/>^, 1 \ LIBRARY OF THE University of California. OIFT OF Class I By Woodbury L,owery The Spanish Settlements within the Pres- ent Limits of the United States, 1513-1561 The Spanish Settlements within the Pres- ent Limits of the United States. Florida. 1562-1574 Bach, octavo, with maps, net, $2.50 (By mail, $2.75) G. P. Putnam's Sons New York London riiJiiuiiuiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiiiHttiiiiiiuiuimimiimiHiiiiiiiHmiiiiji.uii.'iiiiffltHafflflflBa THE SPANISH SETTLEMENTS WITHIN THE PRESENT LIMITS OF THE UNITED STATES FLORIDA 1562-1674 BY WOODBURY LOWERY WITH MAPS G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS NEW YORK AND LONDON Sbe fknickctbochet iprees 1911 Copyright, 1905 BV WOODBURY LOWERY Qbc ftnlcliccbocher pccM, new fiorb TO MY DEAR SISTER 23535 PREFACE THE principal sources for the history of Pedro Men^n- dez de Avil^s and his conquest of Florida are: i. A collection of letters written by and to him, memorials, royal c^dulas and patents, instructions, relations, and other documents covering the period from 1555 to 1574, but chiefly relating to the conquest of Florida. This collection is published in E. Ruidfaz y Caravia, La Florida su Conquista y Colojiizacidn por Pedro Men^ndez de Avil^s, Madrid, 1893, volume ii. 2. Memorial que hizo el Doctor Gonzalo Soils de Meras de todas las jornadas y sucesos del Adelantado Pedro Men^ndez de Avil^s, su cuflado, y de la Conquista de la Florida y Justicia que hizo en Juan Ribao y otros franceses. This forms volume i. of the La Florida of Ruidiaz. 3. Vida y hechos de Pero Menendez de Auiles, Cauallero de la Hordem de Sanctiago, Adelantado de la Florida: Do largamente se tratan las Conquistas y Poblaciones de la Prouincia de la Florida, y como fueron libradas de los Luteranos que dellas se auian apoderado. Compuesta por el maestro barrientos, Catre- datico de salamanca. This work is contained in Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida pub licalas por primer a vez Genaro Garcia, Mexico, 1902, pp. 1-152. 4, The account contained in the Ensayo Cronologico para la His- toria General de la Florida, por Don Gabriel de Cardenas z Cano (anagram for Don Andreas Gonzales Barcia), Madrid, 1723, pp. 36-151. The second volume of Ruidiaz's La Floridd, containing the Avil^s correspondence, is published as an appendix to VI Preface the Memorial of Merds in the first volume. In place of following a chronological arrangement the editor has grouped his material under the headings of "Letters of P. Men^ndez de Avil^s." "Letters addressed to Pedro Men6ndez de Aviles," "Memorials of Pedro Men^ndez de Avil(§s," "Royal C6dulas," "Royal Patents," "In- structions," "Relations," "Illness Testaments and Act of Translation of the Body of Pedro Menendez," "Vari- ous Documents, ' ' etc. This artificial grouping has caused him to overlook certain obviously erroneous dates given in the titles of some of the documents and to leave un- solved the conflicting statements of Barcia, Meras, and Vigil as to the dates of the second and third voyages of Avil6s to the Indies, to which a more logical arrangement would have directed his attention. In justice to Sr. Ruidiaz it should be stated that the work is said to have been prepared hurriedly in anticipa- tion of his admission into the Royal Academy of History, and although his introductory matter exhibits some traces of this haste, the collection is of primary importance to the historian and bears witness to an extended and pains- taking investigation among the Spanish archives. With the exception of six documents,' which are reprinted from other collections, and seven letters of Aviles, which ' These are : Real Cedula, March 22, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 351 ; Buckingham Smith, Coleccidn de varies Documentos para la Historic de la Florida, tomo i., p. 13. Mendoza's " Relacion" in Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 431 ; Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo iii., p. 441. Letter of Toral, April 5, 1567, Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 295 ; Cartas de Indias, p. 238. Van- dera's " Relacion." January 23, 1569 ; Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 481 ; Col. Doc. Flo., tomo i., p. 15 ; Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo iv., p. 560; B. F. French, Hist. Col. Louisiana and Florida, 2d series, " Historical Memoirs and Narratives," p. 2S9. " Disposicion de quatro fuertes que ha de haber en la Florida," Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 566, where it is wrongly dated 1566; Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo xiii., p. 307, dated 1569. " Diligencias hechas en Sevilla con motive de la venida de Esteban de las Alas de la Florida," Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 568 ; Col. Doc. Iti' edit. Indias, tomo xiii., p. 309, Preface vii are extant in an English translation, the volume consists entirely of material then for the first time published. Barricntos finished his account in December, 1568.' He was professor of Latin in the University of Salamanca, and the little that is known of him is given by Garcia in the preface to the above-mentioned work. Barrientos derived the material for his history from at least three in- dependent sources. On p. 147 he relates that Avil^s on his return from Florida to Spain in 1567, "presented this relation to the King," a statement which admits of the inference that Barrientos reproduced either in whole or in part the original relation written by Avil^s himself. In addition to this he has apparently consulted parts of the Avil^s correspondence' and finally he mentions several incidents which are omitted by Meras and Barcia. The Memorial of Meras terminates with the return of Aviles to Spain in 1567 and his arrival at Court. Ruidiaz in his introductory remarks ascribes no date to the work. The year "1565" appears on the title-page which pre- cedes the Memorial. Barcia says ' the history was written at the time. Meras, who was the brother-in-law of Aviles, accompanied him to Florida, and both Barcia and Ruidiaz are under the impression that he went in the capacity of historian to the expedition. It is to be noted, however, that Meras relates various occurrences at which he was not present, and which he must have learned either from an eye witness or from a document. The manuscript published by Ruidiaz is torn and illegible in several places. As the Memorial is silent upon a variety of sub- jects in the career of Aviles which are related by Barcia, the editor has supplied the omission by interpolating into the body of the text extensive extracts from the Ensayo ' Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 149. "^ Ibid., p. 106, lines 2-5 from the bottom of the page, which are found in the letter of Aviles of October 15, 1565, in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 94. ^Ensayo Cronologico, p. 90. viii Preface for the purpose of presenting a more detailed and con- secutive narrative, indicating the interpolations by refer- ence to foot-notes.' There is nothing to indicate that Merds had access to that part of the Aviles correspond- ence which has been printed by Ruidiaz and which, as previously noted, appears to have been in part consulted by Barrientos. On comparing the Merds and Barrientos relations they are found to contain numerous parallel passages in which not only are the events related in the same sequence, but the same phrasing and even words are employed in an identical arrangement. Many sentences are absolutely the same in both, while others differ only in the tense of the verb, or else employ the same words in a slightly different order.* The supposition that one writer copied from the other is precluded by the occasional occurrence in one of the accounts, either in the body of a sen- tence common to both writers, or at the end of the same, of a qualifying word or clause relating to a detail which does not occur in the other, as well as by an occa- sional difference in a number, which Barrientos, as a rule, spells, while Meras employs the Arabic numerals. It follows that these passages in Barrientos and Meras were obtained from the same original, for they present all the appearance of an abridgment following very closely the language of the original document. It also seems probable, from the variance in the numerals referred to and an ocasional variance in the readings, where the words employed still remain identical,' that the two ' See tomo i., p. lo, note ; p. 39, note and elsewhere. ' Compare Meras, pp. 74-77, and Barrientos, pp. 44-45. " " 111-126, " " " 63-69. " 151-156, " " " 87-90. ' See the varying account of the answer of the sailor. Barrientos, in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 63, and Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. iii ; of the tying of Ribaut's hands, Barrientos, ibid., p. 69, and Meras, ibid., p. 125. Preface ix abridgments were made from different copies of the original, or that one of the accounts has been less care- fully edited than the other. The question arises at once — What was this original document from which both of these writers have derived so large a part of the incidents which they relate ? The statement of Barrientos, above quoted, that Avil6s on his return from Florida to Spain in 1567 "presented this re- lation to the King," points with much probability to the conclusion that it was the original relation of Avilds himself. The possibility of this being the case is borne out by the fact that the Memorial of Merds, who had returned to Spain in July, 1566, terminates with the ar- rival of Avil6s at Court in 1567, and also by the statement of Barrientos that he finished his account in December, 1568, which was subsequent to the same event. Barcia's account is largely taken from the Memorial of Solis de Merds, a manuscript copy of which was in his possession.' On pp. 85-90 Barcia gives a lengthy ex- tract from it and distinguishes the quotation from his own text by reference to the original and by printing it in italics. The quotation corresponds to the Meras ac- count given by Ruidiaz on pp. 110-131 in volume i. of his La Florida, which includes parallel passages in Bar- rientos. These two versions are not absolutely identical. There are occasional differences in certain words used in both accounts, in the tenses of the verbs, and there are a few unimportant transpositions and omissions. From all this it appears probable that Barcia and Ruidiaz had access to two different copies of the Meras Memorial. Several other short extracts from the Memorial are also given in italics, and the major part of Barcia's text is merely a condensation of the Meras narrative. Barcia also states that he had access to the papers of Avil^s.* ' Ensayo Cronologico, Introduction, •[[ t^ and p. 90. ^ Ibid,, Introduction, ^ t^. X Preface In addition to the matter taken from the Merds Memor- ial he gives a number of details which do not appear in Barrientos, or in the documents published by Ruidiaz.' Barcia was aware of the existence of the Barrientos manuscript, but was unable to obtain access to it.' The curious result arrived at is that all three of the published accounts appear to have been largely derived from a com- mon source, — the as yet undiscovered relation of Avil^s himself. This conclusion, if correct, has an important and ob- vious bearing on the value of the three narratives, since it reduces to a single source the evidence for the greater part of the events which they record in place of accepting them as three concurrent and independent sources of testimony. It follows that the reliability of the three narratives ultimately reposes upon the unsupported state- ments of Aviles except in so far as the latter are verified by the correspondence of the French and Spanish am- bassadors and by contemporary French accounts. As- suming the above conclusion to be correct, the effort has been made to present the character of Aviles in such a light, not palliating his faults, nor yet belittling his vir- tues, that the reader may form for himself an independ- ent estimate of his sincerity unbiassed by the confidence which the writer is disposed to place in his unsupported statements. This confidence is founded upon the concurrence of the Aviles correspondence, extending over a period of several years, with the substance of the Aviles relation given by the writers above referred to ; the absence of any reason- able motive for a misrepresentation of the facts on his part; the fact that Fourquevaux nowhere impugns his • See ibid., Aiio XLVII., p. 125, where names of vessels and of persons are given which do not appear elsewhere, and the date of the departure of Aviles for Carlos, March 1st, not mentioned by either Meras or Barrientos. ^ Ensayo Cronologico, Introduction, ^ i<=. Preface xi veracity ; that Avil^s does not appear to have been of an intriguing disposition; that he was too continuously, variously, and actively employed to have sustained suc- cessfully a prolonged deception ; and that his letters betray, as a rule, the curt and frank bearing of a soldier rather than the place-seeking suavity of a courtier. In recent years but two works of importance have ap- peared which treat at any length of the Florida episode. The first is Mr. Parkman's Pioneers of France in the New World, of which the first edition was published in Boston in 1865. The incident of the French colony in Florida occupies about one-third of the book. Mr. Parkman informs us that he had access to some of the Avil^s cor- respondence entitled Siete Cartas escritas al Rey, Ahos de 1^65 y /5<5(5, MS., a copy of which was procured for him by Mr. Buckingham Smith,' that distinguished and inde- fatigable investigator for material relating to the history of Spain within our country. Unfortunately Mr. Park- man made but a very slight use of them, citing only three letters.' In 1875, M. Paul GafTarel published his Histoire de la Floride Franqaise, in which his only knowledge of the Spanish side of the story was apparently confined to that given by Parkman and to an exceedingly cursory reading of Barcia. He gave us, however, our first know- ledge of the diplomatic correspondence which arose be- tween France and Spain on the subject of their respective claims to Florida, confining himself entirely to that of M. de Fourquevaux, the French ambassador at Madrid, of whose unpublished letters he printed some interesting ' Pioneers of France in the New World, Boston, 1893, pp. 6, 104, note 1. 'Parkman cites only the letters of September 11, October 15, and December 12, 1565, which is dated December 25th in Ruidiaz. The re- maining letters are those of August 13, December 5, December 16, 1565, and January 30, 1566. Mr. Henry Ware has given an English translation of all of them in the Massachusetts Historical Society Proceed' ings, 2d series, vol. viii., pp. 416-468. xii Preface extracts. In 1893 Mr. Parkman published his revised twenty-fifth edition of The Pioneers in which he made some reference to the extracts of the Fourquevaux corre- spondence printed by Gaffarel, but with no addition to the Spanish side of the story. Of shorter recent essays on the subject there are but two deserving of special mention. These are "Un glorieux episode maritime et colonial des Guerres de Religion " by Maurice Delpeuch, published in the Revue Maritime, tome civ., pp. 1882, 2150, October and November, 1902, and the concise chapter on the "French and Spaniards in Florida" in "Spain in America," by Professor E. G. Bourne, volume iii. of The American Nation: A History, pub- lished in 1904. Since the appearance of the histories of Parkman and Gaffarel, not only have the two Spanish works previously referred to been published, but the first volume of the letters of M. de Fourquevaux has also appeared, extend- ing over the period embraced in this present volume. In addition to this new material, the importance of which cannot be underestimated, a careful search in the archives of Seville, Madrid, Paris, and London, and in collections in New York and Washington, has revealed the existence of unpublished documents of much value bearing upon this period, such as letters and reports exhibiting the Spanish attitude towards French colonisation in Florida ; the Spanish accounts of the depredations committed by the Laudonnifere colony, and the correspondence of the Spanish ambassador at Paris with Philip II. during all of this period, which fills out the Fourquevaux correspond- ence and throws an interesting light on the relations of Catherine de* Medici and Philip in their contest for su- premacy in the peninsula of Florida. A liberal use has been made of all this material in the preparation of the present volume, rather with the view of bringing out the true attitude of the Spaniards than that of retelling Preface xiii the story of the French colony, which has already been done with so much ability. In conclusion it may not be amiss to make some refer- ence to the ponderous quarto manuscript history of Florida by Pulgar, MSS. 2999 in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, the title of which is as follows: Historia general dc la Florida /&\\iidesQ en tres partes/ La primera Parte / contiene sus descubrimiento, description {sic), y los / successos temporales y Espirituales, assi / de los Espanoles, como franzeses, ingleses/y Las Missiones de Religiosos/ dominicos, de la compania y / franciscos / La segunda Parte / Contiene el descubrimiento de los franzeses desde / el afio de 1669 {sic), y sus suzesos, y la Relazion de los / viajes, q los Espanoles han hecho al Seno Mexi / cano desde el afio de 1683 {sic) asta el de 1673 y / la description de la Bahia de s" Maria / de galve, y otro de la empalizada / La tercera parte / pone la Rela- zion de el Alvar nufiez cabaza de Vaca/ enteramente. y La historia de Hernado {sic) de Soto / continuada, com- pilada de las decadas / de Antonio de Herrera / Escribiala/ El D°' D.P? Fernz de Pulgar Canonigo de La/ss'* iglesia de Palenzia, y Coronista /mayor de indias /dedicasse./ This manuscript history appears to be a development of certain chapters on Florida referred to in the Preface to Book IV. and also in the Index to volume iii. of Pulgar's Historia General de las Indias Occidentales, De- cada Nona, continua la de Antonio de Herrera desde el aflo 1555 asta el de 1565 (Bib. Nac, Madrid, MSS. 2796- 2799), but which do not appear therein. It consists of 776 closely written pages in a small and cramped cali- graphy rather difficult to decipher, and is divided into two parts of two and three books respectively. The first book has six chapters, as follows: i. The discovery of Florida. 2. Its coast. 2 {sic). Its people and customs. 5 {sic). Spanish discovery, De Leon, Ayllon, etc. 6 {sic), French discoveries, Ribaut, Laudonni^re, etc. 7 {sic). xiv Preface What remains to be discovered. The second book is en- titled "Spanish Expeditions to Florida " and contains ten chapters on De Leon, Ayllon, Narvaez, De Soto, Fr. Luis Cancer, the fleet lost on the Florida coast in 1553, and Arellano. The third book entitled " French Expedi- tions and Men^ndez de Avil^s," consists of ten chapters on Ribaut, Avil^s, the Jesuit missions, and Gourgues. The fourth book consists of six chapters on English ex- peditions to Florida, and the second Franciscan mission. All of these chapters are divided into numbered sections. The second part is in four books. The first book is a description of Louisiana in three chapters. The second book treats of Spanish discoveries since 1685 in two chapters. The second {sic) book contains the relation of Cabega de Vaca and the second {sic) book relates the De Soto expedition in twenty-nine chapters. The work is unfinished and the chapters are frequently incomplete, many of them being represented by a short paragraph of one or two pages only ; others are very long, and still others have merely the title of the chap- ter written in, the page below being left blank. The ma- terial is unorganised, the same subject being sometimes repeated two or three times under different headings. The text consists very largely of extracts from and ab- stracts of published histories and accounts of the events related, the abstracts from two or more writers on the same subject being arranged in successive sections under the chapter heading. The authors whose works have furnished the material for the history, and to whom constant reference is made, appear to cover all the literature on the subject in Spanish, French, and Latin extant at the time of its composition. The list includes in Spanish: Herrera, Torquemada, Las Casas, Castellano, Gomara, Padilla, Rivas, Garcilaso, Nieremberg, Remesal, etc.; in French: De Thou, Le Challeux, Laudonnifere, De Laet, etc. ; in Preface xv Latin: Algambe, Ribadeneyra, Camargo, Schott, Mon- tanus, De Bry, Le Moyne, etc., and, in Italian, Benzoni. In a word, the history is a vast and ill-digested com- pendium of all of the published material extant at the date of its writing, and the inference of Dr. Brinton, who had never seen the manuscript, that "it was not probable" that it "would add any notable increment to our know- ledge " ' is largely justified. In conclusion the author wishes to express his obliga- tion to Dr. Jos6 Ignacio Rodriguez, Librarian and Chief Translator of the International Bureau of the American Republics, for his kindly assistance in the deciphering of some obscure passages in the Spanish documents which have been consulted. Woodbury Lowery. Washington, D. C. February, 1905. > Notes on the Floridian Peninsula, Philadelphia, 1859, p. 36. CONTENTS Preface fAOt Y BOOK I. THE FRENCH COLONY CHAPTER I— The Spanish Treasure Fleets and Florida . II— The First French Colony .... Ill — The Second French Colony. The Timuquanans IV — The Second French Colony — Continued V— The Third French Expedition VI — Philip's Notice to France , VII — Pedro Men£ndez de Aviles VIII — The Departure of Avil£s for Florida IX — The Capture of Fort Caroline X— The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 3 28 49 75 94 10 1 120 142 155 186 BOOK II. THE SPANISH COLONY I — The Ays Expedition. Avil6s at Havana . . .211 II — The Carlos Expedition. Mutiny at the Settlements . 228 III — Expeditions to Guale, St. John's River, and Chesapeake Bay 244 IV — Father Martinez and his Companions . * . . , 264 V — Expeditions of Pardo and Boyano. Return of AviLfe to Spain 275 VI — Mutiny at St. Augustine. Pardo's Second Expedition . 293 VII — Philip Notifies France of the Massacre . . . 299 VIII — The French Revenge 314 xvii xviii Contents BOOK HI. THE GUALE AND VIRGINIA MISSIONS CONDITION OF THE COLONY CHAPTER PAGE I — The Guale Mission. Destitution ok the Colony . . 339 II— The Virginia Mission 359 III — The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida .... 367 APPENDICES AFPENDIX A— Registered Gold and Silver Imported into Spain from the West Indies, 1560-1569 387 B — The " RivjSre de Mai " 389 C — The Pillar Set up by Ribaut 393 D — The Rivers between the " Rivere de Mai "and Port Royal 394 E — Port Royal . 399 F — Charlesfort 403 G — Fort Caroline 405 H — TiMUQUA 407 I — LaudonniI:re's Story of the November Mutiny . . 409 J — Maps of the French Colonies in Florida and South Carolina 410 K— La Terre des Bretons 417 L— Portraits of Pedro MenI;ndez de AviLfis . . . .418 M — The Deposition of Jean Memyn 420 N — The Captured French Vessels 420 O — The Oath of Avil6s 421 P— The Death of Ribaut 425 Q — The Situation of Avili&s at thk Time of the Massacre , 429 R— Ays . . . 431 S — Santa Lucia 434 T— Caloosa 436 U— San Felipe 438 V— Tegesta 440 Contents xix APPENDIX TAGE W— The Date of Pardo's First Expedition . . . -443 X — Pardo's First Expedition 444 Y — Tocobaga 448 Z— Pardo's Second Expedition 45° AA— Tacatacuru 452 BB — The Spanish Account of Gourgues's Attack on San Mateo 454 CC— The Second Voyage of AviLis to Florida . . .457 DD— AxACAN 458 EE — The Site of the Segura Mission 461 FF — Mapa de la Florida y Laguna de Maimi donde se ha de HACER UN FUERTE 4^4 Index 467 ILLUSTRATIONS PAGB Pedro Men4ndez dk Avil^s, in " Retratos de los EspaRoles Ilustres con UN Epitome de sus Vidas," Madrid, 1791 Frontispiece *' Florid^e American.* PROViNcii* Recens & exactissima de- scRiPTio," BY Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues, published by De Bry in 1591 28 Map of the French Florida Colony of 1562-65, by Nicolas BeLLIN, in " HiSTOIRE ET DESCRIPTION GfeNi&RALE DE LA NoU- velle France," par le P. de Charlevoix, Paris, 1744 . 34 Map of Florida, 1562-1574. Compiled by Woodbury Lowery. 210 '* Mapa de la Florida y Lacuna de Maimi," 1595-1600 (?), in THE Archives of the Indies, Seville 286 BOOK I THE FRENCH COLONY BOOK I THE FRENCH COLONY CHAPTER I THE SPANISH TREASURE FLEETS AND FLORIDA v WITH the opening of the year 1562, the eastern coast of the continent of North America from Panuco to the St. Lawrence was still untenanted by the white man. To the north the region discovered by Cartier and Roberval had become the seat of short-lived colonies, which had been abandoned in despair, and France ap- peared for the time being to have withdrawn from the unequal contest with the wilderness. To the south the persistent efforts of Spain to take possession of the vast region to which she laid claim had proved equally abor- tive, although they had brought her some acquaintance with the interior of the country and with the nature of its savage inhabitants. She, too, had become discour- aged by her vain attempts, her useless sacrifice of life and treasure, the stern reception given her by the warlike natives, and her failure to discover those sources of the precious metals which had so amply rewarded her con- quests in Mexico and South America. She no longer 3 4 The Spanish Settlements feared the intrusion of another power within this part of her domain, where she herself had so signally failed, and in September of the previous year Philip had proclaimed that no further attempt should be made to colonise the eastern coast.' It was true that she professed it to be her desire to bring into the bosom of the Church the natives of her vast transatlantic dominions, but she felt herself fully equal to the gigantic task, and would brook no interfer- ence in her mission, even from foreigners of her own faith. Moreover, the greater portion of the continent was hers by right of discovery, conquest, and papal patent, and its boundless treasures furnished the sinews for her incessant European and African wars. Although she had now abandoned a small part of her Atlantic coast, her unparallelled success in other regions had soon awakened jealousies and stimulated competitors, lured by other incentives than the cure of souls, and she was determined to defend the pathway to the New World against the intrusion of all her rivals. Portugal, France, and England watched with envious eyes the extension of her possessions and the uninterrupted stream of gold that flowed into her coffers. As the route by which this wealth reached her ports of Cadiz and Seville had a direct bearing on her policy with regard to Florida, we will now proceed to consider how vast this wealth was, the path by which it crossed the Atlantic, and the risks to which it was exposed on its way. Whether 1497 or 1501 be fixed upon for the inception of commercial relations between Spain and the Indies, the establishment of the Casa de Contrataci6n in Seville, by c^dula of February 14, 1503, through which all busi- ness with the Indies was compelled to pass, with the appointment of its governing board consisting of three officers, agent, treasurer, and accountant, indicates that ■ Spanish Settlements, 1513-1561, p. 376. The Treasure Fleets and Florida 5 even at that early period a trade of considerable magni- tude was already in existence.' The bulk of the exports from the mother country consisted chiefly of grain and provisions, arms, ammuni- tion, and clothing, for the colonists were still compara- tively few in number, and their warlike occupations gave them little leisure to indulge in luxuries. Horses and cattle, seed, plants, and instruments of agriculture occa- sionally formed a part of the cargo of the outgoing ves- sels, and slaves, both black and white, as we have seen in a previous volume. These exports were encouraged by an absolute freedom from duties during the first half of the sixteenth century and by the opening of other ports of the realm to the West India traffic.' The vessels re- turned from the Indies loaded with brazil and other native woods, dye-stuffs, medicinal herbs, cotton, hides, gold, and silver, and articles of native production. It is difficult at this distance of time, and with the limited data at our command, to determine with any ap- proach to exactitude the value of the precious metals exported from Spanish America to the mother country during the first half of the sixteenth century. Moncada states that by 1595 two thousand millions of registered gold and silver had entered Spain from the Indies since their discovery," and Navarette, writing in 1626, asserts 1 D. Rafael Antunez y Acevedo. Memorias HistSricas sobre la Legisla- cidny Gobierno del Comercio de los Espailoles con sus Colonias en las Jndias Occidentales, Madrid, 1797, pp. I, 3. 2 Antunez, ibid., pp. 21, 24. The cedula of January 15, 1529, opened nine ports in addition to that of Cadiz. This privilege appears to have fallen into disuse, owing, among other reasons, to the necessity of sailing in convoy and the imposition of export duties. It was revoked in 1573. Ibid., pp. II, 13, 20, 22. The cedula is given in full, ibid.. Appendix, p. i. See E. G. Bourne, " Spain in America," New York, 1904, in IVie American Nation: A History, vol. iii., pp. 282-284, for Spain's colonial commerce during this period. 3 Sancho de Moncada. Restauracidn Politica de Espana, Primera Parte, Deseos Publicos al Rey Don Filipe Tercero nuestro senor. Madrid, 1619. "Discurso Tercero," cap. i., fol. 21b. 6 The Spanish Settlements that during the century comprised between the years 1 5 19 and 161 7 this imported wealth amounted to 1536 millions.' As the new country became known and the mines were discovered and worked, the annual importa- tions of the precious metals, though comparatively small at first, increased rapidly. It is reported that during four years of the period which we are now considering (1564, 1566, 1567, and 1568) something like thirty and a half million dollars found their way into Spain, an esti- mate which does not include quantities of jewels and precious stones. This was an enormous sum, when we consider that its purchasing power was perhaps fourfold what it is to-day. What may have been the total value of the unregistered wealth surreptitiously introduced into the kingdom from the same sources through the con- nivances of interested and dishonest ofificials, it is natur- ally impossible to determine. Unquestionably it must have been very great when we consider the facilities that were offered for defrauding the revenue.* Spain quickly recognised that her increasing pro- sperity could not be displayed with impunity before the greedy eyes of her less fortunate neighbours. Neither was she slow in taking the necessary precautions. " En boca ccrrada no cntran moscas,'' says the Spanish proverb, and in two different directions did Spain strive to exclude these buzzing flies from her succulent morsels, that she might close to them every channel of information con- cerning her West Indian possessions. In the first place, she sought to prevent the publication of all charts and maps which could indicate the way thither. This did not arise from any absence of information concerning her distant domains. As the discoveries progressed the mass ' Pedro Fernandez Navarette, Conservacidn de Monarquias, Madrid, 1626, p. 143. And see Humboldt, Ensayo Politico, tomo iii., p. 316; E. G. Bourne, "Spain in America," p. 301. ' See Appendix A. Registered Gold and Silver imported into Spain from the West Indies. The Treasure Fleets and Florida 7 of geographical material accumulated by Spanish mariners and explorers became accessible to the map makers, for masters of vessels and pilots were required to keep a record of their journeys for the purpose of facilitating the navigation of the Atlantic' A register was kept of all the islands, bays, shoals, and ports, their contours and locations, and the distance of the voyages to the Indies, which was deposited in the Casa de Contrataci6n in Se- ville there to be "well guarded and concealed " '; every precaution was taken to see that pilots and masters of ves- sels were thoroughly equipped with all the nautical knowl- edge and the instruments pertaining to their art, and discoverers were ordered to forward a full and complete relation of all they had done to the Council of the Indies.' As early as 1 5 1 1 it was forbidden to supply foreigners with charts or maps,' andin 1527 Charles V. enacted that even pictures and descriptions of the Indies should not be sold or given to them without special licence/ Such was the secretiveness of the authorities that no official map of the western discoveries was published in Spain until the year 1790, and it has been thought that this reticence on the part of the Government may have led to the suppression of Peter Martyr's First Decade and of the La Cosa Map, which was in some of the copies/ ' Herrera, Historia de las Indias Occidentales , Madrid, 1730, tomo ii., dec. 4, lib. ii., cap. vi., p. 32, 1527. "^ Recopilacidn de Leyes de los Reinos de las Indias, Madrid, 1841, lib. ix,, tit. xxiii., ley 12, tomo ii., p. 303. '^ Ibid., lib. iv., tit. i., ley 14, 1542, tomo ii., p. 95. For early regu- lations of this description see Final Report of Investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United States, Carried on Mainly in the Years from 1880 to i88j. By A. F. Bandelier, part i., p. 45, note i. See also Henry Harrisse, The Discovery of North America, pp. 11-17. * Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 113, note 3. '" Recopilacidn, lib. ix., tit. xxiii., ley 14, tomo iii., p. 303; Kohl's essay on the Ribero Map in Maine Hist. Col., 2d series, vol. i., p. 302. *J. C. Brevoort, in his "Notes on the Verrazano Map" {Journal of the Am. Geographical Soc. of New York, 1873, vol. iv,, p. 240,) and in 8 The Spanish Settlements The other precaution taken was the total exclusion of foreigners from the crews of vessels sailing to the West Indies. Masters of vessels were required to be natives of Castile, Aragon, or Navarre, and no foreigners were per- mitted to hold the office.' No foreign sailors were al- lowed in the armadas and fleets sailing to the Indies, and officers were commissioned with authority to visit the outgoing vessels in order to assure themselves of the due execution of the law and to prevent their embarkation.* Finally the exclusion of foreigners from the Indies in any other capacity except under licence was rigorously en- acted.' But the sheen of the gold was too dazzling to be hidden in this ostrich-like fashion, and in a hundred differ- ent ways the story of Spain's newly acquired wealth reached the outer world, and the knowledge of it spread. The French ambassador at Madrid, M, de Fourquevaux, kept his Most Christian Majesty fully informed of the expected treasure fleets from Peru and Mexico and of their arrival.* The banks at Lyons were also advised of the same.* Portuguese agents sought to bribe Spanish pilots to show them the way." French pilots went to Seville and se- Verrazano the Navigator, New York, 1874, p. 102, cited also in Narr, and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 113, notes 2 and 3. ' Recopilaci6n, lib. ix., tit. xxiii., ley 4, 1527, tomo iii., p. 303. '^ Ibid., lib. ix., tit. xxv., ley 12, 1553, tomo iii., p. 317, ibid., ley 14, 1554. ^ Recopilacidn, lib, iv., tit. ii., ley i, 1501 and 1526, tomo ii., p. 96; ibid., tit. i., ley 3, tomo ii. p. 93, and lib. ix., tit. xxvi., ley i, 1560, tomo iv., p. I. Instructions given to Ovando, September 17, 1501. In- structions given to the Casa de Contratacion by Ferdinand and Isabella in 1510. Antunez, Memorias, pp. 41-42, 268 et seq. E. G. Bourne, "Spain in America," New York, 1904, in The American Nation: A History, vol. iii., p. 245, instances some of the exceptions. * D^peches de M. de Fourquevaux Ambassadeur du Roi Charles IX. en Espagne 1^6^-1572, publiees par M. I'Abbe Douais, Paris, 1896, pp. 97, 124, 126, et passim. ' Alava i Philippe II., Lyon, 22 Juillet, 1564, MS, Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1502 (10). * Herrera, tomo i., dec. I., lib, vii., cap. iii., p. 197. The Treasure Fleets and Florida 9 cretly made the voyage to the Indies as sailors on Spanish vessels.' Shipwrecked mariners and unsuccessful colonists rescued by passing vessels brought their knowledge to the country of their rescuers, while paid spies and informers were employed by the countries interested in obtaining such information. With the rapid extension and increase of this traffic the high seas were soon filled with vessels of other nationali- ties preying upon it. To these France and England con- tributed the greatest number. During the first half of the century France and Spain, it is true, were almost continually at war with each other except for brief inter- vals of peace in which to recover breath. England was ostensibly at peace with Spain for the entire period. But the piratical subjects of both countries, acting appar- ently in defiance of the wishes of the home Government, were in reality often in secret connivance with interested ofificials of the most exalted position. The French cor- sair, Jean Florin, identified by some authorities with the explorer Verrazano, captured the treasures sent home by Cortes ' ; French pirates sank Spanish vessels which were coming from Peru,^ or made a bold descent upon Ha- vana*; the announcement was made of the fitting out of a •Christobal de Haro to Charles V., April 8, 1541, MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Sevilla, est. 143, caj. 3, leg. 11. ^ Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. iv., pp. 5. 21, 1523. E. G. Bourne (" Spain in America," New York, 1904, in The American Nation: A History, vol. iii., p. 143, note 3) says the identity of Verrazano with Florin has been disproved by Peragallo, Bull, of the Soc. Geog. Ital., 3d series, vol. ix., p. 189, and had never any documentary evidence to rest on. * " Reponses du ministere de France a diverses reclamations presentees au nom de I'Empereur par Jean de Saint Mauris, son ambassadeur (i545. avril ou mai)." Sans date. Papiers d'Etat du Cardinal de Granvdle d'apres les manuscrils de la Bibliothhjue de Besan^on, publies sous la direction de M. Ch. Weiss. Paris, 1841, vol. iii., p. 140. * " Relacion de lo subcedido en la Habana, cerca de la entrada de los Franceses en ella." In Coleccidn de varies Documentos para la Historia de la Florida y Tierras adyacentes. By Buckingham Smith, Londres (1857 ?), tomo i., p. 202. lo The Spanish Settlements fleet in England for the purpose of sacking the island of Madeira.' The cutting out of a treasure ship of the fleet returning from the Indies' became of such frequent occurrence that as early as 1541 Spain sought to obtain from the English Government a statute for- bidding the sailing of any armed vessels from its ports for Brazil or the Indies without security being given by their commanders that they would not molest Span- ish subjects. ^ Particularly exposed to depredations of this nature were the many vessels which, shipping hides, sugar, and cassia in the islands of Puerto Rico and Hispaniola, threaded the Gulf of Mexico to carry their merchandise to Tierra Firma, Honduras, and Spain, These vessels were unwilling to sail home in convoy with the fleet which gathered at Havana for that purpose, because it would involve them in serious delay ; and thus, compelled to return unattended with the money which they had ob- tained in exchange for their merchandise, they fell an easy prey to the pirates infesting the Gulf of Mexico.* Necessity soon pointed the way to a method of self- protection, and very early in the course of the century it became customary for the vessels going to and arriving from the Indies to sail together in company in order to ' " Copia de carta de Su Majestad al Conde de Feria, fechaen Bruselas a 24 de Abril de 1559 " in CohcciJn de Documentos Ine'ditos para la Historia de Espaila, por el Marques de la Fuensanta del Valle, D. Jose Sancho Rayon y D. Francisco de Zabalburu, tomo Ixxxvii., pag. 176. ' "Capitulo de carta del Obispo Quadra a S. M. de 16 de Agosto de 1561," in Col. Doc. Inedit. Hist. Espaila, tomo Ixxxvii., pag. 364. ^Eustace Chapuys to the Queen Regent, Jan. 2 (4), 1541, London, in Calandar of State Papers, Spanish, vol. vi., Pt. I., p, 304. ■• Pero Menendez (de Aviles) sobrel Remedio, pa. q haya muchos nabios (undated), Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 28, 366, fol. 299b. The letter appears from internal evidence to have been written at some date between July, 1 561, and the spring (?) of 1562, prior to any Spanish knowledge of the French occupation of Florida, Aviles being then in Spain, having returned from his second voyage to the Indies. The Treasure Fleets and Florida ii afford one another mutual protection.' It was one of the duties of the visitador of the Casa de Contrataci6n not only to see that the vessels were properly equipped with a crew and supplies for the long voyage, but also that they carried arms and ammunition with which to encounter the sea-robber." But as the sailing together of the vessels was not compulsory, individual ships or a small company of two or three would set out under a special permit and meet their fate at the hands of the pi- rates, to whom they could offer no effective resistance. A stop was at last put to this by royal c6dula of July i6, 1 561. It was enacted that in January and August of every year two expeditions should sail from the rio de Sevilla, the one called the Fleet of New Spain, with desti- nation for the Antilles and the Gulf of Mexico, and the other called the Fleet of Tierra Firme for Carthagena. The two fleets were to proceed together under the com- mand of an admiral, and on arriving off Dominica, the vessels destined for New Spain were to divide from those destined for Tierra Firme, with the General of the fleet in command of the one and the Admiral of the other.^ Another danger to which the merchant fleet was ex- posed arose from the selfishness of individual captains who endeavoured to save themselves at the expense of their companions. On an attack of the pirates the ves- sels would disperse like a flock of frightened sheep, those that were swift and light abandoning those that were slow and more heavily laden to the mercy of the enemy ; and the rumour of the presence of a pirate in the neighbour- hood of a port would inspire them with such terror that ' Antunez, Metnorias, pp. 83, 84, thinks it dates from the beginning of the commerce of the West Indies. '^ Ibid., pp. 59, 61, 69, and see also the cedula of Feb. 13, 1552, ibid., p. 16. ^ Ibid., p. 85; Disquisiciones Nduticas, por Cesareo Fernandez Duro, Madrid, 1877, p. 169. 12 The Spanish Settlements it would delay the sailing for days. To this danger the fleet was particularly exposed in time of war, and in 1521 an armada was sent to protect the merchantmen arriving from the Indies, owing to the presence of French vessels off the coast of Andalusia and of Algarve.' The follow- ing year an armada was sent as far as the Canaries to convoy the outgoing India fleet. In 1532, fearing the revival of a war with France, an armada was raised to pro- tect the vessels arriving from the Indies. In 1552 it was provided that an armada of four galleons and two cara- vels should escort the fleet, a second be raised in Santo Domingo for the protection of the coasts, and a third be stationed off Cape St. Vincent in Spain to guard against pirates." Finally, under the c6dulas of July 15, 1561, which regulated the sailing of the fleets, and another of October 18, 1564, arose the Armada de las Carreras de las Indias^ whose duty it was to escort the fleets on their way to the Indies. It then awaited in Havana the gather- ing of the various vessels and treasure ships from Tierra Firma and New Spain, and accompanied the treasure fleet and the merchantmen, who sought its protection on their return passage across the ocean.* The fleets sailed twice a year from Havana during the summer season, passed northward through the Straits of Florida, or the Bahama Channel as it was then generally called, until they reached the neighbourhood of Bermuda, when they set their course for the Azores and from thence to Seville." The passage through the Channel, ' Herrera, tomo ii., dec. 3, lib. i., cap. xiv., p. 23. ' Duro, Disquisiciones, pp. 167, 168 ; Antunez, Memorias, pp. 20, 178. ^Antunez, Manorias, pp. 15, i6 ; Recopilacim, lib. ix., tit. xxx., ley 55, tomo iii., p. 49. •• Pero Menendez (de Aviles), sobrel Remedio, pa. q haya muchos nabios, Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 28, 366, fol. 299b; Duro, Disquisiciones, p. i63. ' Pero Menendez {de AviUs) sobrel Remedio, fol. zqgb. Derrotero y senas de tierra y sondas de la costa de la nueua espana y de tierra firme y buelta de las yndias a espai^a . . . por fran'=° manuel . . . empesose a 15 de ^.^ The Treasure Fleets and Florida 13 discovered by Ponce de Leon ' in his first expedition, was considered a dangerous one * on account of the prevalence of violent storms at certain seasons of the year, the roughness of its waters, and the ever-present peril of the reefs at its entrance, the Martyr Islands of the early maps. In its narrowest part it is but thirty-nine miles wide, and from the earliest times that its blue and tepid currents were ploughed by the keels of the Spanish galleons the wreckage along the Florida coast attested its terrors to navigators. So fatal was the Channel to merchantmen and treasure fleets, that in the course of the following century the assistance rendered to Spaniards cast away on the Florida shore, the large number of lives rescued, and the watch kept upon the passing vessels by the coast Indians, subject to the Spanish rule at St. Augustine, were perhaps the most powerful of all the arguments pre- sented by the Spanish inhabitants of Florida against the abandonment of the colony. Even prior to the Spanish settlement at St. Augustine, and shortly after Menen- dez de Avil^s returned from his second voyage to the West Indies, he had begun to urge upon the King the necessity of locating and establishing ports of refuge in the neighbourhood of the Channel, where vessels disabled in its passage and in the region of the "still vex'd Ber- mothes" could put in for repairs, and thus avoid the long and perilous return to Puerto Rico.' It is not difificult to conceive with what apprehension the Government viewed the possibility, of the establishment of a piratical band in abril afio del seiior 1583 as, Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 28, 189, and see earlier maps. J. C. Brevoort in his " Notes on the Verrazano Map" (Journal of the Am. Geographical Soc. of New York, 1873, vol. iv., p. 239,) and in Ver- razano, the Navigator, New York, 1874, p. lOi, gives a good note on the routes to and from the West Indies. Gomara, Histoire G^n&ale des Indes Occidentales. Ed. Fumee, Paris, 1587, liv. vi., chap, xxvi., p. 479 et seq. ' Herrera, tomo i., dec. i., lib. ix., cap. xii., p. 250. * Antunez, Memorias, p. 91. 2 Pero Menendez {de Avil/s) sobrel Remedio, fol. 300b. 14 The Spanish Settlements some stronghold along the shore, within easy reach of the golden flood which at stated intervals flowed through the Channel, or the passing of the Floridian Peninsula and the territory to the north of it into the grasp of another nation with as keen an appetite for the yellow metal as its own, even though it might be a Catholic power and friendly for the time being. Another and very imminent danger attendant upon any settlement by a foreign power in the vicinity of the West Indies and of the route of the treasure ships arose from conditions peculiar to the population which at that time occupied the Spanish colonies, a danger which pointed more particularly to France. As early as 15 14 the rapid mcrease of the negro slaves in Hispaniola had already become a source of fear to the white population, and measures had been taken to prevent it ; ' this as well as the slave insurrection in Ayllon's colony,^ probably the first of its kind within our country, indicate but too clearly the treatment to which the negro population was subjected at the hands of its masters. By 1560 the natural increase of that prolific race, coupled with the constant inflow brought by the slave-traders, had created a most alarming preponderance in their number over that of the whites. Says Men^ndez de Aviles in his letter to the King, previously referred to : " In the Island of Puerto Rico there are above 15,000 negroes and less than 500 Spaniards, and in all of the Island of His- paniola there may be 2000 Spaniards and there are over 30,000 negroes, . . . the same is the case in the island of Cuba and in Veracruz, Puerto de Cavallos, which is in Honduras, and in Nombre de Dios, Carthagena, Santa Maria, and the coast of Venezuela, where there are twenty negroes to one white man, and with the lapse of time they will increase to a great many more." ' Spanish Settlements, 1513-1561, p. ri2. ' Ibid., p. 167. The Treasure Fleets and Florida 15 And then he points the moral and lays bare the danger. " In France no negro is a slave, neither can he become one by law of the realm. Were France to arm three or four thou- sand men they would be masters of all these islands, and ports of Tierra Firma; for the city of Santo Domingo, which is the strongest, is easily taken, in spite of the fort, bulwarks, and artillery; and 500 harquebus men — for the honour of the city I do not say fewer — could take it with ease, and by freeing the negroes, most of whom are ladinos ' and natives of the land^ and by liberating them, so that they be no longer slaves, they would kill their own masters, and put all their faith in the French, because the French had made them free." * Men^ndez was wise and timely in his warning against French aggression, as we shall soon see. France, England, and Portugal had all turned their eyes on the New World, were spying out its possibilities, and seeking to reap what advantage they could from the knowledge so obtained. Of the three powers mentioned, England was, for the time being, the least to be dreaded. Although the Cabot expedition had called forth a protest from Spain, the charters for discovery and colonisation granted to him and others were "without prejudice to Spain and Portugal," and respected the papal bull of de- markation. The early part of the sixteenth century was spent in building up the English navy as a distinct service, and the country was largely occupied with its revolt from Rome, the final success of which was instrumental in breaking down the respect for the papal bull which had stood in the way of England's discovery and colonisation ' A ladino was a slave who had served over one year. ^ Pero Menendez (de AviUs) sobrel Remedio, fol. 300. "Memorial de Pedro Menendez de Aviles," undated [1561-62?] in E. Ruidiaz y Caravia, La Florida, Madrid, 1893, tomo ii., p. 322. " Vida y Hechos de Pero Menendez de Auiles," por Bartolome Barrientos, in Dos Antiguas Rela- ciones de la Florida, Genaro Garcia, Mexico, 1902, p. 29. i6 The Spanish Settlements in more favourable climates of North America than those visited by the Cabots. It was this infant navy which became the cradle of the Stukeleys, Hawkinses, and Drakes, who were to carry her flag in triumph over seas.' The period in the era of Spanish enterprise in our country which we have now reached (1560-62) was but the dawn of their energy before which the older Spanish naval supremacy was destined finally to succumb, and Spain's watchful jealousy of English aggression in Amer- ica can be best considered when the English colony in Virginia began to arouse her active resentment. For all that, Spanish vigilance was in no wise relaxed, and her ambassadors at the English Court kept her faithfully in- formed of all rumours and designs upon her West Indian possessions." Portuguese pretensions and Spanish distrust began with the return of Columbus from his first voyage.^ Pope Eugenius IV. had granted Portugal the right in per- petuity to all heathen lands that might be discovered be- yond Cape Bojador on the African coast, including India. This grant had been solemnly confirmed by succeeding popes, and Spain, by the treaty of 1479, ^^^ pledged her- self not to interfere. But the return of Columbus from his first expedition aroused in the suspicious mind of King John of Portugal the fear lest he might have been tres- passing upon these rights, although Pope Alexander VI. had issued his second bull of May 4, 1493, with the ex- press intention of avoiding any such conflict between the ' Froude mentions as an important element of the success of the English navy the boat with sails trimmed fore and aft, which could work to windward, invented by Mr. Fletcher of Rye. English Seamen in the Sixteenth Cent- tiry, by James Anthony Froude, New York, 1895, p. 12. 2 The Discovery of America, by John Fiske, Boston and New York, 1892, vol. ii., p. 17. The Genesis of the United States, by Alexander Brown, Boston and New York, 1890, vol. i., p. 2, note. 3 Herrera, tomo i., dec. I, lib. ii., cap. viii., p. 47 and cap. 10, p. 49 (1593). The Treasure Fleets and Florida 17 two powers.' King John threw out hints of an imme- diate rupture to the Spanish embassy sent to announce to him the departure of Cokimbus on his second expe- dition, and appears to have contemplated seriously the sending of a small fleet to take possession of some point in Cathay or Cipango, and then to dispute the Spanish claims. But a vigilant eye was kept upon his move- ments, the equipment of the fleet was delayed by diplo- matic means, and in the following year by the treaty of Tordesillas the line of demarkation was advanced west- ward 370 leagues beyond the Cape de Verd Islands, which secured Brazil, accidentally discovered in 1500, to the Portuguese Crown.'' The progress of Spanish discovery and the wealth which it brought to light did not tend to lessen the envy of Emanuel I., King John's successor, and so persistent were his efforts to learn the path followed by the Spanish adventurers that in 15 10 Charles V. sent him word by Alonso de la Puente that he was to make an end of stealing Spanish pilots.' The following year, Portugal seized the Moluccas, and in 15 14 an expedition to Darien was only stopped by the timely protest of Spain.* Dis- putes were soon rife between the rival powers as to the longitude of the Moluccas in respect to the dividing line at the antipodes, which Pope Alexander had failed to define. On account of the intensifying of these disputes Spain postponed the proposed Gomez expedition of 1523, and in the following year (1524) the Congress called at Badajos to settle the question, broke up after two months • Fiske, Discovery of America, vol. i., pp. 325 and authorities there cited, 441, 445, 453 ; Ferdinand and Isabella, by William H. Prescott, Philadelphia, 1869, vol. ii., pp. 174, 175. ''■ Herrera, tomo i., dec. i, lib. ii., cap. v., p. 43 et seq.; Fiske, Discovery of America, vol. ii., pp. 97, 98, 453, 459 ; Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. ii., pp. 176, 177, 181. ^ Herrera, tomo i., dec. i, lib. vii., cap. xiii., p. 196. ^ Ibid., tomo i., dec. i, lib. x., cap. x,, p. 282. 1 8 The Spanish Settlements of wrangling, each party still holding to its own opinion.' Only six years later (June 20, 1530) was a peaceful con- clusion reached by Spain's relinquishment to Portugal of all her rights thereto under the bull of demarkation.' But Portuguese sailors still passed westward in Spanish ships and studied the waterways of our Atlantic coast, probably in search of a westward passage to the Moluccas. As late as 1562 Men^ndez complains that in Villafafie's expedition to Florida, as well as in that of the Moluccas, " there were many Portuguese fighting men and very good pilots, and two [of them] who had been captains of caravels of the King of Portugal's armada, who, it appears, were sent there by their king or by his council to understand and learn those navigations and lands and their secrets and of what mat- ters the captains of your majesty treat with the peoples of those lands," and he urges upon the King the exclusion of all for- eigners.' For many years after, the ships and adventurers of France and England drew an unfailing supply of skil- ful pilots from the little kingdom, sometimes enlisting them by cunning, sometimes by force, and not infre- quently finding in them ready and willing servants to conduct their most hazardous enterprises. In January, 1548, while present at the Diet of Augs- burg, Charles V., believing his end near at hand, had, among other instructions advised his son, Philip II., " In respect to the Indies, have a care to be ever on the watch if the French wish to send an armada thither, secretly ' Herrera, tomo ii., dec, 3., lib. iv., cap. iii-viii., pp. 178-1S8. "^ Ibid., tomo ii., dec. 4, lib, v., cap. x., p. 93 et seq.; Prescott, Ferdin- and and Isabella, vol. ii., pp. i8o, l82 and authorities in note 29 ; ChristO' pher Columbus, by Justin Winsor, Boston and New York, 1891, pp, 589- 591- ' Pero Menendez {de AviUs) sobrel Remedio, fol. 303. The Treasure Fleets and Florida 19 or otherwise, and to notify the governors of those parts to be on their guard and where and when necessary in conformity therewith, to resist the said French ; for though they have often undertaken to go there, it has been observed that their armadas have not endured and more than that, when resistance is offered them, then they weaken and go to pieces; and thus it is of much advantage to be ready to hand against them." ' The Emperor's advice was based upon no vague preju- dice concerning a neighbour w^ith whom he was constantly at war; whose intrigues were for ever fomenting fresh trouble for Spain, and whose King had said of the In- dies that "God had not created those lands solely for Castilians." * Breton fishermen had been familiar with the Newfound- land fisheries for many years before Verrazano's much- disputed expedition to America in 1524 first gained for him the notice and favor of Francis I., by whom, indeed, it is said to have been authorised.' We have no know- ledge of any interference of Spain with the first and sec- ond voyages of Jacques Cartier in 1534 and 1535; but in 1537, while the war was still in progress in which Francis I. had revived his pretensions to Italy, and only a few months after Cartier's return, in July, 1536, from his second expedition, Charles V. was considering whether some article ought not to be introduced in his instructions to Los Cobos and Granvelle for treating with the Grand Master of France to prevent King Francis from any ' " Instrucciones de Carlos Quinto a Don Felipe su hijo," Augusta a i8 de enero, 1548, in Ch. Weiss, Papiers d'Atat du Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. iii., p. 295. ' Herrera, tomoii., dec. 3, lib. vi., cap. ix., p. 189. ^ Shea's Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 107 ; cited in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. iv., p. 5 and note i ; Henry C. Murphy, The Voyage of Verrazano, New York, 1875, p. 163, and B. F. Da Costa, Verrazano the Explorer, New York, 1880, p. 25. 20 The Spanish Settlements undertaking in the Indies.' In the following year the King and Queen of Portugal were informed of the Em- peror's intention in this respect and of King Francis's answer thereto'. Three years later (1540) Spain was urging the "slow-moving Portuguese" to take action ac^ainst France in view of certain licenses granted by Francis to his subjects to sail for the East and West Indies-/ and in November of the same year Los Cobos wrote Louis Sarmiento de Mendoza, Spain's ambassador to Portugal, that while there was no fear of a French ex- pedition against the Indies during the winter, "it must be borne in mind that when the Spring sets in, and the weather is fine and the winds are favourable they may all of a sudden be tempted to carry out their bad intentions." * The Emperor did not wait for the French to act in order to ascertain their designs. Following the advice he had given his son, to forestall any attempt on their part to invade the Indies, he dispatched a secret agent, Don Pedro de Santiago, during the winter to see what the French were doing, and on Santiago's return he was sent a second time to visit the entire French coast from Bordeaux to Brittany and Normandy to learn what ships were arming in the different ports, their number and equipment, and if they were designed to rob or injure the shipping that came from the Indies. No port, however insignificant, appears to have been overlooked, and the agent, having ascertained that a fleet of thirteen sail, 1 The Articles discussed with His Majesty at Mon9on with regard to the instructions to be given to Cobos and Granvelle for treating with the Grand Master of France, 1537 ; Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, vol. v., Pt. II., p. 407. ^ Luis Sarmiento (de Mendoza) to the Emperor, July 30, 153S ; Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, vol. vi., Pt. I., p. 5- 3 Cardinal Tavera to the Emperor, Madrid, Oct. 11, 1540; Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, vol. vi., Pt. I., p. 279. ■• High Commander Cobos to Luis Sarmiento (de Mendoza), Madrid, Nov. 16, 1540, Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, vol. vi., Pt. I., p. 291. The Treasure Fleets and Florida 21 with ammunition and artillery for a two-years' cruise, was being fitted out at St. Malo in command of Jacques Cartier, sought an interview with him and learned that his intention was to people a country called Canada.' The conclusions of the Councils of State and of the Indies, based upon Santiago's report, are particularly in- teresting in view of what actually occurred twenty years later; they find that the intention of the French is "to place themselves near the Bahama Channel, which is the best position they could take, when the war with France shall brake out, to harm the ships of the Indies, for most of them come through the said Channel of Bahama, and not a single one could pass without their seizing it." * They also advise that in place of the single caravel which the Emperor had ordered to follow Cartier's fleet three should be sent, and recommend that, on learning where the French intend to colonise, a person of capacity be appointed Captain General, who should publicly appear as its discoverer and apply for the right to conquer and colonise it, which should be done, however, at the cost of the royal treasury. Although the Cardinal of Seville did not accept the conclusion of the Councils as to the object the French had in view,^ the two caravels were dispatched, ' Carta de Cristoval de Haro al emperador Carlos s'', fecha en Burgos a 25 de henero de 1541, MS. De samano [Juan de Samano, secretary of Charles V.], traslado de una ca q se escriuio a xpobal de haro, de Madrid, MS. (undated). Copia de la carta q escriuio xpoiial de haro a su mag. en ocho de abril, 1541, MS.- AUof these three letters in Arch. Gen. de Indias, Sevilla est., 143, caj. 3, leg, 11. An extract of this last letter is printed with out date or reference in Una Expedicidn Espanola d la Tierra de los Bacal- laos en 1J41, Jose Toribio Medina, Santiago de Chile, 1896, p. xxv. " Relacion de lo que dice la espia que el Consejo de las Indias embio a Francia para saver lo de las Armadas que se preparaban alii," Buckingham Smith, Col. Doc. Flo., tomo i., p. 107. '^ " Lo que se acuerda en el Consejo de Estado y de Indias sobre lo que se presenta tocante al intento de la Armada de Francia, en respuesta a Su Majestad," Buck. Smith, Col. Doc, Flo., tomo i., p. log. ^In his letter of June 10, 1541 ; Buck. Smith, Col. Doc. Flo., ioraoi., p. III. 2 2 The Spanish Settlements the one sailing from San Lucar, and the other from Bayonne in August of the same year, and but a few days apart.' In 1545 came official complaints concerning certain ships from Peru reported to have been sunk by two French vessels'; neither did the proposed Roberval ex- pedition of 1547 escape the sharp eyes of the Spanish authorities.' In 1549 Simon Renard, Charles V.'s am- bassador at the French Court, was advised to inform himself "if vessels are being armed to go to the Indies, or to await on their passage near Seville ships of sub- jects of the said Emperor arriving from the Indies."* In 1555 the French pirate, Pedro Beaguez, visited Santa Martha, and Jacques de Soria made a descent upon the island of Margarita, where the pearl fisheries were, seized the town through the treachery of one of its inhabitants, by the freeing of the negro slaves, and caused it to pay a heavy ransom. He next visited Santa Martha, where he betrayed what Pulgar calls his "Lutheran perfidy" by pillaging the church, and then burned Carthagena, and burned and sacked Santiago de Cuba and Havana.^ At last Charles V. and his son Philip, "King of Eng- ' Medina, Expcdidon d los Bacallaos, pp. xxvii.-xxxv. * " Reponses du ministere de France a diverses reclamations presentees au nom de I'Empereur par Jean de Saint Mauris, son ambassadeur" (1545, avril ou mai). Sans date. In Papier s d'etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. iii., p. 140. 2 " Copie de ce qui a este escript de. Paris a I'abbe de Sainct Vincent touchant (le) Canada," 1547 ; Brit. Mus., Add. MSS. 28,596, fol. 154. * " Instructions a Simon Renard, ambassadeur a la cour de France." Sans date (Bruxelles, Janvier, I54g), Papier s d'etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. iii., p. 343. s " Memorial de Pedro Menendez de Aviles," undated, [1561-62?] Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 322 ; Historia General de las Indias Occi- dentales, Decada Nona, continua la de Antonio de Herrera desde el ano de 1555 asta el de 1565, Doctor D. Pedro Fernandez de Pulgar, tomo i., fol. 69, Bib. Nac, Madrid, MSS. 2796. And see the versified account of Juan de Castellanos in Primera Parte de las elegias de varones illustres de Indias, Madrid, 1589, p. 314. The Treasure Fleets and Florida 23 land," succeeded in imposing the long-contemplated re- strictions upon French activity in the Indies. In the truce of February 5, 1556, signed at Vaucelles and which was to last for five years, Henry II. agreed that "the subjects of the said Sir King of France or others at their behest shall not traffic, navigate, or trade in the Indies belonging to the said Sir King of England, without his express leave and license; otherwise, doing the contrary, it shall be allowable to proceed against them as enemies; the said truce remaining none the less in force and vigour. ' ' ' The ink of the treaty of Vaucelles was scarcely dry when, four months later (June, 1556), the Neapolitan Pope, Paul IV., who had invoked the aid of the Turk in his struggle with Philip over the temporalities of the Church in Sicily and Naples, induced Henry to break it, and the three-years' war with France began which termi- nated with the treaty of Cateau-Cambresis in 1559. To the last moment of the truce Spanish vigilance con- tinued on the alert. Villegaignon had sailed for Brazil the previous year under the auspices of Admiral Coligny to found a Protestant colony there, while Dona Juana, widow of Don John of Portugal, was Regent of Spain during Philip's absence in England and the Netherlands. Renard, who had a secret agent in Normandy giving him information of ships under construction and their de- stination," wrote to the Regent in July, 1556, that Ville- gaignon, ' ' having seized a port in the passage of the Indies, is fortifying it and has advised the King of France, that if he will send him four or five thousand soldiers he will conquer a part of the ' Corps Universel diplomatique du Droit des Gens, ]. Dumont, Amster- dam, La Haye, 1726, vol. iv., Partie III., p. 84. "Additions de quelques Articles au Traite de Vaucelles, etc." * L'Ambassadeur Renard k Philippe II., Paris, 7 juillet, 1556; Papiers d'etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. iv., p. 622. 24 The Spanish Settlements Indies for him and prevent the navigation of that part. , . . And as the French are arming vessels in Normandy and Brit- tany," continues Renard, " although they may be for another object, it appeared to me that I should not fail to give this advice, in order that your Highness may warn and advise those whom it concerns ; for they could easily molest travellers and navigators to the said Indies." ' In 1559 the treaty of Cateau-Cambr6sis was signed be- tween Philip and Henry II., by which France disgorged an accumulated plunder of years, said to have equalled in value one-third of the kingdom.' No reference was made to the Indies in the treaty itself. There appears, however, to have been an understanding that, while the French pirates and privateers were to be duly punished, and while France agreed that she would not interfere with Philip's West Indian possessions, she still insisted that the freedom of the sea was hers, as well as of those regions which did not belong to Spain, and that she would not "consent to be deprived of the sea and the heavens." ' Be that as it may, the Duke of Alba in a subsequent conversation with Fourquevaux, the French ambassador to Spain, implied that the omission in the treaty arose entirely from the absence of any adverse occupation of the Indies by the French at the time of its signing," In June of the same year Philip was married by proxy to the French Princess Isabella of Savoy, and in January, 1560, shortly after his return to Spain, he met her for the first time at Guadalajara. The close bonds now estab- ' L'Ambassadeur Renard (k la princesse de Portugal?). Sans date. (Commencement d'aout, 1556); Hid., vol. iv., p. 658. « TAe A'ise of the Dutch Republic, John Lothrop Motley. New York, 1859, vol. i., chap, iii., p. 202. ^ Unsigned and undated note, 1564-1566, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1503. * Lettre au Roi, 24 decembre, 1565, Ddpiches de M. de Fourqtuvattx, p. 17. The Treasure Fleets and Florida 25 lished between himself and France, which had been one of the main objects of the last treaty, were insufficient to quiet Philip's ever-suspicious spirit. Hardly had the marriage by proxy been performed, when the Duke of Alba, who had represented Philip at the ceremony, was writing to the King from Paris regarding the prohibition which the French King was to proclaim in respect to the navigation of the Indies.' In August of the same year Chantone arrived in Paris as Philip's ambassador, and began his complaints against the French piracies. During November and December Rouen citizens were arming vessels at Havre de Grace to plunder the Indies," and December 24th Philip wrote directing him to oppose the granting by the French King of licences to go to the Indies, "because if they sought to conquer territory, it could only be on the same coasts which we already hold, or in our provinces, which we have discovered in those parts, and because they would not be able to maintain them." ' Early in January of the following year Chantone pro- tested in open council against the equipment of the ves- sels already referred to. Admiral Coligny replied that none of them would be permitted to sail from Brittany or Normandy, where he commanded, either for the In- dies or to their harm or that of any of the Spanish King's subjects.' A few months later, again importuning the Cardinal of Lorraine in respect to suspicious vessels arm- ing in the same ports, he received the curt reply that the French "were under no obligation to hold their vessels at the will of their neighbours, nor to be prevented from ' Letter of July 22, 1559, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1492 (60). ■^ Letter of Nov. 15, 1559, Blois, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1492(77); and Dec. 2, 1559, ibid. (82), fol. 5. * Letter, Dec. 24, 1559, Paris, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1493 (12). * Letter, Jan. 17, 1560, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1493 (30). 26 The Spanish Settlements sending them where it best suited their convenience, and if the Spaniards suspected their actions without reason, the French saw no way of undeceiving them." ' Everything aroused Chantone's suspicions, from the rattHng of an anchor chain to the laying of a keel ; and his eyes were never off the ports of Normandy and Brit- tany, hotbeds of "Lutherans " and breeding-grounds of pirates. Early in the year 1561 reports of the arming of a fleet of ten galleys, manned by seventy "Lutheran" sailors, carrying fifty pieces of artillery, and provided with a launch for shallow water, for the purpose of pillag- ing the shores of the Indies and robbing the returning Spanish vessels, called for special remonstrance on the part of Philip.' This was followed by a convention of ship captains held in England to which the captains of Normandy and Brit- tany were summoned, and whose action awaited the return of Coligny from Chatillon, where he had gone to spend Easter. "This junta of vessels has awakened my sus- picions," writes Chantone, "and I was anxious for some days, because the Admiral is a friend of novelties, and of seeking his own advantage. . . . It is also reported that the said ships are bound for the Indies." ' In May he forwarded to the King a report of the ships in the various French ports.* Coligny again readily promised that he would do all that was in his power, and what was just, to stop the piracies.' Meanwhile the plundering, by corsairs, from Normandy and Brittany of Spanish vessels returning from the Indies and the slaughter of their ' Chantone to Philip, Nov. 20 and 22, 1560, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1493 (107), fol. 2b. 2 Letter, 1561, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1495 (i) and Philip to Chantone, March 23, 1561, Toledo, MS. ibid., K., 1495 (26). 3 Letter, April 7, 1561, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1494 (73). * Letter, May i, 1561, MS. ibid., K, 1494 (84), forwarding the Report dated April 20, 1561, MS. ibid., K, 1494 (80). 'Letter, Nov. 9, 1561, MS. Arch, Nat. Paris, K, 1494 (107). The Treasure Fleets and Florida 27 crews continued,' until Chantone, in justifiable indigna- tion, writes his King under date of January 13, 1562, "with the robberies committed in the route of the Indies during the past days, all those of Normandy and Brittany are so possessed of greed, that there is not a man of those that follow the fleets who does not seek to own a ship or to have one built, although they would have to sell their inheritance to attain it," and he adds, "that all those who were engaged in this matter were heretics, and of those regarded with the most Cavour." ' » Letter, Aug. 11, 1561, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1495 (62) ; letter, 1560 or 1561 (?), MS. idic/., K, 1494 (i?). 'Letter, Jan. 13, 1562, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1497 (S). CHAPTER II THE FIRST FRENCH COLONY IN the same letter of January 13, 1562, Chantone, after expressing his desperation in the terms just cited, in- forms Philip that "the three ships which I wrote Y. M. were preparing to sail for Florida have come to be six, and a number of people will go in them, and they will leave after the close of this month with the first fair weather. . . . The said six vessels go under the com- mand of Jean Ribaut. ... I will not fail to have a word about it with the Queen, although they deny that they are bound for those parts, but the thing is very cer- ■tain, and it would be well, if it please Y. M., to mention it to Limoges." ' Ten days later he saw Catherine de' Medici and handed her a memorandum on the subject, which she retained in order to show it to Coligny and to answer it by letter, while she assured him at the same time that nothing would be done to the detriment of Philip's interests.^ A week later Chantone, whose suspicions were thor- oughly aroused, wrote Philip that an effort was being made to obtain the pardon of a certain Portuguese pirate, who had been implicated in robberies of the India fleet, ' Letter, Jan. 13, 1562, MS. Arch. Nat, Paris, K, 1497 (5). " Limoges " was Sebastien de I'Aubespine, Bishop of Limoges, French Ambassador to Spain at the time. « Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 23, 1562, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, I497(6). 28 lOYNE DE MORGUES, PUBLISHED BV DE eRYIN1591. \ vJ>J '^*a^ IS FLORlD>E AMERICAN/E I : MOYNE DE MORGUES, PUBLISHED 8V DE BRY 1 The First French Colony 29 in order that he might accompany the vessels destined for Florida; that he had complained about it to the Queen; that she professed to know nothing about the matter, but would inform herself; that it was evident from her written answer that the expedition was fully determined upon, and that a Spaniard had been secretly conveyed by night to the Admiral's apartment, and was secretly brought back, with the object, as Chantone surmises, of giving information about the Florida coast, or of acting as agent for the Spanish heretics.' Philip at once referred the letter to the Council of the Indies for their consideration, urging haste in the matter of the ships bound for Florida, concerning which he asked for their advice, whether it were best to take some immediate action or to await further developments.'' The decadence of France at about this period was most profound. Within her own bosom she was torn asun- der by civil war arising from religious intolerance. Her armies had almost disappeared, her navy had lost its for- mer glory, and she was deserted by her allies. Gaspard de Coligny, lord of Chatillon-sur-Loing and Admiral of France, a staunch patriot, a brave soldier, and an earnest Huguenot, had dreamed of restoring her to her lost great- ness. In pursuit of this object his eyes turned longingly to Spain's transatlantic possessions, and he thought that by depriving her of those he could hope to weaken her world supremacy, for he hated her both as a Frenchman, with whom she had been almost continually at war, and as a Protestant, against whose religion she was persistently intriguing. As early as 1555 he had sent to Brazil the unsuccessful expedition of Villegaignon already referred to. Undismayed by this failure, he determined to re- new his enterprise, and in 1561 called for a gathering of ' Letter, Jan. 30, 1562, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1497 (7). '^Endorsement in the King's hand on the letter of Jan. 30, 1562, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1497 (7). 30 The Spanish Settlements volunteers, at Havre, without respect to religion, and an- nounced that an expedition would soon sail from thence for Florida.' On the i6th of February, 1562, the expedition set out.* The fleet consisted of two Dutch three-masters, small vessels of one hundred and seventeen and sixty tons re- spectively,^ and a large sloop, besides two smaller ones which were carried aboard the large vessels while at sea.* It was commanded by Jean Ribaut of Dieppe, a skilful sailor, a devout Protestant, and a man of some diplo- matic experience, for in 1559 he had been sent to Scot- land in the French interests, where he had fulfilled his mission with credit to himself. His lieutenant character- ised him as perhaps a little obstinate in his opinions with "deuises of his owne braine, which sometimes hee printed in his head so deeply, that it was very hard to put them out." " Of his entire crew of one hundred and fifty men, half of them were arquebusiers, and for the most part old ' Histoire de la Floride Franfaise par Paul Gaffarel, Paris, 1875, pp. i-g. ^ Histoire notable de la Floride situee es Indes Occidentales contenant les trois voyages faicts en icelle par certains Capitaines et Pilotes Franfois descrits par le Capitaine Laudonniere qui y a commande I'espace d'un an trois moys, Paris, 1586 ; sec. xv. , reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 354. This French version is usually known by the name of its editor, Bas- anier. English version entitled "A notable historie containing foure voyages made by certaine French Captaines into Florida : Wherein the great riches and fruitefulnesse of the Countrey with the maners of the people hitherto concealed are brought to light, written all, sauing the last, by Monsieur Laudonniere, who remained there himselfe as the French King's Lieutenant a yeere and a quarter. Translated out of French into English by ^L Richard Haklvyt." In Voyages of the English Nation to America, collected by Richard Hakluyt and edited by Edmund Goldsmith, Edinburgh, 1889, vol. ii., p. 417. * Relacion e informacion de los Franceses que han ido a poblar en la costa de la Florida. San Cristobal de la Habana, g julio, 1564 ; MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Sevilla, est., 54, caj. i, leg. 15, pp. 18, 19 ; Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 14. ^Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle France, Paris, 1611, p. 42. *"A Notable Historie," Zi'a^t., vol. ii., p. 523; Basanier, p. 114; Gaf- farel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 13. The First French Colony 31 soldiers. There was also an Englishman in the party, and several gentlemen, one of whom, Ren6 de Laudon- ni^re, was destined to play an important part in subse- quent events.' The pilot was a Portuguese "than whom there was none more competent to show them the way," writes Chantone." As most of the men were Calvinists a preacher accompanied them. The vessels carried twenty-five pieces of artillery all of bronze," and were well equipped with ammunition and supplies for a long period. Chantone, who had ample means of informing himself, writes his King that besides Coligny, who was obviously the soul of the enterprise,* the Queen Mother, Vendome,' the Prince of Cond6,' and Madame de Cursot' had contributed to the enterprise. Among the crew itself the rumour ran that the Queen and Vendome had each of them given a thousand ducats, and that the fleet was bound directly for Florida, to settle at Santa Elena, and to learn if it was a good location from which to enter the Bahama Channel in order to seize the fleet of the Indies.* Although it was too late to run any danger of encoun- 'Basanier, Histoire Notable, Paris, 1586, p. 8 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 417. « Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 24, 1563. MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1500 (43), written after the return of the survivors of the expedition. The Re- lacidn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., p. 20, says there was also a Spanish pilot named Bartholomew, from Seville. ^ Relacidn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., pp. 14-19- 4 Chantone to Philip II,, Jan. 24, 1563. MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1500 (43). ^ Antoine de Bourbon, of the Vendome branch of the Bourbon family. ^ Louis I., Prince of Conde and brother of Antoine de Bourbon. '' Spelled " Corosot " in the MS. of the Navarrete Collection, and probably intended for Madame de Cursol, who became Duchess of Uzais, and whose name is mentioned by Brantome among those of the court ladies of Catherine de' Medici. * Relacidn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., p. 19 ; see the opinion of the Venetian ambassador, written in 1573, as to the quality of the French colonists and the object Ribaut had in view (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. cxl., footnote). 32 The Spanish Settlements tering the outgoing Spanish fleet, and too early for the returning one, Ribaut, anxious to escape the observation of the Spaniards and conceal from them his exact desti- nation, pursued an unfrequented course, by which he avoided the Canaries and the Azores, the customary route of the Armada.' He cut across the current of the Gulf Stream, and in place of making the coast of Canada, where France was now in undisputed possession, struck the eastern shore of Florida in 29° 30' north latitude on April 30th, off a headland which he called French Cape, and which was perhaps a little above the present site of St. Augustine.* He had taken two months and a half to cross the Atlantic and during his prolonged trip had met ^ "The true and last discoverie of Florida by Captain John Ribaut," reprint in Hist. Collections of Louisiana and Florida, by B. F. French ; 2d series, " Historical Memoirs and Narratives," 1527-1702, New York, 1875, chap, i., p. 166; Basanier, Hist. Notable, p. 8; Hak., vol. ii., p. 417 ; Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 14. Ribaut's first English account appeared under the title: "The vi^hole and true Discoverye of Terra Florida (Englished, The Flourishing Land), conteyning as well the wonder- ful straunge Natures and Manners of the People, with the merveylous Com- modities and Treasures of the Country ; as also the pleasant Fortes and Havens and Wayes thereunto, never found out before the last year, 1562. Written in French, by Captain Ribauld, the fyrst that whollye discovered the same, and now newly set forthe in Englishe, the XXX. of May, 1563." This was first printed by Hakluyt in his small black-letter volume of 1583, but not in the folio collection, under the title of " The True and Last Dis- coverie of Florida, translated into Englishe by one Thomas Hackit." The French version, entitled " Historic de I'expedition Fran9aise en Floride," was published by Ribaut in London, in 1563 ; Shea in H., Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., p. 293 ; Brinton in N'otes on the Floridian Peninsula, p. 28. ^ ' ' The true and last discoverie of Florida," reprint, ibid. , p. 169 ; Laudon- niere (Basanier, Hist. Notable, p. 8 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 417) and Le Moyne {Brevis Narr alio, Plate I.) say 30°. Laudonniere (Basanier, p. 36 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 445) says that the second expedition landed " neere a little riuer, which is 30 degrees distant from the Equator, and 10 degrees aboue Cape Fran9ois drawing towords the South, and aboue 30 leagues aboue the Riuer of May." This he named the River of Dolphins. The marginal note to the above paragraph is : "Cape Fran9ois between the riuer of Dolphins and the Riuer of May, maketh the distance 30 leagues about which is but 10 leagues ouer land." Gaffarel in his Hist, de la Floride, p. 15, places the The First French Colony 33 with but one vessel, a Spaniard returning from the Indies, which he encountered off the Bermudas.' Coasting north Ribaut struck the St. John's River, which he named the River of May, having discovered it on the first of that month.' He remained there the following day, entered into friendly relations with the Indians, and erected on a landfall " at the point of land north of the City of St. Augustine." Tlie Territory of Florida, by John Lee Williams, New York, 1837, p. 169, places the landfall " about the latitude of St. Augustine." Guillermo Rufin, in Relacidn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., p. 20, says : " La primera tierra della que vieron oyo dezir al piloto que hera el cavo de la florida junto a la canal de bahama." Parkman in his Pioneers of France in the New World, Boston, 1893, p. 36, says it was probably one of the headlands of Matanzas Inlet. ' Relacidn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., p. 20. ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 10; Hak., vol. ii., p. 419; Le Moyne, " Eicones" in Brevis Narratio, Plate IL " Copie d'vne lettre venant de la Floride, enuoyee a Rouen, et depuis au seigneur d'Eueron ; ensemble le plan et portraict du fort que les Fran9ois y ont faict." A Paris, pour Vin- cent Norment et Jeanne Bruneau, en la rue Neufue-Nostre-Dame, a I'lmage Sainct-Iean I'Euangeliste, 1565 ; reprint in Recueil de Pieces sur la Floride, par H. Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1841, p. 23S. In Laudonniere's account {Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 8 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 417) the first place discov- ered beyond the landfall is " a very faire and great Riuer" where Ribaut sets up the pillar on which " the Arms of France were carued and engraued. This being done hee embarked himself againe, to the ende always to dis- couer the coast toword the North which was his chiefe desire. After he had sayled a certaine time he crossed ouer to the other side of the riuer," evidently of the river already mentioned, where he is entertained by the Indians. It is evident from the context here and from the location of Cape Fran9ois, mentioned in the preceding note, that the River of May was the first river visited by Ribaut according to this account. In Laudonniere's history of the second expedition {Basanier, pp. 36, 37 ; Hak., vol., ii., p. 445) he describes the River of Dolphins, but makes no reference to having previously visited it with Ribaut. Le Moyne, who was not with Ribaut on the first expedition, appears to have confused the two accounts. In Plate I., after having described Cape Fran9ois in " about thirty degrees from the equator," he continues : "Coasting thence to the northward, they (Ribaut and his companions) discovered a broad and beautiful river, at whose mouth they cast anchor in order to examine it more in detail next day. Laudon- ni^re, in this second voyage, called this stream the River of Dolphins," etc. See Appendix B, The River of May. 34 The Spanish Settlements sand-hill near the mouth of the river a stone column, on which were engraved the French arms, the date, and the name of the commander of the expedition.' Continuing his discoveries along the coast to the north, Ribaut passed nine rivers in a distance of sixty leagues, to which were given familiar names of the rivers of his own country : the Seine, the Somme, the Loire, the Cha- rente, the Garonne, the Gironde, the Belle, and the Grande. Their identity it is now well-nigh impossible to determine, as the names given them by Ribaut "were altered by the Spaniards in their geographical tables ; and if some be found where the names are given, we owe it to the Hollanders," complains Lescarbot." Ribaut had evidently some acquaintance with Spain's discoveries in North America, for in a parley with the natives on the St. John's River, he inferred from their signs that he was but twenty days distant by water from Cibola and its great treasure.' In the hope of a still more promising harbour than any he had yet found he determined to seek for the "River Jordan," "one of the fairest of all the North," writes Laudonniere.' Following the coast to the north he came at last upon a great river, three leagues wide at its mouth, and into which at flood tide the largest of French ships could enter, which he named Port Royal, and sailing three leagues up the stream, he anchored his vessels. Ribaut thought it was the River Jordan ' and Parkman identifies > See Appendix C, The Pillar Set up by Ribaut. ''Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle France, Paris, 1611, sec. v., p. 45 ; Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 10 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 420 ; Gaffarel, p. 18, And see Appendix D, The Rivers between the River of May and Port Royal. 3 " The true and last discoverie," etc.; Hist. Col. Louisiana and Florida, pp. 174-175- *Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 11 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 420. 6 "The true and last discoverie," etc., Hist. Col. Louisiana and Florida, p. 185 ; Laudonniere in Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 12, 16 ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 421, 425, thought the Jordan v/as more to the north. CARTE DES COSTES DELA FLORinE FRAN9OISE Echelle ae Lieues communes cie France Je li ;iu I)e(j. h.^ > 'i i^ r = MAP OF THE FRENCH FLORIDA COLONY OF 1562-65, BY NICOLAS BELL:N, IN " HISTOiRE SCRIPTION GENERALE DE LA NOUVELLE FRANCE," PAR LE P. DE CHARLEVOIX, PARIS, £T DE- 1744. The First French Colony 35 it with the Broad River.' Ribaut, who was soon on a friendly footing with the savages, explored for some dis- tance its lower affluents, erected another column to indi- cate that the country was a French possession, and finally gathering his people together, made them an address in which he recalled to their memory the importance to their young King of the enterprise upon which they had all embarked, and asked for volunteers to remain behind and hold Port Royal for their sovereign. Most of the soldiers eagerly offered their services for the new colony. Of these he selected twenty-eight,* appointed as their captain a certain Albert or Aubert de la Pierria, and con- structed for them on a little creek, which he named Chenonceau, a house of logs and clay, thatched with straw, and surrounded with a bulwark for its defence. He armed it with eight pieces of artillery, stored it with ammunition and provisions for several months, and named it Charlesfort, after his King." On June nth, Ribaut took leave of his colony, which saluted his departure with a salvo of artillery, and sailed away for France, having promised to return within six months with more ships and supplies. Ribaut carried away with him a few pearls, a little silver which a sailor had "rescued" from the natives lower down the "coast, some deer-skins, and native mantles as evidences of his discoveries,* and on July 20, 1562, arrived safely in ' Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 39 ; and see Appendix E, Port Royal. ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 20, says twenty-eight ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 429, says twenty-six ; Chantone, letter, Jan. 24, 1563, says there were twenty-five men; Rufin, in \\i^ RelaciSn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., p. 21, says there were twenty-six men. 'Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 24, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1500 (43); also a copy in Direc. Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xxi., doc. No. 81 ; Relacidn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., p. 21, and see Appendix F, Charlesfort. * Relacidn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., pp. 21, 23. 36 The Spanish Settlements France, "having reconnoitred in six weeks more than t^e Spaniards had done in two years, ' ' observes Laudonniere. ' He had reached home at a most unpropitious moment for the future of his little colony. Civil war, fomented by England and Spain, each ostensibly in the interest of religion, was raging between the Catholic and Huguenot parties, and the unity of his country was in imminent danger." Coligny, the original promoter of the colonial scheme, was immersed in the fratricidal struggle, and could give Ribaut and his enterprise but passing atten- tion, and so the settlement at Charlesfort was left to its fate. Ribaut is said to have taken an active part in the war' and at the conclusion of the peace of Amboise, which was signed in March, 1563, betook himself to Eng- land, where in the summer of the same year he published the results of his Florida expedition. Ribaut, however, did not confine himself to the arts of peace alone, for the experience and knowledge he had acquired in Florida were more than sufficient to secure him a ready admission into the circle of adventurers who were just beginning to display their activity and to lay the foundations of the English navy. It is evident that he was in no wise discouraged by Coligny's failure for the time being to assist the colony in Florida and was seek- ing eagerly about him for resources to further the enter- prise. Through what channel his presence in England became known to Queen Elizabeth we have no present means of knowing, but he had probably been but a short time in the country before he obtained an audience with the Queen. Ribaut set before her the importance and wealth of Florida and urged her to assist him in its con- quest. Elizabeth, after listening to his relation, began ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 21 ; ffak., vol. ii., p. 430. ^ Ibid., p. 32 ; Hak., vol, ii., p. 441 ; Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 26. 'Haag, La France protestante, Paris, 1861, vol. viii., p. 313, cited by Gaffarel, p. 27. The First French Colony 37 to refuse him her immediate help "so that if Philip should complain she would be able to swear that nothing had been done by her order " ; however, she encouraged Ribaut to undertake the adventure himself, promised him half of all that he found, and added that even were the coun- try not as good as she had been told, it was on the way of the ships from New Spain, Peru, and elsewhere, which Ribaut could safely seize.' But the temptation proved to be too great to be long withstood, even by Elizabeth's tender conscience, and she ended by offering him a pension of three hundred ducats and a house as an in- ducement to undertake the discovery. At a later period, when the incident was closed, Ribaut disclaimed ever having accepted the bribe.'' However this may be, it appears that in May, 1563, the notorious Thomas Stukeley was arming a fleet consisting of five vessels, one of which had been contributed by Ribaut and another by Elizabeth. The crew was three hundred strong, and the fleet, which was well equipped with supplies, ammunition, and artillery, flew the royal standard presented by the Queen herself.' There were three French pilots aboard, who had previously accom- panied Ribaut to Florida. Quadra, Philip's ambassador in London, was himself inclined to attach some credit to the current rumour that it was designed to attack Florida, ' Silva relates this on the authority of Stukeley ; see Guzman de Silva to Philip II., London, Oct. 22, 1565, in Correspondencia de Felipe II., con sus Embajadores en la Corte de Inglaterra, 1558-1584, tomo ii., p. 214 ; Eng- lish translation in Spanish State Papers, 1558-1567, I. Elizabeth, p. 495. 'Quadra to Philip II., London, June 26, 1563, Correspondencia de Felipe II., tomo i., p. 527 ; see also Guzman de Silva to Philip II., London, March 30, 1566, ibid., tomo ii., p. 292. English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1558-1567, I. Elizabeth, p. 536. This account of Ribaut's experience in England has been previously printed by the author in the American Historical Review, vol. ix., p. 456, April, 1904, under the title of " Jean Ribaut and Queen Elizabeth." 3 Quadra to Philip II., London, June 19, 1563, Correspondencia de Felipe II., tomo i., p. 525. 38 The Spanish Settlements but it was also said that its object was to assail the Span- ish vessels returning from the Indies.' Stukeley, who had sought and obtained an interview with the ambassador, gave Quadra to understand that he was urged on in the undertaking by the Government, but notwithstanding this assurance Quadra was indisposed to trust his revelations. Stukeley then became most pro- fuse in his protestations of friendship for Spain, telling Quadra that he was leaving England dissatisfied and de- sperate, but with the intention of going into the service of Philip; that he had risked all of his property in the enterprise, and he requested Quadra that on his arrival in any Spanish port or elsewhere in Spanish possessions he should be recognised as a servant of the King. Quadra met his advance with caution, and replied that the thing was impossible in view of the friendly relations existing between England and Spain, unless his destination were for parts not included within the Spanish lines of demark- ation. And at last the true object of the expedition became apparent, as well as the importance of the part which Ribaut was expected to play, for Stukeley answered that no one had visited the country where he was going except a few Frenchmen a short time before, and that it was but three days distant from Cuba. Quadra then told him roundly that in such case the thing was an impossibility, because the land fell within the lines of demarkation. Quadra's suspicions had been in no way allayed by Stukeley's apparent frankness, which he regarded merely as a cunning device on his part for safeguarding the ex- pedition from Spanish attack. In the letter relating these circumstances, which he wrote to his King, he expressed his opinion that the enterprise was really due to French 'Quadra to Philip II., London, May i, 1563, ibid., tomo i., p. 512. English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1 558-1 567, I. Elizabeth, p. 322. The First French Colony 39 as well as English intrigue, adding: "I have no assurance that he carries a commission ; it seems to me that his pro- ject is a result of the determination . . . reached by the Admiral of France [Coligny] and of those who govern here to harass that commerce [of the Indies] and to con- quer Your Majesty on the Ocean Sea." "I expect to talk about it to the Queen," he continues, "although I know what answer she will make me, which is the same answer she has given me on former occasions, and which she has also written me." ' A week later Quadra wrote that the fleet was not only destined for Florida, but for the very spot where Ribaut had founded his colony, and that Ribaut had promised to turn over to Stukeley the fort he had built there, together with its small garrison.' The afTair was brought to a sudden and most unexpected termination, so far as Ribaut was concerned, by the dis- covery that he and the three French pilots had planned to escape to France with the ships and hostages. The out- come of it was that Ribaut was seized, thrown into prison, and threatened with hanging, while the three pilots were put into chains and kept to conduct Stukeley's fleet. ^ In the light of contemporary events it is permissible to doubt if Ribaut had at any time intended to betray the Florida colony into English hands. Havre was still occu- pied by the English, and only on the 29th of July of this very year, 1563, was it finally returned to France after fierce fighting under its walls and after the plague had decimated its English garrison ; while Calais, which Eliza- beth was most anxious to recover was still held by the French. Ribaut was a brave, cool, and determined man, as subsequent events fully proved, and, moreover, he was ' Quadra to Philip II., London, June 19, 1563, Correspondencia de Felipe II., tomo i., p. 524 et seq. English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1558-1567, I. Elizabeth, p. 334. "-Ibid., June 26, 1563, Correspondencia de Felipe II., tomo i., p. 531. ^ Ibid., June 26, 1563, ibid., tomo i., p. 527. 40 The Spanish Settlements a Frenchman, which means that he loved his native soil with the devotion that pre-eminently distinguishes his race and which has made of it the most home-loving of people. This dramatic incident in his career occupied less than two months, and it may well be supposed that the hardy Dieppois, who, like the French of to-day, probably looked upon all foreigners as outside barbarians, was not at all averse to practising a clever trick on Stukeley and his English Queen, and had entered into his engagements at the very outset with this end in view. The Frenchmen left behind at Charlesfort at once turned their attention to completing their defences, work- ing day and night upon them, and then began roaming about the rivers and swamps and forests, visiting the chiefs of the neighbouring Indian villages. Like some of their Spanish predecessors they appear to have mistaken the names of localities or tribes for those of individuals ; for among those whom they visited we hear of one called Audusta, whose country Captain Albert reached by water.* It is not impossible that we have here a chief of the Edisto Indians, whose name under another form, that of Orixa, Ayllon's Indian Chicora had rattled off so glibly among those of other South Carolina provinces.^ Lau- donni^re himself, shortly before Ribaut's departure, had been beguiled with tales of Chiquola, the greatest lord of that region, a foot and a half taller than any of his sub- jects, and his memory promptly reverted to the Chiquora of Ayllon, and perhaps the legend of the giant race; but the story which the Indians told him of Chiquola's great city lying to the northward, swarming with men, and where gold, silver, and pearls were in such abundance as to be of no account whatever, did not kindle his imagina- ' Hist, Notable, Basanier, pp. 21, 22 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 431. ' See Mr. James Mooney's identification of Audusta with the Edisto. in The Spanish Settlements in the United States, 1513-1561, Woodbury Lowery, p. 452. The First French Colony 41 tion to the point of inducing either him or his companions to visit it.' It seems not at all improbable that the Frenchmen were now treading the country reached by Ayllon's abortive first expedition in 1520. In blissful ignorance of their impending doom, and of the internal dissensions which were raging in their country at home, the colonists planted no maize, perhaps because it was already too late in the season, and took no precau- tions against the non-arrival of the expected relief from France. Like thoughtless profligates, they followed the example of the Spaniards before them and lived on the bounty of their Indian friends, who generously supplied them with maize and beans and squashes as long as their own stores lasted. On the return of the colonists from a reconnoitring expedition up the River Belle, and while they were peace- fully asleep under their thatched roof, a fire broke out at Charlesfort, which consumed nearly all their possessions. The loss of their shelter was soon made good. Then their food supplies began to diminish and again the na- tives came to their rescue. At last internal dissensions broke out among them. A drummer was hung by Cap- tain Albert for a very insuf^cient reason, according to the colonists. Another soldier named Lachfere was for some unknown cause exiled to a neighbouring island, where he was left to die of hunger, although the Captain had promised to keep him supplied with provisions,^ Finally the soldiers, seeing the violence of their Captain con- stantly on the increase, and fearing for their own lives, rose against him and killed him.^ Cupidity prompted by the hope of a speedy return to ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 15, 16 ; Ilak., vol. ii., p. 425. ^ Ibid., pp. 26, 27, 29 ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 436, 438. » Guillaume Rufin, the sailor left behind by these colonists, says that a soldier, whom Albert had beaten, killed him with a sword. RelaciSn e in- formacidn de los Franceses, etc., p. 2i. 42 The Spanish Settlements France may also have furnished a motive for getting rid of Albert. Several years later M. de Fourquevaux, the French ambassador in Spain, wrote Charles IX. that a Spaniard was on his way to Florida to discover a treasure of some four hundred thousand ducats, said to have been hidden there by six of the soldiers in Ribaut's first expe- dition. While roaming about the country they had come upon a party of twenty Indians, who, in fear of the French, were flying from the neighbourhood, and were carrying along with them great lumps of gold and silver stamped with the mark of the Spanish mint, which they had gathered from the wreckage of vessels along the coast. The soldiers, having possessed themselves of the treasure, buried it in the earth, and bound themselves by oath not to reveal its hiding-place either to their Captain or to any other person.' Having made away with their commander, the soldiers rescued the starving Lachfere from his island, and elected another captain, one Nicolas Barre, who proved himself an ef^cient leader, quieting the dissensions and restoring peace among them. As the days sped by and the prom- ised reinforcements did not arrive, their eyes turned long- ingly to France, and the desire to escape from their dreary exile grew upon them. There was not a man of the party who was familiar with the building of a ship, but despera- tion lent them daring, and with the aid of the forge left them by Ribaut they began the construction of a small vessel of about twenty tons. They caulked the seams with grey moss gathered from the forest trees and with pitch collected from incisions made in the pines. Sails were manufactured from shirts and bed coverings. The Indians, glad to be rid of them, furnished them with ropes and cordage twisted from the bark of trees. They I Advis d'Espaigne au Roy par le s"' de Fourquevaulx. Aout, 1567. D^- piches de M. de Fourquevaux, ambassadeur du Roi Charles IX. en Espagne, j_S6j-ijy2, publiees par M. I'Abbe Douais, Paris, 1896, p. 263. The First French Colony 43 next loaded the boat with the guns which had been left for their defence, the forge, and what ammunition re- mained to them, stored it to the best of their ability with provisions obtained from the Indians, and in their eager- ness to depart, set sail for France without thought of the fickleness of the winds, the meagreness of their supplies, or the fact that there was not a member of their party who understood the art of navigation." They had barely travelled one-third of the distance which separated them from their homes, when they were overtaken by calms so prolonged that in three weeks they made but twenty-five leagues. In the meantime their provisions began to fail them, and their rations were cut down to twelve grains of corn a day. Finally even this slender sustenance was exhausted and death by starv- ation and thirst stared them in the face. The miserable Frenchmen were now reduced to eating their leather shoes and jerkins, and to slaking their parched throats with the waters of the surrounding sea and their own urine. In this extremity their frail vessel began to leak at every seam, and in their enfeebled condition they were compelled to keep bailing it continually to escape being devoured by the sea. Then a contrary wind arose and threatened to swamp them. Some of their number died of hunger, and at last, having gone for three days without food or drink, but one supreme expedient remained, and the unfortunate Lach^re, who had barely escaped with his life from starving to death on the island near Charles- fort, was sacrificed to furnish food for his perishing com- panions.' At last land was discovered, and, driven crazy '^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 29, 30; Hak., vol. ii., p. 439 ; Rdacidn e infor?naciJn de los Franceses, etc., p. 22. "^ IMeleneche, in his deposition, says that two members of the party suf- fered the same fate. ' ' Carta escrita al Rey, por Juan Rodriguez de Noriega, fecha en Sevilla a 29 de Marzo de 1565 sobre lo que convenia proveherse en el remedio de la nueba poblacion que hicieron franceses en la Florida," etc., MS. Direc. de Hidrog, Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., No. 33, fol. 3. 44 The Spanish Settlements by the sight, they allowed their boat to drift hither and thither upon the sea without an effort to reach it. In this pitiable condition they were spied by an English vessel on board of which was one of their own country- men, who, in a preceding voyage, had himself visited New France, and through his instrumentality the sur- vivors were rescued. As the peace of Troyes was not yet signed, and Eng- land and France were still at war, part of the survivors were put ashore at Corunna, where they were allowed to go free; but the leaders were carried away to England. Some of them managed to escape to France, but their trials were not at an end, for it would appear that certain of their number were ultimately seized and thrown into prison for the murder of Captain Albert." Such was the miserable ending of the first attempt of France to plant a colony on Spanish soil in the immediate neighbourhood of the pathway of the West India treasure fleets. Philip meanwhile did not relax his efforts to secure from Catherine some definite reply concerning Ribaut's Florida expedition, and only two months after its sailing Chantone wrote him that, as the Queen still delayed her answer, he had advised her categorically that his master "would adopt measures for getting possession of those who had gone there in order to chastise them." "^ With the opening of the following year (1563) Chan- tone sent Philip full and accurate details of the force Ribaut had left in Florida, of the places where the col- umns had been set up to denote French possessions,' and » //isi. Notable, Basanier, p. 30 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 440 et seq. Deposition of Meleneche in letter of Noriega to Philip II., MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., No. 33, fol, 3. « Chantone to Philip II., May 7, 1562, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 149? (29). 3 Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 9, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat. Pans, K, 1499 (7), and Jan. 24, 1563, MS. ibid., K, 1500 (43). It is interesting to observe that in his letter of Jan. 24, 1563, Chantone gives the Spanish names of the The First French Colony 45 of the high personages who were interested in the under- taking. On the receipt of Chantone's letter the King promptly proceeded to have the question of safeguarding his Florida territory properly discussed' and to take advice as to the best means of fortifying the Florida coast, and of "expelling the French who had gone to settle there, and to avoid the robberies to which the fleets and single vessels coming from the Indies were exposed by the near- ness of such settlements."* A royal c^dula was also dispatched to Don Diego Mazariegos, the Governor of Cuba, giving him the information contained in Chantone's letter, and directing that a vessel should be sent along the Florida coast, to remove and destroy the columns Ribaut had erected, to visit Santa Elena where the French had settled, and if, after a careful reconnaissance, circumstances should seem to justify it, to expel the settlers, destroy the fort, and bring all of the artillery, with what prisoners might be taken, to Cuba. In the latter half of May, 1564, Don Hernando de Manrique de Rojas, commander of the expedition, set sail in the frigate Nucstra Sciiora de la Concepcion with a company of twenty-five men to carry out the above orders. He struck the Florida coast below Cape Can- localities visited by Ribaut in Florida. As Chantone must have obtained his information from French sources, it would seem to indicate that the French had used Spanish charts, as well as having a Portuguese or Spanish pilot with them, and were therefore fully aware of having entered on terri- tory previously discovered by Spain. It is also possible that Chantone, or some one for him, had identified the French names given by Ribaut and Laudonniere with those on a Spanish chart. The remarkable feature is that the identification was sufficiently correct to enable at least one of the localities to be found. 'Philip II. to Chantone, Feb. 14, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1499 (17). ^ " Memorial de Pero Menendez de Aviles respecto a las medidas que serfa conveniente tomar para la segura posesion de la Florida y evitar que los franceses e ingleses pudieran causar perturbacion en aquellos dominios." Undated [Feb.-July, 1562?] ; in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 320. 4^ The Spanish Settlements averal in 27° 30'. Sailing only by day, and as near as possible to the shore, he reached the Rio de la Cruz, in 29°, probably Mosquito River, on the 22nd of the month and searched the neighbouring shores for the French pillars in conformity with his instructions; but he found nothing whatever, and being without an interpreter, he could learn nothing from the Indians. The same experi- ence was repeated at Matanzas Inlet in 29° 30', where he arrived on the 25th. On the 26th he was in the Rio de las Corrientes, probably the mouth of the St. John's River, and though no pillar was found,' he learned from the natives that three vessels manned by Christians had been there and had left for the Cape of Santa Elena to the north. The discovery of a wooden box and other ob- jects of Christian make in the hands of the Indians along the river confirmed Manrique in the belief that he was at last on the right track. May 29th he left the Rio de las Corrientes, and on the last day of the month entered the river of Santa Elena in latitude 32°. Both the northern and southern shores were thickly settled with native vil- lages, the Indians indicating by signs as many as seven- teen communities, among them a town on the southern bank named Yanahume, and another called Guale on a stream on the north bank of the Santa Elena. Both of these he visited, and in Guale he again found indications of the presence of white men who wore beards, but who had gone farther to the north, according to the report of the Indians. But he searched in vain for the fort of the French settlers. Although Manrique had now fully complied with his instructions by visiting all of the localities which they • B. R. Carroll, in Hist. Col. South Carolina, vol. i., p. xxxiii, note, says : " The most indefatigable search has been made to discover this pillar. Dr. Holmes (the author of Hobuess Annals), wrote to many of his friends upon the subject, but after the most diligent investigation of the subject they were none of them able to arrive at anything like certainty." The First French Colony 47 specified, he was so encouraged by the reports gathered from the Indians in the two harbours which he had last entered, that he determined to push still farther along the coast to the north. June 7th he again sailed away, and in the course of a few leagues, perhaps twelve or fifteen, he visited six different harbours. June nth he reached a harbour in 32° 20'. The Indians here informed him that a vessel with thirty-four white men aboard had been there and sailed away, leaving a member of the com- pany behind who was living at the time in a village called Usta in the interior. Manrique at once sent him an In- dian bearing a wooden cross, to signify that Christians had arrived there. The following day the white man came down to the ship. He was in Indian dress, and proved to be a French lad, seventeen years old, Guillaume Rufin by name,* who had come over with Ribaut and had been left with the garrison at Charlesfort. A French sailor aboard of Manrique's ship served as interpreter, through whom Rufin gave a remarkably detailed and accurate account of the expedition. He told them that the fort and one of the pillars was in 32° 15', according to the reckoning of Ribaut's Spanish pilot, and 32° according to that of the French, and could be reached by ascending the river without going to sea. And he explained that he had remained behind, not daring to trust himself in the company of the escaping soldiers, knowing their ignorance of seamanship. After his examination, Rufin was detained aboard the ship to be carried a prisoner to Cuba. The next day Manrique left his frigate in charge of his pilot with strict injunctions to allow none of the crew to go ashore during his absence, and ascended the river, taking with him a notary to attest the proceedings and Rufin to show the way. This time the search was not in 'See Laudonniere's attempt to find Rufin on his return in 1564, in Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 74 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 484. k 48 The Spanish Settlements vain. At a distance of three leagues from the harbour where Manrique was anchored the party came upon the thatched hut which had sheltered the little garrison. It was still standing, but empty and deserted, and was situ- ated upon a stream which fell into Port Royal Sound. The party landed and Manrique gave directions to have the frail edifice burnt to the ground, then they re-em- barked and went in search of the column. This, too, was discovered on a knoll, where Ribaut had erected it. It was some distance back in the forest, not far from a stream which flowed into the Broad. The column was dug up in the presence of the notary and witnesses and transported to the frigate. Satisfied that he had fulfilled his duty, Manrique set sail on the 1 5th of June for Havana, which he reached in good season, taking with him, as evi- dence of his success, the Frenchman Rufin, and the vain emblem which France had erected to bear witness to her supremacy in South Carolina.' ' Relacion e informacion de los Franceses que han ido a poblar en la costa de la Florida, San Cristobal de la Habana, 9 Julio, 1564. MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Sevilla, est. 54, caj. i, leg. 15. CHAPTER III THE SECOND FRENCH COLONY— THE TIMUQUANANS IN September, 1561, Philip was already of the opinion that P'lorida presented no sufficient inducements to justify the founding of a settlement. Men^ndez de Aviles had reported that even the point of Santa Elena was not practicable because of the absence of a safe har- bour, owing to the strong currents there; and the results of Villafane's reconnaissance in that vicinity had sub- stantiated the King's conclusion. He had been informed of the poverty of the region in its vicinity and that there was no fear that the French would set foot in it, or take possession of the country. But before reaching a final conclusion he directed his Viceroy of New Spain, Don Luis de Velasco, to report to him upon the subject after consultation with persons who had had some experience in the country. In March of the following year, the Council of New Spain had reached the same conclusion, after consultation with Villafafle and his captains and some of the com- panions of Don Tristan de Luna. The country in the vicinity of the river of Santa Elena was very low and sandy, subject to inundations and uninhabited, the har- bour insufficient, and the region was wholly unsuited for a colony. To the north of it, as far as Villafafie had sailed, the country was quite as inhospitable, neither gold nor silver was to be found, and the Council recommended **.-4. 49 50 The Spanish Settlements that no steps be taken in that direction until the coast had been discovered farther to the north.' Alarming as was the report of Ribaut's settlement in the very country which the Viceroy had so relentlessly condemned, Chan- tone's assurance of its utter failure must have come as a relief to the royal mind, and as a final confirmation of the correctness of the opinion rendered by the Council of New Spain. But disquieting rumours of expeditions destined for Florida continued to reach Philip from France, and of the continued depredations of the daring French pirate, Jacques Le Clerc, surnamed Pie de Palo by the Spaniards on account of his wooden leg.^ In the midst of these contentions for the possession of a continent came the last echo of the early discoverers. Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, son of the Ayllon in whose first discovered territory Ribaut had made his abortive settlement, asked for an extension of the date set for his sailing to settle in Florida, because of the difficulties he had encountered in securing colonists for his undertaking. Disheartened by his fruitless efforts to organise the expe- dition, it is probable that his failure preyed upon his mind and he ultimately died of melancholia at Hispaniola.^ ■ "Parecer que da a S. M. el Consejo de la Nueva Espana, en virtud de su Real Cedula (fecha en Madrid a 23 de Septiembre de 1561) que sigue, sobre la forma en que estava la costa de la Florida, y que no convenia aumentar la Poblacion." Mexico, a 12 dias del mes de Marzo de 1562 anos. MS. Ma- drid, Direc. de Hidrog., Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., doc. No. 29. There is also a copy of the Parecer in Buckingham Smith, North America7i A/SS., ij6i-iS9j,p. II. ''Chantone and Alava to Philip II., Jan, 18, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1500 (4) ; same to same, Feb. 5 and 8, 1563, MS., idid., K, 1500 (48) ; Philip II. to Chantone, Feb, 14, 1563, MS., idid., K, 1499 (17) ; Chantone to Philip II., June 7 (1563?), MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Co/. Navar- rete, tomo xxi., doc. No. 81, fol. 50. ' Memorial de Lucas Vasquez y Ayllon pidiendo la prorogacion de la salida para el descubrimiento de la Florida. (The scrivener's certificate is dated " Sevilla doze dias del mes de junio de myll e quinientos e sesenta y tres.") MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 1/19, Ramo 3. Ensayo Crorwlogico, Ano MDXXV., fol. 9. The Second French Colony 51 The peace of Amboise, and the successful termination of the suit against him for complicity in the assassination of Francis de Guise, at last set Coligny free to renew those aggressions on Spain's West Indian commerce on which he had set his heart.' "I seek new means of traffic and profit in strange lands," he writes," and his attention promptly reverted to Florida and his plan for weakening Spain across the Atlantic. The result was that a second French expedition had been on the Florida coast for several days when Manrique de Rojas set sail from Ha- vana to drive out the last remnants of Ribaut's colony. Indeed if Manrique carried out his instructions as thor- oughly as his report would lead us to believe, it is ex- traordinary that the Frenchmen should have escaped his attention." He must have passed their settlement at some point in his northward coasting, and it is not im- probable that the three vessels heard of at the River of May may have been their fleet. As Ribaut was still languishing in an English prison,* Coligny had selected for the commander of the new ven- ture Rene de Laudonniere, one of Ribaut's companions in the first attempt. He, too, was a skilled sailor, but he lacked the latter's firmness of character and presence of mind, and, notwithstanding his previous experience in Florida, he showed so little talent in adapting him- self to the new conditions of the colony, that it is to his ill-advised policy in dealing with the natives that the 'Quadra to Philip II., July 15, 1563, Col. Doc. Inedit. Espana, tomo Ixxxvii., p. 352. ' Pilces sur P Histoire de France, tome viii., annee 1865 ; quoted by Gaf- farel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 46. 3 Laudonniere struck the coast above St. Augustine, June 22, 1564, and Manrique de Rojas set sail in May of the same year. * Noticias de la poblacion que habian hecho los Franceses en la Florida, segun declaracion que dio en Cuba, Stefano de Rojomonte natural de Paris (1564). MS. Arch, de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 1/19 » Ramo 14, p. 3. I 52 The Spanish Settlements calamity which ultimately overwhelmed it may in part be attributed. Coligny supplied him with funds with which to equip a fleet,' and at Havre de Grace, of which Coligny was now governor," the future colonists, three hundred in number,' assembled. Of these, one hundred and ten were sailors, one hundred and twenty soldiers, and the balance artisans of every description, besides a number of servants for the soldiers, and pages, and four women, one of whom went in the capacity of chambermaid and housekeeper to Laudonni^re.* There were a few gentlemen, such as Ottigny, Erlach, and La Rocheferriere, who went as officers and volunteers.^ There were four members of the party which had made the disastrous voyage across the Atlantic*; there was also an artist named Le Moyne de Morgues, to whom we are indebted for one of the re- lations and a series of interesting pictures of the country and of the natives. And in addition to the sailors there were a few foreigners, an apothecary, an artificer, and carpenters, "so that I may assert that there came to the undertaking of that navigation men greatly expert in all ' De Laet, Hist, du Nouveau Monde, Leyde, 1640, liv. iv,, chap, x., says 150,000 francs ; De Thou, Hist. Universelle, Londres, 1734,- tome v., p. 490, says 100,000 francs. Rojomonte in his deposition says the Queen also assisted him ; Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., p. i. Meleneche says in his de- position : "El autor della fue el Almirante de Francia y el Cardenal Xatil- lon, su hermano, aunque al tiempo que la Armada se hacia se dio la voz en el Pueblo que la mandaba el Rey hacer." " Relacion del suceso de la Ar- mada Francesa que fue a poblar la tierra de la Florida," etc., annexed to Noriega's letter to Philip II., March 29, 1565, MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Ma- drid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., doc. No. 33, fol. 4. ^Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 47. 3 Hawkins, in his relation in Hakluyt, vol. iv., p. 242, says 200 men ; Ro- jomonte in Noticias de la PoblaciSn, etc., fol. 4, says 300. ''Deposition of Meleneche in Noriega to Philip II., Mar. 29, 1565, fol. 4 ; Hist. Notable, Basanier, Paris, 1586, p. 102 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 512. 5 " Los mas de los soldadas son cavalleros y jente principal," Rojomonte in Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., 1564, p. i. " Meleneche's deposition in Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., fol. 3. I The Second French Colony 53 the arts," says Le Moyne.' Curiously enough, there was no clergyman in the party. With that shortsighted- ness which seems to have been the bane of all first at- tempts at colonization, farmers and field hands were also wanting, for it was not to the laborious planting of the soil that the colonists looked to increase their wealth, but, from the Spanish view, at least, to other and more questionable sources. The majority of the adventurers were Protestants, but there were some Roman Catholics among the number," and it may well be imagined that with the recent conclusion of the civil war no small part of the various elements which gathered for the enterprise consisted of turbulent and unruly men but ill-fitted for the peaceful occupation of the soil. The fleet consisted of the Isabella, the Little Briton, and the Faulcon,^ small vessels of sixty, eighty, and three hundred tons,* the largest being a man-of-war. It was well armed to resist attack by sea, and to afford protec- tion for the future settlement, and two pilots, the one a Basque, the other a Portuguese, accompanied it to point the way.' Although its destination was Florida, its mission was ostensibly not directed against Spanish in- terests. " The Queen has charged me very expressly," wrote Laudonni^re "to doe no kind of wrong to the Kinge of Spaines subjects, nor anything whereof he might conceiue any ielousie." ' ■ De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 6. ," 2 Noriega in his letter to Philip of March 29, 1565, calls them " muy finos Luteranos," and makes this statement on the authority of the French prisoners. ^ " Coppie d'une lettre venant de la Floride, 1565," Recudl de Pikes sur la Floride, p. 234. ■* Rojomonte says 80, 200, and 300, tons, Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., p. I ; Meleneche says 80, 125, and over 200 tons, the largest being a man- of-war. Noriega to Philip II., Mar. 29, 1565, fol. 4. » Alava to Philip II., June 7, 1564, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1501 (85). ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 64 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 474. 54 The Spanish Settlements The colonists set sail April 22, 1564,' and after an ad- venture off the English coast, in which they mistook a Flemish fleet for a band of English sea-robbers/ they turned south, made the Canaries and after cruising among the Bahama Islands struck the low-lying Florida coast on Thursday, June 22,' in the neighbourhood of St. Augus- tine/ As with Ponce de Leon the first impression was full of charm, for "we perceived a sweet perfume of several good things because of the wind which blew from the land," wrote one of the company to his father/ Laudonnifere reconnoitred the entrance to the harbour, called Seloy by the natives, and named by him the River of Dolphins," but, finding it unsuited to his purpose, set sail on the following day and two days later reached the River of May, the St. John's. Here he went ashore and was received with rejoicing by Saturiba,' an Indian chief •whom he had met there on the occasion of Ribaut's first visit, and who conducted him to a sand-knoll where stood the pillar erected by Ribaut/ and which Manrique had ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 33 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 442. '"Coppie d'une lettre venant de la Floride, 1565," in Recueil de Pieces sur la Floride, p. 235. ' De Bry in Brevis Narratio, Francoforti ad Moenum, 1591, p. 7 ; Laudonniere in Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 36 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 445, and the author of "Coppie d'une lettre," etc., in Recueil de Pieces sur la Floride, p. 236, all say June 22nd. Meleneche in Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565, fol. 3, says in the month of June. De Laet in his Hist, du Nouveau Monde, Leyde, 1640, liv. iv., chap, x., p. 119, says June 20th. ■* Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 36; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 444-445 ; Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 50 ; Gaflarel, Hist, de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 50. * "Coppie d'une lettre venant de la Floride," in Recueil de Pikes sur la Floride, p. 236. " Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 37 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 446. ■" Variously called Satouriona, Saturiova, Satirova by the French ; Sa- tourioua in Hakluyt ; Sotoriba, Saturiban, Saturiba by the Spaniards. Meras calls the chief Saturiba, the form adopted in the text. * " Coppie d'une lettre venant de la Floride," in Recueil de Pieces sur la Floride, p. 239. The Second French Colony 55 failed to discover. ' ' Being come to the place where it was set vp," says Laudonnitre, "wee found the same crowned with crownes of Bay, and at the foote thereof many little baskets full of Mill," placed there probably as an offering to the mysterious emblem of the foreigners by the super- stitious natives, for "when they came thither they kissed the same with great reuerence and besought vs to do the like, which we would not denie them, to the ende that we might draw them to be more in friendship with vs." ' The following day Laudonni^re visited Saturiba, whose village of the same name, consisting of twenty-five large huts with a population of about two hundred Indians with their families, lay a short distance to the south-west of the mouth of the St. John's,'' and then explored the river for some distance. On St. John's Bluff, some five miles up the river,' he rested and sent Ottigny to examine the in- terior. He had selected a delightful spot in which to await his heutenant, and even the horrible scene which he ■was destined to witness in the near future did not suffice to blot out the recollection of its beauty from his memory. The bluff was crowned with palms and "ceders red as blood" and "Baytrees of so souereigne an odour, that Baulme smelleth nothing like in comparison." "The sea may be scene plaine and open from it, and more than six leagues ofT . . . the medowes diuided asunder into Isles and Islets enterlacing one another" — a place "so pleasant, that those which are melancholicke would be enforced to change their humour." * Ottigny presently returned with a marvellous story. He had seen two men of very great age, and had enquired of the younger of the two how old he might be. ' //is(. Notable, Basanier, p. 37 ; Hah., vol. ii., p. 446. "^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 43. 5 Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 52. *"Coppie d'une letters venant de la Floride," in /deeueil de Pikes sur la Floride, p. 242 ; Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 41 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 450. 56 The Spanish Settlements •' Then the olde man called a company of Indians, and striking twyse vpon his thigh, and laying his hands vpon two of them, he shewed him by signes that these two were his sonnes; againe smiting vpon their thighes he shewed him others not so olde, which were the children of the two first, which he continued in the same manner vntil the fift genera- tion. But though this olde man had his father aliue more olde than himselfe ... yet it was tolde them that they might yet liue thirtie or fortie yeeres more by the course of nature; although the younger of them both was not lesee than two hundred and fiftie yeeres olde," according to the Frenchman's generous reckoning.* Neither was this a solitary example of extreme old age which the credulous Frenchman found among the Indians. On a subsequent occasion one of their inferior chiefs in- formed Le Moyne "that he was three hundred years old, and that his father, whom he pointed out to me, was fifty years older."' But this gift of longevity was apparently unattended by a corresponding growth in morals. "They were the greatest thieves on earth," says one of Laudonni^re's companions, " for they steal as well with the feet as with the hands." ' On returning from his pleasant retreat on the bluff to the mouth of the river, Laudonniere again met the chief and "forgot not to demaud of him the place" from whence had come a wedge of silver which Saturiba had presented him on the previous occasion. He learned that it pro- ceeded from a region named Thimogoa,* several days dis- ' Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 40, 41 ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 449-450. "Coppie d'une lettre venant de la Floride" in Recueil de Pikes sur la Floride, p. 239. Le Moyne in his Eicones, Plate XII., mentions a sorcerer 120 years old. 2 Le Moyne in his Eicones, Plate XXVIII. 3 " Coppie d'une lettre venant de la Floride" in Recueil de Pikes sur la Floride, p. 240. LeChalleuxin " Histoire Memorable du dernier voyage en Floride," Lyon, 1566, reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 461. * Timuqua. Le Moyne in Brevis Narratio, p. 14, says that " Thimogoa" The Second French Colony 57 tant up the St. John's, and with whose people Saturiba was at war. Pleased with the near prospect of such wealth, Laudonniere readily promised him his aid against his enemies, and then proceeded on a short reconnaissance up the coast, during which he assembled his company and set before them his plan for the settlement. He pointed out to them how the report of the first expedition showed that if "they passed further to the north to seeke out Port Royall, it would be neither very profitable nor con- uenient . . . although the Hauen were one of the fairest of the West Indies. . . . And that for our inhabiting it was much more needefuU for vs to plant in places plentifull of victuall, then in goodly Hauens," and that they had found the River of May, "the same only among all the rest to abounde in Maiz and corne, besides the Golde and Siluer that was found there" with its promise of further happy discovery in time to come.' As his proposition met with general consent the expe- dition returned to the River of May, and after some ex- ploration a spot was selected for the erection of the fort. It was on the right bank of the river, where it narrows to less than half a mile in width, at the head of the sand-bars which obstruct its entrance, and in the neighbourhood of a small stream, which empties into the St. John's. It was almost unapproachable from the seacoast, owing to intervening streams and marshes, and stood not far from the bluff, which commanded the wide prospect that had so entranced Laudonni(^re, The fort itself was located on a broad, flat knoll, raised a few feet above the marsh and the river.^ Having selected the site the company was assembled at daybreak at the sound of the trumpet, and after singing a psalm the men set to work on the signifies an enemy, for which reason he understands Saturiba to refer to his " enemy" Outina, who lived some distance up the St, John's. ' Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 43 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 452. * See Appendix G, Fort Caroline. 58 The Spanish Settlements fort. It was built in the shape of a triangle, with a trench and turf battlements on the land side, which was towards the west ; on the south side there was a bastion built of fagots and sand, in which was a magazine for the ammu- nition, and it was enclosed on the river side by a palisade of planks. Laudonnifere erected his own lodging within the fort on the river side, with one door towards the river and another opening on the court of the enclosure; covered galleries extended from it ; on the south was the corps de garde, and another structure was built towards the apex to the north. With the assistance of Saturiba's Indians, who had come to watch the proceedings, the buildings were thatched with palm leaves in the native fashion. Seven pieces of artillery were transported to the fort and placed to command both sides of the river.' It was named Fort Caroline in honour of Charles IX. A meadow stretched inland to the edge of a pine forest, which was distant but a quarter of a league, where lay the spring, reached by a narrow pathway across the field." In this field, around the exterior of the fort, there gradually arose a small collection of buildings consisting of the bake-oven, a storehouse, and other outhouses." Laudonnifere had chosen a thickly populated region to plant his settlement. He was in the midst of the Timu- quanan Indians, whose affiliation and language extended through the centre of the peninsula as far south as Lake Miami, where they touched the confines of the Caloosas to the south-west, and of the Tegestas on the south-east. They were hemmed in from the Atlantic to the east by the Ays Indians, who lived on the shores of the long 1 Le Moyne in De Bry, p. 8 ; Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 45, 46 ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 454, 455 ; Rojomonte in Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., p. Le Moyne in his Eicones, Plates IX. and X. These plates, however, do not correspond to the description given by Laudonniere. 2 " Hist. Memorable" in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 460. s Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 46, 93 ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 455, 503. The Second French Colony 59 lagoon stretching southward from Cape Canaveral and now known by the name of Indian River; but about the mouth of the St. John's they came down to the coast, and occupied some of the coast islands to the north,' such as Talbot and Amelia Islands. Their western boundary extended as far as the north-eastern angle of the Gulf of Mexico, where they came in contact with the Appalachians. Their northern boundary may have ex- tended into Georgia. The Timuquanan tribes had their most populous settlements on the St. John's River, along whose banks, and those of its tributaries, lay scattered many villages, each with its petty chief. On one of these was situated the village of Thimogoa,^ from which their name Timuqua is derived, and in the vicinity of Cape Canaveral lay the village of Tucururu, one of the south- ernmost of their habitations. Laudonniere in his Histoire Notable, as well as Le Moyne in many of the drawings in his Eicones, with their accom- panying legends,' has left us a vivid description of their 'Laudonniere {Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 57; Hak., vol. ii., p. 467) mentions the Paracoussy of Alimacany, whose river is identified with the Somme by Gourgues. La Reprise de la Floride, Larroque, Bordeaux, 1867, p. 48. The name is variously written Allimacany, Alimacany, Halima- cany, Alicamani, and his country was probably Fort George Island. See Le Moyne's map, where the name is placed in this locality and Las Alas to , March 23, 1568. Brooks MSS., Library of Congress, Wash- ington. Barrientos (in Garcia, Dos Antigtias Relaciones de la Florida, p. 43) describes its site : "A la mano derecha, En entrando la barra \i. e., of the Rio de sant mateo] Ay Vna isleta do Esta Vn pueblo grande como sat- uriba que llaman Alicamani." ■^See Appendix H, Timuqua. ^Histoire Abatable, Basanier, Paris, 1586, pp. 4-7; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 413-416. Indorvm Floridam provinciam inhabitantium eicones, primum ibidem ad vivum expressse k lacobo Le Moyne cui cognomen De Morgves addita ad singulas brevi earum declaratione. Francoforti ad Moenvm. . . . Sumtibus Theodori de Bry, Anno MDXCL, Plates XL, XIL, XIV.-XXVIL, XXIX., XXX., XXXIII.-XL. This has been translated in Narrative of Le Moyne, Boston, 1875, by Fred. B. Perkins, which has been largely used in this description. 6o The Spanish Settlements customs, and which at the risk of some repetition, we will now consider, because it was in the midst of this Timu- quanan population that the most enduring of the Spanish settlements on our Atlantic coast was afterwards planted. The men and the women were all of fine proportion and went naked. The men were of an olive hue, very- corpulent and handsome, and without any apparent de- formity. They painted the skin around the mouth blue, and were tattooed on the arms and thighs with a certain herb, which they pricked in with a thorn ' and which left an indelible colour. The chiefs were probably tattooed over the entire body, as shown in Le Moyne's drawings, where the design is so complex and elaborate as to re- move all sense of nakedness. The process was a severe one and sometimes was followed by an illness lasting for seven or eight days. They rubbed their bodies with oil to protect them from the heat of the sun, and also during the observance of one of their religious ceremonies, to which usage they attributed their dark complexion, for at birth they were of a far whiter colour. They trussed up their long black hair upon the top of the head, and wore loin-cloths made from well-tanned deer-skins. Their warriors wore a head-dress of feathers, leaves, and grasses, or covered their heads with the skin of some wild animal, suspended over the breast small disks of gold and silver, which were engraved, and when on the war-path painted their faces to give themselves a fierce appearance.* Venereal disease was prevalent, for the men were much addicted to women, and to girls who were called "Daugh- ters of the Sun," and some were given to pederasty. * " The voyage made by M. lohn Hawkins, Esquire," etc., Hak., vol. iv., p. 241 ; Ribaut in " The true and last discoverie," etc. (reprint in Hist. Col. Louisiana and Florida, 2d series, " Historical Memoirs and Narratives," p. 171), says: "The forepart of their bodies and arms they also paint with pretty devices in azure, red, and black," which may possibly mean that they were tattooed in these colours. * Hawkins, Hak., vol. iv., pp. 241, 247. The Second French Colony 6i Their sense of smell was highly developed, for they were able to follow an enemy by his scent, and to recognise his approach. Their abstemiousness, even at their festivals, produced a marked impression on the French, who at- tributed to it the great age to which they attained. Laudonni^re, to whom their mode of warfare was entirely novel, thought them deceitful and traitorous, but ac- knowledged their great courage in fighting, while Le Moyne dwells upon their honesty among themselves in the distribution of the communal stores. The women were tall and painted like the men, but much whiter. Their hair was allowed to grow down to the hips, about which it fell freely. They could climb the trees with agility, and were so robust they could swim across the broad and shallow rivers bearing their children in one arm. They attended to the household, where it was their duty to maintain the fire, which was kindled in the usual savage fashion by rubbing two sticks together.' They assisted in the planting of the corn-fields and took part in some of the public ceremonies. They lived apart from their husbands during their pregnancy, and the food which they ate during their courses was not touched by the man. Both men and women allowed the nails of their toes and fingers to grow long, and their finger-nails were sharpened to a point so that they might dig them into the forehead of a prisoner and tear down the skin over his face to wound and blind him. They pierced the lobe of the ear, through which small oblong fish- bladders dyed red were passed, which when inflated shone like light-coloured carbuncles. There were many her- maphrodites ^ among them, upon whom fell the heaviest ^Arfe de la Lengua Timvqvana comptiesto en 1612 por el P' Francisco Pareja y publicado conforme al original tinico, por Lucien Adam y Julien Vinson, Paris, 1886, p. xvi. ; Hawkins, Hak., vol. iv., p. 240. ' This is the term employed by Le Moyne, who gives no further explana- tion. It is possible that they were identical with the mujerados of the Pueblo 62 The Spanish Settlements work ; they carried the provisions when the Indians went on the war-path, transported the sick, cared for those who had contagious diseases, and prepared the dead for burial. The title of a chief was paracusi, and when spoken of in his quality of a war-chief he was called urriparacusi, urri or iri meaning war.' The chiefs were united in various confederations, which acknowledged a head chief, such as Outina, who ruled over some forty villages on the west side of the St. John's and who dwelt near the mouth of the Oklawaha, and Saturiba at the mouth of the St. John's, who had thirty chiefs under him.^ These chieftains Indians of New Mexico, described by Dr. William A. Hammond in " The Disease of the Scythians," New York, 1S82, p. 5 et seq., reprint from The American Journal of Neurology and Psychiatry, 1882. 'Albert S. Gatschet, "The Timucua Language" in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 1877, vol, xvi., p. 627 ; xviii., p. 502. ^ Fontanedo, Memoria de las cosas y costa y Indios de la Florida, Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo v., p. 545 ; Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 4g, 59; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 45S, 468. When, in the summer of 1567, Aviles ascended the St, John's and found himself a few leagues beyond the village of Outina, he observed that the tides were perceptible at a distance of forty leagues from its mouth. (Barrientos, in Genaro Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 123 ; Meras, in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 251,) Fon- tanedo {ibid., p. 545) mentions two of Outina's villages by name, Saravay and Moloa, and states that on landing in Outina's country, Tocobaga (which was on the west coast) could be reached. Mr. O. H. Tittmann, Superin- tendent of the Coast and Geodetic Survey, Washington, In a letter to the author, of May 20, 1904, says he is informed by the Fish Department that practically the water of the St. John's is fresh at Palatka, At Beecher Point, at the mouth of the Oklawaha and foot of Little Lake George, a small effect of the tide is noticeable, or rather measurable, the range being about 1,3 feet, but the average rise and fall is only one-quarter foot. These data in- dicate that Outina was on the west bank of the St. John's near the Okla- waha, which is also the location given by Fairbanks in his History of Florida, p. 139 ; Albert S, Gatschet, in The Proceedings of the America?! Philosophi- cal Society, Philadelphia, 1877, vol. xvi., p. 627, places Outina on Lake George, and adds that " Uitna, or Utinama, simply means ' my country,' " See also ibid., 1878, vol. xvii., p. 492, where Utinama is said to signify "upper chief." I The Second French Colony 63 were continually at war with each other, and it was the advent of so powerful an ally as the French to aid him in his raids that had caused Saturiba to receive Laudon- niere with so much civility. The tribes were divided into various gentes or kinships, such as those of the upper chiefs, from which were taken the councillors or chief men, and the lower gens of the common people, called the "Dirt or Earth Pedigree." ' Next in importance to the chief stood the shamans or iaruas, a name which Father Pareja, who dwelt among them about fifty years later, and who wrote several works in their language, translates by "sorcerer,"^ and which referred to their prophetic powers and the convulsions affected by them to obtain oracles of war. These were "great magicians, great soothsayers, and callers upon devils," says Laudonniere, and were held in the highest esteem. Their duties were as manifold as were the occu- pations of those to whom they ministered. Mr. Gatschet deduces from the questions put by Father Pareja to the catechumen in his "Confessionario," ' that most of the old men acted as conjurers. They consecrated the arrows before the departure of a hunting party, and, if the game was not killed by the first arrow, prayed over a second, which was sure to accomplish its mission. They caused rain, found lost objects for the owner, recited blessings or incantations over ears of corn, over the newly con- structed fish-ways, over a good haul, and over the baskets ' A. S. Gatschet, " The Timucua Language," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 1878, vol. xvii., p. 492. ''"The Timucua Language," ^(5^ Rojomonte in Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., p. 2; Melenechein Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565, fol. 4. ^ Rojomonte in Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., p. 2. ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 53-55; Hak., vol. ii., pp.463. 4^4; Le Moyne in De Bry, p. 10, and in Eicones, Plate XV. *Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 60; Hak., vol. ii., p. 469. 78 The Spanish Settlements harvests of the Indians, burning the green meadows and killing the birds in the fields. Saturiba mistook it for a cannonade directed against his dwelling by the French. In this belief he was again encouraged by the ill-advised Frenchman, and, no longer able to disguise his deep- rooted hatred, withdrew from the neighbourhood. And now war broke out between Outina and Potauou. Un- der the impression that the only road to the Appa- lachian Mountains, where gold and silver were found, lay through Outina's dominions,' Laudonniere sent Arlac° to Outina's assistance, and thus enabled him to secure the victor3% Laudonni^re's bearing towards the settlers was as ill- judged as his dealings with the savages. Le Moyne complains that he surrounded himself with two or three favourites and frowned upon the common soldiers. As a result of this and of the dissatisfaction of some of the noblemen with the results so far attained, discontent be- gan to show itself. The more serious element of the community was indignant at the absence of a pastor to minister to its spiritual wants." And yet an effort was made to give some religious instruction to the savages in the neighbourhood. Two or three of the colonists, among whom was probably "Maistre " Robert, learned in Holy Writ, and who conducted the prayers of the fort,^ took upon themselves the teaching of the chiefs and Indians, collecting some two hundred of the native children for that object,' with such signal results, and the binding of such close ties of affection between them, that Men^ndez ' Le Moyne in Eicofies, Plate XII. '^Charlevoix in Histoire de la Notivelle France (Nyon Fils), Paris, 1744, tome i., p. 37, says in a note that this orthography is merely the result of an incorrect pronunciation of the well-known Swiss family name of Erlach. 2 Le Moyne in Brevis Narratio, pp. 9, 10. *Le Challeux in " Hist. Memorable" in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 466. ^Fourquevaux to Charles IX,, Feb. 22, 1566, D/pcckes, p. 61. The Second French Colony 79 himself pays them a tribute for their devotion. "These French have many Indian friends and have showed much sorrow for the perdition " of the Indians, who followed their teachers about "as the Apostles did our Lord; so that it is a wonder to see how these Lutherans have be- witched this poor savage people." ' This dissatisfaction soon assumed a more serious phase. A conspiracy arose against Laudonnifere among some of the colonists, lured by the pretended magical discovery of a mine of gold and silver up the river, by which they hoped to enrich themselves. But their attempts, first to poison him and then to blow him up with a barrel of gunpowder concealed beneath his bed, were happily frustrated, and their leader escaped to the Indians." On the 4th of September Cap- tain Bourdet arrived from France with reinforcements. An expedition sent to discover the interior remained there for six months, and on the loth Bourdet returned to France, carrying back with him a few of the least trustworthy of the colonists. On September 20, 1564, occurred the first of the series of incidents which served to confirm the Spaniards in their conviction of the piratical designs of the French colony. Thirteen men stole one of the barks with the intention of preying upon the Spaniards, and having provisioned it put to sea, and coming across a Spanish vessel with a treasure of gold and silver in the neighbourhood of Cuba they captured it. All of them being well armed with sword, shield, and arquebuse, they next proceeded to plunder a small hamlet, the inhabitants of which fled before them. From there they made for the harbour of Matanzas, after they had abandoned the small boat in ' Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565 ; Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 87. ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 60, 61 ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 469-471. It is not improbable that this leader, La Roquette, is the ex-monk, cosmogra- pher, and necromancer, mentioned by Mendoza ("Relacion" in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 460), as having been killed at Fort Caroline. 8o The Spanish Settlements which they had made their escape from Fort Caroline for the better one they had captured, and had forced its cap- tain to enter into their service. Ill luck caused them to miss Matanzas and land in a small harbour called Arcos, and while they were searching about for water, the man they had impressed escaped to Havana, where he gave the alarm. The adventure ended with the capture of the entire party, some of its members being sent prisoners to Spain and the others remaining in Havana." This affair was followed by the desertion of two Flemish carpenters, who had but recently arrived with Bourdet, and who stole Laudonniere's remaining boats, so that he was compelled to go to work to construct others. The want of active employment among the colonists, the discontent fed by the dissipation of their golden vis- ions, and the bad example set by the escape of the thir- teen sailors now bore fruit in a much more serious mutiny, fraught with far more damage to the good repute of the settlement than the previous revolt. During the month of November' a band of sixty-six men, not con- tent to "take the paines so much as to fish in the riuer before their doors, but would haue all things put in their mouthes," ' urged on by two Frenchmen and a Genoese, and tempted by the sight of the two barks, which were near completion, entered into a conspiracy to seize them and seek their fortune on the neighbouring Spanish islands. Their number was sufificiently formidable to enable them to proceed with a high hand. They seized Laudonniere, who, as on the occasion of the former mutiny, was sick of an illness that seemed designed to conceal his own want of determination, and carried him a prisoner aboard 1 Deposition of Meleneche in Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565, fol. 5. Meleneche was one of the three prisoners sent to Spain. * This occurred about November, 1564 ; see Noticias de la Foblacidn, etc., p. 2. 3 Hawkins, Hakluyl, vol. iv., p. 242. The Second French Colony 8i a boat which was anchored in the harbour, wounding one of his gentlemen in the endeavour. There they held him prisoner until the two boats were in condition to set sail, compelled him to furnish them with arquebuses and can- non, powder and provisions, and finally, having threat- ened him with death in case of his refusal to accede to their wishes, they obtained his signature to their passport, with the grant of additional sailors and of a pilot.' On December 8th ' they set out upon their piratical ad- ventures. Scarcely had they left Fort Caroline when the two vessels became separated, owing to internal dissen- sions or the violence of a tempest.' One of the vessels, after cruising two weeks among the Lucayan Islands, made the Cape of St. Nicolas, near which it took a vessel on its way to Cabray, and finally reached Havana. The second bark, in which were one of the chief conspirators and the pilot furnished by Laudonni^re, kept along the coast to Cuba in order to double the cape more easily, and captured a brigantine loaded with cassava, losing two of its crew in the affray. Being a vessel of greater size than their own roughly made bark, the mutineers trans- ferred their belongings aboard of her, and taking the bark along with them made for Baracou, a village in Jamaica, where they seized a caravel of some fifty tons burden, in which they all re-embarked, and after a carouse of five or six days in the village returned to the Cape of Tiburon. Off the cape they captured a vessel from Santo Domingo ' Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 63 et seq. ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 473-475 ; Le Moyne in De Bry, p. 12, 13. Rojomonte, who was one of the mutineers, says in his deposition {Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., p. 2), that these alleged mutineers were sent off by Laudonniere in search of provisions ; and see also Confesion que se tomo a un hombre que bino de la Ysla de Cuba sobre lo tocante a la Florida, 1551-1565. MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Sevilla, Patro- nato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 1/19, ramo 5, p. 5. ^ Le Moyne in De Bry, p. 12. ^Hist. Notable, Basanier, p, 66; Hak., vol. ii., p. 476; Noticias de la Poblaci6n. etc., p. 2. 82 The Spanish Settlements bound for Santiago de Cuba, on board of which was a judge' commissioned by the Royal Audiencia of Hispan- iola for its port of destination, together with a store of slaves, sugar, merchandise, and wine. The judge and his negro servant were slain in the encounter. The pilot and crew they transferred to their own vessel, where they were imprisoned for eight days in the hold. By this time their provisions had become reduced to a supply for two days only, and they enquired of the pilot of the captured vessel how they could reach Jamaica, where they expected to trade the merchandise they had cap- tured for food. The pilot . readily consented to help them, in the hope that on reaching a Spanish port the Frenchmen might fall into some trap and himself and his companions escape. At last the mutineers arrived off Jamaica, and even be- fore making a harbour sent the pilot ashore with two of the prisoners, who bore letters to the Governor, from one of the Spaniards aboard the vessel, asking for food. The answer was not long in coming. At dawn of the third day after they had entered the harbour, a frigate and two vessels bore down upon them. The bark with a small number of the mutineers succeeded in making its escape, but the large vessel, with thirty-three of the Frenchmen, was forced to surrender, and its crew were ulti- mately all hanged as pirates.'^ The bark with the escaped mutineers took a northerly course, and passing in sight of Havana, the pilot and trumpeter with some of the sailors who had been compelled to join them, being again short of provisions, determined to ascend the Bahama ' " Juez de comision." *De Silva to Philip II., Oct. i, 1565. Col. Doc. Inedit. Espaiia, tomo Ixxxvii., p. 197. English translation in Spanish State Papers, 155S-1567, 1. Elizabeth, p. 486. Confesion que se tomo a un hombre que bino de la Ysla de Cuba sobre lo tocante a la Florida, 1551-1565. MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Patronato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 1/19, ramo 5. The deponent was the pilot of the vessel captured by the mutineers. See Appendix I. The Second French Colony 83 Channel by night, while their companions slept, return to Fort Caroline, and make what terms they could with Laudonni^re. On the 25th of March, 1 565, the neighbour- hood of Fort Caroline was reached. After some parley- ing Laudonniere consented to receive them back, but the four ringleaders were condemned to be hung. Their sentence, however, was commuted to shooting, and their bodies were hung from gibbets about the mouth of the haven.' Laudonnit:;re, who had been confined on board the bark by the mutineers, was released, on their departure, by Ottigny and returned to the fort. Matters now pro- gressed with no especial event for some time. The fort was strengthened against attack from the natives, and two other barks were constructed. One day two Spaniards, who had been wrecked on the Martyr Islands some fifteen years before, and had lived in servitude to Carlos at the south-western end of the peninsula, were brought into the 'De Silva to Philip II., Nov. 5, 1565, Col. Doc. Inedit. Espana, tomo Ixxxvii., p. 230. English translation in Spanish State Papers, 155S-1567, I. Elizabeth, p. 503; Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 63-70; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 473-479. Le Moyne relates that on the arrival of the mutineers at the mouth of the St. John's they were overpowered by a party sent out by Lau- donniere ; De Bry, Brevis Narratio, pp. 20, 21. Dr. Shea, in The Catholic Church in Colonial Days (New York, r886, p. 136), infers that the muti- neers put to death the Spaniards on board of the boat which they captured. Fortunately for the humanity of the Frenchmen the Spanish pilot distinctly negatives Dr. Shea's inference, so far as his own crew is concerned, stating that it was put in the hold of the vessel and evidently escaped when the ship was recaptured. The pilot does not say whether or not there were any Spanish prisoners on board the bark in which part of the mutineers fled. It is only fair to Dr. Shea to say that he did not have before him the testimony which is presented in these papers, as to the fate of "the cruisers from Caroline and Ribaut." But he is unfortunate in charging Ribaut, who was absent in France, with the responsibility of sending out cruisers, whereas Laudonniere, our only source of information as to the origin of these pirates, says they were mutineers. The statement of some of the mutineers, that they had been sent out by Laudonniere in search of food, is open to doubt, as it was probably made with a view to obtaining better treatment at the hands of their captors. 84 The Spanish Settlements French settlement, after experiencing various vicissitudes under one and another Indian chief. They regaled Lau- donnifere's ears with the usual tale of treasure, which in this instance was probably founded on fact, the gold and silver having been saved from Spanish vessels wrecked along the coast ; they told him of the annual sacrifice at harvest time of a human victim selected from among the Spaniards who had been cast ashore among the Indians; and they tickled the Frenchman's imagination with a romantic story of Indian love and ambush.' Captain Vasseur was sent up the coast to Port Royal and renewed his former friendly relations with Audusta.* Another excursion was made up the St. John's, where the Frenchmen discovered the entrance of a lake, prob- ably Lake George,' whose opposite shores, according to Indian report, could not be seen even from the tops of the highest trees, and on their return visited the pictu- resque Drayton Island, called by the Indians Edelano." A gentleman from Fort Caroline, who had remained some time with Outina, brought back an account of the primi- tive method by which the natives recovered the gold from the sands of the rivers which flowed down from the moun- tains; how the sand was collected in dry, hollow reeds, in which, on being shaken, the gold and silver grains be- came separated from the sand owing to their greater weight.^ Later on a band of soldiers under Ottigny was ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 71 et seq. ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 481-483. 2 Ibid., p. 74 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 484 ; Le Moyne in De Bry, p. 18. ' Fairbanks, Hist, of Florida, p. 125 ; Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride Fran- ^aise, p. 177, identifies the lake with Lake Okeechobee. There can be little question as to the correctness of Fairbanks. See Appendix J, Maps of the French Colony. ■• Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 75 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 4S5 ; Le Moyne in De Bry, pp. 15, 19 ; Fairbanks, Hist, of Florida, p. 105. Velasco also mentions this island as situated at the outlet of " unalaguna, que bojara ocho leguas." — Geografia, p. 168, * Laudonniere says "gold or copper." Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 76; Hak., vol. ii., p. 486 ; Le Moyne in De Bry, p. 19. This is one of the The Second French Colony 85 sent to assist Outina on one of his expeditions against a neighbouring chief. So the time passed until the opening of the following year (1565), when the French, like the Spaniards before them, began to reap the first fruits of their improvidence in failing to make sufficient provision against the diminu- tion of their store of food. It was the custom of the Indians of that region to withdraw into the forests during the winter and early spring, where they subsisted by hunting until their crops began to ripen ; and the French, who had made no plantings against such a contingency, but had lived off the maize and beans which they ob- tained by barter from the natives, were suddenly thrown upon their own resources. For a while they made out to live upon the stores which Laudonni^re had thought- fully laid by, but with the approach of the month of May, the first gnawing of famine began to be felt ; for the soldiers with characteristic thoughtlessness had lavishly consumed the food in expectation of the arrival of suc- cour from France, which did not come. A little fish was obtained from the natives, who had by this time returned to their homes, but the Indians were now without maize or beans, having used what remained to them in planting for the coming season, and the soldiers, enfeebled by hunger and unable to continue to work, wandered dis- consolately to the top of the bluff, where Laudonniere had dreamed his dream of Paradise, and despairingly scanned the surface of the glittering waters for the arrival of the ship from France. most detailed of the exceedingly rare descriptions of primitive Indian gold- mining. Le Moyne, who says the Indians dug ditches in the river in which the sand was deposited by gravity, has given us a picture of the natives at work collecting gold out of the bed of the river in his Eicones, Plate XLL, Auri legendi ratio in rivis a montibus Apalatcy decurrentibus. Shipp in his Hernando de Soto and Florida, Philadelphia, l88i, p. 526, note, thinks these mines were in the north of Georgia, where are now the Georgia gold fields, and were probably the same as those of which De Soto was informed. 86 The Spanish Settlements One day followed the other, and as they watched in vain, the prolonged anxiety bred within them, with the abandonment of hope, its companion despair, and finally the determination to leave the inhospitable shore. With that they went to work to build a boat for the voyage and to enlarge the brigantine, which the mutineers had captured from the Spaniards, by raising it two decks higher. But this required time and "there remained now the principal, which was to recouer victuals with which to sustain vs while our work endured," writes Laudonniere.' The commander himself headed an ex- pedition in search of food, living the while on berries gathered in the forest and the roots of the palmettos which grew by the river-bank ; but he was constrained to return empty-handed to the fort. The Indians, seeing to what straits the colonists were put, had now lost all fear of them. They demanded even the shirts off the backs of the soldiers in exchange for a single fish, and taunt- ingly exclaimed, when the soldiers complained of its ex- cessive cost, "If thou make so great account of thy merchandise, eat it, and we will eat our fish." "Then they fell out laughing and mocked vs with open throat." ' And now began the desperate struggle to wrest from the Indians enough food to keep body and soul together while the brigantine was being completed. Outina, to whom they turned in their necessity, pushed his advan- tage, sending just sufficient supplies to goad them into ac- ceding to his harsh conditions of aiding him against his enemies. Considering that as the country was to be abandoned, the colony would derive no further advantage from the ■ continuance of its previous friendly relations with the natives, Laudonni&re, who was intent on securing pro- visions by force when more pacific means had failed, de- ' Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 8i ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 491. ' Ibid., p. 82 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 492. The Second French Colony 87 termined to seize the person of the Indian chief and hold him as a hostage for the food of which they stood in such imminent need. Taking two boats, he embarked with fifty of his best soldiers, and, descending upon the village, carried Outina off as prisoner; he then signified to the natives that he would do their chief no harm, but would return him to them in exchange for food. But the Indians, accustomed themselves to put their prisoners of war to death, mistrusted his promise, and by every art of Indian deceit sought to recover their chief, bringing the Frenchmen a little fish and cornmeal in order to en- tice them into ambush. During the month of May the famine became extreme; "for the very riuer had not such plentie of fish as it was wont, and it seemed that the land and water did fight against vs," says Laudonnit^re. Even the work upon the boat was delayed. Some gathered roots and pounded them to a pulp in mortars; others ground the wood of the sarsaparilla into a meal and ate it boiled in water; others went hunting for fowl. "Yea, this miserie was so great, that one was found that gathered vp among the filth of my house, all the fish bones that he could finde, which he dried and beate into powder to make bread thereof. The effects of this hidious famine ap- peared incontinently among vs," continues Laudonniere, " for our bones eftsoones beganne to cleaue so neere vnto the skinne, that the most part of the souldiers had their skinnes pierced thorow with them in many partes of their bodies." ' About the beginning of June Laudonni&re heard of ripe maize up the river, where he went and obtained a little, but his soldiers fell sick from eating more of it than their weakened stomachs could digest. So the time passed wearily, until one day Outina, who still remained a prisoner, induced Laudonniere to make another attempt ' Hist. Notable^ Basanier, pp. 82-85 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 496. See ako Hawkins's account of the famine in Hakluyt, vol. iv., p. 242. 88 The Spanish Settlements at exchanging him for maize and beans. When the vil- lage was finally reached, the previous tactics were repeated by the natives, who tried by every strategy known to Indian wiles to free their chief and to be avenged of his captors. But the Frenchmen saw through these designs, and after prolonged negotiations Outina was finally sur- rendered and some maize collected. As Ottigny was leaving the village by an avenue four hundred paces long and planted with great trees on both sides, he was sud- denly attacked from ambush by the Indians. Observing how the armour protected the bodies of his soldiers, the Indians shot at their faces and legs, killing two of his men and wounding twenty-two. In the melee most of the corn was lost.' Another serious calamity which now befell the colonists was the killing by the Indians of two of the carpenters employed on the ship. When the soldiers learned that this would still further protract its comple- tion, they became so mutinous that they were with diflR- culty appeased, and in order to hasten matters it was determined to work no more upon the ship, but to con- centrate all their efforts on the repairing of the brigan- tine. With the energy of despair the houses without the fort were demolished, and their woodwork was converted into charcoal, and the palisade of the fort on the river was also torn down to furnish timber, leaving it defence- less on that side. On the 3rd of August, while these final preparations were being pushed forward with feverish haste, Laudon- nifere went out walking on a little hill, "much tormented in mind " with conflicting emotions, in which the fact that provisions for ten days was all that remained, frustrated ambition, and bitter disappointment at the complete failure of the colony played no little part. Suddenly he descried four sails at sea. ' ' I sent immediately one of ' Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 88 et seq.; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 498-502; Hawkins, Hak., vol. iv., p. 243. I The Second French Colony 89 them which were with me to aduertise those of the Fort thereof, which were so glad of those newes, that one would haue thought them to bee out of their wittes to see them laugh and Icape for joy." ' After the ships had cast anchor, a boat was seen making for land, and Lau- donnicre promptly sent an armed man to meet it, and drew up his soldiers in readiness for an attack, fearing that the strangers might be Spaniards, a fear in which he was largely justified if he considered his proximity to the route of Spanish commerce, and the presence in his midst of the pirates who had sacked and plundered the Spanish merchantmen off the neighbouring islands. The new- comer proved to be Master John Hawkins, the father of the English slave-trade, on his way home from a second prosperous venture undertaken with the sanction of the Council.' He had been capturing negroes on the Guinea coast and had sold them to the Spaniards in the West Indies at the point of his sword, forcing them with faul- con and arquebuse to give him "a testimoniall of his good behauiour" ^ while there. His ships were the Stval- low, the Tiger, and Salomon, small vessels of from thirty to one hundred and forty tons, and a stately ship of seven hundred tons, the Jesus of Lubeck, belonging to Queen Elizabeth, which she herself had lent him for the adventure.' He had been sailing along the coast for several days since sighting Havana, in search of fresh water; and now he had sent one of his company ashore with a request to be permitted to refill his empty tanks. This messenger proved to be one Martin Atinas, of ' Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 94 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 504. * Hawkins, Hak., vol. iv., p. 241. According to Hawkins {j,bid., p. 239) he appears to have reached Fort Caroline about the middle of July and left (p. 24) on the 28th. The date of Aug. 3rd is that given by Laudonniere. ^ Ibid. 233. De Silva to Philip II., Nov. 15, 1565, Col. Doc. Inedit. Espaiia, tomo Ixxxvii., pp. 28, 29, English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1558-1567, I- Elizabeth, 503. ^Hawkins, Hak., vol. iv., p. 205 ; Froude, English Seamen, p, 44. 90 The Spanish Settlements Dieppe, who had taken part in Ribaut's first colony, and had readily found employment with the adventurous Englishman. Atinas was the bearer of two flagons of wine and some wheaten bread, a present from Hawkins, "which greatly refreshed me, forasmuch as for seuen moneths space I neuer tasted a drop of wine," writes Laudonni&re, who generously divided it among his soldiers.' Next day Hawkins himself came up the river and was entertained by Laudonniere in his dismantled fort. With French hospitality he killed for his English guest some sheep and poultry brought from France, and so precious to him that notwithstanding all his "necessities and sicknesse," he "would not suffer so much as one chicken to be killed." ' And perhaps when the feast was over, and "the gentlemen honourably apparelled yet un- armed," who attended Hawkins, were seated about in the shade listening to his relation, Laudonniere may have solaced them with a Floridian custom to which the French themselves had become addicted. For " the Floridians haue a kinde of herbe dried, who with a cane and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and the dried herbs put together, doe sucke thorow the cane the smoke thereof, which smoke satisfieth their hunger . . . and this all the Frenchmen vsed for this purpose: yet do they holde opinion withall, that it causeth water and fleame to void from their stomacks." Thus gravely and wisely did Master Hawkins describe his first pipeful of tobacco, as he saw the pleasant vapour roll '^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 95; Hak., vol. ii., p. 504. Meleneche in his deposition (Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565, fol. 4b) says the colonists "han hecho en este afio despues que llegaron diez barricas o quartos de vino, y dicen que salio bueno y de color clarete." Bartram in his Travels, p. 87, mentions grape-vines on the St. John's. * Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 95 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 505. The Second French Colony 91 in fleecy, fantastic clouds from between the lips of his French hosts.' Hawkins, perceiving the sorry condition of the colony and the anxiety of the French to return home, offered to transport all the company in his ships to France. The complete isolation of the settlers, the extreme difficulties of the situation, and the wariness incumbent upon their leader in those times, in which the scurviest of tricks were played upon each other by nations ostensibly at peace, and above all Laudonnifere's estimate of the sincerity of his English friend, are illustrated in his refusal to accept the proffered aid. "For I knewe not how the case stood betweene the French and the English," he writes, "and although hee promised me on his faith to put mee on land in France, before hee would touch England, yet I stood in doubt least he would attempt somewhat in Florida in the name of his mistresse. " ' When it became known among the soldiers that Hawkins's offer had been refused, there arose such a turmoil among them that a council was called, and the decision reached to purchase a small ship, which Hawkins had offered to give them, after seeing the insufficiency of those which they had for the proposed journey. It was further decided that its price should be paid in artillery and powder, for Laudonni^re feared that if the payment were made in the silver which he had collected while in Florida, the sight of it might excite the cupidity of the English Queen. Hawkins, in place of taking offence at the suspicions cast upon him by the flat refusal of the Frenchmen, readily consented to the bargain, selling his vessel to them at the price which the French themselves put upon it. Moved with pity at their distress, he sold them a quantity of his provisions, and fifty pairs of shoes ^ Hak., vol. iv., pp. 244, 245. Le Moyne in Plate XX. of his Eicones shows an Indian smoking a pipe and describes it in the legend to the plate. ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 96 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 505. 92 The Spanish Settlements for the barefooted soldiers. In payment for these Lau- donniere gave him his note of hand, " for which vntil this present I am indebted to him," writes the lieutenant. Over and above this Hawkins gave them oil and vinegar, olives, rice, and biscuits, and made various gifts to the French officers, showing such humanity and generosity that Laudonniere gratefully exclaims, "I may say that we receiued as many courtesies of the Generall as it were possible to receiue of any man liuing. Wherein doubt- lesse he hath wonne the reputation of a good and charita- ble man, deseruing to be esteemed as much of vs all as if he had saued all our lives." ' It is one of those mys- terious paradoxes in the make-up of a human soul, that the doughty slave-trader, who had been stealing negroes with fire and sword, packing them like human cattle in the holds of his ships, and selling them under the muzzles of his guns, dismisses this humane incident in half a dozen lines in his own narrative, and that it is only from the pen of those whose lives he had saved that we learn the striking details. Menendez subsequently wrote Philip that at the time of Hawkins's visit there were two vessels loaded with hides and sugar at Fort Caroline which the French had robbed off Yaguana, on the west coast of Hispaniola, and had thrown their crews overboard. As the French had not enough sailors to man the prizes themselves Hawkins, who, after a stay of only a few days, was ready to set sail for home, was commissioned by Laudonniere to sell their cargoes in France or England, leaving two Englishmen at Fort Caroline as hostages for the fulfilment of his agreement.' By the 15th of August the supplies ' Hisi. Notable, Basanier, p. 87 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 507. For Hawkins's account of this to the Spanish ambassador to England see De Silva to Philip II., Oct. 22, 1565, Col. Doc. Indit. Espaiia, tomo Ixxxvii., pp. 218, 230. English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1558-1567, I. Elizabeth, pp. 495, 503. ^ Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 90. The Second French Colony 93 left by the English and those accumulated by Laudon- niere were stored aboard the ship, and only the absence of a favourable wind now stood between the colonists and their departure for their beloved France.' There can be no reasonable doubt that the English vessels referred to in the letter were those of John Hawkins, for there is an agreement as to their number, the great size of the Jesus and the date of Hawkins's visit to La Caroline, although no names are mentioned in the letter. The French ac- counts make no reference to any such vessels as these two found at La Caroline by Menendez. Dr. Shea in The Catholic Church in Colonial Days (New York. 1886, p. 140), and in his "Ancient Florida " (in A^arr. and Crit. Hist. Am., New York, 1886, vol. ii., 'p. 276), infers that they were Spanish vessels, which is not improbable, given the nature of their cargoes. ^Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 98 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 507. CHAPTER V THE THIRD FRENCH EXPEDITION THROUGHOUT these long days of waiting Coligny had not forgotten his plantation, and early in 1565 preparations were made to relieve it. The necessity was all the more pressing, because the very first vessel return- ing from Florida had brought with it strange rumours. It was said that Laudonniere was disposed to play the king, and to resent in a tyrannous manner any interfer- ence with his designs; that his men were treated with undue cruelty, and that he was currying favour and ad- vancement by other means than at the hands of the Admiral, writing to the Lords of the Council with the promise of sending them gifts of the objects which he had found in Florida. And Coligny, himself an austere man, was indignant at his having taken a woman with him to the distant colony. It boded ill for the fortunes of the infant settlement if such a man were left in charge, so Jean Ribaut, who was again back in France, was put in command of a fleet of seven vessels and given the necessary authority to supersede Laudonniere, who, for his part, was directed to return to France.' Again there gathered a miscellaneous company of ad- venturers at the port of Dieppe, including soldiers who refused to pay for their lodgings, and who set the town in an uproar with their carousings, "preferring to incur the ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 99-102; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 509, 512. 94 The Third French Expedition 95 wrath of the waters, rather than laying down their arms, to return to their first condition," says Le Challeux ' ; others, attracted by the report of a land of Cocaigne, where the grateful earth yielded up her fruits unscathed by the plough, where the heat of the sun was tempered to a pleasant ardour, and where frost and hail were un- known ; and others by a more sordid desire for gold. There were also several gentlemen, among them a rela- tive of Admiral Coligny, and Jacques Ribaut, son of Jean, who went in command of one of the ships; six Portuguese pilots to direct the fleet,* and a number of artisans with their families.' The expedition was undertaken with the full knowledge and consent of the Queen, who was even thought to have an interest in it,' and the usual perfunctory charges were given Ribaut not to trespass upon Spanish possessions/ But he had also received a letter from Coligny informing him of the intended departure of a Spanish armada with probably a like destination and the laconic instructions which accompanied the letter left little doubt as to what action he should take in the event of an encounter with the Spaniards, "Capitaine lohn Ribault," it ran, "as I was enclosing vp this letter, I receiued a certaine aduice, that Don Pedro Melendes departeth from Spaine to goe to the coast of Newe France : see you that you suffer him not to encroch vpon you, no more than he would ' " Hist. Memorable " in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 457. ^ Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 92. ^ " Hist. Memorable " in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 458. Meras in his " Jornadas de Pedro Menendez de Aviles" (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 83) says Ribaut forbade Roman Catholics to embark under pain of death, and allowed only Protestant books to be taken along. Barrientos in his " Vida y Hechos de Pero Menendez de Aviles," in Genaro Garcia's Dos Antigiias Relaciones de la Florida, p. 33, makes substantially the same statement. ^Philip II. to Alava, June 2, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K (2), 1504. Alava to Philip II., June 8, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1504 (6). ' Le Challeux in " Hist. Memorable" in Gaffarel, pp. 457, 470. 96 The Spanish Settlements that you should encroch vpon him." ' Men^ndez, writ- ing to Philip some five months later, told him that Ribaut carried orders to fortify a position on the Martyr Islands, where he could command the Bahama Channel so that no vessel could pass except under his eyes. Six galleys were to be stationed there, with the object of seizing Havana, freeing the negroes, and subsequently those of Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, and Tierra Firme. And it was also proposed to build a fort at the Bay of Ponce de Leon, because of its proximity to New Spain and Honduras.'' On the loth of May the three hundred colonists ' em- barked aboard the ships, the names of five of which are still known to us, the Trinity, Jean Ribaut's flag-ship, the Union, the Trout, the Shoulder of Mutton, and the Pearl, the last of which went in command of Jacques Ribaut; but they were detained until the 22nd, awaiting supplies. Then came so violent a storm that the sailors cut their cables and ran before the wind. Three days more were spent in Havre pending the arrival of news from Dieppe, and over two weeks at the Isle of Wight, in expectation of a favourable wind. It was a delay fraught with fatal consequence to French enterprise in Florida, for had Ribaut reached there in season, the colonists would have "^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. io6 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 516. Le Moyne, who also gives this letter (De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 23) says it was writ- ten in Coligny's own hand. ^ Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 29 and 107, 108. Menendez says he was so informed by a Frenchman, whose life he had spared at the capture of Fort Caroline. 2 " Hist. Memorable" in Gaffarel, p. 459 ; Philip II. to Alava, June 2, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 {2), says 500 soldiers. Mendoza in his " Relacion " (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 442), says 700 men and 200 women. Gaffarel {Hist, de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 145), thinks they may have amounted to 1000. Silva in his letter of June 25, 1565, to Philip II.. referring to the presence of Ribaut's fleet in Portland harbour, says they were 1200 {Col. Doc. Inedit. Espana, tomo Ixxxvii., p. 133, English transla- tion in Spanish State Papers, 1558-1567, I. Elizabeth, p. 242.) I The Third French Expedition 97 been in a far more advantageous position to resist the attack of the Spaniards than afterwards proved to be the case, and the reinforcement which he brought would cer- tainly have greatly retarded if not entirely diverted the nemesis which finally overtook them. Meanwhile the colonists on the St. John's were im- patiently awaiting a favourable opportunity to abandon the country, and on August 28, 1565, the wind and tide being propitious, the two ships were about to set sail for France, when their captains, Vasseur and Verdier, ob- served some sails at sea, of which they promptly informed their commander. An armed boat was immediately de- spatched to learn who the strangers might be, and the sentinels, who had climbed the highest trees to follow their movements, reported that the great boat of the ships appeared to be chasing the small boat sent out to meet them, which had already passed beyond the bar at the mouth of the river. Again the soldiers were drawn up in line, lest the newcomers should prove to be enemies, and through all the sweltering day and the long watches of the following night the colonists awaited in painful suspense the report of their messenger; for though the small boat had come up with the ships by two o'clock, it had entirely failed to send back any report. The follow- ing morning at about eight or nine o'clock seven boats were seen entering the river, among them that of Lau- donni^re's messenger of the previous day. The boats were full of soldiers, each carrying an arquebus, and wear- ing a morion on his head; silently and in battle array they moved past the outposts on the bluff, vouchsafing no kind of reply to the eager enquiry of the sentry as to who they might be. Unable to control his suspense at these mysterious movements, one of the sentinels fired a shot at them, which fell short of the mark, owing to the distance between him and the boats. Still no reply, and Laudonniere, warned of their approach, placed each of **. — 7. 98 The Spanish Settlements his men at his post, and trained two small field-pieces, which still remained to him, in readiness to fire upon the advancing line. Nearer still drew the silent company, making directly for the fort, when to the intense surprise and relief of the colonists Captain Jean Ribaut was recog- nised by his great beard ' as the leader of the advancing host. The sight of his well-known face quickly dispelled the fear which his warlike array had excited, and the arquebuses, but a moment before turned against him, now welcomed him "with a gentle volley of shot, where- unto he answered with his." ^ Ribaut soon came ashore and Laudonnifere conducted him to his own house, where he entertained him with the store which Hawkins had left behind. After the demon- strations of joy had subsided, Ribaut drew his lieutenant aside, out of the fort, and informed him of the charges against him, while at the same time he delivered to him the letter of recall from Coligny. This was couched in no ambiguous terms as to the Admiral's personal friend- ship for him, but required his return to France to clear his credit.^ Laudonnifere readily disposed of the first two charges, observing, with much reason, that in a new country, and with such a company as had come to in- habit it, authority must be strictly enforced in order to retain that ascendency over its various elements that was necessary to the maintenance of order. To the charge of underhanded dealings with the Council, he replied, that he had but written to them in conformity with in- structions received from the Admiral himself and with the sole object of securing their influence in dealing with the Queen Mother for the continuance of the enterprise. And finally as for the woman he explained that she was ' Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 103 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 513. ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. loi ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 510. ' Coligny's letter is given in full in Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 102 ; Hak^ vol. ii., p. 511. The Third French Expedition 99 but a poor chambermaid, whom he had taken up in an inn to oversee his household, and to attend to the poultry and sheep which he had brought over with him. He dwelt upon the necessity of her ministrations to the sick and to himself in his own illness, and added, with great naivete, that "all my men thought so well of her, that at one instant there were sixe or seuen which did demand her of mee in marriage." ' Ribaut, after hearing Laudonnicre's explanations, urged him to remain in Florida and generously offered to share the command with him, leaving him in charge of Fort Caroline, while he himself would withdraw and build another fort elsewhere. This Laudonniere declined with much dignity, saying that there could be but one Lieu- tenant of the King, and here the matter rested for awhile. But the blow was a severe one to him, falling as it did out of a clear sky, and at the very moment when he had thought to see an end to all he had endured in the service of his country. The false reports preyed upon his mind, and he fell sick of a fever which continued for eight or nine days. As four of his vessels proved to be too large to cross the bar, Ribaut anchored them about a mile off shore, where the water was shallow. His three smaller vessels, one of which was the Pearl, commanded by his son Jacques, he sent across the bar, the Pearl going as high up as the fort, near which she anchored.^ The colonists were now disembarked and the provisions brought ashore and put away in a storehouse, which had been constructed about two hundred paces from the fort near the bake- house, which also stood without in order to avoid danger of fire." The neighbouring chiefs came in to visit Ribaut ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 102, 103 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 522. Laudon- niere says that one of his men did marry her after their return to France. ^ Le Moyne in Brevis Narratio, pp. 22, 26. ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 104 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 514 ; " Hist. Memo- rable," GafTarel, p. 461. loo The Spanish Settlements and to welcome him after their fashion ; and in their mimicry of the French would stretch out their hands reverently to the sky, when the bell of the fort rang for prayers.' Ribaut had scarcely been a week at Fort Caroline, when on Tuesday, September 4th,* at about four o'clock in the afternoon, some soldiers, who had been walking on the beach, brought him word that they had seen six ships steering in the direction of the Trinity and her three com- panions, which lay outside the bar. There were but a few men in charge of these, for most of the crews were ashore, engaged upon the restoration of the fort and the houses to which Ribaut had turned his attention. On hearing the astounding news, Ribaut and a large number of the colonists hurried to the shore which they reached in time to learn that the strange vessels had anchored alongside their own ships, whereupon the French vessels had cut their cables and sailed away, with the others in pursuit. Straining their eyes through the limpid air of the September night, which had just been cleared by a thunder-storm, Ribaut and his companions could see their hulls disappearing below the horizon.^ The fleet which had so unexpectedly presented itself was that of Pedro Men^ndez de Aviles, Admiral of Spain, and one of the most accomplished seamen and commanders of the day, who had been sent by Philip II. to drive the French out of Florida. ' " Hist. Memorable," ibid., p. 463. ' Laudonniere {Hak., vol. ii., p. 514), says Sept. 4th. 2 Le Moyne in De Bry, p. 22. I CHAPTER VI PHILIP'S NOTICE TO FRANCE WHILE events were thus shaping themselves in dis- tant Florida Philip was not kept in ignorance of the activity of the French by his ambassador, Don Frances de Alava, who had succeeded Chantone at the Court of Charles IX. Every movement of Laudonnifere was nar- rowly watched, and the King was duly informed of his sailing.' From Normandy, from Brittany, from Nantes, from Bordeaux, and from Bayonne reports continued to arrive of the arming of vessels whose destination was either for Florida, or to rob the fleets from the Indies.* The piracies on the high seas continued with unabated vigour because "the first thing that a pirate did after he had robbed a vessel of 20,000 or 30,000 ducats was to ' Alava to Philip II., June 7, 1564, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1501 (85). ''Alava to Philip II., Jan. 2, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1505 (28); Barchino to Philip II., March 21, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (58) ; Alava to Philip II., Apr. 27, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (79); same to same, July 12, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1504 (45). The Nantes expedition was under the com- mand of the son of the Mayor of Nantes, and Philip ordered that a copy of the report be laid before the Council of the Indies. Alava to Philip II., Jan. 18, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503(33). The Bayonne expedition was being armed by the eldest son of Montluc. Alava to Philip II., Jan. 18, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (33). A month later he applied to Alava for a license, and on the refusal of the ambassador to give it, he obtained one from the Queen Mother; same to same, Feb. 20, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (50). In the ensuing May the father gave his word that the son would not go to Florida; same to same. May 26, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (loi), and the expedition was finally abandoned; same to same, June 4, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1504(4). lOI I02 The Spanish Settlements distribute io,ooo or 15,000 of them among those who were to judge him, or among their children, or to place the money in some matter in which they were interested." ' Protests on the part of the Spanish ambassador were re- ceived with evasive excuses,'' or contemptuously set aside. Coligny and Catherine continued to cajole him with empty promises that the pirates and robbers would receive con- dign punishment, the Queen's real object appearing to be that her subjects should arm themselves in whatever way they pleased, provided that they profited by so doing.' In the early spring of 1565, the news began to reach Spain of the depredations committed by the French colonists,' who represented to their Spanish captors that they had been sent out by Laudonniere in search of food.* By April the King was already aware of the equipment and destination of Ribaut's reinforcements,* of whose de- parture for Florida and visit to Plymouth he was also in- formed.' The situation was already assuming serious ' Alava to Philip II., Oct. 31, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat,, Paris, K, 1504 (72). ^Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 18, 1563, MS. ibid., K, 1500 (81), fol. 5 ; Alava to Philip II., April 27, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (79); Alava to Francisco de Erasso. May 7, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (88). = Alava to Philip II., Feb. 20, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1503 (50). * Rojomonte's deposition, made February 28, 1565, in Noticias de la Pobla- cion que habian hecho los Franceses en la Florida, MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 1/19, ro. 14; Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565, MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv.. Doc. No. 33, fol. I. ^ Deposition of Rojomonte in Noticias de la Foblacidn, etc., fol. 2 ; Con- fesion que se tomo a un hombre que bino de la Ysla de Cuba sobre lo tocante a la Florida, 1565. MS, Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. i, caj. I, leg. 1/19, ro. 5, p. 5. « Avis du due d'Albe, April il, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1503 (69). Barrientos in his " Vida y Hechos de Pedro Menendez de Aviles" (Dos Re- laciones de la Florida, por Genaro Garcia, Mexico, 1902, p. 33) says Philip was also advised of the preparations of Ribaut by Don Jose de Guevara, Viceroy of Navarre. "^ Aviles to Philip II., May 18, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 66; Alava to Philip II., June 8, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (6) ; De Silva to Philip II., June 25, 1565, Col. Doc. Inedit. Espana, tomo Ixxxix., Philip's Notice to France 103 proportions; for the "pirates of Normandy and Brittany were so ravenous in their greed for the Indian fleets" that they threatened to create graver complications than those involved in the mere question of the title to Florida, which might even lead to a war between the two nations.' The denial of Philip's abstract right of possession was in itself sufficient to arouse the ire of the Spanish King, but the renewed attempt to invade the country was of even more urgent significance. If the reader will consult the map of Florida, and recall what has been said in a previous chapter of the route pursued by the return treasure galleons, he will at once recognise that if Ribaut's colony at Port Royal was considered so potential a danger to the fleets as to induce Philip to send Manrique to up- root it, the site selected by Laudonnitjre was fraught with far more immanent peril to their safety. It was at the very mouth of the Bahama Channel, where the ships were compelled to proceed with the greatest caution on account of the current, the inhospitable coast, and the prevalence at certain seasons of tempestuous weather. Not only did it threaten the fleets, but its nearness to Cuba and Hispaniola, to Jamaica and Tierra Firme, enabled the French, in the event of war between the two countries, to attack and plunder this region long before succour could be sent from Spain. And to crown all, while both countries were still at peace, the colony had already be- come a nest of pirates, and its settlers were beginning to plunder the neighbouring islands, while their sovereign turned a deaf ear to every protest of the Spaniards, and closed her eyes to the actions of her subjects. p. 128. English translation Spanish State Papers, 1558-1567, I. Elizabeth, p. 242. 1 Alava to Philip II., May 7, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1503 (88). Barchino in his letter to Alava of March 21, 1565, calls them " queste gente piene de vana gloria." .y-' I04 The Spanish Settlements There was no ambiguity in the interpretation which the Spaniards gave to the situation, and from every side Philip was assailed with letters sounding the note of alarm and advising prompt action. Before the French had set foot in Florida, Menendez had warned Philip of the risks which would be incurred by their presence there.' Again, at a later date, he had sought to arouse his religious fanaticism by impressing upon him the ready sympathy which would arise between the Indians and the English or French, "a Lutheran people, because the Indians and they are of almost the same faith." "I am certain," he writes, "that the object of those who went to settle Florida was to possess those islands, and impede the navigation of the Indies, which they could do with the greatest ease, having settled or being about to settle the other Florida"; and he reiterated his fear of their stirring up an insurrection among the negroes.'' Chantone had pointed out how Ribaut's first settle- ment threatened the fleets from its proximity to the Bahamas and the difficulty of expelling the French if once they obtained a foothold.^ Alava had given a like warning on the departure of Laudonnifere.* Barchino wrote that the intention of the French was to establish a new kingdom in tlie Indies.' Granvelle, after inform- ing him that the French had constructed two forts in ' Pero Menendez (Aviles) sobrel Remedio pa q haya muchos nabios. Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 28,366, fol. 296. 2 " Memorial " (undated) in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 322, 324. This memorial appears to have been written during the interval between his second and third voyages and before Ribaut's first settlement, for on p. 323, Menendez speaks of " la Florida" in its largest extension, referr- ing, it would seem, to the French settlements in Canada; and but two lines farther he writes of the possibilities should the French settle " la otra Florida." 3 Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 24, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1500 (43), fol. lb. ■» Alava to Philip II., June 7, 1564, MS. ibid., K, 1501 (85). * Barchino to Philip II., March 21, 1565, MS. ilnd., K, 1503 (58). I Philip's Notice to France 105 Florida which it would be no easy matter to take, had added : " For if there are no Spaniards to drive them out, there are over forty thousand men in France of which it is necessary to rid the country. Every day their proverb becomes but too true, when they say that with two things they can make sure of the Spanish King: He has no money, and we will arrive and provide for everything in season." ' Noriega but echoed the prevalent opinion, and tersely defined the situation: "For the sum of all that can be said in the matter, is that they put the Indies in a cruci- ble, for we are compelled to pass in front of their port, and with the greatest ease they can sally out with their armadas to seek us, and easily return home when it suits them." Act promptly, he advised, before the Admiral of France can forestall you, "and seeing that they are Lutherans, as the three French prisoners affirm, it is not needful to leave a man alive, but to inflict an exem- plary punishment, that they may remember it forever." ' Philip waited neither for Noriega's letter nor for the final preparations of Ribaut's fleet. Indeed it appears that his determination had been already reached shortly after the arrival of three of the first mutineers from Fort Caro- line, captured in Cuba, who had been sent to Spain in a dispatch-boat, bringing with them the conclusive evidence of the French depredations in the neighbouring Spanish islands." In the latter part of March he had already ' Granvelle to Philip II., June 2, 1565, Lettres et papier s d'Etat du Cardi- nal de Granvelle, tome ix., p. 248. "^ Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565. MS. Direc. de Hidrog. Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., Doc. No. 33, fols. 2, 3, 5, " no es menester dexar hombre." On the importance of the danger of a settlement in the Bahama Passage see also " Memoria de las cosas y costa y indios de la Florida" by Hernando de Escalante Fontanedo, Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo v., p. 545 ; "Ancient Florida" by John Gilmary Shea in Narr. and Crit. Hist, Am., vol. ii., p. 254. ^ Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565, fol. 5. io6 The Spanish Settlements selected the man best fitted for the carrying out of his intentions and invested him with full power to execute his will upon the intruders. About the end of March or the beginning of April he had learned from Alava of the preparations which Ribaut was making in France for the relief of Laudonni^re's colony, and he turned for advice to one of his councillors, a man destined in the course of the next few years to achieve a fame for cruelty and bloodshed second to but few in history ; a man of fearless courage and of fierce determination, and a man of great military talent, al- though it had as yet scarcely received that recognition to which it was entitled. This was Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alba. Alba's counsel was brief, con- cise, and energetic. It behooved the King to issue orders that an armament be equipped with the least possible delay to drive the Frenchmen promptly out from where they had settled. At the same time the Council of the Indies should be ordered to put in writing the reasons which justify the King in excluding the French from Florida. Such reasons appearing sufficient, the Queen Mother should be spoken to in a very bold way to induce her not only to cease from sending more reinforcements, but also to recall the settlers who were already there. Alava should then be directed to urge a decision upon the matter, and in the event of none being forthcoming, Philip should send a member of his Council to treat of it. It had already been arranged that Isabella of Savoy, Philip's wife, should replace her husband in the inter- view with Catherine de' Medici which was to take place at Bayonne in June, and which Catherine herself had sought in order to confer with him on important matters of state; and Alba craftily advised that the solution of the difficulty should be urged previous to the conference upon which Catherine was so intent.' Philip was not ' Avis du due d'Albe, April ii, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1503(69). Philip's Notice to France 107 slow to follow the advice thus given. Don Juan de Acuila, Captain-General of Guipuzcoa, was dispatched in person to verify the particulars of the French preparations, and Alava was directed to report further details.' While awaiting the arrival of fuller information the question of Philip's title to Florida was formally laid be- fore the Council of the Indies, which rendered its opinion in writing on the 5th of May, confirming it in every de- tail. It was founded, said the Council, upon the right and title conveyed to him by "the bull of Pope Alexander, to whom, as Vicar of Our Saviour, it pertains to procure the conversion of all the heathen to his Holy Catholic Faith, and [who] to this end could appoint a Supreme Christian Prince over all the native Kings and Lords of all the Indies, . . . and thus he selected and chose the Kings of Castile and of Leon, Con- vinced of their zeal and Christianity, and aware of the great expense to which they had been put in beginning the dis- coveries with their people and fleets, he granted them the Lordship over all that had been or should be discovered within the Hmits set forth in the said bull, within which is the said Florida; and for the same reason he prohibited and was able to prohibit, under the penalties therein contained, that any other should enter them or send people to them without license from the said Kings of Castile and of Leon. And possession was taken of the said Province in the name of Your Majesty in many and diverse parts of it by Angel de Villafane in the same region and Port which the French now occupy. ' " Consulta hecha al Rey por el Consejo Real de las Indias en 5 de Mayo de 1565 sobre el apresto de los 500 soldados, y Navios, y vituallas que Su Magestad mando hacer para el viage a la Florida a cargo del General Pero Menendez de Aviles, con motivo de los 16 Navios que se entendio se arm- aban en Abra de Gracia, y otros Puertos de aquella costa, con 2 M soldados y mucha provision de vituallas y municiones para ir a la Florida." MS. Direc. de Hidrog, Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., Doc. No. 35. io8 The Spanish Settlements " It also appears that possession was taken of the said Province of Florida in the name of Your Majesty, in the same region which the French now occupy, by Guido de Labazares in the year 1558. . . . And there is also infor- mation of the taking possession of the said Province in the name of Your Majesty on other occasions, although the evidences of such have not yet been found . . . and since the year 15 10 onward. Fleets and Vessels of these Kingdoms, have gone to occupy the said Florida in the name of Your Majesty for in the said year two Vessels of the Island of His- paniola, which discovered it, went there, and in the year 1522 Juan Ponce went to its discovery . . . and afterwards the Licenciate Lucas Vazquez de Aylon [sic^, and after Aylon, Narvaez, and after Narvaez, Hernando de Soto; all Captains and sent under the instruction and command of Your Majesty, and of your predecessors. And even had the said possessions not been taken. Your Majesty acquired the dominion of the whole of the said Province by the bull and donation of Pope Alexander, because his Holiness is Prince of the Church and for these reasons, which are the chief ones, and for other reasons which could be rehearsed, it appears to the Council that Your Majesty's title is very clear. . . . And we pray, as we have done at other times, that it may please Your Majesty to observe, that if the French remain in Florida, as they [now] are, they can impede the passage of all the ships which come from the Indies, which would be a matter of great inconvenience." * Notvi^ithstanding the report that the French armament was not as extensive as the Council had at first been led to believe, and that no details had as yet been received ' " Parecer del Consejo Real de las Indias, dirigido al Rey con fecha 5 de Mayo de 1565, sobre el derecho que tiene S. M. a las Provincias de la Florida." MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Co/. Navarrete, tomoxiv., Doc. No. 34. There is an abridged Spanish version entitled Avis du Conseil des Indes au sujet des droits de la Couronne d'Espagne sur la Floride. Bayonne, 18 juin, 1565. MS. in Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (19), and there is also a short notice of it in Recueil de Pikes sur la Floride, par H. Ternaux- Compans, Paris, 1871, p. 153. Philip's Notice to France 109 from Acufia and Alava, it rendered a decree on the same day, re-forming the armada that was to sail for Florida, "because as the port of the French is in the Channel of Bahama, which is the passage of the Indies, it is of great importance to the service of Your Majesty to drive that people out from there." ' A letter received from Alava on the day of the Council had informed the King that the French were already aware of the size and destination of the Spanish armada which was to sail for Florida, and that this knowledge might have a salutary effect upon their activity and induce them to abandon the enterprise. In view of this Philip prudently post- poned the increase of the fleet until the arrival of the fuller reports from Acufia and Alava.^ Alava sent Doctor Gabriel de Enveja to Madrid to report to the Council of the Indies, and himself left for the conference at Bayonne. On his way thither his religious suscepti- bilities became so confounded at the expected visit of an emissary of the Grand Turk to the French sovereigns, that he seriously informed Philip of his suspicions that Ribaut's fleet was destined to Florida, because France had sold it to the Turk!' On the very verge of the conference Philip finally com- manded Alava to speak to the Queen Mother on the sub- ject, complaining of Ribaut's armament, that it had been undertaken at her instigation, and expressing Philip's surprise that notwithstanding the friendship existing be- tween the Most Christian King, her son, and himself, and the treaties of peace between them, she should endeavour to conquer a province to which he held the title. ' " Consulta hecha al Rey por el Consejo Real de las Indias en 5 de Mayo de 1565," etc. MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarreie, tomo xiv., Doc. No. 35. * Philip II. 's marginal notes on the Consulta hecha al Rey en ^ de Mayo de is6s, etc., and see Alava to Philip II., Oct. 31, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (72). 3 Alava to Philip II., May 28, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (106). no The Spanish Settlements "And if we have dissimulated until now in urging her, or in pressing matters concerning other vessels which we have heard have gone to Florida, it has been because we believed that they were corsairs, and went to rob without the orders or command of either herself or the King, her son; and that I had given orders that such should be chastised, as it is reason- able that infractors of the public peace should be, who under- take such enterprises without the order and command of their King." If Ribaut had already set sail, Alava was directed to say nothing on the subject to Catherine, but to au^ait the arrival of the Duke of Alba, who was to leave in two days to accompany the Queen of Spain on the visit to her mother.' Philip in this letter was pursuing his habitual crafty and disingenuous methods. If Ribaut had sailed, the question could be more effectively solved by blows in Florida than by words at Bayonne. Meanwhile it was important that the antagonism of Catherine should not be aroused in view of the scheme for the simultaneous extermination of all heretics in both dominions, which his Queen, Isabella, and Alba had been instructed to bring about through their interview with Catherine.* As Ribaut had already set sail, the message was not de- livered, and Alava was obliged to resort to his imagina- tion to explain the contents of the letter, the arrival of which had so excited Catherine's curiosity "that she sent me a hundred persons to enquire what Your Majesty's post had brought," writes the ambassador.^ While Alba was negotiating at Bayonne, Alava was giving ear to every extraordinary rumour which French wit could devise, and on the 22nd of June wrote Phihp ' Philip II. to Alava, June 2, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1504 (2). * Rise of the Dutch Republic \>y J. L. Motley, vol. i., p. 476; Hist, de France par Henri Martin, 4«'"« edit., Paris, 1857, tome ix., pp. 189-194. 2 Alava to Philip II., June 8, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (6). Philip's Notice to France III that he had received a letter from Normandy informing him that the one hundred and fifty Frenchmen who garrisoned the fort in Florida, driven by hunger, had sallied out in search of provisions, and had all, with the exception of six, been eaten up by the Indians. ' ' It were indeed good news," he writes, "and the more so, that these [Frenchmen] are so set upon going on that enter- prise, that it may abate their fury." ' Philip, meanwhile, had considered the expediency of sending a special envoy to treat of the Florida question, as suggested by Alba, and had come to the conclusion that the presence of a member of his Council on such a mission would betray too great a lack of confidence in the sincerity of the French king to justify the proceed- ing. He thereupon informed the Duke of his determina- tion to avoid a step which would give the matter so much prominence, but enclosed him a copy of the decision reached by the Council of the Indies as to his title, and directed him to introduce the subject incidentally when the proper occasion arose, presenting the unreasonableness of the steps which the French were taking, and urging them to revoke Ribaut's commission and to disarm his vessels. But the news of the departure of the French reinforcements, followed by Alava's cautious avoidance of the subject in compliance with the royal order, wrought a change in his plan, and he added a postscript in his own hand, leaving any further action entirely within the discretion of the Duke of Alba."" The latter, who, on the receipt of the letter, was al- ready at Bayonne, approved of Philip's policy, and did not broach the subject of Florida to the Queen Mother, because, Ribaut having already sailed, a better opportunity ' Alava to Philip II., June 22, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1504 (23). 5 Philip to Alba, Madrid, June 15, 1565, Nuevos Autdgrafos de Cristdbal ColSn y Relaciones de Ultramar ; La Duquesa de Berwick y de Alba, Madrid, 1902, p. 59. 112 The Spanish Settlements might arise for treating the question in the interval be- tween the conference and the departure of the succour which France expected to send in September or October. He also feared the effect of its discussion upon certain French counsellors of "infamous views," who, as he wrote his King, learning Philip's sentiments on the sub- ject, "might turn against the Catholics and say to the latter: Since Your Majesty was somewhat offended at this, what confidence could they have that you would assist them in graver matters?" And finally, having announced that the sole subject under discussion at the conference would be that of the Faith, he thought it would be inconsistent to raise another.' It is impossible not to be impressed with this last re- mark of Alba which he addressed to the King. It meant in substance that if the Florida question were raised it could be used as a means to inspire the French Catholics themselves with distrust in Philip, and indicates without disguise how little the religious faith of the Florida colo- nists had to do with the motives of the enterprise so far as France was concerned, and how clearly this was recog- nised by Philip's able counsellor. And it also shows how entirely secondary must have been the interest of both Philip and his adviser in the religion of the intruders to that of the royal title, that the mooting of the Florida question could be considered as foreign to that of the purification of the Faith in France and Spain." The ' Alba to Philip II., June 28, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (30). " La otra es que auiendose de hazer con alios el offs° q V. m'' manda podrian facilm'^ algunos consejeros q aqui ay de Ruynes intenciones boluerse contra los catholicos y dezirles que pues en esto V. m'^ mostraua estar sentido que confiancia podrian tener que los ayudara en cosas mas graues porq como tenemos spto a V. m'^ todo su estudio es poner desconfian9a entre V. m^ y este Rey, y tambien pareceria repugnar a lo q auemos dicho que es no traer otro negocio q el de la Religion. . . ." ' De Silva, Philip's ambassador to England, in his letter of Oct. 8, 1565 (Coi. Doc. Inedit. Espana, tomo Ixxxix., p. 205. English translation Span- Philip's Notice to France 113 Bayonne Conference therefore proved a failure, not only as to French intrusions in Philip's transatlantic domin- ions, but also so far as his scheme for purifying both countries of heresy was concerned, and the Massacre of St. Bartholomew was destined to sleep for seven years longer. Catherine successfully met the tactics of Philip's emissaries, and persisted in maintaining her power by holding the balance between Leaguer and Huguenot. On the 29th of June the Spanish armada destined for Florida set sail from Cadiz. Philip allowed a sufficient time to elapse for it to be well in advance of any fleet that the French could send to overtake it, when he finally concluded that the moment had come to inform Catherine of the steps he had taken. On September 30th he wrote Alava : "It is now my wish that you speak to the Queen Mother and say to her, that having understood that some of her sub- jects had gone to Florida to usurp that province, which we had discovered and possessed for so many years, I have given orders to send and chastise them as thieving pirates and per- turbers of the public peace. And having made this provision I had thought to have done with it, but that the brotherly re- lations which I have had with the Most Christian King, the frankness and sincerity that should be observed with him and with . her in all matters, have induced me not to conceal this from them." He was ordered to repeat the threadbare demand that the French subjects be withdrawn, ish State Papers, 1558-1567, I. Elizabeth, p. 488) writes : " En lo que toca a la Florida, bien creo que asi Franceses como estos \i. e., the English] han deseado meter el pie en ella, mas por estar al paso de los navios que vienen de la Nueva Espana y el Peru, que por otro fin." See also Philip II. to De Silva, March 22, 1566, Col. Doc. Inedit. Espana, tomo, Ixxxix., p. 276; English translation, Spanish State Papers, 1558-1567, i Elizabeth, p. 527; and Granvelle to Philip II., June 2, 1565, Lettres et papier s d'Etat du Cardi- nal Granvelle, tome ix., p. 248, cited in Gaffarel, p. 154. 114 The Spanish Settlements " for it is not becoming what with the love, conformity, and brotherly relations existing between the Most Christian King and myself, here, that our subjects yonder should go warring the one against the other. And you are to press the Queen strongly in regard to this, not with entreaties, but by showing her that it is a matter which should not and can not be con- cealed, and you are to inform me what answer she gives you." ' Not until the 23rd of November, and probably a month after Philip had received the news of the arrival of the armada in Florida, did Alava at last deliver the long-delayed message. Charles, who had been in Anjou, made his entry into Tours on the 21st, and the following day Alava had an audience with the King and Queen. He found them surrounded by "Cardinal de Chatillon and all the chief heretics who now move about in this Court." Although the subject was not broached at this interview, the Queen was not unprepared to meet it. She had already learned from Fourquevaux, her ambassa- dor in Spain, who stood on the closest terms of intimacy with her daughter, Queen Isabella, what Philip's senti- ments were. "For that matter, Madame," wrote the Ambassador, "I have learned from the Queen, your daughter, that which I wrote you concerning Florida in my other letter, how that this King will not suffer that the French nestle so near his con- quests, so that his fleets in going and coming from New Spain are constrained to pass in front of them. For which reason if they go from France to said country, it is well for them to go with sufficient strength and equipped for defence." He counselled her "neither to acknowledge nor disavow your subjects who are there or who may go thither, for before the conquest be decided time will pass, the which ' Philip II. to Alava, Sept. 30, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (66). The substance of this letter first appears in a marginal note on a letter of Alava to Philip II. of August 5, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1504 (57). Philip's Notice to France 115 may bring this Majesty and the Germans into such diffi- culties, that he will abandon the said quarrel, or let it sleep." ' Catherine had also heard of the arrival of the Spanish fleet in Santo Domingo'' and of the reinforce- ments that had been sent to it, and her daughter had again informed her how near to the heart of the Span- ish monarch lay the expulsion of the French from Florida/ At noon, the 23rd, Alava was again summoned into the royal presence. The King was in a large hall with all his Court, and began to receive him with still greater demonstrations of friendship than at the previous audi- ence; so much so, that the Court were amazed at it, "especially the heretics." Alava told the King that he had come to see his mother, and not him. " I assure Your Majesty that he took me by the hand and did not leave me until he had conducted me to his mother's chamber. His mother was also surrounded by heretics and Catholics and many people. She received me with the same demonstrations with which her son had received me, but not wishing to give me a private audience, saw me there, in public, drawing her son very close to her and causing me to draw near also. I began to repeat the subjects of Your Majesty's letter, when I had so severe a chill that I had to take out the paper I carried with me and begin to read it. I was as little able to do that, and finally they called I'Aubespine,^ but not finding him, Saint Sulpice ^ had to read it. The Queen held her head so that the company could not well see her face and assumed a very melancholy expression until the subject of the Imperial ' Fourquevaux to the Queen, Nov. 3, 1565, D^peches, p. 6. "^ Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Nov. 5, 1565, ibid., p. 8. Same to sam«., Nov. 21, 1565, ibid., p. 13. * Fourquevaux to the Queen, Nov. 5, 1565, ibid., p. 9. * Probably Claude de I'Aubespine, Secretary of State under Francis I, , Henry II., Francis II., and Charles IX. * Jean d'Ebrard de Saint Sulpice, French ambassador to Spain immedi, ately preceding Fourquevaux. ii6 The Spanish Settlements alliances was reached, when she lighted up a little and said that it seemed well to her. We then began upon the matter of Florida, upon which Saint Sulpice attempted to comment before she had answered. I observed that I had come to con- verse with them, and hoped they would be contented with Saint Sulpice's reading of the paper, and so they dismissed him. The Queen would not allow me to say a word on the subject, at one moment telling me, ' The subjects of my son are going only to a mountainous region called Hercules dis- covered by the French crown over two hundred years ago.' I turned to the King and began to enlarge upon the matter with the urgency which your Majesty had directed me to use. The Queen's eyes kindled and she poised herself like a lioness to hear what I was saying to her son. I said in substance that it was a business of great consequence and that he should be- seech his mother to weigh it well. At this she grew angry with me, and to tell Your Majesty the truth, I did the same with her, for she would not answer to the point and feigned wonder at everything I said. At last, closing her eyes, she exclaimed that for the life of her she understood nothing of this matter. By this Your Majesty can see with what sin- cerity she deals." Several days elapsed, during which Charles took the advice of his council upon the subject two or three times. On the 30th Burdin, the King's secretary, handed Alava his master's reply. In substance it set out that it was neither his intention nor his will that his subjects should occupy lands or provinces discovered by Spain ; but that Philip was not "to restrict them so and check them with so short a bridle " as to prevent them from going where he had neither discovered nor taken possession, as was the case with the "country where his subjects were going, a country called la Ticrra de los Brctoncs," discovered many years before by the French Crown. He promised to do his best to establish the safety of navigation and trade, and that he would chastise his subjects as infractors Philip's Notice to France 117 and perturbers of the public peace if they offended those of Philip. But Alava was not to be put aside by the royal quibble, and answered Burdin, " Why do you want us to talk this nonsense? Whether you call it the Land of the Bretons or the Mountains of Hercules, as the Queen does, the province where the vassals of your King are going is the same which we call Florida, and you New France, to which it is requested that none of the subjects of your master go." Burdin could only reply, "The French discovered the Land of the Bretons a hundred years ago, as can be seen by the maps of the newly discovered provinces." "Now we have proved that the land you call Land of the Bre- tons and we Florida is one and the same," replied Alava, "and you mean to say that you first discovered it, so that the issue turns on the right of your King to it, and not that it is a different country from Florida, where the French are going, as may be gathered from your King's answer, and what you yourself are saying." Again Burdin could only answer that the King his master had sent this reply and would transmit it to his ambassador so that he might communicate it to Philip. After a little more fencing as to the title to the country Burdin took his leave, but not before Alava had told him how super- ficial a consideration the French Council had given so important a matter. "The fact is," writes Alava in the same letter in which he relates the audience and the conversation, "that in the midst of their ill-luck and misery, and without hope in any one except Your Majesty, they are still determined to show Your Majesty that they are whole, and have no need of Your Majesty and are able to resist you whenever they are fretted." ' The upshot of the interview shows ' Alava to Philip II., Nov. 29, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (So). ii8 The Spanish Settlements that Catherine had recognised the force of Fourquevaux's advice, had followed it to the letter, and in spite of Alava's bluntness had again outwitted him by evading the real issue and turning the question upon a technical matter of geographical boundaries. The Terre des Bretons, upon the title to which Cathe- rine had succeeded in turning the issue, embraced the peninsula which is now called Nova Scotia, with an ill- defined region to the west of it occasionally bearing the same name, but more frequently called La Notivclle France or Nova Gallia, and to which France laid claim in virtue of Verrazano's discovery. Its southern boundary was as vague as was the northern boundary of Philip's Florida, and in a certain sense the Portuguese map-makers ad- mitted her claim as early as the first quarter of the cent- ury by designating Nova Scotia on their maps as the land discovered by the Bretons,' But Catherine had now given Philip a Roland for an Oliver, and if he, in virtue of his discoveries to the south, was disposed to lay his .clutch upon the entire continent to the north, she had capped his pretensions with a counter-claim to the south founded upon French discoveries to the north, saving always the title conveyed by the papal bull, to which neither party had made any reference, although Philip still held it in reserve. And yet so great was the ignorance of the immensity of the territory for which both sovereigns were contend- ing, so little did the French really know of the relative positions of the Terre des Bretons, of the Florida penin- sula, and of the countless leagues which separated them, that Catherine herself may have been labouring under a genuine misapprehension as to the real conditions. Not- withstanding all her duplicity and wile, the reading of the prejudiced correspondence of the Spanish ambassador with his King frequently raises the doubt as to whether ' See Appendix K, La Terre des Bretons. Philip's Notice to France 119 she may not, after all, have been sincere in her belief that her French subjects were going to colonise the Tcrrc dcs Bretons. The doubt is accentuated by her adherence to this position in the course of subsequent events, her very genuine bitterness at the punishment inflicted upon the Florida colony, and the attitude subsequently taken by herself and her son toward the French avenger. If such indeed be the case, she had been misled by those around her who were more directly interested in the enterprise than herself, and was for once filled with a righteous in- dignation at the arrogance of PhiHp's demands. For though the opinion of the Council of the Indies as to the scope of his title had not been shown her, its purport was unquestionably known to her. It is only the dim shadow of a doubt, the vague semblance of a suspicion which the correspondence awakens, one that lurks rather in the at- mosphere than in any concrete fact upon which the his- torian can put his finger; and as such it must pass. And so Philip had quieted his conscience in view of "the" brotherly relations between himself and the Most Christian King, and the frankness and sincerity that should be observed between them" by giving him due notice of his intention to oust the French from his possessions, but he had done so only after the blow had been struck and the footprints of France in the white sands of Florida had been washed out in a sea of blood. CHAPTER VII PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES THE man to whom Philip had entrusted the task of driving the French out of Florida was no mere ad- venturer of the common sort, but a nobleman of unusual ability, who had held high and distinguished positions in the service of his country. His name was Don Pedro Menendez de Avil^s,' a descendant of Dofia Paya, an ancient family of the Asturias, where the "earth and sky," according to his biographer, "bear men who are honest, not tricksters, truthful, not babblers, most faith- ful to their King, generous, friendly, light-hearted, and merry, daring, and warlike." ' He was born on the 15th of February, 15 19, in the sea-port of Aviles, which had been granted to the founder of the house by King Dom Pelayo, and from which he derived his surname. His active and adventurous disposition showed itself at a very early age ; and on the death of his father, who had 1 His full name as given in Vignau y Uhagon's Index of the members of the Order of Santiago is : Pedro Menendez de Aviles y Alonso de la Campa {Indice de pruebas de los caballeros que han vestido el hdbito de Santiago desde elaiio ijoi, hasta la fee ha, formado por D. Vicente Vignau . . . y D. Francisco R. de Uhagon . . . Madrid, 1901, p. 222). 2 " Vida y hechos de Pero Menendez de Auiles, cauailero de la hordem de Santiago, adelantado de la florida : do largamente se tratan las conquistas y poblaciones de la prouincia de la florida, y como fueron libradas de los luteranos que dellas se auian apoderado. Compuesta por el maestro bar- rienlos, Catredatico de salamanca." In Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida . . . por . . . Genaro Garcia, Mexico, 1902, p. I. 120 Pedro Menendez de Avil^s 121 served in the conquest of Granada," and the second mar- riage of his mother, he was affianced when only eight years of age to Dofia Maria de Soh's, herself but two years his senior, in the hope of keeping him at home. But the lad would not submit to restraint, for the rugged mount- ains in which he was cradled were the home of a restless generation, rovers of the ocean and intrepid crusaders, and Avil^s, after marshalling the mimic combats of his playfellows, soon felt the spell of the fierce sea which breaks on the Asturian coast. When barely fourteen years of age he ran away one day, and embarking in a tender with a crew of eighteen or twenty men, fell in with a Frenchman in command of a well-armed vessel, who attempted to capture him. In the encounter the boat of Menendez was so greatly damaged by the guns of the corsair that his crew at first wished to surrender, but the boy urged them on with such valour that he infused them with his own confidence, and the French- man, not daring to board it, let them escape in safety to Galicia.'' As his father's property had to be divided between him and his nineteen brothers and sisters, it will readily be understood that the share which fell to him was not large, and for two years he followed the profession of a seaman, fighting the French on the water for most of the time, during the war which was then being waged between France and Spain. His sea service ended, he returned home possessed with a love of the rough and adventurous career of a sailor, for which he seems to have been especially endowed by nature. Selling part of his ' Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, Ano MDLXIV., p. 57. ''■ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 9. " Memorial que hizoel Doctor Gonzalo Solisde Meras de todas las jornadas y sucesos del Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles, su cufiado, y de la Conquista de la Florida y Justicia que hizo en Juan Ribao y otros fran- ceses." In E. Ruidiaz y Caravia, La Florida su conquista y colonizacidn por Pedro Men/ndez de Aviles, Madrid, 1893, tomo i., p. 2. 122 The Spanish Settlements patrimony he purchased a vessel of his own and success- fully directed his attention to the corsairs which infested the coast and the neighbouring seas.' In 1549, during the interval of peace with France, the corsair Jean Alfonse, the pilot of Roberval/ made a rich haul of some ten or a dozen Biscay vessels off Cape Finisterre, and Avil^s was ordered by Maximilian, Re- gent of Spain during the absence of Charles V. in Flan- ders, to go against him and capture him. Although the Regent gave him neither money nor men for the enter- prise, Men^ndez boldly undertook the commission, and in an encounter with Alfonse ofi La Rochelle so punished him that he died of a wound which he there received ; and Avil^s rescued five of the vessels which the corsair had seized. Off Teneriffe he also defeated Alfonse's son, who had vowed vengeance against his father's slayer, sent Aviles a challenge, and had gone to the Canaries to en- counter him on his way to the Indies. His energy and success did not escape the attention of Charles V., who, recognising the ability shown by the young seaman, commissioned him to fight the corsairs even in time of peace, and granted him and his descend- ants all that he succeeded in capturing.^ Shortly upon this followed his appointment to one of the most re- sponsible oi^ces that could be held by a Spanish seaman of that day. The sailing of the India fleets, both on their outward- ' Both Barrientos in Garcia (Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 9) and Meras in Ruidiaz (Za Florida, tomo i., p. 2), relate a romantic story of his attempted rescue of a bridal party which had been captured by a French corsair. ' Called Juan Alonso the Frenchman by the Spaniards. He was from Saintonge, near Cognac, and had been the pilot of Roberval when in Can- ada in 1542-1543. J. C. Brevoort in his "Notes on the Verrazano Map" {yournal of the Am. Geographical Soc. of New York, 1S73, vol. iv., p. 292). ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 10, 11; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 4-7. Pedro Menendes de Aviles 123 bound and return passage, had come to be attended with frequent delays through the carelessness or ignorance of the commanders, and the navigation of the ocean had become so perilous that not only many ships, but even entire fleets had been lost. Discipline had grown lax; the masters and captains of the ships were insubordinate and disobedient, and sometimes, deserting the fleet in the attempt to arrive ahead of it, their vessels fell a frequent prey to the French corsairs and the pirates. These inci- dents had come to assume such proportions as to arouse the concern of the King, who ascribed them to the incapaci- ties of the Captains-General in charge of the fleets, whose appointment was made by the Judges, Prior, and Consuls of the Casa de Contratacion at Seville. The King de- termined to make a radical change in these methods, by depriving the officers of the Casa of this power of ap- pointment which they had exercised for many years and considered among the most important of their privileges, and in 1554 he named Aviles Captain-General of the fleet for that year, as against Don Juan Tello de Guzman, the nominee of the Casa.' It was a very important and responsible position, and as it was a command which Aviles filled with distinction on many occasions, we will consider some of its varied duties. The Captain-General had the care of the fleet throughout its entire voyage. His charge began on the day of sailing, and continued until he again cast anchor on his return to Cadiz or San Lucar.^ It was his duty to see that the crews and passengers were duly authorised to sail,' for impostors, bankrupts, unlicensed monks, and ' Aviles to Philip II., July 27, 1555 ; Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. i. Jan. 8, 1564 ; ibid., tomo ii., pp. 51, 52 ; Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 7. ^ Memorias Histdricas sobre la Legislacidn y Gobierno de los Esfanoles con sus Colonias en las Indias Occidentales, recopiladas por el Sr. D. Rafael Antunez y Acevedo, Madrid, 1797, p. 86. ^ Recopilacidn de Leyes de los Reinos de las Indias, Madrid, 1841, lib. ix., tit. XV., leyes 21, 23, 29. 124 The Spanish Settlements other prohibited persons took advantage of the fleets to escape to the Indies in the disguise of sailors, and bribed the masters of the vessels to transport them.' He saw to it that the necessary licences for merchandise and slaves had been procured, that the passengers went properly armed, that there was sufficient powder, that the weapons were kept in readiness for an attack, that the ships were not overcrowded and were properly ballasted, that the fleet was furnished with priests to perform the necessary offices for the sick and the dying, with physicians, and with notaries for the making of wills ^; in a word, he attended to an infinite number of details relating to the proper equipment of his fleet. To this end he was required to inspect his vessels, either in person or through his admiral, at least twice during the outward-bound passage, to call the roll every fifteen days, to punish all infractions of the laws, and to ward off all strange vessels and pirates, compelling the latter to surrender.' In the earliest instructions of which we have any notice, those of Jan. 21, 1572, he was or- dered to proceed against pirates in the open sea, at once and with the greatest rigour, hanging them as soon as their guilt was established." On the arrival of the fleet at its destination it was his office to notify the proper officials and to see that the soldiers and sailors committed no ex- cesses while in port, to prevent and punish desertions, and to see to the loading and unloading of the cargoes. He was also required to make reports of the condition of ' Aviles to Philip II., July 27, 1555 ; Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 6; Recopil., lib. ix., tit. xv., ley 29. '^ Recopil., lib. ix., tit. xv., leyes 26, 30, 32, 37, 40, 51. ^ Recopil., lib. ix., tit. xv., leyes 13, 49, 50, 53, 66. ^ Antunez, pp. 88, 89. These instructions contain some curious pro- visions to prevent the smuggling of gold or silver from out of the ships, and forbid the presence aboard ship of any woman with her lover, and if any woman be allowed she can only go in the capacity of " washerwoman for the general service of the armada." Pedro Menendes de Avil^s 125 the countries which he visited." In addition to all of these requirements relating to the equipment of his fleet, the ordering of its departure and return, and the interior policing of the vessels, he was required to advise the home Government of his arrival and of the date of his in- tended return, on reaching the port of San Juan de Ulua. The position offered many and great opportunities for gain by irregular methods, of which some were not slow to avail themselves. Where, for instance, owing to any particular reason, the return fleet sailed in two sections it lay in the option of the General to indicate which ves- sels should go in the first division. The advantage accruing to those first to sail was so great that influence was frequently brought to bear, and high bribes were paid for the privilege." On the other hand, it was some- times to the interest of the merchants to delay the sailing of the fleet, and high bribes were offered to bring it about. In a case of this description we have an interesting anec- dote of the integrity of Aviles. Being in the port of San Juan de Luz, about to set sail for Castile, certain mer- chants offered him a thousand ducats a day to postpone the departure for three days, and double that amount for every additional day of delay. Aviles observed that it was "good money," ordered the chaplain of his fleet to say mass, boarded his flag-ship, and having discharged a cannon as a signal to his vessels, immediately set sail, with the outspoken remark that no one knew what the loss of an hour could bring in the service of God and the King.' ' Recopil., lib. ix., tit. xv., leyes 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 60, 69, 71, 72, 83, 84. "^ See " Relacion de los trabajos que la gente de una nao llamada Nra Senora de la Merced padecio" . . . por fray Andres de San Miguel, in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 160, where a vessel is said to have paid 1500 ducats for such a licence in addition to transporting two of the General's horses free of cost. ^ " Informacion de algunos servicios prestados por el Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles," Mexico, 3 de Abril de 1595, Ruidiaz, La Florida, 126 The Spanish Settlements By far the greatest opportunity lay in conniving at the smuggling of gold and silver and of prohibited merchan- dise, which was so general a practice in those days. Here, again, Avil6s appears in the character of a man of honour. In 1563, after his return from his third voyage, the Casa de Contratacidn, with all its powerful machinery and its violent animus, could find no charge against him except one relating to smuggling alleged to have been committed nine years before, during his first voyage,' for which, after a prolonged suit, it succeeded only in condemning him to a fine of two thousand ducats, half of which was re- mitted by the King, whose confidence he had. The office also offered opportunities of legitimate profit. One of these was the custom of the merchants, whose ships were in convoy, to make gifts to the highest officers, con- cerning which Menendez naively complained to Philip that although the fleets of the Carrera de las Indias were far more valuable than those of the Levant, the mer- chants were less liberal in giving.^ And yet Menendez died poor.^ During the interval which elapsed between his appoint- ment and the date fixed for the sailing of the India fleet Avil6s accompanied Philip on the latter's visit to Eng- land to be married to Queen Mary, sailing from Corunna in July,^ and from there he returned to Seville, still in tomo ii., p. 621 ; and see the charges against his brother, Bartolome Menen- dez, in Aviles's letter to Philip II. of July 27, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 35. ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antigtias Relaciones de la Florida, p. 21. * Aviles to Philip II,, July 27, 1563, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 35, 36. ^ One of the seven interrogations put to the witnesses in the " Informacion de algunos servicios prestados por el Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles," Mexico, 3 de Abril de 1595 (in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 590 d'/ seq^ was : If they know that the said Adelantado, being in his Majesty's service, died and passed away from this present life, and that his children were left very poor and in much need ? (p. 592). To this all of the witnesses testi- fied in the affirmative (see pp. 591, 598, 605, 609, 612, 619, 623). * Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 8, 1564, Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 51, 53 ; Pedro Menendez de Aviles 127 Philip's service, being attacked on his sea journey by pirates, whom he successfully routed.' In September, I555> Charles V., being in need of money to conduct his war with France, dispatched him to the Indies with a fleet of six men-of-war and seventy merchantmen and orders to winter in Havana, should he be unable to sail by the 7th of September of the following year. Menen- dez '"ully realised the pressing necessities of the Emperor, and, with the devotion of a faithful servant and the self- reliance of a brave man, determined to exceed his in- structions. Although aware, as he himself wrote, that "in the event of failure Your Majesty will have my head off," he was back in Spain by the 12th of September of 1556, nine months before he was due, having made the entire trip and collected the huge sum of seven millions of ducats in the unusually short space of one year." The Casa de Contratacion was awaiting its opportunity to be avenged of the man who had been instrumental in depriving it of one of its most important prerogatives; and when Menendez reached Seville on his return, he and a brother of his, who had been Admiral of the Fleet, were seized, sentenced, and put to great expense on accusa- tions probably relating to the conduct of the fleet; but they were finally freed by the Council of the Indies and their innocence established." In February, 1557,* Aviles was again appointed in com- mand of another fleet for the Indies, but his experience with the Casa de Contratacion had taught him that in such Noticias biogrdfico-genealdgicas de Pedro Menendez de Avil/s . . , por D. Ciriaco Miguel Vigil, . . . Aviles, 1892, p. 23 ; Froude, //ist. of England, New York, 1870, vol, vi., p. 223. ' Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 7 ; Vigil, Noticias, p. 23. ^ " Memorial de Pero Menendez de Aviles," Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 328 : Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 9, 10; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones dc la Florida, p. 12 ; Vigil, Noticias, p. 23, 3 Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 8, 1564, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii,, p. 53. * February 26, 1557, "Memorial," ibid., tomo ii., p. 329. 128 The Spanish Settlements service the pirates and corsairs were not the only enemies with whom he would have to contend, so he requested Philip for another command. The King acceded to his petition and by royal patent of March 22, 1557, named him Captain-General of a powerful armada to pursue the pirates and protect the fleets and the coasts of Spain and Flanders." This duty, too, he executed with promptness and energy, and in June of the same year, while he was shipping some artillery at Laredo, he was appointed to the command of twenty-four vessels to carry twelve hundred thousand ducats and fifteen hundred men to the relief of the army in Flanders, where Philip was already at war with France, which had finally been induced to break the truce of Vaucelles through the artful machina- tions of Cardinal Caraffa.' On his arrival at Laredo, from which he was to sail, he found that half of his fleet was in Galicia and that he would be compelled to await its return. Impatient at the delay, and knowing Philip's urgent need of money, he again exceeded his in- structions, boldly set out with the four ships at his com- mand, and successfully accomplished the undertaking, reaching Dover in fifteen days, landing his troops and money in Calais, and allowing the wool merchantmen whom he had escorted to proceed in safety to Holland. He captured on the way two corsairs, and beat off Pie de Palo, who had attacked him with a fleet of eight ships, and sunk one of his galleons. The timely arrival of the money and men due to the prompt action of Avil^s ' " Titulo otorgado a Pero Menendez de Aviles de Capitan General de la Armada dispuesta para proteger las flotas de la carrera de Indias y perseguir a los corsarios," Valladolid, 22 de Marzo de 1557, ihid., tomo ii., p. 379. Barcia, Ensayo, p. 59, gives the same date. Barrientos in Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 12, says May 12, 1557; Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 8, 1564, Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 53. 2 " Memorial," ibid., tomoii., p. 329 ; Aviles to the Princess of Portugal, June 2, 1567, ibid., tomo ii., p. 25 ; Rise of the Dutch Republic, vol. i., p. 157 etseq. Pedro Mcnendez de Avil^s 129 largely contributed to the victory of St. Quentin, says his biographer, for not until two months after his de- parture did the balance of his fleet return from Galicia, and in the interval the battle had been fought and won." He did good service in warding off the attacks of cor- sairs from the auxiliaries sent by Queen Mary to the assistance of her husband in Flanders. On one particu- lar occasion he showed signal personal bravery in rescu- ing the fleet in command of Diego de Mendoza, and of which his brother, D, Alvar Sanchez de AviU^s, was Ad- miral. Mendoza was conducting the Prince of Eboli with reinforcements to Philip in Flanders, and lay to outside of a port on the English coast ^ to enable the Prince to disembark and proceed by land to Philip with the news of his arrival. Don Diego's fleet having set sail the following day in company with that of Menendez, which had joined it shortly before, there arose a fierce storm which compelled them to return to the harbour. This was found to be barricaded with an iron chain which the Mayor had caused to be stretched across the entrance, and refused to remove. Aviles, seeing the peril to which the fleet was exposed, took with him fifty soldiers, and, converting a heavy beam into a battering-ram, he beat down the gate of the tower to which the chain was attached, allowing the ships to enter the harbour. So violent was the storm that six English and two Spanish vessels went down in it and over four hundred persons were drowned. Aviles worked all night long, tying up some of the ships, extricating others, animating the pilots ' " Memorial," Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 329-330 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 12, 13 ; Barcia, Ensayo, p. 59. « Possibly the haven of Dartmouth in Devonshire. The name of " Ar- tamu" occurs on the map of Domingo Olives of 1568 in Nordenskiold's Periplus, Plate XXIX., in a location corresponding to that of Dartmouth on other contemporary maps. The Spanish name appears both as Artamua and Hartamua. •*.-9. ISO The Spanish Settlements and sailors with directions and advice, and rescuing the drowning, of whom he succeeded in saving over three hundred with his boats.' Ordered by Philip to return to Laredo, he was in that port, when, on the 17th of January, 1558, Calais was finally lost to the English. Philip, who was still in Flan- ders fighting the French, was again in straits for money, and as a large French armada was arming at San Juan de Luz, he ordered Aviles to add four great galleons to his fleet and to bring a thousand soldiers by way of the sea, Aviles, aware of the necessity of prompt action, went himself to Valladolid, where the Council of War was sitting, and after showing the delay and great ex- pense to which the Government would be put in collect- ing the ships and men, and by following the course which had been determined upon, suggested an expedient, which he was authorised to try. Hastening to Castro, he secured four small fishing-smacks and daringly made a winter passage to Antwerp, which he reached in fifteen days from the date of his leaving Valladolid. So unpre- cedented was a voyage in these small vessels at that tem- pestuous season of the year that he could find none bold enough to sail them except the few men he took with him.^ Either on this occasion or on a succeeding expe- dition of the same nature he is said to have carried not only a large sum of money, but also a force of soldiers concealed in what appeared to be cargoes of apples, with which he passed through the midst of the French corsairs without being discovered.^ ' Barrientos in Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 13, 14 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 22 et seq.; "Informacion de algunos ser- vicios," ibid., tomo ii., p. 595. Menendez merely touches upon the incident in his letter of Oct. 6, 1557, to the Princess of Portugal, ibid., tomo ii., p. 27. * Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 14, 15. ' Deposition of Grauiel de Rivera in "Informacion de algunos servicios,'* Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 601. Pedro Menendez de Avil^s 131 On his returning to Laredo for money and men he was ordered to add two other smacks to his fleet. These two boats were at the time in San Sebastian, where they had gone to escort four vessels in search of supplies. Avil^s, hearing that he was watched by the French corsairs in San Juan de Luz, who had learned that he would not sail without these two boats, again showed his remarkable energy and decision of character, and setting out in his four fishing smacks eluded the Frenchmen, and reached Antwerp in nine days.' On his return voyage with his fishing-smacks, he escorted two vessels having aboard of them the Archbishop of Toledo, the Regent Figueroa, and other gentlemen, besides a large fleet of merchant vessels, which for fear of the corsairs had not dared to leave the port. While on his way he came across a French armada of twelve galleons, in command of the Admiral of Normandy, and conducted himself with so much skill and daring, that the Frenchmen fled, and he eventually convoyed his charge in safety to Laredo.' On his arrival in Spain, he was charged by the Regent, the Princess of Portugal, to escort the Queen to Flanders; but her death put an end to the proposed voyage,* and on the conclusion of the peace with France he conducted Doctor B. Velasco, a member of the King's Council, and Camara to Flanders." The close of the war with France at last afforded Philip the opportunity he desired of returning to Spain, and ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 15 ; " Memorial," Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 330-333. * " Memorial," ibid., tomo ii., pp. 332-334. ^ " Real Cedula de la Princesa de Portugal disponiendo que nose proceda contra Pero Menendez por las reclamaciones de los duefios y maestres de varios naos, y ordenando se remitan al Consejo de Guerra." Valladolid, 30 de Noviembre de 1558, Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 348; Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 27. * " Real Carta referente a un viaje de Pero Menendez de Aviles a Flandres." Valladolid, 25 de Enero de 1559, iHd., tomo ii., p. 350; Meras, in ibid., tomo i., p. 27. 132 The Spanish Settlements having organised the government of the Netherlands to his satisfaction, and appointed Margaret of Parma as his regent, preparations were begun for his departure. At the end of April Aviles, accompanied by his only son, Juan Men^ndez, and Sebastian de Estrada, started on another of his expeditious trips to Spain, in order to make ready for the King's departure, travelling by post through France in disguise, and was back again in Flan- ders by the loth of July with fifty vessels.' On the 27th of August the fleet of eighty sail set out from Flanders to escort the King to Laredo, with Aviles in command as Captain-General. On the tenth day Avi- les perceived the indications of an approaching storm, and, the fleet being free of the English and French coasts, a council was held as to where the King should disem- bark. The advice of Aviles prevailed, and the fleet made for the coast of the Asturias, where he had selected a landing on the shore of a point of land near Gijon. Three leagues off Laredo Aviles realised that the storm was about to break over them. At his request the King entered a boat, and under shelter of Mount San Tona landed on Lady's Day, September 8th. Dreading the consequences of the storm to the large vessels off the point of Laredo, Aviles worked all through that night and succeeded in landing one hundred and fifty coffers of the King and all of the furniture,^ and then the storm broke. The fleet was richly ladened, for Philip had de- termined to fix his future capital in Spain. Some of the ships foundered, and to save others the cargoes had to be lightened, and much of the rich tapestries and treasures accumulated by Charles and Philip was lost. Shortly afterwards Aviles went to pay his respects to Philip, who asked him to what cause he attributed the ' Meras, in ibid., tomo i,, p. 28. * Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antigtias Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 17, 18 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 30, 37. Pedro Men^ndez de Aviles 133 storm. "For many months all Spain has prayed for Your Majesty, beseeching our Lord to conduct you in safety to your realm," replied Men6ndez, "and during that season the devils could do you no harm ; but when Your Majesty landed the prayers ceased, and thereupon they found the opportunity to work what evil they could." ' From Laredo the King proceeded to Valla- dolid, where a month later he was enabled to enjoy the auto-da-f^ in which thirteen heretics were burned before his eyes, and where he made the memorable reply to the appeal of one of them, the young Carlos de Sessa: "I would carry the wood to burn my own son, were he as wicked as you." * The hardships and anxieties of his frequent journeying between Spain and Flanders had brought on a quartan fever, of which Aviles was hardly recovered when he was summoned to Toledo, and in January, 1560,' was put in command of an armada destined for New Spain and Tierra Firme, in which went the Count of Niebla, Viceroy of New Spain. Avil6s sought to excuse himself on the grounds of his ill-health and his prolonged separation from his wife; but Philip, who had as small regard for the domestic ties of others as he had for his own when they stood in the path of his sense of duty, merely ob- served that a quartan fever was not a dangerous malady.* Further objections raised by Aviles on account of the ill- will of the Casa de Contratacion were also overridden and he was compelled to sail, but the King considerately in- creased his salary beyond what it was customary to pay the generals of the armada.' His instructions were to remain only fifty days in New ' Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 37. ' Tke Rise of the Dutch Republic, vol. i., pp. 220, 222. 2 " Memorial," Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 335. * Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 38. * Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 8, 1564, ibid., tomo ii., p. 54. 134 The Spanish Settlements Spain, and then, without another day's delay, to return with what money he could collect. But subordination played no part in the General's plans, when he thought that his King and country could profit by his disobedi- ence, and again he deliberately set the instructions at Tiaught. He found, on his arrival in Mexico, that the money he had been sent to fetch was already a month on its way to Spain, and in order to avoid the great expense to the Crown of returning with empty holds he remained there ten months, during which he succeeded in securing a large treasure, and was back safely in Seville by the 6th of July of 1561," Following shortly upon his return, Menendez was named Captain-General of the Carrera de las Indias by a royal provision of October 18, 1561," and his brother, Bartolom^, Admiral. The departure of Menendez on this his third voyage to the West Indies was delayed until late in the spring of 1562 by various causes, among which was a renewed contest with the Casa de Contrata- ci6n, which refused to pay him his increase of salary, and ■ Menendez in his " Memorial" (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 335, 336), says he was ordered to the Indies in January, 1560. The Admiral of his fleet was ordered back by letter of Feb, 21, 1560, and reached Spain in "Noviembre pasado" (p. 334), i. e., 1560. This is in agreement with the apparent date of the " Memorial," which from internal evidence (see pp. 334- 338) was written Oct. -Dec, 1561. Aviles returned July 6th, eight months later than the Admiral, i. e., July 6, 1561. De Meras in his "Jornadas" {ibid., tomo i., p. 39) gives the date of his return as July 11, 1560, in which he is followed by Barcia {Ensayo, Ano MDLXIV., p. 64). Barrientos in his " Vida y Hechos" (Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 20) leaves the year in blank and gives the month only, July 6th, as the date of his return. Aviles in his " Memorial " (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 334), and Barrientos as well, relate that he remained ten months in port in the Indies. As the passage was usually made in about forty days, and there were at least twelve months consumed in the entire expedition, at the shortest he could not have been back before September, 1560, which date is in conflict with the month of July named by Aviles as that of his return. Vigil in his Noticias, p. 24, merely says that he returned in 1560. ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 20, Pedro Menendez de Avilds 135 accused him of exceeding his instructions in many par- ticulars. From this he was relieved only by the direct interposition of the King, who ordered that he should henceforward serve under the instructions of the Council of the Indies, which alone would hold him accountable for their performance.' By June of 1563, Menendez was back again in Spain with a rich cargo.' Scarcely had Avil6s returned to Seville from his third voyage, when he fell again into the clutches of his im- placable enemies, the officers of the Casa, whose old animosity against him as the original cause of their dimin- ished privileges and loss of prestige now found vent against him and his brother Bartolom6.' Nor was 1 Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 8, 1564, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 54, 55. And see his letter to Philip II., April 5, 1562, ibid., p. 32 ; Barrientos, in Garcia, Dos Antigtias Relaciones de la Florida, p. 20. ■^ Barrientos in his " Viday Hechos" (in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 20), says Aviles made the voyage in 1563. Meras in his "Jornadas " (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 42) omits the voyage altogether, Barcia {Ensayo, Ano MDLXIV., p. 64) says Aviles was ordered to the Indies in 1561, in which he is followed by Vigil, in his Noticias, p. 24. But as there is a warrant addressed to Aviles of Feb. 3, 1562 (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. Cotton Vesp. c. vii., fol. 266, and printed in Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 401), and a letter of Aviles dated from San Lucar, April 5, 1562 {ibid., tomo ii., p. 32), it is highly improbable that he could have made the expedi- tion in the interval of six months between the date of his appointment and that of the letter, given the time necessary to gather and equip the fleet and the minimum of eighty days for the voyage to and fro. There is, however, an interval of fifteen months between this letter and the following one of July 27, 1563, dated at Seville {ibid., tomo ii., p. 34), which is more than sufficient time for the accomplishment of the journey. Subsequent to that date he was continually present in Seville, as his successive letters from there show. See letters of Aug. 21, Sept. 15 and 24, 1563, and Jan. 8, 1564, all dated at Seville {ibid., tomo ii., pp. 38, 43, 51, 60). That the period consumed by this voyage extended from the spring of 1562 to June of 1563, is confirmed by the " Reg. del C. de I." fol. 68 and 68 vto, given by Don Cesareo Fernandez Duro in Yas Armada Espaiiola (Madrid, 1896, tomo ii., pp. 464, 465), showing that Aviles passed the winter of 1 562-1 563 in New Spain, while his brother Bartolome returned without waiting for him. 2 Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de La Florida, p. 30; Aviles to Philip II., April 5, 1562, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 32: 136 The Spanish Settlements this his only offence, for he had also grossly insulted them in a public and outrageous manner. One day, when some of the of^ficials of the Casa were inspecting the vessels of a fleet of which he was Captain-General, Menendez ob- served that their boat flew a banner of crimson damask, emblazoned with the royal arms, such as the King himself displayed when on a campaign, and which the Captain- General alone, by special authority was entitled to fly. Menendez wasted no words with them, but simply hauled it down and kept it. "And such is their anger against me," he writes, "that since they have seized me, they publicly proclaim, that forasmuch as I have deprived them of the power of appointing the Generals, and have taken their royal standard from them, it matters little to them if they deprive me of my honour, and even of my life." ' Anticipating trouble, Avil^s had on his arrival escaped post-haste to Madrid, but the officials had gotten the ear of Philip and he was compelled to return to Seville to answer the charges against him. About the 21st of August, 1563, while in an enfeebled condition from hav- ing been bled and purged, he was pounced upon by the constables of the Casa. At the moment of his arrest he was surrounded by a hundred of his soldiers who had seen continued service with him, and there were some fifteen hundred more of them in Seville at the time, but he submitted quietly to the arrest and was imprisoned in the Arsenal with two guards. From there he was subse- quently transferred to the "Golden Tower," the graceful treasure-house of the Almohades, which still guards the banks of the Guadalquivir at Seville." It was a very July 27, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 34 ; Aug. 21, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 38 and 39 ; Sept. 15, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 43, 44; Sept. 24, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 49 ; Jan. 8, 1564, ibid,, tomo ii., pp. 51, 52. ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 15, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 44. *Aviles to Philip II., July 27, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 40; Aug. 21, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 38; Sept. 15, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 43, 46; Sept. 24, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 48 ; Jan. 8, 1564, ibid., tomo ii., p. 56. Pedro Menendez de Aviles 137 serious inconvenience to him, for he was under heavy bonds to equip three galleons by the 20th of September to transport to Peru the Licentiate Castro, who had been appointed its President and Governor. He was released for eight days on bail, and succeeded in fitting out the ships, but his imprisonment prevented their sailing in time to join the departing fleet for that year.' It is difficult to ascertain what was the precise miscon- duct with which he was charged. According to his bio- grapher, Barrientos, the Casa de Contratacion, unable to find any cause of complaint against him in relation to the voyage just completed, accused him of having greatly exceeded his authority in his first voyage to the West Indies, of having connived at the smuggling of a large quantity of money, and of having in many ways infringed upon its regulations. From his own letters we gather that its enquiries extended over all the twelve years he had passed in the royal service, although during the entire term he had acted under the instructions of the Casa, which had laid no charge against him until its jealousy had been aroused by his removal from under its juris- diction.'' He informs us that he was accused of accepting a bribe of five hundred ducats to delay the sailing of the fleet during his second voyage of 1 560-1 561, and of giv- ing insufficient rations to the soldiers; both of which accusations, together with others made against him, he sums up as old charges, the most of them of four and five years' standing.^ In successive letters Aviles besought the King, saying: " If I deserve punishment, let it be justly done, not a single one of my acts being forgiven; and if the judges deserve it for ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 15, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 45. Same to same, Jan. 8, 1564, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 56, 58. * Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 15, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 43, 44. ^Aviles to Philip II., July 27, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 36 ; same to same, Aug. 21, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 38. 138 The Spanish Settlements doing what they have no right to do, let not their punishment be a secret reprimand, but in accordance with what they de- serve; for I do not care to retain my honour, unless it follows a just discharge of their accusations, and clears me, so that Your Majesty and the Council may understand the passion and daring of these men." ' The judges, finding nothing against him, protracted the suit and delayed sentence, until compelled to pass judg- ment by the receipt of two successive cedulas from the King himself. After spending twenty months in prison, the suit was ended by condemning Men^ndez to pay a thousand ducats, of which sum the King remitted one- half, and took him again into his favour, "for," says Barrientos, "it was well understood throughout the Kingdom that he had been falsely accused." ^ Nearly eighteen years had now elapsed, during which his constant occupation in the King's service had allowed him but few opportunities to visit his home, which stood within two leagues of the town of Aviles. It was one of the most ancient dwellings in that country, and its name of Monte de Rey arose from its former occupation as a royal habitation.^ He longed to see his wife again, and his three little girls, who had grown to womanhood since his last visit.* But before so doing he had a painful and urgent duty to perform. While at Havana in 1563, and about to return to Spain, Menendez had sent his only ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 15, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 47, and see also same letter, p. 45 ; same to same, Jan. 8, 1564, ibid., tomo ii., p. 5S. ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 21 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, tomo i., p. 43. His brother Bartolome was involved in the same trouble with him and was imprisoned for twenty-five months (ibid.). A question of jurisdiction appears also to have arisen and possibly some jealousy between the Casa de Contratacion and the Council of the Indies. At any rate Aviles tried to raise such an issue in his letters. ^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p, 8 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. i. * Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 8, 1564, ibid., tomo ii., 59. Pedro Menendez de Aviles 139 son, Don Juan Menendez, a gentleman of the Royal Household, to Mexico to command the fleet from New Spain. Don Juan had been wrecked on his way home off the Bermudas and nothing more had been heard of him. A number of Men^ndez's relatives, as well as some of his old friends and soldiers who had served under him for many years, had been lost at the same time. It was a severe trial to his affections, and before taking the re- pose to which he was so justly entitled, he asked permis- sion of the King to seek for his son and his companions at the Bermudas and along the neighbouring coast.' Philip himself was anxious to carry out the suggestion of the Council of New Spain, and explore farther up the Florida coast in search of suitable harbours, and Avil6s readily consented to lend himself to this enterprise, while he at the same time prosecuted the search for his lost son,^ It was under these circumstances that the quarrel with France reached its crisis and Philip selected him to command the fleet which was to sweep aside the tergiver- sations of the French Court. Aviles was now in his forty-seventh year, a trained soldier, a skilful seaman, and with perhaps a larger ex- perience in the special requirements of the undertaking than any other man in Spain, perhaps in Europe. He was decisive and prompt in an emergency, yet cool and resourceful. He was of indomitable energy, with a ,courage beyond reproach. In one of his memorials to * Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 46, says he was his only son. Extract from " Reg. C. de I.," fol. 68 vto, printed in Duro's Armada Espafiola, tomo ii., p. 465. " Informacion de algunos servicios prestados por el Adelantado Pero Menendez de Aviles," Mexico, 3 de Abril de 1595, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 598, 608. There is a note appended to Rojomonte's deposi- tion in Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., 1564, pp. 3 and 4, which refers to the loss of three ships of Don Juan Menendez on the Florida coast. Fontanedo in his " Memoria," XIII., Doc. Inedit. Indias, p. 541, appears to say that Juan Menendez was wrecked upon the coast of Ays, Indian River, Florida. ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 22. I40 The Spanish Settlements Philip he writes that "there were neither French nor English nor any other nation on the Florida coast that could terrify him."' His loyalty was above suspicion. In a letter written from his prison in Seville, he exclaims with all of the pride of a faithful subject and of a brave soldier, "I possess but my sword, and my cloak, and my honour, which are great riches to me, because I have been fortunate in my service to Your Majesty," * His prolonged service in countless naval engagements with the French had given him a thorough knowledge of their ways and methods, and had infused him with a deep hatred of these relentless enemies of his country, while it had also bred in him a due respect for their cour- age and ability, of which his tribute to Jean Ribaut is a remarkable testimony. On occasion he knew how to exercise that courtesy which befitted his rank, and Meras tells us that he was much liked by Queen Mary, Philip's English wife, on account of his liberality and hospitable treatment of the Englishmen in her service.' He was no theologian. His parallel of the religions of the Protest- ants and the Indians shows us that. His faith was that of a soldier, imbued with all that hatred of heresy peculiar to his age and race; and he showed as little compunction in executing upon heretics what was taught to be the will of the Church as he was relentless in performing the commands of his sovereign. And yet his letters show that in carrying through the appalling massacre of the French Huguenots in Florida, he was neither impelled by rage, nor violence, nor acting under the impulse of a blind fanaticism, but was deliberately and conscientiously performing what he believed to be his duty towards his King and his faith. And in this light we cannot with- 1 " Memorial," Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 324. ^ Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 24, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 50. ' " Jornadas," in ibid., tomo i., pp. 15, 16. See also his treatment of the French prisoners at Ays, p. 215, in this volume and of Osorio, p. 221, ibid. Pedro Menendez de Aviles 141 hold from him the respect due a courageous and faithful soldier, while we shudder at the distorted logic which could calmly justify his crime. We have a portrait of him, at about the age of fifty, subsequent to his return from the conquest of Florida. In it he bears a curious resemblance in the contour of the face to the monarch whom he served, but there the resemblance ceases. In place of the bulging eyes and sensuous lips which we see in Titian's famous portrait of his master, painted at Philip's command for a gift for his English bride, we have shrewd, sharp eyes, under the heavy brows of a seaman, and lips pressed firmly to- gether with a determination that bodes ill for those who run counter to it; he is "bearded like the pard," and bears on his left breast the cross of Santiago.' 1 See Appendix L, Portraits of Aviles. CHAPTER VIII THE DEPARTURE OF AVILES FOR FLORIDA THE asiento under which Avil6s was to undertake the conquest of Florida was executed March 20, 1565. It first disposed of the rights of prior adventurers, and especially of those in the last asiento made with Ayllon, because of their failure to settle the country. It then directed Aviles to equip six sloops of fifty tons each, and four smaller vessels, taking with him the San Pelayo, a large ship of six hundred tons, in which to transport the colonists across the ocean, because the sloops, being small and uncovered, were not fitted for that purpose, but were apparently intended for the shallow Florida waters. The colonists were to number five hundred, of which one hundred should be soldiers, one hundred sailors, and the balance officials, and artisans, such as stone-cutters, carpenters, locksmiths, sawyers, smiths, and barbers, all fully armed. Two hundred of the settlers were to be married, and at least one hundred were to be labourers and farmers. Aviles was authorised to divide out the land in repartimientos among the settlers, and to construct at least two towns, each of them to have not less than one hundred inhabitants, and to be provided with a fort for its protection. The company was to include four members of the Society of Jesus with ten or twelve monks of any order he saw fit ; and he was granted the privilege of transporting 142 Departure of Aviles for Florida 143 to Florida five hundred negro slaves,'- taken from Spain, Portugal, the Cape de Verde Islands, or Guinea, of whom one-third were to be women, to assist in the construction of the towns, the cultivation of the land, the planting of sugar-cane, and the manufacture of sugar. He was es- pecially enjoined to see that none of his colonists were contaminated by heresy, and that there were no Jews, Moors, or Marranos among them." He was ordered to take with him a hundred horses and mares, two hundred sheep, four hundred swine, four hundred lambs, and some goats, with what other stock he saw fit. He was ordered to reconnoitre the Gulf coast of the peninsula and from the Florida Keys as far north as Newfoundland, and to make a full report upon the ports, currents, rocks, shoals, and bays of the same. And finally came the main purpose of the asiento, the expul- sion of the French. As the two countries were not only at peace, but ostensibly entertaining the most amicable relations with each other. Frenchmen could not openly be named as having invaded Spanish territory, which might be construed as a formal threat against the French Government in the face of its solemn protestations that it harboured no designs upon Florida. It was, therefore, necessary to disguise the instructions under a compre- hensive term which should include the case of the French colonists without attributing their irregular action to the connivance of the French Crown, and Aviles was directed to ascertain "if in the said coast or land there were settlers or corsairs or other nations whatsoever not sub- ject to Us," and to seek "to drive them out by what means you see fit." In return for these vast services, which Aviles agreed ' Aviles did not immediately avail himself of this provision. • '"Y que sea gente limpia y node los prohividos." " Capitulacion y asiento con Pero Menendez de Aviles para la poblacion y conquista de la Florida, Madrid, 20 de Marzo de 1565," Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 418. 144 The Spanish Settlements to undertake entirely at his own expense and without re- course either to the King or his successors, Philip gra- ciously awarded him an aid of fifteen thousand ducats, which Men^ndez bound himself to repay; a salary of two thousand ducats to be derived from the rents and products of the land, without recourse to the King in the event of any failure to collect ; a grant of land twenty- five leagues square, with the title of Marquis attached to it, and two fisheries, the one of pearls and the other of fish, to be selected by himself. He was allowed to have a few vessels of his own and to trade with certain of the West India Islands which were carefully specified, and he was released from various export and import duties for a stated period. He was also allowed to retain all that he found aboard the pirates he captured, during a term of five years. He and his successors were granted in perpetuity the title of Adelantado of Florida, and he was appointed captain-general of the fleet under his command. He was invested with authority to appoint a lieutenant- governor for the country to hold ofifice during his ab- sence; he was given the exclusive control of his fleet for six years, so that none of his vessels could be detached from his service under any pretence, and finally he was empowered to appoint an executor to carry out the in- tentions of the asiento in the event of his own death within the term of three years set for the fulfilment of its conditions.' The asiento, which in most respects observes the cus- tomary formulae employed in such documents, deserves our attention for a moment in view of the influence it exerted upon subsequent events. Its most remarkable provision was that the colonists were to be transferred, ' " Capitulacion y asiento con Pero Menendez de Aviles para la pobla- cion y conquista de la Florida, Madrid, 20 de Marzo ae 1565," ibid., tomo ii., pp. 415-427. Departure of Aviles for Florida 145 bound hand and foot in absolute dependence, to Aviles. The trade with Florida from the nearer West India ports was exclusively subject to his control, and this power came to be exerted to the great detriment of the colony, and to the repression of all individual initia- tive. His salary was dependent upon the productions of the soil, and as the latter at no period during the six- teenth and seventeenth centuries ever became a source of revenue either to the colony or to the Crown, but as the colony, on the contrary, proved a constant source of ex- pense, so that even flour and provisions had to be sup- plied from abroad, a great and irresistible temptation was presented to eke out by illegitimate means a salary which otherwise could never be collected. Finally, the importation into Florida of the five hun- dred negro slaves was a perquisite of Menendez, and on his failure to bring them the severe labour which they were intended to perform would fall upon the few white colonists, or, in their default, upon those of their Indian neighbours whom the Spaniards might be able to impress. The result would be a small zone of the weaker natives, its extent limited by the ability of the colonists to hold them in subjection, surrounded by the countless braver and hostile tribes which would not submit to slavery. It is true that the written law was tender of the treatment of the Indians and hedged them in every conceivable way from the ill-usage of the colonists. But the country was greatly isolated, and the colonists, like many before and after them, became in this particular a law unto them- selves, with what result we shall see in due time. Two days after the execution of the asiento the various titles and privileges which the King had bestowed upon Menen- dez in pursuance of the contract were duly confirmed.' '"Real Cedula donando al Adelantado Pero Menendez de Aviles 25 leguas en cuadro de territorio en la Florida, Madrid, 22 de Marzo de 1565," ibid., tomo ii., p. 351. " Real Cedula eximiendo a Pero Menendez 146 The Spanish Settlements No one perhaps realised better than Avil6s himself the importance of anticipating the arrival of the French rein- forcements and of striking promptly. So he went in person to Madrid and asked to be given four vessels already equipped with which to carry out at once the reconnaissance, in place of submitting to the delays and annoyance of fitting out a great fleet. But the Turk was moving on Malta and there were but few vessels to meet him, and the request of Men^ndez was denied. As some compensation he was authorised to collect four additional vessels and five hundred men in the West India Islands.' Menendez, therefore, was thrown back upon the original plan and began upon the equipment of his fleet. Money for the enterprise was collected from his friends. One of these, Pedro del Castillo, an alderman of Cadiz, embarked his entire fortune in the adventure and also raised the sum of twenty thousand ducats for it." Diego Flores de Valdes, who had seen fifteen years' service under Menendez in most of his daring ventures in the Indies as well as in the Flanders fleets, sold and pawned the greater part of his patrimony to further the undertaking of his chief, whom he accompanied to Florida." Menendez himself em- del pago de derechos de fundicion de metales." Same date, ibid., p. 354. " Real Cedula concediendo al Adelantado Pero Menendez de Aviles par- ticipacion en las rentas, minas y frutos de la Florida." Same date, ibid., p. 356. " Real Cedula concediendo a Pero Menendez dos pesquerias en la Florida, una de perlas y la otra de pescado." Same date, ibid., p. 358. "Titulo de Capitan General, expedido al Adelantado Pero Menendez de Aviles, de la armada que llevo para el descubrimiento de la Florida." Same date, z/^tV., p. 383. "Titulo de Gobernador y Capitan General de la Florida, otorgado a Pero Menendez de Aviles." Same date, ibid., p. 385. 'Meras, " Jornadas," in ibid., tomo i., pp. 56, 57. ^Meras in ibid,, tomo i., p. 53 ; Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565. ibi. 70; Barcia, ^mjaw, Ano MDLXV., p. 68 ; Barrientos, in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 34. I50 The Spanish Settlements for the winter was now approaching, and although he had first planned to stop at Puerto Rico and Cuba for horses and more vessels, he feared that he could not draw from the islands sufficient supplies for so prolonged a campaign.' The night of his leaving the Canaries his flag-ship, the San Pelayo, and another vessel became separated from the remainder of the fleet, and Men^ndez determined to continue his journey alone. Within three hundred and fifty leagues of Florida he was assailed by a violent storm, which carried away all of his masts and sails excepting the mainmast; and some of the artillery had to be thrown overboard to lighten the vessel. Being a seaworthy boat the San Pelayo weathered the gale, which lasted two nights and one day, but was compelled to put into Puerto Rico for repairs, "" where Aviles arrived on the 8th of August. The balance of the fleet had a no less trying experience. Thursday the 28th, arose a violent storm, accompanied by thunder and lightnings that "sought to eat us up alive" writes the chaplain. The seas swept entirely over the vessels, which had to be lightened, and Mendoza was all night long confessing and consoling his companions. The storm continued for three days. On Monday the 6th of August, the fleet anchored at Dominica, where the crew of the chaplain's ship captured an immense turtle, which it took five men to cut up. With naive and graphic egotism Mendoza wrote the King an account of his experiences during his stay at Dominica: " I called an Italian lad of mine and ordered him to take half a dozen shirts that were soiled and other clothes, and I gave him a little piece of soap to wash them out on shore, which he did very well. While my boy remained behind with •Barrientos in ibid., pp. 35, 36. 2 Aviles to Philip II., Aug. 13, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 70, 71 ; Mendoza, " Relacion " in ibid., p. 436. Departure of Aviles for Florida 151 four other men washing their clothes, I took a walk in the direction of some rocks on the seashore, and amused myself gathering shellfish of which there was an abundance; raising my eyes, I saw three naked men coming down the side of a hill, and as I was in a land of enemies, I felt certain that they were Caribs; I took to my heels as fast as I could, and ran to my party, and made them all come out and take each half a dozen knives and we went to meet them. Drawing near to each other until we could talk, they called out that they were of our people, which was no small satisfaction to me by reason of the risk myself and the others might have run." They proved to be the survivors of a party of five sailors who had swum ashore from the ships to see the land, two of whom had been drowned on the way. Having taken in wood and water, Mendoza and his company again set sail, and on Friday, July loth, reached Puerto Rico, where they found the flag-ship and the other small vessel already in port.' Avil6s, fearful that reinforcements would arrive before him and strengthen the position of the French in Florida, bent all his energies to outsail them. His purpose was, if possible, to seize the island which the three French prisoners had told him lay at the mouth of the St. John's, possibly Fort George Island, and to fortify it so that Fort Caroline would be cut off from reinforcements by sea.' With this object in view he pressed his preparations forward as rapidly as possible. Hernando de Miranda was dispatched to Santo Domingo, where he was to collect the horses and the men, which the King had agreed to furnish, and take them to Havana, there to be joined by Esteban de las Alas, with his fleet, for whom he left the necessary directions in Puerto Rico.' 'Mendoza, " Relacion" in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 432-436. » Aviles to Philip II., Aug. 13, 1565, zWaT., tomo ii., p. 72; Sept. II, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 75. 3 Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Reladones de la Florida^ p. 37. 152 The Spanish Settlements He appointed Juan Ponce de Leon, the royal accountant, and governor of the fort at Puerto Rico, to be his lieutenant, as it was the place of rendezvous of all of the fleets and forces destined for Florida. He added another ship to his squadron, with fifty men and twenty horses, and the Governor gave him two barks, one of which he took with him to unload the larger vessels, and to re- place the ship from Puerto Rico which was to be sent back. He used the other as a dispatch boat for Santo Domingo and Havana.' "Over thirty men deserted and hid themselves in this town," writes Mendoza, ' ' among which were three priests, for there were seven of us, and could not be found dead or alive, which my lord the General felt very greatly, and I no less, for it makes hard work for us. The fact is that they offered me in this port a chaplaincy with a dollar of alms for every mass said, which would not fail me the whole year round ; I did not do it because I did not wish that to be said of me, which I hear said of others, and because it is a town where one cannot prosper very much, and in order to see if by continuing the journey Our Lord will not give me some advantage in exchange for my labour." ^ So anxious was Menendez to reach Florida in advance of the French, that he determined to start without await- ing the arrival of the balance of his Cadiz fleet which had not yet reached Puerto Rico, and on the 15th, he sailed with only five vessels, on the final stage of his journey, with eight hundred souls, five hundred of which were ' Aviles to Philip II., Aug. 13, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 73 ; Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., p. 438. 2 Mendoza in ibid., tomo ii., p. 437. Mendoza relates that a dispatch boat sent to Santo Domingo was captured while on the way by a French vessel, which, after taking its papers, dismissed it with the charge to inform the Spaniards that the French would be advised of their arrival before the Spaniards could get there ; ibid., p. 439. Mendoza thought it was a vessel of Ribaut's fleet, ibid., p. 442, and Barcia also, Ensayo, Ano MDLXV.. p. 69. Departure of Aviles for Florida 153 soldiers, two hundred mariners and "the other hundred being of useless people," as he called them, "married men, women, children and officials." ' Arrived off Santo Domingo August 17th, he called a council of his captains, informed them of his intention to proceed, and urged their acceptance of it in view of the favourable weather.' The council having agreed to it, the bows of the ships were turned to the north notwithstanding the timidity of the pilots in the dangerous passages amidst the reefs and shoals, and the seasickness of the crews in the rough waters of the Gulf Stream.' During the passage the various officers were named, the weapons were put in order and distributed, the sol- diers practised daily in shooting at a mark for a prize, and the Christian doctrine and litanies were recited with prayers and supplications to the Lord for victory.* While in the Bahama Channel a happy omen was seen in the shape of a brilliant meteor.* Just before making land a general rejoicing was held aboard the fleet, flags were unfurled, drums were beaten, guns were fired, and a double ration was served out.° On Sunday, August 25th, ^ ' Mendoza, " Relacion" in Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 447 ; Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 75- Deposition of Grauiel de Riuera in " Informacion de algunos seruicios," etc., in ibid., tomo ii., p. 306 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 36. 37. '^ Mendoza (" Relacion" in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 442, 443) thought that Ribaut was perhaps lying in wait for Menendez on the way to Havana and that this change of course to Florida was taken in order to avoid him. * Mendoza, " Relacion," in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 439-446. * Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 69. * Mendoza, " Relacion " in ibid., tomo ii., p. 445. « Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, ■p'p. 37-39' 'Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 75. Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 445-447, says Aug. 28th, and that the landfall was near the mouth of the St. John's. Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 69, also says Aug. 28th, and that the landfall was near St. Augustine. V 154 The Spanish Settlements the peninsula was made off Cape Canaveral, and four days were spent sailing along the coast in search of the French port. Failing to discover it, Mendndez at last sent ashore to learn of the Indians where it lay, and was informed by signs that it was twenty leagues to the north. Coasting along eight leagues farther Men^ndez came upon the harbour of the River of Dolphins, previously visited by Laudonniere, into which he entered and gave it the name of St. Augustine, having discovered it on the festival of that saint, the 28th of August, and here the fleet re- mained for several days.' ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 39,40; Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida tomo ii., pp. 75- 77 ; Meras in ibid,, tomo i., pp. 69-72. CHAPTER IX THE CAPTURE OF FORT CAROLINE ON Tuesday, September 4th,' Men^ndez set sail from the harbour of St. Augustine and, coasting north, at two o'clock in the afternoon came upon four vessels lying at anchor off the mouth of a river. These were the Trinity and three other of Ribaut's ships, which he had left at the mouth of the St. John's because they were too large to pass the bars in safety. One of them was flying the Admiral's flag, another the flag of the Captain.' Menendez recognised at once that the French reinforce- ments had arrived before him, and called a council of his captains to consider what action should be taken. In the opinion of the council it was deemed advisable to return to Santo Domingo, there to await the balance of the fleet, which had been dispersed by the tempest, and the arrival of the reinforcements under Esteban de las Alas, to win- ter in Havana, and to return to Florida in March of the following year. But Menendez was of another way of ' Both Aviles (letter to Philip IL, Sept. 11, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomoii., p. 76) and Laudonniere (ZTiV^. Notable, Basanier, p. 104; Hak., vol. ii., p. 514), give the date September 4th. Mendoza (" Relacion" in Ruidiaz, ibid., tome ii., p. 447) says Wednesday, September 5th, and Le Challeux (" Hist. Memorable " in Recueil de Pilces stir la Floride, p. 265) says Monday, September 3rd. Le Moyne, Meras, and Barrientos do not mention any date. ' Aviles to Philip II., September 11, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 76 ; Mendoza, " Relacion " in ibid., p. 447. 155 156 The Spanish Settlements thinking. His presence was already known to the enemy, four of his ships were so crippled by the gale that they could not make good time, and he feared that if the French should undertake to chase his fleet, they could outsail it. He concluded that it was better to attack at once, and, having beaten them, to return to St. Augustine and await reinforcements. His advice prevailed, so the Spaniards proceeded on their way. When within half a league of the French a thunder-storm passed over them, followed by a calm, and they were compelled to lie still until ten o'clock in the evening, when a land breeze sprang up, and they again got under way. Menendez had given orders to approach the French ships bow to bow, and then to wait and board them at daybreak, for he feared they would fire their own vessels and thus endanger his, and would then escape to land in their row-boats.' The Frenchmen soon perceived their approach and be- gan firing at them, but their aim was directed too high, and the shot passed harmlessly between the masts with- out doing any damage.^ Regardless of the firing and without vouchsafing any reply Menendez kept on his course until, passing right in their midst, he drew up the bow of the San Pelayo between that of the Trinity and another of the enemy's ships. Then he sounded a salute on his trumpets and the French replied. When this was over Menendez asked, "very courteously, " "Gentlemen, from where does this fleet come?" "From France," answered a voice from the Trinity. "What are you do- ing here?" "Bringing infantry, artillery, and supplies ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 41-44; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 72-74; Aviles to Philip II., Sept. II, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 76. ^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 45 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 75. Mr. Parkman in \a% Pioneers of France in the New World, Boston, 1893, p. 112, note, discredits the statement that the French opened fire on the Spaniards as they approached. Capture of Fort Caroline 157 for a fort which the King of France has in this country, and for others which he is going to make." "Are you CathoHcs or Lutherans ?" he asked next. "Lutherans, and our General is Jean Ribaut," came the response. Then the French in turn addressed the same questions to the Spaniards, to which Men6ndez himself replied: "I am the General ; my name is Pedro Men^ndez de Avil^s. This is the armada of the King of Spain, who has sent me to this coast and country to burn and hang the Lutheran French who should be found there, and in the morning I will board your ships ; and if I find any Catholics they will be well treated." ' In the dead silence which prevailed while the parley was in progress, "a stillness such as I never heard since I came to the world," writes the Span- ish chaplain, those aboard his ship heard a boat put out from one of the Frenchmen, carrying a message to their flag-ship and the reply of the French commander, "I am the Admiral, I will die first," from which they inferred that it was a proposition to surrender. When the con- versation was ended there followed an exchange of abuse and foul words, until Avil6s, exasperated and unable to restrain his impatience, ordered his crew to draw their swords and to pay out the cable so as to board at once. The sailors showed some hesitation, and Men^ndez sprang down from the bridge to urge them on and found that the cable was caught in the capstan, which caused some delay. But the Frenchmen had also heard the signal and, taking advantage of the momentary pause, cut their cables, passed right through the Spanish fleet, and fled, three vessels turning to the north and the other to the south, with the Spaniards in hot pursuit. Men^ndez with two of his ships took the northerly course, but the three ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept. ii, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 67 ; Mendoza, " Relacion " in ibid., p. 448 ; Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 76, 77 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 44.45. 158 The Spanish Settlements French galleons outsailed him, and at dawn he gave up the chase, and, returning to the mouth of the St. John's with the intention of pursuing his original plan of seizing and fortifying it, reached it at ten o'clock in the morn- ing. On attempting its entrance he discovered three ships up the river and at the point of the land two com- panies of infantry, who brought their artillery to bear upon him. So he abandoned the attempt to capture the entrance and made for St. Augustine.' The three Spanish vessels which took the southerly course in pursuit of the remaining French ship continued all night. Men^ndez had ordered them to rejoin him at the mouth of the St. John's in the morning, and, if un- able to do so, to return to St. Augustine. But a storm arose and they were obliged to cast anchor off the coast, the vessels being so small they did not dare to take to the sea. One of the three broke away, and while in this peril a French ship was sighted and they were in terror of being boarded ; but she did not attack them, although she hove to within a league. The following day, Thursday, Sep- tember 6th, after sighting a second French vessel they made for a harbour near at hand, which proved to be that of St. Augustine, and on landing found that the other two vessels had preceded them, having also arrived the same day (September 6th). The harbour was near the village of an Indian chief named Seloy, who received them with much kindness. The Spaniards at once went to work to fortify a large Indian dwelling, probably a communal house of the natives, which lay near the water's edge. They dug a ditch around it and threw up a breastwork of earth and fagots, "these two good captains of ours," ^ Histoire Notable, Basanier, pp. 104, 105; Ifak., vol. ii., p. 514; Le Challeux, reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride Frati^aise, p. 463 ; Bar- rientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 45,46; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 78, 79 ; Aviles to Philip II. » Sept. II, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 77, Capture of Fort Caroline 159 Patiflo and San Vincente, "working with such industry, that with only the nails of their soldiers, and without other tools, they made a fort for their defence," says Mendoza.' And this was the birth of St. Augustine, the oldest city in the United States. Its ancient site can no longer be determined, but it is known to have been such that it did not command the entrance to the harbour, could not be discovered from the sea, and was much ex- posed to the attacks of the Indians. When, in May of the following year, the settlement was moved to a more advantageous position, the first location received the name of Old St. Augustine from the Spaniards.^ Aviles at once began disembarking his troops, landing two hundred of them. On Friday, the 7th, he sent his three smaller ships into the harbour, and three hundred more colonists were landed, along with the married men, their wives, and children, and most of the artillery and ' Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 449-451 ; Aviles to Philip II., Sept. II, 1565, ibid., p. 81 ; " Informacion de algunos servicios presta- dos por el Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles, Mexico, 3 de Abril de 1595," in ibid., p. 615. *Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 114, 141 ; Juan Lopez de Velasco in his Geografia de las InJias, i^yi-ijy4, Madrid, 1S94, p. 160, says of St. Augustine, " fundole primero en el cabo de una isla de media legua de ancho y cinco de largo ; y pasose el ano de 72 a la parte de Tierrafirme," etc. This corresponds substantially to Anastasia Island or perhaps the second site of the fort on the promontory formed by the sea and North River to the north of the island, for "isla" does not necessarily mean an island. In the anonymous " Discurso sobre la poblacion de la costa de la Florida e inconvenientes que se ofrecieren para su fortificacion e defensa " (MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., Doc. No. 47, 1577-1580), it is said " Sancto Agustin donde primero estubo el Fuerte y gente, es una Islilla pequena, y Sancto Agustin donde agora esta el Fuerte y gente es otra que esta junto a la primera, donde solia estar primero el Fuerte, y esta dende agora esta es casi Isla," etc. (see note p. 252, in this volume). Fairbanks, who was not aware of these changes of the site of the settlement, says, in his History of Florida (Philadelphia, 1871, p. 133,) " The old town of St. Augustine is built upon the precise point that was occupied by Menendez." i6o The Spanish Settlements ammunition.' On Saturday, Lady's day, September 8th, the balance of the colonists, one hundred in number, and supplies were put ashore. Then the General himself landed amidst the waving of flags, the sounding of trumpets and of other instruments of war, and the salutes of the artillery. The chaplain, Mendoza, who had gone ashore the previous day, advanced to meet him, chanting the Je Deuvi Laiidauius and carrying a cross which Aviles and those with him reverently kissed, falling upon their knees. Then Menendez took possession in the King's name.* The mass of Our Lady was solemnly chanted, and the oath was administered to the various officials in the presence of a large concourse of friendly Indians who imitated all of the postures of the Spaniards. Gonzalo de Villarroel was appointed adjutant, and ten captains were also named. With an eye to the growth of the colony the of^ces of Royal Accountant, Factor, and Treasurer were assigned to Esteban de las Alas, Pedro Menendez Marques, nephew of the Adelantado, and Hernando de Miranda. "For many years they have served under me," wrote Aviles to the King, "and since all three are married to women of rank it may be that on account of their offices and through love for me they may bring their wives and households, which may draw other married people. For it is a good plan to begin to set- tle these Florida provinces with people of rank." ' The ceremony was concluded by the serving out of food to colonists and Indians alike. The negro slaves were quartered in the huts of the Indian village and the work on the defences was proceeded with. While this was in progress, two of Ribaut's ships, which the Spaniards had ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept. ii, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 71, 8r. ^ Mendoza, " Relacion *' in ibid., tomo ii., p. 451. ^Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 82 ; Dec. 5, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 124. Capture of Fort Caroline i6i chased on the night of September 4th, made a demonstra- tion at the mouth of the harbour, offering combat to the San Pelayo and the San Salvador, which were unable to cross the bar on account of their size, and lay outside in a very exposed situation. But the challenge was not ac- cepted, and after watching from a distance the landing of the troops, the Frenchmen sailed away the same after- noon, and returned to the mouth of the St. John's.' Men^ndez was in great fear lest Ribaut should return, attack his fleet while he was unloading, and perhaps cap- ture the San Pelayo, which carried the major part of his supplies and ammunition ; and he was also most anxious to send two of his sloops back to Havana for reinforce- ments. For these reasons the unloading was pushed rapidly forward. In the meantime he strengthened his position, and sought what information he could obtain of the situation of the French fort from the Indians. They told him that it could be reached from the head of the harbour of St. Augustine, without going by sea, indicat- ing probably a way by North River and Pablo Creek. On September nth Avil^s wrote from St. Augustine his report to the King of the progress of the expedition. In this first letter from the soil of Florida, Men^ndez ex- hibited the sound judgment which characterised him, the result of a wide observation and experience, by seeking to provide against those difficulties which had proved the chief obstacle in the path of both the French and Spanish colonies before him. " It will be desirable that Your Majesty give orders, that I be provided with a year's supply of corn for each horse which I shall bring to these provinces. . . . And for the future, in the course of a year I will give orders to sow and plant com ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 77, 78 ; Meris in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 79, 80; Histoire Notable, Basanier, pp. 105, 106; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 514, 515. 1 62 The Spanish Settlements so that they shall have provender here ; for by no means would it do to take it from the Indians, in order not to make enemies of them; on the contrary, it will be advisable for us to feed those who have none, in order to win their love and friend- ship. Let Your Majesty rest assured," he continues, " that if I had a million more or less, I would spend it all upon this undertaking, because it is of such great service to God Our Lord, and for the increase of our Holy Catholic Faith and the service of Your Majesty. And therefore I have offered to Our Lord, that all that I shall find, win, and acquire, in this world shall be for the planting of the Gospel in this land, and the enlightenment of its natives, and thus I pledge myself to Your Majesty." ' Every age and every nation has had its euphemism for conquest and aggrandisement, whether it be the service of God and the spiritual w^elfare of the conquered, or the interests of civilisation and the material advancement of the race. It becomes the Court jargon, the caption of bulls and encyclicals, the stock-in-trade of edicts and proclamations, until by force of repetition it rings true even to those who coin it. How far Men^ndez was amenable to this fashionable insincerity it is difficult to judge. But it is worthy to remark that when in the course of subsequent events his mercy was appealed to for the rescue of the French prisoners who fell into his hands, it was extended to drummers, fifers, and trumpet- ers, and that it was only at the intercession of the priest that it embraced his co-religionists.* ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept. ii, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 80, 83. * Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 89, 103 ; Men- doza, " Relacion " in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 464, 465 ; Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 116, 126 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida^ pp. 66, 69 ; Relation of the Dieppe sailor in De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 29, quoted p. 203, in this volume; Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Feb. 23, 1566, Dipeches, p. 62. Capture of Fort Caroline 163 In two days the ships were for the most part unloaded, yet so convinced was Men^ndez that Ribaut would return as promptly as possible that the San Pelayo did not wait to discharge her entire cargo, but set sail for Hispaniola at midnight, September loth, with the San Salvador, which was carrying the General's dispatches.' The San Pelayo took with her some interesting passengers. On leaving Cadiz Avil^s had been informed by the Seville Inquisition that there were "Lutherans" in his fleet, and, having made a perquisition, he discovered and seized twenty-five of them, whom he dispatched in the two ves- sels to Santo Domingo or Puerto Rico, to be returned to Spain. Through one of those singular coincidences by which earthly events sometimes compensate each other, it so happened that at the very time Avil^s was killing "Lutherans" in Florida, the "Lutherans" aboard the San Pelayo, convinced of the fate which awaited them in Seville, rose against their captors. With an equanimity equal to that of Men^ndez himself, they killed the cap- tain, master, and all the Catholics aboard, and made their way past Spain, France, and Flanders, to the coast of Denmark, where the Sa7i Pelayo was wrecked and the heretics appear finally to have escaped." Men6ndez also sent two sloops to Havana for the reinforcements ex- pected to arrive with Esteban de las Alas, and for horses. Upon the latter he especially counted in his campaign ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 46, 47 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 80; Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15. is(>5, il>id., tomo ii., p. 84; Vasalenque in " Informacion de algunos servicios," etc., in Hid., tomo ii., p. 615, says the San Pelayo was sent to Havana. ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 47 ; Barcia {Etisayo, Ano MDCLXV., pp. 77, 84,85), says (p. 77) that there were only 15 of them. Seville was not only the rendezvous of many " Lutherans" from abroad, but a Protestant community had existed there for some time. See Beitrage zur Geschichte des Spanischen Protestantismtts und der Inquisition im sechzehnten Jahrhundert von Dr. Ernst Schafer, Glitersloh, 1902, vol. i., p. 345, " Die Gemeinde zu Sevilla." 1 64 The Spanish Settlements against the French, as he had lost all but one of those he had shipped in Puerto Rico. Meanwhile the French at Fort Caroline had remained without news of the outcome of the attack. But on the reappearance of two of his vessels at the mouth of the St. John's, Ribaut went down the river to learn what had happened. He met on his way out a boat-load of men returning from one of the ships, who told him of their encounter with the Spaniards, and informed him that they had seen three of the enemy's ships in the River of Dolphins and two more in the roads, where the Spaniards had disembarked and were fortifying their position.' Ribaut returned at once to the fort and, entering the chamber of Laudonnifere, who lay there sick with the anxiety brought on by the news of his disgrace, proposed in his presence and that of the assembled captains and other gentlemen, to embark at once with all of his forces in the four ships which lay in the harbour, for the Trinity had not yet returned, and to seek the Spanish fleet. Laudonniere, who was familiar with the sudden storms to which the region was subject during September, dis- approved of his plan, pointing out the danger to which the French ships would be exposed of being driven out to sea, and the defenceless condition in which Fort Caro- line would be left. The captains, who had received from a neighbouring chief the confirmation of the landing of the Spaniards and of the defences which they were erect- ing, also advised against Ribaut's plan, and counselled him at least to await the return of the Trinity before putting it into execution. But Ribaut obstinately per- sisted in his design, showed the unwilling Laudonniere ' Histoire Notable, Basanier, pp. 105, 106 ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 514, 515 ; Le Moyne says all four French ships returned the following morning, and a sailor swam ashore with a letter from Captain Cossette informing Laudon- niere that it was a Spanish fleet, and giving a brief account of the escape of the French, and of the Spanish landing at St. Augustine (De Bry, Brevis Narratio, pp. 22, 23). Capture of Fort Caroline 165 Coligny's instructions, and proceeded to carry it into effect. Not only did he take all of his own men with him, but carried off thirty-eight of the garrison and Laudonnitire's ensign, leaving behind him M. du Lys with the sick and disheartened lieutenant in charge of the depleted garrison.' September 8th, the very day that Men^ndez was taking solemn possession of Florida in the name of Philip, he embarked aboard his fleet, but waited two days in the harbour until he had prevailed upon Captain La Grange to accompany him, although La Grange was so distrustful of the enterprise that he wished to remain with Laudonni^re. September loth, Ribaut sailed away. It was said that on the departure of the fleet a carousal was held on board the vessels, in which Ribaut and his captains drank two whole pipes of wine in mock healths to the Spaniards. "I drink to the head of Pedro Menen- dez and those with him," cried one. "Cursed Span- iards ! we will hang them from the yard arms of their own ships as well as from ours, so that they will not come again to smell out this country of ours! " cried another in a way most displeasing to those of the nobler sort among the Frenchmen.' If we are to trust to the muster-roll of the dispirited Laudonniere, the garrison which Ribaut left behind him to defend Fort Caroline was ill-fitted to resist an attack of the well-fed and well-disciplined Spanish soldiery. Here it is in Laudonnifere's own words: [Of Captain Ribaut's company] "I found nine or tenne whereof not past two or three had euer drawen sword out of ' Histoire Notable, Basanier, pp. io6, 107; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 515, 516; De Bry, Brevis Narratio, pp. 23, 24. ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Aniiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 72 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 128. Meras says the incident was learned from the French women and children captured at Fort Caro- line. The toast began with " Marranos Espanoles," literally, "Spaniards of Jewish blood but professing Christianity." 1 66 The Spanish Settlements the scabbard ; as I thinke. . . . Of the nine there were foure but yong striplings, which serued Captain Ribault and kept his dogs, the fift was [his] cooke; among those that were without the fort . . . there was a Carpenter of threescore yeeres olde, one a Beere-brewer, one olde Crosse-bowe maker, two Shoomakers, and foure or fiue men that had their wiues, a player on the [spinet], two seruants of Monsieur de Lys, one of Monsieur de Beauhaire, one of Monsieur de la Grange, and about fourescore and fiue or sixe in all, counting aswel Lackeys as women and children. . . . Those that were left me of mine owne company were about sixteene or seuenteene that couldebeare armes, and all of them poore and leane; the rest were sicke and maymed in the conflict which my Lieutenant had against Vtina." ' The total number of colonists remaining in the fort was about two hundred and forty.'' Three days passed without any news of Ribaut, and with each departing day the anxiety of the sick Laudon- nifere grew upon him. Knowing the proximity of the Spaniards, and dreading lest they should make a sudden descent upon him, he resolved to make what shift he could for his own defence. Although food was again at a low ebb, for Ribaut had carried off two of his boats with the meal which had been left over after making the biscuit for the return to France, and although Laudon- nifere himself was reduced to the rations of a common soldier, he yet commanded the allowance to be increased in order to inspirit his men. He also set to work to re- ^ Histoire Notable, Basanier. p. io8 ; Hak.,vo\. ii., p. 518. Parkman in his Pioneers of France in the New World, Boston, 1893, p. 117, note I, states that Hakluyt's translation is incorrect. The bracketed words are those which occur in the original French text, incorrectly translated by Hakluyt. - Le Challeux in " Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, Histoire de la Floride Fran(aise, p. 465 ; Le Moyne in De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 24, says that about 150 persons remained in the fort, of whom scarcely 20 were in a serviceable condition. Capture of Fort Caroline 167 pair the palisade which had been torn down to supply material for the ships, but continued storms hindered the work, which was never completed. Two watches were set to relieve each other, and two officers, Monsieur Saint Cler and Monsieur de la Vigne, were named to go the rounds at night and inspect them, for which purpose they were each provided with a lantern on account of the stormy and foggy weather, and a sand-glass to measure the time for the sentinels. And so in weary watching and waiting, in rain and discomfort, in uncertainty and anx- iety, — for no news had yet come from Ribaut, — ten days sped by.' Ribaut made at once for St. Augustine " with two hun- dred sailors and four hundred soldiers, which included the flower of the garrison at Fort Caroline. At dawn the next day he came upon Men^ndez in the very act of at- tempting to pass the bar and to land a sloop and two boats filled with men and artillery from the San Salvador which had sailed at midnight with the Sa7i Pclayo. The tide was out and his boats so loaded that only by a miracle was he enabled to cross it with his sloop, and escape; for the French, who had at once attempted to prevent his landing and thus to capture his cannon and the supplies he had on board, got so close to him, that they hailed him, and summoned him to surrender, promising that no harm should befall him. As soon as Ribaut perceived that the boats had gotten out of his reach, he gave up the attempt and started in pursuit of the San Salvador, which was already six or eight leagues away.^ Two days later, in confirmation of Laudonni^re's fore- bodings, so violent a "norther" arose that the Indians ' Histoire Notable, Basanier, pp. 107-109 ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 517, 518. ' Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 88. 3 Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 452, 453 ; Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., p. 85 ; Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 80, 81. i68 The Spanish Settlements themselves declared it to be the worst they had ever seen on the coast." Men^ndez at once realised that the proper moment had presented itself for an attack upon the fort. Calling his captains together, the mass of the Holy Ghost was said to bring him enlightenment in forming his plans, and then he addressed them : " We bear upon our shoulders a very heavy charge, full of labour and danger, and were it only in the service of our lord the King, I should not wonder at some cowardly weakness and faint-heartedness on our part in meeting the hardships that come upon us; but the charge which we bear is of the Lord Our God and of our King, and miserable must he be counted who in such a case would show weakness and fail to encourage those under him, ... for in this we serve God and our King, and the guerdon of heaven cannot fail us." He then set before them the advantage which the moment presented for an attack upon Fort Caroline, with its defences weakened by the absence of Ribaut who might have taken the best part of its garrison with him, and Ribaut's inability to return against the contrary wind, which in his judgment would continue for some days. His plan was to reach the fort through the forest and to attack it. If his approach was discovered, he pro- posed, on reaching the margin of the woods which surrounded the open meadow where it stood, to display the banners in such wise as to lead the French into the > Aviles, in his letter of Oct. 15, 1565 {ibid., tomo ii., p. 85), says the storm came on two days after the French fleet had left. Barrientos (in Dos Aniiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 48) and Meras (in Ruidiaz, tomo i., p. 81), both call it a norther, and they as well as Mendoza {ibid., tomo ii., p. 453) observe that it followed the French attack. Laudonniere {Histaire Notable, Basanier, p. 107 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 517) says the storm began on the same day that Ribaut set sail. It is highly improbable that Ribaut would have attempted this attack on the shallow and dangerous Florida coast in the midst of a storm. There was probably a succession of storms. Capture of Fort Caroline 169 belief that he was two thousand strong. A trumpeter should then be sent to summon them to surrender, in which case the garrison should be sent back to France, and, if they did not, put to the knife. In the event of failure the Spaniards would have become acquainted with the way, and could await at St. Augustine the arrival of reinforcements in March.' Although his plan failed to meet with general approval at first, it was finally agreed upon * ; but on the following day, finding that the soldiers and the women had gotten wind of it, and that some dissatisfaction was beginning to show itself, Avil^s quietly summoned to dine with him certain of the captains who had informed him of the dis- content and had urged him to change his plan. After chiding them for their indiscretion, he advised silence on such matters in the future, "as he would punish a venal sin in such a case as if it were mortal," and he added that, although he gave them leave to express their opinions in council, he would "chastise the captain who murmured after a decision was reached by depriving him of his com- mand and excluding him from the council." And so it came about that Avil6s, who in the words of his chaplain, "was a great friend of his own opinion," was able to write to the King in his letter of October 15th, that his captains had approved his plan.^ Menendez's preparations were made promptly; he placed his brother Bartolome in charge of the fort at St. Augustine, in case of the return of the French fleet. He then selected a company of five hundred men, three hundred of whom were arquebusmen and the remainder ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 48-51 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 82-85. * Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 85 ; Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., tomo ii., p. 454. Aviles says briefly in his letter to Philip that all agreed to it (letter, Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., p. 85). ^ Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 85 ; Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 85- 88 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 51, 52. 170 The Spanish Settlements pikesmen and targeteers. On September i6th ' the force assembled at the call of trumpets, drums, fifes, and the ringing of the bells. After hearing mass, it set out, each man carrying on his back his arms, a bottle of wine, and six pounds of biscuit, in which Men6ndez himself set the example, for the servants were left at St. Augustine." Two Indian chiefs, whose hostility the French had in- curred, and who had visited Fort Caroline six days be- fore, accompanied the party to show the way, "angels sent by God," observes Meras,' and Jean Frangois, one of the three French prisoners.'' A picked company of twenty Asturians and Basques under their captain, Martin de Ochoa, led the way armed with axes with which they blazed a path through the forest and swamps for the men behind them, and Men^ndez carried a compass with which to assist in finding the direction, for it was completely un- known to him.^ The point of land on which Fort Caroline was situated is separated from the seacoast by an extensive swamp through which flows the Pablo Creek, which rises but a short distance from the head of North River. Around this it was necessary for the Spaniards to go, for owing ' Mendoza (" Relacion " in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 454, 458), says September i6th, and Meras (in ibid., tomo i., p. 89), says they were four days on the way, which would also bring the start on the l6th. Aviles does not give the date of departure, but speaks of a storm on the 1 8th (letter to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 86). It is, however, to be noted that the punctuation of this paragraph in the letter is in all probability that of the editor. 'Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 85. ^ Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 89 ; Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., tomo ii., p, 454 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 52. '^ Histoire Notable, Basanier, p. 110; Hak., vol. ii., p. 519; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 84. ^ Noriega had enquired of Meleneche, one of the three Frenchmen sent to Seville, how Fort Caroline could be reached by land, and the Frenchman had described an approach from the St. John's River (Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565, MS. Djrec. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., doc. 33, fol. 6). Capture of Fort Caroline 171 to the continued rains all of the creeks and rivers were full and the lowlands flooded. At no time was the water lower than up to their knees. No boats were taken along, so the soldiers swam the various creeks and streams, Aviles taking the lead with a pike in his hand at the very- first one they encountered. Those who could not swim were carried across on the pikes. It was extremely fatiguing work, "for the rains continued as constant and heavy as if the world was again to be overwhelmed with a flood." ' Their clothes became soaked and heavy with water, their food as well, the powder wet, and the cords of the arquebuses worthless, and some of the men began to grumble, but Menendez pretended not to hear. The vanguard selected the place for the night encampment, but it was difficult to find high ground on account of the flood. During the halts a fire was built, but when within a day's march of Fort Caroline, even this was forbidden, lest it betray their approach to the enemy." Thus the Spaniards pushed on for two days through wood and thicket, river and marsh, with not even a trail to follow. On the evening of the third day, September 19th, Menendez reached the neighbourhood of the fort. The night was so stormy and the rain fell so heavily, that he thought he could approach it without being discovered, and he encamped for the night in the pine grove on the edge of the meadow within less than a quarter of a league from it. The spot he had chosen was marshy and com- fortless ; in places the water stood up to the belts of the soldiers, and no fire could be lighted for fear of revealing their presence to the French." ' De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 24. "^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 52, 53 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 89, 90 ; Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 454, 458, 459. ^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 53, 54 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 89, 90 ; " Informacion de algu- nos servicios," etc., in ibid., tomo ii., p. 615. 172 The Spanish Settlements Inside Fort Caroline La Vigne was keeping watch with his company, but his sentinels, wet and worn with the heavy rain, so moved his heart to pity, that with the ap- proach of day he let them depart, and finally went him- self to his own lodging.' With the break of day, September 20th, the feast of St. Matthew, Menendez was already alert. Before dawn he held a consultation with his captains, after which the en- tire party knelt down and prayed for a victory over their enemies. Then he set out for the fort over the narrow path which led to it from the woods. The French pris- oner, Jean Frangois, led the way, his hands bound behind him, and the end of the rope held by Menendez himself. So intense was the darkness that the Spaniards soon lost the path in crossing a marsh with water up to their knees, and were compelled to wait until daybreak in order to find the way again. When morning came, Menendez set out in the direction of the fort, and on reaching a slight elevation Jean announced that Fort Caroline lay just be- yond, down on the river's edge. Then the camp master, Pedro Menendez Valdez and the Asturian, Ochoa, went forward to reconnoitre. They were hailed by a man they took to be a sentinel. "Who goes there?" he cried. "Frenchmen," they answered, and, closing with him, Ochoa struck him in the face with his knife, which he had not even unsheathed. The Frenchman warded off the blow with his sword, but in stepping back to avoid a thrust from Valdez he tripped, fell backwards, and began shouting. Then Ochoa stabbed him and killed him. Men6ndez, hearing the shouting, thought that Valdez and Ochoa were being slain, and cried out "Santiago, at them! God help us! Victory! the French are killed! The camp master is inside the fort and has taken it," and the entire force rushed down the ' Histoire Notable, Basanier, p. 109 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 519. Capture of Fort Caroline 173 path. On the way two Frenchmen whom they met were killed.' Some of the Frenchmen living in the outhouses set up a shout on seeing two of their number killed, at which a man within the fort opened the wicket of the main en- trance to admit the fugitives. The camp master closed with him and killed him, and the Spaniards poured into the enclosure." Laudonnifere's trumpeter had just mounted the rampart, and seeing the Spaniards coming towards him sounded the alarm. The French, — most of whom were still asleep in their beds, — ^taken entirely by surprise, came running out of their quarters into the driving rain, some half-dressed, others quite naked, or clad only in their night-shirts. Among the first was Laudonniere, who rushed out of his house in his shirt,' his sword and target in his hands, and began to call his soldiers together. But the enemy had been too quick for them, and the wet and muddy court was soon reeking with the blood of the French, cut down by the Spanish soldiers, who now filled it. At Laudonniere's call, some of his men had hastened to the breach on the south side, where lay the ammunition and the artillery. But they were met by a party of Spaniards who repulsed and killed them, and who finally raised their standards in triumph upon the walls. Another party of Spaniards entered by a similar breach on the west, overwhelming the soldiers who attempted to resist them there, and also planted their ensigns on the rampart." Le Challeux, the old carpenter, had just left his cabin on his way to his work with his chisel in his hand, when ■ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Rclacioties de la Florida, pp. 53-55 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 93-96. 2 Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 55, 56. ' Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 30, 1566, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomoii., p. 145. ■* Histoire Notable, Basanier, p. 109 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 519 ; Le Moyne also says that the fort was attacked in three places at once (De Bry, Brevis Nar- ratio, p. 24). 174 The Spanish Settlements he was surprised by the Spaniards. Two of them im- mediately set upon him with a pike and partizan. Al- though an old, grey-headed man of sixty, he jumped the rampart, which was eight or nine feet high, and fled to the forest, still gripping his chisel in the excitement of the escape. As he crossed the meadow and neared the edge of the wood, he reached an elevation, and finding that he was no longer pursued, he turned to look back. " And as from that point, all of the fort and even the court was visible, I saw there a horrible killing which was being made of our people and three ensigns of our adversa- ries planted upon the ramparts. Losing all hope of seemg our people rally, I resigned all of my senses to the Lord, recom- mended myself to his mercy, grace, and favour, and plunged into the forest, for it seemed to me I could find no greater cruelty among the wild beasts than that of the enemy, which I had seen overflow upon our people." ' Le Moyne, the artist, still lame in one leg from a wound he had received in the campaign against Outina, was of the watch which had just turned into its quarters. Wet through as he was, he laid down his arquebus and threw himself into a hammock to get a little sleep. But the outcries and the sound of blows proceeding from the court aroused him, and as he rushed to the door to see what was the matter, two Spaniards with drawn swords brushed by him into the house. He quickly saw that the court had been turned into a slaughter pen by the Spaniards who now held it, so he fled back at once, and made for one of the embrasures. Passing over the dead bodies of five or six of his fellow-soldiers, he pushed through it, leaped' down into the ditch, and escaped into the neighbouring wood.^ ' " Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, Histoire de la Floride, pp. 465, 466. * De Bry, Brevis Nar ratio, pp. 24, 25. Capture of Fort Caroline 175 Men6ndez had remained outside urging his troops on to the attack, but when he saw a sufficient number of them advance, he ran to the front, shouting out that under pain of death no women were to be killed, nor any boys of less than fifteen years of age.' Aviles had headed the attack on the south-west breach, and after repulsing its defenders, he came upon Laudonni^re, who was run- ning to their assistance. Jean Francois, the renegade Frenchman, pointed him out to the Spaniards, and their pikemen drove him back into the court. Seeing that the place was lost, and unable to stand up alone against his aggressors, Laudonniere turned to escape through his house. The Spaniards pursued him, but a tent standing in the way distracted their attention, and while they were busy cutting its cords, he escaped by the western breach. As he was making for the woods, one of the pikemen nearly overtook him and gave him a thrust with his spear." His maid-servant, who also made her escape, re- ceived a dagger-thrust in the breast.' Meanwhile the trumpeters were announcing a victory from their stations on the ramparts beside the flags. At this what French remained alive entirely lost heart, and while the main body of the Spaniards were going through the quarters, killing without mercy the old, the sick, and the infirm, quite a number of the Frenchmen succeeded in getting over the palisade and escaping." Some of the fugitives made their way into the forest. Jacques Ribaut with his ship the Pearl, and another vessel with a cargo of wine and supplies, were anchored in the • Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 56 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 98. 2 Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 86; Histoire Notable, Basanier, p. no; Hak., vol. ii., p. 520. ^ De Bry, Brevis JVarraiio, p. 26 ; Le Challeux, reprint in Gaffarel's Histoire de la Floride, p. 465. •* Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 56; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 97, 98. 176 The Spanish Settlements river but a very short distance from the fort ' and rescued others who rowed out in a couple of boats ; and some even swam the distance to the ships. By this time the fort was virtually won, and Men6ndez turned his attention to the vessels anchored in the neigh- bourhood. A number of women and children had been spared owing to his exertions, and his very first thoughts turned on how he could rid himself of them. His de- cision was promptly reached. A trumpeter with a flag of peace was sent to summon some one to come ashore from the ships to treat of conditions of surrender. Re- ceiving no response, he sent Jean Francois to the Pearl with the proposal that the French should have a safe-conduct to return to France with the women and children in any one vessel they should select, provided they would surrender their remaining ships and all of their armament.'' But Jacques Ribaut would listen to no such terms, and on his indignant refusal, Le Challeux tells us that the enraged Spaniards, who had gathered down by the river-bank, where the corpses of the slain had been heaped together, tore out the eyes of the dead with the points of their daggers and hurled them at the French ships amidst howls and insults." Men^ndez then turned the guns of the captured fort against Ribaut and suc- ' Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565 (Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 86), says there were three ships, but he afterwards speaks of them as only two. Le Moyne says the Pearl of Jacques Ribaut was the only one of Jean Ribaut's three vessels within the bar at the time which was taken up to the fort (De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 26); and this is confirmed by Aviles in the letter just cited (p. 86), where he says that two of the seven ships from France were down the river. ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Atttiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 57 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. g8-ioi. He says that the man sent to the ship was the sentinel first captured. This is improbable, as he is said to have been killed in the first attack. Aviles, in his letter of Oct. 15. 1565 (ibid., tomo ii., p. 86), mentions no such conditions ; Le Challeux, reprint in Gaffarel, p. 468. ^ " Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 468. Capture of Fort Caroline 177 ceeded in sinking one of the vessels in shallow water, where she could be recovered without damage to her cargo.' Jacques Ribaut received the crew of the sinking ship into the Pearl, and then dropped a league down the river to where stood two more of the ships which had arrived from France, and which had not even been un- loaded. Hearing from the carpenter, Jean de Hais, who had escaped in a small boat, of the taking of the fort, Jacques Ribaut concluded to remain a little longer in the river to see if he might save any of his unfortunate compatriots.' So successful had been the attack, that the victory was complete within an hour ' without loss to the Spaniards of a single man, and only one was wounded. Of the two hundred and forty French in the fort, one hundred and thirty-two were killed outright, including the two Eng- lish hostages left by Hawkins." About half a dozen drummers and trumpeters were held as prisoners, of which number was Jean Memyn, who has left us a short account of his experiences ' ; fifty women and children were captured, and the balance of the garrison got away ' Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 86. There can be hardly any doubt but that the incomplete sentence in Men- doza's " Relacion" (ibid., tomo ii., p. 460): " Tiraronla un tiro de los que ellos \i. £., the French] tenian en su fuerte y hecharonla a fondo, pero esta en parte donde . . . ni lo que en el esta se perdera," has the signifi- cance given it in the text. This may account for Le Challeux's saying that no harm was done the ship by the Spanish shot, the rain having affected the cannon ; " Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 468. ^ Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 86 ; Barrientos, in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 57 ; Histoire Notable, Basanier, p. Ill ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 520, 521. 3 Mendoza, " Relacion " in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 459. Vasa- lenque says two hours. " Informacion de algunos servicios," etc., in ibid., tomo ii., p. 615. 4 Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 90. * See Appendix M, The Deposition of Jean Memyn. 178 The Spanish Settlements as has been related.' In a work written in France some seven years later, and first published in 1586," it is related that Avil^s hanged some of his prisoners on trees and placed above them the Spanish inscription, "I do this not to Frenchmen, but to Lutherans." ' The story found ready acceptance among the French of that period, and was eagerly believed and repeated subsequently by his- torians, both native and foreign,^ but it is unsupported by the testimony of a single witness, and bears all the ear- marks of an apocryphal origin. ' Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 86, 87. Le Challeux (reprint in Gaffarel's Histoire de la Floride, p. 465} says all of the women and children were killed. Mendoza in his " Rela- cion" (Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 459), says that 142 were killed. Vasa- lenque, who was in the attack on the Spanish side, testifies thirty years later that 600 French were killed ! (" Informacion de algunos servicios," etc., in ibid., tomo ii., p. 615). Aviles in the letter just cited {ibid., p. 80) says 132 men were killed in the attack and 10 more on the next day, and 50 or 6a escaped. Fourquevaux, in his letter to Charles IX., of Feb. 22, 1566 {Ddpeches, p. 61), says 30 women and 18 children were saved. ■^ La Reprise de la Floride, Larroque, p. 23, note i. ^ Larroque, ibid., p. 61. ^Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle France, Paris, MDCXI., liv. i., p. 127 ; Charlevoix, Histoire et Description generale de la Nouvelle France, Nyon Fils, Paris, 1744, vol. i., p. 81 ; Bancroft, History of the United States, 15th ed., Boston, 1855, vol. i., p. 71 ; Gaffarel, Histoire de la Flo7-ide, p. 229 ; Parkman {Pioneers of France in the New World, 1S95, p. 127) very candidly gives his own opinion on the subject : " Though no eye- witness attests it, there is reason to think it true." Shea omits the incident entirely in his The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, and discredits it in his "Ancient Florida" {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 272), as does Barcia {Ensayo, Ano MDLXVIII., p. 136). To an impartial judgment the doubt as to the credibility of the story of the alleged inscription amounts almost to a certainty, although based entirely upon negative evidence. One asks, Why was it not mentioned by Jean Memyn, who remained for some time after the event at Fort Caroline ? Why does not Aviles refer to it in his letters to Philip? Why is it not spoken of in the "Informacion de algunos servicios," or by Mendoza, who would heartily have approved of it ? "What interest or object had the contemporary Spanish accounts in suppress- ing an incident, which, in their estimation, could only redound to the credit, of the Adelantado? And why did Aviles hang the Huguenots at Fort Caroline and not at Matanzas ? Capture of Fort Caroline 1 79 Throughout the attack the storm had continued and the rain had poured down, so that it was no small com- fort to the bedraggled soldiers, weary with the difficult march and the excitement of the fight, when Jean Fran- gois pointed out to them the storehouse, where they all obtained dry clothes, and where a ration of bread and wine with lard and pork was served out to each of them. Most of the food stores were looted by the soldiers. Men^ndez found five or six thousand ducats' worth of silver, largely ore, part of it brought by the Indians from the Appalachian Mountains,' and part collected by Lau- donniere from Outina, from whom he had also obtained some gold and pearls." Most of the artillery and ammu- nition brought over by Ribaut had not been landed, and as Laudonni^re had traded his with Hawkins for the ship but little was captured.' To the horror of the Spaniards not a cross nor an image could be discovered about the fort, but they found six good strong-boxes "filled with books well bound and gilded, all pertaining to their evil sect." Packs of playing-cards were also discovered with pictures of the Host and Chalice on their backs, and saints carrying crosses in mockery of holy things." The books were at once ordered to be burned, a fate which was probably shared by the playing-cards. Men^ndez further captured eight ships, one of which was a galley in the dockyard ; of the remaining seven, five were French, including the vessel sunk in the attack, the other two were those captured off Yaguana, already mentioned, whose cargoes of hides and sugar Hawkins had taken with him.* • Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 90. ^ De Bry, Brevis Narratio, pp. 9, 12. 3 Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1665, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 90. ■* Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 57; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. iii ; Mendoza, " Relacion " in ibid., tomo ii., p. 460. 5 Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p, 91. See Appen- dix N, The Captured French Vessels. i8o The Spanish Settlements In the afternoon Men^ndez assembled his captains, and after pointing out how grateful they should be to God for the victory, called the roll of his men, and found only four hundred present, many having already started on their way back to St. Augustine. Menendez was himself anxious to return at once, for he was in constant dread of a descent of the French fleet upon his settlement there. He also wished to attempt the capture of Jacques Ribaut's ships before they had left the St. John's, and to get ready a vessel to transport the women and children of the French to Santo Domingo, and from there to Seville, for the fate of the latter weighed heavily upon his mind. "It is with the greatest sorrow that I see them in company with my people, on account of their evil sect," he wrote the King, "and yet I feared that Our Lord would punish me, if I acted towards them with cruelty." ' He appointed Gonzalo de Villarroel harbour master and governor of the district and gave the fort, which he had named San Mateo, into his charge, having captured it on the feast of St. Matthew. The camp master, Valdez, who had proved very daring in the attack and a garrison of three hundred men were left to defend the fort, and the arms of France were torn down from over the main en- trance and replaced by the royal arms surmounted by a cross supported above the crown by two angels. The device was painted by two Flemish soldiers in his little army. Then two crosses were erected inside the fort, and a location was selected for a church to be dedicated to St. Matthew. When Men6ndez came to look about him for an escort he found his soldiers so utterly exhausted with the march, the wet, the mire, the sleepless nights, and the battle, that not a man was to be found willing to accompany him. ' Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 105, 106; Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 87. Capture of Fort Caroline i8i He therefore determined to remain over night and then to proceed to St. Augustine in advance of the main body of his men with a picked company of thirty-five of those who were least fatigued.' The fate of the fugitives from Fort Caroline was various and eventful. When Laudonniere reached the forest, he found there a party of men who had escaped like him- self, and three or four of whom were badly wounded. A consultation was held as to what steps should be taken, for it was impossible to remain where they were for any length of time, without food, and exposed at every mo- ment to an attack from the Spaniards. Some of the party determined to take refuge among the natives, and set out for a neighbouring Indian village.^ These were subsequently ransomed by Menendez and returned by him to France.' Laudonniere then pushed on through the woods, where his party was increased the following day by that of the artist, Jacques Le Moyne. Wandering along one of the forest paths with which he was familiar, Le Moyne had come upon four other fugi- tives like himself. After consultation together the party broke up, Le Moyne going in the direction of the sea to find Ribaut's boats, and the others making for an Indian settlement. Setting out alone, Le Moyne soon encoun- tered a soldier, a tailor by trade, who had been at work on a suit of clothes for Ottigny. The two joined com- pany, and were all day pushing through the woods. Then came the swamps with their heavy growth of reeds, the laborious struggle all night long to get through them, the continuing rain, and the rising of the tide until the water reached to the waists of the fugitives. When morning broke and the sea was not yet sighted, the poor ' Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 102-104 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 58. ^ Histoire Notable, Basanier, p. no; Hak,, vol. ii., p. 520. ^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 59 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 105. 1 82 The Spanish Settlements tailor gave up in despair, and determined to return to the Spaniards, hoping that his gentle trade would arouse their compassion, and Le Moyne, after vainly trying to dissuade him, finally agreed to go with him. Back through the forest they plodded painfully until in sight of Fort Caroline, when the noise of the uproar and re- joicings which arose from the victorious Spaniards im- pressed Le Moyne so deeply that he again pleaded with his companion to remain with him. But the tailor was determined to make the attempt and, writes Le Moyne, " he embraced me, saying, ' I will go; so farewell.' In order to see what should happen to him, I got up to a height near by and watched. As he came down from the high ground, the Spaniards saw him, and sent out a party. As they came upon him, he fell on his knees to beg for his hfe. They, however, in a fury, cut him to pieces, and carried off the dis- membered fragments of his body on the points of their spears and pikes." ' What little hope Le Moyne himself may have entertained of receiving mercy from the victors, was now utterly abandoned, and again hiding himself in the forest, he re- traced his steps, encountering on the way other fugitives like himself, and the poor maid-servant ; and finally, while still in the forest, came upon the party of Laudonnifere.'* Laudonnifere had taken the direction of the sea in the evident hope of finding the vessels Ribaut had sent inside the bar. After a while the marshes were reached, " where," he writes, " being able to go no farther by reason of my sicknesse which I had, I sent two of my men which were with me, which could swim well, vnto the ships to aduer- tise them of that which had happened, and to send them word to come and helpe me. They were not able that day to get ' De Bry, Brevis Narraiio, p. 26 ; English translation by Fred. B. Per- kins in Narrative of Le Moyne, Boston, 1875, P- I9> ' De Bry, Brevis Narratio, pp. 24-26. Capture of Fort Caroline 183 vnto the ships to certifie them thereof: so I was constrained to stand in the water vp to the shoulders all of that night long, with one of my men which would neuer forsake me." ' And now through the water and the tall reeds came the old carpenter, Le Challeux, with another party of refugees. After his escape from the fort he wandered for half an hour through the forest until he heard a sound of weeping and groaning, and drawing near to it discovered a party of men, among whom was M. Robert ; and farther along he came upon another company. Deliberating as to what should be done, some of the fugitives decided to surrender themselves to the mercy of the Spaniards, and on leaving the forest for that purpose they were seized and killed, and their bodies thrown onto the heap of the dead, on the river-bank. Le Challeux and six others of the company decided to make their way to the coast in the hope of being rescued by the ships which had re- mained below in the river. On reaching the summit of a high mound they finally discovered the sea, which still lay a great distance off, and on descending from the hill they entirely lost sight of it. Pursuing the direction in which they had seen the ocean, they plunged onwards through bushes and thickets, which tore and cut their hands, waded marshes where the sharp leaves of the grasses and reeds pricked their feet and cut their legs until the blood ran, and where the water reached to their waists, until they came to a stream so swift that none dared swim it. Le Challeux cut a pole with the chisel which he still carried in his hand. Floating it upon the water the end next the bank was held steady while a comrade clung to it as he made his way to the centre of the stream, and when he had reached the end and his head disappeared under the swift current, a vigorous push sent him across into the shallow water, ' "A Notable Historic, " in Hak., ii., p. 520; Basanier, p. 110. i84 The Spanish Settlements where he scrambled to his feet with the aid of the reeds and grasses. They passed the night in a grove of trees in view of the sea, and the following morning, as they were painfully struggling through a large morass, they ob- served some men half hidden by the reeds, whom they took to be a party of Spaniards come down to cut them off. But closer observation showed that they were naked, and terrified like themselves, and when they re- cognised their leader, Laudonnifere, and others of their companions, they joined them. The entire company now consisted of twenty-six. Two men were now sent to the top of the highest trees from which they discovered one of the smaller of the French ships, that of Captain Maillard, which presently sent a boat to their rescue. The boat next went to the relief of Laudonnifere, who was so sick and weak that he had to be carried to it. Before returning to the ship, the remainder of the company were gathered up from among the reeds and rushes, the men, exhausted with hunger, anxiety, and fatigue, having to be assisted into the boat by the sailors.' A consultation was now held between Jacques Ribaut and Captain Maillard, and the decision was reached to re- turn to France. But in their weakened state, with their arms and supplies gone and the better part of their crews absent with Jean Ribaut,' the escaped Frenchmen were unable to navigate all three of the vessels ; they therefore selected the two best and sank the other. The armament of the vessel bought from Hawkins was divided between the two captains and she was abandoned. Thursday, September 25th, the prows of the two ships were turned for France, but they parted company the following day. Jacques Ribaut with Le Challeux and his party, after an ' Histoire Notable, Basanier, pp. no, ill ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 520, 521 ; Le Challeux, reprint in Gaffarel, pp. 467-471. * De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 27. Capture of Fort Caroline 185 adventure on the way with a Spanish vessel, ultimately reached La Rochelle.' The other vessel, with Laudon- n'lhre aboard, was driven by foul weather into Swansea Bay in South Wales, where he again fell very ill. Part of his men he sent to France with the boat. With the remainder he went to London, where he saw M. de Foix, the French ambassador, and from there he proceeded to Paris. Finding that the King had gone to Moulins, he finally set out for it with part of his company to make his report, and reached there about the middle of March of the following year." ' " Histoire Memorable," Le Challeux, reprint in Gaffarel, Jlisi. de la Floride, p. 472. Alava to Philip II., Dec. 21, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (88), mentions the arrival of Jacques Ribaut in Normandy. * Histoire Notable, Basanier, pp. 112-114; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 521-523. CHAPTER X THE FATE OF RIBAUT'S FLEET THE morning following the capture of Fort Caroline Men^ndez set out on his return to St, Augustine. But he first sent the camp master with a party of fifty men to look for those who had escaped over the palisade, and to reconnoitre the French vessels which were still lying in the river, and whom he suspected of remaining there in order to rescue their compatriots. Twenty fugitives were found in the woods, where they were all shot down, and towards evening the camp master re- turned to Fort Caroline, having found no more French- men. The return to St. Augustine proved still more arduous and dangerous than the journey out. After marching through the forest for some time Men^ndez reached a hummock by which he had passed before, but on at- tempting to proceed beyond it he found the country overflowed. Nothing daunted by this, he continued the advance, the water continually increasing in depth, until he was at last forced to retrace his steps. But the di- rection had been lost : in vain he searched for a little dry ground where he could camp for the night ; everywhere under the tall palmettos stretched the waste of waters. Then Menendez sent the most agile of his companions up one of the highest trees to look for dry land. The soldier's answer brought no comfort ; even from the sum- I86 The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 187 mit of the tall trees no dry land was visible. Then Me- n^ndez ordered him to find the direction of the setting sun, but the cloud-banks were so heavy that it was im- possible to determine even that. Wearily the party waited for the weather to clear, and towards the after- noon the clouds parted sufficiently for Men^ndez to recover his direction and push forward. On went the Spaniards, crossing the deeper and larger streams on the trunks of trees, which they felled in such wise as to afford them a bridge. Again a tall palmetto was climbed, and at last the trail found by which they had come. They encamped that night on a bit of dry ground, where a roaring fire was built to dry their soaking garments, but all in vain, as the heavy rain began again.' Three days after Ment^ndez's departure from St. Augus- tine, September 19th, a force of twenty men was sent to his relief with supplies of bread and wine and cheese, but the settlement remained without further news of him. On Saturday "we clergy, wishing to eat a little fish," writes Mendoza, the fishermen went down to the beach to cast their nets, where they discovered a man whom they seized and conducted to the fort. He proved to be a member of the crew of one of Jean Ribaut's four ships and was in great terror of being hung. But the chaplain examined him, and finding that he was "a Christian," of which he gave evidence by reciting the prayers, he was promised his life if he told the truth. His story was that in the storm that arose after the French demonstration in front of St. Augustine their frigate had been cast away at the mouth of a river four leagues to the south of St. Augustine and five of the crew were drowned. The next morning the survivors had been set upon by the natives and three more had been killed with clubs. Then he and a companion had fled along the shore, walking in the sea ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 58-61 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. I04-I0». i88 The Spanish Settlements with only their heads above the water in order to escape the observation of the Indians. Bartolom^ Menendez sent at once a party to float the frigate off and bring it up to St. Augustine, for on that low and sandy beach, shelvy and devoid of rocks, ves- sels are frequently driven high up on the land.' But when the Spaniards approached the scene of the wreck, the Indians, who had already slaughtered the balance of the crew, drove them away. A second attempt proved more successful and the vessel was brought up to St. Augustine, to the great delight of the Spaniards.' The continued absence of news from the expedition against Fort Caroline had begun to cast a gloom over the Spaniards at St. Augustine. San Vincente, one of the captains who had remained behind, prophesied that Av- iles would never come back, and that the entire party would be killed.' This impression was confirmed by the return of a hundred men, made desperate by the hard- ships of the march, and who brought with them their version of the difficulty of the attempt. On the after- noon of Monday, the 24th, just after the successful rescue of the French frigate, the settlers saw a man coming towards them, shouting at the top of his lungs. The chaplain went out to meet him, and the man threw his arms around him, crying, "Victory, victory! the harbour of the French is ours! " ' He proved to be the soldier who had guided Menendez by climbing the trees. When within a league of St. Augustine he had obtained per- mission to run forward and announce the victory. "I promised him his reward for the good news and gave him the best I could," writes Mendoza, "and having learned the news I ran to my house as fast as I could and ' Fairbanks, History of Florida, Philadelphia, 1871, p. I2I. ^ Mendoza, " Relacion " in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 455-457. * Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 91. * Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 457, 458. I The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 189 took a new cassock, the very best I had, and a surplice, and I took a crucifix in my hands, and went forward to receive Men(5ndez before he reached the door." The chaplain was accompanied by the clergy, each carrying a cross, and by the women and children, laughing and weep- ing with joy, all chanting the Tc Dcum Laudamtis.^ The General was well deserving their homage, for he had shown a determination, an intrepidity, and an en- durance that had successfully encountered and overcome the very forces of nature. In the face of every difficulty, the incipient discontent of the soldiers, and an undercur- rent of disapproval on the part of his captains, he had triumphed in the execution of those plans of his own, to which he was so wedded. The chaplain in an exuberance of pious joy exclaims : " So great is his zeal and Christianity, that all these labours are but repose for his mind, for it veritably seems to me that no earthly man could have the strength to endure what he has; but the fire and longing which possess him to serve our Lord in humbling and destroying that Lutheran sect, enemy of our old Catholic faith, cause him not to feel the fatigue so greatly. ' ' ' On reaching St. Augustine Men^ndez at once armed two boats to send to the mouth of the St. John's after Jacques Ribaut, to prevent his uniting with his father or returning to France with the news of the Spanish at- tack; but, learning that Jacques had sailed, he abandoned his plan and dispatched a single vessel with supplies to Fort San Mateo.' September 28th some Indians brought to the settle- ' Ibid., tomo ii., p. 460 ; Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 109 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 61, 62. * Mendoza, " Relacion" in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 461. 3 Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 62 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 109; Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 87. iQo The Spanish Settlements ment the information that a number of Frenchmen had been cast ashore on an island six leagues from St. Augustine,' where they were imprisoned by the river, which they could not cross. They proved to be the crews of two more of the French fleet which had left Fort Caroline September loth. Failing to find the Spaniards at sea, Ribaut had not dared to land and attack St. Augustine, and so had resolved to return to Fort Caro- line, when his vessels were caught in the storm before mentioned, the ships dispersed, and two of them wrecked along the shore between Matanzas and Mosquito Inlet.* Part of the crews had been drowned in attempting to land, the Indians had captured fifty of them alive and had killed others, so that out of four hundred there re- mained only one hundred and forty. Following along the shore in the direction of Fort Caroline, the easiest and most natural course to pursue, the survivors had soon found their further advance barred by the inlet, and by the lagoon or "river " to the west of them. On receipt of the news Men6ndez sent Diego Flores in advance with forty soldiers to reconnoitre the French position ; he himself with the chaplain, some officers, and twenty soldiers rejoined Flores at about midnight, and pushed forward to the side of the inlet opposite to their encampment. The following morning, having concealed his men in the thicket, Men6ndez dressed himself in a French costume with a cape over his shoulder, and, carry- ' Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 87. Meras (in ibid., tomo i., p. no), and Barrientos (in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 62), say four leagues. ''Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 88 ; Le Challeux, " Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 473. Vasalenque (" Informacion de algunos servicios" in Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 616) says: " En un rio que se llama Matanfas." Gaffarel (p. 222), " sans doute la lagune de Matanzas." Fairbanks (/Tzj/, of Florida, p. 121) says : " They were driven ashore between Matanzas and Mosquito Inlet." The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 191 ing a short lance in his hand,' went out and showed him- self on the river-bank, accompanied by one of his French prisoners, in order to convince the castaways by his bold- ness that he was well supported. The Frenchmen soon observed him, and one of their number swam over to where he was standing. Throwing himself at his feet the Frenchman explained who they were and besought the General to grant him and his comrades a safe- conduct to Fort Caroline, as they were not at war with Spaniards. " I answered him that we had taken their fort and killed all the people in it," writes Menendez to the King, "because they had built it there without Your Majesty's permission, and were disseminating the Lutheran religion in these, Your Ma- jesty's provinces. And that I, as Captain-General of these provinces, was waging a war of fire and blood against all who came to settle these parts and plant in them their evil Lutheran sect; for I was come at Your Majesty's command to plant the Gospel in these parts to enlighten the natives in those things which the Holy Mother Church of Rome teaches and believes, for the salvation of their souls. For this reason I would not grant them a safe passage, but would sooner follow them by sea and land until I had taken their lives." * The Frenchman returned to his companions and re- lated his interview. A party of five, consisting of four gentlemen and a captain, was next sent over to find what terms they could get from Menendez, who received them as before, with his soldiers still in ambush, and himself attended by only ten persons. After he had convinced them of the capture of Fort Caroline by showing them 1 Mendoza (" Relacion " in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 464) says he wore a naval dress. Parkman {Pioneers of France in the New IVorld, Boston, 1893, p. 134) says in the dress of a French sailor. '^ Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 8g. 192 The Spanish Settlements some of the spoil he had taken, and some prisoners he had spared, the spokesman of the company asked for a ship and sailors with which to return to France. Men6n- dez replied that he would willingly have given them one had they been Catholics, and had he any vessels left ; but that his own ships had sailed with artillery for Fort San Mateo and with the captured women and children for Santo Domingo, and a third was retained to carry dis- patches to Spain. Neither would he yield to a request that their lives be spared until the arrival of a ship, which ■would carry them back to their country. To all of their demands he had but one reply to give: "Surrender your arms and place yourselves at my mercy, that I may do with you as Our Lord may command me." "And from this I did not depart, nor will I, unless God Our Lord inspire me otherwise," he adds in his letter.' The gentle- men carried back to their comrades the terms he had pro- posed, and two hours later Ribaut's lieutenant, "a very cunning man in these matters," writes Men^ndez, returned and offered to surrender their arms and to give him five thousand ducats if he would spare their lives. Men^ndez indignantly replied that the sum was large enough for a poor soldier such as he, if in his heart he were capable of such weakness and cupidity, but when generosity and mercy were to be shown they should be actuated by no interest whatever. Again the envoy re- turned to his companions, and in half an hour came the acceptance of the ambiguous conditions. The story of the attempted bribery, if true, and there is little reason to doubt it, but too plainly indicates how little room there was for question among those unfor- tunate Frenchmen as to the nature of the divine inspira- tion in such a foe of France and of heresy as was the cool and determined soldier before them. "They came and surrendered their arms to me, and I had their hands tied 1 See Appendix O, The Oath of Aviles. The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 193 behind them, and put them all excepting ten to the knife," laconically writes this servant of God and the King. Both of his biographers give a much more detailed ac- count of the occurrence, evidently taken from a common source. The Frenchmen first sent over in a boat their banners, their arquebuses and pistols, swords and tar- gets, and some helmets and breast-pieces. Then twenty Spaniards crossed in the boat and brought the now un- armed Frenchmen over the lagoon in parties of ten. They were subjected to no ill-treatment as they were ferried over, the Spaniards not wishing to arouse any sus- picions among those who had not yet crossed. Mendn- dez himself withdrew some distance from the shore to the rear of a sand hill, where he was concealed from the view of the prisoners who were crossing in the boat. In com- panies of ten the Frenchmen were conducted to him be- hind the sand hill and out of sight of their companions, and to each party he addressed the same ominous request : "Gentlemen, I have but a few soldiers with me, and you are many, and it would be an easy matter for you to over- power us and avenge yourselves upon us for your people which we killed in the fort ; for this reason it is necessary that you should march to my camp four leagues from here with your hands tied behind your backs." The Frenchmen consented, for they were unarmed and could offer no further resistance, and their hands were bound behind them with cords of the arquebuses and with the matches of the soldiers, probably taken from the very arms they had surrendered.' Then Mendoza, the chap- lain, "being a priest and having the bowels of a man," asked Menendez to grant him the lives of those who should prove to be "Christians." Ten Roman Catholics were found, who, but for the compassion of this poor egotistical and bigoted priest, would have suffered the ' Both Barrientos and Meras say 208 Frenchmen were thus tied. 194 The Spanish Settlements last penalty along with the heretics." These were sent by boat to St Augustine. The remainder confessed that they were Lutherans. They were given something to eat and drink, and then ordered to set out on the march. At the distance of a gun-shot from the hill behind which these preparations were in progress, Men6ndez himself had drawn with his spear a line in the sand, across the path they were to follow. Then he ordered the captain of the vanguard which escorted the prisoners that on reaching the place indicated by the line he was to cut off the heads of all of them; he also commanded the captain of the rearguard to do the same. It was Satur- day, the 29th of September, the feast of St. Michael, patron and prince of the Church militant, conqueror of the hosts of hell, out of whose nethermost depths was reckoned to have sprung the heresy these French pirates had brought with them. The sun had already set, and the night was falling when, near the banks of the placid lagoon, the Frenchmen came abreast of the mark drawn in the sand, and the orders of the Spanish General were executed." That same night Avil^s returned to St. Augustine, which he reached at dawn. On the loth of October the distressing news reached the garrison at St. Augustine that eight days after its capture Fort San Mateo had burned down, with the loss of all the provisions which were stored there. It was accidentally set on fire by the candle of a mulatto servant of one of the captains ; but for all that, suspicions arose that it might be the result of certain jealousies between the master of the mulatto and another officer stationed ' Mendoza, " Relacion " in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 465. Else- where on the same page he says that 14 or 15 were saved. Aviles in the letter already cited {}bid., tomo ii., p. 89), says 10. 2 Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 62-66 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 110-117 ; Mendoza, "Rela- cion" in ibid., tomo ii., p. 465 ; Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid.y tomo ii., pp. 87-89. The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 195 there. Men^ndez promptly sent food from his own store to San Mateo.' Within an hour of receiving this alarming report some Indians brought word that Jean Ribaut with two hun- dred men was in the neighbourhood of the place where the two French ships had been wrecked. They were in much suffering, for the Trinity had gone to pieces farther down the shore, and their provisions had all been lost. They had been reduced to living on roots and grasses and to drinking the impure water collected in the holes and pools along their route. Like the first party, whose fate has just been related, their only hope lay in a return to Fort Caroline. Le Challeux tells us that they had saved a small boat from the wreck ; this they caulked with their shirts, and thirteen of the company had set out in her for Fort Caroline in search of assistance, and had not returned.' As Ribaut and his companions made their way northward in the direction of the fort, they eventually found themselves in the same predicament as the previous party, cut off by Matanzas Inlet and river from the main- land, and unable to cross. On receipt of the news Avil^s repeated the tactics of his previous exploit, and sent a party of soldiers by land, following himself the same day in two boats with addi- tional troops, one hundred and fifty in all. He reached his destination on the shore of the Matanzas River at night, ^ and the following morning, October nth, he 1 Mefas mibid., tomo i., p. 127; Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., pp. loi, 102; Vasalenque, " Informacion de algunos ser- vicios," etc., in ibid., tomo ii., p. 6i6. 2 Le Challeux, " Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 474. ^Vasalenque ("Informacion de algunos servicios," etc., in Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 616) says: " llegados al proprio rio de Matan9as." Ribaut must have been wrecked north of Mosquito Inlet in order to reach Matanzas. Fairbanks, History of St. Augustine, New York, 1858, p. 64, note. On Mexia's map of 1605 (MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Sevilla, 196 The Spanish Settlements discovered the French across the water where they had constructed a raft with which to attempt a crossing. At the sight of the Spaniards, the French displayed their ban- ners, sounded their fifes and drums, and offered them battle, but Menendez took no notice of the demonstra- tion.' Commanding his own men, whom he had again disposed to produce an impression of numbers, to sit down and breakfast, he turned to walk up and down the shore with two of his captains in full sight of the French. Then Ribaut called a halt, sounded a trumpet-call, and displayed a white flag, to which Menendez replied in the same fashion. The Spaniards having refused to cross at the invitation of Ribaut, a French sailor swam over to them, and came back immediately in an Indian canoe, bringing the request that Ribaut send over some one authorised to state what he wanted. The sailor returned again with a French gentleman, who announced that he was Sergeant Major of Ribaut, Viceroy and Captain- General of Florida for the King of France. His com- mander had been wrecked on the coast with three hundred and fifty of his people, and had sent to ask for boats with which to reach his fort, and to enquire if they were Spaniards, and who was their captain. "We are Spaniards," answered Avil^s. "I to whom Patronato, est. I, caj. i, leg. 1/19, ramo 29), the name of Barreta de Ribao is given to an inlet into the Matanzas River south of Matanzas Inlet, which appears at that time to have connected it with the sea. Velasco (in his Geograffia, i^j 1-1^^4, p. 167), says the river was called Matanzas " porque junto a el, a la parte del norte, en la mesma costa, murieron los ffanceses luteranos que estaban con Juan Ribau." The " Relacion escrita por el Tesorero Joan Menendez Marques," June 6, 1606 (in Ruidi'az, ibid., tomo ii., 501). mentions "la barra y barrera de Juan Ribao y Matan9as, cinco leguas deste puerto [of St. Augustine], en la buelta del Sur . . . y alli mataron al dicho Juan Ribao y a la mayor parte de los franceses, de que resulto quedar a la barra el nombre de Matanzas." 1 Vasalenque says the Spaniards made a similar demonstration. " In- formacion de algunos servicios," etc., in Ruidiaz, La Florida^ tomo ii., p. 616. The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 197 you are speaking am the Captain, and my name is Pedro Menendez. Tell your General that I have captured your fort, and killed your French there, as well as those who had escaped from the wreck of your fleet." And there- upon he offered Ribaut the identical terms which he had extended to the first party and grimly led the French officer to where, a few rods beyond, lay the dead bodies of the shipwrecked and defenceless men he had so wan- tonly massacred but twelve days before. When the Frenchman viewed the heaped-up corpses of his familiars and friends, not a muscle quivered in his face, and he quietly asked Menendez to send a gentleman to Ribaut to inform him of what had occurred; and he even re- quested Menendez to go in person to treat about securi- ties, as his General was greatly fatigued. "Go yourself, brother, in God's name, to convey my answer; and if your General wishes to talk with me, I give him my word that he can come in safety with five or six of his companions, " replied Menendez. In the afternoon Ribaut crossed over with eight gentle- men and was entertained by Avil6s. The French accepted some wine and preserves ; more they would not take, for their hearts were heavy at learning the fate of their com- panions. Then Ribaut, pointing to where lay the bodies of his comrades, which were visible from where he stood, said that they might have been tricked into the belief that Fort Caroline was taken, referring to a story he had learned from a barber who had survived the first massacre by feigning death when he was struck down, and had then escaped to him. But Ribaut was soon convinced of his mistake, for he was allowed to converse privately with two Frenchmen captured at Fort Caroline. Then he turned to Menendez and said : "What has happened to me may happen to you. Since our Kings are brothers and friends, do you also play the part of a friend and give me ships with which to return to France. ' ' But the Spaniard 198 The Spanish Settlements was inexorable, and Ribaut returned to his compan- ions to acquaint them with the results of the interview. Within three hours he was back again. Some of his people were willing to trust to the mercy of Men^ndez, he said, but others were not, and he offered one hundred thousand ducats on the part of his companions to secure their lives ' ; but Avil^s stood firm in his determination. As the evening was falling Ribaut again withdrew across the lagoon, saying he would bring the final decision in the morning. Between the terrible alternatives of death by starvation or at the hands of the Spaniards, the night brought no better counsel to the castaways than that of trusting to the mercy of their fellow-men. When morning came Ribaut returned with six of his captains, and surrendered his own person and arms, the royal standard which he bore, and his seal of office. His captains did the same, and Ribaut declared that about seventy of his people were willing to submit, among whom were many noble- men, gentlemen of high connections, and four Germans. The remainder of the company had withdrawn and had even attempted to kill their leader. Then the same gruesome ceremony was rehearsed as on the previous occasion, Diego Flores de Valdes ferried the French- men over in parties of ten, which were successively con- ducted behind the same sand hill, where their hands were tied behind them. The same lying excuse was made that they could not be trusted to march unbound to the camp. When the hands of all had been bound except those of Ribaut, who was for a time left free, the ominous question was put: "Are you Catholics or Lutherans, and are there any who wish to confess?" Ribaut answered that they were all of the new Lutheran religion. Then he repeated the passage from Genesis, "From earth we ' See also the deposition of Grauiel de Riuera in " Informacion de algunos servicios," etc., in ibid., tomo ii., p. 603, to the same effect. The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 199 come, and unto earth must we return " "; and observed that twenty years more or less were of little account ; that Men^ndez could do with them as he chose, and he sang the psalm Domine, vicnicnto nici."^ Avil^s pardoned the drummers, fifers, trumpeters, and four others who said they were Catholics, some seventeen in all.' Then he ordered that the remainder should be marched in the same order to the same line in the sand, where they were in turn deliberately massacred. Aviles had confided Ribaut to his brother-in-law, and biographer, Solis de Merds, and to San Vincente, with directions to kill him. Ribaut was wearing a telt hat and on Vincente's asking for it Ribaut gave it to him. Then the Spaniard said: "You know how captains must obey their generals and execute their commands. We must bind your hands." When this had been done and the three had proceeded a little distance along the way, Vin- cente gave him a blow in the stomach with his dagger, and Meras thrust him through the breast with a pike which he carried, and then they cut off his head.* 1 Probably Genesis iii., 19. * Meras, who relates the incident (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 126), «ays : "empezo a decir el %2\vi\o Domine, memento met." As Meras was one of his murderers the statement must be accepted. But there is no psalm beginning with these words. Parkman {Pioneers of France in the New World, Boston, 1893, p. 143) quotes from Histoire Gin^rale des Voy- ages, xiv., p. 446, where it is suggested that Meras probably intended to say Domine, memento David, which is Psalm 131 of the Vulgate and 132 of the King James Version, and the quotation further suggests that Ribaut re- peated it in French. But it is difficult to see what particular bearing the 132nd Psalm could have on the circumstances attending his assassination, except, perhaps, a very obscure reference to his planting of the Reformed religion in the New World. 'This is the number given by Barrientos (" Hechos," in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 69); Meras (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i. , p. 126) says the pipers, drummers, and trumpeters, with four Catholics, six- teen in all. Aviles himself (letter Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 103) says iive only, two lads of eighteen years of age, a piper, drummer, and trumpeter. ^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 66-70 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 1 19-126 ; Aviles to Philip II., 2CX3 The Spanish Settlements "I put Jean Ribaut and all the rest of them to the knife," Aviles wrote Philip four days later, "judging it to be neces- sary to the service of the Lord Our God, and of Your Majesty. And I think it a very great fortune that this man be dead; for the King of France could accomplish more with him and fifty thousand ducats, than with other men and five hundred thou- sand ducats ; and he could do more in one year, than another in ten; for he was the most experienced sailor and corsair known, very skilful in this navigation of the Indies and of the Florida Coast." ' There was one remarkable escape from this massacre, that of a sailor from Dieppe, whose name has been omit- ted from the records. According to his own account, as related by Le Moyne, •* he was among those who were pinioned for slaughter, and was knocked in the head with the rest, but, instead of being killed, was only stunned; and the three others with whom he was tied falling above him, he was left for dead along with them. The Spaniards got together a great pile of wood to burn the corpses; but, as it grew late, they put it off until the next day. The sailor, coming to his senses among the dead bodies in the night, bethought himself of a knife which he wore in a wooden sheath, and contrived to work himself about until little by little he got the knife out and cut the ropes that bound him. He then rose up and silently departed, journey- ing all the rest of the night. After travelling three days with- out stopping, he came to a certain Indian chief, , . . with Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 102, 103. Le Challeux in " Histoire Memorable" (reprint in Gaflarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 476) says he was first stabbed from behind, as does also the " Requeste au Roy" (ibid., p, 478). There is a curious confirmation of the conversation between Ribaut and one of his murderers in the story of the Dieppe sailor reported by Le Moyne (De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 29). See p. 203 in this volume. Fourquevaux, in his letter to Charles IX., of Aug. 11, 1566 [Depeches, p. 104), says : " Tout le demeurant fut incontinent mis en pieces jusques au nombre de 873 " ! 1 Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida tomo ii., p. 103. The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 201 whom he remained hidden eight months before he was be- trayed to the Spaniards." ' After serving as a slave for a year in the fort at St. Augustine, and then being sent to Cuba, where he was chained to another Frenchman, the two unfortunates were finally sold together and put on board a ship bound for Portugal. On her way she was captured by a French vessel, and the two Frenchmen, still in chains, finally obtained their liberty. The Dieppe sailor gave his own account of the final massacre of the French to Le Moyne, and as it is a type of the version which was generally accepted and believed in by the French it deserves our consideration. Follow- ing his shipwreck Ribaut determined to make for Fort Caroline, and after enduring many hardships he finally reached a point in its neighbourhood, as the sailor sup- posed, but really at Matanzas Inlet. Here he encamped, and sending one Vasseur with six men in an Indian canoe to reconnoitre, they presently returned with the distress- ing information that the Spanish flag was floating above Fort Caroline.' Ribaut at once recognised how desperate was his situation, with his men in danger of perishing by starvation and exposure, and sent two of his ofificers to sound the Spaniards, who the narrator supposed were at Fort Caroline, across the river. • De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 29 ; English translation of Fred. B. Per- kins in Narrative of Le Moyne, Boston, 1875, p. 22. Barcia {Ensayo, Ano MDLXVII., pp. 129, 130, 135) relates a similar story of an escaped French- man named Pedro Breu, subsequently taken by Aviles, and not recounted by Meras or Barrientos. "^ See Le Challeux's similiar statement that Ribaut sent a reconnoissance to Fort Caroline, " Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 474 and p, 195, in this volume. Barcia {Ensayo, Ano MDLXV., p. 84) says the party did not return to Ribaut, but escaped to Orista or Santa Elena on finding that Fort Caroline had fallen. He appears to iden- tify the party with the Frenchmen heard of by Aviles on his first visit to Guale. See p. 245 in this volume. 202 The Spanish Settlements " They went in a canoe with five or six soldiers, and, accord- ing to orders, showed themselves a good distance off. The Spaniards on seeing them, came in a boat to the other bank of the river, and held a parley with our men. The French asked what had become of the men left in the Fort? The Spaniards replied that their commander, who was a humane and clement person, had sent them all to France in a large ship abundantly supplied, and that they might say to Ribaut that he and his men should be used equally well." The French returned with this message, to which Ribaut too hastily gave credence. Urged on by the majority of his men to secure terms of surrender, although there were some who questioned its wisdom, he sent La Caille to the Spanish commander, with the orders that " if the latter should seem inclined to clemency, to ask in the name of the Lieutenant of the King of France, for a safe-con- duct, and to announce, that, if the Spanish leader would make oath to spare all their lives, they would come in and throw themselves at his feet. . . . Coming to the fort he [La Caille] was taken before the Commander, and, throwing him- self at his feet, delivered his message. Having heard La Caille through, he not only pledged his faith to La Caille in the terms suggested, and confirmed the pledge with many signs of the cross, and by kissing the Evangelists, but made oath in the presence of all his men, and drew up a writing sealed with his seal, repeating the oath, and promising that he would without fraud, faithfully, and like a gentleman and a man of honesty, preserve the lives of Ribaud and his men. All of this was handsomely written out, and given to La Caille." The assurance thus solemnly given " was joyfully received by some, while others did not entertain any great expectations from it. Ribaud, however, having made an excellent speech to his people, and all having joined in offering prayer to God, gave orders to proceed, and with The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 203 all his company came down to the bank of the river near the fort. Upon being seen by the Spanish sentinels, they were taken over in boats. Ribaud himself, and D'Ottigny, Lau- donniere's Lieutenant, were first led into the fort by them- selves; the rest were halted about a bowshot from the fort, and all were tied up in fours back to back; from which, and other indications, they quickly perceived that their lives were lost. Ribaud asked to see the Governor, to remind him of his promise; but he spoke to deaf ears. D'Ottigny, hearing the despairing cries of his men, appealed to the oath which had been taken, but they laughed at him. As Ribaud insisted on his application, a Spanish soldier finally came in, and asked in French if he were the commander, Ribaud. The answer was ' Yes.' The man asked again if Ribaud did not expect, when he gave an order to his soldiers, that they would obey ; to which he again said ' Yes. ' ' I propose to obey the orders of ray commander also,' replied the Spaniard; ' I am ordered to kill you,' and with that he thrust a dagger into his breast; and he killed D'Ottigny in the same way. When this was done, men were detailed to kill all the rest who had been tied up, by knocking them in the head with clubs and axes ; which they proceeded to do without delay, calling them meanwhile Lutherans, and enemies to God and the Virgin Mary. In this manner they were all most cruelly murdered in violation of an oath, except a drummer from Dieppe named Dronet, a fifer, [the narrator], and a fiddler named Masselin, who was kept alive to play for dancing." ' That same night Aviles returned to St. Augustine ; and when the event became known, there were some, even in that isolated garrison, living in constant dread of a de- scent by the French, who accounted him cruel, an opin- ion which his brother-in-law, Meras, the very man who helped to kill Ribaut, does not hesitate to record. And when the news eventually reached Spain, even there a vague rumour was afloat that there were those who ' Le Moyne in Brevis Narratio, pp. 27-29 ; English translation of Fred, B. Perkins in Narrative of Le Moyne, pp. 20-22. 204 The Spanish Settlements condemned Avil^s for perpetrating the massacre against his given word." Others among the settlers thought that he had acted as a good captain, because, with their small store of provisions, they considered that there would have been an imminent danger of their perishing by hunger had their numbers been increased by the Frenchmen, even had they been Catholics.' Don Bartolome Barrientos, Professor at the University of Salamanca, whose history was completed two years after the event, expresses still another phase of Spanish contemporary opinion : " He acted as an excellent inquisitor; for when asked if they were Catholics or Lutherans, they dared to proclaim them- selves publicly as Lutherans, without fear of God or shame before men; and thus he gave them that death which their in- solence deserved. And even in that he was very merciful in granting them a noble and honourable death, by cutting off their heads, when he could legally have burnt them alive. . . . He killed them, I think, rather by divine inspiration, than through any counsel of the human understanding, for he had no wish that his own people by touching pitch, should be defiled by it.'" Another curious side light upon the aspect in which these massacres presented themselves to those who were in frequent and long continued intercourse with Menen- dez, is furnished by an enquiry into his service to the King, accompanying a request for relief made in 1595, and addressed to the Crown by one of his sons-in-law. Five out of seven of the deponents in the enquiry men- tion Aviles's conquest of Florida and add in the most matter-of-fact way that he killed all of the French there. The striking feature in the statements is the entire ab- ' Fourquevaux to Charles IX., July 5, 1566, D^piches, p. 94. "^ Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 127 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antigtias Relaciones de la Florida, p. 70. ' " Heches " in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 72. The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 205 sence of all sectarian bitterness, and the evident inference that the killing was an action to be recorded to his credit along with the conquest of the country.' The motives which prompted Aviles in these deeds of blood must not be too rashly attributed exclusively to religious fanaticism, or to race hatred. The position subsequently taken by the Spanish Government in its relations with France to justify the crime turned on the large number of the French and the fewness of the Span- iards; the scarcity of provisions, and the absence of ships with which to transport them as prisoners. These rea- sons do not appear in the brief accounts contained in Men^ndez's letter of October 15, 1565, but some of them are explicitly stated by Barrientos, and even Mr. Park- man * feels constrained to admit the danger to which the Spaniards would have been exposed by the preponderance in numbers of the French had they been spared. It is quite probable that Men^ndez clearly perceived the great risk he would run in granting the Frenchmen their lives and in retaining so large a body of prisoners in the midst of his colonists; that it would be a severe strain upon his supply of provisions and seriously hamper the dividing up of his troops into small garrisons for the forts which he contemplated erecting at different points along the coast. In arriving at his sanguinary solution of the diffi- culty, he probably thanked God that they were "Luther- ans," and that in fulfilling the counsels of prudence he could also execute the divine will upon heretics.^ ' See " Informacion de algunos servicios prestados por el Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles, Mexico, 3 de Abril de 1595." in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 590. Testimony of Sebastian de Arguelles, pp. 594, 59S ; of Grauiel de Riuera, pp. 601. 603 ; of Augustin Espinola, pp. 607, 608; of Gonzalo Menendez de Valdes, pp. 611, 612; of Antonio Garcia Vasalenque, pp. 614-617. * Pioneers of France in the New World, Boston, 1893, p. 150. ^ See Appendix Q, The Situation of Aviles at the Time of the Massacre. In connection with these massacres by Menendez Professor E. G. Bourne i 2o6 The Spanish Settlements Philip's comment on the event was characteristic. On the back of a dispatch from Aviles in Havana, of October 12, 1565, there appears in his well-known handwriting: "As to those he has killed he has done well, and as to those he has saved, they shall be sent to the galleys." In the letter of May 12, 1566, written in accordance with these instructions, and conveying Philip's approval, he said: "And as for the judgment you have executed upon the Lutheran corsairs, who have sought to occupy and fortify that country, to sow in it their evil sect, and to continue from there the robberies and injuries which they have committed and are still committing, wholly contrary to the service of God and of me, we believe that you have acted with entire justification and prudence, and we hold that we have been well served." ' In his official utterances in justification of the massacre Philip laid perhaps a greater stress upon the contamina- tion which heresy might have wrought among the natives than upon the invasion of his dominions. But in con- sidering the various motives which may have prompted his approval of the ghastly massacre, one should not forget that when, seventeen years later, measures were under way in England for the sending of a Roman Catho- lic colony to Florida, Philip's ambassador, Mendoza, in- formed the leaders that in the event of such an undertaking in his " Spain in America" {The American Nation, A History, vol. iii., p. 186), very appositely calls attention to the massacre of the English at Am- boyna by the Dutch in 1623, and to Cromwrell's massacre of the Irish at Drogheda in 1649. Cromwell, who in his own words believed himself to be executing the " righteous judgement of God," relates in his dispatch that "when they submitted, their officers were knocked on the head [and], every tenth man of the soldiers killed." ' Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World, Boston, 1893, p. 150 ; Philip II. to Aviles, May 12, 1566, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 362. The letter is also given in Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXVL, p. 116. The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 207 *'they would at once have their heads cut off, as was done to the French, who went with Jean Ribaut." ' On his return to St. Augustine Avil^s wrote to the King a somewhat cursory account of the preceding events and summarised the results in the following language: " The other people with Ribaut, some seventy or eighty in all, took to the forest, refusing to surrender unless I grant them their lives. These and twenty others who escaped from the fort, and fifty who were captured by the Indians, from the ships which were wrecked, in all one hundred and fifty per- sons, rather less than more, are [all] the French alive to-day in Florida, dispersed and flying through the forest, and captive with the Indians. And since they are Lutherans and in order that so evil a sect shall not remain alive in these parts, I will conduct myself in such wise, and will so incite my friends, the Indians, on their part, that in five or six weeks very few if any will remain alive. And of a thousand French with an armada of twelve sail who had landed when I reached these provinces, only two vessels have escaped, and those very miserable ones, with some forty or fifty persons in them." " And so it was that Avil^s purged Florida of the French and of heresy. ' " Copia de carta descifrada de Don Bernardino de Mendoza, Londres a II de Julio de 1582," Correspondencia de Felipe II., etc., tomo v., p. 397. English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1580-1586, III., Elizabeth, p. 349- ''Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, 'R.M.idiia.z, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 103. BOOK II THE SPANISH COLONY 209 Sf S-mons Sound Cnlr^at dt <: JekyI I «na« or a»"tn»i Sr Andrews Sound Bnfom dt lhi"'*"ai CumbtrlBnd 1 T/iroi^iurv 4«» (^dro land Sound fnr^ dp Sc'a FLORIDA 1562-1574 Compiled by "WbodbuTy Lorwery Spamah. andPreTicK names are in. red. BOOK II THE SPANISH COLONY CHAPTER I THE AYS EXPEDITION. AVILl^S AT HAVANA FOR the moment the cool judgment of Avil^s seemed almost carried away by his success, and he dreamed dreams of extending the empire of his master over the entire northern continent. In the same letter which conveyed the announcement of the two massacres, he wrote Philip II. : " Considering these lands to be of so great an extent and the climate so good, and the injury and disturbance which enemies and corsairs can cause them every day, and how they can possess themselves of the countries to the North of here, near Newfoundland, where they are masters by violence, and can easily maintain themselves, the following is what should be done in every particular." ' First of all, he proposed to run down the coast of the peninsula and visit the Florida Keys in search of a suit- able harbour where he could construct a fort to protect the seaboard from enterprises such as he had attributed to ' Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 93. 211 212 The Spanish Settlements Ribaut in conjunction with the English/ Having garri- soned it with reinforcements from Havana, he expected to be back at St. Augustine and San Mateo by the be- ginning of April. He then proposed to ascend the coast as far as Chesapeake Bay, which he called the Bay of Santa Maria in 37°, constructing a fort there and another at Santa Elena. He had formed a notion that an arm of the sea ex- tended in a south-westerly direction from Newfoundland and terminated at the foot of a range of mountains eighty leagues inland to the north of the Chesapeake, and that one of the north-western branches of the bay, possibly the Potomac, was the much-sought-for passage to the Pacific. For this reason he dwelt upon the great im- portance of controlling the bay, which in his mind not only defended the approach to Mexico, but also com- manded the pathway of commerce with China and the Moluccas." Prudential reasons also entered into this part of his plan, and he was in haste to put it into effect for fear of the return of Jacques Ribaut the following year.' He also proposed to establish a fort and garrison in the Bay of Juan Ponce which he vaguely confounded with Appalachee Bay, and to found a settlement at Co^a in 38° or 39° "at the foot of the mountains which come ' See p. 96 in this volume. ' It is difficult to understand from Menendez's letter what was the par- ticular conformation he attributed to North America. Possibly he enter- tained the idea that it tapered to a narrow neck in the vicinity of Chesapeake Bay, connecting the more northerly portion with a somewhat similar exten- sion of the continent to the south, such as we see in the Vesconte Maiollo map of 1527, and in the Novcb Insula of Ptolemy's Geographia Universalis of 1540. " It seems clear," writes Mr. Parkman, " that Menendez believed that Chesapeake Bay communicated with the St. Lawrence, and thence with Newfoundland on the one hand, and the South Sea on the oX^xqx'" {Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 149, note). » Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 93-95, 100, loi ; Dec. 5, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 121 ; Dec. 25, 1565, z^' The whole tone of Laudonniere's relation subsequent to the loss of Fort Caroline shows a defensive attitude and a disposition to exculpate himself from blame for the catastrophe. ^ Histoire Notable, Basanier, p. 112 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 521. 314 The French Revenge 315 fort and kept under guard for fear lest he should take flight to his own countrymen. He returned with Laudon- ni^re to France, and upon arriving at Moulins at once became a tool of Alava, who used him to ferret out the designs of the defeated Frenchmen.' On reaching Moulins Laudonni(ire found Jacques Ri- baut the hero of the hour and himself the scapegoat for the disaster which had overtaken the French colony. Ribaut had improved the interval between his own arrival and that of Laudonni^re to cast the responsibility of the defeat on the latter, and in the conferences which took place at the house of the Admiral Laudonni&re was censured for his neglect in the defence of Fort Caroline, his failure to maintain a suflficient garrison when he could have procured at least two hundred men for its defence, and his, carelessness in allowing himself to be surprised during his sleep. At these meetings, which were conducted with the greatest secrecy, the Florida disaster filled all mouths, and the talk was already of vengeance and of the sinking of all Spanish ships that should be encountered.' A number of French adventurers, including Laudonnifere, Ribaut, and Sandoval,' the piratical governor of Belle- Isle-en-Mer, off the Brittany coast, a man of considerable wealth in ships and in moneys which he had obtained by plundering Spanish commerce, were among the chief con- spirators.' Laudonni^re's interpreter was caressed and cajoled and taken to see the Queen, where in her presence and that of the Cardinal de Bourbon he was made to confirm the French reports, and give them what informa- tion he could concerning the gold and pearls that were ' Alava to Perez, March i8, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1505 (82). 2 Alava to Philip II., Jan. 19, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (67). 3 See also Alava to Philip II., March 23, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (95) ; April 28, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (96). * Alava to Perez, March 18, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (82). 3i6 The Spanish Settlements found in Florida and of its capacity for the cultivation of the vine and of wheat.' These mutterings, of which Alava was informed through Laudonni^re's interpreter, and which the ambassador faithfully reported to his master, could not but alarm Philip, whose suspicions were now aroused so that he looked upon every movement of the French as a covert vengeance, big with further designs upon Florida." En- veja was therefore sent to remonstrate with Catherine against the machinations of Sandoval and his compan- ions.' To the complaint of Philip's agent Catherine laughingly replied that she did not see how Laudonnifere, who was so poor that she had herself given him fifty crowns, or Ribaut, who, on his arrival, had been ignorant of the massacre, could be arming ships against Florida. As for the interpreter, he was but a poor beggar who had been cared for in the Moulins hospital out of pure charity, and whom she had never seen." Alava also had an audi- ence with the Queen with the object of learning what designs she was harbouring. Meanwhile the rumours of French preparations continued, and now began to assume a more definite shape and to centre about Montluc,' who was in reality preparing for his attack upon Madeira, with the object of punishing the Portuguese, whom Fourquevaux had accused of assisting Men^ndez in his conquest of Florida.' But so haunted was Spain by the one idea of a French descent in that region that she con- tinued to attribute to every ship that sailed from a French ' Alava to Philip II., March 23, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (95). 2 Philip II. to Alava, March 29, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (86). 3 Alava to Philip II., March 23, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (95). * Precis d'une reponse donnee par la Reine mere de France au D*"* Enveja, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (59). 5 Alava to Philip II., April 21. 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (93) ; April 28, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (96). ^ Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 255. The French Revenge 317 port, and to every gathering of French seamen, some secret design against her territory. During the month of May Alava was at last in a posi- tion to assure Philip of his firm conviction that Florida was safe for that year. The information carried with it every evidence of being authoritative, for it came from a man whose opportunities for learning the most intimate councils of the adventurers appeared to be beyond dis- pute. After a short stay at Moulins, Laudonni6re had left the Court at so low an ebb in his pocket that, as we have seen, Catherine had given him money to pay for his food. The accusations of incompetency heaped upon him by his former companions in arms had soured his soul, and the commander of the second French expedition to Florida had finally come to Alava in Paris and had offered his services to the Spanish King. Some qualms of conscience still possessed him at the unworthy office to which he was aspiring, and Alava found it necessary to hold out to him the hope of securing an appointment in Philip's employ, but in the meantime Laudonniere assured the ambassador that no fleet would sail for Florida during that year, especially as the news had reached the French of the departure of Arciniega with a large complement of men to the assistance of Aviles.' Meanwhile the indignation in France had reached the highest possible pitch.' Following their return home, Ribaut, Laudonnibre, and Le Challeux, whose account, published in May, went through two editions in the same year,' had disseminated abroad, and more particularly among the friends and relatives of the murdered French, 'Alava to Philip II., May 7, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1505 (98); May 19, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (loi). "Fourquevaux to Charles IX., August 18, 1566, D^pkhes, p. 105. and see all of his correspondence as well as that of Alava. La Reprise de la Floride . . . par M. Ph. Tamizey de Larroque, Bordeaux, 1867, p. 27. 2 Gaflarel, Hist, de la Floride Francaise, p. 339. 3i8 The Spanish Settlements their version of the massacre, and had stirred the deepest feelings of anger and hatred against the Spaniards. A deputation of the widows of the victims went to Paris, probably during the month of May, and raised such an outcry in the city that it had called for a Spanish protest.' This was followed by a second deputation of one hundred and twenty widows, who journeyed all the way from Normandy to Paris during the month of August to ad- dress the Queen on the same subject." It is probable that at this time was published the stirring and passionate "Petition to the King Charles IX. in the form of a com- plaint by the widowed women and orphaned children, relatives, and friends of his subjects, who were slain in the said country of Florida." ' But though the hearts of both Catherine and her son were in keen sympathy with those of their outraged subjects and burning with a like indignation,* their interests were so involved with those of Spain that they had been compelled to give the depu- tation an unfriendly reception and to send the widows back to their homes in order not to appear to counten- ance a public demonstration against their ally.^ It was an inglorious situation for the Most Christian Queen. The massacre of her subjects had been like a stab in the back, to which she was compelled to submit without even lifting her hand, and Catherine sought what relief she could find for her outraged feelings in continued and repeated complaints in which she persistently dwelt upon the unusual cruelty of Philip's action and pressed ' Alava to Philip II., June 5, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1506 (5). «Alava to Philip II., Aug. 23, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1506 (39). The date of their arrival at Paris was August 19th. * See p. 426, in this volume. 4 See Alava to Philip II,, April 21, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1505 (93); April 28, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (96); May 7, 1566, MS,, ibid., K, 1505 (98). 5 Alava to Philip II., April 21, 1566, MS,, ibid., K, 1505 (93); Resume des lettres de Fran9ois de Alava, Feb. 13-Apr, 9, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1507 (104) ; Alava to Philip II., Aug. 23, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1506 (39). The French Revenge 319 her demand for the punishment of Avil^s. But Philip was too assured of her weakness to give the slightest weight to her protests, meeting them at first with the same arguments which had been already presented, and then with that policy of procrastination of which he was a master. No means were left untried to work upon Philip, and Catherine sent Fourquevaux to her daughter, who informed her mother that she "did not think that the slaughter of your subjects would be so bitterly felt" ; nearly burst into tears "for fear some change should intervene between the two Kings," and finally promised to urge Philip to "execute justice upon murderers who had exceeded their commission by so execrable a massa- cre." Three days later, the Spanish Queen informed the ambassador that she had spoken to her husband, and had shown him the contents of Catherine's letter, to which his answer had been that his armada had not gone to Florida until after he had first notified Charles and Cath- erine; that he could not tolerate the usurpation of his territories by any nation in the world, and least of all by the adversaries and enemies of his religion. In the audience with Philip which followed this com- munication from the Queen, Fourquevaux went over his conversation with the Duke of Alba, and Alava's repre- sentations to Catherine and her response, observing that during the forty-one years he had borne arms, in the course of which the two Crowns had been frequently at war with each other, "so execrable a deed had never occurred "; reiterated the assertion that the French had gone to the Tcrre dcs Bretons; demanded the punishment of Avil^s, and, seeking to touch Philip in the interests which he had most at heart, observed that "it was the best news in the world for the Huguenots, to find that where the French Sovereigns had looked for friend- ship and alliance and assistance in all of their great under- takings, their subjects had been murdered, overthrown. 320 The Spanish Settlements and hunted out." This should have been the most tell- ing of Fourquevaux's arguments, for French sentiment was outraged at the insult irrespective of party.' Philip answered that if he had allowed such an inva- sion of his dominions it would have encouraged the natives to rebel and rendered the country uninhabitable for Spaniards ; that he could suffer no descent of foreign- ers upon the Florida coast because it was the most im- portant locality in the Indies for the navigation of his vessels; that France had been warned beforehand at Bayonne ; that the French in Florida had captured and sunk Spanish vessels ; that Aviles was too weak to have held so large a body of Frenchmen prisoners, and that it had been set down in the treaties of peace that each party should kill pirates, for which reason there was no occasion to have summoned the French before the attack on Fort Caroline. Fourquevaux insisted that they bore patents from the Admiral who represented the person of the King, but Philip put him off with the remark that he would con- sult with the Duke of Alba. "But I am convinced that it was to get rid of me," writes the ambassador in his dis- patch, "for the said Duke will never contradict himself, for it is said that he advised the massacre of all those who should be found in the said Florida, if there were no bet- ter way. ' ' With a covert threat that not in Spain only were there ministers eager for war, Fourquevaux ended the colloquy and took his leave. His interview with Alba, which took place the following morning, was a mere repetition of that with the King, and Fourquevaux, finally convinced of Philip's inflexible determination to maintain his haughty attitude, wrote Catherine that "there could be no hope of any reparation of the said massacre." " The interview between Fourquevaux and Philip had occurred during the first week in April, and throughout »Alavato Philip II., Sept. i, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1506(44). * Fourquevaux to Catherine de' Medici, April 9, 1566, D^pickes, p. 69. The French Revenge 321 the following months the controversy dragged slowly along, once stimulated by the sending of a memorial by Charles and Catherine,' and at other times by occasional returns to the subject in Fourquevaux's audiences with Philip.'' Only in December, ten months after the incep- tion of the negotiations, came a formal reply of the Spanish Government to the French complaints, a not unexpected delay, for Ruy Gomez, Prince of EboH, whom Fourquevaux had visited in the pleasant Bosque de Segovia, under the shadow of the mountains, had told him "that it was the custom of this Court to proceed slowly in all matters, and with great negligence or de- lay." ' The Spanish reply is a brief paragraph only, and as it practically brought the issue to a close, it is here transcribed in full because it affords a complete and accurate summary of the Spanish attitude and is notable for the absence of any reference to the religious aspect of the question. The words read: "To all the articles which treat of the Florida incident there is little new to answer other than what has been previously said, that the Adelantado, Pero Men^ndez de Avil^s did not chastise the men he found there as vassals of the Most Christian King, but as pirates and infractors of the public peace, having possessed themselves of that country, which so properly and rightly belongs to his Catholic Majesty, as is understood, and therefore there can be no doubt that, given the prudence and sense of justice of the Most Christian King, he will be satisfied once for all with what is here said, since it is the unvarnished truth." * ' " Memoire envoyee par Charles IX. et Catherine de Medicis k Fourque- vaux," May 12, 1566, in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 437. 'Fourquevaux to Charles IX., July 5, 1566, D/peckes, p. 93; Aug. 11, 1566, ibid., p. 103; Aug. 18, 1566, ibid., p. 104; same to Catherine de' Medici, Aug. 23, 1566, ibid., p. Il6. ^Fourquevaux to Catherine de' Medici, Aug. 23, 1566, Dipeches, p. 116. * " La pura verdad." " Reponse du Roi Catholique," Dec, 1566, D^eches, p. 163. k 322 The Spanish Settlements One point, however, was achieved. The women and the children under fourteen years of age taken at Fort Caroline, to the number of forty-eight in all, who had been sent to Santiago de Cuba, were set at liberty, and the balance of the French prisoners were to be forwarded to the Casa de Contrataci6n at Seville and to be detained there until their cause had been heard.' This was fol- lowed in the course of two months by the release of at least one of the men who had been captured at the fort.' Notwithstanding the submissive attitude of the French Government and the chilling reception which it gave to the public demonstrations of the widows and orphans of the Florida victims, the annual treasure fleet delayed its sailing through fear of the French,' and Catherine con- tinued in her favourable attitude towards Coligny." With the successful outcome of Montluc's descent upon Madeira in conjunction with the English, the hope for vengeance was revived, and "the pirates, openly favoured, moved freely about the towns, * ' where none dared forbid them in spite of the King's order to apprehend them.' Their activity on the high seas was continued with unabated vigour, and some of them, like Captain Mymy, of La Rochelle, and Sandoval, of Belle-Isle-en-Mer, wreaked ' Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Feb. 22, 1566, Ddptches, p. 61, where he says there were 30 women and 18 children. " Reponse du Roi Catho- lique," Dec, 1566, ibid., p. 163. In the " Plaintes et Suppliques de I'Ambassadeur de France au Roi d'Espagne, Philippe II.," July 20, 1566, fol. 3, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1506 (23), and in "Memento pour I'Ambassadeur de France en Espagne," June 10, 1568, MS., ibid., K, 1506 (104), there is mention of 8 men and some children at Puerto Rico and Santo Domingo, « Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Feb. 13, 1567, D^peches, p. 179 ; Feb. 23, 1567, ibid., p. 186. 3 Fourquevaux to Charles IX., July 5, 1566, D^p^ches, p. 97. 4 Alava to Philip II., June 5, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1506 (5). ■^Alava to Philip II., Nov. 20, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1506 (80); Nov. 26, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1506 (81); Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Feb. 23, 1567, Dipeches, p. 182. The French Revenge 323 their vengeance on the unfortunate Spaniards by drown- ing the crews of the vessels they captured.' With the opening of 1567 Fourquevaux, who during the early stage of the negotiations had advised his mas- ters of what little he could learn concerning the poverty and destitution of the Spanish settlements in Florida and the ease with which the French could overcome them/ now wrote that the Florida garrisons had risen several times against Avil^s and had even attempted to kill him ' ; that the soldiers, driven to desperation by starvation and the failure of their pay, had scattered abroad through the country, and were thought to have fallen victims to the Indians; that but one hundred men remained in the fort, thirty of whom were Frenchmen saved from the wreck of Ribaut, who had pledged them- selves to Men^ndez ; that Fort Caroline had been burnt to the ground and that Avil^s had gone to the Canaries, where he was awaiting the arrival of two companies of foot soldiers from Seville/ Although Aviles at the time of this writing was actually at Havana, the account was substantially correct. The time was so opportune for giving vent to the pent-up spirit of revenge which was still slumbering in the bosom of every honest Frenchman that it seems more than a mere coincidence that at this 'Fourquevaux to Charles IX., 1566? MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1507 (4) ; Raport du Docteur Enveja sur la situation des choses en France au moment de son depart pour revenir en Espagne, Feb. 22, 1567, MS., idid., K, 1507 (61); Fourquevaux to Charles IX., March 24, 1567, Depeches, p. 193 ; Eraso to Philip II., May 13, 1567, MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xxi., Doc. No. 81 ; Alava to Philip II., Aug. 3, 1567, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1508 (42); Aug. 12, 1567, MS., ibid., K, 1508 (45) ; Aug. 19, 1567, MS., ibid., K, 1508 (47) ; Aug. 25, 1567, MS., ibid., K, 1508 (49); Aug. 28. 1567, yi'a.,ibid., K, 1508 (50); Catherine de' Medici to Alava, Aug. 30, 1567, MS., ibid., K, 1508 (51). ** Fourquevaux to Charles IX., April 30, 1566, DJpeches, p. 81. ^Fontanedo in his "Memoria," Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo v., p. 540, mentions the plot of a Basque to sell Aviles to the Indians. * Fourquevaux to Catherine de* Medici, Jan. 4, 1567, Depeches, p. 159. 324 The Spanish Settlements very moment when the hour was found the man had also presented himself. There is not a scrap of evidence that has yet been produced to connect Gourgues with this timely warning addressed to the French sovereigns, but he himself says that "in the beginning of the year 1567 . . . [he] resolved to go to Florida to attempt to re- venge the insult offered to the King and to all France." ' If the French Queen and her royal son actually did lend their aid to the enterprise, there were the weightiest of political reasons why their participation should have been kept profoundly secret. Dominique de Gourgues was born at Mont de Marsan, in the Landes, about 1530.' He came of a distinguished Roman Catholic family, and was himself in all probabil- ity of the Roman Catholic religion." He had seen service in Italy, where he had been captured by the Spaniards, and had served them chained to the bank of one of their galleys,* and he now set about collecting a small fleet with which to punish the affront put upon his country- men. Although conducted with the greatest secrecy, it appears that these preparations did not entirely escape the sharp eyes of the Spanish agent. Dr. Enveja, who informed his Government in February that the French, • La Reprise de la Floride . . publiee par M. Ph. Tamizey de Larroque, Paris, Bordeaux, 1867, p. 29. 2 Gaffarel, Histoire de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 263. 3M. le Vicomte A. de Gourgues in the Bulletin du Comity d' ArcUologie de la Province EccUsiastique d'Auch, 1861, tome ii., pp. 466-490, estab- lishes that Gourgues's Protestantism is not mentioned by early historians, but is first asserted by Haag in 1853. That both his parents were Roman Catholics ; that his brother, who aided the expedition, was a Roman Catholic; that Gourgues's intimacies and affiliations were with the Roman Catholics and that he was subsequently employed by the King against them. While the Vicomte does not absolutely establish that Gourgues was not of the Reformed religion, he certainly creates a very strong presumption that he was a Roman Catholic. Writers who accept the evidence as conclusive have gone too far. * Gaffarel, Histoire de la Floride Francaise, p. 264. The French Revenge 325 whose "dissimulation, malice, deceit, and treachery had never reached so high a pitch as at that moment," were equipping another fleet "for the slave trade, under colour of which they are arming to commit robberies . for they bear the Florida affair as fresh before their eyes as if it had occurred to-day."' The true object of Gourgues's expedition had evidently escaped him, for its apparent purpose was the slave trade, as Enveja had re- ported, and its real destination was not revealed, even to the crew, until the vessels were well on their way." Gourgues was largely assisted in his preparations by his brother Ogicr,^ who had served as prisoner in the Spanish galleys during the Florentine war, and he set sail August 2d from Bordeaux in a large vessel of not more than two hundred and fifty tons and two smaller ones of one hundred and twenty and of fifty tons respectively, with a complement of one hundred arquebusiers and eighty sailors, all well armed. So cautious was he that his commission made no mention of Florida, but author- ised him to visit the African coast in order to make war on the negroes. Forced by contrary winds to put into the mouth of the Charente, he did not finally leave the coast of France until the 22nd of August. The first ren- dezvous was on the Barbary coast, whence Gourgues sailed to Cape Blanco, where he had two encounters with the negro chiefs, incited to attack him by the Portu- guese, who had a stronghold in that vicinity. From ' Raport du Docteur Enveja sur la situation des choses en France, etc., Feb. 22, 1567, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1507 (61). ^ Dr. Shea (in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 297) states : " That Gourgues was merely a slaver is evident from this full French account." He overlooks the existing relations between the French and Spanish Gov- ernments and the treatment openly accorded the widows of the Florida victims by their own Government, which rendered a subterfuge of primary importance. *Barcia, Ensayo, Afio MDLXVII., p. 133, Bulletin du Comitd d' Arch^' ologie de la Pt-omnce Eccldsiastique d'Auch, tome ii., p. 479. 326 The Spanish Settlements there he ran to the West Indies and visited the islands of Dominica, Puerto Rico, Mona, and Santo Domingo. In the West Indies he was delayed by bad weather and drove a little trade with the natives in order to revictual his ships." A long time must have been spent in wandering among the West Indies, for the following year had already set in, when, off Cape San Antonio, at the western end of Cuba, Gourgues assembled his people and finally declared to them the real object of his enterprise, and by the light of a full moon the fleet, increased by two small vessels, which he had probably captured during his voyage, entered the Straits of Florida and soon discovered the shore. While he was coasting along to the north the Spaniards at St. Augustine discovered the ships and fired a gun to inform them of the vicinity of a harbour and a settlement in case they were Spaniards, and to warn them off if they proved to be pirates. Gourgues replied to the signal, which he interpreted to be a salute, but, fearing discovery, he at once put out from shore and did not re- turn till the night had fallen, when he landed on an island within fifteen leagues of San Mateo. His good fortune had favoured him, for the island was that of Taca- tacuru," where Father Martinez and Captain Pedro de la Rando with his company had been killed by the Indians, and whose chief was a close ally of the warlike Saturiba. Gourgues found the Indians drawn up under arms along ' Dr. Shea {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 2S0) says he sold the slaves he had captured on the African coast. As Dr. Shea in his notes {ibid., p. 297) says " there are no Spanish accounts whatever " of Gourgues's expedition, and bases his own account on the Reprise de la Floride, in which there is no mention of any such traffic, it would be interesting to know on what authority he makes the statement. Neither is there any mention of a trade in slaves in Barcia quoted by Dr. Shea. It is true that the relation in La Reprise arouses the suspicion that such may have been the case, but not to the extent to admit of so positive a statement as he makes. * See Appendix AA, Tacatacuru. The French Revenge 327 the shore to prevent his landing. He had brought with him a trumpeter, who, having been in that region with the French colony when Fort Caroline was built, spoke the native language. He sent the trumpeter ashore, and as soon as the latter was recognised by the natives the French were allowed to land and were received with the greatest demonstrations of joy. Gourgues, who was in ignorance of the hostile attitude the natives had assumed towards the Spaniards, did not at once disclose his projects to them, but, by tactful questions and suggestions, sought to learn their temper and to what extent he could rely upon their support in his designs upon the fort. Friendly and at last confiden- tial relations were speedily established, for the natives attempted no disguise of their hatred of the Spaniards; and when Gourgues, having ascertained their disposition, finally revealed to them his purpose to deliver them from the tyranny of their oppressors, he found them ready and anxious to render him all of the assistance in their power. Saturiba, who with other chiefs visited the French on the day following their arrival, presented Gourgues with a French lad, sixteen years old, named Pierre Debray,' who was found in the woods by the Indians after the cap- ture of Fort Caroline, and had been brought up by them. From Debray Gourgues learned of the situation of the two blockhouses at the mouth of the St. John's, and, having sent a party to reconnoitre them, directed the Indians to prepare for the attack. In the course of three days the scouting party re- turned, and Saturiba, having assembled his forces, de- parted by night for the mouth of a river which the French thought was the Alimacany, where he was re- joined at daybreak by Gourgues in two boats with all of his soldiers and sixty sailors. Francois Lague was left in charge of the ships, which he was to put in condition for ' Probably the Pedro Breu of Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXVIIL, p. 135. L 328 The Spanish Settlements an immediate departure. Crossing the river the march was continued from eight o'clock in the morning until five in the evening, through the marshes and water, to the river Sarabay,' Gourgues carrying his cuirass on his back. At the river he was reinforced by three more parties of Indians, and learning that the blockhouses were now but two leagues distant, he determined to recon- noitre them in person, although he had eaten nothing during the entire day. Crossing the river with a little company of soldiers he again waded through marshes, and creeks, and in great darkness, to the neighbourhood of the first fort, where he was halted by a small stream rendered impassable by the rising tide. Greatly disap- pointed, for he had hoped to begin the attack on the following morning, he was retracing his steps when an Indian offered to conduct him to the neighbourhood of the fort by a longer but better path along the shore. With- out giving his weary soldiers time to rest, he set out again with his entire force, marched all night, and at daybreak came out at the creek again. The tide was full, and on the failure of his men to discover a ford, he was obliged to abandon his intention of surprising the Spaniards dur- ing their sleep, and withdrew to a neighbouring wood to wait for low water. He had scarcely reached the wood when it began to rain so hard that with the greatest dif^- culty his soldiers could keep their matches alight. With the increasing daylight Gourgues observed that the intrenchments about the blockhouse had been just begun, and he soon saw the Spaniards at work on the fort, which caused him some anxiety lest his presence had been discovered. At ten o'clock the tide had fallen sufificiently to allow the passage of the creek, and select- ing a spot where a grove of trees intervened between the creek and the fort and concealed the approach, the men 1 Parkman suggests Talbot Inlet, Pioneers of France in the New World, Boston, 1893, p. 168. The French Revenge 329 waded across, with the water waist-deep, their ammuni- tion tied to their morions, and carrying their arquebuses and matches in one hand and their swords in the other. Most of the men had their shoes cut through and their feet wounded by the sharp edges of the oyster shells which covered the bed of the creek. Behind the grove they re-formed, still unperceived by the Spaniards, who were peacefully digging for water. A lieutenant was told off with a party of soldiers and sailors who carried fire- pots and fire-lances with which to burn down the door of the fort, and Gourgues made them a brief harangue. Pointing to the fort, which was visible between the trees, he exclaimed: "Yonder are the thieves who have stolen this land from our King. Yonder are the murderers who have massacred our French. On ! on ! let us avenge our King ! let us show that we are Frenchmen ! " And he at once commanded his lieutenant to attack the entrance with his company, while he with the remainder of his troops advanced to a low platform alongside of the fort, where there was the beginning of a trench. The Spaniards had just dined, "and were still picking their teeth," says the account, which M. Larroque attri- butes to Gourgues himself.' A Spanish gunner had as- cended the platform, when he suddenly perceived the French approaching head down and with long strides. ' ' To arms ! to arms !" he shouted. ' ' Here are the French, and he let fly at them twice with a big culverin which stood upon the terrace towards which Gourgues had directed his attack. As he was about to load it for the third time, Olotoraca," an Indian chief who had attached himself to Gourgues and served him as guide, sprang upon the platform and transfixed the gunner with his pike. The Spaniards, who had rushed to arms at the ' La Reprise de la Floride, p. I2. *Gatschet in his Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, vol. i., p. 62 says that the Creek olataraca signifies "great leader." 330 The Spanish Settlements first alarm, now poured out of the fort, still uncertain whether to fight or to retreat. Then Gourgues's lieuten- ant, fearing they would slip through his fingers, called out to the Captain that they were escaping, and Gourgues, who with his men had already reached the terrace, which he was about to ascend, turned to one side, and the un- fortunate Spaniards found themselves caught between the two bands. Not one of the sixty members of the garri- son escaped death except those who were captured. "As many as possible were taken alive, by Captain Gourgues's order, to do to them what they had done to the FreJich," continues the account. The fort taken, Gourgues immediately turned his atten- tion to the second fort, which had greatly impeded the attack by keeping up a continual artillery fire from across the river. The French had discovered four pieces of artillery in the blockhouse, one of which, the culverin which had been fired at their approach, was marked with the armorial bearing of Henry II., having probably been captured from the French at the time of the massacre, and the sight of it only served to increase their irritation. These guns they trained on the second fort, while Gourgues, crossing the St. John's, took up a position be- tween the blockhouse and a grove of trees, close at hand, to which he thought the Spaniards would attempt to escape in order to retreat to Fort Mateo, which was but a league distant. According to the French account Gourgues had scarcely touched the other shore, when his Indian allies, unable longer to restrain their impatience and wait for the boat, plunged into the stream, swimming with one arm and carrying their bows aloft with the other. At the sight of such numbers, the Spaniards, greatly ter- rified and altogether unable to discern between the white men and the savages, took flight for the woods, where they found themselves caught between the Indians and the French. In their panic the fugitives were all mercilessly The French Revenge 331 slaughtered except some fifteen, which Gourgues, with great difficulty, succeeded in saving alive, in order to mete out to them the same fate which he had reserved for the prisoners taken at the first fort. Las Alas with much greater probability relates that when the Spaniards in the second blockhouse had seen the slaughter of their companions and had exhausted their ammunition in firing at the French across the river, they spiked their guns and withdrew to St. Augustine. The date of this victory was April 1 2th, the eve of Quasimodo, the first Sunday after Easter.' Returning to the first blockhouse, Gourgues fortified his position and rested over Sunday, while he considered how he should next proceed against San Mateo. From one of his prisoners he learned the plan of the fort and the size of the rampart, and had eight ladders made of sufficient height to scale it. Monday he captured a Spanish spy disguised as an Indian, who had been sent out by Nufiez to learn what the French were about. Interrogated by Gourgues, the spy informed him that the Spanish garrison did not exceed two hundred men, and were so surprised that they were at a loss what to do, for the French had been reported to them as two thousand strong. So encouraged was Gourgues by this informa- tion that he immediately began his preparations for the attack. The blockhouse was placed in charge of a cap- tain with fifteen soldiers, and the following night the Indians were stationed in ambuscade around San Mateo, Vvhile he himself set out in the morning with part of his men, and with the prisoner, who had given him the de- scription, and the spy tied together to conduct him to the fort, and to verify their statements. The garrison at San Mateo, however, were not as entirely unprepared as the Spanish spy had led Gourgues to believe. On seeing the strange vessels put out to sea ' Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 295. 332 The Spanish Settlements in place of entering the harbour in reply to his signal Las Alas had advised Nunez of their presence, warned him to be on his guard against a descent of the pirates, for such he took them to be, and had sent the garrison a boat- load of provisions. Sunday following the capture of the two blockhouses he had despatched two soldiers by land to Outina, from where with half a dozen Indians they were to reach San Mateo by river and deliver a second letter of warning to Nunez and the commander, Castellon ; but this reinforcement was destined to arrive too late.' On approaching San Mateo the garrison soon discovered the French and opened upon them with their artillery, which commanded the banks of the river. Gourgues as- cended the wooded hill at the foot of which the fort was situated, perhaps the very height from which Le Challeux had looked back and seen the massacre of his companions in the court. Advancing amidst the trees, which con- cealed and protected him from the Spaniards, he drew as close to the fort as he wished, where he halted, intending to attack it the following morning. But the impatient Spaniards could brook no delay and made a sortie with sixty soldiers to reconnoitre his forces. It was a fatal mistake. From his commanding position Gourgues saw them advance along the trench, crouching low to escape observation. He at once sent his lieutenant with twenty men to place themselves in their rear, between them and the fort, and then charged them in person, having ordered his troops to hold their fire until they were close to the enemy, and then to draw their swords. On reaching the foot of the hill where the French were concealed, the Spaniards were received with a volley, and then fol- lowed a hand-to-hand combat in which the French used their swords so well that the Spaniards turned to withdraw ' See Appendix BB, The Spanish Account of Gourgues's Attack on Saa Mateo. The French Revenge 333 into the fort ; but their retreat was cut off by the lieuten- ant and they were all slain. On seeing the reception their comrades had met with, those who had remained in the fort attempted to escape into the forest only to fall a prey to the Indians, by whom they were shot down and cut to pieces. Gourgues, who had followed after them, succeeded in saving a few of them alive, but the majority were killed, with the ex- ception of the commander, and several of his com- panions, who finally managed to make their escape,' cutting their way through with their swords. A large quantity of arms was found in the captured fort; but a fatality seemed to haunt the place, and for the second time the magazines and houses were consumed by a fire accidentally lighted by an Indian. The artillery was saved, carried on board the vessels, and brought back to France. There now remained but one more act to complete the drama. " The Spaniards captured alive in the last fort were con- ducted to the place where they had hanged the French, after that Captain Gourgues had shown them the affront they had put upon the King. . . . ' And though you cannot suffer the punishment you deserve,' he said, ' it is necessary that you undergo that which the enemy can honestly inflict upon you, that by your example others may learn to preserve the peace and ' alliance, which you have violated in so wicked and un- fortunate a way.' Having said this, they are swung from the branches of the same trees on which they had hung the French, and in place of the inscription which Pedro Menendez had put up containing these words in Spanish: I do this not as to Frenchmen but as to Lutherans^ Captain Gourgues causes to be inscribed with a hot iron on a pine tablet : / do this not as to Spaniards^ nor as to Marranos, but as to traitors, robbers and murderers. ' ' ' Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXVIII., p. 136. 334 The Spanish Settlements His work now completed, and the insult to France wiped out in blood, Gourgues turned his face for home. Before his departure he assembled his men and offered thanks to God for his victory, and on Monday, May 3d, set sail for France. Bartolom^ Menendez, on his return to Spain in 1569, informed Aviles that Gourgues left three or four of his men among the Indians friendly to the French to preach their evil sect to them.' But from the character of the French raid, it is much more prob- able that these men, if they really belonged to the com- pany of Gourgues and were not survivors of the Fort Caroline massacre, were deserters rather than mission- aries ( ! ) left behind by the French adventurer. On his way back he captured three Spanish vessels, the crews of which were thrown into the sea, and on the 6th of June reached the harbour of La Rochelle with his captured cannon and a large booty of gold, silver, pearls, and merchandise which his soldiers declared had been found at San Mateo, but which the Spanish ambassador, with far greater probability, thought to be the proceeds of his robberies on the high seas.' From La Rochelle he proceeded to Bordeaux, barely escaping a Spanish fleet sent out to burn his vessels," and in that city he al- most immediately sold the captured artillery." So great was the enthusiasm aroused by his return that Spes, the Spanish ambassador to England, who was passing through Bordeaux at the time on his way from Spain to Paris, was mobbed and threatened, and on crossing the 1 Aviles to Philip II., November 20, 1569, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 188. '^ La Reprise de la Floride, pp. 29-65 ; Alava to Philip II., June 25. 1568, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1511 (56); June 28, 1568, MS., ibid., K, 1511 (59). * La Reprise de la Floride, p. 67. 4 " Estimation des pieces d'artillerie rapportees par Dominique de Gourgues de la Floride," Aug. 27, 156S, in La Reprise de la Floride, p. 71 ; Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 317. The French Revenge 335 river the ships were pointed out to him with which the French "had avenged their friends dead in Florida." * Alava notified Philip II. as early as the 25th of June of the defeat of the Spaniards in Florida, and four days later the news reached the Spanish Court." Alava at Paris protested at once against the outrage committed by the French, to which Catherine merely remarked: "See how they have only just written me that they have taken Florida!" "I assure your Majesty," he wrote, "that she said it with a manner which showed her great joy." " To Spes, who also protested on his arrival in Paris, she observed, that "the Florida affair has been without my knowledge or wish," and Spes in his report to Philip, added that " the artillery, which is known to belong to Your Majesty, has been ordered to be returned to Spain." * The Gourgues incident practically terminated the con- test between Spain and France for the possession of American territory south of Canada, until the curious attempt of Don Diego de Penalosa, more than a century later, to enlist the French Government in the conquest of New Biscay, which probably paved the way for La Salle's colony in Texas. The subsequent careers of the protagonists of the French colonies, Laudonnitre and Gourgues, do not belong to this history. With regard to the latter, circumstances were such that a public ex- pression of approval on the part of his government was quite out of the question, however much the report of his achievement had quickened the heart-beats of his King 'Spes to Philip II., July 19, 1568, Correspondencia, tomo iii., p. 127. English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1568-79, II. Elizabeth. 68, where the letter is dated July loth. 2 Fourquevaux to Catherine de' Medici, July 2, 1568, Depeches, p. 367. 3 Alava to Philip II., June 25, 1568, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1511 (56) ; June 28, 1568, MS., ibid., K, 1511 (59) ; see also same to same, July 27, 1568, MS., ibid., K, 1510 (12), fol. 3b. *Spes to Philip II., July 19, 1568, Correspondencia, tomo iii., p. 127. English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1568-79, II. Elizabeth, 68. 33^ The Spanish Settlements and Queen, but that he ultimately received the recogni- tion which he deserved of his country there is no longer any doubt. ' As for Laudonniere, apparently disap- pointed in his hopes of obtaining anything from Philip, we only know that in June, 1567, he was still lingering about the French Court in company with some of the Normans who had been to Florida.* ' Gaffarel, I/ist. de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 314 ei seq. 2 Alava to Philip II., June 20, 1567, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1508 (24). J BOOK III THE QUALE AND VIRGINIA MISSIONS; CONDITION OF THE COLONY 337 BOOK III THE GUALE AND VIRGINIA MISSIONS CONDITION OF THE COLONY CHAPTER I THE GUALE MISSION— DESTITUTION OF THE COLONY THE task which had fallen to the lot of Father Rogel proved arduous and thankless. Despite his efforts to acquire the language of the Caloosas, he still found it necessary to employ interpreters in preaching among them and in explaining to them the principal articles of the Christian religion. The instruction was of the simplest kind and probably consisted in teaching them to recite the Pater Noster, the Ave Maria, the Credo, Salve, and the Commandments. Together with this the attempt was made to inculcate into their savage hearts the first principles of Christian morals. It was a difBcult task to turn them from their ancient customs. He suc- ceeded in gathering about him a great number of the children on whom he hoped to make some impression, using every effort to attract them, and distributing among them for a time the corn-meal which Fr. Francisco de Toral, the Franciscan Bishop of Yucatan, had sent him, when he learned of his missionary labours. But "the 339 340 The Spanish Settlements children who assembled to chant the doctrine recited only the call of hunger," and their interest ceased when the corn-meal became exhausted. With the adults he fared no better. Like Fray Luis Descalona in Cicuye, he only succeeded in arousing the jealousy of the shamans, who directed all of their endeavours to create a breach between the natives and the Spaniards. One day, while conducting a masked procession, the shamans resolved to ascend to the fort with their idols, either with the intention of compelling the Spaniards to worship them, or of arousing the indig- nation of the Christians and providing a motive for killing Father Rogel. In this they were partly successful, for, as the procession approached, Father Rogel reprehended them and ordered them to return to the town. As the shamans, regardless of his warning, continued to advance, Captain Reynoso rushed upon them and with the shaft of his lance gave one of the masked priests so severe a blow that he wounded him in the head. The enraged savages rushed at once to their huts, where they armed themselves with their clubs and staves, and some fifty Indians returned to the fort, but they found the Span- ish garrison already under arms, and concluded not to attack it. At Tegesta Brother Villareal found the natives far more docile. He made much progress with their language, confirmed many of the adults in the faith, baptised some of the children and even a few of the older people, among others an old chieftainess on the point of death. Large crosses were also erected, around which the natives gath- ered for instruction. But on the whole the labours of the missionaries bore little fruit, for the older converts soon fell away and returned to their idols. The Spaniards had been settled for a year at San An- tonio when it was discovered that Carlos was plotting their death, and, their patience being exhausted, he was The Guale Mission 341 killed to make place for his successor, Don Felipe, The new chieftain showed himself so friendly to the Spaniards that hopes were entertained that on the return of Avil6s he and his family would submit to baptism and that he would carry the entire tribe with him. But again Father Rogel came into conflict with rooted custom, which put his teachings at defiance. Don Felipe wished to marry his sister, and when the Father sought to impress upon him the enormity of such a sin committed on the very verge of his baptism, the Indian coldly replied that when he should be baptised he would repudiate his sister, but that in the meantime he was compelled to conform to the customs of his country, the laws of which not only coun- tenanced such a marriage, but even considered it neces- sary. With the absence of Avil6s matters had now reached such a pass that the Spanish garrison was subject to the same privations as were the Indians, and Father Rogel left for Havana to collect alms for his mission and to seek assistance for the settlement." Here he appears to have remained until the arrival of Father Segura and his company at St. Augustine in June, 1568. Among the first matters to which the Adelantado had turned his attention on reaching Spain was the increase of the number of missionaries among his Florida In- dians, and in no wise discouraged by the sad fate which had befallen Father Martinez, Francisco Borgia readily lent him his assistance. Father Juan Bautista de Segura with three other priests and ten brothers " were selected 1 Francisco Javier Alegre, Historia de la Compaiiia de Jesus en Nueva Espana, Mexico, 1842, tomo i., pp. 14-17. ^ Their names were Fathers Juan Bautista de Segura, Gonzalo del Alamo, Antonio Sedeno, and Luis de Quires, and Brothers Juan de la Carrera, Pedro Linares, Domingo Augustin, otherwise called Domingo Vaez, Pedro Ruiz de Salvatierra, Juan Salcedo, Gabriel Gomez, Sancho Cevallos, Juan Bau- tista Mendez, Gabriel de Solis, and Cristobal Redondo. Alegre (tomo i., p. 17), says three fathers and three coadjutors were appointed, but in the course of his account he gives a number of other names (see pp. 18, 21, 342 The Spanish Settlements to renew the spiritual conquest of the country. With them went a number of Florida Indians who had been baptised. Father Segura, who was appointed the Vice- Provincial, was a native of Toledo, and after his entrance into the Society had been named rector of the College of Villimar by Francisco Borgia. From Villimar he had been transferred to the College of Monterey and subse- quently to Valladolid, where he was stationed at the time when he was selected for the Florida mission. On the 13th of March the company set sail from the port of San Lucar. Touching at the Canaries and Puerto Rico, at each of which places a brief stay was made, St. Augustine was reached on the 29th of June.' The missionaries found the colony in a sad condition, a veritable wave of misfortune having overwhelmed it. Gourgues had but just sailed away on his return to France, leaving San Mateo a heap of ruins. Tocobaga was deserted, for the Indians had fallen upon the garrison and slain them all. At Tegesta the soldiers were in the greatest extremity. They had killed an uncle of the chieftain for some trifling reason, and the infuriated sav- 24). Father Luis de Quiros replaced Father Alamo, who was subsequently ordered to return to Europe. Philip Alegambe in his Mortes Illustres (Romae, 1567, pp. 62, 63), gives only the list of the names of the Fathers who accompanied Father Segura to Axacan, which agrees with the corre- sponding list given by Alegre {ibid., p. 25), except that Alegre mentions an additional Brother, Juan Bautista Mendez. Garcilaso in La Florida del Inca (Madrid, 1723, lib. vi., cap. 22, p. 267), also gives a list of their names. ' Barcia {Ensayo, Ano MDLXVIII., p. 137) states that Aviles sailed March 13, 1568, with Segura for Florida. In this error he has been fol- lowed by Alegre in his Historia de la Companla de Jesus en Nuex'a Espaiia (Mexico, 1842, tomo i., p. 22), who states that Aviles came over with Segura; by Fairbanks in his History of Florida (Philadelphia, 1871, p. 156), who gives the date of March 17, 1568, for his sailing, and by Shea in his The Catholic Church in Colonial Days (New York, 1886, p. 143), and in his "Ancient Florida" {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 281), who gives the same date. Aviles was, however, still in Spain two months sub- sequent to the sailing of Segura: see his letter dated at Santander, May I2, 1568 (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 171). The Guale Mission 343 ages had torn down the crosses which Brother Villareal had set up, burned their huts, and withdrawn into the forest. There they held the path by which the Spaniards went to draw water, killed a large number of the colo- nists, and drove the survivors to take refuge with the garrison at Santa Lucia. This unexpected increase of its population created so great a famine at Santa Lucia that the unfortunate colonists had been driven to the practice of cannibalism, in order to keep alive.' Of the settlements so laboriously founded by Avil^s only St. Augustine and San Antonio remained, with the fort of San Felipe at Santa Elena. At St. Augustine the half-naked soldiers and the settlers were pallid with exhaustion and hunger, say the Jesuit accounts, for Avil^s, stirred by the alarming rumours which reached him of the destruction of his colonists and the miserable plight of his garrisons, ' notwithstanding all of his efforts to assist them in time, had found it impos- sible to hasten the departure of relief owing to the vexations and delays of his old enemy, the Casa de Con- trataci6n.^ Father Segura distributed among them the garments and provisions which he had brought with him, and the soldiers, being "attracted by these temporal bene- ' Velasco, Geografla de las Indias, iS7^~^574> P- i^^- Francisco Sac- chini, Hist. Societatis "Jesu, Pars tertia, Romce, 1650, p. 200. Alegre, Historia de la Compania de fesus en Nueva Espaiia, tomo i., p. 18. Re- lacion que da Juan de Velasco cosmografo mayor de Su Majestad de lo sucedido en el descubrimiento de la Florida desde el ano de 14 hasta el de 65. MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 1/19, ramo 23. Relacion de las cosas que han pasado en la Florida to- cantes al servicio de Dios y del Rey. Vino con carta de Juan Mendez 6 de Abril, 1584, MS., ibid., est. 54, caj. 5, leg. i6, fol. i. 'Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Nov. 19, 1567, Dipkhes, p. 295. Advis au Roi par le Prebtre, Nov. 30, 1567, ibid., p. 305 ; Fourquevaux to Charles IX., March 9, 1568, ibid., p. 336 ; April 6, 1568, ibid., p. 345. ^ Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 23, 1567, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 170 ; Deposition of the Adelantado Pero Menendez [de Aviles], March 28, 1568, Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 33, 983, fol. 328. 344 The Spanish Settlements fits, it became an easy matter to make them recognise the hand of the Lord which was afflicting them, and to turn them to Him by confession, with which they all prepared themselves to merit the Jubilee which was immediately promulgated." ' Father Segura shortly realised how impossible it was for the depleted colony to maintain all of the missionaries in his company, a conclusion confirmed by the experience of Father Rogel, who had come to him from Havana. He cherished in his mind the plan of founding a Jesuit college in that city, not only for the Spanish colonists but also for the instruction of the sons of the Floridian chiefs, a plan which had its inception with Father Rogel during one of his previous visits there, and the opportunity appeared to be most favourable for its execu- tion. Brothers Domingo Augustin and Pedro Ruiz de Salvatierra were sent to Quale," and with Father Rogel and the balance of his companions Father Segura pro- ceeded to Havana, where it would appear that the winter was spent in establishing the college and in work among the Spaniards and negroes.' Both Barcia and Pulgar* relate an incident of the voyage to Havana. On the way over a violent storm arose, which so provoked the pilot that he swore it was wholly due to the Jesuits he had on board ; for nothing of the kind had ever happened to him in his many crossings "with Lutherans, and even with Turks." The Fathers succeeded in calming the ' Alegre, tomo i., p. i8. *Alegre(tomo i., p. i8) says the two brothers were sent "to Sutariva . . . near Santa Elena," referring probably to the Indian village of Saturiba at the mouth of the St. John's, but on p. 22 he says they were both at Guale when Father Segura returned the following year. Sacchini, p. 200. ^Alegre, tomo i., pp. 18-21. * Barcia, Ensayo, Afto MDLXVIII., p. 137. Pulgar, Historia general de la Florida, Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, MSB. 2999, fol, 173. The Guale Mission 345 storm by their prayers, but the unfortunate pilot, on his return to Florida "without the Jesuits," was shortly af- ter lost with all of his belongings at the very place where he had blasphemed. It was during this visit of Father Segura to Havana that Avil6s, who had been appointed Governor of Cuba, arrived there on his second visit to Florida, We have no reliable record and no details of this visit, and his presence in Florida is largely a matter of conjecture. We have no knowledge of the date of his sailing, but it was some time after May 22, 1568, and possibly at the end of June or early in July, after Philip had received the news of the Spanish defeat in Florida. He was in Havana in April of the following year awaiting the arrival of the fleet from New Spain, which he was to accompany on its return home,' and is said to have visited Tegesta with Father Segura.' By the month of September he was back again in Spain. In the following year (1569), probably in the early spring. Father Gonzalo del Alamo and Brother Villareal were sent to San Antonio, and Father Sedeiio joined the missionaries at Guale. The Vice-Provincial, leaving Father Rogel and three brothers at Havana, himself departed for Tegesta with one of the neophytes, a brother of the cacique of Tegesta, who had accompanied the Jesuits on their journey from Spain. ^ The return of their tribesman, whom the natives had long thought to have died at the hands of the Spaniards, secured a peace- ful reception for the missionaries. Laying aside their former suspicions, they renewed their alliances with the Spaniards and restored the crosses. But this peace- ful condition of affairs lasted only for a time and, the ' See Appendix CC, The Second Voyage of Aviles to Florida. ' Alegre, tomo i., p. 22. ^Sacchini, p. 20i, calls him Jacob ; Alegre, tomo i., p. 32, San- tiago. 346 The Spanish Settlements difficulties with the natives reviving, the Spanish garrison was finally withdrawn in 1570.' The settlement at San Antonio was likewise doomed. The crafty Don Felipe had easily imposed upon the mis- sionaries, whom he allowed to destroy his venerated idols, while he showed a ready compliance with their teaching. But Reynoso was not so easily deceived, and, another plot being soon discovered, Don Felipe and fourteen of the chief accomplices were all put to death by order of Pedro Men6ndez Marques. The execution of so many of their principal men struck a final blow at any further under- standing between the Spaniards and the Caloosas. The Indians suddenly rose, burned their village, and fled to the forest. The Spaniards, who had largely depended upon the natives for their subsistence, now found them- selves utterly helpless ; the attempt to maintain the settle- ment was finally abandoned, the mission was withdrawn, the fort destroyed, and the garrison transferred to St. Augustine.^ Such was the condition of affairs on the Peninsula, when Father Segura, despairing of the success of his college at Havana, which he found it impossible to maintain on ac- count of the insufficiency of the alms of the faithful, determined to remove the missionaries to Florida. The first difficulty which presented itself was the distribution of his spiritual forces. With a keen appreciation of the situation, the Vice-Provincial sought to isolate his mis- sions as far as possible from the Spanish settlements. We have already seen enough of the habits of the soldiers ' Velasco, Geograf/a de las Indias, i57T-iS74^ P- 162. 'Alegre, tomo i., p. 22. Relacion que da Juan de Velasco cosmografo mayor de Su Majestad de lo sucedido en el descubrimiento de la Florida desde el ano de 14 hasta el de 65. MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 1/19, ramo 23. In this Velasco appears to set the date in 1568, but in his Geografia de las Indias, i57i-i574y P- ^^l, he says the settlement continued until 1571. Sacchini, p. 266, says the Carlos garrison was withdrawn in 1569. The Guale Mission 347 to understand that they had not endeared themselves to the natives. In their frequent extremities for food they had been compelled to wrest from the Indians by force what supplies they could, and the hostile environment thus created was an unpromising field for missionary labours. Another object, which it was equally desirable to attain, was the avoidance of any friction with the civil authorities. The missionaries were officially the protect- ors of the Indians, the governor and his subordinates were their rulers. The method pursued in all of the Roman Catholic missions among the natives was such as to render the slightest interference of the secular arm subversive of all missionary authority and prestige. Nor were the civil authorities less jealous of the protection which the missionaries afforded the natives against their rapacity. To what serious conflicts between the two authorities these mutual jealousies led we shall see in the course of this history. St. Augustine and San Mateo, where the savages were in a state of revolt, seeming to be entirely out of the question, the provinces of Santa Elena and Guale were selected as the field for the further labours of the mis- sionaries. Father Rogel and Brother Juan Carrera were appointed to Santa Elena, where they arrived during the month of June,' and Brother Villareal joined the three Jesuits who were labouring in Guale.' The Vice-Provin- ' Rogel to Aviles, Dec. 9, 1570, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 301. In his letter to Hinestrosa of Dec. Ii, 1569 (C?/. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo xiii., p. 302), Rogel says "A mediado Agosto." ' Brinton {Notes on the Floridian Peninsula, p. 152), Gatschet {Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, vol. i., p. 11), Shipp {Hernando de Soto and Florida, p. 560), Shea (" Ancient Florida," A'a^^. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 282), and Fairbanks {History of St. Augustine, p. 125) all incor- rectly identify the Guale of the Segura mission with Amelia'Island. There can be no question that it was the Guale previously visited by Aviles in the province of Santa Elena, situated on a river in the interior flowing into Port Royal and but a few leagues distant from San Felipe and Crista. In addition to the proof offered by the story as told in the text, the identity of 348 The Spanish Settlements cial accompanied them, and after he had stationed Father Rogel at Crista, but five leagues distant from San Felipe, proceeded himself to Guale, where he remained for some time to study the expediency of distributing the mission- aries singly among the natives. The Indians at Orista» which consisted of about twenty houses, built the Father a church and a dwelling, where he lived with only three lads as companions, one of them a little boy named Juan, of so sweet and obedient a disposition that the Father was at a loss to find an occasion to whip him "in or- der that he should not forget the wholesome fear of the discipline." ' Father Rogel lost no time in applying himself to learn the native language, and at the end of six months had made sufificient progress both to converse and to preach in it, and he began his instruction by teaching them "the unity of God, His power and Majesty; that He was the Cause and Creator of all things; His love of the good; His horror of evil . . . the rewards and punishment of the next life, the immortality of the soul, and the re- surrection of the dead." He found the savages about him far more tractable and moral than those he had known among the Caloosas. After three months spent at Crista he enthusiastically exclaims that "their manner of living was so well ordered and regulated that there was not a single thing to touch or to change among them the languages of Orista and of Guale proved by the recognition by Father Rogel at Orista of the utility of the grammar prepared by Brother Agos- tino at Guale is further evidence. That the name Guale Island may at a later date have been applied to Amelia Island, see Velasco, Geografia de las Indias, 1371-137 4^ P- 169, " La barra de Guale." 1 Rogel to Hinestrosa, Dec. 11, 1569, Col. Doc. Inedit., tomo xiii., p. 305. This is the letter dated Dec. 2, 1569, by Dr. Shea ("Ancient Florida," Narr. andCrit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 282, note 2), a date which he probably obtained from the Buckingham Smith North American MS., 136 1, 13^3, pp. 337-341, in the New York Historical Society, where it is written "a IJ de Dizie de 1569 anos." The Guale Mission 349 even if they become Christians." Each Indian had but one wife, worked hard at his planting, and the children were carefully trained. They were neither cruel nor thievish, and unnatural crimes were entirely unknown. They were great traders, expert at barter, carrying their merchandise into the interior. The elders met in the council house, where the affairs of the tribe were ordered. The Indians were truthful, dwelt peaceably among them- selves, and were given to but one vice, — they were great gamblers and would stake all that they possessed at a game of dice. During the year they passed but two and a half months at their village, planting their corn in the spring ; but when the acorn season arrived they scat- tered through the forests to gather them and other wild fruits in their season, and only met together at intervals of two months to celebrate their festivals, now at one locality, now at another. Their provisions were held in common, and it was their custom to give away their food without demanding anything in return. From Guale Father Gonzalo de Alamo, a talented preacher, but ungifted for the work of the missions, was ordered back to Europe after four months' service, and his place was filled by Father Luis de Quiros. Brother Domingo Augustin made such progress in the language that in six months he had translated the catechism and prepared a grammar that proved of great service to his companions,' the first instance of the reduction to a sys- tem of one of our native languages. But he was not de- stined to continue in his useful employment. Towards the close of the first year which the missionaries had spent in the country about Santa Elena an epidemic broke out among the natives, and the Fathers, exhausted by their unceasing care of the sick and dying, were suc- cessively attacked by it. Fortunately they all recovered ' Alegre, tomo i., pp. 23, 24 ; Rogel to Aviles, Dec. 9, 1570, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 307. k 350 The Spanish Settlements except Brother Domingo, who fell a victim to his duty, after a year's service among the savages.' Meanwhile Father Rogel continued with his instruction, to which the natives listened with some attention, plying him with curious questions, such as their simple under- standing suggested. Particularly were they impressed with the punishment of the wicked, "for I assure you, sir," writes Father Rogel to Hinestrosa," "that I have seen them shed tears at the terrors of hell, when they were told that their souls would burn in hell like a fire- brand if they did not die Christians." But it was a difficult matter to reach them, and although the Father at- tended their feasts and assemblies in order to hasten their conversion, the interruption caused by their nine-months' migrations in search of provisions made his ministrations of little effect, and his teaching was met with a constantly growing spirit of mockery. In vain he sought to culti- vate among them more domestic habits, and gave them hoes to aid them in making larger plantings, in order that their wandering should not be so prolonged. The natives gladly accepted the gift, but their inherited customs were incorrigible, and they persisted in spreading over the sur- rounding country in every direction, making their plant- ings at distances of six, ten, and even twenty leagues from the village, while only two of the villagers cultivated fields in the immediate neighbourhood. The reason was not far to seek, and Father Rogel, a sensible and intelli- gent man, as well as a devoted one, was quick to recog- nise it. The soil was so poor that it soon became exhausted, and it was necessary that the cultivators go elsewhere. At the expiration of eight months Father Rogel had brought them to the belief in the Trinity and to under- ' Alegre, tomo i., p, 23; Rogel to Aviles, Dec. 9, 1570, Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 307, who, however, does not mention the pestilence. " Letter of Dec. 11, 1569, Col. Doc. Inedit. Jndias, tomo xiii., p. 303. The Guale Mission 351 stand the significance of the Roman Catholic veneration of the Cross, and had, as it seemed to him, gained their good-will so that they had grown to love him. Then "I began to declare to them how, in order to be the sons of God, it was needful for them to be enemies of the devil, for the devil is evil, and loves all evil things; and God is good and loves all good things," says Father Rogel. To his consternation and alarm the effect pro- duced by this teaching was altogether the reverse of that which he had intended, while not wanting in a ludicrous side. "When I began to treat of this," he continues, "so great was the vexation and hatred which they con- ceived at my words, that never again would they come to listen to me ; and they said to my people that they were very angry and did not believe a thing I said, since I spoke ill of the devil." And even the two remaining dwellers in the village abandoned him for the same reason. It is permissible to think that the good Father was here the innocent victim of a foreign vocabulary, and that in his choice of names with which to designate the Spirit of Evil he had fallen upon that of some beneficent Indian deity, whose office he imperfectly understood, and to whom in his ignorance he had attributed all of the qualities of the arch-fiend. Undismayed by the discouraging result of his labours, and with that consummate devotion to his vocation which has everywhere distinguished the missionaries of the Society, the Jesuit Father journeyed from chief to chief, offering to live in their midst that he might teach them the Divine Word, provided they honestly wished to become Christians ; otherwise he would depart from them and return to Spain. But he met with no response whatever. At last, at a great council of Orista's vassals, after he had repeated his offer, the Indians sadly observed : "How can you say that you love us so greatly when you say you wish to leave us?" "From that time on," I 352 The Spanish Settlements continues the Father, "I certainly expected to lose my skin,' and as soon as I saw it I changed my language and praised them like children, and was thus able to return in safety to my post." Father Rogel's work was brought to an end in July, 1570, by the occurrence of one of the very incidents which the Vice- Provincial had taken so many precautions to avoid. There was a small settlement of twenty married men at Santa Elena, ^ consisting of farmers who had been colonised there by Aviles,' but the land was poor, and fear of the natives prevented them from going any dis- tance to establish their farms. The fort was falling into decay, the soldiers were half naked and poorly armed/ and hunger was again staring the garrison in the face, for their supplies had become greatly reduced. Their only resource was to obtain relief from the Indians. To- wards the end of June Juan de la Vandera, who still re- mained in command at San Felipe, attended an Indian festival at Escamacu, and ordered four of the chiefs, among whom were Orista, Hoya, and Escamacu, to send some canoe-loads of corn to the fort. At the same time, in order to reduce the number of mouths at San Felipe, he quartered forty of his soldiers among the natives to await the arrival of supplies. The necessary consequence was not slow to follow. Shortly after the arrival of the soldiers the Indians rose in revolt, and the disturbance continued until the arrival of Marques and Las Alas, who finally succeeded in restoring order. As soon as Father Rogel learned of Vandera's inten- tion he foresaw what would come of it, its evil effect upon his work, and the false position in which it would ' " Dar la piel " (to be killed). * " Diligencias hechas en Sevilla con motivo de la venida de Esteban de las Alas, de la Florida, 1570," Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 572, 579. ^Aviles to Philip II., Nov. 24, 1569, ibid., tomo ii., p. 190. *" Diligencias," 1570, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 576, 580, 583, 584. The Guale Mission 353 place him. If he remained among the Indians, they would turn to him for a protection which he could not give, for he realised the stern necessity under which the Spanish commander was acting. If they rose in in- surrection they would visit their vengeance upon him, and in every event the ill-will stirred up among the na- tives would bring his labours to an end. The Vice- Provincial had ordered him to withdraw to Santa Elena in case his life was threatened, and with sorrowful heart he determined to abandon his mission. He commended his little flock to God, and, eight or ten days before the arrival of the soldiers at Crista, pulled down his house and his church, and on the 13th of July departed for Santa Elena, leaving word that whenever the Indians should have need of him they were to call on him and he would return to live among them. Father Sedeflo and probably all of the other mission- aries were withdrawn from Guale, where their work had borne but little fruit,— seven baptisms in all, administered when the recipients, four of whom were children, were on the point of death. The instruction of the mission- aries concerning the devil had met with a reception similar to that accorded to it at Crista. Father Rogel was ordered back to Havana and Father Sedeflo to in- struct the native children collected at St. Augustine from the villages of Saturiba and Tacatacuru; but the Jesuits found the fort so poorly garrisoned and in so bad a con- dition and the Indians so turbulent that the plan was given up, and Father Sedeflo accompanied Father Rogel to Havana. Father Rogel had rightly apprehended one of the chief causes of his failure to produce any lasting impression upon the Indians when he ascribed it to their migra- tory habits, and the impossibility of obtaining any per- manent ascendency over their minds during two or three months, when for the balance of the year they 354 The Spanish Settlements roamed the forest in search of food like wild beasts. As a result of his experience he included in his letter to Avil^s some suggestions as to the proper course to pur- sue in such circumstances, and his observations are highly- interesting, as they embody for the first time the method which the missionaries subsequently adopted throughout the length and breadth of our land irrespective of the Order to which they belonged, a method which may be studied in some of its most interesting phases in the California missions more than two centuries later. " In order to obtain fruit in the blind and sad souls of these provinces, it is necessary first of all to order the Indians to come together, and live in towns and cultivate the earth, col- lecting sustenance for the entire year; and after they have thus become very settled, then to begin the preaching. Un- less this is done, although the rehgious remain among them for fifty years, they will have no more fruit than we in our four years among them, which is none at all, nor even a hope, nor the semblance of it." And even then it will be a most severe labour of many years, "for it must be done rightly, as our Lord God commands, neither by compelling them nor with a mailed hand. And this for two reasons : the first that they have been accustomed to live in this manner for thousands of years, and to take them out of it is like death to them ; the second, that even were they willing, the poverty of the soil and its rapid exhaustion will not admit of it; and so it is that they themselves give this reason for their scattering and change of boundaries." ' ' Rogel to Aviles, Dec. 9, 1570, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 301-308. There is a translation of this letter by Daniel G. Brinton in the Historical Magatitte, 1861, p. 327. See also his Notes on the Floridian Peninsula, pp. 152, 153. There is an unimportant reference to Rogel made by Mooney in ig Ann. Rep. Bu. Ethn., Pt. I., p. 201. The Guale Mission 355 The deplorable state of the San Felipe garrison, which had driven Vandera to the necessity of quartering part of his forces on the Indians, and thus compelled the with- drawal of Father Rogel, was but one instance of the con- ditions reigning throughout the settlements. At St. Augustine the suffering was so great that on the arrival of a vessel to receive the military accounts it had been compelled to anchor outside of the harbour for fear the colonists would seize it and abandon the town.' The soldiers were almost naked, some going about in a shirt, which was all they possessed ; others dressed only in the wadded cotton armour, which had been adopted from the Mexicans as a protection against the arrows of the Indians. Their weapons were in as miserable a condi- tion : the arquebuses worn out or burst, the swords, which only some of them had, old and damaged, and no means were at hand with which to repair them. But one mar- ried man was left in the settlement in addition to the soldiers forming the garrison. A few horses still sur- vived, some fifteen or sixteen, but it was a difficult matter to keep them alive, for they were devoured by mosquitoes" or killed by the Indians, and no fodder had been raised for their food. As the Indian war still con- tinued,' the colonists were exposed to the greatest risks in leaving the fort in search of food. For this reason they went without fish or meat and were compelled to subsist on corn and inferior meal. The fort, which, in the absence of more enduring material, was constructed ' Aviles to Philip II., Nov. 24, 1569, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii,, p. 190. 'Both Le Challeux in the " Histoire Memorable" (reprint in GafTarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 461), and Meleneche in his deposition (Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565, MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navar- rete, tomo xiv.. Doc. No. 33, fol. 4b), mention the plague of mosquitoes about the St. John's. 'Aviles to Philip II., Nov. 24, 1569, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 190. 356 The Spanish Settlements of wood and sand, was rotting away on account of its age and the great humidity of the climate, and had even fallen down in places so as to afford hardly any protec- tion against the descent of pirates or the attacks of the natives.' The conditions at San Pedro on the island of Tacata- curu, where most probably was the blockhouse which Avil^s had ordered built, were equally bad. The soldiers were naked, half-armed, and famished, and the fort was falling into decay." It would appear that in April, 1569, succour had been sent to Las Alas from Spain,' but it had also brought with it more mouths to feed, and during the summer Avil^s's brother, Bartolome, had himself departed for Spain, taking with him the renewed complaints of the unpaid soldiers.* He probably also bore with him the demands of Las Alas and Gover- nor Marques for their salaries as Accountant and Treas- urer of Florida respectively, offices to which they had been appointed by Avil^s, since payments to them had been stopped owing to some Court intrigue." Patiently the sorely tried colony waited for the arrival of the much-needed help, while Avil6s in Spain pressed the necessity of sending reinforcements to protect the farmers from the natives and urged the fear of a descent upon the coast by Hawkins, who was reported to be preparing a great armada, and predicted the imminent abandonment of the forts by the desperate soldiery," unless help was ' " Diligencias hechas en Sevilla con motivo de la venida de Esteban de las Alas de la Florida, 1570," ibid., tomo ii., pp. 572, 578, 579. 580, 582-584, 587, 588. 2 "Diligencias," 1570, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 578-580, 583, 584, 587. 'Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXIX., p. 138. * Aviles to Philip II., Nov. 20, 1569, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 185. » Aviles to Philip II., May 12, 1568, ibid., tomo ii., p. 178. •Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 4, 1569, ibid., tomo ii., p. 195; Dec. 31, 1569, ibid., tomo ii., p. 199 ; Jan. 4, 1570, ibid., tomo ii.. p. 201. The Guale Mission 357 soon forthcoming. But his old enemy, the Casa de Con- tratacidn, and other obstacles impeded the sailing of the fleet.' At last the patience of Las Alas became exhausted and he determined to take matters into his own hands, to reduce the garrisons of the three remaining forts, and, after abandoning Ays and Carlos, to sail himself for Spain with the troops he had withdrawn from the colony. In the month of June he equipped a vessel named the Espiritu Santo, and embarking with most of the garrison at St. Augustine, where he left but fifty soldiers in charge of Pedro Menendez Aviles, a nephew of the Adelantado, he proceeded to Tacatacuru, where he reduced the garri- son to the same number, leaving Antonio Fernandez in command and taking with him Juan Gutierrez and the balance of the soldiers. At Santa Elena the same meas- ures were repeated ; Vandera was left in command, and the lieutenant-governor. Marques, who happened to be at San Felipe at the time, left for Havana," where he had been appointed to a similar office during the absence of Aviles. August 13, 1570, Las Alas set sail from Santa Elena and reached Cadiz on the 20th of October with about one hundred and twenty men, including a number of officers and officials. It was virtually an abandonment of the country, for only one hundred and fifty soldiers had been left there, with barely sufficient food and am- munition to sustain them a few months. It is probable that such was also the opinion of the King, for Las Alas had been but two weeks in Spain when Philip ordered a secret investigation ' to be made into the reason of his return. The result was the pitiable showing which we have just reviewed. But no further consequences seem 'Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 22, 1569, ibid., tomo ii., p. 180; Nov. 27, 1569, ibid., tomo ii., p. 191 ; Dec. 31, 1569, ibid., tomo ii., p. 196. '" Diligencias," 1570, ibid., tomo ii., p. 572. ' " Diligencias," 1570, ibid., tomo ii., p. 569, Nov. 3, 1570. 358 The Spanish Settlements to have followed Las Alas's desertion of his post, owing either to the imperative necessity under which he had acted, or, what is much more likely, to the powerful in- fluence which Avil^s was able to exert at Court in his favour. CHAPTER II THE VIRGINIA MISSION DURING his brief visit to Havana Marques wrote to Spain an account of the condition of affairs in Florida, and then returned to San Mateo, which for the third time had been put in a state of defence. On his arrival he was greeted with the news that shortly after the departure of Las Alas from St. Augustine the soldiers there had mutinied. Their intention was to seize a boat lying in the harbour and to put to sea in her without a pilot, sailors, anchors, or any equipment whatever, so eager were they to abandon the fort and escape from that fateful region. Marquis's only resource was to tempo- rise, and he wrote from San Mateo to the mutineers, that in case assistance did not arrive by the following month of March he would himself come to St. Augustine in April with his ships and transport them to Havana, together with all of the armament of the fort. From there he promised them that they should have leave to return to Spain to obtain their pay. He even authorised them to leave in any vessel they could secure in the event of his own failure to arrive at the time he had set, offering to meet a deputation of the garrison on board his ship to discuss the matter, and stating his willingness to lend them money with which to send one of their num- ber to Havana to purchase provisions. To this low ebb had discipline fallen.' ^ Traslado autorizado de una carta que escribio el Gobernador de la Florida Pedro Menendez Marques desde San Mateo a los soldados de el 359 360 The Spanish Settlements The failure of the Santa Elena missions had brought no abatement in the zeal of the Vice-Provincial, and at the very time when he had withdrawn the missionaries from Guale and Crista he was contemplating his depart- ure for new fields in the country about Chesapeake Bay, to which his attention had been turned by an Indian of that region, whom the Jesuits had found in Havana. This was Don Luis, who, it will be remembered, had ac- companied the Dominican friars, sent by Aviles prior to his departure for Spain to visit that neighbourhood, and who had returned with them to Spain when they aban- doned the enterprise.' On his arrival at Court Don Luis, who was intelligent and of an agreeable address, ingrati- ated himself to such an extent into the good-will of Philip IL that he lived at the royal expense during all of his stay. From Spain he had gone to Havana in com- pany with some Dominicans, who were on their way to Florida to assist them in their work, but, the mission having been abandoned, Don Luis, in his apparent zeal to convert his countrymen, joined the Jesuits under Father Segura on their departure for Florida.'' He was a valuable accession to their party on account of his rank among the natives, and his ability to act as interpreter. y'Cn the 5th of August, 1570, Father Segura sailed from x'^anta Elena for Chesapeake Bay with seven companions,* the Indian Don Luis, and a small boy named Alonso, fuerte de San Agustin de la Florida, Sept. 7, 1570, MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 54, caj. 5, leg. 9. 1 Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXVL, p. 123. * Alegre, Historia de la Compama de Jesus en Nueva Espana, Mexico, 1842, tomo i., p. 25. ' Father Luis de Quiros, Brothers Gabriel Gomez, Sancho Cevallos, Juan Bautista Mendez, Pedro de Limares, Gabriel de Solis, who was related to Aviles, and Cristobal Redondo (Alegre, tomo i., p. 25). Quiros and Segura to [Hinestrosa ?], Dec. 12, 1570. Buckingham Smith, Florida MSS., 1S26, 1743, p. 255, MS. New York Historical Society. The Virginia Mission 361 son of a settler at Santa Elena, who had been trained by the Fathers to serve at mass.' The journey was pro- longed owing to bad weather and difficulties in finding the region of which they were in search, and the Jesuits were compelled to share their provisions with the crew of the ship, so that on reaching their destination they had consumed all of their flour and two of the four barrels of biscuit with which they had provided themselves for the voyage. Finally they discovered the bay, up which they ascended, and on the loth of September reached the province of ^xacan,' in Virginia, where they entered a river and landed. They found the country poor and sparsely inhabited owing to a prolonged drought of six years, and the famine which had followed in its wake had killed some of the inhabitants and driven others to change their abode. All the corn of the scant harvests had been eaten ; the forest fruits had perished, as well as the roots upon which the natives subsisted, and what little food could still be found was obtained with great difficulty on account of the severity of the winter and the deep snow. Only a small number of the principal men of the tribe remained, "that they might die where their fathers had died." Some of these proved to be relatives of Don Luis, whom they received "as if he had risen from the dead and had come from heaven," and in their gratitude they gave the Fathers "the only thing the Indians had to offer," their "good will," writes Father Quiros. The Jesuits began their ministrations at once, and hearing that a three-year-old son of a chief, a brother of Don Luis, living seven or eight leagues from their landing- place, lay at the point of death, sent one of their number the night of their arrival to baptise him. On account of the low state of its supplies, it was ' Pedro Fernandez de Pulgar, Historia gefieral de la Florida, Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, MSS. 2999, fol. 176. * See Appendix DD, Axacan. 362 The Spanish Settlements impossible for the vessel which had brought the Fathers to remain any length of time at the harbour where the landing had been made, and on the following morning it departed on its return voyage, bearing a letter written by Father Quiros under the direction of the Vice-Provincial, who added a short postscript. This was the last message that was ever received from them. It described the desolate condition of the country, and showed in a pathetic way the utter dependence of the Jesuits in their isolated and distant mission upon the precarious assistance of the In- dians for the very food they had to eat. Both Fathers pleadingly insisted upon the absolute necessity of dis- patching a vessel to their succour with corn for the Indians to plant not later than the beginning of April of the fol- lowing year, if it was found impracticable to send it during the winter. As the Fathers proposed to establish their mission on a stream not far from the landing-place, they directed that the relief ship on reaching the river signal its presence by a bonfire at night or a column of smoke by day, and added a brief and indefinite description of the place to which they were going and of what little they had been able to learn from the natives of "the en- trance through the mountains and China." "Three or four days' journey from yonder," wrote Father Quiros, referring to the lower reach of the river which they had ascended, "were the mountains, and two of these days' journey were by a river, and one or two days' travel be- yond the mountains another sea is observed." Father Quiros concluded his letter with the remark that the Indians freely gave the Jesuits food from their own impoverished stores without expecting any return, and in order not to awaken their cupidity he requested that the crew of the relief ship be forbidden to trade with them, and that all articles of barter which the sailors might bring be deposited with Don Luis, who would pay them its equivalent, all bartering to be conducted only The Virginia Mission 363 in accordance with the judgment of the Fathers.' Brief as the letter is, it is highly interesting, for it illustrates the spirit which has always distinguished the Society, the unselfish devotion of its missionaries, their bent for scien- tific investigation, and the policy which Father Segura probably intended to follow in the mission of the com- plete dependence of the natives upon the will of the missionaries, even in matters of trade. With the departure of the vessel, the Jesuits, conducted by the Indians, who carried their baggage for them, pro- ceeded to a neighbouring stream,'' which was but two leagues distant, and ascending it in canoes, fixed their settlement near a village governed by a younger brother of Don Luis. The Fathers erected there a hut and a small chapel, where mass was celebrated, and for some time Don Luis remained in their company, serving them as interpreter and preacher. Patiently they waited for the return of the vessel which was to bring succour from their compatriots; and when the winter sped by and nothing came, Don Luis, lured back to his native cus- toms, abandoned them under the pretence of preparing a place for their reception at another village. The Fathers were now reduced to providing for themselves, and searched the forest for herbs and roots on which to subsist. On the 2nd of February, 1571, four months having passed since their arrival in the Virginia wilderness, Father Segura determined to send Father Luis de Quiros with Brothers Gabriel de Solis and Juan Bautista Mendez to induce Don Luis to return, and the embassy started on its perilous mission. But they were marching to their martyrdom. Don Luis, completely alienated, had al- ready planned their death. He received them with a ' Quiros and Segura to [Hinestrosa?], Dec. I2, 1570, Buckingham Smith, Florida A/SS., 1526, 164J, pp. 355 et seq. ^ See Appendix EE, The Site of the Segura Mission. 364 The Spanish Settlements show of great friendship, promising to return on the fol- lowing day, and the Father with his two companions, believing his word, retraced his steps to the little cabin. The same night Don Luis collected a band of Indians, followed them, and, overtaking them on the way, received a friendly salutation from Father Quiros, who supposed him to be alone, for the darkness concealed the presence of his companions. The answer to the kindly greeting was a shower of arrows, which pierced the heart of the Jesuit, and he fell dead.' Then Don Luis stripped him of his possessions, while his companions with their clubs made an end of the two Brothers. But the savage purpose of the renegade was not yet fully attained, and in the course of a few days Don Luis again prepared to exterminate the surviving minis- ters of the faith which he had either professed as a mask to his evil intentions or else had been weaned from by his return to his native wilds. There still remained to the missionaries a few hatchets and knives, which served them in their daily offices, and Don Luis, fearing that they would defend themselves with these, employed a transparent strategy to disarm them. On the morning of the 8th of February '^ some Indians were sent to borrow the hatchets of the Fathers in order to chop wood, and the simple Jesuits fell into the trap. Then Don Luis and his party descended upon them. On the way they encountered Brother Cevallos, who had gone to cut wood in the forest, and killed him. Then they attacked Father Segura and killed him with a blow on the head with an ax, and the remaining missionaries shared his fate. Only one person escaped, the little boy Alonso, who ' Father Luis de Quiros was of a noble family of Xerez de la Frontera, and in 1566 had been rector of a college at the Albaycin at Granada. Pulgar, Historia general de la Florida, Bib. Nac, Madrid, MSS. 2999, fol. 175. * Tanner, Societas Militans, pp. 449-451. The Virginia Mission 365 was saved by the brother of Don Luis, and upon whose account rests the story of the martyrdom of the Virginia missionaries. He was finally rescued from the Indians by AviMs, when, in 1571, the latter visited Axacan to wreak vengeance on the natives for the murder they had committed. Father Rogel has left us a legend of an in- cident which followed the death of the Jesuits typical of the stories which surround the career of the early mis- sionaries to the Indians: " It happened that an Indian, coveting the spoils, went to a coffer in which there was a crucifix, and wishing to open it or break into it, in order to extract its contents, fell dead on the spot as he began to unlock it. Then another Indian pos- sessed with the same covetousness, sought to follow the same intent, and likewise the same thing occurred. Then none dared further approach the coffer, but they preserve it to this day with much veneration and fear, without daring to approach it. And this was told me by some old soldiers who came from Florida of those who had been to Axacan, to whom it was told by the Indians how the coffer was still in the country and no one dares approach it, even now, after the lapse of forty years." ' ' Alegre, tomo ii., p. 32 ; Andres Perez de Ribas, Historia de los Trivm- phos de nvestra Santa Fee, etc., Madrid, 1645, lib. xii., cap. 14, pp. 746- 749. There was a tradition that the crucifix was preserved in the Jesuit College at Guaraca (ibid., p. 749). Francisco Sacchini, Historia Societatis Jesu, Pars tertia, Romse, MDCL., pp. 323, 324; Pedro de Ribadeneyra, Vida del P. Franciso de Borja, Madrid, 1592, fol. I4ib-i43 ; Vita Fran- cisi BorgicE ... a P. Ribadeneira Hispanice scripta ; Latine vero ab And. Schotto Antverp, Moguntias, 1603, lib. iii., cap. 6, p. 257. (This is a translation of the preceding.) John Gilmary Shea, " The Segura Mis- sion" in the United States Catholic Magazine, 1846, vol. v., p. 604. This is based on the accounts given by Barcia and Garcilaso de la Vega. " The Spanish in the Chesapeake," in the Historical Magazine, 1859, vol. iii., p. 268. This is based on the accounts of Barcia. Algambe, and Tanner. " The Log Chapel on the Rappahannock," in The Catholic World, March, 1875, p. 847, a much more mature production than the two preceding, but, unfortunately, without references. k 366 The Spanish Settlements Father Rogel had been enjoined to send a ship to the assistance of the Virginia missionaries after the expiration of four months, and had made every effort to follow out his instructions. As soon as he could find a pilot ac- quainted with the coast he set sail for the Bay of Santa Maria in company with Brother Juan de Salcedo in a vessel commanded by Vincente Gonzalo. On reaching the harbour where the Jesuits were to have met him the absence of the signal which had been agreed upon between them awakened his suspicions, and he did not land. The savages, in order to induce him to come ashore, dis- guised some of their companions in the garments they had stolen from their victims, and, causing them to walk along the shore in sight of the ship, shouted out: "Come, here are the Fathers you seek." This grotesque strata- gem failed to deceive the rescuers, but rather confirmed their suspicions. At the same time two of the natives, casting themselves into the water, swam out to the ship, where they were seized and dragged aboard. Then, raising the anchor, Father Rogel immediately set sail for Havana, carrying the two Indians with him. In order to avoid the full force of the Gulf Stream the vessel returned along the coast, close to the land, an opportunity which one of the Indians improved to make his escape, throw- ing himself into the water and swimming ashore. The other Indian was secured and taken to Havana, where every effort was made to learn from him the final fate of the missionaries, but without success. The party appears to have reached Havana about the time of the arrival of Avil6s in July.' • Pulgar, Historia, fol. 176 ; Alegre, tomo i., p. 33 ; Ribas, lib. xii., cap. 14, p. 748. CHAPTER III THE LAST VISIT OF AVILES TO FLORIDA IN addition to the unremitting care which he continued to bestow on his colony, Avil^s took advantage of his presence in Spain to present Philip the plans of the extended exploration and conquest which he had first conceived shortly after his arrival in Florida. Not even the disheartening news which reached him from time to time of starvation and mutiny, Indian wars, and French revenge could curb his enterprising and self-reliant tem- perament. Four months after his return from his first expedition to Florida he was already maintaining his favourite theory of a passage to the Pacific and to China by way of Chesapeake Bay,' and Fourquevaux informed Catherine that Philip was so taken with the proposition that he had advanced two hundred and thirty thousand crowns for the undertaking.^ Avil6s also called the at- tention of his master to the Portuguese settlements "on the coast of Florida in Newfoundland, the discovery of which was under his charge." According to his account the Portuguese had been fortifying themselves for two years at a place in the interior near some large Indian towns two hundred leagues away, and reached from Newfoundland by an arm of the sea, and were threaten- ing the passage to China and the Moluccas, unless they were driven out.' > Advis au roi par le Prebtre, Nov. 30, 1567, D^peches, p. 305. * Fourquevaux to Catherine de' Medici, May S, 1568, ibid., p. 358. " Deposition by Pedro Menendez (de Aviles) relating, among other mat- ters, to Portuguese settlements in Florida, and the urgent necessity of 367 i 368 The Spanish Settlements As if these considerations were not enough for his un- bounded ambition, Avil^s had also conceived the design of extending his domain to the confines of Mexico, and applied to the King for a licence to settle in the northern part of Panuco, "which was in Florida," giving as one of his titles to its possession the proximity of the country to the region he had already conquered, and in compliance with his suggestion a royal c^dula ' was dis- patched to the Audiencia of Mexico for its opinion. The Audiencia, jealous of his pretensions, reported adversely. " For measured by an air line from the corner of Panuco to the corner of Santa Elena," it said, " there are four hundred and fifty leagues, and it is a common practice among cosmo- graphers to add a third more of the way by land, on account of the sinuosities of the mountains, lagoons, and valleys which usually occur. And we are informed that they exist there in great number, and it is more difficult to conduct the road by the mountains, on account of the great ravines, and hollows and valleys, and the excessively mountainous condition of the county, so that the distance is not the eighty leagues which Pedro Menendez says, but six hundred according to this computation." Another reason for discountenancing the grant, and one more especially intended to appeal to the royal purse, was that the colonists "would extract silver there to mint for foreign kingdoms, or for where they chose, and would introduce all kinds of merchandise, without its being sub- ject to the proper accounting." The Audiencia also in- sisted that all of the turbulent element of the country provisioning the soldiers in Florida, March 28, 1568, Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 33.983, fol. 324. Aviles apparently thought that the Portuguese were in the vicinity of the range of mountains eighty leagues to the north of Chesa- peake Bay (see p. 212 in this volume), and not a great distance from the channel connecting the bay with the South Sea. ' Dated Madrid, July 21, 1568. The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 369 would gather about the new colony, and it would become a source of trouble to New Spain. "The site he lays claim to settle is sixty leagues from Mexico, and in case the Rio del Espiritu Santo should have to be discovered in order to go to the point of Santa Elena, it would have to be done from this New Spain in order to avoid these inconveniences, and in no way does it profit the service of Your Majesty and the peace of this land, to accede to the pretensions of Pero Menendez," concludes the Audiencia.' The opinion is interesting as showing the extent of the geographical knowledge of the time among those having the best opportunities to be correctly informed. The concluding paragraph, relating to the short distance from the City of Mexico to the proposed Panuco settlement, raises more than a mere suspicion that the Audiencia seriously dreaded the presence of the enterprising Aviles in its neighbourhood, and was still mindful of Cor- tes's dreams of independent conquest. And perhaps its caution was well advised, for the atmosphere of Mexico has possessed the peculiar property of disturbing the im- agination of soldiers from the time of Cortes to that of Bazaine. The protest of the Audiencia, however, could not check a man of such determination as the Adelan- tado, although it may have served the purpose of some- what delaying the execution of his plan. Four years later his request was granted and the limits of his Florida grant were extended west to the Rio Panuco "eighty leagues," and to the north to the confines of Mexico, and east, north-east, and north from Santa Elena.' ' ■' Parecer que da a S. M. la Audiencia de Nueva Espana, sobre lo pro- puesto por Pero Menendez de Abiles, de poblar en el rio de Panuco que es en la Florida," Mexico, Jan. ig, 1569. MS. Direc. de Hidrog. Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv, Doc. No. 42. - " Real Cedula ordenando al Adelantado Pero Menendez de Aviles la continuacion de la conquista de la Florida por la parte de Panuco," Madrid. Feb. 23, 1573, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 368. i 370 The Spanish Settlements Throughout the month of February, 1568, Avil^s was in Biscay preparing the fleet that was to sail for Flanders, which at the time it was thought that he would himself command.' In the summer he appears to have made his fifth voyage to the Indies, returning in the summer or early fall of the following year, between which terms it is among the possibilities that he made one visit to Florida as recorded in a previous chapter.^ On reaching Spain he found a letter from the austere Pius V., a man of deep but rigid religious convictions, congratulating him upon his appointment as Governor of Florida, and en- joining upon him "the good sense and discretion" which he should observe in his government of the Indians, "to effect the increase of our holy Catholic faith, and gain more souls to God." With the same sound sense which he recommended to the observation of the Adelantado, the Pope dwells upon the moral standard to be main- tained among the colonists. " But nothing is more important in the conversion of these Indians and idolaters," he observes, " than to endeavour by all means to prevent scandal being given by the vices and im- moralities of such as go to those western parts. This is the key of this holy work, in which is included the whole essence of your charge." ^ During most of 1570 Avil^s appears to have been at sea, protecting the arriving and departing fleets from the depredations of pirates, probably accompanying the out- going India squadrons on their way to the Canaries, and 'Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Feb. r8, 1568, D^peches, p. 328. 2 See A43pendix CC, The Second Voyage of Aviles to Florida, p. 457, in this volume. 3 Pius V. to Aviles, Aug. 18, 1569, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 299. English version in Shea's The Catholic Church in Colonial Days. New York, 1886, p. 145. The Last Visit of Avil^s to Florida 371 returning with the treasure ships.' On land his time was actively occupied with his Cuban Government in addition to his other cares. Ever since the arrival of Aviltis in Spain rumours had been afloat of his impending return to Florida, mostly in connection with the discovery of the Northwest Passage,* but his various occupations had so far prevented his de- parture. With the arrival of Las Alas, the knowledge of the defenceless and desperate condition of his colony must have pressed heavily upon him, but it was only in the spring of 1571 that he was enabled again to visit his conquest, and, as it happened, for the last time. May 15th he was at San Lucar to hasten the sailing of his fleet, which had been delayed by the weather, the sinking of one of his ships, and the unremitting meddling of the officials of the Casa de Contratacion." On the 17th of the month he set sail with seven galleons, two hundred and fifty sailors and soldiers, and four hundred persons in addition.* So great was the danger from pirates to which a small fleet was exposed that secret instructions appoint- ing a meeting-place were left for Diego Flores, who was to follow him with two galleons, and Las Alas remained in Spain to afford Flores his assistance.' ' See Appendix CC, The Second Voyage of Aviles to Florida, p. 457, in this volume. Tourquevaux to Charles IX., Aug., 1567, D^peches, p. 263. Gaffarel, p. 452, dates this letter Sept. 12, 1567. Same to same, Oct. 15, 1567, Ddpeches, p. 280; Apr. 6, 1568, ibid., p. 345. Same to Catherine de' Medici, May 8, 1568, ibid., p. 358. Advis au Roi par le Prebtre, Nov. 30, 1567, ibid., p. 305. ^Aviles to Philip II., May 15, 1571, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii, pp. 222, 224. ■» Aviles to Philip II., July 22, 1571, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 228, 235. This letter (p. 235) contains a statement that "mi muger y casa "were in a vessel of the fleet which sailed for Carthagena. It must be an error of the copyist, for Aviles intended to return shortly to Spain and could not have taken his family with him. * Aviles to Philip II., May 16, 1571, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 226. L 372 The Spanish Settlements July 3rd Aviles reached Havana, where he spent a few days attending to the sailing of the armada, which was to escort the returning treasure fleet. During his stay he lost some men by desertion, and as a considerable num- ber of his company had fallen ill, he was obliged to put the sick ashore. Here he found his nephew, Pedro Men^ndez de Aviles, whom Las Alas had left in charge of St. Augustine, and who had fallen very ill,' and he learned from Father Rogel the fate which had over- whelmed the Segura mission. His resolution was quickly taken, and he determined to visit Axacan and verify the details of the death of the missionaries. Taking with him Father Rogel and two Brothers,^ he promptly set sail for Santa Elena, which he reached on the 22nd of July. He found the small garrison at San Felipe in a satisfactory condition, and the natives "humble and obedient," but engaged in war with "the Indians friendly to the French."' "For the Indians, as a rule," he observes, "are better friends of the French, who leave them to live in freedom, than to my people and the Teatines (monks), who restrict their way of living; and the French can ac- complish more [with them] in one day than I in a year." To increase the attachment of the natives to his interests he sent to Campeche for supplies to distribute among them." Having reinforced the garrison at San Felipe, his next step was to proceed to Axacan. On his arrival he found that the Indians had fled to the mountains. Aviles, who was determined to read the savages a lesson which they should not forget, disembarked with a company of soldiers •Aviles to Philip II., July 22, 1571, ibid., tomo ii., p. 228. ^ Alegre, tomo i., p. 34. ^It does not appear what Aviles means by this expression, unless he attributed the continuance of the Indian war to French influence. * Aviles to Philip II., July 22, 1571, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 228 et seq. The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 373 to go in search of them, but only succeeded in captur- ing eight. He had, however, the good fortune to rescue the lad Alonso, and from him he learned the details of the cruel death that had overtaken the missionaries. The boy also informed him that the prisoners which he had taken were among their murderers, and the Adelantado hung them all from the yard-arms of his ship, after they had been converted and baptised by Father Rogel. Father Rogel asked Aviles for a company of soldiers to search for the bodies of the martyred missionaries and to give them burial, but the season was far advanced, Avil6s anxious to return, and the request of the Father had to be denied.' This was the last of the Jesuit missions on our eastern coast. In July, 1572, Father Sedeno went to Mexico to prepare the way for the first Jesuit mission to that country, and from there he was sent to the Philip- pines, where he passed the remainder of his life," Father Rogel lived to a ripe old age, for the legend of the cruci- fix related by him was written forty years after the martyrdom of Father Segura and his companions. It was late in the fall when Aviles arrived at St. Augus- tine, and after attending to the necessities of the garrison he set sail on the 20th of December for Havana, with the Jesuits and Alonso, whom Father Rogel had taken with him, in two small tenders and a bark. While pursuing the usual course along the coast the vessels were over- taken by a storm which separated them. The bark suc- ceeded in making Havana. A second boat was driven ' Pulgar, Historia general de la Florida, fol. 176b, Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, MSS. 2999. Ribas, Historia de los Trivmphos de nvestra Santa Fee, etc., Madrid, 1645, lib. xii., cap. ii., pp. 748, 749. Alegre, tomo i., p. 34. Labor Evangelica, Ministerios Apostolicos de los Obreros de la Coni- pania de Jesvs, Fvndacion y Progresses de sv Provincia en las Islas Filipinos. Historiadores per el Padre Francisco Colin. Parte primera, Madrid, MDCLXIII., lib. ii., cap. i., p. 168. 2 Alegre, tomo i., p. 50. Geographia Historica, El P. Pedro Murillo Velarde, Madrid, 1752, lib. ix., cap. ii., p. 80. k 374 The Spanish Settlements ashore in the province of Ays/ where the crew was at- tacked by the natives. Unable to defend themselves because the water had rendered their arquebuses useless, they were all killed and their boat was burned. The boat containing Avil^s and the Jesuits was cast ashore near Cape Canaveral, probably not far from the locality where Ribaut had suffered a like fate; its oc- cupants, some thirty in number, escaped to the land, constructed a kind of fort with the wreckage, and with a few arquebuses, which were still uninjured by the wet, defended themselves from the attacks of the Indians until nightfall, when they set out in the direction of St. Augus- tine, a distance of thirty-one leagues. Struggling onward through the forest, crossing the streams in canoes, in great danger from the sea, from which they managed to escape "by means of some reliques which the companion of Father [Rogel] cast upon the waters," * and, fighting the Indians, they accomplished the entire distance, finally reaching St. Augustine without the loss of a single mem- ber of the company. They came as a timely reinforce- ment, for a few days after their arrival three large English vessels, fully manned, attacked the town, but were suc- cessfully driven off. The boat which escaped to Havana had announced that the other two vessels would arrive the following day. As time passed without news of them or of the Adelan- tado, the report spread that he had been lost. At the end of four months a small vessel set sail on the loth of April, 1572, in search of Avil^s, and finally found him at St. Augustine, where he embarked in time to reach Havana on Good Friday. Here he remained but two weeks, and, having sent the news of his arrival to New Spain, set out again in the same vessel for Puerto de •Osorio in his letter of May 24, 1572 (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tcmo ii., p. 487) says " Ris," This is in all probability a misprint for " Ais." 'Pulgar, Historia general de la Florida, fol. 173b. The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 375 Plata, in Hispaniola. The date of his return to Spain does not appear, but it is not improbable that he sailed with the treasure fleet during the summer of 1572, leaving Pedro Mcnendez Marqu6s in charge of his government. At the time of his arrival at Havana Las Alas was already on his way to Florida and the West Indies.' As this was the last visit of Aviles to the country which he had undertaken to subdue and colonise, it will be of interest to learn the condition in which he finally left it and to consider what profit he derived from the enormous expense to which he and his friends had been put in its conquest and maintenance. We have seen that Aviles, who at the outset had so keenly appreciated the importance of cultivating the soil,^ sent out farmers at different times to colonise his province.^ These were settled for the most part on the little island at Santa Elena, on which was situated Fort San Felipe. There are two accounts of the condition of the colony, of par- ticular interest because they emanate from the colonists themselves, and as a consequence present their side of the story, which has an unhappy ring of truth about it, despite what may be some inevitable exaggeration. In 1572 the settlement on the island, in addition to soldiers in the garrison, consisted of some twenty-odd farmers with their families, most of whom had been ' Osorio to , May 24, 1572, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 487. In the " Declaracion de Juan de Saravia vecino de Sevilla sobre las nuevas de la Armada y flota de Indias que se apresaba del cargo del General D? Cristoval de Eraso," Seville, Oct. 19, 1572 (MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xxii., Doc. No. 7), it appears that Aviles had ordered the Governor of Havana to notify him in Florida of the arrival of the galleons in order that he might return to Spain with Eraso's armada. * Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomoii.,p. 83. 2 Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 3, 1570, ibid., tomo ii., p. 208, in which he says he has sent out 200 farmers. Same to same, Nov. 27. 1569, ibid., tomo ii., p. 190, where he mentions the presence of farmers in Guale. Same to same, Nov. 29, 1566, ibid., tomo ii., p. 170, where he refers to the farmers in Florida. k 37^ The Spanish Settlements farmers and raisers of stock in Spain. These the Adelan- tado had induced to emigrate to Florida by representing to them the fertility of the country, "as good as the plain of Carmona," says one of the Andalusians, the memory of that beautiful valley watered by the Guadalquivir and dotted with olive groves and orange trees rising before his eyes. The farmers were promised an assignment of good farming land and twelve head of stock apiece, and some of them had even brought cows and sheep of their own. They were soon at work planting corn and wheat, oats and pumpkins, chick-peas and beans, and perhaps the sugar-cane, as Fontanedo ' informs us; and cows, horses, sheep, and goats were brought to the fort for their use. Pigs were given to them with the curious condition, according to one of the deponents, that they were not to be slaughtered for ten years, after the expira- tion of which the increase was to be divided between the settlers and Aviles. As already stated, the island was small and low, sub- ject to be flooded by the sea at the high tides, and the soil sandy and unproductive. The frost and cold of winter proved extremely trying to the crops. During April and May it rained continually. The wheat failed entirely ; worms, rats, and moles devoured the seed which had been planted, and the only vegetables that gave any results were the pumpkins and melons. The cattle, roaming at large over the island, got into what little corn that grew and ate it up. The cows and sheep perished, owing, as the settlers thought, to the extensive marshes. The Indians killed the pigs, and as starvation pressed upon them the balance of the stock was consumed by the soldiers and the wretched settlers. For a while, on the arrival of relief at St. Augustine or Santa Elena, rations of corn and wine, oil and vinegar were regularly distrib- uted among them, and, as we have seen, pigs were sent • " Memoria," Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo v., p. 544. ' The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 377 to them a second time on the arrival of Aviles in June, 1566.' But these soon shared the fate of the other pigs, and as the other garrisons felt the pressure of necessity, the supplies became less frequent. Then the settlers, driven by hunger, hunted the shores for oysters, sea- food, and herbs. What little corn could be obtained was laboriously pounded in a mortar, but the sick were unable to eat it, and some of the settlers died from starvation. Nor was this the only misfortune which befell them. Juan de la Vandera, who was in charge of the fort and beyond the reach of control, exercised the ofifice of a tyrant and plundered the colonists without mercy. He sold the provisions to his own advantage. When a settler refused him anything that he wished he caused him to be beaten, and when his permission was asked to leave the country and go to Havana, he had the petitioner seized and imprisoned in the fort and condemned to the payment of penalties which enabled him to get possession of his property, and he took from the settlers all of their arms. It was a virtual slavery, and only by trickery and stratagem was it possible to leave the island. One of the exiles relates how he escaped from Santa Elena on the pretence of returning to Spain for more colonists. Four years later, after frequent and useless applications to Aviles for permission to abandon Santa Elena, the in- habitants of the settlement, "ruined, aged, weary, and full of sickness," "maltreated and insulted by the gover- nors," petitioned the King to the number of twenty-three for leave to return to Spain and for a vessel in which to make the voyage. The conditions were still unchanged, and the notary public was an inexperienced boy under the legal age. At St. Augustine there appear to have been in the neighbourhood of a dozen farmers. The supplies which Arciniega had brought from Spain had profited them ' Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 30, 1566, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 144. I 37^ The Spanish Settlements little, for peculation had been rife, and it was said that the of^cials in charge of the settlement had reloaded them on the very vessels in which they had come and sent them to be sold on their own account in the Wind- ward Islands and elsewhere in the Indies. It is true that the land at St. Augustine was better than at Santa Elena, and the plantings which the settlers had made were more successful. But though stock was distributed to the farmers, as had been done at Santa Elena, it suffered the same fate as elsewhere, for many of the pigs were killed by the Indians, and the balance was given no time for natural increase, being eaten up by the colonists and the soldiery in their extremity. At San Mateo and at San Pedro on Cumberland Island there appear to have been no colonists.' So far as the discovery of mineral wealth was concerned, an equal want of success had attended the conquest. Fourquevaux, it is true, had reported the finding of a gold mine thirty or forty leagues beyond San Mateo, on the authority of one of the captains who had accom- panied Aviles ; and also the discovery of a mine of azurite of the finest quality.'' But these stories find no confirma- tion in any of Men^ndez's letters; and as the only expedi- tion made into the gold-bearing region of the country, that of Juan Pardo, occurred subsequent to Fourquevaux's report and was without results, the alleged discoveries may be dismissed as merest rumours. The anticipated pearl fisheries had proved as illusory. As a consequence ' Informacion hecha en Madrid por el Licenciado Gamboa sobre cosas tocantes a la Florida, Madrid, Feb. 4, 1573, MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, est. 2, caj. I, leg. 1/27 ; Instancia a S. M. de Francisco Ruiz en nombre de los vecinos y pobladores de la Florida solicitando cambiar de residencia acompanada de informacion de testigos, MS., ibid., est. 54, caj. 5, leg. 16; Relacion de las cosas que ban pasado en la Florida tocantes al servicio de Dios y del Rey. Vino con carta de Juan Mendez, 6 de Abril, 1584, MS., ibid., est. 54, caj. 5, leg. 16, p. i. » Advis au Roi par le Prebtre, Nov. 30, 1567, D/pickcs, p. 305. The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 379 trade and commerce were non-existent, and the vast con- quest, undertaken at such an expense of lives and money, reduced itself to two or three miserable outposts contain- ing a handful of starving and naked soldiers, stationed in the neighbourhood of the Florida Straits to protect the passage of the treasure fleets and to prevent the descent of foreign powers upon its shore. How utterly inade- quate these outposts were for the latter purpose we see by the ease with which Drake sacked the city of St. Augustine but a few years later. It will be recalled that the salary of the Adelantado was to be paid out of the produce of the country without recourse to the King in event of his failure ' to find it, and that some, at least, of the royal officials in Florida were in the same case,^ so the anxiety of Aviles on his own account, as well as on theirs, will be easily understood. The Spanish occupation had led to the discovery of two plants — the sassafras and the nut grass. The de- privation of food to which the soldiers were subjected, the roots and herbs which they were driven to eat, coupled with the drinking of impure water, caused much sickness, which the Spaniards alleviated to a considerable extent by the use of the sassafras, whose virtues they had learned from the French. A decoction of the root was prepared, which was drunk in and out of season, at every meal and even when fasting, the well using it in place of wine. The Florida soldiers who arrived in Spain in 1569 were strong and healthy, which they attributed to the use of the root. Dr. Nicolas Monardes, who wrote at the time a treatise upon the medicinal plants of the West Indies, relates that "these [Florida] soldiours doeth trust so muche in this woodde, that I beyng one daie emongest many of them, informing my ' " Asiento," March 30, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 420. 'Aviles to Philip II., May 12, 1568, ibid., tomo ii., p. 178. k 38o The Spanish Settlements self of the thynges of this Tree, that moste parte of them tooke out of their pokettes, a good peece of this woodd, and said; Maister, doe you see here the woodde, that euery one of vs doth bryng for to heale vs with all if we do fall sicke, as we haue been there; and thei began to praise so muche, to confirme the meruelous workes of it, with so many examples of them that were there that surely I gaue greate credite vnto it." The Indians, he says, called it paiiame, and he informs us, in the curious medical terminology of the period, that it is cold and dry in the second degree, although its bark reaches the third degree ; and among its marvellous prop- erties it relieves the liver, drives fevers away, restores the appetite, voids the stone, quiets toothache, cures gout, preserves from pest, and is most serviceable in all cold sicknesses.' The nut grass, a plant resembling the galanga, was described by the Spaniards at the time as having roots which presented the appearance of a string of beads, and the nodules when cut apart were dry and hard as pebbles, black without and white within, and of an aromatic flavour. The Indians crushed the herb into a powder, with which they rubbed their bodies when they bathed, saying it refreshed the skin, and they also used the pow- der for the stomach-ache. The plant grew plentifully about Santa Elena, and the Spaniards used it for the ' Nicolas Monardes, Historia medicinal de las cosas que se iraen de tiues- tras Indias occidentales, que sirven en medicina, Sevilla, 1 565-1574. The translation given in the text is that of the English version, entitled : loyfvll Nevves ovt of the newe founde worlde . . . Englished by John Framp- ton, London, 1577, fol. 47. There is a cut of the tree in Frampton's ver- sion on fol. 45b, which is reproduced by De Laet in his Histoire du Nouveau Monde, Leide, 1640, p. 127, where he gives an account of its properties. The 2nd edition of the Latin version of Monardes's work is entitled : Simplicium medicamentorum ex novo orbe delatorum, quorrtm in medica usus est, historia . . . Latino . . . donata , , . a Carolo Clusio, Antverpiae, 1579. The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 381 same purpose as did the Indians, besides discovering other virtues which it possessed, and held it in such esteem that all the soldiers carried rosaries of beads made from the roots.' In 1573, a year after the protest of the Santa Elena colonists, Pedro Menendez Marques made an extended reconnaissance of the entire coast, from the head of the Florida Keys to Chesapeake Bay. Unfortunately there was no cosmographer in the party, so the report of Marques was unaccompanied by maps. The original extensive and detailed report which he prepared for the Council of the Indies was given to the cosmographer, Juan Lopez de Velasco, who probably received it after he had com^\Q.\.QA'\\\sGeografia y Descripcidn Universal de las Indias,'' since his great work gives no details whatever of this discovery. The report was subsequently lost, and we are indebted to the historian Barcia for a brief of the original which escaped a similar fate. The coast was carefully examined and its trend noted. Depths and distances were recorded. Shoals and bars, bays, rivers, and headlands were set down, with conspicuous objects by which the entrance of the harbours could be recog- nised, and sailing directions were also given. Marques also appears to have entered the Bay of Santa Maria and explored it for some distance. It is not improbable that he was accompanied in this expedition by the pilot Vin- cente Gonzalo, on account of his previous familiarity with the coast, for we find Gonzalo again visiting the Chesa- peake at a later date. During the course of his expedi- tion Marques rescued a number of Christian captives from the Indians and brought them back with him to 1 Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXVII., p. 131. Mr. Frederick V. Coville, Botanist of the Department of Agriculture, thinks the plant is in all proba- bility the nut grass, Cyperus rotundus, which has an aromatic odour, similar to but less pronounced than that of the true Asiatic galanga. * First published at Madrid in 1894 by the learned Don Justo Zaragoza. 382 The Spanish Settlements Santa Elena. Avil^s had in the meantime exerted him- self to send missionaries in the place of those who had withdrawn from the province, and on the arrival of Marques at Santa Elena he found there a number of Franciscan friars who had been sent out to him from Spain.' Pedro Men^ndez de Avil^s has filled too prominent a place in this part of our history to be dismissed without casting a glance at the few remaining years of his event- ful career. On his return to Spain he continued his active employment in naval affairs, his attention being particularly given to the equipment of a fleet directed against the English corsairs and Cimarron negroes,* and on the loth of February, 1574, he was appointed Captain- General of the formidable armada which Philip was form- ing ostensibly with the view of clearing the western coast and the Flanders channel of pirates, an armada of one hundred and fifty sail and twelve thousand men accord- ing to some, of three hundred sail and twenty thou- sand men according to others.^ Not on this account did Avil^s neglect his Florida interests, for in the early spring of 1573 he obtained a royal licence to send fifty families from the Asturias to Florida, an undertaking he was in haste to put into execution,* while his remarkable ver- satility is shown in his invention of an instrument for ' Barcia, Ensayo, K\\o MDLXIII., p. 146. On p. 149 he says nine monks, but note that the two following references mention only six. ' ' Real orden a los officiales de Sevilla que prouean de lo necesario a seis religiosos q uan a la florida." "Real orden al comisario general de s ixzxsF-° que nombre seis religiosos que uayan a la florida." Both dated Madrid, Feb. 23, 1573, MSS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 154, caj. i, leg. iS, tomo i., fol. 82. * Vigil, Noticias, pp. 31, 177-179. ^ Ibid., pp. 31, 32 ; Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. ccvi, ccix. * " Real licencia concedida a Pero Menendez de Aviles para llevar, previa informacion, cinquenta familias asturianas a la Florida," Madrid, March 3, 1573, Ruidiaz, idid., tomo ii., p. 373 ; Aviles to Marques, Sept. 8, 1574, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 290, 291. The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 383 measuring longitude,' for which he was conceded a ten- years' patent. In the midst of these various and engrossing occupa- tions his heart yearned for the white sands and palmetto groves of Florida, brilliant amidst her torrid waters. Almost his last thoughts and last words were for her. September 8, 1574, he wrote to his nephew and lieutenant, Marques : " Expressing to His Majesty my discontent at finding my- self separated from Florida, he has graciously told me that as often as it is possible to allow me to return he will very gladly do so. And I hope to God he will do so in the spring, for I do not doubt that the affair of Flanders will be arranged this winter. And with that I shall be free to go at once to Florida, not to leave it for the rest of my life; for that is the sum of my longings and happiness. May our Lord permit it, if possible, and if He sees fit." ^ Whether the armada assembled at Santander was really intended for Flanders, or, as has been supposed,' was to attack England, Aviles was not destined to lead it, nor to see his beloved Florida again. Nine days after writing the letter just quoted he died at Santander from an at- tack of indigestion.^ He was buried first at Llanes, but his body was transferred in 1591 to the Church of St. Nicholas in his native city of Avil6s, where it now re- poses in a niche on the Gospel side of the altar, with this inscription : " Here lies interred the very illustrious cavalier Pedro Mene? de Aviles, native of this town, Adelantado of the Pro- vinces of Florida, Commander of the Holy Cross of La ^arga ^ Real cedula of Feb. 17, 1573, Pardo, ibid., tomo ii., p. 366. * Aviles to Marques, Sept. 8, 1574, ibid., tomo ii., p. 288. ^ Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. ccix, and see Aviles to Marques, Sept. 8, 1574, ibid., tomo ii., p. 290, * Ibid,, tomo ii., p. 513. 3^4 The Spanish Settlements of the Order of Santiago and C" Gen^' of the Ocean Sea and of the Catholic Armada which the Lord PhiHp II. assembled against England in the year 1574, at Santander, where he died on the 17th of September of the said year being fifty-five years of age." ' The only ornament on the tomb is his coat-of-arms, placed above the chest which contains his remains. The testimony of his companions in arms goes to con- firm the statement made by his biographers that Avil^s died poor.* He left two daughters, Doiia Catalina, who married Hernando de Miranda, and after his death Her- nando de las Alas ; and Doiia Maria, who married Diego de Velasco. All of his Florida interests, except the marquisate, were bequeathed to his daughter Catalina, who also inherited his title of Adelantado of Florida, while Pedro Men^ndez Marques was authorised to prose- cute the Panuco conquest. The marquisate was left to his daughter Dona Maria," wife of Diego de Velasco, and her sons, with the singular condition that in the event of male issue the heir, on reaching twenty years of age, was to reside with his wife and household in Florida for a period of ten years, "for my ultimate object and desire is to procure that Florida be settled in perpetuity, that the Holy Gospel be extended and planted in those provinces." The same condition was imposed upon the Panuco in- heritance.' 1 Barcia, Ensayo, Aiio MDLXXIV, p. 151; Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. ccxxiv, and tomo ii, p. 337, on which he gives a cut of liis tomb reproduced from a photograph. '•^ Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXXIV., p. 151. And see p. 126, note 3 in this volume. ^ Ruidiaz {La Florida, tomo i., p. ccxxvi.) says she was a professed nun at Avila, but the will specifically speaks of her as married at the time to Diego Velasco (ibid., vol. ii., p. 518). ■* " Testamento del Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles otorgado en Sanliicar de Barrameda el 7 de Enero de 1574," ibid., tomo ii., p. 516. Further details will be found in Ruidiaz, who at the end of the second The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 385 Aviles was unquestionably a man of unusual talent, enterprise, and courage, of indomitable energy and will, of remarkable self-control and tact. Every emergency was anticipated, every obstacle was surmounted with promptness and dexterity. Fatigue and weariness, hesi- tation, doubt, perplexity were alike unknown to him. However strange the circumstances in which he found himself he was never at a loss for one moment as to how they should be met. His experience in naval affairs and more particularly in the West Indies exceeded that of any captain of the day. His loyalty to his King and to his religion were without question, "for he considered nothing but the service of God and of his Majesty, with- out looking to human interests," said one of his soldiers.' He could descend to the consideration of the smallest details and order them with practical common-sense while indulging in dreams of the conquest of a continent. He shared with his soldiers their privations, and led them in person in their most dangerous undertakings. For their sakes he could receive an insult with a bow, and pawn his own clothes. As a result "he was much loved, feared, prized, and respected."* There is but one blot on his fame, that of the Matanzas massacre, nor is the shame of it palliated when it is as- cribed not to fanaticism or bigotry, but to the reasons assigned by his master, — the desire not to risk the lives of his own people. If this was, indeed, his motive, it was a worthy one. But when the genius and resourcefulness of Aviles are considered it is reasonable to believe that had he but sought it some other expedient would have presented itself rather than the bloody one to which he volume (p. 627) gives a list of the Adelantados of Florida. Barcia in his Ensayo gives a plate (facing p. i) of the " Casa de los Adelantados de la Florida," and Vigil in his Noticias gives a variety of genealogical data. ■ Grauiel Justiniano, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 622, 'Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 131. **.— 25. 386 The Spanish Settlements resorted. But we must not allow our judgment to be so outraged by this cold-blooded murder as to blind us to his signal merits, and Pedro Men6ndez de Aviles surely deserves to take rank among the greatest and most gifted of the early discoverers and conquerors of the New World. APPENDIX A REGISTERED GOLD AND SILVER IMPORTED INTO SPAIN FROM THE WEST INDIES, 1560-1569 Royal Revenues from the Indies. — In 1561 the royal revenues from the Indies are said to have averaged, one year with another, 600,000 ducats. (" Memoria de las riendas y patrimonio del rey de Espania [sic] dell ano 156 1." Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., Co^^on Vesp. C, vii., fol. 216.) In 1564 the royal revenues from the Indies were 225 " cuentos " (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. Eg., 1873, fol. 225); that is to say, 225,- 000,000 maravedis. (See Relacion Breue, etc., Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 8691, fol. 36b, which says: " Contados al uso^ que se asientan todos en los libros Reales, que es a cuentos, ymarauedis. Cadacuento sondiez uezescienmilmarauedis.") In 1564 a ducat was still approximately 350 maravedis, so that we have about 600,000 ducats for the total revenue. The following table shows the royal revenue from Mexico for the years 1560-69 inclusive. So far as can be determined from the data here given Mexico paid a minimum of about two- fifths of the total revenue from the Indies. 1560 — 268,702 pesos 1565 — 424,409 pesos 1561—252,937 " 1566 — 480,597 ** 1562—284,457 " 1567—517,394 1563—315,218 " 1568—931,463 " 1564—333,209 " 1569—338,737 " (Relacion de la Plata Reales Oro I oias que se a lleuado a su magestad desta nueua espana a los Reinos de Castilla desde el ano de mil y quinientos y veinte dos . . . hasta el aiio 387 I 388 The Spanish Settlements presente de mil y quinietos y nouenta y nueue. Brit. Mus. Add. MSB., 13,964, fol. 196.) Gold and Silver Imported into Spain. — Alava, writing from Lyons, July 22, 1564, reports that the banks " tienen abisso que han llegado a seuilla seis nabios y esperan otros quatro que la Voz es que traen para registrar de V. Md. y particulares Vn million y docientos mil escudos y callado dos milHones mas" (MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1502 (10), fol. 2b). Fourquevaux writes to the King, Sept. 17, 1566, that the fleet from the Indies, consisting of thirty-seven ships, has probably arrived at San Lucar " et porte quatre millions XLVII mil escuz d'or" {De'peches, p. 126), which is confirmed by a letter of Saint Sulpice to the King of October 17th of the same year, in which he says: " La flotte des Indes arrivee a Seville porte quatre millions et demy d'or ou d'argent sans le secret, et porte une grande richesse de perles, pierreries et drogues pour taingdre en cramoisy, et autres choses" {Depec/ies, p. 133). Writing Aug. 2, 1567, to the King, Fourquevaux says that Menendez brings the report of the Governor of Cuba that the fleet from New Spain carries two millions of gold {D^peches, p. 242). June 25, 1568, Fourquevaux again writes the King that " la flotte du Peru est arrivee a Seville; et ne s'y parle plus de peste, puisqu'ilz ont ce qu'ilz attendoient: ce sont trois millions et demy d'or, desquelz I'un million est por le Roy Catholique. On parle de trois esmeraudes de grande valleur que lad. flotte a port^e, dont I'une est si grande et belle pezant XXVI caratz, qu'on ne luy scait mectre pris. Autre flotte attendant de laNeufve Espagne par tout juillet; laquelle porte pour deux millions et demy d'or en argent et peu d'or " {De'peches, p. 365). This gives a total of 15,247,000 ducats for the four years specified imported for the King and private in- dividuals, two millions of which were smuggled. Excluding the smuggled gold we have an average for the four years of about 3,312,000 ducats a year; and if we take this as an average of the entire amount annually imported, exclusive of the smuggled gold, which necessarily cannot be estimated, we have the enormous importation for the ten years of thirty-three millions of ducats. How fallacious all such Appendix B 389 estimates as the above are liable to be is best realised by com- paring the two statements quoted in the text, and written within a very few years of each other and of the period of which they treat. Moncada, covering the earlier years, and therefore those of less development of the mines, gives for about the same extent of time five hundred millions more revenue than Navarette! APPENDIX B THE "riviere DE MAI " Ribaut, in "The true and last discoverie," chap. 3 (re- printed in the Hist. Col. of Louisiana and Florida^ by B. F. French, 2nd series, " Historical Memoirs and Narratives," p. 179), places the "Riviere de Mai" in 30 degrees, and this may very well have been the river referred to by Chantone in his correspondence, and in the instructions of Manrique de Rojas under its Spanish name of " Ribera de las Corrientes " in 30 degrees. (Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 24, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1500 (43), and Relacion e informacion de los franceses que han ido a poblar en la costa de la Florida. San Cristobal de la Habana, 9 de Julio de 1564, MS. Arch, Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 54, caj. i, leg. 15, p. 5.) When Manrique visited the locality he found that three ves- sels loaded with Christians had been there recently (see p. 46 in this volume), and it is probable that these were Ribaut's fleet of two ships and a large sloop, for the two smaller boats intended for the shallow Florida waters were carried aboard the large vessel while at sea (^Relacion e informacidn., MS., pp. 10, 18, 19). Hawkins, who visited Laudonniere's settlement on the River of May in 1564, found the river " standing in 30 degrees and better." (" The voyage made by M. John Haw- kins Esquire ... to the coast of Guinea, and the Indies of Noua Hispania, begun in An. Dom. 1564," Hakluyt, Edin- burgh, 1889, vol. iv., p, 240.) Rojomonte, one of the Frenchmen who escaped from Laudonniere's colony, and was captured by the Spaniards, 390 The Spanish Settlements mentions the river in his deposition as : "La ribera de mayo que esta segun dizen en treynta y un grados de altura." (Noticia de la poblacion que habian hecho los Franceses a la Florida, 1564. MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. i, caj. I, leg. 1/19, ramo 4, p. i.) Meleneche, another French- man, who also escaped from Fort Caroline and was captured by the Spaniards, says in his deposition that Laudonniere's fleet " baxaron a veinte y nueve y medio, donde hallaron un rio que tiene de ancho por la boca un tiro de verso," and he describes the river as " entrando por la tierra al Sudueste, poco mas o menos," a description which can only apply to the St. John's. (" Relacion del suceso de la Armada Francesa que fue a poblar la tierra de la Florida " in " Carta escrita al Rey por Juan Rodriguez de Noriega, Sevilla, a 29 de Marzo de 1565." MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrde, tomo 14, Doc. No. 2i2f> ^o^s. 3b and 5b.) Menendez, in his " Carta al Rey, 15 de Octubre de 1565 " (Ruidiaz, La Florida., tomo ii., p. 92), says: " El rio que esta en el fuerte de Sant Mateo, que tomamos a los franceses [/. «?., Fort Caroline], va sesenta leguas por la tierra dentro, y no se llego al cabo del la buelta del Sudueste, a salir casi a la baia de Juan Ponce"; and in the same letter, p. 93, he says: "El [puerto] del fuerte de Sant Mateo que ganamos esta en treynta y un quarto; porque los franceses y sus pilotos se enganavan, k. yo he hecho tomar el sol en tierra y averiguarlo. " This and the similar description given by Meleneche appear to estab- lish the identity of the "Riviere de Mai " with the St. John's beyond a doubt. Other Identifications. — Jean de Laet, in his Histoire du Noiiveau Mofide, Leyde, 1640, liv. iv., chap, xvii., p. 129, identifies it with the River of St. Augustine. The Altamaha: Guillaume De I'lsle, in his " Carte et Cours du Mississipi . . ." Paris . . . 17 18, identifies it with the " Riviere des Cavuitas, " the Altamaha, as does also lo. Bapt. Homann in his map: "Amplissima regionis Missis- sipi seu Provinciae Ludovicianae ..." (1763). Mr. George F. Becker, in a carefully prepared note to his " Reconnaissance of the Gold Fields of the Southern Appa- Appendix B 391 lachians," p. 8 (Extract from the Sixteenth Annual Report, U. S. Geological Survey, 1894-95, Part II.), argues that the "Riviere de Mai" is the Altamaha, because " Lemoyne's map shows it as the largest river of the South, its main branch extending to the north-west into the Montes Apalatci, and placed much farther north than one would expect to find the St. John's. Laudonniere also speaks of the Mai as one of the three great rivers rising in the Appalachian Mountains and as being navigable for small boats from the mountains to the sea." Mr. Becker cites the De I'lsle map above referred to in which the mouth of the " Caouitas or May ... is shown at a distance north of St. Augustine almost exactly corresponding to the real position of the Altamaha"; he also cites "A new and accurate map of the province of Georgia in North America " of 1760 (?) (No. 92, Col. of American Maps made in England, Lib. U. S. Geological Survey), in which the river is labelled, " Formerly river of May, now Altamaha or St. George's River." Mr. Becker's error lies in placing too great confidence in Le Moyne's map, which can be accurate only in respect to the country which the French actually explored, the balance being put in from Indian reports imperfectly understood, if not copied from other and equally unreliable sources. The French at no time went farther up the river than Lake George. They ascended no northerly arm to the mountains, and Laudonniere may well have thought that in a vague Indian account of the Altamaha he recognised a description of a northerly branch of the River of May. The later maps have no force, because they merely copied the error made by Mercator in his map of 1606 (see Appendix J, Maps of the French Colonies in Florida and South Carolina), and naturally identified his River of May with the Altamaha, when the course of the latter became known. Moreover, it has already been shown that Menen- dez and Meleneche both state that the River of May flowed southwest. The first map subsequent to that of Le Moyne to show the St. John's flowing southward is "A Map of the West Indies or the Islands of America in the South Sea; with ye adjacent 392 The Spanish Settlements Countries," etc., by Herman Moll, Geographer, London, for Thos. Bowles and John Bowles. It is dated 1710 by the British Museum and 17 15 (?) by P. Lee Phillips in his A List of Maps of America, Washington, 1901. But see Brinton, J\/'otes on the Floridian Peninsula, p. 85. Identified with the St, Mary's. — N. Bellin, in " Carte des costes de la Floride Fran9aise, " in Charlevoix, Hist, de la Nouvelle France, Paris, 1744, tome i., between pp. 24, 25. Fran^ois-Xavier Martin, in his Hist, of Louisiana (ist edit., 1827), New Orleans, 1882, chap, i, p. 39, John W. Monette, in his Hist, of the Valley of the Mississippi (New York, 1846), vol. i., p. 67 and p. 69, note. J, G. Kohl, "A History of the Discovery of the East Coast of North /imerica, " Portland, 1869, vol. i., pp. 425, 436 {Col. Maine Hist. Soc, 2nd series). The general consensus of modern opinion, however, identi- fies the " Riviere de Mai" with the St. John's. Descripcion Historica . . . de la Florida, MS, Anonymous, undated (end of 1 8th century?), fol. 24b, note. In the possession of the writer. Holmes's Annals, London, 1813, vol, i,, p, 79, note 3, and p. 80, note i. Memoir of Florida, by William Darby, Philadelphia, 1821, p. 47. Historical Collections of South Carolina, by B. R. Carroll, New York, 1836, vol. i., pp. xxxiii. and xxxiv. The Territory of Florida, by John Lee Williams, New York, 1837, p. 170. History of Georgia, by William B. Stevens, New York, 1847, vol. i., pp. 32, 33, 37. History of the United States, by George Bancroft (15th edit.), Boston, 1855, vol. i., p. 61. " Map of Florida, 1565," in the History of St. Augustine, by George R. Fairbanks, New York, 1858, between pp. 14, 15, and text on p. 16. This map is reproduced by John Gilmary Shea in "Ancient Florida," in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., New York, 1886, vol. ii., p. 264. History of Florida, by George R. Fairbanks, Philadelphia, 1 87 1, p. 93. Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, by B. F. French, 2nd series. " Historical Memoirs and Nar- ratives," New York, 1875, P- i7°) note. "Carte de la Floride Fran^aise (1562, 1568)," in Histoire de la Floride Fran^aise, par Paul Gaffarel, Paris, 1875. History of Hernando de Soto and Florida, by Barnard Shipp, Philadelphia, 1881, p. 499, Appendix C 393 note. The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, by John Gilmary Shea, New York, i886, p. 134. The Pioneers of France in the New World, by Francis Parkman, Boston, 1893, p. 1%, and in the map " Florida 1565," between pp. 96, 97. Memoirs of Florida, by Roland H. Rerick, edited by Francis P. Fleming, Atlanta, Ga., 1902, p. 39, note. Laudonniere, in 1564, on the second French expedition, established Fort Caroline on the "Riviere de Mai " (see p. 57 in this volume). From this he was driven out by Menendez de Aviles, who changed the name of the fort to that of San Mateo, which name was in consequence given to the river; and the Spanish settlement of San Mateo, which grew up on the right bank of the river, near its mouth, has retained its name down through the first quarter of the nineteenth century. See the following maps: " East Florida, from Surveys made since the last Peace, adapted to Dr. Stork's History of that Country," by Thomas Jefferys, Geographer to the King, in A Description of Florida, by William Stork, 3rd edit., London, 1769. "A New Map of the British Colonies in North Amer- ica," by John Andrews, London, 1777. " The West Indies," Jno. Gary, London, 1783. " The West Indies," G. G. and J. Robinson, London, 1799. " Map of Florida," published by Wm. Darby, 182 1, in his Memoir of the Geography a?id Natural and Civil History of Florida, Philadelphia, 182 1. Bernard Romans tells us that the Indians called the St. John's River the Ylacco, a name which conveys an indecent meaning, which he nowhere explains. A concise Natural History of Fast and West Florida, New York, 1775, vol. i., pp. i, 259-273. Daniel G. Brinton, in his Floridian Peninsula, p. 154, note i, gives a list of the various names of the St. John's River, both English, Spanish, and native. APPENDIX C THE PILLAR SET UP BY RIBAUT Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 8; Hak., vol. ii., p. 417. Chan- tone to Philip IL, Jan. 24, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1500 (43)- 394 The Spanish Settlements The Frenchman Rufin, left at Port Royal by the small force Ribaut had settled at Charlesfort, thus describes the pillar: " El qual dicho mojon es de piedra blanca e de alto y grueso como un hombre poco mas 6 menos y en lo alto del esta de- buxado un escudo con una corona en^ima y dentro del tres flores de lis e mas abajo una IR . . . e mas abajo quatro numeros de guarismo que dizen 1561." Relacion e informa- cion de los franceses que han ido a poblar en la costa de la Florida, 1564, MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 54, caj. I, leg. 15, p. 27. Le Moyne, in Plate VIII. of his " Indorum Floridam provinciam inhabitantium eicones," forming part of the De Bry Brevis Narratio, Frankforti ad Moenum, 1591, shows a column in substantial accordance with the above description, /. P- ZZ'i French, ibid., p. 184, note; Shipp, ibid., p. 499, note. To the Sapello: Gaffarel's map, ibid., 1875. The Charente corresponds, perhaps, to the Newport: Holmes's .^««d!/i-, vol. i., p. 80; Carroll, ibid., p. xxxiv., note; Stevens, ibid., vol. i., p. 2)Z\ French, ibid., p 184, note; Shipp, ibid., p. 499, note. 398 The Spanish Settlements To the Ogeechee: N. Bellin's map, ibid., 1744; Gaffarel's map, ibid., 1875. The Garonne corresponds, perhaps, to the Ogeechee: Holmes's Annals, vol. i., p. 80, note i; Carroll, ibid., p. xxxiv., note; French, ibid., p. 184, note; Shipp, ibid., p. 499, note. To the Savannah: Gaffarel's map, 1875. To St. Catherine's Inlet: Stevens, ibid., vol. i., p. 33. The Gironde corresponds, perhaps, to the Savannah: Holmes's Annals, vol. i., p. 80, note i; Carroll, ibid., p. xxxiv., note; French, ibid., p. 184, note; Shipp, ibid., p. 499, note. To the Ogeechee: Stevens, ibid., vol. i., p. 33. To the Santa Helena (?): Gaffarel's map, ibid., 1875. To the "Riviere des Chaouanes " or Edisto: Guillaume De risle's map, ibid., 1718; lo. Bapt. Homann's map, ibid., 1763. The Belle corresponds, perhaps, to the May in South Caro- lina: Holmes's Annals, vol. i., p. 80, note i; Carroll, ibid., p. xxxiv., note; French, ibid., p. 184, note. To the South Edisto (?): Gaffarel's map, ibid., 1875. Laudonniere, in 1564, looking from the top of a bluff near the mouth of the "Riviere de Mai" (the St. John's), says: "And more than sixe leagues off, neere the Riuer Belle, a man may behold the medowes diuided asunder into lies and Islets enterlacing one another " ("A Notable Historie," in Hakluyt, vol. ii., p. 450, Basanier, p. 41). The position of the Belle in the other relations and in Le Moyne's map is quite irreconcil- able with this statement. The Grande corresponds perhaps, to the Broad River: Holmes's Annals vol. i. p. 80, note i; Carroll, ibid., p. xxxiv., note; Johnson, quoted by Carroll, ibid., p. xxxvii., note; French, ibid., p. 184, note; Shipp, ibid., p. 499 note. Le Moyne places the S. Helenae, and Laudonniere the Belle a veoir, between the Grande and Port Royal, which is quite in- consistent with the theory that the Grande is the Broad River. Only in Ribaut, The true and last discoverie, is the Grande immediately followed by Port Royal. k Appendix E 399 To the Edisto: Franfois-Xavier Martin, ibid., 1882, chap, i., p. 39. To the Savannah: Stevens, ibid., vol. i., p. n. The Belle a veoir is probably the May in South Carolina: Shipp, ibid., p. 499, note. The Basse is probably the Edisto of the English: Holmes's Annals, vol. i., p. 411. The Libourne is identified with Skull Creek: Parkman, ibid.y p. 39- APPENDIX E PORT ROYAL Description of Port Royal, — Its entrance is three French leagues w^ide {^Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 11, 12; Hak., vol. ii., p. 421, LeMoyne's " Eicones " '\xv\)Q^xy'% Brevis Nar- ratio, Plate V.). It is divided into two arms (Basanier, Le Moyne, Plate V.). The Relacion e informacion de los fran- ceses que han ido a poblar en la costa de la Florida, San Cristobal de la Habana, 9 de Julio de 1564 (MS. Arch. Gen, de Indias, Seville, est, 54, caj. i., leg. 15, p. 16), describes it as having " dosbocas de puertos que estan juntos una con otra," and as the fifth harbour visited by Manrique de Rojas after leaving the " Rio de Sancta Elena " in 32 degrees and sailing north, and again as " un puerto grande de dos," {ibid., p. 26). One arm extends to the north (Basanier, Le Moyne), nearly ten or twelve leagues up into the country (" The true and last discoverie of Florida by Captain John Ribaut," reprint in Hist. Col. Louisiana a?id Florida, by B. F. French, 2nd series, "Historical Memoirs and Narratives," 1527-1702, p. 185). The other branch extends west for twelve leagues and runs into the sea. The two arms are two leagues wide, with an island in the centre having its point towards the great river's mouth {Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 12, 13; Hak., vol. ii,, pp. 421, 422; Le Moyne, ibid., Plate V., and map). There is a discrepancy between the statements of Laudon- 400 The Spanish Settlements niere and Ribaut in respect to the distance sailed up these arms. Laudonniere says that Ribaut sailed twelve leagues up the western arm, and then returned to his ships, and the next day sailed three leagu'es west and discovered the island where the pillar was set up {Hak., vol. ii., pp. 422, 423). Ribaut, as above noted, says he went up the northern arm ten or twelve leagues. The western arm has an affluent from the east {Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 12, 13; Hak., vol. ii., p. 422; Le Moyne, map), which Le Moyne shows as uniting the western and eastern branches. Le Moyne appears to have derived all of the data for the legend of Plate V. from the His tot re Notable, of which it is almost a translation, and Port Royal, as shown on his map, is in agreement with this description, and Le Moyne is therefore of no value in determining whether Ribaut or Laudonniere is correct in this particular. The fort built by Ribaut was situated " sobre un brapo de un rrio que esta en un puerto grande de dos que estan junto a la banda del sur " of the harbour in 32° 20', where Manrique de Rojas anchored, from which it was but three leagues distant " por el rrio arriba sin salir a la mar," where it was found {Relacidn e infortnacion de los franceses, pp. 17, 21, 26, 27). Its Location. — Port Royal is in 32 degrees (Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 24, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1500 [43]; Instructions to Manrique, Relacidn e infortnacion de los fran- ceses, p. 5, and the French observations in Rufin's deposition, ibid., p. 21). But it was not found there by Manrique, who visited a harbour in 32 degrees {ibid., pp. 10, 11). It is in 32 degrees and 15 minutes (Observations of Ribaut's Spanish pilot in Rufin's deposition, ibid., p. 21). Manrique finds it a little south of a port in 32 degrees and 20 minutes {ibid., pp. 26, 27). The Coast to the South of Port Royal. — One league to the south of Port Royal, that is to say, of the harbour where Manrique found the pillar, are (a) "dos puertos . . . junto de uno." One league from (a) is (^) " otro puerto . . . que tiene dos rrios." Two leagues from (3) is (^) Appendix E 401 " otro puerto." — ' leagues from (c) is (2\°, as reported by Rufin. The latitude of Fripp's Inlet to the north-east is 32° 20', which corresponds accurately with that observed by Man- rique, /'. e., " treinta y dos y un tercio. " Fripp's Inlet has a small creek, unnamed in the Coast Survey Chart, near its mouth on the south side, also a stream on the north-west bank, not far from its mouth, and Port Royal Sound can be reached by going up Story River in a small boat, without going to sea; all of which agrees very closely with Manrique's de- scription of his harbour. It is also to be noted that Port Royal, /. e., where the pillar was found, was unquestionably beyond the harbour in 32 degrees where Manrique first entered. Too much stress must not be laid upon the coinci- dence of the latitudes, as observed by Manrique, with those determined by the Coast Survey, as, in view of the imperfect means by which the observations were made at that time, it may be entirely fortuitous. The correspondence of the har- bours to the south of Port Royal, /. i(/., p. 123) that when Ribaut came to treat of the terms " el Adelantado le respondio lo que a los primeros franceses de que hizo hacer justicia, e dando e to- mando con ^1, no pudo acabar otra cosa el Juan Ribao con el Adelantado." Barrientos (t'did., p. 68) merely says that in the interview with Ribaut " el adelantado le Respondio lo que a los otros, y con el no pudo acauar otra cosa." We have thus the concurrent testimony of Mendoza and of Meras to the terms in which Aviles made his promise to the French, one of them having been present at one massacre, and the other at the other. The statement of Barrientos is not of equal importance with that of the two just mentioned -because he appears to have drawn his information for this part of his history from a source common to himself and Meras. It is difficult to imagine any connivance between Aviles, the chaplain, and the brother-in-law to misrepresent the words used, because it is not easy to conceive what motive there could be for so doing. French Accounts — Second Massacre. — We have but two original accounts of the oath of Aviles from the French side, and both of them relate to the second massacre. The first is .that given by the Dieppe sailor and reported by Le Moyne, 424 The Spanish Settlements a translation of which appears in the text (p. 202 in this vol- ume). The paragraph describing the promise in the original is: " Ille Caillii oratione audita, non modo conceptis verbis fidem Caillio dedit, quam repetitis multis crucis signis, osculo sancitis, confirmavit, sed etiam juratam cora omni suorum caterva, & scriptam suoq; sigillio obfirmatam tradere voluit, per quam denuo jurabat, & poUicebatur, se sine fraude, fide- liter, & ut virum nobilem atque probum decet Ribaldi at(|ue militum ipsius vitam conservaturum: datae sunt igitur litterae eleganter scriptse," etc. {Brevis Narratio, pp. 28, 29). The second is that of Le Chaileux (" Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, pp. 474, 475), who has also preserved an account of the same event, but does not positively state its origin. As he ascribes the report of the mutilation of Ribaut's body to the sailor Christophe le Breton, from Havre de Grace, one of the persons saved from the massacre, it is possible that he learned it from him. It is as follows: " Les deleguez [of Ribaut] furent regus de prime face assez humainement. Le capitaine de ceste compagnie espagnole, lequel se faisoit nom- mer Vallemande, protesta en foy de gentilhomme, chevalier et chrestien, de sa bienveillance envers les Fran9ois, mesme- ment que c'estoit la fa?on qui avoit este de tout temps pra- tiquee en la guerre que 1' Espagnole victorieux se contentast, a I'endroit du Francois principalement, sans passer plus outre: exhortant en truchement, afin q'tous fussent persuadez de ceste belle promesse, que iamais il ne voudroit faire faire en ceste endroit, de quoy les nations se puissent en apres ressentir, et prestement fist accoustrer une barque," etc. Fourquevaux in his letter to Charles IX. of July 5, 1566, says: "qu'il m'a est^ diet que led. Menendes avoit receu vosd. subjectz la vie sauve et promis de les fere mener en Espagne pour y attendre Tadveu ou desadveu de Votred. Majeste " {Ddpeches, p. 93). This is the evidence on the French side. Its characteristics are that it reaches us indirectly, neither Le Moyne nor Le Chaileux having been present at the massacre; that the two sailors were not of a rank, nor in a position to be informed as to what were the exact terms of the promise made by Avil^s to Ribaut, but knew only the construction put upon it in the Appendix P 425 form in which it was announced to them. Stripped of all re- ligious prejudice and racial hatred, the credibility of the two contradictory accounts resolves itself into a question of the relative weight of the evidence. On the one hand is the direct testimony of Merds and Mendoza, each witness of one of the massacres, each confirming the statement made by Aviles, and each in a position which enabled him to obtain correct information; and opposed to this, on the other hand, are the two concurrent accounts, reaching us at second hand, of two sailors, each present at the massacre, from which one escaped, and where the other is pardoned, and neither of them in a position to obtain direct information. Gaffarel in his Histoire de la Floride Francaise (pp. 222, 223) accepts the Spanish version as to the form of Aviles's promise at the first massacre, and gives both versions of the promise made at the second massacre {ibid., pp. 225, 226) without deciding between the two. Parkman in his Pioneers of France in the New World (pp. 137 and 142) accepts the Spanish version for both mas- sacres, and adds: " That they contain an implied assurance of mercy has been held, not only by Protestants, but by Catholics and Spaniards"; and he cites in support of his statement Salazar, Cricis del Ensayo, p. 23; and Padre Felipe Brief, Anales. The theory has been advanced by Gaffarel (p. 225) that Vallemande of Le Challeux was an officer of Aviles, upon whom the Adelantado had imposed the burden of perjuring himself in the Spanish interest. No corresponding name, or one approximately like it, appears among the names of officers of the conquest given by Barrientos or by Meras. Neither was it in the nature of Aviles to compel another to do that which he would not do himself. APPENDIX P THE DEATH OF RIBAUT French Accounts. — Le Chalkux in his Histoire Memorable, which was printed at Dieppe in 1566 {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 296) agrees substantially with the details given 426 The Spanish Settlements by Barrientos, as related in the text, except as to the nature of the promise given by Aviles, — a subject which has already been considered in Appendix O (p. 421 in this volume), — and as to the subsequent treatment of Ribaut's body. He relates on the authority of Christophe le Breton, a French sailor spared by Aviles, and who on being sent to Seville, had escaped from there to Dieppe, " et pour combler leur cruaute et barbarie: ils ont rase la barbe du lieutenant du Roy, pour faire monstre de leur expedition et Ton bien tost apres envoy^e a Civile, et pour le trophee de leur renommee et victoire, d6- membrerent le corps de ce bon et fidele serviteur du Roy, et firent de sa teste quatre quartiers lesquels.ils ficherent en quatre picques, et puis les planterent aux quatre coings du fort" (reprint in Gaffarel, Hisi. de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 476). There is a simplicity and a ring of truth about the Le Challeux Relation, the sincerity of which is confirmed by his giving the source of this latter report. It will be noted, how- ever, that the story comes through Le Breton, who had been pardoned by the Spaniards, had been for a short time in their service, and whose interest it was to appease the suspicions his pardon would naturally excite among his compatriots by ex- aggerating the ferocity of the Spaniards. October i6th of the same year Jehan Memyn, a French sailor also spared by the Spaniards and who had remained in Florida for some time subsequent to Ribaut's death, deposed that the Spaniards " coupperent plustost la barbe aud, cap"' Ribbault disant la vouloir envoyer au Roy d'Espagne " {^D^ptches de M. Fourquevaux^ p. 132), but says nothing of his head being cut off. The Requeste au Roy, the approximate date of which is probably August, 1566 (see p. 318 in this volume), and which is full of exaggeration, relates (reprint in Gaffarel, p. 478) that after Ribaut was killed " ledit soldat luy coupa la teste, luy raza le poil de la barbe et partit la teste en quatre quartiers, qui furent plantez sur quatre picques au milieu de la place oti les Frangois estoyent morts. Finalement ledit capitaine Hespagnol envoya une lettre au Roy d'Hespagne, et fit enclore dedans ladite lettre le poil de la barbe dudit Appendix P 427 Ribaut. " It conveys the impression that all the women and children were killed, which was incorrect. It says that "seven or eight hundred" Frenchmen were killed. The name of Pedro or Pero Menendez, as it was frequently written in the Spanish of that time, is transformed to Pdtremclaud. Finally, the description of Ribaut' s death has a curious re- semblance to that given by Le Challeux, with the exception that the head is now erected in a different place. And the beard story is almost identical with that told by Memyn. The Requesie breathes a spirit of intense excitement and a fierce desire for revenge, which, however righteous it was, does not inspire the reader with the conviction that the composition of the Requeste was governed by a nice weighing of the truth of the particular statements which it contains. As the number of Frenchmen spared by the Spaniards was very few, and those who finally escaped and returned to France were fewer still, it is highly probable that the Requeste derived this information from Le Challeux and Memyn. La Popeliniere, in Les trots Motides (1582, liv. ii., p, 34), reported that the Spaniards " escorcherent la peau du visage avec la longue barbe de Ribaut, les yeux, le nez et oreilles, et envoyerent ainsi le masque defigure au Perou, pour en faire des montres. ' ' Lescarbot in his Histoire de la Nouvelle France (1611, p. 120), relates that "after several tortures they cruelly skinned him (contrary to all the laws of war that ever were) and sent his skin to Europe." De Thou adds nothing further to this catalogue of atrocities. It thus appears that the only contemporary French evidence which we have of the indignities inflicted on Ribaut's body is that of Le Challeux and Memyn. It is to be noted that Bar- rientos, who finished the writing of his history December 30, 1568, explicitly states that Ribaut's head was cut off, a fact passed over by Meras and Aviles. When we bear in mind that Philip spoke of the French in Florida as pirates and corsairs, who should be treated as such, and recall the customs of that age, there would be nothing unusual in the proceeding had Aviles caused the head of a pirate to be cut off and exhibited on the point of a spear at Fort St. Augustine. The legend of 428 The Spanish Settlements the shaven beard sent to Spain is too puerile to deserve con- sideration. Avil^s was a nobleman of high rank and of acknowledged courage, and the man who wrote the modest and business-like reports of September and October would be far above such pettiness. The French are an excitable people of vivid imagination, and although of an eminently artistic temperament, lose all sense of proportion the moment their antipathy is aroused, and lend a willing ear to the wildest rumours. The ready acceptance given within the last decade to the reported correspondence of a German emperor with an alleged spy furnishes us with a recent parallel. Spanish Accounts of Ribaut's Death. — Vasalenque, who appears to have been present on this occasion, for he served in the company of Diego de Amaya which was sent to the scene of the massacre by Aviles (Ruidiaz, La Florida^ tomo ii., pp. 615 and 616), gives a somewhat different account of the death of Ribaut. He relates that after a demonstration of banners and music on each side, Jean Ribaut came over alone, at about noon in an Indian canoe, " and the first thing he did was to take off his sword and dagger, and some keys, which he took out of his pocket and surrendered them and the said fort to the said Adelantado; and the said Adelantado told him that he had already captured the fort; and the said Juan Ribao asked after his son, and the said Adelantado told him he had escaped in a boat; and thereupon there was along conversation between them alone; and after that the said Adelantado said that the said Juan Ribao be given something to eat, and it was given him; and wishing to return to his people, for it was already late, he was given two bags of biscuits and other things. And all that night there was a great stir among the French, on account of which Pedro Menendez and his soldiers remained under arms all night, and at dawn all of the French came unarmed to the river bank, asking to be taken across, and they were taken over in boats; and when they had arrived where the said Pedro Menendez was, they were given something to eat, and within an hour they \i. e., the Spaniards] began to march with them according to a certain command which the said Adelantado Appendix Q 429 gave, and on turning a point of land the Spanish soldiers be- gan to cut off the heads of all of them, without one of them escaping, nor the said Juan Ribao, except a few lads mechanics of the said Juan Ribao and some calkers." This deposition was made thirty years after the event (" Informacion de algunos servicios prestados por el Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles," Mexico, 3 de Abril de 1595, in Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 615-617). Silva in his letter to Philip II. of May 18, 1566 {Corre- spondencia de Felipe II. con sus Enbajadores en la Corte de Inglaterra 1538 d 1584, tomo ii., p. 319; English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1^58-67, I. Elizabeth, 551), gives a paragraph to the wreck of Ribaut and his death, as it was re- lated to him by an English sailor who had been taken in a vessel captured by Aviles before the Florida incident, and who claimed to have been present at the death of Ribaut. APPENDIX Q THE SITUATION OF AVILES AT THE TIME OF THE MASSACRE Philip II., in his letter to Alava of February 23, 1566 (MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1505 (75), fol. 2b), tells him that when Fourquevaux complained "that a great cruelty had been com- mitted in putting so many soldiers to the knife after they had surrendered," one of the explanations given him in extenua- tion of the act of Aviles was the following: " In no other way in the world could Pero Menendez secure himself against the said pirates than in the way he did, for he had nothing to give them to eat, and if he had so done, his own people would have perished and died of hunger; besides, being as they were so many French, and those of Menendez so few, he could place them nowhere, where he and his people could be safe, and that besides Pero Menendez was obliged to go to other parts, and necessarily was compelled to leave part of his people in the fort. And leaving the French, who were so many more in number, with them, it was evident they would kill our people and take the fort. And as to putting them in the ships, they 430 The Spanish Settlements would not hold them, because they were so small, neither could he go away in safety. That as to giving them ships in which to go to France, he had none, and even should he have had them, it would evidently be providing them with ships and facility to disturb him elsewhere." See also Ruidiaz's observations in La Florida^ tomo i., pp. clxxvi.-clxxvii. Relative Number of the French and Spaniards. — Aviles, in his letter of October 15, 1565 (Ruidiaz, La Florida^ tomo ii., pp. 88, 102), sets the minimum number of French- men who escaped from the wreck of Ribaut's fleet at 440. Meras, in his " Jornadas " {ibid.^ tomo i., pp. 116, 121), says 558. The total number of the French, at the lowest estimate, including the 50 women and children saved (letter of Octo- ber 15, 1565, ibid., p. 87) and the few prisoners spared at Fort Caroline, was 500, of whom over 440 were men. Aviles in his letter of September 11, 1565 {ibid., tomo ii., p. 75) gives 800 as the total number of the Spaniards, of whom 500 were sol- diers and 200 sailors. The sailors must necessarily have re- mained with the fleet. Of the 500 soldiers, 300 were already in garrison at San Mateo (Meras, in Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo i., p. 104) and in November, subsequent to the massacre, 200 were left at Ays (Aviles to Philip II,, December 5, 1565, ibid, tomo ii., p. 107). The Food-Supply. — Aviles, in his letter of September 11, 1565 (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 79), wrote that he had sufficient biscuit to last him till December, but that he could make it go through January. In his letter of October 15, 1565 {ibid., tomo ii., p. 104), he says: "With the burning of the fort we are suffering very greatly from hunger, because the meal was burnt up, and the biscuit I landed here is spoil- ing and being consumed, and unless we are succoured very shortly we will be in suffering and many will depart this world from starvation." Meras states (in ibid., tomo i., p. 178) that after the burning of Fort Caroline over a hundred casks of flour still remained, and although many of the soldiers volun- tarily reduced their rations, the supply was exhausted by the middle of February. The news of the burning of the exten- sive food-supply captured from the French at Fort Caroline Appendix R 431 here referred to reached Avil^s in the interval between the first and the second massacres. Ships. — In the interview preceding the first massacre, when Aviles was asked to furnish a ship to convey the French back to France, he made the following answer, according to Merds (in ibid., tomo i., p. 113): " That he would gladly do so were they Catholics and had he ships for such a purpose, but that he did not have them, for he had sent two to San Mateo with the artillery and to transport the French women and the chil- dren to Santo Domingo, and to obtain supplies; and the other was to go with dispatches to His Majesty of what had so far occurred in these parts." He does not mention the San Felayo and the San Salvador, which had sailed some time previously. The reply was, however, disingenuous, to say the least, for according to his own statement he had found eight vessels at Fort Caroline (letter of October 15, 1565, ibid.^ tomo ii., pp. 90, 91), of which two or three at the least were available. APPENDIX R Juan Lopez de Y qIslsco {Geografiay JDescrtpciJn Universal de las Indias, ijy 1-1^74, Madrid, 1894, p. 167) places "el Rio Asis " in 27 degrees north latitude, south of Cape Canaveral. Hernando de Escalante Fontanedo refers to the "Ais" Indians and the " coast of Ais " in his " Memoria " {Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo v., pp. 541-543). He mentions Mayaca and Mayajuaca as in the country of Ays, in the direction of Cape Canaveral (pp. 540, 545). His account was written in Spain about 1575 {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 291, note i). Herrera, in his ** Descripci6n de las Indias" (in his Decadas, Madrid, 1730, tomo i., cap. viii., p. 15), places it south of Cape Canaveral and mentions the settlement made there by Aviles. Barcia, in his Ensayo (Afio MDLXVI., p. 118), places it twenty leagues up the St. John's, beyond Ma- coya, possibly the Mayaca of Fontanedo. In this he merely 432 The Spanish Settlements copies the statement made by Merds (in Ruidiaz, La Florida^ tomo i., p. 253). Brinton, in his Notes on the Floridian Penin- sula (Philadelphia, 1859, p. 116, note 3), questions Barcia's statement, saying " distances given by the Spanish historians are often mere guesses, quite untrustworthy." There can be no doubt that the Rio de Ays, Ais, Is, Ys, Days, Asis, Aiz, is Indian River. William Roberts, in his History of Florida (London, 1763, p. 22), mentions the " Rio de Ays, three leagues north of Rio Santa Cruz," which he also calls Santa Lucia on the same page, " and in latitude 27 deg. 45 min.," etc. William Stork in A Description of East- Florida (London, 3d ed., 1769, p. 10), says, "We are as yet unacquainted with the sources ... of Hillsborough River; it is generally believed to have a communication with an In- dian inlet, called by the Spaniards Rio Days, sixty miles to the south, where there is such another harbour as Musquito, with eight feet water; it is said to communicate with St. John's River." Bernard Romans, in his A concise Natural History of East and West Florida (New York, 1775, vol. i., p. 2), says: " On the East side [of Florida] is . . . the Lagoon, known by the name of Aisa Hatcha, Rio d'ais or Indian River" (see also p. 282) and on p. 273 he refers to the names of South-hillsborough and Hysweestake given it by De Brahm. Both he (p. 273) and Brinton {Floridian Peninsula, p. 116) derive the name from a native word, aisa, deer. Grant Forbes, in his Sketches, Historical and Topographical, of the Floridas (New York, 1821, p. 93), says " the lagoon of Aise or Indian River" and on p. 102 he quotes Romans on the "Aisa Hatcha." George William Lee in his Florida (New York, 1857, p. 51), says "Indian River . . . formerly called Ys." George R. Fairbanks in his History of St. Augustine (New York, 1858, p. 125) says "Indian River was the pro- vince of Ys." Daniel G. Brinton, in his Floridian Peninsula (Philadelphia, 1859, p. 116) is disposed to think "Ais" was the northern extremity of the province of Tegesta, in which he is probably mistaken. He adds: " The residence of the chief was near Cape Canaveral, probably on Indian River." Barnard Shipp, in his Hernando de Soto and Florida (Phila- Appendix R 433 delphia, 1881, p. 560) says " Province of Ais or St. Lucia," but in his note, p. 587, he incorrectly locates it at the southern extremity of the peninsula. Albert S. Gatschet in his " The Timucua Language" {Pro- ceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 1880, vol. xviii., p. 469) says "the northern portion of this section of land [/. e., of the " Province of Tequesta," which he locates south of Cape Canaveral] was called in later epochs Ais, Ays, Is, and Santa Lucia by the Spaniards. Ais is interpreted by aisa, deer, a term not belonging to the Timucua language, but identifiable with itcho, deer, in Seminole, or itchi, itche in Hitchiti and Mikasuke." In his Migration Legend of the Creek Indians (Philadelphia, 1884, vol. i., p. 12) he adheres to the same location and places the "Ais " Indians " from Cape Canaveral, where the Spaniards had the post Santa Lucia, to a lagoon once called Aisahatcha. " " They formed the northern portion of the Tequesta domains " (p. 15). It is to be noted, however, that Santa Lucia was not at Cape Canaveral, but south of it at the second inlet into the Rio de Ais. In this respect Williams in his Florida (pp. 52, 53) observes that In- dian Lagoon undergoes frequent changes. (See Appendix S, Santa Lucia.) It is to be observed that most of the authori- ties quoted subsequent to Romans base their conclusions on and quote liberally from him, with and without acknowledging their source. Ays appears on the following maps: " Derrotero util y pro- vechoso y en todo verdadero de Rios, canos, lagunas, montes, poblaciones, envarcaderos, baradereos, rancherias, el qual reza desde la ciudad de San Agustin hasta la varra de Ais por Albaro Mexia." MS. Arch., Gen. de Indias, Seville, Patro- nato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 1/19, ramo 29. It is accompanied by a Relation of 1605 in which "Aiz el biejo " is situated on the northern extremity of what is probably Hutchinson Island, between the lagoon and the sea. " Mapa de la Florida y Laguna de Maimi donde se ha de hacer un fuerte." MS. Undated, (1595-1600?), Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 145, caj. 7, leg. 7. In this "Ais " is shown as a lagoon. Jean de Laet, "Florida et Regiones Vicinae," in his L'Histoire dv 434 The Spanish Settlements Nouveau Monde, Leyde, 1640, between pp. 102, 103. In this " R Ayz " is shown as a lagoon. loannes Jansson, "America Septentrionalis, " in his Niievo Atlas, Amsterdam, 1653, vol. ii. In this it appears as " Enseada \sic\ de Ays." Nicolas Bellin, "Carte reduite des Costes de la Louisiane et de la Floride," 1764. In this the " R. de Ays" is shown approxi- mately correct in position. Fernando Martinez, "Descripcion geographica de la parte que los Espaholes poseen actualmente en el continente de la Florida," 1765. Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. i7,648A, and in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., between pp. xliii., xliv. In this " Rio Ais " is shown as a river and not as a lagoon. Thomas Jefferys, "The Peninsula and Gulf of Florida or Channel of Bahama with the Bahama Islands," 1775, i^ t^^ North American Atlas, London, 1777, No. 34. Bernard Romans, "The Seat of War in the South British Colonies," 1776, in The American Military Pocket Atlas, London (1776), No. 5. John Andrews, "A New Map of the British Colonies in North America . . ," 1777. Pownall, "A New Map of North America with the West India Islands . . ," 1783. All of these three show "Ays Inlet." Tomas Lopez, map of Florida, inset to his " Piano de la Ciudad y Puerto de San Agustin de la Florida," 1783. In this it is shown as " Barra de Ays." George Frederic Lotter, "A New and Correct Map of North America with the West India Islands . . ," 1784. This shows "Ays Inlet" into the "St. Lucia R." Joseph Purcell, "A Map of the States of Virginia . . . comprehending the Spanish Provinces of East and West Florida. . . ," 1792. This shows "Rio Ays or Indian R." John Walsh, " Tabvla Geographica maximae partis Ameriae Mediae sive Indise Occi- dentalis," 1798. This shows " River Ays od. Indian." APPENDIX S SANTA LUCIA The Spaniards named this settlement Santa Lucia (Merds in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 169). The name is pre- Appendix S 435 served in that of the St. Lucia River, called on some maps Rio Santa Cruz, and " river of St. Luz," probably an abbreviation of Santa Lucia, according to Roberts {^History of Florida, London, 1763, pp. 22, 286), who places it three leagues south of the " Rio de Ays" (p. 22). It is to be noted, however, that the inlets between the sea and Indian River (Ays) have been subject to many changes in the past. John Lee Williams in his Florida (New York, 1837, p. 43, and see p. 51), says: "A few years since the high waters of St. Lucia River forced a passage through the coast at a place called the Gap." "Jupiter Inlet has opened and closed three times within seventy years " (PP- 52, 53), and: " There is every reason to believe that at some period [Indian Lagoon] discharged a great column of water at Cape Canaveral" {ibid.). "St, Lucia Island was formerly connected with Jupiter. . . . In 183 1 a mile in front of the north end of the island was torn away by storms" (p. 43). The name of " New Inlet" opening into " Sharks Head and Tail River" (Lake Worth?) in Thomas Jefferys's map of "East Florida" appended to A Description of Fast Florida hy V^\\\\3im Stork, 3rd edition, London, 1769, indicates a recent inroad of the sea similar to that mentioned by Wil- liams. In the Mexia map referred to below there was a second inlet to the Matanzas River, named Barreta de Ribao, south of the present Matanzas Inlet. Bernard Romans {A concise Natural History of Fast ajid West Florida, New York, 1775, vol. i., pp. 34, 284-286) merely describes the river and has nothing of interest to add. The cartography is somewhat curious. In Mexia's map of 1605 (MS, Arch. Gen, de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est, i, caj, I, leg, 1/19, ramo 29) the name of " Rio de Sta, Luzia" is given to the lagoon between the " Barra de Ays," Indian River Inlet, and Gilbert's Bar, " S iozia" appears on " Mapa de la Florida y Laguna de Maimi done se ha de hacer un fuerte " (MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 145, caj. 7, leg. 7. Undated, 1595-1600?), south of "Ays" lagoon, and is probably intended for S. Iozia, i. e., Santa Lucia, Guil- laume Blaeu, " Insulse Americanse in Oceano Septentrionalis cum Terris adiacentibus " (in Le Theatre dv Monde ou Nowel 43^ The Spanish Settlements Atlas, Mis en lumiere par Gvillavme & lean Blaev. Segonde Partie. A Amsterdam Chez lean Blaev. 1644. Amerique, pp. 5, 6) has a " p** S. Luzia" which reoccurs in the majority of the Dutch, French, and Spanish maps. The latest of these is Mentelle et Chanlaire, " Carte de la Floride et de la Georgie," in Atlas Universelle de Geographie Physique et Politique, Paris, An six de la Republique [1798]. The name was probably applied to Cape Malabar. John Senex, "A New Map of the English Empire in America," etc., 1719 (in A New General Atlas . . . London, 17 19), places " S. Lucia" at the southern extremity of the peninsula. Covens et Mortier, "Archipelague du Mexique ou sont les Isles de Cuba," etc. {ca. 1757?), has " S. Lucia" on the west coast. Nicolas Bellin, " Carte reduite des Costes de la Louisiane et de la Floride," 1764, has " R S'^ Lucie" in an approximately correct position. Fernando Martinez, " De- scripcion Geographica de la parte que los Espaiioles poseen actualmente en el continente de la Florida," 1765 (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 1 7, 648 A, and in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., be- tween pp. xliii., xliv.) has "Rio S'* Lucia." Pownall's "A New Map of North America with the West India Islands . . ." 1783. George Frederic Lotter, "A New and Cor- rect Map of North America with the West India Islands," 1784, and Laurie and Whittle, " West Indies," 1794, all have "St. Lucia" as a river. APPENDIX T CALOOSA For the early accounts of the Caloosas and their country see: " Memoria de las cosas y costa y indios de la Florida" , . por Hernando de Escalante Fontanedo. Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo v., pp. 532, 535, 538, 539, in which a list of the names of the Caloosa villages is given. Ternaux-Com- pans's translation in Recueil de Pieces sur la Floride (Paris, 1841, p, 13) is inaccurate, and Barnard Shipp's English trans- lation in his Hernando de Soto and Florida (Philadelphia, 1881), Appendix T 437 which is apparently based on that of Temaux-Compans, is incomplete, see p. 584, where he omits an entire sentence, which he supplies in a note with the Temaux-Compans render- ing added. Le Moyne in De Bry's Brevis Narratio, Franco- forti ad Moenum, 1591, p. 17. Histoire Notable, Basanier, Paris, 1586, pp. 72-74; English translation in Hakluyi, Edin- burgh, 1889, vol. ii., pp. 481-483. Geogra/ia de las Indias per Juan Ldpez de Velasco, 1571-1574, Madrid, 1894, p. 164. Barrientos, " Vida y Hechos," in Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, Genaro Garcia, Mexico, 1902, pp. 87-95. Merds, " Jornadas " in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 149-168. Herrera in his " Descripcion de las Indias" {Decadas, Madrid, 1730, cap. viii., tomo i., p. 15), refers only to Carlos Bay. The recent history is given in: History of Florida, by Wil- liam Roberts, London, 1763, p. 17. A concise Natural History of East and West Florida, by Captain Bernard Romans, New York, 1775, vol. i., pp. 289, 290, 291. Appendix, p. Ixxvi. et seq. Captain Romans's history, of which only the first vol- ume was ever published, is the source from which most subse- quent writers have derived their information, journal of Andrew Ellicott, Philadelphia, 1814, pp. 246, 247. Forbes's Florida, New York, 1821, pp. 100, 108. Observations upon the Floridas, by Charles Vignoles, New York, 1823, pp. 53, 81. John Lee Williams's Florida, New York, 1837, pp. 25, 32, 36. Daniel G. Brinton's Notes on the Floridian Peninsula, Phila- delphia, 1859, pp. 112, 113. A Migration Legend of the Creek Lndians, by Albert S. Gatschet, Philadelphia, 1884, vol. i., p. 13. " Indian Linguistic Families" by J. W. Powell, 7/// Arm. Rep. Bu. Ethn., 1 885-1 886, p. 123. Caloosa is shown in the following maps; John With's map, 1585, in the Century Magazine, vol. xxv., pp. 66, 67. The name "Catos," probably intended for "Calos," appears on the southern end of the peninsula. Le Moyne's map in De Bry, 1591, previously cited. Guillaume de ITsle, "Carte de la Louisiane et du Cours du Mississipi " (1718?) shows " Les Carlos Antropophages " correctly located. John Senex, "A Map of Louisiana and the River Mississipi " (in A New 438 The Spanish Settlements General Atlas, etc., London, 17 19), is probably copied from De risle and shows "The Carlos Man-eaters." Matthaeus Seutter, " Mappa Geographica Regionem Mexicanam et Floridam Terrasque adjacentes ut et Anteriores Americae In- sulas," etc., 1 731-1760. Johann Baptista Homann, "Am- plissima regionis Mississipi seu Provinciae Ludovicianae," etc. (1763), and his " Regni Mexicani seu Novae Hispaniae , , . Tabula" (1763, m Alias Geographicus Major, Norim- bergae, 1763, Nos. 139 and 147), both show " Les Carlos" in about the correct location. Fernando Martinez, " Descrip- cion geographica de la parte que los Espanoles poseen actual- mente en el continente de la Florida" (1765, Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 1 7, 648 A, and in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., be- tween pp. xliii., xliv). Jn°. Cary, " The West Indies," 1783, and Joseph Purcell, "A Map of the States of Virginia, , . . comprehending the Spanish Provinces of East and West Florida," 1792, both show "Carlos" island. See also Spanish Settlements, 1513-1561, p. 441, Appendix G, "The Bay of Juan Ponce." APPENDIX U SAN FELIPE Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida^ p, 179) says San Felipe was " En Vna ysla de quatro leguas Estando de la baRa Vna legua. " Velasco in his Geografia de las Indias, 1^71-1^74, p. 161, says San Felipe was the island settled by the French five years before and abandoned by them when they learned of the victory of Avilds. But there was no French settlement at Santa Elena prior or subsequent to that of Charlesfort in 1562, to which it is possible that he refers. It is noticeable that Pardo, who went to Cufitatchiqui on the Savannah twice, once across coun- try and once along the coast, mentions no large river between it and San Felipe from where he started (see pp. 275, 294, 445, in this volume). Aviles, in his letter to Philip II. of October 15, 1565, written before he had visited the locality (see p. 401 Appendix U 439 in this volume), placed Santa Elena fifty leagues from St. Augustine, "and in a distance of three leagues it has three ports and rivers, and the largest has six fathoms of water and the other four admirable harbours; and that which we call Santa Elena, which is the third where the French are, is very bad, and all three can be navigated inside from one to the other." In the " Relacion de la Costa de la Florida" of Joan de Herrera of 1576, forming part of the Derrotero hecho Por el ynsigne y sabido piloto ysidro de la puebla . . . 1578 (Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, MSS. 4541, fol. 87), the writer, after giving the latitudes of St, Augustine in 29°, of San Mateo in 30°, of Santa Elena in 32°, and of Guale, "which is between San Mateo and Santa Elena," in 32° 20', "according to the Reportorio \sic\ of Chabes," continues "from Santa Elena to the north-east is the Point of Santa Elena itself, and it is an island in itself, for the sea washes between it and the land. ... To the north-east of the cape of Santa Elena is a very good river . . . and these shoals extend fully three leagues from the land into the sea. . . . It has three or four entrances. ... In the midst [medio] of the bay you will find within it an island in the middle [en mitad] of the river which is like a galley. . . . To reach the port you must hug the east shore; there is a shoal there, along which the waves break, for in the morning by the full tide (?) and by the roar of the water the current tells you where the bottom lies until you see the houses. To the north- east of the Cape of Santa Elena is another river, which has a good bar, where is the first Indian village . . . and there is a beech beyond, the which is a sweet water river. And the land is more than fifteen leagues, more than any of these rivers. And between one river and the other there are many shoals. . . . This river of sweet water, which is in 32° 20' largos for the River Jordan the coast runs east north-east. . . . From here to the River Jordan is the same east north-east coast. . . . Four leagues beyond the River Jordan is a sand bar which projects into the sea (sale a la mar) nine leagues, all white water." 440 The Spanish Settlements Mr. Herbert C. Graves, of the Coast and Geodetic Survey, to whom Herrera's description was submitted for his opinion, identifies the Punta de Santa Elena with Hilton Head, in view of J. G. Kohl, "A History of the Discovery of the Coast of North America," vol. i., pp. 309, 399 {Collection of the Maine Historical Society, 2nd series), the Ribero map of 1529, facing p. 299, Winsor, Narr. a?id Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., pp. 256, 260, and Le Moyne's map on p. 274. Mr. O. H. Tittmann, Superintendent of the Coast and Geodetic Survey, through whose kindly assistance the report of Mr. Graves was ob- tained, adds that " Herrera's description and sailing direc- tions answer well to Port Royal and its entrance, and Hilton Head then follows of necessity as Cape St. Helena." It appears highly probable that the Point of Santa Elena was Hilton Head, and that San Felipe was therefore in the immediate neighbourhood of Charlesfort. As bearing on this conclusion, Mr. Graves calls attention in his report to the similarity of Herrera's galley-shaped island to that of the largest of the islands shown on Le Moyne's map at Portus Regalis, although it should not be forgotten that Le Moyne did not himself visit this region. The Fort of San Felipe may have been on St. Phillip's Island or perhaps on Paris Island. APPENDIX V After describing the island of Metacumbe at the northern extremity of the Martyr Islands (the Florida Keys) Velasco writes {Geografia de las Indias, 1571-1574, Madrid, 1894, p. 166): " En la mesma punta de Tequesta, entra en la mar un rio dulce, que viene de la tierra adentro y al parecer corre del oeste al leste . . . junto a el, de la parte del norte, est4 el pueblo de indios que se dice Tequesta, de donde se dice asi la punta; poblose aqui un pueblo de Espanoles ano de 67, que despues se despoblo ano de 70. . . . La Costa va cor- riendo desde Tequesta al norte, declinando al norueste hasta ponerse en 27 grados: desde la dicha punta hasta rio Dulce Appendix V 441 que serdn seis leguas, hay tres islas al lungo de la costa norte sur, que tendran todas tres de largo las dichas seis leguas," Fontanedo (" Memoria, " Col. Doc. Inedit IndiaSy tomo v., p. 534) writing in 1575 {N'arr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 291, note i), says: " Voy i. lo que trataba del cabo de las islas de los Martires hdcia el Norte. Fenecen estas islas junto a un lugar de indios, que han por nombre Teguesta, ([ue estd d, un lado de un rio que entra hacia la tierra dentro; este rio corre hasta quince leguas, y sale a otra laguna, que dicen algunos indios que la han andado mas que yo, que es un brazo de la laguna de Mayaimi." Romans in his A concise Natural History of East and West Florida (New York, 1775, vol. i., pp. 296 and 299) knows nothing of the name Tegesta, and ridicules De Brahm's use of the name in his Atlantic Pilot (London, 1772). Forbes, in his Florida (New York, 1821, p. 103), applies the name Tegesta to the southern extremity of the peninsula. Brinton in his Notes on the Floridian Peninsula (Philadelphia, 1859, p. 112) places the province of Tegesta at the southern extremity of the peninsula, and (p. 116) speaks of it as a part of the pro- vince of "Ais," in which he is followed by Albert S. Gatschet in his Migration Legend of the Creek Indians (Philadelphia, 1884, vol, i,, p. 15), who places the village of Tequesta "on a river coming from Lake Mayaimi." J. W. Powell in his "Indian Linguistic Families" {yth Ann. Rep. Bu. Ethn., p. 123) is even less definite. It is to be noted that both the descriptions of Fontanedo and Velasco mention a point of land with three islands at the head of the Florida Keys and a river of sweet water flowing east and west from an arm of Lake Miami, They point with much probability to Biscayne Bay and Miami River, the large river of sweet water flowing east and west in that neighbour- hood, and which finds its source in a sweet water lagoon in the interior. Snake River, to the north of it, does not flow in the same direction, although it is also a sweet-water river. In the maps the name "Province of Tegesta" has been applied at different times to the southern extremity of the peninsula, to its northern part, and to the entire peninsula. 442 The Spanish Settlements The most interesting and typical of these maps are: Jean de Laet, " Florida et Regiones Vicinae," 1640, in his LHistoire dv Nouveau Monde, Leyde, 1640, between pp. 102, 103. loannes Jansson, "America Septentrionalis," in his Nuevo Atlas, Amsterdam, 1653, vol. ii. Sanson d' Abbeville, " Le Nouveau Mexique et la Floride," 1679. Nicolaus Visscher, " Insulae Americanse in Oceano Septentrionali," etc. (1680?), in his Atlas Minor, Amst. All four of these maps give " Tegesta Provincia." Edward Wells, "A New Map of North America," etc. (in his A New Sett of Maps both of Antient and Present Geography, Oxford, 1701), shows the " Peninsula of Tegesta." Matthieu Albert Lotter, " Carte Nouvelle de I'Amerique Angloise," etc., 1720 (?) shows " Tegeste " applied to part of the peninsula. Matthaeus Seutter, " Novus Orbis," etc., 1725- 1760. Renier & Ottens, " Insulae Americanse," etc., 1730 (?) Matthaeus Seutter, " Mappa Geographica Regionem Mexi- canam et Floridam," etc., 1 731-1760. All three of these maps show "Tegesta Prov." Covens et Mortier, "Archi- pelague du Mexique ou sont les Isles de Cuba," etc., ca. 1757, shows "Tegeste Province." Johann Baptista Homann, " Totius Americse Septentrionalis et Meridionalis," etc., 1765, shows the name " Tegesta Provincia," applied to the southern end of the peninsula. Johann Baptista Homann, " Regni Mexicani seu Novse Hispanias," etc., 1763, shows "Tegesta Prov." Fernando Martinez, " Descripcion Geographica de la parte que los Espanoles poseen actualmente en el continente de la Florida," 1765 (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 17,468, and in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i.), has the legend: " Tequesta que oy se dicen Indios Costas." John Grear de Brahm, " The Ancient Tegesta, now Promontory of East Florida," in his The American Pilot, London, 1772. De Brahm has been copied by the following maps, all of which represent Tegesta across the southern end of the Peninsula: Thos. Jefferys, " The Peninsula and Gulf of Florida or Channel of Bahama with the Bahama Islands," 1775. Bernard Romans, "A General Map of the Southern British Colonies in America," 1776. John Andrews, "A Map of the British Colonies in North America," 1779. J"°. Gary, "The West Indies," 1783. Appendix W 443 APPENDIX W DATE OF PARDO'S FIRST EXPEDITION There is a conflict between the dates given in the Relation of Martinez and that of Pardo, for the inception of the various expeditions of the latter. Pardo in his undated report says he was sent to Santa Elena, " donde desde d pocos dias que ay estdbamos llego el Adelantado pero Menendez de Avil^s . . . y . . . me mando queyo entraseel diade Santo Andres, primo venidero, la tierra adentro . . . y ansi, benido el dia de Santo Andres, yo me parti " (" Relacion de la entrada," Ruidiaz, La Florida^ tomo ii., p. 466). He then proceeds with the report of this expedition or entrada, which ends with the words: " Esto es lo de la primera Jornada " (p. 469). These are immediately followed by the words: " Lleg6 el Adelantado Pero Menendez de Avil^s el afio 1566 d la cibdad de Santa Elena, a donde me mando yo tornase a pro- seguir la Jornada . . . y asl yo me parti el primer dia de Setiembre" (p. 469). Martinez in his Relation dated July 11, 1567, says that: " De la civdad de Santa Elena salio el Capitan Juan Pardo el primer dia de Nobienbre ano de 1566, para entrar la tierra dentro d descubrilla y conquistalla dende aqui hasta Mexico" (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 477). Pardo went as far as " Juada," where, finding his progress impeded by snow upon the mountains, he returned to Sari Felipe, leav- ing his sergeant at Juada. The sergeant subsequently made a reconnoissance as far as Chiaha, " donde aguardo al dicho Capitan que ha de partir deste fuerte mediado Agosto " (p, 479) /. e., during August, 1567. Vandera in the opening of his narrative refers indefinitely to expeditions in 1566 and 1567 (see the copy given by Buckingham Smith, Col. Doc. Flo., tomo i., p. 15, which begins with these dates, given only in the title by Ruidiaz), and neither he nor Barcia gives dates nor distinguishes the entradas. It thus appears from the Pardo Relation that Aviles was twice at Santa Elena in 1566 and that Pardo's second entrada was made in September subsequent to Aviles's second visit. But Aviles, in fact, made but one visit to Santa Elena during 444 The Spanish Settlements the year 1566, leaving San Mateo April ist, and returning May 15th, or in August, according to Meras. He returned a second time in 1567, sailing from there for Spain on the i8th of May. It is therefore altogether probable that the date 1566 in Pardo's Relation is a misprint or error of the copyist for 1567, in which latter case all of Pardo's statements will substantially conform with the dates given by Martinez and by Vandera. Thus we will have two entradas, the first November i, 1566, the date given by Martinez, and subsequent to Avil^s's first visit ac- cording to Pardo, and a second entrada on the ist of Septem- ber, 1567, the year given by Martinez and Vandera, the month that of Pardo in approximate agreement with Martinez's state- ment that an entrada was to be made in August of 1567, and also subsequent to the second visit of Aviles according to Pardo. There is also the mistake of a year in the printed title of the Pardo Relation, 1565 being given for 1566, APPENDIX X pardo's first expedition Pardo's Rel. Vandera in Buck. Vandera in Ruidiaz, Ruidiaz, La Flor- Smith, Col. Doc. La Florida., tomo ida, tomo ii., pp. Flo., pp. 15-17. ii., pp. 481-486. 465-473- Uscamacu Ahoya Vandera (Ruidiaz, tomo ii., p. 481) describes it as an island. In " Mapa de la Florida y Laguna de Maimi donde se ha de hacer un fuerte " (MS. Undated, 1595-1600? Arch. Gen de Indias, Seville, est. 145, caj. 7, leg. 7), it is shown as an island directly south of Santa Elena. Albert S. Gatschet in his Mi- gration Legend of the Creek Lndians (vol. i., p. 62) derives the name from a Creek word signifying " two going," and says it was a Creek village along the Savannah River. This is in- correct, as Pardo had not yet reached the Savannah. Ahoya is probably only another form of " Hoya," on page 352 of this volume. The prefix " a " in names of persons and places was Appendix X 445 frequently dropped by the Spaniards (see Maya and Amaya, p. 225, note 2, in this volume). ardo's Rel. Vandera in Buck. Vandera in Ruidiaz, ^uidiaz, La Flori- Smith, Col. Doc. La Florida, tomo da, tomo ii., pp. Flo., pp. 15-17. ii., pp 481-486. 465-473 Ahoyabe Cocao. Cozao Cozao J. G. Shea in a note to his " Pardo's Exploration of South Carolina and Georgia in 1566-67 " {Historical Magazine, Au- gust, i860, p. 231) suggests the Coosawatchee(?) Enfrenado (Guiomae?) Guiomaer Guiomaez Vandera (p. 482) places it on a large river. Both Vandera {ibid.') and Pardo (p. 469) say forty leagues from Santa Elena. Canos Cofeta^que j Canos, Canosi, ] Cofetazque Pardo (p. 466) says: " Tyene un rio cavdal." Vandera (p. 482) describes it as " Canos, que los indios llaman Canosi, y por otro nombre Cofetazque. . . . Hay hasta Sancta Elena cinquenta leguas y hasta la mar como veinte leguas; puedese ir hasta el por el rio dicho, cursando la tierra, y por mucho mas adelante por el mismo rio." James Mooney in his " Myths of the Cherokee" (/p Ann. Rep. Bu. Ethn., pt. i., p. 28) and Shea [ibid., p. 231) identify Canos with De Soto's Cufitatchiqui. Gatschet in his Migration Legend of the Creek Indians (vol. i,, p. 20) with the Cannouchee River at the head of which lived the Yuchees. He derives Canosi from the Creek ikanodshi signifying, " graves are there " {ibid., p. 63). Tagaya Jagaya Tagaya Tagaya el Chico Gueza Arauchi, Aracuchi. Aracuchi. Ysa Issa (4) Isa ' ' The numbers indicate the order in which these names are given by Vandera, who describes them in the order in which they were visited on the second entrada, i. e., from south to north. 446 The Spanish Settlements Gatschet (p. 62) derives Issa from the Creek idshu, deer, and locates it on the Savannah. But it is to be noted that neither Pardo nor Vandera states that Ysa was on the same river as Canos. In fact, Pardo says of Canos: " Tyene un rio cavdal " (p. 466) and of Ysa " tiene un rio cavdal " (p. 467), from which it does not necessarily follow that both were on the same river. Had he ascended the river to Ysa he would have said: " Pasa ^/ rio cavdal por ^1," as he does in the case of Quihanaqui, which was on the same stream as Juada, below it (p. 467). Shea {ibid., p. 230) derives the name from the " Chahta," tssi, a deer, and says it is apparently identical with Ays, which Romans describes as on the Indian River. The mistake in the location is too apparent to require comment. Pardo's Rel. Vandera in Buck. Vandera in Ruidiaz, Ruidiaz, La Flori- Smith, Col. Doc. La Florida, tomo da, tomo ii., pp. Flo., pp. 15-17. ii., pp. 481-486. 465-473- Juada (6) Joara This is the " Toana " of Barrientos (" Hechos " in Dos Antigiias Relaciones de la Florida, p. 140). Mooney identifies this with the Xuala of De Soto (see Spanish Settlements, 15 13- 1561, p. 230, and note 3), which he locates in the territory of the Suwali Indians about the head of the Broad River in North Carolina (see "Xuala and Guaxule " by Cyrus Thomas and J. N. B. Hewitt in Science, N. S., vol. xxi, p. 863, for a dif- ferent location). But the distance, fifty or sixty miles from the nearest point on the Savannah, is excessive for a two- days' march. Shea {Jibid., p. 231) also notes its similarity to De Soto's Xuala. Aguaquiri Mooney {ibid., p. 28) thinks it the "Guiaquili " of De Soto. Quihanaqui (3) Quinahaqui Pardo (p. 467) says it was a large river, and the context ap- pears to indicate that it was the same river which flowed by Juada. Vandera (p. 483), who mentions the localities in the Appendix X 447 reverse order, i. e., from south to north, says it was a large river other than the river on which Guatary was situated, and Ysa lay twelve leagues to the left (/. • Otariyatiqui (i) -j of 2d Entrada) ) j Otariatiqui r , T^ , X . ' Otari. of 2d Entrada) James Adair in The History of the Americati Lndians (Lon- don, 1775, p. 226) says the Cherokees call the mountain portion of their territory Ottare, signifying "mountainous." Mooney {ibid., p. 28) suggests that it may have been a frontier Cherokee settlement. Perhaps the Cherokee d tari or d tali — "mountain." Gatschet {ibid., p. 24) places the Cherokee villages of the Overhill Settlements, Otari, Otali, signifying "up, above," north-west of the " Smoky Mountains," along the Great and Little Tennessee rivers and their tributaries. Pardo's return was by the same route, /. e., Tagaya Chiquito (Chico), Tagaya, Cajucos, Guiomae, and Santa Elena. George R. Fairbanks in his History of St. Augustine (New York, 1858, p. loi) think Pardo probably visited the up-country of Georgia, in the neighbourhood of Rome. Luys de Paez (E.xpediente del Sargento Pedro Luys de Paez, 1579, MS. Arch. Gen. 44^ The Spanish Settlements Indias, Seville, est. 51, caj. 5, leg. 16) relates that Pardo on his expedition into the interior constructed "three or four" forts named "Zuara," "Aguatira," and "Orista." These are Juada and Aguaquiri. APPENDIX Y TOCOBAGA Velasco in his Geografia de las Indias, i^ii-i^'/4, pp. 162, 163, gives the following description: " La bahia de Tocobaga, por otro nombre del Espiritu- Santo d de Mirueio, esta en 29 grados y 1/2 de altura: la entrada tiene por travesia el oeste; tendra tres leguas de boca, y en ella tres isletas pequenas en que no hay cosa ninguna sino arena y pajaros; por la parte del norte corre la costa dentro della como dos leguas del oeste al leste y luego vuelve un brazo de mar de tres leguas de ancho derecho al norte, diez y ocho leguas la tierra adentro, hasta el mesmo pueblo de Tocobaga, pueblo de indios donde se acaba: para navegarse, se ha de arrimar siempre a la costa del este, por que la otra es todo bajo; en pasando el dicho brazo vuelve otro brazo mas ancho que el sobredicho; al es nordeste no se ha navegado; por esto no se sabe donde va a parar." Fon- tanedo (" Memoria," Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo v., p. 537), writing in about 1575 {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 291, note i), places " Toco-baja, " in which town "esta el Rey casi mayor de aquella comarca, " near a river on the west Florida coast called " Guavaca-Esgui " by the Indians. The river is between " Abalache " and "Ogale," locations which he does not describe. The chief's residence " llamase Toco- baja Chile ... a cabo posterior del rio, hacia la tierra adentro, que hay de rio mas de quarenta leguas." " Desde Tocovaga hasta Santa Elena, que habra de costa seiscientos leguas" (p. 546). It can be reached from " Saravay, que esta cinquenta 6 sesenta leguas la tierra adentro del rio (St. John's?) arriba, 6 a la provincia de Utina," and then west, " tomando por arriba de pueblo en pueblo, y dar consigo a la Canoga- Appendix Y 449 cola, vasallos de Tocovaga, y de allf al lugar mismo de Tocovaga, en que esta otro rio muy grande, donde Soto estuvo y muri6 " (p. 545). Herrera in his " Descripcion de las Indias " {Decadas de Indias, Madrid, 1730, tomo i., cap. viii., p. 15) places Tocobaga thirty-three leagues to the north of Tampa Bay. Barcia in his Ensayo (Ano MDLXVII., p. 127) says, "Avil^s entro por el Puerto y un Indio . . . guio al Pueblo de Tocobaga, que estaba 20 Leguas la Tierra adentro, sobre vn Brago de Agua salada. " William Roberts in his History of Florida (London, 1763, p. 16), says: "Be- tween Rio Pedro and the Rio Amasura are the two small rivers of St. Martin and Tocobogas. Between these rivers reside the tribe of Tocobogas." He places the Rio Ama- sura or Masura in latitude 28 deg. 25 min. {ibid., p. 16). The Rio Pedro is "almost S.E, from Apalache River." Williams's Florida (New York, 1837, pp. 31, 32) writes: " Helley's Keys are a range of sandy islands extending in front of Tocobagos, or St. Joseph's Bay. From Tocobagos to Tampa there is a boat channel behind these keys, but at some places it is very shoal at low water." Daniel G. Brinton in his Notes on the Floridian Peninsula (Philadelphia, 1859, p. 118) says: " In later times the cacique dwelt in a village on Old Tampa Bay, twenty leagues from the main, called Toco- baga or Togabaga, whence the province derived its name, and was reputed to be the most potent in Florida. A large mound still seen in the vicinity marks the spot." Fairbanks in his History of Florida (Philadelphia, 1871, p. 139) places " Toco- bay o " about Cape Canaveral. Cyrus Thomas in his "The Indians of North America in Historic Times " (Lee, Hist, of North America, Philadelphia, vol. ii., p. 57) places Tocobaga on Old Tampa Bay. Velasco's description evidently refers to Tampa Bay. The first bay within three leagues of the mouth and eighteen leagues deep, extending directly north, is Old Tampa, where the village of Tocobaga is correctly placed, according to the independent observations of subsequent authorities to whom his description was unknown. The second wider arm, which extends east north-east (incorrectly punctuated in Velasco's text), is Hills- 450 The Spanish Settlements borough Bay. It is to be noted that Velasco does not locate Tampa Bay, showing a confusion existing in his mind between it and Tocobaga, and that the only two other localities which he gives on the west coast, " Bahia de Carlos" and " la punta de Muspa," are correctly located. " Mapa de la Florida y Laguna de Maimi donde se ha de hacer un fuerte" (Undated, 1595-1600? MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 145, caj. 7, leg. 7), shows the " b^ de tacabaga " in about the correct position. Tocobaga is also shown on the following maps, which have been already re- ferred to in previous notes: De Laet, 1640; Sanson d' Abbe- ville, 1656 and 1679; Visscher, 1680. It reappears with Reinier & Ottens, 1730, and Jno. Gary, " West Indies," 1783, who gives it in approximately the correct position. The river of Tocobaga referred to by William Roberts appears on the following map, as well as elsewhere: " East Florida, from Surveys made since the last Peace," adapted to Dr. Stork's History of that country, by Thomas Jefferys, Geographer to the King, in A Description of East-Florida, by William Stork, 3rd edit., London, 1769. In " The Bay of Espiritu Santo, in East Florida," by Tho. Jefferys, facing Bartram's " Journal," which is published by Dr. Stork in the work just referred to, the north-west arm of the bay is named " Tampa Bay Accord- ing to the Spaniards," APPENDIX Z PARDO'S SECOND EXPEDITION On reference to Appendix W in this volume it will be noted that Vandera gives the villages between Joara (Pardo's Juada) and Otariatiqui (Pardo's Guatariatiqui) in the reverse order from that followed by Pardo. On collating this list of Van- dera with that in Pardo's second expedition the order will be found to be substantially the same in both, indicating that Vandera described the route followed on the second expedi- tion. For this reason it is necessary only to give the names Appendix Z 451 of the towns beyond Juada in the order in which they are given by Pardo and by Vandera. Pardo's Rel. Vandera in Buck. Vandera in Ruidiaz, Ruidiaz, La Flor- Smith, Col. Doc. La Florida, tomo Flo., pp. 15-17. ii., pp. 481-486. ida, tomo ii., p. 465. Juada Tocalques, Tocae. Tocax See p. 295 in this volume. Canche, Cauchi, Joara Tocar Cauchi Pardo (p. 470) says it has a large river. Mooney, in " Myths of the Cherokee " (/p Ann. Rep. Bu. Ethn., pt. i., p. 29), sug- gests Nacoochee, apparently a Creek town. And see p. 296, note 4 in this volume. Tanasqui Pardo {ibid., p. 470) says, " It has a large {ibid., p. 29) says apparently a Creek town. Chihaque, Lameco Chiaha Tanasqui river." Mooney Solameco, Chiaha See p. 286 note i in this volume. Satapo Chalahume Satapo, Tasqui. From Satapo Pardo returned to San Felipe at Santa Elena. Fourquevaux, under date of November 30, 1567 {Dipeches, p. 305) forwarded to Charles IX. a curious account of an ex- pedition which probably relates to this entrada, furnished him by an usher of Philip II. It gives a few interesting details of the country, although it contains some exaggeration and ap- pears to be somewhat confused with the events of the first entrada made during the winter. It reads as follows: " The 452 The Spanish Settlements captain Jehean Pardo, governor of the point of Santa Elena in Florida has written that he has sent thirty soldiers in a brigan- tine one hundred leagues up the said river of Santa Elena, and some of them having landed on the north side, they went thirty leagues over land away from the said river, and have found at the foot of the mountains an open town, the houses built of stone, and a small castle also of stone where there was a tower. The inhabitants are peaceable and appear to be good people. They are dressed in cotton shirts and the furs of various beasts. They sow corn and other seed. There are oxen, but they are small. The land is fertile and they have trees bearing various fruits which are good to eat. There are mines of gold and silver. And they told the said soldiers that several days' distance farther on there was a population of bearded men; they were unable to learn if they were French- men or Spaniards, neither were they allowed to proceed farther; the said Indians, however, gave them food and pro- visions for their return to the brigantine, and thus they re- turned to the said fort." The ascent of the Savannah in boats, according to this ac- count, is not inconsistent with Pardo' s Relation, for he may have followed the coast to the mouth of the Savannah River, visiting Ahoya on his way. The silver mines suggest the second entrada in which the fumes of silver were perceived (see p. 295 in this volume). The refusal to allow the Spaniards to advance may refer to their return from Chiaha on account of the hostile Indians farther on; and the report of the white settlement may have arisen from the imperfect understanding by the Spaniards of a reference made by the Indians to De Luna's settlement of a few years before. APPENDIX AA TACATACURU " El fuerte de San Pedro, que es en la isla de Tacatacoru." Disposicion de cuatro fuertes que ha de haber en la Florida y guarnicion que debe tener cada uno de ellos. (In Ruidiaz, La Appendix AA 453 Florida^ tomo ii., p. 507. Ruidiaz dates this document 1566, see ibid., p. 713. The date of 1569 given it in Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo xiii., p. 307, is probably correct). Velasco in his Geogra/ia de las Indias, Ijyi-ijy4, pp. 168, 169 does not mention the island by this name, but, describing the coast to the north-east, in the direction of Santa Elena, which is filled with islands both large and small, he says: " La primera de las mas seiialadas es, en pasando la boca del rio de San Mateo, la que se llama Carabay, que es una barra muy chicjuita, y as{ no puede servir sino para chalupas; dos leguas mas adelante esta otra que llaman la Revuelta, con dos bocas por una isleta que tiene en la entrada; y mas adelante otras dos leguas estd la barra de Sena, adonde solia estar el fuerte de San Pedro; es barra que, si aguardan marea, pueden entrar navios de docien- tos toneles. Mas adelante cuatro leguas, esta Bahia de Bal- lenas, que es una bahia muy grande y ancha; pero no tiene buena barra, porque es todo bajio: arriba de la tierra, un rio muy poderoso de agua dulce, que se llama el rio del Marques, esta muy poblado de indios al luengo d^l de una y de otra parte. Mas adelante de esta bahia dos leguas, esta otra barra pequena que se dice Gualequefii, adonde no pueden entrar sino con chalupas." And see also p. 161, where he says: "El fuerte de San Pedro estuvo en la barra de Seiia." According to the " Piano de la Entrada de Gualiquini Rio de San Simon situado a 31° 17' de latitud Septentrional " (MS. Dep. de la Guerra, Madrid, Arch, de Mapas, L. M. 8a-ia-a, No. 43, and of which there appears to be another MS. copy dated May 15, 1757, in the Archives of the Indies, Seville, Eelacion Descriptiva de los Mapas, Pianos, <5r» \sic\ de Mexico y Florida existentes en el Archive General de Indias por Pedro Torres Lanzas, Sevilla, 1900, tomo i.. No. 131), there can be little doubt that Gualiciuini is Jykill Island, which is substan- tially in agreement with the conclusion reached by Dr. Shea in The Catholic Church in Colonial Days (New York, 1886, pp. 142, 143, note I, p. 178, note i) from independent observation. Accordingly the island of San Pedro is Cumberland Island ; la barra de Sena is Cumberland Sound; La Revuelta is Nassau Sound, and Carabay is Fort George Inlet. 454 The Spanish Settlements William B. Stevens in his History of Georgia (New York, 1847, vol. i., p. 135), says: " Missoe is the Indian name, meaning sassafras, of the island called San Pedro by the Spaniards and by the English Cumberland." Fairbanks in his History of Florida (Philadelphia, 187 1, p. 143) identifies the harbour of Fernandina with Tacatacuru. This is sub- stantially in agreement with the above, for the entrance to the harbour of Fernandina is through Cumberland Sound, al- though it appears that he is disposed to consider Amelia Island as Tacatacuru. William W. Dewhurst, in his History of St. Augustine (New York, 1881, p. 60), and Shea in his "Ancient Florida" {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 280), identify Tacatacuru with St. Mary's River. It is to be noted that the name " Sena" used by Velasco for this harbour bears a curious resemblance to the French name " Seine," by which the French are said to have called the Tacatacuru River {La Reprise de la Floride, p. 47). The Spanish form of " Seine " is " Sequena." Gatschet says the name Tacatacuru contains the Timucuanan word taca, fire, probably in a re- doubled form. " The Timucua Language " in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. xviii., p. 502. APPENDIX BB THE SPANISH ACCOUNT OF GOURGUES's ATTACK ON SAN MATEO A careful collation of the incomplete manuscript letter of Las Alas entitled: "estevan de la sala en san agustin cinco de mayo mil quinientos sesenta y nueve cuenta como se perdio el fuerte de sant mateo " (Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 2, caj. 5, leg. 1/9) with Gourgues's Relation in La Reprise de la Floride (Larroque, Paris, Bordeaux, 1867) raises so strong a presumption that we have here part of the original Spanish version of the French attack upon San Mateo, that the events which it relates have been incorporated into the narrative in the text in the belief that the date of 1569 appended to the document is a clerical error. The letter appears from its context as well as from its title to have been written from St. Appendix BB 455 Augustine. So much of it as is essential to a comparison of the two accounts is as follows: "Good Friday at three o'clock in the afternoon five ships appeared upon the bar three of which were of reasonable size and the other two smaller and they were about a league from the fort a gun was fired to inform them that there were people and a harbour here think- ing they were Spanish ships and if they were enemies that they might also know we were here, hearing the gun . . . they took the direction of San Mateo . . . the first Sunday after Easter [el domingo de pasquilla] in the morning the sergeant of San Mateo arrived at this fort with thirty persons who had been with thirty men in one of two houses which had been built at the bar of San Mateo and said that the Saturday be- fore at midday he had seen from this house where he was which is on this side of the river of San Mateo towards this fort many Indians approach and another band of persons armed with guns and corselets and arquebuses and four field banners and their trumpets and drums and at once they closed in on the house which is on the other side of the Island of Alimacani in which there were thirty other soldiers who became so confused that they abandoned the house and he who could fly fled but only a few for of all of them only five escaped the sergeant continued firing from this house to where they were with two guns which he had in it until the ammunition gave out and perceiving that succour could not reach him speedily from San Mateo because the tide would not permit of it and the weather which was very fierce from the north east he spiked the guns and came as I have said to this fort." The fragment of the letter contains no hint as to the nation- ality of the ships, and only from its title do we know that the missing portion, which probably bore the date and the signa- ture of the writer, relates the fall of Fort San Mateo. The result of a comparison of the two accounts is as follows: Gourgues states that he had three vessels {La Reprise de la Floride, p. 29). Las Alas mentions five. This difference in numbers is not material, since Gourgues had captured Spanish vessels during his voyage (Alava to Alba, June 25, 1568, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 15 11 [56J, fol. 2; Alava to Philip II., 45^ The Spanish Settlements June 28, 1568, ibid., [59]). Eight days prior to his capture of the blockhouses (Za Reprise, pp. 38, 40, 44, 46, 47, 49, 50) Gourgues, who was sailing in a northerly direction, passed a Spanish fort which saluted him with two guns, to which he replied {ibid., p, 38). Las Alas relates that on Good Friday, nine days before the capture of the blockhouses according to his own dates, he fired a gun to signal five ships, which were discovered off St. Augustine. Thereupon Gourgues sails away until out of sight of land, but returns at night and lands within fifteen leagues of the fort. Las Alas says the ships took the direction of Fort San Mateo. Gourgues says it rained hard the morning of the attack and that it blew a north-east wind the previous day {ibid., pp. 49, 50). Las Alas says that on the day of the attack there was a strong north-east wind. Gourgues attacked first the block- house on the left (north) bank of the St. John's with a force of Indians and of armed men. Las Alas says the same. Gourgues attacked the first blockhouse after ten o'clock in the morning {ibid.., p. 52). Las Alas says at midday. Gourgues says the south fort incommoded the French attack on the north fort by firing cannon at them {ibid., p. 54). Las Alas says the south fort fired at the party attacking the north fort until its ammunition was expended. According to Gourgues the two forts were captured on " the eve of Quasimodo," /. ^., the Saturday preceding the first Sunday after Easter. Las Alas says the same. Gourgues says there were sixty Spaniards in the south fort (p. 54), and does not mention the number in the first fort. Las Alas says there were sixty men in both forts. The coincidences are remarkable. The salute on first seeing the ships, the direction taken by the ships after being sighted, the direction from which comes the attack on the first block- house, the character of the attacking force, the weather, the fort first captured, the defence made by the second fort, the locality, and finally the ecclesiastical date. Against the proba- bility, raised by this similarity in the two accounts, that they are both describing the same event, is to be set the remote possi- bility of an event's repeating itself for two years in succession with all of these characteristics in common and occurring in Appendix CC 457 the same order. The mistake of one figure in the date of the title is not an unusual circumstance, instances of such errors having been noticed in the course of this volume, particularly as the title in which it occurs is in the nature of a caption written in by a clerk. While this volume was going through the press, Professor William R. Shepherd has, in a recent review, assumed the same position as the author in respect to the authenticity of the Gourgues incident, in view " of the evidence presented by the correspondence of Menendez de Aviles published in the second volume of Ruidiaz y Caravia's La Florida^ by the state- ments of Barrientos in his Vida y Hechos de Pero Menendez de Auiies, and by other original authorities recently discovered." {Political Science Quarterly, vol. xx., p. 331, June, 1905.) APPENDIX CC THE SECOND VOYAGE OF AVIL^S TO FLORIDA A period of sixteen months intervenes between Aviles's let- ter of May 12, 1568, from Santander and his next letter from Spain, dated at Seville, September 22, 1569 (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 180). During this interval he appears to have been at Havana in April (?) of 1569 according to his letter of September 22, 1569, above cited, in which he says: "y aviendome V. M. mandado por una su Real Cedula, hecha por Febrero de este presente ano, recibida en la Habana por este mes de Abril pasado, en que me manda con la armada de mi cargo aconpaiie la flota de Nueva Espana hasta la meter en Sanlucar de Barrameda en salvamiento, . . . y que vini- endo la dicha flota sola, quedando yo en las Indias " {ibid., tomo ii., pp. 182, 183). Fourquevaux observes that Aviles was expected at the Azores about June, 1568 (Letter of May 21, 1568, De'peches, p. 360). Gabriel de Cayas wrote Alava that Aviles had sailed from Laredo August 12 to punish pi- rates (Sept. 4, 1568, Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1511 [81]). Gar- cilaso {La Florida del Lnca, Madrid, 1723, lib. vi., cap. xxii., p. 268), Pulgar {Historia general de la Florida, Biblioteca Na- 458 The Spanish Settlements cional, Madrid, MSS. 2999, fol. 173), and Barcia {Ensayo, Ano MDLXX., p. 141) insist upon three voyages of Aviles to Flor- ida, although Barcia attributes a wrong date to this voyage, as stated in note i, p. 342, in this volume. The date of Aviles's return to Spain was prior to that of his letter of September 22, 1569, above referred to. He remained in Spain until after Janu- ary 4, 1570. (See letters dated Escalona, November 12, 1569, Ruidlaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 184; Seville, November 20th, ibid., p. 185; Seville, November 24th, ibid., p. 189; Seville, November 27th, ibid., p. 191; Seville, Dec. ^ih,ibid., p. 193; Cadiz, December 31st, ibid., p. 196, and Cadiz, January 4, 1570, ibid., p. 201). It follows that Shea's statement that Aviles returned to Spain after hearing of Segura's landing, September 11, 1570, at Axacan, is incorrect. It is true that a period of eleven months intervenes between Aviles's letter of January 4, 1570, and his next letter dated at Seville, December 3, 1570 {ibid., tomo ii., p. 203). But during this interval Aviles appears to have been at sea protect- ing the treasure fleets on their voyage between the Canaries and Spain from Pie de Palo and other pirates {ibid., tomo ii., p. 205, of this same letter). Subsequent to December 3, 1570, he remained in Spain until he sailed for Florida, May 17, 1571. (See his letters dated San Lucar de Barrameda [Dec.?], 1570, ibid., p, 213; Seville, January 23, 1571, ibid., p. 220; Seville, March 12th, ibid., p. 221; San Lucar de Barrameda, May 15th, ibid., p. 222; Sanflanejos, May 15th, ibid., p. 224; and San Lucar, May 16, 1571, ibid., p. 226). APPENDIX DD The first visit of the Spaniards to Axacan was that of the Dominican missionaries in 1 559-1 560, who are said by Sac- chini {Hist. Soc. Jesu. Pars tertia, Romae, 1650, p. 323) to have taken the Indian Don Luis from there eleven years prior to 1570. Aviles refers to Don Luis as being already in Mexico in his letter to the King of October 15, 1565 (Ruidiaz, La Appendix DD 459 Florida, tomo ii., p. 94), and it seems probable that from him the existence of the Bay of Santa Maria of Axacan (Xacan, Jacan, lacan, Axaca, Axacam) was learned. Aviles in the letter above referred to says of the Bay of "Santa Maria" "que esta an treynta y siete grados, ciento y treynta leguas mas adelante de Santa Elena " (p. 94) ; but in his letter of December 25, 1565 {ibid., p. 131), he places it one hundred leagues to the north of Santa Elena, and elsewhere in the same letter (p. 134) fifty leagues by land from St. Augustine and San Mateo, which shows how indefinite his information was. There can be little doubt as to its identity with Chesapeake Bay. Velasco in his Geografia de las Indias, 1^71-1^^4 (p. 172) says: " Cabo de Santiago: [esta] al norte del cabo de Arenas [the Cabo de Arenas was in 37° 30'], cerca d^l. Bahia de San Cristobal; mas al norte. Bahia de Santa Maria: mas al norte. Rio de San Anton: en 42 grados y 1/2 como ochenta leguas al norte del cabo de las Arenas." The Chesa- peake was visited in 1588 by Vincente Gonzales, for he entered a bay where the Indians told him there was an English settle- ment towards the north on a river flowing into it, but Gonzales does not give the name of the bay. (" Relacion que dio el Capitan Vizente Gonzales," 1588, MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., Doc. No. 54, fol. 8.) Juan Menendez Marques in his " Relacion escrita en el fuerte de San Agustin . . . al P. Comisario General de Indias Fr. Miguel Avengo^ar," June 7, 1606 (Ruidiaz, tomo ii., p. 498) refers to this expedition of 1588 as being to the Bay of Jacan. "Y aviendo por el ano de 88 ydo al descubrimiento de la baya de la Madre de Dios del Jacan, y tomar lengua de la poblacion del yngles, juntamente con el Capitan Vincente Gonzales," etc. In 1609 Ecija, Piloto Mayor, was ordered to reconnoitre the coast " hasta allegar a la Altura de 37 grados y medio donde se sospecha estan poblados los primeros yngleses en el sitio que ellos llaman (la Virginia) ' o cortuan y en nuestra lengua se llama la vaya del lacan." (Orden del Gobernador D. Pedro de Ibarra a el Capitan Francisco Fernandez de Ecija para reconocer las costas del norte de aquella Provincia, 1609, 1 Bracketed in the original MS. 46o The Spanish Settlements MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. 2, caj. 5, leg. 3/16, p. 2.) In the " Report of the voyage to Virginia made in behalf of Don Diego de Molino, Marco Antonio Perez and Francisco Lembri," enclosed in a letter of the Duke of Lerma of No- vember 13, 1611, there is mention of "the point of Virginia . . . at 37° and 10 minuits N. latitude . . . this afore- said Bay of Virginia (which is called bay of the Xacan),'" (Translation in Alexander Brown, Genesis of the United States, Boston and New York, 1890, vol. i., pp. 514, 515), and (on p. 518) " Xacan, since that is the name of Virginia." In the letter of Diego de Molino (to Alonso de Velasco?) of May 28, 1613, he says of the region visited: " This country lies in the midst of thirty-seven degrees and a third, in which lies also the bay which they call Santa Maria " (Translation in Alexander Brown, Genesis of the United States, vol. ii., p. 650). Fran- cisco Sacchini, in his Historice Societatis J^esu, Pars tertia (Romae, 1650, p. 323), says: " Est Axaca Floridae Prouincia perampla, ab aequatore in Boream erecta triginta septem gradi- bus, ab Sancta Elena leucis centum septuaginta disiuncta." Barcia in his Ensayo (Madrid, 1723, Ano MDLXVI., p. 119) says: " Baia de Santa Maria, que esta en 37 Grados," and (Ano MDLXIII., p. 148) "en 37 Grados y medio." Alegre in his Historia de la Compahia de Jesus en Nueva Espana (Mexico, 1842, tomo i., p. 26), says Father Segura and his companions " Uegaron a la provincia de Axacan, que hoy . . . hace parte de la nueva Georgia y la Virginia, a los 11 de setiembre, y dieron fondo en el mismo puerto de Santa Maria (hoy S. George), patria del cacique D. Luis." Fairbanks in his History of St. Augustine (New York, 1858, pp. 100-102) and in his History of Florida (Philadelphia, 1871, p. 157) and Shea in his The Catholic Church in Colonial Days (New York, 1886, p. 147), in his " Ancient Florida" {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 282) and elsewhere in various essays on the Segura mission, both identify the Bay of Santa Maria and Axacan with the Chesapeake. J. G. Kohl in his "A History of the Discovery of the East Coast of North ' Bracketed in Alexander Brown's translation. Appendix EE 461 America," Portland, 1869, vol. i., pp. 309, 399-401 {Collections of the Maine Historical Society, 2nd series) identifies the Baya de Santa Maria with Chesapeake Bay. Justin Winsor, in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. iii., p. 167, appears to have some doubts as to the identity, while he admits " that there seem to have been visits of the Spaniards to the Chesapeake at an early day (1566-1573)." .Dr. Shea in " The Log Chapel on the Rappahannock," in The Catholic World, March, 1875, p. 847, suggests the derivation of Axacan from Occoquan, and Alexander Brown in his reference to the Ecija Relation of 1609 {The First Republic in America, Boston, 1898, p. 88) repeats this derivation. In his Genesis of the [/nited States {iSgo, vol. ii., p. 947) he admits the identity of Axacan with the Chesa- peake, and his conclusion is deserving of great weight. In vol. i., p. 488, of the same work there is a note to the name " Xatamahane," which he has bracketed in the Spelman Rela- tion, and which he thinks may possibly be the Spanish name " Xacan." APPENDIX EE THE SITE OF THE SEGURA MISSION The only knowledge which we have of the locality where the Jesuits established their mission is contained in the very vague description of it given by Father Quiros in the joint letter which he wrote with Father Segura on the 12th of December, 1570, a day or two after the landing, and is as follows: After referring to "la esperanza grande q se tiene de la conversion desta gente . . . y entrada para la sierra y la China" (p. 2), the letter continues on page 3: " de la informacion desta tierra lo que toca a la derota q se ha de traer el piloto la dara porque no conviene q se entre por el rio que nosotros en- tramos a causa de no tener tambuena informacion quanto con- venia de los indios por donde aviamos de entrar y por esso es ydo oy el piloto por la tierra dos buenas leguas de aqui a ver un rio por donde se ha de hazer la entrada quanto con la buena ventura nos vengan a proveer y visitar, pues por aquella 4^2 The Spanish Settlements parte se puede yr por mar hasta el lugar donde hemos de hazer la habitacion y por aqui ay dos buenas leguas por tierra y otros dos o mas por la mar . . . " La informacion que hasta ahora se ha podido aver de la tierra adentro es que unos indios que encontramos alia abaxo en este rio nos informaron que tres o quatros jornadas de alii estava la sierra y las dos dellas se yva por un rio y despues de la sierra otra Jornada o dos se via otro mar. ... (p. 6) . . . desque se entienda ser tiempo en que venga la fragata . . . se embiara un indio o dos con una carta a la boca del bra90 de mar por donde se ha de passar . This is the sum total of the information conveyed by the letter. It does not mention when land was sighted, nor when the bay was entered. It does not state the distance sailed nor the direction taken by the vessel after entering the bay, nor how many rivers or harbours, if any, were passed before the vessel reached the river up which it sailed. It does not give the direction of the course of the river nor how far up it was ascended. The landing-place is not described, nor are its latitude and longitude mentioned. It does not tell the direc- tion followed by the pilot to reach the other river, nor the direction in which the other river flowed. The way to the mountains was partly by a river, but whether by a river flowing into the bay above or below the river the ship had ascended there is nothing to indicate. This is absolutely all that is known of the region visited by the Jesuits, for the only sur- vivor of the party was the boy Alonso, whose account is ob- scure, and none of the authorities relied on for the subsequent visit of Aviles to avenge the murder of the Fathers gives any details. It is upon this meagre evidence that Dr. Shea has based his conclusion that the Jesuits ascended the Potomac and ulti- mately settled on the Rappahannock. (" The Log Chapel on the Rappahannock," in The Catholic World, March, 1875, p. 847. The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, New York, 1886, pp. 147, 149. "Ancient Florida" in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., New York, 1886, vol. ii., p. 282.) In " The Log Chapel " {ibid., p. 848), Dr. Shea observes: " Believing that the Chesa- Appendix EE 463 peake, by the rivers running into it, would easily lead to the Western Ocean Men^ndez spent the winter of 1565 studying out the subject with the aid of Don Luis de Velasco [/. ^., the Axacan Indian] and Father Urdaneta, a missionary just ar- rived from China by the overland route across Mexico." Both Merds (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 258) and Barrientos (Garcia, Dos Aniiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 126) say Don Luis had been six years with Aviles, and all the information about Axacan which Aviles had obtained from him is probably set out in his letter to Philip IL, of October 15, 1565 (Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 93, 94, 100; see p. 212, in this volume). In the absence of any mention of the presence of Don Luis on the Ays expedition either by Aviles or by his two biographers, it is problematical whether he accompanied the Adelantado on his exploration and was with him in Havana during the winter of 1 5 65- 1 5 66. What little we know of the information which Aviles obtained from Father Andres de Urdaneta, concerning the straits leading to China is found in the letter of the former to the King of January 30, 1566 (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 151). The active occupation of Aviles during this winter could have left him but little time for the study of geo- graphical problems. While it is probable that the Jesuits were commissioned to inform themselves of the " entrada . . . para la China," the context of the quotation above given indicates that this was not their immediate objective, otherwise they would have followed the directions given by the natives. Their desire was to reach the country of Don Luis, where he could serve them as an interpreter, an object which they appear to have accom- plished, for they certainly reached a region the language of which he spoke. As their communication with the natives was entirely through him, his representations as to his relation- ship with the chiefs is not altogether free from suspicion in view of his subsequent treachery. The only point in favour of the site selected by Dr. Shea lies in his suggestion that Axacan is derived from Occoquan (" The Log Chapel," in ibid., p. 851) in which he is followed by Alexander Brown, who is dis- posed to accept Dr. Shea's identification of the location {The 4^4 The Spanish Settlements First Republic in America, p. 88, Genesis of the United States y vol. ii., p. 947). It is only necessary to consult a map of the Chesapeake with its many rivers and creeks, both large and small, flowing into it from the west to see how improbable it is that a vessel de- layed in its voyage by stress of weather and short of provisions would ascend it to the Potomac before making harbour, and how readily the vague data of the letter can be applied to any of its numerous affluents, both as to the landing-place, the site of the mission, and the distance to the Alleghanies. In the absence of further particulars the term " brago de mar por donde se ha de passar" can refer to the estuaries of the James, the York, Mobjack Bay, Piankatank River, and the Rappahan- nock as well as to the Potomac, into some small river either above or below the mouth of any of which the Jesuits may have entered, since no direction is given. While it is equally impossible to assert that the rivers visited by the Jesuits were not the Potomac and the Rappahannock, yet in view of the absence of any substantial evidence to establish their identity the question must remain an open one until more definite in- formation is produced, notwithstanding the high authority of Dr. Shea. APPENDIX FF MAPA DE LA FLORIDA V LAGUNA DE MAIMI DONDE SE HA DE HACER UN FUERTE (aRCH. GEN. DE INDIAS, SEVILLE, EST. 145, CAJ. 7, LEG. 7) This map is anonymous, undated, and unaccompanied by data of any description. The coast names on the map, reading from east to west, are: s helena (Santa Elena), ahoya. b de los baxos (Bahia de los Bajos). cofonufo. hospogahe (Espogache of the Rela- tions), asao. Guadalquini. Ballenas. S pedro (San Pedro). Sena. S mateo. S agustin. matancas (Matanzas). moy- squitos (Mosquitos). cabo de canaberal. ays. S iozia (probably san Iozia — Santa Lucia). Xega. vocas de migel Appendix FF 465 mora (Bocas de Miguel de Mora), hensenada de niupa. b* de Carlos (Bahia de Carlos), b* de tacabaga (Bahia de Taca- baga, also written Tocobaga). hensenada de carlos. punta de apalahe (Punta de Apalache). In the centre: laguna de meiymi. The islands are: ba- hama. mimeres. isla de cuba. havana. martires. tor- tugas. The inscription endorsed on the map, and reproduced at the bottom of the copy in this volume, is: " Planta de la costa de la florida y en que Paraje esta La LaGuna Maymi y adonde se ha de hacer el fuerte." The map is No. 94 of D. Pedro Torre Lanzas, Mapas de Mexico y Florida, tomo i., p. 71, where he dates it " siglo i7(?)" All of the names on this map are found either on earlier maps or in Relations accessible to the writer prior to 1596 with the exception of " hospogahe," which first appears under the form " Espogache " in 1606 (in Marques's " Relacion," Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 506) and "hensenada de niupa," which does not appear elsewhere. In 1595 Juan Maldonado Barnuevo, Governor of Havana, sent his nephew Juan Maldonado to examine the coast from St. Augustine as far as the southern extremity of the Florida Keys. In the " Derrotero " of the expedition appears for the first time the Florida coast names " jega " (Xega of the map) and "bocas de miguel de mora" (see Barnuevo's letter of July 6, 1595, with the annexed " Derrotero." Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, MS., est. 54, caj. i, leg. 15). At about this date Juan de Posada, who had come to Florida in 1586, where he had spent seven years (Letter of Albaro Flores, Novem- ber 9, 1586, Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xxii.. Doc. No. 98) wrote to the home government advising the dismantling of all of the forts in Florida, "y que haga hacer uno en la cabeza de los Martires" (see his undated " Relacion," Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, Doc. No. 31). In view of the fact that Posada was probably in Florida at the time of Maldonado's return from his expedition ; that the location given the fort on the map corresponds with the 466 The Spanish Settlements description in the "Derrotero "; that these particular legends are identical in both map and "Derrotero," and that the script used on the map and in the endorsed title is of the period in which his letter was written, it is not at all improbable that the map formed part of Posada's letter. INDEX Abalache, 448 Acuna, Juan de, sent to France, 107, 109 Aguaquiri, 448 Aguatira, 448 Aguirre, Captain, sent to San Mateo, 256; left in charge, 257 Ahoya, 444, 452 Ahoyabe, 445 Aij, 395 Aisa Hatcha, 432, 433 Ais, Province of, 433 Ais, Rio de, 432, 433 Aiz el biejo, 433 Aiz, Rio de, 432 Alabama, 409 Alamo, Father Gonzalo del, accompanies Father Segura to Florida, 341; returns to Eu- rope, 342, 349; sent to San Antonio, 345 Alava, Frances de, 107, n8, 299, 457; succeeds Chantone at French Court, loi; treat- ment accorded his protests, 102; warns Philip against French designs on Florida, 104; of Ribaut's prepara- tions, 106; that French know of Aviles's armada, ioq; his credulity, 109. no; leaves for Bayonne, instructions, 109, no, 113; audience with Cath- erine de' Medici, 1 14-1 16; conversation with Burdin, 116, 117; instructed to in- form Catherine of French de- feat, 301; his explanation of Jacques Ribaut's bearing, 301 ; his interview with Catherine, 302; Fourquevaux's com- plaint of his language, 306; instructions from Philip, 306; interview with Catherine, 307- 310; informs Philip of meet- ings at Coligny's house, 316; and Laudonnicrc, 317; noti- fies Philip of loss of San Mateo and protests, 335; reports on treasure imported into Spain, 388; instructions relative to the Matanzas massacre, 429 Alba, Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of, treaty of Cateau-Cambrdsis and the West Indies, 24; informs Philip of French prohibition respecting West India naviga- tion, 25; advises Philip con- cerning the French in Florida, 106; at Bayonne conference, no; his instructions, in; advises Philip, n2; intervievr with Fourquevaux, 300, 301; informs Fourquevaux of French defeat in Florida, 304- 306; his opinion of the Matan- zas massacre, 306; interviews with Fourquevaux, 319, 320 Albaycin, 364 Albemarle River, 402, 404 Alcala, Spain, 269 Alcaudete, Count of, 269 Alexander VI., Bull of May 4, 1493, 16 Alfonse, Jean, encounter with Avilcs, 122 Algarve, 12, 279 Alimacany, where situated, var- ious forms of, 59; blockhouse built at, 289, 297; Le Moyne's knowledge of, 412 467 468 Index Alimacany (river), 397; Gour- gues at the, 327 Alleghanies, 275, 463 Alligator hide sent to France, Le Challeux's idea of an, 76 Almohades, 136 Alonso accompanies Father Se- gura to Chesapeake Bay, 360; his escape, 365; rescued by Aviles, 373 Altamaha, 390, 391, 397 Amasura, Rio, 449 Amaya, Diego de, accompanies Aviles's first Florida expedi- tion, 148; crosses with Aviles to Havana, 218; sent to St. Augustine, 222; returns, 225; accompanies Aviles to Carlos, 228; rescued at St. Augustine, 253; at Matanzas, 428 Amboise, peace of, 36, 51 Amboyna, massacre of, 206 Amelia Island, 59, 347, 348, 454 Anastasia Island, 159 Andalusia, 12, 295 Andrada, Pedro de, at St. Augus- tine, 263; sent to assist Outina, is slain, 294 Antilles, 11 Antonia, Dona, 260; appear- ance, 236; marries Aviles, 238; and goes to Havana, 238, 242; her stay there, 254; returns to San Antonia, 255; returns to Havana, 276; ac- companies Aviles to San An- tonio, 277; her sister prisoner at Tocolaaga, 278 Antwerp, Aviles's tripto, 130, 131 Anunciacion, Fray Domingo de la, jealousy aroused by his mission, 266 Apalache, 291 River, 449 Apalatci, Montes, 411, 413 Appalachee Bay, 212 Appalachian Mountains, 287, 415 ; gold region of, 78; silver from, 179 Appalachians, 59 Aquatio, 412 Aracuchi, 445 Arauchi, 445 Archer's Creek, 405 Arciniega, Sancho de, to rein- force Florida, 222; prepara- tions to receive, 223; reaches St. Augustine, 255; reheves San Felipe and San Mateo, 256; meeting with Aviles, 256; part of his fleet returns to Spain, 262; his sailing dis- courages France, 317 Arcos, Cuba, 80 Arenas, Cabo de, 459 Arlac sent to Outina, 78 Armada de las Carreras de las Indias, its origin, course, and duty, 12; customs of, 126; Aviles appointed captain-gen- eral of, 134 Arguelles, Martin, his quarrel with Bartolom^ Menendez de Aviles, 294; father of first white child born at St. Augus- tine, 294 Artamua, 129 Artedo, 290, 291 Asis, Rio, 431, 432 Asturian colonists sent to Flor- ida, 3S2 Asturians in attack on Fort Caroline, 170 Asturias, 120, 149, 218, 291 Atinas, Martin, 89 Atlantic, 413 Aubespine, Claude de, 115 Sebastien de. Bishop of Limoges, 28 Audiencia, of Hispaniola, 82 of Mexico, 254, 368 of Santo Domingo, 224, 263 Audusta, 246, 412; Landon- niere sends expedition to, 40, 84 Augustin, Brother Domingo, ac- companies Father Segura to Florida, 341; sent to Guale, 344; prepares grammar of Guale language, 349; dies from epidemic, 350 Austria, notified by Philip of French defeat, 310, 311 Avila (Portugal), 279 Aviles, Alvar Sanchez de, 129 Aviles, Bartolome Menendez de, admiral on Aviles's second West India voyage, 134; im- prisoned by Casa de Contra- Index 469 Avil6s — Continued taci6n, 135, 138; accom- panies Aviles's first Florida expedition, 148; in charge at St. Augustine, 169,214, 26.^; recovers a French ship, 188; seeks to reheve colony, 240; falls ill, 241; his quarrel with Henriquez, 284; with Arguelles, 203, 204; informs Aviles of Gourgues's attack, 334; returns to Spain, 356 ■ Catalina Menendez de, her two marriages, 148, 384; Aviles's bequest to, 384 Juan Menendez de. ac- companies his father to Spain, 132; wrecked ofT Bermuda, 139; hope of finding him at Carlos, 227 Maria Menendez de, mar- ried to Diego de Velasco, 384; Aviles's bequest to her, 384 Pedro Menendez de, ne- phew of the Adelantado, in charge at St. Augustine, 357; falling ill, goes to Havana, 372 Pedro Menendez de, 393, 401, 408, 438; principal sources for the history of, v; his correspondence, vi, x, xi; his original Relacion, ix; its reliability, x; advises ports of refuge in neighbourhood of the Bahama Channel, 13; points out danger from in- crease of negroes in West In- dies, 14, 15 ; his tribute to the French Protestant Indian Mis- sion, 78; Coligny advises Ribaut of his departure for Florida, 95 ; arrival there, 100; warns against French occupation of Florida, 104; French informed of his arm- ada, 109; sails for Florida, 113; birth and parentage, 120, 121; boyhood, 121; en- counter with Jean Alfonse, 122; ability recognised, 122; appointed captain-general of West India fleet, 123, 127; his duties, 123-126; his integrity, 125,126; incurs animosity of Casa de Contratacion, 226; accompanies Philip to Eng- land, 126; dies poor, 126; first voyage to West Indies, 127; appointed to guard Spanish coast, 128; expedi- tions to Flanders, 128, 130, 131; saves Mendoza's fleet, 129; conducts Philip to Spain 131-132; illness, 133; second voyage to West Indies, 133- 134; captain-general of the Carrera de las Indias, 134; conflict with the Casa, 134; third voyage to West Indies, 134, 135; his law suit with the Casa, 135-138; his house at Aviles, 138; loss of his only son, 138, 139; appointed to conquer Florida, 139; his character, 139-141; his por- trait, 141 ; asiento with Philip II. to conquer Florida, 142-145; salary, 144; titles, 144; goes to Madrid, 146; his fleet, 147; colonists, 147-149; sails, 149; at the Canaries, 149; at Puerto Rico, 150; his plan of defence, 151; leaves Puerto Rico, 152; reaches Florida, 153; anchors at St. Augustine, 154; leaves St. Augustine and discovers French fleet, 155, 156; at- tacks and pursues it, 157, 158; returns to and founds St. Augustine, 158, 159; appoints officers, 160; reports to Philip, 161; Protestants among his colonists, 163; attacked at St. Augustine by Ribaut, 167 ; prepares to attack Fort Caro- line, 168, 169; the march, 170, 171; the attack, 172- 175; and capture, 175-179; names it San Mateo, 180; re- turns to St. Augustine, 181, 186; his reception, 188, 189; at Matanzas Inlet, 190, 195; kills the French wrecked from Ribaut 's fleet, 191-203; re- fuses to be bribed, 192, 198; relieves San Mateo, 194; his estimate of Jean Ribaut, 200; Spanish opinion of his action, 203-205; probable motives, 470 Index Aviles — Continued 203; Philip approves his act, 206; his report to Philip, 207 ; his plans for Florida, 21 1-2 13; his geographical ideas, 212; leaves for French fort near Cape Canaveral, 214; cap- tures it, 215; at Ays, 216; voyage to Havana, 217; re- leases the French prisoners, 218; meets Marques at Ha- vana, 218; refused assistance by Osorio, 220, 221; informs Philip, 221; relieves St. Au- gustine, 222; learns of Arci- niega's departure, 222; re- newed trouble with Osorio, 223; treatment of deserters, 225 ; hears of French at Guale, 226; of Carlos, 226; plans, 227; his first Carlos expedi- tion, 228-239; marries Car- los's sister, 238; returns to St. Augustine, 240; quells mu- tinies at San Mateo and St. Augustine, 242-245; first Guale expedition, 245-247; at Orista, 247 ; at Santa Elena, 247 ; founds San Felipe 248; returns to Guale, 249- 250; to San Mateo, 251; to St. Augustine, 252; to Hav- ana, 253, 254; to San Antonio, 255; back to Havana, 255; to San Mateo, 255 ; to St. Au- gustine, 256; meeting with Arciniega, 256; to San Mateo, 257; ascends the St. John's, 257; returns to San Mateo, 258; and the Northwest pas- sage, 259 ; sends expedition to the Bay of Santa Maria, 259; goes to San Felipe, 261; to Guale and back to San Mateo, 262; to St. Augustine, 262; sends Reynoso to Carlos, 263; sails for Puerto Rico, 263, 273; his account of Indian religion, 264; attempts to obtain missionaries, 265, 274; letter on death of Father Martinez, 273; his search for Father Rogel, 273; at San Antonio, 277; expedition to Tocobaga , 278-280; returns to San Antonio, 280; quells Havana mutiny 281 ; goes to Tegesta, 282; at San Mateo, 282 ; interview with Saturiba, 283; at St. Augustine, 284; at San Felipe, 284; results attained, 286-289; orders forts to be built, 289 ; sails for Spain, 290; at Madrid, 291; presents himself at Court, 291; appointed captain-gen- eral of the West and to com- mandry of Santiago, 292; Alba's explanation of his cruelty, 305, 306; Fourque- vaux demands his punish- ment, 319; Philip's final ex- planation of Aviles 's action, 321; reported to be at the Canaries, 323; asks for more missionaries, 341; attempts to relieve St. Augustine, 343; his second visit to Florida, 345; sends succour to Florida, 356; fears attack by Haw- kins, 356 ; succour delayed by Casa de Contrataci6n, 356; exerts his influence for Las Alas, 358 ; his theory of North- west passage, Portuguese set- tlements in Florida, 367 ; asks licence to settle Panuco, 368; and obtains it, 369; fifth voyage to Indies, 370; Pius V.'s letter to him, 370; escorts India fleets, 370; sails on his last voyage to Florida, 371; at Havana and San Felipe, 372; at Axacan, 372; hangs the murderers of the Jesuits, 373 ; wrecked near Cape Can- averal, 374; escapes to St. Augustine, and returns to Havana, 374; at Hispaniola and return to Spain, 375; sends farmers to Florida, 375; anxious on account of his colony, 379; equips armada against pirates, 382; sends settlers to Florida, 382; ob- tains patent for invention, 382; desires to return to Florida, 383; death, 383; his will, 384; character, 385, 386; description of the ' ' Riviere de Index 471 Avil6s — Continued Mai," 3go; portraits of, 418; coat of arms of, 419; his oath at Matanzas, 421-425; his treatment of Ribaut's body, 425-429; his situation at the time of the Matanzas mas- sacres, 429-431; his visits to Santa Elena, 443; date of his second voyage to Florida, 457, 458 ; his knowledge of Axacan 458 sea-port of, 120, 138, 249, 219, 290 Axaca, 459, 460 Axacam, 459 Axacan, 2bo, 342, 361, 365, 463; expeditions to, 259, 372, 373; identified with Chesapeake Bay, 458-461 Axona Iracana, 395 Ay lion, Lucas Vasquez de, re- quests extension of term to settle Florida, his death, 50 Ay lion's expedition of 1520, 41, 108 Ays, 239, 287, 374, 446, 463; Avil^s at, 216; Medrano settled near, 217; experience of settlement, 224, 225; plan to relieve, 227; Perucho, a chief of, 258; settlement abandoned, 357 ; where found, 431-434; various forms of name, 432 Indians, 58; their coun- try, 216 Rio de, 435 Azores, 12, 32, 290 Azurite mine, reported finding of, 378 B Badajos, Congress of, 17 Bahama Channel, 31. 82, 260; path of West Indian com- merce, 12; discovered by Ponce de Leon, 13; its dan- gers, 13; proximity to Florida, 13, 14; French intention to occupy neighbourhood of, 21; Ribaut's second expedition to command the, 96 ; menace of a French settlement near, 103 -105, 109; Avil^s's fleet in, 153; Avil^s in, 240 Balfcnas, Bahia de, 453 Baraeou, 81 Barbary, 325 Barchino, Caspar, his opinion of the French, 103; warns Philip against French designs on F'lorida, 104 Barcia, Andreas Gonzales, ac- count in his Ensayo Crono- lo^ico of the conquest of Florida by Avil(5s, v; copies the Meras Memorial, ix; re- liability of his account, x Bamuevo, Juan Maldonado, Governor of Havana, his re- port on the Florida coast, 465 Barreda, Captain, 281 Barre, Nicolas, succeeds Pierria in command at Charlcsfort, 42 Barrientos, Bartolom^, 137, 138, 205, 232, 239, 247, 251; his Vida y hechos de Pero Menen- dez de Auiles, v, vii ; reproduces the Relacion oi _Avi\6s, viii; its reliability, x ; his opinion of the Matanzas massacres, 204; of Aviles's oath at Matanzas,_422 Basque pilot with Laudonniere, S3 Basques in attack on Fort Caro- line, 170 Basse, 395, 399 Batten Island, 297 Bayahonda, Cuba, 218 Bayonne, arming of vessels for the Indies at, 101 Conference, Philip sends his queen to, 106 ; Alava leaves for, 109; Alba at, 110-113; failure of, 113; France warned at, 320 Bazaine, Franjois Achille, 369 Bazares, Guido de las, see La- bazares Beaguez, Pedro, visits Santa Martha, 22 Beaufort, S. C, 402, 405 Island, 404 Beauhaire, M. de, 166 Belle, 34, 395. 398 a veoir, 395, 399, 413 Isle-en-Mer, 315, 322 voir, 395, 396 472 Index Bellum, 395 Bermuda, 12, 13,33. i39 Biscay, 149, 218, 370 Biscayne Bay, 260, 287, 441 Blanco, Cape, 325 Bojador, Cape, 16 Bordeaux, expedition for the Indies equipped at, loi ; Gourgues sails from, 325 ; and returns to, 334 Borgia, Francisco, Duke of Gandia, appoints Jesuit mis- sionaries for Florida, 266; sends Jesuits to Oran, 269; names Father Segura and other priests for Florida, 341 ; names Father Segura rector of College of Villimar, 342 Bourbon, Cardinal de, 315 Bourdet, Captain, returns to France, 79 Bourne, E. G., his account of the conquest of Florida by Avil^s, xii ; opinion of Matanzas mas- sacre, 206 Boyano, 294, 295, 296; in com- mand at Fort San Juan, 276; his war against the Chisca chief, 284; expedition to Chiaha, 285, 286 Brazil, 10 Bretoncs, Ticrra de los, 116 Breton fishermen in Newfound- land, 19 Bretons , Coste des, 301 Isles des, 302, 308, 309 Land of the, 117 Bretons, Terr e des, 118, 119, 300, 305, 319: maps showing, 417 Breu, Pedro, 327 Bribery of Captain-General, 125, 126 of French officials, pirates practise, loi Brinton, Daniel G., his opinion of Pulgar's Historic general de la Florida, xv Brittany: Spanish secret agent in, 20; vessels equipped for Indies in, 25, 26, loi Broad River, 35, 398, 403, 446 Burdin, secretary of Charles IX., his interview with Alava, 116, 117 Cabray, 81 Cadiz, 113, 123, 146, 147, 149, ^ 163, 255, 357 Cajucos, 447 Calais, 39, 128, 130 California, 270 Caloosa Indian guides Avil^s to Tocobaga, 278 Coloosa Indians, 58, 255, 261^ 277,348,414; human sacrifice, 226, 264; their country, 229, 436; customs, 230; mark of respect, 232; Father Rogel's mission among, 277, 278, 339, 340; marriage custom, 341; revolt against Spaniards, 346; maps and recent history, 437, 438 Calos, 412, 414, 437 Calvinists in Ribaut's first Flor- ida expedition, 31; with Laudonniere, 53 Cambahee, 275, 276; (see Com- bahee) Campeche, 223, 282, 372 Canada, 32, 270, 335 Canaries, 12, 32, 122, 149, 150, 218, 219, 323, 342, 370, 458 Canaveral, Cape, 45, 59, 154, 214, 250, 374, 413, 431, 432, 433' 435' 449 Cancer, Fray Luis, 265 ; jealousy aroused by his mission, 266 Canche, 451 Cannouchee River, 445 Caongacola, 448 Canos, 445, 446 Canosi, 445 Canotes, F., 412 Cape de Verd Islands, 17, 143 Captain-General of the West In- dia fleet, his duties, 123-126; Avil^s appointed, 123 Carabay, 258, 453 Caraffa, Cardinal, 128 Carlos, 260, 261; Spaniards from, escape to Laudonnidre, 83; his Christian slaves, 226; his village, 230; relations with Avilds, 231-239; his wife, 237; his sister, 238; her return to him, 255; Lake Maymi and the country of, 258; Father Rogel destined Index 473 Carlos — Continued for, 273; attempts to kill Reynoso, 277; accompanies Avil^s to Tocobaga, 277; his interview with Tocobaga, 279 ; plots against the Spaniards, 340; is killed by them, 341 Carlos, Bahia de, '450 Bay of, Spanish settle- ment in, 281, 287 village of, 230, 231; named San Antonio, 239; settlement at, abandoned, 346, ^ 357 Caro, 395 Carolina coast, 412 Caroline, Fort, 80, 81, 83, 191, 195, 197, 201, 245, 255, 300, 314-316, 323, 334, 390. 405- 409, 412, 420; Laudonniere founds, 57; Hawkins at, 88; Jean Ribaut at, 97, 164, 165; Jacques Ribaut at, 99; the garrison at, 165; Spanish preparations to attack, 168; its situation, 170; march upon, 170-172; capture of, 172-179, 214; named San Mateo by Avil^s, 180; women and children captured at, set free, 322; Debray captured at, 327; description and identi- fication of its site, 405-407; number of French vessels captured at, 420; burning of, 430 Carrera de las Indias, see Armada de Carthagena, 1 1 ; negro popula- tion of 14; burned by Jacques de Soria, 22 Cartier, Jacques, his first and second expeditions, 19; his third expedition and measures taken by Spain to defeat it, 20-22 Casa de Contratacion, founded, 4; governing board of, 4; records of discoveries kept in the, 7 ; visitador of, 11; ap- points Captain-General, 123; persecutes Aviles, 126, 127; and refuses to pay his salary, 134; its charges against him, i35~i38; French prisoners forwarded to, 322; delays re- lief sent by Aviles, 343, ^57; delays Avil«Js's return to Flor- ida, 371 Casina, Timuquanan drink, 66 Castellon, commander at San Mateo, wounded in Indian at- tack, 297; recovering from his wounds at lime of French attack, 298; warned of Gourgues's approach, 332 ; es- capes the massacre, ^^3 Casti, 41 2 Castillo, Pedro del, assists Aviles, 146 Castro, Avilds at, 130 Castro the Licenciate, Governor of Peru, 137 Catawba, 447 Cateau-Cambr(^sis, treaty of, 23 ; and the West Indies, 24 Catherine de' Medici, Chantone notifies her of Ribaut 's de- signs on Florida, 28; her an- swer, 29; assists Ribaut 's first Florida expedition, 31; de- lavs explanation, 44; charges Laudonnidre to respect Span- ish rights, 53 ; her interest in Ribaut 's second expedition, 95 ; her treatment of Alava's protests, 102; and the Ba- yonne Conference, 106, no; Alava instructed to inform her of Philip's claims to Flor- ida, 109, no; her curiosity, no; foils Philip at Bayonne, 113; at Tours, 114; Alava's audience with, 114; Four- quevaux's advice to, 114, 115; her dependence on Philip, 299; her duplicity, 300; interviews with Alava, 302, 307-310; renews promises to respect Spanish rights, 303; her answer to Enveja's com- plaint, 316; Philip's treat- ment of her protests, 318, 319; tries to work upon her daugh- ter, 319; memorial to Philip, 321; her attitude towards Coligny, 322; her answer to Alava's protest about Gourgucs, 335 ; and the North- west passage, 367 474 Index Catos, 414, 437 Cauchi, 451; Pardo erects block- house at, 296; its fate, 296, 297 Cavuitas, Riviere des, 390 Cayas, Gabriel de, 457 Cecil, William, opinion on Co- ligny's Florida enterprise, 312 Celda, Spain, 267 Cevallos, Brother Sancho, ac- companies Father Segura to Florida, 341; and to Chesa- peake Bay, 360; his death, 364 Francisco de, his treat- ment of Florida deserters, 244, 245 Chalahume, 451 Chantone, Perrenot de, 26, 27, 31, 44, 45, 50, 389; Spanish ambassador to France, 25; protests against French ag- gressions in West Indies, 25 ; notifies Philip II. of Ribaut's designs on Florida, 28, 104; protests to Catherine de' Medici, 29; his successor, loi; instructed to notify Austria of the French defeat, 310, 311 Charenta, 395 Charente, Florida, 34, 395, 397 • France, 325 Charles IX., 42, loi, 292, 304, 305; Charlesfort named in honour of, 35; Fort Caroline also, 58; at Tours, 114; widows of Florida settlers petition, 318 Charles V.. warns Emanuel I. of Portugal not to steal Spanish pilots, 17; warns Philip II. against French aggression in the West Indies, 18; recog- nises ability of Avil^s, 122; appoints him Captain-General, 123; Carlos a corruption of his name, 231 Charlesfort, 245, 394, 402, 403, 414; Ribaut's settlement at, 35, 40-44; abandoned by Coligny, 36; identified with Ayllon's first landfall, 41; dissentions at, 41; story of concealed treasure, 42; aban- doned by settlers, 42, 43; their fate, 44; Philip II. ad- vised of colony left at, 44; orders its expulsion, 45 ; Man- rique de Rojas at, 47, 48; its site identified, 403-405; San Felipe near site of, 440 Charlotte Harbour, 287 Chamet, 395 Charts, see Maps Chatham Bay, 231 Chatillon, Cardinal, at Tours, 114; see Xatillon Chenonceau, 35, 404, 405 Cherokees, 295 Cherokee settlements, 447 Chesapeake Bay, 212, 259, 260, 291, 367, 381, 462; Jesuit mission to, 360-366; expedir tions to, 259, 372, 373; iden- tified with Axacan and Bahia de Santa Maria, 458-461 Chiaha, 294, 295, 443, 451, 452; Boyano's expedition to, 285; where he builds Fort Santa Elena, 286 Chica^a, 291 Chicora, 40 Chihaque, 286, 451 China, passage to, 212, 259, 362, 367, 461, 463 Chiquola, giant race and city of, 40 Chisca of De Soto, Boyano at the, 284 Choctaw country, where found, 296; Pardo in, 296 Chouanes, Riviere des, 398 Cibola, Ribaut on first expedi- tion thinks he hears of, 34 Cicuye, 340 Cimarron negroes, 382 Cobos, Francisco de los, instruc- tions to prevent French under- takings in the Indies, 19; his letter to the Spanish ambas- sador to Portugal, 20 Coga, 212, 296 Cofao, 445 Cofetasque, 445 Cofetazque, 445 Coligny, Gaspard de, promises to respect Spanish rights in the Indies, 25; his hatred of Spain and desire to weaken her, 29; sends Villegaignon to Index 475 Coligny — Continued Brazil, 2q; determines to colonise Florida, 29; selects Jean Ribaut to command the expedition, 30 ; abandons Charlesfort, 36; Stuckeley's enterprise attrilauted to, 39; renews his designs on Florida, 51; assists Laudonnidre's ex- pedition, 52; assists Ribaut 's second expedition, 94; recalls Laudonniere, 94, 98; his letter to Ribaut, 95; treat- ment of Alava's protests, 102 ; hears Jacques Ribaut 's report, 300 ; accused of the Florida en- terprise by Philip, 304; Alba asks his punishment, 305; his designs upon the West Indies, 306; Alava's accusations against, 307; Catherine's de- fence of, 308, 309; Philip's accusations against, 311, 312; Cecil's opinion of, 312; secret meetings at his house, 315; Catherine's favourable atti- tude towards, 322 Columbus, Georgia, 285 Combahee River, 402, 405 {see Cambahee) Commerce, Avil^s's privilege, 144, 145 Commerce, between Spain and the West Indies, 4; merchan- dise, 5 ; gold, silver, and gems, 5; between Puerto Rico, His- paniola, Tierra Firme, and Honduras, 10 Cond^, Louis I., Prince of, assists Ribaut 's first Florida expedi- tion, 31; servants of his in Ribaut 's second Florida ex- pedition, 215 Conspectu Bellum, 395 Coosa River, 295 Coosawhatchee, S. C, 403, 445 Cordova, 291 Cordova, Martin de, expedition to Oran, 269 Corrientes, Ribera de las, 389 Rio de las, 46 Cortds, Hernando, 369; Verra- zano captures his treasure fleet, 9 Cortuan, 459 Corunna, 44, 290 Cossette, Captain, 164 Council of Indies on Philip's title to Florida, 107 Courset sails under orders from Coligny, 304 Coz, Martinez de, remains at Tocobaga, 280 Cozao, 445 Creek Indians, Pardo's first ex- pedition through the country of the, 276; his second ex- pedition 295; Boyano's ex- pedition, 285 Crews of Spanish vessels, French treatment of, 83 Cromwell, Oliver, and the mas- sacre of Drogheda, 206 Cruz, Rio de la, 46 Cuba, 217, 253, 262, 288, 301; negro population of, 14; Fort Caroline pirates in, 79, 81; French settlement in Florida a menace to, 103; French prisoners sent to, 201; Avil^s Governor of, 292, 345; Pedro Men^ndez Marques, Lieuten- ant-Governor of, 357 Cuenca, Spain, 269 Cufitatchiqui, 275, 287, 294, 438, 445 Cumberland Island, 272, 378, 453. 454 Sound, 453, 454 Cursol, Madame de, see Cursot Cursot, Madame de, assists Ri- baut 's first Florida expedition, D Dartmouth, 129 Dauphins, R. des, 416 Days, Rio, 432 Debray, Pierre, assists Gour- gues, 327 Delpeuch, Maurice, his account of the conquest of Florida by Avilds, xii Denmark, 163 Descalona, Fray Luis, 340 Deserters from Florida, Avil^s's proposed treatment of, 225 Dieppe sailor, his story of the massacre of Jean Ribaut and his own escape, 200-203 476 Index Dolphins, River of, 32, 33, 413; Laudonniere at 54; called Seloy by natives, 54; Avil^s at, 154 Dominica, 149, 150, 326 Dominican friars for Florida, 223; with Merds, 254, 265; sent to the Bay of Santa Maria, 259; take the Indian Don Luis to Havana, 360 Order, missions under- taken without advice of its Provincial Chapter, 266 Dover, 128 Drake, Sir Francis, his attack on St. Augustine, 379 Drayton Island, 84, 411 Drogheda, massacre of, 206 Dulce, Rio, 440 Du Lys, 165, 166 Dutch massacre of English, 206 Eboli, Prince of, 129, 321; see Gomez, Ruy Ecija, Francisco Fernandez de, expedition to lacan, 459, 461 Edelano, 84, 411, 412 Edisto, 398, 399, 402, 404 Indians, 40 Elizabeth, Queen, interview with Ribaut, 36; designs on Florida, 37; assists Stukeley with ship, 37; interest in Hawkins's slave trade, 89; informed of French defeat in Florida, 311, 312 Emanuel I. of Portugal steals Spanish pilots, 17 Emeralds imported into Spain, 388 Enfrenado, 445 English, jealousy of Spanish suc- cess in West Indies, 4; rumour of attack on Madeira, 9; en- terprise in North America, 15, 16 piracies, Spain de- mands a statute restricting them, 10 Roman Catholic colony designed for Florida, 206 vessels attack St. Au- gustme, 374 Englishman in Ribaut 's first Florida expedition, 31 Enveja, Doctor Gabriel de, sent to Madrid, 109; Philip II. 's agent at Moulins, 302; threat- ened by Jacques Ribaut, 302; informed of Gourgues's expe- dition, 324 Erlach, accompanies Laudon- niere, 52; assists Outina, 78 Escamacu, 352 Escudero, Alberto, stationed at Juada, 296 Espiritu Santo, the, 357 Espiritu Santo, bahia de, 448 Rio del, 369 Espogache, 465 Estrada, Sebastian de, 132 Eugenius IV. 's grant to Portu- gal, 16 Everglades, 229 Farmers colonised at Santa Elena, 352; sent to colonise Florida, 375 Fatilcon. the, 53 Felipe, Don, successor of Carlos, 341; killed by order of Mar- ques, 346 Ferdinand of Spain, 300 Fernandez, Antonio, in charge at Tacatacuru, 357 Fernandina, 454 Figueroa, the Regent, 131 Finisterre, 122 Flanders, 128, 163, 290, 292, 370, 382, 383 Fleets of New Spam and of Tierra Firme, their origin, 1 1 Flemings accompany Father Martinez to Florida, 271 Flores, companion of Father Martinez, 271 Florida, 13, 28, 29, 30, 32, 36, 45. 49-51. 54. 91. 94. 100. 102, 106, 110-118, 120, 139, 140, 142-146, 152, 161, 163, 217, 221-223, 228, 243, 254, 259, 262, 263, 266, 291, 299, 302, 305-307, 310, 312, 314- 316, 318, 319, 335, 360, 365, 368, 369, 371, 412, 414; Ribaut 's first expedition re- Index 477 Florida — Continued ported bound for, 3 1 ; Thomas Sluckclcy's proposed expedi- tion to, 37-40; not fit to colonise, 49; minor expedi- tions for, arining in France, loi; its occupation by the French a menace to Spain, 103-105, 108; opinion of Council of Indies on Philip's title to, 107; discovered from Hispaniola, 108; reported sale of, to the Turk, 109 ; purged of heretics and French, 207 ; Avilt^s describes its wealth, 213; why not mentioned in French treaty with Spain, 301; to be erected into a marquisate, 303; rumours of further French designs on, 316; its importance to Spain, 320; Fourquevaux's report on condition of, 323; Aviles's second visit to, 345; Jesuit missionaries remove from Havana to, 346; the country virtually abandoned, 357 ; Portuguese settlements in, 367 ; Mexican knowledge of its geography, 368; condi- tion of, at death of Aviles, 375-379; reported finding of mines in, 378; Aviles's fond- ness for, 383; maps of the French colonies in, 410 ■ Cape of, 413 east coast, proximity to path of West India fleets, 13; danger of foreign occupancy, 13, 14; Marques 's explora- tion of, 381; Maldonado's exploration of, 465 Indians accompany sec- ond Jesuit mission to Florida, 342 Keys, 143, 211, 228, 229, 258, 260, 277, 381, 441 Straits, 326, 379 Florin, Jean, see Verrazano Foix, M. de, Laudonniere visits, 185 Fontanedo, Hernando de Esca- lante, 230, 376 Foreigners, refused maps of West Indies, 7 ; excluded from visiting West Indies, except under licence, 8 ; informed of sailing of treasure fleet, 8 Fort George Inlet, 453 Island ,151; block- house built at, 297 Fourquevaux, Raymond de Rouer de, x., 24, 42, 300, 367, 420; his DcpC'ches, xii. ; reports sailing of treasure fleets, 8; advises Catherine of Philip's sentiments, 114; his account of Aviles's reception at Madrid, 292; ignorant of French defeat, 300; interview with Alba, 300, 301; believes Avilds to be at Santo Domingo, 301; learns of French defeat, 303; describes reception of news at Court, 303; mformed by Alba of French defeat, 304; his TQ-pXy, 305; complains of Alava's language, 306; audi- ences with Philip, 319, 321; interview with Alba, 320; re- ports on condition of Florida, 323; reports finding of gold mines and azurite in Florida, 378; reports on treasure im- ported into Spain, 388; his report on Aviles's oath at Matanzas, 424; excuse given him for the Matanzas mas- sacre, 429; his account of Pardo's expeditions, 451 France, 9, 14. 15. 32, 42, 43- 48, 76, 85, 92, 93, 105, 112, 121, 127, 128, 163, 166, 169, 176, 184, 185, 189, 192, 299, 300, 305, 320, 325, 333, 334, 335; her decadence, 29; condition at time of Ribaut's Charlesfort settlement, 36 and the West Indies, she envies Spain's success in, 4; Aviles's warns Philip II. against her presence there, 15; her aggressions there and measures taken by Charles V. to prevent them, 18-23; Charles warns Philip against her presence there, iS ; her de- signs on the Bahama Channel, 21; Renard warns Charles V. of her designs on West Indies, 478 Index France — Continued 22; her reply to Chantone's protest against equipping ves- sels for, 25; her prohibition respecting navigation in, 25; Spain protests against her grant of licences to visit, 25 Francis I. and Verrazano, 19 Franciscans, sail with Las Alas, 219; at Santa Elena, 382 Frangois, Cape, 32, 33 Jean, 170, 172, 175, 176 French ambassador, see Four- quevaux ■ Cape, 32^ indignation at Florida defeat and massacre, 317; petitions to the King, 318 occupation of Florida a menace to the treasure fleets, 103; and to the Indies, 104, 105; informed of Spanish preparations, 109; attitude at Bayonne, 112 pilots secretly visit West Indies, 8; accompany Stucke- ley's expedition, 37 ; their at- tempted escape, 39 pirates, depredations of, 9, 22, 26 vessels captured at Fort Caroline, 420 Frenchmen left in Florida by Gourgues, 334 Fripp's Inlet, 401 G GaflFarel, Paul, his Histoire de la Floride Frangaise, xi Galicia, 149 Gallego, Gonzalo de, returns from Santa Lucia, 224 Gandia, Duke of, 266; see Bor- gia, Francisco College of, 269, 270 Garcilaso de la Vega, his anecdote of the Florida In- dians in Spain, 291 Garonne, 34, 395- 39^ Garumna, 395 Geographical knowledge of Flor- ida, 368 George, Lake, 84, 391, 411, 412 Georgia, 397, 409; gold mines of, 85; Boyano in the moun- tains of, 284; Pardo in up- country of, 447 Georgia, neuva, 460 Georgia, west, 403 Germans with Ribaut's second expedition, 198 Gijon, 132, 149, 219 Gilbert's Bar, 217, 224, 435 Gironda, 395 Gironde, 34, 395. 396, 398, 413 Gold and silver, importation of, 5, 6, 388; smuggling of, 126 Gold mine, reported finding of, 378 Gomez, Brother Gabriel, accom- panies Father Segura to Flor- ida, 341; and to Chesapeake Bay, 360; killed by the natives, 364 Ruy, Prince of Eboli, on Spanish diplomatic methods, 321 Gomez's expedition postponed owing to Spanish and Portu- guese rivalries, 17 Gonzales, Vincente, in Chesa- peake Bay, 459 Gonzalo, Vincente, accompanies Father Rogel to the Bay of Santa Maria, 366; possibly accompanied the Marques ex- pedition, 381 Gourgues, Dominique de, 342; his Florida expedition, 324- 335; his birthplace and re- ligion, 324; preparations to attack Florida, 324; Spanish knowledge of, 324; sets sail, 325; lands at Tacatacuru, 326; makes friends with natives, 327; captures block- houses on St. John's River, 328-331; his capture of San Mateo, 331-333; hangs the captured Spaniards, 333; re- turns to France, 334; Philip notified of Spanish defeat, 335; Spanish protests and Catherine's reply, 335; recog- nition by France, 336; Las I Alas's account cf his capture of San Mateo, 454-457 Ogier, assists his brother Dominique, 325 Index 479 Grajalas, Francisco Lopdz do Mendoza, 265, 421; cnaplain in Avil6s's first Fl( irida expedi- tion, i4g; reaches Dominica, 150; at Puerto Rico, 151, 152; at the founding of St. Augus- tine, 160; receives Aviles on his return from Fort Caroline, 188, 189; rescues condemned French prisoners, 193; at- tempts to leave Santa Lucia, 240; named vicar, 256; inter- cedes for mutineers, 293; mentions scarcity of writing paper in colony, 294; his account of Avilds's oath at Matanzas, 422 Granada, 121, 364 Grande, 34, 395- 398 Grandis, 395 Granvclie, Antoine Perrenot, Cardinal de, his instructions to prevent French undertak- ings in the Indies, 19; warns Philip against French in Flor- ida, 104 Great Tennessee River, 447 Guale, 242, 244, 360; Manrique de Rojas at, 46; reported French fort at, 226; French- men escape to, 245, 246; Avil^s's first expedition to, 245-247; returns to, 249, 250; he plans visit to, 256; Las Alas in charge of, 261 ; Avil^s visits, 262; fort at, 289; Jesuit missionaries sent to, 344, 345, 347; where found, 347; Father Alamo replaced by Father Quiros, 349; epi- demic at, 349; Jesuit mission withdrawn, 353 • Indians, human sacri- fice, 246, 264 — Island, 348 Gualequeni, barra de, 453 Gualiquini, 453 Guatari, 276, 447; Pardo erects blockhouse at, 296; its fate, 296, 297 Guatariatiqui, 447, 450 Guatary, 447 Guavaca-Esqui, 448 Gueza, 445 Guinea. 143 Guiomae, 275, 445, 447 (TuiS; ordered to kill French interpreter, 250; relief sent him, 254; in charge at Orista and Guale, 261; writes to Pardo, 276; ap- pointed Lieutenant during absence of Avilos, 2H4; sends Boyano on expedition, 285; at San Felipe, 294; builds blockhouses and relieves San Mateo, 297 ; quiets Indian revolt at San Felipe, 3 5 2 ; help sent him from Spain, salary unpaid, 356; abandons Florida and returns to Spain, 357' 35^; remains in Spain, 371; sails for Florida, 375; married to Catalina Men6ndez de Aviles, 384; his account of Gourgues's attack on San Mateo, 454-457 La Salle's Texas colony, 335 Laudonniere, Rene de, 390, 393, 399, 400, 404—406, 408, 409, 412—415, 420, 421; accom- panies RilDaut's first Flor- ida expedition, 3 t ; his ex- pedition to Florida, 51-58, 75-185; assisted by Co- ligny, 52; his colonists, 52; his fleet, 53; religion of colo- nists, 53 ; ordered to respect Spanish rights, 53; sails, 54; makes land near St. Augus- tine, visits St. John's River, 54: received by Saturiba, 54; selects site for settlement; 57; erects Fort CaroHne, 57, 58; sends Ottigny to treat with Thimogoa, 75; sends Vasseur up the St. John's, 75; his treatment of Saturiba, 77, 78; sends Arlac to Outina, 78; his treatment of the settlers, 78; attempt to kill him, 79; the September revolt, 79, 80; the November mutiny, 80- 83; expeditions to Port Royal, the St. John's, Outina, 84; famine, 85-88; prepares to abandon the country, 86- 88; holds Outina for food, 87; Hawkins's visit, 88-92; 482 Index Laudonnidre — Continued commissions Hawkins to sell captured cargoes, 92; arrival of Ribaut with charges against him, 97, 98; his excuses, 98, 99; report of piracies com- mitted by his colony reaches Spain, 102; opposes Ribaut's plans, 164; condition of his garrison, 165; prepares for Spanish attack on Fort Caro- line, 166, 167; the attack, 172, 173; his escape, 175, 181, 182, 184; reaches Moulins, 185; Aviles unaware he has left Florida, 226; ship left by him in Florida, 241 ; at Mou- lins, 314; his reception, 315; offers his services to Spain, 317; at French Court, 336; his story of the November mutineers, 409 Laudonniere's interpreter, 314; becomes Alava's spy at Moul- ins, 315, 316 La Vandera, Juan de, 355; ac- companies Pardo's second ex- pedition, description of South Carolina, 295; commands at San Felipe, his effort to relieve 1^,352,357: his treatment of the colonists, 377 La Vigne, M. de, 167 Le Breton, Christophe, 424, 426 Le Challeux, his idea of an alligator, 76; describes colo- nists of third expedition, 95; escapes from Fort Caroline, 173, 174, 183, 184; account of Spanish cruelty, 176; account of scotiting party, 195; his Discours, 414; his account of Aviles's oath at Matanzas, 424; of Ribaut's death, 425 Le Clerc, Jacques, his depreda- tions, 50, see Pie de Palo Le Moyne de Morgues, Jacques, 33,409,412,413,421; accom- panies Laudonniere, 52; de- scribes the Timuquanans, 59; escapes from Fort Caroline, 174, 181, 182; account of the second Matanzas massacre, 200-203; of Aviles's oath at Matanzas, 423 Leon, Bay of Ponce de, Ribaut to fortify the, 96; Aviles pro- poses to fortify the, 212, 226; Chatham Bay, 231 Juan Ponce de, 108, 152 Lescarbot's complaint of the Holland cartographers, 34; account of the treatment of Jean Ribaut's body, 427 Liboume, 399 Licences, French, to go to the Indies, 25 Ligeris, 395 Limoges, Sebastien de I'Aubes- pine. Bishop of, French am- bassador in Spain, 28 Linares, Brother Pedro, accom- panies Father Segura to Flor- ida, 341; and to Chesapeake Bay, 360; killed by the natives, 364 Lisbon, 301 Little Briton, the, 53 Little Lake George, 62 Tennessee River, 447 Llanes, 383 Lobo, Father, 270 Loire, 34, 395, 397, 416 Longitude, instrument for meas- uring, invented by Aviles, 382 Lorraine, Cardinal of, reply to Spanish protests, 25 Lucayan Islands, 81 Luis, Don, see Velasco, Luis de Luna y Arellano, Tristan _ de, 266, 452; his companions consulted on fitness of Florida for colonisation, 49 Lutheran interpreter at Guale, 245; his fate, 250 Lyons, 388 ■ banks notified of arrival of Spanish treasure fleets, 8 M Machiaca, 414 Macoya, 431 ally of Saturiba, 258, 277, 280, 282 Madeira, rumoured English at- tack on, 9; Montluc's attack on, 263, 316 Madre de Dios del Jacan, baya de, 459 Index 483 Madrid. 290, 291, 300 Magnum, 395 Mai, Riviere de, where found, 389; identified with various rivers, 390-392; with the St. John's, 392, 393; rivers be- tween it and Port Royal, 394- Maij,395,4ii Maillard, Captain, rescues fugi- tives from Fort CaroHne, 184 Malabar, Cape, 436 Maldonado, Juan, report on Florida coast, 465 Malica, 412 Malta, 146, 303 Maps: Abbeville, Sanson d', 1656, "Le Nouveau Mexique et la Florida," 408, 416, 450 i679,"Le Nou- veau Mexique et laFloride," 408, 416, 442, 450 Agnese, Bap list a. Venetian Atlas of 1554, 418 Albert and Lottier, 1784, "A New and Correct Map of North America with the West India Islands," 409 Allard, Carel, 1696, "Virginise partis australis, et Floridae partis orientalis nova descriptio," 416 Andrews, John, 1777, "A New Map of the British Colonies in North America," 393. 434, 442 Anonymous, 1595 - 1600, "Mapa de la Florida y Laguna de Maimi . . ." 433. 435. 444. 450; de- scription and date, 464-466 1760, "A new and accurate map of the pro- vince of Georgia in North America," 391 Bellin, Nicolas, 1744, "Carte des costes de la Floride Fran9aise," 392, 397, 398, 402 • 1764, "Carte reduite des Costes de la Louisiane et de la Floride," 434. 436 Bleau, Guillaume, 1644, "Vir- giniae partis australis, et Floridae partis orientalis, . nova descriptio," 415 1644, "Insulc-e Americance in Oceano Sep- tcntrionalis . . .," 435 Joannes, 1662, "Vir- ginice partis australis, et Floridae partis orientalis . . . novadescriptio,"4i6 Brahm, John Grcar de, 1772, "The Ancient Tegesta ■ • .," 442 Gary, Jno., 1783, "The West Indies," 393, 438, 442, 450 Chatelain, H. A., 17 19, "Carte contenant le Royaume du Mexique et de la Floride," 408 Covens et Mortier, 1757, " Archipelague du Mexique . . . ," 436. 442 Darby, William, 182 1, "Map of Florida," 393 Desceliers, Pierre, Henry II., map of 1546, 418 Mapof 1550,418 Des Liens, Nicolas, 1566, Map of North America, 418 Dudley, Robert, 1630, "La Florida," 416 Du Val, P., 1665, "La Floride Franfoise . . .," 408, 416 Fairbanks, George R., 1858, "Map of Florida, 1565," 392, 406 Fer, Nicolas de, 17 18, " Partie M^ridionale de la Riviere Mississippi," 417 Gaffarcl, Paul, 1875, "Carte de la Floride Franfaise," 392, 397, 398 Gatschet, Albert S., 1884, "The Linguistic Families of the Gulf States," 409 Homann, Johann Baptista, 1763, "Amplissima regionis Mississipi seu Provinciae Ludovicianae," 31)0, 396, 398. 438 1763, ' ' Regni Mexicani scu Novae Hispaniae," 409, 438, 442 484 Index Maps — Continued Homann, Johann Baptista, 1765," Totius Americae Sep- tentrionalis et Meridion- alis," 442 Hondius, Henricus, 1633, "Virginiae item et Floridae . . . Nova Descriptio," 415 Isle, Guillaume de 1', 1703. "Carte du Mexique et de la Floride," 408, 417 1718, "Carte et Cours du Mississipi . . .," 39O' 396, 397. 437 ..^ 1722, Carte du Mexique et de la Flori- de," 408 1730. "Amer- ique Septentrionale," 417 1750. "Carta Geografica della Florida neir America Settentrionale," 408 Jansson, Joannes, 1642, "Vir- giniae partis australis, et Floridae partis orientalis • • -"415 . 1653, America Septentrionalis," 434, 442 Jeflferys, Thomas, 1769, "The Bay of Espiritu Santo, East Florida," 450 1769, "East Florida . . ."393-435.45° 1775. "The Peninsula and Gulf of Flor- ida . . .," 434. 442 Keulen, Johannes, 1735, "Pas Kaart van West Indien," 417 La Cosa, Juan de, 1500, Map of America, 7 Laet, Jean de, 1640, "Florida et Regiones Vicinae," 408, 416, 433. 442, 450 Laurie and Whittle, 1784, "West Indies," 436 Le Moyne de Morgues, Jac- ques, 1 59 1, "Floridae Ameri- canae Provinciae Recens and exactissima descriptio," 231. 391. 394. 398. 400, 414-417, 437. 440; the map described, 410-413 Lescarbot, Marc, 161 1, "Fig- ure et description de la terre reconue et habitue par les Francois en la Floride et audega . . ., " 408, 416 Lopez, Tomas, 1783, "Piano de la Ciudad y Puerto de San Agustin de la Florida," 434 Lotter, Albert Matthieu, 1720, "Carte Nouvelle de I'Amer- ique Angloise," 442 George Frederic, 1784, "A New and Correct Map of North America . . .," 434. 436 Maiollo, Vesconte, 1527, Map of America, 212 Martin, Benjamin, 1755-56, "A Map of the British and French Settlements in North America," (second part), 408 Martinez, Fernando, 1765, "Descripcion . . . de la parte que los Espanoles poseen . . . en . . . la Florida," 434, 436, 438, 442 Mentelle et Chanlaire, 1798, ' ' Carte de la Floride et de la Georgie," 436 Mercator, Gerard, 1606, "Vir- ginise item et Floridae . . . nova descriptio," 391, 412, 416,417; the map described 414. 415 .^ Mexia, Albaro, 1605, Der- rotero util y provechoso . el qual reza desde la ciudad de San Agustin hasta la varra de Aiz," 195, 433. 435 Moll, Herman, 1710-1715, "A Map of the West Indies or the Islands of America in the South Sea . . .," 391 Montanus, Amoldus, 1671, "Virginia partis australis, et Floridae partis orientalis, . . . nova descriptio," 416 Miinster, Sebastian, 154°. "Novae Insulae," 212, 411, Index 485 Maps — Continued Olives, Domingo, 1568, Map of England, 129 Parkman, Francis, 1893, "Florida, 1565," 393, 409 Portuguese Portolano, 15 14- 1520, 417 Pownall, 1783, "A New Map of North America \vith the West India Islands," 409, 434- 436 Ptolemy, 1540, "Nova; In- suhe," 212, 4n, 418 Purcell, Joseph, 1792, "A Map of the States of Vir- ginia . . . comprehend- ing . . . East and West Florida," 434, 438 Renier and Ottens, 1730, "In- sulae Americana; . . ., " 408, 442, 450 Reynolds, Charles B., 18^3, Map of Portion of Florida Coast, 406 Ribero, Diego, 1529, "Carta universal . . ., " 417 Robinson, G. G., and J., "The West Indies, " 393 Romans, Bernard, 1776, "A General Map of the South- em British Colonies in America," 409, 442 1776, "The Seat of War in the South British Colonies," 434 Ruscelli, Girolamo, Map of 1561, 418 Senex and Maxwell, 17 10, "North America," 408 Senex, John, 17 19, "A Map of Louisiana and the River Mississipi," 437 Seutter, Matthaeus, 1725- 1760, "NovusOrbis . . .," 442 1740 -1760, "Mapa Geographica Regi- onem Mexicanam et Flori- dam . . .," 408, 438, 442 Speed, John, 1676, "A New Description of Carolina," 417 Thevet , Andr^ , 1 5 7 5 , " Le Nou- veau Monde . . .,"412 Ulpius Globe of 1542, 418 Valk, Gerard, and Schenk, Peter, 17 10, "Virgini;e par- tis australis, et Floridaj partis orientalis, nova descriptio," 416 Visscher, Nicolaus, 1680, "In- sul;c Amcricanx in Occano Septentrionali," 442, 450 Walsh, John, 1798, "Tabvla maxima: partis Ameriae Media; . . . , " 434 Wells, Edward, 1701, "A New Map of North Amer- ica," 442 White, John, see With With, John, 1585, "Map of southern part of the At- lantic coast of North America," . . . ,"; map described, 413 Maps and charts of the West In- dies, supply to foreigners for- bidden, 6, 7; publication of, suppressed, 7 Dutch, French and Eng- lish, Le Moyne's influence on, 412 Spanish, Ribaut's possi- ble use of, 45 ; used by Le Moyne, 412 of the French Colonies in Florida and South Carolina, 410 Margarita plundered by Jacques de Soria, 22 Marques, Alonzo Men^ndes, hostage at Guale, 247; where he remains, 250, 262 Pedro Men^ndez, ap- pointed factor, 160; accom- panies Las Alas's fleet, 218, 219; separated in storm, and reaches Havana, 220; sale of his prize, 222 ; sails for Spain, 223; returns to Florida and accompanies Avil^s to San Antonio, 277; at St. Augus- tine, 294; leaves for vSan Felipe, 294; orders death of Caloosa chief, 346; quiets Indian revolt at San Felipe, 352; salary unpaid, 356; leaves San Felipe for Havana, 357; named Lieutenant -Gov- 486 Index Marquds — Continued emor of Cuba, 357 ; returns to San Mateo, 359; in charge of Florida, 375; exploration of the coast, 381, 382; Avil^s bequeaths Pdnuco conquest to, 384 ■ Rio del, 453 Marranos prohibited in Avil^s's Florida colony, 143 Martinez, Father Pedro, sent to Florida, 266; early training, 267 ; admitted to the Society of Jesus, 268; his austerities, 268; sent to Oran, 269; re- turns to Spain, 269; sails for Florida with his two com- panions, 270; is abandoned on Florida coast, 271 ; reaches the island of Tacatacuru, 272 ; his death, 272, 326; punish- ment of his murderer ordered, 290; other Jesuits not dis- couraged by his fate, 341 Martires, Islas de los, 441 Martyr Islands, 83, 440; Ribaut to fortify the, 96 Mary of England, Queen, Avil^s attends her marriage, 126; she sends Philip assistance, 129; her liking for Avil^s, 140 Massacre of St. Bartholomew postponed, 113 Masura River, 449 Matan9as, 195, 196 Matanzas, Cuba, 79, 80, 222 Matanzas Inlet, Florida, visited by Manrique de Rojas, 46; part of Ribaut 's fleet wrecked near, 190;. balance of his fleet wrecked near, 195, 201; inlet south of, 196; changes in coast near, 435 ■ massacres, the first and second, 190-203; opinions as to, 103-107; Spanish Govern- ment's excuse for, 205, 305, 429; French indignation at, 317; widows and orphans petition the King, 318; Memyn's account of, 420; the oath of Avil^s, 421-425 — ■ River, 195, 196, 289, ^290, 435 Mathiaca, 414 Mauvilia, 291 Maximilian, Regent of Spain, 122 Mayaca, 431 Maya, Diego de, see Amaya Mayaimi, laguna de, 441 Lake, 411, 441 Mayajuaca, 431 Maymi, Lake, 258, 263 Mayport Peninsula, blockhouse built at, 297 May, River of, 32, 33, 395, 413- 415 May (River, S. C), 398 Mazariegos, Diego, Governor of Cuba, ordered to reconnoitre Ribaut 's settlement in Flor- ida, 45 ; dispatches Manrique de Rojas, 45 Medrano, Juan Velez de, settles at Ays, 217; at Santa Lucia, 239; wounded by mutineers, 240 Meleneche, 390, 391 Melona, 412 Memyn, Jean, captured by Avilds, 177; his deposition, 420; account of Ribaut 's death, 426 Mendez, Brother Juan Bautista, accompanies Father Segura to Florida, 341, 342; and to Chesapeake Bay, 360; sent on embassy to Don Luis, 363; killed by the natives, 364 Mendoza, Bernardino de, threat to English Roman Catholic colonists, 206, 207 Diego de, rescue of his fleet, 129 Grajales, Lop^z de, see Grajales Louis Sarmiento de. Spanish ambassador to Portu- gal, 20 Meras, Gonzalo Solis de, 170, 237, 242. 259, 265, 290; his Memorial, v, vii; reproduces the Relacidn of Avil^s, viii; is copied by Barcia, ix ; its reliability, x ; accompanies Aviles's first Florida expedi- tion, 148; kills Jean Ribaut, 199; records opinion on the Matanzas massacres, 203 ; sent to Campeche and New Index 487 Merds — Continued Spain, 223, 239; returns to Havana, 254; sails for Spain, 255; his account of Avil^s's oath at Matanzas, 422 Merchant fleets, exposed to piracies, 9-1 1; measures taken to protect, 11, 12; course taken by, 12 Mercy, friar of the Order ot, with Las Alas, 219 Metacumbe, island of, 440 Mexico, 212, 259, 368, 443, 458, 463; first Jesuit mission to, 373 ; royal revenues from, 387 • City of, 369 Miami, Lake, 58, 229, 441 River, 260, 441 Miranda, Hernando de, accom- panies x\vil6s's first Florida expedition, 148; sent to Santo Domingo and Havana, 151; Treasurer of Florida, 160; married to Catalina Mendndez de Aviles, 148, 384 Miruelo, bahia de, 448 Mission, the French Protestants and the Indians, 78; Avil6s's tribute to, 79; see Jesuits Missoe, 454 Mobjack Bay, 464 Mollona, 75, 76 Moluccas, Portuguese and Span- ish disputes concerning the, 17; path to the, 212, 367 Mona, 326 Monardes, Dr. Nicolas, his trea- tise on the medicinal plants of the West Indies, 379, 380 Moncada, Sancho de, his esti- mate of treasure imported into Spain from West Indies, 5 Montagan, 269 Montagnei Pallassi, 413 Mont de Marsan, 324 Monte de Rey, 138 Monterey, College of, 342 Montluc, Blaise de Lasseran- Massencome de, and his son Pierre's Bayonne expedition, lOI Pierre de, sacks Madeira, 263; his preparations, 316; his victory inspires French, 322 Montmorcnci, Anne de, 307 Moors prohibited in Avil^s's Florida colony, 143 Mosquito Inlet, 190, 195 River, 46 Moulins, 185, 301, 306, 307, Muspa, punta de, 450 Musquito harbour, 432 Mutineers from Fort Caroline in Avil6s's first Florida expedi- tion, 148 Mutiny, the September, and its fate, 79, 80; prisoners sent to Spain, 105; the November, its depredations and fate, 80- 83 Mymy, Captain, his treatment of Spanish crews, 322 N Nantes, expedition for the In- dies equipped at, loi Narvaez, P^nfilo de, in Florida, 108 Nassau Sound, 453 Navarette, Pedro Fernandez, his estimate of treasure imported into Spain from West Indies, 5 Navarre, 215 Negro population of West In- dies, rapid increase, and dan- ger attending it, 14, 15; Ribaut's instructions to free, 96 slaves, on Aviles 's first Florida expedition, 143, 145; at founding of St. Augustine, 160 New Biscay, 335 ' Newfoundland, 143, 211, 212, 246, 259, 291, 367 New Inlet, 435 Newport (river), 397 New Spain, 37, 133, 223, 228, 243, 244, 253, 254, 259, 301, 345. 369. 374; fleet of, Its or- igin, 11; passes near French settlement, 114; report of Council of, on fitness of Santa Elena for colony, 49; on Avilds's Panuco grant, 368; royal revenues from, 387; treasure fleet from, 388 488 Index Niebla, Count of, 133 Nieremberg, Father Eusebio, his account of Father Martinez, 268, 270 Nombre de Dios, negro popula- tion of, 14 Noriega, Juan Rodriguez de, counsels Philip to drive French from Florida, 105 Normandy, Admiral of, 131 Spanish secret agent visits, 20, 23 ; vessels equipped for the Indies in, 25, 26, loi Normans in Florida, 336 North America unsettled by white men north of Panuco in 1562, 3 North Carolina, 446 North River, 159, 161, 170 Northwest passage, 371 ; Avil^s informed of, 259; Avil^s's theory of, 212, 367; through Virginia, 362 Nouvelle France, 118 Nova Gallia, 118 Nova Scotia, 118, 417, 418 Nuestra Sefiora de la Concepcion, the, 45 Nuiiez, Francisco, sent to re- lieve San Mateo, 297 ; sends a spy to Gourgues's camp, 331 ; notified of Gourgues's ap- proach, 332 Nut grass found in Florida, 379; Spanish description of, 380, Oatchaqva, 414 Oathkaqua, 414 Occoquan, 461, 463 Ochoa, Martin, 172; his death, 255 Ogale, 448 Ogeechee, 398 Okeechobee, Lake, 84, 411, 412 Oklawaha, 62 Old Bahama Channel, 224 St. Augustine, founding and site of, 159; abandoned, 252; blockhouse at, 289, 297 TampaBay, 234, 278, 449 Oliva, Spain, 269 Olotoraca, Indian chief guides Gourgues, 329 Onatheaqua, 76 Oran, 269 Orista, 347, 352, 360, 448; French escape from Matan- zas massacre to, 201; chief of, at war with Guale, 246; Aviles at, 247, 248; Las Alas in charge of, 261; where found, 348; Jesuit mission to, 348-353; Indian revolt at, 352; soldiers quartered at , Indians, their customs, 348, 349 Orixa, 40 Osorio, Garcia, governor of Cuba, his reception of Aviles, 220; imprisons La Parra, 220; refuses Aviles assistance, 221, 254; and seeks his death, 223; takes Penalosa's gun, 224; encourages Robaddn'smutiny, 281; his treatment of Avil6s, 288 Ossaba Sound, 401 Otari, 447 Otariatiqui, 447, 450 Otariyatiqui, 447 Ottare, 447 Ottigny accompanies Laudon- niere, 52; visits Thimogoa, 75 ; ascends the St. John's, 84; fate of his tailor, 182; his death, 203 Outina, his villages, 62; signifi- cance of name, 62; Laudon- niere hears of, 75; at war with Potauou, 78; relief expedi- tion to, 84; and famine at Fort Caroline, 86; is held as hostage for food, 87, 88; gold and pearls obtained from, 179; and Aviles, 257 ; his war with Saturiba, 294; requested to assist San Mateo, 332; ex- pedition against, 412 Overhill settlements, 447 Pablo Creek, 161, 170 Pacific, 367, 413 Straits through Florida to the, 259 Index 489 Pads, F., 412 Paez, Luys de, 447 Palican, 289 ; where found, station at, 290 Pallassi, Montagnci, 413 Pamplona, 270 Panuco, northern limit of Span- ish settlement,, 3; Avil(Ss asks licence to settle, 368; report of Audiencia of Mexico, 368; licence granted, 369; Avil^s bequeatns conquest of, to Matqu^s, 384 Paracusi, 62 Paraguay, 270 Pardo, Juan, 284, 286, 378, 438; sent to San Felipe, 256; reaches there, 261; his first expedition, 275, 276 ; his second expedition, 294—296; at Chiaha, 295; constructs blockhouses at various points, 296; fate of his settlements, 296, 297; date of his first expedition, 443; route of his first expedition, 444-448; of his second expedition, 450- 452; Fourquevaux's account of, 451 Paris, 317, 334 Island, 440 Parkman, Francis, his account of the conquest of Florida by Avil^s, ix, xii; sources, xi Patino, Andres Lopez de, and the founding of St. Augustine, 159 Paul IV., and the truce of Vau- celles, 23 Paya, Dona, ancestor of Avil^s, 120 Pearl, the, 96, 99, 175-177 Pedro, heir of Carlos, 255; ac- companies Reynoso to San Antonio, 276 Rio, 449 Pelayo, Don, 120 Pefialosa, Diego de, brings as- sistance from Santo Domingo, 223, 224 Diego Dionisio de, and the conquest of New Biscay, 335 Pensacola, 406 Peru, 37, 243, 259, 388; French pirates capture fleets from, 9; sink vessels from, 22 Peruclu), the Ays chief, 258 Peter Martyr's First Decade, descriptive of West Indies, suppressed, 7 Petition to Charles IX., of widows and orphans of Flor- ida culonisis, 318; its recep- tion, 318; its description of Ribaut's death, 426 P^tremclaud, 427 Philip II., warned by Charles V. against France in the West In- dies, 18; marries Isabella of Savoy, 24; notified of Ribaut's designs on Florida, 28; of the colony left there, 44; orders its expulsion, 45 ; learns of Ribaut's preparations for sec- ond expedition, 102; warned against French occupation of Florida, 104, 105; of Ribaut's second expedition, 106; takes Alba's advice, 106; sends Acuna to France, 106; his title to Florida, 107; instruc- tions to Alba at Bayonne, 1 1 1 ; notice to Catherine, 113; takes Avilcs with him to England, 126; asiento with Avilcs to conquer Florida, 142-145; his excuse for the killing of the French prisoners, 205; commends Aviles, 206; motives, 206, 207; his letter delivered to Aviles, 256; asks for Jesuit missionaries for Florida, 266; at Madrid, 290; where he receives and rewards Aviles, 291, 292; Catherine's dependence upon, 299; deter- mined to recover Florida, 301 ; instructs Alava to inform Catherine, 301 ; attributes the Florida colony to Coligny, 303; his object, 304; his in- structions to Alava, 306; notifies Austria of French defeat, 310; and England also, 311; continues to sus- pect French, 316; assured of safety of Florida, 317; his treatment of Catherine's com- plaints, 319; audiences with I 490 Index Philip II. — Continued Fourquevaux, 319-321; his final reply, 321; learns of loss of San Mateo, 335; orders an investigation in Las Alas's abandonment of Flor- ida, 357 ; his treatment of the Indian Luis de Velasco, 360; interest in Northwest pas- sage, 367; his excuses for the Matanzas massacre, 429 Philippines, 373 Piankatank River, 464 Pie de Palo, his depredations, 50, 458; encounters Aviles, 128 Pierria, Albert or Aubert, in command at Charlesfort, 35; visits Audusta, 40; his harsh acts, 41; killed by colonists, 41; fate of his murderers, 44 Pilot Creek, 405 Pilots, Portuguese, in Villafane's Florida expedition, 17 ■ Spanish, stolen by Em- anuel I., of Portugal, 17 Piracies, statutes restricting, demanded of England, 10; committed by Laudonniere's colony, 79-80, 80-83, 92; re- port of, reaches Spain, 102 Pirates, Aviles goes against the West India, 222 — French, plunder treasure fleets, 9; and merchantmen, 10; arming for Florida, loi; bribe French judges, 10 1 Spanish instructions as to treatment of, 124 Pius v., his letter to Aviles, 370 Plymouth, Ribaut's second ex- pedition at, 102 Point Sable, 229 Port Royal, 347, 395, 398, 400, 405,412,415; Ribaut's settle- ment at, 34, 35, 40-44; its danger to Spanish commerce, 103; Laudonniere's expedi- tion to, 84; reported French fort in vicinity of, 226; rivers between it and the "Riviere de Mai," 394-399; descrip- tion of, 399; location, 400; coast to south of it, 400; north of it, 401; identifica- tion, 401-403; San Felipe in neighborhood of, 440 Sound, 401-403, Portugal, 143, 201; envious of Spain's success in the West Indies, 4; bribes Spanish pilots, 8 Princess of. Regent of Spain, 131 Portuguese distrust of Spanish discovery, 16-18 incite negro chiefs to at- tack Gourgues, 325; supposed to assist Aviles in Florida, 316; in attack on Fort Caro- line, 420 map-makers and Terre des Bretons, 118 pilots in Villafane's ex- pedition to Florida, 18; one accompanies Ribaut's first Florida expedition, 3 1 ; and Laudonniere, 53 ; and Ribaut's second expedition, 95 settlements in Florida, Aviles's account of, 367 trader wrecked near To- 440 cobaga, 279 Portus Regalis, 395, 404, Posada, Juan de, 465 Potauou, 75; his country, 75; at war with Outina, 78 Potomac River, 212, 462, 464 Protestant books captured at Fort Caroline, 179 mission among Florida Indians, 79 Protestants in Laudonniere's ex- pedition, 53 ; in Ribaut's sec- ond expedition, 95 ; in Aviles's first Florida expedition, their fate, 163 Puerto de Cavallos, negro popu- lation of, 14 Puerto de Plata, 244, 374 Puerto Rico, 265, 273, 288, 326, 342, 420; its commerce exposed to pirac}', 10; perils to fleet returning to, 13 ; negro popula- tion of, 14; Ribaut's designs on, 96; Aviles at, 150, 263; Mendoza at, 151; instructions left for Las Alas at, 151; governor of, 152; desertions Index 491 Puerto Rico — Continued at, 152; ships sent to, 163; horses shipped at, 164; Las Alas reaches, 2 iq; vessels for, 256; defence of, 262 Pulgar, Pedro Fernandez de, his Historia general dc la Florida, xiii-xv; his Historia General de las Indias Occidentales, xiii Q Quadra, Alvarez de. Bishop of Aquila, Spanish ambassador to England, his interview with Stuckeley, 3 7 ; suspects his object, 38 Quasimodo, 331 Quatariaatiqui, 447 Quihanaqui, 446 Quinahaqui, 446 Quiros, Father Luis de, accom- panies Father Segura to Flor- ida, 341; replaces Father Alamo at Guale, 342, 349; accompanies Father Segura to Chesapeake Bay, 360; his last letter, 361, 362; goes on embassy to Don Luis, 363; his death, 364 Rando, Pedro de la, order to punish his murderer, 290; killed at Tacatacuru, 290, 326 Rappahannock, 462, 464 Recalde, Francisco de, heads mutiny at St. Augustine, 240 Redondo, Brother Cristobal, ac- companies Father Segura to Florida, 341; and to Chesa- peake Bay, 360; killed by the natives, 364 Red town of Creek Indians visited by Boyano, 285 Renard, Simon, Spanish ambas- sador to France, warns against French designs on West In- dies, 2 2 ; reports Villegaignon's seizure of Spanish port in, 23 Revenues, royal, from the In- dies, 387 Revuelta, 453 Reynoso, Francisco de, sent to Carlos, 263; Father Rogel to accompany, 273; at San An- tonio, 277; attempts to kill him, 277 ; attacks the shamans, 340; linal withdraw^al from San Antonio, 346 Rihao, Barreta de, 196, 435 Ribaut, Jacques, accompanies third c'xpedition to Florida, 95; anchors at Fort Caroline, 99; rescues fugitives from Fort Caroline, 175, 177; re- fuses tosurrender, 1 76; Avil(;!'s's plan to capture, 180, 189; sails for France, 184; Avil6s fears his return, 212; Avil6s unaware of his departure, 226; arrival in France, 300; re- ports to Coligny. 300; his bearing at Moulins, 301; threatens Enveja, 302 ; Alava's complaint, 302 ; in secret con- ferences at Coligny's house, 315; Enveja's complaint of him, 316 Jean, 400, 401, 403, 405, 414, 415, 420; Philip II., notified of his preparations for Florida, 28; Chantone's protest, 28; Philip II. refers the matter to the Council of the Indies, 29; sails, 30; per- sons interested in enterprise, 3 I ; rumoured destination, 3 1 ; course taken, 32; reaches Florida, 32; and St. John's River, ^5; where he erects a column, 34; seeks River Jordan, 34; enters Port Royal, 34; founds Charlesfort, 35; returns to France, 35 ; goes to England, 36; sees Elizabeth, 36; aids Stuckeley, 37; to deliver Charlesfort to Stuck- eley, 39; treachery discov- ered and cast into prison, 39; where he remains, 51; and the mutineers at Fort Caroline, 83; his second ex- f edition to Florida, 94-199; is instructions, 95; depart- ure, 96; reaches Fort Caro- line, 97; informs Laudonnidre of charges against him, 98; anchors part of his fleet in the river, 99; his preparations 492 Index Ribaut — Continued known to Philip, 102; part of his fleet encounters Avil^s and escapes, 155-158; threatens St. Augustine, 160, 161; in- formed of Aviles's attack, 164; plans attack, 164; sets sail, 165; at St. Augustine, 167 ; wreck of one of his ships, 187; of part of his fleet, 190; fate of the survivors, 191-194; wreck of balance of his fleet, 19s; fate of the survivors, 195-203; his surrender and death, 198, 199; Aviles's opinion of, 200; French Catholics accused of betray- ing him, 299; Valdes informs Court of destruction of his fleet, 300; Spanish fears lest he avenge Fort Caroline, 303; Spain's joy at news of his de- feat, 303 ; accused of intention to seize Havana, 304; acts under orders from the King, 305; Catherine's anger at his murder, 309; Aviles wrecked where he was, 374; the pillar set up by, 393, 394; various accounts of his death, 425- 429 Ris, 374 Rivers between the ' ' Riviere de Mai" and Port Royal, 394- 399 Robadan, Pedro de, his mtitmy and capture, 281 ; Aviles takes him to San Felipe, 284; and to Spain, 290 Robert, "Maistre," 78 Roberval's expedition and Spain 22; his pilot, 122 Rogel, Father Juan, sent to Florida, 266; becomes a Jesuit, 270; sails for Florida with Father Martinez, 270; separated by a storm, 270; reaches Havana, 273; Aviles's search for him, 273; accom- panies Aviles to San Antonio, 277; a chapel built for him, 278; his work there, 339; jealousy of the shamans, 340; returns to Havana, 341; joins Father Segura, 344; sent to Santa Elena, 347; his account of the Crista Indians, 348; his work at Crista, 350-352; withdraws to Havana, 353; reasons for his failure, 353, 354; his legend of the Vir- ginia mission crucifix, 365; expedition to relieve the Vir- ginia Jesuits, 366; informs Aviles of death of Jesuits, 372; accompanies Aviles to Axa- can, ^72; returns with Aviles and IS wrecked, 373; reaches St. Augustine, 374 Rojas, Alonso de, 277 Hernando Manrique de, 245. 389. 399-401, 404; his expedition in search of Ribaut's colony, 45-48; reaches Florida, 46; at Santa Elena, 46; finds Rufin, whom he takes to Cuba, 47, 48; finds and destroys Charles- fort, 48; and Laudonniere's expedition, 51 Rojomonte, 389, 405 Roman Catholics accompany Laudonniere, 53; forbidden on Ribaut's second expedi- tion, 95 Rome, Ga., 447 receives news of French defeat in Florida, 313 Rouen citizens arm vessels to plunder the Indies, 25 Rueda heads mutiny at St. Augustine, 241 Ruffm, Guillaume, 394, 400, 401, 404; remains at Charlesfort and rescued by Manrique de Rojas, 47, 48; accompanies Aviles to Guale, 245; married to chief's daughter, 248; be- trays French interpreter, 250 Ruidiaz y Caravia, E., his La Florida, su Conquista y Coloni- zacidn examined, v, vi St. Andrew's Sound, 397 St. Anthony, 227, 239 St. Augustine, 156, 212, 254, 281, 287, 289, 290, 341, 372, 376, 401, 406, 439, 459; Ribaut's Index 493 St. Au^stine — Continued first landfall near, 32, ;^^ ; Lau- donniOre at, 54; Avilos at, 154, 155, 252, 284. 373; founding of, 158-1O0; first site of, 159; Bartolomc left in charge of, 169; French ship brought to, 188; arrival of Aviles from capture of Fort Caroline, 188, 189; French prisoners from Matanzas sent to, 194; return of Avilcs to, 194; discontent at, 225; supposed western waterway to, 226; Avilcs reaches, 240, 242; mutinies at, 240, 241, 244, 262, 293, 359; Las Alas returns to, 242; burning of magazine, 251; the site changed, 252, 253; Arciniega at, 255; second change of site, 256; depend- ence of San Felipe upon, 261 ; settlers at, 263; Father Marti- nez's ship seen from, 270; first white child born at, 294; Marques at, 294; famine at, 297; Gourgues's fleet sighted from, 326; Father Segura at, 342; destitution of the set- tlement, 343; San Antonio garrison transferred to, 346; reason for absence of Jesuit mission at, 346, 347; condi- tion of the settlement, 355, 377> 378; garrison reduced, 357; English vessels attack, 374; Drake's attack on, 379 River of, 390 St. Catherine's Inlet, 398 Saint Cler, M. de, 167 S. George, 460 St. George's River, 391 S. Helenae, 395, 396, 398 St. Helena, Cape, 440 St. John's River, 256, 287, 398, 402, 406, 408, 412, 414, 431, 43 2 ; visited by Ribaut on first expedition, ;i;i, 34; Manrique de Rojas at the, 46; Laudon- niere at the, 54; Saturiba's village near the, 55; Outina's country on the, 62; limit of tidal water, 62; French as- cend the, 75, 84; Ribaut's fleet at mouth of the, 155; Avil<5s's attempt to capture its entrance, 158; approach to Fort Caroline from the, 170; its supposed communication with Gulf of Mexico, 226; expedition up tlie, 257, 258; Father Martmez reaches vi- cinity of the, 271 ; second ex- pedition up the, 277, 282; Las Alas builds two blockhouses at the mouth of the, 297; Gourgues informed of the blockhouses, 327 ; attacks and captures them, 328-33 i ; iden- tified with the " Rjvidre de Mai," 390, 392, 393 Bluff, 55. 407 St. Joseph's Bay, 449 St. Lawrence River, 212 St. Lucia Island, 435 Province of, 433 \ — River, 435 St. Lucie River, 224, 287 St. Martin River, 449 St. Mary's River, 392, 396, 397, 454 St. Michael, 194 St. Nicolas, Cape, 81 St. Phillip's Island, 440 St. Quentin, Battle of, 129 St. Sebastian River, 216 ^ Saint Sulpice, Jean d' Ebrard de, 115; report on treasure fleet, 388 St. Vincent, Cape, 12 Salamon, the, 89 Salcedo, Brother Juan, accom- panies Father Segura to Flor- ida, 341 ; and Father Rogel in search of the Virginia Jesuits, 366 Salinacana, 397 Saltilla, 397 Salvatierra, Brother Pedro Ruiz, accompanies Father Segura to Florida, 341; sent to Guale, 344 San Antomo, the, 147 San Antonio, name given to village of Carlos, 239; Aviles at, 255, 277, 278, 280; Reyno- so at, 276, 277; garrison in- creased, 280; Father Rogel stationed at, 281, 339; trou- ble with the natives, 340, 341; 494 Index San Antonio — Continued one of the three remaining garrisons, 343; Jesuit mis- sionaries sent to, 345 ; aban- donment of the settlement at, 346 — Cape, 326 cian Anton, Rio de, 45Q San Cristobal, Bahia de, 459 San Felipe, 286, 287, 296, 343, 347, 348, 355, 451; founded, 248 ; Las Alas in command at, 248; relief sent, 254; Pardo sent to, 256; desertions from, 260; arrival of Pardo, con- dition of settlement, 261; Aviles at, 261; Las Alas at, 261; Aviles sails for Spain from, 290; Marques and Las Alas at, 294; famine at, 297, 352; Vandera's effort to re- lieve it, Indian revolt at, 352 ; garrison at, reduced, Marques ^-t, 357; Aviles reinforces, 372; condition of settlement, 375-377; Vandera ' s govern- ment of, 377; where found, 438-440; Aviles's two visits to, 443 San Juan de Luz, 125, 130, 131 de Ulua, 125 Fort, Pardo at, 276, 294; Boyano in com- mand, 276; expedition from, 285; distance from Chiaha, 286; reinforced, 296; its fate, 296, 297 San Jusepe, Bay of, 226 San Lucar de Barrameda, 125, 255, 270, 342, 371, 388 San Martin, mines of, 213, 295 San Mateo, 254, 255, 259, 261, 281, 283, 287, 289, 334, 342, 390, 393, 405, 430. 431. 439. 444, 459; Aviles names Fort Caroline, 180; supplies for, 189, 192 ; burning and relief of, 194, 213; reinforcements from, 214; suffering and discon- tent at, 225; supposed western waterway to, 2 26; uprising at, 241-243; begins Indian war, 242; Aviles returns to, 251, 262; Aguirre at, 256; Villar- roel in command at, 257; vessel sent to, 277; sup- posed waterway communica- tion with Tocobaga, 278, 280; Indian attack on, 297; Castellon in command, 297; Nunez sent to relieve, 297; Gourgues lands near, 326; his capture of, 331-333; notified of Gourgues' s approach by Las Alas, 331, 332, reason for absence of Jesuit mission at, 346, 347; Marques at, 359; no colonists at, 378; Spanish ac- count of Gourgues's capture of, 454-457 Rio de, 59, 453 San Pedro, condition of the gar- rison, 356; no colonists at, 378; where situated, 356, 452- 454 San Pelayo, the, 142, 147, 150, 156, 161, 163, 167, 431 San Salvador, the, 161, 163, 167, 431 San Vincente, Captain, and the founding of St. Augustine, 159; prophesies Aviles's fail- ure to take Fort Caroline, 188; kills Ribaut, 199; deserts Aviles, 244; and spreads evil reports of Florida, 245, 259 Sancta Elena, Rio de, 399 Sandoval, Governor of Belle- Isle-en-Mer, 315; Enveja complains of, 316; his treat- ment of Spanish crews, 322 Santa Cruz Island, 404 Rio, 432, 435 Santa Elena, 256, 262, 275, 276, 287, 288, 343, 368, 369, 375, 380, 381, 401-403, 445, 447, 451, 453. 459; Ribaut's intention to settle at, 31; Manrique de Rojas's expedi- tion to, 45-48; reaches there, and finds many Indian vil- lages, 46; Viceroy of New Spain and his coiincU report it unfit for a colony, 49; escape of members of Jean Ribaut's fleet to, 201, 245; Aviles and Las Alas at, 247; Aviles at, 262, 372; Jesuit missionaries appointed to, 347; epidemic at, 349; con- Index 495 Santa Elena — Continued dition of settlement at, 352, 375-377; garrison reduced, 357 ; Vandera's administration 01, 377; Franciscans at, 382; where found, 438-440; Avilcs's two visits to, 443 Fort (Chiaha, Georgia), 286 Indians, their disposition towards French and Spaniards, 372 Santa Helena (river), 398 Sound, 402, 405 Santa Lucia, experience of the colony at, 224, 225, 239; mutiny at, 240; famine at, 343; its site, 433, 434 Rio de, 432 Santa Maria, Bay of, 212, 366; expedition to, its fate, 259; Jesuit mission to, 360—366; Avilcs at, 372, 373 ; visited by Marques, 381 ; identified with Axacan and Chesapeake Bay, 459-461 Fray Domingo de, on Dominican missions, 266 negro population of, 14 Santa Martha plundered by French pirates, 22 Santander, 383 Santiago, Cabo de, 459 de Cuba, sacked by Jacques de Soria, 22; Fort Caroline mutineers capture vessel bound for, 82; French prisoners at, released, 322 Knights of, Aviles ap- pointed to the commandery of the Holy Cross of Zarza of, 292 Pedro de, sent to spy out French designs on the West Indies, 20; visits French coast 20; interview with Jacques Cartier, 21 Santo Domingo, 12,81, 219, 220, 254, 288, 236; Avilcs's fleet at, 115, 153; Miranda sent to, 151; Aviles sends ships to, 163; women and children from Fort Caroline sent to, 180, 192, 431; assistance from, 223; governor of, 244; search at, for Father Rogel, 273; Aviles supposed to be at, 301 SajKjllo, 397 Sarabay, 328 Saravay, 448 Sarope, Lake, 416 "Sarr()j)e," Lake, 411, 412 Sarvauahi, 395 Sassafras, account of the, 379, 380 Satapo, 295, 296, 451 Saturiba, 288, 326, 412; receives Laudonniere, 54; various forms of his name, 54; his vil- lage, 55, 62; asks assistance against Thimogoa, 77; de- ceived by Laudonniere, 77, 78; San Mateo mutineers incite war against, 242; his ally Ma- coya, 258; continues war with Spaniards 258, 282; his interview with Aviles, 283; successful campaign against Aviles, 284; his war with Ou- tina, 294; attacks San Ma- teo, 297 ; assists Gourgues, 327 village of, 353 Saturn va, 414 Satvriona, 414 Sauana, 224 Sauapa, 447 Savannah River, 275, 276, 286, 294. 397-399. 438, 444. 446, 452 Sedeno, Father Antonio, ac- companies Father Segura to Florida, 341; sent to Guale, 345; returns to Havana, 353; sent to Mexico and the Philip- pines, 373 Segura, Father Juan Bautista de, Rogel awaits him at Havana, 341; selected with other Jesuits for Florida, 341; reaches St. Augustine, 342; assists the garrison, 343; joined by Father Rogel, 344; goes to Havana, 344; and to Tegesta, 345 ; plans his Florida mission, 346; sends mission- aries to Santa Elena and Guale, 347; goes to Guale, 348; his Virginia mission, 496 Index Segura — Continued 360-366; sails for Chesapeake Bay, 360; reaches Axacan, 361; establishes the mission, 363; his death, 364; arrival of relief ship and its return to Havana, 366; Aviles learns of fate of his mission, 372; its site, 461-464 Seine, 34, 395, 396, 454 Seloy, 54, 158 Sena, 453, 454 Sequena, 395, 396, 454 Sessa, Carlos de, Philip's reply to, 133 Seville, 180, 259, 270, 301, 323 Archbishop of, 148 Cardinal of, advice in respect to Cartier's third ex- pedition, 21 ' ' Golden Tower " of, 136 Sharks Head and Tail River, 435 Shoulder of Mutton, the, 96 Silva, Diego Guzman de, Span- ish ambassador to England, instructed to notify Eliza- beth of expulsion of French from Florida, 310; his inter- view with her, 311, 312; his reference to the death of Jean Ribaut, 429 Silver mines, 295 of the Cherokees, Sissipahaw, 447 Skull Creek, 399, 405 Slave Trade, John Hawkins and the, 89; Gourgues's apparent purpose the, 325 Smoky Mountains, 447 Smuggled treasure imported into Spain, 3 88 Snake River, 441 Solameco, 286, 451 Solis, Brother Gabriel de, ac- companies Father Segura to Florida, 341; and to Chesa- peake Bay, 360; sent on em- bassy to Don _ Luis, 363; killed by the natives, 364 Solis, Dona Maria de, affianced to Avills, 121 Soloy, fort at, 289 Somme, 34, 395, 397 Soria, Jacques de, his piracies in the West Indies, 22 Soto, Hernando de, 108, 275, 284, 286, 291 South Carolina, 287; maps of the French colonies in, 410; Pardo in, Vandera's descrip- tion of, 295 Indians, 403 South Edisto, 398 South Hillsborough River, 432 South Sea, 212, 368 Spain, vii, i... xi; 6, 8-10, 12, 15- 20, 24, 36, 38, 51, 95, 100, 102, 103, 121, 132-134, 138, 139, 143, 148, 163, 213, 25s, 256, 259, 262, 282, 284, 287, 289, 292, 299-301, 316, 318, 334. 335. 341. 345. 356, 357. 360, 371, 376, 382, 444; her settlements in North America in I s 6 2 , 3 ; her commerce with the 'West Indies, 4, 5; gold and silver imported into, 5, 388 Spes, Guerau de, Spanish ambas- sador to England, his account of Gourgues's return, 334 ; pro- tests to Catherine, 335 Story River, 401 Stuckeley, Thomas, his expedi- tion, 37—40; assisted by Ribaut, 37; interview with Quadra, 37, 38; designs on Florida, 39; discovers Ri- baut's treachery, 39 Sugar cane, 143 ; planted at San Felipe, 376 Suwali Indians, 446 Swallow, the, 89 Swansea Bay, 185 Tacatacuru, 396, 452; block- house at, 289, 356; Father Martinez killed at, 272; chief of, punished, 290; Gourgues lands at, 326; village of, 353; garrison reduced, 357 ; its site, 452-454 Tagaya, 445, 447 Chiquito, 447 el Chico, 445, 447 Talbot Island, 59, 328 Index 497 Talimcco, 286 Talladega County, Alabama, 296 Tallapoosa River, 295 Tampa Bay, 229, 278, 287, 450; and Tocobaga, 449 Tanasqui, 295, 451 Tasqui, 451 Tasquiqui, where found, 295 Tegesta, 287; waterway to Lake Maymi, 258; deserters from San Felipe at, 260; where sit- uated, 260; Avilds at, 282, 345 ; Brother Francisco re- mains with settlement at, 282 ; his work at, 340; Spaniards driven from, 342, 343; Father Segura at, 345; Spanish gar- rison fmally withdrawn from, 346; and Ays, 432; its site, 440-442 — Indians, their customs, 260; prisoners of Carlos, rc- tumea to their village, 281; accompany Avil6s to Spain, 284 Tegestas, 58 Teguesta, 441 Teneriffe, 122 Tequesta, 440 Province of, 433 Tercera, 290 Teruel, Spain, 267 Texas, 335 Thou, Jacques Augusta de, ac- cuses French Catholics of betraying Jean Ribaut, 299 Thimogoa, Laudonniere hears of, 56; signifies "enemy," 56; name "Timuqua" derived from, 59; visited by Ottigny, 75; Saturiba goes against, 77 Tiburon, Cape, 81, 409 Tierra Firme, commerce with West Indies, 10; origin of its fleet , 11; French colony in Florida a menace to, 103; armada of, 133 Tiger, the, 89 Timoga, 408, 412 Timookas, ancient, 409 Timooquas, 409 Timuqua, derivation of, 59; where found, 407 Timuquanan Indians, French reports of the great age they **— 32 attain. 56; thievishness, 56; their country and settlements, 58, 59; their customs, 60-74; appearance, 60; tattooing, 60; dress, 60; abstemiousness, 61 ; honesty, 61; women, 6i; hermaphrodites, 61; chiefs, 62; confederacies, 62; gentes, 63 ; shamans, 63 ; their cures, 64 ; villages, 64 ; plantings, 65 ; storehouses, 65; drink, 66; winter occupation, 66; fish- ing and hunting, 66, 67 ; coun- cils, 67; religion, 67; human sacrifice, 68; witchcraft, 68; superstitions, 69; marriage customs, 69, 70; burial cus- toms, 69, 71; mode of fight- ing, 71-73, 251, 252 ; shamans consulted on war-path, 72; treatment of enemy, 73 ; scalp ceremony, 73; training of boys, 74; industries, 74; ac- company Avil^s to Spain, 284; region inhabited by, lan- guage, 407 ; villages, 408 Toana, 446 Tobacco pipe used by Indians, 90, 91 Tocae, 451 Tocalques, 295, 451 Tocar, 451 Tocax, 451 Toccoa, 295 Tocobaga, 62, 234, 287, 296; its waterway to San Mateo, 278, 280; Avil6s's expedition to, 277-280; garrison left at, 280; its fate, 342; where situated, 448-450 Indians, burial custom, 280 Toco-baja, 448 Chile, 448 Tocobogas, River 449 Tocovaga, 448, 449 Togabaga, 449 Toledo, 133, 269, 342 Archbishop of, 131 Toral, Francisco de. Bishop of Yucatan, Avil^s asks him for missionaries, 274; assists Father Rogel at San Antonio, 339 Tordesillas, treaty of, 17 498 Index Tortugas, 228 Tours, 114, 299 Toxaway, 295 Trades represented in Avil^s's first Florida expedition, 142, 147 Treasure fleet, foreign know- ledge of its sailing, 8; ex- posed to piracy, 9 ; measures taken to protect, ii, 12; course taken by, 12; French expeditions to plunder the, 1 01; French occupation of Florida a menace to the, 103- 105; sailing delayed through fear of French, 322; value of treasure carried by, 388 Trinity, the, 96, 100, 155, 156, 164, 195, 214, 215 Troyes, peace of, 44 Trout, the, 96 Trout Creek, 408 Tucururu, 59 Turk, Florida sold to the, 109; moving on Malta, 146 Turks, 303 Tuscaloosa, Alabama, 296 Tybee Roads, 401 U Union, the, 96 Urdaneta, Andres de, informs Avil^s of Northwest passage, 259. 463 Urnparacusi, 62 Uscamacu, 444 Ushery, 447 XJsi, 447 Usta, 47 Utina, provincia de, 448 Vaez, Brother Domingo, see Brother Domingo Augustin, 341 Valdes, Diego Flores de, accom- panies Avil^s's first Florida expedition, 146; at first Matanzas massacre, 190; fer- ries over the French prisoners, 198; leaves for Spain, 213; informs Court of destruction of French in Florida, 300; his story about Jean Ribaut, 3,05; to follow Avil^s to Florida, 371 Valdez, Pedro Men^ndez de, ac- companies Avilds's first Flor- ida expedition, 148; prior service, 149; attack on Fort Caroline, 172 Valencia, 269 Bishop of, 307 University of, 267, 270 Valladolid, 130, 133, 342 Vallemande, 424, 425 Vasalenque, Antonio Garcia, his account of Jean Ribaut' s sur- render and death, 428, 429 Vasseur ascends St. John's River 75; visits Audusta, 84; at Fort Caroline, 201 Vaucelles, truce of, 23, 128 Velasco, Diego de, married to Maria Men^ndez de Avil^s, 384 Doctor B., 131 Juan L6pez de, his ac- count of the Caloosas, 230; of the Tegestas, 260; his Geo- grafia y Descripcion Universal de las Indias, 381 Luis de. Viceroy of New Spain, directed to report on fitness of Santa Elena for set- tlement, 49; and the Indian, Don Luis, 259 Luis de, the Virginia In- dian, his history, 259, 458; in Spain, 360; accompanies the Jesuit mission to Axacan, and betrays it, 360, 361, 363, 364; with Avil^s at Havana, 463 Venddme (Antoine de Bourbon), assists Ribaut 's first Florida expedition, 31 Venezuela, negro population of, 14 Vera Cruz negro population of, 14 Verrazano, Giovanni da, cap- tures treasures of Cortes, 9; his expedition, 19; French claim founded on his discover- ies, 118 Verrazano 's sea, 410 Vetachuco, 291 Index 499 Victoria, the, 147 Villafane, Angel de, 403 ; con- sulted on fitness of Florida for colony, 49; at region settled by the French, 107; near the Chesapeake, 260 Villareal, Brother Francisco de, sent to Florida, 266 ; sails with Father Martinez, 270; sepa- rated by a storm, 270; reacnes Havana, 273; Avilds's search for him, 273; accompanies Avil^s to San Antonio, 277; studies the Tcgesta language, 281; remains there, 282; suc- cess of his labours, 340; In- dians destroy his crosses, 343 ; sent to San Antonio, 345; sent to Guale, 347 Villarroel, Gonzalo de, at San Mateo, 180; and the mutin- eers, 241, 242; leaves with Avil^s, 252; in charge at San Mateo, 257; accompanies Avil^s to St. Augustine, 262; imprisons captured Indians at San Mateo, 282 Villegaignon, Nicolas Durand, Chevalier de, reported to have seized a Spanish port in the West Indies, on his Brazil expedition, 23; sent by Col- igny, 29 Villimar, College of, 342 Virginia, 361, 459, 460; Jesuit mission to, 360-366 Bay of, 460 Visitador of the Casa de Con- tratacion, his duty, ii Vivero, 290 Vlina, 414 Vtina, 414 w Wales, South, 185 Ware, Lake, 411 Wassaw Sound, 401 Wateree, 276, 447 Waxhaw, 447 West India treasure fleet, see Treasure fleet West Indies, commercial rela- tions with Spain, 4; with Honduras and Tierra Firme 10 ; gold and silver export ,15; supply of maps of, to fo. 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