyy K. r. X. A similar formula is
found in a treaty between the Latins and the Romans, //xP' av
ovpuvog Tt ical yij rrjv avrrjv araaiv t^oitrt cf. Dionys. Halic. vi. p.
415, s. 1261, Reisk. W. Cf. also viii. 143, b., and v. 92, 1.
CH. CCII. a. Ki>K\({i r. TUX- round the wall. KUK\^> used for irtpi.
Cf. iv. 72, and Jelf, 621, 065. 2, on substantives used as improper
prepositions. On the narrative cf. a similar instance of atrocity
in ix. 1 12, a. " Pheretime, corrupted by Egyptian or Libyan in-
fluence as the state of Cyrene was, from a Doric lady became an
Eastern sultana." Mull. Dor. ii. p. 420.
CH. CCIII. a. Atoc AvKaiov His worship was probably brought
into Cyrene by the Dorian settlers, cf. iv. 159, b., 161, b., among
whom there might be Arcadians, in whose country this deity was
peculiarly venerated. Cf. Pausanias viii. 2, 38. B. On Cyrene
and Barce, cf. iv. 158, b.
b. ovStvoc. uaxoptvov, 0o/3oj iveTrecc. Cf. Thucyd. vii. 80, iv. 125,
and Eurip. Rhes. 36, "Valck. On the origin of the term Panic
terror, see the explanation given by Polysenus in the end of the
article Pan, Class. Diet., also vi. 105.
c. iTTiXKOfitvove straggling, dragging themselves along. Cf. iii.
105, a. See the remarks of D., p. 122, on the expedition of Ary-
andes against the Libyans. He conceives its importance to be
much exaggerated.
256 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. CCIV. a. EvtaircpiSas. Cf. iv. 171, a.
b. avaaTrdarovf Cf. ii. 104, fl.
CH. CCV. a. <57a yap evXtwv i&Ztoe. Antiochus Epiphanes,
the persecutor of the Jews, died in a similar manner, 164 B. c.
" Thus also died Herod the Great, persecutor of Christ and the
infants at Bethlehem ; Galerius Maximianus, the author of the
tenth and greatest persecution, 311 A. D., and Philip II. of Spain,
A. D. 1598, as infamous for the cruelty of his persecutions and the
numbers destroyed by it, as any of the other three." Prid. Conn.
an. 164 B. c. On ivXewv, the material gen. after verbs of being full,
or transitive verbs of filling, &c., cf. Jelf, 539.
I
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE.
THE THRACIAN EXPEDITION OF MEGABYZUS, AND THE COMMENCE-
MENT OF THE IONIAN REVOLT; INCLUDING DIGRESSIONS ON
ATHENS AND SPARTA, AND THE BURNING OF SARDIS.
CH. I. a. ol 81 iv ry Elputiry K. r. \. The history of Darius is
here resumed fromiv. 143. "The Thracian expedition, in accord-
ance with Hdtus' plan, introduces us to the most important occur-
rences, having been undertaken by Megabyzus, the best and most
trusty of the royal generals who had been left behind in Europe ;
whilst Darius himself, remaining stationary at Sardis, was openly
reparing for that still greater enterprise, from obstructing which
e had probably only wished to deter the Scythians, v. 12, 23."
D. p. 123. Perinthus, afterwards Heraclea, Eski Eregli, stood on
the Propontis.
b. ol airb 2rpv/*6voe UaiovtQ Cf. also v. 12, 15, and viii. 124, 185,
on the Pseonians. This nation came at a very remote period from
Asia Minor, and held all the W. tract of the South of Thrace, and
in the time of Hdtus and Thucydides, dwelt principally by the
rivers Strymon, the Stroma, and the Axius, the Vardari. Cf. also
Thucyd. ii. 96. B. TO^C 1 iiri-^ti^iuv, then they were to make an
attack. Cf. Jelf, 655, obs. 2. In Epic and especially in Hdtus,
6 it is used in a series of actions referring to the same subject, as
we should say, and then he, but he, &c. Cf. vi. 3, 6 ft Atyt a$i,
but he, &c.
c. TO. Svo, cf. Jelf, 548, e., Elliptic Accus., &c. we iiraiwvitov.
On this word the ambiguous sense of the oracle depended ; the
allusion being from singing the Pcean to calling by name on the
Paonians. It appears that there were two war Paeans in use
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 2j7
among the Gks ; the s/4/3ar>'/pioc on advancing to the battle, properly
addressed to Ares, and the iiriv'iKios on tcinning the victory ; hence,
partly, arose the confusion in the night-battle in Thucyd. vii. 44.
Cf. Smith's D. of A., Paan.
CH. II. a. unit Haiovwv by the Peeonians. Cf. ii. 54, a., dirb
GlpkdlV K. T. X.
CH. III. a. Qpqiftav f iQvoq (ityiffrov r. r. X. Hdtus' opinion
that the Thracians were the greatest nation after the Indians, is
opposed to that of Pausanias, i. 9, 6, who considers them next in
number to the Celts, and of Thucyd. ii. 97, who places them far
behind the Scythians, both in numbers and power. V. We must
remember that the Thrace of Hdtus was far greater, in his opinion,
than Thucydides knew it to be. This we learn from Hdtus' mis-
taken idea of the course of the Danube, whence he made Thrace
extend far too much to the N., and conceived Scythia to be of a
square or oblong shape. B. Cf. iv. 101, a. On the Indians, cf.
iii. 94 and 98, a. See also the remarks of D. /. /. and p. 65, and
on the geography of Thrace, Arrowsmith, p. 319, seqq. aptjx. pf)
tyyEvijrai. Cf. Jelf, 814.
1. TtTttav KOI Tpavawv r. r. X. On the Getse, cf. iv. 93, a. The
Trausians, a Thracian tribe, cf. Livy xxxviii. 41, probably dwelt
near the Traus, a river mentioned in vii. 109; B., and which, cf.
Eton Geogr. p. 322, also bore the name of Tonzus, the Tondja. On
the Crestonaeans, cf. i. 57, B.
CH. I\ . a. card ft TOV fivopivov a<j>i K. T. X. Cf. Fragment 13
of the Cresphontes of Euripides ; Poetae Scenici, Frag. p. 97.
'Exprjv yap >//iae trvXXoyov iroiovpivov
Tov tyvvra Qpijvtiv, tiQ off' ipj^trai KCIKCI.
Tov av Qavbvra eat irovwv irtiravfitvov
Xatpovraf ti'^^^ovvraf tcTrt/x/rtiv SofjLiav.
Translated by Cicero, Tusc. i. 48. V.
CH. \. a. i^ti ywaTcac 'inunroq TroXXdf The Paeonians also
had the same custom, v. 16, alluded to by Eurip. Androm. 215,
&c. W.
b. a$dtrai tc TOV ratyov Practised also among the Getse, and
alluded to by Cicero. Tusc. v. 27, quoted by V. The custom of
the Suttee is mentioned, observes W., by Diod. Sic. xix. 34, and
by Propertius, iv. Eleg. xii. 19, referred to by L. R. p. 46, ob-
serves, " We cannot help remarking, having ourselves witnessed a
sacrifice of this kind in India, how many points of resemblance
there are between what we saw and the mode described by Hdtus."
Cf. iv. 71, c. On the construction, cf. Jelf, 646, 1, quoted in iii.
62, fl., and iii. 11, 6.
CH. VI. a. xpjjfidYtov, Genitivus Pretii. Cf. Jelf, 519, 2.
dpyov cZvat, raAXtdrov K. T- X. dpyof opposed to yij<; ipyart], as ont
tcho does not ucork in thejields, but tcho went wit, as it shortly after is
explained, to tear and plunder. Cf. Tac. Germ. c. 14. V.
CH. VII. a. 'Apnuiv. Cf. iv. 33, b.
258 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. VIII. a. roi<rt tvSaifion the wealthy. Cf. i. 133, b. On
the case here, the dativus commodi, cf. Jelf, 597. Possessive
and attributive notions take a dative commodi or incommodi, which
usage arisec from the thing possessed being conceived of as being
for the owner's benefit or harm. So Hdtus ii. 145, 'Hpa/cXft i/ai
trta. ii. 17, b.
b. tTTtira Si Qairrovai naraKavaavrtQ K. r. X. deinde sepeliunt com-
bustitm, out etiam non combustum terra condunl. Schw. Qairruv,
as sepelire and sepulture, as the ashes or body were usually laid
under-ground, is used both of burning and embalming, as well as of
simply buryinq. aXXwc is translated by B. omnino, plane, simply
Cf. also iii. 139, b.
c. KOT& Xoyov novvoftaxinc.. On tJie principle of a single combat ;
i. e. (as it seems to me,) after all the competitors had been reduced
by a succession of trials of strength to two only, then those two com-
peted for the highest prize. Kara \6fov, ad rationern, pro rations.
Cf. i. 134. Jelf, 629, 3, a.
CH. IX. a. ^tyiiwas K.T.\. Cf. on this passage the observa-
tions of R. p. 43, and D. p. 124, on Hdtus' acquaintance with
Thrace, and p. 45.
b. ilvai Si Mqowv ff<j>iae awoiicovg L., quoted in the Oxfd. Tr., re-
marks, " When the Scythians subjugated part of Asia, they were
the cause of several colonies going from it, and, among others, one
from the Assyrians which transplanted itself into Asia Minor, and
another from the Medes which went towards the Tanais and formed
the nation of the Sauromatse. Diod. Sic. ii. 43. Were the Sigyn-
nae descended from a branch of these Sauromatee ? "
c. yivoiTo .... xpovy. Cf. Soph. Ajax 655. V.
CH. X. a. 'Qf Si 8p>jVc XEyoveri, This is an evidence as well of
the caution of Hdtus, in making assertions the truth of which he
cannot certify, as of the probability that he himself visited Thrace.
B. Cf. D. p. 45, 123, 124. Kark^ovaai ilal, are occupying. On
the participle and tivcu, instead of the verbal form, to give em-
phasis to the predicate, cf. Jelf, 375, 4, and cf. i. 57-
CH. XI. a. AaptToc Si K. r. X. Cf. v. i, a., and on the date of the
Scythian expedition, cf. iv. 1, a. and refs. On Histieeus iv. 137,
and on Coes iv. 97.
b. t&vpicwov K.T.X. Myrcinus was on the Strymon, the Stroma,
a little to the N. of Amphipolis, Jenikeui, in the territory of Edonis.
which lay between Mt Orbelus and the Strymon on the E. of
Macedonia. See Arrowsmith, Eton. Geog. p. 333. KOTO, rd K. r. X.
betook themselves to the places they had chosen, or, to the objects of
their choice.
CH. XII. a. avatrirdffTovs Cf. ii. 104, a.
CH. XIII. a. ATI Si } llaiovii) K.T.\. and that P&onia and its
towns are situated upon the Strymon. The Peeonians here men-
tioned, (see A. Eton. Geog. p. 334,) are not to be confounded with
the Paeonians of Appian, de Illyr. c. 22, who dwelt in villages only
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 259
in the region between the Save, the Drave, and the Danube, and
who were the Pannonians of the Romans. W. On the answer
made, viz. " that they considered themselves a colony from Troy,"
D. I. I. says, Qu. were they settled there from the time when, at a
very old date, the Teucrians and Mysians made the conquest of
Thrace ? viii. 20. rivte tiat cm t\9ouv. Cf. Jelf, 886, 3, on
the mixture of the oratio obliqua and recta.
b. aura tKaara the facts as they were, the very truth. The last
sentence avrov yap K. r. X. appears to mean, for for this vert/ reason
it was so contrived by them (the P&onians) -for this icas the very
rtason they did so, meaning, that they had purposely so employed their
sister, that the king might ask the question he did, and they give tlif.
attsicer.
CH. XI"V. a. o Si . . . . iiri rfjv nawviqv. This expedition took
place 513 B. c. Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 203.
CH. XVI. a. TO nd-yyaiov ovpof Pangcea, a range of nits be-
tween the Strymon and the Nestus. Smith's C. D. On the Do-
beres, &c., cf. Thucyd. ii. 8. B. a^v, at all. Cf. Jelf, 580, 2.
b. Ixpia K. r. X. scaffolding, planks upon piles.
c. Kparswv 'iicuoTog K. r. X. Upon the planks each man possesses a
hut, in which he lives, with a trap-door, too, through the planks, open-
ing downwards to the water. Qvp^ KaraTraicrrje, explained by Schw.,
Janna non erecta sed humi strata, et ita compacta ut cum clausa erat
t-iim reliquo tabulate in eodem esset piano, ciovoi TOV iroc. Cf. Jelf,
536.
d. iraps\ov(ri \dprov ix&vg. Cf. Atheneeus, viii. p. 343, E., who
says that in Mosynum of Thrace the oxen are fed on fish ; and
Torfeus, in his History of Norway, informs us that in the cold and
maritime parts of Europe cattle are fed on fish. W.
CH. XVII. a. nap 'Aftvvrt)v This was Amyntas I., (cf. viii.
137, a-, on the Maced. Monarchy,) he came to the throne 540 B. c.,
and reigned till 500 B. c. or 498 B. c., and consequently was king
of Macedon at the time of the expulsion of the Peisistratidae. His
son Alexander I. was still king when Cimon recovered Thasos, 463
B. c., and was succeeded by Perdiccas II. 454 B. c. The submission
of Amyntas to the Persians is dated by Thirlw. ii. c. xiv. p. 204,
513 B. c. Aaptiy @av., for, in acknowledgment of, kg Darius. Cf.
Jelf, 598, Dat. Comtnodi.
b. t^trai rrJQ Xi^vijc, adjoins the lake. Cf. Jelf, 536, Partitive
Gen. >/nfQi]<; iicaffr. Gen. Temporis. Jelf, 523, and 606, obs. 2,
quoted in ii. 95, a.
c. Aiiawpov .... ovpoe A mt of Macedonia, between Chalcidice
and Odomantice. Smith's C. D. tlvai tv M. cf. Jelf, 804, 6.
CH. XVIII. a. airb Siiirvov, after supper. Cf. Jelf, 620, 2,
quoted in vi. 129, b. ctairivovrfc. drinking against each other, chal-
lenging at drinking. V. and S. and L. Diet. The habit of hard
drinking belonged to the later age of the Persians. Cf. i. T\, b.,
155, rf., &c. A little above, tr^ia^ iiri Ztivta ica\en, invites them to a
s 2
260 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
hospitable entertainment, incites them to eat with him. u<a Supa, or
?wa alone, friendly yifts, given to the guest by his host, by which
food and lodging are chiefly intended. S. and L. D. Cf. ix. 15.
Xtx<*>p- yvvaiKiav. Separative Gen. Jelf, 530, 1.
b. aXyndovae a<pi o^QaX/zujv. An expression censured by Louginus
de Sublim. 4, as frigid, and only excused as put into the mouth
of a barbarian. For other instances of metaphor in Hdtus, cf. vi.
1,4.
CH. XIX. a. pnSe \ur. ry iroffit, nor persist in drinking. Cf. Jelf,
605, Local Dot. vetartpu irprjyp. Cf. V. 35, C. "iva pi) i$epy. i}fi.,
that you may not be the ruin of us.
CH. XX. a. ywatKwv tvir. Cf. Jelf, 542, 1, Gen. with Sub-
stantives and Adjectives. *caXu>c ?x- M^>JC> > e ^ ff for strong drink.
Cf. Jelf, 528, quoted in i. 30, c.
CH. XXI. a. Kar'tXafit restrained, checked the inquiry into, the
matter. Bubares, to whom Alexander gave the money and his
sister, was the s. of Megabyzus, cf. vii. 21. The name of Alex-
ander's sister was Gygsea, viii. 136. V. So at the end of the ch.
Kara\ap<i>9tiG their death was suppressed, the inquiry was suppressed
as to how they died.
CH. XXII. a. lv Toiai oTriffQt Xoyoetri Cf. viii. 137, a. The
judges in the Olympic games were called Hellanodicee ; their num-
bers, generally 10, varied at different times, according to the num-
ber of the Elean tribes. Cf. Smith's D. of A., Olympiad, a most
interesting article. On the decision of the judges, Thirlw. ii. c.
xiv. p. 205.
b. Kai KaTafiavTog and having descended into the arena. Cf. Soph.
Trach., rivtg apQiyvoi Karkfiav K. T.\., and Horace in. Od. i. 11, de-
scendat in campum &c. Qiipyov, endeavoured to exclude him. Cf.
i. 68, /. B.
c. ffvvi&iwrrt T(j> Trpoiry his lot or ticket fell out (of the urn)
along with that of thejirst. The combatants were matched in pairs,
according as each couple drew a corresponding pair of lots. So B.
understands it, quoting L., son nom sortit de F urne avec celui du
premier combattant. In S. and L. D. it is taken, not of the lot in-
scribed with Alexander's name or initial, but of Alexander himself
lie ran a dead heat with the first.
CH. XXIII. a. Mvpm/oe, Cf. v. 11, b.
b. TroXXoj Ko7Tc many spars, much wood Jit for oars, iirtav ....
7rpiXa/3#c and when you have got him in your power. Cf. viii. 6, 106.
CH. XXV. a. T&V paatXniuv Sucaariiav, Cf. iii. 31, a. The fate
of Sisamnes is dated by Prid. 512 B. c., in the 10th year of Darius.
Cf. for similar instances of despotic justice exercised on members
of this court, composed in all probability of distinguished indivi-
duals of the priest caste or Magi, vii. 194, H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 390,
and Esther i. 13, quoted in E. Orient. H. p. 313.
CH. XXVI. a. in Tort VTTO IltXacrywv oiKto/iSvaf. On this L.,
quoted in the Oxfd. Tr., remarks, " It appears by the commence-
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 261
ment of the preceding ch. that Otanes was not appointed to the
place of judge till after the Scythian expedition, about 507 or 503
B. c. But at that time there were no Pelasgians in those islands ;
for Miltiades had expelled them 3 years before. But there is
nothing inconsistent here. Otanes invaded Lemnos and Imbros,
511 or 512 B. c., and contented with their submission, left them in
possession of the island. Miltiades expelled them 510 B. c.'' So
also Thirlw. ii. p. 394, " Miltiades' conquest of Lemnos had dis-
lodged the Pelasgians after they became Persian subjects, and had
very probably at the same time expelled a Persian governor," cf. v.
"27, &c. From vii. 42, it would seem that Antandrus was also a
Persian colony. On the Pelasgians, cf. i. 57, a., and 94, h.
CH. XXV II. a. Att/copijrov .... MaiavSpiov K.T.\. Cf. Hi. 142
and 143. In the following sentence the words airii; 8k TOVTOV ....
KartffTptijxTo do not refer to Lycaretus, but to Otanes, and are a con-
tinuation of the narration from the end of c. 26. B. and Schw. Cf.
p. 125. In the last sentence of this, or in the first of the following
ch., read with G., Schw., B., &c., dveaiQ KO.K&V, a cessation or abate-
ment of their misfortunes, a conjecture of de La Barre's, instead
of avtwf, which gives no sense.
CH. XXVIII. a. avrt) twvTrJQ, cf. Jelf, 782, g., quoted in
ii. 25, b. 7rpo<7xr;/ua, the ornament. Cf. Eurip. Androm. 1. 'Aatdrt-
tfoc yj/e <rwifM a e f)3aia iroXig, and Soph. Elect. 682, the Pythian games,
TrpoaxTina 'E\\a8o, from S. and L. D. KaTaprtUTrjpae, cf. iv. 161, a.
CH. XXIX. a. ouco00opjjjuvowe, Cf. viii. 142, d.
b. tv avtartiKviy ry \^py in the country tchich icas wasted and
desolated: rather than with Schw., in the hit/her lands.
c. u\it)v. Cf. i. 125, b,
CH. XXX. a. TWV Trax^v the wealthy, the men of substance,
the landholders ; hence, the upper class, the aristocrats ; opposed to
o ditfioi;, the commons, or rabble. Cf. v. 77, viL 155, b., and Thucyd.
iii. 82. tTri'rpoTToe, cf. iii. 27, b.
b. irpouiOtffav they enjoined on Aristagoras. Jc . . . . 8ia\v<rovTi<;,
inasmuch as they would pay the cost. B. A little above iiri\i^dfjLtvoQ,
thinking over the matter, reflecting. Cf. ix. 97, c.
CH. XXXI. a. 2 if OIKOV ayaOwv, you point out, propose, what
is of great advantage to the house of the king. W. calls attention to
the Oriental character of this expression, by which was intended
the kingdom or the royal family, and its use among the Hebrews.
It occurs also in vi. 9, vii. 194, viii. 102, and ix. 107. Cf. also iii.
132, a., 140, a.
CH. XXXI I. a. vTTtpQivn Cf. iii. 155, b. B. doubts the in-
ference drawn by H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 270, 272, 277, see also i. 153,
b., 155, d., from this and other passages, that, if the satrap desired
the services of the king's troops, he was obliged first to ask the
king's permission, on whom alone the commanders of the forces
were dependent; as from v. 25, compared with this ch., it would
appear that Otanes and Artaphernes both held military command ;
262 NOTES OK HERODOTUS.
Otanes' commission extending to the coast of Thrace and the ad-
jacent parts of Europe, and Artaphernes' to that of Asia. At an
after-period, certainly, the union is continually found of the civil
and military powers in the persons of the satraps one great cause
of their arrogance, their frequent revolts, and of the decay and dis-
solution of the Persian empire.
b. (I 01} aXrjQi'iG y 6 Xpyoe, The circumstance that Hdtus refers to
belongs to 477 B. c. Cf. D. p. 28. The letter from Pausanias to
Xerxes is given in Thucyd. i. 123. B. As L. observes, it appears
from this passage that Hdtus had no knowledge of this letter.
CH. XXXIII. . IIapa\a/3wj> 81 b Msya/3ar; C *. r. X. Thirlw.
ii. c. 14, p. 207, and E. Orient. H., date the revolt of Ionia and the
Naxian war 501 B. c. On its history, cf. E. Hist, of Gr. ch. viii.
p. 207213, Thirlw. I /., and E. Orient. H. p. 378, and on its con-
sequences, D. p. 125. On tirXtc 7rp6$a(Tiv, he sailed away as he pre-
tended, pretendedly, &c., accus. in apposition to the verbal notion
contained in the sentence which precedes it, cf. Jelf, 580.
1. TOVTOV Sijaai dia 6a\afiirjf 8u\6vraf vincire trajectum per thala-
mium nan's. W. u\6vrag, having as it were divided him in tico,
in such sort that his head appeared outside of the vessel, projecting
through the oar-hole, while his body remained within. Cf. Thirlwall
in /. ' Cf. Smith's D. of A., Ships.
CM. XXXIV. a. icai olra Kai irora TO rd^oe iaaZavro, id est, if
TO rt?xof ffiavTo, ct escufenta poiulentague curavcrant intra tirbem
importari. V. irpofft^sporro, bore down upon, rushed upon, made
their assaults vpon. Cf. v. 109.
CH. XXXV. a. ean^t According to Polysenus i. 24, the letters
on the slave's head were 'Irrnaiog ' Apiarayopa. 'Imviav cnroffDjaov \ .
b. (itTriatv&at fut. mid. of ^t6tf)fii, Ion. for fiiOrjataOai. in a pass,
sense, that he would be sent. So also airai^ataBai TTJV |6a<7t\r;(>;j>,
that he would be deprived of his lordship. Cf. v. 34, TroXtopiojcro^svoi.
vi. 11, kXarrtrwataOai. vii. 159, 162, apo/icva. B. Cf. also viii. 49
and 7o'. ix. 5S, and Jelf, 364, a., quoted in viii. 1 13, b.
c. fji) oi v(i!ir. TI Trouvarif K- T- \.^but unless Miletus at tempted some
revolutionary movement, &c. /*} used with participles and adjec-
tives, when they can be resolved into a conditional clause, ex-
pressing a supposed case, as 6 fit} man t'wv si quis -non credat. Hdt.
iv. 64. pi) iviiKaq Si, but if he does nut bring (a head). Jelf, 746, 2.
vtd'Tipa iraiiftv, in attempt or bring about something contrary to the
established state of affairs, to rebel, revolt, and hence as in viii. 142,
to attempt some change, to desert the common cause, is very common,
as also is irpaaauv, in the sense of intriguina, getting uj> a faction.
So in Latin, naras res moliri, frequently in Cuesar. Cf. i. 27, b.,
viii. 21, b. " Hdtus," D. /. I., observes, "gives not a word of ap-
probation to the ill-considered undertaking of Aristagoras, to
which Hecatseus in vain offered the opposition of his own great
experience." See also p. 84, to the same effect, in ch. vi. on
Hecatus.
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 263
CH. XXXVI. a. 'EraraJoc Cf. 143, a. On the temple of
Apollo at Branchidse, cf. i. 45, d., and on the treasures there of
Crasus, i. 50, 92. plaaiXti, Dat. Incommodi. Jelf, 536.
b. 6 XoyoTTotoc the writer of chronicles, the historian. So of
Hecatseus again in v. 125 ; but in ii. 134, of ./Esop, the fable writer.
A few lines below, tiprj Xiyw, an instance of Pleonasm, cf. v. 50,
Xiyti 0ac> an( i elsewhere, utyzGti nsvas, and nX-fida iro\\oi. Jelf,
899,3. Cf. i. 79, b.
CH. XXXVII. a. MvXaaaea a native of Mylasa, in Caria
(Mcl-asso). Cf. i. 171, d. Termera on the borders of Caria and
Lycia.
CH. XXXVIII. a. ffrparrjyovg here, not generals of the forces,
but chief magistrates, invested with similar powers to those found
in the democratic states of Greece under the same title, as at
Thurii, Argos, Syracuse, Athens, &c. Wachsmuth, 1, 2, 24. Smith's
D. of A., Strategus.
b. tBfe yap Srj vvfifiaxirjQ K. r. X. The construction is iSet yap Sij
avfifjiaxi'ns TIVOQ //tydAjjj; (&QTS) i^tvpiOrjvat oi. opus enim fuit magna
qudptam armorum societate, quce illi erat exquirenda, invenienda ;
Schw. (j /br he had need now of some powerful aid to be discovered for
him. I should prefer to govern ol by tSti, its position between the
two genitives TIVUQ and /u-ya/\je indicating its close connexion with
the whole sentence, which is complete by itself; whereas itvpiQijvai
seems a mere appendage.
CH. XXXIX. a. ' AvaZavSpiSrie He was the 16th in descent
from Aristodemus, and of the house of Eurysthenes. See the Ox-
ford Chron. Tables, p. 38, and Lists of Kings, vol. iii. of Smith's D.
of Gr. and R. Biogr. He came to the throne 570 B. c. according
to B., and was succeeded by Cleomenes 520 B. c., who reigned 29
years. On the Spartan kings, cf. vi. 51, b. 58, and seqq., and on
the houses of Eurysthenes and Procles, Thirlw. i. c. 7., p. 261 and
291, and H. P. A. 18. On the circumstances here related cf.
Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 211.
b. oi fyopoi tlirav K. r. \. The precautions here taken by the
Ephori and the advice they are related to have offered, are a proof
that " the surveillance exercised by these magistrates extended
even to the domestic concerns of royalty, for the purpose of insur-
ing not only the purity, but also the perpetuity of their Heraclide
race of kings." Thirlw. i. c. 8, p. 321, and others, consider the
institution of the Ephoralty as of a higher antiquity than the time
of Lycurgus : H. appears inclined to date it at a later period. Cf.
P. A. 43 ; " The jealousy, with which the people viewed the
power of the kings, was so far from being effectually curbed, that,
130 years after the legislation of Lycurgus, the popular party
wrung from Theopompus, though not it would seem without re-
sistance, a legal organ in the Ephoralty. At any rate, that institu-
tion, which from its very nature cannot have originated with
Lycurgus, for its consequences shattered to its foundation ihe
264 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
structure he had raised, is ascribed by most accounts to that
monarch." The existence, however, of the Ephors, though with
very limited powers, at the time of Lycurgus, appears admitted by
H. ; as he says in 23, " As to the Ephori, who in the end so
greatly diminished the power of the kings, they were in the time
of Lycurgus mere police magistrates forming a court of justice,
especially charged with the decision of ordinary civil cases, which
was also their office in other Doric states." Their number, as is
well known, was five, and their election annual. On the nature
and increase of their power cf. vi. 82, a., 85, a., and the article
Ephori, Smith's D. of A., also 43 45 of H. P. A., in the notes of
which are ample references to Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 1 15, seqq., and
other writers. The ch. Lycurgus in E. Hist, of Gr. p. 139 153,
is well worth reading.
CH. XLII. a. aicpo/iai7e half-mad; according to Schw. ; as
what is related in 49 51 is not applicable to the idea of a raving
madman. Vert/ mad, furiously mad ; B., and S. and L. D. Cf.
jEsch. Pers. 140, ctKpoTrivQijs.
b. ovrf Ttf iv AtX^oTfft xprjcrrr/piy xprjffafii vo " The oracle of the
Delphic god, proceeding from the sanctuary of their race, ever exer-
cised a decisive influence over the internal affairs of Dorian nations.
Hence the Ilttfiot in the royal train, Oio-n-poiroi tc AsXdovc," vi. 57, f-
H. P. A. 23. Cf. Mull. Dor. ii. p. 13. " Colonies were seldom
or never founded without having obtained the advice and the
directions of the Delphic god; Cic. de Div. i. 1. Hence it was
always consulted in all disputes between a colony and its metro-
polis, &c. Thucyd. i. 2528. The Delphic oracle had at all
times a leaning in favour of the Greeks of the Doric race, but the
time when it began to lose its influence must be dated from the
period when Athens and Sparta entered upon their struggle for
the supremacy in Greece ; for at this time its partiality for Sparta
became so manifest, that the Athenians and their party began to
lose all reverence and esteem for it, and the oracle became a mere
instrument in the hands of a political party." Smith's D. of A.,
Oraculum.
C. ovrf irotrjffac; ovStv TO>V cojiiio/isvwv- On these cf. H. P. A.
73 76. "The perpetuity of the kindred duties between the mother-
city and the colony, was symbolically set forth by taking fire from
the Prytaneum of the parent city, by establishing in the new
settlement the worship of the same deities, associating with them
the founder as a hero ; also by participation in the principal festi-
vals of the parent state, by deputations and contributions to them ;
by adopting the same emblems on the coinage and so forth, &c.
All this however, let it be remembered, holds good only in those
colonies which did not arise from violent schism in the parent
state, but were countenanced, prepared, and sent out by it with all
due formalities, among which the sanction of an oracle was held
to be indispensable." Cf. also Smith's D. of A., Colonies, Gk. On
ROOK V. TERPSICHORE. 265
the passage in the text, Miiller, Dor. i. p. 146, observes " Of a
nature wholly different from the colonies regularly established un-
der the authority of the Doric state of Sparta, were the rapid and
transitory settlements of Dorieus the s. of Anaxandrides, k. of
Sparta, which this noble adventurer founded in Sicily and Libya ;
when scorning to submit to a worthless brother, and confiding in
his own strength, he hoped to obtain by conquest a kingdom in a
distant country."
d. Qqpdioi. That the inhabitants of the island Thera, Santorin,
should have acted as guides is not surprising, as they had a flour-
ishing commerce with Africa, and particularly with Cyrene, their
own colony. Cf. iv. 158, b. B. On the Cinyps and the Macse,
cf. iv. 175, a. d.
CH. XLIII. a. di')p 'EXi&vtos Eicon is mentioned by Homer,
II. ii. 500, and by Strabo, ix. p. 622. It was near Tanagra in
Boeotia. W.
b. etc raiv Aaiov xp?j(r/icuv, according to the oracles about Laius, or
perhaps Laius' oracles. Cf. Jelf, 621, 3, f. IK, Causal, in conse-
quence of, according to. Cf. i. 64, and Soph. (Ed. Tyr. 907- Aaiov
iraXaid Qka(para, the ancient oracles given to Laius.
c. 'HpaK\t]ir)v K. r. \. See Mull. Dor. i. p. 459 " it was natural
that the Greeks should find some affinity of character between
Hercules and the Phoenician god Melcart, the son of Baal and
Astarte, 'A<rr6pi<i. Great as the confusion soon became between
the Doric and Phoenician traditions respecting Hercules, they may
be easily distinguished from each other; and the first effect of their
union may perhaps be traced in the wish of Dorieus, the son of
Anaxandridas, to found a kingdom near Mount Eryx, because Her-
cules had formerly conquered that country : now the worship and
name of the Phoenician Venus, Astarte, existed on Mount Eryx,
and probably also that of her son Melcart." On Melcart, the
tutelar deity of Carthage and Tyre, see H. Carthag. ch. iii. p. 139,
seqq., and cf. ref. in ii. 44, a. .
CH. XLIV a. ovvt\fiv rr\v 2i'/3aptv, helped to conquer Sybaris.
H., P. A. 80, in his discussion of the Dorian colonies, says,
" Though Crotona and its daughter-cities, Caulonia, Pandosia, and
Terina, were considered by all antiquity to be Achsean colonies,
yet that by this nothing more could be meant than that they were
colonies of the original inhabitants of Laconia led out by their
Dorian conquerors. Sybaris, however, was indisputably an Achaean
city, founded, although particulars are not known, about the same
time as Crotona, circ. 710 B. c. The tie of kindred, however, did
not in the least check the annihilating fury of the Crotoniats, who
put an end to the power and prosperity which Sybaris had then
enjoyed for two centuries, 510 B. c. Cf. Herod, vi. 21. The fugi-
tives from the ruined city found refuge in their colonies of Laus
and Scidrus : their return was long prevented by the jealousy of
Crotona, until Pericles formed a new settlement at Thurii, 444 B. c.,
266 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
colonists from which place and Tarentum soon afterwards built
Heraclaea, on the site of the ancient Siris." Of. viii. 62, 6., and
Smith's C. D., Sybaris. On the particulars of the war, see Diod.
Sic. xii. 9.
b. rStv 'lapidewv On the lamidae, to whom the care of the ora-
cles at the altar of the Olympian Jove was intrusted, and who
were said to be descendants of Apollo, cf. Find. Ol. vi. B., and
Dissen's Introd. vol. ii. p. 58, and ix. 33, a.
CH. XLV. a. TOV Kqpbv Kp50tv, the dry Crathis, as being a tor-
rent stream which flowed only in winter ; cf. Virg. Georg. iii. 151,
" et sicci ripa Tanagri." W. The surname of Crastia, there can
be no doubt, is a local epithet, derived from the neighbouring
stream of the Crathis, or Crastis. " The worship of Minerva ex-
isted at Sparta, as well that of Minerva Chalcioecus as of Minerva
Alca, and in other states of the Peloponnesus, particularly in Ar-
golis ; although her worship, as well as that of Juno, had probably
been more prevalent before than after the Doric invasion." Mull.
Dor. i. p. 413. What is narrated in this and the preceding ch.
" relative to the disputed circumstance in the destruction of Sy-
baris by the Crotonians, where one can by no means pass unob-
served the obscurity which pervades the account of so recent a
transaction," is considered by D., p. 36, as one of the proofs that
Hdtus wrote in Italy and at an advanced age. See his remarks
throughout ; of which I borrow the following " He (Hdtus) adds
at the conclusion of the narrative, though here it does not help us
to the main question, ' still in my time the family of Callias pos-
sessed certain select portions of the lands of Crotona, which nad
been given to them.' 'Avoyovoi and yovoi, descendants, generally
mean, not the second generation, but the third, the grandchildren.
It is therefore probable that Hdtus is here speaking as a Thurian,
and at a later date."
b. Qaiptra . . . iro\\a SoQivra, many portions (of land) set apart for
and given to Callias and his descendants. Cf. iv. 161, b.
CH. XLVI. a. airiQavov fiaxy K. r. X. The death of Dorieus is
also mentioned in vii. 158, 205. Cf. Diod. iv. 23, and Pausanias
iii. 16, 4. B.
CH. XLVIII. a. Topyw. Cf. v. 51. She married her uncle, the
famous Leonidas, who fell at Thermopylae. B.
CH. XLIX. a. ^aXwov vivaica, The visit of Aristagoras to
Sparta, 500 B. c. Clinton, Fast. Hell. i. p. 22. " Geographical
charts," observes L., quoted in the Oxfd. Tr., " must have been
rather common at that time, since Anaximander made one 71 years
before. They were much more ancient in Egypt, and we may pre-
sume that this is one of the things that the Gks derived from that
country." Cf. also Josh, xviii. 4, and D., p. 85, who considers it
very probable that this brazen tablet, which contained the en-
graved outline of the earth, &c., was constructed upon the system
and delineations of Hecataeus. T& /can/icovra, the present state of
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 267
affairs. Cf. i. 79, a. Read for the history the ch. The Ionic Re-
volt, in E. Hist, of Gr. p. 207213.
b. oi TrivraKoaia rdXavra . . . iirinXevat. Cf. iii. 90. On the Cho-
aspes, cf. i. 18S, c., and on Susa, iii. 68, b.
c. -^rtvaov i%6(ifvov . . . ovSkv, nothing of the nature of, that has to
do with, gold. Cf. i. 120, a. ava(3dXXta9ai f/a% a C just above, to un-
dertake, take upon oneself, tears. In iii. 69, and Thucyd. v. 46, to
put off, or, defer ; B., as also in the end of this chapt. Trapf\ov,
qmim liceat, Accus. absolute. Cf. Jelf, 700, 2, a., quoted in
iii. 91, a.
CH. L. a. Tort fjtv ec roaovrov /Xaerav. Then (on that day) they
got thus far in the matter ; Schw. Lex., or supply irpay/ia, they
2nished the matter thus far. S. and L. Diet. Cf. ii. 124, ig irao.
KOK. iXdffai, he went on into all manner of wickedness.
b. SiapdXXwv igilvov iv, deceiving him with great skill, cleverly im-
pijsing upon him. Cf. iii. 1, v. 97, 107, and viii. 110, a.
c. Xl-y . . . 0dc Cf. v. 36, b.
CH. LI. a. Xa(3wt> \Ktrnpiriv, sc. iXaiav, pdjBSov. having taken an
oUre branch as a symbol of his being a suppliant. S. and L. D. So
B., sumto olece ramo. Cf. vii. 141.
b. fopyw. Cf. v. 48, a.
CH. Lll. a. araOfiol . . . KaraXvattg stations and resting-places
or inns. " These inns we must consider as being much the same
kind of establishment as the caravanseries of modern Persia ;
many of which, on the public roads, are grand, commodious, and
extensive. But with respect to the accommodation of armies, they
must have been out of the question ; although they might have
accommodated detachments or officers. Very possibly they might
have been calculated to receive the monarch and his retinue, when
the army was put in motion ; and that they had their reference to
war, as well as to civil purposes, may be collected from the space
between them, which is calculated for the day's march of an army,
cf. note f. infra, but is too short for the journeys of travellers of
any description ; the slowest of whom, those who travel in cara-
vans, far outstrip an army-" On this royal road between Ionia
and Susa, cf. R. xiii. p. 333, from which the preceding and many
of the subsequent remarks are borrowed, and particularly H. Bab.
ch. ii. p. 426, 427, who observes that this principal road of Asia,
constructed, no doubt, chiefly for political reasons, and to maintain
an uninterrupted communication with Asia Minor, but also used
for commercial purposes, has undergone no other alteration than
that occasioned by its different limits, being now commonly used
from Ispahan to Smyrna. See also the remarks of D., p. 56,
" Hdtus must on the whole certainly have followed this road, which
was usually passed over in three months and three days, and it
was probably necessary for him to keep to the high road," &c.
b. ITT' $ irvXai Tt iiruat, not such gates as in iii. 117, (flood-gates
to shut off" or let on the water,) but gates placed for the protection of
268 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
both entrances of the bridge itself, and guarded with works ; tetes du
pont. That fortifications should be raised in this place was but
natural, since the Halys formed the ancient boundary of the Lydian
and Median kingdoms. B. Similar gates formerly existed for
the defence of Thermopylae, whence its name. Cf. vii. 176, and
H. Bab. I. I. p. 426. On the Halys, cf. i. 6, a.
c. &e Tt. TrvXag, two passes (entrances into the country through
the mts). S. and L. D. ovpoe Sk KiXucirjc; KUI rjjg 'Ap/uvt'ije K. T. X.
" Cilicia, by being extended to the Euphrates, is made to include
the N. part of Syria; that is, the province of Cyrhestica. The
Chellians mentioned in Judith ii. 21, appear to be the people of
the district which includes the town of Killis, not far from Aleppo ;
whence it may be suspected that the Cilicia of Hdtus included this
province." R. xiii. p. 327- To the same effect H. /. /., " Cilicia,
according to Hdtus, extended as far as Cappadocia, along the upper
Euphrates, and comprehended the region afterwards named Little
Armenia. Cf. v. 49, and therefore by the term Cilician Mts, we
are to understand all that chain which reaches to Mt Caucasus."
H. appears, from some inadvertence, to have understood ovpwv TWV
K. of the mts, instead of the boundaries, of Cilicia. A description
of the Satrapy of Armenia is given in H. Pers. ch. i. p. 87-
d. fiiTa SI, Stvnpoe re Kal rpiroe K, T. X. " The second is the Greater
Zab ; the Zabatus of Xenophon ; and the third is the Lesser Zab ;
which joins the Tigris near the city of Senai ; the Cense of Xeno-
phon. The fourth is said to be the Gyndes, which was formerly
divided by Cyrus ; and which, our author says, also rises in the
mts of Matiene ; and runs through the country of the Darneans,
hod. Derna, in its way to join the Tigris : i. 189, a. This river is
unquestionably intended for the Diala, of modern geography, which
has its source in the same country with the Lesser Zab (that is,
Matiene) ; but it neither flows through Derna, nor does it intersect
the road leading from Susa to Babylon. Our author's extension
of Armenia to the Diala river, is quite incorrect." R. /. L H. /. I.
e. T^V Manrjvijv yf)v Matiene is reckoned to commence at the
fourth liver, called the Gyndes, but meant for the Diala, and to
extend to Cissia, or Susiana. Therefore, by Matiene, is here in-
tended the country between Assyria or Susiana ; and as that was
known in the times of Xenophon and Alexander by the name of
Sittacene, a province of Babylonia, this should be the true reading
and not Matiene. Cf. on Matiene iii. 94, b., and on Susiana or
Cissia, iii. 91, g., and H. Pers. ch. i. p. 155, seqq.
f. ovroi ol Trai/rff . . . . <cai eicaTov. Rennel observes, " in the detail
of these distances, the omissions amount to about one-third of the
whole : they are chiefly between Cilicia and Susa ; and more par-
ticularly between the Euphrates and Tigris, in the line between
Zeugma and Nineveh." The whole distance from Sardis to Susa be-
ing 11 1 stathmi, or stations ; while the detail contains no more than
81. See his calculations given at length. It is worth while to add,
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 269
that from computations based on this passage, R. arrives at the
conclusion that the stathmus was the ordinary march of an army,
about 14 English miles. H. remarks ; " according to Hdtus, the
distance between each station was 5 parasangs, a journey of seven
or eight hours ; and this, we learn from Tavernier, is exactly the
space which caravans consisting of loaded camels are accustomed
to traverse in the course of a day ; but those of horses travel much
faster." See his interesting discussion on this great road, in Bab.
ch. ii. pp. 426428.
CH.LHI. a. TO. Mipvoma KaXtoptva Cf. iii. 68, b. Memnonian
was a name applied by the Greeks to certain very ancient buildings
and monuments in Egypt and Asia, the erection of which was
ascribed to the Memnon who appears in the legends of the Trojan
War. The most celebrated of these were, 1. a great temple at
Thebes, 2. another at Abydos in Egypt, and, 3. the citadel of
Susa ; but there is no reason to suppose that this connexion of
Memnon with the Persian capital existed before the Persian con-
quest of Egypt. Smith's C. D.
b. TTivrrjKovTa t leal eKaTov aTa8ta Cf. iv. 101, b. The variation
observable here of 150 instead of 200 stades as the day's journey,
is accounted for by the great length of the journey here discussed,
and the greater heat of the sun in Asia. B. From the conclusion
of the following ch. it appears probable that Hdtus himself travel-
led the road to Susa. Cf. v. 52, a., and D. 69 73, on the measure-
ments of length used in Hdtus.
CH. LV. a. 'AirtX. $1 6 'Apioray. Cf. v. 35, c., and D. as there
quoted. " The times had changed : Sparta on this occasion refused
to mix herself up with the affairs of Asia : Athens promised the
wished-for aid. This leads to a copiously detailed statement of the
then internal condition of the two principal states of Greece : the
survey of which is rendered somewhat difficult by the insertion,
occasioned certainly by their actual connexion, of the histories of
jEgina and Corinth."
o. ftvofji'f.va .... rvpawwv i\iv6ipaf. On Pisistratus and the
nature of his sway, cf. i. 59, b. and /., and read the ch. The Pisis-
tratidee, in E. Hist, of Gr. ch. viii. p. 193207- H. P. A. 110,
remarks very justly that " the enactments of Solon, in consequence
perhaps of the very spirit of moderation that pervaded them, did
not, at first, serve even to maintain peace and union during his
absence, and that the usurpation of absolute power by Pisistratus,
560 B. c., supported by the Demos, proved fortunate at that junc-
ture of affairs, inasmuch as it prevented a renewal of the contests
with the oligarchical party. It is true that the term tyrant, in the
full sense which it bore among the Greeks, may be well applied to
Pisistratus after he had regained, by force of arms, his twice shat-
tered throne, and secured it to his sons after him ; but the laws and
constitution were never better maintained than under their sway,
and history abounds with proofs of their mildness and concern for
270 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
the common weal. It was not till the incontinence of Hipparchus
had occasioned the deed of Harmodius and Aristogiton, 514 B. c.,
that Hippias excited, by severity, the hatred that brought on his
ruin ; although, strictly speaking, it was the Alcmaeonidse who ex-
pelled him by means of Delphian gold and Spartan arms, 510 B. c."
cf. v. 42, 5. On the Pisistratidee, cf. Thucyd. vi. 5560, Thirlw.
ii. ch. xi. pp. 65 72, D.'s remarks, p. 42, and particularly p. 165,
166. rd dvtK. Ttty.from the first, i. e. by origin, Gephyrceans. S. and
L. D. on the neut. ace. in an adverbial sense, cf. Jelf, 579, 6.
CH. LVI. a. TWV Uava9ijvaiwv The Greater Panathenaea are
here meant ; of which this passage and Thucyd. vi. 56, i. 20, ap-
pear to be the first mention. " It was the most celebrated of all
the Attic festivals in honour of Athena, in the character of Athena
Polias said to have been instituted by Erithonius or Erectheus,
and originally called Athenrea, and remodelled by Theseus, on his
union of the scattered commonalty of Attica. In the chief so-
lemnity of the Greater Panathensea, the magnificent procession to
the temple of Athena Polias, nearly the whole of the population of
Attica appears to have taken part the sacrifices were very mag-
nificent, each town of Attica as well as every colony, and during
the period of her greatness every subject town, contributing one bull
each to them races and gymnastic games were celebrated with
great splendour, and, before the feasting commenced, the public
herald prayed for the welfare and prosperity of the republic, in
which prayer, after the battle of Marathon, the Plataeans, cf. vi.
Ill, were included. The Greater Panathensea, which only differed
from the Less in being more solemn, and that then only the peplus
was carried in the great procession to the temple of Athena, were
celebrated every 4th year, while the Lesser were held every year,
and probably owed their origin to Pisistratus." Panathetuea in
Smith's D. of A. Cf. also Panatfancea, Class. Diet., and Leake's
Athens, viii. p. 286, seqq.
b. TXrjQi K. T. X. The Paronomasia in r\ijOi arXrjra rtrXjjon, is
preserved in Grotius' translation of these lines
"Fortiter hsec leo fer, quamvis fera, quando ferendum est:
Injustos homines sero cito poena sequetur." B.
c. dTTitirdfiivos TI)V tyiv having performed expiatory sacrifice to
avert what the vision threatened having averted the vision by sacri-
fices.
CH. LV1I. a. oi Si TiQvpaioi, The emigration of this tribe from
Bo3otia was consequent on its conquest by the jEoles, who had
been dispossessed of Thessaly, circ. 1124 B. c. A leading clan of
the JEoles, the Boeotians of Arne, bent their course soutliward to
the territory known in histoiy as theirs ; its former inhabitants,
the Minyae of Orchomenos, the CadmGeones of Thebes, (see Diod.
iv. 66, and Herod, v. 57,) the Thracians and others, dispersing
among their neighbours and into various colonies, disappear hence-
forth from the page of history." H. P. A. 15. Besides the
BOOK V. TERPS1CIKRE. 271
Gephyreei in Athens, H., note 20, enumerates other families that at
the same time and for the same cause migrated from Boeotia and
sought refuge elsewhere : such were the JSgidse in Sparta, cf. iv.
149; also the Cadmseans, Minyae, and Abantes in the Dorian and
Ionian settlements in Asia Minor, in Thera, &c., cf. i. 146. To
these, Thirlw. i. c. vii. p. 254, adds, that " the Pelasgians who
fortified part of the citadel of Athens, and afterwards took posses-
sion of Lemnos, are said to have emigrated, at this period, from
Boeotia." Cf. also Gcyhyrcei, Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog.
b. iStZavro .... 7ToAr;rae, " The admission, in Attica, of fugitive
noble families to the rights of citizens is fully authenticated by
other instances, besides that of Melanthus." H. P. A. 102, re-
ferring to the passage in the text. Cf. v. 65, c., and Thucyd. i. 2.
iirl prjToiai, on certain fixed conditions. Cf. i. 59, /.
CH. LVIII. a. 4>oivic ol aiiv KaSfjUft .... senjyayov .... ypa;u-
para K. T. X. On the very obscure subjects of the colonization of
Greece from Phoenicia, the period at which letters became known
to the Greeks, and whence they were introduced, read on the first
of these points, Thirlw. i. c. iii. p. 69, seqq. ; and on the latter, viz.
the introduction of letters and the knowledge of the art of writing,
i. c. vii. p. 238, seqq. of the same work, where he will find this
passage of our author, and the three inscriptions adduced by him
in the following chs., discussed and their evidence considered.
" The traditionary history of the Greek alphabet is well known.
It is said to have originally consisted of only 16 letters, which were
brought from Tyre by Cadmus, and to which 4 were added by
Palamedes at the time of the Trojan war, and subsequently 4 others
by Simonides of Ceos. All that we are to understand by these
traditions is, that the alphabet was of Semitic origin, and this we
can discover for ourselves from an examination of the characters
and their arrangement/' Donaldson, New Cratylus, bk. i. ch. 5,
where the subject is discussed at great length. See particularly
pp. 98 and 104 (of 1st edition). See also a very interesting notice
on the subject in Pelasyi, Class. Diet., and the commencement of
Thiersch's Gr. Grammar.
b. pfTffiaXov KO.I TOV pvBpbv ypamiaTuv This is rendered by \V.,
they changed also the method of writing the letters; litterarum modutn,
fyuram et scriptionis seriem novarunt. So also L. takes it : " At
first the Greeks followed the Eastern practice of writing from right
to left; afterwards, they wrote alternately from left to right and
then from right to left, (a method called /3oyorpo0j/56i',) finally they
wrote only from left to right." Thus too Coleridge in his Introd.
to the Study of the Gk Classics. B. appears inclined to follow
Schw. in rendering pvdpbv figure, shape of the letters ; and so S. and
L. D. and Donaldson, New Cratyl., bk. i. ch. 5, p. 104. " It is
obvious that these authors (Hdtus and Diodorus) allude neither
to any change in the order of the letters, nor to any difference in
the way of writing them, as from left to right, instead of from right
272 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
to left, but to a slight alteration in the form (pvO^oq) and pronuncia-
tion (Quvfj) of some few oftiiem (atykuv oXiya)."
C. Kai rag /3u/3Xowc duftOipaG icaXiovai K. T. X. This R. ; p. 247,
renders, By a very ancient custom, or rather, from a very ancient
period, the Jonians call their books, DIPHTHER&, or, skins ;
because at a time when the plant of the bybhs teas scarce, they used
instead of it, the skins of goats and sheep. He adds that, " The
Persians name a writing, or record, Dufter. Is it not probable that
the lonians borrowed the term from the Persians together with the
use of the skin itself, the name of which may perhaps be rendered
Parchment." f W. refers to Diodor. ii. 32, where mention is made
of the Buffi'spai /SafftXiicai, the royal parchments of the Persians, on
which were written the annals of their sovereigns' reigns, cf. iii.
140, a., vii. 61, a., to which Ctesias is said to have had access;
and on which B. refers to Esdr. vi. 2, Esther ii. 22, vi. 1, x. 2;
reminding the reader that, though the use of the byblus or papyrus,
cf. ii. 92, e., was very ancient in Egypt, yet before the reign of
Psammitichus, 670 B. c., cf. ii. 152, c., Egypt was so closed to-
wards foreign traders, that but little of this plant could find its
way out of Egypt into the hands of any nation, except perhaps
the Phoenician. Afterwards, particularly under Amasis, 569 B. c.,
cf. ii. 177> a -i intercourse between Egypt and Greece greatly in-
creased, and the byblus became more generally known and used.
CH. LIX. a. ip<j> TOV 'ATTO\\(I>VOS rov 'laftr^viov K.T.\. "This
temple stood without the gates, and, according to Pausanias, must
have been situated opposite to the temple of Hercules and the
house of Amphitryon. Here, as also at Delphi, the statue of
Minerva was placed in front of the temple [irpovaoc.']. Tripods
were the sacred vessels in both temples, though never employed
in the latter for the purpose of prophecy." Mull. Dor. ii. p. 283.
Hence this temple is called in Pindar Pyth. xi. 5, xpvakwv dSvrov
rpnroSwv Qqaavpov. Cf. Dissen's Pindar, vol. ii. p. 339. Cf. viii.
134, a., and Smith's D. of A., Oraculum. 4.
6. vtw diro TijXt/3oaan>. So Schw., G., and B. read. On his re-
turn from the Teleboce ; probably signifying that he dedicated this
tripod in acknowledgment of a victory gained over that nation,
who lived in the W. of Acarnania, and were notorious for their
piratical habits. Cf. Virg. ^n. vii. 735. Tacit. Ann. iv. 67- Horn.
Odyss. xv. 426. B. According to S. and L. D. Jv would appear
to be the correct reading. See Nlo/uu.
CH. LX. a. avkBrjKt rtiv rtiv, Dor. and Ep. for aoi. Jelf,
145. On the epithet itcripoXy applied to Apollo, " the far-dartimj
god, whose divine vengeance is unforeseen, unexpected, and sent
from his invisible seat in the heavens," in the character of a
punishing and avenging deity, and not from a connexion, only
ideal, with the sun, see Miill. Dor. i. p. 303, 314, seqq. Cf. also
iv. 33, a., 36, a.
CH. LXI. a. Aao5a/af K. r. \. Laodamas the s. of Eteocles
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 273
succeeded his father, and was at first under the guardianship of
Creon. In his reign the Argives attacked and conquered Thebes,
expelling Laodamas and the Cadmeans and restoring the kingdom
to Thersander the s. of Polynices. B. First Theban war, (of the
vii.,) 1207 B. c. (? 1225). Second Theban war, (of the Epigoni,)
1198, B. c. (? 1216). Grk Chronology. E. Hist of Gr.
b. Toiig Ey%\ac. This tribe is mentioned, ix. 43, a., with the
Illyrians, to which nation they probably belonged ; cf. Pausanias
ix. 5. B. viro\ft(j>9evTi, those who were left behind, who remained
in their settlements and were not expelled by the Argives. Schw. On
the Gephyrseans, cf. v. 57, a.
c. 'Axaiirjg Aij/ijjrpoe On her worship, (her title, a^aAr)^ c ^- S.
and L. Diet., derived by some from axC> ^ ie 9 r ^ e f sne felt a ^ the
loss of her daughter,) cf. Mullens Dor. ii. p. 413 417. Cf. also
ii. 59, rf., 171,6., 67,5-.
CH. LXIL a. 'Iiriritu K. T. \. Cf. v. 55, b.
b. 'A^KfiaiuviSai . . . (pivyovriQ HfiffiffrpariSag K.T.\. Cf. i. 64.
On Me^acles f. of Alcmeeon, vi. 125, seqq., and vi. 1-31, b., for the
genealogy of the family. " Hippias was threatened not only by
the discontent of the people at home, but from without by the
machinations of powerful enemies. The banished Alcmaeonids
were not the less formidable, because after the last breach between
the houses, (537 B. c., Oxfd. Tab.,) Pisistratus or his successors had
confiscated their estates in Attica, and had caused their mansions
to be razed to the ground and their sepulchres to be demolished.
They had secured so many resources abroad, that they were able
to command every kind of assistance money could purchase. After
the death of Hipparchus the growing unpopularity of Hippias had
encouraged them to renew their attempts at a revolution ; but they
were repulsed by his energy and vigilance with considerable loss,
though they had taken possession of a stronghold on the frontier
of Attica, viz. Lipsydrium ; which is described by Aristotle as on
the heights of Parnes, inripavw Hapvri9oQ, Schol. Aristoph. Lysistr.
665, and by Hdtus as vxip llaiovirjg, which whether this or Ilai-
oviSwv be the true reading seems to relate to a place which was
the family seat of the Paconids who were kinsmen of the Alcmae-
onids. Paus. ii. 18, 9." Thirlw. ii. c. xi. p. 70, and note. Cf. his
subsequent remarks on the invasions of Anchimolius and Cleo-
menes. Schw., L., and B., consider also Paeonia to have been a
village of Attica at the foot of Mt Parnes.
c. ' AH^IKTVOVUV The assembly here spoken of was by far the
most celebrated among the many coalitions throughout Greece, for
the purpose of promoting harmony and celebrating common fes-
tivals, which bore the title of Amphictyonic. H. (P. A. 11 15,
which consult throughout on this council) observes, after speaking
of others that bore the same name, " But the most celebrated Am-
phictyonic assembly, and that of which we can speak most posi-
T
274 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
lively, was held at Thermopylae in the temple of the Pythian Apollo :
that its commencement was anterior to historical times is evident,
from the circumstance that the nations, between whom there after-
wards existed the greatest disparity in point of power and inde-
pendence, equally participated in it. They were 12 in number,
namely, the Thessalians, Boeotians, Dorians, lonians, Perrhaebi,
Magnetes, Locrians, ^tasans or Anians, the Achseans of Phiotis,
the Malians or Melians, the Phocians, and the Dolopes. These
states continued even in the time of Philip of Macedon the same
in number and equally entitled to take part in the assembly, al-
though the Thessalians had at that period completely subdued their
weaker neighbours, and the lonians and Dorians had attained an
incalculable preponderance of power by their colonies and con-
quests. The colonies of all the states participated in the assembly.
We may gather that the real object of the league was to diminish
the rancour and evil consequences of disputes which could not but
occasionally arise between neighbouring tribes, and it does not
seem ever to have acted as a defensive alliance against foreign
powers ; its end appearing generally to have been nothing more
than the protection of the sanctuaries of the confederate states and
the maintenance of the rites and festivals connected with them.
Of these the oracle at Delphi and the Pythian games were the
chief. Two assemblies were held yearly, in spring and autumn,
sometimes at Delphi, sometimes at Thermopylae. The body of the
citizens who happened to be present from the various states, com-
posed the grand Ecclesia ; the council consisted of deputies of two
descriptions, Pylagorae and Hieromnemones, but only the former
seem to have had a decisive voice as representing the authority of
the League ; whilst the latter were rather regular officers charged
with the execution of the decrees of the council, and the preparing
subjects for its consideration." The nature and history of this
Institution is also discussed in Thirlw. i. c. x. p. 373, seqq. Cf.
also Amphictyons, in Smith's D. of A.
d. TOV vr\bv niaBovvrai K. T. X. " The temple of Delphi had been
destroyed some years before, 548 B. c., cf. i. 50, /., and ii. 180, by
a fire, probably accidental, but which was imputed to the Pisis-
tratids by their enemies, and the Alcmseonids had contracted with
the Amphictyons to rebuild it on certain terms. With politic liber-
ality they executed their undertaking in a style more magnificent
than the letter of the agreement prescribed, and in the front of the
temple substituted Parian marble for the less costly stone [probably
" sand-stone "] of which the whole was to have been built. This
munificence, while it raised their reputation throughout Greece,
secured the useful gratitude of the Delphians, who were the chief
gainers by it, and Cleisthenes, now the head of the house, found
means of making the Pythian priestess the instrument of his de-
signs," &c, Thirlw. ii. c. xi. p. 70. Cf. v. 42, b., 55, b. Accord-
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 275
ing to Pausanias, the temple that the Alcmseonids contracted to
build, was the 5th that had been erected at Delphi. Cf. Smith's
D. of A., Oraculum, and Delphi, Class. Diet.
CH. LXIII. a. avtTTtiQov rrjv HvQir)V K.T.\. On this cf. v. 90,
infra. Another instance of the oracle being bribed, by Cleomenes,
to procure a declaration of illegitimacy against Demaratus, vi. 66.
Ada the same charge brought against Pleistoanax during the Pe-
lop. War, Thucyd. v. 16 ; the response procured by Themistocles
before the battle of Salamis concerning " the wooden walls," as
well as the continual injunction to the Spartans to follow the laws
of Lycurgus, [j Trpo^ijrtf xprjiiafftv irtTrttafjtivt) ad avutykpuv (rbv v6p.ov)
t\pa. Polysen. i. 16, 1, quoted by V.,] may probably be referred
to the same cause. Cf. v. 42, b., and Smith's D., as quoted in the
preceding note.
b. xiXiqv ri 'iirirov KOI TOV fiamXrja The cavalry of Thessaly was
the most famous in Greece ; cf. vii. 196. B. On the title jSao-iXqa,
Thirlw., ii. c. xi. p. 7\, says : " The Thessalians sent a thousand
horse under Cineas, whom Hdtus entitles king, and who was pro-
bably either tagus, or one of their most powerful nobles." Cf. vi.
127, c. The Tayoe, or generalissimo of the forces of Thessaly, ap-
pears to have been appointed from time to time as head or leader
in war of the four tetrarchies, into which Thessaly was anciently
divided, on the occasion of common expeditions ; he was possessed
of no political power, since, in other than military respects, the
single republics and tribes governed themselves independently, and
his dignity was not allowed to be hereditary. From M tiller's Dor.
ii. Appendix vii. p. 469, and H. P. A. 178. " It seems, too, not
improbable, that the election of a tagus, like that of a dictator at
Rome, was sometimes used as an expedient for keeping the com-
monalty under." Thirlw. i. p. 438. In after times the office of
Tagus assumed a very different and far more despotic character,
when held by the famous Jason of Pherae, who died the year after
the battle of Leuctra, 370 B.C. Smith's D. of A., Tay6f.
c. KoiuaTov. " As there is no town of Conion or Coniae known
in Thessaly, and as the expression in the text would seem to imply
that Cineas was born out of Thessaly, there is therefore no reason
why we should not suppose, with L., that he was born in Conium
of Phrygia, especially as it is not incredible that some connexion
existed between the Thessalians and the Phrygians. Schw.
d. iv Kvj'o<rupyi. " This was an open space and gymnasium in
the suburbs of Athens, (E. of the city, and before the gate Dio-
mea,) where the school of the Cynic philosophers was afterwards
held. It is said to have derived its name from the icrwv apyoc, the
white dog, which, when Diomus was sacrificing to Hercules, carried
off part of the victim." Potter's Gk Antiquit. bk. i. c. 8, p. 48,
and Smith's C. D.
CH. LXIV. a. aira\\aaaovTo K.T.\. "This time the Thessalian
cavalry was defeated, and though their loss was small, they im-
T 2
276 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
mediately abandoned their allies, and returned home." Thirlw.
I. L, who adds in a note that this seems to be the battle to which
Andocides alludes, De Myst 106, as fought iiri HaXXrjviy, in which
the patriots (? rebels) were headed by his grandfather Leogoras
and his f.-in-law Charias. It is also referred to by Aristoph.
Lysistr. v. 1154, quoted by W.
b. Iv T$ HtXacryiKtji Tii%ii. in the Pelasgian citadel. " The Acropolis
was originally surrounded by an ancient Cyclopian wall, said to
have been built by the Pelasgians : at the time of the Peloponne-
sian War, only the N. part of this wall remained, and this portion
was still called the Pelasgic wall ; while the S. part, which had
been rebuilt by Cimon, was called the Cimonian wall." Smith's
C. D., Athena. Cf. also vi. 137 5 Thucyd. ii. 17, Potter's Gk Ant.
i. 8, p. 35, and Leake's Athens, sect. viii. p. 284, seqq. On the
Pelasgi in Attica cf. Hdtus i. 56, a., 57, a., 94, h., and on the
monuments they left in Attica and Greece, Thirlw. i. c. 2, pp. 38
and 60.
CH. LXV. a. vTreKTiOsfiivoi -yap K. T. X. -for the children of the
Pisistratidee, while being conveyed out of the country (for safety),
were captured, ivi fitoQtfi rolcri TSKVOIOI, on condition of (receiving
back) the children. Cf. Jelf, 611, obs. 2. The dat. in apposition
is used instead of the genitive.
b. iZtxwpijaav ig 2iyov 510 B. c. Sigseum was the hereditary
principality of Hippias ; but had been taken from the Mitylenae-
ans by Pisistratus, after a war in prosecution of an ancient claim
grounded on the supposed share of the Athenians in the Trojan
war. Pisistratus committed it to the keeping of his bastard son
Hegesistratus, who successfully defended it against the long-con-
tinued attacks of the Mityleneeans. Thirlw. ii. p. 62. Cf. v. 91,
94, Thucyd. vi. 59, and Aristot. Polit. v. 12. IK r&v avrwv rat ol
a^i, for roifft a/i0i. Cf. Jelf, 594, obs. 4.
c. av'iKaQiv IJwXioi icai NjjXtT&n, This refers to the remote period
when the dynasty of the Theseidee at Athens was changed for that
of the Neleidae, from which last family Pisistratus was descended.
Cf. D. p. 42. Thymeetas, the fourth from Theseus, was the last
of his family on the Athenian throne. " About that time," says H.,
P. A. 102, i. e. 1104 B. c., "occurred the great migrations by
which the population of Boeotia, as well as that of the Pelopon-
nesus, was changed, and it so happened that Melanthus, a descend-
ant of Nestor, in his flight from Pylos reached Attica at the very
moment when the inhabitants were engaged in defending their
frontiers against the intruders from Boeotia. It is said that having
slain the Boeotian king Xanthus, whom Thymaetas had declined
to meet in single combat, the crown was transferred to him, and
descended to his son Codrus ; an account we have the less reason
to doubt, from the circumstance that the admission of fugitive
noble families to the right of citizens is fully authenticated by
other instances." Cf. v. 57, a. b. iiri rovrov iiri TOV N. Cf. Jelf,
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 277
633, 3, b., KoXiiaOat liri rtvog, to be named after some one or some
thing, whereon, as it were, the name rests. Cf. iv. 45, vii. 40, 74.
CH. LXVI. a. Au Kapiy Cf. i. 1/1, </., where the Carians are
mentioned as having a temple to this deity at Mylasa, where also
stood another temple to Ztt>e Srpdrtoc, whom B., following Strabo,
xiv. p 9/3, C., considers as distinct from the deity here spoken of.
From the bad character the Carians bore in Greece, as having been
the first to serve as troops for hire, an example which was followed
principally by the Cretans and Arcadians, V. and L. consider that
our author, by mentioning that the family of Isagoras was of
Carian origin, of which the sacrificing to Carian Zeus was an
acknowledgment, meant to convey the notion that he was of mean
and servile descent.
b. TiTpaQvXovG iovraf 'ABrjvaiovQ K. r. X. " The expulsion of the
Pisistratids left the democratical party which had at first raised
them to power without a leader. The Alcmaeonids had been always
considered as its adversaries, though they were no less opposed to
the faction of the nobles, which seems at this time to have been
headed by Isagoras. It was still powerful, not only in its wide
domains, but in the influence derived from birth which was
strengthened by the various ties, civil and religious, that united
the old subdivisions of the tribes. Cleisthenes found himself, as
his party had always been, unable to cope with it; he resolved
therefore to shift his ground, and to attach himself to that popular
cause, which Pisistratus had used as the stepping-stone of his
ambition. His aims, however, were not confined to a temporary
advantage over his rivals ; he planned an important change in the
constitution, which should for ever break the power of his whole
order, by dissolving some of the main links by which their sway
was secured," &c. Thirlw. ii. c. xi. p. 73. See the discussion on
the changes introduced by Cleisthenes, 507 B. c., which follows
immediately on the above. Cf. also H. P. A. 111, or Schoemann,
Comitia Athen. lib. iii. p. 363. On the names of the four Ionic
phyla?, B. has an Excursus. See rather 94 of H. P. A., or Thirlw.
vol. ii. p. 5, who demonstrates that in the TeXtovreg, AiyiKopug,
'Apyaiis, and "OirXtjTtg, we have respectively Husbandmen, (some
say priests,) Herdsmen, Labourers in general, (according to Plutarch,
Mechanics) and Warriors. The hypothesis which considers these
tribes as hereditary castes, descriptive of the occupations of the
inhabitants, is rejected by Grote, H. of Gr. vol. iii. p. 73. Cf. on
Cleisthenes and his policy, an article on Grote's Gr. in the Edinb.
Review, Jan. 1850; and Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Cleisthenes.
c. art aoTvyiirova This refers to Ajax s. of Telamon having
been lord of Salamis, (cf. Soph. Aj. passim, and Pind. Nem. iii.
and iv.,) from whom the tribe ^Eantis took its name.
CH.LXYH. a. KXiiaOtvta rbv Ztnviuvog rvnavvov. " This prince
was the last of the dynasty of the Orthagoridae, who bore sway in
Sicyon from 673 574 B. c., which family, with the exception of
278 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
that of the Cypselidae of Corinth, was the only one in which the
tyranny descended in hereditary succession beyond the second
generation." H. P. A. 65. "The family of Cleisthenes," says
Miiller, Dor. i. p. 184, " was of low origin, and belonged to the
subject tribe, which was not of Doric origin : while he endeavoured
to raise the latter, at the same time he sought to depress and even
to dishonour the Doric tribes, so that he entirely destroyed and
reversed the whole state of things which had previously existed.
For this reason Cleisthenes was at enmity with Argos, the chief
Dorian city of that district. For the same reason he proscribed
the worship of the Argive hero Adrastus, and favoured in its place
the worship of Bacchus, a deity foreign and unsuited to the Dorian
character ; and lastly, prohibited the Homeric rhapsodists from en-
tering the town, because Homer had celebrated Argos, and, we
may add, an aristocratic form of government. The same political
tendency was particularly manifested in Cleisthenes of Athens,
who changed the Athenian constitution by abolishing the last
traces of separate ranks."
b. patyySovs iTTavat ayu>vi'iadat, he forbade the Rhapsodists to
contend, prevented them from contending. Cf. Jelf, 688, obs. on
iraveiv joined with the infin. On the Homeric Rhapsodists and
Homer generally, read Coleridge's Introd. of the Greek Classics,
the ch. on the origin and preservation of the Iliad. " Almost an
endless list of authorities tends to show that the first form under
which the people of the continent of Greece became acquainted
with the verses of Homer, was that of songs or metrical narratives
recited by minstrels, probably with some musical accompaniments,
at feasts, sacrifices, or other public solemnities. These minstrels
or reciters were universally termed 'Pm|/y5oi, or, Rhapsodes, pairrwv
kirkwv aoiSoi, as Pindar, Nem. ii. 1, says, because they worked or
joined together their own or others' short poems, and fitted them for
connected recitation. The Rhapsodes of the earlier ages were
evidently the same as the 'AoiSol or singers ; these, like Phemius
and Demodocus, seem to have been poets, and to have recited their
own compositions ; and thus published and preserved them ap-
parently in the only way in their power. Subsequently to this,
though immediately connected with it, came a second race of
Rhapsodes, who made it their entire study and occupation to learn
by heart and recite such already existing poems of other authors
as had become popular ; whilst at the same time they were so far
poets themselves, as not to scruple to alter, omit, or add to, their
originals in such kind and degree as they thought best for the time
or circumstances of the actual recitation. The most celebrated
of this second race were the Homeridae, a name given to a school
or family of them, which had its head-quarters in the island of
Chios, and pretended to be the correctest reciters of the verses of
Homer, &c. &c." Cf. also Thirlw. i. c. vi. p. 246. Since the
above note was written, the admirable article Homerus, (in Smith's
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 279
D. of Gr. and R. Biog.,) written by my friend Dr. Ihne, has ap-
peared. The reader will there find the whole subject of Homer
and the Homeric controversy most fully and learnedly discussed,
nor will any article in the whole of 3 vols. of that work more
thoroughly repay his attention. The Rhapsodists are discussed in
P. 506. He there agrees with Miiller (cf. Mull. Lit. of A. Gr. ch.
iv. p. 32, seqq.) in deriving the word from pa^/wSilv, which " signifies
nothing more than the peculiar method of Epic recitation, consisting
in some high-pitched sonorous declamations, with certain simple
modulations of the voice ; not in singing regularly accompanied by
an instrument, which was the method of reciting lyrical poetry."
In the Hist, of Gr. Literature, p. 13 64, there is a most charm-
ingly written section on Homer by Judge Talfourd, well worth any
one's reading, and in E. Hist, of Gr. ch. xiii. p. 361 373, a paper
of great interest on the Homeric age by Mr. Ottley. Miiller, Lit. of
Anc. Gr. ch. v., Homer, is well known. There has been an in-
teresting review also of Mure's History of the Language and Lit.
of Anc. Greece in the Edinb. Rev. (No. 188) lately, bearing on this
same subject ; and also Blackwood's Magaz. Nos. 382, 405, 409,
&c., Homer and the Homerida.
c. TO. TroAAd iravTa vpviarat, are sung in all sorts of various ways ;
TO. iravra iroXXa, would be, very much in all. Cf. Jelf, 454, 1, a.,
cf. i. 203, b.
d. iictlvov e \tvaTTipa. This word may be either taken in a passive
or in an active sense, as W., Schw., and B. agree, i. e. either, dig-
nus qui lapidibus obruatur, one who deserved stoning, cf. ^sch. S. c.
Theb. XivffTr] p/topoc : or cives quasi lapidibus obruens, <j>6v(vs, a mur-
derer or tyrant. Either one of these explanations, especially the
former, appears preferable to the sense assigned to it by Mull.
Dor. i. p. 186, who renders the passage in the text, Adrastus is king
of the Ar gives, but thou art a common bond-slave, taking the word,
" according to its grammatical form, for a stone-slinger, i. e. a man
of the loicest rank." For its historical information, the entire
passage is worth quoting. " With regard to the warlike actions of
Cleisthenes, he must have been very celebrated for his prowess ;
since in the war of the Amphictyons against Cirrha, although de-
nounced as a stone-slinger, that is, a man of the lowest rank, by
the Pythian priestess, he shared the chief command of the army
with the Thessalian Heraclide, Eurylochus, and helped to conquer
the city. This took place 592 B. c. Out of the plunder of the
town Cleisthenes built a portico for the embellishment of Sicyon,
(which long retained the name of the Cleisthenean ; Thirlw. i. p.
423;) he was also victor in the chariot-race at the second Pythiad
5S4 B. c. He was, as is probable from the general testimony of
Thucydides, overthrown by Sparta perhaps soon after 580 B. c."
c. rpayiKoTff \opoiai Whether in this passage may be discovered
the existence of a Tpayy&'a long before the date of Thespis and
Phrynichus is disputed. The reader will find the opinion of Bent-
280 NOTES OK HERODOTUS.
ley, who embraces the negative side, ably combated in a long note,
p. 6, of The Gk Theatre, which concludes as follows : " on the
whole then, it may be thought sufficiently clear, that long before
Thespis the term rpayySia was formed, and employed as the name
of the choral performances in the Dionysia. But from not suffi-
ciently distinguishing between rpayy&'a in its original signification,
and the Tragedy of jEschylus, Sophocles, and of modern days,
many groundless difficulties have arisen." See Chorus, Smith's D.
of A., and i. 23, d.
CH. LXVIII. a. <J>i;Xac 1 The reasons assigned by Mull.
Dor. ii. p. 59, for the changes made by Clisthenes in the names of
the tribes, do not appear so probable either as those given by
Hdtus, or by Thirlwall, /. I. as follows : " One of the most cele-
brated innovations was the change which Clisthenes made in the
names of the Dorian tribes, for which he substituted others, de-
rived from the lowest kinds of domestic animals ; viz. from the sow,
the ass, and the pig : 'Yorat, 'Ovtarat, Xotpt arm ; while a fourth tribe,
to which he himself belonged, was distinguished by the majestic
title of the Archelai, the princely. Hdtus supposes that he only
meant to insult the Dorians ; and we could sooner adopt this
opinion than believe, with a modern author, Mull. Dor ii. p. 59,
that he took so strange a method of directing their attention to
rural pursuits. But Hdtus adds, that the new names were retain-
ed for sixty years after the death of Clisthenes and the fall of his
dynasty, when those of the Dorian tribes were restored, and in
the room of the fourth, a new one was created, called from the son
of the Argive hero Adrastus, the .ZEgialeans. This account leads
us to suspect that the changes made by Clisthenes were not con-
fined to the names of the tribes, but that he made an entirely new
distribution of them, perhaps collecting the Dorians in one, and
assigning the three rustic tribes to the commonalty, which, by this
means, might seem to acquire a legitimate preponderance. After-
wards perhaps this proportion was inverted ; and when the Dorians
resumed their old division, the commonalty was thrown into the
single tribe, called not from the hero, but from the land, the
^gialeans." 'Iva twcri, cf. Jelf, 806, obs. 1, Conjunctive after
the aorist. Kany'tXaat vwv 2. he derided the Sicyonians. Cf. Jelf,
629, obs. on the compounds of Kara.
CH. LXIX. a. irponpov airwcrnivov, TOTI -jravra 7rp6f rr)v K. r.\.
This is the reading of G., Schw., and B., rendered by Valla, post-
quam enimpopulum Atheniensem antea alienatum (ase), tune omnem
ad suam auctoritatem redegit ; when he had entirely drawn over to
his own party the commons who had formerly been opposed to him.
The Other reading is Trpor. airuv. iravruv, K. r. X., which had formerly
been thrust out of, deprived of, every privilege, &c. On the policy
of Clisthenes in attaching to himself the democratical party, and
on the nature of the changes he introduced, cf. v. 66, b.
b. Qv\iipxv That Hdtus is wrong in calling the heads of the
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 281
Phylse Phyfarchs, instead of iiri^(\r)ral TWV <pv\v, is strongly
asserted by H. P. A. 111 ; whether <f>v\o@a<n\t~ig would not have
been the correct name, as before the time of Clisthenes there
appear to have existed four Presidents or Heads of the tribes, one
to each tribe, thus named, may be conjectured ; but the subject is
one of great obscurity. Cf. Schumann Comitia, iii. 2, p. 368,
and on the 0iAo/3a<ri\fTe, Mull. Dor. ii. p. 142, or Smith's D. of A.
Pkukbagtfeis, Anyhow, it appears certain that the <}>v\apxoi pro-
perly belonged to the Knights alone, and were invested with the
same authority among them, in levying soldiers and having the
charge of the military rolls, KaraXoyoi, as the rafi'apx 01 were among
the Hoplites : " Equitatui prteerant Hipparchi bini, Phylarchi
deni, item a populo creati. Atque Phylarchorum quidem eadem
apud equites munera erant, quae Taxiarchorum apud hoplitas."
Schomann, /. /. p. 315. On the duties of the S7r/if\>jrai ruiv^vXaiv,
which appear to have been principally concerned with the care of
the public spectacles and games held at the Dionysiac, Panathenaic,
and other festivals, see the same work, p. 269. Cf. also Smith's
D. of A. 0uXapx 01 '
c. StKa .... rac <pv\a. This is rendered by Corsini, whom B.
follows, in decem vero tribus etiam demos distribuit (sitigulos), an
interpretation considered by H. P. A. 111, note 9, as quite in-
admissible. But to translate in singulas tribus decem demos dis-
tribuit, would make the number of the Demi 100 only, while it is
known that they were 174. The first interpretation therefore
appears preferable; Schw. too considers the order of the words
to be, cai Karivtat TOVQ SI'IUOVQ ig Tag Ssica AvXdg. So also S. and
L. D.
CH. LXX. a. i&f3a\\t he endeavoured to expel, &c. Cf. i.
68, /. On Isagoras, cf. v. 66, a., seqq.
CH. LXXI. a. ol Si tvayttf .... KV\OJV K.T.\. The insurrec-
tion of Cylon, dated 620 B. c. in the E. Hist, of Gr., is by Thirlw.
placed 8 years later : " it was," H., P. A. 103, remarks, " without
doubt only a consequence of the sanguinary severity of the enact-
ments of Draco. It would seem that the Eupatridse finding them-
selves unable any longer to withstand the general clamour for a
written code of laws, made their very compliance an opportunity
for sanctioning measures of the most rigorous description, in the
hope of being able still to check the growth of democracy. The
event, however, proved the reverse of what they had hoped, and,
though they succeeded in overpowering the insurrection Cylon
raised, the perfidy with which they acted on the occasion pre-
cipitated their fall. Laden with the curse of sacrilege, the
Alcmaconidae were obliged to comply with Solon's proposal that
they should leave the city, and Epimenides, who was invited for
the purpose of purifying it, prepared the way for Solon's legisla-
tion by many wholesome enactments." Cf. also Thirlw. ii. c. xL
p. 20, and Thucyd. i. 126, where on the same charge of pollution
282 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
the Lacedaemonians demand Pericles' banishment, his mother
Agariste being grand-daughter of Megacles, s. of Alcmaeon.
b. tKonnfff KOfiav, to let the hair grow, as in i. 82 and 195, thence,
from the pride supposed to attach itself to wearing the hair long,
to raise one's ambition to any object, to entertain high thoughts, to (/ire
oneself airs. ITH, the result contemplated with a view to ; Jelf,
634, 3, a., he conceived ambitious designs upon, aimed at, the tyranny ;
or, he gave himself airs from his hope of obtaining the tyranny. On
the Acropolis see the interesting sect. viii. p. 176, seqq. of Leake's
Athens, and Athence, Smith's C. D.
c. oi Hpvrdvig r&v Navicpapwv, " Solon appears to have laid the
foundation of the Attic navy, by charging the 48 sections, called
naucraries, into which the tribes had been divided for financial
purposes, each with the equipment of a galley, as well as with the
mounting of two horsemen. The name seems to have had nothing
to do with navigation, but rather to be derived from vaiw." Thirlw.
ii. c. si. p. 52, and note, cf. p. 22. On the derivation see also be-
low. " The division of the tribes into twelve rpirTvtg and forty-
eight Naucrariae, though antecedent to the times of Solon and
Cleisthenes, cannot," says H., " be referred to so early a period as
the time of Theseus, since the latter, consisting of divisions of the
citizens for the payment of contributions and meeting other public
burdens, clearly belong to a more advanced state of civil organiz-
ation. Among the other changes introduced by Cleisthenes was
that of the number of Naucrarise from forty-eight to fifty, and their
former duties, such as the raising subsidies of money or troops for
the public service, were made over by him to Demarchs, or presidents
of the Demi or hamlets." Cf. also Grote, Gr. iii. p. 71. Observe,
that " the statement of Hdtus, vi. 89, that the Athenians in their
war against jEgina had only 50 ships of their own, is thus per-
fectly in accordance with the 50 naucraries of Cleisthenes."
Smith's D. of A., Nauicpapi'a. Miiller, in his learned discussion on
the very probable identity in ancient times of the 4 (pv\of3a<n\its
(cf. v. 69, b.) and the Prytanes, concludes, that " we must suppose
that these phylobasileis, who, in consequence of political changes,
had at an early period fallen into oblivion, were once, under the
name of prytanes, one of the highest offices of the state. These
prytanes, it may be fairly conjectured, were not the whole court of
justice held at Athens in the prytaneum, inl Trpvravd^, but were
merely the leaders and presidents of this supreme court, which, in
historical times, only possessed the remnants of a formerly exten-
sive criminal jurisdiction. Hence there would appear a remark-
able correspondence, both in their respective numbers and consti-
tutions, between the criminal court, the Prytaneum, and the first
administrative office in the ancient state of Athens. These latter
were the naucrari. The naucrari, who were also anciently forty-
eight in number, and fifty after the new division of the tribes, in
early times managed the public revenue, and therefore fitted out
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 283
fleets and armies. Now Hdtns also mentions the prytanes of the
naucrari, who in early times directed the government of Athens.
Unless we suppose the existence of two kinds of prytanes, which
does not appear suitable to the simplicity of ancient institutions,
the same persons must have presided over both colleges and had
an equal share in the jurisdiction and government." Miill. Dor.
ii. p. 142, seqq., and H. P. A. 99 and 111. The latter, in 99,
note 5, refers to Wachsmuth i. 239, on the etymology of the
word, perhaps equivalent to vavK\Tjpo<;, and whether that meant a
householder, (from vaiuv,) or a ship proprietor. Cf. also vauicpapof,
S. and L. D.
d. oiTTtp f vipov K. r. \. " The difference observable here in the
accounts 'of Thucydides and Hdtus, who speaks of the power of
the Prytanes of the Naucraries in terms very similar to those
which thucyd., i. 126, applies to the Archons, TOTI tie TO. TroXXd rCJv
TToXiriKuJv oi ivvka dp-%ovTt<; iirpaaaov, is ingeniously reconciled by
Wachsmuth, i. p. 246, by the supposition that the magistrates
mentioned by Hdtus were assessors of the first Archon, and were
therefore in public proceedings identified with him and his col-
leagues." Thirlw. ii. c. 11, p. 22.
CH. LXXII. a. ffit ig . . . wq Trpofftpscuv, he was about to proceed
into the shrine of the goddess, Minerva Polias, cf. v. 82, c., for the
purpose of addressing her.
b. vplv % rc Svpae dpttyat, before that he passed the doors. Cf.
-Sschyl. Choeph. 569, Soph. Philoct. 1256, and Eurip. Electr. 750.
W. So Mutare, in Lucretius iv. 455, quoted by L., " Conclusoque
loco coelum, mare, flumina, ftiontes Mutare et campos pedibus
transire videmur."
c. t7ri7rr fiiT-d rS>v AaKiSaipoviwv K. r. X. Alluded to by Aristoph.
Lysistr. 273, ovSk HXto^vrje OQ UVTI)V K. r. X. V. " The decisive
measures of Clisthenes soon perfectly developed the democracy
which Solon had left but half formed. It was in vain that the
aristocracy, headed by Isagoras, had recourse again to Lacedsemon ;
(cf. v. 55, 6.) Cleomenes, the Spartan king, did, indeed, at first,
succeed in expelling Clisthenes, but, on his proceeding to remodel
the senate constituted by Solon, the populace rose, compelled him
to withdraw, and leave the party of Isagoras to their vengeance."
H. P. A. 1 10. On TTJV i-xi Qav. cf. i. 109, a.
d. TOV tpya \tipSiv K. r. X. Explained by Pausanias, vi. 8, 4, who
informs us that he was 3 times victorious in the pancratium at the
Pythian, and twice at the Olympic games. B.
CH. LXXIII. a. tKirfiroXeniaaQai. had been rendered hostile, had
been brought into feud with them. Cf. iii. 66, b.
b. airiKopvfyov summed up matters to them, answered them con-
cisely. On the giving earth and water, cf. iv. 126, b. In the sen-
tence itself, il fiiv SiSovtTi K. T. X., observe the force of the particle Si
before avppaxinv " On condition that the Athenians give earth
and water to king Darius, then, or, in that case, he promised to
284 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
make an alliance with them, but he told them, that if they were
unwilling to do this, they must immediately depart." Stephens,
Gk Partic. p. 75.
CH. LXXIV. a. KXtofie. crvvtX. K. r. \. B. C. 504. O'IVOTJV Kat
'Yfftde, Border towns on the N. frontier of Attica. There were two
towns of the former name, the one near Eleutherse, which is here
intended, cf. Mull. Dor. i. p. 267, and the other close to Marathon.
B. Hysiae in Boeotia, E. of Platsea, probably belonged to Platsea.
Cf. Smith's C. D., and vi. 103.
CH. LXXV. a. //; itiivat en-taBm K. T. X. Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 109,
alludes to this, w r hen discussing the limitations laid in subsequent
times on the power of the Spartan kings. " Their military power
was, however, thought dangerous and excessive, and was from time
to time curtailed. This limitation was not indeed effected by the
arrangement which originated from the discussion between Dema-
ratus and Cleomenes, viz. that only one king should be with the
army at the same time, (cf. Xenoph. Hell. v. 3, 10, both kings were
rarely out of Sparta,) for this regulation rather increased the
power of the one king who was sent out ; but chiefly by the law
that the king should not go into the field without ten councillors,
(a rule which owed its origin to the over-hasty armistice of Agis,
Thucyd. v. 63,) and by the compulsory attendance of the Ephors.
Cf. also H. P. A. 25 and 45, note 7. On the Spartan kings and
their privileges, cf. vi. 51, b., seqq.
b. TrapaXvofjisvov St . . . . TvvSapiSewv rbv ertpov and as one of the
kings was freed from accompanying the expedition, i. e. as one of the
kings was to remain at home, one of tJte Tyndarida should also be kft
behind. Referring to this, Miiller, Dor. i. p. 423, says ; " As be-
longing to the worship of the Tyndaridae at Sparta, I may mention
the ancient images called Soicava; two upright beams with two
others laid across them transversely ; the custom in military expe-
ditions of taking either one or both of the statues of "the Dioscuri,
according as one or both kings went with the army ; which places
the Tyndaridae in the light of gods of war ; and the belief that they
often appeared as assistants in time of need, or even merely as
friendly guests, which distinguishes them from most other heroes."
Such images doubtless represented the union of the twin brothers.
Cf. Smith's D. of A., Docana. So also the .ZEginetans sent the
jEacidae, statues of these heroes, that is, to the aid of the Thebans,
v. 80, as well as to Salamis ; viii. 83. Cf. viii. 64, a.
CH. LXXVI. a. Teraprov Stj K.T.\. It was in fact the fifth.
The first during the reign of Codrus ; cf. Pausanias i. 39. The
second related by Hdtus, v. 63, unsuccessful, under Anchimolius.
The third, the first of Cleomenes, v. 64. The fourth, that in which
Cleomenes seized the citadel, v. 72, but since he only came with a
small band, Hdtus does not consider it an expedition. Pausanias,
iii. 4, also does not reckon it, but considers the one related in v.
74, &c. as the fourth. Schw. in Tr.
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 285
b. oTt Kai Mfyapa KaroiKiaav shortly after the return of the He-
raclidse, when " Attica lost the Megarid, which from this time
ranked as a Dorian state, at first dependent on Corinth, as ^Egina
was on Epidaurus, but afterwards independent." H. P. A. 18.
Cf. i. 30, d.
CH. LXXVII. a. K\ijpov\ovg iirl T>V iirirofSorfuv K. T. X. " This
victory enabled them to parcel out the estates of the great Chal-
cidian landowners among 4000 Attic colonists, who still retained
their connexion with Athens, and as often as they would, might
exercise their franchise. This addition to the Attic territory was
the more valuable, because, while it provided so many families with
a maintenance, it afforded means of raising a body of cavalry, the
force in which Attica was most deficient." Thirl w. ii. p. 78. On
the privileges of the Cleruchi, H. 117, remarks to the same effect,
that " though they formed separate communities, yet they never
lost the rights of Athenian citizens."
b. o\ Si imro(36rai K. T. X. the rich have the definite name of" the
lirirofiorai," " the cavaliers," or, " the knights" On the predicate
here with the article as expressing some definite, cf. Jelf, 460, 2.
Cf. oiKiai TiOpnrirorpcKpoi, vi. 35, 125. V. On ot traytig, cf. v. 30, a.
c. Sipvkias cnroTipriffdpivoi, having valued their ransom at two mince
apiece, = 8 2s. 6d. ; the regular rate of ransom among many of
the Greeks. Cf. vi. 79. W.
d. TOV /uyapov TOV K. r. X. This, from its position, can hardly have
been any other than the shrine or chapel, cf. i. 47, a., of yrj Kovpo-
rp6(pog teal AJJ/I/JT-TJP XX6?j, mentioned by Pausanias i. 22, 3. L. is
in error in conceiving it to be of Agraulos, or of Minerva called
N('K; dwrtpwroc. B. See on the situation of the temple sacred to
Ceres Chloe and Tellus Curotrophus, Leake's Athens, vii. p. 172,
seqq., and on the Agraulium, p. 126. Cf. also Smith's C. D., Athence.
e. aptuT. x s P-> on the left hand, \it.from the &c. Coming under
the notion of the separative gen. Jelf, 530, obs. 1. TO. irpovv\aia
" The entrances." Cf. Smith's D. of A., Propykea, &c. Leake,
viii. p. 177, seqq.
CH. LXXVIII. a. 'A&jvaioi plv K.T.\. On this period of
Athenian History see H.'s remarks P. A. 1 12. Cf. Thirlw. ii.
ch. 11, p. 78, seqq.
CH. LXXIX. a. tc 7roXv077/xov to the many-voiced, (sc. dyopdv,
assembly,} equivalent to t^tvtiKai EC TOV trjuov, cf. ix. 5, a. Cf. Horn.
II. ii. 150. 'AXX' OTt Si) \itaar\v ayopijv 7roXi'0ij/*ov iKtaQqv. W. On
a\ir}v, cf. i. 125, b. On the subject of the ch. cf. Thirlw. I. I. The
Tanagraeans, Thespians, and Coronseans, it should be observed,
belonged to the Boeotian Confederacy, of which Thebes was the
political head so far as it could be said to have one. It is not pos-
sible to ascertain exactly what number of states it originally com-
prised, but probably fourteen, their favourite number. At a later
period the appointment of 11 Bceotarchs, cf. Thucyd. iv. 91, 424
B. c., shows that the confederacy then comprised, at the most, only
286 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
ten independent states. Eleutherse and Platsea of the original
league joined Athens at a very early period. From H. P. A. 179.
To this B. adds, that the Thespians, here spoken of as firm allies
of Thebes, were, at no long period after, principally by the Persian
wars, alienated from it. Cf. viii. 66, and ix. 15, c.
CH. LXXX. a. TOI>Q Aiaid5ae Cf. V. 75, b.
CH. LXXXI. a. TroXe/iov aKrjpvKrov a sudden war, a war an-
nounced by no herald. See the remarks in Wachsmuth, i. p. 199,
Engl. Trans. " The political proceedings of the independent states
in their relations to each other were principally directed to the
preservation of mutual peace, the depredations of individuals ex-
cepted ; and upon any violation of the same it was stipulated that
amicable negociations should first be resorted to, dittos dovvai icai
SixtaQai, instead of immediately having recourse to arms. Hence
the universally recognised mission of heralds," &c.
b. p.aKpyfft vrjval. Cf. i. 2, b.
CH. LXXXII. a. Ao/ujje re Kal Avfyffirjs That the mystical
worship of Damia and Auxesia at Epidaurus and Troezen was
connected with that of Ceres and Proserpine, Mtiller, Dor. i. p.
117, considers certain. They are generally considered identical,
Damia being the same as the Dorian Aa/tarjp, the " Bona Dea" of
the Romans, whose priestess bore the name of Damiatrix. Cf.
Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Auxesia, and Demeter. Hence,
they tally with ry M/rpi Kai ry Kop^, viii. 65, a., the goddesses of
fertility, worshipped at Tegea under the title of Kap-Troipopoi. V.
andB.
b. Xeysrai Sf <cai we iXaiai K. T. X. W. and L. remark that Hdtus
was perfectly aware this was not true, but he touches lightly as it
is said on a belief so agreeable to Athenian vanity and so often
boasted in their poets. Cf. viii. 55, b., and Soph. (Ed. Col. 694.
'ECTTIV <S' olov syw K.T. X. Cf. the remarks of D. p. 41, and Leake's
Athens, viii. p. 263.
c. rtf Epsx&t- Cf. Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., article
Ericthonius. " N. of the Parthenon was the magnificent EREC-
THEUM, containing 3 separate temples. One of Athene Polias
(cf. v. 56, a.) ; the Erectheum proper or sanctuary of Erectheus ;
and the Pandrosium, or sanctuary of Pandrosos the d. of Cecrops."
Smith's C. D., Athence. Cf. viii. 55, b., Potter's Grk Antiq. i. 8, p.
36, and particularly Leake's Athens, viii. p. 259. From v. 72, it
appears that no Dorian was permitted to enter the temple of the
great deity of the lonians.
CH. LXXXII I. a. Tovrov Se trt rbv xpovov The events here
spoken of fall, according to Mull. .ZEginetica, p. 75, somewhere
about Ol. 60, i. e. 540 B. c. B.
b. ayv^fioavv-g xprivanivoi -following the dictates of, indulging in,
headstrong obstinacy. Cf. ii. 172, iv. 93, and vi. 10, a.
c. xopotcri Kfprojuoiffi abusive, which uttered strong invectives. Cf.
the third extract from Bentley's Dissert, on the Ep. of Phalaris,
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 287
Gk. Theatre, p. 230, on the expressions t apa.^ Xlyav, &c. in this
sense ; and Smith's D. of A., Dionysia.
CH. LXXXIV. a. k^viov declared their anger against, or re-
monstrated tvith. dirt<l> X6y<i> endeavoured to prove to them by argu-
ments, or perhaps in the same sense as in i. 129, b., proved to them
in reality, made out their case. Schw.
CH. LXXXV. a. aXXotypovijaai lost their senses, became mad.
Cf. Horn. II. xxiii. 698. W.
CH. LXXXV I. a. tg rf/v Alyivaiqv, SC. vfjaov. W. VTrorafji. TO
a-nb riav vn~ov, cutting off their path from their vessels ; which would
of course also lead to them.
CH. LXXXVII. a. roil daiftoviov, SC. SiatyBtipavrof K. T. X.
b. ryffi iripovyai large pins, used for fastening on the outer gar-
ment or cloak (J^anov), cf. Soph. CE. T. 1269. S. and L. D.
vipovT) the tongue, or steel-fastening pin, fixed into the TropTrjj, clasp,
or buckle, to gird up the dress for rapid motion. The dress of the
Ionic women, being sewed all in one piece, needed no clasp on the
shoulder, though to close the open sleeve clasps were employed,
doubtless neither of so large a size or capable of being employed to
such a formidable purpose as those that fastened the robe on the
shoulder. B. Cf. the Fibula, Smith's D. of A.
CH. LXXXVIII. a. roiai St 'Apyaotat K. r. X. supply Xeytrat,
from the commencement of the preceding chapt. now it is said by
the Argives, &c. On the Ionian and Dorian Chiton, see Smith's
D. of A., Tunica.
CH. LXXXIX. a. aliKiov K. T.\. that waiting 30 years from the
time when the jEginetans committed the wrong, then, &c.
CH. XC. a. TO. IK rS>v' A\Kfjiai(avku>v K. T. X. Cf. v. 63, a., 66.
b. ot xp?j<Tjuoi These oracles deposited in the Acropolis may be
compared with the Sibylline books in the capitol of Rome. Pro-
bably there were amongst them some verses of Musseus, which
had been corrupted by Onomacritus. Cf. vii. 6. W. The oracles in
v. 93, are probably the same as these. " Some ancient predictions
which Cleomenes professed to have found," &c., is the remark of
Thirlw. in 1. Cf. also D. p. 77-
CH. XCI. a. Karexopivov .... Tvpawidi The unexpected
consequences of the expulsion of the Peisistratidse are alluded
to by H. P. A. 35. Speaking of Cleomenes' refusal of the
Plataeans' petition, 519 B. c., to join the Lacedemonian con-
federacy, he says, " Cleomenes as little expected that this measure
was to form the foundation of the aggrandizement of Athens, as the
Lacedaemonians anticipated, when they put an end to the power
of the Pisistratida?, 510 B. c., that the liberty of Athens would soon
make them wish for the re-establishment of Hippias." The aver-
sion of the Lacedemonians to despotism is well known; cf. H.
P. A. 32. " The peculiar circumstances and the degrees by
which Laceda?mon attained this superiority over its neighbours,
are not known, but we may collect that it was chiefly by over-
288 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
throwing the tyrants who flourished about that period, circ. 600
B. c., in all the cities of Greece, and whose extermination seems to
have been one of the chief objects of the policy by which Sparta
established its authority throughout the Peloponnesus, and ob-
tained influence over its internal affairs. Cf. Mull. Dor. i. p. 193,
Thucyd. i. 18, 76, v. 81, and Aristot. Polit. v. 8, 18." Also Thirlw.
ii. ch. 11, p. 79, seqq., and the section Peisistratidce in E. Hist, of
Gr. ch. viii. p. 199, seqq.
b. curb Stytiov Cf. v. 65, b.
c. (jLtra-m^antvoi K. r. X. On the Hegemony of Sparta, read H.
P. A. 34, seqq. and Bk. i. ch. 9, of Mull. Dor. i. p. 203, of which
it is impossible to speak too highly. On this and the following chs.
see Thirlw. ii. 11, p. 79, 80. avyyivwcnconiv avrolai K. r. X. Cf. Jelf,
682, 2. With avvoiSa, avyyiv&aKoi t/iaury the participle may either
agree with the subject or with the personal pronoun following the
verb ; as vvvotda. (o-uyyivwerKu)) ifiavT<f iv Trotjjerac, or avvoiSa ipavTy
tv iroirjffavTi. Cf. ix. 60. avvoiSafiiv Vfiiv K. T ,\.
d. S6av 0i'ffac avaviTaifamam sibi nactus, (having got or gained
glory, i. e. amongst the rest of the Gks from the expulsion of its
despots,) augescit. B.
e. Ta%a TIQ . . . . tKpad. afjiapruv. intelliget se peccasse. Cf. Jelf,
683.
CH. XCII. a. 1. Kopi'vQioc & K- r. X. That a Corinthian took
upon himself to answer the Spartans, is naturally accounted for
from his city ranking next in order of precedence to Sparta. So
H. P. A. 34, " The Tegeatse, in all engagements, claimed the post
of honour on the extreme left ; in council, Corinth seems to have
been next to Sparta in influence, and to have balanced, in no in-
considerable degree, the influence that state possessed as head of
the confederacy." Cf. Thucyd. i. 40, 41, 67, and Mull. Dor. i.
p. 202.
6. ^H Srj o rt oiiporvof K. r. X. Cf. Eurip. Med. 410. dvu> TrorafiUJv
upwv x<upoi/<Ti vayal K. T. X. Virgil, Eclog. i. 60, Ante leves ergo,
&c., and Ovid. Trist. i. 8, 5, Omnia natures prsepostera legibus
ibunt, &c. B. ovSiv eori KUT avOpwirovs, there is nothing among
men, &c. Cf. Jelf, 629, 1, b.
C. ical <j>vXa<jaovTts K.r.X. Cf. note a. on ch. xci. Trcrpaxpacrfo,
regard it as of no consequence, in the case of your allies.
d. 2. Kopiv0t'oi<ri yap K. r. X. On the overthrow of the power of
the Bacchiadse by Cypselus, (about 650 B. c ,) whose character
seems greatly misrepresented by the Corinthian orator, and on
Penan der and their policy, see the discussion in Mull. Dor. i. p.
187, and Aristot. Polit. v. 9, 21, 22. B. Consult Thirlwall, i. ch.
10, p. 417 424 throughout, and Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog.,
Hacchiadts.
e. tSiSoffav ical ?/yovro gave and took in marriage.
f. AdpSa. a nickname, it seems, from her lameness, which gave
her a resemblance to the letter A, anciently called labda. So
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 289
JEsop is said to have been called 9 from his acuteness. B. I suj>-
pose because 9 sometimes stood for the spiritus asper, as Odfia
for itfia.
ff. Acnridrje .... Katvtfqc- On these names and on the ancient
inhabitants of Corinth, see Mull. Dor. i. p. 101.
h. IK ci ol TavTt] K. T. X. Supply oi'lf before ravrrif. Similar
constructions, Schw. notes, are found in Eurip. Troad. 481, and
Aristoph. Aves, 695, to which add Soph. Ajax, 627, ed. Bind.
i. oXooirpo^ov a round or rolling stone. Cf. S. and L. D. a*n-
uffti, chastise, punish. B.
j. Ai'trt/e Ttirpyoi The allusion is to the name JEetion, and to
the deme of Petra, where he resided.
k. o<p(,v6tvra KopivOov beetling Corinth, or that stands on the brow.
An epithet given to the city from the position of the Acrocorinthus,
in which was the fountain Pirene. W. For a sketch of the Acro-
corinthus, cf. E. Hist, of Gr. p. 128.
1. 4. Kvtyi\nv, This chest was said to have been dedicated in
the temple of Juno at Olympia ; but I should be more inclined to
believe that the ingenious chest described by Pausanias, v. 17 19,
was dedicated by the Cypselidae in memory of the event, and not
made after the model of the original. V. Cf. Smith's D. of Gr.
and R. Biog., Cypselus.
m. iraicwv yf fifv OVK'ITI vaiStg. As, according to Aristot. Polit.
v. 12, Psammetichus, s. of Gorgias and grandson of Cypselus, suc-
ceeded Periander, there appears a contradiction involved in the
oracle. The explanation that B. prefers is, that after Cypselus'
death, Periander and Gorgias reigned ; but, as Periander's sons
died before him, only Gorgias' son Psammetichus (singular, and
not plur.) reigned after him ; and thus it was only iraiy and not
irdlSif. If this be the right explanation, and the reading OVKITI,
instead of the conjecture tla'tn, correct, the oracle may truly be
called dfiQifiZiov, ambiguous. M tiller, Dor. i. p. 191, considers Psam-
metichus to have reigned but three years, and then, without doubt,
to have been overthrown by the Spartans, 582 B. c.
n. Towvroe HI TIC K. T. X. " However violently the Corinthian
orator in Hdtus accuses this sovereign, the judgment of antiquity
in general was widely different Cypselus was of a peaceful dispo-
sition, reigned without a body-guard, and never forgot that he rose
from a demagogue to the throne. He also undertook works of
building, either from a taste for the arts, or for the purpose of em-
ploying the people. The treasury at Delphi, together with the
plane-tree, was the work of this sovereign." Mull. Dor. i. p. 188.
See also Thirlw. i. c. 10, p. 420, and Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog.,
Cypselus : and on the character of the Greek rvpawog, (despot,)
Grote's Gr. iii. p. 11, seqq., and the article on the same in Edinb.
Rev. for Jan. 1850.
o. 6. Trapd epaavf3ov\ov icY/pvra Cf. i. 20, seqq. This tale Livy,
i. 54, has borrowed in his story of Tarquin and his s. Sextus.
u
290 NOTES OX HEKODOTUS.
The same idea is also found in Eurip. Supp. 445, Kat TO\>Q apiarovc.
K . r. \. B.
p. tTTfipwTwv rt Kal avcnro$iZ,ti)v asking and cross-questioning the
herald, lit. drawing him back in his narration, making him return to
the subject and repeat what he had already said. Schw. Lex. In
S. and L. D., making him step back, calling him back and question-
tuff him.
q. 7. iq QtOTrpiaTOVQ . ... TO viKVOfiavrrfiov The various cere-
monies used on these occasions are described by Potter, Gk Antiq.
vol. i. bk. ii. c. 18. " They might," he supposes, " be performed in
any place, but some places were appropriated to this use, two of
which were most remarkable ; the first in Thesprotia near lake
Aornos, where Orpheus is said to have restored to life Eurydice,
and which Periander visited ; the other in Campania, at the lake
Avernus." Add also another at Heraclea on the Propontis. Cf.
Smith's D. of A., Oraculum. On Melissa, the w. of Periander, cf.
iii. 50, and Mull. Dor. i. p. 192, and ii. p. 282.
r. vTro(jTi](jaq having privately placed his guards, &c., and in viii.
91, Ai'yivijrat vTroffravTif the jEginetans standing in ambush, icaiting
for the enemy as they came out. B.
CH. XCIII. a. % plv Kopiv9iovc, K.T.\. Agreeably to this pre-
diction of Hippias', we find the Corinthians joining with the The-
bans and others in desiring that Athens should be utterly destroyed,
at the end of the Bell. Pelop. Cf. Xenoph. Hell. ii. c.'ii. 19, ed.
Schn.; Thirlw. iv. c. 30, p. 166; and D. p. 29.
b. roic \pnvnoij Cf. v. 90, b., and on <j>u>t}v pifcac., i. 85, d.
CH. XC1V. a. Si'yaoi/, TO a\ ITtKnarparoe K. T. X. Cf. v. 65, b.,
alxn'j, i- e. in war. Cf. vii. 152, b.
b. ovciv fia\\ov A!o\tvffi K.T.\. Cf. i. 149, a, i. 151, a.; and on
the repetition of ov after r/, Jelf, 749, 3, quoted in iv. 1 !>>, d.
CH. XCV. a. 'AXicdioQo TroinTqc., The charge of cowardice which
some have endeavoured to fasten on Alcseus, for his misfortune in
losing his shield during a conflict between the Mitylemeans and
Athenians, for the possession of Sigaeum, seems to be as unjust as
is the same charge against Horace for his conduct at Philippi.
Article Alcceus, Class. Diet. Cf. also Smith's D. of Gr. and R.
Biog., Alcaeus, and Hor. ii. Od. xiii. 26, " Et te sonantem," &c.,
and i. Od. xxxii. 6, " Lesbio primum," &c. On the Roman poet's
own disaster, ii. Od. vii. 9, " Tecum Philippos," &c. Archilochus
is also said to have lost his shield in a battle with the Thracians.
b. ravTa . ... iv fjii\ti Troii'/aac,, iiriTiQii iq MirvXqi'qi', having made
this the subject of a lyrical poem, or, having made a poem of it in lyric
verse, he sends it by message to Mitylene, &c.
CH. XCV I. a. irav xp^a IKIVK tried every way, left no stone
unturned, oinc Havrac., trying not to allow, deprecating, cf. ii. 30, f.
SiapdXXaiv, slandering, calumniating, aspersing the character of.
CH. XCVII. a. icat dia.ptft\npivoicn being calumniated to, (?) set
at variance with the Persians. S. and L. D. gives, being filled with
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 291
suspicion and hatred against. Cf. v. 35, vi. 46, quoted by B. On
the dative of the participles yo/ii'govtrt &/3. cf. Matth. Gr. Gr.
401. " The dative expresses also the direction of an action towards
an object, whether this direction be proper and obvious to the senses
or an improper one, which is only imagined to accompany an action
in conformity with a sensible mode of conception." On the sub-
ject of the ch. cf. Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 212, seqq.
b. avrrj jap .... iSvvaartvt pi-fiara. Cf. i. 56, on the result of
Croesus' inquiry, rbv Sfjpov, the assembly of the people. Cf. Thucyd.
i. 90. B.
c. TroXXot'e yap .... tvTrtrlortpov Staj3d\\eiv K. T. \. easier to cheat,
or, impose upon, cf. v. 50, b., and on the sentiment expressed, Aris-
tot. Rhet. i. 1, 7.
d. rpfie Si fivptaSac K. r. X. H., 99, note 4, agrees with most
authorities that 20,000, and not 30,000, may be taken as the average
number of Athenian citizens that had a right to vote, in the class-
ical times. V. quotes a similar exaggeration from Aristoph. Eccles.
1124, TroXtrwi/ TrXtiov ?j rpiofivpiuv K.T.\. Cf. also Smith's C. D.,
Athena.
e. px') KOKWV K. T. X. " A decree was passed to send a squadron
of 20 ships under the command of Melanthius, a man of the
highest reputation. Hdtus observes that the thirty thousand
Athenians were more easily deluded than Cleomenes. But it does
not appear that in this case they were either grossly deceived or
flagrantly rash. The 20 ships were indeed the occasion of events
they could not have dreamt of; but they might not unreasonably
consider the measure as one of prudent precaution, by which an
avowed enemy was occupied at home, and diverted from an attack
with which he had already threatened them." Thirlw. ii. p. 213.
Cf. D. p. 126, and E. Hist, of Gr. p. 209. B. compares, on the
expression, Thucyd. ii. 12, tfSe t} //pa K. T.\., and Virgil, Mn. iv.
169, " Ille dies primus lethi primusque malorum Causa fuit."
CH. XCVIII. a. TOVG Uaiovas Cf. v. 15, seqq. Kara iroSaf,
at full speed, ^cith all the power of their feet, i. e. on their track or
trail. S. and L. D. Cf. Jelf, '629, 3, b. So ar<i .cpdroc;. Cf.
ix. 89, a.
CH. XCIX. a. ol yap Sri MiX^tot K. T. X. This war is alluded
to by Thucyd., i. 15, as one in which the rest of the states of
Greece took part. The bone of contention appears to have been
the rich plain of Lelantus above Chalcis. Cf. Thirlw. i. c. 10,
p. 436.
CH. C. a. KopVffy A lofty mt, 40 stades, about 5 miles, from
Ephesus, at whose foot was a small town and harbour of the same
name. W. Cf. Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 214.
b. rfjs arpoTToAioc Cf. i. 84, d. Burning of Sardis 499 B. c. Cf.
Clinton Fast. Hell. i. p. 24.
CH. CI. a. TOV Tfi<a\ov Kisilja Musa Dagh. Smith's C. D.
CH. CII. a. Ky/3y/3ijc, also called Cybele. On her identity with
u 2
292 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Demeter, Rhea, cf. Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Rhea, and cf.
iv. 53, d., 76, b.
b. TO (TKijTTTOfievot using which as a pretext. That the Persians
burnt every temple in Greece they could, is certainly an exaggera-
tion ; besides those destroyed in Attica, we only hear of one in
Naxos, vi. 96, one in Eretria, vi. 102, and one in Phocis, viii. 33.
c. IVTOC" AXvoc. K.T.\. Cf. i. 6, a. vop. CXOVTIS, having their dis-
tricts, or cantonments. " The Persian empire was subdivided into
certain military cantons, independent of the civil administration ;
formed with a reference to the muster-places of the troops. Men-
tion occurs of those in Asia Minor, and Hdtus expressly speaks of
the cantons, vo/iot, on this side the Halys, consequently we must
conclude the same to have prevailed on the other side. Of the
cantons in Asia Minor, Xenophon particularizes that of which the
muster-place was the plain of Castolus, as that of Thymbra was
for the army of Syrja; Hdtus also, vi. 95, mentions the Aleius
Campus in Cilicia." H. Pers. ch. ii. /. I. B. For more on the
Persian system of provincial government, cf. H. I. L, Satrapies.
d. Eva\KiSta Probably the Olympic victor mentioned by Pausa-
nias, vi. 16. W.
CH. CIII. a. o'vrb) yap <r0t r. r. X. for they had acted in such a
manner, done so much, against Darius, that, knowing reconciliation
was impossible, they prepared to carry on the war as vigorously as
before.
CH. CIV. fl. TOV EwXQovroc Cf. iv. 162; Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p.
216, seqq.
CH. CV. a. ov jcara7rpotovrai cf. iii. 36, b T Q Ztv, LK-
ytvioBai /iot K.T.\. may it be granted me, &c. Cf. Jelf, 671, b.,
Elliptical use of the Inf. in commands and wishes. The infin. is used
in forms of wishing or praying, in invocations and entreaties that the
person addressed would cause some one else to do something. Cf.
Horn. II. ii. 412, Aristoph. Lys. 317.
CH. CVI. a. avaa^ativ. would arise, happen, from avay^ia i. q.
avi^oi. Cf. vii. 14.
b. 'iva Karapriffto t riai/To that I may re-adjust matters, i. e.
siippress the rebellion. Cf. iv. 161, a. jri0wi>a, a coat of mail, rather
than a tunic. Schw. The speech savours strongly of Orientalism.
c. 2ap5u> Cf. i. 170, a.
CH. CVII. a. &/3a\X, deceived, deluded him. Cf. v. 50, b.
CH. CVIII. a. pcpcriptvoc Cf. vii. 229, a.
CH. CIX. a. 7rpo(T0epf(T0ai, to bear down upon, rush against, cf. v.
34, a.
CH. CXI. a. Kartpyafrffflat K. r. \. strives,Jights, with his feet &c.
B. goes to work with &c. S. and L. D. Observe that the esquire of
Onesilus is a Carian. On the warlike character of the Carians,
and their serving for pay, cf. v. 66, a. The words oirdwv and ra
iroXipriia (py a )> c ^ ^- " 388, sound Homeric.
b. in-' d&6xpw * T - x - Cf - Virgil, ^En. x. 830, " jEnese magni
BOOK V. TERPSICHORE. 293
dextra cadis," and Ovid, Metamorph. v. 191, " Magna feres tacitas
solatia mortis ad umbras A tanto cecidisse viro." W.
CH. CXI I. a. a/cpot yfvo/ifvoi playing an excellent part, beiny-
most courageous. Cf. v. 124, a., and viii. 111. B.
CH. CXI 1 1. a. TToXifuaTiipia. iipnaTa. war-chariots, ridden by two
men ; one managing the reins, the other fighting. This was the
ancient method of chariot-fighting, kept up to a late period by the
Thebans in Breotia. Cf. Diod. xii. 70. \V.
CH. CXVI. a. l^ovrtQ .... Qvyartpac., Cf. iv. 167,
CH. CXVI I. a. Tavrag piv i-n' r/fisp/jc T. X. these cities he took,
each one on a separate day. Schw. Lex. Cf. Thirlw. I. I. c. 14,
p. 216.
CH. CXVIII. a. 'ZvivvicriOQ Cf. i. 74, b. On ctfiuv. rfc 0v<r.
cf. viii. 86, b.
CH. CXIX. a. Ait 2rpar<V Cf. i. 171, d.
b. KaTtt\r)Q'evTf Se wv ovrot .... crwrj/pioc. " Now (Sk wv) when
these Carians were cooped up in this place, they began to deliberate
concerning their safety. The particle here appears to mark the
succession of the event spoken of and its sequence to some prior
event." Stephens' Gk Partic. p. 109, 111.
CH. CXX. a. apTsovro. prepared themselves. Cf. vii. 143, viii.
97. B. Cf. Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 216.
CH. CXXI. a. TI)V iv TlT]dda<ft oSov, the road going to Pedasus.
CH. CXXII. a. tZXt Kiev. This town, which stood on a bay of
the Propontis, was destroyed by Philip III. of Macedon, f. of Per-
seus, and rebuilt by Prusias, kg of Bithynia, who called it after
his own name; Strabo xii. p. 563. B. Now called Ghir, also
Ghembio and Kemlik. Smith's C. D.
b. rEpyiOac. Gergis or Gergitha, a town of the Troad, N. of the
Scamander. Smith's C. D.
CH. CXXI 1 1. a. KXa&uevac. .... KW/IJJI/. On Clazomene cf.
i. 142, &., and on Cume i. 149, a.
CH. CXX1V. a. tyvxtiv OUK aicpoc, not strong of mind, S. and L.
D., of a timid or wavering disposition. Cf. v. 1 12, a.
b. Kpqatyvytrov a refuge, place of retreat. The derivation is given
in Scapula : " Proprie sic dicebatur refugium, quod habebant qui
Minoem Kprjra i. e. Cretensem, legum latorem, fugiebant." ei'x
had commenced fortif yinff. B.
C. avyicaXiaag rovg avar .... ji> apa to)0euvrat tK MtXijTov, Observe
here the force of the particle apa, " Having called together his
companions in the revolt, he proposed to them to deliberate on the
state of their affairs, saying that it was better that they should have
some place of refuge in view, if, as u~as not improbable, or if, as teas
fairly to be expected, they should be obliged to quit Miletus."
Stephens' Gk Partic. p. 104.
CH. CXXV. a. 'EKaraiovCf. ii. 143, a., and v. 35, c.
CH. CXXVI. a. noXiv TrtpiKarij^tvoQ This city was 'Evvea oloi,
the Nine Ways, afterwards Amphipolis, Jeni-Keni, (cf. Arrowsmith,
294 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Eton Geog. ch. 15, p. 335,) colonized by the Athenians ; Thucyd.
iv. 102. The death of Aristagoras Clinton fixes at 497 B. c., and
the sending the 10,000 settlers mentioned in Thucyd., at 465 B. c.,
at the distance of thirty-two years from the death of Aristagoras.
This failed, taking place under the direction of Leagrus and So-
phanes ; cf. Herod, ix. 75, and Thucyd. i. 100. Agnon settled it
437 B. c., twenty-nine years after; by which year Hdtus had left
Greece and gone to reside at Thurii, and hence he does not men-
tion the name of Amphipolis. D. fixes the year 444 B. c. as that
in which " Hdtus, being forty years old, takes up his residence in
Magna Grsecia." See D. p. 162, where this passage is discussed
at length, and Clinton, Fast. Hell. i. Appendix ix. " Amphipolis
fell into the hands of Brasidas B. c. 424, and of Philip B. c. 358."
Smith's C. D.
BOOK VI. ERATO.
PROGRESS AND SUPPRESSION OF THE IONIAN REVOLT. FIRST EXPE-
DITION, OF MARDONIUS ; SECOND, OF DATIS AND ARTAPHERNES :
BATTLE OF MARATHON AND DEATH OF MILTIADES.
CH. I. a. nifiiTinivoz having been sent, or, permitted to go, cf.
vii. 229, a. Si^Biv, as he pretended, cf. vii. 211, o., i. 73, e., &c.
b. rovro TO vTrodnpa For other instances of metaphor, cf. vi.
27, c. On the history of what is here told, cf. Thirl w. ii. ch. 14,
p. 218.
CH. II. a. viricvvf rwv K.T.X. On the Double Genitive here, cf.
Jelf, 543, 1. We sometimes find a substantive followed by two
genitives. See 466, 2. In this construction the substantive and
one of the genitives form one compound notion, on which the other
genitive grammatically depends : so here, 'Iff. inrtS. TWV 'Iwvwv-rfjv-
fiycfioviav TOV TT(IOQ Anp. 7ro\E/iov. Cf. vi. 67- Kara A^/iap/jTow
KaTdiravffiv-Tf)^-(3affi\T]ir)Q, and vi. 129, a., and i. 52. On Sardinia,
cf. v. 106, and i. 170, a.
CH. III. a. <Ie jSao-iXtic .... tava<T7-/?ffac K. T. X. On the Per-
sian custom of transplanting conquered nations, cf. ii. 104, a.
CH. IV. a. avdpbe 'ArapviTfia, cf. i. 160, b.
CH. VI. a. $oi'viicf fttv tffav TrpuiBv/jLoraToi. The hostility of the
Phoenicians to the Gks, and especially to the lonians, in almost
every age, cf. viii. 68, d., 90, a., arose undoubtedly from the suc-
cessful rivalry of the lonians with them in commerce ; hence their
anxiety on the present occasion to overthrow the marine of their
adversaries and injure their trade. B. Cf. i. 142, 6., and H. Pers.
ch. i. p. 107. " They (the lonians) contested with the Phoenicians
BOOK VI. ERATO. 295
the advantage of possessing the grand exchange of Asia and
Europe : their harbours were crowded by vessels from every port
on the Mediterranean, and their fleets of merchantmen and men-
of-war covered the JEgean." See also H. Phoenic. ch. ii. p. 60,
seq^., " The hatred of the Phoenicians towards the Greeks is
shovn in nothing clearer, than in their ready willingness to lend
their fleets to the Persians ; and in the active share they took in
the lersian expeditions against the whole of Greece, or against
the stparate states," &c. On the Phoenician commerce with
Greece, see D. p. 46.
CH. VII. a. Trpo(3ov\ovQ delegates, or deputies, sent to the ge-
neral assembly to consult for the good of Ionia, cf. i. 170. .Similar
were tht irp6(3ov\oi TIJQ "EXXac?oe> sent to the Isthmus, vii. 172. On
the Trpo/SwXoi at Athens appointed to act as a committee of public
safety, Tmcyd. viii. 1, see Hp6j3ov\oi in Smith's D. of A.
b. } s TIiwwviov. Cf. i. 18, b. and refs, and H. P. A. 148.
CH. VIII. a. TLpirivtts K. r. X. On the different Ionian colonies,
cf. i. 142 md notes. Remark that " Ephesus, Colophon, and Le-
bedus are not mentioned, and seem to have kept aloof." Thirlw.
ii. p. 219.
CH. IX a. r& ipa ra ISia ra \pa, the temples of the gods ; ra
ISia, not oriy the houses of private individuals, but any public edifices,
not dedicated to the worship of the gods ; such as are called by the
ancients o<ra, when opposed to Upd. V.
b. i^7r7rp'j(Trai, On this form, usually considered the 2nd of the
four forms of the future with a passive sense, cf. the Excerpta
Critica, pt. i., at the end of The Greek Theatre, p. 447. Cf. also
Jelf, 407, 1, obs. 1.
CH. X. i. dyvw/ioiri'vy re duxpiuvTo persisted in headstrong
obstinacy. B Cf. v. 83, b.
CH. XI. (. 'E;ri vpov dic/i/jc upon the edge of a razor ; cf. S.
and L. D. ; bdanced so fine that a hair would turn the scale, i. e. in
the greatest dinger, where the least mischance may cause utter ruin.
This passage is quoted by Longinus xxii., and is perhaps imi-
tated from Honer, II. x. 173, iravrtaaiv iiri Zvpov 'iararm dic/xije. Cf.
Theognis557 Eurip. Phcen. 1088; Aristoph. Plut. 225 ; and Livy
xxix. 17- " Ii discrimine est nunc humanum genus, utrum vos,
an Carthagini-nses, principes orbis terrarum videat." W. V.
b. Qtwv TO. 'aa vtfiovrwv, if the gods grant equal favour to either
party, if they iand neutral. It occurs again in vi. 109. B.
CH. XII. (. avdytov iwl Kepag K.T. X., leading his vessels in single
file, lit. towatis the wing, one after the other. So iiri Kpo>c, in
Thucyd. ii. 9C vi. 50, viii. 104, on which Arnold notes that "the
phrase generaly means a long column of men or ships, or a long
line. The noion of thinness or expansion being equally preserved
in both a single rank and a single file, but usage has generally
applied the tem to the latter." Of course, vessels sailing in this
manner, one zfter another, would readily, by facing round, form
296 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
into line of battle, a manoeuvre practised by Cnemus in Thucyd.
ii. 90.
b. ISKTT\OOV. " The manoeuvre called the diecplus, was," (Arnold
Thucyd. i. 49,) " a breaking through the enemy's line, in order, by a
rapid turn of the vessel, to strike the enemy's ship on the side or
stern, where it was most defenceless, and so sink it."
c. ijrt/3arae. On the number of the epibata, a service correspond-
ing to our marines, to each trireme, it is remarked by Arnold, chat,
from a comparison of Thucyd. iii. 91 and 95, it results, that each
vessel of war carried 10; and the same proportion holds gooc from
Thucyd. ii. 92 and 102, as 400 Epibatee are there described as the
complement of 40 ships. Such, at least, was the case durng the
Bell. Pelopon., when naval manosuvres were much impro\ed, and
more depended on the lightness and ease with which tte vessel
was managed, than on the effective strength of the fightng men,
or boarders, she carried. In c. 15 of this book, Hdtus ipeaks of
40 Epibatse to each ship, which belongs to the earlier state of
naval tactics. In Xerxes' fleet, each vessel had 30 ; cf. vii. 96, a.
In his History of Rome, vol. ii. p. 573, Arnold, speakiig of the
number of fighting men employed on board ship by the Romans,
(in the quinqueremes used 260 B. c., on one occasion 3(D seamen
and 120 soldiers,) in comparison with the marines of he Greek
vessels of war, makes the following observations : " Tlere is no
doubt that the naval service of the ancient nations WHJ out of all
proportion inferior to their land service; the seamen were alto-
gether an inferior class, and the many improvements which had
been made in the military art on shore seemed ne'er to have
reached naval warfare. Ships worked with oars wire still ex-
clusively used as ships of war ; and although the use of engines,
well deserving the name of artillery, was familiar in sieges, yet it
had never been adopted in sea-fights, and the old nethod of at-
tempting to sink or disable an enemy's vessel by piecing her just
below the water with the brazen beak affixed to ever ship's bows,
was still universally practised. The system of fighthg, therefore,
necessarily brought the ships close to one anothe:; and if the
- fighting men on one side were clearly superior to those on the
1 other, boarding, if it could be effected, would insure 'ictory. The
fighting men in the ancient ships, as is well knovn, were quite
distinct from their rowers or seamen, and their propirtion to these
varied, as boarding was more or less preferred to maireuvring."
d. Si tin'sprjc, throughout the day. Cf. i. 97, ii- 173 vii. 210. V.
On the narrative, cf. Thirlw. ii. c. xiv. p. 220, seqq.
CH. XIII. a. TO. yivofitva tic TIV 'Iwvw Cf. i. C.K Causal.
b. A.la.K(OQ TOV SuXoffuJvroe Cf. iii. 39, 139.
CH. XIV. a. rb KOIVOV. the Commonwealth. Cf. Jelf, 436, y.
quoted in i. 136, b. KOI ton . . . . iv ry ayopy. Fron this, as well
as from iii. 60, it is evident Hdtus visited Samos. Cf. D. p. 42.
CH. XV. a. tTr ticaoTjjc .... iiripaTivovra. Cf. fi. 12, C.
BOOK VI. ERATO. 297
CH. XVI. a. GfffpoQopiwv.Cf. ii. 171, b.
CH. XVII. a. yavXovc dt icarat;<rac, having disabled or water-
logged several merchantmen ; so that they barely floated, with the
deck alone above water ; in which condition the only chance of
escape for the crew lay in swimming, should the land be near
enough to permit it. Cf. viii. 90, and Thucyd. i. 50.
b. T~vp>r>ivuv. Cf. the notice of their piratical habits in i. 163, a.
b., and i. 94, h. They, as well as the Carthaginians, were the old
enemies of the Phoceeans. Thirlw. ii. c. xiv. p. 221.
CH. XVIII. a. aiplowdt Kar' aicpr/c, take it by storm; properly,
from the hi</hest point (the citadel) to the lowest, i. e. altogether
penitus. Jelf, 628, 1, a. Cf. Arnold on Thucyd. iv. l'l2. Cf.
also vi. 82. On the date of the taking of Miletus and the battle of
Lade, 494 B. c., cf. i. 92, a.
CH. XIX. a. iirtav Kara TOVTO K. T. X., " quum ad hunc locum
narrationis infra sequuturum pervenero." Jelf, 629, 1, a. Tort
^v/(T#/;(TO|Uttt. Cf. vi. 77, infr. TraptvGriKTiv, just above, an addition.
Cf. i. 186, a.
b. ipbv TO iv Aitft'/iocfft, On this temple, the shrine of Branchida?,
cf. i. 45, d. On the comprehensive meaning here of ipdv, cf. i. 47, a.
c. irtpwQt TOV \6yov Cf. i. 92, ii. 159, v. 36. B.
CH. XX. a. iiri ry 'EpvOpy .... "Apiry K. T. X. " By order of
Darius the citizens of Miletus were transplanted (cf. ii. 104, a.)
to the head of the Persian Gulf, (cf. i. 1,) and settled in a town
called Ampe, in the marshes near the mouth of the Tigris."
Thirlw. ii. p. 222.
CH. XXI. a. 2v/3ap7rat K. r. X. Cf. V. 44, a.
b. <bpwix<{>- On Phrynichus the Tragedian, who first exhibited
41 1 B. c., and who must be carefully distinguished from a later
comic poet of the same name, consult the essay in the Gk Theatre,
p. 17 24, and the Chronology of the Drama in the same work,
p. 93. On the narrative, cf. Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 222. With re-
gard to the construction Qpwixy TrotJ/fravrt .... (dagairt, where
the dat. expresses the reference, cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 562, 2. " In-
stead of the gen. absolute is sometimes used, in consequence of a
change of construction, 1st, the nom. absolute ; as in ii. 133, at
ri/KTic K. T. \. 2nd, the dat. absolute, inasmuch as the subject of
the participle may be considered as that in reference to which the
action of the verb takes place."
CH. XXII. a. ZayK\aioi yap K. r. \. "The Naxians, according
to Strabo, founded Zancle, but Thucydides, vi. 4, ascribes it to
Cumifian freebooters, who being subsequently reinforced from
Chalcis and the rest of Euboea, spread along the northern shore of
the island. They afterwards invited to their fair shore their kins-
men in Asia Minor, when hard pressed by the Persians ; the Sa-
mians and Milesians accepted the invitation, but had the baseness
to expel the Zancleeans from their city and seize it for themselves :
298 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
497 B. c. They were, however, in turn expelled by Anaxilaus of
Rhegium 494 B. c., cf. Thucyd. vi. 5, who made it over to the
Messenians, from which time it was reckoned a Dorian city,
and was called Messana." H. P. A. 83. Cf. also Smith's C. D.,
Messana.
b. rijc ZiiceXijjc. These words Hdtus adds to show that the place
he speaks of was in Sicily itself, for tan \iiv StictXuJi/ was ambigu-
ous, since it might belong to the Sicels, and yet not be in Sicily.
Schw.
CH. XXIII. a. \oKpoifft rolffi ETri&^vpioKTi, "Of the cities of
Magna Graecia Lacedaemon was reputed the common parent,
though only Tarentum can be considered of really Spartan origin ;
and that on the authority of the legend of the Parthenii. The con-
nexion of Sparta with the Epizephyrian Locrians, so called from
the neighbouring promontory, Zephyrium, is not quite clear ; it is
said to have* commenced with the Messenian war. Although both
their name and history indicate a totally different origin, they
passed eventually for a Dorian settlement, and, as such, were as-
sisted by Lacedaemon in the war with Crotona." H. P. A. 80.
Cf. also Thirlw. ii. c. xii. p. 94, and Smith's C. D., Locri Epize-
phyrii.
b. Prj-yiov " Rhegium (Regyio) is said to have been founded,
under the immediate direction of the Delphic oracle, by a band of
Chalcidians who had been consecrated to Apollo, after the manner
of the Italian Sacred Spring, (cf. the original passage from Strabo,
given in H. P. A. 82,) to avert a famine, and were joined by
Messenian exiles forced to quit their country on the fall of Ithome."
Thirlw. ii. p. 9'2. See also the article Ver Sacrum, Smith's D. of
A., and Smith's C. D., Rhegium.
c. ovppiSaf roiai 2a/ii'oi<r, holding a conference icith the Samians.
Cf. ii. 64, vii. 29, 153. B.
d. "IWKOV TroXiv. In the S. of Sicily, on the left bank of the R.
Hypsa, and E. of Selinus. rode icopv<l>aiovs, the head or leading men.
Cf. iii. 82, 159, vi. 98. B.
CH. XXV a. irfpifpa\eaTo. Ion. for Trtpw/SaXovro, acquired
for themselves, obtained. Cf. iii. 71. This ch. is referred to in vii.
153, e., q. v.
b. tQtXovrfiv viroKvd/aaac,, voluntarily submitting. Cf. i. 130, and
vi. 109. B.
CH. XXVI. a. KoeXoiffi the Hollows, the W. coast of Euboea,
between the promontories Caphareus and Chersonesus, very dan-
gerous to ships. Smith's C. D.
CH. XXVII. a. <tXi .... Trpoffij/zniVtiv, sc. 6 9t6f. W. Cf.
Introduction, on the Character of the Writings of Hdtus.
b. Xoi^bg vTTo\a(&jv a pestilence coming suddenly upon them. A
few lines below, fi vavpa.^ viroXafiovaa is the sea-fight following,
coming next. B. Cf. viii. 12, 6.
BOOK VI. ERATO. 299
c. Ig yow K. T. X. Other instances of metaphor in Hcltus occur
in v. 18, vi. 1, 12, viii. 83, 109, 140, and i. 181, iii. 155, vii. 135.
CH. XXVIII. a. 'Ara/wioc Cf. i. 160, b.
CH. XXIX. a. QiXo-tyvx'iriv TOiqvSi T. avaipeirat, entertains such a
love of life, shows such cowardice. Hepaida yXiaaaav fitnlg uttering,
speaking the Persian language ; yXwanav tivai in iv. 135. Cf. also
vi. 37, /3\a<Tr6v ninkvai, to send forth a shoot, and ix. 16, Sdicpva
psTitvat, to shed tears. B.
CH. XXX. a. our av firaQi. KOKOV ovdiv K.T.\. A conjecture
founded on the bounty of Darius, who was always mindful of good
services, and on the duty of gratitude en forced by the Persian law.
Cf. i. 137- The crime of Histiteus was certainly great, but the
benefit he had rendered the monarch and the nation in saving
them in their flight from Scythia, v. 11, might be deemed sufficient
to blot out the memory of his treason. Other instances of the
gratitude or the kindness of Darius were Democedes, Demaratus,
vii. 104, d., Syloson, Goes, Metiochus, s. of Miltiades, iv. 137, .,
Sandoces, vii. 94. B. His treatment of the Milesians and Eretrians
too, vi. 119, 120, was, when the provocation is considered, remark-
ably mild. V.
CH. XXXI. a. iffa-yj'ivfvov K. t. \. Cf. iii. 149, a., and refs.
CH. XXXII. a. ra c AmiMcCf. vi. 9.
b. dvaairaaTovs Trapd j3aa, carried from their country into Central
Asia. S. and L. D. Cf. ii. 104, ., and iii. 149, on the Persian
style of conquest. auTolai ipolvt, temples and all. Cf. Jelf, 604, 1,
quoted in i. 52, c.
C. TO Tp'iTov'lwvfG Kart$ov\<l>()r}aai>. Cf. i. 92, a.
CH. XXXIII. a. HeoivdoQ. On the Propontis, a Samian co-
lony : of the other towns, Selymbria, Byzantium, Chalcedon, and
Mesambria were colonies from Megara, Proconnesus and Cardia
from Miletus. Cf. on the narrative, Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 223.
CH. XXXIV. a. roue /3aoi\ijag, the chief men, cf. vii. 165, d. B.
b. rfjv \pfiv 6S6v, The sacred way here meant is probably that
spoken of by Strabo, ix. p. 646, by which the Pythic procession
went to Delphi, [" The theories sent by the Athenians to Delphi
were always particularly brilliant," Smith's D. of A.,] and not the
noted sacred road that led from Athens to Eleusis, and which, of
course, did not pass through the Phocians or Boeotians. W.
CH. XXXV. a. oiVi'qg r0p;r7rorpo0oi;, of a family that kept a
team of horses (for the games), cf. vi. 125, i. e. of a hiijhly ivealthy
family, as the expense of keeping horses in Attica was greater,
owing to the nature of the country, than in most others, and this,
" the chariot-race, with four full-grown horses," 'i-mrwv rtXtiuv Spo/jiof,
or ap/wt, cf. Smith's D. of A., was the most expensive of all the con-
tests. Cf. the argument to the Aristoph. Nub. and Thucyd. vi. 16.
b. 6 MiXn<5>;e Cf. iv. 137, . His genealogical table is thus
given in the Oxford Ch. Tables ; with the exception of what re-
lates to Thucydides, which I have added.
300 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CYPSELUS, vi. 35, descendant of Ajax and jEasus.
A.
Miltiades, chosen tyrant Cimon
of the Chersonese, vi. 34, &c.
A. ^
Stesagoras succeeds his Miltiades of Marathon, m. Hegysipyle d. of Olorus
uncle Miltiades, vi. 38. kg of Thrace, who, after the death
r- A > of Miltiades, married again another
Metiochus, kindly Cimon, the Athenian. Athenian, and had a son
treated by Darius, , * (
vi. 41. Olorus, f. to
Thucydides, the Historian.
c. ical alxpae, As Thracians it would be natural to them to carry
these with them, in accordance with the ancient fashion of Greece.
Cf. Thucyd. i. 6. B.
CH. XXXVI. a. cnriTttxiffi rbv iaQpbv K. r. X. This wall, Pro-
copius tells us, was afterwards repaired by the emperor Justinian.
The walls of Antoninus, Hadrian, and Severus in Britain, and the
great wall of China erected for similar purposes, are familiar to
every one. B.
CH. XXXVII. a. Kp. iv yvufiy yiyovwg. beloved by Croesus.
Coraes. So in S. and L. D., according to his mind, i. e. in favour
with him. Schw., and Jelf, 622, 3, b., known to Croesus.
b. fUTitl, cf. vi. 29, a. This explanation, but an incorrect one,
of the similitude contained in the threat that Crasus u-ould root up
the city as it were a pine-tree, is considered by D. p. 89, as a proof,
cf. i. 153, a., that Hdtus was not acquainted with the works of
Charon of Lampsacus, at least not with that concerning Lainp-
sacus ; for he would there have learnt that Lampsacus was called
in old times Tltrovaa, and the most simple point of the allusion,
vlrvoe TpoTrov, could not have escaped him.
CH. XXXVIII. a. wg vo/xof oiVciorp, Cf. Thucyd. v. II, on the
honours paid by the Amphipolitans to Brasidas. Also Aristot.
Ethics, v. 7, I, and Smith's D. of A., Colonia.
b. vTroOepporipov considerably daring, more daring than might
have been expected. Cf. Jelf, 784, quoted in i. 27, b.
CH. XXXIX. a. rd v^ynara the government, or power. Cf.
iii. 80, 137, iv. 164. SfjOiv, forsooth, as they pretended. Cf. Jelf,
726, 2, a., quoted in i. 59, t.
b. iv d\Xy Xoytfi cf. vi. 103. W.
c. iltf KO.T OIKOVC .... iTTiTtpsuv. he kept himself at /tome, under
pretence of honouring his brother Stesagoras, i. e. honouring his
memory. B.
d. 'tifi]<n-rrv\r]V. Cf. vi. 35, b.
CH. XL. a. car\d/i/3av Si fiiv K. r. X. Here TUV KaTt\6vr^>v
Trpnyfiarwv, the matters which then occurred, are doubtless the events
which Hdtus had begun to mention in c. 33, before he began this
digression concerning Miltiades, the first tyrant of the Chersonese,
and which he proceeds to set forth in c. 41, viz. the final flight of
Miltiades to Athens. Tpiry Irii TOVTWV might, by itself, signify the
BOOK VI. ERATO. 301
third year after; but from the context it is plain that the third
year before these things is meant. The events that befell him the
third year before were ^aXtTrwrtpa, more grievous than what now
overtook him. For at the present time, as is stated in the next
ch. 41, he escaped to Athens, cf. iv. 137, a., with all his property,
and lost only one vessel, in which was his son, who, though cap-
tured, was treated rather as a friend than an enemy by Darius ;
while in the third year before he was compelled to escape the
Scythians by a hasty flight and temporary exile. Schw.
( CH. XLI. a. iTroirias KCIKOV ptv ovStv K.r.X. On the generous
conduct of Darius, cf. vi. 30, a. " Instead of death or a prison he
( received a fair estate and a Persian wife." Thirlw. /. /. Themis-
tocles similarly received the cities of Magnesia, Lampsacus, and
Myus : Thucyd. i. 138. Such assignments were common among
the Persians, both of districts, cities, or villages, cf. ii. 98, a., vii.
104, d., and H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 414 416, who mentions that such
assignments are now called Tokuls. They occur frequently in the
history of British India under the name ofjayheers.
CH. XLI1. a. ffxtdbv Kara TO avTa K.T.X. Cf. iii. 90. B. On
the sound policy of these measures, cf. Thirlw. ii. p. 225.
CH. XHII. a. "Apa Se T< tapi, K. r. X. In the commencement of
the spring, after the king had dismissed his other generals, Mardonius,
s. of Gobryas, &c. This expedition of Mardonius is dated 492 B. c.
in Clinton F. H. i. p. 26. Prideaux dates it 494 B. c., and B.
even one year earlier. The Gobryas here mentioned was one of
the seven conspirators ; cf. iii. 70. Observe that Mardonius was a
kinsman of the king. Cf. iv. 167,
b. arpciTov VUVTIKOV, a force jit to be embarked on board ship, as
Casaubon rightly interprets it ; for it was impossible for Mardonius
to take the ships, as well as those to man them, from Persia to
Cilicia. Cf. ./Esch. Pers. v. 54, vawv T' ITTOXOUC T. X. W.
C. /ieyiorov 9uiij[ia .... TOVQ yop rvpavvovQ K. T. X. " One of the
first proceedings of Mardonius after his arrival in Ionia, was to
depose the tyrants who had been placed in the cities by his pre-
decessor, and to set up a democratical constitution. This change
appeared so repugnant to Persian maxims, that Hdtus thought it
sufficient to silence the objections of those who doubted that demo-
cracy could have found an advocate among the seven conspirators.
It does indeed indicate more knowledge of mankind, larger views,
and sounder principles of policy, than could have been expected
from a barbarous and despotic court, and reflects honour on the
understanding of Mardonius or of Darius. Yet the last insurrection
had shown, that while the dominion of the tyrants irritated the
people, and afforded a constant motive to rebellion, their own
fidelity was by no means secure. A popular form of government
gave a vent to the restless spirits which might otherwise have
endangered the public quiet : and in the enjoyment of civil liberty
302 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
and equality the sovereignty of the foreign king was almost for-
gotten." Thirlw. ii. p. 225.
d. 'Epfrpiav rai 'Adffvac. As they had assisted Aristagoras, v.
99, and 105. Cf. also Thirlw. I. I
CH. XLIV. a. irp6axin a a pretext. Cf. iv. 167, b. owac "-v
rr\. dvvaivTo. Cf. Jelf, 8/0, obs. 4. Frequently a comparative
clause introduced by i*f, OTTUIC, i}, or oaov, and expressing possi-
bility, serves to strengthen a superlative, or a comparative.
b. TO. ydp ivroQ MaKtSovuJv tdvta not the nations in Macedonia,
but, the nations between Macedonia and Persia, i. e. those on the Per-
sian side of Macedonia. Miiller, Ueber die Maked. p. 28, quoted
by B. vtrb TYIV ijTrtipov, passed under the shore, cf. Jelf, 639, iii.
1, a., (hugged the land). On Acanthus cf. vii. 115, a.
c. iirnrtffuv Ss atyi K. T. \. and as they were doubling the cape, (of
Mt Athos,) a mighty and irresistible north wind came upon them,
and very roughly handled a great number of their vessels by wrecking
them against Mt Athos. On -irXfiOti iroXXdf, cf. Jelf, 899, 1, c.,
Pleonasm the use, here, of an adjective with its abstract subst.
or instrumental dat. iK/3u\\iav, driving them out of their proper
course, or out of the sea against the rocks. Athos, now Monte Stinto.
d. OtipiwSeffTdrtjG iovarjg K.T.\., i. e. since the sea that washes Athos
is extremely full of marine monsters. Cf. i. 110, 111 ; iv. 1/4, 181.
dparrcrofitvoi, dashed. B.
CH. XLV. a. Bpuyoi. also called Qovytc. and Bp/ytc. Cf. vii.
73, a. They were an independent tribe of Thracian blood, cf.
Thirlw. I. L, who inhabited the N. of Macedonia near Bem-a,
according to B., whence some of them are said to have emigrated
into Phrygia, to which they gave their name. On the Satrapy of
Phrygia, the capital of which was Celaense, and which compre-
hended what was afterwards called Galatia, see H. Pers. ch. i.,
Satrapies.
CH. XLVI. a. Atvrtpy Sh Irii K.T.\. 491 B. c. (Oxfd. Chron.
Tables.) This date, as the expedition of Mardonius is there fixed
492 B. c., and the time necessary for the Persian preparations for
Marathon has to be considered, appears less accurate than the
order of events given by L. and followed by B. " The capture of
Miletus 498 B. c. ; the next year, 497 B. c., the Persians conquered
the islands, Chios, Tenedos, &c. ; the next, 496 B. c., was spent in
preparations for the expedition of Mardonius, which took place in
the spring of 495 B. c. (Herod, vi. 43.) In 493 B. c. the Thasians
were ordered to demolish their walls, and heralds were sent
throughout Greece to demand tokens of submission ; the two fol-
lowing years were spent in preparations for the expedition of Datis
and Artaphernes, and in the third, 490 B. c., Marathon was fought ;
and Salamis ten 'years subsequently, 4SO B. c." The chronology
in Long's Summary of Hdtus, p. 162, differs from both of ttie
above.
BOOK VI. ERATO. 303
b. t re riirtipov K. r. X. Cf. Thucyd. i. 100, on the mines and lands
which belonged to the Thasians on the opposite coast of Thrace,
and v. 170, b. These afterwards fell into the hands of the Athe-
nians, 463 B. c. Thucyd. i. 101. Cf. Smith's C. D., Thasos. On
the revenue thence, see the refs given under TsXoc, Smith's D. of A.
c. iovffi Kapirwv cmXIiri -free from all taxes on the fruits of the
earth. B.
CH. XLVII. a. TO. o't QoiviKfc. avtvpov Cf. H. Phrenic, ch. ii.
p. 39, ch. iii. p. 76. " Here, in Thasos, they discovered that the
mountains of the island abounded in gold : this magnet soon at-
tracted them, and here they founded mines works of which Hdtus
saw the shafts and galleries." Cf. also D. p. 43.
b. 6pof . . . ijTTian. where a great mt has been turned upside down
in the search for ore. Schw.
CH. XL VI 1 1. a. vtac Tt fiaxpa,; Cf. i. 2, b. On earth and
water, cf. iv. 126, b.
CH. XLIX. a. liri a<piai txovrag thinking that the JSginetans
had given it (earth and water) with a hostile intention against
them (the Athenians). Hoogev. ad Viger. p. 249. B. Cf. Jelf,
634, 3, a., and i. 61, c.
CH. L. a. r"idt} vvv KaraxaXicov K. r. X. forthwith then, O Ram, tip
yovr Jioms icith brass, as you tcill have to engage with [be acquainted
\cith, S. and L. D.] a mighty calamity. A similar jest is found in
Cicero, In Verr. ii. c. 78, quoted by V.
CH. LI. a. SiepaXt calumniated, cast aspersions on, cf. v. 97, a-
So ctaf3oXi], slander, iii. 66, 73.
b. oiVi'j/e <? rje K. r. X. " After the death of Aristodemus, the
throne of Sparta was shared by his two sons, Eurysthenes and
Procles. The kingly office continued to be hereditary in their
lines, which were equal in power, though a certain precedence or
dignity was allowed to that of Eurysthenes, grounded on his sup-
posed priority of birth. It was not, however, from these remote
ancestors that the two royal families derived their distinguishing
appellations. The elder house was called the Agids, after Agis,
son of Eurysthenes ; the minor the Eurypontids, from Eurypon,
the successor of Sous, son of Procles : a remarkable fact, not very
satisfactorily explained from the martial renown of these princes,
and perhaps indicating a concealed break in each series." Thirlw.
i. p. 293. Read chs. 7 and 8 of same vol., and cf. the List of
Spartan kings in vol. iii. of Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., or the
Genealogy in the Oxf. Chr. Tables, p. 38.
CH. LI I. a. AaKtSaipovioi -yap " Aristodemus, as it was be-
lieved every where except at Sparta, had not lived to enter Pelo-
ponnesus, but had fallen at Delphi, by a thunderbolt or shaft of
Apollo. He left twin sons, Procles and Eurysthenes, who succeed-
ed to his claim of an equal share with Temenus and Cresphontes,"
&c. Thirlw. i. p. 261, seqq. To the same effect Muller, Dor. i. p.
104, who also treats at considerable length of the epic poets here
304 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
referred to by Hdtus. " According to the common tradition, which
was derived from the epic poets, the twin brothers took possession
of Sparta after the death of their father ; whereas the national
tradition of Sparta, as Hdtus informs us, represented Aristodemus
himself to have been the first ruler, and that the double dominion
of his children was not settled till after his death ; the first-born,
however, enjoying a certain degree of precedence." With regard
to the accounts of the expedition of the Heraclidce derivable from
" the traditionary lore scattered in such abundance throughout the
ancient epic poems," Muller, Dor. i. p. 57, says, " This event,
however, early as it was, lay without the range of the epic poetry,
and therefore whatever circumstances connected with it were men-
tioned, they must have been introduced either accidentally or in
reference to some other subject. In no one large class of epic
poems was this event treated at length, neither by the Cyclic poets,
nor the authors of the N6<rrot. In the 'Holai attributed to Hesiod,
it appears only to have been alluded to in a few short passages.
Hdtus nevertheless mentions poets who related the migrations of
the Heraclidse and Dorians into Laconia. Perhaps these belonged
to the class who carried on the mythological fables genealogically,
as Cinaethon the Laconian, and also Asius who celebrated the de-
scent of Hercules ; and from the character of his poems it is pro-
bable that he also commemorated his descendants. Or they may
have been the historical poets, Troujrai laropucol, such as Eumelus
the Corinthian, although those alluded to by Hdtus cannot have
composed a separate poetical history, as the former did of Corinth ;
since they would doubtless have followed the national tradition of
Sparta ; and this, with respect to the first princes of the Hera-
clidae, differed from the accounts of all the poets with which Hdtus
was acquainted, and was not the general tradition of Greece."
b. 'Apydtjv. sister to Theras, wno was guardian to Eurysthenes
and Procles. Cf. iv. 147, a.
c. ov dvvaptvovs Si yvwvai K. T. X. and that they then, or even before
then, aslied the mother ; but she answered, that not even she herself
could distinguish between them, and though she knew it perfectly well,
she said so. In this latter sentence Gronovius indeed makes \iyuv
depend upon tldviav, etsi optime nosset ilia aperire ; but it seems
preferable to follow Schw. in referring the \iyetv ravra to the pre-
ceding <j>avai, of which it is little else than a repetition. TO Kapra,
sure enough, in good earnest. Cf. iii. 104, a., and ref. to Jelf, and
i. 71, vii. 16.
CH. LI 1 1. a. Tavra (what I have just spoken of ') radt (what
follows}. Ourog generally refers to what immediately precedes, '6Si
to what immediately follows. Jelf, 655, obs. 6, Demonstrative
Pronouns. Cf. vi. 5S, a. rovrovc yap Sri TOVC A<upiiwv K. r. \. For I
say, (supply ypa<j>w. B.,) that these kings of the Dorians up to Perseus
the s. of Danae, the name of the deity, i. e. Zeus, f. of Perseus, being
left out of the list, are correctly enumerated by the Gks, and rightly
BOOK VI. ERATO. 30o
demonstrated to be Gks ; for already at that time they counted as Gks.
The participles icaraX. and airotiiK. are used for infinitives. Schw.
On the Egyptian origin of Perseus, cf. ii. 91, b., and on TtXilv, to
count as, be reckoned among, cf. ii. 51, a.
CH. LIV. a. 6 Tltpaiiie *. r. X. Cf. ii. 91, 6.
CH. LV. a. iovrig Alyvirrioi .... Awpiiwv (3aaiXr]ia. On the
extremely obscure subject of the traditions of Egyptian and other
foreign settlers in Greece, read Thirl w. i. c. 3. On the irruption
of the Dorians into the Peloponnese, see the sketch in Arnold's
Thucydides, i. c. 12, note, " The great family, or rather clan," &c.
CH" LVI. a. Tipea Si ft} K. r. X. This subject is discussed at
considerable length in Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 101, seqq. " The Doric
sovereignty was a continuation of the heroic or Homeric ; and
neither in the one nor the other are we to look for that despotic
power, with which the Gks were not acquainted until they had
seen it in foreign countries. In those early times the king, to-
gether with his council, was supreme ruler and judge, but not
without it ; he was also chief commander in war, and as such pos-
sessed a large executive authority, as circumstances required. His
office on the whole bore an analogy to the power of Jupiter; and
it received a religious confirmation from the circumstance of his
presiding at and performing the great public sacrifices with the
assistance of soothsayers. The royal dignity was also guarded
by the sanction of the sacerdotal office, for the kings were priests
of Jupiter Uranius and Jupiter Lacedeemon, and offered public
sacrifices to Apollo on every new moon and 7th day ; they also re-
ceived the skins of all sacrificed animals as a part of their income.
From this circumstance, added to the fact that in war they had a
right to the back of every victim, and had liberty to sacrifice as
much as they wished, it follows that they presided over the entire
worship of the army, being both priests and princes, like the Aga-
memnon of Homer." Add, from Thirlw. i. p. 319, "both were
priests of Jupiter, but with the distinction, that the one, pro-
bably the elder, ministered to the god under his Dorian title, the
other, under that which he bore in Laconia, probably before the
conquest." Cf. also H. P. A. 25. It /i>) K. r. X., but that if he
tcere, (viz. a hinderer of the king,) that fie should be laid under the
ban, should be held by, involved in, made liable to, the curse, considered
as polluted. On ii Si //// for ' Si, cf. Jelf, 860, 5. A negative
sentence is often followed by tl Si ^ for tl Se, this form being com-
monly used to express the contrary of the former conditional sen-
tence. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 5. On ' Si for il Si pfi, cf. Hdtus iii. 154, a.
b. tKarbv Si itvSpaQ Xoyaoaj ic. T. X. The number of the king's
body-guard is, by Thucydides, v. 72, stated to be 300; unless,
therefore, some error has crept into the text, we must either sup-
pose only 100 of these attended him on ordinary occasions, cf.
Thirlw. i. p. 334 and 448, App. ii., or that this number was pecu-
liarly selected as an especial guard out of the whole body. On the
306 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
300, the picked regiment of Sparta and the flower of her force, (en-
titled i-mrtig, km'ffhts, or horsemen, being really foot, " at first pro-
bably," cf. note in Arnold's Thucyd. v. 72, "chiefs who fought in
chariots, this being the early sense of 'i-mrtv^ and iiriroTi'tf,") cf. i. 67,
t. " From the number of those discharged from this body the
five agathoergi were taken, who, for the space of a year, served the
state in missions." Miill. Dor. ii. p. 257. Cf. also vii. 205, c.
CH. LVII. a. Ta Si d\\a K. r. X. On this and the following chs.
throughout, cf. Miill. Dor. ii. p. 104, bk. iii. c. C, as referred to above,
or for the briefer view of the same, H. P. A. 25, seqq., and Thirlw.
i. c. 8, p. 319, seqq.
b. Qvaiijv StjuoTeXij a public banquet, provided at the expense of
the community, and given in the name of some person or officer
appointed by the public. Cf. Miill. Dor. I. I. note.
c. iaTapivov rov piivot; On the well-known division of the month
of 30 days among the Gks into the three decads, laTa^i vov, niaovv-
rog and <}>9ivovTO, see Smith's D. of A., Calendar. On the honour
of the double portion, a parallel readily suggests itself in the
quintuple mess of Benjamin, Gen. xliii. 34.
d. SiSoffBat IK /c. r. X. " But besides these revenues, the king re-
ceived a large sum from the public property ; a double portion at
the public banquets ; an animal without blemish for sacrifice, a
medimnus of wheat, and a Lacedaemonian quart of wine, on the
first and seventh days of each month," &c. Miill. I. I.
e. Kai irpoiivovg K. T. X. " In other places the proxeni, cf. viii.
136, c., were appointed by the states whose proxeni they were ; for
example, a Tneban was proxenus of the Athenians at Thebes ;
but in Sparta, as the connexion with foreign nations was more
restricted, a state which wished to have a proxenus there, was
forced to apply to the king to nominate one. This appears to be
the meaning of the above passage of Hdtus." Miill. Dor. ii. p.
108. In Smith's D. of A., JHospitium, it is taken to mean that in
early times the kings had the right to select from among the
Spartan citizens those whom they wished to send out as proxeni
to other states.
/. UvOiovf " From the necessity that the kings should maintain
a constant intercourse between the state and the Delphian oracle,
cf. v. 42, b., they nominated the Pythians, and together with these
officers, read and preserved the oracles." Miill. I. L Cf. Thirlw.
i. c. 8, p. 319.
g. irapitiv (3ov\ivovffi .... TI}V iuvr&v. " The highest authority
of the state (of Lacedajmon) was vested in the yepowia, or council
of twenty-eight elders. None could be a member of this till he
had reached the age of sixty : the office was held for life. In this
assembly the two kings of the race of the Heraclidse presided ;
that however they had each a double vote was denounced as an
erroneous opinion as early as the time of Thucydides, Thucyd. i.
20, and it certainly is not implied in what Hdtus here says." H.
BOOK VI. ERATO. 307
P. A. 25. On the Gerusia, cf. Mull. Dor. ii. p. 94, who remarks,
" the functions of the Gerusia were double, it having at the same
time an executive and deliberative, and a judicial authority. In
the first capacity it debated with the kings on all important affairs,
preparing them for the decision of the public assembly, and passed
a decree in its first stage by a majority of voices, the influence of
which was doubtless far greater than at Athens : in the latter ca-
pacity it had the supreme decision in all criminal cases, and could
punish with infamy and death." With regard to the disputed
question of the number of the royal votes, Thirlw. i. p. 319, says :
" In council the voice of each king told for no more than that of
any other senator : in their absence their place seems to have been
supplied, according to some regulation which is not clearly ex-
plained, by the senators of the same tribe ; and is it not improbable
that the king of the elder house had a casting vote ? " Miiller, Dor.
ii. 106, agrees with H., in considering the passage in the text as not
implying with certainty the two votes of each king. " The presence
of the kings in the Gerusia was requisite to make a full council ;
but as such they had only single votes, which in their absence were
held by the councillor who was most nearly related to them, and
therefore a Heraclide. The passage in Thucydides, i. 20, which
contradicts the statements of other authors, more probably refers
to Hellanicus than to Hdtus, whose work Thucydides could scarcely
then have read. (Cf. Arnold's note on Thucyd. i. 20, to the same
effect.) Hdtus, however, appears to me to have followed the
opinion generally received in Greece of the two votes of each king,
although the expression is not quite clear. The notion of the
Schol. on Thucyd. adopted by L., that each king had only one
vote, though it had the force of two, is ridiculous." See also on
the Spartan kings and the senate throughout, Smith's D. of A.,
Ftpovcrta.
CH. LVIII. a. Tavra ntv (qu< dicta stint) race (quce sequun-
tur). Jelf, 655, obs. 6. Cf. vi. 53, a. " Both the accession and
decease of the kings were marked by usages, which, as Hdtus ob-
serves, have rather an Oriental than a Hellenic aspect. On the
one occasion the public joy was expressed by a release of all debts
due from individuals to the state ; for the Spartan treasury perhaps
no great sacrifice. The royal obsequies were celebrated by a ten
days' intermission of all public business, and by a general mourn-
ing, in which the helots and the provincials (rtiv iripioiicuv dvay-
KctffToi) were compelled to take the most active part: horsemen
carried the tidings through the country, and thousands of the sub-
ject-class as well as of the serfs attended the funeral, rent the air
with their wailings, and proclaimed the virtues of the deceased
prince superior to those of all his predecessors." Thirlw. i. p. 321.
Cf. also Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 102.
b. tK Traffic Stl . . . . Itvai. neccsse est, prater Spartiatas, [in addi-
tion to the Spartans,'] funus vel inviti comitentur cceterarum urbiitm
x 2
308 NOTES ON HEUODOTUS.
Laconicarum incolee certo numero. V. On aptfyy, Instrumental
Dat, cf. Jelf, 609, i. quoted in 184, a.
c. TWV TrtptoiKwv On the condition of the Laconian subjects,
read at least Thirlw. i. c. 8, p. 306, seqq. The class here spoken
of, which, with the Dorians of Sparta, and their serfs the Helots,
made up the three distinct classes that composed the inhabitants of
Laconia, were the people of the provincial districts, and " were a
mixed race composed partly of the conquered Achaeans and partly
of strangers, who had either accompanied the conquerors in their
expedition, or had been invited by them to supply the place of the
old inhabitants. These provincials, or Perioeci, were subjects and
their land was tributary, though the tribute perhaps was regarded
less as a source of revenue than as an acknowledgment of sove-
reignty. They shared none of the political privileges of the Spar-
tans, their municipal government was under the control of the
Spartan officers ; and yet they bore the heaviest share of the public
burdens and made up the bulk of the military force of the state.
Cf. Herod, ix. 11. To compensate for these grievances, they were
exempt from many irksome restraints and inflictions, to which the
ruling caste were forced to submit, and they enjoyed undivided pos-
session of the trade and manufactures of the country," &c. In H.
P. A. 19, the student will find a brief and clear account of the
difference in the treatment of the Perioeci (" the rustic popula-
tion, who bore the name of Lacedaemonians by way of distinction
from the pure Spartan race, and who remained in the enjoyment of
personal freedom, retaining their lands under tribute ") and of the
Helots, " the inhabitants of the conquered cities, whose lot was far
harder, differing in fact from that of slaves in other countries, only
in the circumstance that their owners were not at liberty to kill or
sell them out of the country." In the notes to that work see the
refs to Miiller, Wachsmuth, and Clinton.
d. T&V tlXa>ru>v See the conclusion of the foregoing note, to
which may be briefly added that this class, " the Helots, whose
name, according to every derivation of it, recalled the loss of per-
sonal liberty as the origin and essential character of their condition,
tilled the soil, paying their masters a fixed portion of the annual
produce, and attended them on military service as servants, or
esquires, BtpctTrovrtg, acling at the same time as light-armed troops."
Herod, ix. 10, 28, and Thucyd. iii. 8. Herod, vii. 229. The name
Helot has been variously derived, cf. note 13 of Herm. I. /., from
Helos, the maritime town ; from 2\ij, i. e. inhabitants of the lowlands ;
or from s\w, atpsw, as Spwg from fyaw. For more refer to Miiller,
bk. iii. c. 3, an analysis of which is to be found in Class. Diet.,
Helota. See also Smith's D. of A., Helotes.
e. ildw\ov K. T. X. " The images of those kings who had fallen in
battle, were laid upon a state-couch ; a usage which, with the cus-
tom on each occasion of praising the dead king as the best of all
princes, approximates very closely to the worshin of a hero, n/xai
BOOK VI. ERATO. 309
rjpwiicai. These tldwXa were probably preserved ; for they could not
have been meant merely to represent the corpse, since the body of
the king was almost always brought home, even from a great dis-
tance; as in the case of Agesilaus." Mull. Dor. ii. p. 103.
/. ayo(j>) detect .... avv'tZ,u, for ten days neither any public assembly
is convened, nor any election of magistrates held : B. and S. and L.
D. According to Schw., nor docs any board of magistrates sit.
CH. LIX. a. i\tv9ipol o<mg K. T. X. Cf. note a. on the preceding
ch., and D. i. 3, p. 5.
CH. LX. a. oi KripvKiQ .... iicdeKOVTai raq Trarpditag rk-^va^
" The office of herald was at Sparta, as in the fabulous times,
hereditary, and not, as in other parts of Greece, obtained by com-
petition. Cf. vii. 134. Almost all the other trades too, and
occupations, as well as that of herald, were hereditary at Sparta,
as, for example, those of cooking, 6i//o7rotoc, baking, mixing wine,
flute-playing, &c." Mull. Dor. ii. p. 28.
b. oil Kara \ctfjiTrpo<j>ii>vir)v K. r. \. nor do others, in consequence of the
clearness or loudness of their voice, applying themselves to this pro-
fession, (i. e. of herald,} exclude them (i. e. the sons of heralds) from
the office, &c.
CH. LXI. a. Tors ck K. r. X. On the history, here resumed from
c. 50, read Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 228, seqq. fo/3aX. Cf. vi. 51, a.
b. 7ri/3a<Tiv O.VTOV Troitvpevoc.. making a handle to attack him, or
finding an occasion of proceeding against him. Ansam arripiens
contra ipsum agendi. B.
c. dvOpu>Trwv rt 6X/3i'ojv From this and from a similar expression
in vii. 134> ^oimaaiv avfjKovTtg ig TO. TrpHtra, B. remarks on the
fallacy of the notion of a real equality of property at Sparta, or
that the original equal distribution of it could have lasted for any
length of time. This subject is alluded to by H. P. A. ch. ii. Pt.
4, on the causes of the decline of Sparta, in 47 : " The open
demoralization of Sparta dates from the period when Lysander
first made his countrymen familiar with coined money, by the
booty he brought home ; but the precious metals had long before
found their way to individuals ; thus, as early as 478 B. c. Pau-
sanias had hoped for a bribe, Thucyd. i. 131, Leotychidas in 470
B. c. was bribed, Herod, vi. 72, and in 466 B. c. Pleistoanax and
Cleandridas. Thucyd. ii. 21, v. 16. Pericles expended ten talents
among them tg TO Ssov, Plut. Vit. Pericl. c. 22, and Gylippus was
charged with embezzlement. Cf. also Aristoph. Pax, 620."
d. Qepdirvy " At no great distance from Sparta, to the S. and
W. of the Eurotas, was situated the town of Therapne, which, as
also AmycljE, abounded in monuments and local memorials of the
time of the Pelopidaj and other fabulous princes. Pindar, Isthm.
i. 31, mentions its high situation, and calls it the ancient metro-
polis of the Acheeans, amongst whom the Dioscuri lived ; here were
the subterraneous cemeteries of Castor and Pollux, Pind. Nem. x.
55, vaulted perhaps in the ancient manner; here also were the
310 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
temples of the Brothers and of Helen in the Phoebaeum, and many
remains of the ancient symbolical religion." Mull. Dor. i. p. 107.
CH. LX1I. a. tKvit .... 6 tpoif. love for this woman teas con-
tinually chafing him, cf. vii. 10, e.
b. 6 'Apiaruv tSiaict TOVTO K. T. X. On the distinction to be observed
in the early times in Sparta between the giving away x^^ara or
iceiufi\ia, and the parting with one's house and lot, cf. Mull. Dor.
p. 203.
CH. LXIII. a. pfTa T&V tyopuv Cf. v. 39, b. and refs.
b. apfjv iiroiriaavTo offered vows, public prayers. Cf. in the same
sense = ii>\n, Iliad xv. 378, xxiii. 199. B., and S. and L. D.
CH. LXIV. a. Sid ra KXtopevii StepXyGt) fitydXwc since he had
become very hateful to Cleomenes, or had greatly incurred his hatred
or suspicion. Cf. iv. 35. M*ya/3ary Sia(3ifl\T)iitvoG, having incurred
the hostility of, become an object of suspicion to Megabates. Cf. also
ix. 17, b. lid TO. is used by the Ionic idiom for Sion. On the pre-
vious events referred to in this chapt. cf. v. 75, a., vi. 50, 51, 61.
W. and Schw.
CH. LXV. a. ry Mvaptoc K.r.X. On the genealogy of the
houses of Eurysthenes and Procles, cf. vi. 51, b. seqq. and refs.
b. dpirdaaq ical o^dnv yvvuiKa. " Two things were requisite as an
introduction and preparation to marriage at Sparta; first, betroth-
ing on the part of the father ; secondly, the seizure of the bride.
The latter was clearly an ancient national custom, founded on the
idea that the young woman could not surrender her freedom and
virgin purity, unless compelled by the violence of the stronger
sex. This explains the statement of Hdtus, vi. 65, that Demaratus
obtained possession of Percalus the d. of Chilon, who was be-
trothed to Leotychides, by previously carrying her away by force,
Mull. Dor. ii. p. 298.
CH. LXVI. o. avtatarov ytvouivov the matter having been re-
ferred, &c. avwiffTOG Ion. for dvoiaroQ, formed from dvoiau, from
ava^spu), whence aor. 1, avyaai, i. 157, Jelf, 269, 6.
b. 6 Si K6j3wv .... dvarciiQu. Cf. v. 63, a., for other instances
of the oracle having been bribed.
CH. LXVII. a. KOTOL Ajj/tap/jrov rrjg jSamAjji/je, on the double
gen. here, cf. vi. 2, a. yvnvoTraiSiai. Cf. Mull. Dor. ii. p. 350,
seqq., on the music and choral dancing of the Dorians : he says,
speaking of the connexion between gymnastic exercises and dancing,
that " The chief object of the Gymnopeedia at Sparta was to re-
present these two in intimate union, and indeed the latter only
as the accomplishment and end of the former." Cf. Smith's D. of
A., rvuvoTraiSia- In the sentence fjoav fiiv Srj yvpvoTr. observe the
force of the particle &}, which serves to call the reader's attention
" Now it was, you are to know, or you will observe, the gymnopaedian
games and Demaratus being a spectator at them, c." See Stephens
on Gk Particles, p. 61.
b. oKoiov n ilri .... (3uoiXtvfiv. Cf. i. 129, where Harpagus, in
BOOK VI. ERATO. 311
like manner, asks Astyages, o elj *. T. X. V. Observe the differ-
ence between dp^eiv and fiaai\tvtiv, the one said of magistrates, the
other of kings, the one elective, the other hereditary.
c. ft jttupi'rjg icaKorjjroc r. X. Either of infinite woe. Cf. Horn. II.
XI. 382. Tpw6g avsTrvivcrav Kaicorrjrog.
CH. LXVIII. a. tadtig ig rag ^tipae ol TUV airXayxybiv " Notis-
simus in adjurationibus supplicationibusque aras tangendi et vic-
timarum prosicia mos docte explicatur ad Appianum Iber. p. 431
ab Henrico Stephano." W. Cf. Virg. jEn. xii. 201. "Tango
aras mediosque ignes et numina testor," and Smith's D. of A., Oath,
KaraTTTOfntvog, appealing to as witness. Cf. viii. 65, b.
b. 'Epiciiou Ao. of Herc&an Zeus ; from epKog the court or court-
yard of a house, within which his image stood ; the protecting god
of the family : hence Demaratus' appeal to him, under the present
circumstances, rather than to any other deity. He was also called
irarpyog, as well as Hercceus, equivalent, in derivation and in sense,
to the Jupiter Cortalis and Septitius of the Romans. Creuz.
Comment, p. 231, quoted in B. On the worship of Hercaean Jove
at Athens, (also called Phratrian,) in which no foreigner could
participate, cf. H. P. A. 100.
CH. LXIX. a. T?J<H Qvpyai ryffi avXtiyai the door of court, the
outer door, the house door. S. and L. D. " Jam nihil necesse est
operose exponere, avXfiag Bvpag h. 1. Herodoti nihil aliud esse quam
tpxtiovc irvXag jEschyli in Choeph. 559, 569, 651, i. e. quam eas
fores, quee ex auld (av\y) per maceriam (spictov,) in viam ducunt."
Creuz. Comment, p. 236, quoted in B. vol. iii. Excurs. iii.
b. 'A(rrpa/3aKov. The derivations of this hero's name, (either
affrpov, a star, or aaTpdfitj, a mule or pack-ass, and dytiv, to drive,)
and the theories arising therefrom, are set forth at great length, in
Creuzer's Comment, p. 242, in vol. ii. Excursus iv. of B., who thus
concludes, "cogitandus h. 1. Bacchus-Gilemus priscarum reli-
gionum Pelasgicarum, quse apud Dodonseos imprimis invaluerunt."
c. iwtd\).r\va KO.I tirra^va, Hdtus omits mentioning the eighth
month, from the mistaken notion held by himself and Hippocrates
that an eight-months' child would either be abortive or still-born.
B. air'topi-tye, cf. iv. 142, a.
CH. LXX. a. inroTOTrrjQsvTSG having suspected ; the same form
of the verb occurs in an active sense also in ix. 116, and in Aristoph.
Thesmoph. 464. B. Cf. Jelf, 367, 2. i c Va K vv8ov, cf. k. 37, d.
b. avTov .... airaipfovrai deprive him of his attendants and tried
to seize his person. On the double accusat. cf. Jelf, 582, 2, 583,
34. In connexion with what is here told of Demaratus read
Thirlw. ii. c. xiv. p. 228, seqq. Cf. also vii. 3.
C. Aaictdatnovioiai av%vd tpyouri rt Kal yvwp,yai a.7ro\a^.7rpvv9tiQ, inter
Lacedcemonios et rebus aestis et consiliis clarus factus. AO.K. Local
Dative. Jelf, 605, 2. tpy. yvw/i. Instrumental Dat. Jelf, 611,
obs. 1.
CH. LXXI. a. 6 Mtvaptoc Cf. vi. 65, a.
312 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. LXXII. a. vaptbv e 01, and whilst it was in his poicer,
cf. Jelf, 700, 2, a., quoted in iii. 91, a. iTTtxarnfiivos \npiSi 7r\sy
K- r.X. This is the ingenious correction of W. for the old reading
Xtipi Siir\y. The sense is, sitting on a sleeve full of silver ; a posture
assumed to conceal the bribe. On the corruption of Spartan
morals, cf. vi. 61, c.
CH. LXXIV. a. Siipa STraprtj/rtwv, fear of the Spartans, viz.
lest they should punish him, seized Cleomenes when his evil prac-
tices against Demaratus had been discovered, and he secretly withdrew
to Thessaly.
b. Nwi/a/cptv TroXtv in the N. of Arcadia in the territory of
Pheneus, on the Styx (Mavra-neria) ; not far from Cyllene. Cf.
Mull. Dor. ii. p. 444, in whose map this place is laid down.
c. iopicovv TO Srvyog v&up to make them swear by the waters of
the Styx. This passage is referred to by Potter, Gk Antiq. i. c.
6, treating of the (ikyag opicoe. Cf. Horn. II. ii. 755, vpicov yap <5avov
Sruyoe vSarog ianv a.7roppui, and Smith's D. of A., Oaths. On the
Accus. cf. Jelf, 566, 2.
CH. LXXV. a. iv vXy. "The v\ov was a heavy collar of
wood, resembling our pillory, put on the neck of the prisoner and
depriving him of all power to move." S. and L. D. It was used, as
is plain from this passage, as well for the confinement of madmen
as for the punishment of criminals. The iroSoKUKKn, which more
nearly resembled our stocks, was also known by the name of %v\oi>.
Cf. also Smith's D. of A. Career, and ix. 37, b.
rather crazy : also in iii. 29, 145, cf. i. 27, b.
b. KaraxopSivwv cutting it lengthwise in strips.
significat tig xop&ie, (into strips or strings,) rtpvovra SiatyQtipuv. V.
c. SWTI tf. 'EXtvalva K. r.X. Cf. v. 74, and, on the slaughter of the
Argives who fled into the grove of the hero Argos, vi. 79. B.
CH. LXXVI. a. 'Epaa~ivov, "The source of the Erasmus, 200
stadia from Stymphalus, is now called Cephalaria." Mull. Dor. ii.
p. 441.
b. ov yap ovSap&c, kaXXtspet neque enim sinebant exta transire
flumen. According to B., who seems to take it of the offering, for
it nowise gave favourable omens for his crossing the river ; in which
sense, see vii. 134, b. In this passage it is taken, in S. and L.
D., like the Latin litare, perlitare, of the person ; as he did not
obtain good omens for crossing. Cf. also vi. 82, ix. 16, 38, 41, d.
95 ; and Thucyd. V. 54, ra diafinriipia. Qvopkvoig ov Trpoi/^wpft. B.,
the sacrifices offered before crossing the border did not prove propitious.
c. TTJV vrpaTirjv icar/jyayf K. r. X. " The first exploit of Cleomenes
was the expedition against Argos ; circ. 520 B. c. He landed in
some vessels of Sicyon and JEgina (vi. 92) on the coast of Tiryns,
overcame the Argives at the wood of Argos, near Sepea in the
territory of Tiryns, slew the greater part of the men able to bear
arms, and would have succeeded in capturing their city, had he not
from an inconceivable superstition dismissed the allied army with-
BOOK VI. ERATO. 313
out making any further use of the victory, and contented himself
with sacrificing in the temple of Juno. At the same time Argos,
in consequence of the defeat, remained for a long time as it were
crippled, and it was even necessary that a complete change in her
political condition should take place, in order to renovate the feeble
and disordered state into which she had fallen." Mull. Dor. i. p.
167. See also H. P. A. 33.
CH. LXXVII. a. utraix^iov a space or interval between the
two lines of battle. Cf. vi. 112, and viii. 140, g.
b. 'A\\' orav TI 6r]\tla K. T.\. The first part of this oracle is ex-
plained by Pausanias, ii. 20, to refer to the courage of the Argive
women in having taken up arms on the invasion of Cleomenes, and
having repulsed him and his army with great loss. This explana-
tion is rejected by Miiller, Dor. i. 197, who says : '' The marvellous
narrative of Hdtus, vi. 77, seqq., is unconnected, from there being
no explanation of the first two verses of the oracle ; which, how-
ever, must have referred to some real event. Or does Hdtus refer
OqXtla to Juno ? Pausanias doubts whether Hdtus understands it;
but the story of Telesilla related by him, as well as by Plutarch
and Polysenus, is very fabulous." See also Thirl w. ii. c. 15, p. 263
and note. With regard to the second part of the oracle, unless
Atli/oe o0c be Cleomenes, I must, with L., "leave the explanation
of it to those who think themselves inspired by the god of Delphi."
c. afKpiSpvipeag undique laceratas, laceram vestem gerentes. B. ;
the whole expression signifying great mourning in Argos. ap-
(jiiSpvipijs occurs in Homer II. ii. 700, applied to a wife who from
grief lacerated both cheeks ; and such may be the meaning here,
rather than with garments rent all round. Cf. S. and L. D.
CH. LXXIX. a. vo ^vkai K. T. \. Cf. v. 77, c.
b. OVKOVV TI iZytaav. Cf. Thucyd. iv. 48.
CH. LXXX. tf.'Apyoe ai'p;flrv. For similar instances of equi-
voque in the oracles, cf. lii. 64, c.
CH. LXXXI. a. rb 'Hpalov " The whole of Argolis and also
Corinth were from early times under the protection of Juno, the
character of whose worship resembled that of Jupiter, and whose
chief temple was 12 stadia from Mycenae and 40 from Argos, be-
yond the district of Prosymna ; its service was performed by the
most distinguished priestesses, and celebrated by the first festivals
and games, being also one of the earliest nurseries of the art of
sculpture. It appears that Argos was the original seat of the wor-
ship of Juno, and that there it received its peculiar form and
character ; for the worship of the Samian Juno, as well as that at
Sparta, was supposed to have been derived from Argos ; which
statement is confirmed by the resemblance in the ceremonies ; and
the same is true of the worship of the same goddess at Epidaurus,
/Egina, or Byzantium." Mull. Dor. i. p. 410.
CH. LXXXII. a. inrijyov .... VTTO roijf s06pouf, "The jurisdic-
tion of the ephors was extended chiefly by their privilege of insti-
314 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
tuting scrutinies, tvBvvai, into the official conduct of all magistrates,
with the exception of the councillors. By this indeed we are not
to understand that all magistrates, after the cessation of their office,
rendered an account of their proceedings, but only, that the ephors
could compel them to undergo a trial if there had been any thing
suspicious in their administration ; a right, however, as it extended
over the ephors of the preceding year, which restrained the power
that it bestowed. But the ephors were not compelled to wait for
the natural expiration of an office ; they could interrupt or put an
end to the administration of it by their judicial powers. Now in
this respect the king was in the very same situation with the remain-
ing magistrates, and could as well as the others be brought before
the tribunal of the ephors ; and thus, even before the Persian war,
Cleomenes was tried before them for bribery." Mull. Dor. ii. p. 122.
On the origin, &c. of the ephors, cf. v. 39, b. and refs, also vi. 85, a.
b. aipien' av rar' aicpijg Cf. vi. 18, a. Ka\/\t(pci>//(vi^. cf. vi. 76, b.
CH. LXXXIII. a. 'Apyog Si . . . . ware oi SovXoi K. T. \. " Argos,"
says Thirlw. ii. p. 263, " had lost 6000 men, the flower and core of
its population : most of the hands that had wielded the power of
the state as well as guarded it, were gone : and its subjects, who
had hitherto been excluded from all share in the government, now
met with no opposition when they claimed the rights of citizens.
This forced admission of the inhabitants of the surrounding dis-
trict, as it is described by Aristotle, assumes a more romantic form
in the narrative of Hdtus, who relates that the slaves of the Argives
rose at the death of their masters, and seized the reins of govern-
ment, which they kept in their hands till the next generation had
grown up and claimed the inheritance of their fathers : when the
intruders were forced to quit the city and withdrew to Tiryns. We
see in this account clear traces of a revolution by which the pos-
terity of the old citizens,' when they became strong enough, de-
prived the new freemen of their privileges." Cf. Aristot. Pol. v. 2,
8, and Mull. Dor. ii. p. 147.
b. dpOpia peaceful relations, friendship. S. and L. D. Cf. vii. 101.
ftrj IOVTIG dpOfuoi, unless they were in concord icith each other.
CH. LXXXIV. a. ~S,KvBaf ydp .... Trip^avraf; if 'S.TrapTTjv, This
extraordinary tale is alluded to by Mull. Dor. i. p. 209, with con-
siderable marks of doubt. " Sparta by tacit acknowledgment acted
as the leader of the whole of Greece in all foreign relations, from
about the year 580 B. c. Her alliance was courted by Croesus ;
and the lonians, when pressed by Cyrus, had recourse to the Spar-
tans, who, with an amusing ignorance of the state of affairs beyond
the sea, thought to terrify the king of Persia by the threat of hostili-
ties. It is a remarkable fact, that there were at that time Scythian
envoys in Sparta, with whom a great plan of operations against
Persia is said to have been concerted which it is not easy to
believe."
CH. LXXXV. a. AaKiSatftovtoi dk Sitaffrijptov owayayovrtf K. T. X.
BOOK VI. ERATO. 315
" The power of the ephors extended in practice so far, that they
could accuse the king as well as the other magistrates, in extreme
cases, without consulting the assembly, and could bring him to
trial for life and death. This larger court, the ZiKaarripiov here
mentioned, consisted of all the councillors, of the ephors, who thus
came before it as accusers, besides having the right of sitting as
judges, of the other king, and probably of several magistrates,
who had all equal votes. From this court there was no appeal ;
it had the power to condemn the king to death ; although, until
later times, it was prevented by a religious scruple from executing
this sentence." Mull. Dor. ii. p. 123. Cf. also Thucyd. v. 63, on
the sentence passed upon Agis, and vi. 82, a.
b. iv 'A9f]vyai k\ofi.ivi>)v avSpSiv. Cf. vi. 73-
c. TO.VTO. uKovaavrts oi Ai'yivjjrat, ta-^ovro TTJS aywyije. referred to
by Arnold, Hist, of Rome, ii. p. 542, note, in speaking of the pru-
dence of the Apollonians under similar circumstances ; who, mea-
suring rightly their own utter inability to cope with so great a
nation as the Romans, and judging that it would be unwise to
interpret too closely the sentence of the senate that those who had
outraged their ambassadors should be given up to them, restored
both offenders unhurt. " They may have remembered the wisdom
of the Jiginetans in like circumstances, when the Spartan king,
Leotychides, was given up to them by his countrymen, as an atone-
ment for some wrong which he had done to them. A Spartan had
warned them not to take the Spartan government at its word, nor
to believe that they might really carry the king of Sparta away as
their prisoner, and punish him at their discretion."
CH. LXXXVI. a. TOVTOV rbv avSpa .... TTfpirjKtiv TO. TrpuJra,
Accusativus ritv dvfpa pendet a verbo ircpifjKitv, hoc fere sensu, in
hunc virum devenisse omnia: s. hunc virum omnia summa esse con-
secutum. B. This man compassed or gained the greatest luck, S.
and L. D.
b. tSap-yvpoKTovra, harintj converted into money. Cf. Thucyd. viii.
81. trip di] ^01 K. r. X. Dat. Commodi. poi, for my sake, at my request,
prithee. The dativus commodi is joined with all verbs to express
that something is done for the sake of, pleasure, benefit, &c., of some
person or thing. This is especially the case with %o/iai : X f<r0t
nvi ri, to receive it at his hands, to please him ; as a compliment to
him, for his sake, or benefit, &c. (a\r)na ZIKI\IKOV :). Jelf, 598.
c. 2. OVTI )it TTfpjipfpa sc. t} pvrinr), nor does my memory carry
me back to these things, S. and L. D., i. e. nor do I remember.
d. 3. TXavKog It K. T. X. Cf. Juvenal, Sat. xiii. 199, seqq.
" Spartano cuidam respondit Pythia " &c. The last verse of the
oracle occurs also in Hesiod, Works and Days i. 283 ; it is quaintly
translated in Potter's Gk Ant. bk. ii. c. 6.
CH. LXXXVII. a. irivriipw K.T.\. This vessel was called
the 6*u>pi'e or A>j\idc, and went every year on a solemn voyage to
Delos on occasion of the lesser Delia ; a custom that was said to
316 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
have taken its origin from Theseus. See Potter, Gk Antiq. bk. ii.
c. 9, where it is treated of at considerable length, and the refer-
ences made to it by the poets, quoted. Add to these Plato, Phaedo,
c. i. See also Ddia, Smith's D. of A.
CH. LXXXVIII. a. r' Aiytv?jr7<7t, with a view to harm the
JEyinetans. Cf. i. 42, b. dvapTripsvovQ Cf. i. 90, a.
b. Ttjv TraXatTjv KaXto/ilvijv K.r.X. what was called tfte Old Town.
From the probability that Nicodromus would seize the loftier parts
of the city, as well as from the word TrdXig, as at Athens, being
employed to denote the citadel, from being the first point taken
possession of as an habitation, (the builders of a town naturally
commencing at the strongest point,) the conjecture of Miiller, fol-
lowed also by Thirlw., ii. p. 230, that this is the part of the city
here intended, seems well grounded. It is, however, combated by
B., on the local grounds that the ancient city of ./Egina stood near
the sea-shore and was on a dead level. The attempt of Nicodro-
mus is also referred to by Aristot. Polit. v. 6, quoted by W.
CH. LXXXIX. a. ol SI Kopi'vfliot .... Sidovoi tiKoat viaq, Of this
succour the Corinthians afterwards reminded the Athenians, just
before the commencement of the Pelop.War, 433 B. c. Cf. Thucyd.
i. 42. SuiTivrjv iovvat, gratis dare per legem non licebat. Jelf,
580,2.
b. r'lpepy piy, by one day. Cf. Jelf, 609, 1, quoted in i. 184, a.
CH. XC1. a. ol iraxitc., the men of substance. Cf. v. 30, a., 77, b.
CH. XCII. a. vstg dvayKy Xa/i$0i<rai, vessels pressed into his ser-
vice. Cf. vi. 76, c. Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 262.
b. ta^ov re fg .... ffvva7re(3r)ffav A.aKtSaifiovioiffi, the vessels touched
at the territory of Argos ; and they (i. e. the men in the vessels')
landed along with the Lacedcemonians ; vavrai, understood from the
preceding VUQ, as in Thucyd. i. 7, iroXlrai from 7r6Xc, in the sen-
tence tKaaToi avuiKiafisvoi. Cf. Jelf, 373, Ellipse of the Subject.
c. VTT 'ApyaW e7n/3. i}/u'i;, " Argos never obtained so great au-
thority in Argolis as Sparta did in Laconia, as in Argolis the
Dorians divided themselves into several ancient and considerable
towns ; and to deprive Dorians of their independence seems to
have been more contrary to the principles of that race than to
expel them, as Sparta did the Messenians. Argos was thus forced
to content itself with governing, and being at the head of a league,
which was to unite the forces of the country for common defence
and to regulate all internal affairs. A union of this kind really
existed, though it never entirely attained its end. That it still
continued to exist 516 B. c. is clear, from the fact that when the
inhabitants of Sicyon and ./Egina furnished Cleomenes with ships
to be employed against Argos, each town was condemned to pay a
fine of 500 talents. These penalties could not have been imposed
by Argos as a single town, but in the name of a confederacy which
was weakened and injured by this act." Mull. Dor. i. p. 175.
d. 2ai<}>avios K. T. X. Cf. ix. 74.
BOOK VI. ERATO. 317
CH. XCIII. a. avrcnm avdpdai, men and all. Cf. Jelf, 604, 1,
quoted in i. 52, c.
CH. XCIV. a. '0 5z Tliparis Cf. i. 2, d. avafiinvf}ffKovr6<; rt
(c.r.X. Cf. v. 105.
b. yrjv Tt Kat vSwp, cf. iv. 126, b., v. 17-
c. 'Apra06pva Cf. v. 25, and on his appointment as general, as
the king's nephew, iv. 167, a., and Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 231.
CH. XCV. a. TO 'AXrfiov veSiov, meminit Homerus, nominis
caussam testatus, II. vi. 200, ijroi 6 Kcnnridiov TO 'AXrfiov olog aXaro
K. T. X. W. Cf. also v. 102, c., and the ref. there to H., whence it
appears it was the mustering-place for the forces of Cilicia, and
probably the adjacent provinces. On the history read Thirlw. ii.
c. xiv. p. 231.
b. Tip TTpOTfplft ITli K. T. X. Cf. vl. 44.
CH. XCV I. a. vpoff<f>tp6(itvoi accedentes, advecti, approaching,
advancing. B. erumpentes, imientes, bursting forth or out of it.
Schw. iri Lex. So also S. and L. Diet. Cf. v. 109, a., vii. 209, b.
b. iirtl'xov sc. TOV vovv, intended, i. 80, d. On IviirpTjaav TO. tpa,
cf. v. 102, a.
CH. XCVII. a. iv Ty 'Prjvty. Cf. the well-known passage in
Thucyd. i. 13, iii. 104.
b. tTrl TOffoiJTo yt Qpovew eyo enim et ipse in tantum certe sapio, B.
am so far in my sound senses, have so much icisdom in me. This
reading, adopted by Schw. and G., gives a sense preferable to the
in TotavTa tyrtov'tw of the older editions.
c. ol Svo Qioi " The peaceful inhabitants of Delos fled to Tenos,
leaving their rich temple with its treasures to the protection of the
tutelary gods. They screened it by the fame of their sanctuary.
The Persians had heard that Delos was the birth-place of two.
deities, who corresponded to those which held the foremost rank
in their own religious system, the sun and moon. This compari-
son was probably suggested to them by some Gk who wished to
save the temple. It seemed to be confirmed by the intimate union
which the Delian legend established between the divine twins,
whose simultaneous birth was not a universal tenet of the Gk
Theology. Hence, though separately neither of them inspired
the Barbarians with reverence, their common shrine was not only
spared, but, if we may believe the tradition which was current in
the days of Hdtus, received the highest honours from Dads. The
main fact that the temple escaped, though surprising, cannot be
denied. But the rest of the story is not more certain than the
earthquake, by which, as the Delians reported, their island was
shaken after the departure of the Persians, to announce the ca-
lamities that impended over Greece." Thirlw. ii. p. 231. The
same view of the agreement of Apollo and Artemis with the sun
and moon of the Persians, is also taken by Creuzer, Symb. ii. p.
146, quoted by B. Cf. also Mull. Dor. i. p. 31 1.
CH. XCVIII. a. ArjXoc iKivi}Qr) wj t\tyov ol A/)\iot K. T. X. Thu-
318 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
cydides, (ii. 8,) however, states that a short time before the Pelop.
War, there was an earthquake at Delos, the first in the memory
of man ; whence Miiller, Dor. i. p. 332, comes to the conclusion
" that Hdtus had no knowledge of that mentioned by Thucydides,
and that Thucydides had never heard of the other, which occurred
before his time, nor had read the statement of Hdtus." But as
Hdtus lived, as is evident from vii. 133, 137, and from this very
ch., in the Pelop. War, it is hardly probable that either he or Thu-
cydides could have forgotten such a circumstance ; hence Arnold,
in his note on the passage, suggests that as in Thucyd. ii. c. 16,
dpri is used to describe what took place just after the Persian In-
vasion, so in Thucyd. ii. 8, 6\iyov must be taken, with the same
degree of latitude, to mean 70 years. This explanation does not
differ greatly from that of W. V. and Bloomfield consider the
words we iXtyov oi AjXioi to show that the story rested on the ve-
racity of the Delians, and that Hdtus and Thucydides did not be-
lieve it.
b. 677-i yap Aapttov K. r. X. " Darius Hystaspes 521 485 B. c.
Xerxes 1.485 465 B.C. Artabanus reigned 7 months. Arta-
xerxes I. Long. 465 425, B. c." Lists of kings, Smith's D. of Gr.
and R. Biog. Observe that Hdtus here speaks of the reign of
Artaxerxes as past: he therefore wrote this after 425 B. c. D. p.
31. Cf. i. 130, b.
c. uit' UVT'EWV TUV Koyvfjxilwv K. T. X. from their leading powers them-
selves contending for dominion. This undoubted allusion to the
Pelop. War, seems the only one omitted in the excellent Chrono-
logical Table in Long's Summary of Hdtus. That Hdtus lived
nearly to the conclusion of that struggle, is evident from i. 130, b.,
and iii. 15, e. See also the remarks of D. 1. I. p. 31.
d. Svvarai Sk KaXeoitv. That the conclusion of this ch. is Hdtus'
own composition is, at least, not doubted by H., who thence, as
well as from the use he has made of the muster-roll of the Persian
force, his powers of travelling, &c. &c., infers that Hdtus undoubt-
edly understood the Persian language. The perplexity that has
arisen from the difference between the Gk historians and the Jew-
ish chroniclers in the names of the kings of Persia, is the less to
be wondered at, as the names of these monarchs were only titles
or surnames of which Hdtus here gives a translation. H. Persians,
Preface.
CH. C. a. rove rerpaKicFxiXiovG K. r. X. Cf. V. 77, d. b.
b. iic\nriiv rriv TTO\IV t ra aepa Ey/Sotjjg, to leave the city and go to,
&c. Jelf, 646, 1. Cf. iii. 62, a. Thirlw. ii. p. 232, " But the
city of Eretria itself was wavering and divided, one party was
honest but timid, and proposed to follow the example of the Nax-
ians and retire to the mountains ; but there were others who were
eager to purchase the favour of the Persians by betraying their
country." The a/cpa were in the E. part of the island, between
Carystus and Geraestus, a mountainous and rocky district, with an
BOOK VI. ERATO. 319
iron-bound coast, that bore the name of ra KoTXa Ei;/3o('i}c, cf. viii.
13, a., where the Persian fleet could not have approached. B.
Cf. Virgil, j?En. xi. 260, " Euboicse cautes ultorque Caphareus." V.
c. dXXoi 81 airiuv, If Xenophon, Hell. iii. 1, 4, is to be believed,
Gongylus the Eretrian was the only man who took part with the
Persians, and received from Darius certain cities in Asia Minor as
the reward of his treachery. B. 'Kptrpwwv ra. TrpiDra, the leading
man among the Eretrians, cf. ix. 78, b.
CH. CI. a. ra ipd avXtioavTie K. r. X. Cf. v. 102, b. "The city
with its temples was plundered, burnt, and razed to the ground :
according to one tradition, which, whoever, rests on the half-poeti-
cal testimony of Plato, the Persian host swept the whole territory
of Eretria, as it had done in Samos and other islands." Thirlw. /. /.
CH. OIL a. KaTtoyovrig rt troXXuv Athenienses in angustias
cogentes et concludentes, reducing the Athenians to great straits. Cf.
V. 63, and Thucyd. vi. 6. Kartlpyov aiirovc r<j> TroXJ^y K- r. X. W.
b. ;> yap 6 Map0wv K. r. X. " The army landed in the plain,
where a level tract, five miles in length and two in breadth, affords
one of the few situations to be found in the rugged land of Attica,
favourable to the movements of the cavalry." Thirlw. /. /.
CH. CIII. a. ffrpanjyoi lisa. Cf. H. P. A. 152, 153, from
which it will suffice to quote, that of the offices filled by elections
by public vote, the most important were those connected with the
army ; namely, the ten Strategi, and ten Taxiarchs ; with two
Hipparchs and ten Phylarchs, for the command of the cavalry
exclusively : that the navy was also commanded by the Strategi,
for the Trierarchs cannot be considered public officers ; that the
particular qualifications for the Strategi were, that they should
be living in honourable matrimony and possess landed property;
that their duties were not confined to service in the field and
the enlistment of troops, but extended in time of peace to every
thing connected with the service: that they had the right of
calling public assemblies and proposing measures connected with
their office ; and that, as their political influence and duties within
the state increased, they receded further and further from the
original design of their appointment ; so that instead of the ten, who
at first all took the field, only three were so employed, cf. Wach-
smuth i. 2, p. 49, and eventually only two, cf. Boeckh, (Econ. i. p.
243, the third remaining in the city to attend to the immediate
exigencies of the force employed. Cf. also in Smith's D. of A.,
b. iraripa Ki/iwva Cf. vi.39 41. aviXtodai TtBp'nnrifi Cf. vi.35, a.
c. TO>VTO tZtvtiKaaQai K. r. X. transferred (the glory of) the same to
Miltiades, &c. Thus B., following Schneider's Lex. in considering
tK^spt uOat as nearly=7rorpafo6vai avaKr)pvx,Qijvai in the next sentence ;
a sense apparently preferable to Schw. Lex. Herod. iicQfpiodai,
reportare victoriam, followed in S. and L. D. Lange's translation
agrees with B., iibcrtrag er's seincm leillichen Bnuter.
320 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
d. iTfpjv TTJG fia KO/X.T/C Ka\eofj.tvr)s bov. ultra tiam, qua, quod trans
Ccelam ducat, nomen inde suum accepit. Schw. Coele, the hollow,
a demus in the suburbs of Athens, particularly used as a burial-
place, near the Meletian gates and not far from the Cerameicus.
CH. CIV. a. viroSiKafitvoi, lying in wait for him. On the cause
of Miltiades' acquittal, viz. his conquest of Lemnos, though, ac-
cording to the letter of Athenian law, he was liable to the penalty
of tyranny, cf. Thirlw. ii. p. 236.
CH. CV. a. //ufpo#p6/uov a courier, one icho can run during the
entire day. j//upopo/xoi>c, ut Livii utar verbis xxxi. 24, Gneci vo-
cant, ingens uno die cursu emetientes spatium ; qui iidem et 5po//o/e//-
pvKtc vocantnr et t'lfjupoffKoiroi, day-watchers, look-outs. Cf. vii. 182. B.
b. Havbs tpbv, Remains of this shrine are yet to be found under
the Acropolis, not far from the narrow flight of steps which lead
to the summit on the N. side. It was in a natural cave or grotto in
the Cecropian rock, naKpai, or KticpOTriai Trtrpai*
c. \a(jiirdl>i with a torch race ; \ap.7ra$7)<popia, s. Xa^TraSovxoc ciyuv,
held in honour of Vulcan, Prometheus, Pan, Minerva, and Diana, all
in some degree symbolic of the celestial or elementary fire. B. Hence
called Oiol irvpipopoi. The race was also called Xa/i:raodpo/i<'a, and
the principal festival in which it was held, 'H^aiortia ; as in honour
of Vulcan ; cf. viii. 98. Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Ant., Lampa-
dephoria, from which the following is borrowed. " As to the man-
ner of the XafnraSriQopia, there are some things difficult to under-
stand. The case stands thus. We have two accounts, which
seem contradictory. First, it is represented as a course, in which
a Xctfiirag was carried from one point to another by a chain of run-
ners, each of whom formed a successive link. The first, after
running a certain distance, handed it to the second, the second
in like manner to the third, and so on, till it reached the point
proposed. Hence the game is used by Herodotus, (viii. 98,) as a
comparison whereby to illustrate the Persian ayyapijcov, by Plato,
as a living image of successive generations of men, as also in the
well-known line of Lucretius, ii. 77,
' Et quasi cursores vitai lampada tradunt.'
And it is said that the art consisted in the several runners carry-
ing the torch unextinguished through their respective distances,
those who let it go out losing all share of honour. Now, if this
were all, such explanation might content us. But, secondly, we
are plainly told that it was an ayuiv, the runners are said //iXXa<r0a( ;
some are said to have won (vucav Xafjnradi). The Schol. on Aristoph.
Ran. 1035, talks of rove. IXTTUTOVS rp'ixovTa, which shows that a
number must have started at once.
" This second account implies competition. But in a chain of
runners, each of whom handed the torch to the next man succes-
sively, where could the competition be ? One runner might be said
to lose he who let the torch out ; but who could be said to tcin f
" We offer the following hypothesis in answer to this question.
BOOK VI. ERATO. 321
Suppose that there were several chains of runners, each of which
had to carry the torch the given distance. Then both conditions
would be fulfilled. The torch would be handed along each chain
which would answer to the first condition of successive delivery.
That chain in which it travelled most quickly and soonest reached
its destination would be the winner, which would answer to the
second condition, it being a race between competitors." See more
in Sheppard's Notes on Theophrastus, p. 184.
CH. CVI. a. Stvripalog K.T.\. "The Athenian courier travel-
ling with breathless haste, reached Sparta the next day after he
had left Athens." Thirlw. in I. In the article Pheidippides, Class.
Diet, the distance between Athens and Sparta is computed at
about 152 miles. So also D., p. 73, computes the distance at 26
G. miles ;* which, reckoned at 40 stadia, or 4| English miles, see
Mr. Cox's note, p. 72, would make it about 156 English miles.
Mr. Cox, however, states the distance between Athens and Sparta
at about 1 1 7 Engl. miles ; which would make Pheidippides' feat
no such marvel.
b. 776X1 aa9tvi0Tipri, and Greece has become weaker by an im-
portant city. Cf. Jelf, 609, 1, quoted in i. 184, a. TJV -yap iaran'tvov
TOV firjvbf K. r. X. Cf. vi. 57, c. Thirlw. remarks, " if the intentions
of the Spartans were honourable, they did not feel the urgency of
the juncture. The moon wanted some days of the full : to set out
on an expedition in this interval, at least in the month then pass-
ing, which was probably that of the great Carnean festival, was
contrary to one of the fundamental maxims of their superstition ;
and they dismissed the messenger with promises of distant suc-
cour." In the appendix 3d to the same vol. the question is dis-
cussed of the date of this event and of the battle of Marathon,
which it seems most probable fell on the 16th or 17th of the month
Carneus or Metageitnion. That it was in the month Carneus alone
that the Spartans would not set out before the full moon, is thought
also by Mull. Dor. ii. p. 264. On the Carnea, cf. vii. 206, a.
CH. CVII. a. Trrapttv TO Kai /37jai. See on omens drawn from
things apparently of no importance when occurring at a critical
moment, such as sneezing, twinkling of the eyes, tinkling of the
ears, &c. Smith's D. of A., Divinatio.
CH. CVIII a. tiwav Si wd f K. r. X. Cf. v. 79, a. Thucyd. iii. 55.
A similar instance of zeal to that of the Platseans here spoken of,
fiot)QiovTfe n\araie Travdrjuti, occurred on Hannibal's advance upon
Rome, 211 B. c. " The Latin colony of Alba, having seen Han-
nibal pass by their walls, and guessing the object of his march,
sent its whole force to assist in the defence of Rome ; a zeal which
the Greek writers compared to that of Plataea, whose citizens fought
alone by the side of the Athenians on the day of Marathon."
Mr. Cox says geographical miles, by which must be meant German geographical
miles of 8101 yards each ; not English geographical miles of 2025 yards.
Y
322 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Arnold, H. of Rome, iii. p. 245. ov Kara ivvo'n\v K. r. X. Cf. on this
charge against the Spartan character, ix. 54, a.
b. iiriKovpiT] ^v\pri. a cold, i. e. rain, assistance. Cf. ix. 49, b. On
the altar of the 12 gods, cf. ii. 7, b., and on the custom of suppli-
ants, Smith's D. of A., Ara.
c. se Boiwrovg TtXknv. to be reckoned as Boeotians. Cf. ii. 51, a.
'Yfftac, cf. v. 74, a.
CH. CIX. a. ac $1 Si^a K. r. X. " The Athenian army was com-
manded, according to the constitution of Cleisthenes, by ten ge-
nerals : at their head was the Polemarch Callimachus, whose
authority and influence was the only security for the unity of their
counsels. He was entitled by law to the command of the right
wing, and to the casting vote in every question on which the voices
of the ten should be equally split." Thirlw. in I. On the Pole-
march, and the nine Athenian archons generally, cf. H. P. A.
138, who observes that in the occasion here mentioned occurs the
latest trace of the military character of this office. Cf. refs in vi.
103, ., and Smith's D. of A., Archon.
b. Qtwv TO. Iff a vtpovTtiiv Cf. vi. 11, b.
CH. CXI. a. airo rai'rije yap Trjg p.axnc., for from this battle, i. e.
ever since the time of this battle. On the commemoration of the
Plataeans in the Great Panathenaea, cf. v. 56, a.
b. rb GTpuToirtSov tZiaovpivov K. T. X. " That the front of the Athe-
nians might not be so unequal in length as to endanger their Hanks,
it was necessary that their ranks should be uniformly or partially
weakened. Miltiades undoubtedly foresaw the consequences of
his arrangement, when he strengthened his wings at the expense
of the centre, which was opposed to the strongest, perhaps the
only formidable, part of the enemy's force. Thirlw. in I
CH. CXII. a. ra <r0ayia K.T.\. Cf. vi. 76, b.
b. we diriiOriffav ol 'A0. K.T.X. when the Athenians were moved for-
ward, lit. lei loose against the enemy, they advanced at a run. B.
cnrtiOriaav Ion. for a<f>iiQi}aav. 1 aor. pass, from a<j)itjfn.
c. fiaviriv rt Tolffi .... dXiOpirjv, they imputed madness to the
Athenians, and that, a madness that would altogether be their ruin.
Cf. viii. 10. See on the narrative, Thirlw. L I. ii. c. 14, p. 239,
seo.q., and the remarks of D. 8, 1, p. 132.
CH. CXIII. . Stiicat Cf. iii. 93, d., vfi. 64, a., and on Mara-
thon, vi. 102, b., and Marathon, Class. Diet. TO TfTpa^ivov, cf.
Jelf, 436, y., quoted in i. 136, b.
(L Trf'p Tt aiTtov K.T.X. Hdtus, when he wrote this, had probably
in his mind Hector's address to the Trojans, II. xv. 718, Olairt vvp
K. T. X. Schw.
CH. CXIV a. Kvveyfipoe K.T.X. "The victors took 7 ships,
and Cynegirus, a brother of the poet JEschylus, gained immortal
glory, by clinging to one till his hand was cut off with a hatchet.
Callimachus and one of the generals, Stesilaus, were also left on the
field." Thirlw. in 1. irovip, action, engagement. Cf. iv. 1,6., vii. 224.
BOOK VI. ERATO. 323
b. rwv atj>\dffTwv vrjbg, " The atpXaarov, in Latin apltistre, was an
ornament of wooden planks which constituted the highest part of
the poop of a ship. . . It rose immediately behind the gvibernator
who held the rudder and guided the ship, and it served in some
degree to protect him from the wind and rain. In consequence of
its conspicuous position and beautiful form, the aplustre was often
taken as the emblem of maritime affairs. It was carried' off as a
trophy by the conqueror in a naval engagement. Juvenal, x. 135,
mentions it among the decorations of a triumphal arch." See
Smith's D. of A., Aplustre ; from which the above is borrowed. A
figure is there given of the ornament.
CH. CXV. a. tZavaicpovoaptvoi citatis s. valide pulsatis remis
sese recipientes ; pushing or rowing off in haste. Schw. In S. and
L. D., Schw.'s earlier interpretation of retiring or putting off by
backing water (cf. viii. 84, a.) is preferred. It seems, however,
rather irreconcilable with what is said about Cynegirus' seizing
the (irpXaCTTOV.
b. aiTiri ft taxf sc. OVTOVQ, used inversely for ain'ijv ia\ov. a charge
or imputation was laid at their door, they were accused or charged. See
S. and L. D., alria. " the house of the Alcmaeonids was charged
with having hoisted a shield, as a signal to invite them. Thirlw.
CH. CXVI. a. we TToSuv ilxov as they were off in regard to feet,
as fast as their feet could carry them. Cf. i. 30, c., ix. 59, viii. 107-
b. ry<rt vrjvai vfciaiwprjQivTtt; 4>aXjpow K. r. X. laying to with their
ships off Phalerum, for this icas then the arsenal of the Athenians, off
this, I say, holding in their ships, (i. e. riding at anchor,) they then, &c.
CH. CXVII. a. 'Ev Tavry ry K. T.\. On the loss on either side
and the real numbers of the two armies, the numerical inequality
of which may probably be reduced to a proportion of five to one,
see the excellent remarks of Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 242, and on the
legends of the fight, p. 243. rov (for ov) TO yiveiov (ma>. Cf.
Jelf, 889, a., Accus. with Irifin. instead of Verbum jinitum in Oratio
oblirjua, quoted in i. 24, a.
CH. CXVIII. a. Si iriiav tiKoffi, after twenty years. Jelf, 627 f
2. Cf. iii. 97, b.
CH. CXIX. a. <iXXa o<j>ia . . . . iv <rra0/iw tuvrov. " When the
captive Eretrians were brought to Darius, he was satisfied, cf. vi.
30, a., with planting them in a part of his own domain, in the
Cissian village of Ardericca." Thirlw. This royal residence,
oTa9po, station or mansion on the royal road, (cf. v. 52, a.,) as D.,
p. 57, terms it, " which was 5 miles from Susa, is not to be con-
founded with the Babylonian Ardericca." i. 185, d. On the Per-
sian custom of transplanting captive nations, cf. ii. 104, a., i. 155,
d. On Cissia, cf. iii. 91, //.
b. avr\ftrui KjjXov>jfy, it is baled out with a crane, or hydraulic en-
gine, cf. i. 193, b. iapevT)v,a cistern, cf. iii. 9, b. vnoru-J/as, dipping
down, cf. iii. 130, d., and ii. 136, c.
*/* * * T - * " Hdtus remarks that these unwilling
y 2
324 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
colonists preserved their native language still in his time, that is,
in the time of his actual presence there. Had he not visited and
himself found there these transplanted Greeks, what he says of
their language would not have been worth his mentioning so early
as the second, or even the third generation one more proof this
that Hdtus performed his travels in his riper years." D. I. I.
CH. CXX. a. diox&ioi " The number of the Spartan reinforce-
ment is so small as to lend some colour to a tradition, which rests
on the authority of Plato, the slightest of all on such points, that
they had been occupied in suppressing some insurrection in Mes-
senia." Thirlw. c. xiv. p. 244. wore rptraloi ic. T.\. cf. vi. 106, a.
CH. CXXL a. QUVJJ.O. Sk /ioi K. r. X. On this ch. see the remarks
of D. p. 42.
CH. CXXII. a. This whole chapter is by L. and others thought
spurious : it is retained in B. as genuine, on the authority of Schw.,
G., and Matthiae ; though he considers the words /*v/;/*ii> .... i\uv
certainly not written by Hdtus.
b. Hv9ta t Trporepov ai/\6fttvoc K. r. X. This first victory of Cal-
lias falls probably in Olymp. liv. 564 B. c. B. tyavepwQrj c rove
"EXXjjvac, indaruit, conspicuus fuit apud omnes Grcecos. Schw. Lex.
rtOpiTTTry, cf. vi. 35, a.
CH. CXXIII a. oi 'AXKfiattaviSat K. T. X. Cf. V. 62, b. d., 63, a.
seqq., 66, b., vi. 131, b., and on Pisistratus, Harmodius, &c., v. 55,
b., and refs.
CH. CXXV. a. Trpog TTJV S(t>ptijv .... 7rpo<r0fpe, ad donum. illud,
sc. capiendum, tale inventum attulit Cattias : to be able to take such a
present as this he brought to bear or applied the following contrivance.
Schw. B. suggests that perhaps iwvrbv may be understood after
irooal>. accessit, se attulit, ad id quod ipsi erat permissum.
b. icai Trobe, and in addition. Cf. Jelf, 640, quoted in iii. 74, a.
rtflpiTTTrorpo^jjffac, Cf. vi. 35, a., and Find. Pyth. vii. 13, where pro-
bably the same victory that Hdtus here speaks of is alluded to as
fiia 8" se7rp7r)e Aiog 'OXu/iTriaf. W.
CH. CXX VI. a. rol<n KXtioGivw .... tlxt, for whom Clisthenes
had made a race-course and a pal&stra, and kept them ready for this
very purpose, viz. for trying the merits of the rivals. On the contest
for the hand of the d. of Clisthenes, cf. Thirlw. i. c. x. p. 425,
where, with regard to the Pheidon, king of Argos, mentioned in
the next chapter, it is given, as the most probable hypothesis, that
Hdtus confounded him with the more ancient king of the same
name.
CH. CXXVII. a. r\ Si Zvfiapic. On the dissensions that raged
in this town, and its destruction, 510 B. c., cf. Thirlw. ii. c. xii. p.
153, seqq. Cf. also on Siris, v. 44, a. rov virepQvvroc r"E\Xr;vac
K. T. X. who surpassed the Greeks in strength. On the accus. here,
cf. Jelf, 504, obs. 2.
b. #i'<Woc K. T. X. On the power of Pheidon I., 748 B. c., his
introduction of a new system of weights and measures, and his
BOOK VI. ERATO. 325
depriving the Elaeans of their presidency at the Olympic games,
cf. Thirlw. i. c. 9, p. 358, and c. 10, p. 385, also H. P. A. 33. Kai
Ar)v IK Tlaiov K. r. X. and Laphanes s. of Euphorion, an Azenian from
the city of, <fec. Azania, a district of Arcadia on the borders of Elis.
c. T&V ^KOTraSkwv This family and that of the Aleuadee, of which
it was a branch, were the two most noble in Thessaly. " An
Aleuas, or a Scopas, were upon extraordinary occasions invested
with the chief command in war, but the dignity was not hereditary.
The spirit of most of the states of Thessaly was aristocratic ; the
Aleuada; in Larissa, and the Scopadse in Cranon, appear in par-
ticular to have been the relics of royal houses retaining the charac-
teristics of Tyrannies," &c. H. P. A. 178. Cf. Smith's C. D.,
Aleuas, Thirlw. i. c. 10, p. 438, and v. 63, b.
CH. CXXVIII. a. opyjje, temper, disposition, turn of mind. Cf.
i. 73, c. tv ry avveoTol, during the banquet, while feasting. Schw.
Cf. S. and L. D. on the word.
b. Kv^/tXiSytri On Cypselus and his descendants, cf. v. 92, 2,
(?., and Thirlw. i. c. 10, p. 419.
CH. CXXIX. a. 'Qg St TOV yauov, and when the appointed day
came for the celebration or consummation of the marriage. W. /cara-
icAttrie, from placing the bride on the couch, or from reclining at the
marriage feast. On the double gen. here, cf. Jelf, 543, 1, quoted
in vi. 2, a.
b. Kal T< XtyojuEvy tc TO ptcrov. and on whatever might happen to be
the subject of conversation : sermonibus in media propositis, s. corain
reliquis habitis. B. In the line above, w$ Sk cnrb Stiwvav tykvovro,
and when they were after supper, after they had done supper, Jelf,
620, 2, 'ATTO. Temporal. Departure from a point, after.
c. KUT'E^WV TroXXbv rotif dXXovz greatly attracting the attention of
the rest ; occupying them in observing him ; or it may mean restrain-
ing, deterring, by his skill in the art, the others from entering into
a contest with him. Schw.
d. i/jifiiXiiav. " Each department of the Drama had a peculiar
style of dance suited to its character. That of Tragedy was called
tppsXeta ; that of Comedy, icopdaZ ; that of the Satyric drama, aiKiwtg.
Gk Theatre, p. 126. It is probable, however, from what follows,
that the tune of the dance here spoken of was of the Comic or
lascivious kind, in which sense Hesychius, quoted by Schw., says
the word is sometimes used.
e. 6p\tiaaTo a^Ttfidria = op%ov. Accus. of cognate notion. Jelf,
556, b. Cf. M tiller, Dor. ii. p. 344, referring to this passage.
" Peculiar kinds of Lacedaemonian dances were in existence at the
time of Clisthenes of Sicyon ; they consisted as well of motions of
the hands as of the feet, as Aristoxenus states of several ancient
national dances." Cf. also Smith's D. of A., Saltatio and Chorus.
f. cnrb TOVTOV plv TOVTO ovvofia^trai, from this circumstance there-
fore this proverb took its origin.
CH. CXXX. a. lyyvu vouoiai K.T.X. I betroth my daughter
326 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
according to (in agreement with) the customs of the Athenians. Cf.
Jelf, 634, 3, c.
CH. CXXXI. a. KXeiff&vjjc; 6 rag fvXas K. r. X. Cf. notes on v.
66, seqq., and on Clisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, v. 67, a.
b. ovrog Tf tit) K. T. X. The following table, for the better part of
which the reader is indebted to the Oxford Chron. Tables, will
show the genealogy which follows. See further on the Alcmae-
onidae, refs given in vi. 123, a.
ALCM.EOK.
Megacles, rival of Peisistratus, i. 52.
Alcmaeon 6 Kpoiaov fttyoc, vi. 125.
Megacles, vi. 129, married Agariste, d. of Clisthenes of Sicyon.
Clisthenes, v. 66, Hippocrates
vi. 131.
Megacles Agariste, m. Xanthippus, s. of
| Ariphron, viii. 131.
Dinomache, m. Cleinias, Pericles, who was guardian and
viii. 17, a. 2nd cousin to Alcibi-
Alcibiades. ades.
CH. CXXXII. a. Mmi It K.T.X. On the circumstances nar-
rated in this and the following chs, cf. Thirlw. ii. c. 14, p. 245.
T(>u>fia, overthrow, i. 18, a.
CH. CXXXIII. a. 7rp6<rx?/ia a pretext. Cf. iv. 167, b.
b. ry naXiora. taicf K. T. X., and in several places tchere the wall was
esy of assault, there, at night, it was raised to double its original
height, taicf, Epic and Ion. for f/v, " was ;" in Homer used as a
simple imperfect ; in Hdtus it denotes a frequent repetition. Cf.
i. 196, vii. 119. Matth. Gr. Gr. 217, obs.
CH. CXXXIV. a. viroZctKopov an under priestess. Cf. Smith's
D. of A., ZaKopoi.
b. BtopcHp. Aj/jjrpoc cf. ii. 171, b. and refs. tpKog .... fityapov,
cf. i. 47, a.
CH. CXXXV. a. <j>Xavpwg J^wr, being poorly or ill, cf. iii. 129, b.
b. il KaravprioovTai if they shall put to death, desjjatch, cf. iv.
146, a.
CH. CXXXVI. a. OQ 9avdrov virayayaiv K.T.X. who, having
brought a capital charge against Miltiades before the commons, prose-
cuted him for having deceived the Athenians. Qavarov. Cf. Jelf,
501, obs. I, Causal Gen. The fine or punishment is also in the
genitive, the fine being considered as the equivalent of the offence.
inrb T. Srjfii. the preposition referring to his being set below the judge,
the judgment-seat being raised. Jelf, 639, iii. 1, a. On the ad-
dition of tivtctv, cf. Jelf, 501, obs. 2. See H. P. A. 128130,
and Smith's D. of A., 'EocX)<n'a.
b. irpocH/isvou fo avrov K. T. X. " He was brought on a couch into
court, where his brother Tisagoras pleaded for him before the
BOOK VI. ERATO. 327
people, which sat at once as judge and as sovereign. As judge it
condemned him ; as sovereign, on the ground of his services at
Marathon and at Lemnos, it commuted the capital penalty for a
fine of fifty talents. As he could not immediately raise this sum,
he was cast into prison, where he soon after died of his sore."
Thirlw. ii. p. 245. In his discussion of the justness of this sen-
tence, Thirlw. hardly seems to clear the Athenians from the charge
of gross ingratitude. According to Plato, in the Gorgias, p. 516,
E., quoted by W., Miltiades was at first condemned to be thrown
down the barathrum, from which, after all, he had but a narrow
escape. It was into this horrible pit, garnished with spikes or a
grating at the mouth to prevent the escape of the criminal, and
spiked at the bottom to lacerate or kill him, that the Persian
heralds were cruelly thrown, vii. 133. Cf. Wachsmuth, ii. p. 254.
Much of the same kind was the dungeon now shown at Rome as
the Tullianum Robur, or Career, where criminals were thrown.
See the quotations given in Smith's D. of A., Career.
CH. CXXXVII. a. Aijfivov ic.r.X. IliXaoyoi K.T.\. See on
the narrative Thirlw. ii. c. xiv. p. 237 ; on the Pelasgians, &c., v. 26,
a., i. 57, a., 94, h., and on Hecatreus, ii. 143, a., and D. p. 85.
b. JlfXaeryoi, iirii re K. r. X. The construction of what follows in
this ch. is noticed by Matth. Gr. Gr. 631. Anacolutha take place
principally when the principal proposition is interrupted by a
parenthesis. After longer parentheses the principal proposition
itself is left incomplete: Herod, vi. 137- UtXayyol K.T.\ tire
dSiiciitc .... then follows a parenthesis, TOVTO yap OVK t^aj 0pa<rai,
&c., containing the different causes assigned of that expulsion, to
the end of the chapter, and to the commencement of c. 138, ravra
ft 'A9ijvaioi Xiyovffi, and the continuation of the interrupted pro-
position, oi i IltXaeryoi OVTOI, &C.
c. tiTti re -yap IStiv K. r. X. See Thirlw. i. ch. ii. p. 38.
d. Tijv 'EvvtaKpovvov, the nine springs. This fountain, which was
also called Callirhoe, took its rise at the foot of Mt Hymettus.
The water was conducted by the Pisistratidee into Athens, as ap-
pears from Thucyd. ii. 15, and distributed through nine pipes. See
Smith's I), of A., Aquee Ductus.
CH. CXXXVIII. a. ol & mXa<ryot olroi K.r.X. Cf. iv. 145,
and Thirlw. ii. c. xiv. p. 237. irtvTrjKovTtpove aT^aa^ivoi, placing
their fifty-oared galleys in convenient positions.
b. TUQ rwv 'AQqvaiwv yvvaiicas " It is worth while observing that
the Athenians, who called themselves 'AQrjvaiot, never gave their
women the name of 'A9t]valat, because Minerva is called in Homer
'A9t]vaia. They designated their women by a periphrasis, as here,
or by the word 'Atrrai, because Athens was called "Aarv, or the
city, by way of excellence." L., in the Oxfd. Transl. On the
festival here spoken of at Brauron, cf. Smith's D. of A., Brauronia.
c. el fij $iaytvw<TKO(v .... Sif9tv voiijaovai ; quidnam factun essent
hi pueri, quando adulti forent, qui jam constitutum habeant sibi in-
328 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
vicem pra-sto esse contra legitimarum uxorum pueros atque his velint
dominari? Schw., "if (thought they) these boys are already minded
to aid each other against the children of our legitimate wives and are
now trying to domineer over them, ichat, forsooth, will they not do
when they are grown to man's estate ? "
d. Tovg ufia QoavTi iivSpag, K. r. X. As Thoas, according to the
tradition, was preserved by Hypsipyle, it is better, either with B.,
to translate, their husbands tvho came with Thoas to Lemnos, or with
Schw., their husbands who lived loith Thoas, i. e. in his time, than
with L. to understand that Thoas was killed as well as the others.
e. vivopiGTai .... Aj/ma KaXitaQai. Cf. JEschyl. Choeph. 631.
KCIKWV tit Trptff/3tverat TO Arjfiviov
Aoyy' yoarai Si SrjiroQtv Kara-
iTTVffTov' fjicafftv 5k rig
TO Ssivbv av Arifivioiai irfjfiamv.
CH. CXXXIX. a. ovrt yij Kapirov K. T. \. Cf. Hi. 65, where the
same calamities are imprecated by Cambyses, and Thirlw. /. I.
CH. CXL. a. tTrjcduv aveptav The Etesian or periodical northerly
winds. " They blew in the .ZEgean 40 days from the rising of the
dog-star." Cf. vii. 168, and ii. 20, where they are the Egyptian mon-
soons, which blew from the north all the summer. S. and L. D.
b. vrft . . . . l 'EX c TTJV Arjfjivov, " From Elaeos in the Cher-
sonese of Thrace to Lemnos is only 38 G. miles." R. 24, p. 679.
Cf. also iv. 86, a.
c. 'RipaiffTiitf. The name of the town Hephsestia, as also JEthalia,
the ancient name of the island, arose without doubt from the vol-
canic nature of the whole place ; so often alluded to in the legends
of Lemnos as the seat of Vulcan's forge. Cf. Soph. Philoct. 800.
II. i. 593; and Smith's C. D., Lemnos.
BOOK VII. POLYMNIA.
PREPARATIONS OF DARIUS HIS DEATH SUCCESSION OF XERXES
HIS EXPEDITION AGAINST GREECE, DOWN TO THE BATTLE
OF THERMOPYLAE.
CH. I. a. Ktxapavpevov from -^apaaato, to sharpen, or whet ;
hence, to exasperate or enrage. Cf. Eurip. Med. 156, quoted by
Schw. Kiivif ToSt fir) xapaffffov. See on the narrative, Thirlw. ii. c.
15, p. 248, seqq.
b. vf.ac ships of war. i. q. vijtg naicpal, cf. vi. 48, i. 2, b., as dis-
tinguished from ;rXoia, transports. V.
BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 329
c. 17 'Auitj iSovifTo Asia was in commotion. S. and L. D. " For
three years all Asia was kept in a continual stir : in the fourth, 486
B. c., Darius was distracted by other cares ; by a quarrel in his
family and by an insurrection in Egypt." Thirlw. ii. p. 248. On
the previous chronology of the war and the events that, led to it,
cf. vi. 46, a. On the subsequent events see Clinton's Fast. Hell.,
or the Chronological Table in Long's Summary, p. 162, and com-
pare with the Oxfd Tables, or the Chronology at the end of E.
Hist, of Gr.
CH. II. a. d> Stl fitv airoci^avTa K. r. X. " For the preventing of
civil war in tne empire, it was an ancient usage among the Per-
sians, that, before their king went out to any dangerous war, his
successor should be declared." Prid. Connect, pt. i. bk. iv. The
existence of this law appears to be mentioned by Hdtus alone. W.
Another instance of it occurs in i. 208, c., Cyrus committing the
kingdom to Cambyses before setting out against the Massagetse :
so in Thucyd. i. 9, quoted by W., Eurystheus, before marching
against the Heraclidae, gives the government into the hands of
Atreus.
b. f/aav yap Aap. e. r. X. On the children and wives of Darius cf.
iii. 88, c. On the right of succession and respect to the family of
Cyrus among the Persians, cf. iii. 2, b., 88, a., and the refs to H.
CH. III. a. Ajjjuapjjroj K. r. X. Cf. vi. 70.
b. Trpo iuvTov, rather than, or, in preference to himself, potiiis quam
ipsurn. .<?Esch. Sep. C. Th. 930. Svadaifiwv TTDO jraaiav yvvaucUJv. Cf.
Jelf, 619, 3, b.
c. rj yap 'Aroffcra ei^e TO irav Kpdrog. See H. Persians, ch. ii. p.
229, seqq. " Among the powerful causes of the decay of the em-
pire was the monstrous corruption of the court, or rather of the
harem. Every thing was here subject to the influence of the
eunuchs, of the reigning queen, or, still more, of the queen-mother.
It is necessary to have studied in the Court History of Ctesias the
character and violent actions of an Amytis or Amsstris, or still
more a Parysatis, to form an adequate idea of the nature of such
a harem-government, &c. Cf. also p. 256, ix. 109, 113, and Ctesias,
Pers. 42, &c. As the selection of the heir was left to the monarch,
cf. iii. 2, b., and his decisions were commonly influenced by his
queen, the power of the queen-mother became still more consider-
able among the Persians than among the Turks. As the education
of the heir to the crown was mainly intrusted to his mother, she
did riot fail early to instil a spirit of dependence on her wishes,
from which the future king was rarely able to emancipate himself.
The narratives of Hdtus and Ctesias respecting the tyrannical in-
fluence of Parysatis, Amestris, and others, bear ample testimony to
the fact."
CH. IV. a. ovSe. ol HtylviTo K.T.\. Cf. iii. 142, a. In the fol-
lowing year, before he had ended his preparations against Egypt
and Attica, he died, and Xerxes mounted the throne ; 485 B. c.
3.>0 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
The authority of Hdtus for the fact of Darius' death before con-
quering Egypt, is of course to be preferred to that of Aristotle,
Rhet. ii. c. 20, who asserts the contrary, probably because it suited
his purpose as a popular example, without paying much regard to
historical accuracy. Thirlw.
CH. V. a. 6 Toivw EtpZrje K. r. X. On the character of Xerxes
cf. Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 249. On Mardonius cf. vi. 43, a. c.
b. AsffTrora, Observe that this title, properly used by a slave to
his master, is here used by a Persian subject to his sovereign ; who
is similarly styled in vii. 35, 38, &c. &c. In the same feeling the sub-
ject nations are called SovXot. Cf. vii. 9, 96, ix. 48. B. Cf. on the
treatment of the conquered nations, iii. 117, b., and H. Pers. ch.
ii. p. 218, seqq. On the leading idea contained in ix. 116, b., cf.
p. 260.
c. ovroq ftlv . . . Tiftcjpof. this speech of his was of a revengeful
nature, had revenge in view, B., or, was a plea for vengeance. S. and
L. D. 7rapevdfiKT]v Tr)v$t, the following digression. Cf. vii. 171.'
CH. VI. a. Kartpydffaro either, he overcame, conquered the re-
luctance of Xerxes, or, understanding Ii tfiovXtro, he accomplished
what he desired, Schw., quoted by B. he prevailed over, persuaded ;
S. and L. D.
b. 'AXtvafewv K. r. X. " The Thessalian house of the Aleuads,
either because they thought their power insecure, or expected to
increase it by becoming vassals of the Persian king, sent their
emissaries to invite him to the conquest of Greece." Thirlw. ii. c.
15, p. 250. Cf. vi. 127, c.
c. TTpoawpeyovro ol, applied themselves eagerly to him, or, were prest>
ing or urgent on him. Much in the same, but in hardly so strong,
a sense, is vpofftQiptTo used in this ch. Schw. On Onomacritus
and his trade in oracles, see the remarks of Thirlw. 1. I. SiuOernv,
most probably, one who puts into order, or, one who collects and
arranges oracles. Lobeck quoted by B.
d. t/iTTotswit inserting, interpolating. On the verses ascribed to
MUSHJUS, cf. v. 90, b.
e. KctTkXiyt TOIV xprjffuwv quoted, or, recited some of his oracles.
Gen. Partit. Cf. Jelf, 533, 3, quoted in iv. 135, b. On the opt.
atriKotTo with the participle OKUQ, expressing a frequently recurring
action, cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 521.
f. tXeyt TOV TI 'EXXrjffTrovrov . . . i^ytofiivog. " Sometimes, when
two actions are expressed, one of which has a greater extent and
comprehends the other, the latter is put in the participle, where
we should have put the finite verb. Matth. Gr. Gr. 556, obs. 1.
CH. VII. a. Stvripy piv trii K.r.X. The revolt of Egypt, 486
B. c. Again subjected by Xerxes, 484 B. c. Inarus revolts in 460
B. c., and overthrows Achsemenes. Cf. E. Orient. H. Chron. Tabl.
An event that dates after the close of Hdtus' history; cf. i. 130, b.
On Achsemenes, and the events in Egypt in connexion with him,
cf. iii. 12, b.
BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 331
CH. VIII. a. Sfpj Sk , . . . ffv\\oyov itr'iK\r]Tov .... IITOUITO, B.
cautions the reader against supposing that it was a common cus-
tom among the Persians for the monarch to summon such an
assembly as we here read of; or, that such an assembly was legally
recognised among them. The monarch was of course despotic;
and a council of the nature here mentioned, if in reality ever sum-
moned, met rather to deliberate on the manner in which a project
should be executed, than to discuss whether it should be executed.
In the words, "if any reliance could be placed on the story told
by Hdtus, about the deliberations held in the Persian cabinet,"
Thirlw. appears to entertain a well-grounded doubt as to the truth
of the whole narration. Indeed, the introduction of such an episode
is so much in character with the genius of our author, bearing, as
it does, no small resemblance to a discussion among the heroes of
his favourite Homer, and is so perfectly in unison with his Greek
ideas, that it would seem more probable that we owe the present
ch. to the peculiar turn of our author's mind, than to any correct
information that he was likely to have received on the subject.
Cf. iii. 80, a., and H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 258. "Another consequence
of such a system, viz. the harem-government, cf. vii. 3, c., was the
insignificance of any thing that could be properly called a council
of state. Affairs of public importance were discussed in the in-
terior of the seraglio, under the influence of the queen-mother, the
favourite wife, and the eunuchs. It was only on occasions of great
expeditions being meditated, or the like, that councils were held
for any length of time, to which the satraps, the tributary princes,
and the commanders of the forces were invited. Herod, vii. 8,
viii. 67. The principal question was for the most part already
settled, and the debate respected only the means of carrying it into
execution. Even in this point, however, the despotic character of
the government manifested itself; since he who gave any advice,
was obliged to answer for its issue ; and in case of ill success the
penalty fell on his own head."
b. 1. ovr avrbe KciTqyfoopai K.T.\. neither will I go before, or,
lead the way in establishing this law among you. riTptn^aaptv fr.
arpipiZw, cf. i. 190, we have remained quiet. B. Cf. ix. 53, arpl-
pag ii\ov TO orparoTr. they kept quiet, or, halted the army.
c. 2. raq 'AOijvag, o'i yt Ipe K. r. X. The mascul. 01 refers to
'A9r}vaioi understood from 'AGijvag. Cf. vi. 92, b. OVK i&yiviro di.
Cf. iii. 142, a.
d. 3. yijv TTJV HtpaiSa K.T.\. We shall make the heavens the
only limits to the Persian dominion ; more literally, we shall render,
or display the land of Persia bordering, or, abutting on, i. e. bounded
by, the heavens alone ; for the sun will look down upon no country
bordering upon ours, but I shall make the whole of them, &c. &c. A
few lines above, avaprjj/uat orpar. / am prepared to lead an expedi-
tion. Cf. i. 90, a.
332 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
e. 4. fv jj/wrepou. tn our land, among us. Cf. i. 35, d. On Jwpa
TO. Tifuwr. cf. iii. 84, a., vi. 41, a.
y. TiQj]pi TO 7rpay/ua EC (tiaov, Hay the matter before you to be dis-
cussed. Cf. vi. 129, 6.
CH. IX. a. lir'iKto K. r. \. You have hit the rii/ht points, sermone
tuo verum acu tetiyisti. Schw. KarayiXaaai i'm.lv On the dative
here, instead of the gen., cf. Jelf, 589, 3, 629, obs., and cf. iii.
155, vii. 146.
b. SovXovc %o/itv Cf. vii. 5, b. B. calls attention to the boastful
exaggeration of this assertion. Of the Sacians, that is, the Scy-
thians, (cf. vii. 64, b.,) only a part obeyed the king of Persia, iii. 93,
d. ; only a very small part of India, iii. 98 ; and of the Ethiopians
only those close to Egypt, iii. 97.
C. 2. owe ?JX0ov tg TOVTOV \6yov wart (jia%ia9ai nunquam ad ejus
rei rationem et caussam, ut mecum in certamen desccnderent, venisse.
W. they did not even come to the matter or consideration of that, i. e.
they never so much as entertained the notion of fighting. Cf. iii. 99, b.
According to Schw., if TOVTOV Xoyov = if; TOVTO.
d. 3. tTTiXtyvag having softened down, smoothed over the speech of
Xerxes. Cf. viii. 142, d. Xiyvag K.T.\. smoothing over, putting a
fair appearance on the speech of Mardonius.
CH. X. a. 1. wffircp TOV xpuffdv rbv .... rbv a/jtiivu). As un-
alloyed gold cannot be distinguished from alloyed by being rubbed
upon it, it is agreed by Schw., B., and Creuzer, that by Traparpt't//.
a\\. xP va V must be understood, not, when we have rubbed it upon
other, i. e. alloyed gold, but, when we have rubbed it, (viz. upon a
touchstone, t!g fiaaavov, the lapis Lydius,) with or beside other gold ;
i. e. we know the pure from the alloyed by rubbing them both upon a
touchstone, and seeing the difference of the marks they leave. So also
S. and L. D.
b. Eyoi Si Kal Trarpl K. T.\. Cf. iv. 83.
b. 2. cat Srj ffwriviiKf Aoristus h. 1. latius patet. Verte acci-
dere sane potest ; it may in truth come to pass, &c. Nun kann es
sich zutragen. Lange. B.
c. ovKiav d/j.(poTf(>-g ff<f>i s^wpjjfff . well then, put the case, that they do
not succeed in both ways ; i. e. both by land and sea. See the able
discussion on the Greek Aorist in Sheppard's Theophrastus, Ap-
pend, i. Its use here seems to come under the head there men-
tioned in p. 267, as denoting an action possible at some time,
and not tied down to a particular instance, actually occurring.
Since the above was written, I have observed that the passage is
noticed in Jelf, 403, 2 (cf. also 860, 8). He says, The Aorist
is also used, like the Pft, to express future events which must
certainly happen. The absence of any definite notion of time
expresses yet more forcibly than the Pft. the inevitable, and,
as it were, actual development of that which as yet is future. Cf.
Horn. II. iv. 160 162, airtTurav. So here o5fc<ov a/i^or. it succeeds
BOOK VII. POLTMNIA. 333
not in both points, so much must be considered as certain as if it
already happened. Cf. Soph. Ant. 303, i&irpaZav. Eur. Med. 78,
aTTuXo/jifffd' '. dp', 'there quoted.
d. 3. TravToioi iy'tvovro .... Itoyiivoi tried all sorts of ways, used
every means, in their entreaties to the lonians, &c. Cf. Jelf, 690,
1, iii. 124, a., ix. 109, c. On Histiseus, cf. iv. 137- ddpyatrro av,
cf. ix. lll,rf. tir dvSpi yt ivl K.T.\., that the whole state of the
Persians was in the power of, or depended on one, single man. Cf.
viii. 29, b.
e. 5. oiill t<f . . . . Kvi&t ; The verb (pavraZtaOai, which some-
times means to appear, as in iv. 124, here signifies, to show them-
selves with pride, to make a show, or parade : insignem aliquam pr<e
se speciem ferre atque ostcntare. Ki4tiy, to grate, or irritate, here,
to provoke, or arouse the jealousy of. Schw. On the sentiment,
cf. Hor. ii. Od. x. 9, " Ssepius vends," &c., and Msch. Persae, 817
831, ed. Diod. B. See remarks in Introd. p. v., and D. p. 130.
f. 7- <}>\avpaG O.KOIIIIV, male audire to be injuriously or ill spoken
of. B.
g. &a/3oX} yap ian Btivorarov. Cf. Find. Pyth. ii. 76, ed. Dissen,
d/ia^ov (ca/cov a^^iorfpoic &a/3oXjav virofyavntc. K.T.\. W. And the-
comment, of Dissen, vol. ii. p. 197- w y'ivr^rai. Ne igitur sic
unquamjiat, let it not so happen, may it never so come to pass. B. Cf.
Jelf, 420, 3.
h. 8. fififuiv Se dju</>orpu>v ira(>a[3a\\op.'ivwv ra riKva. while both of us,
i. e. let both of us, expose our children to peril, viz. of the war, B. ; but
from what follows, Trapaf3a\\taQai would seem better understood of
risking, staking our children, to suffer, or not, according as the an-
ticipations of the respective fathers are fulfilled. Cf. on what im-
mediately follows, vii. 8, a.
i. VTTO KVVUV TI K. T. X. torn to pieces by dogs and birds. Cf.
Aristoph. Av. 338 and 354 ; Horat. Epod. v. 99, " Post insepulta
membra different lupi, et Esquilina? alites." Virg. ^En. ix. 485,
" Heu, terra ignota, canibus data prseda Latinis alitibusque, jaces."
V. and W. And commencement of the Iliad.
j. rj at yi When in disjunctive sentences a pronoun is to be re-
peated, yi is added to it in the second sentence, to mark the iden-
tity. Cf. Horn. Od. iii. 214. Jelf, 735, 3. yvdvra when you
(Mardonius) have learnt or found out. Rightly referred by Lange,
quoted by B., to Mardonius und dann wirst du erkannt haben.
avayivwaKtif., you persuade, as in i. 68,
CH. XI. a. pvatrat p.T)$eva K. T. X. this shall save you from receiv-
ing any fitting reward for, &c., any reward such as you deserve, for
&c. On the Infin. here without the article, as the object of the
verb, cf. Jelf, 664.
b. /i?) yap tinv IK Aapa'ow K. T. X. The following is the Genealogy
in Schw. and L. from Gale, with some slight alteration :
334 NOTES OX HERODOTCS.
Achaemenes
Teispes
Cambyses
Cyrus.
Cambyses, husband of Mandane Teipses
Cyrus, founder of the Monarchy Ariaramnes, or Ariamnes
Cambyses, died at Ecbatana, Arsames
Hystaspes
Darius
I
Xerxes.
Whether this is altogether correct, or whether some confusion may
not have arisen from the repetition of the same names, appears
doubtful. Any how, as B. observes, Darius is to be considered as
descended from the same royal house as Cyrus and Cambyses. Cf.
also the refs in vii. 2, b.
c. 'tva Kal rb SHVOV .... fid9u>, said ironically : that I may learn of
what nature is the evil which I forsooth am to suffer what so terrible
a calamity ii is which you are predicting for me. Schw. On ov\oc
cf. vii. 5, b.
CH. XII. a. VVKTI Se f3ov\i)v Si$oi>G, subaudi twvry, deliberating
with himself at night. Schw. On the Dat. of time, cf. Jelf, 606.
tKvtc, cf. vii. 10, e.
b. fyiv roirjvSf K. r. X. W. thinks that he finds in lEsch. Pers.
93, &>\6/x?jriv 6" ciTrdrav 9tov ri'c dvijp Ovarbg aXi'i^ti; an allusion to
this vision, ovre b cruyyvoxro/itvoe aoi Trdpa, nor is there to be found
any one to agree with you, there is none wlio will approve your change
of design. Schw. Cf. iii. 99.
CH. XIII. a. <j>ptvuv Tt yap . . . airi^ovTaifor I am not as yet
come to the perfection of my understanding, my intellectual faculties ;
and those who persuade me to take these affairs in hand, i. e. to under-
take this expedition, are never absent from me. Schw. Cf. Thirlw.
1. I. " But he was surrounded by men who were led by various
passions and interests to desire that he should prosecute his father's
plans of conquest and revenge."
CH. XIV. a. avacrxrjffetv. Cf. V. 106, a.
CH. XVI. a. ov rif irptiiTtp 01 KiXivafiuTt TrtiQofjitvof Cunctabatur
fortasse in regio solio sedere Artabanus, quoniam Persis in sella
regis consedisse capitale foret, Alexandro apud Curtium viii. 4,
auctore. W. On the court and person of the king, see the section
in H. Persians, ch. ii. p. 230, seqq., particularly p. 255, 259, seqq.
Cf. also i. 188, c.
b. 1. "Icrov tKilvo K.r.X. The same sentiment occurs in Livy
xxii. 29, " Saepe ego audivi," &c. ; in Cicero, pro Cluentio, 31,
BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 335
" Sapientissimum esse," &c., quoted by L. ; and in Hesiod, Opp.
et D. 291, 293, quoted by V.
C. rd ere (cat afuportpa. TTfpn'jKovTa, Schneider, quoted by Schw.,
constructs o//iX. dvO. KOK. <r^>aXX. at TTfptrjKovra ravra afHporipa, the
society of evil men overthrows your judgment, though you possess, or,
attain to, both these qualities. B. finds fault with this, and makes
at accusat. after Trtptrjicovra ; thus, 6/X. avQ. KOK. o$. ravra aptyoTipa
iripii]Kovra at, overthrows both these qualities which attach to you, or,
with S. and L. D., which have fallen to thy lot. Cf. also vi. 86, a.,
and, on the sentiment, 1 Cor. xv. 33.
d. 3. ^avijvai tit ovSiv ff ov ovde ri paXXov, On the repetition
of ov after %, quam, cf. Jelf, 749, 3, quoted in iv. 118, d.
CH. XVII. a. t\Triuv SipKia .... ovliv, expecting that he would
demonstrate that what Xerxes said was naught, show the futility of
what Xerxes said. Schw.
b. TWVTO ovupov As to all that is here told us of the vision, Schw.
and L. agree in considering it a device of Mardonius or the Pisis-
tratidse; an idea which never entered into the unsuspicious mind
of Hdtus. Thirlw. also, /. /., seems to think " we may suspect the
arts and influence of the Magian priesthood had been set to work
by the adversaries of Artabanus."
c. ovTt KctTairpoiZiai K. r. X. nee impune feres, qui infecta reddere
studeas, qua fieri oportet. Jelf, 689, q. v. nor shalt thou at the
present escape with impunity for endeavouring, &c. Cf. iii. 36, b.
CH. XVIII. a. KOI oc, for /ca ovrot, cf. Jelf, 816, 3, a. l&wv
7/<fy TroXXa re K. T. X. On the sentiment, cf, Thucyd. ii. 98, TroXXd &
Kal arpctTOTrtSa K. T. X. V.
b. T$ t'i\iKiy your youthful passion : cf. iii. 36, a. On the expe-
ditions spoken of in the next sentence, cf. i. 214, iii. 25, iv. 1, 85.
drpfjiiSoira, remaining quiet, bellis supersedens. W. Cf. i. 185, 190.
CH. XIX. a. <piptiv .... yjjv, related, referred, to the whole
earth. B.
CH. XX. a. ETTI piv Ttffvtpa trta K. T.\. " Darius occupied three
years in making the necessary preparations for his expedition to
Greece; vii. 1. In the fourth, Egypt revolted, ch. 4 ; and in the
following year, which was the fifth from the battle of Marathon,
that prince died. Xerxes employed four years in making prepar-
ations, and in the course of the fifth set out. After a long march
he arrived at Sardis, where he passed the winter ; ch. 32. At the
commencement of the spring he went to Abydos, ch. 37, and from
thence into Greece. It follows from this calculation that Xerxes
did not pass into Greece until the eleventh year after the battle of
Marathon. This agrees with Thucydides, who says, i. 18, that
this prince undertook the expedition on the tenth year after that
battle." This is W.'s calculation ; but it appears erroneous in
taking <rrparjX. to refer to Susa. See the following note.
b. TTtinrTtp dk irii avonivifi quinto autein volvente, s. procedente
anno ; during the course of thejlfth year. W. As the fifth year was
336 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
waning, drawing to its close. S. and L. D. from dva> radical form of
avvu. " Clinton," quoted by Long, Summary, p. 162, " understands
1-rrparjjXortf K. r. X. to refer to the march from Sardis, not from
Susa ; which is probably the correct interpretation." Cf. also
Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 253. See the Chronological Table, founded on
Clinton, at the end of his Summary, throughout. On the pre-
parations for these monstrous expeditions, cf. iv. 83, b., and H.
there quoted.
c. TOV Mixrwv K.T.X. cf. vii. 7- On the expedition of Darius
against the Scythians, cf. iv. 1, 85; on the Scythian and Cim-
merian, i. 15, 103, iv. 11, 12, and notes; and on ra dvu> rije 'A<n'jc,
i. 6, a.
CH. XXI. a. Avrai al iraffcu K.T.\. "And thus Xerxes, as
was foretold by Daniel, xi. 2, having by his strength and through his
great riches stirred up all the then known habitable world against
the realm of Grecia," that is, all the West under the command of
Hamilcar, and all the East under his own, he did, in the 5th year
of his reign, which was the 10th after the battle of Marathon, set
out from Susa to begin the war, and having marched as far as
Sardis he wintered there." Prid. Conn. an. 481. On vtae and
irXola, cf. vii. 1, b. With regard to the alliance between Xerxes and
Carthage alluded to by Prideaux, about which Hdtus does not say
one word, read without fail D. p. 137 140.
b. KOI TOVTO jjtv, The formula TOVTO fiiv in Hdtus frequently sig-
nifies the same as Trpuirov pir, now in the 1st place, to begin then, or,
now first he did as follows. It responds either to TOVTO $1, and this
next, in the 2nd place, or to some equivalent phrase in a subsequent
clause ; as in this place TOVTO piv answers to TrapiaKivaZiro i <cai
oTrXa ic. T. \. in the beginning of c. 25. Schw.
c. irpoffiTTdKravTuv .... "AOiav, Cf. vi. 44, and notes.
CH. XXII. a. iv Si rip iVfyiy TOIIT^ K.T.\. On these cities, cf.
Thucyd. iv. 109, where the greater part of them are taken by
Brasidas.
CH. XXIII. a. "Qpvaaov tt wfo K.T.\. That a canal was cut
through the isthmus of Mt Athos, Monte Santo, about the distance
of a mile and a half, does not appear to be doubted by Thirlw. 1. 1.
Thucydides, who lived a considerable time on his Thracian pro-
perty, at no great distance, speaks of it without any marks of dis-
credit, airb TOV (3aat\tag SiopvyfjiaTog, iv. 109. The same testimony
is also borne to its reality by Plato, Isocrates, and Lysias, quoted
by Mitford, ch. 8. Modern travellers, however, are at variance.
Count de Choiseul-Gouffier, Voyage pittoresque de la Grece, torn. ii.
pt. i. p. 145, quoted by Schw., declares that sufficiently clear traces
of the ancient canal can yet be discovered ; while Cousinery,
whose travels B. refers to, and others, deny that any vestige of it
is to be seen. Juvenal's allusion to it as an example of Greek
mendacity is well known. " He ranks it," Arrowsmith, Eton
Geog. p. 336, observes, " with the other fables to which the ex-
BOOK VII. POLTMNIA. 337
pedition of Xerxes gave rise ; but its existence is too well attested
by Hdtus and subsequent writers, as well as by the remains of it
which are yet visible, to be considered as a subject of doubt. The
canal commenced at Sane, and was li miles long." Cf. also Athos
in the National Cyclopaedia.* (Knight.)
ft. VXOIVOT. 7roijo-a/i. drawing or marking a line ft?/ a rope. Cf. i.
189, 199. ETTI /3a0pa>i> upon ladders, or steps. Cf.'i. 183. B.
CH. XXV. a. o?rXa f}i'/3\iva cables of the bybliis, or Cyperus
Papyrus, as in vii. 36. Cf. also ii. 92, e. W. On "the magazines
of food necessarily prepared, in the countries through which they
had to pass, long before, while further supplies followed the army'
by sea," see the very interesting section in H.'s Persians, ch. ii. p.
282, seqq., quoted from in iv. 83, b. It treats particularly of this
expedition, and should be read through.
b. AtvKrjv 'AKTTIV A small town and shore, so called probably
from the whiteness of the sand, on the Propontis ; where now, ac-
cording to Mannert, stands the fort of Saint George. Eion, Con-
tessa, or Rendina, at the mouth of the Strymon. Smith's C. D.
CH. XXVI. a. KpiraXajv "This may be supposed to have
been near the site of the present Erekli, as it lay on the E. side of
the Halys, in Cappadocia, and in the road from Susa to Sardis,
through Celana? and Colossas, which was the king's route." R.
p. 319. " A general rendezvous was then appointed, which, in
the case of Xerxes' armament, was Cappadocia in Asia Minor.
Hither all the contingents came, conducted by leaders of their own
race. These, however, were allowed no authority in actual war,
the officers being taken exclusively from the Persians. This was
a privilege reserved for the conquering nation, as was the case also
among the Mongols and Tartars," &c. H. /. /. p. 283. On the
vTrapxoi, satraps, cf. i. 153, b., v. 32, a., iii. 127, ft. and lefs. On
the gifts, see refs in vii. 8, e.
ft. Karorppjj<cr;e. This river was also called the Marsyas. From
its rushing over the rocks with great noise, it was thus called the
Waterfall, or Cataract. Cf. Smith's C. D., Marsyas.
c. Napaveu) UOKOQ the skin of Marsyas. The story of Marsyas
is told in Ovid, Met. vi. 382. " The fable admits of a rational ex-
planation : the flute cast away by Minerva, and Marsyas punished
by Apollo, are intended to denote the preference given at some
particular period by some particular Greek race, with whom the
mythus originated, to the music of the lyre over that of the flute ;
or, in other words, to the Citharsedic over the Auletic art. Apollo,
inventor and improver of the lyre, engaged in a stubborn conflict
with Marsyas, representative of the double flute, which was a
Phrygian or Asiatic invention, Apollo conquers; that is, the flute
" The canal of Xerxes can still be traced across the isthmus from the Gulf M.
Santo to the bay of Erso in the G. of Contessa, with the exception of about 200 yards
in the middle, where the ground has no appearance of being touched. It is probable
that the central part was rilled up afterwards to allow a more ready passage into and
out of the peninsula."
I
338 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
was regarded by the Greeks as a barbarian instrument, and, ban-
ished from the hymns and festivals of the gods, could only find
admittance into the festivals of the vintage, in the Bacchanalian
orgies and chorus of the Drama." Wieland's Att. Mus. i. 131,
quoted in Marsyas, Class. Diet. So also the article Marsyas, in
Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog.
CH. XXVII. a. Ty d/iTrtXy. This vine was afterwards carried
away from the citadel of Susa by Antigonus, 316 B.C., about 165 years
after the interview of Xerxes with Pythius. Diod. Sic. xix. 48. L.
CH. XXVIII. a. apyvpiov ftiv K.T.\. Reckoning the talent,
according to Hussey, Weights and Measures, &c., at 243 15s.,
the 2000 talents = 487,500. The Daric, or gold stater, was worth
20 Attic drachmae, that is, 16s. 3d., reckoning the drachma at 9fc?.
Cf. Hussey, and Arnold's note on Thucyd. viii. 28. Consequently
4,000,000 Darics = 3,250,000, and 7000 Danes = 56S7 Is.
CH. XXIX. a. avfiftaXiaQat xpwara, cf. iii. 135, c.
CH. XXX. a. Kucpapa supposed by Mannert, vi. 3, 131, quoted
in Class. Diet., to be identical with the Laodicea, on the Lycus, on
the confines of Caria, Phrygia, and Lydia. See on the district here
mentioned H. Pers. ch. i. p. 73, and note.
CH. XXXI. a. tvi Kap ( ';e, towards Caria. Cf. Jelf, 633, 1, b.,
on tiri with the gen., " motion towards a place or thing. The geni-
tive represents the place as something aimed at, the desire ante-
cedent to the motion." IK pvpi'eije K. T. X. That Hdtus here speaks
of an artificial species of honey is manifest; but how it was pre-
pared from the tamarisk (fivpiicrj^) is hard to be understood. Pos-
sibly some other plant was intended. Artificial honey is also
spoken of in iv. 194, b.
b. fit\iSwv(^ aQavaTy avfipi iTrirpi^ag, having committed it to the
care ofoye of the band of the Immortals. W. and B. The explan-
ation of Schw., one whose successor was appointed in case of death,
so that the office might never be vacant, seems to me far-fetched,
though followed by S. and L. D. On the Immortals, cf. vii. 83, a.
tf TO attTv TWV Awtov, the capital of the Lydians. So Athens was
called dffTv, urbs. B.
CH. XXXII. a. -n-\r,v ovrt ig 'AQ,',va S K.T.\. Cf. vii. 133. On
earth and icater, cf. iv. 126, b. SUTTVCI. " For the king and his suite
banquets were provided long before, and with such an unbounded
expense that this alone sufficed to ruin the cities which furnished
them. This also was a consequence of the idea that the monarch
was the sole proprietor of all that his provinces contained; and
the Persians understood this so literally as to carry away with them
the costly utensils of plate displayed on these occasions. It is
needless to say that the idea of a regular encampment could not.
be entertained in the case of such enormous hosts : the king and
his great men indeed had their tents ; but the army at large bi-
vouacked under the open heavens, the necessary consequence being
a multitude of diseases." H. 1. I. p. 284.
BOOK VII. POLTMNIA. 339
CH. XXXIII. a. MaSvTov K. r. X. Cf. note a. on the following ch.
b. wvra Trpoc ffaviSa SuiraffffaXtvffav nailed him alive to a plank.
Cf. ix. 116, 120.
CH. XXXIV. a. s 'AfivSov, Srjffrov .... MaSvrov. On the
construction and position of the bridges, cf. ch. 36, infr. and
notes, &c., the discussion in R., vi. p. 115, and the map there.
On the position of these bridges and towns, he writes as follows,
p. 119: "There seems to be no question, that the bridge of
Xerxes, or rather bridges, for there were two, over the Hellespont,
were placed at the narrowest part of the strait, 14 or 15 miles
above the entrance from the /Egean Sea, and at no great distance
from the old castles of the Dardanelles. At this part of the strait
stood Sestos, on the European side ; Abydos, on that of Asia : but
not opposite to each other : the distance between them was 30
stades, and the strait itself not above a mile wide, at the utmost.
It seems to be allowed that the site of Sestos is marked by the
ruins of Zemenic, the first town taken by the Turks when they
passed over into Europe, under Orkhan, circ. 1356. Abydos is
also marked by other ruins, not far from the point of Nagara.
Again, Maita, on the European side, at a few miles from Zemenic,
towards the entrance of the Dardanelles, and beyond Abydos, ap-
pears to be the Madytis of Hdtus, vii. 33, where he says that the
coast of the Thracian Chersonese is rough and woody in that part."
b. rriv fifv sc. yt^iipai/, supplied from iyityvpovv. Cf. Jelf, 3/3,
4, 893, a., and vii. 8, 2, c., ix. 8. a.
c. tTrra orctSia " The ancients agree, almost universally, in re-
presenting the breadth of this strait to be 7 stadia, at the narrowest
part. Of the modern authorities, M. Tournefort, without giving
any positive notices, appears to allow it the breadth of a mile. Dr.
Pococke only gives it on the authority of the ancients, at 7 stadia ;
which however implies that he admitted it. Gibbon allows no
more than 500 paces." R. p. 120. Lord Byron, in a note on his .
" Occasional Pieces," in which he commemorates having performed
Leander's feat, says that the actual breadth was scarcely one mile,
though the time occupied in swimming from one shore to the other
was, owing to the rapidity of the current, rather more than an
hour. Further information the reader will find in Arrow-smith,
Eton Geog. p. 324.
CH. XXXV. a. TptriKoaiae .... TrX^ydf, That this is one of the
extravagant fables that gained credit on the subject among the
Greeks, is the opinion of Thirlw., /. /., as well as of L. and B.,
though the last is unwilling to consider it altogether out of charac-
ter with a Persian despot, (cf. vii. 39, <*.,) or unlike what is told of
Cyrus and the Gyndes,,in i. 102. Thirlwall says, ii. p. 252, "the
Greeks in the bridging of the sacred Hellespont, saw the beginning
of a long career of audacious impiety, and gradually transformed
the fastenings with which the passage was finally secured, into
fetters and scourges, with which the barbarian in his madness had
z 2
340 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
thought to chastise the aggression of the rebellious stream." In a
note ; " the origin of the story is sufficiently explained, as the com-
mentators on JEsch. and Her. have remarked, by the lines of the
poet ; Persse, 745, ed. Diod.,
oernc 'EXXjjffjrovrov ipov Sov\ov wf Sia^wfiamv
T)\TTlffl ff^i]ff(lV p'tOVTd, BoffTTOpOV (9OOV QfOV."
For my own part, I see no such extravagance in the tale. I have
read somewhere in a history of the Pretender, that a party of the
Cameron Highlanders were engaged in forwarding the escape of
Prince Charles Edward from one of the islands on the \V. coast of
Scotland, and that, furious at the delay caused by a storm in
launching the boat that was to convey him, they rushed into the
water and stabbed the waves with their dirks.
b. ffTifkag branders. Cf. Juv. x. 192, " Mitius id sane," &c., and
Plutarch, ii. p. 455, D. B.
c. we tovn .... TroTa/tip. " Dolosum et salsum fluvium Xerxes
per contemtum vocat Hellespontum." B.
CH. XXXVI. a. This ch. is translated in E. vi. 122, but by no
means accurately ; as it is one of considerable difficulty, the follow-
ing attempt to render it literally, and nearly in the order of the
words, will perhaps be of service. Now they constructed [or joined]
the bridges in the following manner ; by connecting together pente-
conters and triremes, under (i. e. to serve as a basis for) the bridge,
towards the Euxine, 360, and under the other, 314; transverse! ';/
towards [or, lying at an angle to~] the Pontus, but on the Hellespont
side, [or, as regarded the Hellespont-^ head to stream ; that it might
keep steady the tension of the cables ; (i. e. that the stream might keep
the ropes firmly and steadily stretched.) And ichen they had con-
nected the vessels together, they let down anchors of great size, those
(or, the one set) on the Pontus side in the one bridge, because of the
winds that set in from the inner side ; (i. e. from the Pontus ;) and
those (or, the other set) facing tlut west and the JEgcean side in the
other bridge, because of the south-east or south winds. And by way
of a passage through, they left an aperture of the penteconters [i. e.
an aperture was left where penteconters occurred in the line} ; and
that in three places ; that whoever wished might be able to sail with
small craft into the Pontus, and out of the Pontus. And when they
had done this, they stretched the cables tight by winding them from
the shore with wooden capstans, not as before, (cf. vii. 25,) using two
kinds of cables separately, [i. e. using one kind of cable for one bridge,
and the other for the other, ~\ but apportioning [or allotting'] two of
white flax and four of those made from papyrus for each. The stout-
ness and quality of them was alike, but the cables of flax were heavier
in proportion ; every cubit's length of which weighed a talent [or, of
which the weight was a talent the cubiffs length]. Now when the
strait was thus bridged over, they sawed trunks of trees into lengths
of the same dimensions as the width of the raftage, and laid them in
regular order upon the extended cables ; and when they had thus laid
BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 341
them in rows, they next proceeded to fasten them to their supports.
And when this icas finished, they placed brushwood on the top ; and
when they had (aid the brushwood too in regular order, they strewed
earth over it. Then after treading down the earth, too, hard, they
drew a parapet [or, fence~\ along on either side, to prevent the beasts
of burden and the horses that passed over from being frightened by
looking over on to the sea.
b. vnb niv r>)v [sc. ye^vp^v], to serve as a basis or causeway for the
bridge : referring to the substratum, upon which the road was con-
structed: this Hdtus subsequently calls T?}? <TX&'/C.
c. TOV ptv UOVTOV iiriKapaiac., at an angle in respect of the Pontus,
i. e. the vessels were in that position, TOV It 'EXXrjvirovTov KOTO, poov,
but in respect of the Hellespont head to stream. No second bridge
(though it is quite plain there were two, cf. vii. 55) is here men-
tioned, nor can B.'s method of translating this, viz. " at the bridge
towards the Pontus," &c. (in which case the Greek would have
been TT}Q niv Trpoe TOV UOVTOV iiriKapaiagC) be tolerated. Similarly
he renders TOV St 'EXXjjo-. Kara poov, " at the bridge towards the
Hellespont," c., where "the bridge" is as imaginary as in the
former instance, and as irreconcilable with the Greek.
The fact is this : The Hellespont here, as Rennel says and all
good maps show, has " a very considerable bend to the south." At
this point, then, was one, if not both the bridges. The vessels
therefore, placed at this point with their heads to the stream of the
Hellespont, must necessarily have had their sides towards the Pon-
tus ; that is, in Hdtus' conception, the line of their prows being
produced would cut one side of the parallelogram of the Pontus,
owing to the bend in the Hellespont. B. follows Bredow in de-
claring that (TriKanaiac; (transverse, at an angle, obliquely placed)
can mean nothing but queer gegen den Strom, i. e. " across-stream,
broadside to the stream ; " a position physically impossible for ships
to retain in this case, or to withstand, when so placed, the violent
current of the Hellespont ; besides, only one-quarter the number of
vessels would in this case have been required. The preposition
too it may be safely said will not bear the sense he assigns to it.*
d. dvaicwx- What is the nominative ? r) ytfyvpr) and 6 poog have
been suggested. The latter seems preferable. Of course the force
of the current acting on the hulls, would keep the mooring cables
taut, as is seen in any vessel anchored in the tide.
e. rde fiev Trpbg TOV UOVTOV [sc. dyKvpa^] TTJQ irkpris K. r. X. they let
down very large anchors, those on the Pontus side, in the one bridge,
for one reason ; and on tlie JEgean side, again in the other bridge, for
anotJier reason. Hdtus is merely pointing out the reason why the
large anchors were let down in both bridges ; one circumstance
rendering them necessary in the one case, another in the other.
The same view is taken in a criticism on the 1st edition of this book in the West,
and Foreign Quarterly for April, 1848, p. 238 ; for which and for the handsome mnnnct
the work in general is spoken of, I beg to offer my best thanks to the editor of th#
Ileview.
342 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
The anchors must, as any nautical man would understand, have
been both placed alike the ships necessarily swinging lower down
the current. The second rijf in the latter clause, rife $1 trspijc [rife]
irpoc. tffTTJpjjt 1 rt Kal TOV Aiyaiov K. T. X., is plainly the work of some
blundering copyist It has nothing antithetical to it in the first
clause, and is the offspring of the old confusion of ideas about the
bridges.
f. SteKTrXoov Si i'7r60. Kar'tX. riiiv irtvTtjicovripwv [KCU] rpt^oO. and by
way of a passage through, they left an aperture of penteconters [aw/]
in three places. The presence of the article, rwv Trtvrij., seems to
prove that the previously mentioned penteconters, that is, those
employed in constructing the bridge, are meant, and the sense
must be, that an aperture teas left where penteconters occurred in the
line. But why here particularly? Probably because penteconters,
being the larger and stouter vessels, would be less likely to receive
damage from the collision of passing craft.
g. lirovQ rijc ffxeoi'jje r<i> t'p- equal in width to the raftage or stage,
which served as a basis or substratum of the bridge. Observe that
Hdtus carefully avoids using here the word ytfvpti (bridge). It is
as well to add that it is evident that there were two distinct bridges,
both from vii. 55, and from the improbability that there could be
required in one or the same bridge, 360 ships for one side and 314
for the other. Add also that mpog is always, I think, predicated
discretively, and not, like " summus," " supremus," and " imus," of
parts of its subject*
Cn. XXXVII. a. 6 fjXioe ticXiiruv K. r. X. That there was no
eclipse in the year 480 B. c., is generally agreed upon by a variety
of writers, quoted by W. That there was one, however, the year
preceding, 481 B. c., April 19th, is asserted by M. Pingre, of the
Academy, whose testimony is adduced by L. It happened, there-
fore, probably, at the departure of Xerxes from Susa ; and not
from Sardis, for which Hdtus has mistaken it.
CH. XXXVIII. a. xph" at av . . . . rvxtlv, Domine, gratijicatu-
rus ne es, s. daresne, quod rnihi velim contingere ? Schw.
b. vpi]e,aq .... OTTICTW. These words, L. thinks, are imitated from
Homer, II. i. 18, 19,
'Y/i7i/ p.ev Otol Soliv, 'OXfyima Swfiar' t-xovrec.,
'ElCTTffHTal UptflfJiOlO TToXtV, tV S o'lKoB' IKitrOai.
CH. XXXIX. a. H., though he does not allude to this story,
says, " none of the Persian kings, with the single exception per-
haps of Cambyses, appears to have had an innate proneness tc
cruelty." Pers. ch. ii. p. 229. Such a senseless act of cruelty as
* [The whole of the above notes from b to g, on this very difficult chapter, I owe
word for word, to the great kindness of my friend, the Rev. J. G. Sheppard, M. A..
Editor of Theophrastus, and Head Master of Kidderminster School, who first pointed
out to me the errors in the translation of this chapter, (in the first edition of this
work,) in which I had blindly followed the authority of B., Schw., &c. In the trans-
lation given above, note a., I have to acknowledge the same kind aid both from him
and from the Rev. J. Lonsdale, M. A., Fellow of Balliol College.]
BOOK vrr. POLTMNIA. 343
is here narrated, as well as putting to death the architects of the
bridge, seems altogether too much in character with the general
notions in the mind of a Greek about the character of a Persian
despot, to permit of its being received, without some further proof,
as authentic ; especially as the act of a monarch who is said to
have shed tears when he thought of the common lot of all men,
and whose predecessor on the throne was anything but a senseless
tyrant, cf. vi. 30, ., 41, a., considering what an injurious effect the
possession of power invariably has upon the mind. Instances of
Xerxes' magnanimity are referred to in vii. 136, c.
CH. XL. a. orparoe vavrolwv K. T. X. " The baggage led the
way : it was followed by the 1st division of the armed crowd that
had been brought together from the tributary nations : a motley
throng, including many strange varieties of complexion, dress,
and language, commanded by Persian generals, but retaining each
tribe its national armour and mode of fighting. An interval was
then left, (lit. and when the half of the forces had passed, i. e. after
one haff of the forces, there an interval was left, and they did not mix
with the king's division,} after which came 1000 picked Persian
cavalry, followed by," &c. &c. Thirlw. in /. See also H. 1. I. p.
2S3. " The order of march, so long as the army continued to tra-
verse the dominions of the empire, was remarkable ; or rather it
might almost be called an absence of all order. The men were
not arranged according to the nations to which they belonged, but
formed one vast chaotic mass. In the centre was the king among
his Persians ; and the baggage was sent on before."
b. Ipoi NtcraToi 'ITTITOI .... iipfia Atog K. r. X. " Next, 10 sacred
horses of the Nisaean breed were led in gorgeous caparisons, pre-
ceding the chariot of the Persian Jove, drawn by 8 white horses,
the driver following on foot. Then came the royal chariot, also
drawn by Nisrean horses, in which Xerxes sat in state ; but from
time to time he exchanged it for an easier carriage, which sheltered
him from the sun and the changes of the weather." Thirlw. in I.
" The horses in question," says R. p. 271, " were those bred in the
Nissean pastures in Media; and which were so much famed for
size, and for beauty, and for swiftness, in almost every ancient his-
torian and geographer. These pastures are recognised in the beau-
tiful country above Mt Zagros, between Ghilanee and Kermanshah"
This opinion is combated by B., who, on the authority of H., Pers.
ch. i. p. 246, places the Nissean pastures near the ancient city of
Ragae in Media Major, in Irak-Ajami, near Teheran. " Here in
the neighbourhood of the city Nysa, and thence called Niseean, in
the wide tracts of clover pasture, was found the finest breed of
horses known in Asia, distinguished no less for the beauty of their
coats, which were of a pure white, than for their remarkable size,
speed, and sureness of foot." On the sacred chariot of Jove among
the Persians, B., referring to Xenoph. Cyrop. viii. 3, 13, and
Curtius, iii. 3, 6, says, the chariot of Jove or the Sun, Mithra,
044 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
which figures in so many of the mythologies of the ancients, Per-
sian, Gk, and Roman, (cf. Horace i. Od. 34, 5,) had, doubtless, a
symbolic meaning, emblematical of the course of the universe and
the system of the creation regulated by and proceeding on its fixed
and immutable laws. By its presence in the Persian host, as by
the ark among the Israelites, was signified the presence of the
Deity, the Lord of heaven and earth, and the personification of the
supreme Zeus, the heavens, (cf. i. 131, a., cf. i. 140, a. c.,) Ai'e in
the old Persian signifying the heavens, the foundation of Z>f, or,
Atici Diespiter, the lord of the air.
c. 'Oruvftn Probably the same mentioned in iii. 67, seqq., or a
near relative of his; a man, no doubt, of high birth, and of the
family of the Acheemenidse, as we may infer from the honour of
the office. B. Cf. iv. 167, a., i. 125, c.
CH. XLI. a. IQ apjia/ia&iv. into a covered chariot. Cf. note b.
on the preceding chap, and Thirlw. in I. By the ten thousand
chosen men are meant the band of the Immortals. Cf. vii. 83, a.
b. iiri Toifftdopaai .... xpw<Tcrei they had pomegranates of gold upon
their spears instead of the lower spikes. On the <ravowrf]p and its
use, cf. i. 52, c.
CH. XLII. a. Sia rov 'Arapv'eof Cf. i. 160, b. Antandrus (An-
tandro) was, cf. Thucyd. viii. 108, an ^ffiolian colony. From its
tide here of Pelasgian, it seems probable that the ^Eolians must
have dispossessed their predecessors. Cf. v. 26, a.
CH. XLI 1 1. a. iirt\nri TO peiOpov, failed as to, i. e. in. its stream.
Jelf, 579, 1. Cf. ii. 19, b., and Juv. Sat. x. 177, " Credimus
altos Defecisse amnes ; epotaque flumina Medo," &c.
b. ig rb Hpuipov ITlpyo fiov into the citadel of Priam. The Troy of
Homer is placed by Le Chevalier at Bundr-bachi, by Clarke at
Kalifatli, and by Bryant at Eski Stamboul, but, " notwithstanding
many incongruities, which have been ingeniously pointed out, I
cannot doubt that Le Chevalier, Morritt, Gell, Hamilton, Leake,
and indeed almost all modern travellers, are right in thinking that
the intended Troad of the Iliad is the district which is now com-
monly so called ; the plain, that is, eastward of, or within the
. promontory of Sigaeum, Yenishehr ; although, as to the site of the
* poetical city of Troy, it seems to me that nothing can be made out."
* Coleridge's Introd. to the Gk Classics, p. 171. " The precise locality
' of the city of Troy, or, according to its genuine Greek name, Ilium,
is the subject still of much dispute. First, there is the question,
whether the Ilium of Homer had any real existence ; next, whether
the Ilium Vetus of the historical period, which was visited by
Xerxes and by Alexander the Great, was on the same site as the
city of Priam. The most probable opinion seems to be that which
places the original city in the upper part of the plain, on a moder-
ate elevation at the foot of M. Ida, and its citadel (called Pergama,
nipfufia) on a loftier height, almost separated from the city by a
ravine, and nearly surrounded by the Scamander. This city seems
BOOK VII. POLYMA'IA. 345
never to have been restored after its destruction by the Greeks.
The .ZEolian colonists subsequently built a new city, on the site,
as they doubtless believed, of the old one, but really much lower
down the plain ; and this city is the Troja or Ilium Vetus of most
of the ancient writers. After the time of Alexander, this city de-
clined, and a new one was built still further down the plain, below
the confluence of the Simois and Scamander, and near the Helles-
pont, and this was called Ilium Novum." Smith's C. D.
c. Ty- 'AOrjvairi .... i6vat " Palladi Iliacse Alexander quoque
Magnus, Ilium delatus, sacra fecit, Arriano, i. 11, et Diod. xvii. 18,
testibus." W.
d. repyiOae TivKpovg. Cf. V. 122, b.
CH. XLV. a. 'Qg Sk wpa .... eddicpvfff. "Xerxes from a lofty
throne surveyed the crowded sides and bosom of the Hellespont,
and the image of a sea-fight ; a spectacle which Hdtus might well
think sufficient to have moved him with a touch of human sympa-
thy." Thirlw. in I. Cf. vii. 39, a.
CH. XLVI. a. riQvavai . . . . fj %<*>tiv .... 6 Qdvarot; .... KaraQvyrj
K. T.\. On the sentiment expressed, cf. i. 31, Soph. (Ed. Col. 1225,
Sallust. Cat. 50, and Longinus de Sublim. ix. 7, aXX' rj^tv ptv
SvffSaifjiol'OVffi cLTTOKHTat \ifit)v KaKwv 6 OdvaTOg. B.
6. ytvrras K.T.\ Ttvffai semper significat gustum dare activa
notione. YtvaaaQai gustare. V. Cf. on the sentiment the remarks
" On the Character of the Work of H." Introduction, p. v.
CH. XLV III. a. Aat//6v dvSptiv, cf. iv. 126, a.
CH. XLIX. a. Xi^cv^v vvvSt^ittv, harbours able to receive a fleet,
or capacious. V. avri^oov, contrary, in opposition. Cf. i. 174, e.
TO Trpotrw ai'a K\tTTT6(iivo, advancing continually onwards without re-
faction, inscius tit semper ulterius protractus. B. going on blindfold.
S. and L. D.
b. tinrprjZiTis yap .... TrXr/Owpjj. Cf. ^Esch. Agam. 1340. TO piv
iv TTodaafiv dicoptffTOv ?0w TTUffi jSporoTg. W.
C. ti fiovXivoptvog fitv .... Opacrvf tit], Cf. Thucyd. ii. 11. i^pj) ail
K. T. \. and vi. 34, TO fiiv KaTa<ppoviiv K. r.\. V.
CH. L. a. ilStvat St . . . . ovSafiwg. In this sentence instead of
the mark of interrogation after TO /3e/3aiov, Schw. puts a comma,
and conjectures b/cojf instead of KW. Ut vero quis, qui mortalis
homo est natus, certam veri cognitionem, qualem oporteat, adipiscatur,
hoc equidem unquamjieri posse neno.
b. KIVCVVOVQ dvappurTtovTtc., pericula subeuntes, running risks. Imi-
tated by Thucydides, iv. 85, 95, &c. V. Cf. also S. and L. D.
c. fiiydXa yap .... KaTaipifoOai, for great achievements are wont
to be, can only be, accomplished by great dangers. Cf. Schw. Lex.
on his 2nd interpretation of the word Sicut ayuii/a naQatptlv inter-
dum significat peragere, feliciter conficere certamen, quam in sen-
tentiam etiam ipse Hdtus noster, ix. 35, composite verbo o-uyica-
raipitiv utitur, sic /xeyaXa Trpijy/iara KaraipUiv hoc loco peragere,
conficere res magnas significat.
346 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. LI. a. oil Si . . . .HvStZai. Jam tu meum consilium sequere ;
so then do thou accept of my advice. Observe the force of Si, there,
in that case. Stephens on the Grk Particles, p. 75.
b. ig Qvfibv .... (3a\iv reflect in your mind, consider with your-
self: imitated from Homer; cf. i. 84, e.
CH. LII. a. -yvwua indicium, documentum, a token. W. irri
rovTotffi, in their power. Cf. viii. 29, b.
CH. LIU. a. Zvvbv yap .... aTrivStrai -for this which is a com-
mon good alike to all is forwarded by us, or, for this, which toe are
foncarding, is a common blessing to all. B. takes it rather differ-
ently, Hoc enim, quod omnibus est bonum (ab omnibus quoque) fest i-
nari sive studiose quceri debet.
b. 01 Hip. yfjv \f\6yxaffi- This profession of the king bears
very great resemblance to the strange opinions of some ancient
Theologists, viz. that the angels, at the order of God, decided by
lot what countries they should protect and preside over. W. The
opinion of tutelary deities confined to certain countries, whenceso-
ever it came, and we find it prevailing at a very early age among
the Syrians, cf. 1 Kings xx. 2, was known and held among the
Greeks; cf. Thucyd. ii. 74. Theocrit. Id. xvi. 83, and Id. vii. 103,
quoted by V.; and it is as a Greek here that Hdtus has made
Xerxes speak, and not as a Persian. Other similar violations of
propriety are found here and there ; as in iii. 80, the discussion on
the three forms of government, and in iv. 1 14, of the habits of the
Scythian women.
CH. LIV. a. avfftfvov TOV i]\iov ic.r.X. Cf. i. 131, a., and refs
to H. and vii. 40, b. " He " (Zoroaster, the great reformer of the
Magian worship) " taught his followers that fire was the truest
Shechinah of the Divine presence. That the sun being the per-
fectest fire, God had there the throne of his glory, and the resi-
dence of his Divine presence, in a more excellent manner than
than any where else, and next that in the elementary fire with us ;
and for this reason he ordered them still to direct all their worship
to God, first towards the sun, which they called Mithra, and next
towards their sacred fires, as being the things in which God chiefly
dwelt ; and their ordinary way of worship was to do so towards
both. For w r hen they came before these fires to worship, they
always approached them on the west side, that, having their faces
towards them and also towards the rising sun at the same time,
they might direct their worship towards both. And in this posture
they always performed every act of their worship. But this was
not a new institution of Zoroaster's ; for thus to worship before the
fire and the sun was the ancient usage ; and according hereto we
are to understand Ezekiel viii. 16, where, the prophet being carried
in a vision to Jerusalem, amongst other impieties had there shown
him " about five and twenty men standing between the porch and
the altar, with their backs towards the temple of the Lord, and
their faces towards the east, and they worshipped the sun." The
BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 347
meaning of which is, that they had turned their backs upon the
true worship of God, and had gone over to that of the Magians."
From Prid. Connect, an. 486. It is further worthy of remark, that
"the oriental origin of the god, Apollo, or"HXioe, is shown in his
name, for which the Gks so often and vainly sought an etymology
in their own language. The Cretan form for "HXtoc was 'A/3Xioc,
i. e. 'Ai\wg with the digamma inserted. So the Doric 'AneXXtav for
'A-n-oXXwv, and the form Apellinem for Apollinem, cited by Festus.
We have here the Asiatic root, Set, Baal or Lord, or Hel, an ap-
pellation for the sun in Semitic languages." Creuzer, Symb. ii.
131, quoted in Class. Diet.
CH. LV. a. ol /u-piot K.T.X. "The ten thousand Immortals,
crowned with chaplets, led the way." Thirlw. in I. Cf. vii. 83, a.
CH. L\ I. a. iXivvaac, Cf. i. 67> J> dywv Trdvrac. avQpti)trov.
Cf. iv. 83, b., vii. 21, a.
CH. L\ II. a. Trfpl towrtfJ Tpi^tav, rps^tiv, SC. aySiva or loofiov, to
tindeyi/o a contest, or, run a risk. Cf. viii. 102, </., where the accusa-
tive is expressed. Elsewhere, as here, it is understood. The word
owiata in this sentence does not refer to Tpk\tiv but to ijZtiv thus,
?/j\\e Sfp^J/C OTriatit i'faiv, irepi iwvrov, i. e. irtpi ri]<; itavroii t/'i'X'/C v ^l
ctaTi]pia.Q Tp'f%(>>v, Xerxes tootud return back to the place whence lie
came, after, or, at, the risk of his oicn life. Schw. Lex. Cf. viii.
140, c., ix. 37.
CH. LVIII. a. TO. ipTraXiv irpfjffawv K. T.X. holding a contrary
course from the land forces. Cf. ix. 26 and 56. Schw. Lex.
b. ZapTrrjSovtTiG uirp;e a promontory of Thrace, opposite Imbros.
Smith's C. D. On Xerxes' march, cf. the map in R. p. 116,
and those published by Vincent, Oxford, on the Geography of
Herod, and Thucyd. owe avTia-^ovra .... aXX' i-iriXntovra, cf. vii.
43, a.
CH. LIX. a. rtl^oc a fort or castle, as in iv. 46, 124, a., vii.
103. B. On the Hebrus, the Maritza, cf. iv. 90, a.
CH. LX. a. TO irXrjOoc. K.T.X. Cf. notes on vii. 184 187-
ai^aairjv, a icall or fence, esp. a icall of loose stones. Horn. Od. xviii.
3oi). S. and L. D. Cf. i. 180.
CH. LXI. a. Ol Si ffrpartvontvot, o'iSe taav. " It is an ingenious
and probable conjecture of H. Pers. p. 56, that the authentic docu-
ment drawn up by the royal scribes for Xerxes, in which they re-
corded the names, and, most likely, the equipments of the different
races, was the original source from which Hdtus drew his minute
description of their dress and their weapons." Thirlw. in /. The
muster-roll of the army would of course fall into the hands of the
Gks on the destruction of the Persians. " It is inconceivable that
the historian of Halicarnassus should otherwise have been able to
detail, forty years after, all these particulars with the exactness of
a diplomatist. He himself makes mention of written records which
the Persian king commanded his secretaries to draw up of the
muster of his army, (vii. 100,) of which (unless all historical pro-
348 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
bability be an illusion) he has preserved a copy." Cf. H. Pers. ch.
ii. p. 283, seqq., for a most animated sketch of the principal nations
that composed the countless host of Xerxes. On the royal records
and scribes of the Persians, cf. iii. 140, a., and refs. They are also
alluded to in vii. 100, a., viii. 90, e.
b. niptrai K. r. \. " We may observe that the Persian fashion,
which the Persians themselves had borrowed from their old masters
the Medes, prevailed with a few variations among all the nations
between the Tigris and the Indus. The bow was the principal
weapon. To it was commonly added a spear and a short sword or
dagger. The tunic, scaly breastplate, and loose trowsers, were
worn by the Persians, who used a peculiar wicker buckler, (ytpp'ov,)
covered perhaps with leather, and we should suspect, from the de-
scriptions given of its use, furnished with a spike for fixing upright
in the ground. A cap or turban, low or pointed, appears generally
to have supplied the place of a helmet." Thirlw. in /. Cf. also R.
p. 292, who compares the Persians, in respect of the rest of the host,
to the British in an Indian sepoy force. aTrayiag, loose or fait,
pileos non compactos, non rigentes, hanging down probably in front,
and not erect, as from the Schol. on Aristoph. Av. 487, we learn
that the king alone wore his. Derived either from dirb and dyw,
frango, or from a privat. and rrjjyvw/u. B. fyiv, used adverbially,
resembling, after the fashion of, cf. Jelf, 580, 2.
CH. LXIL a. M^oi Si K . r. X. Cf. iii. 92, 6. " By the Greeks
of his time, the name Median was applied generally to the united
empire of Medes and Persians, as having from habit been applied
to the power which held the sovereignty of Asia." R. pp. 270, 272.
Cf. also the article Medi, Class. Diet., which some derive, see Oxfd
Chron. Tables, p. 5, from Madai, s. of Japhet. See also H. Pers.
ch. i. p. 158, seqq.
b, Kiaaioi Cf. iii. 91, <?., and H. Pers. ch. i. p. 241 ; and on the
Hyrcanians, iii. 92, c. iaKtvdSaro, Ion. for iaKivaapevoi ffaav. 3 pi.
plpft. pass, iffiadxaro, 3 pi. plpft. pass, from <rdrrw. Cf. Jelf,
218, obs. 10.
CH. LXIII. a. 'Affffvpioi Si KM-. A. Cf. i. 102, b., and on Si'piot,
i. 72, a.
b. poTraXa .... 0a>pjica. " They had also large clubs pointed
with, or, rather, studded with knots of iron, and linen cuirasses ;
vests perhaps quilted with cotton, or some such substance, to resist
the ordinary cut of a sabre war jackets. These are at present
worn by the soldiery in the service of the petty princes of India."
R. p. 266.
CH. LXIV a. Ba/crpto. ci Cf. iii. 92, d. On the Sacee, cf. iii.
93, d., and R. p. 301. "They were a very distinguished nation
both by land and sea ; \vhere they fought as marines, vii. 96. They
did also good service at Marathon, vi. 113, and at Platsea, ix. 71."
" They were singular in the use of the hatchet." Thirlw. ffdyaptc.
a battle-axe, or double-headed axe, bill-hook.
BOOK VH. POLTMMA. 349
b. iravraQ rovq ^KV&af .... Saic. Cf. R. p. 215, and iii. 93, d.,
vii. 9, b.
CH. LXV. a. 'IvSoiCt. iii. 98, a. " The cotton dress of the
Indians," R. p. 305, thinks, " may perhaps have been quilted,
like those of the Phoenicians and Assyrians, who are said to
have had linen cuirasses." On the cotton tree, cf. ref. in iii.
106, c.
CH. LXVI. a. "Apwi the region of Herat. Cf. iii. 93, e., as
also on the Parthians, the Sogdians, the modern Soghd, or Samar-
cand, &c. &c. On the Gandarians and Dadicae, iii. 91,^., on the
7th satrapy.
CH. LXVII. a. Kd<nrioi Cf. iii. 92, c. Of the llth satrapy of
Darius we find only the Caspians in the army of Xerxes, and of
them there were both cavalry and infantry ; cf. vii. 86. The in-
fantry wore vests of skins, and had bows of reeds, probably bam-
boos, and scimitars. In effect, they resembled the Bactrians and
Arians, their neighbours, c. 86, and there was a general resem-
blance in the armour of the Bactrians, Caspians, Parthians, Cho-
rasmians, Sogdians, Gandarians, and Dadicae, so that all the nations
situated to the East and North of Media, had so many points of
resemblance as to show they had a common origin ; that is, doubt-
less, from Scythia ; and this is shown also from passages in Strabo
and Pliny. "R. p. 2/5.
b. Sapayyat Cf. iii. 93, b. " The habits of different and splendid
colours, the buskins reaching to their knees, these particulars cha-
racterize a civilized, rich, and industrious people." R. p. 289. On
the Pactyes, cf. also iii. 93, a.
CH. LXYIII. a. OCrioi K.T.\. The Utii and Myci belonged
to the 14th satrapy, iii. 93, that is to say, the modern Sigistan and
Carmania. The Utii are probably the Uxii, near the Bactearis on
the S.W., and the Myci may be regarded as their neighbours.
On the Paricanii, the people of Gedrosia, Kedge or Makran, cf.
iii. 94, a.
CH. LXIX. a. 'Apapwi .... AMioirte " The Ethiopians above
Egypt, the negroes of Nubia, with their bodies painted half white,
half vermilion, and partly covered with the skins of lions or leo-
pards, their bows of palm-wood four cubits long, and small arrows
in which a sharp stone supplied the place of steel, their spears
pointed with the horn of the antelope, and their knotty clubs
were among the most prominent features in the motley host."
Thirlw. in /. " The Arabians were probably Idumseans and Na-
bathseans, and not of Arabia Felix ; " cf. iii. 88, b. There were of
these cavalry as well as infantry : the former had many camels or
dromedaries among them, vii. 87. Their dresses were long flowing
vests, or plaids, their bows were long and flexible ; or, capable of
being draicn either icay. R. p. 255.
b. 'Aprucrroivi/f Cf. iii. 88, C.
c. TWV IIJT. AiyviTTov " No Egyptian troops (among the land
350 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
forces, that is, cf. vii. 89) are mentioned ; perhaps the late rebel-
lion might render it unsafe to arm them." Thirlw. in I.
CH. LXX. a. Ot Se air' ij\. dvar. Ai'&Wtf K. T. \. " They, the
Egyptian Ethiopians, met in the camp of Xerxes with another
race, whom Hdtus calls Eastern Ethiopians, a dark but straight-
haired people, neighbours of the Indians, and resembling them in
their armour, except that for a helmet they wore the skin of a
horse's head, with the ears erect and the mane flowing down their
backs." Thirlw. in I. " As these Ethiopians can only be looked
for in the S. E. angle of Persia towards India, we may regard
them as the people of Makran, Haur, the Oritse of Alex, and
Nearchus, and other provinces in that quarter." R. p. 303. The
subject is noticed in H. Ethiop. ch. i. p. 147, seqq. " A consider-
able tract of Asia was occupied by an Ethiopian race ; and as
India was often made to comprise S. Africa, so, in like manner,
Ethiopia is frequently made to include S. India."
b. dioi yap 5) K. T. X. Cf. Odyss. i. 23,
Ai'0io7re, TOI Si^Oa Stoaiarai, Eff^aroi avdpwv,
ol fiiv SvffOfikvov '\irtpiovoQ, oi S' avtovroQ. B.
AlOioTTtg, (said to be from aldu and w$, but perhaps really a foreign
name corrupted,) was a name applied, (1.) most generally to all
black or dark races of men ; (2.) to the inhabitants of all the
regions S. of those with which the early Greeks were well ac-
quainted, extending even as far N. as Cyprus and Phoenicia ; (3.)
to all the inhabitants of Inner Africa S. of Mauritania, the Great
Desert, and Egypt, from the Atlantic to the Red Sea and Indian
Ocean, and to some of the dark races of Asia ; and (4.) most spe-
cifically to the inhabitants of the land S. of Egypt, which was
called Ethiopia. Smith's C. D., ^Ethiopes. Cf. also ii. 55, a.
CH. LXXI. a. Aifives "The inhabitants of certain tracts of
Libya, extending from Egypt, westward, along the coast of the
Mediterranean, to the utmost limits of Cyrenaica. They were
dressed in skins, and had the points of their wooden spears hard-
ened in the fire ; in point of weapons, the most contemptibly
furnished of any throughout the whole army." R. pp. 251 255.
Cf. also iii. 97, b.
CH. LXXI I. a. HaQXayovts Part of the 3rd satrapy; cf. iii.
90, and R. p. 237, 8. " The Paphlagonians, with their neighbours
the Mariandynians, the Phrygians, and Syrians, by which are
meant Cappadocians, wore helmets of net-work, with buskins, &c.
&c." Whether the helmets of the Paphlagonians were of brass
net-work, cf. vii. 63, or of twisted leather, appears uncertain. On
the Ligyes, Matieni, Mariandyni, cf. notes on iii. 90, 94, v. 52, and
on the Syrians, i. 72, a.
CH. LXXIII. a. Qpvytg K.T.\. Cf. R. p. 238, and vi. 45, a.
On the origin of the Armenians, whose name many suppose to be
derived from Aram, there is an art. in Class. Diet. Cf. also Smith's
C. D., Armenia, and v. 52, c. d.
BOOK VII. POLYMMA. 351
CH. LXXIV. a. Aviol Mwcroi Cf. i. 28, b., 93, a., and R.
p. 235. On the 2nd satrapy, cf. iii. 90, b.
CH. LXXV. . epr/kte Cf. i. 28, b., and ref. to H., and R. p.
238, 9.
CH. LXXVI. a W., B., and apparently G., are agreed
that the name of the nation that should stand at the beginning of
this chap, has been lost out of the text ; and this, from the oracle
of Mars that is mentioned as being among them, and from their
being neighbours of the last-mentioned people, \V. conjectures
with great reason to be that of the Chalybes. Cf. i. 28, b. " They
occupied a mountainous district in the neighbourhood of the He-
niochi in the E. of Cappadocia ; they were celebrated as early as
the Homeric poems for their silver mines, worked in the time of
Xenophon, though then producing nothing but iron ; and were at
that time subject to their more powerful neighbours, the Mosy-
naeci, one of the wildest and most uncivilized nations of Asia."
H. Pers. ch. i. p. 76, 77-
b. icamXi'xaro " In the 3rd pers. plur. perf. and p. perf. the
lonians and Dorians change the v before rai and TO into a, in
which case the original aspirated consonant again enters before
the a, e. g. TtQafyarai from rsQu/iftoi, Ocnrrw, for Tt&anpivoi iltri, vi.
103. KamXi'xaro for KaTiiXiypivoi fjaav, vii. 76. tiXixaro, vii. 90.
itJfffd^aTO for aiffayntvoi fjcrav from o-arrw, vii. 86. inroSeSf^aTat for
dirodiftiiyn'ivoi ttai, ii. 43. taraXaro from orEXXw for loraX^tvot /<rav,
vii. 89. Instead of the aspirate the lene remains in cnriicarai and
awiKaro. Matth. 204, 6. Cf. Jelf, 197, 4, 218, obs. 10.
CH. LXXVIL a. Kaj3a\tff di K.T.\. "The Cabalian Mseoni-
ans, or Lysonians, are found in Ptolemy under the name of Lyca-
ones, between Caria and Pisidia. The Cabalians therefore should
be regarded as Meonians or Lydians, like the Mysians. They
formed a part of the same command with the Milyans, their neigh-
bours, who, notwithstanding, belonged to a different satrapy, as
they were considered as part of Lycia, cf. H. Pers. ch. i. p. 72 ;
for the arrangement of the satrapies of Darius, and the military
commanders of his son Xerxes, are to be considered as perfectly
distinct." R. p. 237.
b. KOI tipara ivtiropiriaTO, Ion. for iviiropTrijvro, they wore garments
buckled over the shoulders. S. and L. D. 3rd plur. p. p. pass, from
1/j.TropTrdw. The long vowel or diphthong ^ and ft usually changed
into the short. So iKSKoafiiaro, ix. 131. op/tsaro, ii. 218, viii. 25.
aTTOKticXsaro, ix. 50, for airoKticXtivTO from aTroicXti'u). oiKsarat for (JJKUJV-
rai. (Spectral, vii. 8, for tiprivrai. Cf. Matth. and Jelf, in vii. 76, b.
CH. LXXVIII. a. MO<TXO & *. * X. The tribes mentioned in
this ch. formed, with the Mardi, the 19th satrapy: cf. iii. 94, c,
On the Mardi, who do not appear to have joined in the armament,
cf. i. 84, a., and H. Pers. ch. i. p. 162.
CH. LXXIX. a. Moptf K. r. X. The Mares, probably one of
the tribes of the Caucasus, perhaps the same as the Mardi of iii.
352 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
94, c. H. Pers. ch. i. The Saspires in the E. of Armenia ; the
Alarodii on the borders of the last two. Cf. iii. 94, b. R. p. 278.
CH. LXXX. a. Ta St vijer. tBvtaCf. iii. 93, b. the Red Sea, i. e.
the Persian Gulf. On the Anaspasti, the transplanted, cf. ii. 104, a.
CH. LXXXI. a. ^tXapxc * T. X. " In a nation of conquerors
every individual is expected to be a soldier ; and among the Per-
sians, all, especially those in possession of lands, were required to
be able to serve on horseback. This necessitated an internal con-
stitution of the whole empire, having for its object the military
equipment of the population ; and the arrangement adopted has
been usually the same in all Asiatic nations, and is the simplest
possible. A decimal system runs through the whole empire, and
serves at the same time to mark the rank of the commander. The
common people are divided into bodies of ten, having a captain of
that number, after whom come the commanders of hundreds, thou-
sands, and tens of thousands. Officers of a higher rank are not
apportioned to particular bodies of men, but form the general staff.
This has been equally the case among the Mongols and the Per-
sians ; and this simple arrangement made it possible for both races
to assemble large armies with incredible rapidity." H. Pers. ch.
ii. p. 290. Cf. also p. 275, seqq., and 253.
b. tlfttarat Cf. vii. 77. b.
CH. LXXXI I. a. On the relationship of the generals here
mentioned to the royal family, cf. iv. 167, a.
CH. LXXXI 1 1 a. /ivpiwv. " The 10,000 Persian infantry, the
flower of the whole army, who were called the Immortals, because
their number was kept constantly full." Thirl w. /. /. The Im-
mortals, with the corps of Persian cavalry, of whom again 1000 of
each, cf. vii. 40, a., appear to have been more especially selected
as his picked body-guards, were in attendance on the person of the
king and formed part of his retinue. Besides the Persians, the
household troops consisted of cavalry corps, 10,000 in each, of
Medes, Armenians, Hyrcanians, Cadurians, and Sacae. The Im-
mortals, as well as the cavalry corps of the Persians, were no doubt
all taken from the ruling tribe or horde, the Pasargadae. See H.
Pers. ch. ii. 253, and note, and 279.
b. aXXoc avfip apa/pjjro had been chosen, i. e. had been already se-
lected to succeed to the vacancy, before it was made.
c. Koapov S( . . . . Tltpcrai " The Persians were the core of the
land and sea force ; and the 24,000 men who guarded the royal
person were the flower of the whole nation." Thirlw. in I. On Sia
Trdvrwv, cf. i. 25, b.
d. appaptiZae covered chariots. Cf. vii. 41, b.
CH. LXXXI V. a.^a\K -noi^^ara. ornaments, or, pieces of
workmanship on their head, forged of iron or brass. By these is proba-
bly intended some species of helmet, or its decoration, or crest. W.
CH. LXXXV. a. Sayapno* " Wild races of huntsmen, who
caught their enemies, like animals of the chase, in leather lassos."
BOOK VII. POLTMNIA. 353
II. L 1. p. 285. On the geographical position of this tribe, cf. iii.
93, b., also R. p. 287.
CH. LXXXVI. a. MrjSoiCf. vii. 62, a., 83, ., and H. Pers.
ch. i. p. 158, on the Cissians, iii. 91, g., and H. /. /. p. 155. 'Ivooi
fa K. r. \. " But the mass of the cavalry was swelled by the drome-
daries of the Arabians, and by chariots from the interior of Africa
and from the borders of India, in which the Indians yoked not only
horses but wild asses." Cf. also vii. 65, a. On the Bactrians, iii.
92, d., Caspians, vii. 67, -, Libyes, vii. 71, a.
b. Kdo-TTHpot probably the same as the Casii or Caspii, people of
Kasligur, iii. 93, d. On the Arabians, cf. vii. 69, a., and i. 80, <?.
On the Paricanii, iii. 94, a.
CH. LXXXVII. a. are yap T&V 'iinruv K. r. X. On this vulgar
error, cf. i. 80, c. sTrtrsraxaro. Cf. vii. 76, b.
CH. LXXXVI 1 1. a. ai<n$. avtO'eXrjTov, i. e. in tristem incidit
calamitatem, met icith an unwelcome accident. Cf. i. 32, multa nobis
eveniunt in vita TO. pr) re iQtXu i. e. avtOiXrjTa, gravia, vel tristia.
Cf. vii. 133, a. V.
b. KCIT' apx"C * T. X. omnino, prorsus, altogether, exactly, vii. 148,
220, 223, viii. 3, 94, ubi. tamen arnica KUT ap\. reddere malim statim
ab initio, eeque atque ix. 22, 66, 130. B. And here too perhaps
KO.T dpxC is simply expletive of avriica, immediately ; like the Latin
"primo statim" and immediately on the instant they treated the
horse as he bade them.
CH. LXXXIX. a. TWV e rpujp. apiQu. K.T.\. In reckoning
the Persian fleet at 1207 vessels, Hdtus agrees with jEschyl. Persse,
340, seqq. By Diod. Sic. xi. 3, they are computed at 1200. Cf.
Thirl \v. ii. c. 15, p. 256.
b. $01 viKte ptv c. r. X. Phoenicia, Syrian Palestine, and Cyprus
composed the 5th satrapy; cf. iii. 91, ft. and refs. The aid furnish-
ed by this satrapy to Xerxes was composed entirely of ships,
and consisted of the force of 450 triremes; 300 of which were
from the continent, 150 from the island of Cyprus. This was
more than of the whole fleet of triremes ; and more than double
the quota furnished by Egypt. But then it was the combined
force of Phoenicia, Palestine, and Cyprus ; the boasted fleets of
Tyre, Sidon, Aradus, and the numerous forts of Syria from Egypt
to Cilicia. R. p. 250. On the two senses in which Hdtus uses
the word Syria, 1st, as the same with, or part of, Assyria, and
2ndly, as Syria properly so called, with Syria of Palestine, i. e.
Palestine and Phoenicia, cf. i. 72, a., and ref. to H., and ii. 106, a.,
and R. pp. 243 and 263. Prideaux, on the testimony of Josephus,
con. Apion i., considers it certain that a band of Jews was in
Xerxes' army, and that the Solyma mentioned in the passage of
Chanius, there quoted, is Jerusalem. Connect, an. 480.
c. ovroi Si ol *oiv. rmraX. OIKIOV K. T. \. This account of the original
settlements of the Phoenicians, is held by W., who considers
Philistines, Palaestini, and Phoenicians, as different names of the
2 A
354 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
same people, to be correct. H. also seems to countenance the idea.
See H. Phoenic. ch. i. p. 292.
d. xpdv. xijXtura, flatted, or woven helmets, i. e. as Hesychius, ii.
p. 33S, explains helmets of woven bulrushes, or of some other species
of rush, reed, or flexible twig. B.
e. ioraXaSaro, Ion. for tcrraXjuvoi ijaav from ariXXtiv, an extra-
ordinary formation. Schw. The text is probably corrupt, and we
should read tcrroXiSaro i. e. iffroXtopivoi fivav from erroXiav, or else
toraXaro. V. Cf. vii. 76, b.
CH. XC. a. ttXi^aro Ion. pro fiXiy^tvoi i/crav ab tlXf (ratty. Schw.
Lex. Cf. vii. 76, b. On Cyprus, cf. ii. 182, c.
CH. XCII. a. AVKIOI Si K. r. X. Cf. i. 173, a., Smith's C. D., Lycia.
CH. XCIII. a. Kaptc .... tipcat. Cf. i. 171, 6. On the
Dorians of Asia, cf. i. 144, a.
CH. XC1V. a. "Iwvec aX .... ITtX. AiyiaXftg. Cf. i. 145, a.,
142, b., 148, a. Pelasqia was the ancient name of all the Pelopon-
nesus. Eurip. Iph. in Aul. 1498, ed. Bind. Cf. H. P. A. 96, 5.
The maritime region along the shores of the Corinthian Gulf was
called JEgialea. W. B.
CH. XCV. a. T$T)ffiwTat SI, The Ionic islanders here spoken of
were neither Chians nor Samians ; for the inhabitants of these two
islands belonged to the confederation of the xii. States, which assem-
bled at the Panionium, cf. i. 142, b., 148, a., in which these islanders
had no share. So also Diod. Sic., xi. 3, says, " The lonians with
with the Chians and Samians furnished 100 ships and the island-
ers 50 ; " thus distinguishing, like our author, between the two.
What islanders, however, are here to be understood, we learn from
what follows in Diodorus, viz. "that the king had collected in his
expedition the forces of all the islands between the Cyaneee and
the promontories of Triopium and Sunium ; that is, the Ionic
islands colonized from Athens ; cf. viii. 43, 48, Thucyd. vii. 67.
These were Cea, Naxos, Siphnus, Seriphus, Andros, and Tenos.
V. Cf. also H. P. A. 86. On the Ionian Dodecapolis, cf. i. 142,
b. ; on the .ZEolic, i. 149, a.
b. 'EXXrjffirovrtoi Cf. vi.33,a. irXijv 'Af)vdr)vwv Cf. also on the con-
quest of these towns, v. 117. Kara \<apriv, in their place. Cf. iv. 135, b.
CH. XCVI. a. 'Eirtfidrtvov StK.r.X. "The fleet consisted of
1207 ships of war, and besides native crews, each was manned
with 30 marines, Persians, or Medes, or Sacians. Thirlw. in I.
On the number of the Epibata?, milites classiarii, marines, in Gk
vessels, cf. vi. 12, c.
b. TWV iyu .... Trapanipvrjuai, of which I make no mention ; for it
is not required by the plan, i. e. system, of my historical investigations.
Cf. vii. 9, c., and vii. 139, a.
CH. XCV1I. a. nptiKdffirw Not the same as the Prexaspes
of iii. 30, 62. On Megabazus, cf. iv. 143 ; on Achaemenes, notes
on iii. 12, 88. B. On the relationship of these generals to the
Royal House, cf. iv. 167, a-
BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 355
b. KtpKovpoi, A species of short and light vessel. B. On the long
transports, cf. i. 2, b.
CH. XCVIII. a. 'ApaStoG a native of Aradus ; a Phoenician
city : it stood in a small island of the same name, now Ruad. It
was the Arvad of the O. T., the Nth frontier city of the Phoeni-
cians, and with Tyre and Sidon formed their 3 most important
towns ; they held their general congress at Tripolis, a little to the
south, alike their common colony and their place for common as-
sembly. See the very interesting ch. i. of H. Phoenic. " Even
under the dominion of the Persians, the royal dignity was pre-
served ; though the monarchs were now only as tributary princes,
obliged to furnish money and ships to the Persians, and to attend
them, when required, in their military expeditions. The kings of
Tyre appear in this in the Persian expedition, viii. 67, and even as
late as the overthrow of Persia and the capture of Tyre by Alex-
ander. As Tyre had its proper kings, so also had the other Phoe-
nician cities, Sidon, Aradus, and Byblus, and these are mentioned
even as late as the Macedonian Conquest." See also particularly
p. 60 63 on their hostility to Greece. On the name Syennesis,
cf. i. 74, b., and iii. 90, d. On Gorgus, whose younger brother was
Onesilus, who revolted from the Persians, cf. v. 104.
CH. XCIX. a. 'Aprt/uo-o/e Cf. i. a., and ref. to D. Her son
was, either, as W. thinks, Lygdamis, or she was succeeded by
Pisindelis, who was her son ; while Lygdamis, who succeeded him,
was her grandson. The latter is the opinion of D. p. 6. Halicar-
nassus; cf. i. 1, and refs.
b. Kwwv K. T. \. The Coans, Calydnians, and Nisyrians are also
mentioned in conjunction by Homer, II. ii. 675,
ot 5' dpa liicrvpov T ti%ov
icai Kaii', EvpvTTvXoto TroXiv, vtiffovg rt ~K.a\v5vac. Schw.
Cos, Stanco, and Nisyros, Nikero, belong to the Sporades. Ca-
lydnee, B. follows D'Anville in supposing to be a group, perhaps
only two in number, of small rocky islands near Tenedos. Cf. D.
1. 1. p. 4, and Smith's C. D.
c. ibvAupiKov K.T.X. Cf. i. 144, and notes.
CH. C. a. Sfp;e i K. T. \. On the review and the muster-roll
then composed, cf. vii. 61, a. " After this review the king went on
board a Sidonian vessel, where a golden tent had been prepared
for him, to inspect the fleet, and caused its divisions and numbers
to be registered." Thirlw. in /. On the skill of the Sidonians and
Tynans in naval matters, cf. H. Phoenic. ch. iii. throughout.
b. avtKwxivov .... [ifTuj-jrtidbv, they lay at anchor, cf. vi. 116, b.,
haruif/, all of them, turned the prows of their vessels towards the land,
forming one close or continuous front. \niTuit. is rendered by some,
with prows, or beaks, presented. Schw. gives continud cequatdfronte,
and Goeller on Thucyd. ii. 90, junctis frontibus, comparing Virg.
yEn. v. 158.
CH. CI. a. ArjuaprjTov Cf. vi. 70, seqq., vii. 3, also vi 30, a.
2 A 2
356 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
b. (ipOfiioi. Cf. vi. 83, b. TO CLTTO oiv, what comes from you, = TO
aov, your opinion. Jelf, 620, 3. Cf. ix. 7. d.
CH. CII. a. tTrtiSfi d\t}9. xpt]<faa9. K.T.\. The explanation of
V., which understands XE&O before TO. and XiZag before pfi 4>iv$.,
seems unnecessary : the construction appears to be iirtiSq Kt\. ut
XPJ<T. irdvTWf d\i]d. \tyovra (i. e. fit \iyovra) TavTa, TO. (Ion. for a)
fit} . . . . aXwfftrai. Since you bid me positively tofolloic the truth, by
saying that which I shall never afterward be convicted of having falsi-
fied to you. By rif, Demaratus appears to intend himself to be un-
derstood.
b. apiTt) .... i<rxt>pov, virtue has been acquired, achieved, (or, ob-
tained,) by the study of the liberal arts, (or, by prudence, practical wis-
dom, according to B.,) and by the stern force of law. Cf. Schw. Lex.
This dictum, B. conceives to be put by Hdtus into the mouth of
Demaratus, from the prevalence of discussion on such subjects in
the schools of Greece. The praises here given to the Dorians also,
sufficiently refute, he adds, the idea that Hdtus was in the habit of
detracting from the merits of the Spartans, owing to a spirit of
partiality visible in his work towards the Athenians. This ch. is
referred to by Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 265. The military system, &c., of
the Spartans " in every action in the open field up to the battle
of Leuctra, Sparta had nearly a certainty of success, since the con-
sciousness of skill in the use of arms was added to the national
feeling of the Doric race that victory was not a matter of doubt."
On the impartiality of Hdtus, cf. D. viii. 1, particularly p. 132.
c. ra <rd fypoviurji should be of the same mind as you, i. e.j'oin your
side, come over to you. Cf. ix. 99, b., ii. 162, a., &c.
CH. CIII. a. tTTii <pipi "t$<a K.T.X. since come, let me see what in
all probability (is likely to happen). Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 516. B.
b. dvctfifvoi .... i\iv9ipov, in libertatem demissi, arbitrio suo per-
missi,free to act as they please, uncompelled.
CH. CIV. a. TO. Kuri]K. STropr. what is befitting to, or, the duty
of, the Spartans. B. The translation of Lange, wie es mit den Spar-
tiaten steht, what is the actual condition of the Spartans, what is the
present state of things with the Spartans, appears to me preferable.
b. Td vvv TaSt at this very time. When joined with adverbs of
time and place, TOVTO, rode, ravra, TaSt denote more forcibly the
time and place, as it were, by pointing at them ; as avrov rydt, ex-
actly here, ix. 11. Jelf, 655, 5.
c. yepta Cf. i. 59, I., and vi. 56, a., on the privileges of the
Spartan kings.
d. fiiov r ftoi . . . . SeduKt. Cf. vi. 70. According to Xenoph.
Hell. iii. 1, 6, quoted by L., the towns of Pergamus, Teuthrania,
and Halisarna were given to Demaratus by Darius ; where his
Eosterity lived as late as 400 B. c., when Eurysthenes and Procles,
is descendants, joined Thimbron. B. On the humanity of the
Persian monarchs, cf. vi. 30, a., and on the custom of endowing
exiled princes with lands and revenues of cities, vi. 41, a., and
BOOK VII. POLYMXIA. 357
Thucyd. i. 138, and vi. 59, on the treatment of Themistocles and
Hippias. f KWV re ilvat ovS' uv p. and I icottkl not (to be willing to
do so) that is (as far as my icill goes) fight even with one. Jelf,
C/9, 3.
e. aXe II . . . . cnravTwv. On the truth of this remark, as ap-
plicable to the Dorian tactics, cf. Mull. Dor. p. 246 249, bk. iii.
c. 12, with the whole of which ch., the most spiritedly written of
any in that work, the student should make himself thoroughly
acquainted. After dilating on " the method of attack, in closed
lines with extended lances," and " the chief point being to keep
the whole body of men in compact order, both in rapid advance
and in pretended flight," Miiller concludes with a noble picture of
the Spartan advance " Every man put on a crown when the
band of flute-players gave the signal for attack ; all the shields of
the line glittered with their high polish, and mingled their splen-
dour with the dark red of the purple mantles, which were meant
both to adorn the combatant, and to conceal the blood of the
wounded ; to fall well and decorously being an incentive the more
to the most heroic valour."
f. iTrfaTi .... StffTroTtjs, o vofiog K. T. X. The sentiment often oc-
curs in Thucydides. See particularly the speech of Archidamus,
i. 84 ; and read Mull. Dor. ii. p. 406, seqq. bk. iv. c. 9.
ff. avioyu Si (sc. 6 vofiog) riavrb alii, OVK iwv Qiuyiiv aXXd (avat-
yiav) H'IVOVTCIC iv ry rd%ii K. T. X. Cf. Jelf, 895, 9, Brachylogy. An
affirmative verb is supplied from a negative : this is most com-
monly the case in an antithesis introduced by an adversative con-
junction.
CH. CV. a. iv T< Aop. rovry in the aforesaid Doriscus : rovrtp
being added to signify that he has already spoken of it, referring
the reader back to c. 59, where he commenced his digression. Schw.
CH. CVI. a. cuipa Trfp-rnffKe, cf. iii. 84, a., and refs, vi. 41, a.
b. OVTOI (liv . . . . triiptjaafjifvwv. The gallant defence of Doriscus,
here alluded to, by Mascames, as well as the loss of Eion and all the
other strongholds in Thrace and the Hellespont, are events, the
reader will observe, that date after the conclusion of Hdtus' his-
tory. Cf. also i. 130, b., ii. 156, iii. 15, c.
CH. CVII. a. Boyijc, og iir. iiro\wp. K. T.\. The taking of Eion
by Cimon is generally dated in 476 B. c., during the reign of Xerxes :
it is more probable, however, that it was during the reign of Arta-
xerxes, his successor, 471 B. c. According to D., p. 28, it took
place 470 B. c. This town was called " Eion on the Strymon," to
distinguish it from " Eion by Thrace," a Mendsean colony. Cf.
Thucyd. i. 98, and Arnold's note.
CH. CVIII. a. Sipfyc St K. T. X. " From Doriscus the army pur-
sued its march along the coast, accompanied by the fleet, through
a region which had been already subdued in the expeditions of
Megabazus and Mardonius. Cf. v. 12, 15, vi. 43, seqq. As it ad-
vanced, it still swelled its numbers by taking in reinforcements
358 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
from the Thracian hordes, through which it passed," &c. Thirlw.
ml. Cf. i. 171, a.
b. 2ajio0. Tii\ta, the castles, or, fortified towns of Samothrace, Cf.
vii. 59, a. The Mesembria here mentioned, in Thrace, must not
be confounded with the Mesambria of iv. 93, vi. 33, on the Euxine.
Cf. Smith's C. D., Mesembria.
c. AtVcroe .... 7rXi7T. Cf. vii. 43, a.
CH. CIX. a. Mapwvtiav, Marogna : of Dicsea some ruins, per-
haps, still exist, but without a modem name. On Abdera, cf. i.
168, a. Ismarus, from which the lake took its name, is mentioned
in Odyss. ix. 40, as taken by Ulysses.
b. NSOTOV, The boundary of Thrace and Macedon ; the Mesto, or
Kara-Su, which B. Germanizes into Schwarzach, the black-river. The
Trauus may possibly be alluded to in v. 3, b., but it appears to be as
little known with certainty as the Compsatus and the city Pistyrus.
CH. CX. a. 'E9. Se epnitcuv K.T.\. Cf. notes on v. 3, Thracia,
Smith's C. D., and Arrowsmith's E. Geog. Thracia, particularly p.
322 and 333. On the Edonians, v. 1 1, b.
b. ot St aXX. iravT. .... tlirovro. Cf. vii. 108, a., and ref. in i. 171,
a., to H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 438.
CH. CXI. a. Btjffffoi .... iroiKiXwTtpov, note among the Satrep,
the Sessi are the priests of the temple ; or, as S. and L. Diet, ren-
ders, expound the oracles in the temple ; and there is a priestess who
utters the oracular answers, as in Delphi, and not more ambiguously ;
i. e. the oracles, as in Delphi, are uttered by a priestess, and are not
at all more ambiguous than those given there. B. and Schw. The
territory of the Bessi lay between Mt Rhodope and the North part
of the Hebrus, on the banks of the Nestus. On the worship of
Bacchus, see the extract from the Anti-Symbolik of Voss in Class.
Diet., Bacchus.
CH. CXII. a. rfjv ilpijutvrjv, sc. ^uipav s. yijv. B. Ttiyta cf.
vii. 108, b.
b. Hupuv. The Thracian Pierians, who were settled to the E.
of the Strymon, originally came, it appears, from Macedonia. Cf.
Smith's C. D. Mt PangEeum, cf. v. 16, a.
CH. CXI1I. a. Haiovae, Cf. v. 13, a. VOT. 'Ayyirnv, the An-
ghista. See Arrowsmith, E. Geog. p. 334.
b. ig ruv ol payot .... XevKovg. " When Xerxes arrived on the
banks of this river, his Magian priests made a sacrifice of white
horses, and exerted their charms to propitiate the stream." Thirlw.
Cf. notes on vii. 40, 54, 76, and Tacitus, Ann. vi. 37, quoted by
W., Tiridates' sacrifice of a horse to the Euphrates.
CH. CXIV. a. iv 'Ew. "OS. Cf. v. 126, a. In the next line
iiroo. KOTO, rag y0. is rendered by B., they marched to the bridges.
In spite of B.'s authority, I should rather construe, they marched
over the bridge ; as Hdtus himself explains how they came to get
so easily across, by saying, that they found the river had been
bridged over, according to orders. Cf. vii. 24.
BOOK VII. POLY5INIA. 359
b. Tleoff. 8k TO u/ovrag icarop. So Cambyses put 12 of his subjects
to death, iii. 35, b. As no trace of any permission to offer human
victims is to be found in the Zendavesta, we must suppose, unless
the narration in the text is wholly fictitious, that the sacrifice here
mentioned was in accordance with those horrible magical and
superstitious practices which, though severely forbidden by the
reformer of the Magian philosophy, were nevertheless on certain
occasions resorted to as part of the more ancient form of worship
previous to Zoroaster. Kleuker, Appendix to the Zendavesta,
quoted by B. By the deity below the earth, Ariman is probably in-
tended, the angel of darkness, the author and director of all evil.
Cf. Prid. Conn. an. 486 B. c. Cf. also Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 258.
c. "AprfffTptv Cf. vii. 3, c. The atrocity here spoken of, as it
happened in the old age of Amestris, when she was queen-mother,
dates after the taking of Sestos, cf, i. 130, b., and " probably did
not occur," according to D., p. 30, " till the time of the Peloponnesian
War; since, to decide according to Ctesias, Amestris cannot have
died before the death of Artaxerxes Longimanus, whom she go-
verned as she pleased ; and so not long before 425 B. c."
CH. CXV. a. "ApyiXov between Amphipolis and Bromiscus.
Cf. Thucyd. iv. 103. Stagirus, Stavro, on the W. of the Sinus
Strymonicus, Gulf of Contessa. Thucyd. iv. 18, v. 6, 18. B.
Acanthus, also on the Sin. Strymon. ; it stood on the neck of land
which connects the peninsula of Mt Athos with the mainland ; on
its site, probably, stands the modern Erso. All three were Andrian
colonies.
b. lifia oyo^tvoc K. r. X. Cf. vii. 1 10, b. and ref.
CH. CXVI. a. Ztivirjv .... TrpotlTrt, B. and Schw., and S. and
L. D., render, the Persian king gave notice to the Acanthians to re*
ceive the army hospitably, i. e. to provide them with all the necessaries
that a host is supposed to receive a guest with. V. takes it to mean
that Xerxes received the Acanthians into terms of guest-friendship ;
proclaimed them as admitted into the number of his friends. This
latter interpretation appears to me best ; for, 1st, it agrees much
better with the rest of the sentence, iSaipftuaTo K. r. X. ; and, 2ndly,
as Xerxes was already at Acanthus, how could he be said irpociirtiv,
to give them notice beforehand ? We know too, from vii. 1 1 9, that
notice had been given to the towns long before to prepare banquets
for him. Cf. vii. 32, a.
b. iaQrjn Mitfucy. Cf. iii. 84, a. On the canal, vii. 23, .
CH. CXVI I. a. TTtvrf TTJ/X. j3a<TfX. V. observes that amongst the
Greeks 4 cubits was considered the height of a well-proportioned
man, referring to Aristoph. Ran. 1046. yivvaiovc. Kai rtrpa7rjjxe :
men six feet high. As the royal cubit was 3 finger-breadths more
than the common cubit, which was 1 ft. 6 in. and a decimal,
Artachaees must have been 8 ft. and about 4 inches high, ytvoc
1 Axaipividriv, cf. i. 125, c., iv. 167, a.
CH. CXVIII. a. OKOV yt quandoquidem, since. S. and L. D
360 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Cf. i. 68, c., and Jelf, 735, 4. Te is often used to give the reason
or character of an action expressed in a preceding sentence. Eur.
Tph. A. 1342.
b. 'Avriir dpmp airtdit .... TiTiXtap. The sense is
that Antipater teas chosen by the whole body of the Thracians as the
proper person to provide all things necessary for the entertainment of
the king and his army ; that he was, in fact, purveyor in behalf of
the commonwealth, being bound to keep an account of all that he ex-
pended for them: this account, when it was all over, he handed in,
and showed thereby airf.SiZf K. T. \. what the total amounted to. B.
The expense was, of course, borne by the state, in whose name
he had obtained whatever provision, furniture, &c. &c., might be
necessary, and, on handing in the account, he was repaid. In the
same manner, we learn, from the commencement of the next ch.,
others were appointed in the other cities, who in like manner gave
in an account of what they laid out. W. Reckoning the Attic
talent at 243 15s., cf. Hussey's Tables, the cost of the supper
will be 97,500.
CH. CXIX. a. oiKTjft. Kai \dKKoim, in hutches, or coops, and in
ponds. A few lines below, Hence Ion. for fjv. On the narrative in
this and the foregoing ch. see Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 258, and vii.
32, a.
CH. CXX. a. ivoftifff was wont, thought proper, teas in the cus-
tom of. Cf. i. 131, c. On Abdera and its inhabitants, cf. i. 168, a.,
and viii. 120. In the conclusion of the ch. 6/iotwc, in the same man-
ner as the other cities did. The common reading o/iwg, so they,
though hard put to it, nevertheless, &c.
CH. CXXI. a. Qepfiy, afterwards Thessalonica, Saloniki, at the
head of the S. Thermaicus. Cf. Smith's C. D.
CH. CXXII. a. airtiQr) Ion. for a<j>ti9t]. 1 aor. pass. cfyi'q/u. was
dismissed or despatched. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 214.
b. Sii^ovaav which extends, stretches across, or reaches. Schw.
A few lines below cnru^tvoQ, breaking up, departing. The Sinus
Singiticus, into which the canal drawn past the city Sane opened
from the Sin. Strymon, cf. vii. 23, a., is now the Gulf of Monte
Santo, the modern name of Athos. The Sin. Toron., the Gulf of
Cassandra ; the Sin. Therm., the G. of Saloniki. The petty towns
here mentioned in the peninsulas of Sithonia, Pallene, and the
mainland of Chalcidice, are spoken of in the latter part of Thu-
cyd. iv., where the greater part of them join, or are taken by,
Brasidas. Cf. Smith's C. D. Arrowsmith's E. Geog. p. 336 ; and
on the districts of Macedonia, Mull. Dor. vol. i. appendix i. on the
Macedonians, p. 470 478.
CH. CXXIII. a. Of the towns spoken of here, Potidsea, after-
wards Cassandria, now Pinaka, and Pella, now Alaklisi, the birth-
place of Alexander, are the most noted. Scione, Mende, Aphytis,
Sane, and Gigonus are mentioned in Thucyd. iv. circ. fin. Most
of the others are unknown, and none except Therme, cf. vii. 121,
BOOK VII. POLTMXIA. 361
a., appear to be places of any importance. Crosszea in Thucyd.
ii. 79, called Kporwie yrj. The Axius the Vardar.
b. Mtryfovi'rjv " on the Thermaic bay, and round the ancient
city of Therma, extended to the Axius. Beyond the Axius, to the
W., immediately after Mygdonia, came Bottiais, bounded on the
other side by the united mouth of the Haliacmon and the Lydias."
Mull. /. 1. p.' 470.
CH. CXX1V. a. ltd naiov. rat Kp>jerruv. On Paeonia cf. v. 13,
a., and on Crestonica, i. 57, a., and cf. Mull. 1. 1. p. 471. The Echi-
dorus, according to Mull. Dor. i. p. 471, now the Gattico.
CH. CXXV. a. tKipa"tov slaughtered^ killed. In viii. 86, a.,
used of sinking or di-sabliny ships.
CH. CXXVI. a. TTOT. Neerroc, the Mesto, cf. vii. 109, b. The
same boundaries are also assigned for lions in Europe by Aristotle,
H. A. viii. 23, though in his time they had become scarce. W.
The Achelous, Aspro Potamo, divides Acarnania from ^tolia ; cf.
Thucyd. ii. 102.
CH. CXXVI I. a. 'AXtaic/iovoc, now the Vistriza. " Hdtus by
mistake makes the Lydias (now the Karasmak or Mavronero)
unite with the Haliacmon, the latter of which is \V. of the former."
Smith's C. D.
b. a\\' i-iriXnri. Cf. vii. 43, a., ii. 19, b.
CH. CXXVIII. a. *OAv/i7rov. now Monte JEIymbo, called by the
Turks Semavat-Eci, the house of heaven. Ossa, now Mt Kissoto,
i. e. ivy-clad. The Peneus, now the R. Salambria. iv Quvpart
fiiyd\<{iiviffxiTti>,tcasJij:ed in great wonder . Jelf, 365, 2, cf. i. 31, c.
CH. CXXIX. a. T>}i> tit 6t<r<r. K. r. X. " The description given
by Hdtus of Thessaly, the strait of Thermopylae, and other places,
prove how well he had considered the scenes of particular actions :
that of Thessaly is one of the most pointed, clear, and concise im-
aginable." R. p. 36. See also D. p. 43. On Olympus, Ossa, and
the Peneus, cf. note on the foregoing ch. The chain of Pelion on
the E. , now Plessidhi or Zcujora ; of Pindus on the W., Agrafa ; of
Mt Othrys on the S., Mts Jlellovo and Gura Vouno ; the Cambunian
Mts on the N. are now the Volutza chain. Of the tributary streams
of the Peneus, the Apidanus, which passes by Pharsalia, is now
the Sataldtjfi, and the Enipeus the Goura. The Onochonus, which
AVordsworth considers as flowing in the vicinity of Scotussa and
Cynoscephalse, may be the modern Regani. Of the Parnisus the
modern name appears to be unknown. On the scenery of the valley
of the Peneus, Tempe, &c., the reader will not regret consulting
the extremely pretty book just referred to, Wordsworth's Greece,
Pictorial, Descriptive, and Historical.
CH. CXXX. a. yvtumnaxiovi-tg changing their opinion, adopting
a wiser and more prudent resolution. That this is the sense, and not,
" acknowledging their inferiority," as Valla renders it, is plain from
the fact that at first they refused to give earth and water, vi. 48,
but afterwards, as the Aleuadae, whom Xerxes supposed to be the
362 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
royal house, had tendered their submission, vii. 6, he conceived that
they expressed the wishes of the whole Thessalian people, whose
sentiments had thereby undergone a change, in the belief that re-
sistance was no longer practicable. Schw. Cf. also Thirlw. ii. c.
15, p. 249, and D. p. 134.
b. KOI Trnparps^ .... petQputv. The construction is iraparpty. t
aXXa petBpa tic TOVTWV, Si <t>v K T. \. B.
c. rovq AX. iraidag, cf. vii. 6, b., and vi. 127, c. Thirlw. ii. c. 15,
p. 260, 275.
CH. CXXXI. a. tKitpi pioneered their way through, cleared,
cut the trees down.
CH. CXXXII. a. tir'i TOVTOHTI against these they took an
oath ; as in vii. 148, ovvufiorai .... t-n-l r< Tlfpay. A few lines be-
low TOVTOVS BiKctTivaai is explained by Boeckh, Pub. Econ. i. p. 352,
that they would compel them to pay a tenth of the produce of their
land to Apollo, impose a tithe upon them ; Hire Grundstucke zinsp-
Jlichtig zu machen. This fine was probably imposed by the Am-
phictyonic council, cf. vii. 213, a., B., but not put in execution. See
D.'s remarks, p. 134.
b. TO niv dr) opiciov, On the candour of Hdtus, and his unsparing ex-
position of the truth, in thus giving a list of all who voluntarily did
homage to the foreign king, see D. p. 133, seqq., and cf. also p. 25.
CH. CXXXIIL a. eg rb /3apa0pov, cf. vi. 136, b. On o, TI Se
avtQtXriTov, what of a calamitous or disastrous nature, cf. vii. 88. a.
6. aXXd TOIITO .... ftviaQat. This sentence strongly speaks the
good sense of Hdtus and his freedom from superstition, in not being
too ready to refer to an unknown and divine cause what maybe as
well explained from a natural one. B.
CH. CXXXIV. a. an-cy. TaX icaXto/t. Cf. vi. 60, a., on
the hereditary nature of the herald's office at Sparta, and Mull.
Dor. ii. p. 28.
b. Tolai Sffapr. raXXitp iEvvaro, supply TO. iipa, the victims
would never give a favourable omen when the Spartans sacrificed. Cf.
vi. 76, b.
c 2irp0(/c <f. T. X. From Theocritus Id. xv. 98, 'A nq <cm 'S.irip-^iv
rbv idXtfjiov apiffTfvafv, it seems probable that some dirge, composed
when they left Sparta, apparently to meet certain death, was still
customarily chanted in their memory. See the notes in Kiessling's
Theocritus.
d. Qvffii TI . . . . Trpwra, nobili loco nati. Schw. loth of noble birth,
and endowed with as great a degree of wealth as any. \pr)[i. av. ic rd
Trpajra, eminent, lit. reaching into the first rank, amonr/ the first of the
Spartans for wealth. Mull. 1. I. Cf. vii. 13, a. This is one of the
many passages that go far to prove that the boasted equality of the
Spartan citizens had but little real existence. Cf. vi. 61, c.
CH. CXXXV. a. SeSofoaQi yap K.T.\. from o6o/uu. viii. 124, ix.
48, for you have the reputation, i. e. you, Spartans, generally, have
the reputation, in his opinion, of being men of noble character, &c.
BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 363
b. OVK civ Sop .... dXXa rai TrtXte. to use our utmost endeavours,
to fight to the last in behalf of it ; the metaphor is taken from hand-
to-hand combat, compared with and requiring more courage than
fighting, comparatively at a distance, with the spear. According
to S. and L. D., to fight to the last, not soldiers only, but every man,
taking TriXiKve of a carpenter's axe, that is, a domestic tool, rather
than of a battle-axe.
CH. CXXXVI. a. OVK 1$ . . . . ovSapci they said they would
in no icise do it, not though they were thrust down headlong by
them. V.
6. Itvrtpa a$i Xiyovai rait .... 2Eep?C .... OVK t$i) next, when
they made the following address, Xerxes answered them, &c. Here
Xty. is the dat. plur. of the participle, and agrees with a$i, which is
governed by fyjj. The word liiirtpa seems opposed to vp&ra above ;
they next said the following words and nearly to this import and
Xerxes answered them, &c., i. e. the 1st thing was their refusal, the
2nd to make the speech.
c. /3a<r. Mi/&uv, Cf. i. 163, d., vii. 62, a. For other instances of
Xerxes' magnanimity, cf. vii. 146, 147, viii. 118. B.
CH. C XXXVII. a. ogtl\t .... avlpwv who, sailing down upon
them in a merchant vessel full of men, (i. e. not laden with merchan-
dise, but filled with men, for piratical or warlike purposes,) captured
some Tin/nthian fishermen. The whole of these circumstances are
narrated in Thucyd. ii. 67, but, as he does not speak of fishermen,
but of f^nropovg 'AOrjvaiwv K. r. X. who were captured and put to
death, instead of a\uas, fishermen, some would read, 'AX7e, inhabit-
ants of Halies, a colony of Hermione and Tiryns, at the time then
spoken of an independent town, according to Mull. Dor. vol. ii.
App. vi. p. 440, whence I have quoted the above ; but afterwards
an ally of Sparta. This conjecture is rejected by B. on the ground
that Halise did at that time belong to Sparta, and that therefore its
inhabitants could not be objects of hostility. As what is spoken of
happened in the 2nd year of the Pelop. War, 430 B. c., just 50 years
after Xerxes' expedition, it is, of course, one of the events alluded
to, which happened later than the conclusion of Hdtus' history.
Cf. i. 130, b. On Sitalces and his connexion with the Athenians,
cf. Thucyd. ii. 29, 67, 95, &c. See also D. p. 30.
CH. C'XXXVIIL a. } ^* arparnXaoiri K.T.\. This and the
following ch. are translated in D. p. 132, seqq. It is hard to
say whether his admirable comments on them more thoroughly
disprove the possibility of the alleged recitation at Olympia, or the
charge brought against Hdtus of flattering the Athenians and want
of candour. Cf. also p. 24, seqq.
b. 7rvv9avon . . . . ol "EXXnvfg. Cf. Thirlw. ii. c. xv. 259, 260, and
Thucyd. iii. 56, airaviov ijv K. r. X.
CH. CXXXIX. a. 'Ev0avra dvayKaiy r.r.X. "Sometimes an
infinitive is governed not so much by its verb as by another implied
364 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
in it as avayKai-g .... cnrod. here, being prevented (frotn any thing
else), I am tu'.cessarily compelled to express my opinion. Cf. vii. 96,
b., i. 31, vi. 100, kXurtu/ K.r.X. Matth. 535, obs. 3.
b. ft gal iroX. rti\. KiQO>vt K. T. X. even though mam/ rows or
girdles of walls, i. e. many walls, one within another, had been drawn
across the Isthmus, &c. Schw. Lex. Cf. i. 131, rtlxog 0wpij iari
Cf. D. p. 133, 135.
c. ravra pty. tutXXe this party, viz. the one to which the Athe-
nians should attach themselves, would prevail, lit. have the prepon-
derance, incline the scale. Schw. Lex.
CH. CXL. a. T Q ukXeot ic.r.X. These two oracles are para-
phrased in Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 294. The last line, however, which
he considers to mean begone ! and expect your doom, has, probably,
a different sense. Valla, indeed, renders it tnalis effundite mentem,
as if the oracle bade them expect the worst, and took all hope away ;
but the sense of Schw., spargite animi robur super mala, i. e. his
malt's opponite animi robur, S. and L. D., spread your spirit over your
ills, is preferable. In the 4th line of the oracle, the word piaaw is
to be referred, as B. notes, to TroXioc, to which also fuv in the next
line relates.
CH. CXLI. a. irpofiaXXovai Se o^>. air, throwing away all courage
and hope, giving themselves up to despondency and dismay. W. and B.
So from Lange, and when they were already altogether in despair, by
reason of the misfortune that was predicted, &c.
b. iKtTTip Xa/3. " Timon encouraged them once more to approach
the god with the ensigns of suppliants, if perchance they might
move his compassion to a milder decree." Thirlw././. Cf. v. 51, a.
c. dSduav. iriXdaaaQ, making it like adamant, i. e. making my de-
claration irrevocable. On the title T/oiroy, cf. iv. 180, c.
d. In rot . . . . taffy the tune shall yet come when thou shalt stand
in opposition, the time will come hereafter for resistance. The am-
biguous phraseology of the latter part of the oracle is well repre-
sented by Thirlw. " Let them not wait to be trampled down by
the horse and foot of the invader, but turn their backs : they might
again look him in the face. In seed-time or in harvest, thou, divine
Salamis, shalt make women childless."
CH. CXLII. a. a'iSe avviar. pa\., and these most opposed to each
other. Cf. i. 208, a.
b. pfixv " tne hedge of thorns, which once fenced in the rock of
Pallas." Thirlw. in /. On the subsequent fortifications of the
Acropolis, cf. Potter, Gk Antiq. i. c. 8.
CH. CXLIII. a. QepiffTOK. On the character of Themistocles,
and how well suited he was to the emergency of the times, cf.
Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 265. Cf. also p. 96, on the circumstances nar-
rated here : " it cannot be reasonably doubted that he (Themis-
tocles) had himself prepared the crisis which he now stept forward
to decide," that is, that he had himself procured the co-operation of
BOOK VII. POLTMKIA. 365
the priestess in returning the above-mentioned answers, framed
with the especial object of persuading the Athenians to put their
trust in their navy.
CH. CXLIV. a. 'Erspj; re 6 Stica pa iroXipov ....
Ai'yjjvjjr. K. T. X. See the remarks on the Athenian revenue in H.
P. A. 156. " The formation of a public treasure cannot be dated
even from the appropriation Themistocles made of the produce of
the silver mines to public purposes, instead of dividing it, as here-
tofore, among the citizens at large ; since the express purpose of
that appropriation, namely, the building and maintenance of a fleet,
will hardly allow us to think that there was ever any great overplus,
at least not till Athens had opened for itself new sources of revenue,
after attaining the supremacy over the Greek coast and islands."
See also Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 268. " The rent of the silver mines
of Laurion the people had hitherto enjoyed like the profits of a
private partnership, by sharing it equally among them : it was one
year unusually large, and would have yielded to each citizen of the
poorer class ten drachmas, a sum which would have been felt as
an important addition to his ordinary income; for, according to
Boeckh's calculation, an Athenian at this time might have lived on
a hundred drachmas a year. Themistocles persuaded them to
forego this advantage, &c. &c." From this passage, Boeckh calcu-
lates that, as there were 30,000 citizens, v. 97, the revenue from
the mine was 50 talents = 12,187 10s. The date of the above
transactions, when Themist. prevailed on the people to take this
step, is considered by Thirlw. to have been " early in the interval
between the first and second Persian invasion ; " by B. it is dated
before, in the year 493 B. c., and the ^Eginetan war in 491 B. c.
Cf. Thucyd. i. 93, 6 yap Qem<7TOK\ije K. T. X.
CH. CXLV. a. SvXXtyoju. TUV'E\\. On the date of this con-
gress, viz. in the winter of 481 B. c., or the very early part of the
spring of 480 B. c., and that the place of the isthmus, cf. a note in
Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 269. " It appears that the congress was as-
sembled and had mediated between Athens and .ZEgina, and had
been engaged in other proceedings of a like nature, before it re-
ceived intelligence of the king's arrival at Sardis, which must have
reached it early."
b. tyKixwutvoi. according to Schw. in Lex., the perf. part. pass.
from sy^t tpiuv, to take in hand, to take up tyicfxprj/jgi/oi being put by
syncope for tyxtxeiprju'svoi. Matth., B. notes, derives it from syxpaw,
rendering bella nonnullis cum aliis gerenda impacta erant, i. e. in-
gruerant. The former explanation seems preferable: render,
for there were wars too taken up, or commenced, against some other
states, &c. Cf. also S. and L. I)., ty^paw.
c. Trapd TeXajva Cf. also vii. 154, and Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 570,
seqq. " This embassy to Gelo took place 480 B. c., when he was
in the height of his power. He had made himself tyrant of Gela
491 B. c., gained Syracuse 484 B. c., or, 485 B. c. according to
366 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
Thirlw., whither he transplanted the inhabitants of Camarina 483
B. c., and part of those of Gela 482 B. c., in which year also he took
Megara. The embassy to Gelo is discussed in D. p. 13S 140.
d. av-fKvfy acting in union ; cf. iii. 82, a. On the phrase oiiSap. 'E\X.
TWV ov iro\ \iitf>. there being no Greek powers than which his (Gelo's)
teas not much greater, i. e. much greater than any of the Greek powers,
which much resembles ovSttc, oarif ov, or the Latin nemo non, cf.
Hermann on Viger. 29. Schw. Cf. Jelf, 824, 2. Inverse Attrac-
tion. I think it may be fairly suspected that OVTWV has been drop-
ped out of the MSS., having escaped the copyist's eye between the
-u>v and rSiv.
CH. CXLVI. a. paoaviaQivrtc. questioned, interrogated. We
need not suppose that the word here means put to the torture, or
has any stronger sense than cross-questioned, examined. Schw. Lex.
B. Cf. i. 116, ii. 151, referred to in S. and L. D. On the humanity
of Xerxes mentioned here and in the following ch., cf. the refs in
vii. 136, c.
CH. CXLVII. a. \6yov u'i(i>, Perhaps greater th an the report of
them ; greater than fame declared them to be ; but it is more agreeable
to the context to render greater than words could tell. It is very
well given by L., au dessus de toute expression. Schw.
b. ir\ola te TOV Uovrov airay. This refers to the trade in corn,
wine, dried fish, and salt, which, before the commencement of the
supremacy of Athens, Greece carried on with the northern shores
of the Euxine and the Sea of Azov, as well as with the Milesian
colonies on the Pontus, Amisus, Trapezus, and others. Cf. H.
Pers. ch. i. p. 7\, 77> &c- and particularly the Prize Essay " De
Re Frumentaria apud Athenienses," Oxford, 1842, p. 13 17, by
my friend Mr. Henderson, Fellow of Magd. College, Oxford, and
Head of Victoria College, Jersey. With regard to the gross total
of wheat imported into and grown in Attica, he observes " illud
persuasurn habeamus, millia circa 1000 medimn. ab externis terris
Athenas importata fuisse ; circa m. 2300 ex Attica ipsa provenisse,"
See.
CH. CXLVIII. a. iiri T$ Tlipay. Cf. vii. 132, a.
b. 'Apy Trt/iv//. Own-? aviXtlv race, Cf. Thirlw. ii. p. 264,
on the embassy sent to Argos, and the reason why this state stood
aloof from the confederacy " While Persian invasion was impend-
ing, Argos had sent to the Delphic oracle for advice, as to the part
she ought to take after the recent stroke by which Cleomenes had
depr.ved her of 6000 of her citizens. Cf. vi. 76, seqq. notes. The
answer was such as she desired, and probably had dictated : it en-
joined her to shield herself from the danger and remain quiet, c. &c."
c. Eiffoi rbv 7rpo/36X. i x<>v, rrpoj36\aiog, an outstretched spear ; the
sense appears to be keeping the spear drawn back, not making a thrust,
i. e. remain at rest, be upon your guard. Coray, quoted by Schw.
By Kt<$>a\fiv V. conceives the citadel, called Larissa by the Argives,
to be intended. The oracle is translated in a note by B. :
BOOK VII. POLTMNIA. &b7
" Vicinis offensa, Deo carissima plebes
Armorum cohibe munimina, corporis omne
Discrimen sola capitis tutabitur umbra."
d. Kairoi .... iiytpov. fwi/ruJv. On this subject cf. vi. 76, c., 83, a.,
and the excellent 33, in H. P. A.
CH. CXLIX. a. firj iTri\tyto6ai, and that they doubted or icere
afraid, lest, if a truce was not concluded, &c. This word, which
means that they considered with themselves, frequently involves the
notion of fear. Cf. vii. 47, 49, 52, 236. Schw.
b. a<j>i piv . . . . Svo /3a<r. 'Apy. ck eva. " It may be inferred that it
was the case in all, as we know it to have been in many Dorian
states, with the exception of later colonies, that they were go-
verned by princes of the Heraclide family. In Argos the descend-
ants of Temenus reigned until after the time of Phidon, cf. vi. 127,
b., and the kingly office did not expire till after the Persian war."
Mull. Dor. ii. p. 112. See also p. 147. On the Spartan kings, &c.,
cf. vi. 51, b., seqq.
CH. CL. a, d\\. Xoyoe K. T. X. " If, as Hdtus heard it com-
monly, Xerxes sent emissaries to Argos, they were sure to find the
Argives well disposed to receive the genealogical fiction, which was
probably invented for the occasion, that their hero Perseus was the
founder of the Persian race," &c. Thirlw. in I, Cf. ii. 91, b.
b. raSra O.KOVO. 'Apy "EXXjjvac ic. T. X. it is said that the Ar-
gives, when they heard this, made a great matter of it, or, thought
much of it ; and at first, as they had made no offers of alliance, viz.
to the rest of the Greeks, (for they had not attended to deliberate
with them,) so they made no demands upon them ; but when the
Greeks were for taking than into the alliance, then indeed they did
make a demand, &c. ovdtv iTrayy. fitrair. = ovSiv iirayytXXiaGai icai
ovdiv piTairkuv, they made no offers and advanced no claims. Schw.
CH. CLI. a. TroXX. treat vartpov This embassy of Callias to
the Persian court, to negotiate, according to some, what is known
by the name of the peace of Cimon, took place, D., p. 30, thinks,
in the first years of the Pelop. War, some time before the death of
Artaxerxes, which happened 425 B. c. On the conduct of the
Argives and Hdtus' candour concerning it, see D. p. 134, seqq.
" But the whole matter is one of great doubt, and one which the
silence of Thucyd. renders extremely suspicious." See the remarks
of Thirlw. iii. p. 37. Cf. i. 130, b.
b. SovffotTi Tolffi 'Mifivovioiat. Cf. V. 53, a.
CH. CL1I. a. on il irdvTis . . . . rd tatviiK. Schw. quotes Val.
Max. vii. 2, ext. 2. " Aiebat (Solon) si in unum locum cuncti mala
sua contulissent, futurum ut propria deportare domum, quam ex
communi miseriarum acervo portionem suam ferre mallent." The
passage is given and commented on in D. I. L p. 134.
b. iiriidi] (70i .... alxnn iarqicit, since their war with the Lacede-
monians had turned out unprosperously to them. Schw. Lex. at'xpi},
war, as in v. 94, a. On the war here referred to, cf. vi. 76, seqq. B.
368 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. CLIII. a. FeXum On Gelo, "a bold, crafty, and fortunate
usurper," cf. vii. 145, c., Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Gelon,
and the excellent sketch of his rise and progress in power in
Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 270, seqq.
b. ri\r]G " Gela, which was the 3rd Doric settlement in Sicily,
having been founded 45 years after Syracuse, i. e. 690 B. c., by
Antiphemus from Rhodes and Extimus from Crete, cf. Thucyd. vi.
4, was sacrificed by Gelon and Hiero, though their native city, to
the new seat they had chosen for their government. Its tyrants,
Oleander, 505 B. c., and Hippocrates, 498 B. c., had, but a short
time before, raised it to sovereignty over all its neighbours.
Though it regained its independence 467 B. c., its prosperity never
revived." H. P. A. 85.
c. TUIV xO v - OMV, By this title it appears possible here, from
the Schol. on Find. Pyth. ii. 27, that Ceres and Proserpine are
meant. W.
d. MaKrwpwv, in S. of Sicily, probably now Mazzarino. Man-
nert in B.
e. b 1 Xey. irpbg .... otKjjr. From this, and from vii. 165, 167,
compared with vii. 170, vi. 25, v. 47, it seems far from improbable
that Hdtus, during his residence at Thurii, visited Sicily. B.
That he certainly did so, " investigating every thing of any conse-
quence in Sicily," is the opinion of D. p. 40.
CH. CLIV. a. KXedvSpov K.T.\. Cf. note b. on preceding ch.,
and the of H. there quoted, note 6.
b. KaXXiTr Na&'oue K. r. X. Callipolis, according to L., Gatti-
poli, near ./Etna. Naxos, the earliest Gk colony in Sicily, 735 B. c.
Of Zancle, cf. vi. 22, a., the date of the first foundation, by Cu-
maean freebooters, is uncertain. Leontini, Lentini, and Catana,
Catania, daughter cities of Naxos, 730 B. c. Syracuse, founded
from Corinth, 734 B. c. Camarina, Camerina, founded 599 B. c.,
as also Acrae 663 B. c., and Casmenee 643 B. c., was a Syracusan
colony. On the Gk settlements in Sicily, read H.'s brief and lucid
account, P. A. 83 85, and Thucyd. vi. 35. Cf. Arrowsmith's
Eton Geog. c, 14, p. 294, seqq., and Smith's C. D.
CH. CLV. a. "Y/3Xp, Whether the town here intended was the
Megara Hyblaea, Melika, spoken of in the next ch., or Hybla sur-
named Heraea, as L. thinks, seems uncertain. " The Sicilian
name Hybla was common to many towns in the interior, which
were distinguished by surnames, as Major, Hersea, Geleatis, or
Galeotis." H. 84, note 3.
b. Toi>e yapopovg . . . . KiAXvpiW, Cf. Mull. Dor. ii. p. 61, "On
the subject classes," &c. The whole of the 3rd, 4th, and 5th chs
are particularly recommended to the reader's study. " A Doric
state founded the colony ; and its citizens constituted the sole no-
bility in the new city ; these parted among themselves the con-
quered land into lots, K\ijpoi, cf. v. 77, ., and formed the proper
body of citizens, the iro\iTtvp.a strictly so called. These colonists,
BOOK VII. POLTMNIA. 369
however, soon endeavoured to strengthen themselves with fresh
numbers, opening their harbours to all exiled and discontented
persons. This motley population, the Demus, was generally ex-
cluded from the proper body politic, iro\iTtvfia, till it obtained ad-
mittance by force ; and at the same time constantly pressed for a
new division of the territory, avadaofiog. Cf. iv. 159, a. Besides
these, a third rank was formed by the native inhabitants, who were
compelled by the new comers to serve either as bondsmen or public
slaves. Thus, at Syracuse, were first the Gamori, viz. the old Cor-
inthian colonists who had taken possession of the large lots and divided
the land ; secondly, a Demus (in Syracuse the Demus, contrary to
the practice in the Peloponnesian states, was immediately received
into the city, hence its immense size) ; and thirdly, slaves on the
estates of the nobles. These were without doubt native Sicilians,
as is shown by the various forms of their name, KvXXvpwt, KaXXi-
Kvpioi, KtXXticvpioi, which cannot be explained from the Greek. The
Gamori, together with their Cyllyrians, stood in nearly the same
relation to the Demus, as the patricians with their clients did to
the plebeians at Rome." It is well worth while also to read H.
P. A. 60, on the Gamori, landholders, wealthy proprietors, and
19, on the enslaved classes. See also Smith's D. of A., Colonies
Gk and KXijpoiixoi.
CH. CLVI. a. Kal taav ot irav. at 2i>pijic. and Syracuse icas
every thing to him. Cf. on the expression, i. 122, a. " Henceforth,
committing Gela to the care of his brother Hiero, he bent all his
thoughts on increasing the strength of his new capital." Thirlw.
1. I. Cf. on this policy, i. 98, b.
b. Mey. rt rovg iv 2tK., i. e. Megara Hyblaea, cf. vii. 155, a., "in-
corporated with Syracuse by Gelo, 245 years after its foundation,
i. e. in 482 B. c. It was a daughter city of the Niseean Megara in
the Peloponnesus, and founded 728 B. c.
c. Ew/3osne .... SiaKpivag. " Euboea and others of the Chalcidian
cities, such as Callipolis, have disappeared without leaving a trace
behind, most probably in the wars between the Sicilians and Car-
thaginians." H. P. A. I. I. SiaKpivag, making a distinction, between
the nobles or wealthy, ira^iug, cf. Thucyd. iii. 82, and v. 30, a.,
and commonalty, i. e. by admitting the first to the privileges of
Syracusan citizens, while he consigned their unoffending subjects
to slavery and transportation. The implacable animosity of the
two classes which he thus brought together, and between which
he probably observed a strict neutrality, was, no doubt, the firmest
groundwork of his dominion. Thirlw. /. /.
CH. CLVII. a. T6r 8k K.T.\. On the narrative in this and
the subsequent chs., see refs in vii. 145, c.
b. rb iymalvov, the sound (part) of Greece. Cf. Jelf, 436, y.
quoted in i. 136, b.
CH. CLVIII. a. iroXX. iveic. Xtywv expostulated with, pressed
upon, them earnestly. Cf. ix. 91, a., viii. 59. Schw. Lex. \6yov
2 B
370 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
v\tov., a selfish proposition, Schw., a grasping, overbearing speech.
S. and L. D. On this and the following chs. 167, see D. p. 137,
seqq.
b. iuiv Trpor. 8et)Q. /3ap ffvvtXtvdtpovv, when I formerly begged
you to join me in attacking the army of the barbarians, when the con-
test was commenced beticeen me and the Carthaginians, and when I
commanded you to require satisfaction from the Egestceans for the
death of Dorieus s. of Anax, and held out the hope of (i. e. offered to
assist you in) freeing the ports, fyc. " He had in vain called upon
them for assistance against the Carthaginians and Tuscan pirates,
who infested their commerce as well as that of the Sicilians, and
the Egestseans, on whom they had to avenge the death of Dorieus."
Thirlw. 1. I. On Dorieus, cf. v. 42 46.
c. tar av haTro\ifir]atapiv, until we may hate finished the war. Cf.
Jelf, 847, 3.
CH. CLIX. a. 'H uiy o<'/*w. -Evidently imitated from Ho-
mer, II. vii. 125,
T H Kf fit-/ oi/ju)((t yip(ttv 'nnrri\dra Ht)\fi>. W.
b. VTTO TsX. rt Kal 2t>p. In the omission of the article before Gelon
and Syracusans, L. conceives that a sarcasm lies to be deprived of
the command by a Gelon and by Syracusans.
CH. CLX. a. a-Triarpaftfji. TOVS \6yovg sermonem aversantem,
cum indignatione respuentem propositam conditionem. B. hostile
words. S. and L. D.
b. iTrei Tt . . . . -rrpoff. KaricrraTai, since this proposal is so disagree-
able to you, since you are so averse to it.
CH. CLXI. a. 'A9nv ap^aior. pkv tOvoc. . . . . ov pfTavaar.
Cf. i. 56, a., Thucyd. i. 2, and ii. 36.
b. "O/ujpoc .... avSo. apiar. Mnestheus is meant ; cf. Horn. II.
ii. 554. W.
CH. CLXII. a. k TOV IviavTov ic.r.X. By Aristotle, Rhet. iii.
c. 10, 7, this metaphor is attributed to Pericles in his funeral ora-
tion ; it is not found, however, in Thucydides.
CH. CLXII I. a. SKvOtw, The Scythes, tyrant of Messana,
mentioned in vi. 24, was most probably the uncle of this man. V.
See D.'s remarks on the mission of Cadmus, p. 138, and Thirlw. ii.
c. 15, p. 273.
b. KapaSoKt'iffavTa watching earnestly, strictly, watching with out-
stretched head. S. and L. D. KapaS. rt}v pax- to watch the issue
of the struggle. In the commencement of the ch. xpnpaTHrafitvoi,
having had these dealings, held this conference, icith. Cf. iii. 118, a.
CH. CLXIV. a. tKwv rt tivai, both as far as his will went, with
good will. " The phrase may possibly be explained by this analogy,
tvilling (ilvai = ovaiav) according to his real nature, that is, really."
Jelf, 667, obs. 1. See also 679, 3. On airb IK., by reason of
justice, from Justice, (justice being the motive whence the action
came,) cf. Jelf, 620, 3, d., on uirb Causal. So euro oxovdijc., in
earnest. Cf. II. xii. 233, there quoted.
BOOK VH. POLYMNIA. 371
b. *e niffov Kara. Cf. iv. 161, c., and on Zancle, vi. 22, a.
CH. CLXV. a. Aly. & rat iivb .... oac;/x. Cf. vii. 153, e.
b. t'Tj-6 6/;pajvoe The same to whom Olymp. ii. and iii. of Pindar
are addressed. This invasion of the Carthaginians is related in
Diod. Sic. xi. 20, seqq. Cf. also H. P. A. 85 and 83, note 15.
The battle of Himera, 480 B. c., more probably about the time
when Thermopylae was fought, than Salamis ; cf. Prid. Conn. an.
480, and D. p. 139.
c. Qoiviicwv, By the Phoenicians are here meant the Cartha-
ginians ; by the Libyans, those tribes of the native Africans who
were in subjection to them. The Iberians are the Spaniards, who
formed an important quota of the Carthaginian armies ; cf. Arnold's
Hist, of Rome, iii. p. 397 : the Ligyans were probably a nation of
the S. of Gaul, near Marseilles, where the Carthaginians traded;
and the Elisycians, in whose name W. fancies a resemblance exists
to the Helvetians, another tribe, either from Gaul or the shores of
N. Italy. B. See H. Carthag. ch. vii. passim and ch. ii.
d. Kopx. iovra /3aff. king, i. e. chief man of the Carthaginians.
Cf. vi. 34, a. The Suffetes, the presiding officers of the Cartha-
ginian senate, and the chief civil magistrates, are by the Gk writers
called kings, a title also given to the generals of the state. " The
Suffetes are by Livy compared with the consuls ; they were elected
from the richest and noblest families ; Aristot. Pol. ii. 81 ; we sup-
pose the number two, like the kings of Sparta and the consuls."
Cf. article Carthago, in Smith's D., and H. Carthag. ch. iii. p. 60,
seqq., and Arnold, Hist, of Rome, ii. p. 551, seqq., who, after dis-
cussing what is known on the constitution of Carthage, has the
following fine observations "Every one who is accustomed to
make history a reality must feel how unsatisfactory are these ac-
counts of mere institutions, which, at the best, can offer us only a
plan, and not a living picture. Was the Carthaginian aristocracy,
with its merchant nobles, its jealous tribunals, its power abroad
and its weakness at home, an older sister of that Venetian republic,
whose fall, less shameful than the long stagnation of its half exist-
ence, Nemesis has in our own days rejoiced in ? Or did the com-
mon voice in France speak truly, when it called England the
modern Carthage ? Or is Holland the truer parallel, and do the
contests of the house of Nassau with the Dutch aristocracy repre-
sent the ambition of the house of Barca, and the triumph of the
popular party over the old aristocratical constitution ? We cannot
answer these questions certainly, because Carthage on the stage of
history is to us a dumb actor ; no poet, orator, historian, or philoso-
pher, has escaped the wreck of time, to show how men thought and
felt at Carthage."
CH. CLXVI. a. rijs avrfje //pi?c K.T.\. Cf. note b. on pre-
ceding ch. So also, on /3aer. Kapxj5. note d.
CH. CLXVII. a. TTJV ffvaraaiv, the battle, or, conflict. Cf. ii.
117. B.
2 B 2
372 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
b. iOvtro Kal tKaXX. The verb icoXXtp. occurs also in vii. 134, b.
Cf. vi. 76, b. From this passage it may be concluded that the
generals of the Carthaginians possessed a sacerdotal power and
office, similar to that exercised by the consuls of Rome and the
kings of Sparta, and that they were bound, or, at least, had the
power, to offer sacrifice even in the midst of a battle. B. In earlier
times, they, the Suffetes, had been invested with the two great
characters of ancient royalty, those of general and of priest; at
least Hamilcar, who commanded the Carthaginians at the battle of
Himera, and who was one of the Suffetes, is described by Hdtus as
sacrificing during the battle and pouring libations with his own
hand on the victims. And although the expression in Hdtus is
iBviro and not tOvtv, yet the same expression is applied to the pro-
phet Tisamenus, who was with the Greek army at Plattea ; and
unless Hamilcar had been personally engaged in the sacrifice, we
can scarcely suppose that he would have remained in the camp
while it was going forward, instead of being present with his
soldiers in the action. Arnold, Hist, of Rome. vol. ii. p. 552, note.
Cf. H. /. L p. 60, 66. B. adds that, according to Polysenus, i. 27, 2,
the Carthaginian general Hamilco, as he mistakenly calls him,
was killed by a stratagem of Gelo's. B. It is narrated in Prid. pt.
i. bk. iv. an. 480.
c. ol Ovovffi, From this it may be inferred that Hamilcar was
supposed to have devoted himself to death in behalf of his army,
and that he was regarded in the light of a hero, and therefore
honoured with sacrifices. B. Similar honours were paid to Bra-
sidas and others.
CH. CLXVIII. a. Kpicupatot e K. r. \. See Thirlw. ii. c. xv.
p. 270. By Pylos mentioned in this ch. is probably meant the
Nestorian Pylos in Messenia. Old Navarino. Cf. Odyss. iii. 4. B.
Which Pylos, however, it was, as there were three, in Messenia, in
Triphylia, and in Elis, that gave birth to Nestor, is much disputed ;
as Nestor is called by Pindar " King of Messenia." Muller, Dor.
i. p. 83, cf. p. 1 13, places the Nestorian Pylos in Triphylia. Cf.
Smith's C. D., Pylos. Taenarus, C. Matapan ; a name corrupted,
some one has observed, from pirwirov, as standing boldly out like a
forehead into the sea. See Arrowsmith, L I. p. 421.
b. IXOVT. Svv. OVK i\a\iffr. Thucyd. i. 33, 36, 44, 68. B.
c. MaXiqv hod. C. St. Aw/elo, or, Maliodi St. Angela. SUKOOIHT.
a few lines below, eluded, put off, deceived. Schw. On the Etesian
winds, cf. vi. 140, a.
CH. CLXIX. a. *Q vr\ir. tmpkp Saicpvu. K.r.X. reproach
yourselves, or blame yourselves, O senseless ones, for all the icoes which
Minos in wrath sent upon you from your having aided Menelaus, be-
cause they (i. e. the Greeks) did not assist in revenging his murder at
Camicus, whilst you (i. e. the Cretans) did assist them in revenging
the rape SfC. The Cretans are reminded of the wrath of Minos
for their folly in having assisted the Greeks in the Trojan war,
BOOK VII. POLTMXIA. 373
whilst the Greeks had not returned the favour to the Cretans by
assisting them to avenge his death. iirifiifupfaBf, remember your
tcronr/s, or reproach yourselves for your former weak good nature
appears to be something like the sense intended. On the dat.
M*vAl v , cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 390. Cf. Thirl w. ii. c. 15, p. 270.
" The Cretans raked up a legend out of their mythical antiquity,
about the disastrous expedition of Minos to Sicily, and that of his
subjects who sailed in search of him, and under cover of a con-
venient oracle, with a decent profession of regret, refused their aid."
On Minos, cf. i. 171, b., H. P. A. 6, and the article in Smith's
D. of G. and R. Biog.
CH. CLXX. a. AatSdXov On Daedalus cf. the article in Smith's
D. of G. and R. Biog.
b. rt)v vvv 2e/c. KCL\. as more anciently called Trinacria, or
Trinacris. Cf. Thucyd. vi. 2. The city Camicus, mentioned a few
lines below, stood, according to Mannert ix. 2, on a lofty rock that
overhung the city of Agrigentum, Giryenti. See Arrowsmith, Eton
Geog. p. 201,301.
c. Xtp< awKTTe&rac, worn out, or, pinched by famine, B., gtnugKtUf
or wrestling with, that is, contending in vain against hunger. Schw.
Lex. Cf. viii. 74, ix. 89. In S. and L. D. like ovvtifii, ii. 4, in-
volved or implicated in.
d. 'YpiT/v also called Oria, or Uria, in the North of the lapy-
giau peninsula, upon what was afterwards the Appian Way be-
tween Brundusium and Tarentum. See Arrowsmith, 1. I. c. xiv.
p. '2 S3.
e. rdf Srj Topav , . . . i^avisrav rcc., which the Tarentines a long time
afterwards endeavouring to destroy, Schw., or to expel the inhabit-
ants from. B. Cf. i. 155, vii. 170, ix. 106, ii. 171, on the sense
of expelling, or endeavouring to drive out, the inhabitants. The event
here alluded to took place after the date of the conclusion of
Hdtus' work. Cf. i. 130, b. It happened, according to Diodorus
xi. 52, in the sixth year after Salamis, i. e. when Hdtus was ten
years old, in 474 B. c. See the further valuable remarks of D. p.
28, to whom I am indebted for the above, and cf. vii. 153, e.
f. ot VTTO .... avayKn. T&V aar., who (i. e. the Rhegines,) were
pressed, or levied out of the body of the citizens by Micythis, &c. These
were, no doubt, the flower of the state, levied, not from the Perioeci,
cf. vii. 58, but from what Thucyd. would have called the heavy-
armed men off the roll, or, the regular soldiers, cf. Thucyd. viii. i.
89, 97. A few lines below oine itrir)v dpiOp. the number was not set,
there was no number assigned. On the accurate information, here
and in vi. 21, displayed by Hdtus, and the inference thence to be
drawn, see D. p. 36.
CH. CLXXI. a. iraptv9r)Kt], a digression, cf. vii. 5, c. rptry $i
fiv .... Tpu/uca, in the third generation, i. e. a hundred years after
Minos died, &c. Cf. ii. 142, and on Minos, ref. in vii. 169, a.
CH. CLXXI I. a. QiaaaX TO. o\ 'AXiv. i^nx av - Cf. ^- G,
374 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
b., 130, a., and Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 275. On the congress at the
Isthmus, cf. vii. 145, a., and on irpofiovXoi, vi. 7, a.
b. anaipr]^ivoi, Ion. reduplicat. for ypqpivoi from aipiw, chosen, cf.
vii. 83, b. fv aickiry rov iroXtfiov, cf. i. 143, a.
c. Trpoear. TOO ..... 'EXXa&>c, that we who sit, i. e. who are situated,
so far beyond the rest of Greece, &c. &c.
d. avayK ..... 7rpo<T0. you cannot apply compulsion to us, i. e. you
cannot compel us to resist by ourselves the Persian army. Schw. On
the sentiment in the next sentence, ovS. yap d5w. K. r. X. B. com-
pares what the Andrians say in viii. Ill, ovS. yap. TTJQ K. T.\.
CH. CLXXIII. a. Eiipijrov. the Straits of Neyropont. Cf. the
account given by Hobhouse of these straits, extracted in the article
in the Class. Diet, and Arrowsmith Eton G. c. 18, p. 435.
b. rife 'AXUUTIG The Achaia of Thessaly, which embraced
Phthiotis, Hellas, and the tract inhabited by the Dolopians. See
Arrowsmith, 1. 1. p. 358.
c. TU Tfu-TTta On this valley through which the Peneus, the
Salambria, flows between Olympus and Ossa, cf. Wordsworth's
" Greece, Historical and Pict.," referred to in vii. 128.
d. Ttuv TToXtfiapxuv Of these officers there were six in Sparta,
one at the head of each mora: they were next in military rank to
the king and received their commands directly from him ; them-
selves, in turn, issuing their directions to the Lochagi, and so on,
through each division of the Spartan army. Cf. H. P. A. 29, and
Thucyd. v. 66. From the text it would appear that the polemarchs
were generally of the royal family. Cf. also Smith's D. of A.,
e. 'AXiZdvSpov K. T. X. Alexander, s. of Amyntas, cf. v. 19, seqq.,
viii. 139, &c., was now king of Macedonia. Cf. also Thirlw. ii. c.
xv, p. 275. A little below 6 Martyr, the Macedonians. Cf. i. 2, d.
CH. CLXXV. a. y n ari^aovrai TOV TroX. in what manner shall
they carry on the war. Perhaps rather, set on foot, begin the war.
b. yjjf riJQ 'laTiaiiur. This was a district in the N. of Euboea,
opposite a tract that bore the same name in Thessaly, mentioned
in i. 56. B. See Arrowsmith, 1. I. c. xviii. p. 437-
CH. CLXXVI. a. ro'Aprt/i. A tract on the N. of Euboea, so
called from the temple of Artemis, belonging to Hestiaea. Smith's
C. D. On the places mentioned in this ch. see the two excellent
articles in the Class. Diet, Euboea and Tliermopyla, and Arrow-
smith, /. I. c. xvi. p. 360, and c. xviii. p. 435. That the localities of
Thermopylae, as also of Plataea, are "evidently described from
ocular observation," cannot fail to strike the reader. Cf. D. p. 43.
b. TruXat .... tStipav Si ^uic'sfg TO rtT^oc, cf. viii. 27, a. " The
ruins of a wall are still existing at the N. entrance, which perhaps
has served as a barrier against the invasions of Thcssalian, Persian,
and Roman armies." Mull. Dor. bk. i. ch. ii. p. 44.
CH. CLXXVIII. a. Ol utv to) 'EXX ..... Siara X 0. the Greeks
therefore mustered in all haste against the enemies, distributed into
BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. 375
two divisions, or posted at two different places ; viz. the one part
taking their station at Thermopylae, the other at Artemisium.
Schw. Lex.
CH. CLXXIX. a. 'O Se vavr Trapt/S 2(cta0. The naval
force &c. made straight across with ten of the best sailing ships for
the island of Sciathus. R. Therma, Saloniki, vii. 121, a. Scia-
thus, Skiatho.
CH. CLXXX. a. TWV ImfiaT. On the Epibatae, marines, cf.
vi. 12, c.
b. iadkiov .... eaXXtorov. dextrum omen (of very good omen) ex-
istimantes ilium, quern e Greeds primum atque formossimum cepe-
rant. Port. Lex. " The victors selected the comeliest man they
found among the Trcezenian prisoners, and sacrificed him at the
prow of his ship for an omen of victory." Thirlw. in I.
c. rd^a 5' dv . . . . liravp. perhaps too in some degree he may have
got the benefit of, or, reaped the consequences of, hits name (Aovrof,
Lyon) ; perhaps it was in some respect owing to his name that he met
with this end.
CH. CLXXXI. a. nvd a<j>t 06p. Trap. caused them, the Persians,
some trouble, to wit, in taking it. Cf. 7rp//y/iara iraps^iiv and irovov
Traps*, i. 155, 175, 177. On Pytheas, cf. viii. 92. B.
b. e o KctTi/cp. diraQ. until he was almost cut to pieces. Cf. iii. 13.
icpeoup. &iaatrdaavTtg. A few lines below fKTrayXto/itvot, with much-
admiration.
CH. CLXXXII. a. t^odX. l s rd c lafioXdc. rov Unv. " The Athe-
nians ran their vessel aground in the mouth of the Peneus, and
made their way home through Thessaly." Thirlw. in I. This
reading, tcfloXag, is adopted instead of ififioXac., (which is retained
by Schsefer,) by G., Schw., and B.
b. irapd. Trvpa&v K. r. X. " This first appearance of the enemy
was speedily announced by fire signals from Sciathus to the
Greeks at Artemisium," &c. Thirlw. in 1. Cf. ix. 3, and ./Esch.
Ag. 281, seqq.
c. rififpocFKOTrovg watchers by day ; opposed to irvpatvTal, those
who attended to the beacons. Cf. vi. 105, a.
CH. CLXXXIIL a. ^rj-rndSa .... Ka(T0avai'jjc The Cape of
Sepias, C. St. George. Casthansea, Tzankarada, at the foot of Mt
Pelion. Cf. Arrowsmith, 1. I. p. 357-
CH. CLXXXIV. a. rbv ptv dpx o/X. that which was the
original throng, or mass, of each of the nations, c., i. e. the Asiatics
who primarily formed the crews ; exclusive as well of the Sacae,
Medes, and Persians, as of the forces levied during the king's pro-
gress through the various nations in his road after leaving Asia,
whom he compelled to join the army. tTri^drivov. served as ma-
rines, cf. vii. 96, and vi. 12, c.
b. Troika, o, n TT\SOV .... di>Sp. Ivtiv. assuming, that, taking the
more with the less, up to the number of 80 men were in the ships :
i. e. reckoning 80 men as the average number, V. Iloiijffat in the
376 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
sense of nQivai, to suppose, or, assume a thing to be, is somewhat
similarly used in Matth. xii. 33, and in vii. 186, infr. KOI ty a<j>.
7roi6<i> <c. T. A. So in Lat. esse Deosfaciamus, for ponamtu or stuiui-
mus. Cicero, N. D. i. 30. For this last I am indebted to S. and
L. D.
CH. CLXXXV. a. llaiovtQ, Cf. v. 1, b. The Eordians, on the
banks of the R. Erigon, the Kutchuk Carasou, S. of the Lyncestee
in Macedonia. B. Cf. Arrowsmith, /. L p. 334. On the Chalci-
dian race, in the peninsula of Chalcidice, cf. notes on vii. 122, seqq.
By the Achseans are meant, probably, the Achseans of Pthiotis, cf.
vii. 173, b. The Brygi, cf. vi. 45, .
CH. CLXXXVI. a. KOI pa\a Nearly equivalent to TraXiv, rur-
sus, porro. Schw. Better with Gronovius and S. and L. D., and
in short, on the whole.
b. TTOUW Cf. vii. 184, b,
c. ovTb) TrtvrrfK. re pvp dvdp&v ijy. E/)- This sum is ex-
actly made up by the several numbers mentioned ; thus
1207 x 200, c. 184, 1. 2, . . . 241,400
1207 x 30, ... 1. 8, . . . 36,210
3000 x 80, ... 1. 12, . . . 240,000
The total of the naval forces from Asia, c. 84, 1. 16, . 517,610
To these must be added the Infantry, ... 1. 20,cf.c.60 1,700,000
Cavalry, ... 1.21,cf.87, 80,000
The camel-riders and chariot-drivers, ibid. . 20,000
The total of all the Asiatic forces, ibid. . . 2,317,610
To these add the naval forces supplied by Thrace and
the neighbouring islands, 120 x 200, c. 185, 1. 1, . 24,000
The land forces from the same places, c. 185, 1. 6, . 300,000
Grand total of the land forces and the sailors, c. 185,1. 14, 2,641,610
This number doubled gives 5,283,220, the sum total mentioned in
c. 186. Schw. " There seems to be no sufficient ground for sup-
posing that these estimates are greatly exaggerated." Thirlw. in I.
So also Prid. an. 480, " The whole number of persons, of all sorts,
that followed Xerxes in this expedition, were at least five millions.
This is Hdtus' account of them, and Plutarch and Isocrates agree
with him herein. But Diod. Siculus, Pliny, JElian, and others, do
in their computations fall much short of this number, making the
army of Xerxes, with which he passed the Hellespont against
Greece, to be very little more than that with which Darius his f.
passed the Bosphorus to make war upon the Scythians. It is
probable they might have mistaken the one for the other. The
inscription on the monument at Thermopylae agrees with the ac-
count of Herodotus ; which is also more likely to be true than that
of any other, as he was the ancientest author that hath written of
BOOK VII. rOLYMXIA. 377
this war, and lived in the age in which it happened, and hath
treated of it more particularly and with a greater appearance of
exactness than any other." Cf. vii. 61, a., and D. p. 130.
CH. CLXXXVII. a. yvv. le OITOTTOI. women who baked bread for
them. Cf. iii. 150 ; and on the Indian dogs, ref. to H. in i. 192, b.
b. li'piffKu yap .... TtaaapaK. " As there was one choenix a day
per man, and 4S choenices = 1 medimnus, there is some slight mis-
take in our author's calculation ; for it will be 1 10,067 medimni
and 4 choenices, and not 1 10,340 medimni, as he makes it, that
will be required for 5,283,220 men. Since Hdtus instead of 67 has
put the number 340, it is evident, I think, that he forgot to divide
the latter number, 340, by 48, as he ought to have done." Schw.
" Hdtus himself, after having taken the pains to reckon the pro-
digious quantity of corn that would be required for each day's
consumption by the men, despairs of approaching the additional
sum to be allowed for the women, the eunuchs, the cattle, and the
dogs." Thirlw. in L
CH. CLXXXVIII. a. KaaO ZnindSoc OK. Cf. vii. 183, a.
b. irpoKooaffai opfi. i<; ITOVT viag. proris mari obversis illee ita
stabant, ut octo essent naviutn series : they anchored tcith their heads,
or prows, turned outwards totcards the sea, and 8 ships deep ; that is,
in 8 rotes. This interpretation, which seems the most natural, is
given by B. Wess. Portus, and R., see his observations, p. 712. It
also seems followed by Thirlw. in /. p. 277- " As the low shore
was of small extent in proportion to their numbers, only a small
part of the ships could be drawn up on the beach : the rest rode
at anchor, their stems turned towards the sea, line within line."
Schw., however, considers that by Trpd/c. viig are meant vessels placed
KXipaKtjSov, in quincitncem locate, or ranged in echelons ; so that,
supposing each exterior row of the 8 rows to be less or shorter by
one than the interior, the whole fleet presented the appearance of
a blunt equilateral triangle. In S. and L. D., 3rd ed., it is rendered,
ranged in rows, turned seawards, eight deep.
c. avip. airrjX. an East wind. See the description and plate of
the Temple of the Eight Winds in Potter, Gk Antiq. i. c. viii. p.
42, and Stuart's Antiq. of Athens, i. 3.
f/. oaoi piv vw .... opfiov, all those of them who perceived the
wind was rising, and whose place of anchorage permitted them to do
it, (or, icho were so placed in regard of anchorage or roadstead, as to
be able to do it,) anticipated the tempest by drawing up their vessels,
&c. Cf. R. p. 713. The 'iwol, Ovens, of Pelion were no doubt
hollow rocks so called ; like the Ccela of Eubrea, viii. 13.
CH. CLXXXIX. a. TOV ya/i/3. their s.-in-law. ya^/3. like Kif-
SiaTrie, also means f.-m-latc, o.-in-law, or any relative by marriage.
B. Boreas, their kindred god. Thirlw. in /.
b. tiif KOI Trpor. irtpi "A9uv. Cf. vi. 44, 95, vii. 21. B.
CH. CXC. a. 'Ev TOVT. r$ TTOV. in this diyaster, or, tempest. Cf.
vi. 114, a., in the sense of toil, or combat. B.
378 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
b. yno\iovTi K. r. \. a landholder in the neighbourhood of Sepias.
c. rdXXa OVK evrvx- ti-ptip kj'tv. though in other respects not
well off, i. e. though formerly not accounted rich, yet, by these waifs
and strays, he did become very rich. B. It seems to me rather to
mean, that though in other respects unfortunate, viz. in losing his
children, he.still became very rich by finding what he did ; the words
fjv yap K. r. X. explaining how he was unfortunate.
d. a\agi avfi^. Xvir. Traio<f>. Either an afflicting calamity had he-
fallen him ivhich destroyed his children, i. e. he was so unfortunate as
to lose his children, \V. and B., or, as Schw., Reiske, and Plutarch
understand it, he was so unfortunate as, for some reason or other
not told us, to kill one of his children himself. In this latter sense,
the accident of having killed a son, it is taken in S. and L. D.
CH. CXCI. a. f] aXX. KO>G avr. iQ. EKOTT. or else perchance it
lulled of its own accord. This passage is referred to by Longinus
De Sublim. 42, 2. B. On the prom. Sepias, cf. vii. 183, a. On
the Magi, cf. i. 131, a., 140, a. c., vii. 54, a.
CH. CXCIII. a. TO tcvfia tarp. Cf. Odyss. iii. 158, taroptatv Sk
Qtbc fityaicrjrea irovrov, and Ovid. Ep. xix. 16 " auso Venus ipsa
favebit ; Sternet et aequoreas aequore nata vias." V. The Paga-
ssean Bay, also called Sinus Pelasgicus, G. of Volo. Aphetae, per-
haps the modern Fetio.
CH. CXCIV. . Savo>ei;e Boeckh, Corp. Inscr. GHEC. ii. p.
158, says, that the syllable San at the beginning of Persian, As-
syrian, and other Eastern names, signifies splendour and magnifi-
cence. B. c OIKOV rbv (3aff. cf. v. 31, a., and for other instances of
kindness and gratitude displayed by Darius, vi. 30, a.
CH. CXCV. a. 'AXafidvSwv " Alabanda in Caria, S. of the
Mseander ; now Arabhissar" according to Arrowsmith, c. xix. p.
490, and Smith's C. D.
CH. CXCVL a. 'A0sr. Cf. vii. 193, a. On Achaia, vii. 185, a.,
and on the Thessalian cavalry, v. 63.
b. 'Ov6% 'HiriS. Cf. vii. 129, a. OVK dirt^P- [Kara] TO ptt9p.
Cf. vii. 43, a.
CH. CXCVIL a. 'AXov. On the W. coast of the Pelasgic Gulf
near Pr. Pyrrha, Ankistri. Arrowsmith, /. 1. p. 359.
b. TOV AaQvaTtov Atog. " Zeus the devourer," or, " the putter to
flight," a god of vengeance and death ; the deity of the old Minyae ;
nearly akin to Zeus Meilichius ; one of the daemonic beings of the
infernal world. To his cultus the mythi concerning the family of
Athamas and the Argonautic expedition are so closely attached,
that it is only from them they can be derived and explained : his
significant victim, the ram, often meets us in offerings to the dead
and in evocations of the Manes, even in the Odyssey." See more
in Miiller's Eumenides, Diss. on Propitiatory Offerings, p. 147,
155. " The very ancient Minyan legends concerning the Athaman-
tidae, turn entirely upon the human sacrifice demanded by the
wrathful Zeus Laphystios, and the ram substituted in its place."
BOOK VII. POLTMNIA. 379
c. \rfirov the town-hall. Quod esset populi, populicum, sive
publicum, TO Stjfiofftov, pro diversa pronunciatione vocis Xa6f, Xu>c,
Xj6c, dixerunt veteres XaVYov, XsiYov, Xarov, et Xyrov. V. Cf. H. P.
A. 160. On the story of Phryxus, see the article in Class. Diet.
and Miiller, Eumenides, p. 147.
CH. CXCVIII a. iv r$ a/iTrwn'c rt KOI ycv. Cf. R. 23,
p. 647. It is a common idea, that there are no tides in the Mediter-
ranean. Nor do they indeed rise in any part of that sea, in a degree
sufficient either to effect the usual purposes of laying ships on shore
to careen, or even in many places so as to affect the senses of those
who are accustomed to view the ordinary rise and fall of tides on
the coasts of the ocean. But that a tide does exist is certain ; and
that it rises 5 or 6 feet in particular places. Hdtus speaks of the
ebbing and flowing of the tide in the Gulf of Malio ; which, he says,
" may be seen every day." The Sinus Maliacus the Bay ofZeitun;
also called the G. of Molo. The Sperchius, the Elladha; at whose
mouth stood Anticyra.
CH. CXCIX. rt. Tpjx?c now Zeitun, but according to Arrow-
smith Zeitoun is the ancient Lamia. Close to the town here spoken
of, was founded by the Spartans Heraclsea Trachinia, Thucyd. iii.
92, " the last colony that issued from free Greece." The Asopus
in question, now perhaps the Gorgo. See Arrowsmith, p. 360.
CH. CC. a. <f?oivi vorauof. This inconsiderable stream, a
branch of the Asopus mentioned in the foregoing note, does not
appear to be noticed by name by modern geographers. Several rapid
streams appear to be formed by the springs, which run immediately
into the sea, distant about a mile from the pass. Out of 6 rivers
which discharge themselves close to the Thermopylue, only 3, the
Boagrius, Asopius, and Sperchius, can be identified with certainty ;
the other 3 were the Melas, Dyras, and Phoenix. From the art.
TJiermopylte, Class. Diet. The village of Anthela " stood in one
of the narrowest parts of the pass, which was formed by the sea
and marshes on the one hand and the inaccessible cliffs of Mt (Eta
(Catacothra Vouno) on the other, and there also were the temples
of Amphictyon, Ceres Amphictyonia, and the seats of the Amphic-
tyons. Cf. Soph. Trach. 633, seqq. "Q vav\o\a .... Ka\e6vTai."
Arrowsmith, Eton Gr. p. 360. Long observes that it is not possi-
ble to make Hdtus' description, though so minute and apparently
so exact, agree with the best modern maps.
b. upa .... iSfiT)Tai for the road that is made there is wide
enough fur only one carriage, fofyj. implies that it was artificially
constructed. B. The whole pass is about 4 or 5 miles in length,
and in its narrowest part, says Arrowsmith /. I., only 25 ft broad.
It was narrowest at either end. See Thirlw. in I.
c. 'idpat .... 'Apipiic. On the Amphictyons, cf. v. 62, c- " De-
meter, generally known by the name of Ceres, was a Pelasgian
divinity, and therefore venerated in Thessaly : her worship the
Dorians, on migrating southwards, there is much reason to suppose,
380 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
combined with that of the Hellenic Apollo." Cf. Smith's D. of A.,
Amphictyons.
CH. CGI. a. Qeppoir. See the very interesting article on this
place in the Class. Diet., and Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 283. On the title
Uv\ai cf. v. 52, b.
CH. CCII. a. Sirapr. rptr}K. OTT\. Cf. vii. 205, c. Pausanias, x.
20, p. 845, makes the whole force of the Greeks amount toll ,200
men. Hdtus, with the exception of the Opuntian Locri, who, he
says, came with all they could muster, makes but 5200. Hence it
would appear, if Pausanias is correct, that the Locrians were 6000
in number. V. Read Thirlw. in I. ii. c. xv. p. 282, seqq.
CH. CCIII. a. Aoicpoi See note on preceding ch.
b. i apx- yevoft. There is no mortal toho has not even from the very out-
set of his being born, met with calamity. Cf. the remarks of D. p. 131.
CH. CCIV. a. Atomic He was the 2nd s. of Anaxandrides
by his first wife, and half-brother to Cleomenes. He married his
niece Gorgo, d. of Cleomenes. Cf. v. 39, a., 48, a., and the Genealog.
Table in vol. iii. of Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., or in the Oxford
Chron. Tables, p. 38.
CH. CCV. a. K\. rk KOI Awp. On Cleomenes and Dorieus, cf.
v. 39, a., 42 46, seqq. and notes.
b. dtrt\. rrjg <j>p. irtpi Trjg fiaa. remotus erat, longe aberat, (was ex-
cluded,) a cogitatione de adipiscendo regno. Schw. Lex.
c. avSp. rt rotc KciTtffT. rpiqic. Translated in Schw. Lex. con-
stitutes illos (lege) trecentos tiros, i. e. constitutum ilium et legitimum
virorum numerum ; the regular or appointed body of 300 men. B.
explains it men of regular, full, or middle age ; and Lange, drei-
hundert Manner von gesetztem Alter, of appointed or legal age; cf.
Mull. Dor. bk. iii. c. xii. ii. p. 256. By the 300 men here men-
tioned can hardly be understood the 300 knights, the picked regi-
ment of Sparta, (cf. vi. 56, 6.,) as in viii. 124, we find Themistocles
after the battle of Salamis escorted by the 300, whom Hdtus ex-
pressly calls Xoya&e and J^TT^C. Now, if the whole order of the
knights had been killed at Thermopylae, they could hardly have been
replaced so soon. Again, in reply to Xerxes' questions, Demaratus
never mentions that those slain at Thermopylae were at all different
from the rest of the Spartans ; nor, if the 300 slain there had been
the 300 knights, would Hdtus have failed to mention it. Add to
this, that if the 300 knights had been here serving as a body-guard
to the kg, (which they did not,) who would there nave been left, as
the body-guard of the other king, Leotychides, if all the knights
were with Leonidas ? From ix. 64, where Aeimnestus is killed with
his 300, and from Thucyd. v. 56, and Xenophon, Hell. iii. 4, 2,
and Anab. (cf. i. 65, g.,) the numbers 30 and 300 were favourite
divisions with the Spartans, and hence their selection of 300 on
the present occasion.* " A certain number of Helots were allotted
* For this criticism and correction of the error in the 1st ed. of this vol., I am indebt-
ed to my friend Mr. H. Weir, M. A., Hd. Master of Berwick Gr. School.
BOOK Vn. POLTMX1A. 381
to each Spartan, and served as light-armed troops : in Plataea 5000
Spartans were attended by 35,000 Helots, that is, 7 Helots to each :
cf. ix. 10, 28, a. Of these, one however, in particular, was the
servant or squire, Oipairatv, or tpvicrrip, from ipvKtiv, to draw the
wounded from the ranks, of his master, as in the story of the blind
Spartan who was conducted by his Helot into the thickest of the
battle at Thermopylae ; vii. 229." Mull. Dor. ii. p. 35. See also p.
259 of the same vol. bk. iii. c. xii. " It must at the same time be
borne in mind that the Persian war was the only time, i. e. on a
general summons of the nation, when as many as seven attended
upon every Spartan : on this occasion, when the numbers of the
enemy were so excessive, they might have served to protect the
rear of the long line of battle, and to resist the pressure, in addition
to which they also annoyed the enemy from behind with slings,
javelins, and stones." From what Isocrates, Paneg. c. xxv. 90,
and Diodorus, xi. 4, quoted by B., say, viz. " that the Lacedaemo-
nians at Thermopyla? were 1000 in number," it seems that we may
infer that on this occasion too, as at Plateea, each Spartan was at-
tended by 7 Helots, which would make up that number.
d. AtovT. 6 Evp. Cf. vii. 233, b.
e. on a<p. t*ty. KaTnf6pt)To firjS. because they had been vehemently
accused of jfedizing. Karjjyopi/ro, it had been laid to their charge.
aXXoQpoveovTfc., a few lines below, though otherwise disposed, though
insincere at heart ; complying because they were forced, and not
from good will to the common cause of Greece.
CH. CCVI. a. Kdpviia K. T.\. "At the time w y hen the congress
at the Isthmus resolved on defending the pass of Thermopylee, the
Olympic festival was near at hand, and also one little less respected
among many of the Dorian states, especially at Sparta, that of the
Carnean Apollo, which lasted nine days. The danger of Greece
did not seem so pressing, as to require that these sacred games, so
intimately connected with so many purposes of pleasure, business,
and religion, should be suspended." Thirlw. in /. p. 282. The
festival of the Carnea is considered by Miiller, Dor. i. p. 373, seqq.,
cf. also p. 69, to have been, " from the symbols and rites of the
worship, originally derived more from the ancient religion of Ceres
than from that of Apollo. It was altogether a warlike festival,
similar to the Attic Boedromia ; lasting nine days, during which
time nine tents were pitched near the city, in each of which nine
men lived, for the time of the festival, in the manner of a military
camp," &c. &c. Cf. also vi. 106, b., and ix. 7, a.
b. 'oXw/iirtdc See the ref. in v. 22, a.
CH. CCVII. a. rbv '1(70. i x - iv M- Cf - . 138, 139, viii. 72,
73, ix. 8. TTfpirrirtpxtovTtiiv .... ravry, being much angered by, or,
indignant at this opinion. See S. and L. D.
CH. CC\ 7 III. a. rove & rag *6p. KTivt%. "The Persian spy
found the Spartans, in the evening before the battle of Thermopylae,
382 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
employed, some in gymnastic exercises, and some in arranging
their hair, which they always wore long after their entrance into
manhood." Miill. Dor. ii. p. 268. Though the hair was worn long,
yet it appears they shaved the upper lip, pri Tptytiv ^tvy-aica, if not
the chin also. Cf. H. P. A. 30. Read also Thirlw. in I.
CH. CCIX. a. "HKovaae ____ wpor. Cf. viii. 101104. B.
b. w yap .... Trpoff^eptai, for you are meeting, are now coming
up to, &c. ; or, as Schw. renders, you are now about to attack, &c.
Cf. vi. 96, a.
CH. CCX. a. Mjfl. re eat Ktr<ri'ovc Cf. vii. 62, a. b.
b. TroXX. ptv av0pa>7T ..... oXiy. tie uvSpi^. that they were many men,
but few men indeed ; i. e. such as deserved the name. So the Latin
homo and vir. Cf. Livy xxvii. 13, neque illo die virum quenquam
in RomanA acie fuisse prater unum ducem ; and Cicero, Tusc. ii.
21, of Marius, Tulit dolorem ut vir ; et, ut homo, majorem ferre sine
causa necessaria noluit. V.
c. Si r//p}c. through the day, i. e. it lasted all day long. Cf. i. 97-
Si 1 inoc, througJwut a year, and ii. 22. W.
CH. CCXI. a. ITlpaat .... roiig aQavar. Cf. vii. 83, a. b., and
cf. vii. 31, b.
b. a\etg ^tvy. Sij9tv confertim omnes quasi fiigam capessebant.
SijQtv, as they feigned, cf. i. 59, t. B.
CH. CCXIII. a. 'Eiria\TT]Q "The secret of the Anopeea could
not long remain concealed after it had become valuable. Many
tongues perhaps would have revealed it: two Greeks, Onetes a
Carystian, and Corydallus of Anticyra, shared the reproach of this
foul treachery : but by the general opinion, confirmed by the solemn
sentence of the Amphictyonic council, which set a price upon his
head, Ephialtes, a Malian, was branded with the infamy of having
guided the barbarians round the fatal path." Thirlw. in /. On this
path, by which also the Gauls under Brennus and the Huns sur-
mounted the pass, cf. Class. Diet., Thermopylae.
b. IlvXayopwj/ K. T. X. Cf. V. 62, C.
c. rrjv f.yu> .... fftjuav. As this promise is no where fulfilled, we
may suppose, with W., that Hdtus either forgot it, or that some
part of his work is lost; or, with B., that, as, according to his
theory, Hdtus was engaged up to a great age in making additions
and corrections to his work, cf. notes on i. 106, 130, it is quite pos-
sible that he may have died suddenly, or at least before he had an
opportunity of making all the additions to his work that he in-
tended. " The finishing stroke was certainly not put to his work
before he was 70 years of age," as D. observes, p. 33, 34, but the
reader will be aware that he holds a contrary opinion to B., Heyse,
&c., viz. that the whole work was written in Italy and at an ad-
vanced age. See his ch. 3, 2.
CH. CCXIV. a. w c 'OVJJT .... KoftvS. Cf. note a. in pre-
ceding ch.
BOOK VII. POLYMNIA. SS3
CH. CCXV. a. 'YSapv. ical rwv iarpar. Cf. vii. 83. Trtpt Xvyv.
atyuG, at lamp-lighting time, i. e. about night-fall. S. and L. D. Cf.
Diodor. xix. 31. V.
b. iv ffKtiry K. T. X. Cf. i. 143, a.
c. IK Tf TOOOV .... MijXifvcrt./rom so long a time back as that, the
path had appeared, or, had been proved, to be no use to the Melians. W.
CH. CCXVI. a. 'Avonrov Cf. vii. 199, a., 200, a.; and on the
Anopeea ref. in vii. 213, a.
b. Kara MXa/*7r. KaX. Xi0. " The epithet of Melampyges attaches
to Hercules, the oriental divinity of the Sun, whom the Greeks
metamorphosed into a Greek hero, cf. ii. 42, e., in reference to the
period of the winter solstice, when, in some sense, the sun turns
his back upon the earth and shows his obscurer parts." On this
myth and the legend of the Cercopes, under which are symbolized
the divisions of this period, who are said to assail the deity, see
Class. Diet., Hercules.
CH. CCXVIII. a. iiriaTap. . . . apxvv supposing for certain
that they, i. e. the Persians, were sent expressly against them, dpxrjv,
omnino, prorsus, similarly used in vii. 220, B., and apparently also
i. 193, ii. 95. " The Persian arrows showered upon the Phocians,
who, believing themselves the sole object of attack, retreated to the
highest peak of the ridge, to sell their lives as dearly as they could."
Thirlw. in 1. See the remarks of D., p. 135.
CH. CCXX. a. Aeytrai St K. T. X. Read in connexion Thirlw. in
1. ii. c. 15, p. 287, and the remarks of D. p. 155.
b. ovSs f (pri/jil .... SaffrjTai and I pronounce that nothing will stop
him, before that he altogether gain one of these two advantages. B.
As ff^7J<Ti, fut. act., occurs two lines above, perhaps a^^iaQM
K. T. X. had better be rendered, I say that he will not stop &c. Sdarnrai
from Salu. Hence Saiopai in act. sense, portion out for himself.
See S. and L. D., and Matth. Gr. Gr. 229.
CH. CCXXI. a. MtXa^jrofoe, cf. ii. 49, a., and ix. 33, a., 34.
On Megistias, vii. 219.
CH. CCXXII. a. 9jj/3. plv, d'sicovr. tptvov, " Hdtus says that
Leonidas detained the Thebans as hostages, because he knew them
to be disaffected to the cause of liberty : yet, as he was himself
certain of perishing, it is equally difficult to understand why, and
how, he put this violence on them. Unless therefore we suppose
that their first choice was on the side of honour, their last, when
death stared them in the face, on the side of prudence, we must
give up their conduct and that of Leonidas as an inscrutable
mystery." Thirlw. in I.
CH. CCXXI II. a. i}\. avarX. Cf. iii. 84, c., vii. 54, a. By
the time when the agora filled is meant about ten or eleven a. m. Cf.
ii. 173, a.
b. Tijv tirl Qav. *W. Cf. i. 109, a.
c. irapaxp- ft icai arkovni;. desperate and as it were mad with fury
384 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Sch\v. Trapaxp- regardless of themselves. Cf. iv. 159, e. ariovnc,
from dretiv, reckless, (from drij,) an Homeric word; cf. II. xx. 332.
CH. CCXXIV. a. T&V tydi .... i-n-vO. TO. ovvofji. It is highly
probable from this passage, as also from iv. 77, and iii. 55, that
Hdtus visited Sparta in the course of his travels. That he travelled
in the Peloponnese is certain from i. 66, the chains yet existing at
Tegea, and i. 69, the statue at Thornax. Cf. also D. p. 42.
6. 'A/3poic. 'Y7rtpai/0. On Darius' family, cf. iii. 88, c.
CH. CCXXV. a. iiri A.iwvi$y -for Leonidas, in honour of him.
Cf. Jelf, 634, 3, a. 'Eirl with Dat. Causal, the object or aim of
an action, with a view to; and S. and L. D., ini. B. iv. From this
passage and from the minute description of the pass in vii. 176, a.,
200, &c., it is evident that Hdtus must have visited the spot. B.
refers to Mull. Dor. vol. i. p. 65, to the effect that the lion was the
armorial bearing of the Spartan kings, and is so found on the
shield of Menelaus. Hence its double aptness as a monument
to Leonidas. This reference in Miiller I regret to be unable to
verify in the English translation, though in vol. i. p. 74, it is stated
that the snake was not the national ensign of Sparta. The device
of the lion had, no doubt, reference to the legend of the destruction
of the Nemaean lion by the Doric Hercules, " whose martial ex-
ploits were intended to represent the conquests of the Dorians in
the Peloponnese." See Dor. bk. ii. c. 12, vol. i. p. 449, seqq.
b. KOI %tpai KOI oro/i. Alluded to by Longinus de Sublim. 39,
on the Hyperbole " What an expression, you will say, is this !
to fight ' with their mouths,' and against armed men ! and ' to be
buried beneath darts ! ' And yet this, too, is credible, because the
circumstances appear not to be selected for the sake of the hyper-
bole, but the hyperbole to spring rationally from the circum-
stances." Spurden's Transl. of Longinus, p. 129. Cf. also Cicero,
Tusc. Disput. v. 27, quoted by W.
CH. CCXXVIII. a. Mw/oiaenv Trort K.T.\. "We ought not to
expect accuracy in these numbers ; the list in Hdtus, if the Locrian
force is only supposed equal to the Phocian, exceeds 6000 men :
the Phocians, it must be remembered, were not engaged." Thirlw.
in 1. Cf. vii. 202, ., 205, c.
b. 'Q av', ayy. K. r. \. On the infinitive dyytXXttv, cf. Jelf, 671,
a., quoted in viii. 68, a. The epitaph is translated by Cicero, Tusc.
Disput. i. 42.
" Die hospes Spartse nos te vidisse jacentes
Dum sanctis patriie legibus obsequimur."
CH. CCXXIX. a. pffjunnsvoi dismissed, allowed to depart, perf.
part. pass. Ion. for fiiQttptvoi from /udiq/u. Cf. v. 108.
b. KiXtvaai rbv ti'Xwra Cf. vii, 205, c., and on the Helots ge-
nerally, vi. 58, c. d.
CH. CCXXXI, a, dnjtiijy. On the nature of an ar/*ia, such
as is here described, and the exclusion it entailed from all the
BOOK VII. POLTMNIA. 385
rights of citizenship, cf. H. P. A. 124, and Miill. Dor. ii. p. 237,
" he could fill no public office had the lowest place in the
choruses could not play in the game of ball could find no com-
petitor in the Gymnasia, nor tent-companion the flame of his
hearth was extinguished, and no one would give him fire no one
would contract any alliance in marriage with him in any way
he yielded the way to every one in the street, and gave up his seat
to an inferior in age his cloak was ragged and his head half
shorn." On Aristodemus, cf. ix. 70.
CH. CCXXXIII. a. Ol Si 9i;/3. Cf. vii. 222, a., and cf. 132.
What the ariyfiara (3aai\ri'ia, the royal marks or brands, were ex-
actly, is difficult to say ; something, no doubt, of the same nature
as the brands impressed upon slaves, malefactors, and the like.
B. Cf. ii. 114,c.
b. rov rbv valla 'Et'p. xpdv. ^uriir. This happened in the first
year of the Bell. Pelop. 431 B. c. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 2, 5, and i. 130,
6. Cf. D. p. 29.
CH. CCXXXIV. a. TroXtc avtip. OKTCIKHJ. "After the conquest
of Messenia, 9000 portions, K\t)poi, of the cultivated land were
appropriated to the Spartans, and 30,000 of less extent were
assigned to the Perioeci, cf. H. P. A. 28. That the number of
the Spartans, and particularly of the landed proprietors, continu-
ally decreased, even before the time of the Ephor Epitadeus, which
permitted the alienation of landed property, is certain, and a very
remarkable fact it is ; one, too, which can hardly be accounted for
by the wars, cf. Clinton, Fast. Hell. p. 383, ed. 2, in which, more-
over, the Spartans lost but few of their number." " It must be
confessed," continues Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 207, to whom I am in-
debted for the above, " that the constitution of Sparta too much
restrained the natural inclination of the citizens ; and by making
every thing too subservient to public ends, checked the free growth
of the people, and, like a plant trimmed by an unskilful hand, de-
stroyed its means both of actual strength and future increase. Even
Hdtus only reckons 8000 Spartans in the 9000 houses : in the
middle of the Peloponnesian War Sparta did not send quite 6000
heavy-armed soldiers into the field. Aristotle states that in his
time the whole of Laconia could hardly furnish 1000 heavy-armed
men; and at the time of Agis III. there were only 700 genuine
Spartans."
b. rdf dit%. rwv piov\tvp. the course or plan of their measures. Cf.
iii. 156. B. Better in S. and L. D., the issues, or events of, &c.
CH. CCXXXV. a. tL fiiv o>) avup. fiot irpoO. if indeed you earn-
estly consult with me, i. e. if you really ask my advice. Cf. vii. 237.
(rv/ji(3ov\tvoftivov TOV aarov, when his felloiv-citizen asks fris advice. B.
Cf. also viii. 102, a.
b. KvOripa. Ceriffo. The prediction of Chilon was verified in
the 8th year of the Bell. Pelop., when the Athenians under Nicias
took Cythera and much annoyed the Lacedaemonians thence. Cf.
3&6 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Thujyd. iv. 53, and Aristot. Rhet. ii. 23, 15. The commence-
ment of the sentence, rjjc vavrucrje K. r. X., has no apodosis : some-
thing must be supplied, If you send 300 ships then, the Lacedaemo-
momans will be kept at home, or you will have no cause to fear
them. B. Kara rije Oa\. below the sea. Cf. Jelf, 627, i. 1, b.
c. Xi'Xwv, cf. i. 59.
J. ftr} rrjt; aXXjjc 'EXXa^og aXttr/c. ravry (sc. 'EXXat). Cf. Jelf,
710, e. Gen. abs. instead of Dative.
CH. CCXXXVI. a. rpov. TOIOVT, xpiMp. or'EXX. \aip. istius-
modi moribits, vel isthoc ingenio solent esse Greed; for the Greeks
are loont to indulge in habits of this sort.
b. TUV v'ctg K. r. X. Before TWV Wess. supplies >'/^sav, but if, in
addition to the present disaster that has befallen us who have lost 400
ships by wreck &c. Instead of rtiv, V. conjectures r<, Tu cui naves
qiiadringcntce naufragio perierunt, ti . . . . diroTrtufy. <JXX. rptijic.
c. ovS. TO fop. rpui/ia dvuvvrai. they will in no wise repair their
present disaster, dvuvvrai pres. in the sense of the fut., for aw/-
crovrat, from avtfo/iai, Ion. for dmdofiai, rursus sanare, sarcire, repa-
rare cladem. Schw. Lex.
CH. CCXXXVII. a. ry aiyy. secretly, privately. Cf. ii. 140, a.
b. ffvpf}. TOV dffrov, cf. vii. 235, a. The act. irv/j.^ovXiituv, to give
another advice, or, to consult for his good ; the mid. ffvfj./3ov\ivta0ai, to
get another to give you advice, to ask advice, or, consult with one. A
little below we have the act. and middle opposed, avfi/SovXevofjisvov
av ffva/3. TO. apiara, if one asked his advice, he would give him the best.
S. and L. D.
c. tl /i) TTpoirw dp. avriK. unless he have attained to a great degree
of moral excellence. Cf. vii. 134, d., and ix. 14, c.
d. txioO. riva .... Kf\. / bid every one henceforth abstain from
calumny against Demaratus. TIVU acceperim unumquemque. B. So
tff^ovro, refrained from, vi. 85, c.
CH. CCXXXVIII. a. dirorap. Trjv K0. avaoTaupwtrai. to cut off"
his head and impale him ; i. e. impale his body ; dvaaravp. sc. avrbv,
i. e. rbv \tatviSriv. B. Cf. Thirlw. ii. p. 290. " Xerxes is said
also to have mutilated the body of Leonidas, and as this was one
of the foremost he found on a field which had cost him so dear,
we are not at liberty to reject the tradition, because such ferocity
was not consistent with the respect usually paid by the Persians
to a gallant enemy. It should be remembered also that to cut off
the head and right arm of slain rebels was a Persian usage."
b. sird Tipav K. r. X. Cf. i. 136. B. Cf. also D.'s remarks, p. 129.
CH. CCXXXIX. a.'Avttfti it ry . . . . *-p6r. igx. Cf. vii.
220. " The Gks certainly received early intelligence of the pre-
parations in Persia, vii. 138, even if the story here related about
the secret message of Demaratus is not true. They either refused
or gave earth and water to the envoys late in the year 481 B. c."
From the very interesting App. iv. in Mull. Dor. i. xpfc- T *C
. Cf. ii. 150, a.
BOOK VIII. URANIA. 387
I. 7rpo TWV bdoQvXdicwv from the watchers of the road. Cf. i. 100,
ft., where the secret police of the Persians are referred to. Cf. also
i. 123, art TWV ofmv <f>v\affao^ivtav. "This practice of guarding the
roads and passes is generally characteristic of despotic govern-
ments : it is adopted also in Asia, as for example, in the valley of
Cashmere." From Long's Summary, p. 106.
c. Fopyw. Cf. vii. 204, a. and refs.
BOOK VIII. URANIA.
BATTLE OF ARTEMISIUM; MARCH OF XERXES INTO ATTICA;
BATTLE OF SALAM1S ; FLIGHT OF XERXES; MARDONIUS WINTERS
IN THESSALY; DIGRESSION ON THE MACEDONIAN KINGS.
CH. I a. 'A0r)v. i*iv, vka<; K.T.\. At Artemisium the Athenians
had 127 vessels, which were afterwards reinforced by 53 more, cf.
viii. 14, and made up the number of 180 that fought at Salamis ;
cf. viii. 44. If to these be added the 20 others manned by the
Chalcidians, but which the Athenians lent them, the total will be
completed of 200 ships, which, according to Diod. Sic. xv. 78, the
Athenians had at Salamis. The same number is also given by
Cornelius Nepos in Themist. c. 3. Schw. Cf. also viii. 44, a.
b. H\ar owir\Tip. 7r\rjp<i>/ja, generally the rowers and sailors,
opposed to the Epibatae or marines, cf. vi. 12, c., but sometimes is
taken to comprehend both, as in viii. 43, 45. So here awnrXfipow
refers not only to soldiers on board ship, but also to rowers ; in
which capacity, no doubt, some portion of the Plataeans would also
be able to serve, though not such experienced sailors as the Atheni-
ans. Schw. Cf. v. 79, a., vi. 108, a.
c. 2rvpe Styra, Stura, or Asturi ; a town on the S. W. coast
of Euboea near Carystus ; mentioned in Horn. II. ii. 539. B.
Eretria, PaUeo-Castro ; cf. Smith's C. D.
CH. II. . 'Aprt/ii<T. Cf. vii. 176, a.
b. TUV Si ffrparjjyov .... Trapti\. STrapr. Thirlw. ii. p. 276, says
that " it may have been principally the jealousy of ^Egina that led
to the determination not to submit to the Athenian command, and
that the Dorian cities of Peloponnesus, though not hostile to
Athens, could not acknowledge an Ionian leader without a con-
siderable sacrifice of national prejudices."
CH. III. a. TO vavTtKbv "The fleet was commanded, as is
evident from viii. 2, 9, 56, 58, 74, 108, 111, ix. 90, by the Spartan
admiral and a council, a owifyiov of the orparijyoi or oi iv rt\ti o
2 c 2
388 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
ix. 106, in which the admiral, viii. 59, 61, put the question to the
vote, and gave out the decree. This commander was armed with
very large powers, and Leotychides concluded an alliance with the
Samians, ix. 92, and even the captains of the fleet debated on the
projected migration of the lonians, ix. 106. Nor is it ever men-
tioned that the fleet received orders from the Isthmus; though
from viii. 123 it appears that the Isthmus was still the seat of the
confederacy." Mull. Dor. i. App. iv. p. 518.
b. iiKov ol 'A9r)v. Similar testimony on Hdtus' part to the noble
conduct of the Athenians, occurs in vi. 103, and vii. 139. B.
c. Trtpi rTJt tKtivov sc. yijc- Ionia and the coast of Asia Minor
are here meant. On the transference of the Hegemony from Sparta
to Athens, 477 B. c., cf. Thucyd. i. 96, H. P. A. 36, and Mull.
Dor. i. p. 211. What is here referred to, the insolence of Pausanias
and its consequence, dates after the close of Hdtus' work and the
taking of Sestos ; cf. i. 130, b. It is referred to by D. p. 28, under
v. 32.
CH. IV. a. 'A^TCTC, cf. vii. 193, a.
b. irttQ. QfnitTTOK. i-n-l (iiadtf K. r. \. Cf. the remarks on this story
in Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 2/9.
CH. V. a. fiairaipt was reluctant, or struggled ayainst his (The-
mistocles') wish. V., B., and S. and L. Diet. Wess. and Schw.
translate icas afraid. On SrjOtv a little above, cf. i. 59, t.
b. tTTi rip \6y. TOVT. for this purpose, or on this condition, B., re-
ferring to vii. 158, ix. 26, 33.
CH. VI. a. pr}Si Trvptyopov .... iripiytviaOai. that not even the
^re-bearer should survive ; meaning that not a single individual should
escape to tell the news of the defeat. " The Pyrphorus and the other
unarmed attendants in the train of the Spartan kings were con-
sidered sacred, and were protected in battle by a religious awe. If
he therefore were to perish, the whole force might be considered
as destroyed. He was the priest of Mars, who took fire from the
sacrifice, which the king performed at home to Jupiter Agetor, and
on the boundary to Jupiter and Minerva, and preserved it during
the whole campaign. With the Pythians, the three equals, two of
the ephors, the symbuli and others, he formed part of the damosia,
or escort of the Spartan king." Mull. Dor. ii. p. 255.
CH. VII. a. Ka<f>. ical ripaiarbv, Caphareus, the S. E. promon-
tory of Euboea, Capod'Oro. Geraestuson the S. W., Capo Carysto.
Cf. Arrowsmith, Eton G. p. 437. On the Euripus, cf. vii. 173, .
CH. VIII. a. ry vauijyiy K. r. X. Cf. vii. 188. Wrijc, the line
above, a diver, irapia^i, cf. viii. 140, d^
b. 011 irpor. avsff^t K. T. X. rose no more till he came to Artemisittm.
Cf. Thirlw. in I. " Scyllias, so famous a diver, that he was com-
monly believed to have traversed the whole intervening space, about
ten miles, under water." On Artemisium, cf. vii. 176, a.
CH. X. a. naviTjv iirtveiK. Cf. vi. 112, a.
b. Karafpov. ravra. aiming at this, or fixing their thoughts on this.
BOOK VIII. URAMA. 389
Cf. S. tnd L. D., " Malim interpretari, cum h<xc mente reputassent,
cof/itasscnt, non sine quodam Greecorum contemptu." B. Cf. also
i. 59, g.
c. tTfiardfjuvot taking it for certain, being fully assured, cf. vii.
218, a. oaoiffi .... Tjdonevoim. . . . Cf. Jelf, 599, 3, Dat. expressing
reference to. When any thing is spoken of with especial reference
to any person or thing, as if he or it were interested, and in some
sort benefited, therein, (or the contrary,) the dat. commodi or in-
commodi is used (cf. i. 14, d). Here also belong the peculiar
usages of certain participles of wishing, hoping, &c., such as j3ov-
\oftevtf), I'ldofjifixfi, &c., generally with tlvai and yeyvtaQai. Cf. ix. 46.
ITTH KOI riSofifvoivi t'lfiiv oi X6y. yy., since ire are pleased with your
proposals. The idiom is imitated in Latin ; Tacit. Agr. 18, " qui-
bus bellum volentibus erat,"
CH. XI. a. /card crro/ia. ex adverse, face to face, (impetum faci-
entes,) B. and Schw. " The Greeks first drew their line into a
smaller circle, with their prows facing the surrounding enemy, and
then at the signal darted forward, like rays, to pierce and break
the wall of ships that encompassed them." Thirlw. ii. c. 15,
p. 280.
b. irtpaXiciwQ aym. ancipiti Marie puynantes ; contending with
no decisive success on either side. Cf. ix. 103, b.
CH. XII. a. rd c 'A^erac- Cf. vii. 193, a.
b. kraparr. Tovg rapa. TWV KWTT. impeded, disturbed, threw into dis-
order, the blades of the oars. A few lines below vTri\. vavp., a sea-
fight followed, came next after. Cf. vi. 27, b.
CH. XIII. a. TO. KoiXa " Crela (the Hollows). This terrible
place probably lay on the Eastern side of the island, which,
throughout the whole line of its iron-bound coast, contains only
one inlet where a ship can find shelter in distress." Thirlw. in "l.
Cf. vi. 100, b., and Arrowsmith, Eton Geog. c. 18. p. 437.
b. (.-rroutTo .... virb Oiov, See refs in vii. 10, 5, e.
CH. XIV. a. T-TIV aiirfiv ioptjv, the same time, as they chose the
preceding day ; cf. c. 9, that is, about the evening. Schw.
b. vijvffl KtX. " A squadron of Cilicians, either freshly arrived,
or detached for some unknown purpose, from the main body, fell
in with them and was destroyed." Thirlw. in /.
CH. XV. a. TU airo EepZuo sc. yivoptvov, vel simile quid. B.,
rchat might happen to them from Xerxes ; i. e. the punishment he
might inflict, his anger. See Thirlw. in /.
CH. X\ I. a. fjir)voiit iroiijfT. TWV vtS>v, i.e. ray^a. B. "As
they came near they bent their line into a crescent : the Greeks,
as before, assailed, pierced, and broke it : the unwieldy armament
was thrown into confusion and shattered by its own weight."
Thirlw. in I.
b. iv ravTy .... TrapaTrXijmot .... t-yiv. they icere about equal in
this sea-fujhthad a drawn battk. S. and L. D. q. v. pari mane
puynatum est. B.
390 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. XVII. a. KXfiWije 6 'AX*. This Cleinias married Dino-
mache and was the f. of the famous Alcibiades ; cf. vi. 131, b. ;
he was killed at Coronaea, 447 B. c.
CH. XIX. a. eiri It Tolffi KarifK. irprjy. at this conjuncture. Cf.
Jelf, 634, 3, h. 'Eiri with Dat. Causal. The circumstances, as
that whereon a person is : kit niTo^wpy, in the very fact. Cf. i. 97, a-
xaraQviiv, to kill, slaughter. Just above Trapeyvuvov, he disclosed, i.
126, b.
b. rfiv upnv the Jit time for their return. B.
CH. XX. a. irapaxptjcr. neglecting, slighting, i. 108, b. On Bacis,
cf. viii. 77, a.
b. iripiTrtria .... Trpqy/iara and brought their own affairs into the
most critical predicament, had brought about a sudden reverse in their
fortunes. Cf. S. and L. D. airivuv, to keep away, remvve. Cf. i.
160, d.
c. irapijv . ... TO. fi'syiara, they were in the way to fall into calamity
with regard to their highest interests. Traprjv, the opportunity or oc-
casion was present, irpoc, in reference to, in respect of.
CH. XXI. a. ' AvTiKvptvc, a native of Anticyra. Cf. vii. 198, a.
'Afipwv. mentioned in Thucyd. i. 91, as one of Themistocles' fellow-
ambassadors. Karrjptc, furnished with oars. See Hermann on Eur.
Iphig. T. 1362. " A light galley." Thirlw. in /.
b. fjv r . . . . vtwrtpov K. r. X. if any thing strange or unusual, i. e.
disastrous, should overtake the land Jbrce. vtiartpov rl, gravius quid.
" Hsec formula, in utram libet partem quae accipi pote&t, plerumque
malam in partem adhibetur." B. Cf. iii. 62. ov [.r\ n . . . . VI&TI-
pov, no further trouble will arise to you from him at least, v. 19.
vtwr. irpriyp. violent or insurrectionary measures. Cf. also vl 35, c.
CH. XXII. a. tirop. vipl TO. TOT. vSara, went to where drinkable
water was to be found, to the watering-places.
b. aXXa /uaXtrrra ptv Trodfiv. but, what would be best, be on
our side (cf.'i. 75, b., or, take our part) ; but if you cannot do this,
do you then even now both yourselves remain neutral (cf. iii. 83, a.)
for our sakcs, and beg the Carians to do the same as you do. In KOI
vvv, either, under the circumstances, as things are ; or even now, though
you have hitherto gone against us : even now, i. e. at the eleventh
hour, though never before. Cf. the stratagem of Leotychides, ix.
98. air6a\y, might keep them aicay from. Cf. viii. 20, b.
CH. XXIII. a. lifia ii\iif> <TKi?>va(i. as soon as the sun was scatter-
ing (his rays over the earth) : i. e. as soon as day dawned. Cf. .&sch.
Pers. 502. irplv vKtSaaQfivai 9tov iiKrivaQ. So spargere lumine ter-
ras, Lucret. ii. 143. Virgil, Mn. iv. 584. W. Above avi)p 'I<rri-
aitve, a man of Histieea. Cf. vii. 175, b.
CH. XXV. a. roiiQ f'/Xwroc. Cf. vii. 202, a., and 205, c. JJTTKT-
ria-o, thought, took for certain. Cf. viii. 10, c.
CH. XXVI. a. avTo^. air 'ApKadiriG Of these Arcadians, a na-
tion that has been termed " the Swiss of Greece," and whose mer-
cenary character became yet more evident in later times, L. and
BOOK VIII. URANIA. 391
Schw. consider the native place was Carya, or Caryee, on the bor-
ders of Arcadia.
b. ivtpyoi pov\. clvai. wishing to be at work, or, engaged in active
service, wg 'OXv/iTrui dyoitiv K. T. X. See Smith's D. of A., Olympiu.
c. tine rf tf iravraf and said before them all. B. On Tritan-
teechmes, cf. vii. 82. $u\inv wtyXi Trpoc /3arr. he incurred the reproach
of cowardice in the eljes of the king.
CH. XXVII. a. QiaaaXol . . . . tr^i iv't^. aid x<>Xoj>, cf. vii. 176, b.,
as an early instance of this hatred between the two states. W.
And read thirl w. ii. c. 15, p. 291.
b. pavriv roi/ 'HXf 7ov, The trade of divination appears to have
flourished in Elis ; Polycrates is mentioned, iii. 132, to have had
an Elean augur in his household ; Tisamenus, ix. 33, a., and He-
gesistratus, ix. 37, were both Eleans. B.
CH. XXVIII. a. TroXtopic. tujiJTovc.. The plur. partic. refers to
irtbv, and governs auiiroiie, the P/wcians thus roughly handled the
(Thessalian) infantry who icere blockading them (the Phocians) in
Parnassus. B.
b. TI)V 'iirirov avretov, On the Thessalian cavalry, cf. v. 63, b. ug
dfci(j'iraat'H. T. 4>u>icat,', cf. ix. 59, b.
CH. XXIX. a. i)drj n juaXXov yvwfft/i iifi.lv. from this time
forth be somewhat more willing to change your opinion, and confess
that you are not our match ; be more ready to acknowledge that you
are not our match. Cf. vii. 130, a.
b. TrooaOtv TI yap .... i(j>ip6p.tOa. for before among the Greeks, as
long as that party (i. e. the Greek side) pleased us, we were ever
superior to you. ITT fifitv tan K. T. X. it is in our power that you should
be deprived, &c. Cf. Jelf, 634, 3, b. i-rrl with dat. Causal ; de-
pendence on any thing, as iiri nvi tlvai, penes aliquem esse.
CH. XXX. a. rb t-xQ.ro Qtaa. their hatred of the Thessalians,
the hate they bore to the Thessalians. The attributive Gen. is Caus-
ative, (as here,) when it would occupy the place of the object of
an intransitive verb ; as, i) rrJQ aotyiaq tTrtOu/zia = (Soxcpdrj/c) imQvun
rijg ao<t>ia. It is called causative because that which it expresses
is the cause of that which the verb expresses. So iroQoQ mov, desi-
deriumfilii, regret for a son. e^flog T'IVOC., enmity against any one. Jelf,
464, 3. Cf.'ix. 37, and Thucyd. i. 103. Mypswv ^iff/ja, iv. 1,
vii. 57- V. On the opinion here expressed by Hdfus, cf. D. p. 135.
CH. XXXI. a. rjjg Tpj/^ivi^e Cf. vii. 199, a. irofiiwv aruvof,
a narrow neck, or, strip of land. On Doris, originally Dryopis, the
mother country of the Dorians of the Peloponnese, see Smith's C.
D., and Arrowsmith, Eton G. c. 16, p. 372. It was also called Te-
trapolis, as the confederation of the 4 states, Boium, Cytinium,
Pindus, and Erineus. Cf. Thucyd. i. 107, iii. 92. On the migra-
tion of the Dorians thence, cf. Arnold on Thucyd. i. 12,* and refs
in i. 56, a.
" The great family, or rather clan, which claimed descent from the hero Herculeg,
being expelled from Peloponnesus by the Pelopids, found an asylum among the Do-
392 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
b. Kai owe tfioK. Qtaa. subaud. e&l3a\\tiv. neque Thessalis videbatur,
nempe rastanda Doris. V.
CH. XXXII. a. Kara Nswv over against, opposite to. This
city stood at the E. foot of Mt Tithorea. On Phocis and Mt Par-
nassus, see Arrowsmith, c. 16, p. 374, seqq., and Smith's C. D.
b. i$ rffv 5}) dvTjvfiKavro, sc. TO. tiriirXoa xpi'iftaTa, into which indeed
they conveyed up their moveables. W. " The Dorians were spared,
as friends. Those of the Phocians who had the means of escaping
took refuge on the high plains that lie under the topmost peaks of
Parnassus, or at Amphissa." Thirlw. in I. Amphissa, Salona, 7
miles from Delphi. Delphi, Kastri, cf. Smith's C. D.
CH. XXXIII. a. Kj70io-o-oi/ TTOT. the Mauro-Potamo. See
Arrowsmith, p. 377- On Abae, i. 46, b. Kara fiev iKawavicaTa tit
Xap. Cf. Jelf, 643, quoted in ii. 141, d.
CH. XXXV. a. TO. Kpoio-ov .... avaQ^ara. Cf. i. 50. On the
course of the Persian march, see Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 292, seqq.
CH. XXXVI. n. Kup. avTpov avttvfiKavTo. they removed their pro-
perty, cf. viii. 32, b., to the Corycian cave. This famous cave or
grotto is described by Pausan. x. 32, quoted by W., cf. ^sch. Eumen.
22. iv9a KtapvKis Trirpa (co/Xjj, $i\opvi, Saifiovwv avaarpofyi). Ac-
cording to the article in the Class. Diet, it is " about two hours'
journey from Delphi, higher up the mt., and was discovered in
modern times first by Mr. Raikes ; who describes the narrow and
low entrance as spreading at once into a chamber 330 feet long by
200 wide ; the stalactites from the top hung in graceful forms the
whole length of the roof, and fell like drapery down the sides." On
Amphissa, cf. viii. 32, b. irpoKaTrjffOat, a few lines above, to protect,
to defend. Cf. ix. 106, c.
rians, an Hellenian people, inhabiting a mountain district between the chain of (Eta
on the one side, and Parnassus on the other. Here they found willing followers in
their enterprise for the recovery of their former dominions in Peloponnesus : the He-
raclidse were to possess the thrones of their ancestors ; but the Dorians were to have
the free property of the lands which they hoped to conquer, and were not 'to hold them
under the Heraclidae. The invaders were also assisted by an JEtoMnn chief, named
Oxylus, and by his means they were enabled to cross over by sea from the northern to
the southern side of the Corinthian Gulf, instead of forcing their way by land through
the Isthmus. Their invasion was completely successful ; all Peloponnesus, except Ar-
cadia and Achaia, fell into their power ; and three chiefs of the Heraclidae took posses-
sion of the thrones of Sparta, Argos, and Messenia ; while Elis was assigned to their
associate Oxylus. The land was divided in equal shares amongst the Dorians, with
the exception probably of some portions attached to the different temples, and which,
with the offices of priesthood, belonged to the Heraclidae as the descendants of the
national gods, and heroes of the country. Meanwhile, the old inhabitants were either
reduced to migrate or were treated as an inferior caste ; holding such lands as they
were permitted to cultivate, not as freeholders, but as tenants under Dorian lords.
These were the Laconians, or Trepioixoi, of whom we shall find frequent mention in
the course of this history ; and some of this class, failing in an attempt to recover
their independence, were degraded to the still lower condition of villains, or predial
slaves ; and thus formed the first beginning of the class of Helots, which was after-
wards greatly swelled from other quarters. On the other hand, the Hellenian name
derived its general predominance throughout Greece from the Dorian conquest of the
Peloponnesus ; the Dorians claiming descent from the eldest son of Hellen, and while
they gloried in their extraction, asserting their peculiar title to the Hellenian name
above all the other tribes which had assumed it." Arnold.
BOOK VIII. URAXIA. 393
b. rov TrpoQTjTfw. the interpreter of the responses of the Pythoness.
Cf. vii. Ill, a. "The prophetes or high-priest wrote down the an-
swers of the Pythoness : besides him there were 5 priests called
offioi, chosen from the five chief families of the Delphian aristocracy,
who, with the prophetes, held their offices for life, and had the con-
trol of all the affairs of the sanctuary and the sacrifices." Smith's
D. of A., Oracl&of Delphi.
CH. XXXV 1 1. a. *ai airwptov TO ipov, and saw the temple at a
distance. Schw. Thirlw. in /. " At the opening of the defile,
they saw the city rising like a theatre before them, crowned with
the house of the god, the common sanctuary of the western world,
and at its back the precipices of Parnassus, crag above crag," &c.
On the prodigies and panic of the Persian force " it must be left
to the reader's imagination to determine how the tradition, which
became current after the event, may be best reconciled with truth
or probability." Similar preternatural phenomena are said by Pau-
sanias, i. 4, x. 23, quoted by V., to have occurred during the
irruption of the Gauls into Greece, 279 B. c., when they were re-
pulsed from Delphi in the same way. On Minerva Pronsea, cf.
i. 92, c.
b. Sia irdvT. Qaafiartav among all prodigies the most worthy of
iconder. Cf. viii. 142, i<n~iv . ... cm iravr. rjietara, and to you of a
surety amonfj all others it is least honourable. Cf. also i. 25, b.
CH. XXXIX. a. rijjc KnaroAuje, This famous fountain is de-
scribed by Dodwell, Travels, i. 172, quoted in the Class. Diet., as
" now ornamented with pendent ivy and overshadowed by a large
fig tree : the spring is clear, and forms an excellent beverage ; after
a quick descent to the bottom of the valley, through a narrow and
rocky glen, it joins the little river Pleistus." Cf. on Mt Parnassus,
" biceps Parnassus," Persius Prolog. Smith's C. D., Parnassus.
CH. XL. a. vicoKaT. TOV /3p/3. i- e. lying in tcait for the barbari-
ans. On the narrative see Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 294.
CH. XLI. a. rd iiripiivia the monthly offerings. "And now
the priestess of Athens announced that the sacred snake, which
was regarded as the invisible guardian of the rock, and was pro-
Eitiated by a honey cake laid out for it every month in the temple,
ad quitted its abode in the sanctuary : the monthly offering lay
untasted." Thirlw. in /. The legend of the serpent is referred to
by Aristoph. Lysistr. 760, quoted by V. The youthful Sophocles
is said to have been among those who were sent to Salamis for
security.
CH. XLII. a. Evpv^taSttQ Cf. viii. 3, a., and on the number of
the Athenian ships, viii. 1, a.
b. ov pivroi ytvtoc yt /3a<r. A remark, no doubt, purposely added ;
for the office of navarch was distinct from that of the kings. It
must have been one of great power, as it is called by Aristotle, Polit.
ii. 6, 22, ax^ov irepa fiamXiia, though, like them, the navarchs were
394 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
held in check by the crvftpovhoi. See Thucyd. ii. 85, iii. 69, viii. 39.
As a permanent creation, the office of navarch at Sparta, like that
of the fTricrroXtue who commanded under him, was an innovation,
and contrary to the spirit of Lycurgus' enactments. From H. P. A.
46. Add, from Mull. Dor. p. 27, that on one occasion, at a sub-
sequent period, we find the command at sea intrusted to one of the
class of Perioeci ; doubtless because the Spartans did not hold the
naval service in much estimation, and because the inhabitants of
the maritime towns were more practised in naval affairs than the
Dorians of the interior.
CH. XLIII. a. Acupticov re .... tOvog, cf. i. 56, a., viii. 31, a.,
137, a., and on the Hermionians, Mull. Dor. i. p. 49.
CH. XLIV. a. irpbe irdvrae rove aXXove prce a/iis omnibus.
Comparison with a collateral notion of superiority. Jelf, 638, iii.
3, e, Cf. ii. 33, iii. 94. Schw. On the number of the Athenian
ships, 180, or, with those they lent to the Chalcidians, 200, it is
well known Hdtus agrees neither with JEschylus, nor Thucydides,
i. 74. On the point cf. Thirlw. ii. App. iv.
b. ec TYIV iripairjv .... x^f"7 on ^ e opposite shore ofSceotia, i. e.
the shore opposite Chalcis. B.
c. 'ASqv .... TltXaffyol .... Kpavaoi. On the Pelasgic origin of
the Athenians see refs in i. 56, a. The appellation of Kpavad 7r6Xc,
given to the town or acropolis of Athens by Aristoph. Ach. 75,
Lysistr. 483, is by some derived from Cranaus, a mythical king of
Athens, or from the rough and rugged nature of the soil. On
Cecrops, Erectheus, &c., cf. H. P. A. 91, and notes, and Smith's
D. of G. and R. Biog.
CH. XLV. a. Mtynp. rwvro ir\r)(>. K. r. \. i. e. twenty ships ; cf
viii. 1. Ambracia, a little to the S. of the modern Arta, on the
Sinus Ambracius, Gulf of Arta. Leucas, Santa Maura. See Arrow-
smith, c. 16, p. 364.
CH. XLVI. a. Aiyivijr. rptjjic. It would seem more probable
that the ^Eginetans instead of 30 furnished 42 ships. Cf. viii. 48, a.
b. ArjfioK. ffTTtvffavrog, Democritus promoting it, on the instigation of
Democritus. Cf. Thirlw. ii. c. 15, p. 297-
CH. XLVII. a. Kporwv , . . vrfi pty, As it is very unlikely that
only a single ship should be sent by one of the most powerful
states in Italy, it seems highly probable that this vessel was fitted
out at the private expense of Phayllus, in aid of the country in
which he had obtained so much honour. The words of Pausanias,
X. 9, 4>ai)XXoe .... l.vavfidxr)(rc, vavv TrapaffKtva<rdfj,ivo O'IKI'UIV K. T. X.
confirm this conjecture. V. See D. p. 36.
b. Kpor. 81 ftvog ilai 'A^. Crotona founded B. c. 710. Cf. Smith's
C. D., and H. P. A. 80.
CH. XLVIII. a. nptfyi. TUV vt&v K.T.\. The following repre-
sents the different numbers furnished by each nation at Arteaaisium
and Salamis :
BOOK VIII. URANIA. 395
AT ARTEMISIUM. AT SALAMIS.
Lacedeem. . . 10 , . .16
Corinth . 40 .40
Sicyon . . . 12 . . .15
Epidaurus . . 8 . .10
Troezen . . . 5 . . .5
Hermione . .
Athens . . . 127 . . .180
Megara . 20 .20
Ambracia . . . . .7
Leucas . 3
.Egina . . . 18 , . .30
Chalcis . 20 .20
Eretria . . . 7 . . 7
Naxos . . . 4
Styra . . . 2 . . .2
Cythnos . .
Croton . . . . . .1
Cos . . . 2 . 2
271 366
It appears by this table that the whole number of triremes at
Salamis amounted to only 366, but every MS. here reads 378. To
remove this difficulty, V. conjectures that the ^Eginetans furnished
42, and not 30, as in ch. xlvi. This conjecture has been adopted
by L. and Borheck. Schw. objects to this alteration of the text,
but supposes that the ^ginetans furnished only 30, and that they
left 12 behind to protect their country, which 12 are here taken
into account, as forming part of the Greek naval forces. Note from
the Oxfd Tr. This last is also the opinion of B.
CH. XL IX. a. <ie . . . . iroXiopicjjffovrat that they would be be-
sieged, or blockaded fut. used in a pass, sense for 7roXiopKij07J<rovrat.
Cf. v. 35, b. So also i^oiaovrai, they would transfer themselves to,
would retire upon their own men. Cf. Jelf, 364, a. obs. " If they
fought near the Isthmus, should the worst happen, they might join
the army on shore, and renew the contest in defence of their
homes." Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 298.
CH. L. a. avr'iwv iK\i\onr6rttiv, they themselves having retired, de-
serted it. Cf. .ZEsch. Pers. 128, TTOC yap .... \to ffprjvos we tic\s-
\Ol7TtV [Jit\lffaaV K. T. \. B.
CH. LI. a. rapids n rov 'ipov, These were the stewards or qiues-
tors of the temple of Minerva in the Acropolis, where in early times
the Athenian treasury was kept. It was managed, as were the
treasuries of the other deities afterwards, by a board of 10 treasurers
chosen by lot from among the wealthiest citizens : for its support
was paid the tenth of all fines and confiscations. Cf. Boeckh,
Public. (Econ. i. p. 217, H. P. A. 151, and Smith's D. of A,,
396 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
b. Kpt](r(j>vyerov Cf. v. 124, b. On the oracle referred to, and r6
$v\tvov Ttixog, cf. iv. 141, 142, b., and Leake's Athens, viii. p. 279,
seqq.
CH. LII. a. 'Apffiov irayov, "The hill of the Areopagus is
separated from the W. (or rather the N. W.) end of the rock by a
narrow hollow. From this height the besiegers discharged their
arrows tipped with lighted tow against the opposite paling." Thirlw.
in /. The name of the Areopagus is said to be derived either from
a tradition that Mars was tried there by the gods for the murder of
Halirrothius, s. of Neptune, or from the Amazons, when they
came to attack Theseus, having offered sacrifice to Mars their re-
puted father. See the plan of Athens in Arrowsmith, Eton G. p.
389 and 391, and for a description of it at the present day, Stuart's
Antiquities of Athens, or Leake's Athens, p. 45, seqq., 289. On
the court of the Areopagus, see Muller's Eumenides, p. 57 ana 107,
and Smith's D. of A., Areopagus.
b. TWV IlftffKTrpar. By the Pisistratidte Hdtus must mean the
grandchildren and near connexions of Pisistratus, and other Athe-
nian exiles of that party, who accompanied the army of Xerxes ;
cf. viii. 54, 'AOriv oi tyvy. and v. 93, seqq., vi. 107, seqq., as Hippias
and Hipparchus were both dead. Cf. Smith's C. D., Pisistratus.
c. dXoirpoxovg Cf. v. 92, 2, i.
CH. LIII. a. Kara TO ipov K. T. \. " Towards the N. the Cecro-
pian hill terminates in the precipices anciently called the Long
Rocks : where the daughters of Cecrops were said to have thrown
themselves down in the madness which followed the indulgence of
their profane curiosity." Thirlw. in /. Cf. also Leake's Athens,
viii. p. 261. H. P. A. 92, note 2.
b. oi St I? TO piy. Kctre<j>. " Others took refuge in the sanctuary of
the goddess." Thirlw. in /. So in v. 72, rb dSvrov Tfe Qtov, viz.
Minerva Polias, cf. v. 82, c. and on the word fikyapov, i. 47, a.
CH. LFV. a. 'Apra/Savy De Artabano Susis relicto a Xerxe
vid. vii. 52, 53. B.
CH. LV. a. 'EpexGrjos On Erectheus and the ante-historical
period of Attica, cf. H. P. A. 91. Cf. also v. 82, c.
b. iv rtf iXairi K. T. X. " The sacred olive the earliest gift of
PaUas, by which in her contest with Poseidon she had proved her
claim to the land, and which grew in the temple of her foster-child
Erectheus, by the side of the salt pool that had gushed up under
the trident of her rival had been consumed with the sacred build-
ing. Those who came to worship in the wasted sanctuary related
that a shoot, had already sprung to the height of a cubit from the
burnt stump." Thirlw. in 1. On the fable referred to, cf. Smith's
C. D., Athena, also v. 82, i. c. Of this olive, Pliny, H. N. xvi. 44,
quoted by B., savs, " Athenis quoque olea durare traditur in cer-
tamine edita a Minerva." The legend of its immortality is referred
to by Soph. OZd. Col. 694, <^,vrtv^a axeipwrov K. T. X. The sea, (cf.
2 Kings xxv. 13, " the brazen sea,' r ) was a pool or cistern, into
BOOK VIII. URANIA. 397
which sea-water was said to be conducted by subterraneous pipes.
See also Leake's Athens, viii. p. 257, seqq.
CH. LVI, a. ol'Si KvooiQfivm .... Trprjy/ia, some would not ercn
wait till the matter before them was ratified; to wit. whether they
should remain or retreat to the Isthmus. See Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p.
300. WG aTi-00. as about to run aicay, from airoOsw.
CH. LVIL a. Mi/ijtrtyiXoc " Mnesiphilus, a man of congenial
character, a little more advanced in years, who was commonly be-
lieved to have had a great share in forming the mind of Themis-
tocles," &c. Thirlw." in /.
b. Ti-Mpui .... (3if3ov\tvueva, endeavour to annul what has been de-
cided upon.
CH. LIX. a. TroXt'e ffv . . . . icapra Sio^itvof. Themistocles spoke
at qreat length, or, used many arguments, as being urgent in entreaty.
Cf. vii. 158, a.
b. 'Adei/jiavTog " His principal adversary was the Corinthian
admiral, Adeimantus, who probably thought he had the strongest
reason to fear for the safety of his own city, if the fleet continued
at Salamis. He is said to have rebuked the premature impor-
tunity of Themistocles, by reminding him that, in the public games,
those who started before the signal was given, were corrected with
the scourge. ' But those who lag behind,' was the Athenian's
answer, ' do not win the crown.' " Thirlw. in /. Cf. Smith's D.
of A., Olympic Games.
CH. LX. a. OVK tQcpe .... (carjjyopltiv. it did not bring him
any credit, it did not become him to accuse (any of the allies). Cf.
viii. 142, a.
b. 1. dva&vKye .... rag vijag. move off your ships to the Isthmus.
c. tv TTtXdyt'i dvt7Tf7rransv<{t in the open or wide sea. W. perf.
part. pass, from drcnrtTavvvni. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 246.
d. if o i]Kit?Ta i/n~iv K. T. X. TTfXaytii seems the antecedent to 8. t?
o (scil. irsXayog) j/Ktora r//zli> <ri;/j0op6j> tan (vavfia\i}(Jat), into which it
is highly inexpedient for us to be drawn &c., or, *c o (;rXayoe vav-
paxTJcrcn) iJKiara K. r. X. to be enticed into and to fitjht in which is &c.
e. 2. Trpoe iiu'euiv in our favour. Cf. i. 75, b. tc, rqv rip. virtu,
in which our ivires &c. are carried into safety. Jelf, 646, 1.
f. roSf row Kaf Ttptk)(t00t fidXtara. this advantage, or, object, which
you most cling to, or, aim at. Cf. Jelf, 536, and cf. i. 71, c.
g. we TO l-jr'nrav tQ't\n yiveaOat. Ad tOiXii e prfecedentibus repeto
TO. oiKora : probabiha s. rationi consentanea capientibus consilia ple-
rumque talia, i. e. consentanea rationi, etiam evenire solent. B.
CH. LXI. a. teat Eupi/3 diroXt dvSpl. and not allowing Eury-
biades to put the question, trying to persuade Eiirybiades not to put the
question to the rote,fo> - a man who had not a country ; or, dissuading
him from collecting the votes to oblige a man without a country.
iirrj/t]tpiZnv, to put a question to the vote, (sententias rogare,) properly-
used of the Epistates or one of the Prytanes, when tie put a matter
to the vote in the Athenian senate. 'ATroXi dvdpi,for the good of, or,
398 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
to please a man who had no country, dat. commodi, Cf. Jelf, 598,
quoted in vi. 86, b.
b. oi>Sanoi>s -yap .... airoKpovfftoOat. for none of the Gks could repei
them if they should attack them. Cf. iv. 200, d.
CH. LXII. a. /iaXXov iiritrTpafifjif.va. sc. tirr) asperiora, concita-
tiora verba ; speaking more earnestly, or vehemently. Cf. Thirlw.
" This threat determined Eurybiades," &c. &c.
b. S/piv .... rjirtp rmtrkpri K. T. X. Cf. v. 44, a., and Thirlw. in /.
CH. LXIII. a. ai'tSiddffKtTo, dedocebatur, V. was taught better,
learnt better, S. and L. D. i. e. was induced to change his plan.
CH. LXIV. a. iirl Si Ai'aeov c. r.X. " JE&cus and his line, the
tutelary heroes of .flSgina, were solemnly evoked from their sanc-
tuary, to come and take part in the battle ; similar rites had already
been performed to secure the presence and the aid of those ^Eacids,
who had once reigned and were especially worshipped in Salamis
itself." Thirlw. in L Cf. also v. 75, b.
CH. LXV. a. ry Mijrpi icai ry Koupy, Cf. V. 82, a. The purport
of the Eleusinian mysteries is the subject of a learned disquisition
in Warburton's Div. Leg. on the 6th ./Eneid. Their object he con-
siders to have been to convey the knowledge of the unity of the
Deity and the falsity of the popular doctrines of Polytheism. He
there quotes the noted passage from Cicero ; who, when speaking
of these mysteries, says that from them, " neque solum cum laetitia
vivendi rationem accepimus, sed etiam cum spe meliore moriendi."
Of Warburton's theory there is a most clever critique in Gibbon's
Miscellaneous Works. " On the 6th day of the festival," I quote
the article Eleusinia in the Class. Diet., of which, or rather, in pre-
ference, of the article Eleusinia, since published in Smith's D. of
A., the student should make himself complete master, " was cele-
brated 6 ftvariKOf "lax^og, the s. of Jupiter and Ceres, who accom-
panied his mother in her search after Proserpine, with a torch in
his hand. Hence his statue had a torch in its hand and was carried
in solemn procession from the Ceramicus to Eleusis ; the statue,
with those who accompanied it, 'laicxaywyoi, was crowned with
myrtle, &c. &c."
b. Arjuapfirov Karairrofitvof. appealing to the evidence of Demar-
atus and other witnesses. Cf. vi. 68, a.
CH. LXVI. a. Oi tie Ic * r. \. Cohaerent haec cum superior! cap.
24. Schw. 2f/7riadu, cf. vii. 183, a. Histiaea, vii. 175, b. On the
tribes that joined the king cf. vii. 132. See also v. 79, a.
b. rwv trkvTi iroXiwv, i. e. the islands of Naxos, Melos, Siphnos,
Seriphus, and Cythnus, cf. viii. 46 ; which Hdtus here calls ir6\n,
states, in the same manner, as in speaking of Samos, iii. 139, he
calls it iroXiuv iraffiw irpuirt). W.
CH. LXVII. . licapaSoKtov cf. vii. 163, b.
b. 6 Ei&iv. (Say. K. T. X. Cf. vii. 98, a., and 100, a.
CH. LXVI 1 1. a. tiirtiv poi K. T. X. tell (the king) prithee, or for
my sake. Others read tlirai pot, the 1 aor. infin. On the use of
BOOK VIII. URANIA. 399
the infinitive for the imperative, (vii. 228, T Q m/, ayytXXHi/ K. T. \.
iii. 134, fft'ds . . . . arpanvtoQai,) cf. Jelf, 671, . The infinitive is
used in the place of the imperative, to express a command or
wish, that the person addressed would himself do something. It
depends on a verb of wishing or desiring in the mind of the speaker,
but can only stand for the 2nd person sing, or plur. The subject
of the infin. itself, and of the verb on which it depends, is the per-
son addressed, and it is sometimes placed before the inf. in the
nominative (or vocative). Cf. also vi. 86, diroSowat. vii. 159,
poriOsuv, there quoted. On the dative not, cf. Jelf, 598, quoted in
'i. 86, b.
6. rqv tovaav yvw/i?jv, my real opinion. Cf. i. 95, a. On Q.
Artemisia, cf. vii. 99, a.
c. airfi\\aav K. T. X. have gone off", retired, consequently, fared as
tl~t,y deserved. Cf. i. 16, c.
d. Aiyvirrioi re K. T. X. Yet they are said to have fought well,
see viii. 17- B. Perhaps this sweeping accusation on the part of
Q. Artemisia, if it may be supposed that Hdtus, a native of her city
and her born subject, had any real grounds for putting it into her
mouth, may be attributed to the ill-will that existed, through com-
mercial jealousy, between the Gk colonies on the coast of Asia
Minor and the other principal trading nations of the then known
world ; cf. vi. 6, a. and refs., though it may be no more than
Hdtus' own sentiment, on whatever grounds based. On the
Cyprians, Cilicians, and Pamphylians in Xerxes' fleet, cf. vii. 89,
A.; 90, 91.
CH. LXIX. a. ri) Kpiat, at her judgment the decision she came
to. Some read tivatcpiai, inquiry.
CH. LXX. a. Trapficpi9tioav Siarax ..... t'lwX' ^ ret( ^ u ^ in hne
of battle, each in his separate position, at their leisure. Cf. ix. 98, b.
7roXtO|0<cj(Toj/rat, cf. viii. 49, a.
CH. LXXI. a. KXto/i/3. Cf. v. 41, &c., ix. 10. Zicipwvida 6Sbv,
This road, so called from Sciron the robber, who is said to have been
killed by Theseus, led from Corinth to Megara over very danger-
ous rocks, which in some parts overhang the sea. Hence it is even
now called Kaki Skala. B. See Arrowsmith, c. 17, p. 396, and
Smith's C. D., and read Thirl w. in /. ii. c. 15, p. 304.
CH. LXXII. a. Ol & fiiaQwavrtf .... rotat tie dXX. See D.'s
remarks, p. 135, on this ch., which strongly evinces the truthiness
and unsparing impartiality of Hdtus as an historian. Cf. vii.
132, b., &c.
b. Kapvtta cf. vii. 206, a. and refs ; and on the Olympia, ref.
in viii. 26, b.
CH. LXXIII. a. O/ Si rqv rieXoTr. K. r.X. On the races that
inhabited the Peloponnese, cf. H. P. A. 1719, and Thirlw. vol.
i. c. 4, and c. 7. On the Dorian invasion and on the tribes men-
tioned in this ch. generally, cf. Heeren's Manual of Anc. Hist. pp.
102 117, and viii. 31, a., and the refs in i. 56, a.
400 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
b. TO 'AxdtKov, See Thirlw. i. c. vii. p. 259, seqq., and cf. aLso r.
iv. p. 108, 112,260.
c. A'lTtaXoi, " Northern Elis was inhabited by the Epeans, who,
being of the same race as the ^tolians, readily amalgamated with
the followers of Oxylus." H. 1. I. Cf. Thirlw. i. p. 95, 99. On
the Kwovptoi, cf. i. 82, a. On the Orneatae, Heeren, /. /. observes
" The conquered inhabitants bore the general name of Perioeci, as
forming the rustic population around the capital : in Argos they
appear to have been distinguished by the appellation Orneatae ;
in Laconia they were called Lacedaemonians by way of distinction
from the pure Spartan race."
d. Arjpvtoi, Cf. iv. 145, b., 148, a. b., and refs to Thirlw. On the
Dryopes, cf. viii. 31, a., and Thirlw. i. c. iv. p. 105.
e. IK TOV fikff. tKaTEaTo remained neutral. Cf. iii. 83, a.
CH. LXXIV. a. iripi TOV iravrb^ .... 6'iovrtQ, about to run for
tiieir all ; a proverbial expression, S. and L. D., i. e. about to risk,
every thing. Cf. viii. 140, c. iXXa^tffdai, gain renown. Cf. i.
80, d.
CH. LXXV. a. TWV Getter, vaiduiv. From Plutarch, Themistoc.
c. 32, it appears that Themistocles had five sons : one of these died
in his f.'s life-time, and another, Diocles, was adopted by his ma-
ternal grandfather. He had also several daughters. B. Read
in connexion, Thirlw. in /. ii. c. xv. p. 304.
CH. LXXVI. a. ^fvTTakuav, Lypso Kutali, between Cynosura,
the E. promontory of Salamis, according to Thirlw. and Kruse,
and the coast of Attica. B. remarks that it is uninhabited ; and
refers to ^Eschyl. Pers. 447, vrjaci^ nc <m K. T. X.
b. avfjyov filv . . . . 2aXa/i. they, the Persians, moved out the
western icing of their own Jleet towards Salamis, encircling the
island ; viz. to block up the channel between Cynosura and the
port of Munychium. B. and Thirlw. Schw. takes it of the Per-
sians putting out their ships with the intention of surrounding the
western wing of the Gk Jleet. The first way is the best, as being
the simplest : TO irp. 'Eg Kip. seems plainly to refer to the Persian
fleet. Ceos, " probably the W. Cape of Salamis, and Cynosura
the E." Thirlw. in 1. So also Kruse and B. See Arrowsmith,
Eton G. c. 17, p. 388.
c. eZniaofi'tvuv would be dricen ashore. Cf. v. 35, b., viii. 49, a.
CH. LXXVII. a. Xp^ouri K. T. X. By what follows we are
not to consider Hdtus professing a blind belief in all oracles alike;
but solely in those whose agreement with the event predicted in
some degree warranted his faith. The oracle attributed here to
Bacis (cf. Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog., Bads} was probably the
invention of Themistocles. B. On the transposition of ^pj<T/*o7<n,
cf. Jelf, 898, 2, Consolidation of Sentences.
b. KaTafidXXtiv to reject, to invalidate tJie authority of. The
epithet xpvtraopov, golden-su-orded, is by Creuzer, Symbol, iv. p. 67,
quoted by B., referred to the splendour of the moon's rays and to
.BOOK VIII. URANIA. 401
the deadly influence which they were supposed capable of exercis-
ing. Cf. S. and L. D. under the word.
c. XiTrapuc briijht, illustrious. Also fat, greasy ; cf. Aristoph.
Achar. 606 ; who introduces in one of his jests the oracles of Ba-
cis ; and Aves, 963, and Equit. 99.
d. Kopov, insolence, or arrogance arising from satiety, here called
the child of pride. Cf. Pindar, Olymp. xiii. 10, t!/3piv, icopov juareoa
QpaffVfivQov. B.
e. SoKtvvT riOtaQat. i. e. avariBiadai iravra. -fancying that
ht- can upturn, overthroto, every thing ; equivalent to dvia Karat rlQta-
Qai. Cf. iii. 3. Schw. The reading BoKtvvr'. . . . irvO'saQai, which
W. adopts and appears inclined to render fancying that he would be
heard of every where, i. e. that he would be very famous, is considered
by B. as incapable of explanation.
/. fc rotavra ptv. K. r. X. This sentence Schw. considers corrupt.
The order seems to be ovrt al/rot; Xsytiv .... Trtpt avTiXoyirjc. xpn ff ~
fiiav BamSi K. r. X. Equidem nee ipse quid enuntiare audeo neque ab
aliis quid accipio de contradictione oraculorum Sacidis. B. Accord-
ing to this construction Baicidt would be the dat. commodi ; cf. Jelf,
597, obs. 1, quoted in v. 8, a.
CH. LXXYIIL a. K ara X up nv Cf. iv. 135, b.
CH. LXXIX. a. "S.vvta <rrpar?;ywv, whilst the generals were
engaged in dispute. Cf. i. 208, a., vii. 142, a.
b. '.\piareiSng Read Thirlw. in /. ii. c. 15, p. 305.
c. tSworpaicKT/uti/oe " To Clisthenes is ascribed the institution of
Ostracism which enabled the people to rid itself by a species of
honourable exile, of any individual whose pres^pce in the state
might seem incompatible with the -principle on which it ruled,
that, namely, of universal equality of rights. Among its victims
at Athens were Clisthenes himself, Themistocles, Aristides, Cimon,
Miltiades his s., Xanthippus f. of Pericles, &c. &c. The last per-
son it was used against is said to have been Hyperbolus. It was
practised also in Argos, cf. Aristot. Polit. v. 2, 5, Megara, Miletus,
and Syracuse, where it was called Petalism." H. P. A. 66, 111,
and 130.
CH. LXXX. a. laGt y dp K. r. X. Cf. Jelf, 893, c., Brachylogy.
The notion (fa Substantive or Adjective involved in the context or part
thereof. A subject is supplied from the predicate, or a predicate
from the subject, when the same word would be both subject and
predicate ; as here, io9t -yap t s/mo (sc. iroitvfttva) ra irouvpeva virb
MrjSiav. Cf. viii. 142, b.
b. atKovraf, irapaarrioaeiGai, compel them to do it against their will,
arrange or dispose them so that they do it. Cf. iv. 136, a.
CH. LXXX 1 1. a. Tqviw Tenos and Delos had fallen into
the hands of the Persians, vi. 97- Hence the Tenians were forced
to add their contingent to the forces of the invader. On the golden
tripod dedicated at Delphi, cf. ix. 81, b. The desertion of the Lem-
nian galley is mentioned in viii. 11. B.
2 D
402 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. LXXXIIL a. rwv iiri$ark<avGf. vi 12, c., vii. 96, a.
b. irponyopivi .... QffiiaroK. Either tic iravr. Trporjy. -from among
the number of them all Themistocles addressed them in encouraging
terms, i. e. he rose and spoke for all the rest : irdvrwv, one out of
all, in the name of all. Cf. i. 159. Jelf, 621, 3, b. ; arparriyS>v be-
ing understood. Perhaps taking c iravr. with i v i^ovra, he said
what was right in all respects, he addressed them in the most en-
couraging terms that all circumstances would admit of ; but t inrap-
XOVTUV would seem then to be required. On the seeming Anacolou-
thon in the construction, iroiqadfuvoi QifiiffTOK\ir]Q, cf. Jelf, 708,
a., The notn. participle really or seemingly used absolutely. When
the action or state of the verb is to be especially attributed to the
part or member of the whole, the verb is made to agree with this
part (ff^ijua naff oXov icai /ispog). Cf. iii. 158, a.
c. ra e iirta .... avriTiOsp. And the whole tendency of his speech
was to draw a parallel beticeen all that was good and evil, or, his
speech was all advantages balanced against disadvantages. Cf. Thirhv.
in /. " The substance of his speech was simply to set before them
on the one side all that was best, on the other all that was worst,
in the nature and condition of man, and to exhort them to choose
and hold fast the good." So Thucyd. iv. 10, quoted and explained
in S. and L. D., ra virdpxpvra ij/uv icpeioaova, the advantages we have.
Cf. on the speech, jEschyl. Pers. 402 <L iraldtc. 'E\\rjvwv K. r. X.
d. KaraTrXsl-ac rijv prjff. having wound up, or finished his speech.
Kurd T. A(W. for the ^Eacidce, i. e. to fetch them. Cf. ii. 152, b. On
the jEacidae, cf. viii. 64, a., and v. 75, b.
CH. LXXXIY. a. ITTI irpvu. dviicpov. they rowed sternwards,
backed water. Hi this manoeuvre, dvdicpovoig, the prow was kept
towards the enemy, and the vessel backed straight without turning.
Cf. Thucyd. i. 50, and notes, in which author the expression con-
stantly occurs.
b. uKiXXov rdg vijac,. they ran their ships closer and closer to the
shore. The sense of stranded, ran their ships aground, which the
word generally means, is plainly inapposite here. W.
c. 'ApiiviTic By Diodorus, xi. 37, cf. 18, he is called the brother
of .ffischylus. The poet, however, in Pers. 409, j/p&v s/jjSoX^c 'EX-
XIJVIKJ) rave, passes over, if such was the case, his brother's ex-
ploits. Ameinias is mentioned again in viii. 93. i^uva-^Qti^, break-
ing out of the line, darting forward. B.
d. naXXjvftif, of the demus or borough of Pallene ; which belonged
to the tribe Antiochis. See H. P. A. App. iv. p. 409. Saiuovwi,
strange creatures ! Cf. iv. 126, a.
CH. LXXXV. a. Kara 'Aflijv. over against, opposite the Athe-
nians, &C. On TOf QtpujTQK. tvroXae, cf. viii. 22. trtra'^aro. 3 plur.
plusq. perf. pass. Ion. from rdvata. Cf. vii. 76, b.
b. QfOfiriffTup Cf. also ix. 90. row S( tlv. but on this account. Cf.
Jelf, 444, 5. Demonstrative force of the article 6, /, ri>, in Post-
Homeric writers. Karaarrfff. ruv Utpff. the Persians appointing him,
BOOK VIII. URANIA. 403
on the appointment of the Persians, cf. vii. 104, d. See tne remarks
of D. p. 129. Cf. also p. 40.
c. fvipytTfic. (3aa. Cf. iii. 132, a., 140, a., also v. 31, a.
CH. LXXXVI. a. mpat&ro. was sunk, or shattered. Cf. vii.
125,o.
b. iyivovTo .... afuiv. avr. iwvrwv, were far more valiant than
they ever were before, that is to say, than at Euboza. Cf. apiirovis
rye Qvotoc., v. 118, more courageous than they naturally were. V. Cf.
ii. 25, 6., and Jelf, 782, g.
CH. LXXXVII. o. 'Apr^tmV Cf. vii. 99, a., and viii. 68.
" The Athenians, it is said, indignant at being invaded by a woman,
had set a price of 10,000 drachmas on her head." Thirlw. in I.
b. irpoc T&V TTO\. towards, in the direction of, or, near the enemies,
cf. viii. 85, irpoc. 'EXtvalvoQ, and viii. 120. Of. Jelf, 638, 1. See
the remarks of D. p. 6, on the warlike abilities of Q. Artemisia.
CH. LXXXVIII. a. rb imaripov TTJC. vrjoc the standard or flay
of the ship. What is here intended could not have been the insiane,
irapdarjp.ov, or Jiffura, the image on the prow which gave its name
to and distinguished the individual ship, made of wood and painted,
cf. iii. 37, b., as that could hardly have been distinguished from the
land in the uproar and confusion of the battle ; but must have been
some flag or standard, fixed to the aplustre or to the top of the
mast, and which, in this case, must have served to mark Q. Ar-
temisia's individual vessel. See Smith's D. of A., Insigne and
Ships, to which I am indebted for the above. In viii. 92, a., TO ai\p,.
r/;c arpaT. was probably also a banner or flag, hoisted on board the
Athenian admiral's vessel, possibly not only to distinguish his
ship, but as a signal to the rest of the Athenian vessels to com-
mence the engagement. It is rendered banner by Thirlw. in I. ii.
c. 15, p. 309.
b. r/TTiffTtaro they thought for certain, made sure. Cf. viii. 10, c.
B. Cf. on the form, Jelf, 197, 4.
c. ol fifv dvSpff K. T. X. Similar expressions occur in i. 155, ii. 102,
ix/ 20, 106, and in viii. 68, in Artemisia's own speech. Hence,
perhaps, the imitation of Ennius, Cicero, Offic. i. 18,
" Vos etenim juvenes animum geritis muliebrem
Ilia virago viri." W. and V.
CH. LXXXIX. a. vovy battle, conflict. Cf. vi. 114, a. airb
plv tQavi. Tmesis. Cf. Jelf, 643, obs. 2.
b. 'Apia/3tyvjjc called Artabazanes in vii. 97i 2, and by Plutarch,
Life of Themistocles, Ariamenes. W. Cf. also iii. 88, c.
c. (tri iv \up. v6ft. ajroXX. who did not perish by the law of force, by
club-law, i. e. in the ineUe, or scuffle* S. and L. D. Cf. ix. 48, a.
CH. XC. a. TWV rivlq Qoivimov K. r.\. The Phoenicians' hatred
of the lonians has been spoken of before, cf. vi. 6, a., and to this,
the charge here adduced may probably be referred. See Thirlw. in
I ii. c. 15, p. 308.
2 D 2
404 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
A. lir/3araf airb rjjc KaraS. v?joc Cf. vi. 12, C., vii. 96, a.
c. ai TrdvT. aiTiwp. laying the blame on any body and every body
Schw. or, with B., *oi'viieac may be understood.
d. Aiya\tu>, Scaramayna, or Scarmayga, according to Stuart and
Gell. " On one of the heights of Mount ./Egaleos, the last limb of
the long range of hills, that, branching out from Cithaeron, stretches
to the coast fronting the E. side of Salamis, a lofty throne was
raised for Xerxes," <c. Thirlw. in /. Alluded to in Byron's " Isles
of Greece "
" A king sate on the rocky brow
Which looks o'er sea-born Salamis ;
And ships by thousands lay below,
And men in nations : all were his !
He counted them at break of day
And when the sun set where were they ? "
e. ol ypapfiaTioTal Cf. vii. 61, a., and refs.
f. Kai 7rpofftXaj3tro .... iraQioQ. After 0i'Xo ii>v, understand r5v
'luvwv. Moreover, too, Ariaramnes, who teas present and icho teas a
Persian, contributed, inasmuch as he was a friend of the lonians, to
the destruction of the Phoenicians. As a Persian, he may be sup-
posed to have had influence with the king ; and as he was friendly
to the lonians, he had some share in ruining their accusers the
Phoanicians. On the gen. after 7rpo<rtXa/3fro, verb of actual or
imaginary contact, cf. Jelf, 536, obs. 2. Bekker reads irpoatj3a\iTo
he associated himself for, threw himself towards this object.
CH. XCI. a. vTToardvTis Cf. v. 92, 7, r. k-tpaVov, sunk or dis-
abled. Cf. viii. 86, a. See Thirlw. ii. c. xv. p. 309.
CH. XCIL a. HoXvpic. rov Kp. Cf. vi. 50 and 73. On the ac-
cusation of Medizing brought against the ^ginetans, cf. vi. 49, and
Thirlw. in /. Pytheas and his heroic defence were spoken of in vii.
181. ro an^irfiov K. T.\. cf. viii. 88, a. airippnlit, cf. iv. 142, a.
CH. XCIII. a. irfKovaav .... dpurra Aiy. See the remarks of
D. p. 132, on the falsity of the charge against Hdtus of flattering
the Athenians.
b. iiri f, and after them, next to them. Cf. viii. 67, 113. iwi If
wXXot. On Ameinias, cf. viii. 84, c. d.
c. pvpiai Spaxfiai. As 100 drachmas = 1 mina, and the mina, (Hus-
sey on Weights and Measures,) = 4 Is. 3d. the 10,000 drachmas
= 406 5s. Cf. viii. 87, a. If the probable difference of the
value of money then, and cheapness of necessaries, &c., be also
considered, this sum represents the value of about 20,000 at the
present day ; according to Dr. Cardwell ; who estimated in one of
his University Lectures that the drachma would go about as far in
Athens, as half-a-crown would now in England.
CH. XCIV. a. 'AQijv. "SicipaSoc., An appellation said to be de-
rived from Scirus, an augur, a native of Dodona, who erected the
temple here spoken of near Phalerum, opposite the promontory of
BOOK VIII. URANIA. 405
Cynosura. Cf. Pansan. i. 36, 3, compared with i. 1, 4. B. On
what is related of the Corinthians, see D. p. 135.
b. X;j-a a light small vessel adapted for great speed. Cf. Thucyd.
iv. 9, and viii. 38. Oiiy nofiiry, cf. i. 62, e.
c. rbv ovrt irtp\}/. $av .... ViopivQioiai. which (they said) no one
teas seen to have sent, (or, could be discovered to have sent,) and that it
bore down upon, approached, the Corinthians while they were as yet
completely without information from the fleet.
d. big al>Toi oloi re .... aTrodvrjff. that they themselves were ready to
be taken with them as hostages, and even to suffer death if, &c. &c.
e. ITT tiQ-ya<rp.evoiai i\0. came after it was ail over. Cf. i. I/O, b.
CH. XCV. a. oXiyy TI irpoTtpov Cf. viii. 79- On Psyttalea, cf.
viii. 76, a.
b. 01 rove Hspffac .... KaTfQ. iravr. Cf. JEsch. Persse, 447 471,
vjjffoc TIS K. T. \. " From the language of jEschylus we should be
inclined to suppose that the troops posted in Psyttalea were taken
from among the immortals." Thirlw. in /.
CH. XCVI. a. KwXidfa. This promontory was about 20 stadia
S. E. of Phalerum : upon it was a temple of Venus of the same
name: C. Trispyrgi. B. Cf. Arrowsmith, Eton G. p. 393, and
Smith's C. D., Colias.
b. EaKtfi Cf. viii. 77 <*> and on Musceus cf. v. 90, b., and
Musaus in Smith's D. of Gr. and R. Biog. where the oracles here
referred to are discussed.
c. ipiTfiolat QpiKovm. Gaisf., Schw., and B. , shall shudder or trem-
ble at the oars. W. and V. propose <ppi'ovai, shall cook or parch
their food with the oars. Lesfemnws du rivage de Colias feront cuire
Icurx aliments au feu des rames. Miot.
CH. XCV II I. a. KUT' d\\ov Siitspx- passes through in order to
another. On the Lampadephoria, cf. vi. 105, c.
b. ayyapriiov. The Persian service of couriers is said to have been
instituted by Cyrus, Xenoph. Cyr. Inst. viii. 6, 9. It is the sub-
ject of frequent allusion in the poets, cf. Persae, 247, and Matt v.
41, iav ayyapivay K.T.\. Cf. iii. 126, b., and ref. to H.
CH. XCIX. a. rovg KiG. KUTtpp^. Cf. iii. 66, and jEsch. Persap,
199, &c.
b. irfpi Tltpff. nkv fiv ravra and this went on among the Persians,
the Persians icere in this continual state of alarm, during the whole
interval beticecn the messenger s arrival and Xerxes' coming. B.
CH. C. a. MapSovwg fi K. T. \. Cf. Thirlw. in I. ii. c. xv. p. 312.
6. v-xtp ptya\wv oi'wpj0f rra. elated or excited by the hope of great
deeds. Schw., running a risk for, or, in behalf of , a great object. B.
So S. and L. D., playing for a high stake.
c. ov yap ioTt"E\\. oi>S. tied. . . . covXovg. for there are no means of
escape whatever for the Greeks from rendering you an account both
fur tlieir past and present deeds, and from being made your slaves. S*i.
\6y. togice an account for, to be rendered liable for, as in iii. 50, means
also, as in i. 97. viii. 9, to deliberate, think with oneself. B. It
406 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
also means dare copiam loquendi, to give one the word, to alltftt one to
speak. aoi)Q Sov\ovg, cf. vii. 5, b.
d. iv rolffi Ufptr. nullum res tua in Persis, (in Persarum personis,
ad Persas quod attinet, as far as regards or depends on the Persians,)
detrimentnm acceperunt. Schw. Thirlw. in /. paraphrases : their,
i. e. the Phoenicians 1 , &c., disgrace could not tarnish the honour of the
Persians. B. renders among the Persians, i. e. in the part where the
Persians fought, no disaster befell you.
e. tl Si &oiv KCIK. lysvovro, cf. viii. 68, d. 90. rd rjOia, dwell-
ing-place, habitation, home, as in iv. 76, 80, v. 14, 15, &c. B.
CH. CI. a. d> fo KOKWV ixupT) tanquam ex malt's gavisus est.
Illud dc . . . . t\apri non purum fuisse gaudium indicat, sed quan-
tulumcumque post inopinatam adeo cladem a rege superbo sentiri
poterat. V.
b. fjSovX. lipa Hep. r. swucX^r. Cf. vii. 8, a. On Artemisia, see
refs in viii. 87, a., and Thirlw. in 1. ii. c. xv. p. 313.
c. (3ov\oft ciTrofoJ-te. but that they (the Persians) would re-
joice to have an opportunity of demonstrating this to me. V. Cf.
Jelf, 599, 3, quoted in viii. 10, c.
CH. CII. a. ffi;/x/3ow\wo/ui/y rv% tliraffav, me tibi consu-
lenti, (as you ask my advice,) optimum dare consilium. H. Steph.
Cf. Jelf, 675, b., and on avnJ3ov\. vii. 235, a., 237, b. olxog 6 croc,
cf. v. 31, a. and refs.
b. Iwl . . . . KarfiK. irpdyu. however, in the present state of affairs.
Cf. i. 97, a. On SovXoi, cf. vii. 5, b.
c. ffeo TS irtpi .... olicov rbv abv. while you are safe and all (goes
well) that concerns your house. The sentence appears rather awk-
ward, and the conjecture of W., iv K/IEVWV for tKtivwv r&v irptjy-
tidrwv, is ingenious.
d. TroXXoue TToXX. dywv "EXX. the Greeks will "oftentimes Jiave
to undergo many dangers for their own preservation. Cf. Jelf, 548,
c., and vii. 57,
CH. CIV. a. oi It Hr>d. The whole of this passage, to the end
of the ch., is considered by V., W., and L., to be interpolated here
from i. 175, where it is also found. " Its style is somewhat different
from that of Hdtus : it is more naturally in its place in the first
book, and, had our author wished to repeat it, he would have done
so in vii. 20, rather than here." B., on the contrary, with the ex-
ception of the word ^Iptrai, it is said, a sense perhaps found no
where else, and instead of which he reads ovpQiperai, defends the
genuineness of the passage, on the ground that it was probably
inserted in forgetfulness of its having been already mentioned, and
that had not death, according to his theory, cut Hdtus short in his
task of revision and correction, he would, doubtless, have struck it
out when he came to make those additions and necessary alter-
ations in his History, which he has here and there promised, but
from some cause has been unable to carry into execution. Cf. i
106, d.
BOOK VIII. URANIA. 407
CH. CV. a. tlSiog itrapfjitvovf, cf. i. 199, d. iirafift. Ion. pro
kQtjpfiivovc,, perf. part. pass, ab l^dirrttv. tKTapviuv, see ref. to H. in
iii. 48, c.
CH. CVI. a. 'Arapvti-s cf. i. 160, b. iiciivy, tliere, \. e. fw
Sardis. iripisXafit, got hint in his power, cf. v. 23, viii. 6. B.
b. fiSrj pdXiara <c. T. A. " Particula ^5?j vim auget superlativi ac
totius sententiae: Tit jam omnium virorum nequissimo nei/otio vitam
sustentans." B. With a superlative rjSij is used like >). S. and
L. D. Render, " O thou, who of all men surely makest a living or,
thou who without doubt of all men makest, &c. &c." See Stephens
on the Gr. Particles, p. 61, 65.
c. v-n-rjyayov K. T. \. have brought thee into my power. S. and L.
D. B. renders, have enticed thee unknowing ; and in ix. 94, ravry
ft virdfovTfg, and in this way deceiving him.
d. Uav irtpif)\Gi .... 6 'Ep^or. thus vengeance and Hermo-
tiimts came at last upon, or orertook, Panionius. On the singular of
the verb cf. Jelf, 393, 1. On the sentiment see remarks in the Preface.
CH. CVII. a. we rovg walS. 'ApTip. Cf. viii. 103.
b. fia<l>v\ TTOO. fiaatXsi to preserve the bridges to be crossed by
the king, i. e. for the king to cross. On the dat. /Sao-, cf. Jelf, 61 1.
Instrumental dative. Passive verbs or adjectives take a dat. of the
agent, considered as the instrument, whereby the state &c. is pro-
duced, not as the cause whence it springs.
c. ZuffTTJpoe a promontory on the W. of Attica, C. of Fan', off
which lie the small islands of Phabra and Hydrussa. It is marked
in the map in Midler's Dorians, i. On the event mentioned in the
text, cf. Thirl w. in /. ii. c. xv. p. 313.
CH. CVI II. a. Kara \iopi\v. Cf. iv. 135, b. vijaw, i. e. the
C'yclades, cf. v. 30, and vii. Do, a.
CH. CIX. a. ptTaf}. irpbg r. ' A Onv. changing his plan or purpose,
said (t\iyk <j<pi) to the Athenians, &C. Cf. v. 75, Kop. f*fra/3a\Xovro
K. T. \. Schw. See Thirlvv. in /.
b. vipiTifiEKTtov, Cf. i. 44, a.
c. f'vpnpa an unexpected gain, a waif, or stray. Cf. vii. 190, c. W.
d. of TO. tpa . . . . s/i7r7rpac n K. T. \. Cf. ^Esch. Pers. 809 812.
01 yijv fjioXovric. 'EXXai' .... fiaOptav. B. Cf. also i. 131, rt., and v.
102, b.
e. dvaKu> t^sro), i. q. i-rrt^t\(iTt>i let each attend to, luok after. Cf.
i. 24, e. rig is similarly used in ix. 17, c.
f. a.TroQriKT]v . . . . ig TOV ITspT. intending to lay up for himself a
store of favour with the Persians, i. e. intending to confer a favour
which might be, as it were, deposited with the Persians, and for which
they might, at an after-time, show their gratitude. Per metonymiam
cnroQiiKT) dicitur id, quod est diroQirov, thesaurus repositus, intelli-
giturque leneftcium in regem collatum, gratia apud rcgem infuturum
tempus inita. Est enim, ut scite poeta ait, KaXov yt Qriaavpurna,
xttfitvt) x"P'C- Schw. TOV np(7. Cf. i. 2, d.
(/. dirooTpoQriv. a place of retreat, a refuge. On the whole of this
408 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
transaction, cf. Thucyd. i. 130, seqq., 138, and Thirlw. in I., ii. c.
xv. p. 315, on the probability of the story.
CH. CX. a. foljSaXXt. deceived them. Cf. v. 50, b., ol avtyv. Cf.
Jelf, 600, 2, ol. dot. of reference. The datives of the 1st and 2nd
personal pronouns (and, in Hdtus, of the 3rd) are very frequently
thus used, to express that the person has some peculiar interest in
the action.
b. rolfft iiriffr. aiyav K. r. X. -in whom he felt confidence that, though
put to every species of torture, they would keep secret what he intrusted
them with to say to the king. W. On Sicinnus, cf. viii. 75. " That
he (Themistocles) sent the second message need not be doubted,
notwithstanding the ease with which such anecdotes are multi-
plied : according to Hdtus, the bearer, the same Sicinnus, was ac-
companied by several other trusty servants or friends. Plutarch
found a more probable tradition, that the agent employed was a
Persian prisoner, a slave of Xerxes, named Arnaces." Thirlw. in /.
CH. CXI. a. alTi}0'svTf(; xPW- On the government of the ace.
here after the passive verb, cf. Jelf, 545, 3. Kara Xoyov with
reason, not unreasonably, cf. v. 8, c.
b. rat Qt&v . . . . iv. \. e. and were well off for propitious deities.
On this, the gen. of state or position, cf. i. 30, c., and Jelf, 528.
This speech of the Andrians appears to be ironical ; as Athens
was, at the time spoken of, in ashes, and the country around
desolate. Schw.
c. jnjj36Xovc possessed of. Oiuiv, relative gen. Cf. Jelf, 512, 1.
Cf. jEsch. Agam. 542. rtpjri^fc ap' ijrf rijad' 7Ti7/3o\oi voffov. and
Blomf. Glossary. " The Andrians replied that they had also a
pair of ill-conditioned gods," &c. &c. Thirlw. in /.
d. ovSiirori ydp e. r. X. Nearly the same sentiment is expressed
by the Thessalians, vii. 172.
CH. CXII. a. TrXioveicriuv, claiming more than his due, being
</reedy. S. and L. D. having an eye to his own advantage. Cf. vii.
158, a. rag dXXng vriaovg, cf. vii. 95, a.
b. Kapverriwv Carystus founded by the Dryopes, cf. Thucyd. vii.
57, in the S. of Euboea, now Castel Rosso. Cf. also iv. 33, and vi.
99. On the Parians, cf. viii. 67-
c. vTTfpj3o\ri a delay, deferring. The Carystians could not defer
the disaster. So also ivipflaXXopkvovc. in vii. 206. Cf. also ix. 51,
quoted by Schw., and ix. 45.
CH. CXIII. a. \tipipiaai to winter. So Qfpifav, to pass the
summer, and iapiuv, to pass the spring. V.
b. llipaag .... TOVG aGavdr. Cf. vii. 83, a. On Tltoff. rove. Owpije.,
vii. 61, b. On ITTTT. n)v %i\., vii. 40, a., and 83, a. On the Medes,
vii. 62, a. On the Sacians and Bactrians, vii. 64, a., and on the
Indians, vii. 65, a. On owe fyri \tifyioQai TOV /3<r. he said he will not
leave the king, (\u<t>Gf)erioOai, be left,) cf. Jelf, 364, a. Future mid.
used seemingly in a passive, but really in a middle force.
c. KOT' oXiyovc, by few out of each ; taking, that is, only the best
BOOK VIII. URANIA. 409
men out of each nation. W. Cf. Thucyd. iii. Ill, vvatrytaav <ear'
oXiyowc, an( i i v - 1 1 far' oXiyag vav<; StiXofitvot. Cf. also ii. 93, a., and
ix. 102, icar' oXtyove yivofuvoi, broken up into small bodies.
d. Toiffi .... SiaXsyiov, selecting only those who were ofjine appear-
ance. Cf. i. 199, and viii. 105, referred to by B.
e. iv Si K. T. X. and amongst the whole number of iJiose selected ; iiri
(I, and after them. Cf. viii. 93, b.
CH. CXIV. a. airiuv dtKaQto demand satisfaction. Cf. i. 3, b.,
and ix. 64. B.
b. Karaa%wv waiting, restraining himself, i. q. iiriayvv in viii.
113, ix. 49, &c. B. On Si^afuvog K. T. X., cf. viii. 137,/
CH. CXV. a. cnrayuv . ... we Cmat. "The remnant that
Xerxes brought back to Sardis was a wreck, a fragment, rather
than a part of his huge host." Thirlw. in /. Cf. JEsch. Pers. 714,
SiaiwropOTiTai K. r. X., and on the calamities of the retreat, the mes-
senger's speech from v. 480 514. The disastrous passage of the
Strymon, and Hdtus' silence thereon, is commented upon by Thirlw.
in /. ii. c. 15, p. 316.
b. ptXidaivttv to take care of, act guardian to. Cf. vii. 31, 6. On
the sacred chariot, cf. vii. 40, b., and on the Pseonians, v. 13, a.,
seqq.
c. vifio^svag supply 'ITTTTOVQ from the preceding upfia. W. Cf.
Jelf, 893, d. (Brachylogy). A substantive cognate to some word
in the sentence, is supplied from that word.
CH. CXVI. a. BuraXr. Cf. vii. 115. yrjg Kpnaruv. i. 57, a.,
and ref. in vii. 124, a.
b. ipyov vTTip<f>vt<; a monstrous deed, something, that is, passing
human nature. Hence also used in a good sense, as in ix. 78. B.
Mt Rhodope, Despoto Daah. iv. 49, b., and see Arrowsmith, Eton
G. c. 15, p. 320.
c. IKwpvZi .... rove 0^0. Cf. Soph. Antig. 971, aporov t^Xicoc
TV<p\<ilQlv K. T. X.
CH. CXVII. a. Kan\6fievot, staying, stopping. Cf. Thirlw. in I.
c. 15, p. 316. ovS. wop. ((ITT., filling themselces in no sort of order,
gorging themselves voraciously. On the ace. with the force of an
adverb, cf. Jelf, 580, 2.
CH. CXV I II. a. 'KiovaGmtessa. Cf. vii. 25, and vii. 107, a.
b. uvtu. 'ZTpvpovitjv the wind from the Strymon, i. e. the N. wind,
Boreas ; the ally of the Athenians, cf. vii. 189, and the enemy of
Xerxes. The wind took its name from the river; Thrace, the
country of the Strymon, being regarded as its peculiar abode. V.
Cf. ^Esch. Agam. 193, woal $' curb Srpv^iovoc K. r. X. W. "The
story here mentioned of Xerxes embarking at Eion may have
arisen out of the tragical passage of the Strymon." Thirlw. note
in /. Cf. viii. 1 15, a.
e. irpovKwiovrag, cf. vii. 136. On the tale of the fate of the
pilot, cf. the Ifindred story related in vii. 35, and note a. Cf. also
vii. 39, a.
410 NOTES ON HERODOTT;S.
CH. CXIX. a. tv pvpiym .... rotovSt. In ten thousand opinions
I could not find one contrary to the belief that the king would have
acted as follows : \. e. 9999 out of every 10,000 would agree with me,
not one in 10,000 would gainsay or deny that the kin</ icould have
acted thus, viz. (instead of begging the Persians to leap overboard)
have drowned the Phoenicians instead of the Persian nobility, /uvpiot,
used for a very great and indefinite number. On OKWS OVK av t/3,
cf. Jelf, 803, 2, Indicative of historic tenses with av.
CH. CXX. a. "A/3i5r/pa, Cf. i. 168, a. Maya Si icai rodt TiKpiipiov'
tyaivtrai yap S,epr)Q, &c., hoc etiam magnum ejus rei documentum est
quod Xerxes videtur : Matth. 630, f. Some propositions are left
incomplete in Greek, and only indicated by the principal word.
Thus T(K(j.f](tiov 8t, otiftilov s, SrjXov Si, with iari omitted, with, or
more commonly without, roSi, are propositions by themselves, fol-
lowed by yap in the new proposition. Ztivinv .... avvO. Cf. vii.
1 16, a., and on the gifts of honour presented to the Abderites, iii.
84. a., vii. 8, e., &c.
b. trpbc roiJ "EXXjfffTr. Si /jnXXov now Abdera is situated more to-
wards (i.e. nearer) the Hellespont than the Strymon and Eion (are).
On IJpoc with Gen. Local, this side of, coming from, cf. Jelf, 638,
i. I, a. ; and on the Pleonastic ?/, (the particle sometimes used as
well as the genitive,) Jelf, 780, obs. 2, who compares in Latin
(Livy viii. 14) prius quam fere persoluto. So also perhaps Virg.
&n. iv. 502, graciora timet quam morti Sichcei.
CH. CXXI. a. "AvSpov, Cf. viii. Ill, and on Carystus, viii. 112,
b. avrwv rffv ^agrjv, the land of them, the Carystians. Constructio
Kara avvtffiv. Cf. Jelf, 379, C.
b. aicpoO rpt^pac rpt?c Cf. Thucyd. ii. 84, where Phormio
similarly dedicates a captured vessel at Rhium. W.
c. avrov there, at Salamis ; whither they had returned after
their expedition to Andros and Carystus. W. The words If 2aX.
depend, like ig 'lad. and tni Sowi/., upon the verb avaGtlvai.
CH. CXXI I. a. TO. aptffTTjia Cf. viii. 93, a. See also Thirlw.
in /. ii. c. xv. p. 318. On the bowl of Croesus, cf. i. 51.
CH. CXXIII. a. Mtrd $t rf,v K.T.\. See the remarks of D.
p. 136, on this and the following ch. ava T. 7r6X. TOVTOV, throughout
this tear. Cf. Jelf, 624, 2.
CH. CXXIV. a. $96vt{>, through, envy. Instrumental Dative.
Cf. Jelf, 607. on 51 VIKUV K. T.\. " Still higher honours awaited
Themistocles from Sparta, a severe judge of Athenian merit. He
went thither, according to Plutarch, invited ; wishing, Hdtus says,
to be honoured. The Spartans gave him a chaplet of olive leaves :
it was the reward they bestowed on their own admiral Eurybiades.
They added a chariot, the best their city possessed : and to distin-
guish him above all other foreigners that ever entered Sparta, they
sent the 300 knights to escort him as far as the borders of Tegea
on his return." Thirlw. in /. Cf. Thucyd. i. 74. On the 300
knights, cf. vi. 56, b., and vii. 205, c.
BOOK VIII. TJRANIA. 411
CH. CXXV. a. 'A^tSvalos .... BX/?w'rjjc The seeming con-
tradiction involved in Themistocles' reply is reconciled by the con-
jecture of De Pauw, that Timodemus was born at Belbina, a small
island off Sunium, and a place of no note ; and that he had been
made a citizen of Athens for some reason or other, and incorpor-
ated in the Deme of Aphidnse. W., JB., and Schw. The borough
of Aphidnee was not very far from Acharnas : it is laid down in
the map to M tiller's Dor. i., and appears to have belonged pri-
marily to the tribe Leontis.
b. <f>66v(f) Kan/pap, quite mad with envy.
CH. CXXVI. a. 'ApTd(3aoe Cf. vii. 66, where he commands
the Parthians and Chorasmians. Cf. also ix. 41, seqq., 66, 89. B.
b. orpar. rbv Map. tfXs. Cf. viii. 107, 113. Pallene and Poti-
daea, &c., vii. 121 123, and notes.
c. ovfev KOI KartTrtiyoj/rof as there was nothing as yet that urged
him to join the rest of the army. Absolute dictum accipio : cvm
nihil opus esset festwatione. B. Perhaps ouStv is used, and not
ovdtvoG, to avoid the ambiguity of the gender.
CH. CXXVII. a. 6tp/i. KO\TTOV On the towns on and adjacent
to the peninsulas of Sithonia and Pallene, cf. notes on vi. 121
123, and Thirl w. in 1. ii. c. 15, p. 316.
CH. CXXVIII. a. ^\v<piS a ^ the notch of the arrow that fits
on the string. S. and L. D. But, according to B., the four in-
cisions made lengthwise in the lower part of the arrow, into which the
feathers were fastened. Cf. Eurip. Orest. 2/4, fK;/36\wv rda>v irrt-
PUTUG -yXvffiiSag. 8/uiXoj ot, Observe the plur. relative. Cf. Jelf,
819, 1, Constructio KUTU aw. and 378.
b. pq KaTcnrXiai K. T. X. not to implicate Timoxenus in the charge
of treachery. B.
CH. CXXIX. a. a/iTrumg an ebb ; contr. for avaTrwrif, from
avairivia, opposed to ir\r)fifj.vpig, a flood tide, and PIJYUJ, a high tide.
Cf. ii. 11, vii. 198, and Thucyd. iv. 10. V.
b. iff T. vrjbv }<TE/3j;erav. Cf. Jelf, 565, obs. ourw tirptj^av, thus
fared. By this the disastrous issue of any affair is commonly de-
scribed. Cf. iii. 25, 6 /v In-' AlQioirac, erroXof OITOJ ttrpriZi, and iv.
77, vi. 44. W.
CH. CXXX. a. Kv^y. Cf. i. 149, a. tTrtpdnvov, serred as
marines. Cf. vi. 12, c., and vii. 96, a. On Mardontes, cf. vii. 80.
b. TrpoatXopivov, choosing him as his colleague. Cf. ix. 10, vpoa<u-
p'eirai Sk itaVTtf K. T. \.
c. taffwfifvot tffav r<f 9vp<f>, fracti erant animis ; they were dis-
pirited, had lost all heart, from iaoou, Ion. for rjoadw. Cf. ix. 122.
tafftuQ. ry yvwpy irp. Kvp. prudentia superati a Cyro. B.
d. iliTaKovaTiov listened attentively, arrectis auribus ai<scultabant.
Schw. watched covertly. S. and L. 'Diet. Cf. i. 100, b.
CH. CXXXI. a. Towe St "E\\nva S K. T. X. " During the winter
the Greeks remained tranquil, as if they had no enemy at their
doors ; but in the spring they awoke, like men who have slept
412 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
upon an uneasy thought, and remembered that Mardonius was in
Tnessaly, and a Persian fleet still upon the sea." Thirlw. in /. ii.
c. 16, p. 321.
b. AtvTvxiSrjg o Mev. Cf. vi. 65, a., 67, also 51, b. seqq. Errors,
attributable to the copyists, according to the opinion of \V. and
others, have crept into this genealogy. Charillus, cf. Plutarch,
Lycurg. p. 40, and Pausanias, iii. 7, was not the s. of Eunomus,
but s. of Polydectes and grandson of Eunomus ; and instead of
irXqv TWV Svifv K. r. X., Negris has adopted the conjecture of r<av
lirra, (Palmer. Exercit. in Gr. Auct. p. 39,) as more agreeable to
the real fact.
c. Bav9. b 'Ap/0. Cf. the Genealogical Table in vi. 131, b.
CH. CXXXII. a. 'EpoSoTog b Baff. This Hdtus, cf. D. p. 5,
was probably connected with the family of our historian, who
thus records his relative's existence. On Strattis, cf. iv. 138. B.
ot draa. ff<j>iat ytvo/i. who, plotting, getting up a faction among them-
selves.
b. iZivtiicavroc carrying information of, betraying. Cf. iii. f\.
iiirt&ffxov, from VKI&XW, withdrew secretly. Cf. v. 72. B.
c. in-tartaro 6y they supposed in their idea, fancied, ima-
gined. Cf. viii. 1 10, b. On the argument, cf. Thirlw. ii. c. 16,
p. 322.
d. OVTU Skof K. r. X. " Thus mutual fears kept the interval be-
tween the two islands open, and the two fleets at rest, though in
an attitude of defence." Thirlw. in I.
CH. CXXXIII. a. dvtpa Ei>pwiria a native, probably, of Eu-
ropiis in Caria ; as the Carians understood both Gk and Persian,
and hence were often employed as agents in such matters. Cf.
Thucyd. viii. 85, where Tissaphernes sends to Mindarus, Kapa
SiyXwaoov. Cf. also Xenoph. Anab. i. 2, 17- V.
b. riav old rt . . . . arroiritpria. enjoining upon him to go every where
and consult all the oracles, which it was possible for him to inquire of
for their advantage : a<pi in ipsorum commoda. Cf. Jelf, 600, '2,
and viii. 1 10, a. Cf. i. 46. airoirup. riav uavrrjiuv. B. See also
Thirlw. in /. ii. c. 16, p. 323.
c. oil -yap S>v \iytrai, for really it is not stated. Cf. Jelf, 737, 2,
and iii. 80, a., viii. 133, 109.
CH. CXXXIV. a. irapa Tpoipwviov. On the oracles here men-
tioned, cf. notes on i. 46. 'Iffprjvitft A. so called from the river
Ismenus, near which, close to Thebes, the temple stood; Soph.
(Ed. Tyr. 21, and Find. Pyth. xi. 6. Cf. v. 59, a.
b. IffTi SI . . . . xpr)$TTipiat<jQai. and it is the custom here, as in
Olympia, to consult victims, i.e. to obtain oracular answers from
victims. These were, according to B., i*pd Kaw^tva, i. q. (finvpa :
the answer being obtained from the flame which consumed the sa-
crifice ; if it was bright and clear, a favourable event, if thick and
smouldering, an unlucky issue was predicted. Cf. Find. Olymp.
viii. 1 4. QuXvpiria .... "iva fiavriiQ d'5pc ^^rvpoif 7fKyinijoo/uvoi
BOOK VIII. URANIA. 413
irapairttpwvTai AIOJ apyiKipavvov. Cf. also Smith's D. of A.,
Oraculum.
c. Kareicoi/ijyfTt K. r. X. he caused him (the stranger) to go to, and
sleep in, the temple of Amphiaraus. Cf. Jelf, 646, 1. The other
reading, KaTtKoifjuas, has the same force. Karaicoi/idw is used in-
transitively in ix. 93, b. Cf. Smith's D. of A., Oraculum.
d. uavriviaOai. to consult the oracle ; as in i. 46, viii. 36, ix. 33.
Sid xpijtrr. irottvu. periphras. for x9y< J ' r npiaZ6uivn, answering them by
an oracle. Cf. Smith's D. of A. /. L
CH. CXXXV. a. Qwvpd uoi uiyiarov the greatest marvel in my
opinion : d mon avis. L.
b. 'Acpaj0ij;c iroXtoQ. Palea or Strutzina, near Mt Ptoum. On
the Lake Copias, L. Topolais, cf. Arrowsmith, Eton G. c. 17, p.
332, and the article in Smith's C. D.
c. rbv irpofiavnv Here 6 Trpo^airif, the masc., appears to be the
same as 6 Trpo^rj/e, the priest of the temple, who in this case also
uttered the oracles. In general >/ irpouavrig is used, i. 182, vi. 66,
to signify the inspired woman who uttered the oracles, and 6 Trpo^rjjc
is the high priest of the temple, who regulated every thing connected
with its internal arrangement, and who wrote down and interpreted
the response delivered. W. Cf. Smith's D. of A., Oraculum, where
the remainder of the ch. is explained. Trpdica, straightway.
CH. CXXXVI. a. iTn\iZ,dpivog having read. Cf. viii. 22. iirt\i-
lavTo. On Alexander s. of Amyntas, and his relationship to the
Persians, cf. v. 17, a., and 19 21. irpooKnfcte, akin by marriage.
B. f)v XeyovTd. Cf Jelf, 375, 4. To give emphasis to the pre-
dicate, the verbal form is resolved into the participle and tlvai. Cf.
i. 57, J/CTUV livrtg. and 146, e.
b. 'A\d(3avda Cf. vii. 195, a.
c. 7rp6w>e rf icat (iitpyerijc connected by ties of hospitality and
friendship ; as Thirlw. in I. paraphrases it. The Proxeni, pretty
nearly answering to our Consuls, Agents, or Residents, S. and L".
D., were (generally) citizens of one state connected by the rights
of hospitality with those of another, whose duty it was, living in
their own state, to watch over the welfare of the citizens of the state
connected with them, who might be resident or visiting there, and
over the public interest of that state generally. " They were most
usually appointed by the foreign state whose proxeni they were ;
sometimes, as perhaps at Sparta, cf. vi. 57, e., appointed by the
government at home: they were always members of the foreign
state," though citizens, or else adopted citizens, of the state where
they resided : thus, for example, a Theban, or else an Athenian
sent out to reside in Thebes, was proxenus of the Athenians at
Thebes, and Alexander, spoken of here, proxenus of the Athenians
in Macedon. One of their most important duties was to entertain
and provide for the ambassadors of the state to which they were
proxeni, obtain an audience for them, and it possible a favourable
reception. See Smith's D. of A., Hospitium. It should be observed,
414 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
that the accounts given of the proxeni by Miiller, quoted in vi. 57,
e., H. P. A. 116, in the article Hospitium, and in S. and L. D.
do not agree in all points.
d. ra\a S" av eat TO. \arjorripia K. T. X. " What revelations h's
emissary brought back from the shrines of Apollo and Amphiaran
or the mysterious cave of Trophonius, though they were careful
recorded, Hdtus could not learn. But he thinks it probable th
their answers may have had some share in impelling Mardonius
the step he took next," &c. Thirlw. in L
CH. CXXXVII. a. efidofios ytvtrtap Including, that is, ac-
cording to the Greek method of computation, both the first and the
last. Cf. i. 91, 6. The genealogy is given in viii. 139. The Hellenic
character of the Macedonian nation has been a subject of great
dispute : for a list of the authorities on either side, cf. H. P. A.
177, 7, and Mull. Dor. i. p. 2, and Appendix i. 13, seqq.
" The Macedonians," observes Arnold, Hist, of Rome, i. p. 497,
" were not allowed to be Greeks, although they were probably of a
kindred stock, and although the Greek language was now,,circ.
380 B. c., in universal use among them. But their kings were of
the noblest Greek blood, being Heraclidee from Argos, claiming
descent from Temenus, one of the three hero chiefs of the race of
Hercules, who had established themselves in Peloponnesus by the
aid of the Dorians." This is evident, (see note in the same page,)
for it would have been needless for Alexander s. of Amyntas, before
the battle of Plataea, ix. 45, to have accounted for his interest in
the welfare of Greece by saying, that he himself was of Greek
origin, alluding to his supposed descent from Temenus the Heraclid,
had his birth as a Macedonian made him a Greek. Again Thucy-
dides, iv. 124, 126, distinguished the Macedonians from the Greeks
who were settled on their coast, and even expressly includes them
amongst the barbarians. On the Early History of the Macedonian
monarchy, cf. H. Manual of Anc. Hist. p. 204 : " An Hellenic
colony from Argos, headed by the Temenidae, a branch of the sept
of Hercules, settled in Emathia, and laid the feeble foundation of
the Macedonian empire, which was in time to rise to such power.
Not only did the settlers keep their footing in the country, despite
of the aboriginal inhabitants ; but their kings even extended by
degrees their territory, subjecting or expelling several of the neigh-
bouring tribes. Their earlier history, not excepting even the names
of their kings, is clouded with darkness until the time of the Per-
sian irruptions. The first three kings, Caranus, Ccenus, and
Tyrmas, are unknown to Hdtus, who names as the founder of the
monarchy, Perdiccas, 729678 B. c., succeeded by Argaeus or
Araeus, Philip L, ^ropus, Alcetas, Amyntas, Alexander, Perdiccas
Il.nd, cf. Thucyd. ii. 99, &c. &c. Of the first five of these princes
nothing more is known than that they waged, with various for-
tunes, wars against the neighbouring Pierians and Illyrians ; but
immediately after the Scythian campaign, 513 B. c., Amyntas be-
BOOK VIII. URANIA. 415
came tributary to the Persians, and his s. and successor Alexander,
498 B. c., was in the same state of subjection, and even was com-
pelled to follow in the train of Xerxes. From the situation of
Macedonia it is obvious that it must have been one of the first
countries the Persians met with in their incursions into Europe.
The Macedonian kings became accordingly, as we have seen, cf.
v. 22, &c., tributary to them, as early as the reign of Darius
Hystaspes. For their deliverance they were indebted not to their
own valour, but to the victory of the Greeks at PlataBa, which re-
stored independence to the kingdom." Read further Thirlw. ii. c.
xiv. p. 204, 205, and cf. i. c. iv. p. 101105.
b. vTripfiaXovTie having crossed the mountains, rd Xfirrd riav
irpo/3. the sheep, goats, &c. Cf. i. 133, c.
c. al TvpavviStQ Kingly governments. 6 Srjfioc., Democracies. On
the incidents here alluded to, expressive of the simplicity of an
early age, the monarch's wealth in flocks and herds, and his wife
baking the bread, W. refers to Iliad vi. 422,
vavTaf yap KaTsirKftvf TroSdpKijQ $7o 'A\iXXiv,
Bow(T<v IT' tiXnroStaai ical dpyivvyc oitaai,
And 1 Sam. xi. 5, " and behold Saul came after the herd out of
the field," &c.
d. SnrXrjffios ifiv. avr. twvrov. it became twice as great as before.
Cf. Jelf, 502, 3. Relative genitive, with positive adjectives which
imply a comparative notion, we ilrj. Cf. Jelf, 802, Dependent
Sentences. The optative used, where the thing spoken of is repre-
sented as an uncertainty, a supposition.
e. Siicawi iivai K. T. X. they said that they had a right to receive their
pay, and then depart : that it was right that they should first receive
their pay, and then they icould go. Cf. ix. 60. SiicaioL tart v/itTf, it is
right that you, fyc. B. Jelf, 677, 1-
/. biKoiuQa, we accept thy offer. An ambiguous answer, meaning
also, we accept the omen. Cf. viii. 114. St^ap. TO pr)9kv, having ac-
cepted as an omen what was said. B. dava. TOV qXiov. drawing in
unto himself of the sun, as it were, drinking it in. Partitive Gen.
Jelf, 537.
CH. CXXXVIII. a. wj avv vo^ .... viiararos how the youngest
of them had received what was given with some design, avv voip, i. q.
vovvi\&e, having some purpose in view. Take Ktivuv with vsurarof.
Schw.
b. diroX'tovraQ. to slay them, fut. Ion. dnoXfia for diroXivw, from
a^roXAv/ii. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 174. Jelf, 292.
c. oi $1 diriKop. K.r.X. "According to Hdtus, three brothers of
the family of Temenus, Gauanes, ^Eropus, and Perdiccas, fled from
Argos to Illyria, from thence passed on to Lebaea in Upper Mace-
donia, and served the king of the country, who was therefore a
Macedonian, as shepherds. From this place they again fled, and
dwelt in another part of Macedonia, near the gardens of Midas, in
Mt Bermius, near Beroea, from which place they subdued the
416 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
neighbouring country. Thucydides, ii. 100, so far recognises this
tradition that he likewise considers Perdiceas as the founder of the
kingdom, reckoning eight kings down to Archelaus. Edessa and
the gardens of Midas were both situated between the Lydias and
the Haliacmon, in the original and proper country of Macedonia,
according to the account of Hdtus." Mull. Dor. App. i. p. 480.
i>7Tp0p. rwv d\\<nv. Cf. Jelf, 504. Relative genitive.
CH. C XXX IX. a. 'An-6 TOVTOV K. r. X. Cf. viii. 137, and refs.
CH. CXL. a. 'Qj Si airtKiro K. r. \. From this it is plain that the
Athenians had returned to their city ; which they were soon com-
pelled to quit anew on the advance of Mardonius. Cf. ix. 5, 6.
Schw. The speech of Mardonius which follows, savours so much,
in the opinion of B., of the schools of the sophists, and the offer of
rebuilding the temples sounds to him so extremely improbable, that
he considers it cannot be looked upon as composed upon any certain
information of what Alexander really said. The same he thinks may
also be said about the letter of Amasis in iii. 40. For my own part
1 see no such extreme improbability in the offer to rebuild the tem-
ples : 1st, from Mardonius' superstition, shown afterwards at Plataea
and at other times ; 2nd, because it was clear that if he could seduce
the Athenians, he would have all his own way with the rest. The
Persian officers are described as desponding (cf. Thirlwall in /.) be-
fore the battle of Plataea, and I suppose Mardonius was not more
confident of success. B. therefore seems to me to be needlessly
incredulous, irapd f3a<?. cf. Jelf, 637. I- A. irapa with Gen.
Local, coming from the side of, motion from.
b. TCO\. fiaa. avTaeipop. levying war against the king. Cf. vi. 44.
&a<r. oitck ^ttp. avraup. the Thasians who did not even lift a hand
against him. av virip$a.\oia6i, if you should prevail over him; cf. vi.
13, vii. 163, 168, viii. 24, ix. 23. B. r^v vvv Trap' ifit iovcr. Sw. the
pmver now by my side, the force I am now possessed of. Jelf, 637,
iii. 3, a.
c. Q'mv Ee aid K. T. \. and ever to be running a risk for, contend-
ing about, your own lives. Cf. viii. 74, a.
d. napi%tt It K. T. \. and it is allowed you, it is in your power, &c.
Cf. viii. 8. oil yap oi Trapes, f or ^ was n "^ permitted him. /3a<r.
raiiT-g M<>/UJJU. as the king is thus eager, or desirous.
e. 2. ivopiw yap K. r. X. for I see in you, or in your case, that you
will not be able &c., i. e. for I do not see any possibility of your being
able &c. On this construction, where iaoufvotg is attracted from
its infinitive by the lv in tvaytta, cf. Jelf, 679, 6 S3.
f. sal x*'p viripfiiiKTic- Cf. the metaphors referred to in vi. 1, b.,
cf. vi. 27, c. W. aptly refers to Ovid Heroid. xvii. 166. " An
nescis longas regibus esse manus." Cf. Thirlw. in I. " but the
power of the king was more than mortal, his arm stretched beyond
the reach of man."
g. iv Tpifitp rt . . . . (tiTaixn. Tfjv yrjv tKTrjft who if all the allies
dwell most in the way, (inhabit a country the most directly in the ene~
BOOK VIII. URANIA. 417
mies' path,) and who alone will constantly be destroyed, as possessing a
country that lies between the two adverse parties. Attica is meant,
the ptraixuiov between the Peloponnese and the north of Greece
held by the Persians ; the space, as it were, between two hostile ar-
mies, exposed to the inroads of either side. Cf. vi. 77, a.
CH. CXLI. a. AaKtSaipovioi Sk K. r. X. On the real cause of the
Lacedaemonians' anxiety, (to wit, the incompleteness as yet of their
fortifications at the Isthmus,) and on the meaning of the oracle,
which is alluded to no where but here, cf. Thirlw. in /. ii. c. 16, p.
324, and D. p. 135.
b. IQ ojuoXoy. K. r. X. The dat. r< /3op/3ap<p depends upon c/ioXo-
yitjv ; as in vii. 169, a., rd MtvsX. Tifimp. B.
c. avviTmr-i wart .... Kardaraaiv it so foil out that their intro-
duction into the senate, their audience, or presentation, took place at
the same time. Cf. iii, 46, a.
d. tTrirt)Sts on purpose, as in iii. 130, vii. 44, 168. B.
CH. CXLII. a. fiijTf viwnpoi' iroiidv K. r. X. Cf. V. 35, c. ovn
Kofffiov <(>fpov, nor bringing credit, cf. viii. 60, a. Sid irdvrutv, among
all, cf. i. 25, b.
b. Tovrutv airavTtiiv alriovf ysveaOat K. T. X. i. e. rovrtttv diravruv
alriovQ, yivfffQai (sc. alriovf) rijc 5ov\. K. T. X. that you (the Atheni-
ans) who are the authors, or cause, of these things, should be the
authors of slavery to the Greeks, &c. Jelf, 893, c., Brachylogy,
quoted in viii. 80, a. Various other readings have been proposed ;
as Tovriwv diravruvTuv now that these (the Persians) advance
against us, by Schaefer ; or aviv rovr. cnravrtav, Reiske ; or qytloOai
for ytveaQcu, Steph.
c. o'invts alii .... QalvtoOt av9pv. Cf. Jelf, 818, 2. An agree-
able compliment to Athenian ears, V. observes, who refers to simi-
lar instances of judiciously applied flattery in the Panathenaics of
Isocrates and Aristides. " Their (the Spartans') ambassador spoke
of what Athens owed to her own renown, as a city famed above all
others for her resistance to tyranny, and her efforts in behalf of
the oppressed." Thirlw. ii. c. 16, p. 324.
d. oiicoQdoprjaOt ye have been ruined in house and home. Cf. v.
29. W. On rd . . . . oiKtT. typi*. all in the way of, all that belongs
to, your household, cf. i. 120, a., and on \tyvuc vii. 9, 3, d. rovry
jroijjrsa iari. Cf. Jelf, 613, 5, Verbal Adjectives.
CH. CXLI 1 1. a. rovro yt bvtiS'ifyiv to cast this at least in our
teeth, to taunt us with this : ut non opus sit de ilia nos cum multa os-
tentcttione admonere. Schw. Lex. oKtag av (cat SvvupiBa, in whatever
way too we are able. Jelf, 868, 3.
b. tar av b ijXios K. T. X. So long as the sun held on his course, &c.
Thirlw. Cf. also iv. 201, a.
c. oirtv awe, reverence, regard for. Cf. ix. 76. A Homeric
word. Cf. II. xvi. 388. Qi&v omv OVK dXyovrc. Odyss. xiv. 82,
&C. B. iveTrprjai K. T. X. Cf. v. 102, b. ^pj/ffrd inrovp. Many verbs
which have the patient in the Dativus Commodi, have the act or
2 B
418 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
commodum defined by an elliptic accus. ; as ftoj^aai ra Siieaia sc.
d. ovSlv axpt nothing unpleasant. An expression by which, as
often in negative descriptions, something disagreeable or dangerous
is hinted at. Death is probably meant ; and, according to Lycur-
gus, in Leocrat. p. 156, quoted by W., Alexander ran a considerable
risk of being stoned. Cf. Pausanias* hint to Lampon, ix. 79, that
he might think himself lucky to escape unpunished. Cf. i. 41,
avfi$. ax- TrtTrXijy. oppressed by a terrible misfortune, and vi. 19, viii.
13, quoted by B.
e. IOVTO. irpoKeivov Cf. viii. 136, c.
CH. CXLIV. a. TO 'ABrjv. ^povjj^a, the sentiments, disjwsitton, of
the Athenians. B. Qu. the high spirit, the courage ; as in Thucyd.
ii. 43, 61.
b. p'tya vTrt(Mj>ipov0a,far surpassing, excelling. Cf. iv. 74, a. " The
character of the Athenians ought to have protected them from the
suspicion, that they could be tempted to betray Greece to the bar-
barian, though he should offer them all the gold the earth con-
tained, or the fairest and richest land under the sun." Thirlw. in /.
c. avyKixiiKTpiva converted into heaps of ruin, overthrown. Cf.
ix. 13.
d. uiffre tTnQptyaiK.T.X. Cf. viii. 41.
e. //tc XiTap. o55ra>, oica>c K. r. \. we, however, will hold out in
whatever circumstances tee may be. Cf. ix. 45. Xtir. fikvovr^ (we
t^trt). vvv St ac ovrat t^ovrdtv (rovrtav or TUV Trpay^iarwv), but now
us matters are thus, Jelf, 696, bbs. 3. OI/K IKUS \povov, cf. Jelf,
526. Gen. of Position, with adverbs which express position in re-
lation or proximity to, or distance from.
f. vapiivai .... Ic Cf. i. 21, a., and Jelf, 646, 1.
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE.
MARCH OF MARDONIUS INTO ATTICA : BATTLES OF PLATjEA AND
MYCALE : CAPTURE OF SESTOS.
CH. I. a. rouTovf iraptXanfiavf. According to Diod. Sic. xi. 2tf,
30, Mardonius raised, in addition to the troops left by Xerxes,
more than 200,000 men among the Macedonians, Thracians, and
other states allied to Persia ; so that his whole force was 500,000
fighting men. B. On the Persian custom of compelling con-
quered nations to join their troops, cf. vii. 108, a., and i. 171,
b. rolffi Sf Qtaff. qyfofi. the chief men and leading families, oi 5wa<r-
rai s. cwaffrtvovrtg, in Thessaly ; the two principal of which were
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 419
the Scopadee and Aleuadze; cf. vii. 6, 6., and vi. 127, c. A mem-
ber of the latter family was the Thorax of Larissa, mentioned also
in ix. 58. Larissa was the seat of the Aleuadee, whose attachment
to the Persian alliance, cf. vii. 172, 174, was probably followed by
the other potentates of Thessaly. B.
CH. II. a. KaTikappavov endeavoured to check, were fur check-
ing ; observe the force of the imperfect. So a little lower, OVK luv,
endeavoured to dissuade him. Cf. ii. 30, f. W. At the word dXXa
in the next line, supply tKt\tvov. B. OKWC. eara<n-pf^. Cf. Jelf,
806, 2. Conjunctive after the Aorist, and other Historic Tenses.
b. "EXX. 6/io^pov. governed by iriptyivfoGat, according to Jelf,
which here exchanges its proper force for an equivalent sense, and
thus takes a corresponding accusative. See the many instances
quoted in Jelf, 548, obs. 1. Render, it tcere difficult to conquer the
Ghs if thoroughly unanimous, irtpi'y. = t'lKtjcrai, and connect"EXX. 6/.
with KUTO. TO ly^vpov, if the Greeks were firmly united, thoroughly
unanimous. B. takes them as the accusative absolute, and com-
pares iii. 99, avrbv rjic6/i. v. 103, ii. 141. ii. 66, ravra ytvofitva.
c. firi TO. aa <f>pov those not of your party. Cf. vii. 102, c. liaa-
rijfftic, in the line above, you icill set at variance with itself, break up
into parties. Cf. Thirlw. in I. ii. c. 16, p. 326.
CH. III. a. 6 St OVK iirtiQ. " Perhaps," says Thirlw., /. /., " the
advice was not wholly neglected ;" for, according to Diodorus, xi.
23, quoted by B., and Demosthenes, Philipp. iii. p. 70, money was
sent by the hands of Arthmius of Zela to the principal states of
the Peloponnese, for the purpose of breaking up the league.
b. iviffraicTo fr. ivtrrdZw had been instilled, or, had insinuated it-
self into him. Cf. /Esch. Ag. 179, arde ff iv tnrvtp K.T.\.
C. irvpa. w vrjaiuv Cf. vii. 182, b.
CH. IV. a. Trpot\wv K.r.X. in the sense of irponpov t^wv,
though he had before met with no friendly feelings from, &c. W.
Perhaps, knowing beforehand. Cf. Jelf, 642, n., Prepositions in
composition.
CH. V. a. rr\v /3oiA}> the Senate or Council of the Five-hundred.
" Solon made the number of his /SovXjj 400, taking the members
from the first three classes, 100 from each of the four tribes. On
the tribes being remodelled by Cleisthenes, 510 B. c., and raised to
ten in number, cf. v. 69, c. seqq., the Council also was increased to
500, fifty being taken from each of the ten tribes." That the Coun-
cil of the 500 had the initiative in the deliberative power exercised
by the community in its general assemblies, is seen in their receiv-
ing the despatches and messengers sent by generals, giving audi-
ence to foreign ambassadors, introducing them to the general
assembly, and so forth ; but especially in the circumstance that
the people could not decree any measure which had not previously
been sanctioned by them, nor entertain any which they once re-
jected. " The right of convening the people, twaynv TO* Srjpov, was
generally vested in the Prytanes or Presidents of the Council of the
2 E 2
420 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
500 ; and four general assemblies, EncXixricu, were, in the regular
course of affairs, held during the presidency of each Prytany. In
cases of sudden emergency, and especially during wars, the strategi
also had the power of calling extraordinary meetings, for which,
however, the consent of the Senate appears to have been neces-
sary." From H. P. A. 125, seqq., " On the Senate and Gen.
Assembly of the people," and Smith's D. of A., articles BouXq and
'EXjj(7a. Read also Thirlw. ii. c. 11, p. 42, seqq., and 74, 75.
b. AvKtS. KciTi\ivaav Cf. on the same punishment, v. 38, ix. 120.
The similar fate of Cyrsilus the previous year, (mentioned by
Demosthenes and Cicero, Off. iii. 11, " Cyrsilum quendam, sua-
dentem ut in urbe manerent Xerxemque reciperent, lapidibus ob-
ruerunt,") was probably either unknown to Hdtus, or confounded
by him with what is here narrated, unless indeed, cf. Thirlw. note
ii. c. 16, p. 327, it be the same occurrence that is intended. Kara
fikv tXtva. Kara dt K.T.\. Cf. Jelf, 641, obs. 1, quoted in ii. 141,
d. Cf. viii. 33, a.
CH. VI. a. aXivptjv ~tutamen, V., defence against an enemy,
help, succour. S. and L. D. pip^. roiai A. Cf. Jelf, 589, 3, The
transmissive dat.
CH. VII. a. 'raicivOia. " This and the Carnea, cf. vii. 206, a.,
vL 106, b., were the two great Amyclean festivals in honour of the
chief deity of the Spartan race. The worship of the Carnean
Apollo, in which both festivals were included, was derived from
Thebes, whence it was brought over by the .ZEgidae to Amyclse :
it was, in all probability, originally derived more from the ancient
worship of Ceres than that of Apollo, traces of the former deity
being found in various detached rites and symbols of the worship
ex. grat. the hyacinth the emblem of death in the worship of
Ceres, &c. &c. At the union of the Amyclean worship with the
Doric worship of Apollo, the Hyacinthia preserved, it would seem,
more of the peculiarities of the former, the Carnea of the latter,
although the sacred rites of both were completely united. The
Hyacinthia took place in the month before the Carnea, and lasted
three days ;" from Mull. Dor. i. p. 373, seqq. Cf. also Smith's
D. of A., Carncea, Hyacinthia. ini-^tov i\dfj.pavf. Cf. Jelf, 3'JS,
1, on the Imperfect.
b. Toi>c ifopove. Cf. v. 39, b., vi. 82, ., 85, a.
c. Aia TI 'EXXjv. the Panhellcnic Zeus, cf. Aristoph. Equit. 1250,
and Pind. Nem. v. 19, whose temple stood in /Egina, where his
worship is said to have been instituted by ^lacus. Cf. Pausan. ii.
p. 179. V. twj/c dvai. Cf. i. 153, and Jelf, 679, 3.
d. icai TO (iiv .... rovg "EXXjjv. so entirely free from fraud are our
dealings towards the Greeks, thus honestly are our efforts bestowed
upon the Greeks. TO air' fipf.uv, what comes from us. Matth. Gr.
Gr. 572. Cf. i. 66, d. w/Mi}\oc.
e. -fifttT. Qpot'npa. Cf. viii. 144, a. rtT^. i\aw. Cf. vii. 139, 6.,
viii. 71. rijj; tiptT. Trtdiov. Cf. Jelf, 677, 2, obs. 1.
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 421
CH. VIII. a. 'QgSe dpa K. r. X. See the remarks of Thirlw. in
1. ii. c. xvi. p. 323, 329, and D. 8, 1, on the Candour of Hdtus. il
ijftfp- Cf. Jelf, 621, 2. eat (T0t -qv irpbq TtXt'i, sc. TO Ttl^oQ supplied
from inixiov. Jelf, 3/3, 4.
CH. IX. a. KctTaoraffiog audience. Cf. Jelf, 502, Relative
Gen. Cf. viii. 141, c. apOpiuv in concord with ; as in vi. 83, vii.
101, ix. 37, quoted by B. /y. K\i<ridd. wide gates, hence easy
means of entrance.
CH. X. a. tirra .... TOIV fiXwr. Cf. vi. 58, d., vii. 205, c.
b. KXt<5^/3poroe .... atriOavi. " The return of Cleombrotus to
Sparta, though this is not expressly mentioned, seems to have hap-
pened during the stay of the ambassadors there. Miiller, Prolego-
men. p. 409,. supposes Cleombrotus to have died the year before,
480 B. c., having led away his army soon after the eclipse which
took place October 2nd. But the language of Hdtus, ix. 8 10,
conveys a different impression, which seems to have been also Mr.
Clinton's, F. H. ii. p. 209, who fixes the death of Cleombrotus in
the year 479 B. c." Thirlw. note, ii. p. 328. Cf. on Cleombrotus
and Dorieus, v. 41, viii. 71, and the Genealogical Table in Smith's
D. of Gr. and R. Biog. or the Oxford Chron. Tables, p. 38.
c. iiri rip TLepffy, with a view of attacking the Persians. Cf. i. 6(5.
lirl iraay ry 'Apicadutv x&py with a view to all Arcadia, with the view
of annexing all Arcadia. Jelf, 634, 3, a. On the dat., Qvopkvip &
ol, (the dat. commodi,) and the use of the participle, added as ex-
pressing the circumstances which make the person more or less
interested in the action, cf. Jelf, 599, 2, cf. also vi. 21, b.
d. 6 /\toe apavp. On October 2nd, 480 B. c., according to Peta-
vius, Doctr. Tempp. x. 25, the same day as the battle of Salamis.
Others fix Salamis at Sept. 25; and M. Pingre, quoted by L.,
dates the eclipse Oct. 2, 479 B. c. Cf. note b. on this ch. Baehr
gives no opinion of his own, but confines himself to wondering, and
it would seem with good reason, at the position advanced by Schw.,
in considering that the Greeks could have looked upon the eclipse
as a good omen, when it is plain that, on its occurring, Cleom-
brotus, who was sacrificing for success against the enemy, immedi-
ately retired home. 7rpoffatprat, cf. viii. 130, b.
CH. XI. a. 'Yaic'v0ta Cf. ix. 7, a.
b. iv 'Optarn'y. A town in the S. of Arcadia, about 18 miles from
Sparta, on the road to Pallantium. Cf. the map in Miiller's
Dorians ii. ilir. iw'. op/cow, said on oath ; quasi substrata et supposito
jurejurando. Jelf, 633, 1, 3, a.
c. TTCLV TO tov all that there was, the real state of the case, the whole
truth. Cf. i. 30, and v. 50. B.
d. rStv TTipioiicwv See vi. 58, c., and cf. vii. 234, a.
CH. XII. a. 'Apytioi On the conduct of the Argives, cf. vii.
150, a. b., and Thirlw. in 1. ii. c. xvi. p. 330, and on riov fi
vi. 105, a.
b. W OVK i. On M ou, cf. Jelf, 750, obs. 3.
422 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
CH. XIII. a. dvtKwxivi, he restrained himself, he held back:
quietly waiting to see what the Athenians would do. Cf. the word
in vi. 116, of ships laying to off a place. Sia travr. row xpovov, during
all the time he was in Attica. B. on firj, except. Cf. Jelf, 743, 2.
b. ffvy\uaac. Cf. viii. 144, c. See Leake, Athens, sect. viii. p.
281, seqq.
CH. XIV. a. irpoSponoe, sent on forward, in advance. Schw.
proposes to read Trpodpopov, agreeing with arpanfiv, putting the
comma after dyytXnj. His reading is preferred by Thirlw. in /. ii.
331, and in S. and L. D.
b. iflovXiviro, 0Xfaji/, t't Ktaf K. r. X. he laid his plans, desirous o try
to cut these off first. Cf. Jelf, 877, obs. 5. The deliberative (iav)
is joined with words expressing any action whatever, there being
implied therein the notion of Kao-nriiv or vupaaQai, to see or try whether.
In such sentences the conj. or opt. is used, as the principal verb is
in a principal or historic tense. So il TTWC with opt. means to try
to do something.
c. fKaararta Trjq Evp. to the furthest point in Europe. Cf. the ref. to
Jelf, in viii. 144, e., and vii. 237. irp6<na dpirijc dvrjK. to carry it far
with respect to virtue. Cf. iii. 154, ix. 101. irpwt TTJ i^pj/e. earl;/ in
the day. viii. 144, ficag -^novov, long in respect to time.
CH. XV. a. oiriaia txrop. " He (Mardonius) did not however
take the direct road to Bceotia, but bent his way eastward, and
passing by Decelea, crossed Parnes and came down into the lower
vale of the Asopus. The object of this circuit was probably the
better quarters to be found at Tanagra, where he halted for the
night. The next day he crossed to the right bank of the Asopus,
and pursued his march up the valley to the outlet of the defile,
through which the high road from Athens to Thebes descends to
the northern foot of Cithsron. Near this outlet at the roots of
the mountain stood the towns of Hysiee and Erythrse, between
which the road appears to have passed. On the plain between
Erythrae, the easternmost of the two, and the river, Mardonius
pitched his camp." Thirlw. in I. ii. c. xvi. p. 331.
b. AtXjc- now Biala-Castro. Smith's C. D. Cf. ix. 73. It stood
about 120 stadia N. W. of Athens on the borders of Boeotia, and
was occupied by the Spartans during the Bell. Pelop. 413 B. c., by
the advice of Alcibiades, greatly to the annoyance of Athens. Cf.
Thucyd. vi. 91, and vii. 19. Standing, as it did, on high ground,
it was visible from Athens. On the geography of the places here
mentioned, see the map in Miill. Dor. ii. Smith's C. D. and Arrow-
smith, Eton G. c. xvii. p. 383, seqq.
c. Bowrdp^at " The Boeotian states were united in a confederacy
which was represented by a congress of deputies, who met at the
festival of the Pamboeotia, in the temple of the Itonian Athene,
near Coronea, more perhaps for religious than for political pur-
poses. There were also other national councils, which deliberated
on peace and war, and were perhaps of nearly equal antiquity,
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 423
though they were first mentioned at a later period, cf. Thucyd. v.
38, when there were four of them. The chief magistrates of the
league, called Sceotarchs, presided in these councils, and com-
manded the national forces. They were in later times at least
elected annually, and rigidly restricted to their term of office. The
original number of the confederate states was probably fourteen,
and that of the Bceotarchs was perhaps once the same. It, was
afterwards reduced, and underwent many variations, &c." Abridged
from Thirlw. i. c. x. 433, seqq. " The double vote given by The-
bes, in the council of war held before the battle of Delium, 424
B. c., cf. Thucyd. iv. 91, and Arnold's note, probably arose from
its having incorporated with itself one of the members of the
league; at all events, the appointment of eleven Bceotarchs on that
occasion, shows that the confederacy then comprised, at the most,
only ten independent states." H. P. A. sect. 179. Cf. v. 79, a.
d. KfjijaQvytrov Cf. v. 124, b. Hysiae is mentioned in v. 74, n.
irapd rov'Aff. HOT. by the side of the river. Jelf, 637, iii. 1, b. Mo-
tion by the side of parallel to along.
e. ArrayTi/oc Cf. IX. 86. ica\. tiri Zeivta. Cf. V. 18, a. fJK.
QipvdvSpov. Cf. Jelf, 487, ! Causal Gen.
CH. XVI. a. KOI aty'twv .... xXivai, and that he (Attaginus) did
not mak-e each of them recline separately, but he placed a Persian and
a Theban together on every couch. Siairivovriav, cf. v. 18, a. Hdtus'
acquaintance with Thersander is noticed in D. p. 1 and 2. airb
ctiirvov, after supper : Cf. Jelf, 620, 2. biroS. tori. on the use of
the ind. here, cf. Jelf, 886, 3; Oratio obliqua. -n-oXXa rSiv Saspwav,
cf. Jelf, 442, b.
b. on Sii yivecr a t*hx- oTioTp. av9(Hairtfi. On this sentiment,
of constant occurrence in the poets, W. compares the speech of
Cambyses, iii. 65, iv -yap ry dvflpwTr. $va. K. T. X. and JEschyl. Supp.
1047, o TI TOI fjiooffifiov. K.T.\., to which B. adds, i. 91, iii. 43, 64.
See the remarks in the Preface. A little above QVKWV K. T. \. Ought
we not therefore to tell this, &c. ? i. e. we ought therefore to tell, &c.?
Cf. Jelf, 791) obs. on OVKOVV.
c. avayK. ivStSifi. enchained by destiny. Perhaps no more than
under the bond or compulsion of necessity, but the sense of fate or des-
tiny appears preferable. B. compares II. ix. 18, Zivcpt i*eya Kpovtfqc
dry iviSnot fiaptiy, and Hor. iii. Od. xxiv. 5, "Si figit dira ne-
cessitas Clavos," &c. The sentence i^Qiarri Si K. r. \. is of constant
recurrence as a quotation, in Arnold's letters.
CH. XVII. a. ifiT]lt .... rjipocoa Kai ovrot K.T.\. For vipoSpa
some read ntyaXwc., either of which Schw. would omit ; considering
the sentence to be otherwise unintelligible. It appears plain from
the conduct of the Phocians, their absence from the rest of the
Medizing Gks in the attack upon Athens, the small force they sent
at last, the welcome they received when they did come, and their
being posted on Mt Parnassus against the Persians, that they did
not strongly support the party of the Persians, and that
424 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
cannot be here joined with ipijSiZ. Construct therefore oQotipa oi>x
tKovrtf, i. e. for though it is true they Medized, yet they did so very
reluctantly. Cf. viii. 30, a., vii. 132, a., and ref. there given to D.
b. ttr' tuvT&v by themselves. Cf. iv. 114, c. &o/3 ..... vvb Qiaa.
tlandered by the Thessalians, perhaps, rendered objects of suspicion
to them, by the arts of the Thessalians. Cf. vi. 64, a.
c. paBsTw TIC avriwv let each of them learn. Cf. viii. 109, e., and
Homer II. xvii. 254, dXXd ng avrbc Irw, let each come himself. S.
and L. D., Ttc- ii. 2.
CH. XVIII. a. Sureiv. TO. fiiXea " pk\o<; (lejaculo accipiendum."
B., poised their lances. S. and L. D. " The Persians rode up, and
levelled their javelins: one or two actually hurled them, &c."
Thirlw. ffvffrpty. forming into a dense body. Cf. i. 101. i utrk-^ovai.
On the indie, here, cf. Jelf, 879. Moods in the Interrogative Sentence.
b. tvfpytaiyoi .... /SaffiXea. These words have a particular re-
ference to the extraordinary gratitude shown by the monarchs of
Persia for all good offices done them ; instances of which are found
in iii. 140, a., iii. 160, v. 11, vi. 30, a., and vii. 194.
CH. XIX. a. KaXXupriudvTwv TJV 'ipwv, cf. vii. 134, b., vi. 76, b.
b. cnriKOVT ..... c 'Epv0p ..... aviraffff. iirl TTJQ i'Trmpaije TOV Ki0.
" Near Ery three Pausanias halted and formed his line on the uneven
ground at the foot of the mountain. His whole force, which con-
sisted wholly of infantry, amounted to nearly 1 10,000 men," &c.
Thirlw. in /. ii. c. xvi. p. 333.
CH. XX. a. Matrtcrrioc, On the derivation of the name, cf. ix.
107, a. On the Nisaean horses, cf. vii. 40, b.
b. Trpoffi/3. KUTO. rk\ta. " Troop after troop assailed them in succes-
sion and allowed them no breathing time : their ranks were rapidly
thinned by the missiles of the enemy, and their strength and spirits
began to fail." Thirlw. in /. ii. 335. On the reproachful appella-
tion women, cf. ix. 107, c.
CH. XXI. a. <rrayiT station, post: in the same sense, shortly
afterwards, rdiv and TOV x&pov TOVTOV. B.
b. T&V tX(>xi7r Cf. Jelf, 505. Relative gen. after verbs oi
governing, being lords over, &c.
CH. XXII. a. QVTOI iaav K. T.\. B. calls attention to the testi-
mony here borne to the merits of the Athenians. Cf. viii. 142
144, vii. 139, viii. 2, and D. p. 132, seqq.
6. OwpijKo. \f7riowT. Cf. vii. 61, b. " His scaly armour, in which,
according to Plutarch, he was cased from head to foot, for a time
resisted their weapons." Thirlw.
c. iTroOtaav, absentis desiderio tacti sunt, B., they missed him, re-
marked his loss or absence.
d. w av TOV yf viicpbv aviXoiaro. that they might at any rate, at all
events, carry off' the dead body. Cf. Jelf, 735.
CH. XXI I L a. Tffv a\\. oTp. 7r/3u><r. they called upon the rest of
the army to aid them. ot>Sk aQt t?tyvro e. r. X., nor could they succeed
in recovering the corpse, &c. Cf. iii. 142, a. On TO ir\rj9oc iporiOnaav,
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 425
a plural verb joined to a noun singular in form, but plural in sense,
by the Construct Kara a&vimv, cf. Jelf, 378, a.
CH. XXIV. a. afyias .... Ktipovrig, cf. ii. 36; a custom also of
the Greeks ; cf. Eurip. Alcest. 425- 429. L. oi/iwy. xP- ** se ^~
ting up an exceeding great wailing.
CH. XXV. a. rtav i iiviKa K. r. X. ra>v St, id est, /jfyd&of t'ivnca
KOI KaXXtog, ravra iiroitvv, nempe rbv vcicpbv Trapd Tag rdtc iKOpiZov.
In Horn. II. xxii. 369, Hectoris cadaver iripilpapov vltg 'A.^aitav, o
rat Qi\i]vavTo tyvriv KCII ilcoQ dyqrov "Eeropof. V. and B. " His body
was placed in a cart, which was drawn along the lines, and the
men ran out from their ranks to gaze upon the gigantic barbarian."
Thirlw. in /. c. xvi. p. 336.
b. dirucop. Sk . . . . cp/jv?c rrjq Fapya^. " Pausanias now posted
himself on the bank of a stream which Hdtus calls the Asopus,
but which must be considered as only one of its tributaries running
northward to join the main channel. The right wing of the army,
which, as the post of honour, was occupied by the Lacedaemonians,
was near a spring, called Gargaphia, from which it drew a plentiful
supply of water." Thirlw. in ii. 337- The fountain Gargaphia,
now Vergentiari, B., was situated about a mile and hall from
Plataea. See the map in Mull. Dor. i. Sid TTJS virwpiinc,, through the
country at the mountain foot. Jelf, 627, i. 1> Sid with Gen. Local.
Motion through a space and passing out of it
c. 'AvSpoKp. TOV f/p. The shrine of Androcrates, a Plataean hero,
stood not far from the temple of Ceres near Plateea, on the right of
the road thence to Thebes. B.
CH. XXVI. a. TO fVtpoi/ Ktpag, the other wing : this might mean
either the left or the -right ; but the left, the 2nd in honour, is here
intended. Schw. " The Tegaeans grounded their pretensions, cf.
Thucyd. v. 6/, on the exploit of their ancient hero Echemus, who,
they asserted, had been rewarded by the Peloponnesians for his
victory over Hyllus, by the privilege, granted for ever to his
people, of occupying one wing in all common expeditions made by
the cities of the peninsula." On the return of the Heraclidae, &c.
cf. vi. 52, a. , 55, a., viii. 31, a. note. See also Thirlw. i. c. vii. p. 255,
seqq. " Hyllus, the eldest s. of Hercules, proposed to decide the
quarrel by single combat ; and Echemus, king of Tegeea, was se-
lected by the Peloponnesian confederates as their champion. Hyllus
fell, and the Heracleids were bound by the terms of the agreement
to abandon their enterprise for a hundred years," &c. &c. offat fjtiri
toSoi iy'iv. for iv TrdoaiQ l6doi di iyivovTO. Cf. Jelf, 824, ii. 2, c.
Adjectival Sentences. Inverse Attraction by the transposition of
the substantive.
b. r}/^ae iKviiaQat, belongs to us. ace. after verbs expressing or im-
plying motion to. Jelf, 559. \wpls TOV dnny. preeter id quod exposi-
tum est. Cf. Jelf, 368, a., on Deponent Verbs.
c. TroXXoi .... irpof i'/i. t'lfilv .... dyHtvif Cf. i. 65 67> and ix.
35, d., on subsequent actions. Sucaiov fiirtp The comparative 4
426 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
sometimes stands after positive adjectives, or where pd\\ov is
omitted. After StKawv em, \vaiTt\clv, &c. when they are used in
doubtful cases, where the justice, expediency &c. of two things
are compared. Jelf, 779, obs. 3. In the next ch., on KOWTOW
{,, cf. Jelf, 779-
d. dfioviSarai, 3 per. plur. perf. pass. Ion. for jjyomff/iivoi ton.
have been fought. Cf, vii. 76, b.
CH. XXVII. a. 'EpaicXtiSag K. r. \. Cf. note a. on the preceding
ch. rtjv Evp. v(3piv K. T. \. " Ancient writers unanimously relate,
that after the death of Hercules, his children, persecuted by
Eurysthenes, took refuge in Attica, and there defeated and slew
the tyrant," &c. &c. Thirlw. 1. I. le TOVQ diriKoiaro Cf. Jelf,
831, 2, on the opt. without uv. The relative without dv is joined
with the opt. after an expression of indefiniteness, &c.
b. 'Apyeiovg ro /*"a IIo\. The confederation of the seven against
Thebes is placed between B. c. 1300 1200 by Thirl wall, i. c. v. p.
142; who, with regard to this, "the quarrel which divided the
royal house of Thebes, and led to a series of wars between Thebes
and Argos, which terminated in the destruction of the former city
and the temporary expulsion of the Cadmeans, its ancient in-
habitants, and other similar wars, expeditions and achievements of
the heroic age," remarks, that, " though they may contain no less
of historical reality than other legends that might be mentioned,
yet, from not being attended with any important or lasting conse-
quences, they are unworthy of more than a passing notice in the
review of the mythical period of Grecian history."
c. if 'AnaoviSae, cf. iv. 110, b., and Thirlw, i. c. 5, p. 134.
d. Tpoujc. irov .... i\tnr6fi. Cf. II. ii. 546- 556, where the 50
Athenian ships are mentioned, and II. iv. 328, AQtjvdioi nrjaTupts
dvrijc, and xiii. 196, 689, xv. 337. B. On the Trojan War see the
discussion in Thirlw. i. c. v. p. 150, seqq., and Grote, in Appendix.
e. ov TI irpoixti it is to no purpose, it does not avail, i. e. it is use-
less. So in Latin, nihil promovet, and ov yap apuvov for OVK dyaOov.
Schw.
/. rifuv Sk, tl pridev K. T. \. " They (the Athenians) needed not, they
truly said, to allege the exploits of their ancestors : the field of
Marathon had been witness to one, equal to any in the days of
yore : on this they were content to let their right rest." Thirlw.
in /. ii. c. xvi. p. 328. On the allusions to Marathon, a pleasing
topic to Athenian ears, V. refers to Thucyd. i. 73, Aristoph.
Nub. 982, Equit. 1331. d rkoiai K. T. X. Cf. Jelf, 895, 2,
Brachylogy. A verbal notion supplied from a preceding verb or
verbal notion.
g. lviKT}ff. t9v. ? re cat TianiodKovra. "Satis gloriose!" W. re-
marks ; adding that though in iii. 90, seqq., more nations than the
number here spoken of are mentioned as subject to Darius, yet it
may be fairly doubted whether even that number came, and in only
600 ships, too, to Marathon.
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 427
h. dp' ov SiKaioi ilp.iv K. r. \. are we not justified in having, is it not
just that we should have, &c.? Cf. viii. 137, e. dXXa yap /c. r. X.
Cf. Jelf, 786, obs. 4. The premiss is often placed first, when, as
being opposed to the conclusion, it is introduced by dXXd, which
refers to some suppressed thought.
CH. XXVIII. a. t(pv\aa<r. i//iX. r&v ti\o>r. 35,000 light-armed
Helots acted as esquires to them, the Spartans. Cf. vi. 58, c., and
vii. 205, c. See particularly Clinton, Fast. Hell. i. App. c. xxii. p.
416, seqq. 411, 418, where the number of the inhabitants of La-
conia at the battle of Platasa is particularly discussed the whole
Lacedemonian force 50,000 men, ix. 61. Thus
5,000 heavy-armed Spartans.
35,000 light-armed Helots, ix. 28.
5,000 heavy-armed Perioeci, ix. 11.
5,000 ix.29.
50,000
As the whole number of the Spartan citizens was 8,000 and up-
wards, cf. vii. 234, there were consequently five-eighths of their
whole number present at Plateea.
b. Trojod Sk <T(f>i ivpovro c. T. X., and near themselves, the Corinthians
obtained (leave) from Pausaniaa that the Potidceans should stand.
Cf. ix. 26. tvpofjitBa TOVTO, we then obtained this honour. Schw.
Potidsea, like Leucas, Anactorium, and Ambracia, was a Corinthian
colony. Cf. vii. 123, a., and Thucyd. i. 56. On the rest of the
Greek forces, cf. Thirlw. in 1. ii. c. xvi. p. 333, seqq., as the greater
part have been already noticed wherever first the mention of their
names occurred, to this any index to Hdtus will be a sufficient
guide. See also App. c. 22, on the Population of Ancient Greece,
in Clinton, Fast. Hell. i. p. 387, seqq.
CH. XXIX. a. tyi\u>v piv Stf K. T. X. " The light-armed troops
were 69,500 strong ; for besides the 35,000 Helots who attended
the Spartans, each man of arms in the rest of the army was ac-
companied by one light-armed ; and some small bodies which came
from the Lacedaemonian colony of Melos, from Ceos, and Tenos,
Naxos, and Cythnus, were probably equipped in a similar manner,
and hence have been omitted in the list of Herodotus, though they
earned a place for their names in the monument at Olympia, which
recorded the cities that shared the glory of this great contest."
Thirlw. in /. ii. c. xvi. p. 334. As the whole number of the Ho-
plites amounted to 38,700 men, and, subtracting the 5,000 Spartans,
to 33,700, the number of light-armed (not counting the Helots)
would have been the same, i. e. 33,700 instead of 34,500, were one
counted exactly to each Hoplite ; hence it must be either supposed
with Thirlw. that there were some other small bodies not men-
tioned, (see Clinton's Fast. Hell. i. App. c. 22, p. 427, 428, cf. also
p. 4L3, seqq., where the subject is discussed at length,) or we tig
428 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
irtpl fKaarov K. r. X. is to be taken, with Schw., " about one to each
man," some of the Hoplites, probably, having two, or even more
squires, others perhaps having none.
CH. XXX. a. Qfairuujv . . . . ol vtpuovrtc, Of the Thespians 700
had perished at Thermopylae ; cf. vii. 202, and 222 : their town
had been also burnt, viii. 50 ; the survivors had retired into the
Peloponnese. See Clinton's Fasti, I. 1. p. 401. The 1800 at the
battle + 700 killed at Thermopylae = 2500 ; but 2500 males from
18 to 60 will give a population of 10,800 persons for the Thespian
state at that period, even supposing slaves to be included. oTrXa Si
K.T.\. they were not hoplites, had not heavy-arms ; the spear, hear;/
shield, &c., of the regular hoplite. Cf. Thucyd. iv. 9, ov yap rjv oir\a
.... iropiffatrOai. Thirlwall has paraphrased the passage as if the
Thespians had no arms at all.
CH. XXXI. a. 01 Si d^i K.T.\. From this ch. to ch. 88 in-
clusive, is, with a few omissions, translated in D. p. 141 145.
b. oe dirtKr]Stvaav Maaiariov- token they had done bewailing Jfasis-
tius. Cf. ix. 24. Cf. Thucyd. ii. 61, aira\yr)<javTac. V. Cf. Herod.
ii. 40, dirOTVTTTtitVTai.
c. Kara fjiiv Aa5. opposite to the Lacedceni'inians. Cf. viii. 85, a.,
and on the nations composing the Persian force, viii. 113, seqq.
B., and the refs there to bk. vii.
d. licti-^ov roi>c Tty. stretched as far as, or, extended over against
(so as to face) the Teyeans. So also a little lower, iirta^ov. B.
e. Botwrowg rt K. r. \. The Boeotians, Locrians, and Melians are
mentioned as on the Persian side in viii. 66. On the Thessalians'
adherence, cf. vii. 172 174, and vii. 6, b., 130, c. On the Phocians,
ix. 17, a., and refs 18.
,/. tyipov re icai jjyov. they plundered and pillaged. Cf. i. 88, c.
The Macedonians, B. thinks, were some troops in the train of
Alexander their king, spoken of as in the Persian camp, in vii.
137, viii. 140, and ix. 44 ; as the nation had submitted to Mar-
donius, vi. 44.
CH. XXXII. a. On the Phrygians, cf. vii. 73, Thracians, vii.
75, Mysians, vii. 74, Pseonians, vii. 185, Ethiopians, vii. 69, 70,
Egyptians, vii. 89, and on the Hermotybians, &c., ii. 164, and notes.
On the Egyptians here mentioned, cf. .^Esch. Pers. 39, t\oj3arat
vaSiv tpirai envoi, Tr\rj96g r dvdpiGpoi. B. On the marines in the
Persian fleet, cf. vii. 96, a.
b. o> Kai Trpor. SeSfaittr. Cf. viii. 1 13. B.
CH. XXXIII. a. yeveoc TOV 'lap. KKvr. "The Spartans had
brought with them Tisamenus, the most celebrated diviner in
Greece, sprung from a branch of the lamids in Elis." Thirlw.
There appear to have been three families of soothsayers in Elis,
the lamidse, Clytiadae, cf. ii. 49, b., and Telliadae, cf. ix. 37, and
viii. 27, b. : unless then the text be corrupt, we must suppose that,
cf. v. 44, b., one branch of the house of the lamida; must have
taken its origin from some one of the name of Clytius, or that
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 429
Tisaraenus himself was nearly descended from some one of that
name. B. Cf. Mull. Dor. i. p. 281, and p. 394.
b. \foxr0trfpov, i. e. iroXjjjrjjv <701rfpov .... navrtvop. irtpi yovov
consulting the oracle about offspring. Cf. for the same sense i. 46,
viii. 36. B.
c. Trcrpd tv . . . 6\vpirKida he came within one match, or bout, in
wrestling of winning an Olympic victory. Per solam luctam stetit,
quominus pr<emium reportaret. Trcrpd tv except one, within one, as
if it were parallel to but not touching. Cf. Thucyd. iv. 106, jrapd
VVKTCI, within one night. Jelf, 637-, iii. 3, 1. From Pausan. iii. 11,
6, we learn that Tisamenus won in leaping and running, and
was beaten in wrestling. In hurling the discus and the javelin,
which made up the Pentathlon, whether he lost, won, or was on an
equality with his antagonist, appears uncertain. On the use of
the verb rpixtw, cf. Hermann, Viger, p. 702. B. " How the prize
was awarded to the victor in the whole Pentathlon, it is difficult
to conceive ; for it can have occurred but seldom that one and the
same man gained the victory in all the five." See the interesting
article Pentathlon, in Smith's D. of A.
d. dvtripa raised his price, set an increased value upon himself,
ptr. T/)C \pr\rj\i. gave over, laid aside their importunity. B. seems to
me wrong in translating, neglected his prophetic art.
e. Karaiv. ptTiovng went to fetch him, and were for agreeing to
his terms. oi>8' .... apa. TOVT. povv. that he would not now be con-
tented with this alone. Cf. Jelf, 607, Instrumental Dat.
CH. XXXIV. a. impel was for imitating. So shortly after-
wards ini<j9ovvTo, tried to hire. Cf. i. 68, f. On Melampus, cf. ii.
49, b., and vii. 221. B.
b. CJQ tucaoai, /3atr. Tt K. ;ro\trijiijv, alrtofiivof. Such is the reading
finally preferred by B. in his corrections : but it appears to me far
better to reject the comma after flicaaai, and render, he was imitat-
ing Melampus in the request he made, if we may compare a kingdom
and citizenship together. W.'s explanation, who also rejects the
comma after tiicaaia, to wit, " that the similarity of the two cases
lay in the desire they both showed for their own aggrandizement,
though the object sought, by Melampus half a kingdom, by Tisa-
menus the right of citizenship, was very different," does not seem
to hit the point. The similarity lies, I think, in their increasing
their terms, each for the advantage of his own brother.
c. viroffravriG undertaking, engaging to do. Cf. iii. 127, 128.
rif av . . . . TOVTO .... vTroordc, which of you undertaking to do this,
&c. B.
CH. XXXV. a. fiavTtvo^fifog acting as soothsayer for them,
divining. Cf. for the same sense ix. 36, 37, 92, 95, and for a dif-
ferent sense, cf. ix. 33, b. B.
6. ffvyKaraipen assists in accomplishing or winning. Cf. vii. 50, c.
c. JTTI ft, and next, and in addition. Cf. viii. 93, 6.
d. b iv Jtyiy K. T. X. On what is here narrated, cf. Mull. Dor. i.
430 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
bk. i. c. ix. p. 313. " From some unknown cause, internal differ-
ences had arisen which led to an open war between Sparta and
Arcadia. We only know that between the battle of Plataea, in
which Tegea, as also later still, showed great fidelity towards
Sparta, and the war with the Helots, i. e. between 479 B. c. and
465 B. c., the Lacedaemonians fought two great battles, the one
against the Tegeates and Argives at Tegea ; the other against all
the Arcadians, with the exception of the Mantineans, at Dipsea,
tv Aivaiivatv, in the Maenalian territory. Tisamenus, an Elean, of
the family of the lamidse, cf. ix. 33, a., was in both battles in the
Spartan army, and in both Sparta was victorious. Herod, ix. 35,
Pausan. iii. 11. Hence also Leotychides, in 468 B. c., went to
Tegea in exile, Herod, vi. 72. Hdtns, ix. 37, also mentions a dis-
sension between Tegea and Sparta before the Persian war. As we
find that Argos had a share in this war, it is possible that the
views of that state were directed against the ascendency of Sparta :
perhaps also the independence of the Maenalians, Parrhasians,
&c., had been, as was so often the case, attacked by the more
powerful states of Arcadia, and was defended by the head of the
Peloponnesian confederacy."
e. trl St, o MtrrarivMv o irpof 'I0wjny. Generally called the 3rd
Messenian War, 464 455 B. c. ; the Helots taking the occasion of
the destruction of Sparta by the earthquake to throw off the yoke.
" The circumstances of this terrible contest are almost unknown
to us ; and we can only collect the few fragments extant of its
history. Aeimnestus, the Spartan who killed Mardonius, fought
with 300 men (cf. vii. 205, c.) at Stenyclarus against a body of
Messenians, and was slain with all his men, Herod, ix. 64. This
was followed by a great battle with the same enemy at Ithome, (if
in Herod, ix. 35, the alteration Ti-poc Wwny for vpog ry 'ladfuf is at
all certain,) in which the Spartans were victorious." On the sub-
sequent events of the war, the 10 years' siege of Ithome, the coming
of Cimon with 4000 hoplites who were afterwards dismissed through
a foolish jealousy, the surrender of Ithome and the removal of the
Messenians to Naupactus, see Miiller, as quoted in the foregoing
note, whence the above is taken. Cf. also Thucyd. i. 101, and
Messenia, in Smith's C. D., and i. 130, a., on the other events later
than the taking of Sestos, and D. p. 29.
f. 6 iv Tavaypy Cf. Thucyd. i. 108. " Sparta had sent out an
army in the same year, 457 B. c., to liberate her mother-country,
Doris, from the yoke of the Phocians. But when, after the execu-
tion of this object, the Spartans were hastening back to the Pelo-
ponnese, they were compelled to force their passage home by the
battle of Tanagra, which, with the assistance of the Thebans, they
gained over an army composed of Athenians, lonians, Argives, and
Thessalians." Mull. i. p. 217. See also the refs at the conclu-
sion of the foregoing note.
CH. XXXVI. a. ipavriviTo divined, acted as augur for them.
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 431
Cf. ix. 35, a. On caXd t y. TO. ipd d/xwo/i., the victims promised suc-
cess, if they stood on tlie defensive, cf. vii. 134, b., vi. 76, b.
CH. XXXVII. a. *H\ T&V 1t\\iai. Cf. ix. 33, a. On
tSrja. JTrt 6av., put him in bonds with the intention of killing him, cf. i.
109, a.
6. rptxtov Trial rjjg ifrvxijc, w danger of his life, cf. vii. 57, a. 'v
i;Xy <Tt5ijp., m stocks clamped with iron, cf. vi. 75, a., and Acts xvi.
24. "W. oictiptov, some tool or instrument of iron, which he got posses-
sion of, and then sawed off the forepart of his foot with it. Thus
B. iaivii\Q. Kiac, atcrip. iicpdr., nactus est instrumentum ferreum aliqiw
modo cotnpedibus illatum. So also S. and L. D., atSrjpiov, a knife,
or sword, which somehow had been brought into the cell where he
was confined.
c. direSpr] ig Ttyfijv, The Tegeans being at that time at enmity
with Lacedeemon. Cf. ix. 35, d., and i. 65, 6., and below Tty. iova.
oi'K dpQfjiiriv \OK., not being in concord with the Lacedcemonians.
d. 011 iiivroi .... ovvi]viiKt .... avyKinvpiinivov. nevertheless in the
end the enmity ichich had occurred between him and the Lacede-
monians did not turn out (well) to him, i. e. brought about his ruin.
The death of Hegesistratus happened possibly in the 2nd year of
the Bell. Pelop. 430 B. c., when the Lacedaemonians made a de-
scent on Zacynthus. From the retirement of Demaratus thither,
vi. 70, it would seem that the island was previously at enmity with
them. If this conjecture is correct, Hegesistratus must have been
at least 80 years of age at the time. Perhaps the allusion may be
to some other war, of which nothing further is known. B.
CH. XXXVIII. a. ofo fcaXXicpft Cf. vi. 76, b., vii. 134, b. i*'
iuv-iav, by themselves, (an augur) of their own. Cf. ix. 17, b., iv.
114, c.
b. Ti/*i/yEi>i'i) Cf. ix. 86, 87- <IC airoXapl/. ffv^vovG. that he would
cut off, intercept many.
CH. XXXIX. a. Apuoc Ktp. These oak-heads are also men-
tioned in Thucyd. iii. 24, and are laid down S. E. of Platsea in the
map in Mull. Dor. i.
b. irtpipaXXofitvoi encompassing, surrounding them. B. Perhaps,
as in iii. 71, > getting possession of them.
CH. XL. a. pn8iovr. piydXnic.. Cf. ix. 17. On the Thebans,
cf. vii. 132, 232, a. After Karnyiovro, supply TQ TOV Hitapdoviov "nrirtp,
they went before, led the way for, the cavalry till they came to blows. B.
CH. XLI. a. 'Aprd/3aoc Cf. vii. 66, viii. 126. v6Xiyori ....
avqp SoKtpoc, a man approved among a few (who were so) oftJie Per-
sians, a man of reputation such as few of the Persians had, i. e. of
very high repute. Cf. iv. 52, b. A few lines above on the dat.
dvrtearjj/ilvotffi, cf. ii. 145, a.
6. SiaTrpT)<jffta9at, they could effect their undertaking, viz. bring the
war to a successful termination. Cf. iv. 24, b., quoted by B.
c. <If irpoiiSoroc .... roiiTov. as he too (Artabazits) was endowed
with greater foresig/U, viz. than Mardonius, that is, the Thebans
432 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
considered he was so, and therefore adopted his opinion ; while
the policy of Mardonius was "more headstrong, more arrogant,
and unyielding."
d. ra Tt aQayia .... /3tdt<r0ai, and to pay no attention to the vic-
tims of Hegesistratus, nor to offer any violence to them, force them to
be favourable. So B. quotes Matthiee, nee vim inferre victimis, et
iis invitis (irpbg /3id>') pugnare ; and so S. and L. D.
CH. XLII. a. iv dStiy .... Xsytiv, not thinking it safe to speak
of them. Cf. iii. 154, iv IXaQptfi irottlodai, to hold it in little value.
viii. 109, iv 6/zoiy TToulcrBui, to esteem equally. Jelf, 622, 3, b.
b. UQ iripiitTopivovc, rifteac. 'EXXtjviav. since (i. e. as you think that)
we shall prove superior tu the Greeks. Here w? = SOKOVVTIC, which it
represents. Cf. Jelf, 551, obs. " After words which imply the
notions of thinking, &c., we find an ace. with a participle. This
seemingly anomalous construction arises partly from the notion
arising from oc, and partly from the substitution of the part, foi
the infinitive. Cf. also Jelf, 549, obs. 1, under accus. of equivalent
notion.
CH. XLIII. a. if 'IXXwpiowc re rat TOV ~Ey^iXtwv K. r. X. " Hdtus
believed that the prediction referred to the irruption of an Illyrian
horde, the Encheleans, cf. v. 61, b., who, as we learn from this
accidental mention of them, had in very early times carried their
ravages so far. But as this tradition was almost forgotten, the
prophecy was generally applied to the Persians," &c. &c. Thirlw.
ii. p. 342. On Bacis, cf. viii. 77, ., and on Musseus, v. 90, b., viii.
96,6.
b. b Si etpuwSuiv K. T. X. This river, afterwards the Haemo, falls into
the Asopus not far from Tanagra. Glisas is laid down in the map
to Mull. Dor. i. a little to the N. E. of Thebes. It does not appear
to be noticed in Arrowsmith, c. xvii.
CH. XLIV. a. ae Si irpooy .... TrpotXiijXaro, when the night was
far advanced. Cf. Rom. xiii. 12, >/ vi>% TTOOSKO^JCV, and Sallust
Jugurth. c. xxi., " Ubi plerumque noctis processit." W. Cf. ix. 14, c.
b. Trapayvnvoi discloses. Cf. i. 126,6. On Alexander ref. ix. 31, /.
CH. XLV. a. diropprjTa iroieufi.tvoc. irpbg fnjctva, SC. tiria, Ut ix.
93, mea verbafaciens occulta ; s. rugans, ut occulta, tacita habeatis tnea
verba, forbidding you to speak to any one of them, except to Pausanias.
B. Cf. ix. 94. airopp. Trotjjerd/uvot, forbidding any one to mention
(the oracles).
b. ai>rbg. . . ."EXX. ytvoc tipi 'On the Macedonian monarchs, cf.
viii. 137, a. ra piv aQayia i<jiv xaipiiv, to pay no regard to the sacrifices,
cf. ix. 41, d.
c. TIV Si dpa vTrcp(id\r)rai K. T. X. and if, as is like/.;/, Mardonius shoula
put off the attack. Cf. viii. 1 12, c. On \iirapitTt uivovrtc., cf. viii.
144, e.
d. tpyov OVTUI Trapaf3o\ov so perilous or venturesome an enterprise.
one that will expose me to so much danger. " He said he was come
at the risk of his life, to give them a friendly warning." Thirlw. in I.
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 433
CH. XLVI. a. ripiic $1 airitpoi n K,T.\. On this confession,
real or apparent, of fear, on the part of Fausanias, read the note
of W. " Mira Pausaniae mora et tergiversatio. Ad Thermopylas
Spartanorum plures non inulti occubuerant ; patriae decus, quod
Xerxi Demaratus, lib. vii. 102, ostentarat, nullo modo dedecorantes.
Adeone, quod eorum evaserint nulli, Medi terribiles ? Haud prce-
ter veritatem Isocrates Panathen. p. 272, E. de bello adversus
Xerxem, iv if trXtov lir}vtyicav Athenienses Acuctdatpovitttv tv tiiraffi
ro7f KivSvvoif fj Ktlvot r!av dXXwv- Magna certe Atheniensium gloria,
cum Medorum nomen Gnecis omnibus auditu esset formidolosum,
eorum impetum et arma repressisse, lib. vi. 1 12. Adde Plutarch.
Aristid. p. 328, 1." Cf. also D. p. 132 and 155.
b. i]So(ikvoi,<fi riftiv, cf. viii. 10, c.
CH. XLVIII. a. tg x tl P^ v Tf ^ofiov Cf. viii. 89, c. ; and on
SovXuv TUIV fifjifr. vii. 5, b. jcard icXeos, in accordance with your re-
putation.
b. St$6w(j9i iiv. apiar. Cf. vii. 135, a.
c. el Si pri SoKtot, This is the reading of the MSS., instead of
which Schaefer gives i\v Sk . . . . Sonsy. On the needlessness of
this correction, though rjv piv Soxey is found in the preceding clause
of the sentence, cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 524, 6, who refers to iii. 35,
where, in like manner, tl with the indicat. or optat. and rjv with
conj. are used together as if equivalent. B. Cf. also Jelf, 855.
CH. XLIX. a. rd KaraXajiovra, what had happened. Cf. ix. 93,
104, and iii. 42, b. B.
b. \jsvxpy v'tK-g, an empty, ideal victory. Cf. vi. 108. iiriKovp. ^tv\pi).
c. 'nnroToZoTat .... vpoffijiip. diropoi. horse-bowmen, and difficult to
close with. Cf. iv. 46, c.
d. icprjv. rfiv Fopya^. Cf. ix. 25, b.
CH. L. a. oirdovtf, esquires, attendants. Cf. v. Ill, a.
CH. LI. a. fjv virfppdXmvrai . ... pi) irottv^tvot, if the Persians,
should let that day pass over without coming to an engagement. C
ix. 45, c. The /*>} is considered unnecessary by W., but is re-
tained by Schw. with the approbation of Hermann, who, in Viger,
p. 811, renders, si eum diem Per see sine preetio prestermisissent, add-
ing that, omitting the ^77, the sense will be si eo die praelium com-
nuttere Persce omisissent. B.
b. ff^i^o/i. 6 7rora/i6c the river is not the Asopus,. but the rivulet
OZroe, which descends from Mt Citheeron and forms the island of
the same name with itself. It runs in quite a different direction
from the Asopus, passing close by the city of Plateea, just above
which it forms the island of OZroe, and empties itself into the
Sinus Crisseaus, while the Asopus runs in a northerly direction,
and flows into the Euripus. This is explained at great length by
B., who remarks upon the erroneous topography of most of the
maps and plans of the battle of Plateea. For tne same reason, the
reader should be cautioned against the note of L. on this passage :
" It was resolved, if battle should not be joined in the course of the
2 p
434 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
day, to retire during the following night to a part of the plain
nearer Plataea, which, being almost surrounded by two branches
of the (Eroe, was known by the name of the Island, and that on
their arrival at this post, a strong detachment should be sent to
clear the pass, and convoy the supply that was detained on the
mountain into the camp." Thirlw. Cf. the map in Mull. Dor. i.
c. wairep KOT IQv tovrtav. and that the cavalry might not harass
them, as they would, if opposite them.
d. Stvrkpij <pv\aKt), The Greeks, according to Jul. Pollux i. 7, 8,
quoted by B., divided their night into 3 watches; the 1st com-
mencing about 9 or 10 o'clock, and ending about 12 p. m. or 1
a. m., was called apxn VVKTO, or, irtpi irpwrriv VVKTOS, or, VVKTO^
dpxojitvije 5 the 2nd, /iroi>ff;c; WKTOQ. "Considerable uncertainty
appears to prevail as to whether the watch among the Greeks was
changed always at a constant and set time, or at the pleasure of
the general. The Romans divided the night, as is well known,
into 4 watches from sunset to sunrise, so that in the Gk Test.
$v\aKi), answering to their vigilise, stands for a fourth part of the
night, about the space of three hours." Cf. Smith's D. of A., Castra.
CH. LI I. a. irovov arpvTov. luborem indefessum ; unabatint/, (lit.
not worn au-m/,) hence continual toil. Cf. Soph. Aj. 788. B., and
Find. Pyth. iv. 317.
b. aipOkvriQ rising up, moving off. In the same sentence, oi
iroXXoi and oi Si refer to the same persons the greater part took
up their arms and marched away, having indeed no intention of gointj
to the spot appointed, but as soon as ever they were in motion, gladly
escaping from the cavalry, &c. &c. B. " Their object, in thus
deviating from the preconcerted plan, was perhaps to take advant-
age of such shelter as the remains of the city might afford for their
wounded men." Thirlw.
c. TO 'Hpalov. This stood on the E. of the city, irpb rjjfc 7r6X. :
it is laid down in the map in Mull. Dor. i., and is mentioned in
Thucyd. iii. 68. On the fountain of Gargaphia, cf. ix. 25, b.
d. tQivro . ... ra oir\a. piled or stacked their arms. Cf. Arnold
on Thucyd. ii. 2. The spear was thrust into the ground by the
spike at the lower end, or orvpunov, cf. i. 52, c., and the shield was
leant against it, while the soldier " stood at ease," or sat down.
An open space within the camp was generally selected for piling
the arms together in ; but on occasions where sudden danger was
anticipated, each man seems to have stacked his arms before him-
self, so as to be able to resume them at a moment's notice ; pre-
serving his position in the ranks meanwhile, though he sat down
to rest himself from their weight. Cf. ix. 72, ear/j^. iv ry rai.
CH. LIU. a. KOTO, roi'c d\\ovg Cf. i. 84, f.
b. rov niTavnriuv X6%ov Thucydides, i. 20, denies that such a
Xoxog or regiment ever existed. " His censure," Arnold thinks,
note on Thucyd. i. 20, " if designed to touch Hdtus at all, was
not meant for him particularly, but rather for Hellanicus and those
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 435
earlier writers, whom Hdtus in this instance carelessly followed."
Why our author should not have called the quota of forces fur-
nished by Pitana by the name of the place whence they came, B.
does not see ; even though there may not have been in the Spartan
army any Xo^oc which was commonly known by the name of Tlira-
varrig. So also Schw. On the constitution of the Spartan army,
cf. i. 65, g. With regard to " what is the proper signification of
the Phylee (as the grammarians sometimes call them) of Pitana,
Limnae or Limnaeum, Mesoa, and Cynosura, which Pausanias also
mentions together as divisions of the people," Miiller, Dor. ii. p.
50, comes to the conclusion, after weighing the various apparently
contradictory accounts, some including these places in Sparta, and
some not, that they were nothing else than the hamlets, K<3/ia, of
which, according to Thucydides, i. 10, the town of Sparta con-
sisted, and which lay on all sides around the city, 7roXe, properly
so called. " We are best informed with respect to Pitana, an an-
cient town, and without doubt anterior to the Dorians, which was
of sufficient importance to have its own gymnastic contests, and
to furnish a battalion of its own, called Pitanites. Of this Thu-
cydides does not admit the existence ; but Caracalla, in imitation
of antiquity, composed a Xoxoe nravrjc of Spartans." Cf. iii.
55, a., and the plan of Sparta in the map in Mull. Dor. ii.
c. Ktivov ravra vtvwfiivov, perf. pass. part, contract, for vworiptvov
from vo'na. Since he (Amompharetus) had thus determined with him-
self, was thus minded. Cf. i. 68, e. B.
d. fir), fjv airoXiTTdxri (aiiruv) SC. rov Xo^ov. lest, if they should
leave behind the regiment, by carrying out the measures they had
agreed upon with, &c. On arpifi. tfy., cf. vii. 8, 1, i.
CH. LIV. a. AaKtSai/Moviuv .... wf dXAa <j>povtovTwv K. r. X. A
similar charge is made against the Spartans in vi. 108, with regard
to the answer returned to the Platans : it appears beyond a doubt,
to quote the opinion of B., that Hdtus was more inclined towards
the Athenians, with whom too he went to Thurii, and the popular
form of government, cf. v. 66, than towards the Spartans and their
constitution. Cf. the praises of Athens in vi. 1 12, and elsewhere.
But we should acquit him of any intentional partisanship towards
the Athenians : an imputation which D., p. 132, seqq., has suc-
cessfully rebutted ; cf. particularly vii. 138, 139, seqq. Nor, as is
evident from vii. 102, o., does Hdtus defraud the Spartans of the
praise they deserve. As to the passage in the text, it is hardly
credible such an imputation would have been cast upon the Spartan
character, had it been otherwise than the generally received opinion
throughout Greece at that time. That the Doric character was
unamiable and unattractive, particularly in the eyes of foreigners,
though perhaps looked upon even more harshly than it deserved,
can hardly fail to be the conclusion of the student of Hdtus and
Thucydides. The unsocial nature of their policy towards foreigners
and strangers, the habits of stern military subordination in which
2 F 2
436 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
their life was passed, the arrogance and oppression that subse-
quently characterized the conduct of their harmosts in the con-
quered towns, are all so many proofs that the dislike borne towards
Sparta was not conceived without good grounds. In Miill. Dor.
ii. p. 410, note, several passages are quoted from Euripides and
Aristophanes to the same effect as that in the text. In W. and
V.'s notes, the following are appositely adduced. Eurip. Androm.
447, \l/tvc<jji> avaKTig iiri\avoppa.<poi KCIKWV, 'EXiicrd, Koiietv uyiff aXXa
irav 7Tfpi Qpovovvrfg. Aristoph. Pax, 1068, 2vvQr)Ka<; TTf!roir]a9'
dvdpic; xapoTToiat -m9r)Koig .... ciXuirsKiSfffffi jriiriKjQt, T Qv S6\tnt
coXiac Qpivfs, and Acharn. 307, olmv ovrt pupae, ovre Tn'orte, ov9'
CH. LV. a. Kara \wpriv rtray. i. e. drawn up in their position
just where they icere before. Cf. iv. 135, b. In the following sen-
tence ukvovraQ fiovvovg, the plural referring to Amompharetus and
his company ; by the constructio Kara avvtaiv, also called Schema
T-piic TO (TTjjiaivo/i. On which see the excellent remarks of Jelf,
378, 379, b.
b. 6 le, paivoptvov K. r. X. The construction of this sentence is
somewhat involved. The preposition irpbq may either be taken to
govern TOV 'ABtfv. trip, or Trpoc r (and in addition) may be taken
separately from the rest of the sentence as answering to txpjjV^ rt,
thus ; TTpof rt TOV 'AGrjvaiwv icr/awa \iyiiv tic'tXeve .... l^o'V'^* Tt - ^'
ut he (i. e. Pausanias) telling him (Amompharetus) that he was
mad, and not in his right mind, then (turning) to the Athenian herald
who teas asking the questions enjoined him, he, Pattsftnias I say, bade
him (the herald) tell the Athenians how matters stood with them, and
at the same time begged of (i. e. bade him beg of) the Athenians to
come, &c.
CH. LVI. a. avatcpivofnivovg disputing, wrangling, fjiaav ra
t/irraXtv, took the contrary course. Cf. vii. 51, a.
b. rrjQ virup. TOV Ki0. the skirts of Cithferon, the rugged ground
at the foot of the mountain. Cf. ix. 19, b.
c. 'A0ijv. & . . . . l rd iriSiov sc. fjiaav, quod respondet praegressis
ol ftfv .... dvTti\ovro. B.
CH. LVII. a. ap\i]v Tf To the particle rt. employed here, the
Si after irportptovTwv two lines lower down corresponds : cf. Matth.
Gr. Gr. 626. B.
b. Tripiti^cTo K. r. X., was urgent with them that they should stny
where they were, and not leave their post. S. and L. D. Cf. viii.
60, f. TrpoTtptovTiov, going on before. Cf. ix. 66.
c. tOf'iy re^vp rect a arte, id est, non dissimulanter et palam : think-
ing that they were really leaving him behind. Hoogeveen on Viger,
ii. ix. 2. Cf. ii. 161, iii. 127. ^c 'fo'fC) ix. 37. Schw.
d. irorapbv MaXofvra This river is considered by Gail, quoted
by B., to be a branch of the CEroe. Cf. ix. 51, b. The temple of
the Eleusinian Ceres, probably about two miles distant from the
Heraeum, is mentioned also in ix. 62, 65, 101.
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 437
CH. LVIII. fl. Ai;p. 6a>pijica .... TrertOtg 'A\tvtu, Cf. ix. 1, J.
virb VVKTU, during the preceding niyht. Cf. ii. 36, 6.
b. brt ovoivtg dpa tovrte .... ivairtitticvva.ro. B. renders ivairiltiK.
they hare shown themselves ; regarding it as supply equivalent to,
and a repetition of, the preceding Sult^av ; He therefore takes the
two verbs as if they were but one : they have sufficiently shmcn that,
among tlie Greeks *cho are men of no consideration, they themselves
are also men nf no consideration. So also Valla, unde nullius esse se
pretii, inter Grcecos, et ipsos nullius pretii viros, ostenderunt. The
version of Schw. seems better ; ivcnrtEfiicvvaTo, passive, pro; cateris
ostentatos. selebratos fuisse, and they hare plainly shown, that, beinr/
worthless themselves, they have become illustrious among the Greeks,
who are likewise icorthk-ss. ivairtSiixvvaTo In the Ionic and Epic
dialects drat, dro, added to the tense root is the 3rd pi. for vrai, vro,
instead of the periphrasis of the particip. and tlvai : a. very gener-
ally in the pft. and plpft. as vtirtiOaTai. b. not unfrequently in the
3rd pi. opt. c. sometimes in the 3rd pi. imperfect ovro, the o being
changed to t, as tj3ov\iaTo for t/3ou\ovro, &c. TtQearat, i. 133, vii.
119. inBean, i. 119 Jelf, 197, 4. On l>livt St cf. Jelf, 381.
065. 3. The pronouns, ovStic and ftq&i'c, agree generally with the
subject, when they signify good for nothing, worthless. Cf. Arist.
Eq. 158.
c. iiratvtovTtitv rovrovc,, The participle iiraiviovTwv here refers to
vfiiv iovrn, though the structure of the sentence is suddenly changed
to that of a genitive absolute. B. Cf. Jelf, 710, c., and iii. 65,
irnrov96-og t//oi, there quoted. On the form vvvySiaTt, second pers.
plur. plusq. perf. Ion. of awgStiv from avvoita, cf. Matth. Gr. Gr.
231, and 188, obs. i., B., when you praised men in whom you were
conscious that there teas some worth.
d. TO KOI Karaf>p<Mi]ffai K. T. X. Before the verb avrbv may be
mentally added 'Apra/3dot Si 9. /cat /iaXX. i-oitvp. rb eai aiirov ra-
Tapp. Aaic. but I more wondered at Artabazus that he should, so greatly
fear the Lacedamonians. Cf. also Matth. Gr. Gr. 541. B. On
the advice given by Artabazus, cf. ix. 41, and on iroXiopcj/ffo/ievoue,
about to endure a siege, v. 35, b. After rfiv understand yvuunv.
CH. LIX. a. iTrti\t sc. rbv vovv : se direxit s. animum attendit ;
he turned his attention to. Schw. Cf. i. 80, d. Some render, he
directed his course. Cf. D. p. 148. On WQ TTO$WV .... iix<ov, cf. vi.
116, a.
b. a*c avapTraaofitvoi T. "EXX. as if they were going to carry away
the Greeks at the first attack. Thus a city is said apvaaQ^vai when
taken by a coup de main. V. Cf. viii. 28, b.
CH. LX. a. vi'v uv SiSoKTai K.T.X. Either construct with
Schw., otSoicrai rb, lonice pro o, iroinriov (tori) ;/iTv TO ivOivTcv, viz.
duvv. by defending ourselves as best we can to protect one another ;
or, with Matth. Gr. Gr. 634, 2, quoted by B., explain eithtit
by repeating &COCTCU before auvvopevovc,, or consider c to be
implied in Trotjjrtw.
438 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
b. Siicaioi tart Cf. VI. t. 137, . K tf . . . . (caraXe\a/3j K. r. X. 6ul
tf any tiling has happened to you sc as to render it impossible to come
to our aid. Cf. on me verb iii. 42, b.
c. virb rbv irap. r. TroXipov during thf time of this present war.
Cf. Jelf, 639, iii. 2. Cf. ix. 58, turo VVKTO, towards night. On the
construction of awoiS. vfj.lv tovai, cf. Jelf, 682, 2. wart icai TO.VTO.
ioaicovHv, so that you should listen to its in this too, grant us this re-
quest too.
CH. LXI. a. tovrte <ri>v i//iXoi< apiQfjtbv K. T. X. Cf. ix. 28. a., 29.
a. The number is thus reckoned by Schw.
Spartans ......... 5,000
Helots . ........ 35,000
Lacedaemonians ....... 5,000
The rest of the light-armed, one to each Lacedaemonian 5,000
50,000
b. oil -yap . . .*. TO. ff(t>dy. ^p^ord, for their sacrifices gave no favour-
able omens. Cf. vii. 134, b., vi. 76 b.
c. 0pu'. y. ra yepp'a ol IT. -for the Persians locking their bucklers,
forming a breastwork by setting them up close side by side. Schw.
compares ix. 99, ffvvt<t>6pn<rav rd ytppa epKog atyt ilvai, they set then-
bucklers together, so as to form a defence for them, and II. xiii. 130,
<j>paKavTt(; dopv Sovpt, (rd<cog aciKti. On ytppa, cf. vii. 61, o.
d. rStv ffQay. ov ytv the sacrifices not turning out favourable.
From a comparison of vii. 134, and ix. 62, wf Si %p. Kort iytv. quum
rero tandem Iceta essent exta, it is evident that rd a<j>dyta, s. rd iipd,
yivtoQai, is used without the addition of xpqord, to express sacri-
fices turning out favourably. V. On the locality of the Heraeum,
cf. ix. 52, c.
CH. LXI I. a. XP V V a t ^ngth. Proprie valet tempore aliquo
praterlapso. B. rd r6a /ur. having laid aside, relinquished, their
bows, to come, that is, to close quarters. Schw. On the situation
of the temple of Ceres, cf. ix. 57, d.
b. ic. o dirLKovro . . . . ol /3ap/3apot until they came to close quarters ;
for the Barbarians, laying hold of the Greeks' spears, (which were
longer than their own,) tried to break them off. MHTUOQ, cf. vii. 225,
3, the close conflict of men densely crowded together, and thrusting
each other backwards and forwards. Schw.
c. avoir\oi lightly armed, without the ojrXov or large shield ; as
they carried only wicker bucklers. S. and L. Diet. Cf. the end of
the following ch. : r/ kaQ^g ipfjuog iovaa oTrXwv. " Their short spears
and daggers were as ill fitted to make an impression on the Spar-
tan panoply, as their light corslets to repel the Spartan lance. Yet
they fought bravely, though without method and order: they
rushed forward singly (irpo^aiaaovT.i^) or in irregular groups (<TU<T-
break the enemy's la
an( l endeavoured to seize and break the enemy's lance:>.
Thirlw. in I. ii. c. xvi. p. 346.
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 439
d. ffoQit). skill, dexterity in the use of their arms. Cf. Aristot.
Ethics vi. 7, <TT)fiaivovTig rrjv aotyiav J) on dptrj; Tt%vqs iariv.
CH. LXIII. a. Tltpa. roue dpterr. xiAtoue, " Mardonius himself,
with the thousand horse whom he had selected from the royal
guards, was foremost in the fight," &c. Thirlw. Cf. vii. 40, .,
vii. 83, a., and viii. 113, b., and refs.
b. O'UTU Srj then indeed, then at last. OTT\UV, large shields. Gen.
privative. Cf. Jelf, 529, and note c. in the foregoing ch., and
ix. 30, a.
CH. LXI V. a. 'EvQaiJTa r\ Tt $IKT) TOV fyovov K. T. X. Cf. viii. 1 14.
b. of xpovip vffrtpov .... ffwsfiaXt .... M.i<rar)vioiai K. r. X. This
occurred in the third Messenian war. Cf. ix. 35, e. For other
events, incidentally mentioned, which occurred after the close of
Hdtus' history, cf. i. 130, b., and D. p. 29.
c. iv 2rtvvK\f)p<{>, The pln.ins of Stenyclarus are marked by
Miiller, map to Dorians i., in the centre of Messenia, not far from
Ithome. In the N. of Messenia. Smith's C. D.
CH. LXV. a. rx o c T $v\ivov, Cf. ix. 15, and 70. On the
situation of the temple of Ceres, ix. 57, d.
b. TO ipbv rb iv ' EXivu'ivi dvaxToptov. The temple of the Eleusinian
Ceres appears to have been peculiarly called TO dvaKTopov s. TO
dvaKTopiov ttpbv, or TO CLVCLKHOV. As the term dvaicTopov or dvctKTopiav
is employed as an adjective, the substantive TO Ipbv is by no means
to be omitted with V. ; who considers it to have been a marginal
gloss, and thence to have crept into the text. B. There was also
at Athens a temple of the Dioscuri, dvaKTig, similarly called dv&K-
Ttiov or dvdictiov. V. observes that though the term dvaKropov Is
especially used when speaking of the temple of the Eleusinian
Ceres, yet that it was also employed of the temples of any other ot
the deities : referring to Eurip. Androm. 43, 1 157- Iph. in Taur.
41, 66. Troad, 15. Ion, 55. Cf. Smith's D. of A., 'AVUKUOV.
CH. LXVI. a. 'Apra/3aoc Cf. ix. 41, a., and refs, and on ear'
dpxdg, omnino, vii. 88, b.
b. rj'U Karjjpner^tvof, bene composite ordine, i. e. apte ordinato ex-
ercitu, instructa acie, proc/ressus est. Schw. Lex.
C. Kara TWVTO OKU*C av . . . . aTrovSrjg f^ovra. in the same manner
as they should see him disposed in rei/ard of haste, with the same de-
gree of haste that they should see him making. Cf. i. 30, c., and Jelf,
528.
d. SijOfv as if, as he pretended. Cf. i. 59, i., and vi. I, a. ?rpo-
Tipsw, as he was going forward, ix. 57, b. bSov, Gen. of the place ;
perhaps to be explained as gen. partitive. Jelf, 522, obs. 2.
CH. LXVII. a. ot ydp prf. riiv 9?j/3. It is to be remembered
that the greater and more influential part of the Thebans sided
with the Medes ; but not the whole of the state. Cf. ix. 86. Schw.
CH. LXVIII. a. A/Xo! rt t/iot and it is plain, evident to me.
Schw., who takes it intransitively, as also Jelf, 359 ; but the com-
440 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
man meaning of the verb, and it proves to me, seems quite as ap-
plicable here.
b. f/prnvTo were dependent upon. Cf. i. 125, d.
c. ypoc ru>i> TToXtjjjW before, in front of the enemy. Cf. Jelf,
633, i. dyxiffTa iovaa, SC. roif Tlfpffaif. B.
CH. LXIX. a. ol an<pl KopivQiovQ ... .01 ap^l My. The Cor-
inthians, and their allies stationed close to them, the Megarians and
their allies, &c. Jelf, 436, d. B.
b. tv ovdivi Xoyy aTrwXovTo. they perished ignobly; so that there
was no account made of them. Sofielen diese ohne Ruhm und Ehrc.
Lange. Cf. vii. 57. B.
CH. LXX. a. ol $' r/pvvovTo, On the Si here, apparently at first
sight redundant, cf. Jelf, 770, 1, b. \aiefS OVK tirurrap.
rittopaxeuv. " A disinclination equally strong as that they felt to
maritime warfare, was shown by the Spartans to the storming of
walled places, -xvpyonaxttv : for which reason they never in early
times constructed any defences of this kind ; and despised the use
of machines, by which Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, thought
that man's strength was annihilated." Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 266. Cf.
also Thucyd. i. 102, on the aid sent for from the Athenians during
the siege of Ithome. Cf. also the sieges of Platsea and Pylos during
the Bell. Pelop.
b. OVTW dij then at last. Cf. ix. 63, b.
c. Kai fjpiirov, r-g K. r. \. " They, the Athenians, were the first to
mount the wall, and forcing away the wooden defences, opened a
breach by which their allies poured in." Thirlw.
d. VTJOV TTJQ 'AXeije 'AOtjv. Cf. i. 66, f.
e. aXi'KTaZov were in distress, or dismay. Cf. Horn. II. x. 94.
ovde fioi fjrop tfi-mSov dXX' dXaXucrj/^ai : sed perturbatus sum ammo.
B. " After this the Barbarians lost all hope, courage, and self-
possession, and, like sheep crowded in a narrow fold, submitted
without a struggle to the slaughter." Thirlw. Cf. Arnold's Hist,
of Rome, iii. p. 142, the carnage of Cannae. " Then followed a
butchery such as has no recorded equal, except the slaugnter of
the Persians in their camp, when the Greeks forced it after the
battle of Plataea. Unable to fight or fly, with no quarter asked or
given, the Romans and Italians fell before the swords of their ene-
mies, till, when the sun set upon the field, there were left out of
that vast multitude no more than three thousand men alive and
unwounded ; and these fled in straggling parties, under cover of
the darkness, and found a refuge in the neighbouring towns."
f. Acts, rtuv IK Srraprijc i. e. of the genuine Spartans, as distinguish-
ed from the Perioeci. Cf. vi. 58, c. Plutarch, de Malign. Herodot.
p. 872, is angry that only Lacedaemonians, Tegeatee, and Athenians
are here mentioned ; the two former of whom fought with the
Barbarians, and the latter with the Thebans ; and that thus the
other states are dishonoured. It seems extraordinary to Mitfrtrd
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 441
that Plataea is not mentioned, but perhaps the reason may be, that
they were such close allies of the Athenians that they fought in
the same ranks, and therefore were counted as Athenians. Cf.
Thucyd. iii. 54, 57, 58, and Thirlw. ii. c. xvi. pp. 349, 353.
CH. LXXI. a. d\\ v plv ovStvl K. T.\. though by no other proof
can I confirm it except that they charged against the strongest point
of the enemy's army and overcame it. 7rpo<r<f>t(>iaOai, to engage with, to
bear down upon, cf. ix. 49, c. Xeoxw, conversation, talk, cf. i. 153, a.
QS fkvot.ro K. T. \. On the use of the opt. here, with nouns which
imply speaking, saying, telling , cf. Jelf, 802, obs. 1 .
CH. LXXII. a. tXOwv av)p icaAXi<m>e Cf. Horn. II. ii. 673.
Niptt'C, os KaXXiaros nvrjp VTTO "IXtov ^\0. On the custom of sitting
down in the ranks while waiting the signal to move forwards, cf
ix. 52, d., and Euripides Suppl. 357, quoted by W., irap' bn-Xoic 5'
r]fj.ivog TTifjnl/w Xoyovs Kpsovri.
CH. LXXIII, a. SK STJUOV AK. AticfXtwv TO>V iron K. r. X. So-
j)hanes of the borough of Decelea, and one of those Deceleans who
formerly performed an action that has been useful to them for ever
after. On AtKtXfijQtv = AtwXewv, cf. Jelf, 481,ois. 2. The genitival
suffix is not unfrequently used for the regular inflected genitive,
so ovpavoBiv, fftdtv, cf. Eur. Ion. 960. B. observes that the
particle & is added in an explanatory force, and one too of those
Deceleans, or, nay too he was of those Deceleans, &c.
b. KOTO. 'EXivys KOfiiS^v -for the recovery of Helen. 'A<f>iSvag, cf.
viii. 125, a.
c. roiiri ff AIK iv Siraprp dnXtit] TI K. T. X. This, L. observes,
is to be understood of the Deceleans settled in Sparta. urtXtitj,
exemption from protection money ; cf. i. 54, b. Sophanes is men-
tioned in vi. 93.
d. At XE?JC d Troops <T0<w. This is usually referred, W. observes, to
the occupation of Decelea by Agis, (cf. Thucyd. vii. 19,) 413 B. c.,
in the 1 8th year of the Bell. Pelop. This passage must then have
been, according to B.'s theory, added by Hdtus, in his old age at
Thurii, cf. i. 131, b., when he was (cf. D. p. 31) in his 72nd year.
The circumstance alluded to perhaps occurred at an earlier period
of the war : W. thinks during the first invasion of Attica, (431, B. c.,
Thucyd. ii. 10,) when Archidamus, ravaging the rest of Attica,
possibly spared the lands of Decelea. To fortify a place and make
it a head-quarters in war, differs greatly, W. remarks, from leaving
it untouched. D. refers the allusion to B. c. 413.
CH. LXXIV. a. iKiriirrovrts, * rrjs radios K. T. X. Schw. Omits
the comma after iKTriirrovrtq, which he joins with i< TTJS radios, rush-
ing (upon him) out of their, the Persians', ranks ; cf. 7rpoiai<T<rove
in ix. 62, c.
b. iir aaTriSoc. altl iriptQ. K. r. X. on ?iis shield, ichich was ever re-
volving and never at rest ; i. e. as it seems, which he kept perpetually
whirling round and never for an instant quiet. How this was ma-
442 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
naged. or what advantage was to be gained thereby over the enemy,
is hard to understand.
CH. LXXV. a. irtpiKarrjuivuv 'AOtjv. Aiy. Cf. vii. 144, a. The
allusion belongs to the war between Athens and ^Egina shortly be-
fore the Persian War, through fear of which they were induced to
lay aside the enmity between them of which Hdtus often speaks.
Cf. v. 82, seqq., vi. 49, seqq., 73, 85, seqq., 92. B.
b. EiipvjS. rbv 'Apy. Cf. vi. 92, 93; and on dvdpa irtvrat9\ov, ix.
33, c.
c. a7ro0. virb 'flSuviav K. r. \. On the date of this, cf. v. 126, a.
CH. LXXV I. a. QapuvSaTtoe Cf. vii. 79. He commanded the
Colchians and the Mares.
b. w fiaatXtv Pausanias, though not actually king, but guardian
to the young king Pleistarchus, his nephew, (cf. ix. 10, and Thucyd.
i. 132,) was commander-in-chief, and exercised all the functions of
regal authority. Perhaps, too, the mistake was intentional on the
woman's part, since when one has a favour to ask, nothing is lost
by adding a little to the dignity of the person who has the favour
to bestow.
c. oiriv awe, reverence. Cf. viii. 143, c.
d. 'E^op. rolfft irapeovffi, Referring to this, Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 127,
remarks " In the field the king was followed by two ephors, who
belonged to the council of war; cf. Thucyd. iv. 15 : it is probable
that they had the chief care of the maintenance of the army, as well
as the division of the plunder : those ephors who remained behind
in Sparta received the booty in charge, and paid it into the public
treasury, &c." Cf. on the Ephors, i. 65, h., v. 39, b., vi. 82, a.
CH. LXXVII. fl. iir' iZfpyaffnevotai. after all was finished, after
the affair was over. Cf. iv. 164, and Jelf, 634, 2, b.
b. agtoi rt . . . . fyniuiffai. they confessed they deserved to be punished ;
according to Schw. they were worthy of, i. e. they deserved, some one
should punish them. " Illud ^fuwaai atyiaq ita accipiendum ac si
??/u(i0j;>a dixisset, nempe afroi (nva sive Tlavaavittv, sive rove
"EXXqvas) ^fiwaai fftytac, quemadmodum v. gr. Greece dicitur aKiog
itrri Oavpatrai pro davparrOfjvai, nempe intelligendo dio tan rov TOVQ
<zi/0()W7rovc QaVfiaaai avrov.
c. iStwKov were for following them. Cf. i. 68,^.
d. Aa5. St OVK iuv K. r. \. Referring to this, (cf. Thucyd. v. 73,)
Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 263, observes " The conduct of the Spartans
in battle denotes a high and noble disposition, which rejected all
the extremes of brutal rage : the pursuit of the enemy ceased when
the victory was completed, and after the signal for retreat had
been given all hostilities ceased. A little below, idiwKav, they
banished.
CH. LXXVIII. a. Aap-n-wv 6 nt'0o, This " officious jEginetan "
was son, Miiller (JEginett. p. 126, quoted by B.) thinks, to the
same Pytheas whose achievements are spoken of in vii. 181, viii.
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 443
92 ; the connexion being marked by the extreme hatred in both
cases displayed against the Persians.
b. Aifiv. ra irp&Ta. j&jinetarum princeps, the leader of the
jEginetans. Cf. Jelf, 382, 1, vi. 100, c., and the commencement
of ^schylus' Persae. So in Latin " turparunt sanguine foede
Ductores Danaum delecti, prima virorum." Lucret. i. 80.
c. ipyov virtpQvts K. r. X. a deed incomparable in greatness and
brilliancy. D. /. /. p. 153. Cf. viii. 116, 6.
d. <rt> f KOI .... Troi'j/troi', but do t.hou also what remains in addition
to tfiis ; do ichat is left in addition to ichat thou hast done already.
After bpoiriv. a few lines lower down, supply IIKI\V, as in vi. 21. B.
CH. LXXIX. a. i^oag ydp /ic vfyov for having extolled or
magnified me. Cf. vi. 126. B.
b. Kai iKiivoiai It iirupOoveoptv. and (which) tee hate too, consider
odious even in them. On the sentiment expressed in oaia piv iroiiuv
K. r. X. W. aptly remarks, " Dictum laudabiliter ; at quantum
mutatus ab illo Hectore in Thucydidis lib. i. 132."
c. ov fuv-ot K. T. X. See therefore that you come no more to me
with sitch counsel and suggestion, and consider yourself lucky in de-
parting unpunished. D. 1. I. p. 153. On the force of this apparently
gentle reproof, cf. viii. 143, d.
CH. LXXX. a. an iovra \O\KOV SfjGtv, as if forsooth it were
brass. Cf. i. 59, t. " Pausanias ordered the helots to collect the
whole of the spoil, that gods and men might receive their due.
Much, as might be expected, was concealed by the serfs intrusted
with this task, and the great wealth of several families in Mgina
was commonly attributed to the gains they made, in purchasing the
embezzled treasures, from men who were ignorant of their value,
so as even to sell gold for brass, and were glad to get rid of them
at any price." Thirlw. ii. c. xvi. p. 138. So it is said, that the
Swiss, after defeating Charles the Bold of Burgundy at Granson,
1476 A. D., mistook his vessels of silver for pewter. See Philip de
Comines, v. 2. " The poor Swiss were mightly enriched by the
plunder of the field ; at first they did not understand the value of
the treasures they were masters of, especially the common soldiers.
One of the richest and most magnificent tents in the world was cut
into a hundred pieces. There were some of them that sold several
dishes and plates of silver for about two sols of our money, sup-
posing they had been pewter. His great diamond, (perhaps the
largest and finest in Europe,) with a large oriental pearl fixed to
it, was taken up, viewed, put up again into the case, thrown under
a waggon, taken up again by the same soldier, and after all offered
to a priest for a florin, who bought it, and sent it to the chief
magistrate of that country, who returned him three francs as a
sufficient reward. They also took three very rich jewels called the
Three Brothers, another large ruby called la Hotte, and another
called the Ball of Flanders, which were the fairest and richest in
the world ; besides a prodigious quantity of other moveables, which
444 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
has since taught them what fine things may be purchased for
money, &c."
CH. LXXXI. a, SiKarrjv t%t\6vTi setting apart a tenth. Cf.
iv. 161, 5. B. remarks that we are not to suppose that but one
tithe was set apart, as L. conceives, for the three deities together ;
but that each had his tenth selected, out of which his peculiar
offering was constructed. I think, however, that it may be fairly
objected that the tithes must have been paid in an odd way, if
three tenths of the whole spoil made no more than the tripod and
the 2 statues. L. therefore appears to me to be right.
b. 6 rpiTrovc f. T. A. " This tripod was seized and melted down by
the Phocians in the Sacred War. Cf. Thucyd. i. 132, Diodor. xi.
33, and Pausanias x. 13, 5. The three-headed brazen serpent
certainly existed in the time of Pausanias, and is supposed by many
to be the monument still to be seen at Constantinople; though
that is not properly a three-headed serpent, but a column of three
distinct serpents twisted together. The statue of Jupiter at
Olympia is described by Pausanias, v. 23. \V. That the three-
headed serpent is the Constantinopolitan monument, appears to be
the opinion of Thirlw. ii. c. xvi. p. 349 ; " an offering which out-
lasted not only the temple in which it was placed, and the worship
of the god to whom it was dedicated, but the liberty of Greece, and
the power which crushed it." Cf. Gibbon, D. and F. c. xvii. " The
circus, or hippodrome, was a stately building about 400 paces in
length, and 100 in breadth. The space between the two meta or
goals was filled with statues and obelisks ; and we may still remark
a very singular fragment of antiquity ; the bodies of three serpents,
twisted into one pillar of brass. Their triple heads had once sup-
ported the golden tripod, which, after the defeat of Xerxes, was
consecrated in the temple of Delphi by the victorious Greeks." In
a note Gibbon adds, that, "the Pagan Zosimus agrees with the
three ecclesiastical historians, Eusebius, Socrates, and Sozomen,
that the sacred ornaments of the temple of Delphi were removed
to Constantinople by the order of Constantine, and among these
the serpentine pillar of the hipprodrome is particularly mentioned.
All the European travellers wno have visited Constantinople, from
Buondelmonte to Pococke, describe it in the same place, and almost
in the same manner ; the differences between them are occasioned
only by the injuries which it has sustained from the Turks. Ma-
homet the Second broke the under-jaw of one of the serpents with
a stroke of his battle-axe." See also Smith's D. of A., Tripos, where
it is figured.
c. iravra dina ten of each kind, ten of every thing. Cf. i. 50, a,
iravra rpKr^iXta. This passage is referred to by Miiller, ii. p. Ill,
who remarks that " in later times it appears that a third of the
booty fell to the king." Hence we may conclude too, that the use
of gold and silver, though interdicted to the rest of the Spartans,
was not so to the kings. B.
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 445
CH. LXXXII. a. /v iroXXov TO pioov, tlie difference between
them iras great. Cf. i. 126, ol SI l$ao. K. T. X. that the difference be-
tween them was great, and Eurip. Alcest. 914, ol/ioi iroXii yap ri>
ftkffov. W. The line above, iirl fi\(ari,for a joke. Jelf, 634, 3, a.
b. 8c ToifjvSf .... OVTU oi&priv K.T.\. " who, with such instru-
ments of luxury at his command, had come to rob the Greeks of
their scanty store." Thirlw. The word 6Yvp6c, wretched, sorry, is
Homeric ; cf. II. i. 417, Odyss. iii. 95, &c. B.
CH. LXXXIII. a. 6i]Kac xpvooii money-chests, S. and L. D.,
boxes, chests full of gold. B. So also D. 1. I. p. 154.
b. i<f>avT] Si . . . . vffTfpov tn rovriav, r&v K.T.\. This conjecture
of V., instead of kiri rovriwv rwv viKpwv, (among or in the case of these
corpses, when, &c.,) is adopted by B., who considers the other read-
ing and the sense to be inexplicable then, afterwards, when the
corpses became peeled of their jlesh, was seen, viz. what we are told of
the skull of one solid bone without any suture. Other instances of
similar conformations of the skull, and of the teeth, such as Pyrrhus
is said to have had, may be found in L.'s note on this passage.
CH. LXXXIV. a. l-^u fk riva <j>ariv ical A. but the report goes
tluit Dionysophanes buried Mardonius. Cf. S. and L. D. and v. 66,
offjrjp Xoyov ?x, quoted by B.
CH. LXXXV. a. Ma piv rot^ Ipivaf tOa-^av, "They, the Spar-
tans, raised three barrows over their dead : one for the officers,
among whom we read the name of Amompharetus ; the rest of the
Spartans were buried under another, and the helots under a third :
similar barrows marked the common graves in which the other
cities collected their slain." Thirlw. ii. c. xvi. p. 350. V.'s con-
jecture of Ipivag or ti'psvac for ipsac is adopted by all the comment-
ators. Thirlw. further observes in a note that " this," viz. that the
officers are intended, " seems to be the meaning of our author, if we
adopt the reading tlptvtg for ipc, which manifestly cannot stand.
But in this case the term Iprjv, or ilpt'iv, is here employed in a very
different sense from that described by Plut Lye. 17, where it must
be observed that the words OVTOG 6 tc'pr/v ap\n T&V viroTCTa-ffiivwv iv
raif fiaxaig, refer, not as Manso, Sparta i. p. 344, understood them,
to real battles, but to the exercises of the youths. If e'p fe is the
true reading, it must be supposed that the tlpjjv was the name
given, not to all the youths past twenty, but only to those who
commanded the rest. This might be a regular step to rank in the
army. But all this is very uncertain, and there seems to be less
difficulty in the conjecture lirirktc." It is well known that at Sparta
tKe young man from the age of eighteen to twenty was called ^tX-
Xtipijv, and at twenty began to be called tlpijv, and that from both
these periods he exercised a direct influence over his juniors in
their several classes. H. P. A. 26. " The term "ipavtc. is explained
by Hesychius as ap^ovrtf, SMKOVTIC., and t/pqva&t, to mean tcpard,
and this appears to be the original meaning of the word. Amom-
pharetus, Callicrates, &c., the Ipkvts i:i Herod, ix. 85, were cer-
446 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
tainly not youths, but commanders: particularly Amompharetus
was lochagus of the Pitanatan lochus." Miiller, Dor. ii. p. 315,
note. So also Smith's D. of A., EIpjjv.
b. ry dirtarol at their absence from the battle. Cf. i. 85, b.
" Many had lost no lives, or only in the skirmishes that preceded
the decisive conflict. Yet, as the absence of their troops from the
battle was involuntary, as all had borne a part in the danger, in the
toil, in the purpose, which it fell to the lot of a few to effect, they
cannot justly be charged with vanity or falsehood, if, as Hdtus as-
serts, they raised some cenotaphs by the side of the sepulchres of
their more fortunate allies." Thirlw. in I. THe battle of Plataa
was fought, according to the Oxfd. Chron. Tables, Sept. 25, 479 n.
c. According to others, Sept. 22.
c. 7rp6voi/ Cf. viii. 136, c., and vi. 57, e.
CH. LXXXVI. a. TV}yi/tf;v Cf. ix. 36. 'Arrayivov. Cf. IX.
15. aowykrai, i. q. dp^ovrtg dva Trpwroug, inter priinos s. principes.
Cf. Viger, p. 575. B.
6. OVTU 5) Cf. ix. 63, b.
CH. LXXXVI I. a. ;rXsw fttj avaTr\r)<ry, (sc. iraica,) from dva-
Tri/tTrXij^t. Cf. v. 4, vi. 12. Schw. let not the land of Sceotia fill up
the measure of, continue to sttffer, more evils on our account.
b. 7rp6(Txi?/ia a pretext ; cf. iv. 167, b. B. if their real intention
is to extort money under the pretext of demanding that we be given up,
let us give it them from the treasury of the state ; for with the state,
too, did we take part with the Medes, and not by ourselves alone.
CH. LXXXVIII. a. iraldas ouS tlv. nerairiovQ. Cf. Cicero, N.
D. iii. 38. " Ferret ne civitas ulla latorem istius modi legis, ut
condemnaretur films aut nepos, si pater aut avus deliquisset." W.
Cf. also Deut. xxiv. 16, and Ezek. xviii. 20, quoted by L. "The
soul that sinneth it shall die. The son shall not bear the iniquity
of the father; neither shall the father bear the iniquity of the
son," &c.
b. 6 SI, wf Trap'sXafif K. T. \. " But Pausanias foreseeing this
danger, frustrated their hopes by an arbitrary step, the first indica-
tion that appears of his imperious character: he dismissed the
forces of his allies, and carried his prisoners to Corinth, where he
put them to death, it seems, without any form of trial." Thirlw. in I.
CH. LXXXIX. a. 6 Kara iroSae K. r. X. who is following hard
after me, and mat/ soon be expected. Cf. v. 98, a.
b. oil yap .... texpovov .... fiiTantXfiau for you shall never here-
after have to regret doing so ; i. e. you shall have cause hereafter to
rejoice that you did so. if \p6vov, in posterum. Cf. iii. 72, b.
c. rf)v (tetroy. rdfiv. rijg oSov taking the shortest cut by the inland
country ; striking through the interior, S. and L. D., or, perhaps,
simply, taking his road through the inland country. B.
d. \tp(f avaravraQ worn out with, having struggled (in rain)
against, hunger. Cf. vii. 170, c. " It seems that Alexander of
Macedon also fell upon his allies in their retreat, and that he was
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 447
rewarded either for this or his former services by the Athenian
franchise." Thirlw. in. I.
CH. XC. a. TijQ Si airijc fjftip. Cf. ix. 85, 6. Mycale, a city
and promontory of Ionia, opposite the island Samos, from which
it is separated by a strait not quite a mile in width. Cf. also i.
148, vi. 16, vii. 80. Mt Mycale, C. S. Maria, (Smith's C. D., cf.
Arrowsmith, Eton G. c. 19, p. 474,) is no more than a continuation
of Mt Messogis, Kestaneh, a chain that runs along the right bank
of the Mteander. B.
b. iTriiSi} yap sv Ty AyXy K. r. X. Cf. viii. 130 132. Schw.
c. Tvpdvvov Qiofiija TOV Karsar. K.r.X. Cf. viii. 85. V.
CH. XCI. a. 'Qf Sk TroXX. i)v X<r<r6/i. when he was urgent in his
entreaties. Cf.-i. 98, a.
b. tiTt K\y6voe K. r. X. Cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 632, 6, on the com-
bination in one proposition of two modes of construction which
are in sense the same.
c. Al/co/uit e. T. X., / accept the omen, to wit, the name Hegistratus,
i. e. leader of an army. A similar presage occurred to Augustus at
Actium : a man called Eutyches, fortunate, drove an ass named
Nicon, victory, past the army. From the same superstition the
ancients, when commencing any affair of importance, took par-
ticular care to choose those as their attendants, who had lucky
names. Cf. Tacitus, Histor. iv. 53, on Vespasian's conduct when
undertaking the dedication of the Capitol. W. Cf. also Smith's
D. of A., Divinatio.
CH. XC1I. a, Kal TO tpyov Trpoffrjff. sermoni rein ipsam adjecit. s-
rem ipsam prcestitit. Schw., proceeded to carry the thing into effect.
TO tpyov TrpoTjyt, intransitive, the business proceeded. Cf. S. and
L. D.
b. iicaXXitpiovTo, sacrificed with favourable omens, sacrificed and
found the omens propitious. Cf. vii. 134, b.
c. 'ATToXXwv. rjjc iv 'lov. KoXiry. To distinguish it from other
towns of the same name, of which there were 10 altogether, cf.
Apollonia, Smith's C. D. The one here meant is Pollina, in
Illyria, on the Aous, the Viosa. It was a settlement of Corinth.
Cf. Mull. Dor. ii. p. 162.
CH. XCI1I. a. \pd i'i\iov TrpofiaTa, cattle sacred to the Sun. B.
confines the sense of ?rp6/3ara here to oxen, from a comparison of
i. 133, note c., and ii. 41 ; as Hdtus would probably have written
TO. \nrra TUV 7rp6/3ar(ov, had he intended sheep and goats ; he adds
also that oxen had reference to the worship of the sun, to which
also, as having committed some offence against that deity, the
punishment of Evenius may be supposed to refer. To me B.'s view
seems erroneous : it is not likely that 60 oxen would have been
slain by wolves while he slept ; nor can one imagine how he
could suppose it possible to replace so many oxen without being
noticed. Again, is OVTE 7rpo/3ard <rpt tn/crt to be confined to
448 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
6. icaraieoi/ijjffavroe TJJV 0vX. hating slept out his watch, having slept
his watch through. Cf. viii. 134, c.
c. HX myy hoc ipsum (ovium necem) clam s. tacite tenuit. Sch\v.
d. ovTt 7rp6/3ara ff<j>i ITIKTI K. r. X. Cf. iii. 65, the imprecation of
Cambyses. B.
e. irpotyavTo. St K. T. X. and it was foreshown or explained to them.
On Trpo^jyraf, cf. viii. 36, b.
f. avToi yap K. r. \.for they (the gods) had stirred up the wolr.es
had set the wolves upon them. " Loquuntur prophetse sed uterque
dei nomine cujus propheta est, avrol igitur intelliguntur Jupiter
Dodonceus et Apollo Delphicus." Schw.
g. Somv ToiavTT)v ri\v K. r. X. such a present as many men would
pronounce him happy for having.
CH. XCIV. a. cLTropp. 7Toi?j(r. Cf. ix. 45, a. ; and on virdyovrtc,
viii. 106, c. On icare/Saivov ori'XXwTr. i. 90, d.
b. Siio eXijpouc K. T. X. Miiller, Dor. ii. bk. iii. c. 9, p. 162, (quoted
by B.,) referring to this passage, observes, " Apollonia kept the
nearest to the original colonial constitution, upon which its fame
for justice is probably founded. The government remained almost
exclusively in the hands of the noble families and descendants ot
the first colonists, to whom the large estates doubtless belonged."
c. ipQvTov navnKrjv a divinely implanted (or inborn, innate) spirit
of divination. Cf. Horn. Odyss. xxii- 348, Qtog Se /*ot iv Qpialv oi/*aj
ITavroiac iv'tyvotv. Wess.
CH. XCV. a. |jn/3ar. row Ei-tjv. ovvoftarog, usurping, assuming,
the name of Evenius. Cf. iii. 63, a., 67.
b. iZeXanfiavi iiri rtjv 'EXX. ic. T. X. he contracted to do work, viz.
divination. S. and L. D. Lit. he took it in from others to do, as
we say, " to take in needlework," and the like. tTri rijv 'EXX.
is, simj ly, over Greece.
CH. XCVI. a. if (caXXUp/rf, when tJie sacrifices -proved pro-
pitious. Cf. vii. 134, b.
b. TO 'HpoTov Cf. iii. 60, c.
c. ov yap wv iSoK. lift, tlvat. The force of the particle <7v in this
sentence is to express that something may be clearly inferred from
the preceding circumstances. Matth. Gr. Gr. 625.
d. iiiro TOV irt bv arparbv under the shelter of their land forces.
On Tigranes, cf. vii. 62, ix. 102. B.
e. Kpriatyi'ytTOV. Cf. V. 124, b.
CH. XCVII. a. Taiauva The Gaeson, near Mycale, is men-
tioned in Athenseus, vi. p. 311. The Scolopois is not mentioned
by any other author, but it appears, by this passage, to have joined
the Gaeson, not far from its mouth. Schw.
b. NtiXty rif K6S. Cf. i. 142, b., and v. 65, c. Similar Ionic
forms to KTHJTVQ are found principally in Callimachus, who uses
apiraKTiif, SIWKTVC., yXa<rri>c, pairrvg, aXr/rflf, otaTtvrvQ. In V. 6, OC-
curs Xri'iffrvf, and in Hesychius, Qpaarvc., diroSaaTvc, &c. B.
c. xapxrKtitndaTo. Srd.pers. plur. plusquam perf. pass. Ionic for
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 449
aafjiivoi fjaav from 7rapa<r/cti>ata. It OCCUTS also in l. 100.
Cf. Jelf, 197, 4, and 218, obs. 10. Cf. on iro\iopicjj<To/*vo, about to
be besieged, or attacked, \. 35, b. iiriXeyoutvoi, reflecting, thinking
upon. B. Cf. \. 30, 6.
CH. XCVIII. a. dirofiaQpag landing-planks, gangways, from
the ship to the shore, (cf. Thucyd. vi. 12, where Brasidas ixuptt
tTrt r-ffv diro(3d9pav, when intending to land,) and for boarding an
enemy. A similar machine, invented by the Romans to enable
them to board the Carthaginian vessels, before the sea-fight of
Mylse, 260 B. c., is spoken of in Arnold's Hist, of Rome, ii. p. 575.
" For this purpose, viz. to decide the battle by boarding, they con-
trived in each ship what may be called a long draw-bridge, 36 feet
long by 4 wide, with a low parapet on each side of it. This bridge
was attached by a hole at one end of it to a mast 24 feet high,
erected on the ship's prow, and the hole was large and oblong, so
that the bridge not only played freely all round the mast, but could
be drawn up so as to lie close and almost parallel to it, the end of
it being hoisted by a rope passing through a block at the mast-
head. Playing freely round the mast, and steered by "the rope
above-mentioned, the bridge was let fall upon an enemy's ship, on
whatever quarter she approached ; and as a ship's beak wa# com-
monly her only weapon, an enemy ventured without fear close to
her broadside or her stern, as if she was there defenceless. When
the bridge fell, a strong iron spike fixed at the bottom of it was
driven home by the mere weight of the fall into the deck of the
enemy's ship, and held it fast ; and then the soldiers, in two files,
rushed along it by an inclined plane down upon the deck of the
enemy, their large shields and the parapet of the bridge together
completely sheltering their flanks from the enemy's missiles, while
the two file leaders held their shields in front of them, and so
covered the bridge lengthways." See also the plate in Smith's
D. of A., Potts.
b. vijas dvi\Kvapkvas Cf. vii. 59, where the ships of Xerxes are
drawn up on the shore of Dbriscus to be careened. irapaKucptnevov
K. T. X. drawn up (in battle-array) along the shore. Cf. viii. 70, a.
c. v-nb KripvKoe by proclamation of a herald, or, by the voice of a
herald. TOV avvOripaToc, the watchword. On the similar device of
Themistocles at Artemisium, cf. viii. 22.
d. dTriffTovc, roicri "EXX. mistrustful of or towards the Greeks. Cf.
i. 8, c. Perhaps also in an active sense in ^schyl. Agam. 413,
djrioroQ d(f>ffitvav Ictlv, ? distrusting that he sees her gone ; cf. Lin-
wood's Lex. So in Thucydides dvpaKTog, not accomplishing his pur-
pose ; and in Sophocles dSipKro^, d.K\avarof, &c. &c.
CH. XCIX. a. TO.VTO. viroOtfitvov, when he had given this sug-
gestion, viz. to the lonians. B.
b. vTTovoriaavTfc . . . . ret 'EXX. tppov rd OTrXa. suspecting that
the Samians held the same sentiments as the Greeks, i. e. took the
2 o
450 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
Greek side, they deprive them of their arms. Cf. rd 'EXXijvuv (poor.
vii. 102, c., quoted by B. So rd Ilipatwv Qpovitiv.
c. Xuffaptvoi. having ransomed. On the common rate of ransom
among the Greeks, cf. v. 77, c. On Srjdtv, as they pretended, cf.
i. 59, i.
d. Tolai KCII KariSoKtov K. r. X. against whom they entertained the
idea that they would attempt some revolutionary movement, roiat, dat.
incommodi. The verb Karacoicilv in other passages of Hdtus (as in
i. 22, 79, 111, iii. 27, vi. 16, viii. 69, ix. 57, collected by B.) when
put absolutely, or with an accusative and infinitive, or with an ac-
cusative only, has nearly the same force as the simple verb Soiciiv,
existimare. Here the Kara adds its force, so that the verb signifies
to form an opinion against one, i. e. to condemn, or, at least, to suspect.
When thus used it might seem to require a genitive case; but
Hdtus, instead of icaraytXav TIVOQ and Karaicpiviiv TtvoQ, says icara-
ytXav Tivl, iii. 37, 38, &c. ; and KaTaicpiviiv nvi, vii. 146. So here
KaraSoKtiv nvi. Cf. Jelf, 629, obs. vto\fibv irottlv, to make a disturb-
ance, to attempt an insurrection or a revolutionary movement, occurs
also, as B. notes, in iv. 201, and ix. 104. So vio^ovv in v. 19.
e. avvtfyop. TO. yippa K.T. X. Cf. ix. 61, C.
CH.^C. a. TTapiffKivdEaro Cf. ix. 97 f c.
b. y Si tyriM K. r. X. Long (Summary of Hdtus, p. 129) observes
that the exact meaning of ^ij/uj/, and the synonymous term K\rjSwv
in the following ch., may be doubtful. He appears inclined to
take it of " a supernatural voice." See S. and L. D., $r\\ii\. By B.,
Thirlw., &c., it is understood of " a rumour or report" It is sup-
posed by Diodorus Sic. xi. 35, and by Polyaenus, Stratagem, i. 33,
with more probability, that the report of the victory at Plateea was
purposely spread by Leotychides, who really could not have known
it, for the purpose of animating his troops. V. The contrary
opinion, viz. that there is no reason for doubting the narration of
Hdtus, is held by B. Cf. Thirlw. ii. c. xvi. p. 358.
c. TtJ avTrjt; j'lftipng avfitwrrovang In this sentence if the word
avrije were omitted, the sense, viz. the day (of the two battles) coin-
ciding, would be quite clear; yet it is better to retain avrijs, the same
day (of the two engagements) coinciding, i. e. the ttco engagements
falling out on the same day, than with W. to alter the text to r>Jc
awrTje ripipns, ovuiritrrovTog TOV .... rpwfiaTog. Schw.
CH. CI. a. Trap' aitro TO A//i. Cf. ix. 57, 62. B.
b. 6p9wf ff<j>i ij (pi)nt) aw. tXQovaa. the rumour that came to them
turned out correctly, i. e. to be true. Recte Us acciditfama adveniens,
s. recte iisfama enunciavit. B.
c. fijjvog rf TOV avTov, On the 3rd day of the Attic month Boedro-
mion, according to Plutarch, Life of Camillus, c. xix. W. Cf. also
ix. 85, b. irtpl StiXqv, in the line above, in the afternoon ; (Vapres
midi. L.) Cf. S. and L. D., AXj. It occurs also in ii. 173, vii.
223, viii. 9. B.
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 451
d. firj irepi Map. irraiay / 'EXXaf. lest Mardonius should prove ft
stumbling-block to Greece, i. e. lest Greece should meet a disaster at
the hands of Mardonius. Cf. Thucyd. vi. 33, Kav iripl fftyiaiv avrou;
ra ir\ilta TrrouWiv, even if they should miscarry mostly through their
own blunders ; and in Thucyd. i. 69, irfpl ai/r<f .... vQaXivTa, ruined
by his own fault. >} K\y5iliv, cf. preceding ch. note b.
CH. CII. a. rolcri Tr/oofft^sirt K. r. X. with those who were drawn up
next them ; to wit, the troops of Corinth, Sicyon, and Trcezen, see
infra in this same ch., composing about half of the army. Thirlw.
in /. The Athenians were under the command of Xanthippus, s.
of Ariphron.
b. tTi KUI Sij tpaxovTo. In this sentence Schw., B., and others are
agreed that instead of m we should read rjSij, or entirely omit it, as
having crept into the text from the preceding tYepy.
e. ovStv tXauffov tlxov had none the worst of it, were not inferior.
Cf. ix. 70, irXeov tl^ov, had the best of it. tpyou tlxovro, applied them-
selves to the task in hand, or, applied themselves to the combat. Cf.
also viii. 11, and ii. 121, 1. B.
d. KO.T' oXtyove yivofjitvoi, cf. viii. 113, C. rotert alfl .... tffiri-
iTTovai, with those who in succession kept rushing in. Cf. rov aid
ftaa. ii. 98, a.
e. 'Apravvrtg ical 'WafiirpriQ, Cf. viii. 130. On Mardontes, cf. vii.
80, viii. 130. On Tigranes, vii. 62, ix. 96. B.
CH. CII I. a. ra Xoiira awSitxtipiZov. assisted in finishing ivhat
remained. " The arrival of the Spartans decided the conflict, and
put them to a total rout." Thirlw. in /. ii. c. xvi. p. 359. airai-
paip/;/iEj/o TO. oTi-Xa, having been deprived of their arms. Cf. ix. 99, b.
b. wf tldov .... frtpaXKeo rjv ^o^nv as soon as ever theyjirst saw
the battle becoming inclined to one side, &c. So Thirlw. " as soon
as they saw the battle begin to turn." S. and L. D. renders IT. /la^
here anceps pugna, which does not appear to me to hit the meaning,
as I infer from the introduction of yivopivriv, and from the general
notion the sentence seems to convey ; that they waited to see how
the battle would go, and when they saw the victory inclining to
the Greeks, then they interfered. Cf. ^Eschyl. Persse, 950, quoted
by W., 'Iwvwv vavQpaKTOf "ApriQ trfpaXicjJe K. r. X.
CH. CIV. a. irftoatTtTaKTo .... IJfp. rag SwSovc Instead of under-
standing, as W. suggests, Trpoc before TWV Yltpaswv, or else consider-
ing that the genitive depends upon the preposition in composition,
Schw. connects rag SioSovg ru>v II. the passes of the Persians, the
passes by which the Persians could retreat.
b. TI vio\nbv irotiotiv. Cf. ix. 99, d.
c. aXXac TI KaTrjytofjiivoi <r0i K.T.\. "The Milesians, instead of
guiding them to the summit, led them inte tracks which brought
them upon the enemy, and themselves joined in destroying them."
Thirlw. in I.
d. TO SivTipov 'Iwviri .... o:7rl<rrj. Cf. on the date &c., i. 92, a.
CH. CV. a. irayKpaTiov tTraffierjaaf who practised the pancratium,
2 o 2
452 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
signifying that he cultivated it successfully. The pancratium united
both boxing and wrestling, and was one of the heavy gymnastics.
See Smith's D. of A., Pancratium.
b. KapvffTtotfft, Cf. viii. 112, b. ripatary, cf. viii. 7 This war
between the Athenians and Carystians appears to be that spoken
of by Thucydides, i. 98, just before the revolt of Naxos and after
the reduction of Scyros ; and therefore, probably, in 467 B. c. B.
If this idea be correct, and vffrepov rovriiav, too, would lead us to
infer that this war occurred after the close of the Persian, it falls
of course after the date when Hdtus' narrative breaks off; and
would be, in the theory of those who maintain Hdtus' Olympic
recitation, one of the passages added after the body of his work
was completed. For a list of the allusions to events after the taking
of Sestos, 478 B. c., cf. i. 130, b. It is not noticed in D.'s Chronol.
Table, p. 28, seqq., nor by Long in the Table annexed to his
Summary.
CH. CVI. a. Kanpydtravro made an end of, sk>r. Cf. i. 24.
vwiti. ioivrbv Karfp-ydaarrGai, he promised he would make away with
himself, and so v. 20, iipyaiaOai. B.
b. Kepi avacrraerioe 7"*JC 'Iuivi'j;c, about removing the inhabitants from
Ionia, viz. into some other country, such as Greece, where they
might be safe from the Persians, and there assigning them lands.
So below ; owe tSoKit 'itavinv yivsaQai dvdararov, non placuit Ionics
sedes relinquere, incolis in aliam terram translates, patrice solo mot is.
Schvv. Lex., quoted by B. Hdtus is not here speaking of a violent
removal from one's native country, (avaoirdarovq iroitiv, cf. iv. 204,
and ii. 104, a.,) but of a voluntary transmigration. Cf. vii. 118.
But TO. iftiropta iKai>a0rr}ffavrae is to be understood of a violent seizure,
and transplantation of the inhabitants of those maritime towns which
had sided with the Persians. Cf. i. 155, vii. 170. The remark
of Blomfield, Glossary, jEsch. Persae, 42, is worthy of note, that in
the catalogue of the Persian forces jEschylus makes no mention of
the lonians, from an unwillingness to cast blame upon those who
were colonists of the Athenians, and towards whom they were
well disposed. B. oicy rijg 'E\\dSos. Gen. of Position. Cf. ii.
43, a., and Jelf, 527.
c. 'iwvwv irpoKarijaOai, Ion. for irpoKaBrjoQai from TrpoKaQnuai, pro-
perly perfect of irpoicaBtZofiai, to defend or protect the lonians. Cf.
Matth. Gr. Gr. 575, and viii. 36. A few lines below, 'Iwvac o&Sfpitjv
.... a7raXXafu/, they had no expectation that the lonians would get
offivith impunity from the Persians.
d. n.t\oirovvr}aiwv .... rolai iv ri\ii iovei to those in office among
the Peloponnesians, the Peloponnesian commanders. Cf. iii. 18, b.
e. ovdt TTtXoTroi'vjjffioKTi .... fiovXtviiv, Instead of the dative,
Schw. conjectures the accus. IIiXoTrovvnaiovs : others would under-
stand abv, nor that they (the Athenians) should deliberate with the
Peloponnesians ; or, iv, coram Peloponnesiis. It is better with B.
to understand from the foregoing sentence, fivkaQai before Ht\oirov-
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 453
nor that it should fall or be permitted to the Pebponnesians,
&c.; or else supply Sovvat, the Athenians did not think it right to
give an opportunity to the Peloponnesians to interfere in the manage-
ment of their colonies.
f. dvTirtivovrwv It TOVT'IWV K. T. X. " Their allies readily dropped
the scheme, which perhaps they had scarcely meditated in earnest,
and it was agreed that the continental lonians should be left to
make the best terms they could with the Persians, but that Chios,
Lesbos, and Samos, and the other islands of the JEgean, should be
solemnly admitted into the Greek confederacy, and should bind
themselves never to abandon it." Thirlw. in 1. ii. c. xvi. p. 359.
CH. CVII. a. Ma<T/oTjje, Cf. vii. 82. Pott. Etymolog. Forsch.
p. 36, considers Masista in the Zendic tongue equivalent to /tsytoroc :
hence the Greeks naturally called Mocritmoe, Maeicrrioc, ix. 20; the
word being a superlative, like *t\i(rrtoc, ix. 97, MnKianiiG, and other
appellatives of the same kind, Maximus, Maximinus, Maximianus.
This agrees with what is said of the stature of the Persian in ix. 25. B.
b. rotavra aTparriyriaavTa^for having played the commander in such
a fashion, viz. so ill. On fiaa&toc. olKov, cf. v. 31, a.
c. Sivvoc. ptyivTog tan. is the greatest reproach. Cf. Soph. Ajax,
243, KOKO. ctwa^wv pi'ipaQ' K. T. \. This last affront, as the Persians
considered it, is also alluded to in ix. 20. Cf. Virg. l&n. ix. 617,
" O vere Phrygise, neque enim Phryges." W.
d. a(nrait fikaov, seizes him round the waist. Cf. Terence, Adelphi.
Hi. 2, 18, " sublimem medium arriperem, et capite pronum in terram
statuerem," and Aristoph. Eq. 1359, *Apac /xmwpov tic TO jSapafyov
infidXw. V.
e. KOI Sid TOVTO .... /pe KiX. Sovroc fiaaiXijog. Instances of
similar gifts occur in vi. 41, a., cf. vii. 104, d., where see refs to H.
See particularly Pers. ch. ii. p. 267, seqq. See also viii. 85, c. on
the Euergeta? of the Persians.
CH. CVIII. a. 7-fpa riff jwaiKot;, cf. Jelf, 498. Causal Gen.
<I>C Se ol . . . . KctTtpyaaQijvai, when she could not be overcome by his
messages or persuasions. Before iSvvaro sub. / yvvrj. o\ Trpojrs/iTrovn
refer to Xerxes. Trponiinrftv, to send persons to solicit a woman's
affection. So wpoac vtyKtiv \6yovc. by Xenophon, and Trttpav by Lucian,
Valck. arfd B. On the story that follows, see the remarks in H.'s
Pers. ch. ii. p. 256, seqq., on the economy of the Royal Harem, and
cf. what is thence quoted in vii. 3, c.
b. TrpofiTjGio/jitvoQ .... rffv ywalKa K. T. X., out of respect to his
brother Masistes ; and this same thing (viz. the knowledge that
Xerxes had this feeling) influenced the lady also ; for she was well
aware that she would not meet icith violence. Cf. Jelf, 681, 6.
Participle as the completion of the verbal notion. The nom. participle
is sometimes found with future notions where we should use the
infinitive, when the future may be paraphrased by /ieXXw, and ex-
presses the present fact or certainty that something is about to
454 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
happen. Hence the participle refers to some present conviction
or intention with regard to something future.
c. spyo/jEvof T&V d\\iav, shut out from all other methods of proce-
dure, B. or refraining from, giving over every other means. Schw.
irpr)affii, he plans, endeavours to bring about. Aapay. Dat. Commodi.
Cf. Jelf, 598.
d. f "Zovffa. Cf. Hi. 68, 5.
e. ?jyayTo .... rjjv yvvaTica, he brought the lady into his own palace,
for, i. e. as a wife for, Darius ; cf. i. 34, aytrai piv T( naiSl yvvalea,
brings into the house a wife for his son, in reference to the father
contracting an alliance for the son and bringing the lady home to
the paternal mansion, whence the newly-married couple would
afterwards remove. So i. 69, -yvvalica .... aytaQai IQ ra oiKia, and
in iv. 78. In the next line SiapiiiltaptvoG, changing, altering, irvy^avt,
got possession of.
CH. CIX. a. "AfiT)ffrpi TJ Ssp^ffc) yvvfi, Prideaux, Conn. sub. an.
477 B. c., after recounting the substance of the foregoing and fol-
lowing chapters, says, " and in relating of this I have been the
more particular, because several, viz. Scaliger and his followers,
having been of opinion, by reason of the similitude that is between
the names of Hamestris and Esther, that Xerxes was the Ahasuerus
and Hamestris the Esther mentioned in Scripture, it may from
hence (that is, from a recital of her cruelties) appear, how im-
possible it is that a woman of so vile and abominable a cha-
racter as Hamestris was, could ever have been that queen of
Persia, who, by the name of Esther, is so renowned in holy writ,"
&c. Further on, sub. an. 465 B. c., " It appears from Hdtus that
Xerxes had a son by Hamestris, who was marriageable, and there-
fore it is impossible she (Hamestris) could be Esther; for Esther
was not married to Ahasuerus till the seventh year of his reign,
Esther ii. 16, nor could possibly have been taken into his bed
sooner than two years before and therefore the sixth year was the
soonest she could have a son by him. Besides, Artaxerxes, the
third son of Hamestris, cf. Diod. Sic. ii., being grown up to the
state of a man at the death of his father, which happened in the
twenty-first of his reign, he must have been born before the sixth
year of his reign. All which put together, do sufficiently prove,
how much soever the names Esther and Hamestris may be alike,
the persons could not be the same." Prideaux then goes on to
prove, against Usher and Scaliger, that without doubt the Ahasu-
erus of the book of Esther is Artaxerxes Longimanus. Cf. vii. 3,
c., and refs given to H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 256, seqq.
b. ry Si Kctewg yap K. r. X., but she, for it was fated that calamity
should befall her and all her house, (or, her, household and all,) there-
fore said to Xerxes, &c. ry refers to Artaynte. Cf. Jelf, 786, obs.
6. Tap, Explanatory force. The two clauses are often so com-
pressed together, that the subject of the former is placed in the
IX. CALLIOPE. 455
latter, and even follows the government thereof; as here, ry (}
sc.) St Kcricuic yap fStt K. r. \. Cf. iv. 200, a., i. 24, b.
c. Travrolog iyivero K.r. \., Nihil non tentavit, quo efficeret ut non
daret. Jelf, 690, 1. Cf. vii. 10, 3, d., iii. 124, a.
d. fifj KdTtiKaZovay K. T. X. lest he should be discovered in his in-
trigue by Amestris, who had even already guessed what was going on.
Instead of the dative, Gaisford reads the nominative, (cf. Jelf,
707, c.,) and Schw. the genitive of the participle. iSiSov was for
giving, was ready to give. Cf. Jelf, 398, 2.
CH. CX. a. QvXdZaoa .... Stiirvov trporiQiptvov waiting for the
day when her husband Xerxes should hold the royal feast. Cf. on
the regard for the birthday among the Persians, i. 133, a. Among
the Romans similarly the emperor's birthday was celebrated by
the ludi Natalitii. B.
b. rfiv Kt^aXffv a^arai anoints his head. But in iv. 73, apr\-
aafuvoi. rt\c Kf<t>a\a, having washed or scoured their heads ; capita,
sive foedati antea, sen quomodocunque lid, defricantes atque ablu-
entes. W.
CH. CXI. a. virb TOV vopov iipy6ptvo, being prevented by the
law, i. e. from doing otherwise than grant the favour asked. Cf.
vii. 96, b.
b. Xoyov d\pr)(TTov, sermonem malum, inopportunum, infelicem, dam-
nosum. Schw. Lex. Perhaps, rather, with S. and L. D., not
XpqoTOG, a cruel, unkind proposal.
c. Kara, voov .... Kapra tovffa. much to my mind ; i. e. extremely
agreeable to, much in far^jur ivith me. Cf. vi. 37, It occurs also
in v. 106, vi. 130, i. 117, ix. 45. B. A few lines lower pedantic
(3tu, by no means constrain me, put no violence upon me.
d. ovTia STJ . . . . 7r7rpj)icrai. igitur-huc profecisti ; so then you have
brought things to this pass. Schw. Better with B., ita sane actum
est de te ; so then it is all over with you, you have ruined yourself; cf.
vii. 10, 3, SupyaoTo av K. T. X. it would have been all over with the
Persians.
CH. CXI I. a. SiaXvfiaivtTai foedissime tractat, dilacerat, fear-
fully maltreats. Verba Tovg rt fta?oii airorapovaa in simili re exstant,
iv. 202. B. Cf. H. Pers. ch. ii. p. 398, in vii. 3, c., and ix. 109, a.
CH. CXIII. a. vouov rbv Baicrpiov, Cf. iii. 93, d. It was one
of the most extensive and powerful satrapies of the whole empire,
and hence, as well as from its position, it often became the seat of
insurrection and war against the monarch. B. On the power of
the Satraps, cf. refs in i. 192, a., iii. 127, b.
b. TO.VTO. iKtlvov Trpf)<TffovTa, that he had such a plan or practice in
agitation. Cf. ix. 108, c.
c. rf)v orpaTinv rrjv iiciivov. As Masistes is mentioned just above
as having left Susa " with his children and certain other indivi-
duals," and had not yet reached Bactria, nor as yet had collected
any considerable force, these words may be supposed, with B., to
have crept into the text from a marginal gloss ; or instead of TT/V
456 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
TfaTii)v, the conjecture of V., rijv QipaTrrjiqv may be received, as
more suitable to the context.
CH. CXIV. a. irtpi AtKTov oputov, rode at anchor off Lectum. Cf.
vii. 21, 188. Lectum, C. Saba, or S. Maria, the S. \\ ., a promon-
tory of the Troad, opposite the island of Lesbos. Smith's C. D.
b. roitrt .... IleXojrovvfjffi'oiffi t5oe K. r. X. Cf. Thucyd. i. 89. irii-
p&ffOai TTJ Xfpaovrjffov, to make an attempt on the Chersonese, to try
to reduce it into their power. Sijtrrov, cf. vii. 34, a.
CH. CXV. a. KupSiriG iroXtoc Cf. vi. 33, a. oirXa, the cables of
the bridges. Cf. vii. 25, a. tvdavra, Ion. for ivravQa, hither. Alo-
Xe On the .^Eolic colonies, cf. i. 149, a.
CH. CXVI. a. Eip&a StipdXtro, deceived Xerxes. Cf. for same
sense in the act. in v. 50, b. B. ovStv i>-iroToirri9fvra, who suspected
nought. Cf. vi. 70, a.
b. Ttjv 'Affirjv iraaav vouiovai K. T. X. Cf. i. 4, b., vii. 5, b. and refs,
on the same sentiment.
c. rb Tffitvog tairiipf KOI tv'tptro. sowed tJie sacred enclosure, (the
consecrated domain round the temple ; cf. iv. 161, b.,) and turned
flocks and herds into it to graze. Artayctes' impieties are also men-
tioned in vii. 33.
CH. CXVI I. a. TJjffvaXXov were uneasy, or vexed. Cf. iii. 152.
On OKo>c airayoitv, cf. Matth. Gr. Gr. 531, obs. 2. oi)ro> Srf ianp-
jov, then indeed they made themselves content with, or, acquiesced in,
&c. B.
CH. CXVIII. a. rove TOVOVG the cords or braces of their
couches, rovoi rwv K\tvtwv, nervi, lectulis et sellis intendendis ha-
biles, quibus elixis et igne mollitis famem domare nitebantur
miseri. W.
CH. CXIX. a. 'AtyivQtot A nation of the Thracian Chersonese
mentioned in vi. 34. " nXttVrwpoc qui fuerit, aeque ignore atque
Wesseling." B. ^Egos-Potamos, a small town and river in the
Thracian Chersonese, witnessed the final defeat of the Athenian
fleet at the close of the Peloponnesian War, 405 B. c. Cf. Xenoph.
Hell. ii. 19, and Arrowsmith, Eton G. c. 15, p. 328.
CH. CXX. a. rapi'xovg preserved, i. e. dried or salt fish. Fur-
ther on in the ch., referring to Protesilaus, an embalmed body, a
mummy. iiraXkovro Kai tfoTratpov, leapt and quivered. Cf. i. 141.
b. TTtpixvQivrf, crowding round, airoiva .... tTriQitvai, heec re-
demtionis pretia ei, Protesilao sc. adponam s. solvam, I will make him
this compensation. ' So directly afterwards Karadtivai, deponere, in
dei sc. templo, id est, solcere ; and in ii. 159, icara/3aXXv. B.
c. rt/ztopoj/rfc> t avenge the cause of. Kara\pi}aQijvai, to make away
with, slay. Cf. iv. 146, a. "MuSvrov, cf. vii. 34, a.
d. ffaviSa Trpoairasa. avtrp. clavis assert adfixum suspenderunt.
Schw. irpoffiraffaaXivaavTic sc. avTif. T/iey crucified him. Cf. vii.
33, b. KareXtvaav, stoned to death. Cf. ix. 5, b.
CH. CXXI. a. ru ojrXo Cf. ix. 115, a.
CH. CXXII. a. o .... itjyi)ffafuvoc Xoyov . r.X. who set forth,
BOOK IX. CALLIOPE. 457
or, ir as the author of a proposal, which they took up and addretsed to
Cyrus. On the Persian Ztug, cf. vii. 40, b.
b. yfiv .... oAryijv, rat Tavrrjv rpijxfTjv, a narrow territory and a
barren one too. Cf. i. 71, b. .
c. BuvfiaaroTfpoi. more regarded with admiration, more respected,
or paid court to. KOTS .... raXAiov, for when Witt there' be a more
favourable opportunity. Cf. iii. /3, 142. B.
d. apZoptvovQ. to be ruled. Cf. Find. Ol. viii. 45, aptrat parebit,
Jelf, 364, a. 7roAtopejj(ro/vo, about to be besieged. Cf. ix. 97, <?.,
and v. 35, b.
e. 0iAv -yap .... yiviaQai. " Observatio plerumque vera, in uni-
versum tamen fallax," \\ ., cf. i. 71> b., i. 135, a., iii. 97- H. Pers.
ch. ii. p. 212, 213.
f. avyyvovTis allotting, confessing, i. e. that the opinion of Cyrus
was the correct one. iaawQ. ry yrw/jy, cf. viii. 130, c. \vvpjjv sc.
yfiv, a poor, or sorry soil. S. and L. D.
[This ch., the 122nd, is suspected by B. either to have been
added by some grammarian, or to have been left unconnected
by Hdtus. The composition of the speech itself he considers
hard and somewhat unnatural, unlike the easy flow of Hdtus'
language, and its introduction here out of place, as the work
naturally terminates with the conclusion of the foregoing
chapter.]
APPENDIX.
i.
THE TROJAN WAR.
[From Grate's History of Greece.']
ON the historical basis of this legend, Mr. Grote finely remarks,
" Of such events the genuine Trojan war of the old epic was for
the most part composed. Though literally believed, reverentially
cherished, and numbered among the gigantic phenomena of the
past by the Grecian public, it is, in the eyes of modern inquiry,
essentially a legend, and nothing more. If we are asked whether
it be not a legend embodying portions of historical matter, and
raised upon a basis of truth ; whether there may not really have
occurred at the foot of the hill of Ilium a war purely human and
political, without gods, without heroes, without Helena, without
Amazons, without Ethiopians under the beautiful son of Eos,
without the wooden horse, without the characteristic and impres-
sive features of the old epical war, like the mutilated trunk of
Deiphobus in the under world ; if we are asked whether there was
not really some such historical Trojan war as this, our answer
must be, that as the possibility of it cannot be denied, so neither
can the reality of it be affirmed. We possess nothing but the
ancient epic itself, without any independent evidence : had it been
an age of records, indeed, the Homeric epic, in its exquisite and
unsuspecting simplicity, would probably never have come into
existence. Whoever, therefore, ventures to dissect Homer, Ark-
tinus, and Lesches, and to pick out certain portions as matter-of-
fact, while he sets aside the rest as fiction, must do so in full re-
liance on his own powers of historical divination, without any
means either of proving or verifying his conclusions."
APPENDIX. 45&
II.
THE EPHORJ.
[From Encyclop. Metrop. Early History of Greece, p. 145.]
WHETHER these magistrates, named the Ephori, were established
by Lycurgus, or appointed under the sanction of the oracle, more
than a century after his time, is uncertain. Herodotus and Xeno-
phon attribute their appointment to Lycurgus, while Plutarch,
after Aristotle, places their institution 130 years later, in the reign
of Theopompus, of whom it is related, that when his wife up-
braided him that he would leave the regal power to his children
less than he received it, replied, Nay, but greater, because more
lasting.
The Ephori were five in number, like the Quinqueviri at Car-
thage. They were annually chosen by the people, in their general
assemblies, and designed to be a check on both the senate and the
kings ; thus possessing a power not unlike the tribunitial authority
in Rome. In the exercise of this power they were obliged to be
unanimous. It was among the duties of the Ephori not only to
preside in the assemblies of the people, and collect their suffrages,
but also to proclaim war and negociate peace ; to decide on the
number of troops to be embodied, and to appoint the funds for
their maintenance. They appear, indeed, at length to have en-
grossed nearly the whole power in the administration of the govern-
ment ; yet, according to Herodotus, the kings still possessed an
authority and distinction scarcely consistent with such a power in
the Ephori. [For more, see the extracts from Smith's D. of A.,
Ephori, quoted in the body of this work, and the references given
in vi. 82, a.]
III.
ON BOOK II. 109.
[From Grote's Hist, of Greece, ii. p. 154.]
THE Greeks obtained access in Egypt and the interior of Asia
to an enlarged stock of astronomical observations, to the use of
the gnomon or sun-dial, and to a more exact determination of the
length of the solar year than that which served as the basis of
their various lunar periods. According to Herodotus, they also
460 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
acquired from the Babylonians the conception of the " pole," or of
the heavens as a complete hollow sphere, revolving round and en-
closing the earth ; * and this idea, an important departure from the
Homeric point of view, was either adopted from them, or imagined
by Thales, who still, however, continued to treat the earth as a
flat, thick plate, supported on water, and remaining unmoved. It
is pretended that Thales was the first who predicted an eclipse of
the sun not indeed accurately, but with large limits of error as to
the time of its occurrence and that he also possessed so profound
an acquaintance with meteorological phenomena and probabilities,
as to be able to foretell an abundant crop of olives for the coming
year, and to realize a large sum of money by an olive speculation.
IV.
SCRIPTURAL FACTS DISGUISED IN HERODOTUS.
[From Literature of Ancient Greece, Encyclop. Metrop., HERODOTUS, p.
248, note.]
THE connexion between Egypt and Judea, so often noticed in
the Sqriptures, and the occasional alliances on the one hand, and
the trade of the Phcenicians with both countries on the other, are
quite sufficient to account for the disguise in which several scrip-
tural facts appear in Herodotus ; for instance, Hercules' slaying a
thousand men, is evidently an Egyptian version of Samson's ex-
ploit at Ramath Lehi (Judg. xv. 17) ; and the taking of Hercules
to the altar to be sacrificed, and his putting forth his strength and
slaying them every one when they began the solemnities, (ii. 45,)
shows that the slaughter of the Philistines .was mixed up with
Samson's pulling down the temple of Dagon at Gaza (Judg. xvi.
30). Again, Herodotus (ii. 42) is told by the people of the Tneban
nome, who wish to account for their sacrifices, sheep and not
goats, "that Hercules was very desirous of seeing Jupiter; Jupiter
did not wish to be seen ; he therefore skinned a ram, cut off the
head, which he held before him, next wrapped himself in the fleece,
and thus showed himself to Hercules." Now, though the ram
may have been adapted by the Egyptians to emblematic astronomy,
it is more decidedly emblematic of fact. Hercules, wishing to see,
i. e. offer sacrifice to Jupiter, is the Egyptian garbled account of
Abraham about to sacrifice his son. Jupiter does not wish to be
* In the note on this passage, I have followed S. and L. D. and other authorities, in
taking jroAo?, of a hollow tun-dial ; but Mr. Grote's opinion seemed to me well worth
the transcribing at full length.
APPENDIX. 46 1
seen, i. e. God does not wish to receive the sacrifice : he causes a
ram to be slain, however, and, with this sacrificial intervention,
shows himself to Abraham. Abraham's sojourn in Egypt, his in-
timate connexion with that country, and the high antiquity of that
connexion these at once prove the source of the Egyptian tale
and account for its perversion: the "seeing" and "snowing" in
Herodotus, involve devotional Hebraisms that throw still stronger
light upon this source. The very Hebrew term, Amon, " faithful,"
closely connects this history with the title given to Abraham.
Again, we find the same disposition to Egyptianize foreign history,
in the account given to Herodotus (ii. 141) of Sennacherib king of
the Assyrians' invasion of Egypt. Herodotus was told " that the
field mice poured forth in legions against the enemy during the
night, and ate up their quivers, and bows, and shield-thongs, so
that next day, a multitude of the invaders, being deprived of their
arms, fell in the night." With the Egyptians the mouse was em-
blematic of destruction. (Horapoll. Hierogl. i. 50.) Hence, after
appropriating to themselves the Jewish history, (2 Kings xviii. 19;
'2 Chron. xxxii.,) they not only emblematized that destruction, but
applied the emblem in its literal sense. Herodotus records the
capture by Pharo Necos of Cadytis, (called by the Arabs, El-Cods,
the holy city, i. e. Jerusalem,) and his victory over the Syrian
forces at Magdolus. This time the Egyptian credit was safe, and
we accordingly find greater harmony with the Scripture account.
See 2 Kings xxiii. 29 ; 2 Chron. xxxv. 22.
V.
THE PELASGI.
[From Grate's History of Greece.}
THERE are indeed various names which are affirmed to designate
ante-Hellenic inhabitants of many parts of Greece, the Pelasgi,
the Leleges, the Kuretes, &c. These are names belonging to
legendary, not to historical Greece. That these names designated
real people, may be true, but here our knowledge ends : we have
no well-informed witness to tell us their times, their limits of re-
sidence, their acts, or their character : nor do we know how far
they are identical with, or diverse from, the historical Hellens
whom we are warranted in calling, not indeed the first inhabitants
of the country, but the first known to us upon any tolerable
evidence. If any man is inclined to call the unknown ante-
Hellenic period of Greece by the name of Pelasgic, it is open to
462 NOTES OK HERODOTUS.
him to do so; but this is a name carrying with it no assured pre-
dicates, no way enlarging our insight into real history, nor en-
abling us to explain what would be the real historical problem
how, or from whom the Hellens acquired that stock of dispositions,
aptitudes, arts, &c., with which they begin their career. Whoever
has examined the many conflicting systems respecting the Pelasgi,
from the literal belief of Clavier, Larcher, and Raoul Rochette,
(which appears to me at least the most consistent way of proceed-
ing,) to the interpretative and half incredulous processes applied
by abler men, such as Niebuhr, or O. Miiller, or Dr. Thirlwall
will not be displeased with my resolution to decline so insoluble
a problem. No attested facts are now present to us, none were
present to Herodotus and Thucydides even in their age, on which
to build trustworthy affirmations respecting the ante-Hellenic
Pelasgians : where such is the case, we may without impropriety
apply the remark of Herodotus respecting one of the theories
which he had heard for explaining the inundation of the Nile
by a supposed connexion with the ocean that " the man who
carries up his story into the invisible world, passes out of the range
of criticism." [See also Appendix vii. p. 466.]
VI.
EGYPT.
[From Smith's Diet, of Greek and R. Geogr.,
THE NOMES.
THE Nile-valley was parcelled out into a number of cantons,
varying in size and number. Each of these cantons was called a
nome (voftog) by the Greeks, praefectura oppidorum by the Romans.
Each had its civil governor, the nomarch (vo/xapxoc), who collected
the crown revenues, and presided in the local capital and chief
court of justice. Each nome, too, had its separate priesthood, its
temple, chief and inferior towns, its magistrates, registration, and
peculiar creed, ceremonies, and customs, and each was apparently
independent of every other nome. At certain seasons, delegates from
the various cantons met in the palace of the Labyrinth for con-
sultation on public affairs. (Strab. p. 81 1.) According to Diodorus,
(i. 54,) the nomes date from Sesostris. But they did not originate
with that monarch, but emanated probably from the distinctions
of animal worship ; and the extent of the local worship probably
determined the boundary of the nome. Thus in the nome of
APPENDIX. 463
Thebais, where the ram-headed deity was worshipped, the sheep
was sacred, the goat was eaten and sacrificed : in that of Mendes,
where the goat was worshipped, the sheep was a victim and an
article of food. Again, in the nome of Ombos, divine honours were
paid to the crocodile; in that of Tentyra, it was hunted and
abominated; and between Ombos and Tentyra there existed an
internecine feud. (Juv. Sat. xv.) The extent and number of the
nomes cannot be ascertained. They probably varied with the
political state of Egypt. Under a dynasty of the conquerors, they
would extend eastward and westward to the Red Sea and Libyan
deserts : under the Hyksos, the Ethiopian conquest, and the times
of anarchy subsequent to the Persian invasion, they would shrink
within the Nile-valley. The kingdoms of Sais and Xois, and the
foundation of Alexandria, probably multiplied the Deltaic cantons :
and generally commerce, or the residence of the military caste,
would attract the nomes to Lower Egypt- According to Strabo
(pp. 787 811), the Labyrinth, or hall of the nomarchs, contained
27 chambers, and thus, at one period, the nomes must have been
27 in number, 10 in the Thebaid, 10 in the Delta, and 7- as its
name implies, in the Heptanomis. But the Heptanomis, at an-
other period, contained 16 nomes, and the sum of these cantons is
variously given. From the dodecarchy, or government of 12 kings,
and from Herodotus' assertion (ii. 148) that there were only 12
halls in the Labyrinth, we are disposed to infer that at one time
there were only 12 of these cantons, and that there were always
12 larger or preponderating nomes. According to the list given
by Pliny (v. 9, 9) and Ptolemy, there must have been at least 45
nomes ; but each of these writers gives several names not found in
the other, and if we should add the variations of the one list to the
other, the sum would be much greater.
ANIMAL WORSHIP.
Animal worship is so intimately connected with the division of
the country into noraes, and, in some degree, with the institution
of castes, that we must briefly allude to it, although the subject
is much too extensive for more than allusion. The worship of
animals was either general or particular, common to the whole
nation, or several to the nome. Thus throughout Egypt, the ox,
the dog, and the cat, the ibis and the hawk, and the fishes lepidotus
and oxyrrnchus, were objects of veneration. The sheep was wor-
shipped only in the Saitic and Thebaid nomes : the goat, at Mendes ;
the wolf, at Lycopolis ; the cepus, (a kind of ape,) at Babylon, near
Memphis ; the lion, at Leontopolis ; the eagle, at Thebes ; the shrew-
mouse, at Athribis ; and others elsewhere, as will be particularly
noticed when we speak of their respective temples. As we have
already seen, the object of reverence in one nome was accounted
common and unclean, if not, indeed, the object of persecution, in
464 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
another. Animal worship has been in all ages the opprobrium of
Egypt. (Comp. Clem. Alex. iii. 2, p. 253, Potter; Diod. i. 84.)
The Hebrew prophets denounced, the anthropomorphic religionists
of Hellas derided it. To the extent to which the Egyptians carried
it, especially in the decline of the nation, it certainly approached
to the fetish superstitions of the neighbouring Libya. But we
must bear in mind, that our vergers to the Coptic temples are
Greeks, who, being ignorant of the language, misunderstood much
that they heard, and being preoccupied by their own ritual or
philosophy, misinterpreted much that they saw. One good effect
may be ascribed to this form of superstition. In no country was
humanity to the brute creation so systematically practised. The
origin of animal worship has been variously, but never satisfactorily,
accounted for. If they were worshipped as the auxiliaries of the
husbandman in producing food or destroying vermin, how can we
account for the omission of swine and asses, or for the adoption of
lions and wolves, amongst the objects of veneration. The Greeks,
as was their wont, found many idle solutions of an enigma which
probably veiled a feeling originally earnest and pious. They im-
agined that animals were worshipped because their effigies were the
standards in war, like the Roman Bii Castrorum. This is evidently
a substitution of cause for effect. The representations of animals
on martial ensigns were the standards of the various nomes. (Diod.
i. 85.) Lucian (Astrolog. v. p. 215, seqq. Bipont) suggested that
the bull, the lion, the fish, the ram, and the goat, &c., were corre-
lates to the zodiacal emblems ; but this surmise leaves the crocodile,
the cat, and the ibis, &c., of the temples unexplained.
It is much more probable that, among a contemplative and
serious race, as the Egyptians certainly were, animal-worship arose
out of the detection of certain analogies between instinct and reason,
and that to the initiated the reverence paid to the beasts was a
primitive expression of pantheism, or the recognition of the Creator
in every type of his work. The Egyptians are not the only peo-
ple who have converted type into substance, or adopted in a literal
senee the metaphorical symbols of faith.
CASTES AND POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS.
The number of the Egyptian castes is very variously stated.
Herodotus (ii. 164) says that they were seven the sacerdotal,
and the military, herdsmen, swineherds, shopkeepers, interpreters,
and boatmen. Plato (Timaeus, iii. p. 24) reckons six ; Diodorus,
in one passage (i. 28), represents them as three priests and hus-
bandmen, from whom the army was levied, and artisans.
But in another (i. 74) he extends the number to five, by the
addition of soldiers and shepherds. Strabo limits them to three
priests, soldiers, and husbandmen ; and as this partition is virtually
correct, we shall adopt it after brief explanation. The existence
APPENDIX. 465
of castes is a corroborative proof of the Asiatic origin of the
Egyptians. The stamp of caste was not in Egypt, as is by some
asserted, indelible. The son usually, but not inevitably, followed
his father's trade or profession. From some of the pariah classes
indeed such as that of the swineherds it was scarcely possible
to escape.
VII.
THE PELASGIANS.
[From Twiss's Niebuhr, ch. iii. p. 6.]
THE Pelasgians were a different nation from the Hellens : their
language was peculiar, and not Greek ; in other words, although it
possessed an essential affinity to it, it was still so different as not to
be intelligible to Greeks. Such is the meaning of Herodotus, who
deviates, however, from all other Greek writers in ranking the
Epirots with the Hellens. From the Pelasgians the Greek theology
was derived, and to them the oracle of Dodona belonged. Their
name was probably a national one ; at least the Greek explanations
of it are absurd. Their mysterious character arises from their
appearance in historical notices when already in a state of ruin and
decay ; but a more accurate research after the traces of their diffu-
sion, will enable us to penetrate this mystery, and to recognise in
them one of the greatest nations of ancient Europe, whose migra-
tions were as widely extended as those of the Celts. It was no
arbitrary fiction of the poet, when ^Eschylus made king Pelasgus
boast that he and his people were masters of the whole country to
the west of the Strymon. The Hellens appear to have spread, like
the Latins and Romans in Italy, by detachments settling amidst
far more numerous communities of a different, though not wholly
foreign, nature, which adopted the language and laws of the colo-
nists, in order to resemble them. The Arcadians, the most ancient
settlers at Argos, and the lonians, were all Pelasgian races : the
people of Attica were styled Pelasgian Cranai. Thessaly was their
second great seat in Hellas, or, as it was generally called, in Argos ;
hence Thessaly was termed the Pelasgian Argos, and the words
Thessalian and Pelasgian are equivalent. We identify Pelasgians
in the Thesprotians and Epirot tribes ; in the Orestians, Pela-
gonians, and Elimiots of Upper Macedonia, ; in the Amphilochians,
Agneans, and other tribes of ^tolia ; and in the Teleboans and
Dolopians. The Pelasgians as well as the Hellens were members
of the Amphictyonic association, the main tie of which was religion,
in which both nations agreed. When Macedonia became a great
'2 a
466 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
kingdom, made up of Greeks, Illyrians, Pssonians, and Thracians,
the core of the nation was still a peculiar race, neither Greek nor
Illyrian ; this was Pelasgian. The Bottieeans were Pelasgians :
we find Pelasgians likewise in Lemnos, Imbrus, and Samothrace ;
in Lesbos and Chios: along the whole coast of Ionia, beginning
from Mycale ; in JEolis; at Tralles in Caria ; on the Hellespont at
Placia and Scylacej at Cyzicus; and most probably the Teucrians
and Dardanians, who were very clearly perceived by the Greek
philologers not to be Phrygians, and by some suspected not to be
barbarians at all, were of Pelasgian extraction. In Euboea, in
Andrus and Cythnus, and in Crete, we find traces of Pelasgians.
In Italy we have the Pelasgian serfs of the Italian Greeks, who
were the remains of the old ^Enotrian population : we find Pelas-
gians at Coitona, in Etruria ; Caere was Pelasgian before it fell
into the hands of the Etruscans, and hence arose its connexion
with the Delphic oracle : hence the Agylleeans were termed Thes-
salians. Ravenna was called a Thessalian settlement ; Spina had
its treasury at Delphi, and is termed Pelasgian ; we may likewise
recognise Pelasgians in the Greek founders of Pisa.
The inhabitants of Tyrrhenia were originally Pelasgians : their
Etruscan conquerors obtained the name of Tyrrhenians from the
country. A similar error to that which imagines the Slavonic
Dalmatians, who bear the name of Illyrians, to be for that reason
the descendants of the ancient Illyrians, confounded the Etrus-
can conquerors with their Tyrrhenian subjects, and hence involved
the origin of the Etruscans in almost inextricable difficulties. The
Pelasgian wanderers, who settled in Attica at the foot of Hymet-
tus, had originally appeared in Acarnania, according to Pausanias,
and were said to be Sicelians. According to the story, they had
come from the south of Etruria, and most undoubtedly called
themselves Tyrrhenians ; when driven out of Attica, they turned
their course to Mount Athos and the Hellespont. The story of
the Lydian colony of the Tyrrhenians may be explained by the
fact that the Meeonians were Pelasgians, as is proved by the name
of their stronghold, Larissa. Ardea is designated as a Pelasgian
city by the poet, who styles it an Argive one founded by Danae.
The legend, which represents Saguntum as a colony of the Arde-
ates, extends the Pelasgians into Spain, where, moreover, the an-
cient capital, Terraco, has been considered to be a Pelasgian city ;
Antium, Circeii, Terracina, the Latin form of Trachnia, the towns
near the Liris, such as Amynclse, Hormiae, and Sinuessa, the
islands of Pontiae, and the inland Larrissa, lead us by their
names to infer that they were Pelasgian. Pompeii and Hercula-
neum were, according to Strabo, founded by Tyrrhenians. The
worship of the Argive Juno was a peculiar characteristic of the
Pelasgian tribes in Italy, and her temple near Salernum indicates
the Pelasgian origin of the people of that neighbourhood. Ca-
preae, which was inhabited by Teleboans, and Nuceria, are the
APPENDIX. 467
final links in the chain of Pelasgian settlements, which extend
along the western coast of Italy, from Pisa to the borders of the
(Enotrians, whose Pelasgian origin has already been indicated.
The earliest inhabitants of the plains of the Tiber were, according
to Roman historians, the Siculians who dwelt at Tibur, Falerii,
and a number of small towns about Rome, who were also called
Argives, as Argos was termed Pelasgian. The original inhabitants
of Latium went by the name of Aborigines, and were termed by
Cato, Achaeans, another form of Pelasgians. These Siculi were
subjugated by a strange people who came down from the Abruzzi,
but the name of the conquerors, who became one people with the
conquered, and were called Latins, was forgotten. One portion of
the Siculians were said to have emigrated, owing to this cause,
under the name of Tyrrhenians, to the eastern part of Greece,
whilst another crossed over into Sicily. The traces of Pelasgian
names in the interior of Italy, such as Acherontia, Argyrippa,
Sipontum, afford us good ground for supposing that it was in-
habited by the same nation, till it was driven out by the Opicans
or Sabellians.
We meet with Pelasgians along the whole coast of the Adriatic,
from the Aternus to the Po ; Picenum, the territory of the Se-
nones, the districts of Praetutium, Palma, and Adria, were at one
time possessed by Tyrrhenians. The Greek coins of Pisaurum
indicate the probability that its inhabitants were a tribe of Tyr-
rhenians, which had maintained its independence when the Sabel-
lians occupied the surrounding country. The Liburnians on the
eastern shores of the Adriatic are distinguished by the accurate
Scylax from the Illyrians. Corcyra was perhaps the connecting
link between the Pelasgians of Epirus and of Italy. The expedition
of the Illyrian Enchelades, who penetrated to Delphi, may have
been a migration of the whole Illyrian people from regions far
removed in the north, who in their progress overpowered the Pe-
lasgian population of Dalmatia. The Teucrian origin of the
Pieonians in Thrace points to their Pelasgian extraction. The
great facility with which the Pannonians acquired the Latin
language may corroborate in some respect their supposed identity
with the Pseonians. It thus appears that there was a time when
the country, from the Arno to the Ryndacus, was inhabited by Pe-
lasgians. The chain of connexion, broken off on the continent by
the Thracians, is kept up between Greece and Asia by the islands
in the north of the rEgean, but when Hellanicus and the genealo-
gers wrote, scattered remnants of this immense race only remained,
like the detached Celtic tribes in Spain, solitary and widely scat-
tered. The historical inquirer is not in any way justified in as-
suming that any one of these separate regions, in which we find
tribes of the same stock, was the original home, whence a part of
the inhabitants emigrated to the others. The same analogy holds
good in the geography of the animal and vegetable kingdoms.
2 H 2
468 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
In the Latin language there are two elements mixed up together,
one connected with the Greek, the other entirely foreign to it ; but
even in the former the distinction is no less evident than the
affinity. The case was the same with the Pelasgians and Greeks,
as races. Hence the latter, notwithstanding their affinity, would
look upon the former as foreigners, and call their language a
barbarous one.
VIII.
ON CADYTIS, BOOK II. 159.
[From The Analysis of Herodotus; H. G. Bohn, 1852.]
CADYTIS has been generally identified with Jerusalem, an
opinion successfully combated by Mr. Ewing, in the Classical
Museum, who was, however, not quite so fortunate in substituting
Kedesh in Galilee as the Cadytis of Herodotus, for Phoenicia
stretches southward some distance beyond Kedesh, and Cadytis
must be looked for south of Phoenicia (iii. 5). The 47th chapter
of Jeremiah prophetically describes the desolation by Pharaoh of
the land of the Philistines ; and, further, expressly alludes to the
capture and destruction of Gaza by the same king. The name of
the Philistine city of Gaza, as given in the Assyrian inscriptions
discovered by Mr. Layard, and interpreted by Colonel Rawlinson,
is Khazita, which was probably changed by the Greeks into
Cadytis, for the description given by Herodotus (iii. 5) is exactly
applicable to Gaza, and will by no means answer to Jerusalem.
IX.
THE PYRAMIDS.
[From Early Oriental History, ch. iv. p. 178, seqq., Encyclop. Metrop.]
THE word n-wpa/it'e, pyramis, has often been derived from jrvpdc,
(ofjire,) but the quantity of its first syllable is unfavourable to
that supposition, and as a heap of wheat has not a spiral form
terminating in a point, the term cannot with any probability be
derived from TTVOOG (triticum). It is therefore more reasonable to
suppose that the Greeks in this, as in many other cases, adopted
the native name of an object not invented by themselves, accom-
modating it, by a Greek termination, to the grammar of their own
language ; so that the Egyptian pehram, i. e. the " sacred place,"
was converted into the Greek Pyramis. Of the most ancient and
remarkable pyramids, several are still remaining in Egypt, and
others, apparently unknown to the Greeks and Romans, have been
lately discovered in the ruins of Napata and Meroe, the capitals
of Ethiopia.
The pyramids of Gizeh, called by the ancients " the pyramids ol
APPENDIX. 469
Memphis," from their position on a rocky height projecting from
the western mountains near the outskirts of that city, are the most
remarkable, and as far as can be proved by historical testimony,
the most ancient of any which ever were in existence. They are
distinctly noticed by the oldest Greek historian, who was informed
that they were erected in a very early age, as sepulchres of the
sovereigns of Egypt. Three, lying in a diagonal line from north-
east to south-west, are of a stupendous magnitude, especially the
two most northern. The position of the second and pointed pyra-
mid, as determined by M. Nouet, is in 29 5V 49' N., and 31" 11'
41" E., on a terrace projecting from the rock, partly levelled by
art, and having an elevation of 137^ feet. It extends from east to
west about 1^ mile, and from north to south more than f of a mile.
The base of the great pyramid was found to measure 763 feet 7
inches, and its height 450 feet 9 inches. Its diameter from north
to south deviates 20' from the true meridian. Its basis, as well as
the two lowest steps, is hewn out of the rock on which it stands.
Its base does not form an exact square. The whole mass amounts
to nearly 9,000,000 cubic feet. It covered an area of more than
13 acres, and its masonry amounts to 6,848,000 tons. The vast
magnitude of this truly stupendous work will be more distinctly
perceived, when it is recollected that the area of its base nearly
coincides with that of Lincoln's Inn Fields. It is 43 feet higher than
St. Peter's at Rome, and 126 feet higher than St. Paul's in London.
The second pyramid, of somewhat smaller dimensions, is about
2$ furlongs south-west of the first. Its base, according to M.
Grobert, measures 700 feet, and its height 425 feet. Its summit is
uninjured, and still retains its ancient casing, a plaster formed of
gypsum, sand, and a few small pebbles. The third, somewhat
nearer to the second, has an apparent base of 300 feet, and a height
of 173 feet. This pyramid was cased with sienite from Elephan-
tine, fragments of which are still found near its base. The form
and approaches to their internal chambers are nearly the same in
all the pyramids hitherto opened : and consist of one or more gal-
leries, at first inclined to the horizon at an angle of 26 or 27, and
afterwards in either an ascending or perpendicular direction lead-
ing to a chamber nearly in the centre of the building. These
chambers are quadrangular, and roofed- with large blocks of stone
laid either flat or obliquely so as to meet and form an angle. Two
have long been accessible in the great pyramid, called after its re-
puted founder, Cheops, the lower immediately below the upper;
and in the next, or pyramid of Cephren, two likewise have been
lately discovered, equally in the centre ; but one of them at the
base of the pyramid, and the other in the rock below the base, at
the distance of about one-third of the perpendicular drawn from
the side of the pyramid to its centre. At the extremity of the de-
scending gallery all further ingress is barred by a portcullis of solid
granite 1 foot 3 inches thick, sliding in grooves of similar stone.
470 NOTES OX HERODOTUS.
In the great pyramid, originally explored by men of no skill or
science, a way was forced round the portcullis, but in the second
it was, by dint of excessive labour for nearly a day and a half,
raised by levers so as to open a passage onwards. At a small dis-
tance beyond the portcullis there is a perpendicular shaft, 15 feet
deep in the second, but much deeper in the first. This shaft,
hitherto known as " the well in the great pyramid," was explored
for the first time by an English gentleman, Mr. Davison, who
visited Egypt with the celebrated \V ortley Montague in 1763. His
labours, and those of Caviglia, Vyse, Belzoni, Richardson, Perring,
and others, have made us well acquainted w r ith the internal form-
ation of the pyramids.
It appears that each pj'ramid had a double entrance, by means
of which a constant circulation of air could be maintained ; and
that the principle on which the chambers and passages were
formed was precisely the same as that which regulated the exca-
vation of the catacombs hewn out of rocks, as at Biban-el-maluk,
where the " long passages which lead to nothing " were doubtless,
before the ravages of the Persians, filled with mummies of the
younger branches of the Pharaonic families, while those of the
sovereigns themselves, and perhaps of their children, were de-
posited in the central chambers. Around the principal pyramids
are the remains of many smaller ones in various stages of decay.
The sepulchral chambers, apparently more modern, which are
close to these pyramids, were perhaps built at the expense of the
rich casing with which the pyramids themselves once were cover-
ed ; but all, when examined, are found to cover an approach by a
shaft to a subterranean apartment similar to those in the centre
of most of the pyramids ; every thing, in short, conspires to prove
that these extraordinary edifices were, as the ancients affirm,
erected as sepulchres for the sovereigns of Egypt, whose capital
was the adjoining city of Memphis. That the angles between
the successive courses of stone were anciently filled up, so as to
present a plane surface, and that the summit of each pyramid was
pointed, may be inferred from the second, which is still terminated
by a point, and retains its smooth coating for about 40 feet down-
wards : and it is evident from the account of Abdu-1-latif, that, in
the thirteenth century, the outer covering of the pyramids, crowded
with hieroglyphic inscriptions, was still extant. There is likewise
a fourth pyramid near the third, but it is so much smaller than the
others as to attract little notice. Many others have been dis-
covered by the late Prussian expedition. Sixty more, at least, are
now known. The walls of many of the tombs near the pyramids
are adorned with very interesting paintings and bas-reliefs, several
of which are represented in the plates in the great French work,
and in Professor Rosellini's " Monument! dell' Egitta." We have
here delineations of various manufactures and implements of art,
the most ancient, perhaps, now in existence ; some of these tombs,
APPENDIX. , 47 1
however, were constructed from the ruins of more ancient build-
ings, themselves posterior to the invention of hieroglyphics ; their
antiquity, therefore, is not perhaps so great as has been supposed,
and probably far inferior to that of the pyramids in which no
hieroglyphics have been found. The regular order in which these
tombs were placed (another remarkable feature) is clearly per-
ceived, as before observed, from the summit of the great pyramid,
the sides of which form a sort of rude staircase of 203 steps, varying
in height and breadth, and occasionally interrupted by breaches.
The truncated summit presents an area of about 30 feet square,
irregular in its outline, from the removal of a few of the stones be-
longing to that course.
That the great pyramid was cased, and had a level surface, is
evident from the express testimony of Herodotus ; who says,
" The sums expended in radishes, onions, and garlic, for the work-
men, were marked in Egyptian characters on this pyramid, and
amounted, as I well remember what the interpreter who explained
these characters said, to 1600 talents of silver," = 345,600.
The age of these stupendous monuments, and the purpose for
which they were erected, are involved in great obscurity ; various,
consequently, and conflicting, have been the opinions to which
those questions have given rise. The remote antiquity of the
pyramids near Memphis, celebrated from a very early period as
some of the wonders of the world, is indisputable. They are dis-
tinctly mentioned by the oldest Greek historian, Herodotus ; and
the three largest are ascribed by him to Cheops, Chephren, and
Mycerinus, three Pharaohs who succeeded each other. These
structures had also an astronomical reference. Sir John Herschel
remarks, that " at the date of the erection of the great pyramid of
Gizeh, which precedes by 3970 years (say 4000) the present epoch,
the longitude of all the stars were less by 55 45' than at present.
Calculating from this datum the place of the pole of the heavens
among the stars, it will be found to fall near A Draconis ; its dis-
tance from that star being 3 44' 25". This being the most con-
spicuous star in the immediate neighbourhood, was therefore the
pole star of that epoch. And the latitude of Gizeh being just 30
north, and consequently the altitude of the north pole mere also
30, it follows that the star in question must have had, at its lower
culmination at Gizeh, an altitude of 26 15' 35". Now it is a re-
markable fact, ascertained by the last researches of Colonel Vyse,
that of the nine pyramids still existing at Gizeh, six (including all
the largest) have the narrow passages by which alone they can be
entered, (all which open out on the northern faces of their re-
spective pyramids.) inclined to the horizon downwards at angles
varying from 2ti" to '2> u - At the bottom of every one of these
passages, therefore, the then pole-star must have been visible at its
lower culmination a circumstance which can hardly have been
unintentional, and was doubtless connected (perhaps supersti-
472 NOTES ON HERODOTUS.
tiously) with the astronomical observation of that star, of whose
proximity to the pole at the epoch of the erection of these wonder-
ful structures, we are thus furnished with a monumental record of
the most imperishable nature. No one now doubts that the
pyramids were royal sepulchres, nay, as we have already remarked,
the height of those royal monuments corresponds with the length
of the monarch's reign under whom it was erected. Structures so
vast are indeed royal ideas the massive means of a posthumous
immortality. However, as Sir Thomas Brown remarks, " Only to
subsist in bones, and to be but pyramidally extant, is a fallacy in
duration." The edifices themselves may last as long as the framt
work of the globe, and travellers on entering Egypt for many cen
turies to come, will hasten to admire these characteristic wonders,
Time's gnomons rising on the banks of Nile,
Unchanging while he nies, serene and grand,
Amidst surrounding ruins 'mid the works
Of man unparalleled 'mid God's how small !
Beside His Alps, the pigmy works of ants,
The mole-hills of a mole.
NOTES OMITTED.
Book i. c. 9. b. oiraig pri <re O-^ITM, that she shall not see you, &c.
Cf. Jelf, 811, on OTTOIQ, (OTTWG /j?j) and u> with the fut. indie, in-
stead of the conjunctive. " The sense of this future is nearly allied
to the conjunctive, and only differs therefrom in that it definitely
expresses the possible realization of the proposed end."
B. ii. 106. Another very interesting excursion may be made to
Nimf,, where the very remarkable monument of Sesostris was lately
discovered. The town of Nimfi is picturesquely situated about
5 hours east of Smyrna, in the direction of Casabar and Sardis.
The road thence to the monument or trophy of Sesostris proceeds
at first eastward, gradually turning more southerly round the moun-
tains into a pass. l hour brings us to a spot where rocks, thickly
clothed with trees and underwood, rise close on each side : on the
left, a little way up, is a mass of rock, on the flat face of which,
at right angles to the road, is the monument. It is obscured from
the road by trees and underwood. On getting up to it, it is found
to consist of a gigantic human figure sculptured in relief, and sunk
in a panel cut into the flat surface of the rock. It agrees exactly
with the description given of it by Herodotus, (b. ii. c. 106,) ex-
cepting that the spear and bow are in the contrary hands to those
Herodotus describes. It is undoubtedly one of the most ancient
and interesting monuments in the world, dating from about
1300 B. c. W. G. W. [From Murray's Hand-book to the East,
p. 282.]
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