/>^, 
 
 1 
 
 \ 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 University of California. 
 
 OIFT OF 
 
 Class 
 
 I 
 
By 
 Woodbury L,owery 
 
 The Spanish Settlements within the Pres- 
 ent Limits of the United 
 States, 1513-1561 
 
 The Spanish Settlements within the Pres- 
 ent Limits of the United States. 
 Florida. 1562-1574 
 
 Bach, octavo, with maps, net, $2.50 
 (By mail, $2.75) 
 
 G. P. Putnam's Sons 
 
 New York London 
 
riiJiiuiiuiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiiiHttiiiiiiuiuimimiimiHiiiiiiiHmiiiiji.uii.'iiiiffltHafflflflBa 
 
THE SPANISH SETTLEMENTS 
 
 WITHIN THE PRESENT LIMITS 
 OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 FLORIDA 
 1562-1674 
 
 BY 
 
 WOODBURY LOWERY 
 
 WITH MAPS 
 
 G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
 
 NEW YORK AND LONDON 
 
 Sbe fknickctbochet iprees 
 1911 
 

 Copyright, 1905 
 
 BV 
 
 WOODBURY LOWERY 
 
 Qbc ftnlcliccbocher pccM, new fiorb 
 
TO MY DEAR SISTER 
 
 23535 
 
PREFACE 
 
 THE principal sources for the history of Pedro Men^n- 
 dez de Avil^s and his conquest of Florida are: i. A 
 collection of letters written by and to him, memorials, 
 royal c^dulas and patents, instructions, relations, and 
 other documents covering the period from 1555 to 1574, 
 but chiefly relating to the conquest of Florida. This 
 collection is published in E. Ruidfaz y Caravia, La Florida 
 su Conquista y Colojiizacidn por Pedro Men^ndez de Avil^s, 
 Madrid, 1893, volume ii. 2. Memorial que hizo el 
 Doctor Gonzalo Soils de Meras de todas las jornadas 
 y sucesos del Adelantado Pedro Men^ndez de Avil^s, su 
 cuflado, y de la Conquista de la Florida y Justicia que hizo 
 en Juan Ribao y otros franceses. This forms volume i. of 
 the La Florida of Ruidiaz. 3. Vida y hechos de Pero 
 Menendez de Auiles, Cauallero de la Hordem de Sanctiago, 
 Adelantado de la Florida: Do largamente se tratan las 
 Conquistas y Poblaciones de la Prouincia de la Florida, y 
 como fueron libradas de los Luteranos que dellas se auian 
 apoderado. Compuesta por el maestro barrientos, Catre- 
 datico de salamanca. This work is contained in Dos 
 Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida pub licalas por primer a 
 vez Genaro Garcia, Mexico, 1902, pp. 1-152. 4, The 
 account contained in the Ensayo Cronologico para la His- 
 toria General de la Florida, por Don Gabriel de Cardenas 
 z Cano (anagram for Don Andreas Gonzales Barcia), 
 Madrid, 1723, pp. 36-151. 
 
 The second volume of Ruidiaz's La Floridd, containing 
 the Avil^s correspondence, is published as an appendix to 
 
VI 
 
 Preface 
 
 the Memorial of Merds in the first volume. In place of 
 following a chronological arrangement the editor has 
 grouped his material under the headings of "Letters of 
 P. Men^ndez de Avil^s." "Letters addressed to Pedro 
 Men6ndez de Aviles," "Memorials of Pedro Men^ndez 
 de Avil(§s," "Royal C6dulas," "Royal Patents," "In- 
 structions," "Relations," "Illness Testaments and Act 
 of Translation of the Body of Pedro Menendez," "Vari- 
 ous Documents, ' ' etc. This artificial grouping has caused 
 him to overlook certain obviously erroneous dates given 
 in the titles of some of the documents and to leave un- 
 solved the conflicting statements of Barcia, Meras, and 
 Vigil as to the dates of the second and third voyages of 
 Avil6s to the Indies, to which a more logical arrangement 
 would have directed his attention. 
 
 In justice to Sr. Ruidiaz it should be stated that the 
 work is said to have been prepared hurriedly in anticipa- 
 tion of his admission into the Royal Academy of History, 
 and although his introductory matter exhibits some traces 
 of this haste, the collection is of primary importance to 
 the historian and bears witness to an extended and pains- 
 taking investigation among the Spanish archives. With 
 the exception of six documents,' which are reprinted 
 from other collections, and seven letters of Aviles, which 
 
 ' These are : 
 
 Real Cedula, March 22, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 351 ; 
 Buckingham Smith, Coleccidn de varies Documentos para la Historic de la 
 Florida, tomo i., p. 13. Mendoza's " Relacion" in Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., 
 p. 431 ; Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo iii., p. 441. Letter of Toral, April 
 5, 1567, Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 295 ; Cartas de Indias, p. 238. Van- 
 dera's " Relacion." January 23, 1569 ; Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 481 ; Col. 
 Doc. Flo., tomo i., p. 15 ; Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo iv., p. 560; B. 
 F. French, Hist. Col. Louisiana and Florida, 2d series, " Historical 
 Memoirs and Narratives," p. 2S9. " Disposicion de quatro fuertes que ha 
 de haber en la Florida," Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 566, where it is 
 wrongly dated 1566; Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo xiii., p. 307, dated 
 1569. " Diligencias hechas en Sevilla con motive de la venida de Esteban 
 de las Alas de la Florida," Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 568 ; Col. Doc. Iti' 
 edit. Indias, tomo xiii., p. 309, 
 
Preface vii 
 
 are extant in an English translation, the volume consists 
 entirely of material then for the first time published. 
 
 Barricntos finished his account in December, 1568.' 
 He was professor of Latin in the University of Salamanca, 
 and the little that is known of him is given by Garcia in 
 the preface to the above-mentioned work. Barrientos 
 derived the material for his history from at least three in- 
 dependent sources. On p. 147 he relates that Avil^s on 
 his return from Florida to Spain in 1567, "presented this 
 relation to the King," a statement which admits of the 
 inference that Barrientos reproduced either in whole or in 
 part the original relation written by Avil^s himself. In 
 addition to this he has apparently consulted parts of the 
 Avil^s correspondence' and finally he mentions several 
 incidents which are omitted by Meras and Barcia. 
 
 The Memorial of Meras terminates with the return of 
 Aviles to Spain in 1567 and his arrival at Court. Ruidiaz 
 in his introductory remarks ascribes no date to the work. 
 The year "1565" appears on the title-page which pre- 
 cedes the Memorial. Barcia says ' the history was written 
 at the time. Meras, who was the brother-in-law of Aviles, 
 accompanied him to Florida, and both Barcia and Ruidiaz 
 are under the impression that he went in the capacity of 
 historian to the expedition. It is to be noted, however, 
 that Meras relates various occurrences at which he was 
 not present, and which he must have learned either from 
 an eye witness or from a document. The manuscript 
 published by Ruidiaz is torn and illegible in several 
 places. As the Memorial is silent upon a variety of sub- 
 jects in the career of Aviles which are related by Barcia, 
 the editor has supplied the omission by interpolating into 
 the body of the text extensive extracts from the Ensayo 
 
 ' Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 149. 
 
 "^ Ibid., p. 106, lines 2-5 from the bottom of the page, which are found 
 in the letter of Aviles of October 15, 1565, in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo 
 ii., p. 94. 
 
 ^Ensayo Cronologico, p. 90. 
 
viii Preface 
 
 for the purpose of presenting a more detailed and con- 
 secutive narrative, indicating the interpolations by refer- 
 ence to foot-notes.' There is nothing to indicate that 
 Merds had access to that part of the Aviles correspond- 
 ence which has been printed by Ruidiaz and which, as 
 previously noted, appears to have been in part consulted 
 by Barrientos. 
 
 On comparing the Merds and Barrientos relations they 
 are found to contain numerous parallel passages in which 
 not only are the events related in the same sequence, but 
 the same phrasing and even words are employed in an 
 identical arrangement. Many sentences are absolutely 
 the same in both, while others differ only in the tense of 
 the verb, or else employ the same words in a slightly 
 different order.* The supposition that one writer copied 
 from the other is precluded by the occasional occurrence 
 in one of the accounts, either in the body of a sen- 
 tence common to both writers, or at the end of the 
 same, of a qualifying word or clause relating to a detail 
 which does not occur in the other, as well as by an occa- 
 sional difference in a number, which Barrientos, as a rule, 
 spells, while Meras employs the Arabic numerals. It 
 follows that these passages in Barrientos and Meras were 
 obtained from the same original, for they present all 
 the appearance of an abridgment following very closely 
 the language of the original document. It also seems 
 probable, from the variance in the numerals referred to 
 and an ocasional variance in the readings, where the 
 words employed still remain identical,' that the two 
 
 ' See tomo i., p. lo, note ; p. 39, note and elsewhere. 
 ' Compare Meras, pp. 74-77, and Barrientos, pp. 44-45. 
 " " 111-126, " " " 63-69. 
 
 " 151-156, " " " 87-90. 
 
 ' See the varying account of the answer of the sailor. Barrientos, in 
 Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 63, and Meras in Ruidiaz, 
 La Florida, tomo i., p. iii ; of the tying of Ribaut's hands, Barrientos, 
 ibid., p. 69, and Meras, ibid., p. 125. 
 
Preface ix 
 
 abridgments were made from different copies of the 
 original, or that one of the accounts has been less care- 
 fully edited than the other. 
 
 The question arises at once — What was this original 
 document from which both of these writers have derived 
 so large a part of the incidents which they relate ? The 
 statement of Barrientos, above quoted, that Avil6s on his 
 return from Florida to Spain in 1567 "presented this re- 
 lation to the King," points with much probability to 
 the conclusion that it was the original relation of Avilds 
 himself. The possibility of this being the case is borne 
 out by the fact that the Memorial of Merds, who had 
 returned to Spain in July, 1566, terminates with the ar- 
 rival of Avil6s at Court in 1567, and also by the statement 
 of Barrientos that he finished his account in December, 
 1568, which was subsequent to the same event. 
 
 Barcia's account is largely taken from the Memorial of 
 Solis de Merds, a manuscript copy of which was in his 
 possession.' On pp. 85-90 Barcia gives a lengthy ex- 
 tract from it and distinguishes the quotation from his 
 own text by reference to the original and by printing it 
 in italics. The quotation corresponds to the Meras ac- 
 count given by Ruidiaz on pp. 110-131 in volume i. of 
 his La Florida, which includes parallel passages in Bar- 
 rientos. These two versions are not absolutely identical. 
 There are occasional differences in certain words used in 
 both accounts, in the tenses of the verbs, and there are a 
 few unimportant transpositions and omissions. From all 
 this it appears probable that Barcia and Ruidiaz had 
 access to two different copies of the Meras Memorial. 
 Several other short extracts from the Memorial are also 
 given in italics, and the major part of Barcia's text is 
 merely a condensation of the Meras narrative. Barcia 
 also states that he had access to the papers of Avil^s.* 
 
 ' Ensayo Cronologico, Introduction, •[[ t^ and p. 90. 
 ^ Ibid,, Introduction, ^ t^. 
 
X Preface 
 
 In addition to the matter taken from the Merds Memor- 
 ial he gives a number of details which do not appear in 
 Barrientos, or in the documents published by Ruidiaz.' 
 Barcia was aware of the existence of the Barrientos 
 manuscript, but was unable to obtain access to it.' The 
 curious result arrived at is that all three of the published 
 accounts appear to have been largely derived from a com- 
 mon source, — the as yet undiscovered relation of Avil^s 
 himself. 
 
 This conclusion, if correct, has an important and ob- 
 vious bearing on the value of the three narratives, since it 
 reduces to a single source the evidence for the greater 
 part of the events which they record in place of accepting 
 them as three concurrent and independent sources of 
 testimony. It follows that the reliability of the three 
 narratives ultimately reposes upon the unsupported state- 
 ments of Aviles except in so far as the latter are verified 
 by the correspondence of the French and Spanish am- 
 bassadors and by contemporary French accounts. As- 
 suming the above conclusion to be correct, the effort has 
 been made to present the character of Aviles in such a 
 light, not palliating his faults, nor yet belittling his vir- 
 tues, that the reader may form for himself an independ- 
 ent estimate of his sincerity unbiassed by the confidence 
 which the writer is disposed to place in his unsupported 
 statements. 
 
 This confidence is founded upon the concurrence of the 
 Aviles correspondence, extending over a period of several 
 years, with the substance of the Aviles relation given by 
 the writers above referred to ; the absence of any reason- 
 able motive for a misrepresentation of the facts on his 
 part; the fact that Fourquevaux nowhere impugns his 
 
 • See ibid., Aiio XLVII., p. 125, where names of vessels and of persons 
 are given which do not appear elsewhere, and the date of the departure of 
 Aviles for Carlos, March 1st, not mentioned by either Meras or Barrientos. 
 
 ^ Ensayo Cronologico, Introduction, ^ i<=. 
 
Preface xi 
 
 veracity ; that Avil^s does not appear to have been of an 
 intriguing disposition; that he was too continuously, 
 variously, and actively employed to have sustained suc- 
 cessfully a prolonged deception ; and that his letters 
 betray, as a rule, the curt and frank bearing of a soldier 
 rather than the place-seeking suavity of a courtier. 
 
 In recent years but two works of importance have ap- 
 peared which treat at any length of the Florida episode. 
 The first is Mr. Parkman's Pioneers of France in the New 
 World, of which the first edition was published in Boston 
 in 1865. The incident of the French colony in Florida 
 occupies about one-third of the book. Mr. Parkman 
 informs us that he had access to some of the Avil^s cor- 
 respondence entitled Siete Cartas escritas al Rey, Ahos de 
 1^65 y /5<5(5, MS., a copy of which was procured for him 
 by Mr. Buckingham Smith,' that distinguished and inde- 
 fatigable investigator for material relating to the history 
 of Spain within our country. Unfortunately Mr. Park- 
 man made but a very slight use of them, citing only three 
 letters.' In 1875, M. Paul GafTarel published his Histoire 
 de la Floride Franqaise, in which his only knowledge of 
 the Spanish side of the story was apparently confined to 
 that given by Parkman and to an exceedingly cursory 
 reading of Barcia. He gave us, however, our first know- 
 ledge of the diplomatic correspondence which arose be- 
 tween France and Spain on the subject of their respective 
 claims to Florida, confining himself entirely to that of 
 M. de Fourquevaux, the French ambassador at Madrid, 
 of whose unpublished letters he printed some interesting 
 
 ' Pioneers of France in the New World, Boston, 1893, pp. 6, 104, 
 note 1. 
 
 'Parkman cites only the letters of September 11, October 15, and 
 December 12, 1565, which is dated December 25th in Ruidiaz. The re- 
 maining letters are those of August 13, December 5, December 16, 
 1565, and January 30, 1566. Mr. Henry Ware has given an English 
 translation of all of them in the Massachusetts Historical Society Proceed' 
 ings, 2d series, vol. viii., pp. 416-468. 
 
xii Preface 
 
 extracts. In 1893 Mr. Parkman published his revised 
 twenty-fifth edition of The Pioneers in which he made 
 some reference to the extracts of the Fourquevaux corre- 
 spondence printed by Gaffarel, but with no addition to 
 the Spanish side of the story. Of shorter recent essays 
 on the subject there are but two deserving of special 
 mention. These are "Un glorieux episode maritime et 
 colonial des Guerres de Religion " by Maurice Delpeuch, 
 published in the Revue Maritime, tome civ., pp. 1882, 
 2150, October and November, 1902, and the concise 
 chapter on the "French and Spaniards in Florida" 
 in "Spain in America," by Professor E. G. Bourne, 
 volume iii. of The American Nation: A History, pub- 
 lished in 1904. 
 
 Since the appearance of the histories of Parkman and 
 Gaffarel, not only have the two Spanish works previously 
 referred to been published, but the first volume of the 
 letters of M. de Fourquevaux has also appeared, extend- 
 ing over the period embraced in this present volume. In 
 addition to this new material, the importance of which 
 cannot be underestimated, a careful search in the archives 
 of Seville, Madrid, Paris, and London, and in collections 
 in New York and Washington, has revealed the existence 
 of unpublished documents of much value bearing upon 
 this period, such as letters and reports exhibiting the 
 Spanish attitude towards French colonisation in Florida ; 
 the Spanish accounts of the depredations committed by 
 the Laudonnifere colony, and the correspondence of the 
 Spanish ambassador at Paris with Philip II. during all of 
 this period, which fills out the Fourquevaux correspond- 
 ence and throws an interesting light on the relations of 
 Catherine de* Medici and Philip in their contest for su- 
 premacy in the peninsula of Florida. A liberal use has 
 been made of all this material in the preparation of the 
 present volume, rather with the view of bringing out 
 the true attitude of the Spaniards than that of retelling 
 
Preface xiii 
 
 the story of the French colony, which has already been 
 done with so much ability. 
 
 In conclusion it may not be amiss to make some refer- 
 ence to the ponderous quarto manuscript history of 
 Florida by Pulgar, MSS. 2999 in the Biblioteca Nacional, 
 Madrid, the title of which is as follows: 
 
 Historia general dc la Florida /&\\iidesQ en tres partes/ La 
 primera Parte / contiene sus descubrimiento, description 
 {sic), y los / successos temporales y Espirituales, assi / de 
 los Espanoles, como franzeses, ingleses/y Las Missiones 
 de Religiosos/ dominicos, de la compania y / franciscos / 
 La segunda Parte / Contiene el descubrimiento de los 
 franzeses desde / el afio de 1669 {sic), y sus suzesos, y 
 la Relazion de los / viajes, q los Espanoles han hecho al 
 Seno Mexi / cano desde el afio de 1683 {sic) asta el de 
 1673 y / la description de la Bahia de s" Maria / de galve, 
 y otro de la empalizada / La tercera parte / pone la Rela- 
 zion de el Alvar nufiez cabaza de Vaca/ enteramente. y 
 La historia de Hernado {sic) de Soto / continuada, com- 
 pilada de las decadas / de Antonio de Herrera / Escribiala/ 
 El D°' D.P? Fernz de Pulgar Canonigo de La/ss'* iglesia 
 de Palenzia, y Coronista /mayor de indias /dedicasse./ 
 
 This manuscript history appears to be a development 
 of certain chapters on Florida referred to in the Preface 
 to Book IV. and also in the Index to volume iii. of 
 Pulgar's Historia General de las Indias Occidentales, De- 
 cada Nona, continua la de Antonio de Herrera desde el 
 aflo 1555 asta el de 1565 (Bib. Nac, Madrid, MSS. 2796- 
 2799), but which do not appear therein. It consists of 
 776 closely written pages in a small and cramped cali- 
 graphy rather difficult to decipher, and is divided into 
 two parts of two and three books respectively. The first 
 book has six chapters, as follows: i. The discovery of 
 Florida. 2. Its coast. 2 {sic). Its people and customs. 
 5 {sic). Spanish discovery, De Leon, Ayllon, etc. 6 {sic), 
 French discoveries, Ribaut, Laudonni^re, etc. 7 {sic). 
 
xiv Preface 
 
 What remains to be discovered. The second book is en- 
 titled "Spanish Expeditions to Florida " and contains ten 
 chapters on De Leon, Ayllon, Narvaez, De Soto, Fr. 
 Luis Cancer, the fleet lost on the Florida coast in 1553, 
 and Arellano. The third book entitled " French Expedi- 
 tions and Men^ndez de Avil^s," consists of ten chapters 
 on Ribaut, Avil^s, the Jesuit missions, and Gourgues. 
 The fourth book consists of six chapters on English ex- 
 peditions to Florida, and the second Franciscan mission. 
 All of these chapters are divided into numbered sections. 
 The second part is in four books. The first book is a 
 description of Louisiana in three chapters. The second 
 book treats of Spanish discoveries since 1685 in two 
 chapters. The second {sic) book contains the relation of 
 Cabega de Vaca and the second {sic) book relates the De 
 Soto expedition in twenty-nine chapters. 
 
 The work is unfinished and the chapters are frequently 
 incomplete, many of them being represented by a short 
 paragraph of one or two pages only ; others are very 
 long, and still others have merely the title of the chap- 
 ter written in, the page below being left blank. The ma- 
 terial is unorganised, the same subject being sometimes 
 repeated two or three times under different headings. 
 The text consists very largely of extracts from and ab- 
 stracts of published histories and accounts of the events 
 related, the abstracts from two or more writers on the 
 same subject being arranged in successive sections under 
 the chapter heading. 
 
 The authors whose works have furnished the material 
 for the history, and to whom constant reference is made, 
 appear to cover all the literature on the subject in 
 Spanish, French, and Latin extant at the time of its 
 composition. The list includes in Spanish: Herrera, 
 Torquemada, Las Casas, Castellano, Gomara, Padilla, 
 Rivas, Garcilaso, Nieremberg, Remesal, etc.; in French: 
 De Thou, Le Challeux, Laudonnifere, De Laet, etc. ; in 
 
Preface xv 
 
 Latin: Algambe, Ribadeneyra, Camargo, Schott, Mon- 
 tanus, De Bry, Le Moyne, etc., and, in Italian, Benzoni. 
 
 In a word, the history is a vast and ill-digested com- 
 pendium of all of the published material extant at the date 
 of its writing, and the inference of Dr. Brinton, who had 
 never seen the manuscript, that "it was not probable" 
 that it "would add any notable increment to our know- 
 ledge " ' is largely justified. 
 
 In conclusion the author wishes to express his obliga- 
 tion to Dr. Jos6 Ignacio Rodriguez, Librarian and Chief 
 Translator of the International Bureau of the American 
 Republics, for his kindly assistance in the deciphering of 
 some obscure passages in the Spanish documents which 
 have been consulted. 
 
 Woodbury Lowery. 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 February, 1905. 
 
 > Notes on the Floridian Peninsula, Philadelphia, 1859, p. 36. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Preface 
 
 fAOt 
 
 Y 
 
 BOOK I. THE FRENCH COLONY 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 I— The Spanish Treasure Fleets and Florida . 
 
 II— The First French Colony .... 
 
 Ill — The Second French Colony. The Timuquanans 
 IV — The Second French Colony — Continued 
 
 V— The Third French Expedition 
 VI — Philip's Notice to France , 
 VII — Pedro Men£ndez de Aviles 
 VIII — The Departure of Avil£s for Florida 
 IX — The Capture of Fort Caroline 
 
 X— The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 
 
 3 
 28 
 49 
 75 
 94 
 10 1 
 120 
 142 
 155 
 186 
 
 BOOK II. THE SPANISH COLONY 
 
 I — The Ays Expedition. Avil6s at Havana . . .211 
 
 II — The Carlos Expedition. Mutiny at the Settlements . 228 
 III — Expeditions to Guale, St. John's River, and Chesapeake 
 
 Bay 244 
 
 IV — Father Martinez and his Companions . * . . , 264 
 V — Expeditions of Pardo and Boyano. Return of AviLfe 
 
 to Spain 275 
 
 VI — Mutiny at St. Augustine. Pardo's Second Expedition . 293 
 
 VII — Philip Notifies France of the Massacre . . . 299 
 
 VIII — The French Revenge 314 
 
 xvii 
 
xviii Contents 
 
 BOOK HI. THE GUALE AND VIRGINIA MISSIONS 
 CONDITION OF THE COLONY 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I — The Guale Mission. Destitution ok the Colony . . 339 
 
 II— The Virginia Mission 359 
 
 III — The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida .... 367 
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 AFPENDIX 
 
 A— Registered Gold and Silver Imported into Spain from 
 
 the West Indies, 1560-1569 387 
 
 B — The " RivjSre de Mai " 389 
 
 C — The Pillar Set up by Ribaut 393 
 
 D — The Rivers between the " Rivere de Mai "and Port 
 
 Royal 394 
 
 E — Port Royal . 399 
 
 F — Charlesfort 403 
 
 G — Fort Caroline 405 
 
 H — TiMUQUA 407 
 
 I — LaudonniI:re's Story of the November Mutiny . . 409 
 J — Maps of the French Colonies in Florida and South 
 
 Carolina 410 
 
 K— La Terre des Bretons 417 
 
 L— Portraits of Pedro MenI;ndez de AviLfis . . . .418 
 
 M — The Deposition of Jean Memyn 420 
 
 N — The Captured French Vessels 420 
 
 O — The Oath of Avil6s 421 
 
 P— The Death of Ribaut 425 
 
 Q — The Situation of Avili&s at thk Time of the Massacre , 429 
 
 R— Ays . . . 431 
 
 S — Santa Lucia 434 
 
 T— Caloosa 436 
 
 U— San Felipe 438 
 
 V— Tegesta 440 
 
Contents xix 
 
 APPENDIX TAGE 
 
 W— The Date of Pardo's First Expedition . . . -443 
 
 X — Pardo's First Expedition 444 
 
 Y — Tocobaga 448 
 
 Z— Pardo's Second Expedition 45° 
 
 AA— Tacatacuru 452 
 
 BB — The Spanish Account of Gourgues's Attack on San 
 
 Mateo 454 
 
 CC— The Second Voyage of AviLis to Florida . . .457 
 
 DD— AxACAN 458 
 
 EE — The Site of the Segura Mission 461 
 
 FF — Mapa de la Florida y Laguna de Maimi donde se ha de 
 
 HACER UN FUERTE 4^4 
 
 Index 467 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 PAGB 
 
 Pedro Men4ndez dk Avil^s, in " Retratos de los EspaRoles 
 Ilustres con UN Epitome de sus Vidas," Madrid, 1791 
 
 Frontispiece 
 
 *' Florid^e American.* PROViNcii* Recens & exactissima de- 
 scRiPTio," BY Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues, published by 
 De Bry in 1591 28 
 
 Map of the French Florida Colony of 1562-65, by Nicolas 
 
 BeLLIN, in " HiSTOIRE ET DESCRIPTION GfeNi&RALE DE LA NoU- 
 
 velle France," par le P. de Charlevoix, Paris, 1744 . 34 
 
 Map of Florida, 1562-1574. Compiled by Woodbury Lowery. 210 
 
 '* Mapa de la Florida y Lacuna de Maimi," 1595-1600 (?), in 
 
 THE Archives of the Indies, Seville 286 
 
BOOK I 
 THE FRENCH COLONY 
 
BOOK I 
 THE FRENCH COLONY 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE SPANISH TREASURE FLEETS AND FLORIDA v 
 
 WITH the opening of the year 1562, the eastern coast 
 of the continent of North America from Panuco 
 to the St. Lawrence was still untenanted by the white 
 man. To the north the region discovered by Cartier and 
 Roberval had become the seat of short-lived colonies, 
 which had been abandoned in despair, and France ap- 
 peared for the time being to have withdrawn from the 
 unequal contest with the wilderness. To the south the 
 persistent efforts of Spain to take possession of the vast 
 region to which she laid claim had proved equally abor- 
 tive, although they had brought her some acquaintance 
 with the interior of the country and with the nature of 
 its savage inhabitants. She, too, had become discour- 
 aged by her vain attempts, her useless sacrifice of life and 
 treasure, the stern reception given her by the warlike 
 natives, and her failure to discover those sources of the 
 precious metals which had so amply rewarded her con- 
 quests in Mexico and South America. She no longer 
 3 
 
4 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 feared the intrusion of another power within this part of 
 her domain, where she herself had so signally failed, and 
 in September of the previous year Philip had proclaimed 
 that no further attempt should be made to colonise the 
 eastern coast.' 
 
 It was true that she professed it to be her desire to 
 bring into the bosom of the Church the natives of her 
 vast transatlantic dominions, but she felt herself fully 
 equal to the gigantic task, and would brook no interfer- 
 ence in her mission, even from foreigners of her own 
 faith. Moreover, the greater portion of the continent 
 was hers by right of discovery, conquest, and papal 
 patent, and its boundless treasures furnished the sinews 
 for her incessant European and African wars. Although 
 she had now abandoned a small part of her Atlantic 
 coast, her unparallelled success in other regions had soon 
 awakened jealousies and stimulated competitors, lured 
 by other incentives than the cure of souls, and she was 
 determined to defend the pathway to the New World 
 against the intrusion of all her rivals. Portugal, France, 
 and England watched with envious eyes the extension of 
 her possessions and the uninterrupted stream of gold that 
 flowed into her coffers. As the route by which this 
 wealth reached her ports of Cadiz and Seville had a direct 
 bearing on her policy with regard to Florida, we will now 
 proceed to consider how vast this wealth was, the path 
 by which it crossed the Atlantic, and the risks to which it 
 was exposed on its way. 
 
 Whether 1497 or 1501 be fixed upon for the inception 
 of commercial relations between Spain and the Indies, 
 the establishment of the Casa de Contrataci6n in Seville, 
 by c^dula of February 14, 1503, through which all busi- 
 ness with the Indies was compelled to pass, with the 
 appointment of its governing board consisting of three 
 officers, agent, treasurer, and accountant, indicates that 
 
 ■ Spanish Settlements, 1513-1561, p. 376. 
 
The Treasure Fleets and Florida 5 
 
 even at that early period a trade of considerable magni- 
 tude was already in existence.' 
 
 The bulk of the exports from the mother country 
 consisted chiefly of grain and provisions, arms, ammuni- 
 tion, and clothing, for the colonists were still compara- 
 tively few in number, and their warlike occupations gave 
 them little leisure to indulge in luxuries. Horses and 
 cattle, seed, plants, and instruments of agriculture occa- 
 sionally formed a part of the cargo of the outgoing ves- 
 sels, and slaves, both black and white, as we have seen in 
 a previous volume. These exports were encouraged by 
 an absolute freedom from duties during the first half of 
 the sixteenth century and by the opening of other ports 
 of the realm to the West India traffic.' The vessels re- 
 turned from the Indies loaded with brazil and other native 
 woods, dye-stuffs, medicinal herbs, cotton, hides, gold, 
 and silver, and articles of native production. 
 
 It is difficult at this distance of time, and with the 
 limited data at our command, to determine with any ap- 
 proach to exactitude the value of the precious metals 
 exported from Spanish America to the mother country 
 during the first half of the sixteenth century. Moncada 
 states that by 1595 two thousand millions of registered 
 gold and silver had entered Spain from the Indies since 
 their discovery," and Navarette, writing in 1626, asserts 
 
 1 D. Rafael Antunez y Acevedo. Memorias HistSricas sobre la Legisla- 
 cidny Gobierno del Comercio de los Espailoles con sus Colonias en las Jndias 
 Occidentales, Madrid, 1797, pp. I, 3. 
 
 2 Antunez, ibid., pp. 21, 24. The cedula of January 15, 1529, opened 
 nine ports in addition to that of Cadiz. This privilege appears to have 
 fallen into disuse, owing, among other reasons, to the necessity of sailing in 
 convoy and the imposition of export duties. It was revoked in 1573. Ibid., 
 pp. II, 13, 20, 22. The cedula is given in full, ibid.. Appendix, p. i. See 
 E. G. Bourne, " Spain in America," New York, 1904, in IVie American 
 Nation: A History, vol. iii., pp. 282-284, for Spain's colonial commerce 
 during this period. 
 
 3 Sancho de Moncada. Restauracidn Politica de Espana, Primera Parte, 
 Deseos Publicos al Rey Don Filipe Tercero nuestro senor. Madrid, 1619. 
 "Discurso Tercero," cap. i., fol. 21b. 
 
6 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 that during the century comprised between the years 
 1 5 19 and 161 7 this imported wealth amounted to 1536 
 millions.' As the new country became known and the 
 mines were discovered and worked, the annual importa- 
 tions of the precious metals, though comparatively small 
 at first, increased rapidly. It is reported that during 
 four years of the period which we are now considering 
 (1564, 1566, 1567, and 1568) something like thirty and a 
 half million dollars found their way into Spain, an esti- 
 mate which does not include quantities of jewels and 
 precious stones. This was an enormous sum, when we 
 consider that its purchasing power was perhaps fourfold 
 what it is to-day. What may have been the total value 
 of the unregistered wealth surreptitiously introduced into 
 the kingdom from the same sources through the con- 
 nivances of interested and dishonest ofificials, it is natur- 
 ally impossible to determine. Unquestionably it must 
 have been very great when we consider the facilities that 
 were offered for defrauding the revenue.* 
 
 Spain quickly recognised that her increasing pro- 
 sperity could not be displayed with impunity before the 
 greedy eyes of her less fortunate neighbours. Neither was 
 she slow in taking the necessary precautions. " En boca 
 ccrrada no cntran moscas,'' says the Spanish proverb, 
 and in two different directions did Spain strive to exclude 
 these buzzing flies from her succulent morsels, that she 
 might close to them every channel of information con- 
 cerning her West Indian possessions. In the first place, 
 she sought to prevent the publication of all charts and 
 maps which could indicate the way thither. This did 
 not arise from any absence of information concerning her 
 distant domains. As the discoveries progressed the mass 
 
 ' Pedro Fernandez Navarette, Conservacidn de Monarquias, Madrid, 
 1626, p. 143. And see Humboldt, Ensayo Politico, tomo iii., p. 316; E. 
 G. Bourne, "Spain in America," p. 301. 
 
 ' See Appendix A. Registered Gold and Silver imported into Spain from 
 the West Indies. 
 
The Treasure Fleets and Florida 7 
 
 of geographical material accumulated by Spanish mariners 
 and explorers became accessible to the map makers, for 
 masters of vessels and pilots were required to keep a 
 record of their journeys for the purpose of facilitating the 
 navigation of the Atlantic' A register was kept of all 
 the islands, bays, shoals, and ports, their contours and 
 locations, and the distance of the voyages to the Indies, 
 which was deposited in the Casa de Contrataci6n in Se- 
 ville there to be "well guarded and concealed " '; every 
 precaution was taken to see that pilots and masters of ves- 
 sels were thoroughly equipped with all the nautical knowl- 
 edge and the instruments pertaining to their art, and 
 discoverers were ordered to forward a full and complete 
 relation of all they had done to the Council of the Indies.' 
 As early as 1 5 1 1 it was forbidden to supply foreigners 
 with charts or maps,' andin 1527 Charles V. enacted that 
 even pictures and descriptions of the Indies should not 
 be sold or given to them without special licence/ Such 
 was the secretiveness of the authorities that no official 
 map of the western discoveries was published in Spain 
 until the year 1790, and it has been thought that this 
 reticence on the part of the Government may have led 
 to the suppression of Peter Martyr's First Decade and of 
 the La Cosa Map, which was in some of the copies/ 
 
 ' Herrera, Historia de las Indias Occidentales , Madrid, 1730, tomo ii., 
 dec. 4, lib. ii., cap. vi., p. 32, 1527. 
 
 "^ Recopilacidn de Leyes de los Reinos de las Indias, Madrid, 1841, lib. ix,, 
 tit. xxiii., ley 12, tomo ii., p. 303. 
 
 '^ Ibid., lib. iv., tit. i., ley 14, 1542, tomo ii., p. 95. For early regu- 
 lations of this description see Final Report of Investigations among the 
 Indians of the Southwestern United States, Carried on Mainly in the Years 
 from 1880 to i88j. By A. F. Bandelier, part i., p. 45, note i. See also 
 Henry Harrisse, The Discovery of North America, pp. 11-17. 
 
 * Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 113, note 3. 
 
 '" Recopilacidn, lib. ix., tit. xxiii., ley 14, tomo iii., p. 303; Kohl's essay 
 on the Ribero Map in Maine Hist. Col., 2d series, vol. i., p. 302. 
 
 *J. C. Brevoort, in his "Notes on the Verrazano Map" {Journal of 
 the Am. Geographical Soc. of New York, 1873, vol. iv,, p. 240,) and in 
 
8 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 The other precaution taken was the total exclusion of 
 foreigners from the crews of vessels sailing to the West 
 Indies. Masters of vessels were required to be natives of 
 Castile, Aragon, or Navarre, and no foreigners were per- 
 mitted to hold the office.' No foreign sailors were al- 
 lowed in the armadas and fleets sailing to the Indies, and 
 officers were commissioned with authority to visit the 
 outgoing vessels in order to assure themselves of the due 
 execution of the law and to prevent their embarkation.* 
 Finally the exclusion of foreigners from the Indies in any 
 other capacity except under licence was rigorously en- 
 acted.' But the sheen of the gold was too dazzling to be 
 hidden in this ostrich-like fashion, and in a hundred differ- 
 ent ways the story of Spain's newly acquired wealth reached 
 the outer world, and the knowledge of it spread. The 
 French ambassador at Madrid, M, de Fourquevaux, kept 
 his Most Christian Majesty fully informed of the expected 
 treasure fleets from Peru and Mexico and of their arrival.* 
 The banks at Lyons were also advised of the same.* 
 Portuguese agents sought to bribe Spanish pilots to show 
 them the way." French pilots went to Seville and se- 
 
 Verrazano the Navigator, New York, 1874, p. 102, cited also in Narr, 
 and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 113, notes 2 and 3. 
 
 ' Recopilaci6n, lib. ix., tit. xxiii., ley 4, 1527, tomo iii., p. 303. 
 
 '^ Ibid., lib. ix., tit. xxv., ley 12, 1553, tomo iii., p. 317, ibid., ley 14, 
 1554. 
 
 ^ Recopilacidn, lib, iv., tit. ii., ley i, 1501 and 1526, tomo ii., p. 96; 
 ibid., tit. i., ley 3, tomo ii. p. 93, and lib. ix., tit. xxvi., ley i, 1560, 
 tomo iv., p. I. Instructions given to Ovando, September 17, 1501. In- 
 structions given to the Casa de Contratacion by Ferdinand and Isabella in 
 1510. Antunez, Memorias, pp. 41-42, 268 et seq. E. G. Bourne, "Spain 
 in America," New York, 1904, in The American Nation: A History, vol. 
 iii., p. 245, instances some of the exceptions. 
 
 * D^peches de M. de Fourquevaux Ambassadeur du Roi Charles IX. en 
 Espagne 1^6^-1572, publiees par M. I'Abbe Douais, Paris, 1896, pp. 97, 
 124, 126, et passim. 
 
 ' Alava i Philippe II., Lyon, 22 Juillet, 1564, MS, Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 
 1502 (10). 
 
 * Herrera, tomo i., dec. I., lib, vii., cap. iii., p. 197. 
 
The Treasure Fleets and Florida 9 
 
 cretly made the voyage to the Indies as sailors on Spanish 
 vessels.' Shipwrecked mariners and unsuccessful colonists 
 rescued by passing vessels brought their knowledge to the 
 country of their rescuers, while paid spies and informers 
 were employed by the countries interested in obtaining 
 such information. 
 
 With the rapid extension and increase of this traffic the 
 high seas were soon filled with vessels of other nationali- 
 ties preying upon it. To these France and England con- 
 tributed the greatest number. During the first half of 
 the century France and Spain, it is true, were almost 
 continually at war with each other except for brief inter- 
 vals of peace in which to recover breath. England was 
 ostensibly at peace with Spain for the entire period. But 
 the piratical subjects of both countries, acting appar- 
 ently in defiance of the wishes of the home Government, 
 were in reality often in secret connivance with interested 
 ofificials of the most exalted position. The French cor- 
 sair, Jean Florin, identified by some authorities with the 
 explorer Verrazano, captured the treasures sent home by 
 Cortes ' ; French pirates sank Spanish vessels which were 
 coming from Peru,^ or made a bold descent upon Ha- 
 vana*; the announcement was made of the fitting out of a 
 
 •Christobal de Haro to Charles V., April 8, 1541, MS. Arch. Gen. de 
 Indias, Sevilla, est. 143, caj. 3, leg. 11. 
 
 ^ Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. iv., pp. 5. 21, 1523. E. G. Bourne 
 (" Spain in America," New York, 1904, in The American Nation: A History, 
 vol. iii., p. 143, note 3) says the identity of Verrazano with Florin has 
 been disproved by Peragallo, Bull, of the Soc. Geog. Ital., 3d series, vol. 
 ix., p. 189, and had never any documentary evidence to rest on. 
 
 * " Reponses du ministere de France a diverses reclamations presentees au 
 nom de I'Empereur par Jean de Saint Mauris, son ambassadeur (i545. avril 
 ou mai)." Sans date. Papiers d'Etat du Cardinal de Granvdle d'apres les 
 manuscrils de la Bibliothhjue de Besan^on, publies sous la direction de M. 
 Ch. Weiss. Paris, 1841, vol. iii., p. 140. 
 
 * " Relacion de lo subcedido en la Habana, cerca de la entrada de los 
 Franceses en ella." In Coleccidn de varies Documentos para la Historia de 
 la Florida y Tierras adyacentes. By Buckingham Smith, Londres (1857 ?), 
 tomo i., p. 202. 
 
lo The Spanish Settlements 
 
 fleet in England for the purpose of sacking the island 
 of Madeira.' The cutting out of a treasure ship of 
 the fleet returning from the Indies' became of such 
 frequent occurrence that as early as 1541 Spain sought 
 to obtain from the English Government a statute for- 
 bidding the sailing of any armed vessels from its ports 
 for Brazil or the Indies without security being given 
 by their commanders that they would not molest Span- 
 ish subjects. ^ 
 
 Particularly exposed to depredations of this nature 
 were the many vessels which, shipping hides, sugar, and 
 cassia in the islands of Puerto Rico and Hispaniola, 
 threaded the Gulf of Mexico to carry their merchandise 
 to Tierra Firma, Honduras, and Spain, These vessels 
 were unwilling to sail home in convoy with the fleet 
 which gathered at Havana for that purpose, because it 
 would involve them in serious delay ; and thus, compelled 
 to return unattended with the money which they had ob- 
 tained in exchange for their merchandise, they fell an 
 easy prey to the pirates infesting the Gulf of Mexico.* 
 
 Necessity soon pointed the way to a method of self- 
 protection, and very early in the course of the century it 
 became customary for the vessels going to and arriving 
 from the Indies to sail together in company in order to 
 
 ' " Copia de carta de Su Majestad al Conde de Feria, fechaen Bruselas a 
 24 de Abril de 1559 " in CohcciJn de Documentos Ine'ditos para la Historia de 
 Espaila, por el Marques de la Fuensanta del Valle, D. Jose Sancho Rayon 
 y D. Francisco de Zabalburu, tomo Ixxxvii., pag. 176. 
 
 ' "Capitulo de carta del Obispo Quadra a S. M. de 16 de Agosto de 
 1561," in Col. Doc. Inedit. Hist. Espaila, tomo Ixxxvii., pag. 364. 
 
 ^Eustace Chapuys to the Queen Regent, Jan. 2 (4), 1541, London, in 
 Calandar of State Papers, Spanish, vol. vi., Pt. I., p, 304. 
 
 ■• Pero Menendez (de Aviles) sobrel Remedio, pa. q haya muchos nabios 
 (undated), Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 28, 366, fol. 299b. The letter appears 
 from internal evidence to have been written at some date between July, 
 1 561, and the spring (?) of 1562, prior to any Spanish knowledge of the 
 French occupation of Florida, Aviles being then in Spain, having returned 
 from his second voyage to the Indies. 
 
The Treasure Fleets and Florida ii 
 
 afford one another mutual protection.' It was one of 
 the duties of the visitador of the Casa de Contrataci6n 
 not only to see that the vessels were properly equipped 
 with a crew and supplies for the long voyage, but also 
 that they carried arms and ammunition with which to 
 encounter the sea-robber." But as the sailing together 
 of the vessels was not compulsory, individual ships or a 
 small company of two or three would set out under a 
 special permit and meet their fate at the hands of the pi- 
 rates, to whom they could offer no effective resistance. 
 A stop was at last put to this by royal c6dula of July 
 i6, 1 561. It was enacted that in January and August 
 of every year two expeditions should sail from the rio de 
 Sevilla, the one called the Fleet of New Spain, with desti- 
 nation for the Antilles and the Gulf of Mexico, and the 
 other called the Fleet of Tierra Firme for Carthagena. 
 The two fleets were to proceed together under the com- 
 mand of an admiral, and on arriving off Dominica, the 
 vessels destined for New Spain were to divide from those 
 destined for Tierra Firme, with the General of the fleet 
 in command of the one and the Admiral of the other.^ 
 
 Another danger to which the merchant fleet was ex- 
 posed arose from the selfishness of individual captains 
 who endeavoured to save themselves at the expense of 
 their companions. On an attack of the pirates the ves- 
 sels would disperse like a flock of frightened sheep, those 
 that were swift and light abandoning those that were slow 
 and more heavily laden to the mercy of the enemy ; and 
 the rumour of the presence of a pirate in the neighbour- 
 hood of a port would inspire them with such terror that 
 
 ' Antunez, Metnorias, pp. 83, 84, thinks it dates from the beginning of 
 the commerce of the West Indies. 
 
 '^ Ibid., pp. 59, 61, 69, and see also the cedula of Feb. 13, 1552, ibid., p. 
 16. 
 
 ^ Ibid., p. 85; Disquisiciones Nduticas, por Cesareo Fernandez Duro, 
 Madrid, 1877, p. 169. 
 
 
12 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 it would delay the sailing for days. To this danger the 
 fleet was particularly exposed in time of war, and in 1521 
 an armada was sent to protect the merchantmen arriving 
 from the Indies, owing to the presence of French vessels 
 off the coast of Andalusia and of Algarve.' The follow- 
 ing year an armada was sent as far as the Canaries to 
 convoy the outgoing India fleet. In 1532, fearing the 
 revival of a war with France, an armada was raised to pro- 
 tect the vessels arriving from the Indies. In 1552 it was 
 provided that an armada of four galleons and two cara- 
 vels should escort the fleet, a second be raised in Santo 
 Domingo for the protection of the coasts, and a third be 
 stationed off Cape St. Vincent in Spain to guard against 
 pirates." Finally, under the c6dulas of July 15, 1561, 
 which regulated the sailing of the fleets, and another of 
 October 18, 1564, arose the Armada de las Carreras de 
 las Indias^ whose duty it was to escort the fleets on their 
 way to the Indies. It then awaited in Havana the gather- 
 ing of the various vessels and treasure ships from Tierra 
 Firma and New Spain, and accompanied the treasure fleet 
 and the merchantmen, who sought its protection on their 
 return passage across the ocean.* 
 
 The fleets sailed twice a year from Havana during the 
 summer season, passed northward through the Straits of 
 Florida, or the Bahama Channel as it was then generally 
 called, until they reached the neighbourhood of Bermuda, 
 when they set their course for the Azores and from 
 thence to Seville." The passage through the Channel, 
 
 ' Herrera, tomo ii., dec. 3, lib. i., cap. xiv., p. 23. 
 
 ' Duro, Disquisiciones, pp. 167, 168 ; Antunez, Memorias, pp. 20, 178. 
 
 ^Antunez, Manorias, pp. 15, i6 ; Recopilacim, lib. ix., tit. xxx., ley 55, 
 tomo iii., p. 49. 
 
 •• Pero Menendez (de Aviles), sobrel Remedio, pa. q haya muchos nabios, 
 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 28, 366, fol. 299b; Duro, Disquisiciones, p. i63. 
 
 ' Pero Menendez {de AviUs) sobrel Remedio, fol. zqgb. Derrotero y senas 
 de tierra y sondas de la costa de la nueua espana y de tierra firme y buelta 
 de las yndias a espai^a . . . por fran'=° manuel . . . empesose a 15 de 
 
 ^.^ 
 
The Treasure Fleets and Florida 13 
 
 discovered by Ponce de Leon ' in his first expedition, was 
 considered a dangerous one * on account of the prevalence 
 of violent storms at certain seasons of the year, the 
 roughness of its waters, and the ever-present peril of the 
 reefs at its entrance, the Martyr Islands of the early maps. 
 In its narrowest part it is but thirty-nine miles wide, and 
 from the earliest times that its blue and tepid currents 
 were ploughed by the keels of the Spanish galleons the 
 wreckage along the Florida coast attested its terrors to 
 navigators. So fatal was the Channel to merchantmen 
 and treasure fleets, that in the course of the following 
 century the assistance rendered to Spaniards cast away 
 on the Florida shore, the large number of lives rescued, 
 and the watch kept upon the passing vessels by the coast 
 Indians, subject to the Spanish rule at St. Augustine, 
 were perhaps the most powerful of all the arguments pre- 
 sented by the Spanish inhabitants of Florida against the 
 abandonment of the colony. Even prior to the Spanish 
 settlement at St. Augustine, and shortly after Menen- 
 dez de Avil^s returned from his second voyage to the 
 West Indies, he had begun to urge upon the King the 
 necessity of locating and establishing ports of refuge in 
 the neighbourhood of the Channel, where vessels disabled 
 in its passage and in the region of the "still vex'd Ber- 
 mothes" could put in for repairs, and thus avoid the long 
 and perilous return to Puerto Rico.' It is not difificult to 
 conceive with what apprehension the Government viewed 
 the possibility, of the establishment of a piratical band in 
 
 abril afio del seiior 1583 as, Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 28, 189, and see earlier 
 maps. J. C. Brevoort in his " Notes on the Verrazano Map" (Journal of 
 the Am. Geographical Soc. of New York, 1873, vol. iv., p. 239,) and in Ver- 
 razano, the Navigator, New York, 1874, p. lOi, gives a good note on the 
 routes to and from the West Indies. Gomara, Histoire G^n&ale des Indes 
 Occidentales. Ed. Fumee, Paris, 1587, liv. vi., chap, xxvi., p. 479 et seq. 
 
 ' Herrera, tomo i., dec. i., lib. ix., cap. xii., p. 250. 
 
 * Antunez, Memorias, p. 91. 
 
 2 Pero Menendez {de Avil/s) sobrel Remedio, fol. 300b. 
 
14 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 some stronghold along the shore, within easy reach of the 
 golden flood which at stated intervals flowed through the 
 Channel, or the passing of the Floridian Peninsula and 
 the territory to the north of it into the grasp of another 
 nation with as keen an appetite for the yellow metal as 
 its own, even though it might be a Catholic power and 
 friendly for the time being. 
 
 Another and very imminent danger attendant upon any 
 settlement by a foreign power in the vicinity of the West 
 Indies and of the route of the treasure ships arose from 
 conditions peculiar to the population which at that time 
 occupied the Spanish colonies, a danger which pointed 
 more particularly to France. As early as 15 14 the rapid 
 mcrease of the negro slaves in Hispaniola had already 
 become a source of fear to the white population, and 
 measures had been taken to prevent it ; ' this as well as 
 the slave insurrection in Ayllon's colony,^ probably the 
 first of its kind within our country, indicate but too 
 clearly the treatment to which the negro population 
 was subjected at the hands of its masters. By 1560 the 
 natural increase of that prolific race, coupled with the 
 constant inflow brought by the slave-traders, had created 
 a most alarming preponderance in their number over that 
 of the whites. Says Men^ndez de Aviles in his letter to 
 the King, previously referred to : 
 
 " In the Island of Puerto Rico there are above 15,000 negroes 
 and less than 500 Spaniards, and in all of the Island of His- 
 paniola there may be 2000 Spaniards and there are over 30,000 
 negroes, . . . the same is the case in the island of Cuba 
 and in Veracruz, Puerto de Cavallos, which is in Honduras, 
 and in Nombre de Dios, Carthagena, Santa Maria, and the 
 coast of Venezuela, where there are twenty negroes to one 
 white man, and with the lapse of time they will increase to a 
 great many more." 
 
 ' Spanish Settlements, 1513-1561, p. ri2. ' Ibid., p. 167. 
 
The Treasure Fleets and Florida 15 
 
 And then he points the moral and lays bare the danger. 
 
 " In France no negro is a slave, neither can he become one 
 by law of the realm. Were France to arm three or four thou- 
 sand men they would be masters of all these islands, and ports 
 of Tierra Firma; for the city of Santo Domingo, which is the 
 strongest, is easily taken, in spite of the fort, bulwarks, and 
 artillery; and 500 harquebus men — for the honour of the city I 
 do not say fewer — could take it with ease, and by freeing the 
 negroes, most of whom are ladinos ' and natives of the land^ 
 and by liberating them, so that they be no longer slaves, they 
 would kill their own masters, and put all their faith in the 
 French, because the French had made them free." * 
 
 Men^ndez was wise and timely in his warning against 
 French aggression, as we shall soon see. 
 
 France, England, and Portugal had all turned their 
 eyes on the New World, were spying out its possibilities, 
 and seeking to reap what advantage they could from the 
 knowledge so obtained. Of the three powers mentioned, 
 England was, for the time being, the least to be dreaded. 
 Although the Cabot expedition had called forth a protest 
 from Spain, the charters for discovery and colonisation 
 granted to him and others were "without prejudice to 
 Spain and Portugal," and respected the papal bull of de- 
 markation. The early part of the sixteenth century was 
 spent in building up the English navy as a distinct service, 
 and the country was largely occupied with its revolt from 
 Rome, the final success of which was instrumental in 
 breaking down the respect for the papal bull which had 
 stood in the way of England's discovery and colonisation 
 
 ' A ladino was a slave who had served over one year. 
 
 ^ Pero Menendez (de AviUs) sobrel Remedio, fol. 300. "Memorial de 
 Pedro Menendez de Aviles," undated [1561-62?] in E. Ruidiaz y Caravia, 
 La Florida, Madrid, 1893, tomo ii., p. 322. " Vida y Hechos de Pero 
 Menendez de Auiles," por Bartolome Barrientos, in Dos Antiguas Rela- 
 ciones de la Florida, Genaro Garcia, Mexico, 1902, p. 29. 
 
i6 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 in more favourable climates of North America than those 
 visited by the Cabots. It was this infant navy which 
 became the cradle of the Stukeleys, Hawkinses, and 
 Drakes, who were to carry her flag in triumph over 
 seas.' The period in the era of Spanish enterprise in our 
 country which we have now reached (1560-62) was but 
 the dawn of their energy before which the older Spanish 
 naval supremacy was destined finally to succumb, and 
 Spain's watchful jealousy of English aggression in Amer- 
 ica can be best considered when the English colony in 
 Virginia began to arouse her active resentment. For all 
 that, Spanish vigilance was in no wise relaxed, and her 
 ambassadors at the English Court kept her faithfully in- 
 formed of all rumours and designs upon her West Indian 
 possessions." 
 
 Portuguese pretensions and Spanish distrust began with 
 the return of Columbus from his first voyage.^ Pope 
 Eugenius IV. had granted Portugal the right in per- 
 petuity to all heathen lands that might be discovered be- 
 yond Cape Bojador on the African coast, including India. 
 This grant had been solemnly confirmed by succeeding 
 popes, and Spain, by the treaty of 1479, ^^^ pledged her- 
 self not to interfere. But the return of Columbus from 
 his first expedition aroused in the suspicious mind of King 
 John of Portugal the fear lest he might have been tres- 
 passing upon these rights, although Pope Alexander VI. 
 had issued his second bull of May 4, 1493, with the ex- 
 press intention of avoiding any such conflict between the 
 
 ' Froude mentions as an important element of the success of the English 
 navy the boat with sails trimmed fore and aft, which could work to windward, 
 invented by Mr. Fletcher of Rye. English Seamen in the Sixteenth Cent- 
 tiry, by James Anthony Froude, New York, 1895, p. 12. 
 
 2 The Discovery of America, by John Fiske, Boston and New York, 1892, 
 vol. ii., p. 17. The Genesis of the United States, by Alexander Brown, 
 Boston and New York, 1890, vol. i., p. 2, note. 
 
 3 Herrera, tomo i., dec. I, lib. ii., cap. viii., p. 47 and cap. 10, p. 49 
 (1593). 
 
The Treasure Fleets and Florida 17 
 
 two powers.' King John threw out hints of an imme- 
 diate rupture to the Spanish embassy sent to announce 
 to him the departure of Cokimbus on his second expe- 
 dition, and appears to have contemplated seriously the 
 sending of a small fleet to take possession of some point 
 in Cathay or Cipango, and then to dispute the Spanish 
 claims. But a vigilant eye was kept upon his move- 
 ments, the equipment of the fleet was delayed by diplo- 
 matic means, and in the following year by the treaty of 
 Tordesillas the line of demarkation was advanced west- 
 ward 370 leagues beyond the Cape de Verd Islands, which 
 secured Brazil, accidentally discovered in 1500, to the 
 Portuguese Crown.'' 
 
 The progress of Spanish discovery and the wealth 
 which it brought to light did not tend to lessen the envy 
 of Emanuel I., King John's successor, and so persistent 
 were his efforts to learn the path followed by the Spanish 
 adventurers that in 15 10 Charles V. sent him word by 
 Alonso de la Puente that he was to make an end of 
 stealing Spanish pilots.' The following year, Portugal 
 seized the Moluccas, and in 15 14 an expedition to Darien 
 was only stopped by the timely protest of Spain.* Dis- 
 putes were soon rife between the rival powers as to the 
 longitude of the Moluccas in respect to the dividing line 
 at the antipodes, which Pope Alexander had failed to 
 define. On account of the intensifying of these disputes 
 Spain postponed the proposed Gomez expedition of 1523, 
 and in the following year (1524) the Congress called at 
 Badajos to settle the question, broke up after two months 
 
 • Fiske, Discovery of America, vol. i., pp. 325 and authorities there 
 cited, 441, 445, 453 ; Ferdinand and Isabella, by William H. Prescott, 
 Philadelphia, 1869, vol. ii., pp. 174, 175. 
 
 ''■ Herrera, tomo i., dec. i, lib. ii., cap. v., p. 43 et seq.; Fiske, Discovery 
 of America, vol. ii., pp. 97, 98, 453, 459 ; Prescott, Ferdinand and Isabella, 
 vol. ii., pp. 176, 177, 181. 
 
 ^ Herrera, tomo i., dec. i, lib. vii., cap. xiii., p. 196. 
 
 ^ Ibid., tomo i., dec. i, lib. x., cap. x,, p. 282. 
 
1 8 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 of wrangling, each party still holding to its own opinion.' 
 Only six years later (June 20, 1530) was a peaceful con- 
 clusion reached by Spain's relinquishment to Portugal of 
 all her rights thereto under the bull of demarkation.' 
 But Portuguese sailors still passed westward in Spanish 
 ships and studied the waterways of our Atlantic coast, 
 probably in search of a westward passage to the Moluccas. 
 As late as 1562 Men^ndez complains that in Villafafie's 
 expedition to Florida, as well as in that of the Moluccas, 
 
 " there were many Portuguese fighting men and very good 
 pilots, and two [of them] who had been captains of caravels of 
 the King of Portugal's armada, who, it appears, were sent 
 there by their king or by his council to understand and learn 
 those navigations and lands and their secrets and of what mat- 
 ters the captains of your majesty treat with the peoples of 
 those lands," 
 
 and he urges upon the King the exclusion of all for- 
 eigners.' For many years after, the ships and adventurers 
 of France and England drew an unfailing supply of skil- 
 ful pilots from the little kingdom, sometimes enlisting 
 them by cunning, sometimes by force, and not infre- 
 quently finding in them ready and willing servants to 
 conduct their most hazardous enterprises. 
 
 In January, 1548, while present at the Diet of Augs- 
 burg, Charles V., believing his end near at hand, had, 
 among other instructions advised his son, Philip II., 
 
 " In respect to the Indies, have a care to be ever on the 
 watch if the French wish to send an armada thither, secretly 
 
 ' Herrera, tomo ii., dec, 3., lib. iv., cap. iii-viii., pp. 178-1S8. 
 
 "^ Ibid., tomo ii., dec. 4, lib, v., cap. x., p. 93 et seq.; Prescott, Ferdin- 
 and and Isabella, vol. ii., pp. i8o, l82 and authorities in note 29 ; ChristO' 
 pher Columbus, by Justin Winsor, Boston and New York, 1891, pp, 589- 
 591- 
 
 ' Pero Menendez {de AviUs) sobrel Remedio, fol. 303. 
 
The Treasure Fleets and Florida 19 
 
 or otherwise, and to notify the governors of those parts to be 
 on their guard and where and when necessary in conformity 
 therewith, to resist the said French ; for though they have often 
 undertaken to go there, it has been observed that their armadas 
 have not endured and more than that, when resistance is offered 
 them, then they weaken and go to pieces; and thus it is of 
 much advantage to be ready to hand against them." ' 
 
 The Emperor's advice was based upon no vague preju- 
 dice concerning a neighbour w^ith whom he was constantly 
 at war; whose intrigues were for ever fomenting fresh 
 trouble for Spain, and whose King had said of the In- 
 dies that "God had not created those lands solely for 
 Castilians." * 
 
 Breton fishermen had been familiar with the Newfound- 
 land fisheries for many years before Verrazano's much- 
 disputed expedition to America in 1524 first gained for 
 him the notice and favor of Francis I., by whom, indeed, 
 it is said to have been authorised.' We have no know- 
 ledge of any interference of Spain with the first and sec- 
 ond voyages of Jacques Cartier in 1534 and 1535; but 
 in 1537, while the war was still in progress in which 
 Francis I. had revived his pretensions to Italy, and only 
 a few months after Cartier's return, in July, 1536, from his 
 second expedition, Charles V. was considering whether 
 some article ought not to be introduced in his instructions 
 to Los Cobos and Granvelle for treating with the Grand 
 Master of France to prevent King Francis from any 
 
 ' " Instrucciones de Carlos Quinto a Don Felipe su hijo," Augusta a i8 
 de enero, 1548, in Ch. Weiss, Papiers d'Atat du Cardinal de Granvelle, 
 vol. iii., p. 295. 
 
 ' Herrera, tomoii., dec. 3, lib. vi., cap. ix., p. 189. 
 
 ^ Shea's Charlevoix, vol. i., p. 107 ; cited in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., 
 vol. iv., p. 5 and note i ; Henry C. Murphy, The Voyage of Verrazano, New 
 York, 1875, p. 163, and B. F. Da Costa, Verrazano the Explorer, New 
 York, 1880, p. 25. 
 
20 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 undertaking in the Indies.' In the following year the 
 King and Queen of Portugal were informed of the Em- 
 peror's intention in this respect and of King Francis's 
 answer thereto'. Three years later (1540) Spain was 
 urging the "slow-moving Portuguese" to take action 
 ac^ainst France in view of certain licenses granted by 
 Francis to his subjects to sail for the East and West 
 Indies-/ and in November of the same year Los Cobos 
 wrote Louis Sarmiento de Mendoza, Spain's ambassador 
 to Portugal, that while there was no fear of a French ex- 
 pedition against the Indies during the winter, "it must 
 be borne in mind that when the Spring sets in, and the 
 weather is fine and the winds are favourable they may all 
 of a sudden be tempted to carry out their bad intentions." * 
 The Emperor did not wait for the French to act in 
 order to ascertain their designs. Following the advice 
 he had given his son, to forestall any attempt on their 
 part to invade the Indies, he dispatched a secret agent, 
 Don Pedro de Santiago, during the winter to see what 
 the French were doing, and on Santiago's return he was 
 sent a second time to visit the entire French coast from 
 Bordeaux to Brittany and Normandy to learn what ships 
 were arming in the different ports, their number and 
 equipment, and if they were designed to rob or injure the 
 shipping that came from the Indies. No port, however 
 insignificant, appears to have been overlooked, and the 
 agent, having ascertained that a fleet of thirteen sail, 
 
 1 The Articles discussed with His Majesty at Mon9on with regard to the 
 instructions to be given to Cobos and Granvelle for treating with the Grand 
 Master of France, 1537 ; Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, vol. v., Pt. II., 
 p. 407. 
 
 ^ Luis Sarmiento (de Mendoza) to the Emperor, July 30, 153S ; Calendar 
 of State Papers, Spanish, vol. vi., Pt. I., p. 5- 
 
 3 Cardinal Tavera to the Emperor, Madrid, Oct. 11, 1540; Calendar of 
 State Papers, Spanish, vol. vi., Pt. I., p. 279. 
 
 ■• High Commander Cobos to Luis Sarmiento (de Mendoza), Madrid, Nov. 
 16, 1540, Calendar of State Papers, Spanish, vol. vi., Pt. I., p. 291. 
 
The Treasure Fleets and Florida 21 
 
 with ammunition and artillery for a two-years' cruise, 
 was being fitted out at St. Malo in command of Jacques 
 Cartier, sought an interview with him and learned that 
 his intention was to people a country called Canada.' 
 
 The conclusions of the Councils of State and of the 
 Indies, based upon Santiago's report, are particularly in- 
 teresting in view of what actually occurred twenty years 
 later; they find that the intention of the French is "to 
 place themselves near the Bahama Channel, which is the 
 best position they could take, when the war with France 
 shall brake out, to harm the ships of the Indies, for most of 
 them come through the said Channel of Bahama, and not 
 a single one could pass without their seizing it." * They 
 also advise that in place of the single caravel which the 
 Emperor had ordered to follow Cartier's fleet three 
 should be sent, and recommend that, on learning where 
 the French intend to colonise, a person of capacity be 
 appointed Captain General, who should publicly appear 
 as its discoverer and apply for the right to conquer and 
 colonise it, which should be done, however, at the cost of 
 the royal treasury. Although the Cardinal of Seville did 
 not accept the conclusion of the Councils as to the object 
 the French had in view,^ the two caravels were dispatched, 
 
 ' Carta de Cristoval de Haro al emperador Carlos s'', fecha en Burgos a 
 25 de henero de 1541, MS. De samano [Juan de Samano, secretary of 
 Charles V.], traslado de una ca q se escriuio a xpobal de haro, de Madrid, 
 MS. (undated). Copia de la carta q escriuio xpoiial de haro a su mag. en ocho 
 de abril, 1541, MS.- AUof these three letters in Arch. Gen. de Indias, Sevilla 
 est., 143, caj. 3, leg, 11. An extract of this last letter is printed with 
 out date or reference in Una Expedicidn Espanola d la Tierra de los Bacal- 
 laos en 1J41, Jose Toribio Medina, Santiago de Chile, 1896, p. xxv. 
 " Relacion de lo que dice la espia que el Consejo de las Indias embio a 
 Francia para saver lo de las Armadas que se preparaban alii," Buckingham 
 Smith, Col. Doc. Flo., tomo i., p. 107. 
 
 '^ " Lo que se acuerda en el Consejo de Estado y de Indias sobre lo que se 
 presenta tocante al intento de la Armada de Francia, en respuesta a Su 
 Majestad," Buck. Smith, Col. Doc, Flo., tomo i., p. log. 
 
 ^In his letter of June 10, 1541 ; Buck. Smith, Col. Doc. Flo., ioraoi., p. III. 
 
2 2 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 the one sailing from San Lucar, and the other from 
 Bayonne in August of the same year, and but a few days 
 apart.' 
 
 In 1545 came official complaints concerning certain 
 ships from Peru reported to have been sunk by two 
 French vessels'; neither did the proposed Roberval ex- 
 pedition of 1547 escape the sharp eyes of the Spanish 
 authorities.' In 1549 Simon Renard, Charles V.'s am- 
 bassador at the French Court, was advised to inform 
 himself "if vessels are being armed to go to the Indies, 
 or to await on their passage near Seville ships of sub- 
 jects of the said Emperor arriving from the Indies."* 
 In 1555 the French pirate, Pedro Beaguez, visited Santa 
 Martha, and Jacques de Soria made a descent upon the 
 island of Margarita, where the pearl fisheries were, seized 
 the town through the treachery of one of its inhabitants, 
 by the freeing of the negro slaves, and caused it to pay a 
 heavy ransom. He next visited Santa Martha, where he 
 betrayed what Pulgar calls his "Lutheran perfidy" by 
 pillaging the church, and then burned Carthagena, and 
 burned and sacked Santiago de Cuba and Havana.^ 
 
 At last Charles V. and his son Philip, "King of Eng- 
 
 ' Medina, Expcdidon d los Bacallaos, pp. xxvii.-xxxv. 
 
 * " Reponses du ministere de France a diverses reclamations presentees 
 au nom de I'Empereur par Jean de Saint Mauris, son ambassadeur" (1545, 
 avril ou mai). Sans date. In Papier s d'etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. 
 iii., p. 140. 
 
 2 " Copie de ce qui a este escript de. Paris a I'abbe de Sainct Vincent 
 touchant (le) Canada," 1547 ; Brit. Mus., Add. MSS. 28,596, fol. 154. 
 
 * " Instructions a Simon Renard, ambassadeur a la cour de France." Sans 
 date (Bruxelles, Janvier, I54g), Papier s d'etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, 
 vol. iii., p. 343. 
 
 s " Memorial de Pedro Menendez de Aviles," undated, [1561-62?] 
 Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 322 ; Historia General de las Indias Occi- 
 dentales, Decada Nona, continua la de Antonio de Herrera desde el ano de 
 1555 asta el de 1565, Doctor D. Pedro Fernandez de Pulgar, tomo i., fol. 
 69, Bib. Nac, Madrid, MSS. 2796. And see the versified account of Juan 
 de Castellanos in Primera Parte de las elegias de varones illustres de Indias, 
 Madrid, 1589, p. 314. 
 
The Treasure Fleets and Florida 23 
 
 land," succeeded in imposing the long-contemplated re- 
 strictions upon French activity in the Indies. In the 
 truce of February 5, 1556, signed at Vaucelles and which 
 was to last for five years, Henry II. agreed that "the 
 subjects of the said Sir King of France or others at their 
 behest shall not traffic, navigate, or trade in the Indies 
 belonging to the said Sir King of England, without his 
 express leave and license; otherwise, doing the contrary, 
 it shall be allowable to proceed against them as enemies; 
 the said truce remaining none the less in force and 
 vigour. ' ' ' The ink of the treaty of Vaucelles was scarcely 
 dry when, four months later (June, 1556), the Neapolitan 
 Pope, Paul IV., who had invoked the aid of the Turk in 
 his struggle with Philip over the temporalities of the 
 Church in Sicily and Naples, induced Henry to break it, 
 and the three-years' war with France began which termi- 
 nated with the treaty of Cateau-Cambresis in 1559. 
 
 To the last moment of the truce Spanish vigilance con- 
 tinued on the alert. Villegaignon had sailed for Brazil 
 the previous year under the auspices of Admiral Coligny 
 to found a Protestant colony there, while Dona Juana, 
 widow of Don John of Portugal, was Regent of Spain 
 during Philip's absence in England and the Netherlands. 
 Renard, who had a secret agent in Normandy giving him 
 information of ships under construction and their de- 
 stination," wrote to the Regent in July, 1556, that Ville- 
 gaignon, 
 
 ' ' having seized a port in the passage of the Indies, is fortifying 
 it and has advised the King of France, that if he will send him 
 four or five thousand soldiers he will conquer a part of the 
 
 ' Corps Universel diplomatique du Droit des Gens, ]. Dumont, Amster- 
 dam, La Haye, 1726, vol. iv., Partie III., p. 84. "Additions de quelques 
 Articles au Traite de Vaucelles, etc." 
 
 * L'Ambassadeur Renard k Philippe II., Paris, 7 juillet, 1556; Papiers 
 d'etat du Cardinal de Granvelle, vol. iv., p. 622. 
 
24 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Indies for him and prevent the navigation of that part. , . . 
 And as the French are arming vessels in Normandy and Brit- 
 tany," continues Renard, " although they may be for another 
 object, it appeared to me that I should not fail to give this 
 advice, in order that your Highness may warn and advise 
 those whom it concerns ; for they could easily molest travellers 
 and navigators to the said Indies." ' 
 
 In 1559 the treaty of Cateau-Cambr6sis was signed be- 
 tween Philip and Henry II., by which France disgorged 
 an accumulated plunder of years, said to have equalled 
 in value one-third of the kingdom.' No reference was 
 made to the Indies in the treaty itself. There appears, 
 however, to have been an understanding that, while the 
 French pirates and privateers were to be duly punished, 
 and while France agreed that she would not interfere 
 with Philip's West Indian possessions, she still insisted 
 that the freedom of the sea was hers, as well as of those 
 regions which did not belong to Spain, and that she would 
 not "consent to be deprived of the sea and the heavens." ' 
 
 Be that as it may, the Duke of Alba in a subsequent 
 conversation with Fourquevaux, the French ambassador 
 to Spain, implied that the omission in the treaty arose 
 entirely from the absence of any adverse occupation of 
 the Indies by the French at the time of its signing," In 
 June of the same year Philip was married by proxy to 
 the French Princess Isabella of Savoy, and in January, 
 1560, shortly after his return to Spain, he met her for the 
 first time at Guadalajara. The close bonds now estab- 
 
 ' L'Ambassadeur Renard (k la princesse de Portugal?). Sans date. 
 (Commencement d'aout, 1556); Hid., vol. iv., p. 658. 
 
 « TAe A'ise of the Dutch Republic, John Lothrop Motley. New York, 
 1859, vol. i., chap, iii., p. 202. 
 
 ^ Unsigned and undated note, 1564-1566, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 
 1503. 
 
 * Lettre au Roi, 24 decembre, 1565, Ddpiches de M. de Fourqtuvattx, p. 
 17. 
 
The Treasure Fleets and Florida 25 
 
 lished between himself and France, which had been one 
 of the main objects of the last treaty, were insufficient 
 to quiet Philip's ever-suspicious spirit. Hardly had the 
 marriage by proxy been performed, when the Duke of 
 Alba, who had represented Philip at the ceremony, was 
 writing to the King from Paris regarding the prohibition 
 which the French King was to proclaim in respect to the 
 navigation of the Indies.' 
 
 In August of the same year Chantone arrived in Paris 
 as Philip's ambassador, and began his complaints against 
 the French piracies. During November and December 
 Rouen citizens were arming vessels at Havre de Grace 
 to plunder the Indies," and December 24th Philip wrote 
 directing him to oppose the granting by the French King 
 of licences to go to the Indies, "because if they sought 
 to conquer territory, it could only be on the same coasts 
 which we already hold, or in our provinces, which we 
 have discovered in those parts, and because they would 
 not be able to maintain them." ' 
 
 Early in January of the following year Chantone pro- 
 tested in open council against the equipment of the ves- 
 sels already referred to. Admiral Coligny replied that 
 none of them would be permitted to sail from Brittany 
 or Normandy, where he commanded, either for the In- 
 dies or to their harm or that of any of the Spanish King's 
 subjects.' A few months later, again importuning the 
 Cardinal of Lorraine in respect to suspicious vessels arm- 
 ing in the same ports, he received the curt reply that the 
 French "were under no obligation to hold their vessels 
 at the will of their neighbours, nor to be prevented from 
 
 ' Letter of July 22, 1559, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1492 (60). 
 ■^ Letter of Nov. 15, 1559, Blois, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1492(77); 
 and Dec. 2, 1559, ibid. (82), fol. 5. 
 
 * Letter, Dec. 24, 1559, Paris, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1493 (12). 
 
 * Letter, Jan. 17, 1560, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1493 (30). 
 
26 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 sending them where it best suited their convenience, and 
 if the Spaniards suspected their actions without reason, 
 the French saw no way of undeceiving them." ' 
 
 Everything aroused Chantone's suspicions, from the 
 rattHng of an anchor chain to the laying of a keel ; and 
 his eyes were never off the ports of Normandy and Brit- 
 tany, hotbeds of "Lutherans " and breeding-grounds of 
 pirates. Early in the year 1561 reports of the arming 
 of a fleet of ten galleys, manned by seventy "Lutheran" 
 sailors, carrying fifty pieces of artillery, and provided 
 with a launch for shallow water, for the purpose of pillag- 
 ing the shores of the Indies and robbing the returning 
 Spanish vessels, called for special remonstrance on the 
 part of Philip.' 
 
 This was followed by a convention of ship captains held 
 in England to which the captains of Normandy and Brit- 
 tany were summoned, and whose action awaited the return 
 of Coligny from Chatillon, where he had gone to spend 
 Easter. "This junta of vessels has awakened my sus- 
 picions," writes Chantone, "and I was anxious for some 
 days, because the Admiral is a friend of novelties, and of 
 seeking his own advantage. . . . It is also reported 
 that the said ships are bound for the Indies." ' In May 
 he forwarded to the King a report of the ships in the 
 various French ports.* Coligny again readily promised 
 that he would do all that was in his power, and what was 
 just, to stop the piracies.' Meanwhile the plundering, by 
 corsairs, from Normandy and Brittany of Spanish vessels 
 returning from the Indies and the slaughter of their 
 
 ' Chantone to Philip, Nov. 20 and 22, 1560, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 
 1493 (107), fol. 2b. 
 
 2 Letter, 1561, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1495 (i) and Philip to Chantone, 
 March 23, 1561, Toledo, MS. ibid., K., 1495 (26). 
 
 3 Letter, April 7, 1561, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1494 (73). 
 
 * Letter, May i, 1561, MS. ibid., K, 1494 (84), forwarding the Report 
 dated April 20, 1561, MS. ibid., K, 1494 (80). 
 
 'Letter, Nov. 9, 1561, MS. Arch, Nat. Paris, K, 1494 (107). 
 
The Treasure Fleets and Florida 27 
 
 crews continued,' until Chantone, in justifiable indigna- 
 tion, writes his King under date of January 13, 1562, 
 "with the robberies committed in the route of the Indies 
 during the past days, all those of Normandy and Brittany 
 are so possessed of greed, that there is not a man of those 
 that follow the fleets who does not seek to own a ship or 
 to have one built, although they would have to sell their 
 inheritance to attain it," and he adds, "that all those who 
 were engaged in this matter were heretics, and of those 
 regarded with the most Cavour." ' 
 
 » Letter, Aug. 11, 1561, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1495 (62) ; letter, 1560 
 or 1561 (?), MS. idic/., K, 1494 (i?). 
 'Letter, Jan. 13, 1562, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1497 (S). 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 THE FIRST FRENCH COLONY 
 
 IN the same letter of January 13, 1562, Chantone, after 
 expressing his desperation in the terms just cited, in- 
 forms Philip that "the three ships which I wrote Y. M. 
 were preparing to sail for Florida have come to be six, 
 and a number of people will go in them, and they will 
 leave after the close of this month with the first fair 
 weather. . . . The said six vessels go under the com- 
 mand of Jean Ribaut. ... I will not fail to have a 
 word about it with the Queen, although they deny that 
 they are bound for those parts, but the thing is very cer- 
 ■tain, and it would be well, if it please Y. M., to mention 
 it to Limoges." ' Ten days later he saw Catherine de' 
 Medici and handed her a memorandum on the subject, 
 which she retained in order to show it to Coligny and to 
 answer it by letter, while she assured him at the same 
 time that nothing would be done to the detriment of 
 Philip's interests.^ 
 
 A week later Chantone, whose suspicions were thor- 
 oughly aroused, wrote Philip that an effort was being 
 made to obtain the pardon of a certain Portuguese pirate, 
 who had been implicated in robberies of the India fleet, 
 
 ' Letter, Jan. 13, 1562, MS. Arch. Nat, Paris, K, 1497 (5). " Limoges " 
 was Sebastien de I'Aubespine, Bishop of Limoges, French Ambassador to 
 Spain at the time. 
 
 « Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 23, 1562, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, I497(6). 
 28 
 

 lOYNE DE MORGUES, PUBLISHED BV DE eRYIN1591. 
 
 \ 
 

 vJ>J 
 
 
 
 '^*a^ 
 
 IS 
 
 FLORlD>E AMERICAN/E I 
 
 : MOYNE DE MORGUES, PUBLISHED 8V DE BRY 1 
 
The First French Colony 29 
 
 in order that he might accompany the vessels destined for 
 Florida; that he had complained about it to the Queen; 
 that she professed to know nothing about the matter, but 
 would inform herself; that it was evident from her written 
 answer that the expedition was fully determined upon, 
 and that a Spaniard had been secretly conveyed by night 
 to the Admiral's apartment, and was secretly brought 
 back, with the object, as Chantone surmises, of giving 
 information about the Florida coast, or of acting as agent 
 for the Spanish heretics.' Philip at once referred the 
 letter to the Council of the Indies for their consideration, 
 urging haste in the matter of the ships bound for Florida, 
 concerning which he asked for their advice, whether it 
 were best to take some immediate action or to await 
 further developments.'' 
 
 The decadence of France at about this period was most 
 profound. Within her own bosom she was torn asun- 
 der by civil war arising from religious intolerance. Her 
 armies had almost disappeared, her navy had lost its for- 
 mer glory, and she was deserted by her allies. Gaspard 
 de Coligny, lord of Chatillon-sur-Loing and Admiral of 
 France, a staunch patriot, a brave soldier, and an earnest 
 Huguenot, had dreamed of restoring her to her lost great- 
 ness. In pursuit of this object his eyes turned longingly 
 to Spain's transatlantic possessions, and he thought that 
 by depriving her of those he could hope to weaken her 
 world supremacy, for he hated her both as a Frenchman, 
 with whom she had been almost continually at war, and 
 as a Protestant, against whose religion she was persistently 
 intriguing. As early as 1555 he had sent to Brazil the 
 unsuccessful expedition of Villegaignon already referred 
 to. Undismayed by this failure, he determined to re- 
 new his enterprise, and in 1561 called for a gathering of 
 
 ' Letter, Jan. 30, 1562, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1497 (7). 
 '^Endorsement in the King's hand on the letter of Jan. 30, 1562, MS. 
 Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1497 (7). 
 
30 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 volunteers, at Havre, without respect to religion, and an- 
 nounced that an expedition would soon sail from thence 
 for Florida.' 
 
 On the i6th of February, 1562, the expedition set out.* 
 The fleet consisted of two Dutch three-masters, small 
 vessels of one hundred and seventeen and sixty tons re- 
 spectively,^ and a large sloop, besides two smaller ones 
 which were carried aboard the large vessels while at sea.* 
 It was commanded by Jean Ribaut of Dieppe, a skilful 
 sailor, a devout Protestant, and a man of some diplo- 
 matic experience, for in 1559 he had been sent to Scot- 
 land in the French interests, where he had fulfilled his 
 mission with credit to himself. His lieutenant character- 
 ised him as perhaps a little obstinate in his opinions with 
 "deuises of his owne braine, which sometimes hee printed 
 in his head so deeply, that it was very hard to put them 
 out." " Of his entire crew of one hundred and fifty men, 
 half of them were arquebusiers, and for the most part old 
 
 ' Histoire de la Floride Franfaise par Paul Gaffarel, Paris, 1875, pp. i-g. 
 
 ^ Histoire notable de la Floride situee es Indes Occidentales contenant les 
 trois voyages faicts en icelle par certains Capitaines et Pilotes Franfois 
 descrits par le Capitaine Laudonniere qui y a commande I'espace d'un an 
 trois moys, Paris, 1586 ; sec. xv. , reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 
 354. This French version is usually known by the name of its editor, Bas- 
 anier. English version entitled "A notable historie containing foure voyages 
 made by certaine French Captaines into Florida : Wherein the great riches 
 and fruitefulnesse of the Countrey with the maners of the people hitherto 
 concealed are brought to light, written all, sauing the last, by Monsieur 
 Laudonniere, who remained there himselfe as the French King's Lieutenant 
 a yeere and a quarter. Translated out of French into English by ^L 
 Richard Haklvyt." In Voyages of the English Nation to America, collected 
 by Richard Hakluyt and edited by Edmund Goldsmith, Edinburgh, 1889, 
 vol. ii., p. 417. 
 
 * Relacion e informacion de los Franceses que han ido a poblar en la costa 
 de la Florida. San Cristobal de la Habana, g julio, 1564 ; MS. Arch. 
 Gen. de Indias, Sevilla, est., 54, caj. i, leg. 15, pp. 18, 19 ; Gaffarel, Hist, 
 de la Floride, p. 14. 
 
 ^Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle France, Paris, 1611, p. 42. 
 
 *"A Notable Historie," Zi'a^t., vol. ii., p. 523; Basanier, p. 114; Gaf- 
 farel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 13. 
 
The First French Colony 31 
 
 soldiers. There was also an Englishman in the party, 
 and several gentlemen, one of whom, Ren6 de Laudon- 
 ni^re, was destined to play an important part in subse- 
 quent events.' The pilot was a Portuguese "than whom 
 there was none more competent to show them the way," 
 writes Chantone." As most of the men were Calvinists 
 a preacher accompanied them. The vessels carried 
 twenty-five pieces of artillery all of bronze," and were well 
 equipped with ammunition and supplies for a long 
 period. Chantone, who had ample means of informing 
 himself, writes his King that besides Coligny, who was 
 obviously the soul of the enterprise,* the Queen Mother, 
 Vendome,' the Prince of Cond6,' and Madame de Cursot' 
 had contributed to the enterprise. Among the crew 
 itself the rumour ran that the Queen and Vendome had 
 each of them given a thousand ducats, and that the fleet 
 was bound directly for Florida, to settle at Santa Elena, 
 and to learn if it was a good location from which to enter 
 the Bahama Channel in order to seize the fleet of the 
 Indies.* 
 
 Although it was too late to run any danger of encoun- 
 
 'Basanier, Histoire Notable, Paris, 1586, p. 8 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 417. 
 
 « Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 24, 1563. MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1500 
 (43), written after the return of the survivors of the expedition. The Re- 
 lacidn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., p. 20, says there was also a 
 Spanish pilot named Bartholomew, from Seville. 
 
 ^ Relacidn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., pp. 14-19- 
 
 4 Chantone to Philip II,, Jan. 24, 1563. MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1500 
 
 (43). 
 
 ^ Antoine de Bourbon, of the Vendome branch of the Bourbon family. 
 
 ^ Louis I., Prince of Conde and brother of Antoine de Bourbon. 
 
 '' Spelled " Corosot " in the MS. of the Navarrete Collection, and probably 
 intended for Madame de Cursol, who became Duchess of Uzais, and whose 
 name is mentioned by Brantome among those of the court ladies of 
 Catherine de' Medici. 
 
 * Relacidn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., p. 19 ; see the opinion of 
 the Venetian ambassador, written in 1573, as to the quality of the French 
 colonists and the object Ribaut had in view (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo 
 i., p. cxl., footnote). 
 
32 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 tering the outgoing Spanish fleet, and too early for the 
 returning one, Ribaut, anxious to escape the observation 
 of the Spaniards and conceal from them his exact desti- 
 nation, pursued an unfrequented course, by which he 
 avoided the Canaries and the Azores, the customary 
 route of the Armada.' He cut across the current of the 
 Gulf Stream, and in place of making the coast of Canada, 
 where France was now in undisputed possession, struck 
 the eastern shore of Florida in 29° 30' north latitude on 
 April 30th, off a headland which he called French Cape, 
 and which was perhaps a little above the present site of 
 St. Augustine.* He had taken two months and a half to 
 cross the Atlantic and during his prolonged trip had met 
 
 ^ "The true and last discoverie of Florida by Captain John Ribaut," 
 reprint in Hist. Collections of Louisiana and Florida, by B. F. French ; 
 2d series, " Historical Memoirs and Narratives," 1527-1702, New York, 
 1875, chap, i., p. 166; Basanier, Hist. Notable, p. 8; Hak., vol. ii., p. 
 417 ; Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 14. Ribaut's first English account 
 appeared under the title: "The vi^hole and true Discoverye of Terra 
 Florida (Englished, The Flourishing Land), conteyning as well the wonder- 
 ful straunge Natures and Manners of the People, with the merveylous Com- 
 modities and Treasures of the Country ; as also the pleasant Fortes and 
 Havens and Wayes thereunto, never found out before the last year, 1562. 
 Written in French, by Captain Ribauld, the fyrst that whollye discovered 
 the same, and now newly set forthe in Englishe, the XXX. of May, 1563." 
 This was first printed by Hakluyt in his small black-letter volume of 1583, 
 but not in the folio collection, under the title of " The True and Last Dis- 
 coverie of Florida, translated into Englishe by one Thomas Hackit." The 
 French version, entitled " Historic de I'expedition Fran9aise en Floride," 
 was published by Ribaut in London, in 1563 ; Shea in H., Narr. and Crit. 
 Hist. Am., p. 293 ; Brinton in N'otes on the Floridian Peninsula, p. 28. 
 
 ^ ' ' The true and last discoverie of Florida," reprint, ibid. , p. 169 ; Laudon- 
 niere (Basanier, Hist. Notable, p. 8 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 417) and Le Moyne 
 {Brevis Narr alio, Plate I.) say 30°. Laudonniere (Basanier, p. 36 ; Hak., 
 vol. ii., p. 445) says that the second expedition landed " neere a little riuer, 
 which is 30 degrees distant from the Equator, and 10 degrees aboue Cape 
 Fran9ois drawing towords the South, and aboue 30 leagues aboue the Riuer 
 of May." This he named the River of Dolphins. The marginal note to 
 the above paragraph is : "Cape Fran9ois between the riuer of Dolphins and 
 the Riuer of May, maketh the distance 30 leagues about which is but 10 
 leagues ouer land." Gaffarel in his Hist, de la Floride, p. 15, places the 
 
The First French Colony 33 
 
 with but one vessel, a Spaniard returning from the Indies, 
 which he encountered off the Bermudas.' Coasting north 
 Ribaut struck the St. John's River, which he named the 
 River of May, having discovered it on the first of that 
 month.' He remained there the following day, entered 
 into friendly relations with the Indians, and erected on a 
 
 landfall " at the point of land north of the City of St. Augustine." Tlie 
 Territory of Florida, by John Lee Williams, New York, 1837, p. 169, 
 places the landfall " about the latitude of St. Augustine." Guillermo Rufin, 
 in Relacidn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., p. 20, says : " La primera 
 tierra della que vieron oyo dezir al piloto que hera el cavo de la florida 
 junto a la canal de bahama." Parkman in his Pioneers of France in the 
 New World, Boston, 1893, p. 36, says it was probably one of the headlands 
 of Matanzas Inlet. 
 
 ' Relacidn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., p. 20. 
 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 10; Hak., vol. ii., p. 419; Le Moyne, 
 " Eicones" in Brevis Narratio, Plate IL " Copie d'vne lettre venant de 
 la Floride, enuoyee a Rouen, et depuis au seigneur d'Eueron ; ensemble le 
 plan et portraict du fort que les Fran9ois y ont faict." A Paris, pour Vin- 
 cent Norment et Jeanne Bruneau, en la rue Neufue-Nostre-Dame, a I'lmage 
 Sainct-Iean I'Euangeliste, 1565 ; reprint in Recueil de Pieces sur la Floride, 
 par H. Ternaux-Compans, Paris, 1841, p. 23S. In Laudonniere's account 
 {Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 8 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 417) the first place discov- 
 ered beyond the landfall is " a very faire and great Riuer" where Ribaut 
 sets up the pillar on which " the Arms of France were carued and engraued. 
 This being done hee embarked himself againe, to the ende always to dis- 
 couer the coast toword the North which was his chiefe desire. After he 
 had sayled a certaine time he crossed ouer to the other side of the riuer," 
 evidently of the river already mentioned, where he is entertained by the 
 Indians. It is evident from the context here and from the location of Cape 
 Fran9ois, mentioned in the preceding note, that the River of May was the 
 first river visited by Ribaut according to this account. In Laudonniere's 
 history of the second expedition {Basanier, pp. 36, 37 ; Hak., vol., ii., p. 
 445) he describes the River of Dolphins, but makes no reference to having 
 previously visited it with Ribaut. Le Moyne, who was not with Ribaut on 
 the first expedition, appears to have confused the two accounts. In Plate 
 I., after having described Cape Fran9ois in " about thirty degrees from the 
 equator," he continues : "Coasting thence to the northward, they (Ribaut 
 and his companions) discovered a broad and beautiful river, at whose mouth 
 they cast anchor in order to examine it more in detail next day. Laudon- 
 ni^re, in this second voyage, called this stream the River of Dolphins," etc. 
 See Appendix B, The River of May. 
 
34 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 sand-hill near the mouth of the river a stone column, on 
 which were engraved the French arms, the date, and the 
 name of the commander of the expedition.' 
 
 Continuing his discoveries along the coast to the north, 
 Ribaut passed nine rivers in a distance of sixty leagues, 
 to which were given familiar names of the rivers of his 
 own country : the Seine, the Somme, the Loire, the Cha- 
 rente, the Garonne, the Gironde, the Belle, and the 
 Grande. Their identity it is now well-nigh impossible to 
 determine, as the names given them by Ribaut "were 
 altered by the Spaniards in their geographical tables ; and 
 if some be found where the names are given, we owe it 
 to the Hollanders," complains Lescarbot." Ribaut had 
 evidently some acquaintance with Spain's discoveries in 
 North America, for in a parley with the natives on the 
 St. John's River, he inferred from their signs that he was 
 but twenty days distant by water from Cibola and its 
 great treasure.' In the hope of a still more promising 
 harbour than any he had yet found he determined to seek 
 for the "River Jordan," "one of the fairest of all the 
 North," writes Laudonniere.' 
 
 Following the coast to the north he came at last upon 
 a great river, three leagues wide at its mouth, and into 
 which at flood tide the largest of French ships could 
 enter, which he named Port Royal, and sailing three 
 leagues up the stream, he anchored his vessels. Ribaut 
 thought it was the River Jordan ' and Parkman identifies 
 
 > See Appendix C, The Pillar Set up by Ribaut. 
 
 ''Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle France, Paris, 1611, sec. v., p. 45 ; 
 Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 10 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 420 ; Gaffarel, p. 18, And 
 see Appendix D, The Rivers between the River of May and Port Royal. 
 
 3 " The true and last discoverie," etc.; Hist. Col. Louisiana and Florida, 
 pp. 174-175- 
 
 *Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 11 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 420. 
 
 6 "The true and last discoverie," etc., Hist. Col. Louisiana and Florida, 
 p. 185 ; Laudonniere in Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 12, 16 ; Hak., vol. ii., 
 pp. 421, 425, thought the Jordan v/as more to the north. 
 
CARTE DES COSTES DELA FLORinE 
 FRAN9OISE 
 
 Echelle ae Lieues communes cie France Je li ;iu I)e(j. 
 
 h.^ > 'i i^ r = 
 
 MAP OF THE FRENCH FLORIDA COLONY OF 1562-65, BY NICOLAS BELL:N, IN " HISTOiRE 
 SCRIPTION GENERALE DE LA NOUVELLE FRANCE," PAR LE P. DE CHARLEVOIX, PARIS, 
 
 £T DE- 
 
 1744. 
 
The First French Colony 35 
 
 it with the Broad River.' Ribaut, who was soon on a 
 friendly footing with the savages, explored for some dis- 
 tance its lower affluents, erected another column to indi- 
 cate that the country was a French possession, and finally 
 gathering his people together, made them an address in 
 which he recalled to their memory the importance to 
 their young King of the enterprise upon which they had 
 all embarked, and asked for volunteers to remain behind 
 and hold Port Royal for their sovereign. Most of the 
 soldiers eagerly offered their services for the new colony. 
 Of these he selected twenty-eight,* appointed as their 
 captain a certain Albert or Aubert de la Pierria, and con- 
 structed for them on a little creek, which he named 
 Chenonceau, a house of logs and clay, thatched with 
 straw, and surrounded with a bulwark for its defence. 
 He armed it with eight pieces of artillery, stored it with 
 ammunition and provisions for several months, and named 
 it Charlesfort, after his King." 
 
 On June nth, Ribaut took leave of his colony, which 
 saluted his departure with a salvo of artillery, and sailed 
 away for France, having promised to return within six 
 months with more ships and supplies. Ribaut carried 
 away with him a few pearls, a little silver which a sailor 
 had "rescued" from the natives lower down the "coast, 
 some deer-skins, and native mantles as evidences of his 
 discoveries,* and on July 20, 1562, arrived safely in 
 
 ' Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 39 ; and see Appendix E, 
 Port Royal. 
 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 20, says twenty-eight ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 429, 
 says twenty-six ; Chantone, letter, Jan. 24, 1563, says there were twenty-five 
 men; Rufin, in \\i^ RelaciSn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., p. 21, 
 says there were twenty-six men. 
 
 'Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 24, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1500 
 (43); also a copy in Direc. Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xxi., 
 doc. No. 81 ; Relacidn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., p. 21, and see 
 Appendix F, Charlesfort. 
 
 * Relacidn e informacidn de los Franceses, etc., pp. 21, 23. 
 
36 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 France, "having reconnoitred in six weeks more than t^e 
 Spaniards had done in two years, ' ' observes Laudonniere. ' 
 
 He had reached home at a most unpropitious moment 
 for the future of his little colony. Civil war, fomented 
 by England and Spain, each ostensibly in the interest of 
 religion, was raging between the Catholic and Huguenot 
 parties, and the unity of his country was in imminent 
 danger." Coligny, the original promoter of the colonial 
 scheme, was immersed in the fratricidal struggle, and 
 could give Ribaut and his enterprise but passing atten- 
 tion, and so the settlement at Charlesfort was left to its 
 fate. Ribaut is said to have taken an active part in the 
 war' and at the conclusion of the peace of Amboise, 
 which was signed in March, 1563, betook himself to Eng- 
 land, where in the summer of the same year he published 
 the results of his Florida expedition. 
 
 Ribaut, however, did not confine himself to the arts 
 of peace alone, for the experience and knowledge he had 
 acquired in Florida were more than sufficient to secure 
 him a ready admission into the circle of adventurers who 
 were just beginning to display their activity and to lay 
 the foundations of the English navy. It is evident that 
 he was in no wise discouraged by Coligny's failure for the 
 time being to assist the colony in Florida and was seek- 
 ing eagerly about him for resources to further the enter- 
 prise. Through what channel his presence in England 
 became known to Queen Elizabeth we have no present 
 means of knowing, but he had probably been but a short 
 time in the country before he obtained an audience with 
 the Queen. Ribaut set before her the importance and 
 wealth of Florida and urged her to assist him in its con- 
 quest. Elizabeth, after listening to his relation, began 
 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 21 ; ffak., vol. ii., p. 430. 
 ^ Ibid., p. 32 ; Hak., vol, ii., p. 441 ; Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 26. 
 'Haag, La France protestante, Paris, 1861, vol. viii., p. 313, cited by 
 Gaffarel, p. 27. 
 
The First French Colony 37 
 
 to refuse him her immediate help "so that if Philip should 
 complain she would be able to swear that nothing had 
 been done by her order " ; however, she encouraged Ribaut 
 to undertake the adventure himself, promised him half 
 of all that he found, and added that even were the coun- 
 try not as good as she had been told, it was on the way 
 of the ships from New Spain, Peru, and elsewhere, which 
 Ribaut could safely seize.' But the temptation proved 
 to be too great to be long withstood, even by Elizabeth's 
 tender conscience, and she ended by offering him a 
 pension of three hundred ducats and a house as an in- 
 ducement to undertake the discovery. At a later period, 
 when the incident was closed, Ribaut disclaimed ever 
 having accepted the bribe.'' 
 
 However this may be, it appears that in May, 1563, the 
 notorious Thomas Stukeley was arming a fleet consisting 
 of five vessels, one of which had been contributed by 
 Ribaut and another by Elizabeth. The crew was three 
 hundred strong, and the fleet, which was well equipped 
 with supplies, ammunition, and artillery, flew the royal 
 standard presented by the Queen herself.' There were 
 three French pilots aboard, who had previously accom- 
 panied Ribaut to Florida. Quadra, Philip's ambassador 
 in London, was himself inclined to attach some credit to 
 the current rumour that it was designed to attack Florida, 
 
 ' Silva relates this on the authority of Stukeley ; see Guzman de Silva to 
 Philip II., London, Oct. 22, 1565, in Correspondencia de Felipe II., con sus 
 Embajadores en la Corte de Inglaterra, 1558-1584, tomo ii., p. 214 ; Eng- 
 lish translation in Spanish State Papers, 1558-1567, I. Elizabeth, p. 495. 
 
 'Quadra to Philip II., London, June 26, 1563, Correspondencia de Felipe 
 II., tomo i., p. 527 ; see also Guzman de Silva to Philip II., London, 
 March 30, 1566, ibid., tomo ii., p. 292. English translation in Spanish 
 State Papers, 1558-1567, I. Elizabeth, p. 536. This account of Ribaut's 
 experience in England has been previously printed by the author in the 
 American Historical Review, vol. ix., p. 456, April, 1904, under the title 
 of " Jean Ribaut and Queen Elizabeth." 
 
 3 Quadra to Philip II., London, June 19, 1563, Correspondencia de Felipe 
 II., tomo i., p. 525. 
 
38 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 but it was also said that its object was to assail the Span- 
 ish vessels returning from the Indies.' 
 
 Stukeley, who had sought and obtained an interview 
 with the ambassador, gave Quadra to understand that he 
 was urged on in the undertaking by the Government, but 
 notwithstanding this assurance Quadra was indisposed to 
 trust his revelations. Stukeley then became most pro- 
 fuse in his protestations of friendship for Spain, telling 
 Quadra that he was leaving England dissatisfied and de- 
 sperate, but with the intention of going into the service 
 of Philip; that he had risked all of his property in the 
 enterprise, and he requested Quadra that on his arrival in 
 any Spanish port or elsewhere in Spanish possessions he 
 should be recognised as a servant of the King. Quadra 
 met his advance with caution, and replied that the thing 
 was impossible in view of the friendly relations existing 
 between England and Spain, unless his destination were 
 for parts not included within the Spanish lines of demark- 
 ation. And at last the true object of the expedition 
 became apparent, as well as the importance of the part 
 which Ribaut was expected to play, for Stukeley answered 
 that no one had visited the country where he was going 
 except a few Frenchmen a short time before, and that 
 it was but three days distant from Cuba. Quadra then 
 told him roundly that in such case the thing was an 
 impossibility, because the land fell within the lines of 
 demarkation. 
 
 Quadra's suspicions had been in no way allayed by 
 Stukeley's apparent frankness, which he regarded merely 
 as a cunning device on his part for safeguarding the ex- 
 pedition from Spanish attack. In the letter relating these 
 circumstances, which he wrote to his King, he expressed 
 his opinion that the enterprise was really due to French 
 
 'Quadra to Philip II., London, May i, 1563, ibid., tomo i., p. 512. 
 English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1 558-1 567, I. Elizabeth, p. 
 322. 
 
The First French Colony 39 
 
 as well as English intrigue, adding: "I have no assurance 
 that he carries a commission ; it seems to me that his pro- 
 ject is a result of the determination . . . reached by 
 the Admiral of France [Coligny] and of those who govern 
 here to harass that commerce [of the Indies] and to con- 
 quer Your Majesty on the Ocean Sea." "I expect to 
 talk about it to the Queen," he continues, "although I 
 know what answer she will make me, which is the same 
 answer she has given me on former occasions, and which 
 she has also written me." ' A week later Quadra wrote 
 that the fleet was not only destined for Florida, but for 
 the very spot where Ribaut had founded his colony, and 
 that Ribaut had promised to turn over to Stukeley the 
 fort he had built there, together with its small garrison.' 
 The afTair was brought to a sudden and most unexpected 
 termination, so far as Ribaut was concerned, by the dis- 
 covery that he and the three French pilots had planned to 
 escape to France with the ships and hostages. The out- 
 come of it was that Ribaut was seized, thrown into prison, 
 and threatened with hanging, while the three pilots were 
 put into chains and kept to conduct Stukeley's fleet. ^ 
 
 In the light of contemporary events it is permissible to 
 doubt if Ribaut had at any time intended to betray the 
 Florida colony into English hands. Havre was still occu- 
 pied by the English, and only on the 29th of July of this 
 very year, 1563, was it finally returned to France after 
 fierce fighting under its walls and after the plague had 
 decimated its English garrison ; while Calais, which Eliza- 
 beth was most anxious to recover was still held by the 
 French. Ribaut was a brave, cool, and determined man, 
 as subsequent events fully proved, and, moreover, he was 
 
 ' Quadra to Philip II., London, June 19, 1563, Correspondencia de Felipe 
 II., tomo i., p. 524 et seq. English translation in Spanish State Papers, 
 1558-1567, I. Elizabeth, p. 334. 
 
 "-Ibid., June 26, 1563, Correspondencia de Felipe II., tomo i., p. 531. 
 
 ^ Ibid., June 26, 1563, ibid., tomo i., p. 527. 
 
40 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 a Frenchman, which means that he loved his native soil 
 with the devotion that pre-eminently distinguishes his 
 race and which has made of it the most home-loving of 
 people. This dramatic incident in his career occupied 
 less than two months, and it may well be supposed that 
 the hardy Dieppois, who, like the French of to-day, 
 probably looked upon all foreigners as outside barbarians, 
 was not at all averse to practising a clever trick on 
 Stukeley and his English Queen, and had entered into 
 his engagements at the very outset with this end in view. 
 The Frenchmen left behind at Charlesfort at once 
 turned their attention to completing their defences, work- 
 ing day and night upon them, and then began roaming 
 about the rivers and swamps and forests, visiting the 
 chiefs of the neighbouring Indian villages. Like some of 
 their Spanish predecessors they appear to have mistaken 
 the names of localities or tribes for those of individuals ; 
 for among those whom they visited we hear of one called 
 Audusta, whose country Captain Albert reached by water.* 
 It is not impossible that we have here a chief of the 
 Edisto Indians, whose name under another form, that of 
 Orixa, Ayllon's Indian Chicora had rattled off so glibly 
 among those of other South Carolina provinces.^ Lau- 
 donni^re himself, shortly before Ribaut's departure, had 
 been beguiled with tales of Chiquola, the greatest lord of 
 that region, a foot and a half taller than any of his sub- 
 jects, and his memory promptly reverted to the Chiquora 
 of Ayllon, and perhaps the legend of the giant race; but 
 the story which the Indians told him of Chiquola's great 
 city lying to the northward, swarming with men, and 
 where gold, silver, and pearls were in such abundance as 
 to be of no account whatever, did not kindle his imagina- 
 
 ' Hist, Notable, Basanier, pp. 21, 22 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 431. 
 
 ' See Mr. James Mooney's identification of Audusta with the Edisto. 
 in The Spanish Settlements in the United States, 1513-1561, Woodbury 
 Lowery, p. 452. 
 
The First French Colony 41 
 
 tion to the point of inducing either him or his companions 
 to visit it.' It seems not at all improbable that the 
 Frenchmen were now treading the country reached by 
 Ayllon's abortive first expedition in 1520. 
 
 In blissful ignorance of their impending doom, and of 
 the internal dissensions which were raging in their country 
 at home, the colonists planted no maize, perhaps because 
 it was already too late in the season, and took no precau- 
 tions against the non-arrival of the expected relief from 
 France. Like thoughtless profligates, they followed the 
 example of the Spaniards before them and lived on the 
 bounty of their Indian friends, who generously supplied 
 them with maize and beans and squashes as long as their 
 own stores lasted. 
 
 On the return of the colonists from a reconnoitring 
 expedition up the River Belle, and while they were peace- 
 fully asleep under their thatched roof, a fire broke out at 
 Charlesfort, which consumed nearly all their possessions. 
 The loss of their shelter was soon made good. Then 
 their food supplies began to diminish and again the na- 
 tives came to their rescue. At last internal dissensions 
 broke out among them. A drummer was hung by Cap- 
 tain Albert for a very insuf^cient reason, according to the 
 colonists. Another soldier named Lachfere was for some 
 unknown cause exiled to a neighbouring island, where he 
 was left to die of hunger, although the Captain had 
 promised to keep him supplied with provisions,^ Finally 
 the soldiers, seeing the violence of their Captain con- 
 stantly on the increase, and fearing for their own lives, 
 rose against him and killed him.^ 
 
 Cupidity prompted by the hope of a speedy return to 
 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 15, 16 ; Ilak., vol. ii., p. 425. 
 
 ^ Ibid., pp. 26, 27, 29 ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 436, 438. 
 
 » Guillaume Rufin, the sailor left behind by these colonists, says that a 
 soldier, whom Albert had beaten, killed him with a sword. RelaciSn e in- 
 formacidn de los Franceses, etc., p. 2i. 
 
42 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 France may also have furnished a motive for getting rid of 
 Albert. Several years later M. de Fourquevaux, the 
 French ambassador in Spain, wrote Charles IX. that a 
 Spaniard was on his way to Florida to discover a treasure 
 of some four hundred thousand ducats, said to have been 
 hidden there by six of the soldiers in Ribaut's first expe- 
 dition. While roaming about the country they had come 
 upon a party of twenty Indians, who, in fear of the 
 French, were flying from the neighbourhood, and were 
 carrying along with them great lumps of gold and silver 
 stamped with the mark of the Spanish mint, which they 
 had gathered from the wreckage of vessels along the coast. 
 The soldiers, having possessed themselves of the treasure, 
 buried it in the earth, and bound themselves by oath not 
 to reveal its hiding-place either to their Captain or to any 
 other person.' 
 
 Having made away with their commander, the soldiers 
 rescued the starving Lachfere from his island, and elected 
 another captain, one Nicolas Barre, who proved himself 
 an ef^cient leader, quieting the dissensions and restoring 
 peace among them. As the days sped by and the prom- 
 ised reinforcements did not arrive, their eyes turned long- 
 ingly to France, and the desire to escape from their dreary 
 exile grew upon them. There was not a man of the party 
 who was familiar with the building of a ship, but despera- 
 tion lent them daring, and with the aid of the forge left 
 them by Ribaut they began the construction of a small 
 vessel of about twenty tons. They caulked the seams 
 with grey moss gathered from the forest trees and with 
 pitch collected from incisions made in the pines. Sails 
 were manufactured from shirts and bed coverings. The 
 Indians, glad to be rid of them, furnished them with 
 ropes and cordage twisted from the bark of trees. They 
 
 I Advis d'Espaigne au Roy par le s"' de Fourquevaulx. Aout, 1567. D^- 
 piches de M. de Fourquevaux, ambassadeur du Roi Charles IX. en Espagne, 
 j_S6j-ijy2, publiees par M. I'Abbe Douais, Paris, 1896, p. 263. 
 
The First French Colony 43 
 
 next loaded the boat with the guns which had been left 
 for their defence, the forge, and what ammunition re- 
 mained to them, stored it to the best of their ability with 
 provisions obtained from the Indians, and in their eager- 
 ness to depart, set sail for France without thought of the 
 fickleness of the winds, the meagreness of their supplies, 
 or the fact that there was not a member of their party 
 who understood the art of navigation." 
 
 They had barely travelled one-third of the distance 
 which separated them from their homes, when they were 
 overtaken by calms so prolonged that in three weeks 
 they made but twenty-five leagues. In the meantime 
 their provisions began to fail them, and their rations were 
 cut down to twelve grains of corn a day. Finally even 
 this slender sustenance was exhausted and death by starv- 
 ation and thirst stared them in the face. The miserable 
 Frenchmen were now reduced to eating their leather 
 shoes and jerkins, and to slaking their parched throats 
 with the waters of the surrounding sea and their own 
 urine. In this extremity their frail vessel began to leak 
 at every seam, and in their enfeebled condition they were 
 compelled to keep bailing it continually to escape being 
 devoured by the sea. Then a contrary wind arose and 
 threatened to swamp them. Some of their number died 
 of hunger, and at last, having gone for three days without 
 food or drink, but one supreme expedient remained, and 
 the unfortunate Lach^re, who had barely escaped with 
 his life from starving to death on the island near Charles- 
 fort, was sacrificed to furnish food for his perishing com- 
 panions.' At last land was discovered, and, driven crazy 
 
 '^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 29, 30; Hak., vol. ii., p. 439 ; Rdacidn e 
 infor?naciJn de los Franceses, etc., p. 22. 
 
 "^ IMeleneche, in his deposition, says that two members of the party suf- 
 fered the same fate. ' ' Carta escrita al Rey, por Juan Rodriguez de Noriega, 
 fecha en Sevilla a 29 de Marzo de 1565 sobre lo que convenia proveherse en 
 el remedio de la nueba poblacion que hicieron franceses en la Florida," etc., 
 MS. Direc. de Hidrog, Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., No. 33, fol. 3. 
 
44 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 by the sight, they allowed their boat to drift hither and 
 thither upon the sea without an effort to reach it. In 
 this pitiable condition they were spied by an English 
 vessel on board of which was one of their own country- 
 men, who, in a preceding voyage, had himself visited 
 New France, and through his instrumentality the sur- 
 vivors were rescued. 
 
 As the peace of Troyes was not yet signed, and Eng- 
 land and France were still at war, part of the survivors 
 were put ashore at Corunna, where they were allowed to 
 go free; but the leaders were carried away to England. 
 Some of them managed to escape to France, but their 
 trials were not at an end, for it would appear that certain 
 of their number were ultimately seized and thrown into 
 prison for the murder of Captain Albert." Such was the 
 miserable ending of the first attempt of France to plant 
 a colony on Spanish soil in the immediate neighbourhood 
 of the pathway of the West India treasure fleets. 
 
 Philip meanwhile did not relax his efforts to secure 
 from Catherine some definite reply concerning Ribaut's 
 Florida expedition, and only two months after its sailing 
 Chantone wrote him that, as the Queen still delayed her 
 answer, he had advised her categorically that his master 
 "would adopt measures for getting possession of those 
 who had gone there in order to chastise them." "^ 
 
 With the opening of the following year (1563) Chan- 
 tone sent Philip full and accurate details of the force 
 Ribaut had left in Florida, of the places where the col- 
 umns had been set up to denote French possessions,' and 
 
 » //isi. Notable, Basanier, p. 30 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 440 et seq. Deposition 
 of Meleneche in letter of Noriega to Philip II., MS. Direc. de Hidrog., 
 Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., No. 33, fol, 3. 
 
 « Chantone to Philip II., May 7, 1562, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 149? 
 
 (29). 
 
 3 Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 9, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat. Pans, K, 1499 
 (7), and Jan. 24, 1563, MS. ibid., K, 1500 (43). It is interesting to observe 
 that in his letter of Jan. 24, 1563, Chantone gives the Spanish names of the 
 
The First French Colony 45 
 
 of the high personages who were interested in the under- 
 taking. On the receipt of Chantone's letter the King 
 promptly proceeded to have the question of safeguarding 
 his Florida territory properly discussed' and to take advice 
 as to the best means of fortifying the Florida coast, and 
 of "expelling the French who had gone to settle there, 
 and to avoid the robberies to which the fleets and single 
 vessels coming from the Indies were exposed by the near- 
 ness of such settlements."* A royal c^dula was also 
 dispatched to Don Diego Mazariegos, the Governor of 
 Cuba, giving him the information contained in Chantone's 
 letter, and directing that a vessel should be sent along the 
 Florida coast, to remove and destroy the columns Ribaut 
 had erected, to visit Santa Elena where the French had 
 settled, and if, after a careful reconnaissance, circumstances 
 should seem to justify it, to expel the settlers, destroy 
 the fort, and bring all of the artillery, with what prisoners 
 might be taken, to Cuba. 
 
 In the latter half of May, 1564, Don Hernando de 
 Manrique de Rojas, commander of the expedition, set 
 sail in the frigate Nucstra Sciiora de la Concepcion with 
 a company of twenty-five men to carry out the above 
 orders. He struck the Florida coast below Cape Can- 
 localities visited by Ribaut in Florida. As Chantone must have obtained 
 his information from French sources, it would seem to indicate that the 
 French had used Spanish charts, as well as having a Portuguese or Spanish 
 pilot with them, and were therefore fully aware of having entered on terri- 
 tory previously discovered by Spain. It is also possible that Chantone, or 
 some one for him, had identified the French names given by Ribaut and 
 Laudonniere with those on a Spanish chart. The remarkable feature is 
 that the identification was sufficiently correct to enable at least one of the 
 localities to be found. 
 
 'Philip II. to Chantone, Feb. 14, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1499 
 (17). 
 
 ^ " Memorial de Pero Menendez de Aviles respecto a las medidas que serfa 
 conveniente tomar para la segura posesion de la Florida y evitar que los 
 franceses e ingleses pudieran causar perturbacion en aquellos dominios." 
 Undated [Feb.-July, 1562?] ; in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 320. 
 
4^ The Spanish Settlements 
 
 averal in 27° 30'. Sailing only by day, and as near as 
 possible to the shore, he reached the Rio de la Cruz, in 
 29°, probably Mosquito River, on the 22nd of the month 
 and searched the neighbouring shores for the French 
 pillars in conformity with his instructions; but he found 
 nothing whatever, and being without an interpreter, he 
 could learn nothing from the Indians. The same experi- 
 ence was repeated at Matanzas Inlet in 29° 30', where he 
 arrived on the 25th. On the 26th he was in the Rio de las 
 Corrientes, probably the mouth of the St. John's River, 
 and though no pillar was found,' he learned from the 
 natives that three vessels manned by Christians had been 
 there and had left for the Cape of Santa Elena to the 
 north. The discovery of a wooden box and other ob- 
 jects of Christian make in the hands of the Indians along 
 the river confirmed Manrique in the belief that he was at 
 last on the right track. May 29th he left the Rio de las 
 Corrientes, and on the last day of the month entered the 
 river of Santa Elena in latitude 32°. Both the northern 
 and southern shores were thickly settled with native vil- 
 lages, the Indians indicating by signs as many as seven- 
 teen communities, among them a town on the southern 
 bank named Yanahume, and another called Guale on a 
 stream on the north bank of the Santa Elena. Both of 
 these he visited, and in Guale he again found indications 
 of the presence of white men who wore beards, but who 
 had gone farther to the north, according to the report of 
 the Indians. But he searched in vain for the fort of the 
 French settlers. 
 
 Although Manrique had now fully complied with his 
 instructions by visiting all of the localities which they 
 
 • B. R. Carroll, in Hist. Col. South Carolina, vol. i., p. xxxiii, note, says : 
 " The most indefatigable search has been made to discover this pillar. Dr. 
 Holmes (the author of Hobuess Annals), wrote to many of his friends upon 
 the subject, but after the most diligent investigation of the subject they 
 were none of them able to arrive at anything like certainty." 
 
The First French Colony 47 
 
 specified, he was so encouraged by the reports gathered 
 from the Indians in the two harbours which he had last 
 entered, that he determined to push still farther along 
 the coast to the north. June 7th he again sailed away, 
 and in the course of a few leagues, perhaps twelve or 
 fifteen, he visited six different harbours. June nth he 
 reached a harbour in 32° 20'. The Indians here informed 
 him that a vessel with thirty-four white men aboard had 
 been there and sailed away, leaving a member of the com- 
 pany behind who was living at the time in a village called 
 Usta in the interior. Manrique at once sent him an In- 
 dian bearing a wooden cross, to signify that Christians 
 had arrived there. The following day the white man 
 came down to the ship. He was in Indian dress, and 
 proved to be a French lad, seventeen years old, Guillaume 
 Rufin by name,* who had come over with Ribaut and 
 had been left with the garrison at Charlesfort. A French 
 sailor aboard of Manrique's ship served as interpreter, 
 through whom Rufin gave a remarkably detailed and 
 accurate account of the expedition. He told them that 
 the fort and one of the pillars was in 32° 15', according to 
 the reckoning of Ribaut's Spanish pilot, and 32° according 
 to that of the French, and could be reached by ascending 
 the river without going to sea. And he explained that 
 he had remained behind, not daring to trust himself in 
 the company of the escaping soldiers, knowing their 
 ignorance of seamanship. After his examination, Rufin 
 was detained aboard the ship to be carried a prisoner to 
 Cuba. 
 
 The next day Manrique left his frigate in charge of his 
 pilot with strict injunctions to allow none of the crew to 
 go ashore during his absence, and ascended the river, 
 taking with him a notary to attest the proceedings and 
 Rufin to show the way. This time the search was not in 
 
 'See Laudonniere's attempt to find Rufin on his return in 1564, in Hist. 
 Notable, Basanier, p. 74 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 484. 
 
 k 
 
48 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 vain. At a distance of three leagues from the harbour 
 where Manrique was anchored the party came upon the 
 thatched hut which had sheltered the little garrison. It 
 was still standing, but empty and deserted, and was situ- 
 ated upon a stream which fell into Port Royal Sound. 
 The party landed and Manrique gave directions to have 
 the frail edifice burnt to the ground, then they re-em- 
 barked and went in search of the column. This, too, 
 was discovered on a knoll, where Ribaut had erected it. 
 It was some distance back in the forest, not far from a 
 stream which flowed into the Broad. The column was 
 dug up in the presence of the notary and witnesses and 
 transported to the frigate. Satisfied that he had fulfilled 
 his duty, Manrique set sail on the 1 5th of June for Havana, 
 which he reached in good season, taking with him, as evi- 
 dence of his success, the Frenchman Rufin, and the vain 
 emblem which France had erected to bear witness to her 
 supremacy in South Carolina.' 
 
 ' Relacion e informacion de los Franceses que han ido a poblar en la 
 costa de la Florida, San Cristobal de la Habana, 9 Julio, 1564. MS. Arch. 
 Gen. de Indias, Sevilla, est. 54, caj. i, leg. 15. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 THE SECOND FRENCH COLONY— THE TIMUQUANANS 
 
 IN September, 1561, Philip was already of the opinion 
 that P'lorida presented no sufficient inducements 
 to justify the founding of a settlement. Men^ndez de 
 Aviles had reported that even the point of Santa Elena 
 was not practicable because of the absence of a safe har- 
 bour, owing to the strong currents there; and the results 
 of Villafane's reconnaissance in that vicinity had sub- 
 stantiated the King's conclusion. He had been informed 
 of the poverty of the region in its vicinity and that there 
 was no fear that the French would set foot in it, or take 
 possession of the country. But before reaching a final 
 conclusion he directed his Viceroy of New Spain, Don 
 Luis de Velasco, to report to him upon the subject after 
 consultation with persons who had had some experience 
 in the country. 
 
 In March of the following year, the Council of New 
 Spain had reached the same conclusion, after consultation 
 with Villafafle and his captains and some of the com- 
 panions of Don Tristan de Luna. The country in the 
 vicinity of the river of Santa Elena was very low and 
 sandy, subject to inundations and uninhabited, the har- 
 bour insufficient, and the region was wholly unsuited for 
 a colony. To the north of it, as far as Villafafie had 
 sailed, the country was quite as inhospitable, neither gold 
 nor silver was to be found, and the Council recommended 
 
 **.-4. 49 
 
50 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 that no steps be taken in that direction until the coast 
 had been discovered farther to the north.' Alarming as 
 was the report of Ribaut's settlement in the very country 
 which the Viceroy had so relentlessly condemned, Chan- 
 tone's assurance of its utter failure must have come as a 
 relief to the royal mind, and as a final confirmation of 
 the correctness of the opinion rendered by the Council 
 of New Spain. But disquieting rumours of expeditions 
 destined for Florida continued to reach Philip from 
 France, and of the continued depredations of the daring 
 French pirate, Jacques Le Clerc, surnamed Pie de Palo by 
 the Spaniards on account of his wooden leg.^ 
 
 In the midst of these contentions for the possession of 
 a continent came the last echo of the early discoverers. 
 Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, son of the Ayllon in whose 
 first discovered territory Ribaut had made his abortive 
 settlement, asked for an extension of the date set for his 
 sailing to settle in Florida, because of the difficulties he 
 had encountered in securing colonists for his undertaking. 
 Disheartened by his fruitless efforts to organise the expe- 
 dition, it is probable that his failure preyed upon his mind 
 and he ultimately died of melancholia at Hispaniola.^ 
 
 ■ "Parecer que da a S. M. el Consejo de la Nueva Espana, en virtud de su 
 Real Cedula (fecha en Madrid a 23 de Septiembre de 1561) que sigue, sobre 
 la forma en que estava la costa de la Florida, y que no convenia aumentar 
 la Poblacion." Mexico, a 12 dias del mes de Marzo de 1562 anos. MS. Ma- 
 drid, Direc. de Hidrog., Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., doc. No. 29. There is 
 also a copy of the Parecer in Buckingham Smith, North America7i A/SS., 
 ij6i-iS9j,p. II. 
 
 ''Chantone and Alava to Philip II., Jan, 18, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, 
 K, 1500 (4) ; same to same, Feb. 5 and 8, 1563, MS., idid., K, 1500 (48) ; 
 Philip II. to Chantone, Feb, 14, 1563, MS., idid., K, 1499 (17) ; Chantone 
 to Philip II., June 7 (1563?), MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Co/. Navar- 
 rete, tomo xxi., doc. No. 81, fol. 50. 
 
 ' Memorial de Lucas Vasquez y Ayllon pidiendo la prorogacion de la 
 salida para el descubrimiento de la Florida. (The scrivener's certificate is 
 dated " Sevilla doze dias del mes de junio de myll e quinientos e sesenta y 
 tres.") MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 
 1/19, Ramo 3. Ensayo Crorwlogico, Ano MDXXV., fol. 9. 
 
The Second French Colony 51 
 
 The peace of Amboise, and the successful termination 
 of the suit against him for complicity in the assassination 
 of Francis de Guise, at last set Coligny free to renew 
 those aggressions on Spain's West Indian commerce on 
 which he had set his heart.' "I seek new means of traffic 
 and profit in strange lands," he writes," and his attention 
 promptly reverted to Florida and his plan for weakening 
 Spain across the Atlantic. The result was that a second 
 French expedition had been on the Florida coast for 
 several days when Manrique de Rojas set sail from Ha- 
 vana to drive out the last remnants of Ribaut's colony. 
 Indeed if Manrique carried out his instructions as thor- 
 oughly as his report would lead us to believe, it is ex- 
 traordinary that the Frenchmen should have escaped his 
 attention." He must have passed their settlement at 
 some point in his northward coasting, and it is not im- 
 probable that the three vessels heard of at the River of 
 May may have been their fleet. 
 
 As Ribaut was still languishing in an English prison,* 
 Coligny had selected for the commander of the new ven- 
 ture Rene de Laudonniere, one of Ribaut's companions 
 in the first attempt. He, too, was a skilled sailor, but 
 he lacked the latter's firmness of character and presence 
 of mind, and, notwithstanding his previous experience 
 in Florida, he showed so little talent in adapting him- 
 self to the new conditions of the colony, that it is to 
 his ill-advised policy in dealing with the natives that the 
 
 'Quadra to Philip II., July 15, 1563, Col. Doc. Inedit. Espana, tomo 
 Ixxxvii., p. 352. 
 
 ' Pilces sur P Histoire de France, tome viii., annee 1865 ; quoted by Gaf- 
 farel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 46. 
 
 3 Laudonniere struck the coast above St. Augustine, June 22, 1564, and 
 Manrique de Rojas set sail in May of the same year. 
 
 * Noticias de la poblacion que habian hecho los Franceses en la Florida, 
 segun declaracion que dio en Cuba, Stefano de Rojomonte natural de Paris 
 (1564). MS. Arch, de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 1/19 » 
 Ramo 14, p. 3. 
 
 I 
 
52 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 calamity which ultimately overwhelmed it may in part 
 be attributed. 
 
 Coligny supplied him with funds with which to equip 
 a fleet,' and at Havre de Grace, of which Coligny was 
 now governor," the future colonists, three hundred in 
 number,' assembled. Of these, one hundred and ten were 
 sailors, one hundred and twenty soldiers, and the balance 
 artisans of every description, besides a number of servants 
 for the soldiers, and pages, and four women, one of whom 
 went in the capacity of chambermaid and housekeeper to 
 Laudonni^re.* There were a few gentlemen, such as 
 Ottigny, Erlach, and La Rocheferriere, who went as 
 officers and volunteers.^ There were four members of 
 the party which had made the disastrous voyage across 
 the Atlantic*; there was also an artist named Le Moyne 
 de Morgues, to whom we are indebted for one of the re- 
 lations and a series of interesting pictures of the country 
 and of the natives. And in addition to the sailors there 
 were a few foreigners, an apothecary, an artificer, and 
 carpenters, "so that I may assert that there came to the 
 undertaking of that navigation men greatly expert in all 
 
 ' De Laet, Hist, du Nouveau Monde, Leyde, 1640, liv. iv,, chap, x., says 
 150,000 francs ; De Thou, Hist. Universelle, Londres, 1734,- tome v., p. 
 490, says 100,000 francs. Rojomonte in his deposition says the Queen also 
 assisted him ; Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., p. i. Meleneche says in his de- 
 position : "El autor della fue el Almirante de Francia y el Cardenal Xatil- 
 lon, su hermano, aunque al tiempo que la Armada se hacia se dio la voz en 
 el Pueblo que la mandaba el Rey hacer." " Relacion del suceso de la Ar- 
 mada Francesa que fue a poblar la tierra de la Florida," etc., annexed to 
 Noriega's letter to Philip II., March 29, 1565, MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Ma- 
 drid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., doc. No. 33, fol. 4. 
 
 ^Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 47. 
 
 3 Hawkins, in his relation in Hakluyt, vol. iv., p. 242, says 200 men ; Ro- 
 jomonte in Noticias de la PoblaciSn, etc., fol. 4, says 300. 
 
 ''Deposition of Meleneche in Noriega to Philip II., Mar. 29, 1565, fol. 4 ; 
 Hist. Notable, Basanier, Paris, 1586, p. 102 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 512. 
 
 5 " Los mas de los soldadas son cavalleros y jente principal," Rojomonte 
 in Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., 1564, p. i. 
 
 " Meleneche's deposition in Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., fol. 3. 
 
I 
 
 The Second French Colony 53 
 
 the arts," says Le Moyne.' Curiously enough, there 
 was no clergyman in the party. With that shortsighted- 
 ness which seems to have been the bane of all first at- 
 tempts at colonization, farmers and field hands were also 
 wanting, for it was not to the laborious planting of the 
 soil that the colonists looked to increase their wealth, 
 but, from the Spanish view, at least, to other and more 
 questionable sources. The majority of the adventurers 
 were Protestants, but there were some Roman Catholics 
 among the number," and it may well be imagined that 
 with the recent conclusion of the civil war no small part 
 of the various elements which gathered for the enterprise 
 consisted of turbulent and unruly men but ill-fitted for 
 the peaceful occupation of the soil. 
 
 The fleet consisted of the Isabella, the Little Briton, 
 and the Faulcon,^ small vessels of sixty, eighty, and three 
 hundred tons,* the largest being a man-of-war. It was 
 well armed to resist attack by sea, and to afford protec- 
 tion for the future settlement, and two pilots, the one a 
 Basque, the other a Portuguese, accompanied it to point 
 the way.' Although its destination was Florida, its 
 mission was ostensibly not directed against Spanish in- 
 terests. " The Queen has charged me very expressly," 
 wrote Laudonni^re "to doe no kind of wrong to the 
 Kinge of Spaines subjects, nor anything whereof he 
 might conceiue any ielousie." ' 
 
 ■ De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 6. ," 
 
 2 Noriega in his letter to Philip of March 29, 1565, calls them " muy finos 
 Luteranos," and makes this statement on the authority of the French 
 prisoners. 
 
 ^ " Coppie d'une lettre venant de la Floride, 1565," Recudl de Pikes sur 
 la Floride, p. 234. 
 
 ■* Rojomonte says 80, 200, and 300, tons, Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., 
 p. I ; Meleneche says 80, 125, and over 200 tons, the largest being a man- 
 of-war. Noriega to Philip II., Mar. 29, 1565, fol. 4. 
 
 » Alava to Philip II., June 7, 1564, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1501 (85). 
 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 64 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 474. 
 
54 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 The colonists set sail April 22, 1564,' and after an ad- 
 venture off the English coast, in which they mistook a 
 Flemish fleet for a band of English sea-robbers/ they 
 turned south, made the Canaries and after cruising among 
 the Bahama Islands struck the low-lying Florida coast on 
 Thursday, June 22,' in the neighbourhood of St. Augus- 
 tine/ As with Ponce de Leon the first impression was 
 full of charm, for "we perceived a sweet perfume of 
 several good things because of the wind which blew from 
 the land," wrote one of the company to his father/ 
 Laudonnifere reconnoitred the entrance to the harbour, 
 called Seloy by the natives, and named by him the River 
 of Dolphins," but, finding it unsuited to his purpose, set 
 sail on the following day and two days later reached the 
 River of May, the St. John's. Here he went ashore and 
 was received with rejoicing by Saturiba,' an Indian chief 
 •whom he had met there on the occasion of Ribaut's first 
 visit, and who conducted him to a sand-knoll where stood 
 the pillar erected by Ribaut/ and which Manrique had 
 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 33 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 442. 
 
 '"Coppie d'une lettre venant de la Floride, 1565," in Recueil de Pieces 
 sur la Floride, p. 235. 
 
 ' De Bry in Brevis Narratio, Francoforti ad Moenum, 1591, p. 7 ; 
 Laudonniere in Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 36 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 445, and 
 the author of "Coppie d'une lettre," etc., in Recueil de Pieces sur la Floride, 
 p. 236, all say June 22nd. Meleneche in Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 
 1565, fol. 3, says in the month of June. De Laet in his Hist, du Nouveau 
 Monde, Leyde, 1640, liv. iv., chap, x., p. 119, says June 20th. 
 
 ■* Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 36; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 444-445 ; Parkman, 
 Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 50 ; Gaflarel, Hist, de la Floride 
 Fran^aise, p. 50. 
 
 * "Coppie d'une lettre venant de la Floride," in Recueil de Pikes sur la 
 Floride, p. 236. 
 
 " Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 37 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 446. 
 
 ■" Variously called Satouriona, Saturiova, Satirova by the French ; Sa- 
 tourioua in Hakluyt ; Sotoriba, Saturiban, Saturiba by the Spaniards. 
 Meras calls the chief Saturiba, the form adopted in the text. 
 
 * " Coppie d'une lettre venant de la Floride," in Recueil de Pieces sur la 
 Floride, p. 239. 
 
The Second French Colony 55 
 
 failed to discover. ' ' Being come to the place where it was 
 set vp," says Laudonnitre, "wee found the same crowned 
 with crownes of Bay, and at the foote thereof many little 
 baskets full of Mill," placed there probably as an offering 
 to the mysterious emblem of the foreigners by the super- 
 stitious natives, for "when they came thither they kissed 
 the same with great reuerence and besought vs to do the 
 like, which we would not denie them, to the ende that we 
 might draw them to be more in friendship with vs." ' 
 
 The following day Laudonni^re visited Saturiba, whose 
 village of the same name, consisting of twenty-five large 
 huts with a population of about two hundred Indians with 
 their families, lay a short distance to the south-west of the 
 mouth of the St. John's,'' and then explored the river for 
 some distance. On St. John's Bluff, some five miles up 
 the river,' he rested and sent Ottigny to examine the in- 
 terior. He had selected a delightful spot in which to 
 await his heutenant, and even the horrible scene which he 
 ■was destined to witness in the near future did not suffice 
 to blot out the recollection of its beauty from his memory. 
 The bluff was crowned with palms and "ceders red as 
 blood" and "Baytrees of so souereigne an odour, that 
 Baulme smelleth nothing like in comparison." "The 
 sea may be scene plaine and open from it, and more than 
 six leagues ofT . . . the medowes diuided asunder 
 into Isles and Islets enterlacing one another" — a place 
 "so pleasant, that those which are melancholicke would 
 be enforced to change their humour." * 
 
 Ottigny presently returned with a marvellous story. 
 He had seen two men of very great age, and had enquired 
 of the younger of the two how old he might be. 
 
 ' //is(. Notable, Basanier, p. 37 ; Hah., vol. ii., p. 446. 
 "^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 43. 
 5 Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 52. 
 *"Coppie d'une letters venant de la Floride," in /deeueil de Pikes sur 
 la Floride, p. 242 ; Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 41 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 450. 
 
56 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 •' Then the olde man called a company of Indians, and 
 striking twyse vpon his thigh, and laying his hands vpon two 
 of them, he shewed him by signes that these two were his 
 sonnes; againe smiting vpon their thighes he shewed him 
 others not so olde, which were the children of the two first, 
 which he continued in the same manner vntil the fift genera- 
 tion. But though this olde man had his father aliue more olde 
 than himselfe ... yet it was tolde them that they might 
 yet liue thirtie or fortie yeeres more by the course of nature; 
 although the younger of them both was not lesee than two 
 hundred and fiftie yeeres olde," 
 
 according to the Frenchman's generous reckoning.* 
 Neither was this a solitary example of extreme old age 
 which the credulous Frenchman found among the Indians. 
 On a subsequent occasion one of their inferior chiefs in- 
 formed Le Moyne "that he was three hundred years 
 old, and that his father, whom he pointed out to me, 
 was fifty years older."' But this gift of longevity was 
 apparently unattended by a corresponding growth in 
 morals. "They were the greatest thieves on earth," 
 says one of Laudonni^re's companions, " for they steal 
 as well with the feet as with the hands." ' 
 
 On returning from his pleasant retreat on the bluff to 
 the mouth of the river, Laudonniere again met the chief 
 and "forgot not to demaud of him the place" from whence 
 had come a wedge of silver which Saturiba had presented 
 him on the previous occasion. He learned that it pro- 
 ceeded from a region named Thimogoa,* several days dis- 
 
 ' Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 40, 41 ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 449-450. 
 "Coppie d'une lettre venant de la Floride" in Recueil de Pikes sur la 
 Floride, p. 239. Le Moyne in his Eicones, Plate XII., mentions a sorcerer 
 120 years old. 
 
 2 Le Moyne in his Eicones, Plate XXVIII. 
 
 3 " Coppie d'une lettre venant de la Floride" in Recueil de Pikes sur la 
 Floride, p. 240. LeChalleuxin " Histoire Memorable du dernier voyage en 
 Floride," Lyon, 1566, reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 461. 
 
 * Timuqua. Le Moyne in Brevis Narratio, p. 14, says that " Thimogoa" 
 
The Second French Colony 57 
 
 tant up the St. John's, and with whose people Saturiba 
 was at war. Pleased with the near prospect of such 
 wealth, Laudonniere readily promised him his aid against 
 his enemies, and then proceeded on a short reconnaissance 
 up the coast, during which he assembled his company and 
 set before them his plan for the settlement. He pointed 
 out to them how the report of the first expedition showed 
 that if "they passed further to the north to seeke out 
 Port Royall, it would be neither very profitable nor con- 
 uenient . . . although the Hauen were one of the 
 fairest of the West Indies. . . . And that for our 
 inhabiting it was much more needefuU for vs to plant in 
 places plentifull of victuall, then in goodly Hauens," and 
 that they had found the River of May, "the same only 
 among all the rest to abounde in Maiz and corne, besides 
 the Golde and Siluer that was found there" with its 
 promise of further happy discovery in time to come.' 
 
 As his proposition met with general consent the expe- 
 dition returned to the River of May, and after some ex- 
 ploration a spot was selected for the erection of the fort. 
 It was on the right bank of the river, where it narrows to 
 less than half a mile in width, at the head of the sand-bars 
 which obstruct its entrance, and in the neighbourhood of 
 a small stream, which empties into the St. John's. It 
 was almost unapproachable from the seacoast, owing to 
 intervening streams and marshes, and stood not far from 
 the bluff, which commanded the wide prospect that had 
 so entranced Laudonni(^re, The fort itself was located 
 on a broad, flat knoll, raised a few feet above the marsh 
 and the river.^ Having selected the site the company 
 was assembled at daybreak at the sound of the trumpet, 
 and after singing a psalm the men set to work on the 
 
 signifies an enemy, for which reason he understands Saturiba to refer to 
 his " enemy" Outina, who lived some distance up the St, John's. 
 
 ' Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 43 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 452. 
 
 * See Appendix G, Fort Caroline. 
 
58 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 fort. It was built in the shape of a triangle, with a trench 
 and turf battlements on the land side, which was towards 
 the west ; on the south side there was a bastion built of 
 fagots and sand, in which was a magazine for the ammu- 
 nition, and it was enclosed on the river side by a palisade 
 of planks. 
 
 Laudonnifere erected his own lodging within the fort 
 on the river side, with one door towards the river and 
 another opening on the court of the enclosure; covered 
 galleries extended from it ; on the south was the corps de 
 garde, and another structure was built towards the apex 
 to the north. With the assistance of Saturiba's Indians, 
 who had come to watch the proceedings, the buildings 
 were thatched with palm leaves in the native fashion. 
 Seven pieces of artillery were transported to the fort 
 and placed to command both sides of the river.' It was 
 named Fort Caroline in honour of Charles IX. A meadow 
 stretched inland to the edge of a pine forest, which was 
 distant but a quarter of a league, where lay the spring, 
 reached by a narrow pathway across the field." In this 
 field, around the exterior of the fort, there gradually arose 
 a small collection of buildings consisting of the bake-oven, 
 a storehouse, and other outhouses." 
 
 Laudonnifere had chosen a thickly populated region to 
 plant his settlement. He was in the midst of the Timu- 
 quanan Indians, whose affiliation and language extended 
 through the centre of the peninsula as far south as Lake 
 Miami, where they touched the confines of the Caloosas 
 to the south-west, and of the Tegestas on the south-east. 
 They were hemmed in from the Atlantic to the east by 
 the Ays Indians, who lived on the shores of the long 
 
 1 Le Moyne in De Bry, p. 8 ; Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 45, 46 ; Hak., 
 vol. ii., pp. 454, 455 ; Rojomonte in Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., p. 
 
 Le Moyne in his Eicones, Plates IX. and X. These plates, however, do not 
 correspond to the description given by Laudonniere. 
 
 2 " Hist. Memorable" in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 460. 
 
 s Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 46, 93 ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 455, 503. 
 
The Second French Colony 59 
 
 lagoon stretching southward from Cape Canaveral and 
 now known by the name of Indian River; but about the 
 mouth of the St. John's they came down to the coast, 
 and occupied some of the coast islands to the north,' 
 such as Talbot and Amelia Islands. Their western 
 boundary extended as far as the north-eastern angle of 
 the Gulf of Mexico, where they came in contact with the 
 Appalachians. Their northern boundary may have ex- 
 tended into Georgia. The Timuquanan tribes had their 
 most populous settlements on the St. John's River, along 
 whose banks, and those of its tributaries, lay scattered 
 many villages, each with its petty chief. On one of these 
 was situated the village of Thimogoa,^ from which their 
 name Timuqua is derived, and in the vicinity of Cape 
 Canaveral lay the village of Tucururu, one of the south- 
 ernmost of their habitations. 
 
 Laudonniere in his Histoire Notable, as well as Le Moyne 
 in many of the drawings in his Eicones, with their accom- 
 panying legends,' has left us a vivid description of their 
 
 'Laudonniere {Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 57; Hak., vol. ii., p. 467) 
 mentions the Paracoussy of Alimacany, whose river is identified with the 
 Somme by Gourgues. La Reprise de la Floride, Larroque, Bordeaux, 1867, 
 p. 48. The name is variously written Allimacany, Alimacany, Halima- 
 cany, Alicamani, and his country was probably Fort George Island. See 
 Le Moyne's map, where the name is placed in this locality and Las Alas to 
 , March 23, 1568. Brooks MSS., Library of Congress, Wash- 
 ington. Barrientos (in Garcia, Dos Antigtias Relaciones de la Florida, p. 
 43) describes its site : "A la mano derecha, En entrando la barra \i. e., of 
 the Rio de sant mateo] Ay Vna isleta do Esta Vn pueblo grande como sat- 
 uriba que llaman Alicamani." 
 
 ■^See Appendix H, Timuqua. 
 
 ^Histoire Abatable, Basanier, Paris, 1586, pp. 4-7; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 
 413-416. Indorvm Floridam provinciam inhabitantium eicones, primum 
 ibidem ad vivum expressse k lacobo Le Moyne cui cognomen De Morgves 
 addita ad singulas brevi earum declaratione. Francoforti ad Moenvm. 
 . . . Sumtibus Theodori de Bry, Anno MDXCL, Plates XL, XIL, 
 XIV.-XXVIL, XXIX., XXX., XXXIII.-XL. This has been translated in 
 Narrative of Le Moyne, Boston, 1875, by Fred. B. Perkins, which has been 
 largely used in this description. 
 
6o The Spanish Settlements 
 
 customs, and which at the risk of some repetition, we will 
 now consider, because it was in the midst of this Timu- 
 quanan population that the most enduring of the Spanish 
 settlements on our Atlantic coast was afterwards planted. 
 The men and the women were all of fine proportion 
 and went naked. The men were of an olive hue, very- 
 corpulent and handsome, and without any apparent de- 
 formity. They painted the skin around the mouth blue, 
 and were tattooed on the arms and thighs with a certain 
 herb, which they pricked in with a thorn ' and which left 
 an indelible colour. The chiefs were probably tattooed 
 over the entire body, as shown in Le Moyne's drawings, 
 where the design is so complex and elaborate as to re- 
 move all sense of nakedness. The process was a severe 
 one and sometimes was followed by an illness lasting for 
 seven or eight days. They rubbed their bodies with oil 
 to protect them from the heat of the sun, and also during 
 the observance of one of their religious ceremonies, to 
 which usage they attributed their dark complexion, for at 
 birth they were of a far whiter colour. They trussed up 
 their long black hair upon the top of the head, and wore 
 loin-cloths made from well-tanned deer-skins. Their 
 warriors wore a head-dress of feathers, leaves, and grasses, 
 or covered their heads with the skin of some wild animal, 
 suspended over the breast small disks of gold and silver, 
 which were engraved, and when on the war-path painted 
 their faces to give themselves a fierce appearance.* 
 Venereal disease was prevalent, for the men were much 
 addicted to women, and to girls who were called "Daugh- 
 ters of the Sun," and some were given to pederasty. 
 
 * " The voyage made by M. lohn Hawkins, Esquire," etc., Hak., vol. iv., 
 p. 241 ; Ribaut in " The true and last discoverie," etc. (reprint in Hist. Col. 
 Louisiana and Florida, 2d series, " Historical Memoirs and Narratives," 
 p. 171), says: "The forepart of their bodies and arms they also paint 
 with pretty devices in azure, red, and black," which may possibly mean that 
 they were tattooed in these colours. 
 
 * Hawkins, Hak., vol. iv., pp. 241, 247. 
 
The Second French Colony 6i 
 
 Their sense of smell was highly developed, for they were 
 able to follow an enemy by his scent, and to recognise his 
 approach. Their abstemiousness, even at their festivals, 
 produced a marked impression on the French, who at- 
 tributed to it the great age to which they attained. 
 Laudonni^re, to whom their mode of warfare was entirely 
 novel, thought them deceitful and traitorous, but ac- 
 knowledged their great courage in fighting, while Le 
 Moyne dwells upon their honesty among themselves in 
 the distribution of the communal stores. 
 
 The women were tall and painted like the men, but 
 much whiter. Their hair was allowed to grow down to 
 the hips, about which it fell freely. They could climb the 
 trees with agility, and were so robust they could swim 
 across the broad and shallow rivers bearing their children 
 in one arm. They attended to the household, where it 
 was their duty to maintain the fire, which was kindled in 
 the usual savage fashion by rubbing two sticks together.' 
 They assisted in the planting of the corn-fields and took 
 part in some of the public ceremonies. They lived apart 
 from their husbands during their pregnancy, and the food 
 which they ate during their courses was not touched by 
 the man. Both men and women allowed the nails of 
 their toes and fingers to grow long, and their finger-nails 
 were sharpened to a point so that they might dig them 
 into the forehead of a prisoner and tear down the skin 
 over his face to wound and blind him. They pierced 
 the lobe of the ear, through which small oblong fish- 
 bladders dyed red were passed, which when inflated shone 
 like light-coloured carbuncles. There were many her- 
 maphrodites ^ among them, upon whom fell the heaviest 
 
 ^Arfe de la Lengua Timvqvana comptiesto en 1612 por el P' Francisco 
 Pareja y publicado conforme al original tinico, por Lucien Adam y Julien 
 Vinson, Paris, 1886, p. xvi. ; Hawkins, Hak., vol. iv., p. 240. 
 
 ' This is the term employed by Le Moyne, who gives no further explana- 
 tion. It is possible that they were identical with the mujerados of the Pueblo 
 
62 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 work ; they carried the provisions when the Indians went 
 on the war-path, transported the sick, cared for those 
 who had contagious diseases, and prepared the dead for 
 burial. 
 
 The title of a chief was paracusi, and when spoken of 
 in his quality of a war-chief he was called urriparacusi, 
 urri or iri meaning war.' The chiefs were united in 
 various confederations, which acknowledged a head chief, 
 such as Outina, who ruled over some forty villages on the 
 west side of the St. John's and who dwelt near the mouth 
 of the Oklawaha, and Saturiba at the mouth of the St. 
 John's, who had thirty chiefs under him.^ These chieftains 
 
 Indians of New Mexico, described by Dr. William A. Hammond in " The 
 Disease of the Scythians," New York, 1S82, p. 5 et seq., reprint from The 
 American Journal of Neurology and Psychiatry, 1882. 
 
 'Albert S. Gatschet, "The Timucua Language" in Proceedings of the 
 American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 1877, vol, xvi., p. 627 ; xviii., 
 p. 502. 
 
 ^ Fontanedo, Memoria de las cosas y costa y Indios de la Florida, Col. 
 Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo v., p. 545 ; Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 4g, 59; 
 Hak., vol. ii., pp. 45S, 468. When, in the summer of 1567, Aviles ascended 
 the St, John's and found himself a few leagues beyond the village of Outina, 
 he observed that the tides were perceptible at a distance of forty leagues 
 from its mouth. (Barrientos, in Genaro Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de 
 la Florida, p. 123 ; Meras, in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 251,) Fon- 
 tanedo {ibid., p. 545) mentions two of Outina's villages by name, Saravay 
 and Moloa, and states that on landing in Outina's country, Tocobaga (which 
 was on the west coast) could be reached. Mr. O. H. Tittmann, Superin- 
 tendent of the Coast and Geodetic Survey, Washington, In a letter to the 
 author, of May 20, 1904, says he is informed by the Fish Department that 
 practically the water of the St. John's is fresh at Palatka, At Beecher Point, 
 at the mouth of the Oklawaha and foot of Little Lake George, a small effect 
 of the tide is noticeable, or rather measurable, the range being about 1,3 
 feet, but the average rise and fall is only one-quarter foot. These data in- 
 dicate that Outina was on the west bank of the St. John's near the Okla- 
 waha, which is also the location given by Fairbanks in his History of Florida, 
 p. 139 ; Albert S, Gatschet, in The Proceedings of the America?! Philosophi- 
 cal Society, Philadelphia, 1877, vol. xvi., p. 627, places Outina on Lake 
 George, and adds that " Uitna, or Utinama, simply means ' my country,' " 
 See also ibid., 1878, vol. xvii., p. 492, where Utinama is said to signify 
 "upper chief." 
 
I 
 
 The Second French Colony 63 
 
 were continually at war with each other, and it was the 
 advent of so powerful an ally as the French to aid him 
 in his raids that had caused Saturiba to receive Laudon- 
 niere with so much civility. The tribes were divided into 
 various gentes or kinships, such as those of the upper 
 chiefs, from which were taken the councillors or chief 
 men, and the lower gens of the common people, called 
 the "Dirt or Earth Pedigree." ' 
 
 Next in importance to the chief stood the shamans or 
 iaruas, a name which Father Pareja, who dwelt among 
 them about fifty years later, and who wrote several works 
 in their language, translates by "sorcerer,"^ and which 
 referred to their prophetic powers and the convulsions 
 affected by them to obtain oracles of war. These were 
 "great magicians, great soothsayers, and callers upon 
 devils," says Laudonniere, and were held in the highest 
 esteem. Their duties were as manifold as were the occu- 
 pations of those to whom they ministered. Mr. Gatschet 
 deduces from the questions put by Father Pareja to the 
 catechumen in his "Confessionario," ' that most of the old 
 men acted as conjurers. They consecrated the arrows 
 before the departure of a hunting party, and, if the game 
 was not killed by the first arrow, prayed over a second, 
 which was sure to accomplish its mission. They caused 
 rain, found lost objects for the owner, recited blessings 
 or incantations over ears of corn, over the newly con- 
 structed fish-ways, over a good haul, and over the baskets 
 
 ' A. S. Gatschet, " The Timucua Language," Proceedings of the American 
 Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 1878, vol. xvii., p. 492. 
 
 ''"The Timucua Language," ^(5^</., vol. xviii., p. 500, where Gatschet 
 derives it from yuru, to tremble, to be shaken or contorted ; Arte de la 
 Lengtia Timvqvana, Paris, 1886, p. xiii. 
 
 ^ " Confessionario En lengua Castellana y Timuquana . . . Ordenado 
 por el Padre Fr. Francisco Pareja . . . Mexico . . . 1613." Pass- 
 ages from it are given by Mr. Gatschet in his " The Timucua Language" 
 in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 1S77, 
 vol. xvi., pp. 635-638, 
 
64 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 of fruit, taking one-half of the catch of fish, or the first 
 deer killed in payment for their services.' They foretold 
 the future and cured the sick by means of incantations 
 and by administering herbs and drugs which they carried 
 about with them in a bag. Their cures were generally 
 but half made in order to secure a greater reward from 
 the sufferer. 
 
 Le Moyne gives us some of their methods of procedure 
 in this latter capacity. They fumigated the sick man by 
 turning him upon his face above a bed of hot coals upon 
 which certain seeds were cast. The smoke arising there- 
 from, passing through his nose and mouth, acted as a 
 vomit, and was supposed to reach all parts of the body. 
 Another form of administering a fumigation was by 
 smoking tobacco in a pipe. They also operated by bleed- 
 ing, cutting into the skin of the forehead with a sharp 
 shell, and sucking the blood out, which the shaman then 
 spat into an earthenware or gourd receptacle. Women 
 who were suckling boys, or who were with child, drank 
 the blood, particularly if it was that of a strong young 
 man, to strengthen their milk and to make their children 
 bolder and more energetic. 
 
 Their villages consisted of a gathering of only a few 
 huts, for they lived a hundred together in great com- 
 munal houses, built with stanchions and rafters made out 
 of whole trees, and roofed with palmettos, having only 
 one small room divided off for the chief and his wife. In 
 the centre stood a hearth, where a great fire was kept 
 burning all night. Along the sides of the house, which 
 they occupied only during the night-time, were placed 
 their beds, where they slept upon head-rests or pillows 
 made from wooden blocks hollowed out for the shoulders 
 and raised for the head." Their fortified villages were 
 usually situated in the neighbourhood of a stream and 
 
 ' "Confessionario," ibid., vol. xvi., p. 635. 
 'Hawkins, Ifak., vol. iv., p. 240. 
 
The Second French Colony 65 
 
 were each surrounded by a circular palisade having but 
 one entrance. This was formed by the overlapping of 
 the two ends of the palisade after the fashion of a spiral, 
 and was so narrow that not more than two persons at a 
 time could pass through it. Two guardhouses were sta- 
 tioned, the one within, the other without the entrance, 
 and the course of the stream was also diverted to it. 
 The chief's house stood in the centre of the enclos- 
 ure, somewhat sunken in the ground on account of 
 the summer heats, and was surrounded by those of the 
 principal men. All of the huts were roofed with a light 
 thatch of palm leaves, which rendered them exceedingly 
 inflammable. 
 
 Their corn plantings, of which there were two, one in 
 March and the other in June, occurred during the period 
 of nine months which they annually spent in their vil- 
 lages. When seeding time was at hand the chief sent an 
 Indian to gather his subjects together for the work; the 
 field was then cleared by burning off the weeds, and the 
 earth was cultivated with a kind of hoe made from a fish- 
 bone fitted to a handle. After the ground was sufficiently 
 broken up and levelled the women did the planting, some 
 of them going first and making a hole in the ground with 
 a stick, into which another group of women, who followed 
 them, dropped the corn or beans. The plantings, how- 
 ever, were small and calculated to produce only enough 
 food for six months. The fields were then left alone 
 until the crop was ripe, when it was gathered and stored 
 in the communal storehouse for the winter's use, none 
 of it being used in trade. These granaries or storehouses, 
 called barbacoa, built of stone and earth, roofed over with 
 palm branches, were usually erected near some hill, where 
 they were sheltered from the sun for the better preserva- 
 tion of their contents, or on the bank of a stream where 
 ready access could be had to them by water. Here, also 
 were stored what other provisions they collected, such as 
 
66 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 game, fish, and alligators, which were dried and smoked 
 over a fire. The storehouse was under the custody of a 
 special guardian, who was killed with a blow from a club 
 on the slightest neglect of his duty.' These stores were 
 only resorted to in case of extreme necessity, when full 
 notice was given to all interested, whereupon the distri- 
 bution took place to each according to his rank, the chief 
 alone being at liberty to take whatever supply he chose. 
 
 The food was supplemented by a drink called casina, 
 which was drunk upon all ceremonial occasions as well as 
 at other times. It consisted of a decoction of the leaves 
 of a certain root, which was strained and served hot. 
 It was not an intoxicant, but strengthened and nourished 
 the body to such an extent that it was possible to go for 
 twenty-four hours without food or water after drinking it, 
 for which reason it was the principal supply taken along 
 when the warriors went on the war-path. The drink had 
 the property of at once throwing into a sweat whoever 
 partook of it, and of producing vomitings, for which 
 reason he who was unable to retain it upon his stomach 
 was considered unfit for a difficult commission or for any 
 military responsibility. It was so greatly prized that no 
 one was allowed to drink it in council unless he had 
 proved himself a brave warrior. 
 
 During the winter months the natives deserted their 
 villages and migrated into the forest, where they con- 
 structed shelters of palm branches, and subsisted on 
 acorns, oysters, terrapin, fish, dogs, snakes, and game, 
 which they roasted over the coals ; Laudonniere adds that 
 in necessity they ate "a thousand rifraffs, even to the 
 swallowing down of coles, and putting sand into the pot- 
 tage which they make of [corn] meal." The fish were 
 caught in ponds dug for the purpose and from which the 
 water was afterwards withdrawn.' Their method of 
 hunting the deer has been previously described, and con- 
 
 "^ Arte de la Lengua Timvqvana, Paris, 1886, p. xvii, ^ Ibid., p. xvi. 
 
The Second French Colony 67 
 
 sisted in disguising themselves in its skin and stealing 
 upon it. The alligators, which were so numerous and 
 dangerous that the natives were compelled to keep a con- 
 stant watch against them both day and night, were hunted 
 by the Indians in parties. A watch was set, concealed in 
 a little hut near a stream, and when an alligator, driven 
 on to the shore by hunger, gave notice of his presence by 
 his bellowing, which could be heard at a great distance, 
 the watchman summoned his companions, and they at- 
 tacked him with a long pointed pole, thrusting it down his 
 throat as he advanced against them with open mouth. He 
 was then turned over on his back and his soft belly pierced 
 with arrows and beaten with clubs until he was killed. 
 
 The chief and his principal men, whom Le Moyne calls 
 his nobles, were accustomed to meet during certain days 
 of the year for deliberation on important affairs, in a 
 public place set apart for the purpose, where a bench was 
 constructed, having a projecting seat for the chief, to dis- 
 tinguish his rank. After he had taken his appointed 
 place his councillors approached him led by the oldest 
 member, and each in turn saluted him twice, raising both 
 hands to the height of his head, and exclaiming, "Ha, he, 
 ye, ha, ha," to which the others replied, "Ha, ha," and 
 then took his seat beside him. This was followed by the 
 drinking of a potation of casina prepared by the women 
 and served in a large shell. It was drunk by the chief first 
 and the others in succession according to their rank after 
 a blessing had been invoked upon the assembly and the 
 drink by one of the councillors. Their councils were very 
 deliberate and well advised, and where the question was 
 one of importance the chief called upon the shaman and 
 upon the elders, one at a time, to deliver their opinions. 
 
 Laudonnifere informs us that they had "no knowledge 
 of God, nor of any religion, saving that which they see, 
 as the Sun and the Moon." Le Moyne has left us an 
 account of the annual sun worship in the country of 
 
68 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Outina, which was observed at the end of February. 
 The skin of the largest stag that could be found with 
 the horns still on, was stuffed full of the choicest roots, 
 and its horns, neck, and body were hung with long gar- 
 lands of the finest fruits. Thus decorated it was carried 
 with music and song to a large level space, where it was 
 set up on a very high tree, with its head and breast to- 
 wards the sunrise. Then the chief, standing with his 
 shaman near the tree, offered prayers to the sun, beseech- 
 ing it to cause their lands to grow such good things as 
 those they now offered it, and the common people placed 
 at a distance made the responses. Then the chief and 
 the worshippers, saluting the sun, departed, leaving the 
 deer's hide there until the next year. 
 
 Human sacrifice also existed among them, the first- 
 born son being offered to the chief according to Le 
 Moyne, who possibly but half understood the office which 
 he filled in the ceremony. The chief seated himself near 
 the tree stump, which served as the sacrificial altar, be- 
 fore which the mother of the victim squatted on her heels, 
 her face covered with her hands in sorrow. Her principal 
 female friend or relative then offered the child to the 
 chief in worship, after which the women who attended 
 her danced in a circle around the stump with great 
 demonstrations of joy. The woman who held the child 
 danced in the middle, singing the praises of the chief. 
 At one side stood a group of six Indians, surrounding 
 the individual who performed the sacrifice, and who was 
 decorated for the ceremony and carried a club. When 
 the dancing was over this official stepped up to the im- 
 provised altar, where, in the presence of the assembly, he 
 sacrificed the child. 
 
 The belief in witchcraft was widespread,' and super- 
 
 ' Extract from Father Pareja's " Confessionario " in A. S. Gatschet, " The 
 Timucua Language," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 
 Philadelphia, 1878, vol. xvii., pp. 500, 501. 
 
The Second French Colony 69 
 
 stitious practices were attached to almost every act of 
 their daily life. Their character is indicated by the fol- 
 lowing, selected from among those condemned by Father 
 Pareja ' : Drinking out of another's cup after eating bear's 
 meat prevented one from falling sick ; a tremor passing 
 over the body indicated that some one was coming or 
 that something was about to happen; the hooting of an 
 owl brought luck and should not be interrupted ; whis- 
 tling during a storm caused it to cease ; women were in the 
 habit of washing themselves with the infusion of a certain 
 herb in order to recall an absent husband ; to dye their 
 palm-leaf hats with a certain vegetable dye to induce men 
 to fall in love with them ; to fast for the same reason, and 
 so on. Other practices cited as superstitious partook of 
 the nature of propitiatory sacrifice, such as exposing corn 
 at the door of the house, when ill, the refusal to eat the 
 first fruit, or the first ear of corn, or the first harvest 
 gathered from a newly cultivated field. ^ 
 
 The Timuquanans were monogamous, and although 
 the chief was allowed two or three wives, only the child- 
 ren of the first wife inherited from him. In common 
 with most of the tribes of North American Indians, inter- 
 marriage was prohibited among the members of certain 
 lineages, as among those of the upper chief and council- 
 lors." On the death of the men in war, or from disease, 
 it was the custom for their widows to select some occasion 
 on which they approached the chief with loud demonstra- 
 tions of sorrow, calling upon him to avenge the death of 
 their husbands, for support during their widowhood, and 
 for permission to remarry after the expiration of the 
 period appointed for mourning. Having received his as- 
 sent, they proceeded to the burial-place, where they cut 
 off their long hair below the ears, and scattering it over 
 
 ' See the passages from his "Confessionario" in ibid., vol. xvi., pp. 635-638. 
 ^ Arte de la Lengua Timvqvmia, Paris, 1886, p. xviii. 
 
 ^A. S. Gatschet, " The Timucua Language," Proceedings of the Amerim 
 can Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 1S78, vol. xvii., p. 492. 
 
70 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 the graves of their husbands, placed upon them the 
 weapons and drinking-shells of the dead. Only when 
 their hair had grown long enough to cover the shoulders 
 were they permitted to remarry. 
 
 When the chief wished to marry he directed the tallest 
 and handsomest one of the daughters of the principal 
 men to be selected. She was brought to him with great 
 ceremony on a litter covered with the skin of some rare 
 animal and sheltered under a canopy of boughs which 
 formed part of the litter. Four men carried it on their 
 shoulders, each of them provided with a forked pole on 
 which to rest it when halting. Two more walked at the 
 sides, shielding her from the sun with large screens or 
 fans. She was preceded by trumpeters blowing on horns 
 made of bark hung with oval balls of silver, gold, and 
 brass which tinkled as they marched, and she was fol- 
 lowed by a procession of the most beautiful of the Indian 
 girls clad in skirts made of pendant Spanish moss, their 
 necks and arms decorated with necklaces and bracelets of 
 pearls, and each carrying in her hand a basket of fruits. 
 Behind them came the body-guards. The chief received 
 her seated on a platform erected for the purpose, where 
 she was placed at his left. The principal men sat below 
 them on long benches placed on either side of the plat- 
 form. The chief then congratulated the maiden on her 
 accession and informed her why he had chosen her, to 
 which she replied, holding her fan in her hand. A dance 
 was then performed before them by young girls dressed 
 for the occasion, their hair tied back of their heads and 
 flowing down over their shoulders, and wearing belts from 
 which were suspended ovals of gold and silver. As they 
 danced about in a circle to the tinkle of the trinkets they 
 sang the praises of the chief and his bride, raising and 
 lowering their hands in unison. Le Moyne had described 
 the ceremony attending an evening promenade of Saturiba 
 and his wife. The chief was clad in a deer-skin painted 
 
The Second French Colony 71 
 
 in various colours, the train of which was carried by a 
 young man wearing a belt from which dangled little balls 
 of gold and silver, while two young men walked at his 
 side fanning him. His wife and her handmaidens were 
 clothed in cloaks and skirts of the slender blue-green fila- 
 ments of the Spanish moss, woven together in links, and of 
 so delicate a texture as to be mistaken for filaments of 
 silk. 
 
 On the death of a chief his drinking-shell was placed 
 upon his grave, and arrows were planted in the ground 
 around it; all of his household goods were put into his 
 house, which was then burned down. His subjects 
 mourned for him, fasting, three days and nights, and cut 
 off half of their long tresses. In addition to this certain 
 women were chosen, who for a period of six months 
 mourned him three times a day, at dawn, noon, and twi- 
 light, with a great howling. When the priests died their 
 bodies were buried in their own houses, which were then 
 set on fire and consumed, with all of their furniture. 
 
 We shall have ample illustration in this history of their 
 method of fighting. It was preceded by a declaration of 
 war, which consisted in sticking up in the public ways 
 arrows having locks of hair fastened at the notches. Le 
 Moyne relates a ceremony at which the French were pres- 
 ent, preceding one of the raids of Saturiba, and which re- 
 sembled in several details that of the Co^as in their war 
 against the Napochies described in the previous volume.' 
 Having assembled his warriors, the army sat down in a 
 circle with Saturiba in the centre. A fire stood at his 
 left and two great vessels of water at his right. After 
 various demonstrations of rage he suddenly set up a hor- 
 rible yell in which his warriors joined, striking their hips 
 and rattling their weapons. Then Saturiba, taking a 
 wooden platter of water, turned toward the sun and wor- 
 shipped it, praying for victory over the enemy and that 
 
 ' Spanish Settlements, 1513-1561, p. 365. 
 
72 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 their blood might be poured out like the water he was 
 about to scatter from the platter. He then flung the 
 water with a great cast up into the air, and as it fell 
 down upon his warriors he addressed them, saying: "As I 
 have done with this water, so I pray that you may do 
 with the blood of your enemies." Then he poured the 
 water from the other vessel upon the fire and said: "So 
 may you be able to extinguish your enemies, and bring 
 back their scalps." 
 
 While proceeding on the war-path each chief appears 
 to have followed his own devices. Le Moyne tells us 
 that Saturiba preserved no order in his ranks, but that 
 the men marched along, one after the other, just as they 
 saw fit. Outina, on the other hand, marched his warriors 
 in regular ranks, himself alone, in the middle, painted 
 red, while the swiftest of his young men, also painted 
 red, acted as advance-guards and scouts, reporting im- 
 mediately to the army as soon as they came upon any 
 trace of the enemy. The movements were directed 
 by heralds, who shouted the orders. After sunset the 
 army halted and no longer gave battle, and encamped 
 in concentric circles, with the chief and his body-guard in 
 the centre. The commissary consisted of hermaphro- 
 dites, who carried the food, which consisted principally 
 of the drink casina, although bread, honey, and roasted 
 corn were also taken along. 
 
 Before the attack the shaman was sometimes consulted 
 that he might furnish the necessary information concern- 
 ing the movements of the enemy. Le Moyne has given 
 us a curious account of such an occasion, in which an 
 ancient sorcerer, more than one hundred and twenty 
 years old according to his own story, having made a place 
 in the centre of the army, borrowed a shield from one of 
 the Frenchmen present, laid it on the ground, and drew 
 around it a circle inscribed with strange characters and 
 signs. Then he knelt on the shield so that no part of his 
 
I 
 
 The Second French Colony ti 
 
 person touched the earth, and began a low recitation ac- 
 companied by various gestures. In the course of a quarter 
 of an hour he was seized with convulsions attended with 
 such violent contortions 
 
 "that he was hardly like a human being; for he twisted his 
 limbs so that his bones could be heard to snap out of place, 
 and did many other unnatural things. After going through 
 all of this he came back all at once to his ordinary condition, 
 but in a very fatigued state and with an air as if astonished; 
 and then stepping out of his circle he saluted the chief, and 
 told him the number of the enemy and where they were in- 
 tending to meet him." 
 
 An enemy slain in battle was instantly dragged ofl 
 and scalped by means of slips of reed "sharper than any 
 steel blade," and with which an incision was made around 
 the skull. The scalp was then dried over a fire and sus- 
 pended from the belt. After the victory the limbs of the 
 slain were amputated in the same manner, the bones 
 broken, the yet bleeding members dried and carried back 
 in triumph, suspended from the ends of the spears, and 
 the bodies were then further mutilated, after the manner 
 of most savage peoples. They spared the women and 
 children, bringing them back with them. On returning 
 to the village the victory was celebrated in a place set 
 apart for the purpose, where the scalps and other trophies 
 were affixed with solemn ceremonies to tall poles set in a 
 row in the ground, around which the men and women sat 
 in a circle. The shaman stood within the circle, holding 
 in his hand a small image and muttering in a low voice 
 a form of imprecation against the enemy. At the 
 side of the circle opposite to him knelt three men, one 
 of whom marked the time to each word of the impreca- 
 tion by beating on a flat stone in front of him with his 
 club, while his companions on each side shook rattles made 
 from dried seeds, all three chanting an accompaniment. 
 
74 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 The youths were trained in running, and a prize was 
 given the one who showed the greatest endurance in the 
 contest. They played a game in which a ball was cast at 
 a square target placed on the summit of a high tree, and 
 they were fond of fishing and hunting. 
 
 We gather from the drawings of Le Moyne and from 
 occasional remarks elsewhere that they excelled in many 
 of the savage industries. They could weave fans and 
 hats and baskets from the palm leaves. They had a 
 knowledge of the manufacture of pottery. They fash- 
 ioned trinkets out of the gold and silver recovered from 
 the vessels wrecked along the coast and from that ob- 
 tained by barter from the mountains to the north. They 
 were skilful in the preparation of their weapons, making 
 the strings of their bows from the gut and hide of the 
 stag, and the heads of their arrows of stones and fish- 
 bones. Judging from Le Moyne's drawings, their boats 
 were made by hollowing out the trunks of large forest 
 trees. They appear to have woven the long filaments of 
 the Spanish moss into some sort of a loose texture, and 
 were remarkably deft in the preparation of the animals 
 which they killed in the chase, dressing the skins with 
 shells and dying them yellow and red, black and russet,' 
 giving them a finish which evoked the ceaseless admira- 
 tion of the Europeans. 
 
 * Hawkins, Hak., vol. iv., p. 241, 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE SECOND FRENCH COLONY — Continued 
 
 THE fort had hardly been completed when Laudon- 
 nifere, who was not disposed to "lose a minute of 
 an houre, without employing of the same in some vertuous 
 exercise," sent Ottigny up the river with two Indians for 
 guides in search of Thimogoa. The lieutenant shortly 
 returned with the news of having ascended nearly thirty 
 leagues where he had heard of a "King," rich in gold and 
 silver, who dwelt at a distance of three days' journey in 
 the interior of the country. Ottigny, in spite of his pre- 
 vious treaty with Saturiba, "the most ancient and natural 
 enemy of Thimogoa," had also made advances towards 
 establishing friendly relations with the latter. This he 
 accomplished by rescuing some of the villagers from the 
 assault of his two guides, and he left one soldier at each 
 village he visited to seek for additional information. 
 Two weeks later Captain Vasseur ascended the river a 
 second time, and after two days sailing, came upon one of 
 these soldiers in the village of another petty chief, Mollona, 
 where he had secured five or six pounds of silver by 
 trafficking with the natives. Here Vasseur heard of 
 Outina, head chief of a great confederacy, whose allies 
 when at war covered their bodies with plates of gold and 
 silver; of Potauou,' "cruel in war, but pitiful in the exe- 
 cution of his furie," who was usually at war with Outina; 
 
 ' This is the form given by Basanier, p. 49 ; Hakluyt writes " Potanou.* 
 
 75 
 
76 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 and of the two chieftains, Onatheaqua and Houstaqua, 
 dwelling near the Appalachian Mountains, who painted 
 their faces black. When Vasseur promised the assistance 
 of Laudonnifere in conquering them, the delighted Mol- 
 lona "answered that the least of these Kings which hee 
 had named should present vnto the Generall of these suc- 
 cours the height of two foot of gold and siluer." On his 
 way back with this encouraging news, Vasseur passed a 
 night with a small chief, who, under the impression that 
 the French had subdued the village of Thimogoa, showed 
 the greatest delight. The lieutenant, perceiving it, en- 
 couraged his fancy, until the savage ended by praying 
 the Frenchman "that hee would shew him by signs how 
 all thi-ngs passed." Nothing loath at a bit of gasconade 
 in the presence of so credulous an audience, La Caille, 
 sergeant of the band, "tooke his sword in his hand, saying 
 that with the point thereof he had thrust through two 
 Indians, which ranne into the woods, and that his com- 
 panions had done no lesse for their partes. And that if 
 fortune had so fauoured them . . . they had had a 
 victorie most glorious and worthie of eternall memorie." ' 
 On the 28th of July," the Isabella departed on her re- 
 turn voyage to France, bearing with her as a present to 
 the Queen some small pieces of gold and silver, fifty 
 pearls, which Laudonniere had obtained from the natives,' 
 and the hide of an alligator which had been killed in the 
 river.' There remained behind in the settlement two 
 hundred colonists. One hundred and fifty of these were 
 soldiers who garrisoned the fort ; the balance were the 
 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 49, 50; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 458, 459. 
 
 *Meleneche in his deposition in Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565, 
 fol. 4, says July 22nd ; Le Moyne in De Bry, p. 7. 
 
 3 Rojomonte in Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., p. i. 
 
 * " Coppie d'une lettre venant de la Floride " in Recueil de Pikes sur la 
 Floride, p. 245, where an alligator is described. Also in " Hist. Memo- 
 rable " in Gaffarel's Hist, de la Floride, p. 462, where Le Challeux expresses 
 his surprise at its having no wings ! /\J Q ~ h C <:/ C C J ^Cf^ , 
 
The Second French Colony "n 
 
 artisans and servants already noted, as well as the four 
 women.' The arrival of reinforcements from France was 
 not expected before March of the following year/ and in 
 the interval Laudonni^rc was left to derive what profit he 
 could out of the tricks with which he had beguiled the 
 Indians about him. And now Saturiba began to press 
 the Frenchman for the promised assistance against 
 Thimogoa, and was put off with evasive words, that 
 served only to awaken his displeasure. Weary with the 
 prolonged delay the Indian chief at last departed alone 
 on the war-path against his enemy, from which he soon 
 returned triumphant with scalps and prisoners.' 
 
 Laudonni^re, who himself tells us how he "trauailed 
 to purchase friends, and to practice one while with one 
 here, and another while with another there," ' improved 
 the opportunity to exercise his short-sighted policy of 
 making to himself a present enemy in the hope of secur- 
 ing a possible friend in the future. It occurred to him 
 that could he release some of the prisoners brought back 
 by Saturiba, and return them to Thimogoa, he would 
 establish a still firmer claim to his friendship. As Satu- 
 riba angrily refused to deliver them up to one who had 
 broken faith with him and left him to do battle alone, 
 Laudonni&re sent a band of soldiers to his house and 
 intimidated him into compliance. Saturiba, although 
 deeply offended and brooding vengeance, continued to 
 lull the suspicions of the French with presents, while 
 Laudonnifere fatuously counselled him to make peace 
 with his enemy. The month of August was drawing to 
 an end when there arose a severe thunder-storm in which 
 the lightning fell with such force as to consume the 
 
 > Rojomonte in Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., p. 2; Melenechein Noriega 
 to Philip II., March 29, 1565, fol. 4. 
 
 ^ Rojomonte in Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., p. 2. 
 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 53-55; Hak., vol. ii., pp.463. 4^4; Le 
 Moyne in De Bry, p. 10, and in Eicones, Plate XV. 
 
 *Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 60; Hak., vol. ii., p. 469. 
 
78 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 harvests of the Indians, burning the green meadows and 
 killing the birds in the fields. Saturiba mistook it for a 
 cannonade directed against his dwelling by the French. 
 In this belief he was again encouraged by the ill-advised 
 Frenchman, and, no longer able to disguise his deep- 
 rooted hatred, withdrew from the neighbourhood. And 
 now war broke out between Outina and Potauou. Un- 
 der the impression that the only road to the Appa- 
 lachian Mountains, where gold and silver were found, lay 
 through Outina's dominions,' Laudonniere sent Arlac° to 
 Outina's assistance, and thus enabled him to secure the 
 victor3% 
 
 Laudonni^re's bearing towards the settlers was as ill- 
 judged as his dealings with the savages. Le Moyne 
 complains that he surrounded himself with two or three 
 favourites and frowned upon the common soldiers. As a 
 result of this and of the dissatisfaction of some of the 
 noblemen with the results so far attained, discontent be- 
 gan to show itself. The more serious element of the 
 community was indignant at the absence of a pastor to 
 minister to its spiritual wants." And yet an effort was 
 made to give some religious instruction to the savages in 
 the neighbourhood. Two or three of the colonists, among 
 whom was probably "Maistre " Robert, learned in Holy 
 Writ, and who conducted the prayers of the fort,^ took 
 upon themselves the teaching of the chiefs and Indians, 
 collecting some two hundred of the native children for 
 that object,' with such signal results, and the binding of 
 such close ties of affection between them, that Men^ndez 
 
 ' Le Moyne in Eicofies, Plate XII. 
 
 '^Charlevoix in Histoire de la Notivelle France (Nyon Fils), Paris, 1744, 
 tome i., p. 37, says in a note that this orthography is merely the result of an 
 incorrect pronunciation of the well-known Swiss family name of Erlach. 
 
 2 Le Moyne in Brevis Narratio, pp. 9, 10. 
 
 *Le Challeux in " Hist. Memorable" in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 
 466. 
 
 ^Fourquevaux to Charles IX,, Feb. 22, 1566, D/pcckes, p. 61. 
 
The Second French Colony 79 
 
 himself pays them a tribute for their devotion. "These 
 French have many Indian friends and have showed much 
 sorrow for the perdition " of the Indians, who followed 
 their teachers about "as the Apostles did our Lord; so 
 that it is a wonder to see how these Lutherans have be- 
 witched this poor savage people." ' This dissatisfaction 
 soon assumed a more serious phase. A conspiracy arose 
 against Laudonnifere among some of the colonists, lured 
 by the pretended magical discovery of a mine of gold 
 and silver up the river, by which they hoped to enrich 
 themselves. But their attempts, first to poison him and 
 then to blow him up with a barrel of gunpowder concealed 
 beneath his bed, were happily frustrated, and their leader 
 escaped to the Indians." On the 4th of September Cap- 
 tain Bourdet arrived from France with reinforcements. 
 An expedition sent to discover the interior remained 
 there for six months, and on the loth Bourdet returned 
 to France, carrying back with him a few of the least 
 trustworthy of the colonists. 
 
 On September 20, 1564, occurred the first of the series 
 of incidents which served to confirm the Spaniards in their 
 conviction of the piratical designs of the French colony. 
 Thirteen men stole one of the barks with the intention 
 of preying upon the Spaniards, and having provisioned it 
 put to sea, and coming across a Spanish vessel with a 
 treasure of gold and silver in the neighbourhood of Cuba 
 they captured it. All of them being well armed with 
 sword, shield, and arquebuse, they next proceeded to 
 plunder a small hamlet, the inhabitants of which fled 
 before them. From there they made for the harbour of 
 Matanzas, after they had abandoned the small boat in 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565 ; Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 87. 
 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 60, 61 ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 469-471. It is 
 not improbable that this leader, La Roquette, is the ex-monk, cosmogra- 
 pher, and necromancer, mentioned by Mendoza ("Relacion" in Ruidiaz, La 
 Florida, tomo ii., p. 460), as having been killed at Fort Caroline. 
 
8o The Spanish Settlements 
 
 which they had made their escape from Fort Caroline for 
 the better one they had captured, and had forced its cap- 
 tain to enter into their service. Ill luck caused them to 
 miss Matanzas and land in a small harbour called Arcos, 
 and while they were searching about for water, the man 
 they had impressed escaped to Havana, where he gave the 
 alarm. The adventure ended with the capture of the 
 entire party, some of its members being sent prisoners to 
 Spain and the others remaining in Havana." This affair 
 was followed by the desertion of two Flemish carpenters, 
 who had but recently arrived with Bourdet, and who 
 stole Laudonniere's remaining boats, so that he was 
 compelled to go to work to construct others. 
 
 The want of active employment among the colonists, 
 the discontent fed by the dissipation of their golden vis- 
 ions, and the bad example set by the escape of the thir- 
 teen sailors now bore fruit in a much more serious mutiny, 
 fraught with far more damage to the good repute of 
 the settlement than the previous revolt. During the 
 month of November' a band of sixty-six men, not con- 
 tent to "take the paines so much as to fish in the riuer 
 before their doors, but would haue all things put in their 
 mouthes," ' urged on by two Frenchmen and a Genoese, 
 and tempted by the sight of the two barks, which were near 
 completion, entered into a conspiracy to seize them and 
 seek their fortune on the neighbouring Spanish islands. 
 Their number was sufificiently formidable to enable them 
 to proceed with a high hand. They seized Laudonniere, 
 who, as on the occasion of the former mutiny, was sick 
 of an illness that seemed designed to conceal his own 
 want of determination, and carried him a prisoner aboard 
 
 1 Deposition of Meleneche in Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565, fol. 
 5. Meleneche was one of the three prisoners sent to Spain. 
 
 * This occurred about November, 1564 ; see Noticias de la Foblacidn, etc., 
 p. 2. 
 
 3 Hawkins, Hakluyl, vol. iv., p. 242. 
 
The Second French Colony 8i 
 
 a boat which was anchored in the harbour, wounding one 
 of his gentlemen in the endeavour. There they held him 
 prisoner until the two boats were in condition to set sail, 
 compelled him to furnish them with arquebuses and can- 
 non, powder and provisions, and finally, having threat- 
 ened him with death in case of his refusal to accede to 
 their wishes, they obtained his signature to their passport, 
 with the grant of additional sailors and of a pilot.' 
 
 On December 8th ' they set out upon their piratical ad- 
 ventures. Scarcely had they left Fort Caroline when the 
 two vessels became separated, owing to internal dissen- 
 sions or the violence of a tempest.' One of the vessels, 
 after cruising two weeks among the Lucayan Islands, 
 made the Cape of St. Nicolas, near which it took a vessel 
 on its way to Cabray, and finally reached Havana. The 
 second bark, in which were one of the chief conspirators 
 and the pilot furnished by Laudonni^re, kept along the 
 coast to Cuba in order to double the cape more easily, 
 and captured a brigantine loaded with cassava, losing two 
 of its crew in the affray. Being a vessel of greater size 
 than their own roughly made bark, the mutineers trans- 
 ferred their belongings aboard of her, and taking the bark 
 along with them made for Baracou, a village in Jamaica, 
 where they seized a caravel of some fifty tons burden, in 
 which they all re-embarked, and after a carouse of five 
 or six days in the village returned to the Cape of Tiburon. 
 Off the cape they captured a vessel from Santo Domingo 
 
 ' Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 63 et seq. ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 473-475 ; Le 
 Moyne in De Bry, p. 12, 13. Rojomonte, who was one of the mutineers, 
 says in his deposition {Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., p. 2), that these alleged 
 mutineers were sent off by Laudonniere in search of provisions ; and see also 
 Confesion que se tomo a un hombre que bino de la Ysla de Cuba sobre lo 
 tocante a la Florida, 1551-1565. MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Sevilla, Patro- 
 nato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 1/19, ramo 5, p. 5. 
 
 ^ Le Moyne in De Bry, p. 12. 
 
 ^Hist. Notable, Basanier, p, 66; Hak., vol. ii., p. 476; Noticias de la 
 Poblaci6n. etc., p. 2. 
 
82 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 bound for Santiago de Cuba, on board of which was a 
 judge' commissioned by the Royal Audiencia of Hispan- 
 iola for its port of destination, together with a store of 
 slaves, sugar, merchandise, and wine. The judge and his 
 negro servant were slain in the encounter. The pilot and 
 crew they transferred to their own vessel, where they 
 were imprisoned for eight days in the hold. By this 
 time their provisions had become reduced to a supply for 
 two days only, and they enquired of the pilot of the 
 captured vessel how they could reach Jamaica, where 
 they expected to trade the merchandise they had cap- 
 tured for food. The pilot . readily consented to help 
 them, in the hope that on reaching a Spanish port the 
 Frenchmen might fall into some trap and himself and his 
 companions escape. 
 
 At last the mutineers arrived off Jamaica, and even be- 
 fore making a harbour sent the pilot ashore with two of 
 the prisoners, who bore letters to the Governor, from 
 one of the Spaniards aboard the vessel, asking for food. 
 The answer was not long in coming. At dawn of the 
 third day after they had entered the harbour, a frigate 
 and two vessels bore down upon them. The bark with 
 a small number of the mutineers succeeded in making its 
 escape, but the large vessel, with thirty-three of the 
 Frenchmen, was forced to surrender, and its crew were ulti- 
 mately all hanged as pirates.'^ The bark with the escaped 
 mutineers took a northerly course, and passing in sight 
 of Havana, the pilot and trumpeter with some of the 
 sailors who had been compelled to join them, being again 
 short of provisions, determined to ascend the Bahama 
 
 ' " Juez de comision." 
 
 *De Silva to Philip II., Oct. i, 1565. Col. Doc. Inedit. Espaiia, tomo 
 Ixxxvii., p. 197. English translation in Spanish State Papers, 155S-1567, 1. 
 Elizabeth, p. 486. Confesion que se tomo a un hombre que bino de la 
 Ysla de Cuba sobre lo tocante a la Florida, 1551-1565. MS. Arch. Gen. 
 de Indias, Patronato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 1/19, ramo 5. The deponent was 
 the pilot of the vessel captured by the mutineers. See Appendix I. 
 
The Second French Colony 83 
 
 Channel by night, while their companions slept, return 
 to Fort Caroline, and make what terms they could with 
 Laudonni^re. On the 25th of March, 1 565, the neighbour- 
 hood of Fort Caroline was reached. After some parley- 
 ing Laudonniere consented to receive them back, but the 
 four ringleaders were condemned to be hung. Their 
 sentence, however, was commuted to shooting, and their 
 bodies were hung from gibbets about the mouth of the 
 haven.' 
 
 Laudonnit:;re, who had been confined on board the bark 
 by the mutineers, was released, on their departure, by 
 Ottigny and returned to the fort. Matters now pro- 
 gressed with no especial event for some time. The fort 
 was strengthened against attack from the natives, and two 
 other barks were constructed. One day two Spaniards, 
 who had been wrecked on the Martyr Islands some fifteen 
 years before, and had lived in servitude to Carlos at the 
 south-western end of the peninsula, were brought into the 
 
 'De Silva to Philip II., Nov. 5, 1565, Col. Doc. Inedit. Espana, tomo 
 Ixxxvii., p. 230. English translation in Spanish State Papers, 155S-1567, 
 I. Elizabeth, p. 503; Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 63-70; Hak., vol. ii., 
 pp. 473-479. Le Moyne relates that on the arrival of the mutineers at the 
 mouth of the St. John's they were overpowered by a party sent out by Lau- 
 donniere ; De Bry, Brevis Narratio, pp. 20, 21. Dr. Shea, in The Catholic 
 Church in Colonial Days (New York, r886, p. 136), infers that the muti- 
 neers put to death the Spaniards on board of the boat which they captured. 
 Fortunately for the humanity of the Frenchmen the Spanish pilot distinctly 
 negatives Dr. Shea's inference, so far as his own crew is concerned, stating 
 that it was put in the hold of the vessel and evidently escaped when the ship 
 was recaptured. The pilot does not say whether or not there were any 
 Spanish prisoners on board the bark in which part of the mutineers fled. It 
 is only fair to Dr. Shea to say that he did not have before him the testimony 
 which is presented in these papers, as to the fate of "the cruisers from 
 Caroline and Ribaut." But he is unfortunate in charging Ribaut, who was 
 absent in France, with the responsibility of sending out cruisers, whereas 
 Laudonniere, our only source of information as to the origin of these pirates, 
 says they were mutineers. The statement of some of the mutineers, that 
 they had been sent out by Laudonniere in search of food, is open to doubt, 
 as it was probably made with a view to obtaining better treatment at the 
 hands of their captors. 
 
84 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 French settlement, after experiencing various vicissitudes 
 under one and another Indian chief. They regaled Lau- 
 donnifere's ears with the usual tale of treasure, which in 
 this instance was probably founded on fact, the gold and 
 silver having been saved from Spanish vessels wrecked 
 along the coast ; they told him of the annual sacrifice at 
 harvest time of a human victim selected from among the 
 Spaniards who had been cast ashore among the Indians; 
 and they tickled the Frenchman's imagination with a 
 romantic story of Indian love and ambush.' 
 
 Captain Vasseur was sent up the coast to Port Royal 
 and renewed his former friendly relations with Audusta.* 
 Another excursion was made up the St. John's, where 
 the Frenchmen discovered the entrance of a lake, prob- 
 ably Lake George,' whose opposite shores, according to 
 Indian report, could not be seen even from the tops of 
 the highest trees, and on their return visited the pictu- 
 resque Drayton Island, called by the Indians Edelano." 
 A gentleman from Fort Caroline, who had remained some 
 time with Outina, brought back an account of the primi- 
 tive method by which the natives recovered the gold from 
 the sands of the rivers which flowed down from the moun- 
 tains; how the sand was collected in dry, hollow reeds, 
 in which, on being shaken, the gold and silver grains be- 
 came separated from the sand owing to their greater 
 weight.^ Later on a band of soldiers under Ottigny was 
 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 71 et seq. ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 481-483. 
 
 2 Ibid., p. 74 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 484 ; Le Moyne in De Bry, p. 18. 
 
 ' Fairbanks, Hist, of Florida, p. 125 ; Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride Fran- 
 ^aise, p. 177, identifies the lake with Lake Okeechobee. There can be little 
 question as to the correctness of Fairbanks. See Appendix J, Maps of the 
 French Colony. 
 
 ■• Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 75 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 4S5 ; Le Moyne in De 
 Bry, pp. 15, 19 ; Fairbanks, Hist, of Florida, p. 105. Velasco also mentions 
 this island as situated at the outlet of " unalaguna, que bojara ocho leguas." 
 — Geografia, p. 168, 
 
 * Laudonniere says "gold or copper." Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 76; 
 Hak., vol. ii., p. 486 ; Le Moyne in De Bry, p. 19. This is one of the 
 
The Second French Colony 85 
 
 sent to assist Outina on one of his expeditions against a 
 neighbouring chief. 
 
 So the time passed until the opening of the following 
 year (1565), when the French, like the Spaniards before 
 them, began to reap the first fruits of their improvidence 
 in failing to make sufficient provision against the diminu- 
 tion of their store of food. It was the custom of the 
 Indians of that region to withdraw into the forests during 
 the winter and early spring, where they subsisted by 
 hunting until their crops began to ripen ; and the French, 
 who had made no plantings against such a contingency, 
 but had lived off the maize and beans which they ob- 
 tained by barter from the natives, were suddenly thrown 
 upon their own resources. For a while they made out 
 to live upon the stores which Laudonni^re had thought- 
 fully laid by, but with the approach of the month of 
 May, the first gnawing of famine began to be felt ; for the 
 soldiers with characteristic thoughtlessness had lavishly 
 consumed the food in expectation of the arrival of suc- 
 cour from France, which did not come. A little fish was 
 obtained from the natives, who had by this time returned 
 to their homes, but the Indians were now without maize 
 or beans, having used what remained to them in planting 
 for the coming season, and the soldiers, enfeebled by 
 hunger and unable to continue to work, wandered dis- 
 consolately to the top of the bluff, where Laudonniere 
 had dreamed his dream of Paradise, and despairingly 
 scanned the surface of the glittering waters for the arrival 
 of the ship from France. 
 
 most detailed of the exceedingly rare descriptions of primitive Indian gold- 
 mining. Le Moyne, who says the Indians dug ditches in the river in which 
 the sand was deposited by gravity, has given us a picture of the natives at 
 work collecting gold out of the bed of the river in his Eicones, Plate XLL, 
 Auri legendi ratio in rivis a montibus Apalatcy decurrentibus. Shipp in his 
 Hernando de Soto and Florida, Philadelphia, l88i, p. 526, note, thinks 
 these mines were in the north of Georgia, where are now the Georgia gold 
 fields, and were probably the same as those of which De Soto was informed. 
 
86 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 One day followed the other, and as they watched in 
 vain, the prolonged anxiety bred within them, with the 
 abandonment of hope, its companion despair, and finally 
 the determination to leave the inhospitable shore. With 
 that they went to work to build a boat for the voyage 
 and to enlarge the brigantine, which the mutineers had 
 captured from the Spaniards, by raising it two decks 
 higher. But this required time and "there remained 
 now the principal, which was to recouer victuals with 
 which to sustain vs while our work endured," writes 
 Laudonniere.' The commander himself headed an ex- 
 pedition in search of food, living the while on berries 
 gathered in the forest and the roots of the palmettos 
 which grew by the river-bank ; but he was constrained to 
 return empty-handed to the fort. The Indians, seeing to 
 what straits the colonists were put, had now lost all fear 
 of them. They demanded even the shirts off the backs 
 of the soldiers in exchange for a single fish, and taunt- 
 ingly exclaimed, when the soldiers complained of its ex- 
 cessive cost, "If thou make so great account of thy 
 merchandise, eat it, and we will eat our fish." "Then 
 they fell out laughing and mocked vs with open throat." ' 
 And now began the desperate struggle to wrest from the 
 Indians enough food to keep body and soul together 
 while the brigantine was being completed. Outina, to 
 whom they turned in their necessity, pushed his advan- 
 tage, sending just sufficient supplies to goad them into ac- 
 ceding to his harsh conditions of aiding him against his 
 enemies. 
 
 Considering that as the country was to be abandoned, 
 the colony would derive no further advantage from the ■ 
 continuance of its previous friendly relations with the 
 natives, Laudonni&re, who was intent on securing pro- 
 visions by force when more pacific means had failed, de- 
 
 ' Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 8i ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 491. 
 ' Ibid., p. 82 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 492. 
 
The Second French Colony 87 
 
 termined to seize the person of the Indian chief and hold 
 him as a hostage for the food of which they stood in 
 such imminent need. Taking two boats, he embarked 
 with fifty of his best soldiers, and, descending upon the 
 village, carried Outina off as prisoner; he then signified 
 to the natives that he would do their chief no harm, but 
 would return him to them in exchange for food. But 
 the Indians, accustomed themselves to put their prisoners 
 of war to death, mistrusted his promise, and by every art 
 of Indian deceit sought to recover their chief, bringing 
 the Frenchmen a little fish and cornmeal in order to en- 
 tice them into ambush. During the month of May the 
 famine became extreme; "for the very riuer had not 
 such plentie of fish as it was wont, and it seemed that the 
 land and water did fight against vs," says Laudonnit^re. 
 Even the work upon the boat was delayed. Some 
 gathered roots and pounded them to a pulp in mortars; 
 others ground the wood of the sarsaparilla into a meal 
 and ate it boiled in water; others went hunting for fowl. 
 
 "Yea, this miserie was so great, that one was found that 
 gathered vp among the filth of my house, all the fish bones 
 that he could finde, which he dried and beate into powder to 
 make bread thereof. The effects of this hidious famine ap- 
 peared incontinently among vs," continues Laudonniere, " for 
 our bones eftsoones beganne to cleaue so neere vnto the skinne, 
 that the most part of the souldiers had their skinnes pierced 
 thorow with them in many partes of their bodies." ' 
 
 About the beginning of June Laudonni&re heard of 
 ripe maize up the river, where he went and obtained a 
 little, but his soldiers fell sick from eating more of it 
 than their weakened stomachs could digest. So the time 
 passed wearily, until one day Outina, who still remained 
 a prisoner, induced Laudonniere to make another attempt 
 
 ' Hist. Notable^ Basanier, pp. 82-85 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 496. See ako 
 Hawkins's account of the famine in Hakluyt, vol. iv., p. 242. 
 
88 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 at exchanging him for maize and beans. When the vil- 
 lage was finally reached, the previous tactics were repeated 
 by the natives, who tried by every strategy known to 
 Indian wiles to free their chief and to be avenged of his 
 captors. But the Frenchmen saw through these designs, 
 and after prolonged negotiations Outina was finally sur- 
 rendered and some maize collected. As Ottigny was 
 leaving the village by an avenue four hundred paces long 
 and planted with great trees on both sides, he was sud- 
 denly attacked from ambush by the Indians. Observing 
 how the armour protected the bodies of his soldiers, the 
 Indians shot at their faces and legs, killing two of his 
 men and wounding twenty-two. In the melee most of 
 the corn was lost.' Another serious calamity which now 
 befell the colonists was the killing by the Indians of two of 
 the carpenters employed on the ship. When the soldiers 
 learned that this would still further protract its comple- 
 tion, they became so mutinous that they were with diflR- 
 culty appeased, and in order to hasten matters it was 
 determined to work no more upon the ship, but to con- 
 centrate all their efforts on the repairing of the brigan- 
 tine. With the energy of despair the houses without the 
 fort were demolished, and their woodwork was converted 
 into charcoal, and the palisade of the fort on the river 
 was also torn down to furnish timber, leaving it defence- 
 less on that side. 
 
 On the 3rd of August, while these final preparations 
 were being pushed forward with feverish haste, Laudon- 
 nifere went out walking on a little hill, "much tormented 
 in mind " with conflicting emotions, in which the fact that 
 provisions for ten days was all that remained, frustrated 
 ambition, and bitter disappointment at the complete 
 failure of the colony played no little part. Suddenly 
 he descried four sails at sea. ' ' I sent immediately one of 
 
 ' Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 88 et seq.; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 498-502; 
 Hawkins, Hak., vol. iv., p. 243. 
 
I 
 
 The Second French Colony 89 
 
 them which were with me to aduertise those of the Fort 
 thereof, which were so glad of those newes, that one 
 would haue thought them to bee out of their wittes to 
 see them laugh and Icape for joy." ' After the ships had 
 cast anchor, a boat was seen making for land, and Lau- 
 donnicre promptly sent an armed man to meet it, and 
 drew up his soldiers in readiness for an attack, fearing 
 that the strangers might be Spaniards, a fear in which he 
 was largely justified if he considered his proximity to the 
 route of Spanish commerce, and the presence in his midst 
 of the pirates who had sacked and plundered the Spanish 
 merchantmen off the neighbouring islands. The new- 
 comer proved to be Master John Hawkins, the father of 
 the English slave-trade, on his way home from a second 
 prosperous venture undertaken with the sanction of the 
 Council.' He had been capturing negroes on the Guinea 
 coast and had sold them to the Spaniards in the West 
 Indies at the point of his sword, forcing them with faul- 
 con and arquebuse to give him "a testimoniall of his 
 good behauiour" ^ while there. His ships were the Stval- 
 low, the Tiger, and Salomon, small vessels of from thirty 
 to one hundred and forty tons, and a stately ship of 
 seven hundred tons, the Jesus of Lubeck, belonging to 
 Queen Elizabeth, which she herself had lent him for the 
 adventure.' He had been sailing along the coast for 
 several days since sighting Havana, in search of fresh 
 water; and now he had sent one of his company ashore 
 with a request to be permitted to refill his empty tanks. 
 This messenger proved to be one Martin Atinas, of 
 
 ' Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 94 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 504. 
 
 * Hawkins, Hak., vol. iv., p. 241. According to Hawkins {j,bid., p. 239) 
 he appears to have reached Fort Caroline about the middle of July and left 
 (p. 24) on the 28th. The date of Aug. 3rd is that given by Laudonniere. 
 
 ^ Ibid. 233. De Silva to Philip II., Nov. 15, 1565, Col. Doc. Inedit. 
 Espaiia, tomo Ixxxvii., pp. 28, 29, English translation in Spanish State 
 Papers, 1558-1567, I- Elizabeth, 503. 
 
 ^Hawkins, Hak., vol. iv., p. 205 ; Froude, English Seamen, p, 44. 
 
90 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Dieppe, who had taken part in Ribaut's first colony, and 
 had readily found employment with the adventurous 
 Englishman. Atinas was the bearer of two flagons of 
 wine and some wheaten bread, a present from Hawkins, 
 "which greatly refreshed me, forasmuch as for seuen 
 moneths space I neuer tasted a drop of wine," writes 
 Laudonni&re, who generously divided it among his 
 soldiers.' 
 
 Next day Hawkins himself came up the river and 
 was entertained by Laudonniere in his dismantled fort. 
 With French hospitality he killed for his English guest 
 some sheep and poultry brought from France, and so 
 precious to him that notwithstanding all his "necessities 
 and sicknesse," he "would not suffer so much as one 
 chicken to be killed." ' And perhaps when the feast was 
 over, and "the gentlemen honourably apparelled yet un- 
 armed," who attended Hawkins, were seated about in 
 the shade listening to his relation, Laudonniere may have 
 solaced them with a Floridian custom to which the 
 French themselves had become addicted. For 
 
 " the Floridians haue a kinde of herbe dried, who with a cane 
 and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and the dried herbs 
 put together, doe sucke thorow the cane the smoke thereof, 
 which smoke satisfieth their hunger . . . and this all the 
 Frenchmen vsed for this purpose: yet do they holde opinion 
 withall, that it causeth water and fleame to void from their 
 stomacks." 
 
 Thus gravely and wisely did Master Hawkins describe his 
 first pipeful of tobacco, as he saw the pleasant vapour roll 
 
 '^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 95; Hak., vol. ii., p. 504. Meleneche in 
 his deposition (Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565, fol. 4b) says the 
 colonists "han hecho en este afio despues que llegaron diez barricas o 
 quartos de vino, y dicen que salio bueno y de color clarete." Bartram in 
 his Travels, p. 87, mentions grape-vines on the St. John's. 
 
 * Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 95 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 505. 
 
The Second French Colony 91 
 
 in fleecy, fantastic clouds from between the lips of his 
 French hosts.' 
 
 Hawkins, perceiving the sorry condition of the colony 
 and the anxiety of the French to return home, offered to 
 transport all the company in his ships to France. The 
 complete isolation of the settlers, the extreme difficulties 
 of the situation, and the wariness incumbent upon their 
 leader in those times, in which the scurviest of tricks were 
 played upon each other by nations ostensibly at peace, 
 and above all Laudonnifere's estimate of the sincerity of 
 his English friend, are illustrated in his refusal to accept 
 the proffered aid. "For I knewe not how the case stood 
 betweene the French and the English," he writes, "and 
 although hee promised me on his faith to put mee on land 
 in France, before hee would touch England, yet I stood 
 in doubt least he would attempt somewhat in Florida in 
 the name of his mistresse. " ' 
 
 When it became known among the soldiers that 
 Hawkins's offer had been refused, there arose such a 
 turmoil among them that a council was called, and the 
 decision reached to purchase a small ship, which Hawkins 
 had offered to give them, after seeing the insufficiency of 
 those which they had for the proposed journey. It was 
 further decided that its price should be paid in artillery 
 and powder, for Laudonni^re feared that if the payment 
 were made in the silver which he had collected while in 
 Florida, the sight of it might excite the cupidity of the 
 English Queen. Hawkins, in place of taking offence at 
 the suspicions cast upon him by the flat refusal of the 
 Frenchmen, readily consented to the bargain, selling his 
 vessel to them at the price which the French themselves 
 put upon it. Moved with pity at their distress, he sold 
 them a quantity of his provisions, and fifty pairs of shoes 
 
 ^ Hak., vol. iv., pp. 244, 245. Le Moyne in Plate XX. of his Eicones 
 shows an Indian smoking a pipe and describes it in the legend to the plate. 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 96 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 505. 
 
92 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 for the barefooted soldiers. In payment for these Lau- 
 donniere gave him his note of hand, " for which vntil this 
 present I am indebted to him," writes the lieutenant. 
 Over and above this Hawkins gave them oil and vinegar, 
 olives, rice, and biscuits, and made various gifts to the 
 French officers, showing such humanity and generosity 
 that Laudonniere gratefully exclaims, "I may say that 
 we receiued as many courtesies of the Generall as it were 
 possible to receiue of any man liuing. Wherein doubt- 
 lesse he hath wonne the reputation of a good and charita- 
 ble man, deseruing to be esteemed as much of vs all as 
 if he had saued all our lives." ' It is one of those mys- 
 terious paradoxes in the make-up of a human soul, that 
 the doughty slave-trader, who had been stealing negroes 
 with fire and sword, packing them like human cattle in 
 the holds of his ships, and selling them under the muzzles 
 of his guns, dismisses this humane incident in half a 
 dozen lines in his own narrative, and that it is only from 
 the pen of those whose lives he had saved that we learn 
 the striking details. 
 
 Menendez subsequently wrote Philip that at the time 
 of Hawkins's visit there were two vessels loaded with 
 hides and sugar at Fort Caroline which the French had 
 robbed off Yaguana, on the west coast of Hispaniola, and 
 had thrown their crews overboard. As the French 
 had not enough sailors to man the prizes themselves 
 Hawkins, who, after a stay of only a few days, was ready 
 to set sail for home, was commissioned by Laudonniere 
 to sell their cargoes in France or England, leaving two 
 Englishmen at Fort Caroline as hostages for the fulfilment 
 of his agreement.' By the 15th of August the supplies 
 
 ' Hisi. Notable, Basanier, p. 87 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 507. For Hawkins's 
 account of this to the Spanish ambassador to England see De Silva to 
 Philip II., Oct. 22, 1565, Col. Doc. Indit. Espaiia, tomo Ixxxvii., pp. 218, 
 230. English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1558-1567, I. Elizabeth, 
 pp. 495, 503. 
 
 ^ Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 90. 
 
The Second French Colony 93 
 
 left by the English and those accumulated by Laudon- 
 niere were stored aboard the ship, and only the absence 
 of a favourable wind now stood between the colonists 
 and their departure for their beloved France.' 
 
 There can be no reasonable doubt that the English vessels referred to in 
 the letter were those of John Hawkins, for there is an agreement as to their 
 number, the great size of the Jesus and the date of Hawkins's visit to La 
 Caroline, although no names are mentioned in the letter. The French ac- 
 counts make no reference to any such vessels as these two found at La 
 Caroline by Menendez. Dr. Shea in The Catholic Church in Colonial Days 
 (New York. 1886, p. 140), and in his "Ancient Florida " (in A^arr. and 
 Crit. Hist. Am., New York, 1886, vol. ii., 'p. 276), infers that they were 
 Spanish vessels, which is not improbable, given the nature of their cargoes. 
 ^Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 98 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 507. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 THE THIRD FRENCH EXPEDITION 
 
 THROUGHOUT these long days of waiting Coligny 
 had not forgotten his plantation, and early in 1565 
 preparations were made to relieve it. The necessity was 
 all the more pressing, because the very first vessel return- 
 ing from Florida had brought with it strange rumours. 
 It was said that Laudonniere was disposed to play the 
 king, and to resent in a tyrannous manner any interfer- 
 ence with his designs; that his men were treated with 
 undue cruelty, and that he was currying favour and ad- 
 vancement by other means than at the hands of the 
 Admiral, writing to the Lords of the Council with the 
 promise of sending them gifts of the objects which he 
 had found in Florida. And Coligny, himself an austere 
 man, was indignant at his having taken a woman with him 
 to the distant colony. It boded ill for the fortunes of 
 the infant settlement if such a man were left in charge, 
 so Jean Ribaut, who was again back in France, was put 
 in command of a fleet of seven vessels and given the 
 necessary authority to supersede Laudonniere, who, for 
 his part, was directed to return to France.' 
 
 Again there gathered a miscellaneous company of ad- 
 venturers at the port of Dieppe, including soldiers who 
 refused to pay for their lodgings, and who set the town in 
 an uproar with their carousings, "preferring to incur the 
 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 99-102; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 509, 512. 
 94 
 
The Third French Expedition 95 
 
 wrath of the waters, rather than laying down their arms, 
 to return to their first condition," says Le Challeux ' ; 
 others, attracted by the report of a land of Cocaigne, 
 where the grateful earth yielded up her fruits unscathed 
 by the plough, where the heat of the sun was tempered 
 to a pleasant ardour, and where frost and hail were un- 
 known ; and others by a more sordid desire for gold. 
 There were also several gentlemen, among them a rela- 
 tive of Admiral Coligny, and Jacques Ribaut, son of 
 Jean, who went in command of one of the ships; six 
 Portuguese pilots to direct the fleet,* and a number of 
 artisans with their families.' 
 
 The expedition was undertaken with the full knowledge 
 and consent of the Queen, who was even thought to have 
 an interest in it,' and the usual perfunctory charges were 
 given Ribaut not to trespass upon Spanish possessions/ 
 But he had also received a letter from Coligny informing 
 him of the intended departure of a Spanish armada with 
 probably a like destination and the laconic instructions 
 which accompanied the letter left little doubt as to what 
 action he should take in the event of an encounter with 
 the Spaniards, "Capitaine lohn Ribault," it ran, "as I 
 was enclosing vp this letter, I receiued a certaine aduice, 
 that Don Pedro Melendes departeth from Spaine to goe 
 to the coast of Newe France : see you that you suffer 
 him not to encroch vpon you, no more than he would 
 
 ' " Hist. Memorable " in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 457. 
 
 ^ Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 92. 
 
 ^ " Hist. Memorable " in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 458. Meras in 
 his " Jornadas de Pedro Menendez de Aviles" (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo 
 i., p. 83) says Ribaut forbade Roman Catholics to embark under pain of 
 death, and allowed only Protestant books to be taken along. Barrientos 
 in his " Vida y Hechos de Pero Menendez de Aviles," in Genaro Garcia's 
 Dos Antigiias Relaciones de la Florida, p. 33, makes substantially the same 
 statement. 
 
 ^Philip II. to Alava, June 2, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K (2), 1504. 
 Alava to Philip II., June 8, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat. Paris, K, 1504 (6). 
 
 ' Le Challeux in " Hist. Memorable" in Gaffarel, pp. 457, 470. 
 
96 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 that you should encroch vpon him." ' Men^ndez, writ- 
 ing to Philip some five months later, told him that 
 Ribaut carried orders to fortify a position on the Martyr 
 Islands, where he could command the Bahama Channel 
 so that no vessel could pass except under his eyes. Six 
 galleys were to be stationed there, with the object of 
 seizing Havana, freeing the negroes, and subsequently 
 those of Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, and Tierra Firme. 
 And it was also proposed to build a fort at the Bay of 
 Ponce de Leon, because of its proximity to New Spain 
 and Honduras.'' 
 
 On the loth of May the three hundred colonists ' em- 
 barked aboard the ships, the names of five of which are 
 still known to us, the Trinity, Jean Ribaut's flag-ship, the 
 Union, the Trout, the Shoulder of Mutton, and the Pearl, 
 the last of which went in command of Jacques Ribaut; 
 but they were detained until the 22nd, awaiting supplies. 
 Then came so violent a storm that the sailors cut their 
 cables and ran before the wind. Three days more were 
 spent in Havre pending the arrival of news from Dieppe, 
 and over two weeks at the Isle of Wight, in expectation 
 of a favourable wind. It was a delay fraught with fatal 
 consequence to French enterprise in Florida, for had 
 Ribaut reached there in season, the colonists would have 
 
 "^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. io6 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 516. Le Moyne, 
 who also gives this letter (De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 23) says it was writ- 
 ten in Coligny's own hand. 
 
 ^ Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 
 29 and 107, 108. Menendez says he was so informed by a Frenchman, 
 whose life he had spared at the capture of Fort Caroline. 
 
 2 " Hist. Memorable" in Gaffarel, p. 459 ; Philip II. to Alava, June 2, 
 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 {2), says 500 soldiers. Mendoza in his 
 " Relacion " (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 442), says 700 men and 200 
 women. Gaffarel {Hist, de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 145), thinks they may 
 have amounted to 1000. Silva in his letter of June 25, 1565, to Philip II.. 
 referring to the presence of Ribaut's fleet in Portland harbour, says they 
 were 1200 {Col. Doc. Inedit. Espana, tomo Ixxxvii., p. 133, English transla- 
 tion in Spanish State Papers, 1558-1567, I. Elizabeth, p. 242.) 
 
I 
 
 The Third French Expedition 97 
 
 been in a far more advantageous position to resist the 
 attack of the Spaniards than afterwards proved to be the 
 case, and the reinforcement which he brought would cer- 
 tainly have greatly retarded if not entirely diverted the 
 nemesis which finally overtook them. 
 
 Meanwhile the colonists on the St. John's were im- 
 patiently awaiting a favourable opportunity to abandon 
 the country, and on August 28, 1565, the wind and tide 
 being propitious, the two ships were about to set sail for 
 France, when their captains, Vasseur and Verdier, ob- 
 served some sails at sea, of which they promptly informed 
 their commander. An armed boat was immediately de- 
 spatched to learn who the strangers might be, and the 
 sentinels, who had climbed the highest trees to follow 
 their movements, reported that the great boat of the 
 ships appeared to be chasing the small boat sent out to 
 meet them, which had already passed beyond the bar at 
 the mouth of the river. Again the soldiers were drawn 
 up in line, lest the newcomers should prove to be enemies, 
 and through all the sweltering day and the long watches 
 of the following night the colonists awaited in painful 
 suspense the report of their messenger; for though the 
 small boat had come up with the ships by two o'clock, it 
 had entirely failed to send back any report. The follow- 
 ing morning at about eight or nine o'clock seven boats 
 were seen entering the river, among them that of Lau- 
 donni^re's messenger of the previous day. The boats 
 were full of soldiers, each carrying an arquebus, and wear- 
 ing a morion on his head; silently and in battle array 
 they moved past the outposts on the bluff, vouchsafing 
 no kind of reply to the eager enquiry of the sentry as to 
 who they might be. Unable to control his suspense at 
 these mysterious movements, one of the sentinels fired a 
 shot at them, which fell short of the mark, owing to the 
 distance between him and the boats. Still no reply, and 
 
 Laudonniere, warned of their approach, placed each of 
 
 **. — 7. 
 
98 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 his men at his post, and trained two small field-pieces, 
 which still remained to him, in readiness to fire upon the 
 advancing line. Nearer still drew the silent company, 
 making directly for the fort, when to the intense surprise 
 and relief of the colonists Captain Jean Ribaut was recog- 
 nised by his great beard ' as the leader of the advancing 
 host. The sight of his well-known face quickly dispelled 
 the fear which his warlike array had excited, and the 
 arquebuses, but a moment before turned against him, 
 now welcomed him "with a gentle volley of shot, where- 
 unto he answered with his." ^ 
 
 Ribaut soon came ashore and Laudonnifere conducted 
 him to his own house, where he entertained him with the 
 store which Hawkins had left behind. After the demon- 
 strations of joy had subsided, Ribaut drew his lieutenant 
 aside, out of the fort, and informed him of the charges 
 against him, while at the same time he delivered to him 
 the letter of recall from Coligny. This was couched in 
 no ambiguous terms as to the Admiral's personal friend- 
 ship for him, but required his return to France to clear 
 his credit.^ Laudonnifere readily disposed of the first 
 two charges, observing, with much reason, that in a new 
 country, and with such a company as had come to in- 
 habit it, authority must be strictly enforced in order to 
 retain that ascendency over its various elements that was 
 necessary to the maintenance of order. To the charge 
 of underhanded dealings with the Council, he replied, 
 that he had but written to them in conformity with in- 
 structions received from the Admiral himself and with 
 the sole object of securing their influence in dealing with 
 the Queen Mother for the continuance of the enterprise. 
 And finally as for the woman he explained that she was 
 
 ' Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 103 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 513. 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. loi ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 510. 
 ' Coligny's letter is given in full in Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 102 ; Hak^ 
 vol. ii., p. 511. 
 
The Third French Expedition 99 
 
 but a poor chambermaid, whom he had taken up in an 
 inn to oversee his household, and to attend to the poultry 
 and sheep which he had brought over with him. He 
 dwelt upon the necessity of her ministrations to the sick 
 and to himself in his own illness, and added, with great 
 naivete, that "all my men thought so well of her, that at 
 one instant there were sixe or seuen which did demand 
 her of mee in marriage." ' 
 
 Ribaut, after hearing Laudonnicre's explanations, 
 urged him to remain in Florida and generously offered to 
 share the command with him, leaving him in charge of 
 Fort Caroline, while he himself would withdraw and build 
 another fort elsewhere. This Laudonniere declined with 
 much dignity, saying that there could be but one Lieu- 
 tenant of the King, and here the matter rested for awhile. 
 But the blow was a severe one to him, falling as it did out 
 of a clear sky, and at the very moment when he had 
 thought to see an end to all he had endured in the service 
 of his country. The false reports preyed upon his mind, 
 and he fell sick of a fever which continued for eight or 
 nine days. 
 
 As four of his vessels proved to be too large to cross 
 the bar, Ribaut anchored them about a mile off shore, 
 where the water was shallow. His three smaller vessels, 
 one of which was the Pearl, commanded by his son 
 Jacques, he sent across the bar, the Pearl going as high 
 up as the fort, near which she anchored.^ The colonists 
 were now disembarked and the provisions brought ashore 
 and put away in a storehouse, which had been constructed 
 about two hundred paces from the fort near the bake- 
 house, which also stood without in order to avoid danger 
 of fire." The neighbouring chiefs came in to visit Ribaut 
 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 102, 103 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 522. Laudon- 
 niere says that one of his men did marry her after their return to France. 
 
 ^ Le Moyne in Brevis Narratio, pp. 22, 26. 
 
 ^ Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 104 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 514 ; " Hist. Memo- 
 rable," GafTarel, p. 461. 
 
loo The Spanish Settlements 
 
 and to welcome him after their fashion ; and in their 
 mimicry of the French would stretch out their hands 
 reverently to the sky, when the bell of the fort rang for 
 prayers.' 
 
 Ribaut had scarcely been a week at Fort Caroline, 
 when on Tuesday, September 4th,* at about four o'clock 
 in the afternoon, some soldiers, who had been walking on 
 the beach, brought him word that they had seen six ships 
 steering in the direction of the Trinity and her three com- 
 panions, which lay outside the bar. There were but a 
 few men in charge of these, for most of the crews were 
 ashore, engaged upon the restoration of the fort and the 
 houses to which Ribaut had turned his attention. On 
 hearing the astounding news, Ribaut and a large number 
 of the colonists hurried to the shore which they reached 
 in time to learn that the strange vessels had anchored 
 alongside their own ships, whereupon the French vessels 
 had cut their cables and sailed away, with the others in 
 pursuit. Straining their eyes through the limpid air of 
 the September night, which had just been cleared by a 
 thunder-storm, Ribaut and his companions could see 
 their hulls disappearing below the horizon.^ The fleet 
 which had so unexpectedly presented itself was that of 
 Pedro Men^ndez de Aviles, Admiral of Spain, and one 
 of the most accomplished seamen and commanders of 
 the day, who had been sent by Philip II. to drive the 
 French out of Florida. 
 
 ' " Hist. Memorable," ibid., p. 463. 
 
 ' Laudonniere {Hak., vol. ii., p. 514), says Sept. 4th. 
 
 2 Le Moyne in De Bry, p. 22. 
 
I 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 PHILIP'S NOTICE TO FRANCE 
 
 WHILE events were thus shaping themselves in dis- 
 tant Florida Philip was not kept in ignorance of 
 the activity of the French by his ambassador, Don Frances 
 de Alava, who had succeeded Chantone at the Court of 
 Charles IX. Every movement of Laudonnifere was nar- 
 rowly watched, and the King was duly informed of his 
 sailing.' From Normandy, from Brittany, from Nantes, 
 from Bordeaux, and from Bayonne reports continued to 
 arrive of the arming of vessels whose destination was 
 either for Florida, or to rob the fleets from the Indies.* 
 The piracies on the high seas continued with unabated 
 vigour because "the first thing that a pirate did after he 
 had robbed a vessel of 20,000 or 30,000 ducats was to 
 
 ' Alava to Philip II., June 7, 1564, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1501 (85). 
 
 ''Alava to Philip II., Jan. 2, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1505 (28); 
 Barchino to Philip II., March 21, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (58) ; Alava to 
 Philip II., Apr. 27, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (79); same to same, July 12, 
 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1504 (45). The Nantes expedition was under the com- 
 mand of the son of the Mayor of Nantes, and Philip ordered that a copy of 
 the report be laid before the Council of the Indies. Alava to Philip II., 
 Jan. 18, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503(33). The Bayonne expedition was being 
 armed by the eldest son of Montluc. Alava to Philip II., Jan. 18, 1565, MS. 
 ibid., K, 1503 (33). A month later he applied to Alava for a license, and 
 on the refusal of the ambassador to give it, he obtained one from the Queen 
 Mother; same to same, Feb. 20, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (50). In the 
 ensuing May the father gave his word that the son would not go to Florida; 
 same to same. May 26, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (loi), and the expedition 
 was finally abandoned; same to same, June 4, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1504(4). 
 lOI 
 
I02 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 distribute io,ooo or 15,000 of them among those who were 
 to judge him, or among their children, or to place the 
 money in some matter in which they were interested." ' 
 Protests on the part of the Spanish ambassador were re- 
 ceived with evasive excuses,'' or contemptuously set aside. 
 Coligny and Catherine continued to cajole him with empty 
 promises that the pirates and robbers would receive con- 
 dign punishment, the Queen's real object appearing to be 
 that her subjects should arm themselves in whatever way 
 they pleased, provided that they profited by so doing.' 
 
 In the early spring of 1565, the news began to reach 
 Spain of the depredations committed by the French 
 colonists,' who represented to their Spanish captors that 
 they had been sent out by Laudonniere in search of food.* 
 By April the King was already aware of the equipment 
 and destination of Ribaut's reinforcements,* of whose de- 
 parture for Florida and visit to Plymouth he was also in- 
 formed.' The situation was already assuming serious 
 
 ' Alava to Philip II., Oct. 31, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat,, Paris, K, 1504 (72). 
 
 ^Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 18, 1563, MS. ibid., K, 1500 (81), fol. 5 ; 
 Alava to Philip II., April 27, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (79); Alava to 
 Francisco de Erasso. May 7, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (88). 
 
 = Alava to Philip II., Feb. 20, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1503 (50). 
 
 * Rojomonte's deposition, made February 28, 1565, in Noticias de la Pobla- 
 cion que habian hecho los Franceses en la Florida, MS. Arch. Gen. de 
 Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 1/19, ro. 14; Noriega to Philip 
 II., March 29, 1565, MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo 
 xiv.. Doc. No. 33, fol. I. 
 
 ^ Deposition of Rojomonte in Noticias de la Foblacidn, etc., fol. 2 ; Con- 
 fesion que se tomo a un hombre que bino de la Ysla de Cuba sobre lo tocante 
 a la Florida, 1565. MS, Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. i, 
 caj. I, leg. 1/19, ro. 5, p. 5. 
 
 « Avis du due d'Albe, April il, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1503 (69). 
 Barrientos in his " Vida y Hechos de Pedro Menendez de Aviles" (Dos Re- 
 laciones de la Florida, por Genaro Garcia, Mexico, 1902, p. 33) says Philip 
 was also advised of the preparations of Ribaut by Don Jose de Guevara, 
 Viceroy of Navarre. 
 
 "^ Aviles to Philip II., May 18, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 66; 
 Alava to Philip II., June 8, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (6) ; De 
 Silva to Philip II., June 25, 1565, Col. Doc. Inedit. Espana, tomo Ixxxix., 
 
Philip's Notice to France 103 
 
 proportions; for the "pirates of Normandy and Brittany 
 were so ravenous in their greed for the Indian fleets" 
 that they threatened to create graver complications than 
 those involved in the mere question of the title to 
 Florida, which might even lead to a war between the two 
 nations.' 
 
 The denial of Philip's abstract right of possession was 
 in itself sufficient to arouse the ire of the Spanish King, 
 but the renewed attempt to invade the country was of 
 even more urgent significance. If the reader will consult 
 the map of Florida, and recall what has been said in a 
 previous chapter of the route pursued by the return 
 treasure galleons, he will at once recognise that if Ribaut's 
 colony at Port Royal was considered so potential a danger 
 to the fleets as to induce Philip to send Manrique to up- 
 root it, the site selected by Laudonnitjre was fraught with 
 far more immanent peril to their safety. It was at the 
 very mouth of the Bahama Channel, where the ships were 
 compelled to proceed with the greatest caution on account 
 of the current, the inhospitable coast, and the prevalence 
 at certain seasons of tempestuous weather. Not only 
 did it threaten the fleets, but its nearness to Cuba and 
 Hispaniola, to Jamaica and Tierra Firme, enabled the 
 French, in the event of war between the two countries, 
 to attack and plunder this region long before succour 
 could be sent from Spain. And to crown all, while both 
 countries were still at peace, the colony had already be- 
 come a nest of pirates, and its settlers were beginning to 
 plunder the neighbouring islands, while their sovereign 
 turned a deaf ear to every protest of the Spaniards, and 
 closed her eyes to the actions of her subjects. 
 
 p. 128. English translation Spanish State Papers, 1558-1567, I. Elizabeth, 
 p. 242. 
 
 1 Alava to Philip II., May 7, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1503 (88). 
 Barchino in his letter to Alava of March 21, 1565, calls them " queste gente 
 piene de vana gloria." 
 
 .y-' 
 
I04 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 There was no ambiguity in the interpretation which 
 the Spaniards gave to the situation, and from every side 
 Philip was assailed with letters sounding the note of alarm 
 and advising prompt action. Before the French had set 
 foot in Florida, Menendez had warned Philip of the risks 
 which would be incurred by their presence there.' Again, 
 at a later date, he had sought to arouse his religious 
 fanaticism by impressing upon him the ready sympathy 
 which would arise between the Indians and the English 
 or French, "a Lutheran people, because the Indians and 
 they are of almost the same faith." "I am certain," he 
 writes, "that the object of those who went to settle 
 Florida was to possess those islands, and impede the 
 navigation of the Indies, which they could do with the 
 greatest ease, having settled or being about to settle 
 the other Florida"; and he reiterated his fear of their 
 stirring up an insurrection among the negroes.'' 
 
 Chantone had pointed out how Ribaut's first settle- 
 ment threatened the fleets from its proximity to the 
 Bahamas and the difficulty of expelling the French if 
 once they obtained a foothold.^ Alava had given a like 
 warning on the departure of Laudonnifere.* Barchino 
 wrote that the intention of the French was to establish a 
 new kingdom in tlie Indies.' Granvelle, after inform- 
 ing him that the French had constructed two forts in 
 
 ' Pero Menendez (Aviles) sobrel Remedio pa q haya muchos nabios. 
 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 28,366, fol. 296. 
 
 2 " Memorial " (undated) in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 322, 324. 
 This memorial appears to have been written during the interval between 
 his second and third voyages and before Ribaut's first settlement, for on 
 p. 323, Menendez speaks of " la Florida" in its largest extension, referr- 
 ing, it would seem, to the French settlements in Canada; and but two 
 lines farther he writes of the possibilities should the French settle " la otra 
 Florida." 
 
 3 Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 24, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1500 
 (43), fol. lb. 
 
 ■» Alava to Philip II., June 7, 1564, MS. ibid., K, 1501 (85). 
 
 * Barchino to Philip II., March 21, 1565, MS. ilnd., K, 1503 (58). 
 
I 
 
 Philip's Notice to France 105 
 
 Florida which it would be no easy matter to take, had 
 added : 
 
 " For if there are no Spaniards to drive them out, there are 
 over forty thousand men in France of which it is necessary to 
 rid the country. Every day their proverb becomes but too 
 true, when they say that with two things they can make sure 
 of the Spanish King: He has no money, and we will arrive and 
 provide for everything in season." ' 
 
 Noriega but echoed the prevalent opinion, and tersely 
 defined the situation: "For the sum of all that can be 
 said in the matter, is that they put the Indies in a cruci- 
 ble, for we are compelled to pass in front of their port, 
 and with the greatest ease they can sally out with their 
 armadas to seek us, and easily return home when it suits 
 them." Act promptly, he advised, before the Admiral 
 of France can forestall you, "and seeing that they are 
 Lutherans, as the three French prisoners affirm, it is 
 not needful to leave a man alive, but to inflict an exem- 
 plary punishment, that they may remember it forever." ' 
 Philip waited neither for Noriega's letter nor for the final 
 preparations of Ribaut's fleet. Indeed it appears that 
 his determination had been already reached shortly after 
 the arrival of three of the first mutineers from Fort Caro- 
 line, captured in Cuba, who had been sent to Spain in a 
 dispatch-boat, bringing with them the conclusive evidence 
 of the French depredations in the neighbouring Spanish 
 islands." In the latter part of March he had already 
 
 ' Granvelle to Philip II., June 2, 1565, Lettres et papier s d'Etat du Cardi- 
 nal de Granvelle, tome ix., p. 248. 
 
 "^ Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565. MS. Direc. de Hidrog. Madrid, 
 Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., Doc. No. 33, fols. 2, 3, 5, " no es menester dexar 
 hombre." On the importance of the danger of a settlement in the Bahama 
 Passage see also " Memoria de las cosas y costa y indios de la Florida" by 
 Hernando de Escalante Fontanedo, Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo v., p. 
 545 ; "Ancient Florida" by John Gilmary Shea in Narr. and Crit. Hist, 
 Am., vol. ii., p. 254. 
 
 ^ Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565, fol. 5. 
 
io6 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 selected the man best fitted for the carrying out of his 
 intentions and invested him with full power to execute 
 his will upon the intruders. 
 
 About the end of March or the beginning of April he 
 had learned from Alava of the preparations which Ribaut 
 was making in France for the relief of Laudonni^re's 
 colony, and he turned for advice to one of his councillors, 
 a man destined in the course of the next few years to 
 achieve a fame for cruelty and bloodshed second to but 
 few in history ; a man of fearless courage and of fierce 
 determination, and a man of great military talent, al- 
 though it had as yet scarcely received that recognition to 
 which it was entitled. This was Fernando Alvarez de 
 Toledo, Duke of Alba. Alba's counsel was brief, con- 
 cise, and energetic. It behooved the King to issue orders 
 that an armament be equipped with the least possible 
 delay to drive the Frenchmen promptly out from where 
 they had settled. At the same time the Council of the 
 Indies should be ordered to put in writing the reasons 
 which justify the King in excluding the French from 
 Florida. Such reasons appearing sufficient, the Queen 
 Mother should be spoken to in a very bold way to induce 
 her not only to cease from sending more reinforcements, 
 but also to recall the settlers who were already there. 
 Alava should then be directed to urge a decision upon 
 the matter, and in the event of none being forthcoming, 
 Philip should send a member of his Council to treat of it. 
 
 It had already been arranged that Isabella of Savoy, 
 Philip's wife, should replace her husband in the inter- 
 view with Catherine de' Medici which was to take place at 
 Bayonne in June, and which Catherine herself had sought 
 in order to confer with him on important matters of 
 state; and Alba craftily advised that the solution of the 
 difficulty should be urged previous to the conference 
 upon which Catherine was so intent.' Philip was not 
 
 ' Avis du due d'Albe, April ii, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1503(69). 
 
Philip's Notice to France 107 
 
 slow to follow the advice thus given. Don Juan de 
 Acuila, Captain-General of Guipuzcoa, was dispatched 
 in person to verify the particulars of the French 
 preparations, and Alava was directed to report further 
 details.' 
 
 While awaiting the arrival of fuller information the 
 question of Philip's title to Florida was formally laid be- 
 fore the Council of the Indies, which rendered its opinion 
 in writing on the 5th of May, confirming it in every de- 
 tail. It was founded, said the Council, upon the right 
 and title conveyed to him by 
 
 "the bull of Pope Alexander, to whom, as Vicar of Our 
 Saviour, it pertains to procure the conversion of all the 
 heathen to his Holy Catholic Faith, and [who] to this end 
 could appoint a Supreme Christian Prince over all the native 
 Kings and Lords of all the Indies, . . . and thus he 
 selected and chose the Kings of Castile and of Leon, Con- 
 vinced of their zeal and Christianity, and aware of the great 
 expense to which they had been put in beginning the dis- 
 coveries with their people and fleets, he granted them the 
 Lordship over all that had been or should be discovered 
 within the Hmits set forth in the said bull, within which is the 
 said Florida; and for the same reason he prohibited and was 
 able to prohibit, under the penalties therein contained, that 
 any other should enter them or send people to them without 
 license from the said Kings of Castile and of Leon. And 
 possession was taken of the said Province in the name of 
 Your Majesty in many and diverse parts of it by Angel de 
 Villafane in the same region and Port which the French now 
 occupy. 
 
 ' " Consulta hecha al Rey por el Consejo Real de las Indias en 5 de Mayo 
 de 1565 sobre el apresto de los 500 soldados, y Navios, y vituallas que Su 
 Magestad mando hacer para el viage a la Florida a cargo del General Pero 
 Menendez de Aviles, con motivo de los 16 Navios que se entendio se arm- 
 aban en Abra de Gracia, y otros Puertos de aquella costa, con 2 M soldados 
 y mucha provision de vituallas y municiones para ir a la Florida." MS. 
 Direc. de Hidrog, Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., Doc. No. 35. 
 
io8 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 " It also appears that possession was taken of the said 
 Province of Florida in the name of Your Majesty, in the 
 same region which the French now occupy, by Guido de 
 Labazares in the year 1558. . . . And there is also infor- 
 mation of the taking possession of the said Province in the name 
 of Your Majesty on other occasions, although the evidences of 
 such have not yet been found . . . and since the year 
 15 10 onward. Fleets and Vessels of these Kingdoms, have 
 gone to occupy the said Florida in the name of Your Majesty 
 
 for in the said year two Vessels of the Island of His- 
 paniola, which discovered it, went there, and in the year 1522 
 Juan Ponce went to its discovery . . . and afterwards 
 the Licenciate Lucas Vazquez de Aylon [sic^, and after Aylon, 
 Narvaez, and after Narvaez, Hernando de Soto; all Captains 
 and sent under the instruction and command of Your Majesty, 
 and of your predecessors. And even had the said possessions 
 not been taken. Your Majesty acquired the dominion of the 
 whole of the said Province by the bull and donation of Pope 
 Alexander, because his Holiness is Prince of the Church 
 
 and for these reasons, which are the chief ones, and 
 for other reasons which could be rehearsed, it appears to the 
 Council that Your Majesty's title is very clear. . . . And 
 we pray, as we have done at other times, that it may please 
 Your Majesty to observe, that if the French remain in Florida, 
 as they [now] are, they can impede the passage of all the ships 
 which come from the Indies, which would be a matter of great 
 inconvenience." * 
 
 Notvi^ithstanding the report that the French armament 
 was not as extensive as the Council had at first been led 
 to believe, and that no details had as yet been received 
 
 ' " Parecer del Consejo Real de las Indias, dirigido al Rey con fecha 5 de 
 Mayo de 1565, sobre el derecho que tiene S. M. a las Provincias de la 
 Florida." MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Co/. Navarrete, tomoxiv., Doc. 
 No. 34. There is an abridged Spanish version entitled Avis du Conseil 
 des Indes au sujet des droits de la Couronne d'Espagne sur la Floride. 
 Bayonne, 18 juin, 1565. MS. in Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (19), and there is 
 also a short notice of it in Recueil de Pikes sur la Floride, par H. Ternaux- 
 Compans, Paris, 1871, p. 153. 
 
Philip's Notice to France 109 
 
 from Acufia and Alava, it rendered a decree on the 
 same day, re-forming the armada that was to sail for 
 Florida, "because as the port of the French is in the 
 Channel of Bahama, which is the passage of the Indies, 
 it is of great importance to the service of Your Majesty 
 to drive that people out from there." ' A letter received 
 from Alava on the day of the Council had informed the 
 King that the French were already aware of the size and 
 destination of the Spanish armada which was to sail for 
 Florida, and that this knowledge might have a salutary 
 effect upon their activity and induce them to abandon 
 the enterprise. In view of this Philip prudently post- 
 poned the increase of the fleet until the arrival of the 
 fuller reports from Acufia and Alava.^ Alava sent Doctor 
 Gabriel de Enveja to Madrid to report to the Council 
 of the Indies, and himself left for the conference at 
 Bayonne. On his way thither his religious suscepti- 
 bilities became so confounded at the expected visit of an 
 emissary of the Grand Turk to the French sovereigns, 
 that he seriously informed Philip of his suspicions that 
 Ribaut's fleet was destined to Florida, because France 
 had sold it to the Turk!' 
 
 On the very verge of the conference Philip finally com- 
 manded Alava to speak to the Queen Mother on the sub- 
 ject, complaining of Ribaut's armament, that it had been 
 undertaken at her instigation, and expressing Philip's 
 surprise that notwithstanding the friendship existing be- 
 tween the Most Christian King, her son, and himself, and 
 the treaties of peace between them, she should endeavour 
 to conquer a province to which he held the title. 
 
 ' " Consulta hecha al Rey por el Consejo Real de las Indias en 5 de Mayo 
 de 1565," etc. MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarreie, tomo xiv., 
 Doc. No. 35. 
 
 * Philip II. 's marginal notes on the Consulta hecha al Rey en ^ de Mayo 
 de is6s, etc., and see Alava to Philip II., Oct. 31, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., 
 Paris, K, 1504 (72). 
 
 3 Alava to Philip II., May 28, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1503 (106). 
 
no The Spanish Settlements 
 
 "And if we have dissimulated until now in urging her, or 
 in pressing matters concerning other vessels which we have 
 heard have gone to Florida, it has been because we believed 
 that they were corsairs, and went to rob without the orders or 
 command of either herself or the King, her son; and that I 
 had given orders that such should be chastised, as it is reason- 
 able that infractors of the public peace should be, who under- 
 take such enterprises without the order and command of their 
 King." 
 
 If Ribaut had already set sail, Alava was directed to say 
 nothing on the subject to Catherine, but to au^ait the 
 arrival of the Duke of Alba, who was to leave in two days 
 to accompany the Queen of Spain on the visit to her 
 mother.' 
 
 Philip in this letter was pursuing his habitual crafty 
 and disingenuous methods. If Ribaut had sailed, the 
 question could be more effectively solved by blows in 
 Florida than by words at Bayonne. Meanwhile it was 
 important that the antagonism of Catherine should not 
 be aroused in view of the scheme for the simultaneous 
 extermination of all heretics in both dominions, which 
 his Queen, Isabella, and Alba had been instructed to 
 bring about through their interview with Catherine.* 
 As Ribaut had already set sail, the message was not de- 
 livered, and Alava was obliged to resort to his imagina- 
 tion to explain the contents of the letter, the arrival of 
 which had so excited Catherine's curiosity "that she sent 
 me a hundred persons to enquire what Your Majesty's 
 post had brought," writes the ambassador.^ 
 
 While Alba was negotiating at Bayonne, Alava was 
 giving ear to every extraordinary rumour which French 
 wit could devise, and on the 22nd of June wrote Phihp 
 
 ' Philip II. to Alava, June 2, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1504 (2). 
 * Rise of the Dutch Republic \>y J. L. Motley, vol. i., p. 476; Hist, de 
 France par Henri Martin, 4«'"« edit., Paris, 1857, tome ix., pp. 189-194. 
 2 Alava to Philip II., June 8, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (6). 
 
Philip's Notice to France 
 
 III 
 
 that he had received a letter from Normandy informing 
 him that the one hundred and fifty Frenchmen who 
 garrisoned the fort in Florida, driven by hunger, had 
 sallied out in search of provisions, and had all, with the 
 exception of six, been eaten up by the Indians. ' ' It were 
 indeed good news," he writes, "and the more so, that 
 these [Frenchmen] are so set upon going on that enter- 
 prise, that it may abate their fury." ' 
 
 Philip, meanwhile, had considered the expediency of 
 sending a special envoy to treat of the Florida question, 
 as suggested by Alba, and had come to the conclusion 
 that the presence of a member of his Council on such a 
 mission would betray too great a lack of confidence in 
 the sincerity of the French king to justify the proceed- 
 ing. He thereupon informed the Duke of his determina- 
 tion to avoid a step which would give the matter so much 
 prominence, but enclosed him a copy of the decision 
 reached by the Council of the Indies as to his title, and 
 directed him to introduce the subject incidentally when 
 the proper occasion arose, presenting the unreasonableness 
 of the steps which the French were taking, and urging 
 them to revoke Ribaut's commission and to disarm his 
 vessels. But the news of the departure of the French 
 reinforcements, followed by Alava's cautious avoidance of 
 the subject in compliance with the royal order, wrought a 
 change in his plan, and he added a postscript in his own 
 hand, leaving any further action entirely within the 
 discretion of the Duke of Alba."" 
 
 The latter, who, on the receipt of the letter, was al- 
 ready at Bayonne, approved of Philip's policy, and did 
 not broach the subject of Florida to the Queen Mother, 
 because, Ribaut having already sailed, a better opportunity 
 
 ' Alava to Philip II., June 22, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1504 (23). 
 
 5 Philip to Alba, Madrid, June 15, 1565, Nuevos Autdgrafos de Cristdbal 
 ColSn y Relaciones de Ultramar ; La Duquesa de Berwick y de Alba, 
 Madrid, 1902, p. 59. 
 
112 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 might arise for treating the question in the interval be- 
 tween the conference and the departure of the succour 
 which France expected to send in September or October. 
 He also feared the effect of its discussion upon certain 
 French counsellors of "infamous views," who, as he 
 wrote his King, learning Philip's sentiments on the sub- 
 ject, "might turn against the Catholics and say to the 
 latter: Since Your Majesty was somewhat offended at 
 this, what confidence could they have that you would 
 assist them in graver matters?" And finally, having 
 announced that the sole subject under discussion at the 
 conference would be that of the Faith, he thought it 
 would be inconsistent to raise another.' 
 
 It is impossible not to be impressed with this last re- 
 mark of Alba which he addressed to the King. It meant 
 in substance that if the Florida question were raised it 
 could be used as a means to inspire the French Catholics 
 themselves with distrust in Philip, and indicates without 
 disguise how little the religious faith of the Florida colo- 
 nists had to do with the motives of the enterprise so far 
 as France was concerned, and how clearly this was recog- 
 nised by Philip's able counsellor. And it also shows 
 how entirely secondary must have been the interest of 
 both Philip and his adviser in the religion of the intruders 
 to that of the royal title, that the mooting of the Florida 
 question could be considered as foreign to that of the 
 purification of the Faith in France and Spain." The 
 
 ' Alba to Philip II., June 28, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (30). 
 " La otra es que auiendose de hazer con alios el offs° q V. m'' manda podrian 
 facilm'^ algunos consejeros q aqui ay de Ruynes intenciones boluerse contra 
 los catholicos y dezirles que pues en esto V. m'^ mostraua estar sentido que 
 confiancia podrian tener que los ayudara en cosas mas graues porq como 
 tenemos spto a V. m'^ todo su estudio es poner desconfian9a entre V. m^ y 
 este Rey, y tambien pareceria repugnar a lo q auemos dicho que es no traer 
 otro negocio q el de la Religion. . . ." 
 
 ' De Silva, Philip's ambassador to England, in his letter of Oct. 8, 1565 
 (Coi. Doc. Inedit. Espana, tomo Ixxxix., p. 205. English translation Span- 
 
Philip's Notice to France 113 
 
 Bayonne Conference therefore proved a failure, not only 
 as to French intrusions in Philip's transatlantic domin- 
 ions, but also so far as his scheme for purifying both 
 countries of heresy was concerned, and the Massacre of 
 St. Bartholomew was destined to sleep for seven years 
 longer. Catherine successfully met the tactics of Philip's 
 emissaries, and persisted in maintaining her power by 
 holding the balance between Leaguer and Huguenot. 
 
 On the 29th of June the Spanish armada destined for 
 Florida set sail from Cadiz. Philip allowed a sufficient 
 time to elapse for it to be well in advance of any fleet 
 that the French could send to overtake it, when he finally 
 concluded that the moment had come to inform Catherine 
 of the steps he had taken. On September 30th he wrote 
 Alava : 
 
 "It is now my wish that you speak to the Queen Mother 
 and say to her, that having understood that some of her sub- 
 jects had gone to Florida to usurp that province, which we 
 had discovered and possessed for so many years, I have given 
 orders to send and chastise them as thieving pirates and per- 
 turbers of the public peace. And having made this provision 
 I had thought to have done with it, but that the brotherly re- 
 lations which I have had with the Most Christian King, the 
 frankness and sincerity that should be observed with him and 
 with . her in all matters, have induced me not to conceal this 
 from them." 
 
 He was ordered to repeat the threadbare demand that 
 the French subjects be withdrawn, 
 
 ish State Papers, 1558-1567, I. Elizabeth, p. 488) writes : " En lo que toca 
 a la Florida, bien creo que asi Franceses como estos \i. e., the English] han 
 deseado meter el pie en ella, mas por estar al paso de los navios que vienen 
 de la Nueva Espana y el Peru, que por otro fin." See also Philip II. to 
 De Silva, March 22, 1566, Col. Doc. Inedit. Espana, tomo, Ixxxix., p. 276; 
 English translation, Spanish State Papers, 1558-1567, i Elizabeth, p. 527; 
 and Granvelle to Philip II., June 2, 1565, Lettres et papier s d'Etat du Cardi- 
 nal Granvelle, tome ix., p. 248, cited in Gaffarel, p. 154. 
 
114 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 " for it is not becoming what with the love, conformity, and 
 brotherly relations existing between the Most Christian King 
 and myself, here, that our subjects yonder should go warring 
 the one against the other. And you are to press the Queen 
 strongly in regard to this, not with entreaties, but by showing 
 her that it is a matter which should not and can not be con- 
 cealed, and you are to inform me what answer she gives you." ' 
 
 Not until the 23rd of November, and probably a 
 month after Philip had received the news of the arrival 
 of the armada in Florida, did Alava at last deliver the 
 long-delayed message. Charles, who had been in Anjou, 
 made his entry into Tours on the 21st, and the following 
 day Alava had an audience with the King and Queen. 
 He found them surrounded by "Cardinal de Chatillon 
 and all the chief heretics who now move about in this 
 Court." Although the subject was not broached at this 
 interview, the Queen was not unprepared to meet it. 
 She had already learned from Fourquevaux, her ambassa- 
 dor in Spain, who stood on the closest terms of intimacy 
 with her daughter, Queen Isabella, what Philip's senti- 
 ments were. 
 
 "For that matter, Madame," wrote the Ambassador, "I 
 have learned from the Queen, your daughter, that which I 
 wrote you concerning Florida in my other letter, how that this 
 King will not suffer that the French nestle so near his con- 
 quests, so that his fleets in going and coming from New Spain 
 are constrained to pass in front of them. For which reason if 
 they go from France to said country, it is well for them to go 
 with sufficient strength and equipped for defence." 
 
 He counselled her "neither to acknowledge nor disavow 
 your subjects who are there or who may go thither, for 
 before the conquest be decided time will pass, the which 
 
 ' Philip II. to Alava, Sept. 30, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (66). 
 The substance of this letter first appears in a marginal note on a letter of 
 Alava to Philip II. of August 5, 1565, MS. ibid., K, 1504 (57). 
 
Philip's Notice to France 115 
 
 may bring this Majesty and the Germans into such diffi- 
 culties, that he will abandon the said quarrel, or let it 
 sleep." ' Catherine had also heard of the arrival of the 
 Spanish fleet in Santo Domingo'' and of the reinforce- 
 ments that had been sent to it, and her daughter had 
 again informed her how near to the heart of the Span- 
 ish monarch lay the expulsion of the French from 
 Florida/ 
 
 At noon, the 23rd, Alava was again summoned into 
 the royal presence. The King was in a large hall with 
 all his Court, and began to receive him with still greater 
 demonstrations of friendship than at the previous audi- 
 ence; so much so, that the Court were amazed at it, 
 "especially the heretics." Alava told the King that he 
 had come to see his mother, and not him. 
 
 " I assure Your Majesty that he took me by the hand and 
 did not leave me until he had conducted me to his mother's 
 chamber. His mother was also surrounded by heretics and 
 Catholics and many people. She received me with the same 
 demonstrations with which her son had received me, but not 
 wishing to give me a private audience, saw me there, in public, 
 drawing her son very close to her and causing me to draw near 
 also. I began to repeat the subjects of Your Majesty's letter, 
 when I had so severe a chill that I had to take out the paper 
 I carried with me and begin to read it. I was as little able to 
 do that, and finally they called I'Aubespine,^ but not finding 
 him, Saint Sulpice ^ had to read it. The Queen held her head 
 so that the company could not well see her face and assumed 
 a very melancholy expression until the subject of the Imperial 
 
 ' Fourquevaux to the Queen, Nov. 3, 1565, D^peches, p. 6. 
 "^ Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Nov. 5, 1565, ibid., p. 8. Same to sam«., 
 Nov. 21, 1565, ibid., p. 13. 
 
 * Fourquevaux to the Queen, Nov. 5, 1565, ibid., p. 9. 
 
 * Probably Claude de I'Aubespine, Secretary of State under Francis I, , 
 Henry II., Francis II., and Charles IX. 
 
 * Jean d'Ebrard de Saint Sulpice, French ambassador to Spain immedi, 
 ately preceding Fourquevaux. 
 
ii6 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 alliances was reached, when she lighted up a little and said 
 that it seemed well to her. We then began upon the matter 
 of Florida, upon which Saint Sulpice attempted to comment 
 before she had answered. I observed that I had come to con- 
 verse with them, and hoped they would be contented with 
 Saint Sulpice's reading of the paper, and so they dismissed 
 him. The Queen would not allow me to say a word on the 
 subject, at one moment telling me, ' The subjects of my son 
 are going only to a mountainous region called Hercules dis- 
 covered by the French crown over two hundred years ago.' 
 I turned to the King and began to enlarge upon the matter 
 with the urgency which your Majesty had directed me to use. 
 The Queen's eyes kindled and she poised herself like a lioness 
 to hear what I was saying to her son. I said in substance that 
 it was a business of great consequence and that he should be- 
 seech his mother to weigh it well. At this she grew angry 
 with me, and to tell Your Majesty the truth, I did the same 
 with her, for she would not answer to the point and feigned 
 wonder at everything I said. At last, closing her eyes, she 
 exclaimed that for the life of her she understood nothing of 
 this matter. By this Your Majesty can see with what sin- 
 cerity she deals." 
 
 Several days elapsed, during which Charles took the 
 advice of his council upon the subject two or three times. 
 On the 30th Burdin, the King's secretary, handed Alava 
 his master's reply. In substance it set out that it was 
 neither his intention nor his will that his subjects should 
 occupy lands or provinces discovered by Spain ; but that 
 Philip was not "to restrict them so and check them with 
 so short a bridle " as to prevent them from going where 
 he had neither discovered nor taken possession, as was 
 the case with the "country where his subjects were going, 
 a country called la Ticrra de los Brctoncs," discovered 
 many years before by the French Crown. He promised 
 to do his best to establish the safety of navigation and 
 trade, and that he would chastise his subjects as infractors 
 
Philip's Notice to France 117 
 
 and perturbers of the public peace if they offended those 
 of Philip. 
 
 But Alava was not to be put aside by the royal quibble, 
 and answered Burdin, 
 
 " Why do you want us to talk this nonsense? Whether you 
 call it the Land of the Bretons or the Mountains of Hercules, 
 as the Queen does, the province where the vassals of your 
 King are going is the same which we call Florida, and you 
 New France, to which it is requested that none of the subjects 
 of your master go." 
 
 Burdin could only reply, "The French discovered the 
 Land of the Bretons a hundred years ago, as can be seen 
 by the maps of the newly discovered provinces." "Now 
 we have proved that the land you call Land of the Bre- 
 tons and we Florida is one and the same," replied Alava, 
 "and you mean to say that you first discovered it, so 
 that the issue turns on the right of your King to it, and 
 not that it is a different country from Florida, where the 
 French are going, as may be gathered from your King's 
 answer, and what you yourself are saying." Again 
 Burdin could only answer that the King his master had 
 sent this reply and would transmit it to his ambassador 
 so that he might communicate it to Philip. After a little 
 more fencing as to the title to the country Burdin took 
 his leave, but not before Alava had told him how super- 
 ficial a consideration the French Council had given so 
 important a matter. 
 
 "The fact is," writes Alava in the same letter in which 
 he relates the audience and the conversation, "that in the 
 midst of their ill-luck and misery, and without hope in 
 any one except Your Majesty, they are still determined 
 to show Your Majesty that they are whole, and have no 
 need of Your Majesty and are able to resist you whenever 
 they are fretted." ' The upshot of the interview shows 
 
 ' Alava to Philip II., Nov. 29, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (So). 
 
ii8 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 that Catherine had recognised the force of Fourquevaux's 
 advice, had followed it to the letter, and in spite of 
 Alava's bluntness had again outwitted him by evading 
 the real issue and turning the question upon a technical 
 matter of geographical boundaries. 
 
 The Terre des Bretons, upon the title to which Cathe- 
 rine had succeeded in turning the issue, embraced the 
 peninsula which is now called Nova Scotia, with an ill- 
 defined region to the west of it occasionally bearing the 
 same name, but more frequently called La Notivclle France 
 or Nova Gallia, and to which France laid claim in virtue 
 of Verrazano's discovery. Its southern boundary was as 
 vague as was the northern boundary of Philip's Florida, 
 and in a certain sense the Portuguese map-makers ad- 
 mitted her claim as early as the first quarter of the cent- 
 ury by designating Nova Scotia on their maps as the land 
 discovered by the Bretons,' But Catherine had now 
 given Philip a Roland for an Oliver, and if he, in virtue 
 of his discoveries to the south, was disposed to lay his 
 .clutch upon the entire continent to the north, she had 
 capped his pretensions with a counter-claim to the south 
 founded upon French discoveries to the north, saving 
 always the title conveyed by the papal bull, to which 
 neither party had made any reference, although Philip 
 still held it in reserve. 
 
 And yet so great was the ignorance of the immensity 
 of the territory for which both sovereigns were contend- 
 ing, so little did the French really know of the relative 
 positions of the Terre des Bretons, of the Florida penin- 
 sula, and of the countless leagues which separated them, 
 that Catherine herself may have been labouring under a 
 genuine misapprehension as to the real conditions. Not- 
 withstanding all her duplicity and wile, the reading of 
 the prejudiced correspondence of the Spanish ambassador 
 with his King frequently raises the doubt as to whether 
 
 ' See Appendix K, La Terre des Bretons. 
 
Philip's Notice to France 119 
 
 she may not, after all, have been sincere in her belief that 
 her French subjects were going to colonise the Tcrrc dcs 
 Bretons. The doubt is accentuated by her adherence to 
 this position in the course of subsequent events, her very 
 genuine bitterness at the punishment inflicted upon the 
 Florida colony, and the attitude subsequently taken by 
 herself and her son toward the French avenger. If such 
 indeed be the case, she had been misled by those around 
 her who were more directly interested in the enterprise 
 than herself, and was for once filled with a righteous in- 
 dignation at the arrogance of PhiHp's demands. For 
 though the opinion of the Council of the Indies as to the 
 scope of his title had not been shown her, its purport was 
 unquestionably known to her. It is only the dim shadow 
 of a doubt, the vague semblance of a suspicion which the 
 correspondence awakens, one that lurks rather in the at- 
 mosphere than in any concrete fact upon which the his- 
 torian can put his finger; and as such it must pass. 
 
 And so Philip had quieted his conscience in view of 
 "the" brotherly relations between himself and the Most 
 Christian King, and the frankness and sincerity that 
 should be observed between them" by giving him due 
 notice of his intention to oust the French from his 
 possessions, but he had done so only after the blow had 
 been struck and the footprints of France in the white 
 sands of Florida had been washed out in a sea of blood. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES 
 
 THE man to whom Philip had entrusted the task of 
 driving the French out of Florida was no mere ad- 
 venturer of the common sort, but a nobleman of unusual 
 ability, who had held high and distinguished positions in 
 the service of his country. His name was Don Pedro 
 Menendez de Avil^s,' a descendant of Dofia Paya, an 
 ancient family of the Asturias, where the "earth and 
 sky," according to his biographer, "bear men who are 
 honest, not tricksters, truthful, not babblers, most faith- 
 ful to their King, generous, friendly, light-hearted, and 
 merry, daring, and warlike." ' He was born on the 15th 
 of February, 15 19, in the sea-port of Aviles, which had 
 been granted to the founder of the house by King Dom 
 Pelayo, and from which he derived his surname. 
 
 His active and adventurous disposition showed itself at 
 a very early age ; and on the death of his father, who had 
 
 1 His full name as given in Vignau y Uhagon's Index of the members of 
 the Order of Santiago is : Pedro Menendez de Aviles y Alonso de la Campa 
 {Indice de pruebas de los caballeros que han vestido el hdbito de Santiago desde 
 elaiio ijoi, hasta la fee ha, formado por D. Vicente Vignau . . . y D. 
 Francisco R. de Uhagon . . . Madrid, 1901, p. 222). 
 
 2 " Vida y hechos de Pero Menendez de Auiles, cauailero de la hordem de 
 Santiago, adelantado de la florida : do largamente se tratan las conquistas y 
 poblaciones de la prouincia de la florida, y como fueron libradas de los 
 luteranos que dellas se auian apoderado. Compuesta por el maestro bar- 
 rienlos, Catredatico de salamanca." In Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la 
 Florida . . . por . . . Genaro Garcia, Mexico, 1902, p. I. 
 
 120 
 
Pedro Menendez de Avil^s 121 
 
 served in the conquest of Granada," and the second mar- 
 riage of his mother, he was affianced when only eight 
 years of age to Dofia Maria de Soh's, herself but two years 
 his senior, in the hope of keeping him at home. But the 
 lad would not submit to restraint, for the rugged mount- 
 ains in which he was cradled were the home of a restless 
 generation, rovers of the ocean and intrepid crusaders, 
 and Avil^s, after marshalling the mimic combats of his 
 playfellows, soon felt the spell of the fierce sea which 
 breaks on the Asturian coast. When barely fourteen 
 years of age he ran away one day, and embarking in a 
 tender with a crew of eighteen or twenty men, fell in 
 with a Frenchman in command of a well-armed vessel, 
 who attempted to capture him. In the encounter the 
 boat of Menendez was so greatly damaged by the guns 
 of the corsair that his crew at first wished to surrender, 
 but the boy urged them on with such valour that he 
 infused them with his own confidence, and the French- 
 man, not daring to board it, let them escape in safety to 
 Galicia.'' 
 
 As his father's property had to be divided between 
 him and his nineteen brothers and sisters, it will readily 
 be understood that the share which fell to him was not 
 large, and for two years he followed the profession of 
 a seaman, fighting the French on the water for most 
 of the time, during the war which was then being waged 
 between France and Spain. His sea service ended, he 
 returned home possessed with a love of the rough and 
 adventurous career of a sailor, for which he seems to have 
 been especially endowed by nature. Selling part of his 
 
 ' Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, Ano MDLXIV., p. 57. 
 
 ''■ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 9. 
 " Memorial que hizoel Doctor Gonzalo Solisde Meras de todas las jornadas 
 y sucesos del Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles, su cufiado, y de la 
 Conquista de la Florida y Justicia que hizo en Juan Ribao y otros fran- 
 ceses." In E. Ruidiaz y Caravia, La Florida su conquista y colonizacidn por 
 Pedro Men/ndez de Aviles, Madrid, 1893, tomo i., p. 2. 
 
122 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 patrimony he purchased a vessel of his own and success- 
 fully directed his attention to the corsairs which infested 
 the coast and the neighbouring seas.' 
 
 In 1549, during the interval of peace with France, the 
 corsair Jean Alfonse, the pilot of Roberval/ made a rich 
 haul of some ten or a dozen Biscay vessels off Cape 
 Finisterre, and Avil^s was ordered by Maximilian, Re- 
 gent of Spain during the absence of Charles V. in Flan- 
 ders, to go against him and capture him. Although the 
 Regent gave him neither money nor men for the enter- 
 prise, Men^ndez boldly undertook the commission, and 
 in an encounter with Alfonse ofi La Rochelle so punished 
 him that he died of a wound which he there received ; 
 and Avil^s rescued five of the vessels which the corsair 
 had seized. Off Teneriffe he also defeated Alfonse's son, 
 who had vowed vengeance against his father's slayer, sent 
 Aviles a challenge, and had gone to the Canaries to en- 
 counter him on his way to the Indies. 
 
 His energy and success did not escape the attention of 
 Charles V., who, recognising the ability shown by the 
 young seaman, commissioned him to fight the corsairs 
 even in time of peace, and granted him and his descend- 
 ants all that he succeeded in capturing.^ Shortly upon 
 this followed his appointment to one of the most re- 
 sponsible oi^ces that could be held by a Spanish seaman 
 of that day. 
 
 The sailing of the India fleets, both on their outward- 
 
 ' Both Barrientos in Garcia (Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 9) 
 and Meras in Ruidiaz (Za Florida, tomo i., p. 2), relate a romantic story 
 of his attempted rescue of a bridal party which had been captured by a 
 French corsair. 
 
 ' Called Juan Alonso the Frenchman by the Spaniards. He was from 
 Saintonge, near Cognac, and had been the pilot of Roberval when in Can- 
 ada in 1542-1543. J. C. Brevoort in his "Notes on the Verrazano Map" 
 {yournal of the Am. Geographical Soc. of New York, 1S73, vol. iv., p. 292). 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 10, 11; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 4-7. 
 
Pedro Menendes de Aviles 123 
 
 bound and return passage, had come to be attended with 
 frequent delays through the carelessness or ignorance of 
 the commanders, and the navigation of the ocean had 
 become so perilous that not only many ships, but even 
 entire fleets had been lost. Discipline had grown lax; 
 the masters and captains of the ships were insubordinate 
 and disobedient, and sometimes, deserting the fleet in the 
 attempt to arrive ahead of it, their vessels fell a frequent 
 prey to the French corsairs and the pirates. These inci- 
 dents had come to assume such proportions as to arouse the 
 concern of the King, who ascribed them to the incapaci- 
 ties of the Captains-General in charge of the fleets, whose 
 appointment was made by the Judges, Prior, and Consuls 
 of the Casa de Contratacion at Seville. The King de- 
 termined to make a radical change in these methods, by 
 depriving the officers of the Casa of this power of ap- 
 pointment which they had exercised for many years and 
 considered among the most important of their privileges, 
 and in 1554 he named Aviles Captain-General of the fleet 
 for that year, as against Don Juan Tello de Guzman, the 
 nominee of the Casa.' 
 
 It was a very important and responsible position, and 
 as it was a command which Aviles filled with distinction 
 on many occasions, we will consider some of its varied 
 duties. The Captain-General had the care of the fleet 
 throughout its entire voyage. His charge began on the 
 day of sailing, and continued until he again cast anchor 
 on his return to Cadiz or San Lucar.^ It was his duty to 
 see that the crews and passengers were duly authorised 
 to sail,' for impostors, bankrupts, unlicensed monks, and 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., July 27, 1555 ; Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. i. Jan. 
 8, 1564 ; ibid., tomo ii., pp. 51, 52 ; Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 7. 
 
 ^ Memorias Histdricas sobre la Legislacidn y Gobierno de los Esfanoles con 
 sus Colonias en las Indias Occidentales, recopiladas por el Sr. D. Rafael 
 Antunez y Acevedo, Madrid, 1797, p. 86. 
 
 ^ Recopilacidn de Leyes de los Reinos de las Indias, Madrid, 1841, lib. ix., 
 tit. XV., leyes 21, 23, 29. 
 
124 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 other prohibited persons took advantage of the fleets to 
 escape to the Indies in the disguise of sailors, and bribed 
 the masters of the vessels to transport them.' He saw to 
 it that the necessary licences for merchandise and slaves 
 had been procured, that the passengers went properly 
 armed, that there was sufficient powder, that the weapons 
 were kept in readiness for an attack, that the ships were 
 not overcrowded and were properly ballasted, that the 
 fleet was furnished with priests to perform the necessary 
 offices for the sick and the dying, with physicians, and 
 with notaries for the making of wills ^; in a word, he 
 attended to an infinite number of details relating to the 
 proper equipment of his fleet. 
 
 To this end he was required to inspect his vessels, 
 either in person or through his admiral, at least twice 
 during the outward-bound passage, to call the roll every 
 fifteen days, to punish all infractions of the laws, and to 
 ward off all strange vessels and pirates, compelling the 
 latter to surrender.' In the earliest instructions of which 
 we have any notice, those of Jan. 21, 1572, he was or- 
 dered to proceed against pirates in the open sea, at once 
 and with the greatest rigour, hanging them as soon as 
 their guilt was established." On the arrival of the fleet at 
 its destination it was his office to notify the proper officials 
 and to see that the soldiers and sailors committed no ex- 
 cesses while in port, to prevent and punish desertions, and 
 to see to the loading and unloading of the cargoes. He 
 was also required to make reports of the condition of 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., July 27, 1555 ; Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 6; 
 Recopil., lib. ix., tit. xv., ley 29. 
 
 '^ Recopil., lib. ix., tit. xv., leyes 26, 30, 32, 37, 40, 51. 
 
 ^ Recopil., lib. ix., tit. xv., leyes 13, 49, 50, 53, 66. 
 
 ^ Antunez, pp. 88, 89. These instructions contain some curious pro- 
 visions to prevent the smuggling of gold or silver from out of the ships, and 
 forbid the presence aboard ship of any woman with her lover, and if any 
 woman be allowed she can only go in the capacity of " washerwoman for 
 the general service of the armada." 
 
Pedro Menendes de Avil^s 125 
 
 the countries which he visited." In addition to all of 
 these requirements relating to the equipment of his fleet, 
 the ordering of its departure and return, and the interior 
 policing of the vessels, he was required to advise the 
 home Government of his arrival and of the date of his in- 
 tended return, on reaching the port of San Juan de Ulua. 
 The position offered many and great opportunities for 
 gain by irregular methods, of which some were not slow 
 to avail themselves. Where, for instance, owing to any 
 particular reason, the return fleet sailed in two sections 
 it lay in the option of the General to indicate which ves- 
 sels should go in the first division. The advantage 
 accruing to those first to sail was so great that influence 
 was frequently brought to bear, and high bribes were 
 paid for the privilege." On the other hand, it was some- 
 times to the interest of the merchants to delay the sailing 
 of the fleet, and high bribes were offered to bring it about. 
 In a case of this description we have an interesting anec- 
 dote of the integrity of Aviles. Being in the port of San 
 Juan de Luz, about to set sail for Castile, certain mer- 
 chants offered him a thousand ducats a day to postpone 
 the departure for three days, and double that amount for 
 every additional day of delay. Aviles observed that it 
 was "good money," ordered the chaplain of his fleet to 
 say mass, boarded his flag-ship, and having discharged a 
 cannon as a signal to his vessels, immediately set sail, 
 with the outspoken remark that no one knew what the 
 loss of an hour could bring in the service of God and the 
 King.' 
 
 ' Recopil., lib. ix., tit. xv., leyes 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 60, 69, 71, 72, 83, 84. 
 
 "^ See " Relacion de los trabajos que la gente de una nao llamada Nra 
 Senora de la Merced padecio" . . . por fray Andres de San Miguel, in 
 Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 160, where a vessel is said 
 to have paid 1500 ducats for such a licence in addition to transporting two 
 of the General's horses free of cost. 
 
 ^ " Informacion de algunos servicios prestados por el Adelantado Pedro 
 Menendez de Aviles," Mexico, 3 de Abril de 1595, Ruidiaz, La Florida, 
 
126 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 By far the greatest opportunity lay in conniving at the 
 smuggling of gold and silver and of prohibited merchan- 
 dise, which was so general a practice in those days. Here, 
 again, Avil6s appears in the character of a man of honour. 
 In 1563, after his return from his third voyage, the Casa 
 de Contratacidn, with all its powerful machinery and 
 its violent animus, could find no charge against him except 
 one relating to smuggling alleged to have been committed 
 nine years before, during his first voyage,' for which, after 
 a prolonged suit, it succeeded only in condemning him 
 to a fine of two thousand ducats, half of which was re- 
 mitted by the King, whose confidence he had. The 
 office also offered opportunities of legitimate profit. One 
 of these was the custom of the merchants, whose ships 
 were in convoy, to make gifts to the highest officers, con- 
 cerning which Menendez naively complained to Philip 
 that although the fleets of the Carrera de las Indias were 
 far more valuable than those of the Levant, the mer- 
 chants were less liberal in giving.^ And yet Menendez 
 died poor.^ 
 
 During the interval which elapsed between his appoint- 
 ment and the date fixed for the sailing of the India fleet 
 Avil6s accompanied Philip on the latter's visit to Eng- 
 land to be married to Queen Mary, sailing from Corunna 
 in July,^ and from there he returned to Seville, still in 
 
 tomo ii., p. 621 ; and see the charges against his brother, Bartolome Menen- 
 dez, in Aviles's letter to Philip II. of July 27, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 35. 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antigtias Relaciones de la Florida, p. 21. 
 
 * Aviles to Philip II,, July 27, 1563, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 
 35, 36. 
 
 ^ One of the seven interrogations put to the witnesses in the " Informacion 
 de algunos servicios prestados por el Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles," 
 Mexico, 3 de Abril de 1595 (in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 590 d'/ seq^ 
 was : If they know that the said Adelantado, being in his Majesty's service, 
 died and passed away from this present life, and that his children were left 
 very poor and in much need ? (p. 592). To this all of the witnesses testi- 
 fied in the affirmative (see pp. 591, 598, 605, 609, 612, 619, 623). 
 
 * Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 8, 1564, Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 51, 53 ; 
 
Pedro Menendez de Aviles 127 
 
 Philip's service, being attacked on his sea journey by 
 pirates, whom he successfully routed.' In September, 
 I555> Charles V., being in need of money to conduct his 
 war with France, dispatched him to the Indies with a 
 fleet of six men-of-war and seventy merchantmen and 
 orders to winter in Havana, should he be unable to sail 
 by the 7th of September of the following year. Menen- 
 dez '"ully realised the pressing necessities of the Emperor, 
 and, with the devotion of a faithful servant and the self- 
 reliance of a brave man, determined to exceed his in- 
 structions. Although aware, as he himself wrote, that 
 "in the event of failure Your Majesty will have my head 
 off," he was back in Spain by the 12th of September of 
 1556, nine months before he was due, having made the 
 entire trip and collected the huge sum of seven millions 
 of ducats in the unusually short space of one year." 
 
 The Casa de Contratacion was awaiting its opportunity 
 to be avenged of the man who had been instrumental in 
 depriving it of one of its most important prerogatives; 
 and when Menendez reached Seville on his return, he and 
 a brother of his, who had been Admiral of the Fleet, were 
 seized, sentenced, and put to great expense on accusa- 
 tions probably relating to the conduct of the fleet; but 
 they were finally freed by the Council of the Indies and 
 their innocence established." 
 
 In February, 1557,* Aviles was again appointed in com- 
 mand of another fleet for the Indies, but his experience 
 with the Casa de Contratacion had taught him that in such 
 
 Noticias biogrdfico-genealdgicas de Pedro Menendez de Avil/s . . , por 
 D. Ciriaco Miguel Vigil, . . . Aviles, 1892, p. 23 ; Froude, //ist. of 
 England, New York, 1870, vol, vi., p. 223. 
 
 ' Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 7 ; Vigil, Noticias, p. 23. 
 
 ^ " Memorial de Pero Menendez de Aviles," Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo 
 ii., p. 328 : Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 9, 10; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos 
 Antiguas Relaciones dc la Florida, p. 12 ; Vigil, Noticias, p. 23, 
 
 3 Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 8, 1564, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii,, p. 53. 
 
 * February 26, 1557, "Memorial," ibid., tomo ii., p. 329. 
 
128 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 service the pirates and corsairs were not the only enemies 
 with whom he would have to contend, so he requested 
 Philip for another command. The King acceded to his 
 petition and by royal patent of March 22, 1557, named 
 him Captain-General of a powerful armada to pursue the 
 pirates and protect the fleets and the coasts of Spain and 
 Flanders." This duty, too, he executed with promptness 
 and energy, and in June of the same year, while he 
 was shipping some artillery at Laredo, he was appointed 
 to the command of twenty-four vessels to carry twelve 
 hundred thousand ducats and fifteen hundred men to the 
 relief of the army in Flanders, where Philip was already 
 at war with France, which had finally been induced to 
 break the truce of Vaucelles through the artful machina- 
 tions of Cardinal Caraffa.' On his arrival at Laredo, 
 from which he was to sail, he found that half of his 
 fleet was in Galicia and that he would be compelled to 
 await its return. Impatient at the delay, and knowing 
 Philip's urgent need of money, he again exceeded his in- 
 structions, boldly set out with the four ships at his com- 
 mand, and successfully accomplished the undertaking, 
 reaching Dover in fifteen days, landing his troops and 
 money in Calais, and allowing the wool merchantmen 
 whom he had escorted to proceed in safety to Holland. 
 He captured on the way two corsairs, and beat off Pie de 
 Palo, who had attacked him with a fleet of eight ships, 
 and sunk one of his galleons. The timely arrival of the 
 money and men due to the prompt action of Avil^s 
 
 ' " Titulo otorgado a Pero Menendez de Aviles de Capitan General de 
 la Armada dispuesta para proteger las flotas de la carrera de Indias y 
 perseguir a los corsarios," Valladolid, 22 de Marzo de 1557, ihid., tomo ii., 
 p. 379. Barcia, Ensayo, p. 59, gives the same date. Barrientos in Dos 
 Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 12, says May 12, 1557; Aviles to 
 Philip II., Jan. 8, 1564, Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 53. 
 
 2 " Memorial," ibid., tomoii., p. 329 ; Aviles to the Princess of Portugal, 
 June 2, 1567, ibid., tomo ii., p. 25 ; Rise of the Dutch Republic, vol. i., p. 
 157 etseq. 
 
Pedro Mcnendez de Avil^s 129 
 
 largely contributed to the victory of St. Quentin, says 
 his biographer, for not until two months after his de- 
 parture did the balance of his fleet return from Galicia, 
 and in the interval the battle had been fought and won." 
 He did good service in warding off the attacks of cor- 
 sairs from the auxiliaries sent by Queen Mary to the 
 assistance of her husband in Flanders. On one particu- 
 lar occasion he showed signal personal bravery in rescu- 
 ing the fleet in command of Diego de Mendoza, and of 
 which his brother, D, Alvar Sanchez de AviU^s, was Ad- 
 miral. Mendoza was conducting the Prince of Eboli 
 with reinforcements to Philip in Flanders, and lay to 
 outside of a port on the English coast ^ to enable the 
 Prince to disembark and proceed by land to Philip with 
 the news of his arrival. Don Diego's fleet having set 
 sail the following day in company with that of Menendez, 
 which had joined it shortly before, there arose a fierce 
 storm which compelled them to return to the harbour. 
 This was found to be barricaded with an iron chain which 
 the Mayor had caused to be stretched across the entrance, 
 and refused to remove. Aviles, seeing the peril to which 
 the fleet was exposed, took with him fifty soldiers, and, 
 converting a heavy beam into a battering-ram, he beat 
 down the gate of the tower to which the chain was 
 attached, allowing the ships to enter the harbour. So 
 violent was the storm that six English and two Spanish 
 vessels went down in it and over four hundred persons 
 were drowned. Aviles worked all night long, tying up 
 some of the ships, extricating others, animating the pilots 
 
 ' " Memorial," Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 329-330 ; Barrientos in 
 Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 12, 13 ; Barcia, Ensayo, 
 p. 59. 
 
 « Possibly the haven of Dartmouth in Devonshire. The name of " Ar- 
 tamu" occurs on the map of Domingo Olives of 1568 in Nordenskiold's 
 Periplus, Plate XXIX., in a location corresponding to that of Dartmouth 
 on other contemporary maps. The Spanish name appears both as Artamua 
 and Hartamua. 
 •*.-9. 
 
ISO The Spanish Settlements 
 
 and sailors with directions and advice, and rescuing the 
 drowning, of whom he succeeded in saving over three 
 hundred with his boats.' 
 
 Ordered by Philip to return to Laredo, he was in that 
 port, when, on the 17th of January, 1558, Calais was 
 finally lost to the English. Philip, who was still in Flan- 
 ders fighting the French, was again in straits for money, 
 and as a large French armada was arming at San Juan 
 de Luz, he ordered Aviles to add four great galleons to 
 his fleet and to bring a thousand soldiers by way of the 
 sea, Aviles, aware of the necessity of prompt action, 
 went himself to Valladolid, where the Council of War 
 was sitting, and after showing the delay and great ex- 
 pense to which the Government would be put in collect- 
 ing the ships and men, and by following the course which 
 had been determined upon, suggested an expedient, which 
 he was authorised to try. Hastening to Castro, he 
 secured four small fishing-smacks and daringly made a 
 winter passage to Antwerp, which he reached in fifteen 
 days from the date of his leaving Valladolid. So unpre- 
 cedented was a voyage in these small vessels at that tem- 
 pestuous season of the year that he could find none bold 
 enough to sail them except the few men he took with 
 him.^ Either on this occasion or on a succeeding expe- 
 dition of the same nature he is said to have carried not 
 only a large sum of money, but also a force of soldiers 
 concealed in what appeared to be cargoes of apples, with 
 which he passed through the midst of the French corsairs 
 without being discovered.^ 
 
 ' Barrientos in Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 13, 14 ; Meras 
 in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 22 et seq.; "Informacion de algunos ser- 
 vicios," ibid., tomo ii., p. 595. Menendez merely touches upon the incident 
 in his letter of Oct. 6, 1557, to the Princess of Portugal, ibid., tomo ii., p. 
 27. 
 
 * Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 14, 15. 
 
 ' Deposition of Grauiel de Rivera in "Informacion de algunos servicios,'* 
 Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 601. 
 
Pedro Menendez de Avil^s 131 
 
 On his returning to Laredo for money and men he was 
 ordered to add two other smacks to his fleet. These two 
 boats were at the time in San Sebastian, where they had 
 gone to escort four vessels in search of supplies. Avil^s, 
 hearing that he was watched by the French corsairs in 
 San Juan de Luz, who had learned that he would not sail 
 without these two boats, again showed his remarkable 
 energy and decision of character, and setting out in his 
 four fishing smacks eluded the Frenchmen, and reached 
 Antwerp in nine days.' On his return voyage with his 
 fishing-smacks, he escorted two vessels having aboard of 
 them the Archbishop of Toledo, the Regent Figueroa, 
 and other gentlemen, besides a large fleet of merchant 
 vessels, which for fear of the corsairs had not dared to 
 leave the port. While on his way he came across a 
 French armada of twelve galleons, in command of the 
 Admiral of Normandy, and conducted himself with so 
 much skill and daring, that the Frenchmen fled, and 
 he eventually convoyed his charge in safety to Laredo.' 
 On his arrival in Spain, he was charged by the Regent, 
 the Princess of Portugal, to escort the Queen to Flanders; 
 but her death put an end to the proposed voyage,* and 
 on the conclusion of the peace with France he conducted 
 Doctor B. Velasco, a member of the King's Council, and 
 Camara to Flanders." 
 
 The close of the war with France at last afforded Philip 
 the opportunity he desired of returning to Spain, and 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 15 ; 
 " Memorial," Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 330-333. 
 
 * " Memorial," ibid., tomo ii., pp. 332-334. 
 
 ^ " Real Cedula de la Princesa de Portugal disponiendo que nose proceda 
 contra Pero Menendez por las reclamaciones de los duefios y maestres de 
 varios naos, y ordenando se remitan al Consejo de Guerra." Valladolid, 30 
 de Noviembre de 1558, Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 348; Meras in ibid., 
 tomo i., p. 27. 
 
 * " Real Carta referente a un viaje de Pero Menendez de Aviles a 
 Flandres." Valladolid, 25 de Enero de 1559, iHd., tomo ii., p. 350; 
 Meras, in ibid., tomo i., p. 27. 
 
132 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 having organised the government of the Netherlands to 
 his satisfaction, and appointed Margaret of Parma as his 
 regent, preparations were begun for his departure. At 
 the end of April Aviles, accompanied by his only son, 
 Juan Men^ndez, and Sebastian de Estrada, started on 
 another of his expeditious trips to Spain, in order to 
 make ready for the King's departure, travelling by post 
 through France in disguise, and was back again in Flan- 
 ders by the loth of July with fifty vessels.' 
 
 On the 27th of August the fleet of eighty sail set out 
 from Flanders to escort the King to Laredo, with Aviles 
 in command as Captain-General. On the tenth day Avi- 
 les perceived the indications of an approaching storm, 
 and, the fleet being free of the English and French coasts, 
 a council was held as to where the King should disem- 
 bark. The advice of Aviles prevailed, and the fleet made 
 for the coast of the Asturias, where he had selected a 
 landing on the shore of a point of land near Gijon. 
 Three leagues off Laredo Aviles realised that the storm 
 was about to break over them. At his request the King 
 entered a boat, and under shelter of Mount San Tona 
 landed on Lady's Day, September 8th. Dreading the 
 consequences of the storm to the large vessels off the 
 point of Laredo, Aviles worked all through that night 
 and succeeded in landing one hundred and fifty coffers of 
 the King and all of the furniture,^ and then the storm 
 broke. The fleet was richly ladened, for Philip had de- 
 termined to fix his future capital in Spain. Some of the 
 ships foundered, and to save others the cargoes had to be 
 lightened, and much of the rich tapestries and treasures 
 accumulated by Charles and Philip was lost. 
 
 Shortly afterwards Aviles went to pay his respects to 
 Philip, who asked him to what cause he attributed the 
 
 ' Meras, in ibid., tomo i,, p. 28. 
 
 * Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antigtias Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 17, 
 18 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 30, 37. 
 
Pedro Men^ndez de Aviles 133 
 
 storm. "For many months all Spain has prayed for 
 Your Majesty, beseeching our Lord to conduct you in 
 safety to your realm," replied Men6ndez, "and during 
 that season the devils could do you no harm ; but when 
 Your Majesty landed the prayers ceased, and thereupon 
 they found the opportunity to work what evil they 
 could." ' From Laredo the King proceeded to Valla- 
 dolid, where a month later he was enabled to enjoy the 
 auto-da-f^ in which thirteen heretics were burned before 
 his eyes, and where he made the memorable reply to the 
 appeal of one of them, the young Carlos de Sessa: "I 
 would carry the wood to burn my own son, were he as 
 wicked as you." * 
 
 The hardships and anxieties of his frequent journeying 
 between Spain and Flanders had brought on a quartan 
 fever, of which Aviles was hardly recovered when he was 
 summoned to Toledo, and in January, 1560,' was put in 
 command of an armada destined for New Spain and 
 Tierra Firme, in which went the Count of Niebla, Viceroy 
 of New Spain. Avil6s sought to excuse himself on the 
 grounds of his ill-health and his prolonged separation 
 from his wife; but Philip, who had as small regard for 
 the domestic ties of others as he had for his own when 
 they stood in the path of his sense of duty, merely ob- 
 served that a quartan fever was not a dangerous malady.* 
 Further objections raised by Aviles on account of the ill- 
 will of the Casa de Contratacion were also overridden and 
 he was compelled to sail, but the King considerately in- 
 creased his salary beyond what it was customary to pay 
 the generals of the armada.' 
 
 His instructions were to remain only fifty days in New 
 
 ' Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 37. 
 
 ' Tke Rise of the Dutch Republic, vol. i., pp. 220, 222. 
 
 2 " Memorial," Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 335. 
 
 * Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 38. 
 
 * Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 8, 1564, ibid., tomo ii., p. 54. 
 
134 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Spain, and then, without another day's delay, to return 
 with what money he could collect. But subordination 
 played no part in the General's plans, when he thought 
 that his King and country could profit by his disobedi- 
 ence, and again he deliberately set the instructions at 
 Tiaught. He found, on his arrival in Mexico, that the 
 money he had been sent to fetch was already a month on 
 its way to Spain, and in order to avoid the great expense 
 to the Crown of returning with empty holds he remained 
 there ten months, during which he succeeded in securing 
 a large treasure, and was back safely in Seville by the 6th 
 of July of 1561," 
 
 Following shortly upon his return, Menendez was 
 named Captain-General of the Carrera de las Indias by a 
 royal provision of October 18, 1561," and his brother, 
 Bartolom^, Admiral. The departure of Menendez on 
 this his third voyage to the West Indies was delayed 
 until late in the spring of 1562 by various causes, among 
 which was a renewed contest with the Casa de Contrata- 
 ci6n, which refused to pay him his increase of salary, and 
 
 ■ Menendez in his " Memorial" (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 335, 
 336), says he was ordered to the Indies in January, 1560. The Admiral of 
 his fleet was ordered back by letter of Feb, 21, 1560, and reached Spain in 
 "Noviembre pasado" (p. 334), i. e., 1560. This is in agreement with the 
 apparent date of the " Memorial," which from internal evidence (see pp. 334- 
 338) was written Oct. -Dec, 1561. Aviles returned July 6th, eight months 
 later than the Admiral, i. e., July 6, 1561. De Meras in his "Jornadas" 
 {ibid., tomo i., p. 39) gives the date of his return as July 11, 1560, in which 
 he is followed by Barcia {Ensayo, Ano MDLXIV., p. 64). Barrientos in 
 his " Vida y Hechos" (Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 20) 
 leaves the year in blank and gives the month only, July 6th, as the date of 
 his return. Aviles in his " Memorial " (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 334), and Barrientos as well, relate that he remained ten months in port in 
 the Indies. As the passage was usually made in about forty days, and there 
 were at least twelve months consumed in the entire expedition, at the 
 shortest he could not have been back before September, 1560, which date 
 is in conflict with the month of July named by Aviles as that of his return. 
 Vigil in his Noticias, p. 24, merely says that he returned in 1560. 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 20, 
 
Pedro Menendez de Avilds 135 
 
 accused him of exceeding his instructions in many par- 
 ticulars. From this he was relieved only by the direct 
 interposition of the King, who ordered that he should 
 henceforward serve under the instructions of the Council 
 of the Indies, which alone would hold him accountable 
 for their performance.' By June of 1563, Menendez was 
 back again in Spain with a rich cargo.' 
 
 Scarcely had Avil6s returned to Seville from his third 
 voyage, when he fell again into the clutches of his im- 
 placable enemies, the officers of the Casa, whose old 
 animosity against him as the original cause of their dimin- 
 ished privileges and loss of prestige now found vent 
 against him and his brother Bartolom6.' Nor was 
 
 1 Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 8, 1564, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 54, 
 55. And see his letter to Philip II., April 5, 1562, ibid., p. 32 ; Barrientos, 
 in Garcia, Dos Antigtias Relaciones de la Florida, p. 20. 
 
 ■^ Barrientos in his " Viday Hechos" (in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones 
 de la Florida, p. 20), says Aviles made the voyage in 1563. Meras in his 
 "Jornadas " (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 42) omits the voyage altogether, 
 Barcia {Ensayo, Ano MDLXIV., p. 64) says Aviles was ordered to the 
 Indies in 1561, in which he is followed by Vigil, in his Noticias, p. 24. But 
 as there is a warrant addressed to Aviles of Feb. 3, 1562 (Brit. Mus. Add. 
 MSS. Cotton Vesp. c. vii., fol. 266, and printed in Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., 
 p. 401), and a letter of Aviles dated from San Lucar, April 5, 1562 {ibid., 
 tomo ii., p. 32), it is highly improbable that he could have made the expedi- 
 tion in the interval of six months between the date of his appointment and 
 that of the letter, given the time necessary to gather and equip the fleet and 
 the minimum of eighty days for the voyage to and fro. There is, however, 
 an interval of fifteen months between this letter and the following one of 
 July 27, 1563, dated at Seville {ibid., tomo ii., p. 34), which is more than 
 sufficient time for the accomplishment of the journey. Subsequent to that 
 date he was continually present in Seville, as his successive letters from 
 there show. See letters of Aug. 21, Sept. 15 and 24, 1563, and Jan. 8, 
 1564, all dated at Seville {ibid., tomo ii., pp. 38, 43, 51, 60). That the 
 period consumed by this voyage extended from the spring of 1562 to June 
 of 1563, is confirmed by the " Reg. del C. de I." fol. 68 and 68 vto, given by 
 Don Cesareo Fernandez Duro in Yas Armada Espaiiola (Madrid, 1896, tomo 
 ii., pp. 464, 465), showing that Aviles passed the winter of 1 562-1 563 in 
 New Spain, while his brother Bartolome returned without waiting for him. 
 
 2 Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de La Florida, p. 30; 
 Aviles to Philip II., April 5, 1562, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 32: 
 
136 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 this his only offence, for he had also grossly insulted them 
 in a public and outrageous manner. One day, when some 
 of the of^ficials of the Casa were inspecting the vessels of 
 a fleet of which he was Captain-General, Menendez ob- 
 served that their boat flew a banner of crimson damask, 
 emblazoned with the royal arms, such as the King himself 
 displayed when on a campaign, and which the Captain- 
 General alone, by special authority was entitled to fly. 
 Menendez wasted no words with them, but simply hauled 
 it down and kept it. "And such is their anger against me," 
 he writes, "that since they have seized me, they publicly 
 proclaim, that forasmuch as I have deprived them of the 
 power of appointing the Generals, and have taken their 
 royal standard from them, it matters little to them if they 
 deprive me of my honour, and even of my life." ' 
 
 Anticipating trouble, Avil^s had on his arrival escaped 
 post-haste to Madrid, but the officials had gotten the ear 
 of Philip and he was compelled to return to Seville to 
 answer the charges against him. About the 21st of 
 August, 1563, while in an enfeebled condition from hav- 
 ing been bled and purged, he was pounced upon by the 
 constables of the Casa. At the moment of his arrest he 
 was surrounded by a hundred of his soldiers who had 
 seen continued service with him, and there were some 
 fifteen hundred more of them in Seville at the time, but 
 he submitted quietly to the arrest and was imprisoned in 
 the Arsenal with two guards. From there he was subse- 
 quently transferred to the "Golden Tower," the graceful 
 treasure-house of the Almohades, which still guards the 
 banks of the Guadalquivir at Seville." It was a very 
 
 July 27, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 34 ; Aug. 21, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 38 
 and 39 ; Sept. 15, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 43, 44; Sept. 24, 1563, ibid., 
 tomo ii., p. 49 ; Jan. 8, 1564, ibid,, tomo ii., pp. 51, 52. 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 15, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 44. 
 
 *Aviles to Philip II., July 27, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 40; Aug. 21, 
 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 38; Sept. 15, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 43, 46; 
 Sept. 24, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 48 ; Jan. 8, 1564, ibid., tomo ii., p. 56. 
 
Pedro Menendez de Aviles 137 
 
 serious inconvenience to him, for he was under heavy 
 bonds to equip three galleons by the 20th of September 
 to transport to Peru the Licentiate Castro, who had been 
 appointed its President and Governor. He was released 
 for eight days on bail, and succeeded in fitting out the 
 ships, but his imprisonment prevented their sailing in 
 time to join the departing fleet for that year.' 
 
 It is difficult to ascertain what was the precise miscon- 
 duct with which he was charged. According to his bio- 
 grapher, Barrientos, the Casa de Contratacion, unable to 
 find any cause of complaint against him in relation to the 
 voyage just completed, accused him of having greatly 
 exceeded his authority in his first voyage to the West 
 Indies, of having connived at the smuggling of a large 
 quantity of money, and of having in many ways infringed 
 upon its regulations. From his own letters we gather 
 that its enquiries extended over all the twelve years he 
 had passed in the royal service, although during the entire 
 term he had acted under the instructions of the Casa, 
 which had laid no charge against him until its jealousy 
 had been aroused by his removal from under its juris- 
 diction.'' He informs us that he was accused of accepting 
 a bribe of five hundred ducats to delay the sailing of the 
 fleet during his second voyage of 1 560-1 561, and of giv- 
 ing insufficient rations to the soldiers; both of which 
 accusations, together with others made against him, he 
 sums up as old charges, the most of them of four and five 
 years' standing.^ 
 
 In successive letters Aviles besought the King, saying: 
 
 " If I deserve punishment, let it be justly done, not a single 
 one of my acts being forgiven; and if the judges deserve it for 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 15, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 45. Same to 
 same, Jan. 8, 1564, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 56, 58. 
 
 * Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 15, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 43, 44. 
 
 ^Aviles to Philip II., July 27, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 36 ; same to same, 
 Aug. 21, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 38. 
 
138 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 doing what they have no right to do, let not their punishment 
 be a secret reprimand, but in accordance with what they de- 
 serve; for I do not care to retain my honour, unless it follows 
 a just discharge of their accusations, and clears me, so that 
 Your Majesty and the Council may understand the passion 
 and daring of these men." ' 
 
 The judges, finding nothing against him, protracted the 
 suit and delayed sentence, until compelled to pass judg- 
 ment by the receipt of two successive cedulas from the 
 King himself. After spending twenty months in prison, 
 the suit was ended by condemning Men^ndez to pay a 
 thousand ducats, of which sum the King remitted one- 
 half, and took him again into his favour, "for," says 
 Barrientos, "it was well understood throughout the 
 Kingdom that he had been falsely accused." ^ 
 
 Nearly eighteen years had now elapsed, during which 
 his constant occupation in the King's service had allowed 
 him but few opportunities to visit his home, which stood 
 within two leagues of the town of Aviles. It was one of 
 the most ancient dwellings in that country, and its name 
 of Monte de Rey arose from its former occupation as a 
 royal habitation.^ He longed to see his wife again, and 
 his three little girls, who had grown to womanhood since 
 his last visit.* But before so doing he had a painful and 
 urgent duty to perform. While at Havana in 1563, and 
 about to return to Spain, Menendez had sent his only 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 15, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 47, and see also 
 same letter, p. 45 ; same to same, Jan. 8, 1564, ibid., tomo ii., p. 5S. 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 21 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, tomo i., p. 43. His brother Bartolome was involved in 
 the same trouble with him and was imprisoned for twenty-five months 
 (ibid.). A question of jurisdiction appears also to have arisen and possibly 
 some jealousy between the Casa de Contratacion and the Council of the 
 Indies. At any rate Aviles tried to raise such an issue in his letters. 
 
 ^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p, 8 ; Meras 
 in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. i. 
 
 * Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 8, 1564, ibid., tomo ii., 59. 
 
Pedro Menendez de Aviles 139 
 
 son, Don Juan Menendez, a gentleman of the Royal 
 Household, to Mexico to command the fleet from New 
 Spain. Don Juan had been wrecked on his way home 
 off the Bermudas and nothing more had been heard of 
 him. A number of Men^ndez's relatives, as well as some 
 of his old friends and soldiers who had served under him 
 for many years, had been lost at the same time. It was 
 a severe trial to his affections, and before taking the re- 
 pose to which he was so justly entitled, he asked permis- 
 sion of the King to seek for his son and his companions 
 at the Bermudas and along the neighbouring coast.' 
 Philip himself was anxious to carry out the suggestion of 
 the Council of New Spain, and explore farther up the 
 Florida coast in search of suitable harbours, and Avil6s 
 readily consented to lend himself to this enterprise, while 
 he at the same time prosecuted the search for his lost 
 son,^ It was under these circumstances that the quarrel 
 with France reached its crisis and Philip selected him to 
 command the fleet which was to sweep aside the tergiver- 
 sations of the French Court. 
 
 Aviles was now in his forty-seventh year, a trained 
 soldier, a skilful seaman, and with perhaps a larger ex- 
 perience in the special requirements of the undertaking 
 than any other man in Spain, perhaps in Europe. He 
 was decisive and prompt in an emergency, yet cool and 
 resourceful. He was of indomitable energy, with a 
 ,courage beyond reproach. In one of his memorials to 
 
 * Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 46, says he was his only son. Extract from 
 " Reg. C. de I.," fol. 68 vto, printed in Duro's Armada Espafiola, tomo ii., 
 p. 465. " Informacion de algunos servicios prestados por el Adelantado Pero 
 Menendez de Aviles," Mexico, 3 de Abril de 1595, Ruidiaz, La Florida, 
 tomo ii., pp. 598, 608. There is a note appended to Rojomonte's deposi- 
 tion in Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., 1564, pp. 3 and 4, which refers to the 
 loss of three ships of Don Juan Menendez on the Florida coast. Fontanedo 
 in his " Memoria," XIII., Doc. Inedit. Indias, p. 541, appears to say that 
 Juan Menendez was wrecked upon the coast of Ays, Indian River, Florida. 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 22. 
 
I40 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Philip he writes that "there were neither French nor 
 English nor any other nation on the Florida coast that 
 could terrify him."' His loyalty was above suspicion. 
 In a letter written from his prison in Seville, he exclaims 
 with all of the pride of a faithful subject and of a brave 
 soldier, "I possess but my sword, and my cloak, and my 
 honour, which are great riches to me, because I have 
 been fortunate in my service to Your Majesty," * 
 
 His prolonged service in countless naval engagements 
 with the French had given him a thorough knowledge 
 of their ways and methods, and had infused him with 
 a deep hatred of these relentless enemies of his country, 
 while it had also bred in him a due respect for their cour- 
 age and ability, of which his tribute to Jean Ribaut is a 
 remarkable testimony. On occasion he knew how to 
 exercise that courtesy which befitted his rank, and Meras 
 tells us that he was much liked by Queen Mary, Philip's 
 English wife, on account of his liberality and hospitable 
 treatment of the Englishmen in her service.' He was no 
 theologian. His parallel of the religions of the Protest- 
 ants and the Indians shows us that. His faith was that of 
 a soldier, imbued with all that hatred of heresy peculiar to 
 his age and race; and he showed as little compunction in 
 executing upon heretics what was taught to be the will 
 of the Church as he was relentless in performing the 
 commands of his sovereign. And yet his letters show 
 that in carrying through the appalling massacre of the 
 French Huguenots in Florida, he was neither impelled 
 by rage, nor violence, nor acting under the impulse of a 
 blind fanaticism, but was deliberately and conscientiously 
 performing what he believed to be his duty towards his 
 King and his faith. And in this light we cannot with- 
 
 1 " Memorial," Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 324. 
 ^ Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 24, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 50. 
 ' " Jornadas," in ibid., tomo i., pp. 15, 16. See also his treatment of the 
 French prisoners at Ays, p. 215, in this volume and of Osorio, p. 221, ibid. 
 
Pedro Menendez de Aviles 141 
 
 hold from him the respect due a courageous and faithful 
 soldier, while we shudder at the distorted logic which 
 could calmly justify his crime. 
 
 We have a portrait of him, at about the age of fifty, 
 subsequent to his return from the conquest of Florida. 
 In it he bears a curious resemblance in the contour of 
 the face to the monarch whom he served, but there the 
 resemblance ceases. In place of the bulging eyes and 
 sensuous lips which we see in Titian's famous portrait of 
 his master, painted at Philip's command for a gift for his 
 English bride, we have shrewd, sharp eyes, under the 
 heavy brows of a seaman, and lips pressed firmly to- 
 gether with a determination that bodes ill for those who 
 run counter to it; he is "bearded like the pard," and 
 bears on his left breast the cross of Santiago.' 
 
 1 See Appendix L, Portraits of Aviles. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE DEPARTURE OF AVILES FOR FLORIDA 
 
 THE asiento under which Avil6s was to undertake the 
 conquest of Florida was executed March 20, 1565. 
 It first disposed of the rights of prior adventurers, and 
 especially of those in the last asiento made with Ayllon, 
 because of their failure to settle the country. It then 
 directed Aviles to equip six sloops of fifty tons each, and 
 four smaller vessels, taking with him the San Pelayo, a 
 large ship of six hundred tons, in which to transport the 
 colonists across the ocean, because the sloops, being 
 small and uncovered, were not fitted for that purpose, 
 but were apparently intended for the shallow Florida 
 waters. 
 
 The colonists were to number five hundred, of which 
 one hundred should be soldiers, one hundred sailors, and 
 the balance officials, and artisans, such as stone-cutters, 
 carpenters, locksmiths, sawyers, smiths, and barbers, all 
 fully armed. Two hundred of the settlers were to be 
 married, and at least one hundred were to be labourers and 
 farmers. Aviles was authorised to divide out the land in 
 repartimientos among the settlers, and to construct at 
 least two towns, each of them to have not less than one 
 hundred inhabitants, and to be provided with a fort for its 
 protection. The company was to include four members of 
 the Society of Jesus with ten or twelve monks of any order 
 he saw fit ; and he was granted the privilege of transporting 
 142 
 
Departure of Aviles for Florida 143 
 
 to Florida five hundred negro slaves,'- taken from Spain, 
 Portugal, the Cape de Verde Islands, or Guinea, of whom 
 one-third were to be women, to assist in the construction 
 of the towns, the cultivation of the land, the planting of 
 sugar-cane, and the manufacture of sugar. He was es- 
 pecially enjoined to see that none of his colonists were 
 contaminated by heresy, and that there were no Jews, 
 Moors, or Marranos among them." He was ordered to 
 take with him a hundred horses and mares, two hundred 
 sheep, four hundred swine, four hundred lambs, and some 
 goats, with what other stock he saw fit. 
 
 He was ordered to reconnoitre the Gulf coast of the 
 peninsula and from the Florida Keys as far north as 
 Newfoundland, and to make a full report upon the ports, 
 currents, rocks, shoals, and bays of the same. And 
 finally came the main purpose of the asiento, the expul- 
 sion of the French. As the two countries were not only 
 at peace, but ostensibly entertaining the most amicable 
 relations with each other. Frenchmen could not openly 
 be named as having invaded Spanish territory, which 
 might be construed as a formal threat against the French 
 Government in the face of its solemn protestations that it 
 harboured no designs upon Florida. It was, therefore, 
 necessary to disguise the instructions under a compre- 
 hensive term which should include the case of the French 
 colonists without attributing their irregular action to the 
 connivance of the French Crown, and Aviles was directed 
 to ascertain "if in the said coast or land there were 
 settlers or corsairs or other nations whatsoever not sub- 
 ject to Us," and to seek "to drive them out by what 
 means you see fit." 
 
 In return for these vast services, which Aviles agreed 
 
 ' Aviles did not immediately avail himself of this provision. • 
 '"Y que sea gente limpia y node los prohividos." " Capitulacion y 
 asiento con Pero Menendez de Aviles para la poblacion y conquista de la 
 Florida, Madrid, 20 de Marzo de 1565," Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 418. 
 
144 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 to undertake entirely at his own expense and without re- 
 course either to the King or his successors, Philip gra- 
 ciously awarded him an aid of fifteen thousand ducats, 
 which Men^ndez bound himself to repay; a salary of 
 two thousand ducats to be derived from the rents and 
 products of the land, without recourse to the King in 
 the event of any failure to collect ; a grant of land twenty- 
 five leagues square, with the title of Marquis attached to 
 it, and two fisheries, the one of pearls and the other of 
 fish, to be selected by himself. He was allowed to have 
 a few vessels of his own and to trade with certain of the 
 West India Islands which were carefully specified, and 
 he was released from various export and import duties 
 for a stated period. He was also allowed to retain all 
 that he found aboard the pirates he captured, during a 
 term of five years. 
 
 He and his successors were granted in perpetuity the 
 title of Adelantado of Florida, and he was appointed 
 captain-general of the fleet under his command. He 
 was invested with authority to appoint a lieutenant- 
 governor for the country to hold ofifice during his ab- 
 sence; he was given the exclusive control of his fleet for 
 six years, so that none of his vessels could be detached 
 from his service under any pretence, and finally he was 
 empowered to appoint an executor to carry out the in- 
 tentions of the asiento in the event of his own death 
 within the term of three years set for the fulfilment of 
 its conditions.' 
 
 The asiento, which in most respects observes the cus- 
 tomary formulae employed in such documents, deserves 
 our attention for a moment in view of the influence it 
 exerted upon subsequent events. Its most remarkable 
 provision was that the colonists were to be transferred, 
 
 ' " Capitulacion y asiento con Pero Menendez de Aviles para la pobla- 
 cion y conquista de la Florida, Madrid, 20 de Marzo ae 1565," ibid., tomo 
 ii., pp. 415-427. 
 
Departure of Aviles for Florida 145 
 
 bound hand and foot in absolute dependence, to 
 Aviles. The trade with Florida from the nearer West 
 India ports was exclusively subject to his control, and 
 this power came to be exerted to the great detriment of 
 the colony, and to the repression of all individual initia- 
 tive. His salary was dependent upon the productions of 
 the soil, and as the latter at no period during the six- 
 teenth and seventeenth centuries ever became a source of 
 revenue either to the colony or to the Crown, but as the 
 colony, on the contrary, proved a constant source of ex- 
 pense, so that even flour and provisions had to be sup- 
 plied from abroad, a great and irresistible temptation 
 was presented to eke out by illegitimate means a salary 
 which otherwise could never be collected. 
 
 Finally, the importation into Florida of the five hun- 
 dred negro slaves was a perquisite of Menendez, and on 
 his failure to bring them the severe labour which they 
 were intended to perform would fall upon the few white 
 colonists, or, in their default, upon those of their Indian 
 neighbours whom the Spaniards might be able to impress. 
 The result would be a small zone of the weaker natives, 
 its extent limited by the ability of the colonists to hold 
 them in subjection, surrounded by the countless braver 
 and hostile tribes which would not submit to slavery. It 
 is true that the written law was tender of the treatment 
 of the Indians and hedged them in every conceivable way 
 from the ill-usage of the colonists. But the country was 
 greatly isolated, and the colonists, like many before and 
 after them, became in this particular a law unto them- 
 selves, with what result we shall see in due time. Two 
 days after the execution of the asiento the various titles 
 and privileges which the King had bestowed upon Menen- 
 dez in pursuance of the contract were duly confirmed.' 
 
 '"Real Cedula donando al Adelantado Pero Menendez de Aviles 25 
 leguas en cuadro de territorio en la Florida, Madrid, 22 de Marzo de 
 1565," ibid., tomo ii., p. 351. " Real Cedula eximiendo a Pero Menendez 
 
146 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 No one perhaps realised better than Avil6s himself the 
 importance of anticipating the arrival of the French rein- 
 forcements and of striking promptly. So he went in 
 person to Madrid and asked to be given four vessels 
 already equipped with which to carry out at once the 
 reconnaissance, in place of submitting to the delays 
 and annoyance of fitting out a great fleet. But the 
 Turk was moving on Malta and there were but few 
 vessels to meet him, and the request of Men^ndez was 
 denied. As some compensation he was authorised to 
 collect four additional vessels and five hundred men in 
 the West India Islands.' Menendez, therefore, was 
 thrown back upon the original plan and began upon 
 the equipment of his fleet. Money for the enterprise 
 was collected from his friends. One of these, Pedro del 
 Castillo, an alderman of Cadiz, embarked his entire 
 fortune in the adventure and also raised the sum of 
 twenty thousand ducats for it." Diego Flores de Valdes, 
 who had seen fifteen years' service under Menendez in 
 most of his daring ventures in the Indies as well as in the 
 Flanders fleets, sold and pawned the greater part of his 
 patrimony to further the undertaking of his chief, whom 
 he accompanied to Florida." Menendez himself em- 
 del pago de derechos de fundicion de metales." Same date, ibid., p. 354. 
 " Real Cedula concediendo al Adelantado Pero Menendez de Aviles par- 
 ticipacion en las rentas, minas y frutos de la Florida." Same date, ibid., 
 p. 356. " Real Cedula concediendo a Pero Menendez dos pesquerias en la 
 Florida, una de perlas y la otra de pescado." Same date, ibid., p. 358. 
 "Titulo de Capitan General, expedido al Adelantado Pero Menendez de 
 Aviles, de la armada que llevo para el descubrimiento de la Florida." 
 Same date, z/^tV., p. 383. "Titulo de Gobernador y Capitan General de 
 la Florida, otorgado a Pero Menendez de Aviles." Same date, ibid., 
 
 p. 385. 
 
 'Meras, " Jornadas," in ibid., tomo i., pp. 56, 57. 
 
 ^Meras in ibid,, tomo i., p. 53 ; Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565. ibi<i; 
 tomo ii., p. 100. 
 
 « Aviles to Philip II., Aug. 21, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 41 ; Oct. 15, 1565,. 
 ibid., p. lOi. 
 
Departure of Aviles for Florida 147 
 
 barked all of his fortune' in the enterprise; and as the 
 entire expense of it was borne by him, excepting that 
 of one ship and two hundred and ninety-nine soldiers 
 furnished by the King, he is said by Barcia to have 
 expended upon it nearly a million ducats in less than 
 fourteen months." 
 
 With his customary energy and promptness Mcn^ndez 
 had assembled a fleet of ten vessels at Cadiz by the end 
 of June. Most of them ranged from sixty to seventy- 
 five tons, except the caravel San Antonio , which was of 
 one hundred and fifty, and the San Pelayo, his flag-ship, 
 of over nine hundred tons, a very large vessel for that 
 day. One was a galley called the Victoria, propelled by 
 oars. These were all well supplied with artillery and am- 
 munition. The company consisted of fifteen hundred 
 souls, eight hundred and twenty of whom were soldiers. 
 Many of the latter united in their person the arts of 
 peace with their warlike occupation. There were twenty- 
 one tailors who sailed in this double capacity, fifteen 
 carpenters, and ten shoemakers ; indeed nearly all of the 
 trades were represented : millers, masons, silversmiths, 
 gardeners, and barbers, a hat-maker, and even a weaver 
 of silk and a brewer, in all, one hundred and thirty-seven 
 soldiers, representing among them thirty-eight trades, 
 besides one hundred and seventeen tillers of the soil. 
 There were one hundred and seventy seamen including 
 eighteen artillery men, and in the San Pelayo sailed 
 twenty-seven families. Seven priests accompanied the 
 colonists.' Aviles took with him the three mutineers 
 
 i"All of my fortune," Aviles to Philip II., May i8, 1565, ibid., tomo 
 ii., p. 64. 
 
 ''Barcia, Ensayo Cronologico, Aiio MDLXV., p. 69. This probably in- 
 cludes the money borrowed from his friends as well as his own fortune. 
 
 3 Barrientos, (" Vida y Hechos," in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la 
 Florida, p. 35), says there were twelve priests. Mendoza, in his " Relacion" 
 (in Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 437), says there were seven priests. 
 " Inventario y relacion de los navios ... que lleva el Adelantado Pero 
 
148 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 from Fort Caroline, whom the Cuban authorities had sent 
 prisoners to Spain, as related in a previous chapter.' 
 
 So great was the demand for experienced mariners 
 among the various fleets sailing for the Indies that only 
 by paying much higher wages than they did was Avil^s 
 enabled to obtain his crews; and even then so inadequate 
 was the supply of native sailors that he wrote Philip it 
 would be necessary for him to be authorised to embark 
 foreigners in his service.'' Diego de Amaya, an experi- 
 enced sailor, accompanied the fleet as "piloto mayor." ' 
 
 A number of the relatives of Aviles joined the armada: 
 among these were his brother, Bartolom^, who had al- 
 ready seen fifteen years' service in the royal navy * ; Gon- 
 zalo de Solis de Meras, his brother-in-law, to whom we are 
 indebted for the history of the Adelantado, to which refer- 
 ence has so frequently been made ; Hernando de Miranda, 
 who was married to Aviles's daughter, Doila Catalina^; 
 and Pedro Men^ndez de Valdez, a young man of twenty- 
 five, relative of the Archbishop of Seville, and who was 
 engaged to another of his daughters. So eager had 
 
 Menendez de Aviles en su armada para la conquista y poblacion de la 
 Florida" . . . June 28, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 558. On p. 561 it 
 says there were four priests, Meras says he was given four additional 
 vessels and 500 additional men at the King's cost {j,bid.^ tomo i., p. 57), 
 and (p. 52) that there were 2150 men in all, probably including Las Alas's 
 fleet. Barcia, {Ensayo, Ano MDLXV, p. 67), says the 500 additional men 
 were not furnished him, although the King had ordered them to be sent. 
 On p. 68 he says there were nineteen vessels and he gives the names of 
 thirteen of them. This probably includes the fleet of Las Alas. Mendoza, 
 in his " Relacion" (in Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 442), says there were ten 
 vessels in the fleet with which Menendez sailed from Cadiz. 
 
 'Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomoii.,p. 75. 
 
 -Aviles to Philip II., May iS, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 64. He says that 
 some were deterred because he was leaving for Florida so late, and in the 
 hurricane season. 
 
 2 Aviles to Philip II., May 18, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 65; Sept. 11, 1565 
 ibid., p. 83. 
 
 *Aviles to Philip II., July 27, 1563, ibid., tomo ii., p. 37. 
 
 ^ Ibid., tomo i., p. ccxxvi. 
 
Departure of Aviles for Florida 149 
 
 Valdez been to accompany the expedition, that, against 
 the desire of his prospective father-in-law, he hid himself 
 aboard the fleet until after it had sailed.' Francisco 
 Ldpez de Mendoza Grajalas, the author of another ac- 
 count of the voyage, went as chaplain of the fleet, and 
 other gentlemen, drawn from the south, as well as from 
 Galicia, Biscay, and his native Asturias, sailed with it.^ 
 
 Some of his soldiers as well as his ofificers were men of 
 experience, who had fought in the Italian wars, such, 
 for example, as Pedro Menendez Valdez, just mentioned, 
 who had seen five or six years of service and had been 
 raised in the galleys.* The asiento had authorised him 
 to equip a second fleet in the Asturias. The man whom 
 Menendez had appointed to this command was Esteban 
 de las Alas, from his native town of Aviles, and before 
 setting sail Men6ndez ordered him to join the armada 
 at the Canaries with the ships at his disposition without 
 touching at Cadiz." 
 
 He set sail from Cadiz, June 29, 1565, but was com- 
 pelled to put back into port by a violent tempest. While 
 awaiting the return of fair weather, his fleet received sev- 
 eral accessions, and finally he again set out on the 28th of 
 July, reaching the Canaries without further adventure on 
 the 5th of the ensuing month. He remainf'd there three 
 days awaiting the arrival of Esteban de las Alas from 
 Gijon. On his failure to appear, Aviles left the islands on 
 the 8th,* with the intention of going directly to Dominica ; 
 
 1 Aviles to Philip II., Sept. ii, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 82. Mendoza, 
 " Relacion" in ibid., p. 462. 
 
 ^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 34, 35. 
 Barcia, Ano MDLXV., p. 69. 
 
 2 Aviles to Philip II., Sept. ii, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 82. 
 ^"Asiento," ibid., tomo ii., pp. 416, 419; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos 
 
 Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 34, 35 ; Vigil, A'oticias, p. I20. 
 
 * Mendoza, "Relacion," in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 431. 
 Aviles to Philip II., Aug. 13, i^ts, ibid., Y>. 70; Barcia, ^mjaw, Ano 
 MDLXV., p. 68 ; Barrientos, in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la 
 Florida, p. 34. 
 
I50 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 for the winter was now approaching, and although he 
 had first planned to stop at Puerto Rico and Cuba for 
 horses and more vessels, he feared that he could not draw 
 from the islands sufficient supplies for so prolonged a 
 campaign.' The night of his leaving the Canaries his 
 flag-ship, the San Pelayo, and another vessel became 
 separated from the remainder of the fleet, and Men^ndez 
 determined to continue his journey alone. Within three 
 hundred and fifty leagues of Florida he was assailed by 
 a violent storm, which carried away all of his masts and 
 sails excepting the mainmast; and some of the artillery 
 had to be thrown overboard to lighten the vessel. Being a 
 seaworthy boat the San Pelayo weathered the gale, which 
 lasted two nights and one day, but was compelled to put 
 into Puerto Rico for repairs, "" where Aviles arrived on the 
 8th of August. 
 
 The balance of the fleet had a no less trying experience. 
 Thursday the 28th, arose a violent storm, accompanied 
 by thunder and lightnings that "sought to eat us up 
 alive" writes the chaplain. The seas swept entirely over 
 the vessels, which had to be lightened, and Mendoza was 
 all night long confessing and consoling his companions. 
 The storm continued for three days. On Monday the 
 6th of August, the fleet anchored at Dominica, where the 
 crew of the chaplain's ship captured an immense turtle, 
 which it took five men to cut up. 
 
 With naive and graphic egotism Mendoza wrote the 
 King an account of his experiences during his stay at 
 Dominica: 
 
 " I called an Italian lad of mine and ordered him to take 
 half a dozen shirts that were soiled and other clothes, and I 
 gave him a little piece of soap to wash them out on shore, 
 which he did very well. While my boy remained behind with 
 
 •Barrientos in ibid., pp. 35, 36. 
 
 2 Aviles to Philip II., Aug. 13, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 
 70, 71 ; Mendoza, " Relacion " in ibid., p. 436. 
 
Departure of Aviles for Florida 151 
 
 four other men washing their clothes, I took a walk in the 
 direction of some rocks on the seashore, and amused myself 
 gathering shellfish of which there was an abundance; raising 
 my eyes, I saw three naked men coming down the side of a 
 hill, and as I was in a land of enemies, I felt certain that they 
 were Caribs; I took to my heels as fast as I could, and ran to 
 my party, and made them all come out and take each half a 
 dozen knives and we went to meet them. Drawing near to 
 each other until we could talk, they called out that they were 
 of our people, which was no small satisfaction to me by reason 
 of the risk myself and the others might have run." 
 
 They proved to be the survivors of a party of five sailors 
 who had swum ashore from the ships to see the land, two 
 of whom had been drowned on the way. Having taken 
 in wood and water, Mendoza and his company again 
 set sail, and on Friday, July loth, reached Puerto Rico, 
 where they found the flag-ship and the other small vessel 
 already in port.' 
 
 Avil6s, fearful that reinforcements would arrive before 
 him and strengthen the position of the French in Florida, 
 bent all his energies to outsail them. His purpose was, 
 if possible, to seize the island which the three French 
 prisoners had told him lay at the mouth of the St. John's, 
 possibly Fort George Island, and to fortify it so that Fort 
 Caroline would be cut off from reinforcements by sea.' 
 With this object in view he pressed his preparations 
 forward as rapidly as possible. Hernando de Miranda 
 was dispatched to Santo Domingo, where he was to 
 collect the horses and the men, which the King had 
 agreed to furnish, and take them to Havana, there to 
 be joined by Esteban de las Alas, with his fleet, for 
 whom he left the necessary directions in Puerto Rico.' 
 
 'Mendoza, " Relacion" in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 432-436. 
 » Aviles to Philip II., Aug. 13, 1565, zWaT., tomo ii., p. 72; Sept. II, 
 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 75. 
 3 Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Reladones de la Florida^ p. 37. 
 
152 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 He appointed Juan Ponce de Leon, the royal accountant, 
 and governor of the fort at Puerto Rico, to be his 
 lieutenant, as it was the place of rendezvous of all of the 
 fleets and forces destined for Florida. He added another 
 ship to his squadron, with fifty men and twenty horses, 
 and the Governor gave him two barks, one of which he 
 took with him to unload the larger vessels, and to re- 
 place the ship from Puerto Rico which was to be sent 
 back. He used the other as a dispatch boat for Santo 
 Domingo and Havana.' 
 
 "Over thirty men deserted and hid themselves in this town," 
 writes Mendoza, ' ' among which were three priests, for there 
 were seven of us, and could not be found dead or alive, which 
 my lord the General felt very greatly, and I no less, for it 
 makes hard work for us. The fact is that they offered me in 
 this port a chaplaincy with a dollar of alms for every mass said, 
 which would not fail me the whole year round ; I did not do it 
 because I did not wish that to be said of me, which I hear said 
 of others, and because it is a town where one cannot prosper 
 very much, and in order to see if by continuing the journey 
 Our Lord will not give me some advantage in exchange for my 
 labour." ^ 
 
 So anxious was Menendez to reach Florida in advance 
 of the French, that he determined to start without await- 
 ing the arrival of the balance of his Cadiz fleet which had 
 not yet reached Puerto Rico, and on the 15th, he sailed 
 with only five vessels, on the final stage of his journey, 
 with eight hundred souls, five hundred of which were 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Aug. 13, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 73 ; Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., p. 438. 
 
 2 Mendoza in ibid., tomo ii., p. 437. Mendoza relates that a dispatch 
 boat sent to Santo Domingo was captured while on the way by a French 
 vessel, which, after taking its papers, dismissed it with the charge to inform 
 the Spaniards that the French would be advised of their arrival before the 
 Spaniards could get there ; ibid., p. 439. Mendoza thought it was a vessel 
 of Ribaut's fleet, ibid., p. 442, and Barcia also, Ensayo, Ano MDLXV.. 
 p. 69. 
 
Departure of Aviles for Florida 153 
 
 soldiers, two hundred mariners and "the other hundred 
 being of useless people," as he called them, "married 
 men, women, children and officials." ' Arrived off Santo 
 Domingo August 17th, he called a council of his captains, 
 informed them of his intention to proceed, and urged their 
 acceptance of it in view of the favourable weather.' The 
 council having agreed to it, the bows of the ships were 
 turned to the north notwithstanding the timidity of the 
 pilots in the dangerous passages amidst the reefs and 
 shoals, and the seasickness of the crews in the rough 
 waters of the Gulf Stream.' 
 
 During the passage the various officers were named, 
 the weapons were put in order and distributed, the sol- 
 diers practised daily in shooting at a mark for a prize, 
 and the Christian doctrine and litanies were recited 
 with prayers and supplications to the Lord for victory.* 
 While in the Bahama Channel a happy omen was seen 
 in the shape of a brilliant meteor.* Just before making 
 land a general rejoicing was held aboard the fleet, flags 
 were unfurled, drums were beaten, guns were fired, and a 
 double ration was served out.° On Sunday, August 25th, ^ 
 
 ' Mendoza, " Relacion" in Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 447 ; Aviles 
 to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 75- Deposition of Grauiel 
 de Riuera in " Informacion de algunos seruicios," etc., in ibid., tomo ii., 
 p. 306 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 
 
 36. 37. 
 
 '^ Mendoza (" Relacion" in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 442, 443) 
 thought that Ribaut was perhaps lying in wait for Menendez on the way 
 to Havana and that this change of course to Florida was taken in order to 
 avoid him. 
 
 * Mendoza, " Relacion," in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 439-446. 
 
 * Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 69. 
 
 * Mendoza, " Relacion " in ibid., tomo ii., p. 445. 
 
 « Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, ■p'p. 37-39' 
 'Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 
 75. Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 445-447, says Aug. 28th, 
 and that the landfall was near the mouth of the St. John's. Meras in 
 ibid., tomo i., p. 69, also says Aug. 28th, and that the landfall was near St. 
 Augustine. 
 
 V 
 
154 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 the peninsula was made off Cape Canaveral, and four days 
 were spent sailing along the coast in search of the French 
 port. Failing to discover it, Mendndez at last sent ashore 
 to learn of the Indians where it lay, and was informed by 
 signs that it was twenty leagues to the north. Coasting 
 along eight leagues farther Men^ndez came upon the 
 harbour of the River of Dolphins, previously visited by 
 Laudonniere, into which he entered and gave it the name 
 of St. Augustine, having discovered it on the festival of 
 that saint, the 28th of August, and here the fleet re- 
 mained for several days.' 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 39,40; 
 Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida tomo ii., pp. 75- 
 77 ; Meras in ibid,, tomo i., pp. 69-72. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE CAPTURE OF FORT CAROLINE 
 
 ON Tuesday, September 4th,' Men^ndez set sail from 
 the harbour of St. Augustine and, coasting north, 
 at two o'clock in the afternoon came upon four vessels 
 lying at anchor off the mouth of a river. These were the 
 Trinity and three other of Ribaut's ships, which he had 
 left at the mouth of the St. John's because they were 
 too large to pass the bars in safety. One of them was 
 flying the Admiral's flag, another the flag of the Captain.' 
 Menendez recognised at once that the French reinforce- 
 ments had arrived before him, and called a council of his 
 captains to consider what action should be taken. In the 
 opinion of the council it was deemed advisable to return 
 to Santo Domingo, there to await the balance of the fleet, 
 which had been dispersed by the tempest, and the arrival 
 of the reinforcements under Esteban de las Alas, to win- 
 ter in Havana, and to return to Florida in March of the 
 following year. But Menendez was of another way of 
 
 ' Both Aviles (letter to Philip IL, Sept. 11, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, 
 tomoii., p. 76) and Laudonniere (ZTiV^. Notable, Basanier, p. 104; Hak., 
 vol. ii., p. 514), give the date September 4th. Mendoza (" Relacion" in 
 Ruidiaz, ibid., tome ii., p. 447) says Wednesday, September 5th, and Le 
 Challeux (" Hist. Memorable " in Recueil de Pilces stir la Floride, p. 265) 
 says Monday, September 3rd. Le Moyne, Meras, and Barrientos do not 
 mention any date. 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., September 11, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., 
 p. 76 ; Mendoza, " Relacion " in ibid., p. 447. 
 
 155 
 
156 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 thinking. His presence was already known to the enemy, 
 four of his ships were so crippled by the gale that they 
 could not make good time, and he feared that if the 
 French should undertake to chase his fleet, they could 
 outsail it. He concluded that it was better to attack at 
 once, and, having beaten them, to return to St. Augustine 
 and await reinforcements. His advice prevailed, so the 
 Spaniards proceeded on their way. When within half a 
 league of the French a thunder-storm passed over them, 
 followed by a calm, and they were compelled to lie still 
 until ten o'clock in the evening, when a land breeze 
 sprang up, and they again got under way. Menendez 
 had given orders to approach the French ships bow to 
 bow, and then to wait and board them at daybreak, for 
 he feared they would fire their own vessels and thus 
 endanger his, and would then escape to land in their 
 row-boats.' 
 
 The Frenchmen soon perceived their approach and be- 
 gan firing at them, but their aim was directed too high, 
 and the shot passed harmlessly between the masts with- 
 out doing any damage.^ Regardless of the firing and 
 without vouchsafing any reply Menendez kept on his 
 course until, passing right in their midst, he drew up the 
 bow of the San Pelayo between that of the Trinity and 
 another of the enemy's ships. Then he sounded a salute 
 on his trumpets and the French replied. When this was 
 over Menendez asked, "very courteously, " "Gentlemen, 
 from where does this fleet come?" "From France," 
 answered a voice from the Trinity. "What are you do- 
 ing here?" "Bringing infantry, artillery, and supplies 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 41-44; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 72-74; Aviles to Philip II., 
 Sept. II, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 76. 
 
 ^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 45 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 75. Mr. Parkman in \a% Pioneers 
 of France in the New World, Boston, 1893, p. 112, note, discredits the 
 statement that the French opened fire on the Spaniards as they approached. 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline 157 
 
 for a fort which the King of France has in this country, 
 and for others which he is going to make." "Are you 
 CathoHcs or Lutherans ?" he asked next. "Lutherans, 
 and our General is Jean Ribaut," came the response. 
 Then the French in turn addressed the same questions 
 to the Spaniards, to which Men6ndez himself replied: "I 
 am the General ; my name is Pedro Men^ndez de Avil^s. 
 This is the armada of the King of Spain, who has sent me 
 to this coast and country to burn and hang the Lutheran 
 French who should be found there, and in the morning I 
 will board your ships ; and if I find any Catholics they will 
 be well treated." ' In the dead silence which prevailed 
 while the parley was in progress, "a stillness such as I 
 never heard since I came to the world," writes the Span- 
 ish chaplain, those aboard his ship heard a boat put out 
 from one of the Frenchmen, carrying a message to their 
 flag-ship and the reply of the French commander, "I am 
 the Admiral, I will die first," from which they inferred 
 that it was a proposition to surrender. When the con- 
 versation was ended there followed an exchange of abuse 
 and foul words, until Avil6s, exasperated and unable to 
 restrain his impatience, ordered his crew to draw their 
 swords and to pay out the cable so as to board at once. 
 The sailors showed some hesitation, and Men^ndez sprang 
 down from the bridge to urge them on and found that the 
 cable was caught in the capstan, which caused some delay. 
 But the Frenchmen had also heard the signal and, taking 
 advantage of the momentary pause, cut their cables, 
 passed right through the Spanish fleet, and fled, three 
 vessels turning to the north and the other to the south, 
 with the Spaniards in hot pursuit. Men^ndez with two 
 of his ships took the northerly course, but the three 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept. ii, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 67 ; Mendoza, " Relacion " in ibid., p. 448 ; Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 
 76, 77 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 
 44.45. 
 
158 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 French galleons outsailed him, and at dawn he gave up 
 the chase, and, returning to the mouth of the St. John's 
 with the intention of pursuing his original plan of seizing 
 and fortifying it, reached it at ten o'clock in the morn- 
 ing. On attempting its entrance he discovered three 
 ships up the river and at the point of the land two com- 
 panies of infantry, who brought their artillery to bear 
 upon him. So he abandoned the attempt to capture the 
 entrance and made for St. Augustine.' 
 
 The three Spanish vessels which took the southerly 
 course in pursuit of the remaining French ship continued 
 all night. Men^ndez had ordered them to rejoin him at 
 the mouth of the St. John's in the morning, and, if un- 
 able to do so, to return to St. Augustine. But a storm 
 arose and they were obliged to cast anchor off the coast, 
 the vessels being so small they did not dare to take to the 
 sea. One of the three broke away, and while in this peril 
 a French ship was sighted and they were in terror of being 
 boarded ; but she did not attack them, although she hove 
 to within a league. The following day, Thursday, Sep- 
 tember 6th, after sighting a second French vessel they 
 made for a harbour near at hand, which proved to be that 
 of St. Augustine, and on landing found that the other two 
 vessels had preceded them, having also arrived the same 
 day (September 6th). The harbour was near the village 
 of an Indian chief named Seloy, who received them with 
 much kindness. The Spaniards at once went to work to 
 fortify a large Indian dwelling, probably a communal 
 house of the natives, which lay near the water's edge. 
 They dug a ditch around it and threw up a breastwork 
 of earth and fagots, "these two good captains of ours," 
 
 ^ Histoire Notable, Basanier, pp. 104, 105; Ifak., vol. ii., p. 514; Le 
 Challeux, reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride Frati^aise, p. 463 ; Bar- 
 rientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 45,46; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 78, 79 ; Aviles to Philip II. » 
 Sept. II, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 77, 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline 159 
 
 Patiflo and San Vincente, "working with such industry, 
 that with only the nails of their soldiers, and without 
 other tools, they made a fort for their defence," says 
 Mendoza.' And this was the birth of St. Augustine, the 
 oldest city in the United States. Its ancient site can no 
 longer be determined, but it is known to have been such 
 that it did not command the entrance to the harbour, 
 could not be discovered from the sea, and was much ex- 
 posed to the attacks of the Indians. When, in May of 
 the following year, the settlement was moved to a more 
 advantageous position, the first location received the 
 name of Old St. Augustine from the Spaniards.^ 
 
 Aviles at once began disembarking his troops, landing 
 two hundred of them. On Friday, the 7th, he sent his 
 three smaller ships into the harbour, and three hundred 
 more colonists were landed, along with the married men, 
 their wives, and children, and most of the artillery and 
 
 ' Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 449-451 ; Aviles to Philip 
 II., Sept. II, 1565, ibid., p. 81 ; " Informacion de algunos servicios presta- 
 dos por el Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles, Mexico, 3 de Abril de 
 1595," in ibid., p. 615. 
 
 *Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 114, 
 141 ; Juan Lopez de Velasco in his Geografia de las InJias, i^yi-ijy4, 
 Madrid, 1S94, p. 160, says of St. Augustine, " fundole primero en el cabo 
 de una isla de media legua de ancho y cinco de largo ; y pasose el ano de 
 72 a la parte de Tierrafirme," etc. This corresponds substantially to 
 Anastasia Island or perhaps the second site of the fort on the promontory 
 formed by the sea and North River to the north of the island, for "isla" 
 does not necessarily mean an island. In the anonymous " Discurso sobre 
 la poblacion de la costa de la Florida e inconvenientes que se ofrecieren 
 para su fortificacion e defensa " (MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. 
 Navarrete, tomo xiv., Doc. No. 47, 1577-1580), it is said " Sancto Agustin 
 donde primero estubo el Fuerte y gente, es una Islilla pequena, y Sancto 
 Agustin donde agora esta el Fuerte y gente es otra que esta junto a la 
 primera, donde solia estar primero el Fuerte, y esta dende agora esta es casi 
 Isla," etc. (see note p. 252, in this volume). Fairbanks, who was not aware 
 of these changes of the site of the settlement, says, in his History of Florida 
 (Philadelphia, 1871, p. 133,) " The old town of St. Augustine is built upon 
 the precise point that was occupied by Menendez." 
 
i6o The Spanish Settlements 
 
 ammunition.' On Saturday, Lady's day, September 8th, 
 the balance of the colonists, one hundred in number, and 
 supplies were put ashore. Then the General himself 
 landed amidst the waving of flags, the sounding of 
 trumpets and of other instruments of war, and the salutes 
 of the artillery. The chaplain, Mendoza, who had gone 
 ashore the previous day, advanced to meet him, chanting 
 the Je Deuvi Laiidauius and carrying a cross which Aviles 
 and those with him reverently kissed, falling upon their 
 knees. Then Menendez took possession in the King's 
 name.* The mass of Our Lady was solemnly chanted, 
 and the oath was administered to the various officials in 
 the presence of a large concourse of friendly Indians who 
 imitated all of the postures of the Spaniards. Gonzalo 
 de Villarroel was appointed adjutant, and ten captains 
 were also named. With an eye to the growth of the 
 colony the of^ces of Royal Accountant, Factor, and 
 Treasurer were assigned to Esteban de las Alas, Pedro 
 Menendez Marques, nephew of the Adelantado, and 
 Hernando de Miranda. "For many years they have 
 served under me," wrote Aviles to the King, "and since 
 all three are married to women of rank it may be that on 
 account of their offices and through love for me they may 
 bring their wives and households, which may draw other 
 married people. For it is a good plan to begin to set- 
 tle these Florida provinces with people of rank." ' The 
 ceremony was concluded by the serving out of food to 
 colonists and Indians alike. The negro slaves were 
 quartered in the huts of the Indian village and the work 
 on the defences was proceeded with. While this was in 
 progress, two of Ribaut's ships, which the Spaniards had 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept. ii, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 
 71, 8r. 
 
 ^ Mendoza, " Relacion *' in ibid., tomo ii., p. 451. 
 
 ^Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 82 ; Dec. 5, 1565, 
 ibid., tomo ii., p. 124. 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline i6i 
 
 chased on the night of September 4th, made a demonstra- 
 tion at the mouth of the harbour, offering combat to the 
 San Pelayo and the San Salvador, which were unable to 
 cross the bar on account of their size, and lay outside in 
 a very exposed situation. But the challenge was not ac- 
 cepted, and after watching from a distance the landing 
 of the troops, the Frenchmen sailed away the same after- 
 noon, and returned to the mouth of the St. John's.' 
 
 Men^ndez was in great fear lest Ribaut should return, 
 attack his fleet while he was unloading, and perhaps cap- 
 ture the San Pelayo, which carried the major part of his 
 supplies and ammunition ; and he was also most anxious 
 to send two of his sloops back to Havana for reinforce- 
 ments. For these reasons the unloading was pushed 
 rapidly forward. In the meantime he strengthened his 
 position, and sought what information he could obtain of 
 the situation of the French fort from the Indians. They 
 told him that it could be reached from the head of the 
 harbour of St. Augustine, without going by sea, indicat- 
 ing probably a way by North River and Pablo Creek. 
 
 On September nth Avil^s wrote from St. Augustine 
 his report to the King of the progress of the expedition. 
 In this first letter from the soil of Florida, Men^ndez ex- 
 hibited the sound judgment which characterised him, the 
 result of a wide observation and experience, by seeking 
 to provide against those difficulties which had proved the 
 chief obstacle in the path of both the French and Spanish 
 colonies before him. 
 
 " It will be desirable that Your Majesty give orders, that I 
 be provided with a year's supply of corn for each horse which 
 I shall bring to these provinces. . . . And for the future, 
 in the course of a year I will give orders to sow and plant com 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 77, 78 ; Meris 
 in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 79, 80; Histoire Notable, Basanier, pp. 105, 106; 
 Hak., vol. ii., pp. 514, 515. 
 
1 62 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 so that they shall have provender here ; for by no means would 
 it do to take it from the Indians, in order not to make enemies 
 of them; on the contrary, it will be advisable for us to feed 
 those who have none, in order to win their love and friend- 
 ship. Let Your Majesty rest assured," he continues, " that if 
 I had a million more or less, I would spend it all upon this 
 undertaking, because it is of such great service to God Our 
 Lord, and for the increase of our Holy Catholic Faith and 
 the service of Your Majesty. And therefore I have offered to 
 Our Lord, that all that I shall find, win, and acquire, in this 
 world shall be for the planting of the Gospel in this land, and 
 the enlightenment of its natives, and thus I pledge myself to 
 Your Majesty." ' 
 
 Every age and every nation has had its euphemism for 
 conquest and aggrandisement, whether it be the service 
 of God and the spiritual w^elfare of the conquered, or the 
 interests of civilisation and the material advancement of 
 the race. It becomes the Court jargon, the caption of 
 bulls and encyclicals, the stock-in-trade of edicts and 
 proclamations, until by force of repetition it rings true 
 even to those who coin it. How far Men^ndez was 
 amenable to this fashionable insincerity it is difficult to 
 judge. But it is worthy to remark that when in the 
 course of subsequent events his mercy was appealed to 
 for the rescue of the French prisoners who fell into his 
 hands, it was extended to drummers, fifers, and trumpet- 
 ers, and that it was only at the intercession of the priest 
 that it embraced his co-religionists.* 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept. ii, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 
 80, 83. 
 
 * Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 89, 103 ; Men- 
 doza, " Relacion " in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 464, 465 ; Meras in ibid., tomo i., 
 pp. 116, 126 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida^ 
 pp. 66, 69 ; Relation of the Dieppe sailor in De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 
 29, quoted p. 203, in this volume; Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Feb. 23, 
 1566, Dipeches, p. 62. 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline 163 
 
 In two days the ships were for the most part unloaded, 
 yet so convinced was Men^ndez that Ribaut would return 
 as promptly as possible that the San Pelayo did not wait 
 to discharge her entire cargo, but set sail for Hispaniola 
 at midnight, September loth, with the San Salvador, 
 which was carrying the General's dispatches.' The San 
 Pelayo took with her some interesting passengers. On 
 leaving Cadiz Avil^s had been informed by the Seville 
 Inquisition that there were "Lutherans" in his fleet, and, 
 having made a perquisition, he discovered and seized 
 twenty-five of them, whom he dispatched in the two ves- 
 sels to Santo Domingo or Puerto Rico, to be returned to 
 Spain. Through one of those singular coincidences by 
 which earthly events sometimes compensate each other, 
 it so happened that at the very time Avil^s was killing 
 "Lutherans" in Florida, the "Lutherans" aboard the 
 San Pelayo, convinced of the fate which awaited them in 
 Seville, rose against their captors. With an equanimity 
 equal to that of Men^ndez himself, they killed the cap- 
 tain, master, and all the Catholics aboard, and made 
 their way past Spain, France, and Flanders, to the coast 
 of Denmark, where the Sa7i Pelayo was wrecked and the 
 heretics appear finally to have escaped." Men6ndez also 
 sent two sloops to Havana for the reinforcements ex- 
 pected to arrive with Esteban de las Alas, and for horses. 
 Upon the latter he especially counted in his campaign 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 46, 47 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 80; Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 
 15. is(>5, il>id., tomo ii., p. 84; Vasalenque in " Informacion de algunos 
 servicios," etc., in Hid., tomo ii., p. 615, says the San Pelayo was sent to 
 Havana. 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 47 ; 
 Barcia {Etisayo, Ano MDCLXV., pp. 77, 84,85), says (p. 77) that there 
 were only 15 of them. Seville was not only the rendezvous of many 
 " Lutherans" from abroad, but a Protestant community had existed there 
 for some time. See Beitrage zur Geschichte des Spanischen Protestantismtts 
 und der Inquisition im sechzehnten Jahrhundert von Dr. Ernst Schafer, 
 Glitersloh, 1902, vol. i., p. 345, " Die Gemeinde zu Sevilla." 
 
1 64 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 against the French, as he had lost all but one of those he 
 had shipped in Puerto Rico. 
 
 Meanwhile the French at Fort Caroline had remained 
 without news of the outcome of the attack. But on the 
 reappearance of two of his vessels at the mouth of the 
 St. John's, Ribaut went down the river to learn what had 
 happened. He met on his way out a boat-load of men 
 returning from one of the ships, who told him of their 
 encounter with the Spaniards, and informed him that 
 they had seen three of the enemy's ships in the River of 
 Dolphins and two more in the roads, where the Spaniards 
 had disembarked and were fortifying their position.' 
 Ribaut returned at once to the fort and, entering the 
 chamber of Laudonnifere, who lay there sick with the 
 anxiety brought on by the news of his disgrace, proposed 
 in his presence and that of the assembled captains and 
 other gentlemen, to embark at once with all of his forces 
 in the four ships which lay in the harbour, for the Trinity 
 had not yet returned, and to seek the Spanish fleet. 
 Laudonniere, who was familiar with the sudden storms 
 to which the region was subject during September, dis- 
 approved of his plan, pointing out the danger to which 
 the French ships would be exposed of being driven out 
 to sea, and the defenceless condition in which Fort Caro- 
 line would be left. The captains, who had received from 
 a neighbouring chief the confirmation of the landing of 
 the Spaniards and of the defences which they were erect- 
 ing, also advised against Ribaut's plan, and counselled 
 him at least to await the return of the Trinity before 
 putting it into execution. But Ribaut obstinately per- 
 sisted in his design, showed the unwilling Laudonniere 
 
 ' Histoire Notable, Basanier, pp. 105, 106 ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 514, 515 ; 
 Le Moyne says all four French ships returned the following morning, and 
 a sailor swam ashore with a letter from Captain Cossette informing Laudon- 
 niere that it was a Spanish fleet, and giving a brief account of the escape of 
 the French, and of the Spanish landing at St. Augustine (De Bry, Brevis 
 Narratio, pp. 22, 23). 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline 165 
 
 Coligny's instructions, and proceeded to carry it into 
 effect. Not only did he take all of his own men with 
 him, but carried off thirty-eight of the garrison and 
 Laudonnitire's ensign, leaving behind him M. du Lys 
 with the sick and disheartened lieutenant in charge of 
 the depleted garrison.' September 8th, the very day 
 that Men^ndez was taking solemn possession of Florida 
 in the name of Philip, he embarked aboard his fleet, but 
 waited two days in the harbour until he had prevailed 
 upon Captain La Grange to accompany him, although 
 La Grange was so distrustful of the enterprise that he 
 wished to remain with Laudonni^re. September loth, 
 Ribaut sailed away. 
 
 It was said that on the departure of the fleet a carousal 
 was held on board the vessels, in which Ribaut and his 
 captains drank two whole pipes of wine in mock healths 
 to the Spaniards. "I drink to the head of Pedro Menen- 
 dez and those with him," cried one. "Cursed Span- 
 iards ! we will hang them from the yard arms of their own 
 ships as well as from ours, so that they will not come 
 again to smell out this country of ours! " cried another 
 in a way most displeasing to those of the nobler sort 
 among the Frenchmen.' 
 
 If we are to trust to the muster-roll of the dispirited 
 Laudonniere, the garrison which Ribaut left behind him 
 to defend Fort Caroline was ill-fitted to resist an attack 
 of the well-fed and well-disciplined Spanish soldiery. 
 Here it is in Laudonnifere's own words: 
 
 [Of Captain Ribaut's company] "I found nine or tenne 
 whereof not past two or three had euer drawen sword out of 
 
 ' Histoire Notable, Basanier, pp. io6, 107; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 515, 516; 
 De Bry, Brevis Narratio, pp. 23, 24. 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Aniiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 72 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 128. Meras says the incident 
 was learned from the French women and children captured at Fort Caro- 
 line. The toast began with " Marranos Espanoles," literally, "Spaniards 
 of Jewish blood but professing Christianity." 
 
1 66 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 the scabbard ; as I thinke. . . . Of the nine there were 
 foure but yong striplings, which serued Captain Ribault and 
 kept his dogs, the fift was [his] cooke; among those that were 
 without the fort . . . there was a Carpenter of threescore 
 yeeres olde, one a Beere-brewer, one olde Crosse-bowe maker, 
 two Shoomakers, and foure or fiue men that had their wiues, 
 a player on the [spinet], two seruants of Monsieur de Lys, one 
 of Monsieur de Beauhaire, one of Monsieur de la Grange, and 
 about fourescore and fiue or sixe in all, counting aswel Lackeys 
 as women and children. . . . Those that were left me of 
 mine owne company were about sixteene or seuenteene that 
 couldebeare armes, and all of them poore and leane; the rest 
 were sicke and maymed in the conflict which my Lieutenant 
 had against Vtina." ' 
 
 The total number of colonists remaining in the fort was 
 about two hundred and forty.'' 
 
 Three days passed without any news of Ribaut, and 
 with each departing day the anxiety of the sick Laudon- 
 nifere grew upon him. Knowing the proximity of the 
 Spaniards, and dreading lest they should make a sudden 
 descent upon him, he resolved to make what shift he 
 could for his own defence. Although food was again at 
 a low ebb, for Ribaut had carried off two of his boats 
 with the meal which had been left over after making the 
 biscuit for the return to France, and although Laudon- 
 nifere himself was reduced to the rations of a common 
 soldier, he yet commanded the allowance to be increased 
 in order to inspirit his men. He also set to work to re- 
 
 ^ Histoire Notable, Basanier. p. io8 ; Hak.,vo\. ii., p. 518. Parkman 
 in his Pioneers of France in the New World, Boston, 1893, p. 117, note I, 
 states that Hakluyt's translation is incorrect. The bracketed words are 
 those which occur in the original French text, incorrectly translated by 
 Hakluyt. 
 
 - Le Challeux in " Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, Histoire de 
 la Floride Fran(aise, p. 465 ; Le Moyne in De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 
 24, says that about 150 persons remained in the fort, of whom scarcely 20 
 were in a serviceable condition. 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline 167 
 
 pair the palisade which had been torn down to supply 
 material for the ships, but continued storms hindered 
 the work, which was never completed. Two watches 
 were set to relieve each other, and two officers, Monsieur 
 Saint Cler and Monsieur de la Vigne, were named to go 
 the rounds at night and inspect them, for which purpose 
 they were each provided with a lantern on account of the 
 stormy and foggy weather, and a sand-glass to measure 
 the time for the sentinels. And so in weary watching and 
 waiting, in rain and discomfort, in uncertainty and anx- 
 iety, — for no news had yet come from Ribaut, — ten days 
 sped by.' 
 
 Ribaut made at once for St. Augustine " with two hun- 
 dred sailors and four hundred soldiers, which included the 
 flower of the garrison at Fort Caroline. At dawn the 
 next day he came upon Men^ndez in the very act of at- 
 tempting to pass the bar and to land a sloop and two 
 boats filled with men and artillery from the San Salvador 
 which had sailed at midnight with the Sa7i Pclayo. The 
 tide was out and his boats so loaded that only by a 
 miracle was he enabled to cross it with his sloop, and 
 escape; for the French, who had at once attempted to 
 prevent his landing and thus to capture his cannon and 
 the supplies he had on board, got so close to him, 
 that they hailed him, and summoned him to surrender, 
 promising that no harm should befall him. As soon as 
 Ribaut perceived that the boats had gotten out of his 
 reach, he gave up the attempt and started in pursuit of 
 the San Salvador, which was already six or eight leagues 
 away.^ 
 
 Two days later, in confirmation of Laudonni^re's fore- 
 bodings, so violent a "norther" arose that the Indians 
 
 ' Histoire Notable, Basanier, pp. 107-109 ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 517, 518. 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 88. 
 3 Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 452, 453 ; Aviles to Philip 
 II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., p. 85 ; Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 80, 81. 
 
i68 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 themselves declared it to be the worst they had ever seen 
 on the coast." Men^ndez at once realised that the proper 
 moment had presented itself for an attack upon the fort. 
 Calling his captains together, the mass of the Holy Ghost 
 was said to bring him enlightenment in forming his plans, 
 and then he addressed them : 
 
 " We bear upon our shoulders a very heavy charge, full of 
 labour and danger, and were it only in the service of our lord 
 the King, I should not wonder at some cowardly weakness 
 and faint-heartedness on our part in meeting the hardships 
 that come upon us; but the charge which we bear is of the 
 Lord Our God and of our King, and miserable must he be 
 counted who in such a case would show weakness and fail to 
 encourage those under him, ... for in this we serve 
 God and our King, and the guerdon of heaven cannot fail us." 
 
 He then set before them the advantage which the 
 moment presented for an attack upon Fort Caroline, 
 with its defences weakened by the absence of Ribaut who 
 might have taken the best part of its garrison with him, 
 and Ribaut's inability to return against the contrary 
 wind, which in his judgment would continue for some 
 days. His plan was to reach the fort through the forest 
 and to attack it. If his approach was discovered, he pro- 
 posed, on reaching the margin of the woods which 
 surrounded the open meadow where it stood, to display 
 the banners in such wise as to lead the French into the 
 
 > Aviles, in his letter of Oct. 15, 1565 {ibid., tomo ii., p. 85), says the 
 storm came on two days after the French fleet had left. Barrientos (in Dos 
 Aniiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 48) and Meras (in Ruidiaz, tomo i., 
 p. 81), both call it a norther, and they as well as Mendoza {ibid., tomo ii., 
 p. 453) observe that it followed the French attack. Laudonniere {Histaire 
 Notable, Basanier, p. 107 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 517) says the storm began on 
 the same day that Ribaut set sail. It is highly improbable that Ribaut 
 would have attempted this attack on the shallow and dangerous Florida 
 coast in the midst of a storm. There was probably a succession of storms. 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline 169 
 
 belief that he was two thousand strong. A trumpeter 
 should then be sent to summon them to surrender, in 
 which case the garrison should be sent back to France, 
 and, if they did not, put to the knife. In the event of 
 failure the Spaniards would have become acquainted with 
 the way, and could await at St. Augustine the arrival of 
 reinforcements in March.' 
 
 Although his plan failed to meet with general approval 
 at first, it was finally agreed upon * ; but on the following 
 day, finding that the soldiers and the women had gotten 
 wind of it, and that some dissatisfaction was beginning 
 to show itself, Avil^s quietly summoned to dine with him 
 certain of the captains who had informed him of the dis- 
 content and had urged him to change his plan. After 
 chiding them for their indiscretion, he advised silence on 
 such matters in the future, "as he would punish a venal 
 sin in such a case as if it were mortal," and he added 
 that, although he gave them leave to express their opinions 
 in council, he would "chastise the captain who murmured 
 after a decision was reached by depriving him of his com- 
 mand and excluding him from the council." And so it 
 came about that Avil6s, who in the words of his chaplain, 
 "was a great friend of his own opinion," was able to write 
 to the King in his letter of October 15th, that his captains 
 had approved his plan.^ 
 
 Menendez's preparations were made promptly; he 
 placed his brother Bartolome in charge of the fort at St. 
 Augustine, in case of the return of the French fleet. He 
 then selected a company of five hundred men, three 
 hundred of whom were arquebusmen and the remainder 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 48-51 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 82-85. 
 
 * Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 85 ; Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., tomo ii., 
 p. 454. Aviles says briefly in his letter to Philip that all agreed to it 
 (letter, Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., p. 85). 
 
 ^ Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 85 ; Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 85- 
 88 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 51, 52. 
 
170 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 pikesmen and targeteers. On September i6th ' the force 
 assembled at the call of trumpets, drums, fifes, and the 
 ringing of the bells. After hearing mass, it set out, each 
 man carrying on his back his arms, a bottle of wine, and 
 six pounds of biscuit, in which Men6ndez himself set the 
 example, for the servants were left at St. Augustine." 
 Two Indian chiefs, whose hostility the French had in- 
 curred, and who had visited Fort Caroline six days be- 
 fore, accompanied the party to show the way, "angels 
 sent by God," observes Meras,' and Jean Frangois, one 
 of the three French prisoners.'' A picked company of 
 twenty Asturians and Basques under their captain, Martin 
 de Ochoa, led the way armed with axes with which they 
 blazed a path through the forest and swamps for the men 
 behind them, and Men^ndez carried a compass with which 
 to assist in finding the direction, for it was completely un- 
 known to him.^ 
 
 The point of land on which Fort Caroline was situated 
 is separated from the seacoast by an extensive swamp 
 through which flows the Pablo Creek, which rises but a 
 short distance from the head of North River. Around 
 this it was necessary for the Spaniards to go, for owing 
 
 ' Mendoza (" Relacion " in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 454, 458), 
 says September i6th, and Meras (in ibid., tomo i., p. 89), says they were 
 four days on the way, which would also bring the start on the l6th. Aviles 
 does not give the date of departure, but speaks of a storm on the 1 8th 
 (letter to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 86). It is, however, 
 to be noted that the punctuation of this paragraph in the letter is in all 
 probability that of the editor. 
 
 'Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 85. 
 
 ^ Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 89 ; Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., tomo ii., 
 p, 454 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 52. 
 
 '^ Histoire Notable, Basanier, p. 110; Hak., vol. ii., p. 519; Meras in 
 Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 84. 
 
 ^ Noriega had enquired of Meleneche, one of the three Frenchmen sent to 
 Seville, how Fort Caroline could be reached by land, and the Frenchman 
 had described an approach from the St. John's River (Noriega to Philip II., 
 March 29, 1565, MS. Djrec. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo 
 xiv., doc. 33, fol. 6). 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline 171 
 
 to the continued rains all of the creeks and rivers were 
 full and the lowlands flooded. At no time was the water 
 lower than up to their knees. No boats were taken along, 
 so the soldiers swam the various creeks and streams, 
 Aviles taking the lead with a pike in his hand at the very- 
 first one they encountered. Those who could not swim 
 were carried across on the pikes. It was extremely 
 fatiguing work, "for the rains continued as constant and 
 heavy as if the world was again to be overwhelmed with 
 a flood." ' Their clothes became soaked and heavy with 
 water, their food as well, the powder wet, and the cords 
 of the arquebuses worthless, and some of the men began 
 to grumble, but Menendez pretended not to hear. The 
 vanguard selected the place for the night encampment, 
 but it was difficult to find high ground on account of the 
 flood. During the halts a fire was built, but when within 
 a day's march of Fort Caroline, even this was forbidden, 
 lest it betray their approach to the enemy." 
 
 Thus the Spaniards pushed on for two days through 
 wood and thicket, river and marsh, with not even a trail 
 to follow. On the evening of the third day, September 
 19th, Menendez reached the neighbourhood of the fort. 
 The night was so stormy and the rain fell so heavily, that 
 he thought he could approach it without being discovered, 
 and he encamped for the night in the pine grove on the 
 edge of the meadow within less than a quarter of a league 
 from it. The spot he had chosen was marshy and com- 
 fortless ; in places the water stood up to the belts of the 
 soldiers, and no fire could be lighted for fear of revealing 
 their presence to the French." 
 
 ' De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 24. 
 
 "^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 52, 53 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 89, 90 ; Mendoza, " Relacion" 
 in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 454, 458, 459. 
 
 ^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 53, 54 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 89, 90 ; " Informacion de algu- 
 nos servicios," etc., in ibid., tomo ii., p. 615. 
 
172 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Inside Fort Caroline La Vigne was keeping watch with 
 his company, but his sentinels, wet and worn with the 
 heavy rain, so moved his heart to pity, that with the ap- 
 proach of day he let them depart, and finally went him- 
 self to his own lodging.' 
 
 With the break of day, September 20th, the feast of St. 
 Matthew, Menendez was already alert. Before dawn he 
 held a consultation with his captains, after which the en- 
 tire party knelt down and prayed for a victory over their 
 enemies. Then he set out for the fort over the narrow 
 path which led to it from the woods. The French pris- 
 oner, Jean Frangois, led the way, his hands bound behind 
 him, and the end of the rope held by Menendez himself. 
 So intense was the darkness that the Spaniards soon lost 
 the path in crossing a marsh with water up to their knees, 
 and were compelled to wait until daybreak in order to 
 find the way again. When morning came, Menendez set 
 out in the direction of the fort, and on reaching a slight 
 elevation Jean announced that Fort Caroline lay just be- 
 yond, down on the river's edge. Then the camp master, 
 Pedro Menendez Valdez and the Asturian, Ochoa, went 
 forward to reconnoitre. They were hailed by a man they 
 took to be a sentinel. "Who goes there?" he cried. 
 "Frenchmen," they answered, and, closing with him, 
 Ochoa struck him in the face with his knife, which he had 
 not even unsheathed. The Frenchman warded off the 
 blow with his sword, but in stepping back to avoid a 
 thrust from Valdez he tripped, fell backwards, and 
 began shouting. Then Ochoa stabbed him and killed 
 him. Men6ndez, hearing the shouting, thought that 
 Valdez and Ochoa were being slain, and cried out 
 "Santiago, at them! God help us! Victory! the French 
 are killed! The camp master is inside the fort and 
 has taken it," and the entire force rushed down the 
 
 ' Histoire Notable, Basanier, p. 109 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 519. 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline 173 
 
 path. On the way two Frenchmen whom they met 
 were killed.' 
 
 Some of the Frenchmen living in the outhouses set up 
 a shout on seeing two of their number killed, at which a 
 man within the fort opened the wicket of the main en- 
 trance to admit the fugitives. The camp master closed 
 with him and killed him, and the Spaniards poured 
 into the enclosure." Laudonnifere's trumpeter had just 
 mounted the rampart, and seeing the Spaniards coming 
 towards him sounded the alarm. The French, — most of 
 whom were still asleep in their beds, — ^taken entirely by 
 surprise, came running out of their quarters into the 
 driving rain, some half-dressed, others quite naked, or 
 clad only in their night-shirts. Among the first was 
 Laudonniere, who rushed out of his house in his shirt,' 
 his sword and target in his hands, and began to call his 
 soldiers together. But the enemy had been too quick 
 for them, and the wet and muddy court was soon reeking 
 with the blood of the French, cut down by the Spanish 
 soldiers, who now filled it. At Laudonniere's call, some 
 of his men had hastened to the breach on the south side, 
 where lay the ammunition and the artillery. But they 
 were met by a party of Spaniards who repulsed and killed 
 them, and who finally raised their standards in triumph 
 upon the walls. Another party of Spaniards entered by 
 a similar breach on the west, overwhelming the soldiers 
 who attempted to resist them there, and also planted 
 their ensigns on the rampart." 
 
 Le Challeux, the old carpenter, had just left his cabin 
 on his way to his work with his chisel in his hand, when 
 
 ■ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Rclacioties de la Florida, pp. 53-55 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 93-96. 
 
 2 Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 55, 56. 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 30, 1566, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomoii., p. 145. 
 
 ■* Histoire Notable, Basanier, p. 109 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 519 ; Le Moyne also 
 says that the fort was attacked in three places at once (De Bry, Brevis Nar- 
 ratio, p. 24). 
 
174 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 he was surprised by the Spaniards. Two of them im- 
 mediately set upon him with a pike and partizan. Al- 
 though an old, grey-headed man of sixty, he jumped the 
 rampart, which was eight or nine feet high, and fled to 
 the forest, still gripping his chisel in the excitement of 
 the escape. As he crossed the meadow and neared the 
 edge of the wood, he reached an elevation, and finding 
 that he was no longer pursued, he turned to look back. 
 
 " And as from that point, all of the fort and even the 
 court was visible, I saw there a horrible killing which was 
 being made of our people and three ensigns of our adversa- 
 ries planted upon the ramparts. Losing all hope of seemg our 
 people rally, I resigned all of my senses to the Lord, recom- 
 mended myself to his mercy, grace, and favour, and plunged 
 into the forest, for it seemed to me I could find no greater 
 cruelty among the wild beasts than that of the enemy, which I 
 had seen overflow upon our people." ' 
 
 Le Moyne, the artist, still lame in one leg from a wound 
 he had received in the campaign against Outina, was of 
 the watch which had just turned into its quarters. Wet 
 through as he was, he laid down his arquebus and threw 
 himself into a hammock to get a little sleep. But the 
 outcries and the sound of blows proceeding from the 
 court aroused him, and as he rushed to the door to see 
 what was the matter, two Spaniards with drawn swords 
 brushed by him into the house. He quickly saw that 
 the court had been turned into a slaughter pen by the 
 Spaniards who now held it, so he fled back at once, and 
 made for one of the embrasures. Passing over the dead 
 bodies of five or six of his fellow-soldiers, he pushed 
 through it, leaped' down into the ditch, and escaped into 
 the neighbouring wood.^ 
 
 ' " Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, Histoire de la Floride, pp. 
 465, 466. 
 
 * De Bry, Brevis Nar ratio, pp. 24, 25. 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline 175 
 
 Men6ndez had remained outside urging his troops on 
 to the attack, but when he saw a sufficient number of 
 them advance, he ran to the front, shouting out that 
 under pain of death no women were to be killed, nor any 
 boys of less than fifteen years of age.' Aviles had headed 
 the attack on the south-west breach, and after repulsing 
 its defenders, he came upon Laudonni^re, who was run- 
 ning to their assistance. Jean Francois, the renegade 
 Frenchman, pointed him out to the Spaniards, and their 
 pikemen drove him back into the court. Seeing that the 
 place was lost, and unable to stand up alone against his 
 aggressors, Laudonniere turned to escape through his 
 house. The Spaniards pursued him, but a tent standing 
 in the way distracted their attention, and while they were 
 busy cutting its cords, he escaped by the western breach. 
 As he was making for the woods, one of the pikemen 
 nearly overtook him and gave him a thrust with his 
 spear." His maid-servant, who also made her escape, re- 
 ceived a dagger-thrust in the breast.' 
 
 Meanwhile the trumpeters were announcing a victory 
 from their stations on the ramparts beside the flags. At 
 this what French remained alive entirely lost heart, 
 and while the main body of the Spaniards were going 
 through the quarters, killing without mercy the old, the 
 sick, and the infirm, quite a number of the Frenchmen 
 succeeded in getting over the palisade and escaping." 
 Some of the fugitives made their way into the forest. 
 Jacques Ribaut with his ship the Pearl, and another vessel 
 with a cargo of wine and supplies, were anchored in the 
 
 • Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 56 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 98. 
 
 2 Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 86; Histoire 
 Notable, Basanier, p. no; Hak., vol. ii., p. 520. 
 
 ^ De Bry, Brevis JVarraiio, p. 26 ; Le Challeux, reprint in Gaffarel's 
 Histoire de la Floride, p. 465. 
 
 •* Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 56; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 97, 98. 
 
176 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 river but a very short distance from the fort ' and rescued 
 others who rowed out in a couple of boats ; and some even 
 swam the distance to the ships. 
 
 By this time the fort was virtually won, and Men6ndez 
 turned his attention to the vessels anchored in the neigh- 
 bourhood. A number of women and children had been 
 spared owing to his exertions, and his very first thoughts 
 turned on how he could rid himself of them. His de- 
 cision was promptly reached. A trumpeter with a flag 
 of peace was sent to summon some one to come ashore 
 from the ships to treat of conditions of surrender. Re- 
 ceiving no response, he sent Jean Francois to the 
 Pearl with the proposal that the French should have a 
 safe-conduct to return to France with the women and 
 children in any one vessel they should select, provided 
 they would surrender their remaining ships and all of 
 their armament.'' But Jacques Ribaut would listen to 
 no such terms, and on his indignant refusal, Le Challeux 
 tells us that the enraged Spaniards, who had gathered 
 down by the river-bank, where the corpses of the slain had 
 been heaped together, tore out the eyes of the dead with 
 the points of their daggers and hurled them at the French 
 ships amidst howls and insults." Men^ndez then turned 
 the guns of the captured fort against Ribaut and suc- 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565 (Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 86), says there were three ships, but he afterwards speaks of them as only 
 two. Le Moyne says the Pearl of Jacques Ribaut was the only one of 
 Jean Ribaut's three vessels within the bar at the time which was taken up to 
 the fort (De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 26); and this is confirmed by Aviles in 
 the letter just cited (p. 86), where he says that two of the seven ships from 
 France were down the river. 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Atttiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 57 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. g8-ioi. He says that the man 
 sent to the ship was the sentinel first captured. This is improbable, as he 
 is said to have been killed in the first attack. Aviles, in his letter of Oct. 
 15. 1565 (ibid., tomo ii., p. 86), mentions no such conditions ; Le Challeux, 
 reprint in Gaffarel, p. 468. 
 
 ^ " Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 468. 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline 177 
 
 ceeded in sinking one of the vessels in shallow water, 
 where she could be recovered without damage to her 
 cargo.' 
 
 Jacques Ribaut received the crew of the sinking ship 
 into the Pearl, and then dropped a league down the 
 river to where stood two more of the ships which had 
 arrived from France, and which had not even been un- 
 loaded. Hearing from the carpenter, Jean de Hais, who 
 had escaped in a small boat, of the taking of the fort, 
 Jacques Ribaut concluded to remain a little longer in the 
 river to see if he might save any of his unfortunate 
 compatriots.' 
 
 So successful had been the attack, that the victory was 
 complete within an hour ' without loss to the Spaniards 
 of a single man, and only one was wounded. Of the two 
 hundred and forty French in the fort, one hundred and 
 thirty-two were killed outright, including the two Eng- 
 lish hostages left by Hawkins." About half a dozen 
 drummers and trumpeters were held as prisoners, of 
 which number was Jean Memyn, who has left us a short 
 account of his experiences ' ; fifty women and children 
 were captured, and the balance of the garrison got away 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 86. 
 There can be hardly any doubt but that the incomplete sentence in Men- 
 doza's " Relacion" (ibid., tomo ii., p. 460): " Tiraronla un tiro de los que 
 ellos \i. £., the French] tenian en su fuerte y hecharonla a fondo, pero esta 
 en parte donde . . . ni lo que en el esta se perdera," has the signifi- 
 cance given it in the text. This may account for Le Challeux's saying that 
 no harm was done the ship by the Spanish shot, the rain having affected 
 the cannon ; " Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, 
 p. 468. 
 
 ^ Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 86 ; Barrientos, in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 57 ; 
 Histoire Notable, Basanier, p. Ill ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 520, 521. 
 
 3 Mendoza, " Relacion " in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 459. Vasa- 
 lenque says two hours. " Informacion de algunos servicios," etc., in ibid., 
 tomo ii., p. 615. 
 
 4 Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 90. 
 * See Appendix M, The Deposition of Jean Memyn. 
 
178 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 as has been related.' In a work written in France some 
 seven years later, and first published in 1586," it is related 
 that Avil^s hanged some of his prisoners on trees and 
 placed above them the Spanish inscription, "I do this 
 not to Frenchmen, but to Lutherans." ' The story found 
 ready acceptance among the French of that period, and 
 was eagerly believed and repeated subsequently by his- 
 torians, both native and foreign,^ but it is unsupported by 
 the testimony of a single witness, and bears all the ear- 
 marks of an apocryphal origin. 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 
 86, 87. Le Challeux (reprint in Gaffarel's Histoire de la Floride, p. 465} 
 says all of the women and children were killed. Mendoza in his " Rela- 
 cion" (Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 459), says that 142 were killed. Vasa- 
 lenque, who was in the attack on the Spanish side, testifies thirty years later 
 that 600 French were killed ! (" Informacion de algunos servicios," etc., in 
 ibid., tomo ii., p. 615). Aviles in the letter just cited {ibid., p. 80) says 132 
 men were killed in the attack and 10 more on the next day, and 50 or 6a 
 escaped. Fourquevaux, in his letter to Charles IX., of Feb. 22, 1566 
 {Ddpeches, p. 61), says 30 women and 18 children were saved. 
 
 ■^ La Reprise de la Floride, Larroque, p. 23, note i. 
 
 ^ Larroque, ibid., p. 61. 
 
 ^Lescarbot, Histoire de la Nouvelle France, Paris, MDCXI., liv. i., p. 
 127 ; Charlevoix, Histoire et Description generale de la Nouvelle France, 
 Nyon Fils, Paris, 1744, vol. i., p. 81 ; Bancroft, History of the United 
 States, 15th ed., Boston, 1855, vol. i., p. 71 ; Gaffarel, Histoire de la 
 Flo7-ide, p. 229 ; Parkman {Pioneers of France in the New World, 1S95, p. 
 127) very candidly gives his own opinion on the subject : " Though no eye- 
 witness attests it, there is reason to think it true." Shea omits the incident 
 entirely in his The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, and discredits it in his 
 "Ancient Florida" {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 272), as does 
 Barcia {Ensayo, Ano MDLXVIII., p. 136). To an impartial judgment the 
 doubt as to the credibility of the story of the alleged inscription amounts 
 almost to a certainty, although based entirely upon negative evidence. One 
 asks, Why was it not mentioned by Jean Memyn, who remained for some 
 time after the event at Fort Caroline ? Why does not Aviles refer to it in 
 his letters to Philip? Why is it not spoken of in the "Informacion de 
 algunos servicios," or by Mendoza, who would heartily have approved of it ? 
 "What interest or object had the contemporary Spanish accounts in suppress- 
 ing an incident, which, in their estimation, could only redound to the credit, 
 of the Adelantado? And why did Aviles hang the Huguenots at Fort 
 Caroline and not at Matanzas ? 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline 1 79 
 
 Throughout the attack the storm had continued and 
 the rain had poured down, so that it was no small com- 
 fort to the bedraggled soldiers, weary with the difficult 
 march and the excitement of the fight, when Jean Fran- 
 gois pointed out to them the storehouse, where they all 
 obtained dry clothes, and where a ration of bread and 
 wine with lard and pork was served out to each of them. 
 Most of the food stores were looted by the soldiers. 
 Men^ndez found five or six thousand ducats' worth of 
 silver, largely ore, part of it brought by the Indians from 
 the Appalachian Mountains,' and part collected by Lau- 
 donniere from Outina, from whom he had also obtained 
 some gold and pearls." Most of the artillery and ammu- 
 nition brought over by Ribaut had not been landed, and 
 as Laudonni^re had traded his with Hawkins for the ship 
 but little was captured.' To the horror of the Spaniards 
 not a cross nor an image could be discovered about the 
 fort, but they found six good strong-boxes "filled with 
 books well bound and gilded, all pertaining to their evil 
 sect." Packs of playing-cards were also discovered with 
 pictures of the Host and Chalice on their backs, and 
 saints carrying crosses in mockery of holy things." The 
 books were at once ordered to be burned, a fate which 
 was probably shared by the playing-cards. Men^ndez 
 further captured eight ships, one of which was a galley 
 in the dockyard ; of the remaining seven, five were French, 
 including the vessel sunk in the attack, the other two were 
 those captured off Yaguana, already mentioned, whose 
 cargoes of hides and sugar Hawkins had taken with him.* 
 
 • Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 90. 
 
 ^ De Bry, Brevis Narratio, pp. 9, 12. 
 
 3 Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1665, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 90. 
 
 ■* Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 57; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. iii ; Mendoza, " Relacion " in 
 ibid., tomo ii., p. 460. 
 
 5 Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p, 91. See Appen- 
 dix N, The Captured French Vessels. 
 
i8o The Spanish Settlements 
 
 In the afternoon Men^ndez assembled his captains, and 
 after pointing out how grateful they should be to God for 
 the victory, called the roll of his men, and found only 
 four hundred present, many having already started on 
 their way back to St. Augustine. Menendez was himself 
 anxious to return at once, for he was in constant dread 
 of a descent of the French fleet upon his settlement 
 there. He also wished to attempt the capture of Jacques 
 Ribaut's ships before they had left the St. John's, and 
 to get ready a vessel to transport the women and children 
 of the French to Santo Domingo, and from there to 
 Seville, for the fate of the latter weighed heavily upon 
 his mind. "It is with the greatest sorrow that I see them 
 in company with my people, on account of their evil 
 sect," he wrote the King, "and yet I feared that Our 
 Lord would punish me, if I acted towards them with 
 cruelty." ' 
 
 He appointed Gonzalo de Villarroel harbour master and 
 governor of the district and gave the fort, which he had 
 named San Mateo, into his charge, having captured it on 
 the feast of St. Matthew. The camp master, Valdez, who 
 had proved very daring in the attack and a garrison of 
 three hundred men were left to defend the fort, and the 
 arms of France were torn down from over the main en- 
 trance and replaced by the royal arms surmounted by a 
 cross supported above the crown by two angels. The 
 device was painted by two Flemish soldiers in his little 
 army. Then two crosses were erected inside the fort, 
 and a location was selected for a church to be dedicated 
 to St. Matthew. 
 
 When Men6ndez came to look about him for an escort 
 he found his soldiers so utterly exhausted with the march, 
 the wet, the mire, the sleepless nights, and the battle, that 
 not a man was to be found willing to accompany him. 
 
 ' Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 105, 106; Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 
 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 87. 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline i8i 
 
 He therefore determined to remain over night and then 
 to proceed to St. Augustine in advance of the main body 
 of his men with a picked company of thirty-five of those 
 who were least fatigued.' 
 
 The fate of the fugitives from Fort Caroline was various 
 and eventful. When Laudonniere reached the forest, he 
 found there a party of men who had escaped like him- 
 self, and three or four of whom were badly wounded. A 
 consultation was held as to what steps should be taken, 
 for it was impossible to remain where they were for any 
 length of time, without food, and exposed at every mo- 
 ment to an attack from the Spaniards. Some of the 
 party determined to take refuge among the natives, and 
 set out for a neighbouring Indian village.^ These were 
 subsequently ransomed by Menendez and returned by 
 him to France.' Laudonniere then pushed on through 
 the woods, where his party was increased the following 
 day by that of the artist, Jacques Le Moyne. 
 
 Wandering along one of the forest paths with which he 
 was familiar, Le Moyne had come upon four other fugi- 
 tives like himself. After consultation together the party 
 broke up, Le Moyne going in the direction of the sea to 
 find Ribaut's boats, and the others making for an Indian 
 settlement. Setting out alone, Le Moyne soon encoun- 
 tered a soldier, a tailor by trade, who had been at work 
 on a suit of clothes for Ottigny. The two joined com- 
 pany, and were all day pushing through the woods. 
 Then came the swamps with their heavy growth of reeds, 
 the laborious struggle all night long to get through them, 
 the continuing rain, and the rising of the tide until the 
 water reached to the waists of the fugitives. When 
 morning broke and the sea was not yet sighted, the poor 
 
 ' Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 102-104 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas 
 Relaciones de la Florida, p. 58. 
 
 ^ Histoire Notable, Basanier, p. no; Hak,, vol. ii., p. 520. 
 
 ^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 59 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 105. 
 
1 82 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 tailor gave up in despair, and determined to return to 
 the Spaniards, hoping that his gentle trade would arouse 
 their compassion, and Le Moyne, after vainly trying to 
 dissuade him, finally agreed to go with him. Back 
 through the forest they plodded painfully until in sight 
 of Fort Caroline, when the noise of the uproar and re- 
 joicings which arose from the victorious Spaniards im- 
 pressed Le Moyne so deeply that he again pleaded with 
 his companion to remain with him. But the tailor was 
 determined to make the attempt and, writes Le Moyne, 
 
 " he embraced me, saying, ' I will go; so farewell.' In order 
 to see what should happen to him, I got up to a height near 
 by and watched. As he came down from the high ground, 
 the Spaniards saw him, and sent out a party. As they came 
 upon him, he fell on his knees to beg for his hfe. They, 
 however, in a fury, cut him to pieces, and carried off the dis- 
 membered fragments of his body on the points of their spears 
 and pikes." ' 
 
 What little hope Le Moyne himself may have entertained 
 of receiving mercy from the victors, was now utterly 
 abandoned, and again hiding himself in the forest, he re- 
 traced his steps, encountering on the way other fugitives 
 like himself, and the poor maid-servant ; and finally, while 
 still in the forest, came upon the party of Laudonnifere.'* 
 Laudonnifere had taken the direction of the sea in the 
 evident hope of finding the vessels Ribaut had sent inside 
 the bar. After a while the marshes were reached, 
 
 " where," he writes, " being able to go no farther by reason 
 of my sicknesse which I had, I sent two of my men which 
 were with me, which could swim well, vnto the ships to aduer- 
 tise them of that which had happened, and to send them word 
 to come and helpe me. They were not able that day to get 
 
 ' De Bry, Brevis Narraiio, p. 26 ; English translation by Fred. B. Per- 
 kins in Narrative of Le Moyne, Boston, 1875, P- I9> 
 
 ' De Bry, Brevis Narratio, pp. 24-26. 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline 183 
 
 vnto the ships to certifie them thereof: so I was constrained 
 to stand in the water vp to the shoulders all of that night long, 
 with one of my men which would neuer forsake me." ' 
 
 And now through the water and the tall reeds came 
 the old carpenter, Le Challeux, with another party of 
 refugees. After his escape from the fort he wandered for 
 half an hour through the forest until he heard a sound of 
 weeping and groaning, and drawing near to it discovered 
 a party of men, among whom was M. Robert ; and farther 
 along he came upon another company. Deliberating as 
 to what should be done, some of the fugitives decided to 
 surrender themselves to the mercy of the Spaniards, and 
 on leaving the forest for that purpose they were seized 
 and killed, and their bodies thrown onto the heap of the 
 dead, on the river-bank. Le Challeux and six others of 
 the company decided to make their way to the coast in 
 the hope of being rescued by the ships which had re- 
 mained below in the river. On reaching the summit of 
 a high mound they finally discovered the sea, which still 
 lay a great distance off, and on descending from the hill 
 they entirely lost sight of it. Pursuing the direction in 
 which they had seen the ocean, they plunged onwards 
 through bushes and thickets, which tore and cut their 
 hands, waded marshes where the sharp leaves of the 
 grasses and reeds pricked their feet and cut their legs 
 until the blood ran, and where the water reached to 
 their waists, until they came to a stream so swift that 
 none dared swim it. Le Challeux cut a pole with the 
 chisel which he still carried in his hand. Floating it 
 upon the water the end next the bank was held steady 
 while a comrade clung to it as he made his way to the 
 centre of the stream, and when he had reached the 
 end and his head disappeared under the swift current, a 
 vigorous push sent him across into the shallow water, 
 
 ' "A Notable Historic, " in Hak., ii., p. 520; Basanier, p. 110. 
 
i84 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 where he scrambled to his feet with the aid of the reeds 
 and grasses. They passed the night in a grove of trees in 
 view of the sea, and the following morning, as they were 
 painfully struggling through a large morass, they ob- 
 served some men half hidden by the reeds, whom they 
 took to be a party of Spaniards come down to cut them 
 off. But closer observation showed that they were 
 naked, and terrified like themselves, and when they re- 
 cognised their leader, Laudonnifere, and others of their 
 companions, they joined them. The entire company 
 now consisted of twenty-six. 
 
 Two men were now sent to the top of the highest trees 
 from which they discovered one of the smaller of the 
 French ships, that of Captain Maillard, which presently 
 sent a boat to their rescue. The boat next went to the 
 relief of Laudonnifere, who was so sick and weak that he 
 had to be carried to it. Before returning to the ship, the 
 remainder of the company were gathered up from among 
 the reeds and rushes, the men, exhausted with hunger, 
 anxiety, and fatigue, having to be assisted into the boat 
 by the sailors.' 
 
 A consultation was now held between Jacques Ribaut 
 and Captain Maillard, and the decision was reached to re- 
 turn to France. But in their weakened state, with their 
 arms and supplies gone and the better part of their crews 
 absent with Jean Ribaut,' the escaped Frenchmen were 
 unable to navigate all three of the vessels ; they therefore 
 selected the two best and sank the other. The armament 
 of the vessel bought from Hawkins was divided between 
 the two captains and she was abandoned. Thursday, 
 September 25th, the prows of the two ships were turned 
 for France, but they parted company the following day. 
 Jacques Ribaut with Le Challeux and his party, after an 
 
 ' Histoire Notable, Basanier, pp. no, ill ; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 520, 521 ; 
 Le Challeux, reprint in Gaffarel, pp. 467-471. 
 * De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 27. 
 
Capture of Fort Caroline 185 
 
 adventure on the way with a Spanish vessel, ultimately 
 reached La Rochelle.' The other vessel, with Laudon- 
 n'lhre aboard, was driven by foul weather into Swansea 
 Bay in South Wales, where he again fell very ill. Part 
 of his men he sent to France with the boat. With the 
 remainder he went to London, where he saw M. de Foix, 
 the French ambassador, and from there he proceeded to 
 Paris. Finding that the King had gone to Moulins, he 
 finally set out for it with part of his company to make his 
 report, and reached there about the middle of March of 
 the following year." 
 
 ' " Histoire Memorable," Le Challeux, reprint in Gaffarel, Jlisi. de la 
 Floride, p. 472. Alava to Philip II., Dec. 21, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., 
 Paris, K, 1504 (88), mentions the arrival of Jacques Ribaut in Normandy. 
 
 * Histoire Notable, Basanier, pp. 112-114; Hak., vol. ii., pp. 521-523. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 THE FATE OF RIBAUT'S FLEET 
 
 THE morning following the capture of Fort Caroline 
 Men^ndez set out on his return to St, Augustine. 
 But he first sent the camp master with a party of fifty 
 men to look for those who had escaped over the palisade, 
 and to reconnoitre the French vessels which were still 
 lying in the river, and whom he suspected of remaining 
 there in order to rescue their compatriots. Twenty 
 fugitives were found in the woods, where they were all 
 shot down, and towards evening the camp master re- 
 turned to Fort Caroline, having found no more French- 
 men. 
 
 The return to St. Augustine proved still more arduous 
 and dangerous than the journey out. After marching 
 through the forest for some time Men^ndez reached a 
 hummock by which he had passed before, but on at- 
 tempting to proceed beyond it he found the country 
 overflowed. Nothing daunted by this, he continued the 
 advance, the water continually increasing in depth, until 
 he was at last forced to retrace his steps. But the di- 
 rection had been lost : in vain he searched for a little dry 
 ground where he could camp for the night ; everywhere 
 under the tall palmettos stretched the waste of waters. 
 Then Menendez sent the most agile of his companions 
 up one of the highest trees to look for dry land. The 
 soldier's answer brought no comfort ; even from the sum- 
 I86 
 
The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 187 
 
 mit of the tall trees no dry land was visible. Then Me- 
 n^ndez ordered him to find the direction of the setting 
 sun, but the cloud-banks were so heavy that it was im- 
 possible to determine even that. Wearily the party 
 waited for the weather to clear, and towards the after- 
 noon the clouds parted sufficiently for Men^ndez to 
 recover his direction and push forward. On went the 
 Spaniards, crossing the deeper and larger streams on the 
 trunks of trees, which they felled in such wise as to afford 
 them a bridge. Again a tall palmetto was climbed, and 
 at last the trail found by which they had come. They 
 encamped that night on a bit of dry ground, where a 
 roaring fire was built to dry their soaking garments, but 
 all in vain, as the heavy rain began again.' 
 
 Three days after Ment^ndez's departure from St. Augus- 
 tine, September 19th, a force of twenty men was sent to 
 his relief with supplies of bread and wine and cheese, but 
 the settlement remained without further news of him. 
 On Saturday "we clergy, wishing to eat a little fish," 
 writes Mendoza, the fishermen went down to the beach 
 to cast their nets, where they discovered a man whom they 
 seized and conducted to the fort. He proved to be a 
 member of the crew of one of Jean Ribaut's four ships 
 and was in great terror of being hung. But the chaplain 
 examined him, and finding that he was "a Christian," of 
 which he gave evidence by reciting the prayers, he was 
 promised his life if he told the truth. His story was that 
 in the storm that arose after the French demonstration 
 in front of St. Augustine their frigate had been cast away 
 at the mouth of a river four leagues to the south of St. 
 Augustine and five of the crew were drowned. The next 
 morning the survivors had been set upon by the natives 
 and three more had been killed with clubs. Then he and 
 a companion had fled along the shore, walking in the sea 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 58-61 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. I04-I0». 
 
i88 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 with only their heads above the water in order to escape 
 the observation of the Indians. 
 
 Bartolom^ Menendez sent at once a party to float the 
 frigate off and bring it up to St. Augustine, for on that 
 low and sandy beach, shelvy and devoid of rocks, ves- 
 sels are frequently driven high up on the land.' But 
 when the Spaniards approached the scene of the wreck, 
 the Indians, who had already slaughtered the balance of 
 the crew, drove them away. A second attempt proved 
 more successful and the vessel was brought up to St. 
 Augustine, to the great delight of the Spaniards.' 
 
 The continued absence of news from the expedition 
 against Fort Caroline had begun to cast a gloom over the 
 Spaniards at St. Augustine. San Vincente, one of the 
 captains who had remained behind, prophesied that Av- 
 iles would never come back, and that the entire party 
 would be killed.' This impression was confirmed by the 
 return of a hundred men, made desperate by the hard- 
 ships of the march, and who brought with them their 
 version of the difficulty of the attempt. On the after- 
 noon of Monday, the 24th, just after the successful rescue 
 of the French frigate, the settlers saw a man coming 
 towards them, shouting at the top of his lungs. The 
 chaplain went out to meet him, and the man threw his 
 arms around him, crying, "Victory, victory! the harbour 
 of the French is ours! " ' He proved to be the soldier 
 who had guided Menendez by climbing the trees. When 
 within a league of St. Augustine he had obtained per- 
 mission to run forward and announce the victory. "I 
 promised him his reward for the good news and gave 
 him the best I could," writes Mendoza, "and having 
 learned the news I ran to my house as fast as I could and 
 
 ' Fairbanks, History of Florida, Philadelphia, 1871, p. I2I. 
 
 ^ Mendoza, " Relacion " in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 455-457. 
 
 * Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 91. 
 
 * Mendoza, " Relacion" in ibid., tomo ii., pp. 457, 458. 
 
I 
 
 The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 189 
 
 took a new cassock, the very best I had, and a surplice, 
 and I took a crucifix in my hands, and went forward to 
 receive Men(5ndez before he reached the door." The 
 chaplain was accompanied by the clergy, each carrying a 
 cross, and by the women and children, laughing and weep- 
 ing with joy, all chanting the Tc Dcum Laudamtis.^ 
 
 The General was well deserving their homage, for he 
 had shown a determination, an intrepidity, and an en- 
 durance that had successfully encountered and overcome 
 the very forces of nature. In the face of every difficulty, 
 the incipient discontent of the soldiers, and an undercur- 
 rent of disapproval on the part of his captains, he had 
 triumphed in the execution of those plans of his own, to 
 which he was so wedded. The chaplain in an exuberance 
 of pious joy exclaims : 
 
 " So great is his zeal and Christianity, that all these labours 
 are but repose for his mind, for it veritably seems to me that 
 no earthly man could have the strength to endure what he has; 
 but the fire and longing which possess him to serve our Lord 
 in humbling and destroying that Lutheran sect, enemy of our 
 old Catholic faith, cause him not to feel the fatigue so greatly. ' ' ' 
 
 On reaching St. Augustine Men^ndez at once armed 
 two boats to send to the mouth of the St. John's after 
 Jacques Ribaut, to prevent his uniting with his father 
 or returning to France with the news of the Spanish at- 
 tack; but, learning that Jacques had sailed, he abandoned 
 his plan and dispatched a single vessel with supplies to 
 Fort San Mateo.' 
 
 September 28th some Indians brought to the settle- 
 
 ' Ibid., tomo ii., p. 460 ; Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 109 ; Barrientos in 
 Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 61, 62. 
 
 * Mendoza, " Relacion" in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 461. 
 
 3 Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 62 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 109; Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 
 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 87. 
 
iQo The Spanish Settlements 
 
 ment the information that a number of Frenchmen had 
 been cast ashore on an island six leagues from St. 
 Augustine,' where they were imprisoned by the river, 
 which they could not cross. They proved to be the 
 crews of two more of the French fleet which had left Fort 
 Caroline September loth. Failing to find the Spaniards 
 at sea, Ribaut had not dared to land and attack St. 
 Augustine, and so had resolved to return to Fort Caro- 
 line, when his vessels were caught in the storm before 
 mentioned, the ships dispersed, and two of them wrecked 
 along the shore between Matanzas and Mosquito Inlet.* 
 Part of the crews had been drowned in attempting to 
 land, the Indians had captured fifty of them alive and 
 had killed others, so that out of four hundred there re- 
 mained only one hundred and forty. Following along 
 the shore in the direction of Fort Caroline, the easiest 
 and most natural course to pursue, the survivors had 
 soon found their further advance barred by the inlet, and 
 by the lagoon or "river " to the west of them. 
 
 On receipt of the news Men6ndez sent Diego Flores in 
 advance with forty soldiers to reconnoitre the French 
 position ; he himself with the chaplain, some officers, and 
 twenty soldiers rejoined Flores at about midnight, and 
 pushed forward to the side of the inlet opposite to their 
 encampment. The following morning, having concealed 
 his men in the thicket, Men6ndez dressed himself in a 
 French costume with a cape over his shoulder, and, carry- 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 87. Meras (in 
 ibid., tomo i., p. no), and Barrientos (in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de 
 la Florida, p. 62), say four leagues. 
 
 ''Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 88 ; 
 Le Challeux, " Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la 
 Floride, p. 473. Vasalenque (" Informacion de algunos servicios" in 
 Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. 616) says: " En un rio que se llama Matanfas." 
 Gaffarel (p. 222), " sans doute la lagune de Matanzas." Fairbanks (/Tzj/, 
 of Florida, p. 121) says : " They were driven ashore between Matanzas and 
 Mosquito Inlet." 
 
The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 191 
 
 ing a short lance in his hand,' went out and showed him- 
 self on the river-bank, accompanied by one of his French 
 prisoners, in order to convince the castaways by his bold- 
 ness that he was well supported. The Frenchmen soon 
 observed him, and one of their number swam over to 
 where he was standing. Throwing himself at his feet 
 the Frenchman explained who they were and besought 
 the General to grant him and his comrades a safe- 
 conduct to Fort Caroline, as they were not at war with 
 Spaniards. 
 
 " I answered him that we had taken their fort and killed all 
 the people in it," writes Menendez to the King, "because 
 they had built it there without Your Majesty's permission, and 
 were disseminating the Lutheran religion in these, Your Ma- 
 jesty's provinces. And that I, as Captain-General of these 
 provinces, was waging a war of fire and blood against all 
 who came to settle these parts and plant in them their evil 
 Lutheran sect; for I was come at Your Majesty's command to 
 plant the Gospel in these parts to enlighten the natives in those 
 things which the Holy Mother Church of Rome teaches and 
 believes, for the salvation of their souls. For this reason I 
 would not grant them a safe passage, but would sooner follow 
 them by sea and land until I had taken their lives." * 
 
 The Frenchman returned to his companions and re- 
 lated his interview. A party of five, consisting of four 
 gentlemen and a captain, was next sent over to find what 
 terms they could get from Menendez, who received them 
 as before, with his soldiers still in ambush, and himself 
 attended by only ten persons. After he had convinced 
 them of the capture of Fort Caroline by showing them 
 
 1 Mendoza (" Relacion " in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 464) says he 
 wore a naval dress. Parkman {Pioneers of France in the New IVorld, 
 Boston, 1893, p. 134) says in the dress of a French sailor. 
 
 '^ Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 8g. 
 
192 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 some of the spoil he had taken, and some prisoners he 
 had spared, the spokesman of the company asked for a 
 ship and sailors with which to return to France. Men6n- 
 dez replied that he would willingly have given them one 
 had they been Catholics, and had he any vessels left ; but 
 that his own ships had sailed with artillery for Fort San 
 Mateo and with the captured women and children for 
 Santo Domingo, and a third was retained to carry dis- 
 patches to Spain. Neither would he yield to a request 
 that their lives be spared until the arrival of a ship, which 
 ■would carry them back to their country. To all of their 
 demands he had but one reply to give: "Surrender your 
 arms and place yourselves at my mercy, that I may do 
 with you as Our Lord may command me." "And from 
 this I did not depart, nor will I, unless God Our Lord 
 inspire me otherwise," he adds in his letter.' The gentle- 
 men carried back to their comrades the terms he had pro- 
 posed, and two hours later Ribaut's lieutenant, "a 
 very cunning man in these matters," writes Men^ndez, 
 returned and offered to surrender their arms and to give 
 him five thousand ducats if he would spare their lives. 
 Men^ndez indignantly replied that the sum was large 
 enough for a poor soldier such as he, if in his heart he 
 were capable of such weakness and cupidity, but when 
 generosity and mercy were to be shown they should be 
 actuated by no interest whatever. Again the envoy re- 
 turned to his companions, and in half an hour came the 
 acceptance of the ambiguous conditions. 
 
 The story of the attempted bribery, if true, and there 
 is little reason to doubt it, but too plainly indicates how 
 little room there was for question among those unfor- 
 tunate Frenchmen as to the nature of the divine inspira- 
 tion in such a foe of France and of heresy as was the cool 
 and determined soldier before them. "They came and 
 surrendered their arms to me, and I had their hands tied 
 1 See Appendix O, The Oath of Aviles. 
 
The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 193 
 
 behind them, and put them all excepting ten to the 
 knife," laconically writes this servant of God and the 
 King. 
 
 Both of his biographers give a much more detailed ac- 
 count of the occurrence, evidently taken from a common 
 source. The Frenchmen first sent over in a boat their 
 banners, their arquebuses and pistols, swords and tar- 
 gets, and some helmets and breast-pieces. Then twenty 
 Spaniards crossed in the boat and brought the now un- 
 armed Frenchmen over the lagoon in parties of ten. 
 They were subjected to no ill-treatment as they were 
 ferried over, the Spaniards not wishing to arouse any sus- 
 picions among those who had not yet crossed. Mendn- 
 dez himself withdrew some distance from the shore to the 
 rear of a sand hill, where he was concealed from the view 
 of the prisoners who were crossing in the boat. In com- 
 panies of ten the Frenchmen were conducted to him be- 
 hind the sand hill and out of sight of their companions, 
 and to each party he addressed the same ominous request : 
 "Gentlemen, I have but a few soldiers with me, and you 
 are many, and it would be an easy matter for you to over- 
 power us and avenge yourselves upon us for your people 
 which we killed in the fort ; for this reason it is necessary 
 that you should march to my camp four leagues from 
 here with your hands tied behind your backs." The 
 Frenchmen consented, for they were unarmed and could 
 offer no further resistance, and their hands were bound 
 behind them with cords of the arquebuses and with the 
 matches of the soldiers, probably taken from the very 
 arms they had surrendered.' Then Mendoza, the chap- 
 lain, "being a priest and having the bowels of a man," 
 asked Menendez to grant him the lives of those who 
 should prove to be "Christians." Ten Roman Catholics 
 were found, who, but for the compassion of this poor 
 egotistical and bigoted priest, would have suffered the 
 
 ' Both Barrientos and Meras say 208 Frenchmen were thus tied. 
 
194 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 last penalty along with the heretics." These were sent 
 by boat to St Augustine. The remainder confessed that 
 they were Lutherans. They were given something to 
 eat and drink, and then ordered to set out on the march. 
 At the distance of a gun-shot from the hill behind which 
 these preparations were in progress, Men6ndez himself 
 had drawn with his spear a line in the sand, across the 
 path they were to follow. Then he ordered the captain 
 of the vanguard which escorted the prisoners that on 
 reaching the place indicated by the line he was to cut 
 off the heads of all of them; he also commanded the 
 captain of the rearguard to do the same. It was Satur- 
 day, the 29th of September, the feast of St. Michael, 
 patron and prince of the Church militant, conqueror of 
 the hosts of hell, out of whose nethermost depths was 
 reckoned to have sprung the heresy these French pirates 
 had brought with them. The sun had already set, and 
 the night was falling when, near the banks of the placid 
 lagoon, the Frenchmen came abreast of the mark drawn 
 in the sand, and the orders of the Spanish General were 
 executed." That same night Avil^s returned to St. 
 Augustine, which he reached at dawn. 
 
 On the loth of October the distressing news reached 
 the garrison at St. Augustine that eight days after its 
 capture Fort San Mateo had burned down, with the loss 
 of all the provisions which were stored there. It was 
 accidentally set on fire by the candle of a mulatto servant 
 of one of the captains ; but for all that, suspicions arose 
 that it might be the result of certain jealousies between 
 the master of the mulatto and another officer stationed 
 
 ' Mendoza, " Relacion " in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 465. Else- 
 where on the same page he says that 14 or 15 were saved. Aviles in the 
 letter already cited {}bid., tomo ii., p. 89), says 10. 
 
 2 Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 62-66 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 110-117 ; Mendoza, "Rela- 
 cion" in ibid., tomo ii., p. 465 ; Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid.y 
 tomo ii., pp. 87-89. 
 
The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 195 
 
 there. Men^ndez promptly sent food from his own store 
 to San Mateo.' 
 
 Within an hour of receiving this alarming report some 
 Indians brought word that Jean Ribaut with two hun- 
 dred men was in the neighbourhood of the place where 
 the two French ships had been wrecked. They were in 
 much suffering, for the Trinity had gone to pieces farther 
 down the shore, and their provisions had all been lost. 
 They had been reduced to living on roots and grasses 
 and to drinking the impure water collected in the holes 
 and pools along their route. Like the first party, whose 
 fate has just been related, their only hope lay in a return 
 to Fort Caroline. Le Challeux tells us that they had 
 saved a small boat from the wreck ; this they caulked with 
 their shirts, and thirteen of the company had set out in 
 her for Fort Caroline in search of assistance, and had not 
 returned.' As Ribaut and his companions made their 
 way northward in the direction of the fort, they eventually 
 found themselves in the same predicament as the previous 
 party, cut off by Matanzas Inlet and river from the main- 
 land, and unable to cross. 
 
 On receipt of the news Avil^s repeated the tactics of 
 his previous exploit, and sent a party of soldiers by land, 
 following himself the same day in two boats with addi- 
 tional troops, one hundred and fifty in all. He reached 
 his destination on the shore of the Matanzas River at 
 night, ^ and the following morning, October nth, he 
 
 1 Mefas mibid., tomo i., p. 127; Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, 
 ibid., tomo ii., pp. loi, 102; Vasalenque, " Informacion de algunos ser- 
 vicios," etc., in ibid., tomo ii., p. 6i6. 
 
 2 Le Challeux, " Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la 
 Floride, p. 474. 
 
 ^Vasalenque ("Informacion de algunos servicios," etc., in Ruidi'az, La 
 Florida, tomo ii., p. 616) says: " llegados al proprio rio de Matan9as." 
 Ribaut must have been wrecked north of Mosquito Inlet in order to reach 
 Matanzas. Fairbanks, History of St. Augustine, New York, 1858, p. 64, 
 note. On Mexia's map of 1605 (MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Sevilla, 
 
196 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 discovered the French across the water where they had 
 constructed a raft with which to attempt a crossing. At 
 the sight of the Spaniards, the French displayed their ban- 
 ners, sounded their fifes and drums, and offered them 
 battle, but Menendez took no notice of the demonstra- 
 tion.' Commanding his own men, whom he had again 
 disposed to produce an impression of numbers, to sit 
 down and breakfast, he turned to walk up and down the 
 shore with two of his captains in full sight of the French. 
 Then Ribaut called a halt, sounded a trumpet-call, and 
 displayed a white flag, to which Menendez replied in 
 the same fashion. The Spaniards having refused to cross 
 at the invitation of Ribaut, a French sailor swam over to 
 them, and came back immediately in an Indian canoe, 
 bringing the request that Ribaut send over some one 
 authorised to state what he wanted. The sailor returned 
 again with a French gentleman, who announced that he 
 was Sergeant Major of Ribaut, Viceroy and Captain- 
 General of Florida for the King of France. His com- 
 mander had been wrecked on the coast with three 
 hundred and fifty of his people, and had sent to ask for 
 boats with which to reach his fort, and to enquire if they 
 were Spaniards, and who was their captain. 
 
 "We are Spaniards," answered Avil^s. "I to whom 
 
 Patronato, est. I, caj. i, leg. 1/19, ramo 29), the name of Barreta de Ribao is 
 given to an inlet into the Matanzas River south of Matanzas Inlet, which 
 appears at that time to have connected it with the sea. Velasco (in his 
 Geograffia, i^j 1-1^^4, p. 167), says the river was called Matanzas " porque 
 junto a el, a la parte del norte, en la mesma costa, murieron los ffanceses 
 luteranos que estaban con Juan Ribau." The " Relacion escrita por el 
 Tesorero Joan Menendez Marques," June 6, 1606 (in Ruidi'az, ibid., tomo 
 ii., 501). mentions "la barra y barrera de Juan Ribao y Matan9as, cinco 
 leguas deste puerto [of St. Augustine], en la buelta del Sur . . . y alli 
 mataron al dicho Juan Ribao y a la mayor parte de los franceses, de que 
 resulto quedar a la barra el nombre de Matanzas." 
 
 1 Vasalenque says the Spaniards made a similar demonstration. " In- 
 formacion de algunos servicios," etc., in Ruidiaz, La Florida^ tomo ii., p. 
 616. 
 
The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 197 
 
 you are speaking am the Captain, and my name is Pedro 
 Menendez. Tell your General that I have captured your 
 fort, and killed your French there, as well as those who 
 had escaped from the wreck of your fleet." And there- 
 upon he offered Ribaut the identical terms which he had 
 extended to the first party and grimly led the French 
 officer to where, a few rods beyond, lay the dead bodies 
 of the shipwrecked and defenceless men he had so wan- 
 tonly massacred but twelve days before. When the 
 Frenchman viewed the heaped-up corpses of his familiars 
 and friends, not a muscle quivered in his face, and he 
 quietly asked Menendez to send a gentleman to Ribaut 
 to inform him of what had occurred; and he even re- 
 quested Menendez to go in person to treat about securi- 
 ties, as his General was greatly fatigued. "Go yourself, 
 brother, in God's name, to convey my answer; and if your 
 General wishes to talk with me, I give him my word that 
 he can come in safety with five or six of his companions, " 
 replied Menendez. 
 
 In the afternoon Ribaut crossed over with eight gentle- 
 men and was entertained by Avil6s. The French accepted 
 some wine and preserves ; more they would not take, for 
 their hearts were heavy at learning the fate of their com- 
 panions. Then Ribaut, pointing to where lay the bodies 
 of his comrades, which were visible from where he stood, 
 said that they might have been tricked into the belief that 
 Fort Caroline was taken, referring to a story he had 
 learned from a barber who had survived the first massacre 
 by feigning death when he was struck down, and had then 
 escaped to him. But Ribaut was soon convinced of his 
 mistake, for he was allowed to converse privately with 
 two Frenchmen captured at Fort Caroline. Then he 
 turned to Menendez and said : "What has happened to me 
 may happen to you. Since our Kings are brothers and 
 friends, do you also play the part of a friend and give me 
 ships with which to return to France. ' ' But the Spaniard 
 
198 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 was inexorable, and Ribaut returned to his compan- 
 ions to acquaint them with the results of the interview. 
 Within three hours he was back again. Some of his 
 people were willing to trust to the mercy of Men^ndez, 
 he said, but others were not, and he offered one hundred 
 thousand ducats on the part of his companions to secure 
 their lives ' ; but Avil^s stood firm in his determination. 
 As the evening was falling Ribaut again withdrew across 
 the lagoon, saying he would bring the final decision in 
 the morning. 
 
 Between the terrible alternatives of death by starvation 
 or at the hands of the Spaniards, the night brought no 
 better counsel to the castaways than that of trusting to 
 the mercy of their fellow-men. When morning came 
 Ribaut returned with six of his captains, and surrendered 
 his own person and arms, the royal standard which he 
 bore, and his seal of office. His captains did the same, 
 and Ribaut declared that about seventy of his people 
 were willing to submit, among whom were many noble- 
 men, gentlemen of high connections, and four Germans. 
 The remainder of the company had withdrawn and had 
 even attempted to kill their leader. Then the same 
 gruesome ceremony was rehearsed as on the previous 
 occasion, Diego Flores de Valdes ferried the French- 
 men over in parties of ten, which were successively con- 
 ducted behind the same sand hill, where their hands were 
 tied behind them. The same lying excuse was made 
 that they could not be trusted to march unbound to the 
 camp. When the hands of all had been bound except 
 those of Ribaut, who was for a time left free, the ominous 
 question was put: "Are you Catholics or Lutherans, and 
 are there any who wish to confess?" Ribaut answered 
 that they were all of the new Lutheran religion. Then 
 he repeated the passage from Genesis, "From earth we 
 
 ' See also the deposition of Grauiel de Riuera in " Informacion de algunos 
 servicios," etc., in ibid., tomo ii., p. 603, to the same effect. 
 
The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 199 
 
 come, and unto earth must we return " "; and observed 
 that twenty years more or less were of little account ; 
 that Men^ndez could do with them as he chose, and he 
 sang the psalm Domine, vicnicnto nici."^ Avil^s pardoned 
 the drummers, fifers, trumpeters, and four others who 
 said they were Catholics, some seventeen in all.' Then 
 he ordered that the remainder should be marched in the 
 same order to the same line in the sand, where they were 
 in turn deliberately massacred. 
 
 Aviles had confided Ribaut to his brother-in-law, and 
 biographer, Solis de Merds, and to San Vincente, with 
 directions to kill him. Ribaut was wearing a telt hat and 
 on Vincente's asking for it Ribaut gave it to him. Then 
 the Spaniard said: "You know how captains must obey 
 their generals and execute their commands. We must 
 bind your hands." When this had been done and the 
 three had proceeded a little distance along the way, Vin- 
 cente gave him a blow in the stomach with his dagger, 
 and Meras thrust him through the breast with a pike 
 which he carried, and then they cut off his head.* 
 
 1 Probably Genesis iii., 19. 
 
 * Meras, who relates the incident (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 126), 
 «ays : "empezo a decir el %2\vi\o Domine, memento met." As Meras was 
 one of his murderers the statement must be accepted. But there is no 
 psalm beginning with these words. Parkman {Pioneers of France in the 
 New World, Boston, 1893, p. 143) quotes from Histoire Gin^rale des Voy- 
 ages, xiv., p. 446, where it is suggested that Meras probably intended to 
 say Domine, memento David, which is Psalm 131 of the Vulgate and 132 of 
 the King James Version, and the quotation further suggests that Ribaut re- 
 peated it in French. But it is difficult to see what particular bearing the 
 132nd Psalm could have on the circumstances attending his assassination, 
 except, perhaps, a very obscure reference to his planting of the Reformed 
 religion in the New World. 
 
 'This is the number given by Barrientos (" Hechos," in Garcia, Dos 
 Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 69); Meras (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo 
 i. , p. 126) says the pipers, drummers, and trumpeters, with four Catholics, six- 
 teen in all. Aviles himself (letter Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 103) says 
 iive only, two lads of eighteen years of age, a piper, drummer, and trumpeter. 
 
 ^ Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 66-70 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 1 19-126 ; Aviles to Philip II., 
 
2CX3 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 "I put Jean Ribaut and all the rest of them to the knife," 
 Aviles wrote Philip four days later, "judging it to be neces- 
 sary to the service of the Lord Our God, and of Your Majesty. 
 And I think it a very great fortune that this man be dead; for 
 the King of France could accomplish more with him and fifty 
 thousand ducats, than with other men and five hundred thou- 
 sand ducats ; and he could do more in one year, than another 
 in ten; for he was the most experienced sailor and corsair 
 known, very skilful in this navigation of the Indies and of the 
 Florida Coast." ' 
 
 There was one remarkable escape from this massacre, 
 that of a sailor from Dieppe, whose name has been omit- 
 ted from the records. According to his own account, as 
 related by Le Moyne, 
 
 •* he was among those who were pinioned for slaughter, and 
 was knocked in the head with the rest, but, instead of being 
 killed, was only stunned; and the three others with whom he 
 was tied falling above him, he was left for dead along with 
 them. The Spaniards got together a great pile of wood to 
 burn the corpses; but, as it grew late, they put it off until the 
 next day. The sailor, coming to his senses among the dead 
 bodies in the night, bethought himself of a knife which he 
 wore in a wooden sheath, and contrived to work himself about 
 until little by little he got the knife out and cut the ropes that 
 bound him. He then rose up and silently departed, journey- 
 ing all the rest of the night. After travelling three days with- 
 out stopping, he came to a certain Indian chief, , . . with 
 
 Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 102, 103. Le Challeux in " Histoire 
 Memorable" (reprint in Gaflarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 476) says he was 
 first stabbed from behind, as does also the " Requeste au Roy" (ibid., p, 
 478). There is a curious confirmation of the conversation between Ribaut 
 and one of his murderers in the story of the Dieppe sailor reported by Le 
 Moyne (De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 29). See p. 203 in this volume. 
 Fourquevaux, in his letter to Charles IX., of Aug. 11, 1566 [Depeches, 
 p. 104), says : " Tout le demeurant fut incontinent mis en pieces jusques au 
 nombre de 873 " ! 
 
 1 Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida tomo ii., p. 103. 
 
The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 201 
 
 whom he remained hidden eight months before he was be- 
 trayed to the Spaniards." ' 
 
 After serving as a slave for a year in the fort at St. 
 Augustine, and then being sent to Cuba, where he was 
 chained to another Frenchman, the two unfortunates were 
 finally sold together and put on board a ship bound for 
 Portugal. On her way she was captured by a French 
 vessel, and the two Frenchmen, still in chains, finally 
 obtained their liberty. 
 
 The Dieppe sailor gave his own account of the final 
 massacre of the French to Le Moyne, and as it is a type 
 of the version which was generally accepted and believed 
 in by the French it deserves our consideration. Follow- 
 ing his shipwreck Ribaut determined to make for Fort 
 Caroline, and after enduring many hardships he finally 
 reached a point in its neighbourhood, as the sailor sup- 
 posed, but really at Matanzas Inlet. Here he encamped, 
 and sending one Vasseur with six men in an Indian canoe 
 to reconnoitre, they presently returned with the distress- 
 ing information that the Spanish flag was floating above 
 Fort Caroline.' Ribaut at once recognised how desperate 
 was his situation, with his men in danger of perishing by 
 starvation and exposure, and sent two of his ofificers to 
 sound the Spaniards, who the narrator supposed were 
 at Fort Caroline, across the river. 
 
 • De Bry, Brevis Narratio, p. 29 ; English translation of Fred. B. Per- 
 kins in Narrative of Le Moyne, Boston, 1875, p. 22. Barcia {Ensayo, Ano 
 MDLXVII., pp. 129, 130, 135) relates a similar story of an escaped French- 
 man named Pedro Breu, subsequently taken by Aviles, and not recounted 
 by Meras or Barrientos. 
 
 "^ See Le Challeux's similiar statement that Ribaut sent a reconnoissance 
 to Fort Caroline, " Histoire Memorable," reprint in Gaffarel, Hist, de la 
 Floride, p. 474 and p, 195, in this volume. Barcia {Ensayo, Ano MDLXV., 
 p. 84) says the party did not return to Ribaut, but escaped to Orista or 
 Santa Elena on finding that Fort Caroline had fallen. He appears to iden- 
 tify the party with the Frenchmen heard of by Aviles on his first visit to 
 Guale. See p. 245 in this volume. 
 
202 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 " They went in a canoe with five or six soldiers, and, accord- 
 ing to orders, showed themselves a good distance off. The 
 Spaniards on seeing them, came in a boat to the other bank of 
 the river, and held a parley with our men. The French asked 
 what had become of the men left in the Fort? The Spaniards 
 replied that their commander, who was a humane and clement 
 person, had sent them all to France in a large ship abundantly 
 supplied, and that they might say to Ribaut that he and his 
 men should be used equally well." 
 
 The French returned with this message, to which Ribaut 
 too hastily gave credence. Urged on by the majority of 
 his men to secure terms of surrender, although there were 
 some who questioned its wisdom, he sent La Caille to the 
 Spanish commander, with the orders that 
 
 " if the latter should seem inclined to clemency, to ask in the 
 name of the Lieutenant of the King of France, for a safe-con- 
 duct, and to announce, that, if the Spanish leader would make 
 oath to spare all their lives, they would come in and throw 
 themselves at his feet. . . . Coming to the fort he [La 
 Caille] was taken before the Commander, and, throwing him- 
 self at his feet, delivered his message. Having heard La Caille 
 through, he not only pledged his faith to La Caille in the terms 
 suggested, and confirmed the pledge with many signs of the 
 cross, and by kissing the Evangelists, but made oath in the 
 presence of all his men, and drew up a writing sealed with his 
 seal, repeating the oath, and promising that he would without 
 fraud, faithfully, and like a gentleman and a man of honesty, 
 preserve the lives of Ribaud and his men. All of this was 
 handsomely written out, and given to La Caille." 
 
 The assurance thus solemnly given 
 
 " was joyfully received by some, while others did not entertain 
 any great expectations from it. Ribaud, however, having 
 made an excellent speech to his people, and all having joined 
 in offering prayer to God, gave orders to proceed, and with 
 
The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 203 
 
 all his company came down to the bank of the river near the 
 fort. Upon being seen by the Spanish sentinels, they were 
 taken over in boats. Ribaud himself, and D'Ottigny, Lau- 
 donniere's Lieutenant, were first led into the fort by them- 
 selves; the rest were halted about a bowshot from the fort, 
 and all were tied up in fours back to back; from which, and 
 other indications, they quickly perceived that their lives were 
 lost. Ribaud asked to see the Governor, to remind him of his 
 promise; but he spoke to deaf ears. D'Ottigny, hearing the 
 despairing cries of his men, appealed to the oath which had 
 been taken, but they laughed at him. As Ribaud insisted on 
 his application, a Spanish soldier finally came in, and asked 
 in French if he were the commander, Ribaud. The answer 
 was ' Yes.' The man asked again if Ribaud did not expect, 
 when he gave an order to his soldiers, that they would obey ; 
 to which he again said ' Yes. ' ' I propose to obey the orders 
 of ray commander also,' replied the Spaniard; ' I am ordered 
 to kill you,' and with that he thrust a dagger into his breast; 
 and he killed D'Ottigny in the same way. When this was 
 done, men were detailed to kill all the rest who had been tied 
 up, by knocking them in the head with clubs and axes ; which 
 they proceeded to do without delay, calling them meanwhile 
 Lutherans, and enemies to God and the Virgin Mary. In this 
 manner they were all most cruelly murdered in violation of an 
 oath, except a drummer from Dieppe named Dronet, a fifer, 
 [the narrator], and a fiddler named Masselin, who was kept 
 alive to play for dancing." ' 
 
 That same night Aviles returned to St. Augustine ; and 
 when the event became known, there were some, even in 
 that isolated garrison, living in constant dread of a de- 
 scent by the French, who accounted him cruel, an opin- 
 ion which his brother-in-law, Meras, the very man who 
 helped to kill Ribaut, does not hesitate to record. And 
 when the news eventually reached Spain, even there a 
 vague rumour was afloat that there were those who 
 
 ' Le Moyne in Brevis Narratio, pp. 27-29 ; English translation of Fred, 
 B. Perkins in Narrative of Le Moyne, pp. 20-22. 
 
204 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 condemned Avil^s for perpetrating the massacre against 
 his given word." Others among the settlers thought that 
 he had acted as a good captain, because, with their small 
 store of provisions, they considered that there would have 
 been an imminent danger of their perishing by hunger had 
 their numbers been increased by the Frenchmen, even 
 had they been Catholics.' Don Bartolome Barrientos, 
 Professor at the University of Salamanca, whose history 
 was completed two years after the event, expresses still 
 another phase of Spanish contemporary opinion : 
 
 " He acted as an excellent inquisitor; for when asked if they 
 were Catholics or Lutherans, they dared to proclaim them- 
 selves publicly as Lutherans, without fear of God or shame 
 before men; and thus he gave them that death which their in- 
 solence deserved. And even in that he was very merciful in 
 granting them a noble and honourable death, by cutting off 
 their heads, when he could legally have burnt them alive. 
 . . . He killed them, I think, rather by divine inspiration, 
 than through any counsel of the human understanding, for he 
 had no wish that his own people by touching pitch, should be 
 defiled by it.'" 
 
 Another curious side light upon the aspect in which 
 these massacres presented themselves to those who were 
 in frequent and long continued intercourse with Menen- 
 dez, is furnished by an enquiry into his service to the 
 King, accompanying a request for relief made in 1595, 
 and addressed to the Crown by one of his sons-in-law. 
 Five out of seven of the deponents in the enquiry men- 
 tion Aviles's conquest of Florida and add in the most 
 matter-of-fact way that he killed all of the French there. 
 The striking feature in the statements is the entire ab- 
 
 ' Fourquevaux to Charles IX., July 5, 1566, D^piches, p. 94. 
 "^ Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 127 ; Barrientos in Garcia, 
 Dos Antigtias Relaciones de la Florida, p. 70. 
 
 ' " Heches " in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 72. 
 
The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 205 
 
 sence of all sectarian bitterness, and the evident inference 
 that the killing was an action to be recorded to his credit 
 along with the conquest of the country.' 
 
 The motives which prompted Aviles in these deeds of 
 blood must not be too rashly attributed exclusively to 
 religious fanaticism, or to race hatred. The position 
 subsequently taken by the Spanish Government in its 
 relations with France to justify the crime turned on the 
 large number of the French and the fewness of the Span- 
 iards; the scarcity of provisions, and the absence of ships 
 with which to transport them as prisoners. These rea- 
 sons do not appear in the brief accounts contained in 
 Men^ndez's letter of October 15, 1565, but some of them 
 are explicitly stated by Barrientos, and even Mr. Park- 
 man * feels constrained to admit the danger to which the 
 Spaniards would have been exposed by the preponderance 
 in numbers of the French had they been spared. It is 
 quite probable that Men^ndez clearly perceived the great 
 risk he would run in granting the Frenchmen their lives 
 and in retaining so large a body of prisoners in the midst 
 of his colonists; that it would be a severe strain upon his 
 supply of provisions and seriously hamper the dividing 
 up of his troops into small garrisons for the forts which 
 he contemplated erecting at different points along the 
 coast. In arriving at his sanguinary solution of the diffi- 
 culty, he probably thanked God that they were "Luther- 
 ans," and that in fulfilling the counsels of prudence he 
 could also execute the divine will upon heretics.^ 
 
 ' See " Informacion de algunos servicios prestados por el Adelantado 
 Pedro Menendez de Aviles, Mexico, 3 de Abril de 1595." in Ruidiaz, La 
 Florida, tomo ii., p. 590. Testimony of Sebastian de Arguelles, pp. 594, 
 59S ; of Grauiel de Riuera, pp. 601. 603 ; of Augustin Espinola, pp. 607, 
 608; of Gonzalo Menendez de Valdes, pp. 611, 612; of Antonio Garcia 
 Vasalenque, pp. 614-617. 
 
 * Pioneers of France in the New World, Boston, 1893, p. 150. 
 
 ^ See Appendix Q, The Situation of Aviles at the Time of the Massacre. 
 In connection with these massacres by Menendez Professor E. G. Bourne 
 
 i 
 
2o6 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Philip's comment on the event was characteristic. On 
 the back of a dispatch from Aviles in Havana, of October 
 12, 1565, there appears in his well-known handwriting: 
 "As to those he has killed he has done well, and as to 
 those he has saved, they shall be sent to the galleys." 
 In the letter of May 12, 1566, written in accordance with 
 these instructions, and conveying Philip's approval, he 
 said: 
 
 "And as for the judgment you have executed upon the 
 Lutheran corsairs, who have sought to occupy and fortify that 
 country, to sow in it their evil sect, and to continue from there 
 the robberies and injuries which they have committed and are 
 still committing, wholly contrary to the service of God and of 
 me, we believe that you have acted with entire justification 
 and prudence, and we hold that we have been well served." ' 
 
 In his official utterances in justification of the massacre 
 Philip laid perhaps a greater stress upon the contamina- 
 tion which heresy might have wrought among the natives 
 than upon the invasion of his dominions. But in con- 
 sidering the various motives which may have prompted 
 his approval of the ghastly massacre, one should not 
 forget that when, seventeen years later, measures were 
 under way in England for the sending of a Roman Catho- 
 lic colony to Florida, Philip's ambassador, Mendoza, in- 
 formed the leaders that in the event of such an undertaking 
 
 in his " Spain in America" {The American Nation, A History, vol. iii., p. 
 186), very appositely calls attention to the massacre of the English at Am- 
 boyna by the Dutch in 1623, and to Cromwrell's massacre of the Irish at 
 Drogheda in 1649. Cromwell, who in his own words believed himself to 
 be executing the " righteous judgement of God," relates in his dispatch that 
 "when they submitted, their officers were knocked on the head [and], every 
 tenth man of the soldiers killed." 
 
 ' Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World, Boston, 1893, p. 150 ; 
 Philip II. to Aviles, May 12, 1566, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 362. 
 The letter is also given in Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXVL, p. 116. 
 
The Fate of Ribaut's Fleet 207 
 
 *'they would at once have their heads cut off, as was done 
 to the French, who went with Jean Ribaut." ' 
 
 On his return to St. Augustine Avil^s wrote to the 
 King a somewhat cursory account of the preceding events 
 and summarised the results in the following language: 
 
 " The other people with Ribaut, some seventy or eighty in all, 
 took to the forest, refusing to surrender unless I grant them 
 their lives. These and twenty others who escaped from the 
 fort, and fifty who were captured by the Indians, from the 
 ships which were wrecked, in all one hundred and fifty per- 
 sons, rather less than more, are [all] the French alive to-day 
 in Florida, dispersed and flying through the forest, and captive 
 with the Indians. And since they are Lutherans and in order 
 that so evil a sect shall not remain alive in these parts, I will 
 conduct myself in such wise, and will so incite my friends, the 
 Indians, on their part, that in five or six weeks very few if any 
 will remain alive. And of a thousand French with an armada 
 of twelve sail who had landed when I reached these provinces, 
 only two vessels have escaped, and those very miserable ones, 
 with some forty or fifty persons in them." " 
 
 And so it was that Avil^s purged Florida of the French 
 and of heresy. 
 
 ' " Copia de carta descifrada de Don Bernardino de Mendoza, Londres 
 a II de Julio de 1582," Correspondencia de Felipe II., etc., tomo v., p. 397. 
 English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1580-1586, III., Elizabeth, p. 
 349- 
 
 ''Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, 'R.M.idiia.z, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 103. 
 
BOOK II 
 THE SPANISH COLONY 
 
 209 
 
Sf S-mons Sound Cnlr^at dt <: 
 JekyI I <JiJ'a>«na« or a»"tn»i 
 Sr Andrews Sound Bnfom dt lhi"'*"ai 
 
 CumbtrlBnd 1 T/iroi^iurv 4«» (^dro 
 
 land Sound fnr^ dp Sc'a 
 
 FLORIDA 
 
 1562-1574 
 
 Compiled by 
 "WbodbuTy Lorwery 
 
 Spamah. andPreTicK names are in. red. 
 
BOOK II 
 THE SPANISH COLONY 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE AYS EXPEDITION. AVILl^S AT HAVANA 
 
 FOR the moment the cool judgment of Avil^s seemed 
 almost carried away by his success, and he dreamed 
 dreams of extending the empire of his master over the 
 entire northern continent. In the same letter which 
 conveyed the announcement of the two massacres, he 
 wrote Philip II. : 
 
 " Considering these lands to be of so great an extent and 
 the climate so good, and the injury and disturbance which 
 enemies and corsairs can cause them every day, and how they 
 can possess themselves of the countries to the North of here, 
 near Newfoundland, where they are masters by violence, and 
 can easily maintain themselves, the following is what should 
 be done in every particular." ' 
 
 First of all, he proposed to run down the coast of the 
 peninsula and visit the Florida Keys in search of a suit- 
 able harbour where he could construct a fort to protect 
 the seaboard from enterprises such as he had attributed to 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 93. 
 211 
 
212 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Ribaut in conjunction with the English/ Having garri- 
 soned it with reinforcements from Havana, he expected 
 to be back at St. Augustine and San Mateo by the be- 
 ginning of April. He then proposed to ascend the coast 
 as far as Chesapeake Bay, which he called the Bay of 
 Santa Maria in 37°, constructing a fort there and another 
 at Santa Elena. 
 
 He had formed a notion that an arm of the sea ex- 
 tended in a south-westerly direction from Newfoundland 
 and terminated at the foot of a range of mountains eighty 
 leagues inland to the north of the Chesapeake, and that 
 one of the north-western branches of the bay, possibly 
 the Potomac, was the much-sought-for passage to the 
 Pacific. For this reason he dwelt upon the great im- 
 portance of controlling the bay, which in his mind not 
 only defended the approach to Mexico, but also com- 
 manded the pathway of commerce with China and the 
 Moluccas." Prudential reasons also entered into this 
 part of his plan, and he was in haste to put it into effect 
 for fear of the return of Jacques Ribaut the following 
 year.' He also proposed to establish a fort and garrison 
 in the Bay of Juan Ponce which he vaguely confounded 
 with Appalachee Bay, and to found a settlement at Co^a 
 in 38° or 39° "at the foot of the mountains which come 
 
 ' See p. 96 in this volume. 
 
 ' It is difficult to understand from Menendez's letter what was the par- 
 ticular conformation he attributed to North America. Possibly he enter- 
 tained the idea that it tapered to a narrow neck in the vicinity of Chesapeake 
 Bay, connecting the more northerly portion with a somewhat similar exten- 
 sion of the continent to the south, such as we see in the Vesconte Maiollo 
 map of 1527, and in the Novcb Insula of Ptolemy's Geographia Universalis 
 of 1540. " It seems clear," writes Mr. Parkman, " that Menendez believed 
 that Chesapeake Bay communicated with the St. Lawrence, and thence with 
 Newfoundland on the one hand, and the South Sea on the oX^xqx'" {Pioneers 
 of France in the New World, p. 149, note). 
 
 » Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 
 93-95, 100, loi ; Dec. 5, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 121 ; Dec. 25, 1565, z^'</., 
 tomo ii., pp. 131, 132. 
 
The Ays Expedition 213 
 
 from the mines of Zacatecas and San Martin," on account 
 of its advantageous situation on the way to these mines.' 
 He pictured to the King the many and great profits 
 that would accrue to Spain from the abundant wine of 
 the country, the sugar plantations, the herds of cattle, 
 the pitch and tar and ship timber, the salt and wheat, the 
 fruits and waters, the quantities of rice and pearls, and 
 even the silk from the interior, until, carried away by 
 the vision he had himself conjured into existence, he 
 exclaimed : 
 
 " And I assure Your Majesty that in the future Florida will 
 be of little expense, and will pay Your Majesty much money, 
 and will be of more value to Spain than New Spain or even 
 Peru, and it may, be said that this country is but a suburb of 
 Spain, for it does not take more than forty days' sailing to 
 come here, and usually as many more to return." " 
 
 It was an alluring picture which Aviles had drawn for his 
 master's eye, and intended perhaps rather to arouse the 
 cupidity of his sovereign and induce him to assist the 
 enterprise in a more liberal spirit than he had as yet 
 shown than due to any illusions lurking in the hard head 
 of the Adelantado. This rhapsody was interrupted by 
 the two massacres and the burning of San Mateo, only 
 to be resumed again, and it was sent to Spain by the hand 
 of Diego Flores de Valdes, who probably arrived there 
 in December.^ 
 
 But more immediate considerations were pressing hard 
 
 1 Aviles to Philip II., Oct, 15, 1565, idid., tomoii., pp. 98, 99; Dec. 25, 
 1565, idid., tomo ii., p. 133. 
 
 'Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, idid., tomo ii., pp. 99, 104. In his 
 letter of Dec. 5, 1565, i/'id., tomo ii., p. 121, he says 40 or 50 days from 
 Spain to Florida. 
 
 3 Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, iMd., tomo ii., p. loi. Diego 
 Flores de Valdes was expected to arrive in Spain by the end of November 
 (same to same, Dec. 5, 1565, idid., p. 105). He was certainly there by 
 February, 1566, see Philip II. to Alava, Feb. 23, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., 
 Paris, K, 1505 (75), fol. 2. 
 
214 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 upon Avil6s. Shortly after his arrival he had informed 
 the King that his supply of biscuit could be made to last 
 him through January,' and the capture of Fort Caroline 
 had greatly increased his store of meal ; but a month later 
 he found that the biscuit he had brought with him was 
 already spoiling. Although many of the soldiers volun- 
 tarily decreased the amount of their rations," the de- 
 terioration of the bread, coupled with the burning of the 
 fort, was rapidly reducing his colony to such straits, 
 that he informed Philip "unless we are succoured very 
 shortly we shall be in actual need, and many will depart 
 this world from starvation." * 
 
 Three weeks had barely passed since the final massacre 
 when word was brought by the Indians that the seventy 
 or eighty Frenchmen belonging to Ribaut's company, 
 who had refused to surrender, were constructing a fort 
 thirty leagues distant from St. Augustine in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Cape Canaveral, where the Trinity had been 
 wrecked, and were also building a vessel which they in- 
 tended to send to France for succour. Again Menendez 
 determined to act promptly. He sent to San Mateo 
 for reinforcements, and while awaiting their arrival he 
 appointed his brother Bartolom^ Governor of St. Augus- 
 tine, directed the number of hours that should be spent 
 each day upon the fortifications which he had marked out, 
 the proper distribution of the work among the troops, and 
 provided for the criminal jurisdiction among his colonists. 
 
 On the 23rd of August his reinforcements arrived from 
 San Mateo, and November 2nd * he set out for the fort of 
 the French. He embarked a force of one hundred men 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Sept, 11, 1565, Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 79. 
 
 'Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 178. 
 
 3 Aviles to Philip II., Oct. 15, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 104. Barrientcs 
 in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 74. 
 
 < Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 5, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 106 ; 
 Barrientos (in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 75) and 
 Meras (Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo i., p. 129) say he started August 26th. 
 
The Ays Expedition 215 
 
 aboard of three light boats which he furnished with pro- 
 visions for forty days, while he himself marched by land 
 at the head of one hundred and fifty more, guided by the 
 Indians. At night the men in the boats landed and the 
 entire force encamped together. On November 4th,' All 
 Saints' Day, at dawn, the Spaniards came upon the fort, 
 approaching it by water as well as by land, but the 
 French discovered them in time to abandon it and escape 
 into the forest. The Spaniards secured six guns, which 
 had been saved from the wreck of the Trinity, some 
 powder, and, best of all, some provisions, for the soldiers 
 had been put upon half rations on setting out from St. 
 Augustine. Avil^s caused the boat to be burnt, as well as 
 the fort, which was constructed of wood, buried the guns, 
 which were too heavy to transport in his boats, and sent a 
 French trumpeter, whose life he had spared, to summon the 
 fugitives to surrender, promising to grant them their lives. 
 The poor shipwrecked Frenchmen, pushed to the last 
 extremity, with no other alternative before them but 
 captivity and death at the hands of the savages, notwith- 
 standing the fate which had befallen their comrades, 
 trusted themselves to the promises of the General, and 
 came in, laying down their arms. Their captain alone, 
 with three or four others, refused to yield, sending word 
 that they preferred to be devoured by the Indians rather 
 than to surrender to Spaniards. Then followed a curious 
 illustration of the character of the man with whom they 
 had to deal. Aviles received the prisoners, who proved 
 to be from Navarre, servants of the Prince of Conde, 
 with great kindness. He seated the noblemen at his own 
 table and gave them clothing, while the sailors messed 
 with his sailors and the soldiers with his soldiers.' The 
 
 1 Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 76. 
 
 'Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 5, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 
 105, 106 ; Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 128-131 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos 
 Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 73-75' 
 
2i6 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 same afternoon he continued fifteen leagues along the 
 coast to the south of the village of the Ays Indians, 
 situated on Indian River between the St. Sebastian River 
 and Indian Inlet, possibly at that time on the northern 
 end of Hutchinson's Island south of the inlet.' 
 
 It was an arduous march, but "the Spanish Nation," 
 says Barrientos, "is like sorrel horses, who though lean 
 and famished show mettle until they fall in their tracks." ' 
 The rations were now reduced to half a pound of bread 
 daily, one-third of the usual allowance, which the seventy 
 Frenchmen shared equally with the Spaniards. This 
 scanty fare was eked out with the hearts of the pal- 
 mettos, prickly pears, and cocoa-plums. The start was 
 made at two o'clock in the morning and the march con- 
 tinued until daybreak, when a halt was called, and the 
 meagre breakfast was eaten. Two hours later the march 
 began again and continued until sunset, with another 
 interval of rest from half-past eleven or twelve until two. 
 The sand was frequent and heavy and the sun hot. Avil6s 
 led the vanguard with eight of the strongest of his com- 
 pany. But the men, weary and hungry, lagged behind, 
 and one of the soldiers who had been among the first to 
 enter Fort Caroline when the assault was given, died from 
 sheer exhaustion. The boats went around to seek the 
 mouth of the inlet. 
 
 The Ays chief received the Spaniards with much kind- 
 ness, kissing them on the mouth, which says Barrientos, 
 was their greatest sign of friendship. His face was deco- 
 rated with various colours, and he as well as all of his 
 chief men wore frontlets of gold, probably obtained from 
 the vessels wrecked along the coast. Men^ndez ordered 
 his men to respect the property of the natives, and pre- 
 sented them with little gifts of knives and mirrors and 
 
 * See Appendix R, Ays. 
 
 ' " Vida y Hechos," in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida^ p. 
 76. 
 
The Ays Expedition 217 
 
 scissors. The Spaniards remained four days at Ays, and 
 Avil^s went down the lagoon to look for a suitable place 
 to settle, but failed to find one. The provisions of the 
 explorers had now become so reduced that starvation 
 was pressing upon them, and the General determined to 
 go in person to Havana to seek succour for his various 
 settlements. Before his departure he encamped two 
 hundred of his party under Juan Velez de Medrano at a 
 place on the lagoon three leagues distant from Ays, where 
 there was abundance of fish, in order to remove his men 
 from the neighbourhood of the Indian village and thus 
 avoid the possibility of any conflict between them and 
 the natives during his absence, and he left them supplies 
 for fifteen days.' 
 
 In the latter part of the month he set sail for Havana 
 in his two open boats with fifty men and twenty of the 
 French prisoners.^ It was a bold and dangerous under- 
 taking. Impelled only by the wind and by oars in the 
 hands of weary and famishing men, he had to stem the 
 swift-flowing currents of the Gulf Stream, which reaches 
 its greatest velocity in this neighbourhood. He had ob- 
 served in his previous journeys the existence of back cur- 
 rents along the Florida shore,^ and availing himself of 
 these he followed down the coast, discovering on his way 
 the two inlets at Gilbert's Bar and Jupiter, and in three 
 days reached Cuba. During the crossing a storm arose, 
 and Avil^s shared the tiller with one of the Frenchmen. 
 On leaving Ays his compass had been broken, and, 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 5, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 
 106, 107 ; Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 132-136 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos 
 Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 76, 78. 
 
 ^ Both Barrientos (in ibid., p. 78) and Meras (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo 
 i., p. 130) say 20 Frenchmen. Aviles does not refer to them in his letter 
 of Dec. 5, 1565, but in his letter to Philip II., of Jan. 30, 1566 {ibid., 
 tomo ii., p. 143) he also says 70 men in all. 
 
 3 Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 5, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., 
 p. 107. 
 
2i8 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 missing Havana during the night, he made the harbour of 
 Bayahonda, fifteen leagues beyond. 
 
 On landing, the entire company kneeled down to render 
 thanks for their deliverance, and then Avil6s 
 
 " called the Frenchmen and charged them to behold the power 
 and the goodness of God, and if they were Lutherans to repent 
 and turn Catholics; and [he observed] that whatever their re- 
 ligion might be, he was bound to treat them well because they 
 had surrendered on his word: and that he would give them 
 liberty to return to France in the first ships leaving for Spain: 
 that he told them this because of his desire that they should 
 save themselves. There were some of them, ' ' continues Bar- 
 rientos, " who weeping, beat their breasts beseeching Our Lord 
 for mercy; and said that they had been bad Christians and 
 Lutherans, and that they had repented, and from then on 
 would abandon their evil sect, would confess themselves and 
 commune, for they wished to keep that [faith] which the Holy 
 Mother Church of Rome held and beheved. The Adelan- 
 tado gave them all presents and bade them not to trouble 
 about their work, and that he would care for them as if they 
 were his brothers." * 
 
 Re-embarking, Avil6s shortly reached Havana, where he 
 was joyfully received by Diego de Amaya, the com- 
 mander of the second boat, who had arrived two days be- 
 fore him, and had given him up for lost. He found there 
 Pedro Men^ndez Marques, with two hundred men and 
 three vessels of the Asturian fleet, from which Marques 
 had become separated in a storm." 
 
 The squadron which had been fitted out in Biscay and 
 the Asturias to join Avil^s at the Canaries consisted of 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 80; 
 Meras (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 138) tells the same story in identi- 
 cally the same language. 
 
 ^Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 5, 1565, Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo ii., p. io8 ; 
 Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 137 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Re~ 
 lactones de la Florida, p. 80. 
 
The Ays Expedition 219 
 
 three vessels from the seaport of Avil^s with two hundred 
 and fifty-seven soldiers and sailors, and two additional 
 ships from Gijon with seventy-eight persons, among 
 which were eleven Franciscan friars and one lay brother, 
 a friar of the Order of Mercy, a priest, and eight Jesuits/ 
 Esteban de las Alas, who three years before had com- 
 manded the fleet arriving from New Spain," went as 
 General, and Pedro Men^ndez Marquds, nephew of the 
 Adelantado, was Admiral. So eager was the adventur- 
 ous population in that country of seamen to embark in 
 the enterprise, its zeal fired by the report that the 
 heretics were to be driven out of the King's dominions, 
 that a number of vessels from Santander and other ports 
 along the coast had joined it, and it was not found neces- 
 sary to take out the licence for the five hundred negro 
 slaves/ 
 
 The fleet set sail about the end of May and, on 
 reaching the Canaries, found that Avil^s had already left. 
 During the passage many of the accompanying vessels 
 appear to have put back, or to have been lost on account 
 of stormy weather/ But Las Alas continued the journey 
 with the five ships and appears to have touched at Puerto 
 Rico. On his way to Santo Domingo, in pursuance of 
 the orders he had found awaiting him at the Canaries, he 
 captured off the northern end of Hispaniola two Portu- 
 guese prizes,^ of which Las Alas secured the one of least 
 
 ' Meras in Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo i., p. 63 ; Barcia {Ensayo, Ano 
 MDLXV., p. 69) merely copies from Meras. 
 
 * Duro, Armada Espanola, tomo i., p. 465. 
 
 'Meras in Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo i., p. 63 ; Barrientos in Garcia, 
 Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 35 ; Barcia {Ensayo, Ano 
 MDLXV., p. 69) merely copies from Meras. 
 
 ^ Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 63. 
 
 * As typical of the atrocities to which seafaring men were exposed in those 
 days Aviles writes the King that he had set these Portuguese to row the 
 boats, although all of the Spaniards whom the Portuguese captured in the 
 Moluccas were sewed up in the sails and thrown alive into the sea. Letter 
 of Dec. 5, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. H2. 
 
220 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 value and Marques the other. Before reaching Santo 
 Domingo a storm separated them, and Marqu6s proceeded 
 to Havana with his prize, where, as already related, Me- 
 n^ndez found him.' 
 
 When Avilds entered the harbour of Havana, his arrival 
 had been announced to the governor, Garcia Osorio. His 
 own vessels had hailed him with salvos of artillery and 
 the blowing of trumpets. Osorio also came down to the 
 quay to receive him, with a drummer and piper and an 
 escort flying a flag and bearing torches, but he did not 
 remain. His treasurer, Juan de Hinestrosa, however, 
 welcomed the General and conducted him and his people 
 to his own house, where they were entertained with great 
 hospitality. It was an unpropitious star for the Florida 
 colony which had brought the Adelantado to Havana at 
 this moment, for the Governor had just committed a very 
 arbitrary and high-handed offence against Juan de la 
 Parra, a captain of the fleet of New Spain, subject to the 
 orders of Aviles. Some three months before, La Parra, 
 while on his way to Havana, had captured a Portuguese 
 prize. Within an hour of his arrival the Governor had 
 forcibly seized it, mutilating the pilot in charge, to which 
 La Parra had quietly submitted; but as the latter had 
 been unable to withhold some expressions of anger at the 
 unwarrantable proceeding, Osorio had also seized him and 
 confined him in a dark prison, where he had been lan- 
 guishing for three months, chained to the walls of his 
 dungeon. All of this Avil6s learned from Hinestrosa, 
 who had also warned him that the Governor had for- 
 bidden the subject to be broached. 
 
 The day following his arrival Aviles met the Governor 
 on leaving church after mass, and later in the day called 
 on him, informed him of the straits to which his Florida 
 colony was reduced, and exhibited his two royal c^dulas * 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Dec. s, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. iii. 
 * Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 30, 1566, ibid., tomo ii., p. 150. 
 
The Ays Expedition 221 
 
 which ordered Osorio to furnish him with a vessel, five 
 hundred soldiers, and twenty horses for the conquest of 
 the country. The General modestly stated that he did 
 not require the ship and soldiers called for by the royal 
 cedulas and would be content with one-fifth of the amount 
 which the armament would cost. As an alternative, in 
 case Osorio was unwilling to lend this sum, he asked for 
 the proceeds of the sale of the Portuguese prize, amount- 
 ing to some ten or eleven thousand ducats; added that 
 even four thousand ducats would be sufficient, which he 
 also offered to secure, and ended by asking Osorio to sur- 
 render La Parra to his jurisdiction. At this the Gov- 
 ernor became enraged, and flatly refused to give up the 
 man or loan the money.' 
 
 It was a serious situation for the anxious Adelantado, 
 for Cuba was the centre to which his ships were con- 
 stantly plying in search of supplies for his Florida colony; 
 and he feared the treatment to which his captains and 
 officials would be exposed at the hands of one who could 
 be so arbitrary with their commander. But his tact was 
 equal to his courage. Clearly appreciating the import- 
 ance of retaining at least the semblance of good terms 
 with the Governor, and the necessity of committing no 
 act of violence which could expose him to contempt of 
 Osorio's legitimate authority, he controlled his temper, 
 courteously doffed his hat,'' and left his presence. "I 
 assure Your Majesty," wrote Aviles, "that I secured a 
 greater victory in submitting patiently and quietly to his 
 bad treatment than that which I gained over the French 
 in Florida."' Aviles was now thrown upon his own 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 5, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 113-118. Meras 
 in ibid., tomo i., pp. 141-143. Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Rela- 
 ciones de la Florida, pp. 81, 82. 
 
 ' Barrientos, ibid., p. 82. Meras in Ruidfaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 143. 
 
 ^ " Real Carta de complacencia otorgada a Pero Menendez por los servi- 
 cios prestados en la conquista de la Florida, Madrid, May 12, 1566." 
 Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 364, sets out the action of the King on 
 
222 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 resources, and as the necessity of revictualling his starving 
 colonies was pressing, he sold the prize captured by 
 Marques, and with the proceeds loaded two vessels with 
 sufficient provisions to last until January, one of which, 
 in command of Diego de Amaya, was sent to the relief of 
 the colonists at St. Augustine.' 
 
 The air at Havana was full of rumours of English, 
 French, and Portuguese pirates infesting the neighbour- 
 ing islands, and while awaiting the month of March to 
 return to Florida, and possibly also in order to keep his 
 men out of mischief in view of the attitude of the Gov- 
 ernor of Cuba, Avil6s determined to go and fight them. 
 In the latter part of November he set sail with the three 
 vessels of his nephew and the ship of the unfortunate 
 Juan de la Parra. The very day of his departure he 
 overtook a ship which, mistaking him and his fleet for 
 corsairs, put into the harbour of Matanzas, where her 
 crew abandoned her and made for the land. On search- 
 ing her she proved to be a royal dispatch boat, and hav- 
 ing recalled the crew, he learned that they were bringing 
 him advices from Spain to prepare nine months' supplies 
 of meat and fish for a reinforcement of eighteen hundred 
 men who were to sail for Florida^ in command of Sancho 
 de Arciniega.^ Convinced that these reinforcements were 
 
 the case of La Parra. Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 5, 1565, ibid., tome ii., 
 p. 118. 
 
 'Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 5, 1565, ibid., tomo ii,, p. iii. 
 
 ''Avilez to Philip II., Dec. 5, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., p. 109; Meras in 
 ibid., tomo i., pp. 146, 147 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antigtias Relaciones 
 de la Florida, pp. 82-84.- 
 
 ' " Nombramiento de Capitan General de la Armada destinada para yr 
 a la Provincia de la Florida al socorro del General Pero Menendez de 
 Aviles, hecho por Su Magestad al Capitan Sancho de Arciniega. Aiio 
 1565." MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., No. 38. 
 See also " Relacion de la entrada y de la conquista que por mandado de 
 Pero Menendez de Aviles hizo en 1565 \sic\ en el interior de la Florida el 
 Capitan Juan Pardo, escrita por el mismo." Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo 
 ii., p. 465. 
 
The Ays Expedition 223 
 
 sent in view of a threatened attack of a French fleet, 
 AviMs immediately abandoned his designs against the 
 pirates and returned to Havana to forward the necessary 
 material to Florida in anticipation of Arciniega's arrival.' 
 He had already dispatched his brother-in-law, Merds, 
 with a ship to Campeche to procure corn, chickens, shoes, 
 and other necessary articles for Florida, with directions 
 to proceed from there to New Spain, where he was to 
 borrow money, enlist soldiers, and obtain some Dominican 
 friars to convert the natives; and he now sent an addi- 
 tional vessel to Campeche for more provisions/ On De- 
 cember 19th his nephew, Pedro Men^ndez Marques, had 
 sailed for Spain bearing dispatches/ 
 
 Osorio continued to subject him to a variety of petty 
 annoyances. Aviles had wished to impress into his own 
 service the dispatch boat which had brought the an- 
 nouncement of the prospective sailing of Arciniega's 
 fleet : this the Governor had refused to allow. Then 
 Aviles fell ill, and during the ten days he lay in bed forty 
 of his men deserted, and Osorio lent him no assistance to 
 recover them. The Governor impeded the departure of 
 vessels going for provisions, and, according to the letter 
 which Avil6s wrote the King giving an account of the in- 
 cident, he even sought to induce Hinestrosa to turn him 
 out of his house, while he was still ill, with the object of 
 driving him out of the town and compassing his death." 
 
 Esteban de las Alas arrived early in January of 1566. 
 After separating from Marques he had encountered Gon- 
 zalo de Pefialosa, who had left Santo Domingo on the 
 28th of September with the armament furnished by the 
 
 'Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 5, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida^ tomo ii., pp. 
 no, 119. 
 
 * Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 83, 84. 
 
 * Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 30, 1566, Ruidiaz, La Florida^ tomo ii., p. 
 142. 
 
 ■• Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 25, 1565, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 135-140. Same 
 to same, ibid., Jan. 30, 1566, tomo ii., pp. 150, 151. 
 
224 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Audiencia of Santo Domingo, and had captured a prize 
 on his way. Together they had put into Yaguana for 
 water and provisions, where they spent two weeks, cap- 
 turing another prize during their detention. Proceeding 
 to Havana by the Old Bahama Channel, they encoun- 
 tered a series of misfortunes. Delayed by the weather at 
 various points along their route, they lost one ship in a 
 storm, and at a harbour on the Cuban coast one hundred 
 and ten men by desertion. Finally, at Sauana, Penalosa 
 received the news of the capture of Fort Caroline and, 
 summoned to Havana with the remainder of his force, he 
 delivered his dispatches to Aviles and found there his two 
 vessels, which had preceded him in company with Las 
 Alas. His presence being no longer required, Penalosa 
 attempted to return to Santo Domingo in his own vessels; 
 but Aviles impressed both of' them for the Florida service 
 and also took possession of one of his guns and Osorio of 
 the other, and he was compelled to wait two months in 
 Havana, before he secured a ship in which to depart.' 
 
 The two vessels which had gone to Florida had now 
 returned. That in command of Gonzalo Gallego had 
 been absent but fifteen days. It found the Ays colony in 
 a deplorable condition. Driven by starvation the settlers 
 had divided up into small parties in search of food. The 
 cacique of Ays had risen against them in company with 
 the neighbouring Indians. In their extremity they had 
 moved twenty leagues farther down the lagoon to the 
 neighbourhood of Gilbert's Bar and St. Lucie River, 
 where they had found more abundant food, fish and 
 mulberries, and friendly Indians. During the four days 
 
 ' *» Relacion del viaje que hizo a la Florida en 1566 [sic] el Capitan 
 Gonzalo de Penalosa en socorro del General Pero Menendez de Aviles." 
 Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 473-476. The date is incorrect; it 
 should be 1565. Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 25, 1565. ibid., tomo ii., p. 
 128. Same to same, Jan. 30, 1566, ibid., tomo ii., p. 152. Meras in 
 ibid., tomo i., p. 149. Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de 
 la Florida, p. 85. 
 
The Ays Expedition 225 
 
 previous to Gallego's arrival they had subsisted solely 
 upon palmettos, grasses, and water, and they had named 
 the place Santa Lucia.' 
 
 Amaya^ had also reached St. Augustine in safety, un- 
 loaded his supplies including some eighty sows, and 
 then proceeded to San Mateo. Arriving there at the 
 end of December, and overtaken by a storm, he lost his 
 vessel on the bar, but by good fortune saved a small 
 part of the provisions. He returned to Cuba in one 
 of the two brigantines in which Avil6s had planned 
 to make his summer reconnaissance along the coast 
 to the north, reaching Havana on the 28th of Jan- 
 uary.' The story which he brought with him was not 
 encouraging. Over one hundred of the colonists at St. 
 Augustine and San Mateo had died, for they were almost 
 naked and had suffered greatly from the cold. The officers 
 in charge reported that discontent was stirring, and that 
 many of the settlers were speaking ill of the country and 
 were anxious to abandon it. Indeed scarcely five days 
 had elapsed after the departure of Avil6s before the spirit 
 of insubordination began to assert itself, and with the 
 opening of November its promoters were secretly hatch- 
 ing plans and exchanging letters between the two forts, 
 which were to bear fruit in broil and tumult.^ It would be 
 a serious matter for Avil^s should their evil report get 
 abroad, for it would discourage immigration and make a 
 speedy end of the fortune which he had embarked in the 
 enterprise. With his fear of the consequences the harsh 
 
 ' Barrientos in ibid., pp. 96, 97; Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 5, 1565; 
 Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. iii ; same to same, Jan. 30, 1566, ibid., 
 tomo ii., p. 144, where Aviles uses the term " aca " for the direction in 
 which Santa Lucia lay. See Appendix S, Santa Lucia. 
 
 ^ Aviles calls him indifferently Diego de Maya and Amaya ; Meras and 
 Barrientos call him Maya. 
 
 3 Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 30, 1566, Ruidiaz, tomo ii., p. 144; Barri- 
 entos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida^ p. 98, 
 
 * Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 176. 
 **.-iS. 
 
2 26 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 nature of the soldier reappeared, and he wrote the King 
 requesting that the justices of the Indies be authorised 
 to seize all persons going to or coming from Florida 
 without his licence, sending them prisoners to him in 
 Florida, where they were to serve perpetually at the oars, 
 like galley slaves.' 
 
 The report had also reached him that the French had 
 fortified Guale in the neighbourhood of Port Royal, 
 where the Indians were numerous and friendly to them '; 
 and Aviles concluded that the garrison must consist of 
 the crews of the two ships which had escaped with Lau- 
 donnifere and Jacques Ribaut, for he was still unaware of 
 their return to France. In these gloomy tidings there 
 was but one ray of light. It was said that over one 
 thousand ducats' worth of gold and silver had already 
 been collected from the natives. Menendez, however, 
 concluded not to return immediately to Florida on ac- 
 count of the tempestuous season.' He had already 
 formed the plan of exploring the southern end of the 
 peninsula and ascending its western shore as far as the 
 Bay of San Jusepe in search of a good harbour, and his 
 mind was set upon constructing a fort at the Bay of 
 Ponce de Leon, which he believed to be but fifteen or 
 twenty leagues distant from a south-western mouth of the 
 St. John's River, by which a convenient water communi- 
 cation with San Mateo and St. Augustine would be se- 
 cured. He had also learned that somewhere about the 
 southern end of the peninsula there were Christian men 
 and women reduced to a state of savagery, captives for 
 twenty years in the hands of a chief named Carlos, who 
 yearly sacrificed a number of them to his idols. Before 
 setting out in search of them he caused masses to be said 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 30, 1566, Hid., tomo ii., p. 153. 
 
 ''Aviles, in his letter of Jan. 30, 1566 {idid., tomo ii., p. 145), says there 
 were forty villages within a distance of three or four leagues of Guale. 
 - ^Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 30, 1566, idid., tomo ii., pp. 145, 146, 153. 
 
The Ays Expedition 227 
 
 before St. Anthony, whose peculiar attribute it is to bring 
 about the recovery of lost objects, that through the saint's 
 intercession he might discover the harbour where they 
 dwelt.' Perhaps there still lurked in his mind a secret 
 hope that his son Juan might be alive among them, or 
 that the natives might give him some information by 
 which his son might be found. With this end in view, 
 and in order to reach Guale by the end of March or the 
 beginning of April, after relieving his garrison on the 
 River of Ays, he advanced the date of his departure by 
 a month or two.'' 
 
 ' Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 150 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antigiias Re- 
 laciones de la Florida, p. 85. 
 
 2 Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 30, 1566, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 
 145-148. 
 
CHAPTER n 
 
 THE CARLOS EXPEDITION— MUTINY AT THE SETTLE- 
 MENTS 
 
 FEBRUARY lo, 1566/ Avil^s left Havana on his ex- 
 pedition for the southern point of Florida with seven 
 vessels and five hundred men. One of the objects which 
 he had chiefly in view was the discovery of a safe passage 
 for the fleets of New Spain between the Tortugas and the 
 Florida Keys. Having assured himself of its existence, 
 he took the direction of Florida in search of the captive 
 Christians. Putting Las Alas in command of the fleet, 
 he embarked with Diego de Amaya and thirty men in 
 two small vessels drawing but little water, and proceeded 
 along the coast, while the large ships accompanied him 
 outside. 
 
 On the third day a squall separated him from the fleet ; 
 and on the following day, about the i8th of the month, 
 as Avil^s and his captain was continuing their reconnais- 
 sance of the coast, a canoe put out from the shore and, 
 drawing near to the boat in command of Amaya, a man 
 called out to him in Spanish: "Welcome, Spaniards and 
 Christian brothers ! God and St. Mary have told us that 
 you were coming. And the Christian men and women 
 who are still alive here have directed me to wait for you 
 here with this canoe, to give you a letter, which I have." 
 The surprise and joy of the Spaniards can be readily pic- 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 85 ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz {La Florida, tomo i., p. 176) says Oct. 26, 1565, an evi- 
 dent error. 
 
The Carlos Expedition 229 
 
 tured, as they received the speaker into their boat. He 
 was naked except for a small deer-skin loin-cloth, and was 
 painted like an Indian, Amaya embraced him and asked 
 for his letter, whereupon the poor fellow drew from be- 
 neath his meagre garment a cross, saying: "That is the 
 letter which the captive Christians yonder send you, be- 
 seeching you, by the death suffered by Our Lord for our 
 salvation, not to pass by but to enter the harbour and 
 rescue us from the cacique, and carry us to a Christian 
 land." When Aviles himself came up the Spaniard in- 
 formed him that they were in all twelve men and women 
 in the hands of the Indians, the sole survivors of two 
 hundred persons who, in the course of the past twenty 
 years had been cast ashore on that inhospitable coast. 
 All but these the cacique and his father had sacrificed 
 to their idols. Then they knelt down, and adored the 
 cross, thanking God for His mercy. Directing his boats 
 to land, Aviles entered the harbour and they all sprang 
 ashore. 
 
 The country was that of the Caloosas on the southern 
 extremity of the peninsula, extending westward from 
 Point Sable and up the western coast, probably as far 
 north as the southern shores of Tampa Bay. It is for 
 the most part a comparatively narrow strip of land closed 
 in between the Everglades to the north and east, and 
 the Gulf of Mexico, a country of low hills and drowned 
 mangrove swamps, with streams of fresh water which 
 take their rise in the Everglades. The coast is deeply 
 indented with numerous bays and fringed with countless 
 islands. At the time of Avil6s's visit, the settlements of 
 the Caloosas and of the Indians subject to them occupied 
 the islands of the northern extremity of the Florida Keys, 
 as well as those along the western coast, and on the main- 
 land their many villages extended into the interior as far 
 as the shores of Lake Miami.' 
 
 ' See Appendix T, Caloosa. 
 
230 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Very little is known of the habits of this tribe. The 
 shamans stood next in dignity to the chiefs of the tribe, 
 and, in addition to their religious functions, worked cures 
 among the sick, like others of their kind throughout the 
 continent. They played a very influential part in the 
 public council, and no action of any consequence was un- 
 dertaken without their advice. The geographer Velasco 
 has left us an account of some of the tribal customs. 
 On the death of the child of a chief, his subjects sacrificed 
 some of their sons and daughters to accompany it on its 
 journey after death. On the death of the chief, his serv- 
 ants were killed. The Christian captives were annually 
 offered up as food to the idols, who were said to feed 
 upon their eyes, and a dance was performed with the 
 head of the victim, A festival was also observed during 
 the summer season, which continued for the space of 
 three months, during which the shamans assembled near 
 the village and ran wildly about at night, wearing horns 
 upon their heads and imitating the cries of wolves and 
 other wild beasts. The idols were certain grotesque 
 masks, probably emblematic of the tribal deities, and 
 which were preserved in a temple; in one of the cere- 
 monies a procession of shamans wearing these masks, pre- 
 ceded by a group of women singing ritual songs, passed 
 through the village, while the Indians would come out of 
 their houses to pay their homage to the idols and ac- 
 company them with dancing back to the temple.' 
 
 Half a league distant from the landing-place was the 
 village called Carlos, where dwelt the chief of the same 
 name.' Fontanedo tells us that the name signifies "cruel 
 
 ' Dos breves memorias sobre las costumbres de los yndios de la Florida, 
 MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 135, caj. 7, leg. 8. Javva is the 
 name given them by Alegre in his Historia de la Compaiiia de Jesus en la 
 Nueva Espaiia, Mexico, 1842, tomo i., p. 15. In the Histoire Notable, 
 Basanier, Paris, 1566, p. 78, Laudonniere gives iarua as the Timuquanan 
 name for the shamans. 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 87, 
 
The Carlos Expedition 231 
 
 village," ' but the Spaniards, who had corrupted its pro- 
 nunciation, believed that the Indian chief had assumed it 
 in imitation of Charles V. on learning from some of his 
 white captives that he was the greatest monarch on the 
 earth.' 
 
 The Christian slave whom the Spaniards had just res- 
 cued was sent to inform Carlos of the arrival of an em- 
 bassy sent by the King of Spain to secure his friendship, 
 and bearing gifts for himself and his wives. Shortly 
 thereafter the cacique came down to receive the new- 
 comers, accompanied by a train of three hundred naked 
 bowmen, each wearing a small deer-skin loin-cloth. 
 Aviles, suspecting treachery, withdrew his boats a short 
 distance from the land. After he had so placed them that 
 the artillery would command the shore, he caused a carpet 
 to be spread out on the ground, on which the cacique and 
 his principal men seated themselves in a group facing the 
 Adelantado, who was attended by thirty of his arquebus- 
 men carrying lighted matches. Then the cacique knelt 
 down and extended his arms with the palms of his hands 
 
 says : " Esta la tierra de Este Cacique Entre la tierra de los martires digo 
 la caueza de los martires, y baya de Ju° ponce. Al poniente de la Caueca 
 de los martires." From this it would appear that he indicates Chatham 
 Bay as the Bay of Ponce de Leon, and that he locates the village of Carlos 
 about in the position given it in Le Moyne's map, at the southern extrem- 
 ity of the peninsula. But it must be remembered that his geographical 
 information was of the vaguest description, and the village was probably 
 in the same location as when it was visited by Ponce de Leon, i. e., on 
 Charlotte Harbour. See Spanish Settlements, vol. i., p. 441, The Bay of 
 Juan Ponce. Meras {Ruidlaz, tomo i., p. 164) says it contained over 4000 
 inhabitants. 
 
 ' " Memoria de las cosas y costa y indios de la Florida," Col. Doc, Inedit. 
 Indias, tomo v., p. 534. 
 
 ' Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 167 ; Barrientos in Garcia, 
 Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 87. On the Spanish corruption 
 of Indian names, see: Herrera, Historia General, Madrid, 1726, vol. ii., 
 dec. 3, lib. viii., cap. viii. p. 241 ; Coxe's "Carolina," reprint in Hist. Col. 
 of Louisiana, by B. F. French, Philadelphia, 1850, Pt. II., p. 233; Daniel 
 G. Brinton, Notes on the Floridian Peninsula, Philadelphia, 1859, P- "2. 
 
232 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 turned upward, upon which the Adelantado in turn placed 
 his two hands. This was the mark of the highest rever- 
 ence that the Caloosas could pay to a superior. Aviles 
 followed with a distribution of presents. To the chief 
 he gave a shirt, a pair of silk breeches, and a hat. He was 
 a young man of twenty-five, tall and well formed, "and 
 in his dress looked much the gentleman," says Barrientos. 
 Other small gifts were given him for his wives. Bread, 
 wine, and honey were served to the natives, with which 
 they were greatly pleased, and the chief presented Aviles 
 with a bar of silver and some other small objects in gold 
 and jewels, and asked for more food and wine. To this 
 Aviles replied that he had not sufficient for so many 
 people, and invited Carlos and his principal men into 
 his boat, where he promised to serve them a still more 
 savoury repast. 
 
 Yielding to his curiosity and cupidity Carlos entered 
 the ship with twenty of his companions, whereupon Aviles 
 drew up the anchors and ran for the open. The Indians 
 sprang to their feet in terror; but a soldier had previously 
 been stationed by each of the natives to prevent his 
 escape, should he make the attempt, and the General in- 
 formed them through the interpreter, that, as his boats 
 were small, he had only withdrawn from land to prevent 
 the entrance of more Indians. He then regaled them 
 with more food and gifts, and when Carlos finally wished 
 to depart, informed him that the King of Spain wished to 
 make friends with him and requested the return of the 
 Christian captives, threatening him with death if he failed 
 to comply, and making him the usual promises of friend- 
 ship and assistance against his enemies in case he obeyed. 
 Carlos readily agreed to his demand, and within an hour 
 five women and three men were delivered up. Avil4s 
 directed them to be clothed, and the unfortunate creatures 
 wept tears of joy at their deliverance, although their 
 hearts were racked because of the children they left 
 
The Carlos Expedition 233 
 
 behind. After this, more gifts were distributed among 
 the Indians and Carlos at last returned to his village, in- 
 viting the Adelantado to visit him and his wives, and 
 promising to send two more Christian men and a woman, 
 who were living in the interior. 
 
 The next morning the cacique, who had planned to 
 slaughter the Spaniards in a grove on the way to his vil- 
 lage, sent a number of canoes to bring the General ashore, 
 and soon followed them in person with a large company 
 of unarmed natives, bearing branches of palms, singing, 
 and making" great demonstrations of joy. They had 
 come, said Carlos, to bear the Spaniards to their village 
 on their backs as a mark of honour, and he himself would 
 carry the Adelantado, a custom they had observed for 
 other Christians who had visited his country, and his 
 people would accompany them with rejoicings, "for we 
 are all God's creatures," added the wily chief. But 
 Aviles had been warned of the treachery by one of the 
 Christian slaves and answered with equal guile. He 
 thanked the Indians for their courtesy; observed that 
 those who had accepted such treatment were but false 
 Christians ; that for his part he would never consent to be 
 so honoured ; and that he would visit their village with a 
 few of his Spaniards. But the savages were too shrewd 
 to be thus deceived, and, perceiving that they had been 
 betrayed, at once took flight, whereupon Menendez, 
 anxious to retain their confidence, and to convince them 
 that he knew nothing of their designs, brought his boats 
 around to the neighbourhood of the village, blew his 
 trumpet, and unfurled his flags as a signal for their canoes 
 to come out and take him ashore. But this the Indians 
 refused to do. 
 
 Anxious to rejoin the five ships from which he had 
 become separated, Aviles now determined to set out in 
 search of them, and, hearing of three captive Christians 
 in a neighbouring harbour, went there in the hope of 
 
234 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 finding his vessels, and recovering the slaves ' ; but the 
 search proved vain. Returning to the port of Carlos, he 
 found that Las Alas had arrived in the meantime and had 
 even visited the Indian town, where he had been well re- 
 ceived by the natives, who were cowed at the sight of so 
 strong a force, and where his soldiers had obtained by 
 barter gold and silver to the value of over two thousand 
 ducats, 
 
 Menendez was eager to return to the settlements he 
 had planted, but he was also unwilling to leave the 
 Caloosas without having first secured the friendship of 
 their chief; he therefore dispatched the Christian slave 
 who had met him on his arrival to inform Carlos that the 
 Spaniards were still in ignorance of the treachery which 
 the Indians had planned. Carlos, blinded by his desire 
 to obtain more gifts from these guileless visitors, readily 
 believed the messenger, came to visit the Adelantado 
 with but five or six companions, offered him his sister 
 in marriage, asked him to take her to a Christian land, 
 and then to send her back that he and all his people might 
 become of the same faith, and again renewed the invita- 
 tion to visit his village and his wives, to all of which 
 Aviles again consented. 
 
 While the Adelantado and the Indian chief were each 
 struggling to outwit the other, the one to retain his 
 country and the other to win it for his King, another and 
 less worthy object had stirred the cupidity of the soldiers. 
 The sight of the gold collected by the followers of Las 
 Alas and the report of the great wealth of Carlos had 
 awakened the same emotions in the breasts of the Span- 
 iards as those which had arisen in the heart of the Indian 
 chief on seeing their paltry beads and hatchets; and the 
 former, hoping to work upon the financial necessity in 
 
 ' Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 150, says this harbour was 50 
 leagues beyond, possibly Old Tampa, at the head of which stood the vil- 
 lage of Tocobaga, which he subsequently visited. 
 
The Carlos Expedition 235 
 
 which they all knew that Avild's was placed, urged him to 
 hold Carlos for a ransom. Carlos himself was reported 
 to have over one hundred thousand ducats; and even 
 were his treasures not so large, no one could tell how 
 much gold and silver there might be in the possession of 
 his friends and relatives, accumulated from the vessels 
 wrecked along the coast. With this they would readily 
 part, for the natives were in blissful ignorance of its 
 value, bartering a piece of gold worth seventy ducats for 
 an ace of diamonds, and a hundred ducats of silver for a 
 pair of scissors. But the Adelantado was above tempta- 
 tion and simply replied that the Indian had come to him 
 trusting in his word, and would not think the Spaniards 
 were good Christians if he caught them in a lie; and 
 although his soldiers succeeded in collecting from the 
 Indians precious metal to the value of thirty-five hundred 
 ducats, with which the Spaniards at once began to gamble, 
 he persisted in his refusal to take anything for himself. 
 So Carlos returned in safety to his village. 
 
 The next day Avil^s returned his visit with what pomp 
 and circumstance he could muster, in order to impress 
 the natives with his importance. He must have pre- 
 sented a curious sight to the gaping savages as he threaded 
 his way through the groves of palmettos to the great 
 house of the chief, which stood but a little distance from 
 the shore near which the ships were drawn up. Attended 
 by twenty gentlemen and a very small dwarf, who was an 
 excellent dancer and singer, he marched at the head of 
 his two hundred arquebusiers, each man fully armed, clad 
 m cuirass and morion, with unfurled banner, to the ac- 
 companying music of two pipers and drummers, three 
 trumpeters, a harp, a violin, and a psaltery. On reach- 
 ing the spacious dwelling ' of the cacique, he stationed 
 his men on the outside, their matches lighted in case of 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Aniigtias Relaciones dc la Florida, p. 92, says 
 it would accommodate 2000 men, an evident exaggeration. 
 
236 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 an emergency, and entered it with the music and his 
 twenty attendant gentlemen. 
 
 Carlos, likewise desiring to be duly impressive, had 
 prepared an elaborate reception for his visitors. The ca- 
 cique sat alone, enthroned on a raised seat, surrounded 
 by a company of one hundred chief men and other per- 
 sonages, who crouched below him. At a little distance 
 from him sat his sister, plain, tall, and sedate, and about 
 thirty-five years of age, around whom squatted the native 
 women. As Aviles entered Carlos courteously offered 
 him his throne and withdrew to some distance, but this 
 the Adelantado would not permit and he placed his host 
 beside him, after which the ceremonious salutation pre- 
 viously described was repeated by the Indian's sister and 
 the chief men. Meanwhii'^ over five hundred youths 
 from ten to fifteen years of age had assembled in front of 
 the open windows and began to sing, while others danced 
 and pirouetted, and the men and women within joined in 
 the singing. Then the brothers and relatives of the chief, 
 some of whom were nearly one hundred years old, per- 
 formed a dance. During all of the entertainment the 
 Indian women without the house sang altvernately in two 
 groups of fifty each. 
 
 The dance over, the repast was about to be served 
 when Menendez, who had noted down some of the native 
 words, asked for a little delay, and addressed Carlos and 
 his sister in their own language, to the amazement of the 
 assembly, who thought that the paper itself spoke. At 
 his request the chieftain's wife was brought in. She 
 proved to be a handsome young woman of twenty, of 
 good address, with fine eyes and eyebrows, shapely hand:?, 
 and graceful figure, naked as Eve before the fall except 
 for a covering which she wore in front, a rich necklace of 
 pearls and precious stones, and some golden trinkets 
 about her throat. 
 
 The Adelantado, who was a courtly man, took her by 
 
The Carlos Expedition 237 
 
 the hand and seated her between her husband and his 
 sister "and as he had been told that she was very hand- 
 some, he had written down the words in which to tell her 
 so, at which," writes his brother-in-law, 
 
 "she showed herself not to be displeased, and blushed very 
 prettily, looking frankly at her husband. The cacique showed 
 that he regretted having brought his wife, and ordered her to 
 depart, fearing she would be taken from him, but the Adelan- 
 tado told him through the interpreter not to send her away, 
 asking that she dine with them." * 
 
 This was followed by a succulent repast served by the 
 natives and consisting of cooked fish and oysters roasted, 
 boiled, and raw, to which the Adelantado contributed 
 biscuit, honey, sugar, and wine, with comfits and quince 
 preserve. Throughout the feast his own music played 
 and the dwarf danced, at which the cacique bade his In- 
 dians to cease their singing, for he said, "The Christians 
 know many things." Then some of the Spanish gentle- 
 men sang in concert, for the Adelantado was fond of 
 music. The repast was concluded with a distribution 
 of gifts among the natives. 
 
 As the Adelantado prepared to depart, Carlos reminded 
 him of the alliance which he had proposed, saying that 
 his Indians would not submit to having his sister rejected, 
 but would rise against him. The unexpected request at 
 once placed Avil^s in a difficult if not a dangerous posi- 
 tion, for it demanded an immediate answer, and although 
 his bodyguard stood without prepared for every emer- 
 gency, he was himself surrounded by the savages and for 
 the moment completely in their power. But he met it 
 with tact and discretion, observing that Christian men 
 could only marry Christian women : Carlos answered that 
 they were such already, having taken him as a brother. 
 
 ' Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 162. 
 
238 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 To this Avil^s replied that in order to become Christians 
 they would have to learn and believe many things, 
 
 " and he told them who God was, His wisdom, power, and 
 goodness, and that all creatures born upon earth must worship 
 and obey Him alone, and that we Christians who do so, go to 
 heaven when we die, and that there we live forever without 
 dying, and see our wives, and children, and brothers, and 
 friends, and are ever joyful, singing and laughing; and that 
 they in their ignorance do not serve or worship God, but 
 serve a very warlike and lying chief called the Devil, and when 
 they die, they go to him, and are forever weeping, because 
 they are often very cold, and again very hot, and there is 
 nothing to satisfy them." ' 
 
 Notwithstanding his sound doctrine, Avil6s consulted 
 with his captains as to what course he should take. They 
 all agreed that it was desirable to conciliate the Indians 
 in order to bring them to a knowledge of the true faith, 
 and the Adelantado finally accepted the situation, al- 
 though he did so most unwillingly. So the chief's sister 
 was baptised and named Dona Antonia, and the nuptials 
 were performed that night in some tents which the Span- 
 iards had erected near by amidst the great rejoicing of the 
 natives, who celebrated the occasion with singing and 
 dancing, and to the furtherance among them of the 
 Christian religion." Aviles, having now achieved his ob- 
 ject, and secured the friendship of Carlos, determined to 
 continue his journey. His Indian wife and seven of her 
 companions were sent with Las Alas and five of the ships 
 to Havana to be instructed in the Catholic faith. He 
 also caused a great cross to be erected close to the chief's 
 dwelling, which he bade the Indians to reverence as their 
 principal idol and to abandon their other gods. But the 
 
 ' Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 164. 
 
 ' Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 164-166. Barrientos omits the incident in 
 his account. 
 
The Carlos Expedition 239 
 
 still distrustful Carlos refused his consent to the new wor- 
 ship until the return of his sister from Havana. Avil^s 
 promised to send her back in the lapse of three or four 
 months, and then sailed away in the two remaining ves- 
 sels, having named the harbour San Antonio, after St. 
 Anthony, to whose intercession he attributed the happy 
 discovery and deliverance of the Christian captives.' 
 
 While the Adelantado was turning compliments to In- 
 dian beauties and marrying a native wife, affairs had 
 reached a desperate pass in the three colonies he had 
 founded along the east coast of the peninsula. The ves- 
 sel sent to Yucatan in command of his brother-in-law had 
 returned to Havana with a load of provisions, where 
 Meras left it and continued his journey to New Spain 
 to fulfil the mission with which he had been entrusted. 
 Hinestrosa, Aviles's agent in Havana, sent it immediately 
 to the relief of the colony at Santa Lucia, the harbour 
 whither Medrano had gone after leaving Ays. When the 
 ship arrived at the settlement it was found that the In- 
 dians had risen and killed fifteen of the colonists, for the 
 soldiers were exhausted with their journey thither, and 
 the natives were so dexterous with their bows that they 
 could discharge twenty arrows while the soldiers were 
 firing a single shot. At first the colonists had driven 
 them away, but when the fort was completed a thousand 
 Indians came down upon them, fought them for four 
 hours, wounded the captain and the sub-lieutenant, killed 
 eight soldiers, and shot six thousand arrows into the fort. 
 
 As the attacks were renewed daily, it soon became im- 
 possible to search for provisions, and the small garrison, 
 
 ' Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 150-168 ; Barrientos, in 
 Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 84-95. The Spanish 
 Relations and geographers usually call the village Carlos after the name of 
 its chief. Since the identity of the Carlos village of Ponce de Leon and of 
 other explorers with the village mentioned by Aviles cannot be positively 
 established, the name of San Antonio is retained in this narrative to indi- 
 cate the locality visited by the latter. 
 
240 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 with their rations reduced to a pound of corn distributed 
 among ten soldiers, began to suffer the pangs of hunger. 
 A dwarf palmetto sold for a ducat, a snake for four, a rat 
 for eight reales. The bones of animals and of fishes 
 which had been dead for years, and even shoes and leather 
 belts were eaten, and the soldiers gradually succumbed to 
 starvation until only thirty men were left capable of bear- 
 ing arms. At this pass the sub-lieutenant and the vicar, 
 Mendoza, endeavoured to reach Havana in a boat in 
 search of succour, without a soul among the crew who 
 understood navigation ; but foul weather drove them 
 back again and forced them to return to Santa Lucia. 
 Eight days later the caravel arrived. Then the soldiers 
 rose, seized its master, wounded Medrano and the sub- 
 lieutenant, captured the boat, and set sail in her for 
 Havana. Fifteen leagues from Santa Lucia they en- 
 countered Avil^s, who had been reconnoitring a harbour 
 in the Bahama Channel, and was now on his way up the 
 coast with his two vessels. But the unfortunate deserters 
 were doomed to return to Florida, for Aviles took pos- 
 session of their caravel, embarked in it with a number of 
 his gentlemen, and continued his journey in the direction 
 of St. Augustine, which he reached on the 20th of March 
 (1566). 
 
 Similar disturbances had occurred both at St. Augustine 
 and at San Mateo. Early in February, before setting 
 out for Carlos, Men^ndez had dispatched a second ship- 
 load of corn and other necessities to the former of the 
 two ports. On the arrival of the relief party it found 
 Bartolome Men^ndez absent with a party of soldiers to 
 collect corn from the hostile Indians, and the settlement 
 in a most distressing condition. Hunger and discon- 
 tent had brought about the usual results. Before the 
 ship could be unloaded the settlers, headed by a captain 
 named Francisco de Recalde, who had previously been 
 suspected of setting fire to Fort San Mateo, and a priest 
 
The Carlos Expedition 241 
 
 from Seville, named Rueda,' rose in mutiny, seized the 
 camp master and other officials, spiked the guns of the 
 fort, appointed a leader and a sergeant major, and cap- 
 tured the vessel with the intention of abandoning the 
 country. As the ship proved to be too small to accom- 
 modate all of the mutineers, the sergeant major went 
 about the settlement with a bodyguard, selecting those 
 who were to depart. While he was thus employed in 
 choosing his companions the camp master succeeded in 
 freeing himself and eight of the royal officers and officials. 
 Securing arms they attacked and captured the leader of 
 the mutineers and his sergeant major, and destroyed the 
 boat in which they were about to put out to the ship. 
 Perceiving the turn which affairs had taken, those aboard 
 the vessel spread their sails and escaped with one hundred 
 and thirty men. The leaders were executed on the spot 
 and order was again restored ; but the commander of the 
 garrison fell ill of the anxiety caused by the mutiny, as 
 did also Bartolome Men^ndez on his return." 
 
 Simultaneously and in connivance with the mutineers 
 at St. Augustine, an uprising had occurred at San Mateo, 
 due to general discontent at the poverty of the country 
 in gold and silver. The ship which Laudonnifere had 
 been building to transport his people to France was still 
 unfinished and the mutineers pressed for its completion. 
 They had secretly advised the leaders at St. Augustine to 
 secure the vessel there, and with the arrival of the first 
 succour at San Mateo it was their intention to seize the 
 ship in which it came, and with these three vessels to 
 abandon the country. Villarroel, who was in command 
 at San Mateo, suspected their designs, but could do little 
 to control them, and the camp master at St. Augustine 
 sent him word in a letter concealed in the coat of a 
 
 ' Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. igo. 
 
 ' Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 1 71-173 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas 
 Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 98, 99. 
 
242 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 messenger to delay the completion of the French ship 
 and to temporise as best he could until the arrival of 
 reinforcements. But his efforts were unsuccessful, and 
 the mutineers had not only secured the vessel in which 
 they embarked to the number of one hundred and 
 twenty/ leaving Villarroel with only twenty-five men in 
 charge of San Mateo, but had also succeeded in stirring 
 up war with Saturiba. 
 
 The friendship which Avil^s had established with 
 the Indians, by his judicious treatment of them, had so 
 far continued without interruption. But the mutineers, 
 says Merds,' on deserting the fort, hoping that the Indians 
 would quickly attack it and murder the garrison as soon 
 as they became aware of the small number of its defenders, 
 determined to hasten the event. With this object in view 
 the two leaders maltreated the natives, and killed a num- 
 ber of them, including two of the chief men. The re- 
 venge came quickly. Villarroel, in ignorance of the Indian 
 outbreak, had sent to St. Augustine for reinforcements 
 as soon as he found himself abandoned. Saturiba, who 
 had doubtless observed with grim contentment the same 
 disintegrating forces at work which had wrought such 
 havoc among the French, seized his two messengers by 
 surprise, split open their breasts, and cut out their hearts. 
 On the same day that the General reached St. Augustine, 
 Las Alas entered the harbour, bringing supplies from 
 Havana, where he had left Dona Antonia and her com- 
 panions. As the San Mateo mutineers had not yet sailed 
 Avil^s at once informed them of the arrival of succour 
 and offered them a general pardon. But their hearts 
 were set upon abandoning the country. They had en- 
 
 ' Meras in Ruidi'az, La Florida, tomoi., p. 176, says this mutiny occurred 
 after Aviles's departure for Guale. On p. 180 he speaks of it as prior 
 thereto. As Meras was not present on the occasion, the order of the 
 events followed in the text is that given by Barrientos. 
 
 ' Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 181. 
 
The Carlos Expedition 243 
 
 listed in the hope of conquering another El Dorado ; they 
 had encountered but hardship and privation, and they 
 were determined to seek their fortunes elsewhere, in Peru 
 or New Spain, where more substantial returns awaited 
 their endeavours than slow starvation on palmetto roots 
 and grasses- Out of the entire company some thirty-five 
 noblemen, who had joined their ranks, accepted the par- 
 don and returned to the fort. The balance sent word 
 that they had not come over to plough and plant, and 
 that they wished to go to the Indies to live like Christians 
 and not to live like beasts in Florida.' 
 
 1 Meras in ibid., tomo i., pp. 169-181 ; Barrientos in Garcia, Dos An- 
 tiguas Relaciones de la Florida^ pp. 96-100. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 EXPEDITIONS TO GUALE, ST. JOHN'S RIVER, AND 
 CHESAPEAKE BAY 
 
 AVILES at once determined to anticipate the de- 
 parture of the San Mateo mutineers and punish 
 them, when he was delayed by a further defection among 
 the force at St. Augustine. The leader was the same 
 Captain San Vincente who had prophesied a failure of the 
 expedition against Fort Caroline, a grumbler and a cow- 
 ard according to Merds, who may have had some secret 
 grudge against him.' At the head of a hundred soldiers 
 he asked leave to set sail in a caravel that was on the 
 point of departure for Hispaniola. In vain Avil^s urged 
 upon him his pressing need of men in view of the out- 
 break among the Indians, and his own immediate de- 
 parture for Quale. Embarking in the caravel, which was 
 under orders to convey them to Puerto Rico, the de- 
 serters compelled the pilot to take the direction of 
 Havana, from which they could best make their way to 
 Honduras, Yucatan, and New Spain. But a contrary 
 wind arose and carried them in thirty days to Puerto de 
 Plata in the island of Santo Domingo, where other, fugi- 
 tives from St. Augustine had already preceded them. 
 They arrived wasted and ill with the long journey, their 
 provisions having spoiled with the heat, and were well 
 received by the governor, Francisco de Cevallos, al- 
 though the royal cedulas had already reached him direct- 
 ' Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 86, 90, 178. 
 244 
 
Expeditions to Guale 245 
 
 ing the arrest of all such deserters and their return to 
 Florida. Avil^s soon learned of their arrival and urged 
 the enforcement of the orders, but his demands were dis- 
 regarded, and the mutineers spread abroad such discour- 
 aging reports of the country that the result soon followed 
 which the General had anticipated. Intending immigrants 
 abandoned the enterprise, and it was even said that some 
 of the royal ministers condemned the Adelantado for his 
 precipitate action in seeking to colonise so unpromising a 
 region.' 
 
 Avil^s was now at liberty to pursue his expedition to 
 Guale. Leaving one hundred and fifty men distributed 
 between St. Augustine and San Mateo, he set sail the ist 
 of April (1566)' with one hundred and fifty men in two 
 small boats and a ship under the command of Las Alas. 
 He took with him as interpreter the Frenchman Rufin,' 
 whom Manrique de Rojas had rescued from Ribaut's col- 
 ony at Charlesfort. Three days out he entered a har- 
 bour, and landed within a quarter of a league of an Indian 
 village, where he was met by a party of forty Indians, from 
 the midst of whom a Frenchman addressed him in Span- 
 ish, telling him that the name of the village was Guale, 
 and that he had been sent to prevent their landing if they 
 proved to be Spaniards. The Frenchman explained that 
 he had belonged to the scouting party sent to Fort Caro- 
 line by Ribaut after the wreck of the fleet. On arriving 
 there and learning of the capture of the fort by the Span- 
 iards, the scouts had not returned to Ribaut, but had 
 escaped to the neighbourhood of Santa Elena." Avil^s 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. loi ; 
 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 184-187 ; Barcia, Eiisayo, Alio 
 MDLXVI., pp. 102-104. 
 
 * Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. I02. 
 ^Barrientos in ibid., p. 103, calls him by his Christian name, Guillermo. 
 
 * Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 193, and see Barcia, Ensayo, 
 Alio MDLXV., p. 84. 
 
246 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 replied that his people did not harm the natives, and 
 would not land against their will. After further parley, 
 the Indians invited the Spaniards to visit their village, 
 and Avil6s set out in their company with a small band 
 of soldiers. On the way he learned that two weeks be- 
 fore his arrival a party of fifteen Lutherans, who had 
 escaped from Ribaut's fleet, had set sail for Newfound- 
 land in search of French fishing vessels, after a sojourn 
 of five months in that locality. The Frenchman also in- 
 formed him that the cacique of Guale was at war with the 
 cacique of Crista," two of whose relatives he had taken 
 prisoners with the assistance of the French fugitives. 
 
 The Spaniards were peacefully received at the village, 
 where they were quartered in the house of the French 
 fugitives, and Avil^s, as was his custom, began to give 
 the natives some religious instruction. As the local in- 
 terpreter was Lutheran he ordered him, under pain of 
 death, to tell the Indians that he and his soldiers had 
 come to Christianise them. A cross was set up and three 
 youths of his company chanted the Christian doctrine 
 before it, while the trembling interpreter informed the 
 natives that the Spaniards, who were true Christians, had 
 come to kill the Lutherans, who were false Christians. 
 Other religious instruction was given of a less militant 
 description, and the Indians expressed their willingness 
 to embrace the faith. 
 
 Next day the Adelantado assembled the principal men, 
 expressed his desire to re-establish peace between the 
 contending caciques, and asked that the two relatives of 
 Crista be surrendered to him, promising to return them 
 in case Crista would not come to terms. The Guale 
 chief replied that for eight months no rain had fallen, 
 their corn-fields and plantations had dried up, they were 
 sorrowful because of the scarcity of food, and that they 
 wished to sacrifice these two Indians to their gods to in- 
 
 * Possibly the Audusta of Laudonni^re. 
 
Expeditions to Guale 247 
 
 duce them to send them rain. "Not so," replied Avil^s. 
 "God is angry with you, and denies you the rain, because 
 you are at war with Crista and wish to slay these two In- 
 dians and because you kill his people when you capture 
 them" ; and then he offered to leave two of his own sol- 
 diers as hostages for their return, in case the peace could 
 not be brought about. The following day the Gualc chief 
 surrendered his two captives, and Avil^s set out for 
 Crista with two small boats, leaving his nephew, Alonzo 
 Menendez Marques, and Vasco Zaval with the Indians 
 after he had informed the chief that he would cut off their 
 heads should evil befall the hostages during his absence, 
 and would, moreover, ally himself with their enemy, 
 Crista. "The cacique and the other Indians were terri- 
 fied at this," says Barrientos, "for they knew already 
 what he had done to the Lutherans, and how victorious 
 he had been in all of his undertakings, for news travels 
 over the country from chief to chief very rapidly." ' Six 
 Spaniards also remained with the natives to Christianise 
 them. 
 
 Avil^s had spent four days in Guale, and on leaving he 
 encountered Las Alas, who had gone in search of him in 
 his ship. The next day he entered the harbour of Santa 
 Elena, which was but eighteen or twenty leagues distant 
 from Guale,* and visited the neighbouring Indian village, 
 but two leagues distant, in company with Las Alas and a 
 hundred soldiers. The inhabitants were at work rebuild- 
 ing their huts which had been burned to the ground by 
 the Guale Indians, and, anticipating another attack, at 
 first assumed a hostile attitude, but, on recognising their 
 two comrades, they gave the Spaniards a friendly recep- 
 tion, and sent word of the arrival of the strangers, to the 
 neighbouring subject chiefs. Crista was in another vil- 
 lage near at hand, where Avil6s visited him, returned his 
 
 ^ 1 Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 105. 
 ' Barrientos in ibid., p. 104. 
 
248 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 relatives to him, and invited him through Rufin, who 
 was married to a daughter of one of the subject chiefs, 
 to turn Christian, to which he promptly consented. A 
 public rejoicing was celebrated, attended by the usual 
 ceremonies. 
 
 On the following day Crista, with his wife and a party 
 of natives, embarked in the boats and, descending the 
 river, accompanied the Adelantado to his village, where 
 the night was passed. Then a site was selected for the 
 Fort of San Felipe on a small island within a league of 
 the bar, where it would be visible from the sea. The 
 island was covered at the time with a dense forest of oak 
 and pine, liquidambar, nut trees, and laurel, A plan for 
 the fort was traced out on the only elevation which the 
 island contained, at the side of a small haven, and with 
 the assistance of the natives it was completed in fifteen 
 days, mounted with six pieces of artillery, and garrisoned 
 with one hundred and six men under the command of 
 Las Alas. Despite its attractive appearance and ad- 
 vantageous position on the river flowing into the harbour, 
 the situation was a poor one. The island was isolated 
 from the mainland by extensive swamps and marshes, was 
 subject to frequent overflow with the high tides, which 
 rendered cultivation very difficult, and was too small 
 to accommodate the population which ultimately settled 
 there.' When the construction of the fort was finished 
 Avil6s sent word to the settlers at St. Augustine of the 
 success of his expedition and of his intention to return 
 to them at an early day. Before his departure from San 
 Felipe he left a soldier with each of the subject chiefs, 
 who had asked for some one to instruct them in the 
 faith. He then set out for Guale with a small party, 
 
 ' " Discurso sobre la poblacion de la costa de la Florida, e inconvinientes 
 que se ofrecieren para su fortificacion y defensa." 1577-1580. MS. 
 Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., Doc. No. 47, 
 See Appendix U, San Felipe. 
 
Expeditions to Guale 249 
 
 taking two of the principal men with him, and sent Rufin 
 in advance to inform the cacique of the peaceful outcome 
 of the negotiations. 
 
 During his absence the drought had continued through- 
 out the region subject to the Guale chief, and when Aviles 
 reached the village the afflicted savage besought him to 
 ask God to send rain. But the Adelantado answered 
 evasively, "God will not hearken to my prayer, because 
 He is angry with you for your failure to comply with our 
 desires," and the chief departed, much depressed at the 
 refusal. The youths who had been left there to instruct 
 the natives, observing his disappointment, determined to 
 play upon his superstition, and informed him, through 
 the interpreter, that they would pray God for rain. At 
 this, full of gratitude for their assistance, he loaded them 
 down with presents of deer-skins, corn, and fish, with 
 which the lads departed, well pleased at their successful 
 deception. But the news of it soon reached the ears of 
 the General, and, indignant at the trick the boys had 
 practised, he ordered their spoils to be taken from them, 
 and had them stripped to receive a whipping. When 
 this in turn became known to the Guale chief, he came 
 in great sorrow to the Adelantado and addressed him, 
 saying, with Indian stoicism: "You have deceived me, 
 for you will not ask God for rain, and now you wish to 
 punish the children because they are willing to pray for 
 it. Do not whip them, for I no longer wish them to pray 
 for water, and am content that it rain when God wills it." 
 Aviles answered that God would bestow it the more 
 readily if he turned Christian himself. Then the poor 
 Indian, in desperation, went directly to the cross, which 
 Aviles had caused to be erected on his previous visit ; 
 kneeling down before it, he embraced it, and turning to 
 the Spaniard exclaimed: "Behold, I am a Christian." 
 "This occurred at two o'clock in the afternoon," con- 
 tinues Barrientos. ' ' Half an hour later it began to thunder 
 
250 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 and lighten and to rain with such violence that it did 
 not cease for twenty-four hours, and extended in a 
 circuit of five leagues."' Then the Indians, astoun- 
 ded at the prodigy, came to the house where Avil^s 
 was lodged, and casting themselves at his feet, begged 
 him to leave some Christians with them. The General 
 responded by ordering his nephew, Alonzo Menendez 
 Marqu6s, with four other Spaniards, to remain among 
 them. 
 
 If remorse had played its part in the kindly treatment 
 which Avil6s had extended to the Frenchmen captured 
 near Cape Canaveral after the Matanzas massacre, either 
 the Adelantado felt that his misdeeds had been expiated 
 when he released them on his arrival in Cuba, or again 
 the force of circumstances proved stronger than his sense 
 of mercy. His nephew Alonzo and his companions, who 
 had remained as hostages at Guale during his absence 
 at Santa Elena, informed him on his return that the 
 unfortunate Lutheran interpreter was endeavouring to 
 arouse the Indians, telling them that these Spanish 
 Christians were of no account, and spitting upon the 
 cross whenever they assembled to adore it, whereupon 
 Avil6s determined to be rid of him without arousing the 
 suspicions of the natives. He caused the Frenchman 
 Rufin to induce his countryman to accompany some 
 Guale Indians who were going to Santa Elena in their 
 canoe, by praising the liberality of Las Alas, who would 
 reward him with many presents. The poor fellow, who 
 had escaped the untutored wiles of the savages, readily 
 fell into the trap set for him by the Christians and left 
 with the Indians. Avil6s then wrote Las Alas to murder 
 him secretly, but to show much regret at his disap- 
 pearance and to inform the Indians, that, being a false 
 Christian, he had escaped to the forest in the hope of 
 finding a French ship in which to return to his own. 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. iii. 
 
Expeditions to Guale 251 
 
 country. His orders were obeyed and the Frenchman 
 was garroted.' ^ 
 
 Avil^s, who had now carried out his plan at Santa 
 Elena, returned to San Mateo by the channel between 
 the islands and the coast, meeting many Indians on his 
 way, who came down to the shore and besought him to 
 give them crosses, as they were all much astounded at the 
 report of the rain which had fallen in Guale. He reached 
 the settlement on the 15th of May, and although he 
 found it in good condition the war with the natives was 
 still in progress. The Indians in the neighbourhood of 
 the two forts were 
 
 "an ill set and traitorous," says Barrientos, "for they make 
 friends with the Christians for their own interest on account 
 of the advantage they can derive from them. They go to the 
 forts, and if they are not given food and clothing, and iron 
 hatchets and gifts they depart in great anger, begin a war and 
 kill all the Christians they can find." ^ 
 
 Those about St. Augustine had waited for a favourable 
 wind, and, attacking the fort at night, had set fire to the 
 thatched roof of the magazine with their fire arrows.^ 
 The flames communicating with the powder had de- 
 stroyed all of its valuable contents including the flags 
 and banners captured from the French as well as those 
 belonging to the Spaniards. Many soldiers had been 
 killed, and the sentinels shot down at night. 
 
 The soldiers found the Timuquanans a difficult foe to 
 contend with, and more than a match for their cumbrous 
 arms, owing to their great agility and the rapidity of their 
 
 ' Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 189-215 ; Barrientos in 
 Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 102-111. Meras states 
 that the Frenchman was addicted to a crime against nature very prevalent 
 among the Indians. Barrientos merely hints at it. 
 
 * Barrientos in ibid., p. 113. 
 
 ^Le Moyne in Plate XXXI. of his Eicones shov/s this mode of attack. 
 
252 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 movements. While the soldier was loading his arquebus, 
 they ran into the grasses and thickets, and dropped on 
 the ground when they saw the flash. Crawling swiftly 
 through the underbrush and grasses, they rose at another 
 spot than that at which the Spaniard had aimed, and 
 closing upon him delivered another volley of four or five 
 arrows in the time which he took to load. They went 
 about in small skirmishing parties, and fought in ambus- 
 cade, shooting the men who went to gather sea-food and 
 dwarf palmettos, piercing their clothes and coats of mail. 
 When the Spaniards pursued them they ran to the 
 streams and marshes, threw themselves into the water, 
 and, being naked and swimming like fish, crossed to the 
 opposite shore, bearing their bows and arrows aloft in one 
 hand to keep them dry ; there they would stand shouting 
 and mocking at the Spaniards, and when the latter with- 
 drew, they swam back, dogging their steps and shooting 
 at them from the underbrush. The Spaniards found that 
 to hold them in check it was necessary to burn their 
 villages, seize their canoes, cut down their plantations, 
 and destroy their fishways. 
 
 Aviles, seriously disturbed at the loss of the store- 
 house, went directly to the relief of his brother at St. 
 Augustine, taking with him a small party, what supplies 
 the scant store at San Mateo could afford, and Villarroel, 
 who had fallen ill in consequence of the mental strain to 
 which he had been subjected, and whom he wished to 
 send to Havana. Vasco Zaval was left in charge. May 
 1 8th he arrived at the fort, and after advising with his 
 captains, he decided to build a new one at the entrance 
 of the bar, where it could protect the harbour from the 
 attack of hostile vessels and afford a better defence 
 against the Indians.' The site was marked out the fol- 
 
 ' The second site of St. Augustine. Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas 
 Relaciones de la Florida, p. 114, says: " Entrando En consejo Con los 
 capitanes salio acordado que se mudase El fuerte de alii y se fundase A la 
 
Expeditions to Guale 253 
 
 lowing day, and for the second time the long-suffering 
 colonists set to work with a will upon its construction. 
 From three o'clock in the morning until nine, and again 
 from two in the afternoon until seven in the evening, one 
 hundred and sixty persons toiled at its completion, in 
 constant fear of an Indian attack, and in ten days they 
 had it finished, with the guns in position. As no sup- 
 plies had reached the settlers for a long season, and the 
 chronic condition of hunger and want was again rife, the 
 General determined to return to Havana for succour, tak- 
 ing with him a hundred soldiers, whom he had enlisted 
 in Cuba from the fleet of New Spain under agreement to 
 remain with him until May, He left but seventy rations 
 at St. Augustine to maintain the garrison until help 
 should arrive. 
 
 Early in June he set out for Havana, and the very day 
 of his departure he met one of his own supply ships, with 
 Diego de Amaya aboard, caught in a perilous situation on 
 
 entrada de la barra, porq alli los indios no les podian hacer tanto malo y 
 desde alli podian defender q no entrasen nauios de Enemigos." Subse- 
 quent to the arrival of Arciniega at St. Augustine another change was 
 made: " Fuese el Adelantado, con todos los capitanes . . . e con 
 acuerdo e parecer de todos . . . senalaron el sitio, lugar e compas 
 donde se habian de fortificar, que era en el mesmo lugar que el Adelantado 
 estaba fortificado ; mas porque la mar le iba comiendo el fuerte, retira- 
 ronse mas a tierra, tomando el un caballero del fuerte que estaba hecho, 
 para el que se habia de hacer." Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 
 245. The " Discurso sobre la poblacion de la costa de la Florida e incon- 
 vinientes que se ofrecieron para su fortificacion y defensa"(MS. Direc. 
 de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarreie, tomo xiv., Doc. No. 47, fol. 4, 1577- 
 15S0) says : " Sancto Agustin, donde primero estubo el Fuerte y gente, es 
 una Islilla pequena, y Sancto Agustin, donde agora esta el Fuerte y gente, 
 es otra que esta junto a la primera, donde solia estar primero el Fuerte, y 
 esta donde agora esta es casi Ysla, por que esta rodeada de agua, aunque 
 tiene por una parte descubierto por donde pueden pasar a la Tierra Firme, 
 esta en 29 grados y medio : tiene de largo 364 leguas y de ancho muy 
 poco, que es angosta hasta media legua, y por algunas partes menos. Cubre 
 la Mar cada ano mucha parte de esta tierra," etc. It should be borne in 
 mind that "isla" does not necessarily mean an island, but may also indi- 
 cate a promontory, as is the case in this instance. 
 
254 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 the bar. He delayed his sailing long enough to rescue it 
 and wrote the camp master at St. Augustine to distribute 
 the provisions between the forts, sending a boat-load to 
 Las Alas at San Felipe ; and with that decision of char- 
 acter which he was wont to exert when the emergency- 
 called for it, he ordered that the vessel which had brought 
 the succour be sunk in order that the garrison suffer no 
 temptation to desert. The camp master at St. Augustine 
 was then directed to go to San Mateo and take charge 
 there. 
 
 The question of provisions being thus happily solved 
 for the time being, Aviles re-embarked and reached 
 Havana in eight days with two of his vessels, the third 
 being carried to Santo Domingo by stress of weather. 
 In Havana he found his brother-in-law, Soli's de Meras, 
 ■who had returned with the fleet from New Spain, bring- 
 ing with him four Dominican friars, a captain, and eight 
 soldiers, and only three thousand ducats borrowed from 
 the Audiencia of Mexico. Attempts to obtain further 
 assistance from the Governor were renewed, but Osorio 
 was still obdurate, and Aviles was compelled to fall back 
 upon his lieutenant, the treasurer Hinestrosa, who hav- 
 ing already exhausted his personal means, promised to 
 secure from his friends the money needed to assist the 
 Florida forts. Doiia Antonia, his Indian bride, had 
 quickly acquired some Christian instruction, but the 
 death of all but two of her companions, and the pro- 
 longed absence of her Spanish lover, for whom she had 
 acquired a strong attachment, had greatly depressed her 
 spirits. Meras tells us a touching story of her affection 
 and of the harmless subterfuge by which the Adelantado 
 contrived to avoid the renewal of his relations with her.* 
 The death of Dofta Antonia's companions had placed 
 Aviles under the necessity of returning her to her people, 
 
 ■Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 215, 232; Barrientos in 
 Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. ui-116. 
 
Expeditions to Guale 255 
 
 as he feared that in the event of her death the Caloosas 
 would attribute it to the ill-treatment of the Spaniards. 
 So he made a rapid expedition to San Antonio, returned 
 Dofia Antonia and her two companions to Carlos, and in 
 ten days was back again in Havana, bringing with him 
 the heir and cousin of the chieftain, who was subse- 
 quently baptised under the name of Don Pedro, and 
 some additional white slaves whom he had rescued. 
 
 While purchasing supplies with five hundred ducats 
 which he had obtained by pledging some of his wardrobe, 
 a vessel arrived from Spain with the encouraging news 
 that Sancho de Arciniega, who had left early in May, had 
 reached Florida at the end of June ' with a large squadron 
 sent to the assistance of the colony. Aviles made but a 
 brief stay at Havana, and by the 8th of July was back 
 again at San Mateo, sailing part of the way in company 
 with the return fleet which carried Meras with dispatches 
 to Spain. ^ During his absence the Indians had slain two 
 of his captains : the Asturian, Martin Ochoa, who had led 
 in the attack on Fort Caroline, and Diego de Hevia, a 
 relative of the Adelantado, besides others of his soldiers 
 who had shared in the attack. But Arciniega was an- 
 chored at St. Augustine, where he had arr'ved on the 
 anniversary of Aviles's departure from Cadiz,' with a fleet 
 of seventeen ships, fifteen hundred men, and five hundred 
 
 ^ " Diligencias hechas en Sevilla con motivo de la venida de Esteban de 
 las Alas, de la Florida" (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 581, 5S5) 
 gives the dates of April and April 2nd ; but Fourquevaux, who makes various 
 references to Arciniega in his correspondence (see letter of Jan. 22, 1566, 
 Depkhes, p. 48 ; Feb. 4, p. 50 ; Feb. 11, p. 52 ; Feb. 22, p. 61, and March 
 29, p. 64), says in his letter to Catherine of April 30, 1566 {ibid., p. 82), 
 that the fleet was still lying at anchor at San Lucar. Barcia, Ensayo, (Alio 
 MDLXVI., p. 114), says it reached St. Augustine at the end of June. 
 
 ''Meras (in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 223-235), who has every 
 reason to be correct, says he left Havana July ist. Barrientos (in Garcia, 
 Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 115-118) says June 1st. 
 
 3 Aviles to a Jesuit friend, Oct. 15, 1566, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., 
 P- 155- 
 
256 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 sailors, and bountiful supplies for the starving colonists. 
 Arciniega had sent Captain Juan Pardo in three vessels 
 with three hundred men to the relief of San Felipe, and 
 Captain Aguirre with two hundred and fifty men to 
 that of San Mateo. Avil^s found Aguirre encamped 
 without the fort, there having been some friction be- 
 tween him and Zaval, who was in command. Having re- 
 stored peace between them, Menendez departed for St. 
 Augustine. 
 
 The meeting with Arciniega was a joyful one for the 
 sorely tried Adelantado, and Arciniega handed over to 
 him the royal dispatches, including Philip's letter of May 
 12, 1566, in which that monarch expressed his approval 
 of the punishment meted out to the "Lutheran cor- 
 sairs." ' Avil^s then visited a company of fourteen 
 women, who had come over with the fleet, and five 
 priests to whom he assigned as vicar his chaplain Men- 
 doza. Three days later, in council with his captains,* he 
 decided that seven hundred and fifty soldiers should be 
 distributed between the three forts of St. Augustine, San 
 Mateo, and San Felipe, that the remainder should depart 
 in eight of the vessels to search for pirates and corsairs in 
 the neighbourhood of Puerto Rico and Santo Domingo, 
 and that the balance of the fleet should return with 
 Arciniega to Spain. He himself prepared to visit San 
 Mateo, where he proposed to ascend the St. John's, and 
 to proceed from there to Quale and the fort at Santa 
 Elena, to ascertain what had become of Juan Pardo, of 
 whose arrival he had as yet received no notification." 
 
 Before his departure the fort at St. Augustine was re- 
 moved a little inland, for the sea was beginning to eat it 
 
 • Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXVI., p. 115. 
 
 ^ Aviles had been directed by royal cedula of September, 1565, to advise 
 with Arciniega in all matters relating to land and sea. Ruidiaz, La 
 Florida, tomo ii., p. 360. 
 
 ^Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 235-248; Barrientos in 
 Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 1 18-122. 
 
Expeditions to Guale 257 
 
 away,' and finally he took his departure for San Mateo. 
 On his arrival he again placed Villarroel in command, with 
 Captain Aguirre and most of the older soldiers in charge, 
 then he started on an exploring expedition up the St. 
 John's with a company of one hundred soldiers in three 
 vessels. Twenty leagues up the river he landed, and 
 marching five leagues through a fertile country paid a 
 visit to the village of Outina. Within a league of the 
 village he sent forward six of his soldiers, bearing a present 
 to the chief, to inform him of his visit. Outina sent him 
 back word, begging him to bring but twenty men in his 
 company and to pray God to send rain upon his harvests, 
 as none had fallen for a long time. Much amused at his 
 request, Avil6s entered the village with only six men, and 
 on his arrival the rain began to fall. The house of the 
 chief was found to be deserted, for a superstitious terror 
 had driven the savage in hiding to the forest, from which 
 he sent word that he was in great fear of a man who was 
 so powerful with God, and begged Avil^s to depart in 
 peace, as he was already a friend of the Spaniards. The 
 Adelantado, who was anxious to meet him, as he was re- 
 puted to be intelligent and powerful, sent a messenger to 
 urge him to return; but the chief replied that Avil^s with 
 his twenty soldiers and the assistance of God as his 
 cacique was more powerful than himself with a thousand 
 warriors, and again besought him to depart, and the Gen- 
 eral reluctantly complied with his request, after informing 
 Outina that he was ascending the river, and that unless 
 the cacique ordered his subject villages to receive him 
 without fear, he would burn down their towns and de- 
 stroy their canoes and fishways. 
 
 Returning to his boats, Aviles on the following day 
 sent the largest of them back to San Mateo with fifty 
 men, and continued his expedition up the river. He 
 
 ' Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida^ tomo i., p. 245, and see note, p. 252, in 
 this volume. 
 •*.— 17. 
 
258 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 observed that at a distance of forty leagues the tide was 
 still perceptible. At a distance of fifty leagues he came 
 upon the village of Macoya, an ally of Saturiba, two leagues 
 beyond the highest point reached by the French.' He 
 found the village deserted by the inhabitants, and Macoya 
 sent him a message similar to that he had received from 
 Outina, asking him to abandon the expedition, as his sub- 
 jects farther up the river were angry at the approach of 
 the Spaniards. But Aviles disregarded his request, and, 
 failing to obtain any Indian guides, continued his ad- 
 vance. A league farther on, where the river began to 
 narrow, he found it barred with stakes and the na- 
 tives assembling in a threatening attitude along the 
 banks. Breaking through the obstacles in the river he 
 proceeded. 
 
 The river had now become so narrow that its width did 
 not exceed the length of two pikes. The soldiers were 
 exposed to attack from the banks, their powder and 
 arquebuses were damp owing to the rain, and the General 
 determined to return. The Indian guide who accom- 
 panied him informed Aviles that twenty leagues farther 
 up dwelt _a chief of the Ays named Perucho, where the 
 river narrowed for a distance of thirty leagues and then 
 opened into a great lake called Maymi, which emptied 
 into the sea to the west in the country of Carlos, and to 
 the east at Tegesta at the head of the Florida Keys, and 
 that many streams flowed into it. Seven or eight leagues 
 down the river and but twelve leagues from St. Augus- 
 tine by land he visited Carabay,'' a subject chief of Outina. 
 Farther down Outina himself came out to meet him, with 
 whom Aviles left six of his soldiers, and he finally reached 
 San Mateo, having spent twelve days in his voyage. The 
 war with Saturiba was still in progress, owing in part to 
 the want of discipline among the soldiers, who persisted 
 
 ' In the neighbourhood of Lake George. 
 ^ In the neighbourhood of Picolata(?). 
 
Expeditions to Guale 259 
 
 in pillaging his villages, but otherwise the place was in a 
 satisfactory condition." 
 
 Aviles, who, during his winter in Havana had been 
 assured by Father Andres de Urdaneta * of the exist- 
 ence of a passage through Florida opening into the Pa- 
 cific, had not forgotten his design to establish a post 
 at the Bay of Santa Maria (Chesapeake Bay) with its 
 promise of a way to China and to Newfoundland, 
 and during his two-days' stay at San Mateo he sent a 
 captain with thirty soldiers and two Dominican friars to 
 form a settlement there. With them went an Indian 
 named Don Luis de Velasco, brother of a chief of that 
 region. Spanish navigators, in company, perhaps, with 
 some Dominican monks, had visited the country in 1559 
 or 1560 and carried him to Mexico, where the viceroy, 
 Don Luis de Velasco, caused him to be baptised and gave 
 him his name. But the expedition was doomed to 
 failure. The two monks were from Peru and New 
 Spain, possibly of those Meras had brought with him 
 to Havana from the latter country. They had gone 
 through some of the hardships and privations of the 
 Florida colony, and were not of the stuff of which mar- 
 tyrs are made. In conspiracy with the soldiers they won 
 over the pilot to their plan, drew up a statement that 
 they had been deterred from reaching the Bay of Santa 
 Maria owing to bad weather, and sailed for Spain. 
 Reaching Seville they added their voice to the evil re- 
 ports concerning Florida which San Vincente and his 
 companions had already spread abroad by letters and 
 other channels, and defamed both the King and Aviles 
 because they wished to conquer and settle it.' 
 
 'Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i,, pp. 248-257; Barrientos itt 
 Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 122-126. 
 
 ■■'Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 30, 1566, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 151. 
 
 3 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 258 ; Barrientos in Garcia, 
 Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 126. Barcia, Ensayo, (Ano 
 
26o The Spanish Settlements 
 
 The little garrison of San Felipe at Santa Elena had 
 not escaped the blight which had fallen upon the other 
 settlements. The arrival of the ship which Avil6s had 
 sent to its assistance early in June, before his last visit to 
 Havana, had been attended with the usual disturbances. 
 Before her cargo could be discharged, sixty of the sol- 
 diers had risen, and set sail in her for Havana. In the 
 Bahama passage a storm had driven her into a harbour at 
 the head of the Florida Keys, in the vicinity of an Indian 
 settlement called Tegesta ' by the Spaniards, and ruled 
 by a chief of the same name. The village, which was 
 situated on a stream of sweet water, probably the Miami 
 River, flowing into Biscayne Bay, was at that time gov- 
 erned by a chief closely related to Carlos and his sister, 
 Dona Antonia. 
 
 The people of Tegesta were fishermen, and, like all 
 the natives along the coast, passed the winter season 
 chasing the whale, says Velasco. An Indian fully painted 
 approached the whale in his canoe, and throwing a rope 
 around it, passed through its nostrils one of three pointed 
 stakes which he carried in his belt, and thus prevented 
 it from diving; then it was attacked and killed and 
 drawn upon the beach. There its head was opened by 
 the first man to attack it and two special bones were 
 extracted, which were placed in the case in which the 
 bones of the dead were kept, and they were worshipped. 
 On the death of a chief, his large bones were removed 
 and placed in a great box in his hut, where the natives 
 
 MDLXVI., p. 119), says that the Dominicans had taken the Indian from 
 the province of Axacan [Chesapeake Bay] to Mexico, and adds the details 
 given in the text. Both Meras {ibid.) and Barrientos {ibid.) say Don Luis had 
 been six years with Aviles. Sacchini {Histories Societatis Jesu, Pars tertia, 
 Romae, MDCIL., p. 323), writing of the Jesuit expedition of 1570 to these 
 parts, says that Don Luis had been carried away eleven years before by 
 Spanish navigators. This would make the date of the expedition 1559 to 
 
 1560. It will be remembered that Villafane was in that neighbourhood in 
 
 1561. Sacchini calls the Indian chief of the region Regulus. 
 ' See Appendix V, Tegesta. 
 
Expeditions to Guale 26} 
 
 came to worship them, and the smaller bones were buried 
 with the body.' Like his relative, Carlos, it had been the 
 custom of the chief of Tegesta to kill all the Christians 
 cast away on his coast. But when the friendly relations 
 which the Spaniards had established with the Ci.-oosas 
 were reported to him, he followed the exampie of 
 his relative. He received the fugitives with good will, 
 sent them a deputation, and informed them of a neigh- 
 bouring village where twenty Christians were living, de- 
 serters from San Mateo at the time of the mutiny. But, 
 a fair wind having arisen, the ship set sail without them, 
 as they were dwelling in peace with the Indians. 
 
 When Juan Pardo arrived at San Felipe with his rein- 
 forcements, he found that twenty soldiers had deserted 
 to the interior, and that only twenty-five remained 
 in the fort, that their supplies were entirely exhausted, 
 and that they were dependent for their existence upon 
 the food which the natives brought them. Aviles, after 
 two days spent in San Mateo, left for San Felipe, where 
 he arrived about the 20th of August. Having ordered 
 matters at the fort, he appointed Las Alas his lieutenant 
 in Crista and Guale. The island on which stood Fort 
 San Felipe was in many ways unsuitable for cultivation, 
 at least by the Spanish farmers who had settled it and 
 who were still inexperienced in the climatic and other 
 conditions of the region. Aside from the scanty supplies 
 obtained from the Indians they as well as the garrison 
 were dependent for their subsistence upon the chance 
 arrival of an occasional ship from St. Augustine and from 
 San Mateo, and Aviles must have found them in a very 
 miserable condition, for he determined to reduce their 
 number, and directed Pardo to make an excursion into the 
 interior with a company of one hundred and fifty soldiers, 
 who were to be quartered upon the natives at intervals 
 
 ' Dos breves memorias sobre las costumbres de los yndios de la Florida, 
 MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 135, caj. 7, leg. 8. 
 
262 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 along the route.' Leaving Santa Elena by the end of 
 August,* he next paid a visit to Guale, where he learned 
 of the death of his nephew, Alonzo Marques; and found 
 that t'iie Indians had made rapid progress in learning the 
 faith, 'were reverently adoring the cross, and could already 
 repeat the Christian doctrine in chorus. He remained 
 at Guale eight days and, leaving a captain and thirty sol- 
 diers stationed there, was back again at San Mateo by the 
 20th of September.' 
 
 During his first visit to Cuba he had been deterred from 
 proceeding against the corsairs and freebooters which in- 
 fested the neighbouring seas, by the rumour of French 
 fleets which might jeopardise all of the work which he 
 had so laboriously accomplished. Hastening his return 
 to Florida, he had now completed the inspection of the 
 various posts which he had established, and felt that it 
 was high time to fulfil the commission with which he had 
 been entrusted by the King of purging the sea of pirates. 
 Part of Arciniega's fleet had already returned to Spain, 
 but the vessels with which he was to undertake the ex- 
 pedition against the sea robbers in defence of Puerto Rico 
 and the neighbouring islands were awaiting him in the 
 harbour of St. Augustine. After a stay of only two days 
 at San Mateo, he now bent his steps in that direction, in- 
 tent upon fulfilling the commands of his King, taking 
 Villarroel along with him. During his absence another 
 mutiny had broken out among the new levies headed by 
 a captain who had come over in the fleet with Arciniega, 
 which the camp master quelled with drastic measures, 
 hanging three of the soldiers, and throwing the ringleader 
 and other of his companions into prison. Avil6s, with 
 
 ' Relacion de las cosas que han pasado en la Florida tocantes al servicio 
 de Dios y del Rey. Vino con carta de Juan Mendez, 6 de Abril, 1584, MS. 
 Arch. Gen. de Indias, Sevilla, est. 54, caj. 5, leg. r6, p. 2. 
 
 ^ Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 262. 
 
 2 M eras in itid., tomo i., pp. 258-263, 281, 282; Barrientos in Garcia, 
 Dos Antiguas Relacionts de la Florida, pp. 126-128. 
 
Expeditions to Guale 263 
 
 tactful leniency, released the prisoners, admonished the 
 captain, and pointed out to the camp master that, owing 
 to the unaccustomed conditions to which the soldiers 
 were subjected, there were times when it was necessary 
 to wink at certain infractions of discipline in order not to 
 arouse the entire colony. 
 
 Before his departure Avil^s directed Francisco de Rey- 
 noso to visit Carlos with a company of thirty soldiers, at 
 whose village he was to erect a fort and to discover a 
 waterway to Lake Maymi, through which communica- 
 tion could be established with San Mateo and St. Augus- 
 tine. He left his brother Bartolom^ in charge of the 
 settlement at St. Augustine, which consisted of only 
 twenty-five soldiers under Captains Miguel Henriquez 
 and Pedro de Andrada, with fifty married men and their 
 families, and set sail on the 20th of October in pursuit of 
 the corsairs.' It is not our intention to follow the Ade- 
 lantado in this part of his career, except in so far as it 
 bears upon the history of his Florida enterprise. At 
 Puerto Rico his camp master, who had accompanied him 
 on the expedition, learned of the sailing, September 25, 
 1566, of the French squadron, one division of which, 
 under Montluc, had already sacked the island of Madeira, 
 while the balance of it had left for an unknown destination. 
 In view of this report it was determined, on consultation 
 with the royal Audiencia of Santo Domingo, that Avil^s 
 should at once proceed to put the neighbouring islands 
 in a state of defence and return shortly to Florida." 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, ibid., p. 132 ; Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, 
 tomo i., p. 277; Aviles to Philip II., Nov. 29, 1566, ibid., tomo ii., p. 
 160, Meras (in ibid., tomo i., p. 264) says that Aviles was ready to sail 
 by the end of September, started on the 20th of October, was detained by 
 contrary winds, and finally left Nov. 5th. 
 
 * Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 264-269; Barrientos in 
 Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 128, 129. Both Meras 
 and Barrientos give Oct. 6. 1566, as the date of the sacking of Madeira, 
 October i8th the news of it reached Philip II. Fourquevaux to the King, 
 Nov. 2, 1566, D^eches, p. 136. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 FATHER MARTINEZ AND HIS COMPANIONS 
 
 AVILES had been deeply moved at the great need 
 there was for Christian instruction among the savage 
 races with which he had come in contact, and he had ob- 
 served with some particularity, for a soldier, the various 
 phases of their religion. Writing to a Jesuit friend upon 
 whom he was urging the importance of their conversion 
 he said : 
 
 " Their ceremonies consist for the most part in the worship 
 of the sun and moon, and idols of dead game, and other ani- 
 mals. And every year they celebrate three or four festivals in 
 their honour, in which they worship the sun and go three days 
 without food, drink or sleep, which are their fasts. And he 
 who is weak and cannot endure it, they consider a bad Indian 
 and the noble sort become enraged. And he who can best 
 endure these trials, is held most worthy and is treated with 
 more courtesy." ' 
 
 Among the Caloosas and at Guale he had found the 
 practice of human sacrifice in existence, and his heart 
 was sore within him at their idolatries. 
 
 He had done all that lay in his power to turn the natives 
 to the faith. "I have already given them crosses, which 
 they worship, and I have given them some lads and sol- 
 
 ' Aviles to a Jesuit friend, Oct. 15, 1566, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., 
 p. 156- 
 
 264 
 
Father Martinez and his Companions 265 
 
 diers to instruct them in the Christian doctrine," he con- 
 tinues, "but it is only a loss of time to attempt to plant 
 the Holy Gospel in this country by the means of sol- 
 diers." This instruction was brief and conveyed through 
 an interpreter, and it is highly probable tha\; the Guale 
 Indians, who had so glibly chanted the prayers and creed, 
 recited them in Latin and in as complete ignorance of 
 their significance as were the birds and the wild beasts 
 of their forests. His attempt at securing the services of 
 competent instructors had proved a failure. Chaplain 
 Mendoza has told us how he had been deserted by his 
 companions on his arrival at Puerto Rico.' It seems 
 probable that some, at least, of the priests who accom- 
 panied Las Alas had been lured from their duty by the 
 temptations which the chaplain had so bravely overcome, 
 and the temper of the Dominican monks whom Meras 
 had brought with him had not been that of Fray Luis 
 Cancer. The ministrations of Mendoza and of the priests 
 who had accompanied Arciniega were needed among his 
 own people, dispersed as they were along the coast of 
 the great continent, and there was much need of men 
 whose training was such that they could devote them- 
 selves exclusively to the care of the natives, and acquire 
 their language. 
 
 The Reformation had called into existence an organisa- 
 tion having the special mission of combating its heresies 
 and re-establishing the supremacy of the Holy See. Al- 
 though pre-eminently designed for intellectual contests 
 with the element which had worked such turmoil in the 
 Church, not a few of the foremost men in its ranks had 
 embraced with pious ardour the vocation of missionaries, 
 and it would appear that its military organisation and 
 discipline had especially appealed to Aviles, himself a 
 Spaniard and a soldier like its great founder. He had 
 promised the Indians that teachers should be sent them, 
 
 ' " Relacion " in ibid., tomo ii., p. 437. See p. 152, in this volume. 
 
266 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 and was much disappointed that no member of the So- 
 ciety of Jesus nor of any other rehgious order had accom- 
 panied Arciniega's fleet.' 
 
 The mission of Fray Luis Cancer and the zealous pre- 
 parations of Fray Domingo de la Anunciacion for the 
 expedition of De Luna, both of them missions inspired 
 by Las Casas and undertaken without the advice of the 
 Provincial Chapter of the Order in Mexico, had awakened 
 some symptoms of jealousy in the mind of its Provincial, 
 Fray Domingo de Santa Maria, who had written Philip, 
 pointing out the importance of an appeal to the judgment 
 and experience of the Chapter in such enterprises.'' But 
 the King had sufficient confidence in his general to over- 
 ride the advice of the Dominican Provincial, and he had 
 anticipated the wishes of the Adelantado in respect to 
 Jesuit missionaries. May 3, 1566, scarcely five months 
 after the successful termination of the campaign against 
 the French heretics in Florida, he addressed a letter to 
 Francisco Borgia, Duke of Gandia, at that time third 
 General of the Society of Jesus, directing him to ap- 
 point twenty-four members of the Company as mission- 
 aries in such parts of the Indies as the Royal Council 
 should designate.^ Li compliance with the royal orders, 
 Borgia selected two Fathers, named Pedro Martinez and 
 Juan Rogel, and a lay brother, Francisco de Villareal, 
 who were appointed to go to Florida. As this was 
 the first Jesuit mission to the West Indies,' its members 
 command our interest. 
 
 ' Aviles to a Jesuit friend, Oct. 15, 1566, ibid., tomo ii., p. 157. 
 
 2 Fray Domingo de Santa Maria to Philip II., June 25, 1585, Cartas de 
 Indias, Madrid, 1877, p. 134. 
 
 ^ Vida del P. Francisco de Borja . . . por el P. Pedro de Ribade- 
 neyra, Madrid, 1592, lib. iii., cap. 6, p. 140b, gives the letter in full. 
 
 * Historia de los Trivmphos de nvestra santa fee entre Gentes las mas 
 barbaras y fieras del nuevo Or be . . . por el Padre Andres Perez de 
 Ribas. Madrid, 1645, p. 744. Epist. P. Nadal in Monumenta Historica 
 Societatis Jesu, vol. iii., p. 411. 
 
Father Martinez and his Companions 267 
 
 Father Martinez was an Aragonese, born in 1533,' in 
 Celda, a suburb of Teruel, famous for the legend of its 
 two lovers. His family was evidently in easy circum- 
 stances, for he was sent to the University of the City 
 of Valencia to study the humanities and theology; but 
 being of a turbulent disposition he spent more of his time 
 in the fencing school than with Aristotle and St. Thomas 
 on the benches of the lecture hall. With his boon com- 
 panions he wandered about, seeking for opportunities to 
 display his skill with the rapier, the sword, and the target, 
 and there was hardly a duel in the town in which he did 
 not take part, either as principal or second. This did 
 not tend to develop his respect for the Jesuits, whom it 
 was his habit to mock and ridicule. 
 
 Going to the college one day, in company with three 
 or four of his companions in order to amuse himself for a 
 while at the expense of the Fathers, he observed to his 
 friends, "One of us is going to become a Teatin," re- 
 ferring to an Order affiliated to the Augustinians and 
 given to the strictest observance of the rules of the 
 mendicant friars. At this each of them, with a laugh, 
 answered in turn, "Not I at least." On reaching the 
 college he sat down at the entrance, and the porter 
 courteously enquired of him what he wished, to which he 
 replied, "Only to sit here a little while." Meanwhile 
 he watched attentively the passing of the black-coated 
 Fathers and of the lay brethren on their daily rounds 
 that he might discover something at which to raise a 
 laugh. 
 
 " But he was laid hold of by God by that very means," says 
 
 ' Mortes illustres et gesta eorum de Societate Jesu qui in odium fidei 
 , . . ab ethnicis hareticis vel aliis . . . necati sunt . autore 
 
 Philippe Alegambe. Romse, 1657, p. 44. P. Francisco Javier Alegre in 
 his Historia de la Cotupaiiia de Jesus en Nueva Espana (Mexico, 1842, 
 tomo i., p. 7) says Father Martinez was born October 15, 1523. 
 
268 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Father Nieremberg, who relates the incident.' " For he be- 
 held so much modesty, so much devotion and sedateness in 
 their speech and actions, that he began to think upon renounc- 
 ing the world and joining the Order of which he was before 
 accustomed to make sport, and God having truly called him, 
 he resolved to seek the Company. Whereupon he called the 
 Superior, Father Geronimo Nadel, and asked to be received 
 at once." 
 
 But he had to deal with a man versed in the intricate 
 mysteries of the human heart, and the Superior, seeing 
 how emotional was the nature of the lad, answered that 
 he would gladly admit him after he had considered the 
 matter for eight days. 
 
 On receiving this answer Martinez departed. Casting 
 aside for the while the memory of the vocation he had so 
 lightly wished to assume, he returned to his former mode 
 of life, and within the week attended a duel where he was 
 obliged to wait an hour and a half for the arrival of his 
 adversaries. But under this semblance of trifling lay the 
 strong sense of honour, peculiar to his race ; and the failure 
 of his antagonists to keep their appointment, says one of 
 his Jesuit biographers, recalled to him the engagement 
 upon which he had himself entered with the Superior. 
 At the end of eight days, in order not to prove false to 
 his word, he returned to the college and in 1553 was 
 finally admitted into the Society. 
 
 The same ardour which he had previously expended in 
 his amusements was now addressed to penance and morti- 
 fication. Clothed in a hair shirt he worked for hours in 
 the garden, like a common labourer, and he scourged 
 himself with such severity "that it was found necessary 
 to stay his hand and give him a clock in order that he 
 
 ' Vidas exemplares y venerables memorias de algunos claros varones de la 
 Campania de Jesus . . . por Padre Eusebio Nieremberg, Madrid, 
 1643-1647, tomo iv., p. 607. 
 
Father Martinez and his Companions 269 
 
 might not exceed half an hour of discipline," ' From 
 Valencia he was sent to pursue his studies at the college 
 of Gandia, and going to the town of Oliva one day with 
 a brother to stop a bull fight, the Duke, learning of his 
 purpose, forbade the fight. 
 
 In 1558 Martin de Cordova, Count of Alcaudete, and 
 commander of the army recruited in Andalusia" to fight 
 against the African Moors, asked Francisco Borgia for 
 Jesuits to accompany him, and Fathers Martinez, Pedro 
 Domenec, and a lay brother, Juan Gutierrez, were de- 
 tailed for the purpose. On their arrival at Carthagena, 
 from which they were to sail for Oran, the Jesuits em- 
 barked on a transport in company with eight hundred 
 soldiers, and with no other food than putrid bread and 
 water so corrupt that the smell of it could hardly be 
 borne. On reaching Oran they were ordered to attend 
 in the hospital, although their hearts burned to go to the 
 front with the army that was to attack Montagan. After 
 the disastrous defeat suffered by Alcaudete, in which he 
 was slain, and his son with a great part of the army taken 
 prisoner, the Fathers returned to Spain, where masses 
 had already been said for them as if they were dead men. 
 
 Father Martinez went to reside in the profess house 
 at Toledo, where he was actively employed in preaching 
 and hearing confessions, and where he still continued 
 to discipline himself every night for half an hour. From 
 Toledo he went to Cuenca, where he preached his last 
 Lenten sermons in Spain, and from there to Alcala, 
 where he asked permission to cook for the community 
 and "served in the kitchen with the greatest edification 
 for three or four months." ' It was from there that he 
 
 ' Nieremberg, tomo iv., p. 608. 
 
 ' Mariana, Historia General de Espana. Continuacion de la Historia 
 General de Espana . , . por D. Vicente Romero, Madrid, 1794. tomo 
 ii., p. 196. 
 
 ^Nieremberg, tomo iv., p. 609. 
 
270 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 received his call to go to Florida. Nieremberg tells us 
 that while waiting in Seville to embark on the long 
 journey Father Martinez had a premonition of his im- 
 pending fate, and exclaimed one day to Fray Lobo, a 
 distinguished Franciscan, "Oh! Father Lobo, how I long 
 to pour out my blood at the hands of the savages, and 
 wash those Florida shores in defence of the faith ! " ' 
 
 Father Juan Rogel, who was a native of Pamplona, a 
 Licentiate of Arts, and Bachelor of Medicine, had been 
 received into the Order at the College of Valencia in 
 April, 1554, and like Father Martinez, had pursued his 
 subsequent studies at Gandia, where he applied himself 
 to theology. Nothing is known of the previous history 
 of lay-brother Francisco de Villareal, but his subsequent 
 service in Florida shows him to have been no unworthy 
 companion of the two Fathers. Such, then, were the 
 men who were to begin the ministrations of the Jesuits 
 in the New World, labours destined to culminate in the 
 famous missions of Paraguay, of Canada, and of Califor- 
 nia, with its stirring and tragic history. 
 
 July 28, 1566, the three Jesuits, provided by the King 
 with all that was needed for their voyage, embarked at 
 San Lucar de Barrameda aboard a Flemish hooker, and 
 sailed in company with the squadron destined for New 
 Spain, with the intention of proceeding to St. Augustine 
 in response to the call of Aviles. The pilot, inexperi- 
 enced in West Indian navigation, missed his way, but 
 finally sighted the shores of the continent and coasted 
 along it in search of the port. September 14th, he passed 
 within two leagues of the harbour of St. Augustine 
 without discovering it. The ship was observed from the 
 fort and a rowboat was sent out to meet her; but a high 
 sea was running at the time and the tide was contrary, 
 so that the attempt had to be abandoned. Two days 
 later Father Martinez determined to go ashore and en- 
 ' Nieremberg, tomo iv., p. 609. 
 
Father Martinez and his Companions 271 
 
 quire of the natives the direction of St. Augustine. Ac- 
 companied by nine Flemings and a Spaniard by the 
 name of Flores, they landed in the pinnace; but it was 
 the season of storms which had proved so fateful to the 
 fleet of Jean Ribaut the previous year, and the boat had 
 scarcely touched the shore when a violent tempest arose 
 and drove the ship to sea. The castaways, who had 
 landed on the Florida coast somewhere above the mouth 
 of the St. John's River, determined to await the arrival of 
 a vessel or the return of their own ship to rescue them. 
 They remained there ten days, not daring to penetrate 
 the interior for fear of the natives; but finally, impelled 
 by hunger, they took to the boat and followed the 
 coast-line in a southerly direction. During the journey 
 they met with many Indians, who treated them with 
 kindness, saying they were friends and brothers of the 
 Spaniards.' 
 
 At one of the places where they landed the Jesuits 
 came upon a group of huts in a grove of pine trees, from 
 which the owners were absent for the day. Pressed by 
 hunger they searched the village and found in one of the 
 huts a large fish, of which they took half, and Father 
 Martinez left his cassock and a few beads and flowers with 
 the remainder of the fish in payment. Elsewhere, in 
 exchange for some fish. Father Martinez cut figures with 
 his scissors out of a leaf of parchment, taken from a book 
 he carried with him. At last they met with an old Indian 
 and learned from him that the Spanish settlement lay to 
 the south beyond three villages, each of which was situ- 
 ated at the mouth of a river. 
 
 On the 28th of September, after having passed the 
 mouths of two of the rivers, the Jesuits were proceeding in 
 search of the third, when they came upon a small island 
 
 'Aviles to a Jesuit friend, Oct. 15, 1566, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., 
 p. 157 ; Alegambe, p. 44 et seq. 
 
272 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 called Tacatacuru/ near the mouth of the St. John's, 
 where they saw four Indians fishing. The Flemings 
 sprang ashore, although Father Martinez was unwilling 
 to land, whereupon one of the fishermen ran off and soon 
 reappeared followed by a party of forty Indians armed 
 with bows and arrows, subjects of Tacatacuru, one of 
 the chiefs under Saturiba who was, as we know, at war 
 with the Spaniards. Father Martinez, although alarmed 
 at their approach, remained near the shore, unwilling to 
 abandon his companions, whereupon twelve of the na- 
 tives attacked the boat with great fury, seized him, the 
 Spaniard, and three of the Flemings, and dragged them 
 ashore. The Indian who had seized Flores attempted 
 to drown him, but the Spaniard struck the savage a vio- 
 lent blow, and succeeded in freeing himself. With three 
 of the Flemings, two of whom were severely wounded, he 
 made for the boat, which all four managed to regain. 
 
 Father Martinez now knew that he was about to attain 
 the martyrdom for which he had so earnestly expressed 
 his desire while still in Seville. He knelt down as best 
 he could and raised his hands to heaven. At the same 
 moment an Indian struck him on the head with his club 
 with such force that he immediately fell dead." Three 
 others of his companions were also killed. The Flem- 
 ings and Flores were found by the Spaniards the fol- 
 lowing day anchored at the mouth of the St. John's, 
 half dead with hunger. When Avil^s learned from the 
 
 ' Barcia {Ensayo, Ano MDLXVI., p, 121) and Tanner {Societas Mili- 
 tans, p. 446) both say it was the island of Tacatacuru [probably Cumberland 
 Island]. 
 
 * Aviles says his death occurred within a league of the fort of San Mateo 
 (letter to a Jesuit friend, Oct. 15, 1566, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 158). Tanner (p. 447) gives Oct. 8, 1566, as the date of his death. Others 
 September 24th and 28th, see Alegre, tomo i., p. 9 ; Barcia, Ensayo, Ano 
 MDLXVI., p. 121. Gerard van Berghe Montanus gives a Latin epigram 
 on Father Martinez in his Centuria Epigrammatum in Martires Societatis 
 yesu. 
 
Father Martinez and his Companions 273 
 
 survivors of the death of Father Martinez he was deeply 
 moved. 
 
 " Blessed be Our Lord for all things," he wrote, "and since 
 the Divine Majesty allows and thus wills it, let us give him 
 infinite thanks for all things; insomuch that it has pleased 
 Our Lord, to visit us here with this affliction, who have de- 
 served so little, by removing from our company so great and 
 good a man as Father Martinez, of whom we Spaniards as 
 well as the natives of the country in which we live stand in 
 such great need." 
 
 The bulls and faculties from the Pope which the Jesuit 
 had brought with him were lost. 
 
 It had been the intention of the Adelantado to send 
 Father Rogel to Carlos with Reynoso after he acquired 
 some experience in the language of the natives and had 
 prepared vocabularies of their speech. Anxious for the 
 fate of the hooker, aboard of which the Father and lay- 
 brother Villareal had remained, and thinking it might have 
 run for one of the neighbouring islands, he dispatched 
 a servant of his with a vessel to call at Puerto Rico, Santo 
 Domingo, and Havana in search of it. The hooker was 
 probably found at the last-named port, where it ar- 
 rived in safety on the 15th of December, having touched 
 at Hispaniola on the way. After the Flemish vessel 
 had been driven off the coast, the captain wished to re- 
 turn and rescue the party which the storm had compelled 
 him to abandon. But his Flemish crew obliged him 
 to take the direction of Havana,' where the Jesuits em- 
 ployed their time in preaching to and confessing the citi- 
 zens, while awaiting the arrival of Aviles, who had sailed 
 from St. Augustine on the 20th of October, going to the 
 relief of the neighbouring islands. 
 
 Shortly after the incident just related Aviles wrote his 
 Jesuit correspondent begging that the Company send 
 
 ' Alegre, tomo i., pp. 9, 10. 
 
274 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 him more of its members "whom I will treat and serve 
 and regale, as if they were the King himself," ' he adds, 
 and he also urged Francisco de Toral, Bishop of Yuca- 
 tan, to provide him with monks of his Order, but the 
 Bishop had none he could send. Many of those in New 
 Spain best fitted for the work had died, and Don Fran- 
 cisco advised Avil^s to bring them from Spain. ^ 
 
 ' Aviles to a Jesuit friend, Oct. 15, 1566, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii,, 
 pp. 158, 159. 
 * Francisco de Toral to Aviles, April 5, 1567, ibid., tomo ii., p. 296. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 EXPEDITIONS OF PARDO AND BOYANO— RETURN OF 
 AVILES TO SPAIN 
 
 IN compliance with the orders of Avil^s, Juan Pardo 
 left Santa Elena November i, 1566, with a party of 
 twenty-five soldiers "to discover and conquer the interior 
 country from there to Mexico! " ' The expedition was 
 quite devoid of incident. He appears to have traversed 
 the cypress lands in a north-easterly direction, and to 
 have struck the Cambahee at a village called Guiomae, 
 forty leagues distant from Santa Elena, where he ordered 
 the construction of a log house for a Spanish outpost. 
 From thence he turned west until he reached the Savan- 
 nah River at Cufitatchiqui, which De Soto had visited 
 twenty-five years before him, A few days later he was 
 at another village called Ysa on a large river, possibly 
 one of the northern branches of the Broad, and two days 
 beyond he visited Juada, a village situated on a stream 
 at the foot of the Alleghanies. 
 
 The season was far advanced, and there was so much 
 snow on the mountains that he could not proceed. He 
 remained fifteen days at Juada, where he built a block- 
 
 ' " Relacion del viaje y reconocimiento que hizo del interior de la 
 Florida en 1566 el Capitan Juan Pardo, per orden del Adelantado Pedro 
 Menendez de Aviles, escrita por el soldado Francisco Martinez." Ruidiaz, 
 La Florida, tomo ii., p. 477. And see Appendix W, The Date of Pardo's 
 First Expedition, 
 
 275 
 
276 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 house which he named Fort San Juan/ and left his ser- 
 geant Boyano in command with a small garrison. He 
 then attempted to ascend the river to the north, but after 
 a day's march retraced his steps down the river for a 
 short distance, and going east reached Guatari, where 
 he again rested for fifteen days. A letter from Las Alas 
 met him at this point, ordering him back to Santa Elena. 
 Leaving there a priest and four soldiers, he struck across 
 the country to the Cambahee and returned to Santa Elena 
 over the same route by which he had gone out. He had 
 thus traversed the extensive region lying between the 
 Savannah and the Wateree, as far north as the AUe- 
 ghanies. The country was at that time inhabited by the 
 Creeks, if we may judge from the etymology of the 
 names given in the Spanish Relations. At all of these 
 villages through which he passed he had assembled the 
 natives and their chiefs and made them a short address, 
 calling upon them to submit to the Pope and the King, 
 to which the Indians had readily assented, in the evident 
 expectation of thus getting rid of him.'' 
 
 Shortly after the General's departure Reynoso arrived 
 at San Antonio with his company of thirty soldiers and 
 Don Pedro, heir of the chieftain. A house was set apart 
 for him in the town, and a cross erected near by, where 
 morning and evening the Spaniards performed their de- 
 votions in the presence of the natives who gathered to 
 worship it. Dona Antonia returned to Havana in the 
 vessel which had brought Reynoso, and with her went 
 five or six of the chief men of the tribe as hostages for 
 the safety of the Spaniards, for, notwithstanding the civil 
 
 ' " Relacion del viaje . . . escrita por el soldado Francisco Mar- 
 tinez," Ruidi'az, La Florida^ tomo ii., pp. 477, 478- 
 
 * " Relacion de la entrada y de la conquista que por mandado de Pero 
 jMenendez de Aviles hizo en 1565 \sic\ en el interior de la Florida el Capi- 
 tan Juan Pardo, escrita por el mismo." Ruidi'az, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 465" 
 469. See Appendix X. Pardo's First Expedition. 
 
 i 
 
Expeditions of Pardo and Boyano 277 
 
 treatment which they received, but little confidence was 
 reposed in the sincerity of Carlos's protestations. The 
 ship reached Havana in six days, and after delivering 
 Dofla Antonia into the care of Alonso de Rojas, alderman 
 of the city, returned to Carlos with additional supplies. 
 
 In the meanwhile the situation of Reynoso had grown 
 more and more precarious. Carlos had made several 
 attempts to kill him by treachery, which Reynoso had 
 frustrated through the secret information conveyed to 
 him by the native women. There still remained a large 
 number of Spaniards in the power of the chief, for all of 
 the people wrecked along the coast for a hundred leagues, 
 as well as those cast away on the Florida Keys, were 
 delivered up to him, and the rescue of these unfortu- 
 nates had been one of the principal objects which Avil^s 
 held in view in seeking to establish himself among the 
 Caloosas. But the savage chieftain was unable longer to 
 curb his appetite for their blood, and he began to press 
 the Spanish Captain for the return of his sister, in order 
 to destroy them all as soon as he had her safely back 
 with him. 
 
 Avil^s had soon completed his disposition of the vari- 
 ous forces in the islands, and by January, 1567, was back 
 in Havana, where he received the alarming reports of 
 Reynoso. Before proceeding to his relief he dispatched 
 a vessel to San Mateo with orders to ascend the St. 
 John's as far as Macoya, where it was to await his arrival 
 from San Antonio by the inland waterway, and on the 
 1st of March set sail himself with seven vessels and one 
 hundred and fifty men for San Antonio,' taking with 
 him his nephew, Pedro Men^ndez Marques, who had re- 
 turned from Spain," Dofia Antonia and her companions, 
 Father Rogel and lay-brother Francisco, both of whom 
 had suffered an attack of illness during their stay in 
 
 ' Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXVII., p. 125. 
 * Alegre, tomo i., p. 10. 
 
278 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Havana.' He reached San Antonio in two days, and on 
 landing he ordered a chapel to be built for the con- 
 venience of Father Rogel, and gathered from his lieutenant 
 the much-desired information concerning the waterway 
 through the peninsula to San Mateo and St. Augustine. 
 It lay, he was told, in the country of Tocobaga, an Indian 
 chief dwelling near the head of Old Tampa Bay,* fifty 
 leagues distant from San Antonio up the west coast. 
 Carlos was at war with Tocobaga and anxious that the 
 Adelantado and Reynoso should accompany him against 
 his enemy. To this the Adelantado replied that his 
 mission was to establish peace among the natives, and to 
 bring them to the faith ; to which the unwilling Carlos 
 was obliged to submit and to renew friendly relations 
 with the chief of Tegesta, with whom he had also been 
 at war.' The gratifying report of the existence of the 
 waterway induced the Adelantado to proceed at once to 
 Tocobaga to verify the discovery, but so great was the 
 distrust inspired by Carlos's treacherous proceedings, 
 that, unwilling to leave him behind, to work mischief 
 during his absence, he compelled him, with other of his 
 chief men, to accompany the expedition. One vessel was 
 left at San Antonio, and with the remaining six the Ade- 
 lantado reached Tampa Bay, sailing up the coast by 
 night under the guidance of a Caloosa Indian. He as- 
 cended the Bay of Old Tampa and reached the vicinity of 
 Tocobaga's village an hour before the dawn without being 
 discovered. Again the Indian instincts of Carlos were 
 aroused, who begged to be allowed to burn the village 
 and was pacified only by the promise of an honourable 
 peace and the release of some Caloosa Indians, captives 
 at Tocobaga, among whom was a sister of his and of Dofla 
 
 ' Alegre, tomo i., p. 11 ; Barcia, Ensayo, Aiio MDLXVII., p. 125. 
 2 See Appendix Y, Tocobaga. 
 
 SMeras in Ruidiaz, Za Florida, tomo i., pp. 277-284; Barrientos ia 
 Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 132-135. 
 
Expeditions of Pardo and Boyano 279 
 
 Antonia. An Indian was sent ashore to proclaim in a 
 loud voice the peaceful mission of the visitors, but the 
 frightened savages, awakened in so unexpected a way at 
 the early hour, fled in terror with their wives and children 
 when they beheld the ship drawn up near their village. 
 Tocobaga alone remained with five or six companions and 
 a woman, and, the day having broken, sent a Christian 
 slave to Avil6s to thank him for not having burned his 
 village and slain his people. The man proved to be a 
 Portuguese trader' from Avila, in the Province of Al- 
 garve, who had been wrecked upon the coast, where all 
 his shipmates had been killed, and himself ultimately re- 
 duced to hewing wood and drawing water for Tocobaga, 
 whom he also served in the capacity of a cook. 
 
 Still unwilling that Carlos should come in contact with 
 Tocobaga, Aviles went ashore to see the Indian chief, 
 from whom he soon learned that the native fear of the 
 Christians was not ill-founded, for white men had already 
 visited the locality, and on the refusal of the chiefs to 
 supply them with corn had killed them, and had them- 
 selves in turn suffered a like fate at the hands of other 
 Christians, who had proved very friendly to the Indians. 
 Aviles then delivered his customary dissertation upon 
 true and false Christians, recapitulated his own pacific in- 
 tentions, delivered up to Tocobaga those of his subjects 
 whom Carlos had held as prisoners, and ended by receiv- 
 ing the humble submission of the chief. 
 
 The following day an interview took place between 
 Carlos and Tocobaga in the presence of two inter- 
 preters to hold the tricky chiefs in check. Three days 
 later over fifteen hundred warriors gathered near the 
 village, to receive the Adelantado. It was too threat- 
 ening an assembly for the still distrustful Aviles, al- 
 though the disposition of the Indians was friendly and 
 he asked Tocobaga to dismiss them, retaining only the 
 
 ' He traded in corn, chickens, mantas, and honey. 
 
28o The Spanish Settlements 
 
 chief men, with whom he wished to treat in regard to a 
 peace, observing at the same time that his own soldiers 
 were overjoyed at the sight of the warriors, thinking that 
 the Indians had come to fight them. The ruse proved 
 successful, and the peace with Carlos and the Spaniards 
 was established. But all efforts to discover the water 
 communication with San Mateo proved abortive. It is 
 true that a neighbouring river was said to pass through 
 the territory of Macoya, but he was the enemy of Toco- 
 baga and the master of many warriors ; and Aviles aban- 
 doned the voyage because his own forces were insufficient 
 to attempt it,' and finally departed, leaving Captain Mar- 
 tinez de Coz with thirty soldiers at Tocobaga ' to instruct 
 the Indians in the faith.' There remains a curious account 
 of the mortuary customs of the natives. On the death of 
 a chief his body was divided up into small pieces and 
 cooked for two days until the skin could be removed 
 from the bones, when the skeleton was reconstructed. 
 During the four days which this required a fast was ob- 
 served, and on the fourth day the entire village accom- 
 panied the bones in procession to a temple in which the 
 reconstructed skeleton was deposited amidst the rever- 
 ences of the assembly. All who attended the procession 
 were said to gain indulgences." 
 
 Aviles now returned to San Antonio, where he left 
 Carlos who was still chafing under the peace which had 
 been forced upon him, and threatening vengeance upon 
 the Christians. The blockhouse was strengthened and 
 the garrison was increased by a force of fifty additional 
 
 ' Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 298. 
 
 2 Velasco (C^^^ra/Za de las Indias, JJ7i-iJ74^ p. 161) says the Spanish 
 settlement consisted of 24 houses. 
 
 3 Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 285-291; Barrientos in 
 Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 135-137- 
 
 '» Dos breves memorias sobre las costumbres de los yndios de la Florida. 
 MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 135, caj. 7, leg. 8. 
 
Expeditions of Pardo and Boyano 281 
 
 soldiers. Father Rogel, who on his arrival had immedi- 
 ately turned his attention to the study of the language/ 
 remained to prosecute his work among the soldiers as well 
 as among the natives, for the former had begged that he 
 might be left to instruct them by his good example "lest 
 otherwise they shortly become as savage as the Indians," 
 writes Barrientos." 
 
 It had been the intention of the Adclantado to return 
 the Tegesta Indians, whom Carlos still held prisoners, to 
 their own people, to settle among them Brother Francisco 
 de Villareal, who had begun the study of their language, 
 and then to proceed to St. Augustine and San Mateo; 
 but on leaving the harbour he met a tender which had 
 been sent from St. Augustine to Havana ; it brought him 
 from the latter place a request for succour from the 
 islands and letters from the Havana magistrates asking 
 his presence in the city to quiet a conflict which had 
 arisen between the Governor and the Adelantado's aid, 
 Captain Barreda, who had been left under instructions 
 from the King to protect the harbour.' It further ap- 
 peared that Pedro de Rodaban, sent by Philip to reinforce 
 Avil^s, had reached Havana during his absence, and, 
 seized with the gold-fever, had mutinied with the inten- 
 tion of going to New Spain, in which he was counte- 
 nanced by the Governor, who wished to give him the 
 command of the vessel he had brought with him. Avil^s 
 sent the Indians to Tegesta, and sailed immediately for 
 Havana. In the course of a month he gained possession 
 of the rebellious Rodaban, and sentenced him to death, 
 but he finally allowed him to make an appeal. Ships were 
 
 ' Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 284. 
 
 ''Velasco (in his Geograf{a de la Indias, iS7i-i574, P- r6i) says that in 
 1566 Aviles built a Spanish settlement of 36 houses on the island in the 
 Bay of Carlos. 
 
 3 Meras (in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 294-296) gives a graphic 
 account of the quarrel. 
 
282 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 sent to Campeche for supplies and Avil^s was at last at 
 liberty to carry out his previous intentions. 
 
 His first destination was Tegesta, where he entered 
 into a friendly compact with the chief, who gave him his 
 brother and two other Indians to take to Spain. During 
 his stay of four days Brother Francisco was settled there, 
 a cross erected, a blockhouse built, and a company of 
 soldiers was left in charge.' In three days' sail from 
 Tegesta Aviles reached San Mateo. During his absence 
 the war with Saturiba had continued, in which the chief 
 had greatly suffered. Many of his subjects and several 
 chiefs had been killed by the Spaniards, and Villarroel 
 had cast into chains sixteen of the principal men. The 
 camp master had ascended the St. John's fifty leagues 
 to the village of Macoya, but after awaiting in vain the 
 arrival of the Adelantado, returned to San Mateo, on 
 account of the narrowing of the river beyond and the 
 great number of natives which he encountered. 
 
 The continuance of the Indian war was little to the 
 liking of Aviles, whose untiring efforts had been directed 
 to the establishment of friendly relations with the natives. 
 His own forces were distributed along the extended coast 
 in small companies, largely dependent upon such relations 
 for their subsistence, and so isolated that despite their 
 courage and endurance they would inevitably succumb 
 to a concerted and sustained attack of the Indians, whose 
 warlike qualities the General was too intelligent to de- 
 spise. If the war with Saturiba should spread : if the 
 Indians, finally perceiving the importance of burying their 
 mutual jealousies, should combine and rise simultaneously 
 against the Spaniards, it would put an end to his dream 
 of conquest, overwhelm his colony, and sacrifice the 
 fortunes of himself and his friends. He was now upon 
 the point of returning to Spain in order to plead the 
 
 ' Velasco (in his Geografia de la Indias, i^yi-i_S74, p. 162) says that the 
 Spanish settlement consisted of 28 houses. 
 
Expeditions of Pardo and Boyano 283 
 
 cause of his colony. He further realised, should these 
 dissensions continue, how dangerous the enmity of the 
 Indians would prove in the case of a descent of the 
 French upon the coast, who would turn to their own ad- 
 vantage the fierce hatred which the Spaniards had aroused 
 among the natives. And Avilcs wished to depart with 
 the conviction that peace was established, at least during 
 his absence. 
 
 Determined to bring Saturiba to terms, he caused one 
 of the prisoners to be released and sent him to invite the 
 chief to a parley at the end of the bar, two leagues dis- 
 tant from San Mateo. His curiosity was also aroused, 
 for he had never seen Saturiba, by whom he was reported 
 to be held in high esteem and at the same time to be 
 greatly feared. Saturiba replied that he was ready to 
 meet the Adelantado at the appointed place, and asked 
 him to bring his prisoners along with him. The follow- 
 ing day, after a final leave-taking in which Aviles cheered 
 and encouraged his half-naked soldiers with the promise 
 of clothing, succour, and pay, which he would send them 
 on his arrival in Spain, he dropped down the river to the 
 appointed place, taking the seven Indian prisoners with 
 him in chains. 
 
 Saturiba had preceded him and was stationed on the 
 land at a short distance from the sea with a large party of 
 Indians. All efforts to prevail upon him to come down 
 to the shore proved fruitless, and at his request the Ade- 
 lantado landed his prisoners, still in chains, but under the 
 guns of his ship, so that no rescue could be attempted. 
 Saturiba, however, would not approach them, and an in- 
 effectual conversation lasting for two hours was carried 
 on between them and the chief by means of messengers. 
 Finally it appeared that he wished Avilcs to land in per- 
 son, and a soldier, who understood the language, informed 
 the Adelantado that Saturiba was plotting to kill him by 
 means of an ambuscade and to free the prisoners. Avil^s's 
 
284 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 patience was now exhausted, and abandoning all hope of 
 coming to an understanding with the indomitable savage, 
 he recalled his prisoners, and sent him word that hence- 
 forth he would treat him as an enemy, and would either 
 cut off his head or drive him from his country, on account 
 of the Christians he had killed. Saturiba replied in the 
 same spirit, and Avil6s sailed for St. Augustine. 
 
 On his arrival he found great discontent prevailing at 
 the settlement owing to the insolent behaviour of Captain 
 Miguel Henriquez, who had insulted the governor, Bar- 
 tolome, and had proceeded with a high hand in his treat- 
 ment of the soldiers. Henriquez was tried, condemned, 
 and carried off to be turned over to the Council of the 
 Indies. Las Alas was appointed Lieutenant of the pro- 
 vince, and measures were taken to prosecute an active 
 Indian campaign, following an unsuccessful expedition 
 against Saturiba led by Aviles in person. It was now 
 the latter part of April or the beginning of May, and 
 Aviles took leave of his soldiers and set sail for San 
 Felipe. He took with him three Timuquanan natives, 
 the three Tegesta Indians, Rodaban and Henriquez, all of 
 whom he intended to carry to Spain, and with a fair wind 
 reached San Felipe in the course of three days,* where he 
 learned from Pardo the results of the expedition to Juada, 
 and of Boyano's discoveries to the south. 
 
 In January, 1567, thirty days after Pardo's return from 
 his first expedition, a letter had reached him from his 
 sergeant Boyano, at Juada, at the foot of the mountains, 
 informing him that he had waged war against the cacique 
 of Chisca in the Georgia mountains, probably the same 
 region where De Soto had sent a scouting party of two 
 Spaniards with some Indians.'^ With a force of only 
 
 ' Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 291-305 ; Barrientos in 
 Garcia, Dos Atitiguas Relaciones de ca Florida, pp. 137-140. 
 
 "^ See Spanish Settlements, vol. i., p. 232, note i. " Myths of the Chero- 
 kee," 19 Ann. Rep. Bu. Ethn., Pt. I., p. 201. 
 
Expeditions of Pardo and Boyano 285 
 
 fifteen soldiers he had killed over a thousand natives and 
 burned fifty huts, only two of his soldiers being slightly 
 wounded, and he enquired whether he should not prose- 
 cute the advantage. To this Las Alas, who was in com- 
 mand at San Felipe, consented, directing him to leave 
 ten soldiers to garrison the fort. While Boyano was 
 awaiting the reply to his letter, one of the mountain 
 chiefs sent him word that he was coming down to eat 
 him and a dog which the Spaniards had taken with them. 
 Thinking it best to be the first to attack, the sergeant 
 started out with a party of twenty soldiers, and after 
 four days' march through the mountains came upon the 
 Indian stronghold. It was defended by a high palisade 
 of wood, with only one small entrance. Under cover of 
 their shields the Spaniards entered, the sergeant being 
 wounded in the mouth, and nine of his soldiers injured. 
 The Indians, seeing their village captured, took to their 
 underground dwellings, from which they issued to skir- 
 mish with the Spaniards ; but the latter killed some, drove 
 others back into their huts, and, setting fire to them, 
 killed and burned fifteen hundred natives, according to 
 Boyano's report.' 
 
 It was there that the letter of Las Alas found him. 
 Having reduced the mountain chieftain, Boyano garri- 
 soned the little fort of San Juan, and began his expedi- 
 tion. Striking south in the direction of Chiaha, in four 
 days' march he reached a great village surrounded by a 
 strong stockade with towers, and situated between two 
 large rivers. It was probably one of the red or war 
 towns of the Creeks,' for it was inhabited solely by three 
 thousand warriors, and was entirely destitute of women 
 and children. The warriors gave him a friendly reception 
 and entertained his party with food. Twelve days' march 
 from there, and pursuing in all likelihood the same trail 
 
 ' A Spanish proverb says : " Distant countries, big lies." 
 2 Spanish Settlements^ vol. i., p. 59, and note 3. 
 
286 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 that De Soto had traversed before them, the Spaniards 
 reached the chief town of the country, Chiaha,' in the 
 neighbourhood of where Columbus, Georgia, now is, and 
 distant one hundred and forty leagues from San Juan. 
 Boyano determined to await here the arrival of Pardo, 
 who was to leave San Felipe in August, and so he built 
 himself a fort, with the consent and assistance of the 
 natives, for the cacique wished to be on good terms with 
 the Spaniards. He named it Santa Elena and, with un- 
 usual prudence for a soldier, began planting wheat and 
 barley. In the mean time he was treated with the great- 
 est respect. On approaching a town the natives would 
 paint themselves in brilliant colours as if for a festival and 
 come four or five leagues to receive him ; then they would 
 conduct him quickly to their village, bearing him along 
 in a litter, and dancing before him, and as he sat enthroned 
 in his chair they would vie with each other in attempts to 
 reach his presence and to bring him gifts of deer-skins and 
 meat, fish and fowl, corn and game in abundance for his 
 soldiers." 
 
 A year and eight months had now elapsed since Aviles 
 had first landed in Florida, and he had realised in that 
 short space of time, in almost every detail, the plans with 
 
 ' Spanish Settlements, vol. i., p. 231, note 2. Pardo calls it "Chihaque, y 
 por otro nombre se llama Lameco." (" Relacion " in Ruidiaz, La Florida, 
 tomoii., p. 471), and " Lameco, que tiene por otro nombre Chiaha." {Ibid,, 
 p. 472.) Vandera (" Relacion," ibid., p. 484) says : " Solameco y por otro 
 nombre Chiaha." Shea, in his " Pardo's Exploration of South Carolina 
 and G&org\&^' {Historical Magazine, i860, p. 232), incorrectly translates 
 this sentence in Vandera, as if it contained the names of two different 
 towns, instead of giving two different names for one and the same town. 
 He adds that Talimeco near Cufitatchiqui is interpreted by Buckingham 
 Smith to signify talitninko, "rock chief." Shea identifies Chiaha with 
 that of De Soto. Gatschet, in his Migration Legend of the Creek Indians 
 (vol. i., pp. 62, 63), derives Solameco from a Creek word stili mikd — "buz- 
 zard chief," and incorrectly places it on the Savannah River. 
 
 ^ " Relacion del viaje . . . escrita por el soldado Francisco Mar- 
 tinez," in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 478-480. 
 

 
 Lo^ 
 
 MAPA DE LA FLORIDA Y LAQUNA DE MAIMI," 1595-1600 (?), IN THE ARCHIVES OF THE 
 INDIES, SEVILLE. 
 
Expeditions of Pardo and Boyano 287 
 
 which he had set out. He had successfully expelled the 
 French from the extensive territory under his command. 
 He had in person explored the coast as far north as 
 Santa Elena in South Carolina and circumnavigated the 
 Peninsula from the St. John's on the east to Tampa Bay 
 on the west, discovering three hundred leagues of coast, 
 four deep harbours and twenty shallower ones, which he 
 had marked out and sounded'; he had penetrated the 
 country to the interior as far as central Alabama. He 
 had twice explored the St. John's River, in part, and his 
 failure to verify the existence of its supposed communica- 
 tion with the Gulf of Mexico, upon which he laid so much 
 stress, was solely due to his set purpose not to arouse the 
 hostility of the natives. 
 
 He had founded three permanent settlements, those of 
 St. Augustine, San Mateo, and San Felipe, in situations 
 along the shore of the Atlantic especially selected to serve 
 as harbours of refuge for the treasure fleets. He had 
 established a line of forts at Ays (St. Lucie), Tegesta 
 (Biscayne Bay), Carlos (Charlotte Harbour), and Toco- 
 baga (Tampa), on each side of the Peninsula, along the 
 course where the treasure fleets in their passage to Spain 
 were most exposed to the violence of storms, where 
 wrecks were of most frequent occurrence, and where 
 those who were cast ashore were subject to the inhuman 
 treatment of the natives. He had carried out his pre- 
 vious intention of forming a settlement on the Chesa- 
 peake, the failure of which was due solely to circumstances 
 beyond his control, and he had established a fort at the 
 foot of the Appalachian Mountains, the source from 
 which the Indians in their intercourse with the French 
 had derived a large part of their gold and silver. Finally, 
 he had taken all of the precautions within his power to 
 garrison the colony and had distributed fifteen hundred 
 
 ' Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 317. 
 
288 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 men in the various forts and settlements which he had 
 founded.' 
 
 He had used his utmost endeavours to establish friendly- 
 relations with the natives, in which he had succeeded in 
 every instance, with the exception of that of Saturiba, 
 whose hostile attitude was due in no part to his own 
 want of tact, but to the insubordination and ill-will of 
 his mutinous soldiers; and he had placed in the midst 
 of those who were given to the greatest cruelty the two 
 or three missionaries who had reached him from the 
 mother country. In pursuance of this policy he had been 
 so considerate in respecting the feelings of the natives 
 that he does not appear to have exercised the right of 
 distributing the repartimientos granted him by the Asi- 
 ento," except, perhaps, at Santa Elena. He had ap- 
 pointed agents in the most accessible centres of the West 
 India trade, Puerto Rico, Santo Domingo, and Cuba, 
 from which assistance could be readily sent to his nursling 
 colonies; and he had been so successful in organising this 
 important department of his government that one hun- 
 dred and fifty sailors in twelve vessels were engaged in 
 supplying the colonies and in prosecuting the discoveries.^ 
 The obstacles which he had encountered, the partial 
 failures which had attended his plans, were due rather to 
 the jealousy of officials, the absence of discipline among 
 his soldiers, and the inhospitality of a new country than 
 to any lack of foresight on his part, and these he had 
 partly overcome by means of that prudence with which 
 he was so amply endowed. 
 
 Osorio, the Governor of Cuba, from whom Avil^s 
 should have received all of the consideration to which his 
 
 ' Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 148. 
 
 2 Capitulacion y asiento con Pero Menendez de Aviles para la poblacion 
 y conquista de la Florida," Madrid, March 20, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, 
 tomo ii., p. 42. 
 
 3 Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 148. 
 
Expeditions of Pardo and Boyano 289 
 
 rank and the royal interest which he represented entitled 
 him, had thrown every obstacle in his way which a 
 powerful official with large authority and out of reach of 
 the royal arm could raise. He had refused him money 
 for his starving colonies, he had impressed his men, he 
 had countenanced mutineers and deserters, he had re- 
 fused him ships, he had driven him from the city of Ha- 
 vana, and had even indirectly threatened his life. To all 
 of this Avil^s had submitted with a self-control very re- 
 markable in a man of such decisive and energetic disposi- 
 tion. But Havana was the storehouse nearest at hand to 
 his new government, and in the interest of his enterprise 
 and that of his friends whose fortunes were involved in it, 
 he had put up with Osorio's arbitrary conduct, and, equal 
 to an emergency in which the success of his conquest was 
 at stake, he had revictualled his colonies with the prize 
 money of his captains and what more he could obtain by 
 pledging his own wardrobe. His prudence had finally 
 been crowned with success, and he was now able to return 
 to Spain with the conviction that he had performed his 
 duty in every particular. He had left behind him two 
 sources of weakness, one of which was the Indian war in 
 the region of San Mateo, and the second was the wide 
 distribution of his soldiers. One reason for the latter 
 may have been the reduction of the drain on the store of 
 provisions at San Mateo and St. Augustine, and the 
 lessening of the spread of the ever-present spirit of 
 revolt. 
 
 On the verge of his departure Avil^s directed that a 
 number of blockhouses be erected in the neighbourhood 
 of St. Augustine and San Mateo, each with a small gar- 
 rison to keep the Indians in check,' to protect the trail 
 
 ' These were at Palican, an island near the Matanzas River, five leagues 
 south of Augustine ; at Soloy ; at Saturiba, three leagues from and prob- 
 ably to the south of San Mateo ; at Alimacany ; at Old St. Augustine, 
 Tacatacuru, and at Guale. Barrientos in ibid., pp. 140-142. 
 
290 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 between the forts ; and stringent orders were given that 
 no Indian should be admitted into them. The station 
 at Palican, an island near the Matanzas River, five leagues 
 south of St. Augustine, was to be built on an elevation 
 where the sea could be watched and the passage of ves- 
 sels reported to St. Augustine; dogs trained to attack 
 the Indians were to be set loose every night in order to 
 protect the cattle and keep the island clear of natives. 
 He left orders that the chief of Tacatacuru should be 
 killed as a punishment for the murder of Father Martinez 
 and that of Captain Pedro de la Rando, who, with ten 
 soldiers, had been treacherously set upon while asleep in 
 the house of the chief.' 
 
 May 18, 1567, Avil^s set sail from San Felipe in an 
 extremely small vessel of only twenty tons burden. His 
 company consisted of thirty-eight men, including six In- 
 dians and a priest; the two captains, Henriquez and 
 Rodaban, went as prisoners.'' June 15th he was at Ter- 
 cera, one of the Azores, where he heard that Philip was 
 to sail from Corunna for Flanders. Making for that port 
 he was chased by one English and two French vessels 
 into Vivero, twenty leagues to the east of Corunna. He 
 arrived at Vivero about the 17th or i8th of the month, 
 and learned that the King was still in Madrid. Avil^s 
 wrote announcing his arrival, sent forward his prisoners 
 to the Council of the Indies, and then went on to his 
 native town of Avil6s. 
 
 Meras tells an amusing story of the fright caused by his 
 appearance among some shipping at Artedo, a little bay 
 not far from Avil^s, where he passed the night and was 
 at first taken for a Turkish corsair.^ The day following 
 
 • Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 305-308 ; Barrientos in 
 Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 140-144. 
 
 ^ Meras (in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 308, 309) says he was only 
 17 days in crossing ! Barrientos (in Garcia, Bos Antiguas Relaciones de la 
 Florida, p. 144), says Aviles arrived July 17th, an evident mistake. 
 
 ' Meras in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i,, pp. 311-313. 
 
 k 
 
Expeditions of Pardo and Boyano 291 
 
 his arrival at Artedo he visited his home and saw his wife, 
 with whom he remained for eighteen days, and July 25th 
 reached Madrid. He presented himself before the King 
 with his six Indians in their scant Florida dress armed 
 with their bows and arrows. Garcilaso relates that as the 
 Indians were passing through a village, on their way to 
 Madrid, one of the Spaniards who had visited Florida in 
 company with De Soto went out to see them. In order 
 to show his acquaintance with their country he inquired 
 of them if they were from the province of Vetachuco, or 
 Apalache, or Mauvilia, or Chica^a, or from other regions 
 where some great battles had been fought. The Indians 
 immediately perceived his object, and looking at him 
 askance, replied, "Do you want to have news of those 
 provinces, which you left in such a bad condition?" 
 Then, having consulted together a little, saying they 
 would prefer to give him a volley of arrows rather than 
 the news he asked for, two of the Indians shot some 
 arrows in the air. They did this with such skill that the 
 arrows mounted out of sight, and the Spaniard, who 
 himself narrated the incident to Garcilaso, expressed his 
 surprise that they had not shot at him, so great was their 
 proverbial recklessness and daring.' 
 
 On his arrival at Court Avil^s found that the false re- 
 ports concerning his conduct spread abroad by the Florida 
 deserters and mutineers, among which was the accusation 
 that he had sold the provisions sent to Florida to his own 
 advantage, had produced a bad impression on Philip and 
 his Council. This he successfully dispelled. He told of 
 his plans to impede the passage of the French to New- 
 foundland, referring probably to his Chesapeake Bay 
 enterprise, and was treated as a veritable Neptune of the 
 
 '^ La Florida del Inca, Madrid, 1723, lib. vi., cap. 22, p. 268. Garcilaso 
 says the village was near Cordova. This detail casts some doubt on the 
 anecdote, for the Indians could hardly have passed by Cordova on their 
 way from the Asturias to Madrid. 
 
292 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Florida seas, says Fourquevaux, who wrote Charles IX. 
 that Avil^s had been summoned to Spain to command 
 the fleet which was on its way to Flanders to plant the 
 Inquisition there.' If such had been Philip's original in- 
 tention, it was subsequently abandoned. November 3, 
 1567, the King rewarded him with the title of Captain- 
 General of the West, appointed him to command a fleet 
 of twelve galleons, with two thousand soldiers to secure 
 the navigation of the West Indies, and granted him an 
 aid of two hundred thousand ducats.* In the early part 
 of January of the following year the King conferred 
 upon him the commandery of the .Holy Cross of Zarza of 
 the Knights of Santiago with an income of eight hundred 
 crowns in recognition of his services. If we are to trust 
 Fourquevaux the appointment did not quite come up to 
 the expectations of the haughty Adelantado, who had 
 entertained higher aspirations, and who did not hesitate 
 to show his disappointment in his demeanour.^ 
 
 ' Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Aug. 2, 1567, D^peches, pp. 241, 242. 
 
 * " Titulo de Capitan General de una Armada de 12 galeones dispuesta 
 en Vizcaia, destinada a la guarda y seguridad de las costas, islas y puertos 
 de Indias," Escorial, Nov. 3, 1567, Ruidiaz, La Florida^ tomo ii., p. 390; 
 Meras in ibid.^ tomo i., pp. 309-320; Barrientos (in Garcia, Dos Antiguas 
 Relaciones de la Florida, pp. 144-149) gives the date of September 15th of 
 the same year (p. 148). Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Nov. 13, 1567, 
 D^peches, p. 289. 
 
 ' Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Jan. 19, 1568, Depeches, p. 316. " Pierre 
 Menendes a eu le commanderie de Sainte Croix de la Sarce, vaillant huict 
 cens escuz de rente ; at faict encore le dedaigneux ; car il s'en estoit promis 
 une meilleur." The date appended to the entry in the Indice de priiebas 
 de los caballeros que han vestido el hdbito de Santiago desde el ano j^oi hasta 
 la fecha (formado por D. Vicente Vignau . . . y D. Francisco R. de 
 Uhagon, . . . Madrid, 1901, p. 222) is 1558. This is evidently a mis- 
 print, for the reason that the entry describes him as "Adelantado de la 
 Florida, Gobemador general de la Isla de Cuba," whereas he did not visit 
 Florida until 1565, and his appointment as governor of Cuba was of still 
 later date. It is also apparent, from the context of the paragraph in Four- 
 quevaux's letter above given, that the appointment was of recent date. In- 
 deed, from the character of the misprint and the date of Fourquevaux's 
 letter the appointment would seem to have been made during the first half 
 of January, 1568. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 MUTINY AT ST. AUGUSTINE — PARDO'S SECOND 
 EXPEDITION 
 
 AVILES had scarcely set sail when the authorities at 
 St. Augustine learned of a mutiny which had been 
 fomenting for some time prior to his departure. It had 
 assumed extensive and threatening proportions, for it in- 
 volved one hundred and fifty of the garrison. Their plan 
 was to spike the guns, gain possession of the higher 
 ofificials, and to carry off all of the property and the 
 women. The suspicions of the authorities having been 
 aroused shortly before the intended outbreak, an investi- 
 gation was ordered and five of the conspirators were 
 seized, who, being put to the torture, disclosed the ex- 
 tent of the plot, but were nevertheless executed. This 
 was followed by the seizure of some thirty more, all 
 worthy of death ; but the chaplain Mendoza cast himself 
 at the feet of the judges and begged for their lives, on 
 the condition that the mutineers should repent and bind 
 themselves to keep the peace in the future. "And when 
 I preached them a sermon in the presence of the judges, 
 at the sight of their repentance and tears those gentle- 
 men ordered their release from the prison into which they 
 had been cast," writes the chaplain, "and suspended 
 their sentence until they become guilty of another crime. " 
 Notwithstanding the efforts of Bartolom^ to smooth 
 the pathway of the little colony, "he was still a man," 
 293 
 
294 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 says the moralising chaplain, and friction arose between 
 him and Arguelles, perhaps Martin Arguelles, father of 
 the first white man born at St. Augustine. The quarrel 
 led to a passage of words between them, and Las Alas at 
 once put the Governor under guard and cast Arguelles 
 into prison, until the arrival of Pedro Menendez Marques, 
 who with the assistance of the chaplain patched up a 
 peace between them. Pedro de Andrada, with a force 
 of eighty soldiers, was sent to assist Outina against 
 Saturiba and some other chiefs who had combined to 
 attack him. They appear to have been successful, and 
 Andrada succeeded in burning one of the native villages; 
 but on his return he was attacked by the allied Indians 
 and slain with a large part of his company.' About the 
 middle of August, Marques and Las Alas departed for 
 San Felipe. A curious side-light is cast upon the scant 
 resources of the little colony when we read in a letter of 
 Mendoza in relation to one of his priests, who had been 
 found guilty of a very grave offence, — that he did not 
 write with more detail owing to the lack of writing paper, 
 that which he possessed having been given him "for the 
 love of God." " 
 
 Towards the end of the month Marques and Las Alas 
 reached San Felipe, and Pardo was directed to join 
 Boyano at Chiaha, where the latter was awaiting him. 
 September ist he set out, and ascending the Savannah 
 as far as Cufitatchiqui, he struck across the country and 
 reached Juada over part of the route by which he had 
 returned on his previous expedition. He found that the 
 Indians had surrounded the small garrison in Fort San 
 Juan, but they laid aside their hostile attitude on his 
 appearance and renewed their submission. Crossing the 
 spur of the mountains, probably by the trail which 
 
 * Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Nov. 19, 1567, Dipeches, p. 295. 
 ■^ Mendoza to Philip II., Aug, 6, 1567, MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, 
 est. 54, caj. 5, leg. 9. 
 
Pardo's Second Expedition 295 
 
 Boyano had followed before him, he reached Tocalques, 
 perhaps Toxaway, at the foot of the mountains in north- 
 western South Carolina.' A beautiful and fertile country 
 now lay before him, which Vandera, who accompanied 
 him, at a loss to describe it, could only compare to Anda- 
 lusia. At Tanasqui Pardo thought that he discerned the 
 smoke arising from the reduction of silver ore '" : the trail 
 to Chiaha passed through a region filled with wild grape- 
 vines laden with ripe fruit, and medlar trees, probably 
 the persimmon ; it is a land of benediction, a country of 
 angels, writes the delighted Vandera.* 
 
 At Chiaha, where he rested a while, Pardo found 
 Boyano with his soldiers. Although informed by the 
 friendly natives that hostile Creeks were awaiting him he 
 determined to continue his journey, and struck directly 
 south "in the direction of Zacatecas and the Mines of San 
 Martin," ' fascinated by the well-built villages, the pleas- 
 ant streams, the corn-fields and the groves of wild fruit- 
 trees through which he passed. Four days south of 
 Chiaha at Satapo the report that the Indians had assem- 
 bled farther on to attack him assumed such proportions 
 that after consultation with his ofificers he concluded to 
 retrace his steps and return to Chiaha. It had been his 
 intention to proceed by way of Tasquiqui, near the junc- 
 tion of the Coosa and Tallapoosa Rivers,^ and by way of 
 
 ^ "Myths of the Cherokee," James Mooney, ig Ann. Rep. Bu. Ethn., Pt. 
 I., p. 29. Shea in " Pardo's Exploration of South Carolina and Georgia," 
 {Historical Magazine, i860, p, 232) suggests Toccoa. 
 
 " Shea, ibid.. Historical Magazine, i860, p. 232. The silver mines of the 
 Cherokees, "the existence of which, long doubtful, has now been recog- 
 nised." 
 
 ^ " Relacion escrita por Juan de la Vandera," in Ruidiaz, Zm Florida, 
 tomo ii., p. 485. 
 
 * Ibid., tomo ii., p. 485. 
 
 * Gatschet, Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, vol. i., p. I91. 
 " Myths of the Cherokee," James Mooney, ig Ann. Rep. Bu. Etkn., Ft. I., 
 p. 29. 
 
296 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Coga in what is now Talladega County, Alabama,' as far 
 as the Choctaw territory of Tuscaloosa in Alabama.* 
 This plan he was now compelled to abandon, but one of 
 his soldiers with a party of friendly natives went a dis- 
 tance of five days' journey from Satapo to Coga, bringing 
 back a report that it was a town of one hundred and fifty 
 householders," the largest and richest that had yet been 
 visited. 
 
 Pardo remained several days at Chiaha, where he 
 strengthened the fort already built by Boyano, and left 
 a corporal in charge with thirty soldiers. At Cauchi* 
 another blockhouse was constructed and garrisoned with 
 a corporal and twelve soldiers, at the request of the 
 chief, who, under the guise of asking for Christians to 
 teach his people, probably desired their assistance against 
 his neighbours. Juada was reinforced by his sub-lieuten- 
 ant, Alberto Escudero, and thirty soldiers, and at Guatari, 
 through which Pardo also passed, a blockhouse was con- 
 structed and left in charge of another corporal and seven- 
 teen soldiers. From there Pardo returned to San Felipe 
 at Santa Elena.' Of the fate which ultimately overtook 
 these isolated settlements we have but a very brief record 
 to the effect that the natives upon whom they were 
 
 ' See Spanish Settlements, vol. i., p. 232 and note 3. Shea (in " Pardo's 
 Exploration of South Carolina and Gtorgid." Historical Magazine, i860, p. 
 232), Gatschet {Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, vol. i., p. 191), 
 and Mooney (in " Myths of the Cherokee," ig Ann. Rep. Bu. Ethn., Pt. 
 I., p. 29) all identify it with -Soto's Co^a. 
 
 '^Spanish Settletnents, vol. i., pp. 60, 6r. 
 
 * " Vecinos." 
 
 *Shea, ibid.. Historical Magazine, i860, p. 232. "The word Chatta- 
 hoochee is not much abridged in Ca-u-chi." 
 
 ^ " Relacion de la entrada y de la conquista que por mandado de Pero 
 Menendez de Aviles hizo en 1565 [j/c] en el interior de la Florida el Capi- 
 tan Juan Pardo, escrita por el mismo," in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., 
 pp. 469-473. " Relacion escrita por Juan de la Vandera," in ibid., tomo 
 ii., pp. 484-486. Herrera in his " Descripcion de las Indias," (in vol. i. of 
 the Decades, p. 15) says Pardo went from New Spain to Florida in less 
 than two years! See Appendix Z, Pardo's Second Expedition. 
 
Pardo's Second Expedition 297 
 
 quartered finally rose and killed them all, only a fifer, his 
 wife, and daughter escaping from the general massacre.' 
 
 The reduction of the garrison at San Felipe brought 
 little relief to its starving soldiers, and with the opening 
 of 1568 the familiar conditions were again rife. Towards 
 the end of the winter, supplies reached St. Augustine 
 from Campeche, but previous to their arrival the price of 
 corn had risen to one hundred and fifty reales a bushel 
 and to more than twenty ducats at San Mateo. The 
 garrison at the former place had been subsisting for days 
 on a ration of four ounces of corn, — a quantity of which 
 had been found in the rat-holes in the sand, — on the roots 
 of palms, and on oysters, which Las Alas collected by the 
 boatload. He had, however, carried out the instructions 
 of Avil^s as far as it lay in his power, and by the end of 
 March two blockhouses had been built within sight of 
 each other at the mouth of the St. John's, one on the 
 south shore, near the bar, probably on the Mayport 
 Peninsula, and the other across the river on the island of 
 Alimacany, Fort George Island, and a third at Old St. 
 Augustine." The war with Saturiba dragged along, and 
 on the 31st of March, shortly after the completion of the 
 blockhouses, four hundred Indians attacked the fort of 
 San Mateo, and entering it by a breach in the palisade 
 caused by a flood in the river, killed one soldier and 
 severely wounded Castellon, who was in command. On 
 receipt of the news Las Alas at once sent Captain Fran- 
 cisco Nunez, with fifty of his best men, to the relief of 
 the fort. On their arrival the stockade was restored and 
 
 ' Relacion de las cosas que han pasado en la Florida tocantes al servicio 
 de Dios y del Rey. Vino con carta de Juan Mendez, 6 de Abril, 1584. 
 MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 54, caj. 5, leg. 16, p. 2. 
 
 'Las Alas to , St. Augustine, March 23, 1568. Brooks MSS., 
 
 Library of Congress, Washington. Fairbanks in his History of St. Augus- 
 tine (New York, 1858, pp. 61, 103), thinks the blockhouses at the mouth 
 of the St. John's were located the one at Batten Island and the other at 
 Mayport. 
 
298 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Castellon was rapidly recovering from his wound when, 
 like a thunderbolt out of a clear sky, the French avenger 
 descended upon the devoted garrison.' 
 
 • Estevan de la sala en san agustin cinco de mayo mil quinientos sesenta 
 y nueve cuenta como se perdio el fuerte de san mateo. MS. Arch. Gen. 
 de Indias, Seville, est. 2, caj. 5, leg. 1/9. See Appendix BB, The Spanish 
 Account of Gourgues's Attack on San Mateo, where it is shown that the 
 date 1569 is probably a mistake for 1568. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 PHILIP NOTIFIES FRANCE OF THE MASSACRE 
 
 WHILE Avil^s was achieving his conquest and settle- 
 ment of the transatlantic peninsula, the negotia- 
 tions pending between France and Spain had reached an 
 acute stage. Only the dependence of Catherine on the 
 assistance her Catholic neighbour might afford her in case 
 the intrigues she was hatching with the antagonistic re- 
 ligious elements in her own country should turn to her 
 own disadvantage had prevented her from coming to an 
 open breach with Philip over the question of Florida. 
 De Thou ' has accused the Catholic leaders of having be- 
 trayed to Philip the departure of Jean Ribaut's final ex- 
 pedition, but we have seen with what accuracy the King 
 was kept informed by his diplomatic agents of every step 
 taken by the French. In the ignorance of the Protestant 
 party concerning the true sources from which Spain de- 
 rived its information it may well be that in the heat of 
 the moment the rumours current at the time among the 
 Huguenots made the Roman Catholics the scapegoats for 
 the want of caution of the Protestants. 
 
 It is not improbable that at the very time when Alava 
 was conveying the final warning to Catherine at Tours, 
 
 ^Histoire Universelle, 1620, vol. ii., p. 536 ; Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride 
 Fran(;aise, p. 231. Haag says many Frenchmen thought the Guises had 
 advised the Spaniards of the departure of the Protestant colony for Florida. 
 " Un glorieux episode maritime et colonial," by Maurice Delpeuch ia 
 Revue Maritime, Oct., 1902, tome civ., p. 1900. 
 299 
 
300 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Valdes had already arrived at Court with the information* 
 of the capture of Fort Caroline and the final catastrophe 
 which had befallen Ribaut's fleet; for he had left St. 
 Augustine with Aviles's dispatch of October 15th, and 
 had probably reached his destination by the opening of 
 December.' 
 
 No breath of the result of the expedition had yet 
 reached France, where Catherine was still playing her 
 role of injured innocence and writing her daughter and 
 Fourquevaux that neither she nor the King had ever sent 
 a subject of theirs to usurp the estates of the King of 
 Spain, but to the Terrc dcs Bretons, and that they would 
 severely punish any of their vassals who should attempt 
 it. "May it please God," she piously concludes in her 
 letter to her daughter, "that Florida may never cause 
 you to believe that which is not so." ^ Jacques Ribaut 
 arrived in France about the middle of December, and 
 with two of his captains had gone post-haste to Coligny, 
 to whom he had related the sack of Fort Caroline and 
 the loss of his vessels, but the news was not yet known 
 even in France.' 
 
 At Madrid, as well, Fourquevaux was still in complete 
 ignorance. Shortly before Christmas, in an interview 
 with Alba, the Duke had complained to him of the 
 French aggression in a region which had belonged to 
 Spain since the time of Ferdinand ; and which was of too 
 much importance for Spain to have neglected it. Had 
 the French taken possession before or during the wars, it 
 would have been mentioned in the treaty of peace ' ob- 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 5, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 105. 
 
 ^Catherine de' Medici to the Queen of Spain, received Dec. 13, 1565. 
 MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504(84). Catherine de' Medici to Fourque- 
 vaux, Dec. 30, 1565, extract in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 415 ; Jan. 
 20, 1566, ibid., p. 418. 
 
 ^Alava to Philip II., Dec. 21, 1565, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1504 (88); 
 Jan. 6, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (64). 
 
 ^Cateau Cambresis, April, 1559. 
 
Philip Notifies France of the Massacre 301 
 
 served Alba. Fourqucvaux retorted that sea charts 
 thirty years old showed that the coast, where Florida was 
 said to lie, was called the Coste dcs Bretons; that it lay a 
 great distance from Hispaniola, Cuba, and New Spain, 
 so that its occupation by the French could not impede 
 Spanish navigation, and concluded by saying that if 
 Florida was not mentioned in the treaty it was their own 
 fault, and proved that at the time of its making the 
 Spaniards had not yet gone there. This drew from Alba 
 the intimation that Philip would employ all of his re- 
 sources to recover its possession, and that French affairs 
 in Florida were already in a bad way owing to the arrival 
 of the Spaniards who had been sent there the previous 
 summer. But the hint dropped by Alba failed of its de- 
 sired effect, for Fourquevaux had received reports from 
 Lisbon and Seville that Avil^s was awaiting reinforce- 
 ments at Santo Domingo, In a subsequent audience 
 with Philip, Fourquevaux was unable to gain any further 
 information, although he had expected that the King 
 would refer to Alava's complaints to Catherine.' 
 
 With the complete success which had attended the ex- 
 pedition of Avil^s, Philip at last felt that he could treat 
 Catherine with ungloved hands and, wishing to deal with 
 her directly, he passed over the French ambassador at 
 Madrid, and instructed Alava to take a high tone in 
 speaking with her about Florida. Indeed he had taken 
 the matter so to heart that his Queen informed her 
 mother of her fear lest any attempt to vindicate the 
 French aggression would bring about a change in the 
 friendly relations between the two countries.* 
 
 When Jacques Ribaut and his companions reached 
 Moulins, where Catherine was at the time, his bearing 
 was so retiring that Alava suspected he had received 
 orders not to talk about the matter until a favourable 
 
 ' Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Dec. 24, 1565, D/peckes, pp. 17, i8. 
 'Fourquevaux to Catherine de' Medici, Dec. 25, 1565, ibid., p. 34. 
 
302 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 opportunity presented itself to Catherine to lay it before 
 Philip.' For all that, it was impossible for Ribaut and 
 his friends to avoid some show of feeling, which was all 
 the more intense from its enforced repression, and meet- 
 ing Doctor Enveja, one of Philip's agents, in the palace 
 one day they threatened him and all the Spaniards in 
 Normandy with death, 
 
 Ribaut had been at least two weeks at Moulins, when, 
 on January 15th, Alava had his interview with Catherine, 
 and broached the question of Florida. He adhered 
 closely to his master's instructions, and according to his 
 report the conversation did not lack spice. When Alava 
 informed her that her actions were not in accordance with 
 the treaty of peace, she ingenuously replied that she be- 
 lieved the men who had gone to the Isles des Bretons had 
 returned." "I know of no Isles des Bretons,'' retorted 
 the ambassador; "you can baptise the zovin'ixy Isles des 
 Bretons, and call Peru Tierra firiJie des Bretons, as you 
 like, but I heard the order given to your captain to go 
 to New France by way of Florida, in which the name 
 Florida was used." To this Catherine vouchsafed no 
 reply, and, changing the subject, asked Alava not to ad- 
 dress her son in so crude a manner, because he was too 
 great to admit of it. "I shall not hesitate to speak to 
 him," said Alava, "for though he is too young to treat 
 of such matters, God has given him a good understand- 
 ing. I am convinced that had he been old enough His 
 Majesty would have sent some one to address him more 
 urgently some time ago; that as for his greatness His 
 Majesty has upheld it at a time when it was about to 
 tumble to the ground, and will continue to promote 
 it; and as you are regent, you ought to consider it." 
 Catherine's only reply was to indicate her displeasure 
 by a gesture with her head. Then Alava told her of 
 Ribaut's threats to Enveja, at which she professed to be 
 
 » Alava to Philip II., Jan. 6, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1505 (64). 
 
Philip Notifies France of the Massacre 303 
 
 greatly surprised and said the offenders would be pun- 
 ished, but he added in cipher that nothing had been said 
 to them. The interview was terminated, so far as Florida 
 was concerned, with the routine promises on the Queen's 
 part to prevent the further sailing of vessels in defiance 
 of Spain.' 
 
 By the middle of January rumours began to reach 
 Fourquevaux of the French defeat in Florida." With 
 the dissemination of the news the delight of the Spaniards 
 had at first been tempered with a judicious fear lest Jean 
 Ribaut might have avenged the attack on Fort Caroline. 
 But early in February a detailed account, not only of the 
 capture of the fort but also of the shipwreck and massa- 
 cre of Ribaut, was generally known in the Spanish Court, 
 and had reached Fourquevaux in its horrible complete- 
 ness. It was received with great rejoicing. 
 
 " This Court," wrote Fourquevaux, " were more gladdened 
 than if it had been a victory over the Turks. For they have 
 also said that Florida was of greater importance to them than 
 Malta. And as a reward for Menendez's massacre of your 
 poor subjects the said Florida will be erected into a marquisate, 
 of which he will be appointed the Marquis." ' 
 
 The hour for further concealment of the facts had now 
 passed, and the time had come for the official announce- 
 ment to France of the punishment Philip had meted out 
 to the French adventurers. But Philip, while he con- 
 tinued to maintain the same haughty tone towards the 
 French Crown, determined to turn the incident to the 
 advantage of his friends, the Catholic party in France. 
 Although fully informed of the countenance which Cath- 
 erine had given to the aggression on his territory, he 
 
 1 Alava to Philip II., Jan. 19, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1505 (67). 
 * Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Jan. 22, 1566, D^peches, p. 48. 
 3 Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Feb. 11, 1566, Dipeches, p. 52; Feb. 18, 
 1566, ibid., p. 54. 
 
304 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 centred all of his attack upon the leader of the Protestant 
 party, the much-hated Coligny. By this proceeding he 
 hoped to compel the Queen to choose between the alter- 
 natives of forfeiting his support or of disavowing her un- 
 friendly act by making the Admiral the scapegoat for her 
 Florida policy, and to force her, in the interest of the 
 Catholic religion, to renounce the double part she was 
 acting towards both parties. 
 
 Accordingly Fourquevaux was summoned to an inter- 
 view with the Duke of Alba, and the ambassador was kept 
 impatiently waiting while two fruitless attempts were 
 made to set the time for the meeting. The audience was 
 at last held at Alba's palace after the dinner hour. Alba 
 informed him that he was charged by the King to explain 
 how Philip had learned of the French occupation of 
 Florida, of which he had complained through his ambas- 
 sador, begging Charles to withdraw his people and not 
 to constrain him to send his forces there, which he other- 
 wise would be compelled to do; that he had so done, 
 advising the French King of the fact in his desire to pro- 
 ceed openly in the matter; that Charles had answered as 
 a prince, brother, and friend of Philip, to the effect that 
 if any of his subjects had gone to Florida, it had not 
 been by his orders. And thereupon the Spanish army 
 had gone thither, seized the fort, and punished the cor- 
 sairs, pirates, and settlers of the country, who had built 
 a fort, pillaged the Spaniards sailing to and from the 
 Indies, and even sunk two vessels with their crews after 
 robbing them, which the Spaniards had verified when 
 they captured the fort. Alba then told him of the killing 
 of the French, that Ribaut and Courset had confessed 
 having sailed for Florida under orders from Coligny ; and 
 that the Spaniards had subsequently found Ribaut's com- 
 missions, letters, and instructions, by which it appeared 
 that he had also intended to seize Havana. And Alba 
 ended by saying that Philip begged and required of 
 
Philip Notifies France of the Massacre 305 
 
 Charles that he should visit Coligny with an exemplary 
 punishment as a perturber of the peace and cause of the 
 disorder. 
 
 Fourquevaux replied that owing to the absence of in- 
 structions from his Government he was unprepared to 
 answer Alba's representations. At the same time, while 
 he denied that there had been any discussion of the 
 Florida question at the date of his leaving France, he 
 admitted that Charles had no designs upon Spanish terri- 
 tory, and could only repeat the argument already used 
 at Moulins respecting the right of his Sovereign to the 
 Terre dcs Bretons in which he claimed that Florida was 
 included. He then asked Alba to explain a report spread 
 by Diego Flores, that Ribaut, when he surrendered, had 
 told Avil^s he was waging a fair war, as was the custom 
 among soldiers; to which Aviles had answered that he 
 was no soldier, but a corsair, whereupon Ribaut had said 
 that he could show him his royal patents by which it 
 would appear he had come there in obedience to the 
 orders of his King, Alba answered that Flores had 
 drawn upon his imagination if he had really said such a 
 thing; and assured him that such an idea had never 
 crossed his mind, for had such been the case. Aviles 
 would have so informed Philip. 
 
 Then Fourquevaux indignantly protested against the 
 great cruelty with which the prisoners had been treated 
 in putting so many soldiers to death, after their sur- 
 render, which was not customary on such occasions, as 
 the Duke well knew. With Alba's answer we are already 
 familiar. The French were no soldiers, he said, for they 
 drew no pay from their prince, but thieving pirates, and 
 were punished according to their deserts; and they were 
 heretics as well, preaching their perverse doctrines and 
 pernicious sects ; and had not such evil roots been extir- 
 pated, the great harm of it would soon have become ap- 
 parent. Had Aviles spared them, his own people would 
 
3o6 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 have perished from hunger, as there was not sufficient to 
 feed them all. The Spaniards were too few to retain 
 them as prisoners. As Avil6s was compelled to go else- 
 where, leaving but part of his force in the forts, they 
 would have risen against their captors and killed them. 
 The ships he had were too small to contain them, nor 
 could he safely provide them with ships, which would 
 have enabled them to attack him elsewhere, and that, 
 given all of these conditions, "the Duke knew of no man, 
 however pious he might be, who would have resorted to 
 other means and expedients than those followed by Pedro 
 Men^ndez." Finally, Fourquevaux complained of the 
 threatening language with which Alava had addressed the 
 Queen in the Moulins interview, at which she had been 
 greatly disturbed and had observed "that it was not the 
 path by which the King her son was to be led." ' When 
 the interview was over Fourquevaux at once advised his 
 sovereigns of its purport and of Philip's intention to pal- 
 liate his dastardly treatment of the French prisoners 
 under cover of an attack on Coligny.'' 
 
 Simultaneously with Fourquevaux's dispatch Philip 
 informed Alava of Alba's conversation with the French 
 ambassador, and of the arguments which had been used 
 to justify the massacre; directed him to tell the Queen 
 that in view of certain papers found in Florida and con- 
 fessions of prisoners "taken alive" it very clearly ap- 
 peared that the Admiral was responsible for the enterprise 
 and had harboured designs upon Spanish ports and towns 
 in the West Indies; asked that his punishment should be 
 equal to the offence, as he himself would have acted under 
 similar circumstances, and enclosed to him a relation of 
 
 'Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Feb, 22, 1566, D/peckes, p. 59; Philip 
 11. to Alava, Feb. 23, 1566, MS. Arch, Nat., Paris, K, 1505 (75). There 
 can be no doubt that both letters refer to the same interview. 
 
 * Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Feb. 22, 1566, Dcpkkes, p. 59 ; same to 
 Catherine de' Medici, Feb. 23, 1566, ibid., p. 63. 
 
Philip Notifies France of the Massacre 307 
 
 the expulsion of the French. While commanding him 
 to press this matter with the greatest urgency, he charged 
 him at the same time to make it apparent to the Queen 
 and her son that he harboured "no suspicion or thought 
 that the site where the heretics had been found was occu- 
 pied by their order, but rather that it was reasonable to 
 suppose that they were displeased at their action, as was 
 due to their brotherly relations." ' 
 
 The French Court was still at Moulins, and Catherine 
 with her courtiers was in attendance upon her son, who 
 was in bed, very weak from a recent illness, when on the 
 i6th of March'' Alava had his audience. No sooner had 
 he touched on the Florida matter, than the Queen cut 
 him short like an enraged "lioness," and turning her face 
 in order that she might be heard by Montmorenci, the 
 Bishop of Valencia, and others of her courtiers whose 
 curiosity had been at once aroused, exclaimed : "Neither 
 Turks nor Moors would have been guilty of so great a 
 cruelty as the Spaniards have practised on the subjects of 
 my son." It was a queenly speech, the gist of which her 
 artistic Italian wit had filched from Fourquevaux's dis- 
 patch.' "Raising my voice slightly I asked her to listen 
 to what she called the inexplicable cruelty, for the punish- 
 ment of those who were there was well deserved," wrote 
 Alava in his account to Philip. He related to her the 
 story probably much in the form in which we have it in 
 Aviles's letters, and pressed the moral home with the in- 
 cisive abruptness which Philip had ordered him to ob- 
 serve, repeating in substance the language used by Alba, 
 and centring his attack on Coligny. 
 
 1 Philip II. to Alava, Feb. 23, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1505 
 (75), and see same to same, Feb. 25, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (76). 
 
 5 Catherine de' Medici to Fourquevaux, March 17, 1566, Gaffarel, Hist, 
 de la Floride, p. 427. 
 
 * " Laquelle inhumanite ne fut pas usee par les Turcs aux vieulx soldatz 
 qu'ilz prindrent i Castelnovo et aux Gerbes, ne jamais barbares uzirent de 
 telle cruaulte." Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Feb. 22, 1566, D/peckes, p. 61. 
 
3o8 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 As the covert threats against her, and the malicious 
 insinuations respecting Cohgny fell from the lips of the 
 ambassador, mingled with the vindictive and cold-blooded 
 account of the killing of her subjects, her anger kindled 
 and she interrupted him incessantly. Under the lash of 
 his tongue her eyes filled with tears of rage, and at last, 
 casting aside all prudence, her nobler nature came mo- 
 mentarily to her rescue and she exclaimed, her face trem- 
 bling with agitation, "that the Admiral was guiltless; the 
 armada had been equipped under her orders and that of 
 her son; that in the performance of his duty as a minister 
 the Admiral had done what the King had commanded; 
 that he was not to be blamed and therefore was not de- 
 serving of punishment . . . for the armada had gone 
 to their own land, the Isles dcs Bretons, where they had a 
 fort with its garrison, and what would the world say when 
 it learned that in a season of such brotherly love so cruel 
 a war had been waged ? ' ' 
 
 "I answered," continues Alava, "that your Majesty 
 would not fail to be greatly surprised and pained on 
 learning that the said armada had gone to occupy the 
 said site at her command and that of her son, for Your 
 Majesty had written me to tell them both that he enter- 
 tained no suspicion or thought that by her order the 
 armada had gone directly to the said site, where that 
 people had been found, having heard quite the contrary, 
 as I had told them. That when the world, as she called 
 it, should hear the facts it would not fail to be scandalised 
 that in a season of such friendship and brotherly love, 
 when they had received so many benefits from Your 
 Majesty, they should send the greatest and most infamous 
 heretics of France to usurp his territories; and the more 
 so when it learned that from the least to the greatest they 
 were all notable Huguenots. ... If this was the 
 office of the Most Christian King, let them judge. And 
 if, in order to extenuate the Admiral, from whom they 
 
Philip Notifies France of the Massacre 309 
 
 received such marked disservice and injury, the Most 
 Christian King and she chose to burden themselves in 
 this wise before the world, let her see to it. Like a mad 
 woman, not allowing me to speak, she returned to the 
 Admiral, saying that it was not his fault . . . and 
 that she regretted that all of the Huguenots were not 
 there." "But be that as it may," continued Catherine, 
 "it was not for you to punish our subjects, and we will 
 not discuss their religion, but the murder you com- 
 mitted." "I said, please God that no Huguenots enter 
 the country of the King my Master, except they be cut 
 in pieces." ' 
 
 Then the audience degenerated into a wordy combat in 
 which the Queen, still labouring under great excitement, 
 harked back two or three times to the Isles dcs Bretons, 
 at which the King, from whom Catherine had concealed 
 the defeat on account of his illness, exclaimed, "Look at 
 the map, look at the map ! Have you seen it? " "Yes," 
 answered Alava, "and that must be the title-deed which 
 your Mother holds," Then she returned to the cruelty 
 of the punishment inflicted upon her subjects and with 
 renewed ardour took up the defence of Coligny. But 
 Alava, although he admitted that Avil6s had chastised 
 the French with a little more severity than his master 
 had intended, relentlessly pursuing his cross-questioning, 
 asked her, "If the armament was that of your son and 
 the men were in his pay, how comes it that no money 
 was found on them and no papers such as you say, but 
 that everything came from the Admiral?" "You de- 
 ceived yourselves, ' ' she replied. ' ' When you committed 
 that cruelty and carnage, cutting off the heads of Jean 
 Ribaut and of those with him in the ship, he showed his 
 patents from my son and myself." Then Alava dwelt 
 upon the absence of any information to that effect, 
 
 'Catherine de' Medici to Fourquevaux, March 17, 1566, Gaffarel, Hist. 
 de la Floride, p. 428. 
 
3IO The Spanish Settlements 
 
 reverted to the attack on Enveja, and demanded the 
 punishment of the offenders, which subject Catherine 
 again evaded. 
 
 But the importance of continuing friendly relations 
 with Philip was too great for her to maintain for any 
 length of time, so brave a front. When, in reply to her 
 remark that each must go his own course, Alava answered 
 that what she had said would relieve Philip, whose desire 
 had ever been for that which would best serve the inter- 
 ests of her son, she became very grave and replied: "I 
 do not say that." "What then do you mean when you 
 say that from now on each shall look to what concerns 
 him? Would to God it could be so ! " exclaimed Alava, 
 "but I see no way to it." And so the interview ended. 
 "She was very angry because I did not answer- to the 
 point," concludes Alava in his dispatch, "because she 
 was provided with answers prepared by her council, for 
 which reason it is not advisable to say anything to the 
 King's ambassador in Your Majesty's Court, since it 
 amounts to advising them here, so that this Queen has 
 her answers ready. When she is taken by surprise, her 
 embarrassment is great, and more is learned of their 
 intentions." ' 
 
 At the same time that Alava was ordered to make the 
 formal announcement of Philip's victory in Florida to 
 their Most Christian Majesties, the King and Queen of 
 France, his ambassadors in Austria and England were in- 
 structed to convey the same information to their respect- 
 ive Governments. The letters to Silva in England and 
 Chantone in Austria were couched in substantially the 
 same language as to the material facts which they re- 
 cited, and were both accompanied by a relation of the 
 event for the private instruction of the ambassadors, but 
 
 'Alava to Philip II,, March i6, 1566, MS. Arch, Nat., Paris, K, 1505 
 So); Catherine de' Medici to Fourquevaux, March 17, 1566, Gaffarel, 
 Hist, de la Floride, p. 427. 
 
Philip Notifies France of the Massacre 3 1 1 
 
 there was a signal divergence between them in the stress 
 which was laid upon the religious aspect of the question. 
 To the Catholic Emperor and Empress of Austria the 
 ambassador was bidden to relate that the French who 
 had gone to Florida were not only pirates but heretics 
 as well, who had taken with them preachers and quantities 
 of books belonging to their perverse sect, to plant it in 
 that land. The Admiral of France was declared, with 
 some little reservation, to be the prime mover of the 
 enterprise, and the ambassador was informed that the 
 French Queen had been asked to visit him with a punish- 
 ment commensurate with his offence, 
 
 "since it is so notorious that he is the venom of that kingdom; 
 the inventor and promoter of all the evil which they contrive 
 and commit, especially in matters of religion. We shall see 
 how they will take it in France," continued Philip in his in- 
 structions. " We have small hope that it will be in a reason- 
 able way. I will inform you of their answer that you may 
 tell my brothers, as I now wish you to give them an account 
 of all this in particular, and that they may understand that 
 the occurrence in Florida has been for the great service of 
 God, our Lord, since in killing those heretics, a stop has been 
 put to the perverse doctrine which they wished and had already 
 begun to sow. The sound and holy doctrine will be shown to 
 the natives of that land, and the true path of salvation, which 
 is that which we chiefly desire and profess." ' 
 
 In Philip's letter to Silva, no reference whatever was 
 made to the heretical religion of the French colonists, 
 and stress was laid solely on the unauthorised invasion 
 of his territory, the danger which it threatened to the 
 
 • Philip II. to Chantone, Feb. 28, 1566, Col. Doc. Inedit. Espafia, tomo 
 ci., p. 126. There is a French translation of this letter in the Bullethi de 
 la Soci/U de VHistoire du Protestantisme fran^aise of Dec. 15, 1S94, which 
 is reproduced by Maurice Delpeuch in " Un glorieux episode maritime at 
 colonial," Revue Maritime, Oct., 1902, tome civ., p. 1023. 
 
312 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 commerce and navigation of the West Indies, and the 
 complicity of Coligny, whose evil influence on French 
 affairs he stigmatised in identically the same terms which 
 he had employed in his letter to Chantone, save that all 
 reference to his religion was omitted.' On the 28th of 
 March Silva, in accordance with his instructions, notified 
 the Queen, who was at Greenwich, of the defeat of the 
 French. Elizabeth expressed much pleasure at Philip's 
 success, and bade Silva convey her thanks to his King 
 for having advised her of the event. But the crafty 
 Queen had not forgotten her own intrigues with Ribaut 
 some two years before, and she expressed her surprise at 
 learning that Florida had been previously discovered and 
 occupied by Spain. In her ignorance of Philip's right 
 "she had always believed that Captain Ribaut had been 
 the first to have discovered it, for he had come to her 
 with the news of its discovery, and she had determined 
 to conquer it herself," and she asked Philip's pardon for 
 having treated of the matter. "As for the Admiral," 
 observed Elizabeth, "she understood the French, and 
 did not care to treat of their affairs nor even to answer 
 for them, for they were old enough to attend to them- 
 selves." Although she expressed no opinion to the 
 ambassador on the action taken by Coligny, Silva learned 
 that she condemned his invasion of Florida, after the 
 promise of the French sovereigns not to occupy Span- 
 ish territory, and in the subsequent interview with Cecil 
 the secretary agreed that he deserved an exemplary pun- 
 ishment and thought that Philip ought to proclaim his 
 discovery of Florida in order that it might be generally 
 known.' 
 
 ' Philip II. to Silva, March 2, 1566, Correspondencia de Felipe II. con 
 sus Embajadores en la Corte de Inglaterra, tomo ii., p. 275. English trans- 
 lation in Spanish State Papers, 1558-67, I. Elizabeth, 527. 
 
 ''Silva to Philip II., March 30, 1566, Correspondencia, tomo ii., p. 
 292. English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1558-67, I. Elizabeth, 
 536. 
 
Philip Notifies France of the Massacre 313 
 
 The news had also reached Rome in the latter part of 
 February,' but as we are not yet in possession of Philip's 
 letter, which he undoubtedly addressed to his ambassa- 
 dor there, we can only infer that its tone was similar to 
 the one he sent to Austria. 
 
 ' " News from Rome dated Feb. 23, 1566, with intelligence from Spain of 
 Feb. 15th, of the defeat of certain Frenchmen in Florida," MS. Record 
 Office, London, Elizabeth State Papers, 1566-68, Foreign, No. 127, MS. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE FRENCH REVENGE 
 
 ABOUT the middle of March, five and a half months 
 after his departure from Florida, Laudonnifere 
 reached Moulins, where the French Court was gathered. 
 As stated in a previous chapter he had been driven out 
 of his course by bad weather, delayed by illness, and had 
 passed through London on his way to Paris, from whence 
 he had come to Moulins. Events which subsequently 
 occurred seem to indicate that these were not the only 
 reasons for his prolonged delay in presenting himself be- 
 fore his master. He had left Florida while he was still 
 chafing under the disgrace of his recall. The mortifica- 
 tion consequent upon his ignominious surprise and the 
 loss of Fort Caroline, joined with his evident ill-health, 
 had made him querulous and discontented,' a disposition 
 to which he had given vent in his quarrel with Jacques 
 Ribaut on the eve of his return to France,'' and the ac- 
 cusations which had given rise to his recall were still 
 unexplained. He was accompanied by an unfortunate 
 Spaniard, who, after various vicissitudes, had ended by 
 becoming an interpreter for the French at Fort Caroline. 
 On the approach of Avil^s he had been removed from the 
 
 > The whole tone of Laudonniere's relation subsequent to the loss of 
 Fort Caroline shows a defensive attitude and a disposition to exculpate 
 himself from blame for the catastrophe. 
 
 ^ Histoire Notable, Basanier, p. 112 ; Hak., vol. ii., p. 521. 
 
 314 
 
The French Revenge 315 
 
 fort and kept under guard for fear lest he should take 
 flight to his own countrymen. He returned with Laudon- 
 ni^re to France, and upon arriving at Moulins at once 
 became a tool of Alava, who used him to ferret out the 
 designs of the defeated Frenchmen.' 
 
 On reaching Moulins Laudonni(ire found Jacques Ri- 
 baut the hero of the hour and himself the scapegoat 
 for the disaster which had overtaken the French colony. 
 Ribaut had improved the interval between his own arrival 
 and that of Laudonni^re to cast the responsibility of the 
 defeat on the latter, and in the conferences which took 
 place at the house of the Admiral Laudonni&re was 
 censured for his neglect in the defence of Fort Caroline, 
 his failure to maintain a suflficient garrison when he could 
 have procured at least two hundred men for its defence, 
 and his, carelessness in allowing himself to be surprised 
 during his sleep. 
 
 At these meetings, which were conducted with the 
 greatest secrecy, the Florida disaster filled all mouths, 
 and the talk was already of vengeance and of the sinking 
 of all Spanish ships that should be encountered.' A 
 number of French adventurers, including Laudonnifere, 
 Ribaut, and Sandoval,' the piratical governor of Belle- 
 Isle-en-Mer, off the Brittany coast, a man of considerable 
 wealth in ships and in moneys which he had obtained by 
 plundering Spanish commerce, were among the chief con- 
 spirators.' Laudonni^re's interpreter was caressed and 
 cajoled and taken to see the Queen, where in her presence 
 and that of the Cardinal de Bourbon he was made to 
 confirm the French reports, and give them what informa- 
 tion he could concerning the gold and pearls that were 
 
 ' Alava to Perez, March i8, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1505 (82). 
 
 2 Alava to Philip II., Jan. 19, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (67). 
 
 3 See also Alava to Philip II., March 23, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (95) ; 
 April 28, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (96). 
 
 * Alava to Perez, March 18, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (82). 
 
3i6 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 found in Florida and of its capacity for the cultivation of 
 the vine and of wheat.' 
 
 These mutterings, of which Alava was informed through 
 Laudonni^re's interpreter, and which the ambassador 
 faithfully reported to his master, could not but alarm 
 Philip, whose suspicions were now aroused so that he 
 looked upon every movement of the French as a covert 
 vengeance, big with further designs upon Florida." En- 
 veja was therefore sent to remonstrate with Catherine 
 against the machinations of Sandoval and his compan- 
 ions.' To the complaint of Philip's agent Catherine 
 laughingly replied that she did not see how Laudonnifere, 
 who was so poor that she had herself given him fifty 
 crowns, or Ribaut, who, on his arrival, had been ignorant 
 of the massacre, could be arming ships against Florida. 
 As for the interpreter, he was but a poor beggar who had 
 been cared for in the Moulins hospital out of pure charity, 
 and whom she had never seen." Alava also had an audi- 
 ence with the Queen with the object of learning what 
 designs she was harbouring. Meanwhile the rumours of 
 French preparations continued, and now began to assume 
 a more definite shape and to centre about Montluc,' who 
 was in reality preparing for his attack upon Madeira, 
 with the object of punishing the Portuguese, whom 
 Fourquevaux had accused of assisting Men^ndez in his 
 conquest of Florida.' But so haunted was Spain by the 
 one idea of a French descent in that region that she con- 
 tinued to attribute to every ship that sailed from a French 
 
 ' Alava to Philip II., March 23, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (95). 
 
 2 Philip II. to Alava, March 29, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (86). 
 
 3 Alava to Philip II., March 23, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (95). 
 
 * Precis d'une reponse donnee par la Reine mere de France au D*"* 
 Enveja, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (59). 
 
 5 Alava to Philip II., April 21. 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (93) ; April 28, 
 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (96). 
 
 ^ Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 255. 
 
The French Revenge 317 
 
 port, and to every gathering of French seamen, some 
 secret design against her territory. 
 
 During the month of May Alava was at last in a posi- 
 tion to assure Philip of his firm conviction that Florida 
 was safe for that year. The information carried with it 
 every evidence of being authoritative, for it came from a 
 man whose opportunities for learning the most intimate 
 councils of the adventurers appeared to be beyond dis- 
 pute. After a short stay at Moulins, Laudonni6re had 
 left the Court at so low an ebb in his pocket that, as we 
 have seen, Catherine had given him money to pay for his 
 food. The accusations of incompetency heaped upon 
 him by his former companions in arms had soured his 
 soul, and the commander of the second French expedition 
 to Florida had finally come to Alava in Paris and had 
 offered his services to the Spanish King. Some qualms 
 of conscience still possessed him at the unworthy office to 
 which he was aspiring, and Alava found it necessary to 
 hold out to him the hope of securing an appointment in 
 Philip's employ, but in the meantime Laudonniere assured 
 the ambassador that no fleet would sail for Florida during 
 that year, especially as the news had reached the French 
 of the departure of Arciniega with a large complement of 
 men to the assistance of Aviles.' 
 
 Meanwhile the indignation in France had reached the 
 highest possible pitch.' Following their return home, 
 Ribaut, Laudonnibre, and Le Challeux, whose account, 
 published in May, went through two editions in the same 
 year,' had disseminated abroad, and more particularly 
 among the friends and relatives of the murdered French, 
 
 'Alava to Philip II., May 7, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1505 (98); 
 May 19, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (loi). 
 
 "Fourquevaux to Charles IX., August 18, 1566, D^pkhes, p. 105. and 
 see all of his correspondence as well as that of Alava. La Reprise de la 
 Floride . . . par M. Ph. Tamizey de Larroque, Bordeaux, 1867, p. 27. 
 
 2 Gaflarel, Hist, de la Floride Francaise, p. 339. 
 
3i8 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 their version of the massacre, and had stirred the deepest 
 feelings of anger and hatred against the Spaniards. A 
 deputation of the widows of the victims went to Paris, 
 probably during the month of May, and raised such an 
 outcry in the city that it had called for a Spanish protest.' 
 This was followed by a second deputation of one hundred 
 and twenty widows, who journeyed all the way from 
 Normandy to Paris during the month of August to ad- 
 dress the Queen on the same subject." It is probable 
 that at this time was published the stirring and passionate 
 "Petition to the King Charles IX. in the form of a com- 
 plaint by the widowed women and orphaned children, 
 relatives, and friends of his subjects, who were slain in 
 the said country of Florida." ' But though the hearts of 
 both Catherine and her son were in keen sympathy with 
 those of their outraged subjects and burning with a like 
 indignation,* their interests were so involved with those 
 of Spain that they had been compelled to give the depu- 
 tation an unfriendly reception and to send the widows 
 back to their homes in order not to appear to counten- 
 ance a public demonstration against their ally.^ 
 
 It was an inglorious situation for the Most Christian 
 Queen. The massacre of her subjects had been like a 
 stab in the back, to which she was compelled to submit 
 without even lifting her hand, and Catherine sought what 
 relief she could find for her outraged feelings in continued 
 and repeated complaints in which she persistently dwelt 
 upon the unusual cruelty of Philip's action and pressed 
 
 ' Alava to Philip II., June 5, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1506 (5). 
 «Alava to Philip II., Aug. 23, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1506 (39). The 
 date of their arrival at Paris was August 19th. 
 * See p. 426, in this volume. 
 
 4 See Alava to Philip II,, April 21, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 
 1505 (93); April 28, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1505 (96); May 7, 1566, MS,, 
 ibid., K, 1505 (98). 
 
 5 Alava to Philip II., April 21, 1566, MS,, ibid., K, 1505 (93); Resume 
 des lettres de Fran9ois de Alava, Feb. 13-Apr, 9, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 
 1507 (104) ; Alava to Philip II., Aug. 23, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1506 (39). 
 
The French Revenge 319 
 
 her demand for the punishment of Avil^s. But Philip 
 was too assured of her weakness to give the slightest 
 weight to her protests, meeting them at first with the 
 same arguments which had been already presented, and 
 then with that policy of procrastination of which he was 
 a master. No means were left untried to work upon 
 Philip, and Catherine sent Fourquevaux to her daughter, 
 who informed her mother that she "did not think that 
 the slaughter of your subjects would be so bitterly felt" ; 
 nearly burst into tears "for fear some change should 
 intervene between the two Kings," and finally promised 
 to urge Philip to "execute justice upon murderers who 
 had exceeded their commission by so execrable a massa- 
 cre." Three days later, the Spanish Queen informed the 
 ambassador that she had spoken to her husband, and had 
 shown him the contents of Catherine's letter, to which 
 his answer had been that his armada had not gone to 
 Florida until after he had first notified Charles and Cath- 
 erine; that he could not tolerate the usurpation of his 
 territories by any nation in the world, and least of all 
 by the adversaries and enemies of his religion. 
 
 In the audience with Philip which followed this com- 
 munication from the Queen, Fourquevaux went over his 
 conversation with the Duke of Alba, and Alava's repre- 
 sentations to Catherine and her response, observing that 
 during the forty-one years he had borne arms, in the 
 course of which the two Crowns had been frequently at 
 war with each other, "so execrable a deed had never 
 occurred "; reiterated the assertion that the French had 
 gone to the Tcrre dcs Bretons; demanded the punishment 
 of Avil^s, and, seeking to touch Philip in the interests 
 which he had most at heart, observed that "it was 
 the best news in the world for the Huguenots, to find 
 that where the French Sovereigns had looked for friend- 
 ship and alliance and assistance in all of their great under- 
 takings, their subjects had been murdered, overthrown. 
 
320 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 and hunted out." This should have been the most tell- 
 ing of Fourquevaux's arguments, for French sentiment 
 was outraged at the insult irrespective of party.' 
 
 Philip answered that if he had allowed such an inva- 
 sion of his dominions it would have encouraged the 
 natives to rebel and rendered the country uninhabitable 
 for Spaniards ; that he could suffer no descent of foreign- 
 ers upon the Florida coast because it was the most im- 
 portant locality in the Indies for the navigation of his 
 vessels; that France had been warned beforehand at 
 Bayonne ; that the French in Florida had captured and 
 sunk Spanish vessels ; that Aviles was too weak to have 
 held so large a body of Frenchmen prisoners, and that it 
 had been set down in the treaties of peace that each party 
 should kill pirates, for which reason there was no occasion 
 to have summoned the French before the attack on Fort 
 Caroline. Fourquevaux insisted that they bore patents 
 from the Admiral who represented the person of the King, 
 but Philip put him off with the remark that he would con- 
 sult with the Duke of Alba. "But I am convinced that 
 it was to get rid of me," writes the ambassador in his dis- 
 patch, "for the said Duke will never contradict himself, 
 for it is said that he advised the massacre of all those who 
 should be found in the said Florida, if there were no bet- 
 ter way. ' ' With a covert threat that not in Spain only 
 were there ministers eager for war, Fourquevaux ended 
 the colloquy and took his leave. His interview with 
 Alba, which took place the following morning, was a mere 
 repetition of that with the King, and Fourquevaux, finally 
 convinced of Philip's inflexible determination to maintain 
 his haughty attitude, wrote Catherine that "there could 
 be no hope of any reparation of the said massacre." " 
 
 The interview between Fourquevaux and Philip had 
 occurred during the first week in April, and throughout 
 
 »Alavato Philip II., Sept. i, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1506(44). 
 * Fourquevaux to Catherine de' Medici, April 9, 1566, D^pickes, p. 69. 
 
The French Revenge 321 
 
 the following months the controversy dragged slowly 
 along, once stimulated by the sending of a memorial by 
 Charles and Catherine,' and at other times by occasional 
 returns to the subject in Fourquevaux's audiences with 
 Philip.'' Only in December, ten months after the incep- 
 tion of the negotiations, came a formal reply of the 
 Spanish Government to the French complaints, a not 
 unexpected delay, for Ruy Gomez, Prince of EboH, 
 whom Fourquevaux had visited in the pleasant Bosque 
 de Segovia, under the shadow of the mountains, had told 
 him "that it was the custom of this Court to proceed 
 slowly in all matters, and with great negligence or de- 
 lay." ' The Spanish reply is a brief paragraph only, and 
 as it practically brought the issue to a close, it is here 
 transcribed in full because it affords a complete and 
 accurate summary of the Spanish attitude and is notable 
 for the absence of any reference to the religious aspect of 
 the question. The words read: "To all the articles 
 which treat of the Florida incident there is little new to 
 answer other than what has been previously said, that 
 the Adelantado, Pero Men^ndez de Avil^s did not chastise 
 the men he found there as vassals of the Most Christian 
 King, but as pirates and infractors of the public peace, 
 having possessed themselves of that country, which so 
 properly and rightly belongs to his Catholic Majesty, as 
 is understood, and therefore there can be no doubt that, 
 given the prudence and sense of justice of the Most 
 Christian King, he will be satisfied once for all with what 
 is here said, since it is the unvarnished truth." * 
 
 ' " Memoire envoyee par Charles IX. et Catherine de Medicis k Fourque- 
 vaux," May 12, 1566, in Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride, p. 437. 
 
 'Fourquevaux to Charles IX., July 5, 1566, D/peckes, p. 93; Aug. 11, 
 1566, ibid., p. 103; Aug. 18, 1566, ibid., p. 104; same to Catherine de' 
 Medici, Aug. 23, 1566, ibid., p. Il6. 
 
 ^Fourquevaux to Catherine de' Medici, Aug. 23, 1566, Dipeches, p. 116. 
 
 * " La pura verdad." " Reponse du Roi Catholique," Dec, 1566, 
 D^eches, p. 163. 
 
 k 
 
322 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 One point, however, was achieved. The women and 
 the children under fourteen years of age taken at Fort 
 Caroline, to the number of forty-eight in all, who had 
 been sent to Santiago de Cuba, were set at liberty, and 
 the balance of the French prisoners were to be forwarded 
 to the Casa de Contrataci6n at Seville and to be detained 
 there until their cause had been heard.' This was fol- 
 lowed in the course of two months by the release of at 
 least one of the men who had been captured at the fort.' 
 
 Notwithstanding the submissive attitude of the French 
 Government and the chilling reception which it gave to 
 the public demonstrations of the widows and orphans of 
 the Florida victims, the annual treasure fleet delayed its 
 sailing through fear of the French,' and Catherine con- 
 tinued in her favourable attitude towards Coligny." With 
 the successful outcome of Montluc's descent upon Madeira 
 in conjunction with the English, the hope for vengeance 
 was revived, and "the pirates, openly favoured, moved 
 freely about the towns, * ' where none dared forbid them 
 in spite of the King's order to apprehend them.' Their 
 activity on the high seas was continued with unabated 
 vigour, and some of them, like Captain Mymy, of La 
 Rochelle, and Sandoval, of Belle-Isle-en-Mer, wreaked 
 
 ' Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Feb. 22, 1566, Ddptches, p. 61, where he 
 says there were 30 women and 18 children. " Reponse du Roi Catho- 
 lique," Dec, 1566, ibid., p. 163. In the " Plaintes et Suppliques de 
 I'Ambassadeur de France au Roi d'Espagne, Philippe II.," July 20, 1566, 
 fol. 3, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1506 (23), and in "Memento pour 
 I'Ambassadeur de France en Espagne," June 10, 1568, MS., ibid., K, 
 1506 (104), there is mention of 8 men and some children at Puerto Rico 
 and Santo Domingo, 
 
 « Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Feb. 13, 1567, D^peches, p. 179 ; Feb. 23, 
 1567, ibid., p. 186. 
 
 3 Fourquevaux to Charles IX., July 5, 1566, D^p^ches, p. 97. 
 
 4 Alava to Philip II., June 5, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1506 (5). 
 ■^Alava to Philip II., Nov. 20, 1566, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1506 
 
 (80); Nov. 26, 1566, MS., ibid., K, 1506 (81); Fourquevaux to Charles 
 IX., Feb. 23, 1567, Dipeches, p. 182. 
 
The French Revenge 323 
 
 their vengeance on the unfortunate Spaniards by drown- 
 ing the crews of the vessels they captured.' 
 
 With the opening of 1567 Fourquevaux, who during 
 the early stage of the negotiations had advised his mas- 
 ters of what little he could learn concerning the poverty 
 and destitution of the Spanish settlements in Florida 
 and the ease with which the French could overcome 
 them/ now wrote that the Florida garrisons had risen 
 several times against Avil^s and had even attempted 
 to kill him ' ; that the soldiers, driven to desperation 
 by starvation and the failure of their pay, had scattered 
 abroad through the country, and were thought to have 
 fallen victims to the Indians; that but one hundred men 
 remained in the fort, thirty of whom were Frenchmen 
 saved from the wreck of Ribaut, who had pledged them- 
 selves to Men^ndez ; that Fort Caroline had been burnt 
 to the ground and that Avil^s had gone to the Canaries, 
 where he was awaiting the arrival of two companies of 
 foot soldiers from Seville/ Although Aviles at the time 
 of this writing was actually at Havana, the account was 
 substantially correct. The time was so opportune for 
 giving vent to the pent-up spirit of revenge which was 
 still slumbering in the bosom of every honest Frenchman 
 that it seems more than a mere coincidence that at this 
 
 'Fourquevaux to Charles IX., 1566? MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1507 
 (4) ; Raport du Docteur Enveja sur la situation des choses en France au 
 moment de son depart pour revenir en Espagne, Feb. 22, 1567, MS., idid., 
 K, 1507 (61); Fourquevaux to Charles IX., March 24, 1567, Depeches, p. 
 193 ; Eraso to Philip II., May 13, 1567, MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, 
 Col. Navarrete, tomo xxi., Doc. No. 81 ; Alava to Philip II., Aug. 3, 1567, 
 MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1508 (42); Aug. 12, 1567, MS., ibid., K, 1508 
 (45) ; Aug. 19, 1567, MS., ibid., K, 1508 (47) ; Aug. 25, 1567, MS., ibid., 
 K, 1508 (49); Aug. 28. 1567, yi'a.,ibid., K, 1508 (50); Catherine de' 
 Medici to Alava, Aug. 30, 1567, MS., ibid., K, 1508 (51). 
 
 ** Fourquevaux to Charles IX., April 30, 1566, DJpeches, p. 81. 
 
 ^Fontanedo in his "Memoria," Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo v., p. 
 540, mentions the plot of a Basque to sell Aviles to the Indians. 
 
 * Fourquevaux to Catherine de* Medici, Jan. 4, 1567, Depeches, p. 159. 
 
324 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 very moment when the hour was found the man had also 
 presented himself. There is not a scrap of evidence that 
 has yet been produced to connect Gourgues with this 
 timely warning addressed to the French sovereigns, but 
 he himself says that "in the beginning of the year 1567 
 . . . [he] resolved to go to Florida to attempt to re- 
 venge the insult offered to the King and to all France." ' 
 If the French Queen and her royal son actually did lend 
 their aid to the enterprise, there were the weightiest of 
 political reasons why their participation should have been 
 kept profoundly secret. 
 
 Dominique de Gourgues was born at Mont de Marsan, 
 in the Landes, about 1530.' He came of a distinguished 
 Roman Catholic family, and was himself in all probabil- 
 ity of the Roman Catholic religion." He had seen service 
 in Italy, where he had been captured by the Spaniards, 
 and had served them chained to the bank of one of their 
 galleys,* and he now set about collecting a small fleet 
 with which to punish the affront put upon his country- 
 men. Although conducted with the greatest secrecy, it 
 appears that these preparations did not entirely escape 
 the sharp eyes of the Spanish agent. Dr. Enveja, who 
 informed his Government in February that the French, 
 
 • La Reprise de la Floride . . publiee par M. Ph. Tamizey de 
 Larroque, Paris, Bordeaux, 1867, p. 29. 
 
 2 Gaffarel, Histoire de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 263. 
 
 3M. le Vicomte A. de Gourgues in the Bulletin du Comity d' ArcUologie 
 de la Province EccUsiastique d'Auch, 1861, tome ii., pp. 466-490, estab- 
 lishes that Gourgues's Protestantism is not mentioned by early historians, 
 but is first asserted by Haag in 1853. That both his parents were Roman 
 Catholics ; that his brother, who aided the expedition, was a Roman 
 Catholic; that Gourgues's intimacies and affiliations were with the 
 Roman Catholics and that he was subsequently employed by the King 
 against them. While the Vicomte does not absolutely establish that 
 Gourgues was not of the Reformed religion, he certainly creates a very 
 strong presumption that he was a Roman Catholic. Writers who accept the 
 evidence as conclusive have gone too far. 
 
 * Gaffarel, Histoire de la Floride Francaise, p. 264. 
 
The French Revenge 325 
 
 whose "dissimulation, malice, deceit, and treachery had 
 never reached so high a pitch as at that moment," were 
 equipping another fleet "for the slave trade, under colour 
 of which they are arming to commit robberies . 
 for they bear the Florida affair as fresh before their eyes 
 as if it had occurred to-day."' The true object of 
 Gourgues's expedition had evidently escaped him, for its 
 apparent purpose was the slave trade, as Enveja had re- 
 ported, and its real destination was not revealed, even to 
 the crew, until the vessels were well on their way." 
 
 Gourgues was largely assisted in his preparations by 
 his brother Ogicr,^ who had served as prisoner in the 
 Spanish galleys during the Florentine war, and he set sail 
 August 2d from Bordeaux in a large vessel of not more 
 than two hundred and fifty tons and two smaller ones of 
 one hundred and twenty and of fifty tons respectively, 
 with a complement of one hundred arquebusiers and 
 eighty sailors, all well armed. So cautious was he that 
 his commission made no mention of Florida, but author- 
 ised him to visit the African coast in order to make war 
 on the negroes. Forced by contrary winds to put into 
 the mouth of the Charente, he did not finally leave the 
 coast of France until the 22nd of August. The first ren- 
 dezvous was on the Barbary coast, whence Gourgues 
 sailed to Cape Blanco, where he had two encounters 
 with the negro chiefs, incited to attack him by the Portu- 
 guese, who had a stronghold in that vicinity. From 
 
 ' Raport du Docteur Enveja sur la situation des choses en France, etc., 
 Feb. 22, 1567, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1507 (61). 
 
 ^ Dr. Shea (in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 297) states : " That 
 Gourgues was merely a slaver is evident from this full French account." 
 He overlooks the existing relations between the French and Spanish Gov- 
 ernments and the treatment openly accorded the widows of the Florida 
 victims by their own Government, which rendered a subterfuge of primary 
 importance. 
 
 *Barcia, Ensayo, Afio MDLXVII., p. 133, Bulletin du Comitd d' Arch^' 
 ologie de la Pt-omnce Eccldsiastique d'Auch, tome ii., p. 479. 
 
326 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 there he ran to the West Indies and visited the islands 
 of Dominica, Puerto Rico, Mona, and Santo Domingo. 
 In the West Indies he was delayed by bad weather and 
 drove a little trade with the natives in order to revictual 
 his ships." 
 
 A long time must have been spent in wandering among 
 the West Indies, for the following year had already set 
 in, when, off Cape San Antonio, at the western end of 
 Cuba, Gourgues assembled his people and finally declared 
 to them the real object of his enterprise, and by the light 
 of a full moon the fleet, increased by two small vessels, 
 which he had probably captured during his voyage, 
 entered the Straits of Florida and soon discovered the 
 shore. While he was coasting along to the north the 
 Spaniards at St. Augustine discovered the ships and fired 
 a gun to inform them of the vicinity of a harbour and a 
 settlement in case they were Spaniards, and to warn them 
 off if they proved to be pirates. Gourgues replied to the 
 signal, which he interpreted to be a salute, but, fearing 
 discovery, he at once put out from shore and did not re- 
 turn till the night had fallen, when he landed on an island 
 within fifteen leagues of San Mateo. His good fortune 
 had favoured him, for the island was that of Taca- 
 tacuru," where Father Martinez and Captain Pedro de la 
 Rando with his company had been killed by the Indians, 
 and whose chief was a close ally of the warlike Saturiba. 
 Gourgues found the Indians drawn up under arms along 
 
 ' Dr. Shea {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 2S0) says he sold the 
 slaves he had captured on the African coast. As Dr. Shea in his notes 
 {ibid., p. 297) says " there are no Spanish accounts whatever " of Gourgues's 
 expedition, and bases his own account on the Reprise de la Floride, in which 
 there is no mention of any such traffic, it would be interesting to know on 
 what authority he makes the statement. Neither is there any mention of a 
 trade in slaves in Barcia quoted by Dr. Shea. It is true that the relation 
 in La Reprise arouses the suspicion that such may have been the case, but 
 not to the extent to admit of so positive a statement as he makes. 
 
 * See Appendix AA, Tacatacuru. 
 
The French Revenge 327 
 
 the shore to prevent his landing. He had brought with 
 him a trumpeter, who, having been in that region with 
 the French colony when Fort Caroline was built, spoke 
 the native language. He sent the trumpeter ashore, and 
 as soon as the latter was recognised by the natives the 
 French were allowed to land and were received with the 
 greatest demonstrations of joy. 
 
 Gourgues, who was in ignorance of the hostile attitude 
 the natives had assumed towards the Spaniards, did not 
 at once disclose his projects to them, but, by tactful 
 questions and suggestions, sought to learn their temper 
 and to what extent he could rely upon their support in 
 his designs upon the fort. Friendly and at last confiden- 
 tial relations were speedily established, for the natives 
 attempted no disguise of their hatred of the Spaniards; 
 and when Gourgues, having ascertained their disposition, 
 finally revealed to them his purpose to deliver them from 
 the tyranny of their oppressors, he found them ready and 
 anxious to render him all of the assistance in their power. 
 Saturiba, who with other chiefs visited the French on 
 the day following their arrival, presented Gourgues with 
 a French lad, sixteen years old, named Pierre Debray,' 
 who was found in the woods by the Indians after the cap- 
 ture of Fort Caroline, and had been brought up by them. 
 From Debray Gourgues learned of the situation of the 
 two blockhouses at the mouth of the St. John's, and, 
 having sent a party to reconnoitre them, directed the 
 Indians to prepare for the attack. 
 
 In the course of three days the scouting party re- 
 turned, and Saturiba, having assembled his forces, de- 
 parted by night for the mouth of a river which the 
 French thought was the Alimacany, where he was re- 
 joined at daybreak by Gourgues in two boats with all of 
 his soldiers and sixty sailors. Francois Lague was left in 
 charge of the ships, which he was to put in condition for 
 
 ' Probably the Pedro Breu of Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXVIIL, p. 135. 
 
 L 
 
328 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 an immediate departure. Crossing the river the march 
 was continued from eight o'clock in the morning until 
 five in the evening, through the marshes and water, to 
 the river Sarabay,' Gourgues carrying his cuirass on his 
 back. At the river he was reinforced by three more 
 parties of Indians, and learning that the blockhouses were 
 now but two leagues distant, he determined to recon- 
 noitre them in person, although he had eaten nothing 
 during the entire day. Crossing the river with a little 
 company of soldiers he again waded through marshes, 
 and creeks, and in great darkness, to the neighbourhood 
 of the first fort, where he was halted by a small stream 
 rendered impassable by the rising tide. Greatly disap- 
 pointed, for he had hoped to begin the attack on the 
 following morning, he was retracing his steps when an 
 Indian offered to conduct him to the neighbourhood of 
 the fort by a longer but better path along the shore. With- 
 out giving his weary soldiers time to rest, he set out again 
 with his entire force, marched all night, and at daybreak 
 came out at the creek again. The tide was full, and on 
 the failure of his men to discover a ford, he was obliged 
 to abandon his intention of surprising the Spaniards dur- 
 ing their sleep, and withdrew to a neighbouring wood to 
 wait for low water. He had scarcely reached the wood 
 when it began to rain so hard that with the greatest dif^- 
 culty his soldiers could keep their matches alight. 
 
 With the increasing daylight Gourgues observed that 
 the intrenchments about the blockhouse had been just 
 begun, and he soon saw the Spaniards at work on the 
 fort, which caused him some anxiety lest his presence 
 had been discovered. At ten o'clock the tide had fallen 
 sufificiently to allow the passage of the creek, and select- 
 ing a spot where a grove of trees intervened between the 
 creek and the fort and concealed the approach, the men 
 
 1 Parkman suggests Talbot Inlet, Pioneers of France in the New World, 
 Boston, 1893, p. 168. 
 
The French Revenge 329 
 
 waded across, with the water waist-deep, their ammuni- 
 tion tied to their morions, and carrying their arquebuses 
 and matches in one hand and their swords in the other. 
 Most of the men had their shoes cut through and their 
 feet wounded by the sharp edges of the oyster shells 
 which covered the bed of the creek. Behind the grove 
 they re-formed, still unperceived by the Spaniards, who 
 were peacefully digging for water. A lieutenant was 
 told off with a party of soldiers and sailors who carried fire- 
 pots and fire-lances with which to burn down the door of 
 the fort, and Gourgues made them a brief harangue. 
 Pointing to the fort, which was visible between the trees, 
 he exclaimed: "Yonder are the thieves who have stolen 
 this land from our King. Yonder are the murderers who 
 have massacred our French. On ! on ! let us avenge our 
 King ! let us show that we are Frenchmen ! " And he at 
 once commanded his lieutenant to attack the entrance 
 with his company, while he with the remainder of his 
 troops advanced to a low platform alongside of the fort, 
 where there was the beginning of a trench. 
 
 The Spaniards had just dined, "and were still picking 
 their teeth," says the account, which M. Larroque attri- 
 butes to Gourgues himself.' A Spanish gunner had as- 
 cended the platform, when he suddenly perceived the 
 French approaching head down and with long strides. 
 ' ' To arms ! to arms !" he shouted. ' ' Here are the French, 
 and he let fly at them twice with a big culverin which 
 stood upon the terrace towards which Gourgues had 
 directed his attack. As he was about to load it for the 
 third time, Olotoraca," an Indian chief who had attached 
 himself to Gourgues and served him as guide, sprang 
 upon the platform and transfixed the gunner with his 
 pike. The Spaniards, who had rushed to arms at the 
 
 ' La Reprise de la Floride, p. I2. 
 
 *Gatschet in his Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, vol. i., p. 62 
 says that the Creek olataraca signifies "great leader." 
 
330 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 first alarm, now poured out of the fort, still uncertain 
 whether to fight or to retreat. Then Gourgues's lieuten- 
 ant, fearing they would slip through his fingers, called out 
 to the Captain that they were escaping, and Gourgues, 
 who with his men had already reached the terrace, which 
 he was about to ascend, turned to one side, and the un- 
 fortunate Spaniards found themselves caught between the 
 two bands. Not one of the sixty members of the garri- 
 son escaped death except those who were captured. "As 
 many as possible were taken alive, by Captain Gourgues's 
 order, to do to them what they had done to the FreJich," 
 continues the account. 
 
 The fort taken, Gourgues immediately turned his atten- 
 tion to the second fort, which had greatly impeded the 
 attack by keeping up a continual artillery fire from across 
 the river. The French had discovered four pieces of 
 artillery in the blockhouse, one of which, the culverin 
 which had been fired at their approach, was marked with 
 the armorial bearing of Henry II., having probably been 
 captured from the French at the time of the massacre, 
 and the sight of it only served to increase their irritation. 
 These guns they trained on the second fort, while 
 Gourgues, crossing the St. John's, took up a position be- 
 tween the blockhouse and a grove of trees, close at hand, 
 to which he thought the Spaniards would attempt to 
 escape in order to retreat to Fort Mateo, which was but 
 a league distant. According to the French account 
 Gourgues had scarcely touched the other shore, when his 
 Indian allies, unable longer to restrain their impatience 
 and wait for the boat, plunged into the stream, swimming 
 with one arm and carrying their bows aloft with the other. 
 At the sight of such numbers, the Spaniards, greatly ter- 
 rified and altogether unable to discern between the white 
 men and the savages, took flight for the woods, where 
 they found themselves caught between the Indians and the 
 French. In their panic the fugitives were all mercilessly 
 
The French Revenge 331 
 
 slaughtered except some fifteen, which Gourgues, with 
 great difficulty, succeeded in saving alive, in order to 
 mete out to them the same fate which he had reserved 
 for the prisoners taken at the first fort. Las Alas with 
 much greater probability relates that when the Spaniards 
 in the second blockhouse had seen the slaughter of their 
 companions and had exhausted their ammunition in firing 
 at the French across the river, they spiked their guns and 
 withdrew to St. Augustine. The date of this victory was 
 April 1 2th, the eve of Quasimodo, the first Sunday after 
 Easter.' 
 
 Returning to the first blockhouse, Gourgues fortified 
 his position and rested over Sunday, while he considered 
 how he should next proceed against San Mateo. From 
 one of his prisoners he learned the plan of the fort and 
 the size of the rampart, and had eight ladders made 
 of sufficient height to scale it. Monday he captured a 
 Spanish spy disguised as an Indian, who had been sent 
 out by Nufiez to learn what the French were about. 
 Interrogated by Gourgues, the spy informed him that the 
 Spanish garrison did not exceed two hundred men, and 
 were so surprised that they were at a loss what to do, for 
 the French had been reported to them as two thousand 
 strong. So encouraged was Gourgues by this informa- 
 tion that he immediately began his preparations for the 
 attack. The blockhouse was placed in charge of a cap- 
 tain with fifteen soldiers, and the following night the 
 Indians were stationed in ambuscade around San Mateo, 
 Vvhile he himself set out in the morning with part of his 
 men, and with the prisoner, who had given him the de- 
 scription, and the spy tied together to conduct him to 
 the fort, and to verify their statements. 
 
 The garrison at San Mateo, however, were not as 
 entirely unprepared as the Spanish spy had led Gourgues 
 to believe. On seeing the strange vessels put out to sea 
 ' Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 295. 
 
332 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 in place of entering the harbour in reply to his signal Las 
 Alas had advised Nunez of their presence, warned him to 
 be on his guard against a descent of the pirates, for such 
 he took them to be, and had sent the garrison a boat- 
 load of provisions. Sunday following the capture of 
 the two blockhouses he had despatched two soldiers by 
 land to Outina, from where with half a dozen Indians 
 they were to reach San Mateo by river and deliver a 
 second letter of warning to Nunez and the commander, 
 Castellon ; but this reinforcement was destined to arrive 
 too late.' 
 
 On approaching San Mateo the garrison soon discovered 
 the French and opened upon them with their artillery, 
 which commanded the banks of the river. Gourgues as- 
 cended the wooded hill at the foot of which the fort was 
 situated, perhaps the very height from which Le Challeux 
 had looked back and seen the massacre of his companions 
 in the court. Advancing amidst the trees, which con- 
 cealed and protected him from the Spaniards, he drew as 
 close to the fort as he wished, where he halted, intending 
 to attack it the following morning. But the impatient 
 Spaniards could brook no delay and made a sortie with 
 sixty soldiers to reconnoitre his forces. It was a fatal 
 mistake. From his commanding position Gourgues saw 
 them advance along the trench, crouching low to escape 
 observation. He at once sent his lieutenant with twenty 
 men to place themselves in their rear, between them and 
 the fort, and then charged them in person, having ordered 
 his troops to hold their fire until they were close to the 
 enemy, and then to draw their swords. On reaching 
 the foot of the hill where the French were concealed, 
 the Spaniards were received with a volley, and then fol- 
 lowed a hand-to-hand combat in which the French used 
 their swords so well that the Spaniards turned to withdraw 
 
 ' See Appendix BB, The Spanish Account of Gourgues's Attack on Saa 
 Mateo. 
 
The French Revenge 333 
 
 into the fort ; but their retreat was cut off by the lieuten- 
 ant and they were all slain. 
 
 On seeing the reception their comrades had met with, 
 those who had remained in the fort attempted to escape 
 into the forest only to fall a prey to the Indians, by 
 whom they were shot down and cut to pieces. Gourgues, 
 who had followed after them, succeeded in saving a few 
 of them alive, but the majority were killed, with the ex- 
 ception of the commander, and several of his com- 
 panions, who finally managed to make their escape,' 
 cutting their way through with their swords. A large 
 quantity of arms was found in the captured fort; but a 
 fatality seemed to haunt the place, and for the second 
 time the magazines and houses were consumed by a fire 
 accidentally lighted by an Indian. The artillery was 
 saved, carried on board the vessels, and brought back to 
 France. 
 
 There now remained but one more act to complete the 
 drama. 
 
 " The Spaniards captured alive in the last fort were con- 
 ducted to the place where they had hanged the French, after 
 that Captain Gourgues had shown them the affront they had 
 put upon the King. . . . ' And though you cannot suffer 
 the punishment you deserve,' he said, ' it is necessary that you 
 undergo that which the enemy can honestly inflict upon you, 
 that by your example others may learn to preserve the peace 
 and ' alliance, which you have violated in so wicked and un- 
 fortunate a way.' Having said this, they are swung from the 
 branches of the same trees on which they had hung the French, 
 and in place of the inscription which Pedro Menendez had 
 put up containing these words in Spanish: I do this not as to 
 Frenchmen but as to Lutherans^ Captain Gourgues causes to be 
 inscribed with a hot iron on a pine tablet : / do this not as to 
 Spaniards^ nor as to Marranos, but as to traitors, robbers and 
 murderers. ' ' 
 
 ' Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXVIII., p. 136. 
 
334 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 His work now completed, and the insult to France 
 wiped out in blood, Gourgues turned his face for home. 
 Before his departure he assembled his men and offered 
 thanks to God for his victory, and on Monday, May 3d, 
 set sail for France. Bartolom^ Menendez, on his return 
 to Spain in 1569, informed Aviles that Gourgues left 
 three or four of his men among the Indians friendly to 
 the French to preach their evil sect to them.' But from 
 the character of the French raid, it is much more prob- 
 able that these men, if they really belonged to the com- 
 pany of Gourgues and were not survivors of the Fort 
 Caroline massacre, were deserters rather than mission- 
 aries ( ! ) left behind by the French adventurer. On his 
 way back he captured three Spanish vessels, the crews 
 of which were thrown into the sea, and on the 6th 
 of June reached the harbour of La Rochelle with his 
 captured cannon and a large booty of gold, silver, pearls, 
 and merchandise which his soldiers declared had been 
 found at San Mateo, but which the Spanish ambassador, 
 with far greater probability, thought to be the proceeds 
 of his robberies on the high seas.' From La Rochelle 
 he proceeded to Bordeaux, barely escaping a Spanish 
 fleet sent out to burn his vessels," and in that city he al- 
 most immediately sold the captured artillery." So great 
 was the enthusiasm aroused by his return that Spes, 
 the Spanish ambassador to England, who was passing 
 through Bordeaux at the time on his way from Spain to 
 Paris, was mobbed and threatened, and on crossing the 
 
 1 Aviles to Philip II., November 20, 1569, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo 
 ii., p. 188. 
 
 '^ La Reprise de la Floride, pp. 29-65 ; Alava to Philip II., June 25. 1568, 
 MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1511 (56); June 28, 1568, MS., ibid., K, 1511 
 
 (59). 
 
 * La Reprise de la Floride, p. 67. 
 
 4 " Estimation des pieces d'artillerie rapportees par Dominique de 
 Gourgues de la Floride," Aug. 27, 156S, in La Reprise de la Floride, p. 
 71 ; Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 317. 
 
The French Revenge 335 
 
 river the ships were pointed out to him with which the 
 French "had avenged their friends dead in Florida." * 
 
 Alava notified Philip II. as early as the 25th of June 
 of the defeat of the Spaniards in Florida, and four days 
 later the news reached the Spanish Court." Alava at 
 Paris protested at once against the outrage committed by 
 the French, to which Catherine merely remarked: "See 
 how they have only just written me that they have taken 
 Florida!" "I assure your Majesty," he wrote, "that 
 she said it with a manner which showed her great joy." " 
 To Spes, who also protested on his arrival in Paris, she 
 observed, that "the Florida affair has been without my 
 knowledge or wish," and Spes in his report to Philip, 
 added that " the artillery, which is known to belong to 
 Your Majesty, has been ordered to be returned to Spain." * 
 
 The Gourgues incident practically terminated the con- 
 test between Spain and France for the possession of 
 American territory south of Canada, until the curious 
 attempt of Don Diego de Penalosa, more than a century 
 later, to enlist the French Government in the conquest 
 of New Biscay, which probably paved the way for La 
 Salle's colony in Texas. The subsequent careers of the 
 protagonists of the French colonies, Laudonnitre and 
 Gourgues, do not belong to this history. With regard 
 to the latter, circumstances were such that a public ex- 
 pression of approval on the part of his government was 
 quite out of the question, however much the report of his 
 achievement had quickened the heart-beats of his King 
 
 'Spes to Philip II., July 19, 1568, Correspondencia, tomo iii., p. 127. 
 English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1568-79, II. Elizabeth. 68, 
 where the letter is dated July loth. 
 
 2 Fourquevaux to Catherine de' Medici, July 2, 1568, Depeches, p. 367. 
 
 3 Alava to Philip II., June 25, 1568, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1511 
 (56) ; June 28, 1568, MS., ibid., K, 1511 (59) ; see also same to same, July 
 27, 1568, MS., ibid., K, 1510 (12), fol. 3b. 
 
 *Spes to Philip II., July 19, 1568, Correspondencia, tomo iii., p. 127. 
 English translation in Spanish State Papers, 1568-79, II. Elizabeth, 68. 
 
33^ The Spanish Settlements 
 
 and Queen, but that he ultimately received the recogni- 
 tion which he deserved of his country there is no longer 
 any doubt. ' As for Laudonniere, apparently disap- 
 pointed in his hopes of obtaining anything from Philip, 
 we only know that in June, 1567, he was still lingering 
 about the French Court in company with some of the 
 Normans who had been to Florida.* 
 
 ' Gaffarel, I/ist. de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 314 ei seq. 
 
 2 Alava to Philip II., June 20, 1567, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1508 (24). 
 
 J 
 
BOOK III 
 
 THE QUALE AND VIRGINIA MISSIONS; 
 CONDITION OF THE COLONY 
 
 337 
 
BOOK III 
 
 THE GUALE AND VIRGINIA MISSIONS 
 CONDITION OF THE COLONY 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE GUALE MISSION— DESTITUTION OF THE COLONY 
 
 THE task which had fallen to the lot of Father Rogel 
 proved arduous and thankless. Despite his efforts 
 to acquire the language of the Caloosas, he still found it 
 necessary to employ interpreters in preaching among 
 them and in explaining to them the principal articles of 
 the Christian religion. The instruction was of the 
 simplest kind and probably consisted in teaching them 
 to recite the Pater Noster, the Ave Maria, the Credo, 
 Salve, and the Commandments. Together with this the 
 attempt was made to inculcate into their savage hearts 
 the first principles of Christian morals. It was a difBcult 
 task to turn them from their ancient customs. He suc- 
 ceeded in gathering about him a great number of the 
 children on whom he hoped to make some impression, 
 using every effort to attract them, and distributing among 
 them for a time the corn-meal which Fr. Francisco de 
 Toral, the Franciscan Bishop of Yucatan, had sent him, 
 when he learned of his missionary labours. But "the 
 339 
 
340 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 children who assembled to chant the doctrine recited 
 only the call of hunger," and their interest ceased when 
 the corn-meal became exhausted. 
 
 With the adults he fared no better. Like Fray Luis 
 Descalona in Cicuye, he only succeeded in arousing 
 the jealousy of the shamans, who directed all of their 
 endeavours to create a breach between the natives and 
 the Spaniards. One day, while conducting a masked 
 procession, the shamans resolved to ascend to the fort 
 with their idols, either with the intention of compelling 
 the Spaniards to worship them, or of arousing the indig- 
 nation of the Christians and providing a motive for killing 
 Father Rogel. In this they were partly successful, for, 
 as the procession approached, Father Rogel reprehended 
 them and ordered them to return to the town. As the 
 shamans, regardless of his warning, continued to advance, 
 Captain Reynoso rushed upon them and with the shaft 
 of his lance gave one of the masked priests so severe a 
 blow that he wounded him in the head. The enraged 
 savages rushed at once to their huts, where they armed 
 themselves with their clubs and staves, and some fifty 
 Indians returned to the fort, but they found the Span- 
 ish garrison already under arms, and concluded not to 
 attack it. 
 
 At Tegesta Brother Villareal found the natives far more 
 docile. He made much progress with their language, 
 confirmed many of the adults in the faith, baptised some 
 of the children and even a few of the older people, among 
 others an old chieftainess on the point of death. Large 
 crosses were also erected, around which the natives gath- 
 ered for instruction. But on the whole the labours of 
 the missionaries bore little fruit, for the older converts 
 soon fell away and returned to their idols. 
 
 The Spaniards had been settled for a year at San An- 
 tonio when it was discovered that Carlos was plotting 
 their death, and, their patience being exhausted, he was 
 
The Guale Mission 341 
 
 killed to make place for his successor, Don Felipe, The 
 new chieftain showed himself so friendly to the Spaniards 
 that hopes were entertained that on the return of Avil6s 
 he and his family would submit to baptism and that he 
 would carry the entire tribe with him. But again Father 
 Rogel came into conflict with rooted custom, which put 
 his teachings at defiance. Don Felipe wished to marry 
 his sister, and when the Father sought to impress upon 
 him the enormity of such a sin committed on the very 
 verge of his baptism, the Indian coldly replied that when 
 he should be baptised he would repudiate his sister, but 
 that in the meantime he was compelled to conform to the 
 customs of his country, the laws of which not only coun- 
 tenanced such a marriage, but even considered it neces- 
 sary. With the absence of Avil6s matters had now 
 reached such a pass that the Spanish garrison was subject 
 to the same privations as were the Indians, and Father 
 Rogel left for Havana to collect alms for his mission and 
 to seek assistance for the settlement." Here he appears 
 to have remained until the arrival of Father Segura and 
 his company at St. Augustine in June, 1568. 
 
 Among the first matters to which the Adelantado had 
 turned his attention on reaching Spain was the increase 
 of the number of missionaries among his Florida In- 
 dians, and in no wise discouraged by the sad fate which 
 had befallen Father Martinez, Francisco Borgia readily 
 lent him his assistance. Father Juan Bautista de Segura 
 with three other priests and ten brothers " were selected 
 
 1 Francisco Javier Alegre, Historia de la Compaiiia de Jesus en Nueva 
 Espana, Mexico, 1842, tomo i., pp. 14-17. 
 
 ^ Their names were Fathers Juan Bautista de Segura, Gonzalo del Alamo, 
 Antonio Sedeno, and Luis de Quires, and Brothers Juan de la Carrera, Pedro 
 Linares, Domingo Augustin, otherwise called Domingo Vaez, Pedro Ruiz 
 de Salvatierra, Juan Salcedo, Gabriel Gomez, Sancho Cevallos, Juan Bau- 
 tista Mendez, Gabriel de Solis, and Cristobal Redondo. Alegre (tomo i., 
 p. 17), says three fathers and three coadjutors were appointed, but in the 
 course of his account he gives a number of other names (see pp. 18, 21, 
 
342 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 to renew the spiritual conquest of the country. With 
 them went a number of Florida Indians who had been 
 baptised. Father Segura, who was appointed the Vice- 
 Provincial, was a native of Toledo, and after his entrance 
 into the Society had been named rector of the College 
 of Villimar by Francisco Borgia. From Villimar he had 
 been transferred to the College of Monterey and subse- 
 quently to Valladolid, where he was stationed at the time 
 when he was selected for the Florida mission. On the 
 13th of March the company set sail from the port of San 
 Lucar. Touching at the Canaries and Puerto Rico, at 
 each of which places a brief stay was made, St. Augustine 
 was reached on the 29th of June.' 
 
 The missionaries found the colony in a sad condition, 
 a veritable wave of misfortune having overwhelmed it. 
 Gourgues had but just sailed away on his return to 
 France, leaving San Mateo a heap of ruins. Tocobaga 
 was deserted, for the Indians had fallen upon the garrison 
 and slain them all. At Tegesta the soldiers were in the 
 greatest extremity. They had killed an uncle of the 
 chieftain for some trifling reason, and the infuriated sav- 
 
 24). Father Luis de Quiros replaced Father Alamo, who was subsequently 
 ordered to return to Europe. Philip Alegambe in his Mortes Illustres 
 (Romae, 1567, pp. 62, 63), gives only the list of the names of the Fathers 
 who accompanied Father Segura to Axacan, which agrees with the corre- 
 sponding list given by Alegre {ibid., p. 25), except that Alegre mentions an 
 additional Brother, Juan Bautista Mendez. Garcilaso in La Florida del 
 Inca (Madrid, 1723, lib. vi., cap. 22, p. 267), also gives a list of their names. 
 ' Barcia {Ensayo, Ano MDLXVIII., p. 137) states that Aviles sailed 
 March 13, 1568, with Segura for Florida. In this error he has been fol- 
 lowed by Alegre in his Historia de la Companla de Jesus en Nuex'a Espaiia 
 (Mexico, 1842, tomo i., p. 22), who states that Aviles came over with Segura; 
 by Fairbanks in his History of Florida (Philadelphia, 1871, p. 156), who 
 gives the date of March 17, 1568, for his sailing, and by Shea in his The 
 Catholic Church in Colonial Days (New York, 1886, p. 143), and in his 
 "Ancient Florida" {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 281), who 
 gives the same date. Aviles was, however, still in Spain two months sub- 
 sequent to the sailing of Segura: see his letter dated at Santander, May I2, 
 1568 (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 171). 
 
The Guale Mission 343 
 
 ages had torn down the crosses which Brother Villareal 
 had set up, burned their huts, and withdrawn into the 
 forest. There they held the path by which the Spaniards 
 went to draw water, killed a large number of the colo- 
 nists, and drove the survivors to take refuge with the 
 garrison at Santa Lucia. This unexpected increase of 
 its population created so great a famine at Santa Lucia 
 that the unfortunate colonists had been driven to the 
 practice of cannibalism, in order to keep alive.' Of the 
 settlements so laboriously founded by Avil^s only St. 
 Augustine and San Antonio remained, with the fort of 
 San Felipe at Santa Elena. 
 
 At St. Augustine the half-naked soldiers and the settlers 
 were pallid with exhaustion and hunger, say the Jesuit 
 accounts, for Avil^s, stirred by the alarming rumours 
 which reached him of the destruction of his colonists and 
 the miserable plight of his garrisons, ' notwithstanding all 
 of his efforts to assist them in time, had found it impos- 
 sible to hasten the departure of relief owing to the 
 vexations and delays of his old enemy, the Casa de Con- 
 trataci6n.^ Father Segura distributed among them the 
 garments and provisions which he had brought with him, 
 and the soldiers, being "attracted by these temporal bene- 
 
 ' Velasco, Geografla de las Indias, iS7^~^574> P- i^^- Francisco Sac- 
 chini, Hist. Societatis "Jesu, Pars tertia, Romce, 1650, p. 200. Alegre, 
 Historia de la Compania de fesus en Nueva Espaiia, tomo i., p. 18. Re- 
 lacion que da Juan de Velasco cosmografo mayor de Su Majestad de lo 
 sucedido en el descubrimiento de la Florida desde el ano de 14 hasta el de 
 65. MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 
 1/19, ramo 23. Relacion de las cosas que han pasado en la Florida to- 
 cantes al servicio de Dios y del Rey. Vino con carta de Juan Mendez 6 de 
 Abril, 1584, MS., ibid., est. 54, caj. 5, leg. i6, fol. i. 
 
 'Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Nov. 19, 1567, Dipkhes, p. 295. Advis 
 au Roi par le Prebtre, Nov. 30, 1567, ibid., p. 305 ; Fourquevaux to Charles 
 IX., March 9, 1568, ibid., p. 336 ; April 6, 1568, ibid., p. 345. 
 
 ^ Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 23, 1567, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 170 ; Deposition of the Adelantado Pero Menendez [de Aviles], March 28, 
 1568, Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 33, 983, fol. 328. 
 
344 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 fits, it became an easy matter to make them recognise the 
 hand of the Lord which was afflicting them, and to turn 
 them to Him by confession, with which they all prepared 
 themselves to merit the Jubilee which was immediately 
 promulgated." ' 
 
 Father Segura shortly realised how impossible it was 
 for the depleted colony to maintain all of the missionaries 
 in his company, a conclusion confirmed by the experience 
 of Father Rogel, who had come to him from Havana. 
 He cherished in his mind the plan of founding a Jesuit 
 college in that city, not only for the Spanish colonists 
 but also for the instruction of the sons of the Floridian 
 chiefs, a plan which had its inception with Father 
 Rogel during one of his previous visits there, and the 
 opportunity appeared to be most favourable for its execu- 
 tion. Brothers Domingo Augustin and Pedro Ruiz de 
 Salvatierra were sent to Quale," and with Father Rogel 
 and the balance of his companions Father Segura pro- 
 ceeded to Havana, where it would appear that the winter 
 was spent in establishing the college and in work among 
 the Spaniards and negroes.' Both Barcia and Pulgar* 
 relate an incident of the voyage to Havana. On the 
 way over a violent storm arose, which so provoked the 
 pilot that he swore it was wholly due to the Jesuits he 
 had on board ; for nothing of the kind had ever happened 
 to him in his many crossings "with Lutherans, and even 
 with Turks." The Fathers succeeded in calming the 
 
 ' Alegre, tomo i., p. i8. 
 
 *Alegre(tomo i., p. i8) says the two brothers were sent "to Sutariva 
 . . . near Santa Elena," referring probably to the Indian village of 
 Saturiba at the mouth of the St. John's, but on p. 22 he says they were 
 both at Guale when Father Segura returned the following year. Sacchini, 
 p. 200. 
 
 ^Alegre, tomo i., pp. 18-21. 
 
 * Barcia, Ensayo, Afto MDLXVIII., p. 137. Pulgar, Historia 
 general de la Florida, Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, MSB. 2999, fol, 
 173. 
 
The Guale Mission 345 
 
 storm by their prayers, but the unfortunate pilot, on his 
 return to Florida "without the Jesuits," was shortly af- 
 ter lost with all of his belongings at the very place where 
 he had blasphemed. 
 
 It was during this visit of Father Segura to Havana 
 that Avil6s, who had been appointed Governor of Cuba, 
 arrived there on his second visit to Florida, We have 
 no reliable record and no details of this visit, and his 
 presence in Florida is largely a matter of conjecture. We 
 have no knowledge of the date of his sailing, but it was 
 some time after May 22, 1568, and possibly at the end of 
 June or early in July, after Philip had received the news 
 of the Spanish defeat in Florida. He was in Havana in 
 April of the following year awaiting the arrival of the 
 fleet from New Spain, which he was to accompany on its 
 return home,' and is said to have visited Tegesta with 
 Father Segura.' By the month of September he was back 
 again in Spain. 
 
 In the following year (1569), probably in the early 
 spring. Father Gonzalo del Alamo and Brother Villareal 
 were sent to San Antonio, and Father Sedeiio joined the 
 missionaries at Guale. The Vice-Provincial, leaving 
 Father Rogel and three brothers at Havana, himself 
 departed for Tegesta with one of the neophytes, a 
 brother of the cacique of Tegesta, who had accompanied 
 the Jesuits on their journey from Spain. ^ The return of 
 their tribesman, whom the natives had long thought to 
 have died at the hands of the Spaniards, secured a peace- 
 ful reception for the missionaries. Laying aside their 
 former suspicions, they renewed their alliances with the 
 Spaniards and restored the crosses. But this peace- 
 ful condition of affairs lasted only for a time and, the 
 
 ' See Appendix CC, The Second Voyage of Aviles to Florida. 
 ' Alegre, tomo i., p. 22. 
 
 ^Sacchini, p. 20i, calls him Jacob ; Alegre, tomo i., p. 32, San- 
 tiago. 
 
346 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 difficulties with the natives reviving, the Spanish garrison 
 was finally withdrawn in 1570.' 
 
 The settlement at San Antonio was likewise doomed. 
 The crafty Don Felipe had easily imposed upon the mis- 
 sionaries, whom he allowed to destroy his venerated idols, 
 while he showed a ready compliance with their teaching. 
 But Reynoso was not so easily deceived, and, another plot 
 being soon discovered, Don Felipe and fourteen of the 
 chief accomplices were all put to death by order of Pedro 
 Men6ndez Marques. The execution of so many of their 
 principal men struck a final blow at any further under- 
 standing between the Spaniards and the Caloosas. The 
 Indians suddenly rose, burned their village, and fled to 
 the forest. The Spaniards, who had largely depended 
 upon the natives for their subsistence, now found them- 
 selves utterly helpless ; the attempt to maintain the settle- 
 ment was finally abandoned, the mission was withdrawn, 
 the fort destroyed, and the garrison transferred to St. 
 Augustine.^ 
 
 Such was the condition of affairs on the Peninsula, when 
 Father Segura, despairing of the success of his college at 
 Havana, which he found it impossible to maintain on ac- 
 count of the insufficiency of the alms of the faithful, 
 determined to remove the missionaries to Florida. The 
 first difficulty which presented itself was the distribution 
 of his spiritual forces. With a keen appreciation of the 
 situation, the Vice-Provincial sought to isolate his mis- 
 sions as far as possible from the Spanish settlements. 
 We have already seen enough of the habits of the soldiers 
 
 ' Velasco, Geograf/a de las Indias, i57T-iS74^ P- 162. 
 
 'Alegre, tomo i., p. 22. Relacion que da Juan de Velasco cosmografo 
 mayor de Su Majestad de lo sucedido en el descubrimiento de la Florida 
 desde el ano de 14 hasta el de 65. MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, 
 Patronato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 1/19, ramo 23. In this Velasco appears to 
 set the date in 1568, but in his Geografia de las Indias, i57i-i574y P- ^^l, 
 he says the settlement continued until 1571. Sacchini, p. 266, says the 
 Carlos garrison was withdrawn in 1569. 
 
The Guale Mission 347 
 
 to understand that they had not endeared themselves to 
 the natives. In their frequent extremities for food they 
 had been compelled to wrest from the Indians by force 
 what supplies they could, and the hostile environment 
 thus created was an unpromising field for missionary 
 labours. Another object, which it was equally desirable 
 to attain, was the avoidance of any friction with the civil 
 authorities. The missionaries were officially the protect- 
 ors of the Indians, the governor and his subordinates 
 were their rulers. The method pursued in all of the 
 Roman Catholic missions among the natives was such as 
 to render the slightest interference of the secular arm 
 subversive of all missionary authority and prestige. Nor 
 were the civil authorities less jealous of the protection 
 which the missionaries afforded the natives against their 
 rapacity. To what serious conflicts between the two 
 authorities these mutual jealousies led we shall see in the 
 course of this history. 
 
 St. Augustine and San Mateo, where the savages were 
 in a state of revolt, seeming to be entirely out of the 
 question, the provinces of Santa Elena and Guale were 
 selected as the field for the further labours of the mis- 
 sionaries. Father Rogel and Brother Juan Carrera were 
 appointed to Santa Elena, where they arrived during the 
 month of June,' and Brother Villareal joined the three 
 Jesuits who were labouring in Guale.' The Vice-Provin- 
 
 ' Rogel to Aviles, Dec. 9, 1570, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 301. 
 In his letter to Hinestrosa of Dec. Ii, 1569 (C?/. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo 
 xiii., p. 302), Rogel says "A mediado Agosto." 
 
 ' Brinton {Notes on the Floridian Peninsula, p. 152), Gatschet {Migration 
 Legend of the Creek Indians, vol. i., p. 11), Shipp {Hernando de Soto and 
 Florida, p. 560), Shea (" Ancient Florida," A'a^^. and Crit. Hist. Am., 
 vol. ii., p. 282), and Fairbanks {History of St. Augustine, p. 125) all incor- 
 rectly identify the Guale of the Segura mission with Amelia'Island. There 
 can be no question that it was the Guale previously visited by Aviles in the 
 province of Santa Elena, situated on a river in the interior flowing into 
 Port Royal and but a few leagues distant from San Felipe and Crista. In 
 addition to the proof offered by the story as told in the text, the identity of 
 
348 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 cial accompanied them, and after he had stationed Father 
 Rogel at Crista, but five leagues distant from San Felipe, 
 proceeded himself to Guale, where he remained for some 
 time to study the expediency of distributing the mission- 
 aries singly among the natives. The Indians at Orista» 
 which consisted of about twenty houses, built the Father 
 a church and a dwelling, where he lived with only three 
 lads as companions, one of them a little boy named Juan, 
 of so sweet and obedient a disposition that the Father 
 was at a loss to find an occasion to whip him "in or- 
 der that he should not forget the wholesome fear of the 
 discipline." ' 
 
 Father Rogel lost no time in applying himself to learn 
 the native language, and at the end of six months had 
 made sufificient progress both to converse and to preach 
 in it, and he began his instruction by teaching them "the 
 unity of God, His power and Majesty; that He was the 
 Cause and Creator of all things; His love of the good; 
 His horror of evil . . . the rewards and punishment 
 of the next life, the immortality of the soul, and the re- 
 surrection of the dead." He found the savages about 
 him far more tractable and moral than those he had 
 known among the Caloosas. After three months spent 
 at Crista he enthusiastically exclaims that "their manner 
 of living was so well ordered and regulated that there 
 was not a single thing to touch or to change among them 
 
 the languages of Orista and of Guale proved by the recognition by Father 
 Rogel at Orista of the utility of the grammar prepared by Brother Agos- 
 tino at Guale is further evidence. That the name Guale Island may at a 
 later date have been applied to Amelia Island, see Velasco, Geografia de 
 las Indias, 1371-137 4^ P- 169, " La barra de Guale." 
 
 1 Rogel to Hinestrosa, Dec. 11, 1569, Col. Doc. Inedit., tomo xiii., p. 
 305. This is the letter dated Dec. 2, 1569, by Dr. Shea ("Ancient Florida," 
 Narr. andCrit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 282, note 2), a date which he probably 
 obtained from the Buckingham Smith North American MS., 136 1, 13^3, 
 pp. 337-341, in the New York Historical Society, where it is written 
 "a IJ de Dizie de 1569 anos." 
 
The Guale Mission 349 
 
 even if they become Christians." Each Indian had but 
 one wife, worked hard at his planting, and the children 
 were carefully trained. They were neither cruel nor 
 thievish, and unnatural crimes were entirely unknown. 
 They were great traders, expert at barter, carrying their 
 merchandise into the interior. The elders met in the 
 council house, where the affairs of the tribe were ordered. 
 The Indians were truthful, dwelt peaceably among them- 
 selves, and were given to but one vice, — they were great 
 gamblers and would stake all that they possessed at a 
 game of dice. During the year they passed but two 
 and a half months at their village, planting their corn in 
 the spring ; but when the acorn season arrived they scat- 
 tered through the forests to gather them and other wild 
 fruits in their season, and only met together at intervals 
 of two months to celebrate their festivals, now at one 
 locality, now at another. Their provisions were held in 
 common, and it was their custom to give away their food 
 without demanding anything in return. 
 
 From Guale Father Gonzalo de Alamo, a talented 
 preacher, but ungifted for the work of the missions, was 
 ordered back to Europe after four months' service, and 
 his place was filled by Father Luis de Quiros. Brother 
 Domingo Augustin made such progress in the language 
 that in six months he had translated the catechism and 
 prepared a grammar that proved of great service to his 
 companions,' the first instance of the reduction to a sys- 
 tem of one of our native languages. But he was not de- 
 stined to continue in his useful employment. Towards 
 the close of the first year which the missionaries had 
 spent in the country about Santa Elena an epidemic 
 broke out among the natives, and the Fathers, exhausted 
 by their unceasing care of the sick and dying, were suc- 
 cessively attacked by it. Fortunately they all recovered 
 
 ' Alegre, tomo i., pp. 23, 24 ; Rogel to Aviles, Dec. 9, 1570, Ruidiaz, La 
 Florida, tomo ii., p. 307. 
 
 k 
 
350 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 except Brother Domingo, who fell a victim to his duty, 
 after a year's service among the savages.' 
 
 Meanwhile Father Rogel continued with his instruction, 
 to which the natives listened with some attention, plying 
 him with curious questions, such as their simple under- 
 standing suggested. Particularly were they impressed 
 with the punishment of the wicked, "for I assure you, 
 sir," writes Father Rogel to Hinestrosa," "that I have 
 seen them shed tears at the terrors of hell, when they 
 were told that their souls would burn in hell like a fire- 
 brand if they did not die Christians." But it was a 
 difficult matter to reach them, and although the Father at- 
 tended their feasts and assemblies in order to hasten their 
 conversion, the interruption caused by their nine-months' 
 migrations in search of provisions made his ministrations 
 of little effect, and his teaching was met with a constantly 
 growing spirit of mockery. In vain he sought to culti- 
 vate among them more domestic habits, and gave them 
 hoes to aid them in making larger plantings, in order that 
 their wandering should not be so prolonged. The natives 
 gladly accepted the gift, but their inherited customs were 
 incorrigible, and they persisted in spreading over the sur- 
 rounding country in every direction, making their plant- 
 ings at distances of six, ten, and even twenty leagues 
 from the village, while only two of the villagers cultivated 
 fields in the immediate neighbourhood. The reason was 
 not far to seek, and Father Rogel, a sensible and intelli- 
 gent man, as well as a devoted one, was quick to recog- 
 nise it. The soil was so poor that it soon became 
 exhausted, and it was necessary that the cultivators go 
 elsewhere. 
 
 At the expiration of eight months Father Rogel had 
 brought them to the belief in the Trinity and to under- 
 
 ' Alegre, tomo i., p, 23; Rogel to Aviles, Dec. 9, 1570, Ruidi'az, La 
 Florida, tomo ii., p. 307, who, however, does not mention the pestilence. 
 " Letter of Dec. 11, 1569, Col. Doc. Inedit. Jndias, tomo xiii., p. 303. 
 
The Guale Mission 351 
 
 stand the significance of the Roman Catholic veneration 
 of the Cross, and had, as it seemed to him, gained their 
 good-will so that they had grown to love him. Then 
 "I began to declare to them how, in order to be the sons 
 of God, it was needful for them to be enemies of the 
 devil, for the devil is evil, and loves all evil things; and 
 God is good and loves all good things," says Father 
 Rogel. To his consternation and alarm the effect pro- 
 duced by this teaching was altogether the reverse of that 
 which he had intended, while not wanting in a ludicrous 
 side. "When I began to treat of this," he continues, 
 "so great was the vexation and hatred which they con- 
 ceived at my words, that never again would they come 
 to listen to me ; and they said to my people that they 
 were very angry and did not believe a thing I said, since 
 I spoke ill of the devil." And even the two remaining 
 dwellers in the village abandoned him for the same 
 reason. It is permissible to think that the good Father 
 was here the innocent victim of a foreign vocabulary, and 
 that in his choice of names with which to designate the 
 Spirit of Evil he had fallen upon that of some beneficent 
 Indian deity, whose office he imperfectly understood, and 
 to whom in his ignorance he had attributed all of the 
 qualities of the arch-fiend. 
 
 Undismayed by the discouraging result of his labours, 
 and with that consummate devotion to his vocation 
 which has everywhere distinguished the missionaries of 
 the Society, the Jesuit Father journeyed from chief to 
 chief, offering to live in their midst that he might teach 
 them the Divine Word, provided they honestly wished 
 to become Christians ; otherwise he would depart from 
 them and return to Spain. But he met with no response 
 whatever. At last, at a great council of Orista's vassals, 
 after he had repeated his offer, the Indians sadly observed : 
 "How can you say that you love us so greatly when 
 you say you wish to leave us?" "From that time on," 
 
 I 
 
352 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 continues the Father, "I certainly expected to lose my 
 skin,' and as soon as I saw it I changed my language and 
 praised them like children, and was thus able to return in 
 safety to my post." 
 
 Father Rogel's work was brought to an end in July, 
 1570, by the occurrence of one of the very incidents which 
 the Vice- Provincial had taken so many precautions to 
 avoid. There was a small settlement of twenty married 
 men at Santa Elena, ^ consisting of farmers who had been 
 colonised there by Aviles,' but the land was poor, and 
 fear of the natives prevented them from going any dis- 
 tance to establish their farms. The fort was falling into 
 decay, the soldiers were half naked and poorly armed/ 
 and hunger was again staring the garrison in the face, for 
 their supplies had become greatly reduced. Their only 
 resource was to obtain relief from the Indians. To- 
 wards the end of June Juan de la Vandera, who still re- 
 mained in command at San Felipe, attended an Indian 
 festival at Escamacu, and ordered four of the chiefs, 
 among whom were Orista, Hoya, and Escamacu, to send 
 some canoe-loads of corn to the fort. At the same time, 
 in order to reduce the number of mouths at San Felipe, 
 he quartered forty of his soldiers among the natives to 
 await the arrival of supplies. The necessary consequence 
 was not slow to follow. Shortly after the arrival of the 
 soldiers the Indians rose in revolt, and the disturbance 
 continued until the arrival of Marques and Las Alas, who 
 finally succeeded in restoring order. 
 
 As soon as Father Rogel learned of Vandera's inten- 
 tion he foresaw what would come of it, its evil effect 
 upon his work, and the false position in which it would 
 
 ' " Dar la piel " (to be killed). 
 
 * " Diligencias hechas en Sevilla con motivo de la venida de Esteban de 
 las Alas, de la Florida, 1570," Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., pp. 572, 579. 
 ^Aviles to Philip II., Nov. 24, 1569, ibid., tomo ii., p. 190. 
 *" Diligencias," 1570, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 576, 580, 583, 584. 
 
The Guale Mission 353 
 
 place him. If he remained among the Indians, they 
 would turn to him for a protection which he could 
 not give, for he realised the stern necessity under which 
 the Spanish commander was acting. If they rose in in- 
 surrection they would visit their vengeance upon him, 
 and in every event the ill-will stirred up among the na- 
 tives would bring his labours to an end. The Vice- 
 Provincial had ordered him to withdraw to Santa Elena 
 in case his life was threatened, and with sorrowful heart 
 he determined to abandon his mission. He commended 
 his little flock to God, and, eight or ten days before the 
 arrival of the soldiers at Crista, pulled down his house 
 and his church, and on the 13th of July departed for 
 Santa Elena, leaving word that whenever the Indians 
 should have need of him they were to call on him and 
 he would return to live among them. 
 
 Father Sedeflo and probably all of the other mission- 
 aries were withdrawn from Guale, where their work had 
 borne but little fruit,— seven baptisms in all, administered 
 when the recipients, four of whom were children, were 
 on the point of death. The instruction of the mission- 
 aries concerning the devil had met with a reception 
 similar to that accorded to it at Crista. Father Rogel 
 was ordered back to Havana and Father Sedeflo to in- 
 struct the native children collected at St. Augustine from 
 the villages of Saturiba and Tacatacuru; but the Jesuits 
 found the fort so poorly garrisoned and in so bad a con- 
 dition and the Indians so turbulent that the plan was 
 given up, and Father Sedeflo accompanied Father Rogel 
 to Havana. 
 
 Father Rogel had rightly apprehended one of the chief 
 causes of his failure to produce any lasting impression 
 upon the Indians when he ascribed it to their migra- 
 tory habits, and the impossibility of obtaining any per- 
 manent ascendency over their minds during two or 
 three months, when for the balance of the year they 
 
354 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 roamed the forest in search of food like wild beasts. As 
 a result of his experience he included in his letter to 
 Avil^s some suggestions as to the proper course to pur- 
 sue in such circumstances, and his observations are highly- 
 interesting, as they embody for the first time the method 
 which the missionaries subsequently adopted throughout 
 the length and breadth of our land irrespective of the 
 Order to which they belonged, a method which may be 
 studied in some of its most interesting phases in the 
 California missions more than two centuries later. 
 
 " In order to obtain fruit in the blind and sad souls of these 
 provinces, it is necessary first of all to order the Indians to 
 come together, and live in towns and cultivate the earth, col- 
 lecting sustenance for the entire year; and after they have 
 thus become very settled, then to begin the preaching. Un- 
 less this is done, although the rehgious remain among them for 
 fifty years, they will have no more fruit than we in our four 
 years among them, which is none at all, nor even a hope, nor 
 the semblance of it." 
 
 And even then it will be a most severe labour of many 
 years, 
 
 "for it must be done rightly, as our Lord God commands, 
 neither by compelling them nor with a mailed hand. And 
 this for two reasons : the first that they have been accustomed 
 to live in this manner for thousands of years, and to take them 
 out of it is like death to them ; the second, that even were they 
 willing, the poverty of the soil and its rapid exhaustion will 
 not admit of it; and so it is that they themselves give this 
 reason for their scattering and change of boundaries." ' 
 
 ' Rogel to Aviles, Dec. 9, 1570, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 301-308. There is a 
 translation of this letter by Daniel G. Brinton in the Historical Magatitte, 
 1861, p. 327. See also his Notes on the Floridian Peninsula, pp. 152, 153. 
 There is an unimportant reference to Rogel made by Mooney in ig Ann. 
 Rep. Bu. Ethn., Pt. I., p. 201. 
 
The Guale Mission 355 
 
 The deplorable state of the San Felipe garrison, which 
 had driven Vandera to the necessity of quartering part of 
 his forces on the Indians, and thus compelled the with- 
 drawal of Father Rogel, was but one instance of the con- 
 ditions reigning throughout the settlements. At St. 
 Augustine the suffering was so great that on the arrival 
 of a vessel to receive the military accounts it had been 
 compelled to anchor outside of the harbour for fear the 
 colonists would seize it and abandon the town.' The 
 soldiers were almost naked, some going about in a shirt, 
 which was all they possessed ; others dressed only in the 
 wadded cotton armour, which had been adopted from 
 the Mexicans as a protection against the arrows of the 
 Indians. Their weapons were in as miserable a condi- 
 tion : the arquebuses worn out or burst, the swords, which 
 only some of them had, old and damaged, and no means 
 were at hand with which to repair them. But one mar- 
 ried man was left in the settlement in addition to the 
 soldiers forming the garrison. A few horses still sur- 
 vived, some fifteen or sixteen, but it was a difficult 
 matter to keep them alive, for they were devoured by 
 mosquitoes" or killed by the Indians, and no fodder had 
 been raised for their food. As the Indian war still con- 
 tinued,' the colonists were exposed to the greatest risks 
 in leaving the fort in search of food. For this reason 
 they went without fish or meat and were compelled to 
 subsist on corn and inferior meal. The fort, which, in 
 the absence of more enduring material, was constructed 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Nov. 24, 1569, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii,, 
 p. 190. 
 
 'Both Le Challeux in the " Histoire Memorable" (reprint in GafTarel, 
 Hist, de la Floride, p. 461), and Meleneche in his deposition (Noriega to 
 Philip II., March 29, 1565, MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navar- 
 rete, tomo xiv.. Doc. No. 33, fol. 4b), mention the plague of mosquitoes 
 about the St. John's. 
 
 'Aviles to Philip II., Nov. 24, 1569, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 190. 
 
356 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 of wood and sand, was rotting away on account of its 
 age and the great humidity of the climate, and had even 
 fallen down in places so as to afford hardly any protec- 
 tion against the descent of pirates or the attacks of the 
 natives.' 
 
 The conditions at San Pedro on the island of Tacata- 
 curu, where most probably was the blockhouse which 
 Avil^s had ordered built, were equally bad. The soldiers 
 were naked, half-armed, and famished, and the fort was 
 falling into decay." It would appear that in April, 
 1569, succour had been sent to Las Alas from Spain,' but 
 it had also brought with it more mouths to feed, and 
 during the summer Avil^s's brother, Bartolome, had 
 himself departed for Spain, taking with him the renewed 
 complaints of the unpaid soldiers.* He probably also 
 bore with him the demands of Las Alas and Gover- 
 nor Marques for their salaries as Accountant and Treas- 
 urer of Florida respectively, offices to which they had 
 been appointed by Avil^s, since payments to them had 
 been stopped owing to some Court intrigue." 
 
 Patiently the sorely tried colony waited for the arrival 
 of the much-needed help, while Avil6s in Spain pressed the 
 necessity of sending reinforcements to protect the farmers 
 from the natives and urged the fear of a descent upon the 
 coast by Hawkins, who was reported to be preparing a 
 great armada, and predicted the imminent abandonment 
 of the forts by the desperate soldiery," unless help was 
 
 ' " Diligencias hechas en Sevilla con motivo de la venida de Esteban de las 
 Alas de la Florida, 1570," ibid., tomo ii., pp. 572, 578, 579. 580, 582-584, 
 587, 588. 
 
 2 "Diligencias," 1570, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 578-580, 583, 584, 587. 
 
 'Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXIX., p. 138. 
 
 * Aviles to Philip II., Nov. 20, 1569, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 185. 
 
 » Aviles to Philip II., May 12, 1568, ibid., tomo ii., p. 178. 
 
 •Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 4, 1569, ibid., tomo ii., p. 195; Dec. 31, 
 1569, ibid., tomo ii., p. 199 ; Jan. 4, 1570, ibid., tomo ii.. p. 201. 
 
The Guale Mission 357 
 
 soon forthcoming. But his old enemy, the Casa de Con- 
 tratacidn, and other obstacles impeded the sailing of the 
 fleet.' At last the patience of Las Alas became exhausted 
 and he determined to take matters into his own hands, to 
 reduce the garrisons of the three remaining forts, and, 
 after abandoning Ays and Carlos, to sail himself for 
 Spain with the troops he had withdrawn from the 
 colony. 
 
 In the month of June he equipped a vessel named the 
 Espiritu Santo, and embarking with most of the garrison 
 at St. Augustine, where he left but fifty soldiers in charge 
 of Pedro Menendez Aviles, a nephew of the Adelantado, 
 he proceeded to Tacatacuru, where he reduced the garri- 
 son to the same number, leaving Antonio Fernandez in 
 command and taking with him Juan Gutierrez and the 
 balance of the soldiers. At Santa Elena the same meas- 
 ures were repeated ; Vandera was left in command, and 
 the lieutenant-governor. Marques, who happened to be 
 at San Felipe at the time, left for Havana," where he had 
 been appointed to a similar office during the absence of 
 Aviles. August 13, 1570, Las Alas set sail from Santa 
 Elena and reached Cadiz on the 20th of October with 
 about one hundred and twenty men, including a number 
 of officers and officials. It was virtually an abandonment 
 of the country, for only one hundred and fifty soldiers 
 had been left there, with barely sufficient food and am- 
 munition to sustain them a few months. It is probable 
 that such was also the opinion of the King, for Las Alas 
 had been but two weeks in Spain when Philip ordered a 
 secret investigation ' to be made into the reason of his 
 return. The result was the pitiable showing which we 
 have just reviewed. But no further consequences seem 
 
 'Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 22, 1569, ibid., tomo ii., p. 180; Nov. 27, 
 1569, ibid., tomo ii., p. 191 ; Dec. 31, 1569, ibid., tomo ii., p. 196. 
 '" Diligencias," 1570, ibid., tomo ii., p. 572. 
 ' " Diligencias," 1570, ibid., tomo ii., p. 569, Nov. 3, 1570. 
 
358 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 to have followed Las Alas's desertion of his post, owing 
 either to the imperative necessity under which he had 
 acted, or, what is much more likely, to the powerful in- 
 fluence which Avil^s was able to exert at Court in his 
 favour. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 THE VIRGINIA MISSION 
 
 DURING his brief visit to Havana Marques wrote to 
 Spain an account of the condition of affairs in 
 Florida, and then returned to San Mateo, which for the 
 third time had been put in a state of defence. On his 
 arrival he was greeted with the news that shortly after 
 the departure of Las Alas from St. Augustine the soldiers 
 there had mutinied. Their intention was to seize a boat 
 lying in the harbour and to put to sea in her without a 
 pilot, sailors, anchors, or any equipment whatever, so 
 eager were they to abandon the fort and escape from that 
 fateful region. Marquis's only resource was to tempo- 
 rise, and he wrote from San Mateo to the mutineers, 
 that in case assistance did not arrive by the following 
 month of March he would himself come to St. Augustine 
 in April with his ships and transport them to Havana, 
 together with all of the armament of the fort. From 
 there he promised them that they should have leave to 
 return to Spain to obtain their pay. He even authorised 
 them to leave in any vessel they could secure in the 
 event of his own failure to arrive at the time he had set, 
 offering to meet a deputation of the garrison on board 
 his ship to discuss the matter, and stating his willingness 
 to lend them money with which to send one of their num- 
 ber to Havana to purchase provisions. To this low ebb 
 had discipline fallen.' 
 
 ^ Traslado autorizado de una carta que escribio el Gobernador de la 
 Florida Pedro Menendez Marques desde San Mateo a los soldados de el 
 
 359 
 
360 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 The failure of the Santa Elena missions had brought 
 no abatement in the zeal of the Vice-Provincial, and at 
 the very time when he had withdrawn the missionaries 
 from Guale and Crista he was contemplating his depart- 
 ure for new fields in the country about Chesapeake 
 Bay, to which his attention had been turned by an Indian 
 of that region, whom the Jesuits had found in Havana. 
 This was Don Luis, who, it will be remembered, had ac- 
 companied the Dominican friars, sent by Aviles prior to 
 his departure for Spain to visit that neighbourhood, and 
 who had returned with them to Spain when they aban- 
 doned the enterprise.' On his arrival at Court Don Luis, 
 who was intelligent and of an agreeable address, ingrati- 
 ated himself to such an extent into the good-will of 
 Philip IL that he lived at the royal expense during all 
 of his stay. From Spain he had gone to Havana in com- 
 pany with some Dominicans, who were on their way to 
 Florida to assist them in their work, but, the mission 
 having been abandoned, Don Luis, in his apparent zeal 
 to convert his countrymen, joined the Jesuits under 
 Father Segura on their departure for Florida.'' He 
 was a valuable accession to their party on account of 
 his rank among the natives, and his ability to act as 
 interpreter. 
 
 y'Cn the 5th of August, 1570, Father Segura sailed from 
 
 x'^anta Elena for Chesapeake Bay with seven companions,* 
 
 the Indian Don Luis, and a small boy named Alonso, 
 
 fuerte de San Agustin de la Florida, Sept. 7, 1570, MS. Arch. Gen. de 
 Indias, Seville, est. 54, caj. 5, leg. 9. 
 
 1 Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXVL, p. 123. 
 
 * Alegre, Historia de la Compama de Jesus en Nueva Espana, Mexico, 
 1842, tomo i., p. 25. 
 
 ' Father Luis de Quiros, Brothers Gabriel Gomez, Sancho Cevallos, Juan 
 Bautista Mendez, Pedro de Limares, Gabriel de Solis, who was related to 
 Aviles, and Cristobal Redondo (Alegre, tomo i., p. 25). Quiros and 
 Segura to [Hinestrosa ?], Dec. 12, 1570. Buckingham Smith, Florida 
 MSS., 1S26, 1743, p. 255, MS. New York Historical Society. 
 
The Virginia Mission 361 
 
 son of a settler at Santa Elena, who had been trained by 
 the Fathers to serve at mass.' The journey was pro- 
 longed owing to bad weather and difficulties in finding 
 the region of which they were in search, and the Jesuits 
 were compelled to share their provisions with the crew of 
 the ship, so that on reaching their destination they had 
 consumed all of their flour and two of the four barrels of 
 biscuit with which they had provided themselves for the 
 voyage. Finally they discovered the bay, up which they 
 ascended, and on the loth of September reached the 
 province of ^xacan,' in Virginia, where they entered a 
 river and landed. They found the country poor and 
 sparsely inhabited owing to a prolonged drought of six 
 years, and the famine which had followed in its wake had 
 killed some of the inhabitants and driven others to change 
 their abode. All the corn of the scant harvests had been 
 eaten ; the forest fruits had perished, as well as the roots 
 upon which the natives subsisted, and what little food 
 could still be found was obtained with great difficulty on 
 account of the severity of the winter and the deep snow. 
 Only a small number of the principal men of the tribe 
 remained, "that they might die where their fathers 
 had died." Some of these proved to be relatives of Don 
 Luis, whom they received "as if he had risen from the 
 dead and had come from heaven," and in their gratitude 
 they gave the Fathers "the only thing the Indians had 
 to offer," their "good will," writes Father Quiros. The 
 Jesuits began their ministrations at once, and hearing 
 that a three-year-old son of a chief, a brother of Don 
 Luis, living seven or eight leagues from their landing- 
 place, lay at the point of death, sent one of their number 
 the night of their arrival to baptise him. 
 
 On account of the low state of its supplies, it was 
 
 ' Pedro Fernandez de Pulgar, Historia gefieral de la Florida, Biblioteca 
 Nacional, Madrid, MSS. 2999, fol. 176. 
 * See Appendix DD, Axacan. 
 
362 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 impossible for the vessel which had brought the Fathers to 
 remain any length of time at the harbour where the landing 
 had been made, and on the following morning it departed 
 on its return voyage, bearing a letter written by Father 
 Quiros under the direction of the Vice-Provincial, who 
 added a short postscript. This was the last message that 
 was ever received from them. It described the desolate 
 condition of the country, and showed in a pathetic way 
 the utter dependence of the Jesuits in their isolated and 
 distant mission upon the precarious assistance of the In- 
 dians for the very food they had to eat. Both Fathers 
 pleadingly insisted upon the absolute necessity of dis- 
 patching a vessel to their succour with corn for the Indians 
 to plant not later than the beginning of April of the fol- 
 lowing year, if it was found impracticable to send it during 
 the winter. As the Fathers proposed to establish their 
 mission on a stream not far from the landing-place, they 
 directed that the relief ship on reaching the river signal 
 its presence by a bonfire at night or a column of smoke 
 by day, and added a brief and indefinite description of 
 the place to which they were going and of what little 
 they had been able to learn from the natives of "the en- 
 trance through the mountains and China." "Three or 
 four days' journey from yonder," wrote Father Quiros, 
 referring to the lower reach of the river which they had 
 ascended, "were the mountains, and two of these days' 
 journey were by a river, and one or two days' travel be- 
 yond the mountains another sea is observed." 
 
 Father Quiros concluded his letter with the remark that 
 the Indians freely gave the Jesuits food from their own 
 impoverished stores without expecting any return, and 
 in order not to awaken their cupidity he requested that 
 the crew of the relief ship be forbidden to trade with 
 them, and that all articles of barter which the sailors 
 might bring be deposited with Don Luis, who would pay 
 them its equivalent, all bartering to be conducted only 
 
The Virginia Mission 363 
 
 in accordance with the judgment of the Fathers.' Brief 
 as the letter is, it is highly interesting, for it illustrates 
 the spirit which has always distinguished the Society, the 
 unselfish devotion of its missionaries, their bent for scien- 
 tific investigation, and the policy which Father Segura 
 probably intended to follow in the mission of the com- 
 plete dependence of the natives upon the will of the 
 missionaries, even in matters of trade. 
 
 With the departure of the vessel, the Jesuits, conducted 
 by the Indians, who carried their baggage for them, pro- 
 ceeded to a neighbouring stream,'' which was but two 
 leagues distant, and ascending it in canoes, fixed their 
 settlement near a village governed by a younger brother 
 of Don Luis. The Fathers erected there a hut and a 
 small chapel, where mass was celebrated, and for some 
 time Don Luis remained in their company, serving them 
 as interpreter and preacher. Patiently they waited for 
 the return of the vessel which was to bring succour from 
 their compatriots; and when the winter sped by and 
 nothing came, Don Luis, lured back to his native cus- 
 toms, abandoned them under the pretence of preparing 
 a place for their reception at another village. The 
 Fathers were now reduced to providing for themselves, 
 and searched the forest for herbs and roots on which to 
 subsist. 
 
 On the 2nd of February, 1571, four months having 
 passed since their arrival in the Virginia wilderness, 
 Father Segura determined to send Father Luis de Quiros 
 with Brothers Gabriel de Solis and Juan Bautista Mendez 
 to induce Don Luis to return, and the embassy started 
 on its perilous mission. But they were marching to their 
 martyrdom. Don Luis, completely alienated, had al- 
 ready planned their death. He received them with a 
 
 ' Quiros and Segura to [Hinestrosa?], Dec. I2, 1570, Buckingham Smith, 
 Florida A/SS., 1526, 164J, pp. 355 et seq. 
 
 ^ See Appendix EE, The Site of the Segura Mission. 
 
364 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 show of great friendship, promising to return on the fol- 
 lowing day, and the Father with his two companions, 
 believing his word, retraced his steps to the little cabin. 
 The same night Don Luis collected a band of Indians, 
 followed them, and, overtaking them on the way, received 
 a friendly salutation from Father Quiros, who supposed 
 him to be alone, for the darkness concealed the presence 
 of his companions. The answer to the kindly greeting 
 was a shower of arrows, which pierced the heart of the 
 Jesuit, and he fell dead.' Then Don Luis stripped him 
 of his possessions, while his companions with their clubs 
 made an end of the two Brothers. 
 
 But the savage purpose of the renegade was not yet 
 fully attained, and in the course of a few days Don 
 Luis again prepared to exterminate the surviving minis- 
 ters of the faith which he had either professed as a mask 
 to his evil intentions or else had been weaned from by 
 his return to his native wilds. There still remained to 
 the missionaries a few hatchets and knives, which served 
 them in their daily offices, and Don Luis, fearing that 
 they would defend themselves with these, employed a 
 transparent strategy to disarm them. On the morning 
 of the 8th of February '^ some Indians were sent to borrow 
 the hatchets of the Fathers in order to chop wood, and 
 the simple Jesuits fell into the trap. Then Don Luis 
 and his party descended upon them. On the way they 
 encountered Brother Cevallos, who had gone to cut 
 wood in the forest, and killed him. Then they attacked 
 Father Segura and killed him with a blow on the head 
 with an ax, and the remaining missionaries shared his fate. 
 
 Only one person escaped, the little boy Alonso, who 
 
 ' Father Luis de Quiros was of a noble family of Xerez de la Frontera, 
 and in 1566 had been rector of a college at the Albaycin at Granada. 
 Pulgar, Historia general de la Florida, Bib. Nac, Madrid, MSS. 2999, 
 fol. 175. 
 
 * Tanner, Societas Militans, pp. 449-451. 
 
The Virginia Mission 365 
 
 was saved by the brother of Don Luis, and upon whose 
 account rests the story of the martyrdom of the Virginia 
 missionaries. He was finally rescued from the Indians 
 by AviMs, when, in 1571, the latter visited Axacan to 
 wreak vengeance on the natives for the murder they had 
 committed. Father Rogel has left us a legend of an in- 
 cident which followed the death of the Jesuits typical of 
 the stories which surround the career of the early mis- 
 sionaries to the Indians: 
 
 " It happened that an Indian, coveting the spoils, went to 
 a coffer in which there was a crucifix, and wishing to open it 
 or break into it, in order to extract its contents, fell dead on 
 the spot as he began to unlock it. Then another Indian pos- 
 sessed with the same covetousness, sought to follow the same 
 intent, and likewise the same thing occurred. Then none 
 dared further approach the coffer, but they preserve it to this 
 day with much veneration and fear, without daring to approach 
 it. And this was told me by some old soldiers who came from 
 Florida of those who had been to Axacan, to whom it was told 
 by the Indians how the coffer was still in the country and no 
 one dares approach it, even now, after the lapse of forty 
 years." ' 
 
 ' Alegre, tomo ii., p. 32 ; Andres Perez de Ribas, Historia de los Trivm- 
 phos de nvestra Santa Fee, etc., Madrid, 1645, lib. xii., cap. 14, pp. 746- 
 749. There was a tradition that the crucifix was preserved in the Jesuit 
 College at Guaraca (ibid., p. 749). Francisco Sacchini, Historia Societatis 
 Jesu, Pars tertia, Romse, MDCL., pp. 323, 324; Pedro de Ribadeneyra, 
 Vida del P. Franciso de Borja, Madrid, 1592, fol. I4ib-i43 ; Vita Fran- 
 cisi BorgicE ... a P. Ribadeneira Hispanice scripta ; Latine vero ab 
 And. Schotto Antverp, Moguntias, 1603, lib. iii., cap. 6, p. 257. (This is 
 a translation of the preceding.) John Gilmary Shea, " The Segura Mis- 
 sion" in the United States Catholic Magazine, 1846, vol. v., p. 604. This 
 is based on the accounts given by Barcia and Garcilaso de la Vega. " The 
 Spanish in the Chesapeake," in the Historical Magazine, 1859, vol. iii., p. 
 268. This is based on the accounts of Barcia. Algambe, and Tanner. 
 " The Log Chapel on the Rappahannock," in The Catholic World, March, 
 1875, p. 847, a much more mature production than the two preceding, but, 
 unfortunately, without references. 
 
 k 
 
366 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Father Rogel had been enjoined to send a ship to the 
 assistance of the Virginia missionaries after the expiration 
 of four months, and had made every effort to follow out 
 his instructions. As soon as he could find a pilot ac- 
 quainted with the coast he set sail for the Bay of Santa 
 Maria in company with Brother Juan de Salcedo in a 
 vessel commanded by Vincente Gonzalo. On reaching 
 the harbour where the Jesuits were to have met him the 
 absence of the signal which had been agreed upon between 
 them awakened his suspicions, and he did not land. 
 The savages, in order to induce him to come ashore, dis- 
 guised some of their companions in the garments they 
 had stolen from their victims, and, causing them to walk 
 along the shore in sight of the ship, shouted out: "Come, 
 here are the Fathers you seek." This grotesque strata- 
 gem failed to deceive the rescuers, but rather confirmed 
 their suspicions. At the same time two of the natives, 
 casting themselves into the water, swam out to the ship, 
 where they were seized and dragged aboard. Then, 
 raising the anchor, Father Rogel immediately set sail for 
 Havana, carrying the two Indians with him. In order to 
 avoid the full force of the Gulf Stream the vessel returned 
 along the coast, close to the land, an opportunity which 
 one of the Indians improved to make his escape, throw- 
 ing himself into the water and swimming ashore. The 
 other Indian was secured and taken to Havana, where 
 every effort was made to learn from him the final fate of 
 the missionaries, but without success. The party appears 
 to have reached Havana about the time of the arrival of 
 Avil6s in July.' 
 
 • Pulgar, Historia, fol. 176 ; Alegre, tomo i., p. 33 ; Ribas, lib. xii., cap. 
 14, p. 748. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 THE LAST VISIT OF AVILES TO FLORIDA 
 
 IN addition to the unremitting care which he continued 
 to bestow on his colony, Avil^s took advantage of his 
 presence in Spain to present Philip the plans of the 
 extended exploration and conquest which he had first 
 conceived shortly after his arrival in Florida. Not even 
 the disheartening news which reached him from time to 
 time of starvation and mutiny, Indian wars, and French 
 revenge could curb his enterprising and self-reliant tem- 
 perament. Four months after his return from his first 
 expedition to Florida he was already maintaining his 
 favourite theory of a passage to the Pacific and to China 
 by way of Chesapeake Bay,' and Fourquevaux informed 
 Catherine that Philip was so taken with the proposition 
 that he had advanced two hundred and thirty thousand 
 crowns for the undertaking.^ Avil6s also called the at- 
 tention of his master to the Portuguese settlements "on 
 the coast of Florida in Newfoundland, the discovery of 
 which was under his charge." According to his account 
 the Portuguese had been fortifying themselves for two 
 years at a place in the interior near some large Indian 
 towns two hundred leagues away, and reached from 
 Newfoundland by an arm of the sea, and were threaten- 
 ing the passage to China and the Moluccas, unless they 
 were driven out.' 
 
 > Advis au roi par le Prebtre, Nov. 30, 1567, D^peches, p. 305. 
 * Fourquevaux to Catherine de' Medici, May S, 1568, ibid., p. 358. 
 " Deposition by Pedro Menendez (de Aviles) relating, among other mat- 
 ters, to Portuguese settlements in Florida, and the urgent necessity of 
 367 
 
 i 
 
368 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 As if these considerations were not enough for his un- 
 bounded ambition, Avil^s had also conceived the design 
 of extending his domain to the confines of Mexico, 
 and applied to the King for a licence to settle in the 
 northern part of Panuco, "which was in Florida," giving 
 as one of his titles to its possession the proximity of the 
 country to the region he had already conquered, and in 
 compliance with his suggestion a royal c^dula ' was dis- 
 patched to the Audiencia of Mexico for its opinion. The 
 Audiencia, jealous of his pretensions, reported adversely. 
 
 " For measured by an air line from the corner of Panuco to 
 the corner of Santa Elena," it said, " there are four hundred 
 and fifty leagues, and it is a common practice among cosmo- 
 graphers to add a third more of the way by land, on account 
 of the sinuosities of the mountains, lagoons, and valleys which 
 usually occur. And we are informed that they exist there in 
 great number, and it is more difficult to conduct the road by 
 the mountains, on account of the great ravines, and hollows 
 and valleys, and the excessively mountainous condition of the 
 county, so that the distance is not the eighty leagues which 
 Pedro Menendez says, but six hundred according to this 
 computation." 
 
 Another reason for discountenancing the grant, and 
 one more especially intended to appeal to the royal purse, 
 was that the colonists "would extract silver there to mint 
 for foreign kingdoms, or for where they chose, and would 
 introduce all kinds of merchandise, without its being sub- 
 ject to the proper accounting." The Audiencia also in- 
 sisted that all of the turbulent element of the country 
 
 provisioning the soldiers in Florida, March 28, 1568, Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 
 33.983, fol. 324. Aviles apparently thought that the Portuguese were in 
 the vicinity of the range of mountains eighty leagues to the north of Chesa- 
 peake Bay (see p. 212 in this volume), and not a great distance from the 
 channel connecting the bay with the South Sea. 
 ' Dated Madrid, July 21, 1568. 
 
The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 369 
 
 would gather about the new colony, and it would become 
 a source of trouble to New Spain. 
 
 "The site he lays claim to settle is sixty leagues from 
 Mexico, and in case the Rio del Espiritu Santo should have 
 to be discovered in order to go to the point of Santa Elena, it 
 would have to be done from this New Spain in order to avoid 
 these inconveniences, and in no way does it profit the service 
 of Your Majesty and the peace of this land, to accede to the 
 pretensions of Pero Menendez," 
 
 concludes the Audiencia.' 
 
 The opinion is interesting as showing the extent of the 
 geographical knowledge of the time among those having 
 the best opportunities to be correctly informed. The 
 concluding paragraph, relating to the short distance from 
 the City of Mexico to the proposed Panuco settlement, 
 raises more than a mere suspicion that the Audiencia 
 seriously dreaded the presence of the enterprising Aviles 
 in its neighbourhood, and was still mindful of Cor- 
 tes's dreams of independent conquest. And perhaps its 
 caution was well advised, for the atmosphere of Mexico 
 has possessed the peculiar property of disturbing the im- 
 agination of soldiers from the time of Cortes to that of 
 Bazaine. The protest of the Audiencia, however, could 
 not check a man of such determination as the Adelan- 
 tado, although it may have served the purpose of some- 
 what delaying the execution of his plan. Four years 
 later his request was granted and the limits of his Florida 
 grant were extended west to the Rio Panuco "eighty 
 leagues," and to the north to the confines of Mexico, 
 and east, north-east, and north from Santa Elena.' 
 
 ' ■' Parecer que da a S. M. la Audiencia de Nueva Espana, sobre lo pro- 
 puesto por Pero Menendez de Abiles, de poblar en el rio de Panuco que es 
 en la Florida," Mexico, Jan. ig, 1569. MS. Direc. de Hidrog. Madrid, 
 Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv, Doc. No. 42. 
 
 - " Real Cedula ordenando al Adelantado Pero Menendez de Aviles la 
 continuacion de la conquista de la Florida por la parte de Panuco," 
 Madrid. Feb. 23, 1573, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 368. 
 
 i 
 
370 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Throughout the month of February, 1568, Avil^s was 
 in Biscay preparing the fleet that was to sail for Flanders, 
 which at the time it was thought that he would himself 
 command.' In the summer he appears to have made his 
 fifth voyage to the Indies, returning in the summer or 
 early fall of the following year, between which terms it is 
 among the possibilities that he made one visit to Florida 
 as recorded in a previous chapter.^ On reaching Spain 
 he found a letter from the austere Pius V., a man of 
 deep but rigid religious convictions, congratulating him 
 upon his appointment as Governor of Florida, and en- 
 joining upon him "the good sense and discretion" which 
 he should observe in his government of the Indians, "to 
 effect the increase of our holy Catholic faith, and gain 
 more souls to God." With the same sound sense which 
 he recommended to the observation of the Adelantado, 
 the Pope dwells upon the moral standard to be main- 
 tained among the colonists. 
 
 " But nothing is more important in the conversion of these 
 Indians and idolaters," he observes, " than to endeavour by 
 all means to prevent scandal being given by the vices and im- 
 moralities of such as go to those western parts. This is the 
 key of this holy work, in which is included the whole essence 
 of your charge." ^ 
 
 During most of 1570 Avil^s appears to have been at 
 sea, protecting the arriving and departing fleets from the 
 depredations of pirates, probably accompanying the out- 
 going India squadrons on their way to the Canaries, and 
 
 'Fourquevaux to Charles IX., Feb. r8, 1568, D^peches, p. 328. 
 
 2 See A43pendix CC, The Second Voyage of Aviles to Florida, p. 457, 
 in this volume. 
 
 3 Pius V. to Aviles, Aug. 18, 1569, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 299. 
 English version in Shea's The Catholic Church in Colonial Days. New 
 York, 1886, p. 145. 
 
The Last Visit of Avil^s to Florida 371 
 
 returning with the treasure ships.' On land his time was 
 actively occupied with his Cuban Government in addition 
 to his other cares. 
 
 Ever since the arrival of Aviltis in Spain rumours had 
 been afloat of his impending return to Florida, mostly in 
 connection with the discovery of the Northwest Passage,* 
 but his various occupations had so far prevented his de- 
 parture. With the arrival of Las Alas, the knowledge of 
 the defenceless and desperate condition of his colony 
 must have pressed heavily upon him, but it was only in 
 the spring of 1571 that he was enabled again to visit his 
 conquest, and, as it happened, for the last time. May 
 15th he was at San Lucar to hasten the sailing of his 
 fleet, which had been delayed by the weather, the sinking 
 of one of his ships, and the unremitting meddling of the 
 officials of the Casa de Contratacion." On the 17th of the 
 month he set sail with seven galleons, two hundred and 
 fifty sailors and soldiers, and four hundred persons in 
 addition.* So great was the danger from pirates to which 
 a small fleet was exposed that secret instructions appoint- 
 ing a meeting-place were left for Diego Flores, who was 
 to follow him with two galleons, and Las Alas remained 
 in Spain to afford Flores his assistance.' 
 
 ' See Appendix CC, The Second Voyage of Aviles to Florida, p. 457, 
 in this volume. 
 
 Tourquevaux to Charles IX., Aug., 1567, D^peches, p. 263. Gaffarel, 
 p. 452, dates this letter Sept. 12, 1567. Same to same, Oct. 15, 1567, 
 Ddpeches, p. 280; Apr. 6, 1568, ibid., p. 345. Same to Catherine de' 
 Medici, May 8, 1568, ibid., p. 358. Advis au Roi par le Prebtre, Nov. 30, 
 1567, ibid., p. 305. 
 
 ^Aviles to Philip II., May 15, 1571, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii, pp. 
 222, 224. 
 
 ■» Aviles to Philip II., July 22, 1571, ibid., tomo ii., pp. 228, 235. This 
 letter (p. 235) contains a statement that "mi muger y casa "were in a 
 vessel of the fleet which sailed for Carthagena. It must be an error of the 
 copyist, for Aviles intended to return shortly to Spain and could not have 
 taken his family with him. 
 
 * Aviles to Philip II., May 16, 1571, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., 
 p. 226. 
 
 L 
 
372 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 July 3rd Aviles reached Havana, where he spent a few 
 days attending to the sailing of the armada, which was to 
 escort the returning treasure fleet. During his stay he 
 lost some men by desertion, and as a considerable num- 
 ber of his company had fallen ill, he was obliged to put 
 the sick ashore. Here he found his nephew, Pedro 
 Men^ndez de Aviles, whom Las Alas had left in charge 
 of St. Augustine, and who had fallen very ill,' and he 
 learned from Father Rogel the fate which had over- 
 whelmed the Segura mission. His resolution was quickly 
 taken, and he determined to visit Axacan and verify the 
 details of the death of the missionaries. Taking with him 
 Father Rogel and two Brothers,^ he promptly set sail for 
 Santa Elena, which he reached on the 22nd of July. He 
 found the small garrison at San Felipe in a satisfactory 
 condition, and the natives "humble and obedient," 
 but engaged in war with "the Indians friendly to the 
 French."' "For the Indians, as a rule," he observes, 
 "are better friends of the French, who leave them to live 
 in freedom, than to my people and the Teatines (monks), 
 who restrict their way of living; and the French can ac- 
 complish more [with them] in one day than I in a year." 
 To increase the attachment of the natives to his interests 
 he sent to Campeche for supplies to distribute among 
 them." 
 
 Having reinforced the garrison at San Felipe, his next 
 step was to proceed to Axacan. On his arrival he found 
 that the Indians had fled to the mountains. Aviles, who 
 was determined to read the savages a lesson which they 
 should not forget, disembarked with a company of soldiers 
 
 •Aviles to Philip II., July 22, 1571, ibid., tomo ii., p. 228. 
 
 ^ Alegre, tomo i., p. 34. 
 
 ^It does not appear what Aviles means by this expression, unless he 
 attributed the continuance of the Indian war to French influence. 
 
 * Aviles to Philip II., July 22, 1571, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 228 et seq. 
 
The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 373 
 
 to go in search of them, but only succeeded in captur- 
 ing eight. He had, however, the good fortune to rescue 
 the lad Alonso, and from him he learned the details of 
 the cruel death that had overtaken the missionaries. The 
 boy also informed him that the prisoners which he had 
 taken were among their murderers, and the Adelantado 
 hung them all from the yard-arms of his ship, after they 
 had been converted and baptised by Father Rogel. 
 Father Rogel asked Aviles for a company of soldiers to 
 search for the bodies of the martyred missionaries and to 
 give them burial, but the season was far advanced, Avil6s 
 anxious to return, and the request of the Father had to 
 be denied.' This was the last of the Jesuit missions on 
 our eastern coast. In July, 1572, Father Sedeno went 
 to Mexico to prepare the way for the first Jesuit mission 
 to that country, and from there he was sent to the Philip- 
 pines, where he passed the remainder of his life," Father 
 Rogel lived to a ripe old age, for the legend of the cruci- 
 fix related by him was written forty years after the 
 martyrdom of Father Segura and his companions. 
 
 It was late in the fall when Aviles arrived at St. Augus- 
 tine, and after attending to the necessities of the garrison 
 he set sail on the 20th of December for Havana, with the 
 Jesuits and Alonso, whom Father Rogel had taken with 
 him, in two small tenders and a bark. While pursuing 
 the usual course along the coast the vessels were over- 
 taken by a storm which separated them. The bark suc- 
 ceeded in making Havana. A second boat was driven 
 
 ' Pulgar, Historia general de la Florida, fol. 176b, Biblioteca Nacional, 
 Madrid, MSS. 2999. Ribas, Historia de los Trivmphos de nvestra Santa 
 Fee, etc., Madrid, 1645, lib. xii., cap. ii., pp. 748, 749. Alegre, tomo i., 
 p. 34. Labor Evangelica, Ministerios Apostolicos de los Obreros de la Coni- 
 pania de Jesvs, Fvndacion y Progresses de sv Provincia en las Islas Filipinos. 
 Historiadores per el Padre Francisco Colin. Parte primera, Madrid, 
 MDCLXIII., lib. ii., cap. i., p. 168. 
 
 2 Alegre, tomo i., p. 50. Geographia Historica, El P. Pedro Murillo 
 Velarde, Madrid, 1752, lib. ix., cap. ii., p. 80. 
 
 k 
 
374 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 ashore in the province of Ays/ where the crew was at- 
 tacked by the natives. Unable to defend themselves 
 because the water had rendered their arquebuses useless, 
 they were all killed and their boat was burned. 
 
 The boat containing Avil^s and the Jesuits was cast 
 ashore near Cape Canaveral, probably not far from the 
 locality where Ribaut had suffered a like fate; its oc- 
 cupants, some thirty in number, escaped to the land, 
 constructed a kind of fort with the wreckage, and with a 
 few arquebuses, which were still uninjured by the wet, 
 defended themselves from the attacks of the Indians until 
 nightfall, when they set out in the direction of St. Augus- 
 tine, a distance of thirty-one leagues. Struggling onward 
 through the forest, crossing the streams in canoes, in great 
 danger from the sea, from which they managed to escape 
 "by means of some reliques which the companion of 
 Father [Rogel] cast upon the waters," * and, fighting the 
 Indians, they accomplished the entire distance, finally 
 reaching St. Augustine without the loss of a single mem- 
 ber of the company. They came as a timely reinforce- 
 ment, for a few days after their arrival three large English 
 vessels, fully manned, attacked the town, but were suc- 
 cessfully driven off. 
 
 The boat which escaped to Havana had announced 
 that the other two vessels would arrive the following day. 
 As time passed without news of them or of the Adelan- 
 tado, the report spread that he had been lost. At the 
 end of four months a small vessel set sail on the loth of 
 April, 1572, in search of Avil^s, and finally found him at 
 St. Augustine, where he embarked in time to reach 
 Havana on Good Friday. Here he remained but two 
 weeks, and, having sent the news of his arrival to New 
 Spain, set out again in the same vessel for Puerto de 
 
 •Osorio in his letter of May 24, 1572 (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tcmo ii., p. 
 487) says " Ris," This is in all probability a misprint for " Ais." 
 'Pulgar, Historia general de la Florida, fol. 173b. 
 
The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 375 
 
 Plata, in Hispaniola. The date of his return to Spain 
 does not appear, but it is not improbable that he sailed 
 with the treasure fleet during the summer of 1572, leaving 
 Pedro Mcnendez Marqu6s in charge of his government. 
 At the time of his arrival at Havana Las Alas was already 
 on his way to Florida and the West Indies.' 
 
 As this was the last visit of Aviles to the country 
 which he had undertaken to subdue and colonise, it will 
 be of interest to learn the condition in which he finally 
 left it and to consider what profit he derived from the 
 enormous expense to which he and his friends had been 
 put in its conquest and maintenance. We have seen that 
 Aviles, who at the outset had so keenly appreciated the 
 importance of cultivating the soil,^ sent out farmers at 
 different times to colonise his province.^ These were 
 settled for the most part on the little island at Santa 
 Elena, on which was situated Fort San Felipe. There 
 are two accounts of the condition of the colony, of par- 
 ticular interest because they emanate from the colonists 
 themselves, and as a consequence present their side of 
 the story, which has an unhappy ring of truth about it, 
 despite what may be some inevitable exaggeration. 
 
 In 1572 the settlement on the island, in addition to 
 soldiers in the garrison, consisted of some twenty-odd 
 farmers with their families, most of whom had been 
 
 ' Osorio to , May 24, 1572, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 487. 
 
 In the " Declaracion de Juan de Saravia vecino de Sevilla sobre las nuevas 
 de la Armada y flota de Indias que se apresaba del cargo del General D? 
 Cristoval de Eraso," Seville, Oct. 19, 1572 (MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, 
 Col. Navarrete, tomo xxii., Doc. No. 7), it appears that Aviles had ordered 
 the Governor of Havana to notify him in Florida of the arrival of the 
 galleons in order that he might return to Spain with Eraso's armada. 
 
 * Aviles to Philip II., Sept. 11, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomoii.,p. 83. 
 
 2 Aviles to Philip II., Dec. 3, 1570, ibid., tomo ii., p. 208, in which he 
 says he has sent out 200 farmers. Same to same, Nov. 27. 1569, ibid., 
 tomo ii., p. 190, where he mentions the presence of farmers in Guale. 
 Same to same, Nov. 29, 1566, ibid., tomo ii., p. 170, where he refers to the 
 farmers in Florida. 
 
 k 
 
37^ The Spanish Settlements 
 
 farmers and raisers of stock in Spain. These the Adelan- 
 tado had induced to emigrate to Florida by representing 
 to them the fertility of the country, "as good as the plain 
 of Carmona," says one of the Andalusians, the memory 
 of that beautiful valley watered by the Guadalquivir and 
 dotted with olive groves and orange trees rising before 
 his eyes. The farmers were promised an assignment of 
 good farming land and twelve head of stock apiece, and 
 some of them had even brought cows and sheep of their 
 own. They were soon at work planting corn and wheat, 
 oats and pumpkins, chick-peas and beans, and perhaps 
 the sugar-cane, as Fontanedo ' informs us; and cows, 
 horses, sheep, and goats were brought to the fort for 
 their use. Pigs were given to them with the curious 
 condition, according to one of the deponents, that they 
 were not to be slaughtered for ten years, after the expira- 
 tion of which the increase was to be divided between the 
 settlers and Aviles. 
 
 As already stated, the island was small and low, sub- 
 ject to be flooded by the sea at the high tides, and the 
 soil sandy and unproductive. The frost and cold of 
 winter proved extremely trying to the crops. During 
 April and May it rained continually. The wheat failed 
 entirely ; worms, rats, and moles devoured the seed which 
 had been planted, and the only vegetables that gave any 
 results were the pumpkins and melons. The cattle, 
 roaming at large over the island, got into what little corn 
 that grew and ate it up. The cows and sheep perished, 
 owing, as the settlers thought, to the extensive marshes. 
 The Indians killed the pigs, and as starvation pressed 
 upon them the balance of the stock was consumed by the 
 soldiers and the wretched settlers. For a while, on the 
 arrival of relief at St. Augustine or Santa Elena, rations 
 of corn and wine, oil and vinegar were regularly distrib- 
 uted among them, and, as we have seen, pigs were sent 
 
 • " Memoria," Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo v., p. 544. ' 
 
The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 377 
 
 to them a second time on the arrival of Aviles in June, 
 1566.' But these soon shared the fate of the other pigs, 
 and as the other garrisons felt the pressure of necessity, 
 the supplies became less frequent. Then the settlers, 
 driven by hunger, hunted the shores for oysters, sea- 
 food, and herbs. What little corn could be obtained was 
 laboriously pounded in a mortar, but the sick were unable 
 to eat it, and some of the settlers died from starvation. 
 
 Nor was this the only misfortune which befell them. 
 Juan de la Vandera, who was in charge of the fort and 
 beyond the reach of control, exercised the ofifice of a 
 tyrant and plundered the colonists without mercy. He 
 sold the provisions to his own advantage. When a 
 settler refused him anything that he wished he caused 
 him to be beaten, and when his permission was asked to 
 leave the country and go to Havana, he had the petitioner 
 seized and imprisoned in the fort and condemned to the 
 payment of penalties which enabled him to get possession 
 of his property, and he took from the settlers all of their 
 arms. It was a virtual slavery, and only by trickery and 
 stratagem was it possible to leave the island. One of the 
 exiles relates how he escaped from Santa Elena on the 
 pretence of returning to Spain for more colonists. Four 
 years later, after frequent and useless applications to 
 Aviles for permission to abandon Santa Elena, the in- 
 habitants of the settlement, "ruined, aged, weary, and 
 full of sickness," "maltreated and insulted by the gover- 
 nors," petitioned the King to the number of twenty-three 
 for leave to return to Spain and for a vessel in which to 
 make the voyage. The conditions were still unchanged, 
 and the notary public was an inexperienced boy under the 
 legal age. 
 
 At St. Augustine there appear to have been in the 
 neighbourhood of a dozen farmers. The supplies which 
 Arciniega had brought from Spain had profited them 
 
 ' Aviles to Philip II., Jan. 30, 1566, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 144. 
 
 I 
 
37^ The Spanish Settlements 
 
 little, for peculation had been rife, and it was said that 
 the of^cials in charge of the settlement had reloaded 
 them on the very vessels in which they had come and 
 sent them to be sold on their own account in the Wind- 
 ward Islands and elsewhere in the Indies. It is true that 
 the land at St. Augustine was better than at Santa Elena, 
 and the plantings which the settlers had made were more 
 successful. But though stock was distributed to the 
 farmers, as had been done at Santa Elena, it suffered the 
 same fate as elsewhere, for many of the pigs were killed 
 by the Indians, and the balance was given no time for 
 natural increase, being eaten up by the colonists and the 
 soldiery in their extremity. At San Mateo and at San 
 Pedro on Cumberland Island there appear to have been 
 no colonists.' 
 
 So far as the discovery of mineral wealth was concerned, 
 an equal want of success had attended the conquest. 
 Fourquevaux, it is true, had reported the finding of a 
 gold mine thirty or forty leagues beyond San Mateo, on 
 the authority of one of the captains who had accom- 
 panied Aviles ; and also the discovery of a mine of azurite 
 of the finest quality.'' But these stories find no confirma- 
 tion in any of Men^ndez's letters; and as the only expedi- 
 tion made into the gold-bearing region of the country, that 
 of Juan Pardo, occurred subsequent to Fourquevaux's 
 report and was without results, the alleged discoveries 
 may be dismissed as merest rumours. The anticipated 
 pearl fisheries had proved as illusory. As a consequence 
 
 ' Informacion hecha en Madrid por el Licenciado Gamboa sobre cosas 
 tocantes a la Florida, Madrid, Feb. 4, 1573, MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, 
 est. 2, caj. I, leg. 1/27 ; Instancia a S. M. de Francisco Ruiz en nombre de 
 los vecinos y pobladores de la Florida solicitando cambiar de residencia 
 acompanada de informacion de testigos, MS., ibid., est. 54, caj. 5, leg. 16; 
 Relacion de las cosas que ban pasado en la Florida tocantes al servicio de 
 Dios y del Rey. Vino con carta de Juan Mendez, 6 de Abril, 1584, MS., 
 ibid., est. 54, caj. 5, leg. 16, p. i. 
 
 » Advis au Roi par le Prebtre, Nov. 30, 1567, D/pickcs, p. 305. 
 
The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 379 
 
 trade and commerce were non-existent, and the vast con- 
 quest, undertaken at such an expense of lives and money, 
 reduced itself to two or three miserable outposts contain- 
 ing a handful of starving and naked soldiers, stationed in 
 the neighbourhood of the Florida Straits to protect the 
 passage of the treasure fleets and to prevent the descent 
 of foreign powers upon its shore. How utterly inade- 
 quate these outposts were for the latter purpose we see 
 by the ease with which Drake sacked the city of St. 
 Augustine but a few years later. It will be recalled that 
 the salary of the Adelantado was to be paid out of the 
 produce of the country without recourse to the King in 
 event of his failure ' to find it, and that some, at least, of 
 the royal officials in Florida were in the same case,^ so the 
 anxiety of Aviles on his own account, as well as on theirs, 
 will be easily understood. 
 
 The Spanish occupation had led to the discovery of 
 two plants — the sassafras and the nut grass. The de- 
 privation of food to which the soldiers were subjected, 
 the roots and herbs which they were driven to eat, 
 coupled with the drinking of impure water, caused much 
 sickness, which the Spaniards alleviated to a considerable 
 extent by the use of the sassafras, whose virtues they 
 had learned from the French. A decoction of the root 
 was prepared, which was drunk in and out of season, at 
 every meal and even when fasting, the well using it in 
 place of wine. The Florida soldiers who arrived in Spain 
 in 1569 were strong and healthy, which they attributed 
 to the use of the root. Dr. Nicolas Monardes, who wrote 
 at the time a treatise upon the medicinal plants of the 
 West Indies, relates that 
 
 "these [Florida] soldiours doeth trust so muche in this woodde, 
 that I beyng one daie emongest many of them, informing my 
 
 ' " Asiento," March 30, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 420. 
 'Aviles to Philip II., May 12, 1568, ibid., tomo ii., p. 178. 
 
 k 
 
38o The Spanish Settlements 
 
 self of the thynges of this Tree, that moste parte of them 
 tooke out of their pokettes, a good peece of this woodd, and 
 said; Maister, doe you see here the woodde, that euery one 
 of vs doth bryng for to heale vs with all if we do fall sicke, as 
 we haue been there; and thei began to praise so muche, to 
 confirme the meruelous workes of it, with so many examples 
 of them that were there that surely I gaue greate credite vnto 
 it." 
 
 The Indians, he says, called it paiiame, and he informs 
 us, in the curious medical terminology of the period, that 
 it is cold and dry in the second degree, although its bark 
 reaches the third degree ; and among its marvellous prop- 
 erties it relieves the liver, drives fevers away, restores 
 the appetite, voids the stone, quiets toothache, cures 
 gout, preserves from pest, and is most serviceable in all 
 cold sicknesses.' 
 
 The nut grass, a plant resembling the galanga, was 
 described by the Spaniards at the time as having roots 
 which presented the appearance of a string of beads, and 
 the nodules when cut apart were dry and hard as pebbles, 
 black without and white within, and of an aromatic 
 flavour. The Indians crushed the herb into a powder, 
 with which they rubbed their bodies when they bathed, 
 saying it refreshed the skin, and they also used the pow- 
 der for the stomach-ache. The plant grew plentifully 
 about Santa Elena, and the Spaniards used it for the 
 
 ' Nicolas Monardes, Historia medicinal de las cosas que se iraen de tiues- 
 tras Indias occidentales, que sirven en medicina, Sevilla, 1 565-1574. The 
 translation given in the text is that of the English version, entitled : loyfvll 
 Nevves ovt of the newe founde worlde . . . Englished by John Framp- 
 ton, London, 1577, fol. 47. There is a cut of the tree in Frampton's ver- 
 sion on fol. 45b, which is reproduced by De Laet in his Histoire du 
 Nouveau Monde, Leide, 1640, p. 127, where he gives an account of its 
 properties. The 2nd edition of the Latin version of Monardes's work is 
 entitled : Simplicium medicamentorum ex novo orbe delatorum, quorrtm in 
 medica usus est, historia . . . Latino . . . donata , , . a 
 Carolo Clusio, Antverpiae, 1579. 
 
The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 381 
 
 same purpose as did the Indians, besides discovering 
 other virtues which it possessed, and held it in such 
 esteem that all the soldiers carried rosaries of beads 
 made from the roots.' 
 
 In 1573, a year after the protest of the Santa Elena 
 colonists, Pedro Menendez Marques made an extended 
 reconnaissance of the entire coast, from the head of the 
 Florida Keys to Chesapeake Bay. Unfortunately there 
 was no cosmographer in the party, so the report of 
 Marques was unaccompanied by maps. The original 
 extensive and detailed report which he prepared for the 
 Council of the Indies was given to the cosmographer, 
 Juan Lopez de Velasco, who probably received it after he 
 had com^\Q.\.QA'\\\sGeografia y Descripcidn Universal de las 
 Indias,'' since his great work gives no details whatever of 
 this discovery. The report was subsequently lost, and 
 we are indebted to the historian Barcia for a brief of the 
 original which escaped a similar fate. The coast was 
 carefully examined and its trend noted. Depths and 
 distances were recorded. Shoals and bars, bays, rivers, 
 and headlands were set down, with conspicuous objects 
 by which the entrance of the harbours could be recog- 
 nised, and sailing directions were also given. Marques 
 also appears to have entered the Bay of Santa Maria and 
 explored it for some distance. It is not improbable that 
 he was accompanied in this expedition by the pilot Vin- 
 cente Gonzalo, on account of his previous familiarity with 
 the coast, for we find Gonzalo again visiting the Chesa- 
 peake at a later date. During the course of his expedi- 
 tion Marques rescued a number of Christian captives 
 from the Indians and brought them back with him to 
 
 1 Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXVII., p. 131. Mr. Frederick V. Coville, 
 Botanist of the Department of Agriculture, thinks the plant is in all proba- 
 bility the nut grass, Cyperus rotundus, which has an aromatic odour, similar 
 to but less pronounced than that of the true Asiatic galanga. 
 
 * First published at Madrid in 1894 by the learned Don Justo Zaragoza. 
 
382 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Santa Elena. Avil^s had in the meantime exerted him- 
 self to send missionaries in the place of those who had 
 withdrawn from the province, and on the arrival of 
 Marques at Santa Elena he found there a number of 
 Franciscan friars who had been sent out to him from 
 Spain.' 
 
 Pedro Men^ndez de Avil^s has filled too prominent a 
 place in this part of our history to be dismissed without 
 casting a glance at the few remaining years of his event- 
 ful career. On his return to Spain he continued his 
 active employment in naval affairs, his attention being 
 particularly given to the equipment of a fleet directed 
 against the English corsairs and Cimarron negroes,* and 
 on the loth of February, 1574, he was appointed Captain- 
 General of the formidable armada which Philip was form- 
 ing ostensibly with the view of clearing the western coast 
 and the Flanders channel of pirates, an armada of one 
 hundred and fifty sail and twelve thousand men accord- 
 ing to some, of three hundred sail and twenty thou- 
 sand men according to others.^ Not on this account did 
 Avil^s neglect his Florida interests, for in the early spring 
 of 1573 he obtained a royal licence to send fifty families 
 from the Asturias to Florida, an undertaking he was in 
 haste to put into execution,* while his remarkable ver- 
 satility is shown in his invention of an instrument for 
 
 ' Barcia, Ensayo, K\\o MDLXIII., p. 146. On p. 149 he says nine 
 monks, but note that the two following references mention only six. ' ' Real 
 orden a los officiales de Sevilla que prouean de lo necesario a seis religiosos 
 q uan a la florida." "Real orden al comisario general de s ixzxsF-° que 
 nombre seis religiosos que uayan a la florida." Both dated Madrid, Feb. 
 23, 1573, MSS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 154, caj. i, leg. iS, tomo 
 i., fol. 82. 
 
 * Vigil, Noticias, pp. 31, 177-179. 
 
 ^ Ibid., pp. 31, 32 ; Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. ccvi, ccix. 
 
 * " Real licencia concedida a Pero Menendez de Aviles para llevar, previa 
 informacion, cinquenta familias asturianas a la Florida," Madrid, March 3, 
 1573, Ruidiaz, idid., tomo ii., p. 373 ; Aviles to Marques, Sept. 8, 1574, 
 ibid., tomo ii., pp. 290, 291. 
 
The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 383 
 
 measuring longitude,' for which he was conceded a ten- 
 years' patent. 
 
 In the midst of these various and engrossing occupa- 
 tions his heart yearned for the white sands and palmetto 
 groves of Florida, brilliant amidst her torrid waters. 
 Almost his last thoughts and last words were for her. 
 September 8, 1574, he wrote to his nephew and lieutenant, 
 Marques : 
 
 " Expressing to His Majesty my discontent at finding my- 
 self separated from Florida, he has graciously told me that as 
 often as it is possible to allow me to return he will very gladly 
 do so. And I hope to God he will do so in the spring, for I 
 do not doubt that the affair of Flanders will be arranged this 
 winter. And with that I shall be free to go at once to Florida, 
 not to leave it for the rest of my life; for that is the sum of my 
 longings and happiness. May our Lord permit it, if possible, 
 and if He sees fit." ^ 
 
 Whether the armada assembled at Santander was really 
 intended for Flanders, or, as has been supposed,' was to 
 attack England, Aviles was not destined to lead it, nor to 
 see his beloved Florida again. Nine days after writing 
 the letter just quoted he died at Santander from an at- 
 tack of indigestion.^ He was buried first at Llanes, but 
 his body was transferred in 1591 to the Church of St. 
 Nicholas in his native city of Avil6s, where it now re- 
 poses in a niche on the Gospel side of the altar, with 
 this inscription : 
 
 " Here lies interred the very illustrious cavalier Pedro 
 Mene? de Aviles, native of this town, Adelantado of the Pro- 
 vinces of Florida, Commander of the Holy Cross of La ^arga 
 
 ^ Real cedula of Feb. 17, 1573, Pardo, ibid., tomo ii., p. 366. 
 
 * Aviles to Marques, Sept. 8, 1574, ibid., tomo ii., p. 288. 
 
 ^ Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. ccix, and see Aviles to Marques, Sept. 
 8, 1574, ibid., tomo ii., p. 290, 
 
 * Ibid,, tomo ii., p. 513. 
 
3^4 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 of the Order of Santiago and C" Gen^' of the Ocean Sea and 
 of the Catholic Armada which the Lord PhiHp II. assembled 
 against England in the year 1574, at Santander, where he died 
 on the 17th of September of the said year being fifty-five years 
 of age." ' 
 
 The only ornament on the tomb is his coat-of-arms, placed 
 above the chest which contains his remains. 
 
 The testimony of his companions in arms goes to con- 
 firm the statement made by his biographers that Avil^s 
 died poor.* He left two daughters, Doiia Catalina, who 
 married Hernando de Miranda, and after his death Her- 
 nando de las Alas ; and Doiia Maria, who married Diego 
 de Velasco. All of his Florida interests, except the 
 marquisate, were bequeathed to his daughter Catalina, 
 who also inherited his title of Adelantado of Florida, 
 while Pedro Men^ndez Marques was authorised to prose- 
 cute the Panuco conquest. The marquisate was left to 
 his daughter Dona Maria," wife of Diego de Velasco, and 
 her sons, with the singular condition that in the event of 
 male issue the heir, on reaching twenty years of age, was 
 to reside with his wife and household in Florida for a 
 period of ten years, "for my ultimate object and desire is 
 to procure that Florida be settled in perpetuity, that the 
 Holy Gospel be extended and planted in those provinces." 
 The same condition was imposed upon the Panuco in- 
 heritance.' 
 
 1 Barcia, Ensayo, Aiio MDLXXIV, p. 151; Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo 
 i., p. ccxxiv, and tomo ii, p. 337, on which he gives a cut of liis tomb 
 reproduced from a photograph. 
 
 '•^ Barcia, Ensayo, Ano MDLXXIV., p. 151. And see p. 126, note 3 in 
 this volume. 
 
 ^ Ruidiaz {La Florida, tomo i., p. ccxxvi.) says she was a professed nun at 
 Avila, but the will specifically speaks of her as married at the time to Diego 
 Velasco (ibid., vol. ii., p. 518). 
 
 ■* " Testamento del Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles otorgado en 
 Sanliicar de Barrameda el 7 de Enero de 1574," ibid., tomo ii., p. 516. 
 Further details will be found in Ruidiaz, who at the end of the second 
 
The Last Visit of Aviles to Florida 385 
 
 Aviles was unquestionably a man of unusual talent, 
 enterprise, and courage, of indomitable energy and will, 
 of remarkable self-control and tact. Every emergency 
 was anticipated, every obstacle was surmounted with 
 promptness and dexterity. Fatigue and weariness, hesi- 
 tation, doubt, perplexity were alike unknown to him. 
 However strange the circumstances in which he found 
 himself he was never at a loss for one moment as to how 
 they should be met. His experience in naval affairs and 
 more particularly in the West Indies exceeded that of 
 any captain of the day. His loyalty to his King and to 
 his religion were without question, "for he considered 
 nothing but the service of God and of his Majesty, with- 
 out looking to human interests," said one of his soldiers.' 
 He could descend to the consideration of the smallest 
 details and order them with practical common-sense while 
 indulging in dreams of the conquest of a continent. He 
 shared with his soldiers their privations, and led them in 
 person in their most dangerous undertakings. For their 
 sakes he could receive an insult with a bow, and pawn 
 his own clothes. As a result "he was much loved, 
 feared, prized, and respected."* 
 
 There is but one blot on his fame, that of the Matanzas 
 massacre, nor is the shame of it palliated when it is as- 
 cribed not to fanaticism or bigotry, but to the reasons 
 assigned by his master, — the desire not to risk the lives of 
 his own people. If this was, indeed, his motive, it was 
 a worthy one. But when the genius and resourcefulness 
 of Aviles are considered it is reasonable to believe that 
 had he but sought it some other expedient would have 
 presented itself rather than the bloody one to which he 
 
 volume (p. 627) gives a list of the Adelantados of Florida. Barcia in his 
 Ensayo gives a plate (facing p. i) of the " Casa de los Adelantados de la 
 Florida," and Vigil in his Noticias gives a variety of genealogical data. 
 
 ■ Grauiel Justiniano, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 622, 
 
 'Meras in ibid., tomo i., p. 131. 
 
 **.— 25. 
 
386 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 resorted. But we must not allow our judgment to be so 
 outraged by this cold-blooded murder as to blind us to 
 his signal merits, and Pedro Men6ndez de Aviles surely 
 deserves to take rank among the greatest and most gifted 
 of the early discoverers and conquerors of the New 
 World. 
 
APPENDIX A 
 
 REGISTERED GOLD AND SILVER IMPORTED INTO SPAIN FROM 
 THE WEST INDIES, 1560-1569 
 
 Royal Revenues from the Indies. — In 1561 the royal 
 revenues from the Indies are said to have averaged, one year 
 with another, 600,000 ducats. (" Memoria de las riendas y 
 patrimonio del rey de Espania [sic] dell ano 156 1." Brit. 
 Mus. Add. MSS., Co^^on Vesp. C, vii., fol. 216.) In 1564 the 
 royal revenues from the Indies were 225 " cuentos " (Brit. 
 Mus. Add. MSS. Eg., 1873, fol. 225); that is to say, 225,- 
 000,000 maravedis. (See Relacion Breue, etc., Brit. Mus. 
 Add. MSS., 8691, fol. 36b, which says: " Contados al uso^ 
 que se asientan todos en los libros Reales, que es a cuentos, 
 ymarauedis. Cadacuento sondiez uezescienmilmarauedis.") 
 In 1564 a ducat was still approximately 350 maravedis, so that 
 we have about 600,000 ducats for the total revenue. 
 
 The following table shows the royal revenue from Mexico 
 for the years 1560-69 inclusive. So far as can be determined 
 from the data here given Mexico paid a minimum of about two- 
 fifths of the total revenue from the Indies. 
 
 1560 — 268,702 pesos 
 
 1565 — 424,409 pesos 
 
 1561—252,937 " 
 
 1566 — 480,597 ** 
 
 1562—284,457 " 
 
 1567—517,394 
 
 1563—315,218 " 
 
 1568—931,463 " 
 
 1564—333,209 " 
 
 1569—338,737 " 
 
 (Relacion de la Plata Reales Oro I oias que se a lleuado a 
 su magestad desta nueua espana a los Reinos de Castilla desde 
 el ano de mil y quinientos y veinte dos . . . hasta el aiio 
 387 
 
 I 
 
388 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 presente de mil y quinietos y nouenta y nueue. Brit. Mus. 
 Add. MSB., 13,964, fol. 196.) 
 
 Gold and Silver Imported into Spain. — Alava, writing 
 from Lyons, July 22, 1564, reports that the banks " tienen 
 abisso que han llegado a seuilla seis nabios y esperan otros 
 quatro que la Voz es que traen para registrar de V. Md. y 
 particulares Vn million y docientos mil escudos y callado dos 
 milHones mas" (MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1502 (10), fol. 
 2b). Fourquevaux writes to the King, Sept. 17, 1566, that 
 the fleet from the Indies, consisting of thirty-seven ships, has 
 probably arrived at San Lucar " et porte quatre millions 
 XLVII mil escuz d'or" {De'peches, p. 126), which is confirmed 
 by a letter of Saint Sulpice to the King of October 17th of the 
 same year, in which he says: " La flotte des Indes arrivee a 
 Seville porte quatre millions et demy d'or ou d'argent sans le 
 secret, et porte une grande richesse de perles, pierreries et 
 drogues pour taingdre en cramoisy, et autres choses" {Depec/ies, 
 p. 133). Writing Aug. 2, 1567, to the King, Fourquevaux 
 says that Menendez brings the report of the Governor of Cuba 
 that the fleet from New Spain carries two millions of gold 
 {D^peches, p. 242). June 25, 1568, Fourquevaux again writes 
 the King that " la flotte du Peru est arrivee a Seville; et ne s'y 
 parle plus de peste, puisqu'ilz ont ce qu'ilz attendoient: ce 
 sont trois millions et demy d'or, desquelz I'un million est por 
 le Roy Catholique. On parle de trois esmeraudes de grande 
 valleur que lad. flotte a port^e, dont I'une est si grande et belle 
 pezant XXVI caratz, qu'on ne luy scait mectre pris. Autre 
 flotte attendant de laNeufve Espagne par tout juillet; laquelle 
 porte pour deux millions et demy d'or en argent et peu d'or " 
 {De'peches, p. 365). This gives a total of 15,247,000 ducats for 
 the four years specified imported for the King and private in- 
 dividuals, two millions of which were smuggled. 
 
 Excluding the smuggled gold we have an average for the 
 four years of about 3,312,000 ducats a year; and if we take 
 this as an average of the entire amount annually imported, 
 exclusive of the smuggled gold, which necessarily cannot be 
 estimated, we have the enormous importation for the ten years 
 of thirty-three millions of ducats. How fallacious all such 
 
Appendix B 389 
 
 estimates as the above are liable to be is best realised by com- 
 paring the two statements quoted in the text, and written 
 within a very few years of each other and of the period of 
 which they treat. Moncada, covering the earlier years, and 
 therefore those of less development of the mines, gives for 
 about the same extent of time five hundred millions more 
 revenue than Navarette! 
 
 APPENDIX B 
 
 THE "riviere DE MAI " 
 
 Ribaut, in "The true and last discoverie," chap. 3 (re- 
 printed in the Hist. Col. of Louisiana and Florida^ by B. F. 
 French, 2nd series, " Historical Memoirs and Narratives," p. 
 179), places the "Riviere de Mai" in 30 degrees, and this 
 may very well have been the river referred to by Chantone in 
 his correspondence, and in the instructions of Manrique de 
 Rojas under its Spanish name of " Ribera de las Corrientes " 
 in 30 degrees. (Chantone to Philip II., Jan. 24, 1563, MS. 
 Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1500 (43), and Relacion e informacion 
 de los franceses que han ido a poblar en la costa de la Florida. 
 San Cristobal de la Habana, 9 de Julio de 1564, MS. Arch, 
 Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 54, caj. i, leg. 15, p. 5.) 
 
 When Manrique visited the locality he found that three ves- 
 sels loaded with Christians had been there recently (see p. 46 
 in this volume), and it is probable that these were Ribaut's 
 fleet of two ships and a large sloop, for the two smaller boats 
 intended for the shallow Florida waters were carried aboard 
 the large vessel while at sea (^Relacion e informacidn., MS., pp. 
 10, 18, 19). Hawkins, who visited Laudonniere's settlement 
 on the River of May in 1564, found the river " standing in 30 
 degrees and better." (" The voyage made by M. John Haw- 
 kins Esquire ... to the coast of Guinea, and the Indies 
 of Noua Hispania, begun in An. Dom. 1564," Hakluyt, Edin- 
 burgh, 1889, vol. iv., p, 240.) 
 
 Rojomonte, one of the Frenchmen who escaped from 
 Laudonniere's colony, and was captured by the Spaniards, 
 
390 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 mentions the river in his deposition as : "La ribera de mayo que 
 esta segun dizen en treynta y un grados de altura." (Noticia 
 de la poblacion que habian hecho los Franceses a la Florida, 
 1564. MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. i, 
 caj. I, leg. 1/19, ramo 4, p. i.) Meleneche, another French- 
 man, who also escaped from Fort Caroline and was captured 
 by the Spaniards, says in his deposition that Laudonniere's 
 fleet " baxaron a veinte y nueve y medio, donde hallaron un 
 rio que tiene de ancho por la boca un tiro de verso," and he 
 describes the river as " entrando por la tierra al Sudueste, 
 poco mas o menos," a description which can only apply to the 
 St. John's. (" Relacion del suceso de la Armada Francesa 
 que fue a poblar la tierra de la Florida " in " Carta escrita al 
 Rey por Juan Rodriguez de Noriega, Sevilla, a 29 de Marzo 
 de 1565." MS. Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrde, 
 tomo 14, Doc. No. 2i2f> ^o^s. 3b and 5b.) 
 
 Menendez, in his " Carta al Rey, 15 de Octubre de 1565 " 
 (Ruidiaz, La Florida., tomo ii., p. 92), says: " El rio que esta 
 en el fuerte de Sant Mateo, que tomamos a los franceses [/. «?., 
 Fort Caroline], va sesenta leguas por la tierra dentro, y no se 
 llego al cabo del la buelta del Sudueste, a salir casi a la baia de 
 Juan Ponce"; and in the same letter, p. 93, he says: "El 
 [puerto] del fuerte de Sant Mateo que ganamos esta en treynta 
 y un quarto; porque los franceses y sus pilotos se enganavan, 
 k. yo he hecho tomar el sol en tierra y averiguarlo. " This and 
 the similar description given by Meleneche appear to estab- 
 lish the identity of the "Riviere de Mai " with the St. John's 
 beyond a doubt. 
 
 Other Identifications. — Jean de Laet, in his Histoire du 
 Noiiveau Mofide, Leyde, 1640, liv. iv., chap, xvii., p. 129, 
 identifies it with the River of St. Augustine. 
 
 The Altamaha: Guillaume De I'lsle, in his " Carte et Cours 
 du Mississipi . . ." Paris . . . 17 18, identifies it 
 with the " Riviere des Cavuitas, " the Altamaha, as does also 
 lo. Bapt. Homann in his map: "Amplissima regionis Missis- 
 sipi seu Provinciae Ludovicianae ..." (1763). 
 
 Mr. George F. Becker, in a carefully prepared note to his 
 " Reconnaissance of the Gold Fields of the Southern Appa- 
 
Appendix B 391 
 
 lachians," p. 8 (Extract from the Sixteenth Annual Report, U. 
 S. Geological Survey, 1894-95, Part II.), argues that the 
 "Riviere de Mai" is the Altamaha, because " Lemoyne's 
 map shows it as the largest river of the South, its main branch 
 extending to the north-west into the Montes Apalatci, and 
 placed much farther north than one would expect to find the 
 St. John's. Laudonniere also speaks of the Mai as one of the 
 three great rivers rising in the Appalachian Mountains and as 
 being navigable for small boats from the mountains to the 
 sea." Mr. Becker cites the De I'lsle map above referred to 
 in which the mouth of the " Caouitas or May ... is 
 shown at a distance north of St. Augustine almost exactly 
 corresponding to the real position of the Altamaha"; he also 
 cites "A new and accurate map of the province of Georgia in 
 North America " of 1760 (?) (No. 92, Col. of American Maps 
 made in England, Lib. U. S. Geological Survey), in which the 
 river is labelled, " Formerly river of May, now Altamaha or 
 St. George's River." 
 
 Mr. Becker's error lies in placing too great confidence in Le 
 Moyne's map, which can be accurate only in respect to the 
 country which the French actually explored, the balance being 
 put in from Indian reports imperfectly understood, if not 
 copied from other and equally unreliable sources. The French 
 at no time went farther up the river than Lake George. They 
 ascended no northerly arm to the mountains, and Laudonniere 
 may well have thought that in a vague Indian account of the 
 Altamaha he recognised a description of a northerly branch of 
 the River of May. The later maps have no force, because 
 they merely copied the error made by Mercator in his map of 
 1606 (see Appendix J, Maps of the French Colonies in Florida 
 and South Carolina), and naturally identified his River of May 
 with the Altamaha, when the course of the latter became 
 known. Moreover, it has already been shown that Menen- 
 dez and Meleneche both state that the River of May flowed 
 southwest. 
 
 The first map subsequent to that of Le Moyne to show the 
 St. John's flowing southward is "A Map of the West Indies or 
 the Islands of America in the South Sea; with ye adjacent 
 
392 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Countries," etc., by Herman Moll, Geographer, London, for 
 Thos. Bowles and John Bowles. It is dated 1710 by the 
 British Museum and 17 15 (?) by P. Lee Phillips in his A List 
 of Maps of America, Washington, 1901. But see Brinton, 
 J\/'otes on the Floridian Peninsula, p. 85. 
 
 Identified with the St, Mary's. — N. Bellin, in " Carte 
 des costes de la Floride Fran9aise, " in Charlevoix, Hist, de 
 la Nouvelle France, Paris, 1744, tome i., between pp. 24, 25. 
 Fran^ois-Xavier Martin, in his Hist, of Louisiana (ist edit., 
 1827), New Orleans, 1882, chap, i, p. 39, John W. Monette, 
 in his Hist, of the Valley of the Mississippi (New York, 1846), 
 vol. i., p. 67 and p. 69, note. J, G. Kohl, "A History of the 
 Discovery of the East Coast of North /imerica, " Portland, 
 1869, vol. i., pp. 425, 436 {Col. Maine Hist. Soc, 2nd series). 
 
 The general consensus of modern opinion, however, identi- 
 fies the " Riviere de Mai" with the St. John's. Descripcion 
 Historica . . . de la Florida, MS, Anonymous, undated 
 (end of 1 8th century?), fol. 24b, note. In the possession of 
 the writer. Holmes's Annals, London, 1813, vol, i,, p, 79, 
 note 3, and p. 80, note i. Memoir of Florida, by William 
 Darby, Philadelphia, 1821, p. 47. Historical Collections of 
 South Carolina, by B. R. Carroll, New York, 1836, vol. i., 
 pp. xxxiii. and xxxiv. The Territory of Florida, by John 
 Lee Williams, New York, 1837, p. 170. History of Georgia, 
 by William B. Stevens, New York, 1847, vol. i., pp. 32, 33, 
 37. History of the United States, by George Bancroft (15th 
 edit.), Boston, 1855, vol. i., p. 61. " Map of Florida, 1565," 
 in the History of St. Augustine, by George R. Fairbanks, New 
 York, 1858, between pp. 14, 15, and text on p. 16. This map 
 is reproduced by John Gilmary Shea in "Ancient Florida," in 
 Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., New York, 1886, vol. ii., p. 264. 
 History of Florida, by George R. Fairbanks, Philadelphia, 
 1 87 1, p. 93. Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, 
 by B. F. French, 2nd series. " Historical Memoirs and Nar- 
 ratives," New York, 1875, P- i7°) note. "Carte de la Floride 
 Fran^aise (1562, 1568)," in Histoire de la Floride Fran^aise, 
 par Paul Gaffarel, Paris, 1875. History of Hernando de Soto 
 and Florida, by Barnard Shipp, Philadelphia, 1881, p. 499, 
 
Appendix C 393 
 
 note. The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, by John Gilmary 
 Shea, New York, i886, p. 134. The Pioneers of France in the 
 New World, by Francis Parkman, Boston, 1893, p. 1%, and in 
 the map " Florida 1565," between pp. 96, 97. Memoirs of 
 Florida, by Roland H. Rerick, edited by Francis P. Fleming, 
 Atlanta, Ga., 1902, p. 39, note. 
 
 Laudonniere, in 1564, on the second French expedition, 
 established Fort Caroline on the "Riviere de Mai " (see p. 57 
 in this volume). From this he was driven out by Menendez 
 de Aviles, who changed the name of the fort to that of San 
 Mateo, which name was in consequence given to the river; 
 and the Spanish settlement of San Mateo, which grew up on 
 the right bank of the river, near its mouth, has retained its 
 name down through the first quarter of the nineteenth century. 
 See the following maps: " East Florida, from Surveys made 
 since the last Peace, adapted to Dr. Stork's History of that 
 Country," by Thomas Jefferys, Geographer to the King, in 
 A Description of Florida, by William Stork, 3rd edit., London, 
 1769. "A New Map of the British Colonies in North Amer- 
 ica," by John Andrews, London, 1777. " The West Indies," 
 Jno. Gary, London, 1783. " The West Indies," G. G. and J. 
 Robinson, London, 1799. " Map of Florida," published by 
 Wm. Darby, 182 1, in his Memoir of the Geography a?id Natural 
 and Civil History of Florida, Philadelphia, 182 1. Bernard 
 Romans tells us that the Indians called the St. John's River 
 the Ylacco, a name which conveys an indecent meaning, which 
 he nowhere explains. A concise Natural History of Fast and 
 West Florida, New York, 1775, vol. i., pp. i, 259-273. Daniel 
 G. Brinton, in his Floridian Peninsula, p. 154, note i, gives a 
 list of the various names of the St. John's River, both English, 
 Spanish, and native. 
 
 APPENDIX C 
 
 THE PILLAR SET UP BY RIBAUT 
 
 Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 8; Hak., vol. ii., p. 417. Chan- 
 tone to Philip IL, Jan. 24, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 
 1500 (43)- 
 
394 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 The Frenchman Rufin, left at Port Royal by the small force 
 Ribaut had settled at Charlesfort, thus describes the pillar: 
 " El qual dicho mojon es de piedra blanca e de alto y grueso 
 como un hombre poco mas 6 menos y en lo alto del esta de- 
 buxado un escudo con una corona en^ima y dentro del tres 
 flores de lis e mas abajo una IR . . . e mas abajo quatro 
 numeros de guarismo que dizen 1561." Relacion e informa- 
 cion de los franceses que han ido a poblar en la costa de la 
 Florida, 1564, MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 54, caj. 
 I, leg. 15, p. 27. Le Moyne, in Plate VIII. of his " Indorum 
 Floridam provinciam inhabitantium eicones," forming part of 
 the De Bry Brevis Narratio, Frankforti ad Moenum, 1591, 
 shows a column in substantial accordance with the above 
 description, /. <?., a crown with the coat of arms, and below 
 them an oval, which probably contained the cypher, which he 
 does not give. Neither does he give the inscribed name and 
 date. The pillars were brought out from France ready to set 
 up. Relacidn e informacion de los franceses, etc., p. 21. 
 
 APPENDIX D 
 
 THE RIVERS BETWEEN THE " RIVIERE DE MAl" AND PORT ROYAL 
 
 There are three independent sources from which we learn 
 the names of the rivers visited or seen by Ribaut in his first 
 expedition along the Florida coast. The first is Ribaut's The 
 true and last discoverie of Florida, published in 1563; the 
 second is Laudonniere, in his Histoire Notable, published in 
 1586, and the third is Le Moyne's map in De Bry's Brevis 
 Narratio, published in 1591. From two of these accounts we 
 also learn the order in which the rivers were discovered. 
 Laudonniere accompanied Ribaut on this first expedition, of 
 which he gives a detailed account. Ribaut, in addition to his 
 relation, made "maps or sea-cards," which appear to have 
 formed part of it. (" The true and last discoverie of Florida," 
 reprint in Hist. Col. Louisiana and Florida, by B. F. French, 
 2nd series, "Historical Memoirs and Narratives," p. 183.) 
 Le Moyne accompanied Laudonniere on the second expedition 
 
Appendix D 
 
 395 
 
 and subsequently prepared the only contemporary map which 
 we now have of the country colonised by the French. All 
 three authorities agree in the names of several of the rivers, 
 and two of them in the order in which they were visited; but 
 disagree as to the number of them between the " Riviere de 
 Mai" and Port Royal. Thus there are in all fifteen different 
 names of rivers, of which Le Moyne gives fourteen, Laudon- 
 niere twelve, and Ribaut ten. Ribaut omits two rivers given by 
 Laudonniere, and places another north of Port Royal which 
 Laudonniere has placed to the south of it. Ribaut also omits 
 five of Le Moyne's rivers. Laudonniere omits three of Le 
 Moyne' s rivers, but substitutes another of a different name in 
 place of the one last omitted. 
 
 The following table best illustrates the superficial agreement, 
 but real confusion, that exists in the list of names given by the 
 three authorities mentioned: 
 
 
 Le Moyne' 
 
 Laudonniere 
 
 
 Ribaut 
 
 I. 
 
 Maij 
 
 I. 
 
 May 
 
 I. 
 
 May 
 
 
 Sarvauahi 
 Aij 
 
 
 
 
 
 2. 
 
 
 
 
 
 3- 
 
 
 
 4. 
 
 Sequana 
 
 2. 
 
 Seine 
 
 2. 
 
 Seine 
 
 5- 
 
 Axona Iracana 
 
 3- 
 
 Somme 
 
 5- 
 
 Somme 
 
 6. 
 
 Ligeris 
 
 4- 
 
 Loire 
 
 4- 
 
 Loire 
 
 7- 
 
 Charenta 
 
 5- 
 
 Charente 
 
 5- 
 
 Charnet 
 
 8. 
 
 Garumna 
 
 6. 
 
 Garonne 
 
 6. 
 
 Caro 
 
 
 Gironda 
 
 7- 
 
 Gironde 
 
 
 
 9- 
 
 
 ID. 
 
 Bellum 
 
 8. 
 
 Belle 
 
 7- 
 
 Belle 
 
 II. 
 
 Magnum 
 S. Helense 
 
 9- 
 
 Grande 
 
 8. 
 
 Grande 
 
 1 2. 
 
 
 
 
 
 lO. 
 
 Belle a veoir 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 13- 
 
 Tortus Regalis 
 
 II. 
 
 Port Royale 
 
 9- 
 
 lO. 
 
 Port Royale 
 Belle voir 
 
 
 
 
 14. 
 
 Humilde 
 
 12. 
 
 Basse 
 
 
 
 ' In the list of these rivers given by Le Moyne in Plates III., IV., and 
 V. of his Eicones he omits 2 and 3; il is called " Grandis," 12 "The 
 River Jordan," after wrhich comes the " Conspectu bellum," and then 
 •' Port Royal," 
 
39^ The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Questions of the following nature at once suggest them- 
 selves: Is the " Seine" of Laudonniere and Ribaut the same 
 river as the " Sequana " of Le Moyne, or was the name given 
 by them to one or the other of Le Moyne 's second and third 
 rivers? If the latter be the case the relation of the other rivers 
 is altered. Was Ribaut right as to the location of the " Belle 
 voir," or was Laudonniere? Is " S. Helenas" Le Moyne's 
 name for Laudonniere 's " Belle a veoir "? And if so, must it 
 be accepted as against Ribaut, although Ribaut's account was 
 written within a few months of his return and the others 
 twenty-four and twenty-nine years after? Why did Ribaut, 
 commander and map-maker of the expedition, omit the 
 "Gironde"? Until these and similar questions can be an- 
 swered it seems futile to attempt any identification of these 
 names with rivers known to us to-day in that region. Charle- 
 voix says of these various names: "On reconnut dans la suite 
 qu'il avoit pris plusieurs anses pour des embouchures de 
 Rivieres" {Hist, de la Nouvelle Fratice, Paris, 1744, p. 25). 
 And Barcia also makes the same statement {Ensayo Cronologico^ 
 Ano MDLXIL, p. 44). 
 
 The attempt at identification has been made by various his- 
 torians and map-makers, as follows: 
 
 The Seine corresponds, perhaps, to the St. Mary's. Holmes's 
 Annals, London, 1813, vol. i., p. 80, note i; Hist. Col. South 
 Carolina, by B. R. Carroll, New York, 1836, vol. i., p. 567; 
 Hist, of Georgia, by William B. Stevens, New York, 1847, 
 vol. i., p. -^y. Hist. Col. of Louisiana and Florida, by B. F. 
 French, New York, 1875, 2nd series, "Historical Memoirs and 
 Narratives," p. 184, note; Hist, of Hernando de Soto and 
 Florida, by Barnard Shipp, Philadelphia, 1881, p. 499, note; 
 Pioneers of France in the New World, by Francis Parkman, 
 Boston, 1893, p. 39. 
 
 The Seine is identified with the river named by the Indians 
 Tacatacuru in: Gourgues, 1567, Reprise de la Floride, Lar- 
 roque, Bordeaux, 1867, p. 47; Guillaume De I'lsle, "Carte et 
 Cours du Mississipi . . ." Paris . . . 1718; lo. Bapt. 
 Homann, " AmpHssima regionis Mississipi seu Provinciae 
 Ludovicianae . , ." (1763). Shipp, De Soto, 1881, p. 571, 
 
Appendix D 397 
 
 and John Gilmary Shea, in his "Ancient Florida," in Narr. 
 and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii. (1886), p. 280, identify the Taca- 
 tacuru with the St. Mary's. 
 
 To the Altamaha: N. Bellin, " Carte des costes de la 
 Floride Frangaise," 1744, in Charlevoix, Ifi'st. de la Nouvelle 
 France, 1744, tome i., between pp. 24, 25; Tamizey de Lar- 
 roque, La Reprise de la Floride, Bordeaux, 1867, p. 47, note; 
 "Carte de la Floride Frangaise (1562, 1568)," in Gaffarel, 
 Hist, de la Floride Fra7i false, Paris, 1875. 
 
 The Somme corresponds, perhaps, to the Satilla: Holmes's 
 Annals, vol. i., p. 80, note i; Carroll, ibid., p. xxxiv., note; 
 Stevens, ibid., vol. i., p. T^y, French, ibid., p. 182, "and 
 Jykill or St. Andrew's Sound " ; Gaffarel's map, ibid. ; Shipp, 
 ibid., p. 499, note. 
 
 To the St. Mary's: Hist, of St. Augustine, by George R. 
 Fairbanks, New York, 1858, p. 103. 
 
 The Somme is identified with the river named by the Indians 
 the Alimacany: Gourgues, 1567, Reprise de la Floride, Lar- 
 roque, Bordeaux, 1867, p. 48; Shipp, De Soto, 1881, p. 571, 
 note; Laudonniere, on the other hand, says the Somme was 
 the river "which the Sauages call Iracana " ("A Notable 
 History," in Hakluyt, Edinburgh, 1889, vol. ii., p. 502, and 
 Basanier, p. 93), and Larroque identifies "L' Iracana des 
 Espagnoles " with the Alimacany {Reprise de la Floride, p. 48, 
 note). From this it appears to have had two Indian names, 
 for Larroque' s " des Espagnoles " is merely a slip of the pen. 
 Gatschet "The Timucua Language," in Proceedings of the 
 American Philosophical Society, vol. xviii., p. 500, says the 
 Iracana, " also called Salinacana, " was probably in Georgia. 
 
 The Loire corresponds, perhaps, to the Savannah: Holmes's 
 Annals, vol. i., p. 80, note i. 
 
 To the Altamaha: Carroll, ibid., p. 567; Stevens, ibid., vol. 
 i-> P- ZZ'i French, ibid., p. 184, note; Shipp, ibid., p. 499, note. 
 
 To the Sapello: Gaffarel's map, ibid., 1875. 
 
 The Charente corresponds, perhaps, to the Newport: 
 Holmes's .^««d!/i-, vol. i., p. 80; Carroll, ibid., p. xxxiv., note; 
 Stevens, ibid., vol. i., p. 2)Z\ French, ibid., p 184, note; 
 Shipp, ibid., p. 499, note. 
 
398 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 To the Ogeechee: N. Bellin's map, ibid., 1744; Gaffarel's 
 map, ibid., 1875. 
 
 The Garonne corresponds, perhaps, to the Ogeechee: 
 Holmes's Annals, vol. i., p. 80, note i; Carroll, ibid., p. 
 xxxiv., note; French, ibid., p. 184, note; Shipp, ibid., p. 499, 
 note. 
 
 To the Savannah: Gaffarel's map, 1875. 
 
 To St. Catherine's Inlet: Stevens, ibid., vol. i., p. 33. 
 
 The Gironde corresponds, perhaps, to the Savannah: 
 Holmes's Annals, vol. i., p. 80, note i; Carroll, ibid., p. 
 xxxiv., note; French, ibid., p. 184, note; Shipp, ibid., p. 499, 
 note. 
 
 To the Ogeechee: Stevens, ibid., vol. i., p. 33. 
 
 To the Santa Helena (?): Gaffarel's map, ibid., 1875. 
 
 To the "Riviere des Chaouanes " or Edisto: Guillaume 
 De risle's map, ibid., 1718; lo. Bapt. Homann's map, ibid., 
 1763. 
 
 The Belle corresponds, perhaps, to the May in South Caro- 
 lina: Holmes's Annals, vol. i., p. 80, note i; Carroll, ibid., p. 
 xxxiv., note; French, ibid., p. 184, note. 
 
 To the South Edisto (?): Gaffarel's map, ibid., 1875. 
 
 Laudonniere, in 1564, looking from the top of a bluff near 
 the mouth of the "Riviere de Mai" (the St. John's), says: 
 "And more than sixe leagues off, neere the Riuer Belle, a man 
 may behold the medowes diuided asunder into lies and Islets 
 enterlacing one another " ("A Notable Historie," in Hakluyt, 
 vol. ii., p. 450, Basanier, p. 41). The position of the Belle in 
 the other relations and in Le Moyne's map is quite irreconcil- 
 able with this statement. 
 
 The Grande corresponds perhaps, to the Broad River: 
 Holmes's Annals vol. i. p. 80, note i; Carroll, ibid., p. xxxiv., 
 note; Johnson, quoted by Carroll, ibid., p. xxxvii., note; 
 French, ibid., p. 184, note; Shipp, ibid., p. 499 note. Le 
 Moyne places the S. Helenae, and Laudonniere the Belle a 
 veoir, between the Grande and Port Royal, which is quite in- 
 consistent with the theory that the Grande is the Broad River. 
 Only in Ribaut, The true and last discoverie, is the Grande 
 immediately followed by Port Royal. 
 
 k 
 
Appendix E 399 
 
 To the Edisto: Franfois-Xavier Martin, ibid., 1882, chap, 
 i., p. 39. 
 
 To the Savannah: Stevens, ibid., vol. i., p. n. 
 
 The Belle a veoir is probably the May in South Carolina: 
 Shipp, ibid., p. 499, note. 
 
 The Basse is probably the Edisto of the English: Holmes's 
 Annals, vol. i., p. 411. 
 
 The Libourne is identified with Skull Creek: Parkman, ibid.y 
 
 p. 39- 
 
 APPENDIX E 
 
 PORT ROYAL 
 
 Description of Port Royal, — Its entrance is three French 
 leagues w^ide {^Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 11, 12; Hak., vol. 
 ii., p. 421, LeMoyne's " Eicones " '\xv\)Q^xy'% Brevis Nar- 
 ratio, Plate V.). It is divided into two arms (Basanier, Le 
 Moyne, Plate V.). The Relacion e informacion de los fran- 
 ceses que han ido a poblar en la costa de la Florida, San 
 Cristobal de la Habana, 9 de Julio de 1564 (MS. Arch. Gen, de 
 Indias, Seville, est, 54, caj. i., leg. 15, p. 16), describes it as 
 having " dosbocas de puertos que estan juntos una con otra," 
 and as the fifth harbour visited by Manrique de Rojas after 
 leaving the " Rio de Sancta Elena " in 32 degrees and sailing 
 north, and again as " un puerto grande de dos," {ibid., p. 26). 
 One arm extends to the north (Basanier, Le Moyne), nearly 
 ten or twelve leagues up into the country (" The true and last 
 discoverie of Florida by Captain John Ribaut," reprint in 
 Hist. Col. Louisiana a?id Florida, by B. F. French, 2nd series, 
 "Historical Memoirs and Narratives," 1527-1702, p. 185). 
 The other branch extends west for twelve leagues and runs into 
 the sea. The two arms are two leagues wide, with an island in 
 the centre having its point towards the great river's mouth 
 {Hist. Notable, Basanier, pp. 12, 13; Hak., vol. ii,, pp. 421, 
 422; Le Moyne, ibid., Plate V., and map). 
 
 There is a discrepancy between the statements of Laudon- 
 
400 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 niere and Ribaut in respect to the distance sailed up these 
 arms. Laudonniere says that Ribaut sailed twelve leagues up 
 the western arm, and then returned to his ships, and the next 
 day sailed three leagu'es west and discovered the island where 
 the pillar was set up {Hak., vol. ii., pp. 422, 423). Ribaut, 
 as above noted, says he went up the northern arm ten or twelve 
 leagues. 
 
 The western arm has an affluent from the east {Hist. 
 Notable, Basanier, pp. 12, 13; Hak., vol. ii., p. 422; Le 
 Moyne, map), which Le Moyne shows as uniting the western 
 and eastern branches. 
 
 Le Moyne appears to have derived all of the data for the 
 legend of Plate V. from the His tot re Notable, of which it is 
 almost a translation, and Port Royal, as shown on his map, is 
 in agreement with this description, and Le Moyne is therefore 
 of no value in determining whether Ribaut or Laudonniere 
 is correct in this particular. 
 
 The fort built by Ribaut was situated " sobre un brapo de 
 un rrio que esta en un puerto grande de dos que estan junto 
 a la banda del sur " of the harbour in 32° 20', where Manrique 
 de Rojas anchored, from which it was but three leagues distant 
 " por el rrio arriba sin salir a la mar," where it was found 
 {Relacidn e infortnacion de los franceses, pp. 17, 21, 26, 27). 
 
 Its Location. — Port Royal is in 32 degrees (Chantone to 
 Philip II., Jan. 24, 1563, MS. Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1500 [43]; 
 Instructions to Manrique, Relacidn e infortnacion de los fran- 
 ceses, p. 5, and the French observations in Rufin's deposition, 
 ibid., p. 21). But it was not found there by Manrique, who 
 visited a harbour in 32 degrees {ibid., pp. 10, 11). It is in 32 
 degrees and 15 minutes (Observations of Ribaut's Spanish 
 pilot in Rufin's deposition, ibid., p. 21). Manrique finds it a 
 little south of a port in 32 degrees and 20 minutes {ibid., pp. 
 26, 27). 
 
 The Coast to the South of Port Royal. — One league 
 to the south of Port Royal, that is to say, of the harbour 
 where Manrique found the pillar, are (a) "dos puertos . . . 
 junto de uno." One league from (a) is (^) " otro puerto 
 . . . que tiene dos rrios." Two leagues from (3) is (^) 
 
Appendix E 401 
 
 " otro puerto." — ' leagues from (c) is (</) " otro puerto," 
 Three or four leagues from (d) is Manrique's Santa Elena in 
 32 degrees. {^Relacidn e inforffiacidn de los fr anuses^ passim.) 
 
 The Coast to the North of Port Royal. — Two or three 
 leagues to the north of Port Royal, that is to say, of the har- 
 bour where Manrique found the pillar, is a harbour in 32° 20', 
 which has "un rrio que esta sobre la vanda del norueste" {ibid.). 
 
 Conclusion. — The latitude of Port Royal Sound is 32° 15', 
 which corresponds accurately to that observed by Ribaut's 
 Spanish or Portuguese pilot, /. e., 2>2\°, as reported by Rufin. 
 The latitude of Fripp's Inlet to the north-east is 32° 20', 
 which corresponds accurately with that observed by Man- 
 rique, /'. e., " treinta y dos y un tercio. " Fripp's Inlet has a 
 small creek, unnamed in the Coast Survey Chart, near its 
 mouth on the south side, also a stream on the north-west 
 bank, not far from its mouth, and Port Royal Sound can be 
 reached by going up Story River in a small boat, without going 
 to sea; all of which agrees very closely with Manrique's de- 
 scription of his harbour. It is also to be noted that Port 
 Royal, /. e., where the pillar was found, was unquestionably 
 beyond the harbour in 32 degrees where Manrique first 
 entered. Too much stress must not be laid upon the coinci- 
 dence of the latitudes, as observed by Manrique, with those 
 determined by the Coast Survey, as, in view of the imperfect 
 means by which the observations were made at that time, it 
 may be entirely fortuitous. The correspondence of the har- 
 bours to the south of Port Royal, /. <?., Tybee Roads, Wassaw 
 Sound, Ossaba Sound, and so on, to the harbours visited by 
 Manrique prior to reaching Port Royal, where he found the 
 pillar, is only a very general one and is, perhaps, rather forced. 
 In direct conflict with this identification of Ribaut's Port 
 Royal with the present harbour of the same name is the state- 
 ment made by Menendez in his letter to Philip II. of October 
 i5» 1565, before he had visited the locality. Writing from St. 
 Augustine, Florida, he says: " Y para el Maio convendra que 
 . . . yr d poblar a Santa Elena, que esta cinquenta leguas 
 de aqui, y en tres leguas tiene tres puertos y rios, y el mayor 
 ' The distance is not given in the manuscript. 
 
402 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 tiene seys brazas de agua y el otro quatro puertos admirables; 
 y el que nos Uamamos Santa Elena, que es el tercero donde 
 los franceses estaban, es muy ruin, y todos tres se navegan por 
 dentro del uno al otro " (Ruidiaz, La Florida, torao ii., p. 94). 
 This seems to indicate Santa Helena Sound as that of the 
 French settlement. 
 
 Port Royal has been identified with the Edisto (/. e., the 
 South Edisto) by J. Oldmixton, " History of Carolina " (Lon- 
 don, 1708, cap. i., reprinted in Hist. Col. South Carolina by 
 B. R. Carroll, vol. ii., p. 394), where he calls it " The Albe- 
 marle River." Charlevoix, Hist, de la Nouvelle France, Paris, 
 1744, tome i., livre i., p. 25. N. Bellin, "Carte des costes de 
 la Floride Fran^oise . . ."in Charlevoix, ibid., between 
 pp. 24, 25. Dr. Hewit, " History of the Rise and Progress 
 of the Colonies of South CaroUna and Georgia" (London, 
 1779, cap. i. reprinted in Hist. Col. South Carolina and Georgia 
 by B. R, Carroll, vol. i., p. 23), calls it the "Albemarle 
 River." Geo. Chalmers " Political Annals of the United 
 Colonies, Carolina" (printed in London, 1780, reprinted in 
 Hist. Col. South Carolina by B. R. Carroll, vol. ii., p. 275), 
 makes it the Edisto. John W. Monette {Hist, of the Valley 
 of the Mississippi River, New York, 1846, vol. i., p. 67) says 
 it was " above the St. Helena Sound, south of the Combahee 
 River." Dr. Belknap identifies it with the St. John's (cited 
 by B. R. Carroll in Hist. Col. South Carolina, vol. i., p. 
 XXX vi., note). 
 
 Modern writers are generally agreed to place it at Port 
 Royal Sound, South Carolina. Brigstock, who travelled 
 through that region in 1653 (and not in 1623, as erroneously 
 stated by French in his note to Ribaut's " The true and last 
 discoverie," in Hist. Col. Louisiana and Florida, 2nd series, 
 " Historical Memoirs and Narratives," p. 184), is cited to this 
 effect by French {ibid.). Holmes's Annals, London, 1813, vol. 
 i., p. 80, note I. Dr. Holmes, according to Carroll {Hist. Col. 
 S. C, vol. i., p. xxxvi.), addressed several interrogations to 
 his friends in Beaufort, South Carolina, on the subject of the 
 situation of Charlesfort. Memoir of Florida, by William 
 Darby, Philadelphia, 1821, pp. 47, 48. History of Louisiana, 
 
Appendix F 403 
 
 by Fran^ois-Xavier Martin (first edition, 1827), New Orleans, 
 1882, p. 39. Historical Collection of South Carolina^ by B. R. 
 Carroll, New York, 1836, vol. i., pp. xxxiv., xxxvi. Mr. 
 Carroll personally conducted investigations to determine the 
 site of Charlesfort, and a search was made to find the pillar 
 erected by Ribaut, which we now know had been removed by 
 the Spaniards. On page xxxvii. he relates a tradition of the 
 South Carolina Indians in West Georgia, where they had been 
 compelled to retire by the influx of the whites, that " the first 
 place at which they ever saw the whites, was at Coosawhatchie, 
 in South Carolina," which is the principal stream that flows 
 into the Broad River, " and was no doubt among the first that 
 were explored by Ribault's men." 
 
 Bancroft, in his History of the United States (15th edit., Bos- 
 ton, 1855, vol. i., cap. 2, p. 61), referring to Laudonniere's 
 account, says: "The description is sufficiently minute and 
 accurate; removing all doubt " as to its not being Port Royal 
 Sound, South Carolina. History of St. Augustine, by George 
 R. Fairbanks, New York, 1858, p. 15. J. G. Kohl, "A His- 
 tory of the Discovery of the East Coast of North America," 
 Portland, 1869, vol. i., p. 427 {Col. Maine Hist. Soc, 2nd 
 series). History of Florida, by George R. Fairbanks, Philadel- 
 phia, 1 87 1, p. 94. Historical Collection of Louisiana and 
 Florida, by B. F. French, 2nd series, " Historical Memoirs and 
 Narratives," New York, 1875, P- 1^4, note. History of Her- 
 nando de Soto and Florida, by Barnard Shipp, Philadelphia, 
 1 88 1, p. 499, note. The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, by 
 John Gilmary Shea, New York, 1886, p. 134, and in his 
 "Ancient Florida," in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., New York, 
 1886, vol. ii., p. 260, where it is identified with Villafane's 
 Santa Elena. Pioneers of France in the New World, by 
 Francis Parkman, Boston, 1893, p. 39. 
 
 APPENDIX F 
 
 CHARLESFORT 
 
 Ribaut, in " The true and last discoverie " (reprint in Hist, 
 Col. Louisiana and Florida, by B. F. French, 2nd series, " Hist. 
 
404 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Memoirs and Narratives," p. i88), says Charlesfort was situ- 
 ated " on the north side of an island . . . upon a river, 
 which we called Chenonceau." Laudonniere writes, " ayant 
 navigue dans la grande riviere du coste du septentrion [that is, 
 having ascended the northerly arm of the Port Royal], en 
 costoyant une isle qui finit en pointe vers I'embouchure de la 
 riviere . . . il decouvrit une petite riviere, qui entroit 
 pars le dedans de I'isle, " on which the fort was built {Hist. 
 Notable, Basanier, p. 19; Hak., vol. ii., p. 429). Le Moyne 
 {Eicones, Plate VII.) says: " qui in Charles-fort propugnaculo 
 supra fluviolum insulam, quae in majore Portus Regalis alveo 
 Septentrionem spectante sita est." The Frenchman Rufin 
 deposes that it could be reached from a harbour in 32° 20', 
 " por el rrio arriba sin salir a la mar " (see p. 400, anteain this 
 volume), and Manrique reported " que es sobre un bra^o de 
 un rrio que esta en un puerto grande de dos que estan junto a 
 la vanda del sur del susodicho [harbour in 32° 20'] hasta tres 
 leguas," where he afterwards found it. This description is 
 too indefinite to permit of determining its location. Never- 
 theless the following attempts have been made: 
 
 On or near Beaufort Island, Port Royal: Carroll, JItst. Col. 
 South Carolina, 1836, vol. i., p. xxxvi. ; Stevens, Hist, of 
 Georgia, 1847, vol. i., p. 34. J. G. Kohl, "A History of the 
 Discovery of the East Coast of North America," Portland, 
 1869, vol. i., p. 427 {Col. Maine Hist. Soc, 2nd series). 
 French, in his note to " The true and last discoverie" (in Hist. 
 Col. Louisiana and Florida, 2nd series, "Historical Memoirs 
 and Narratives," 1875, p. 188), says on the "island named 
 in the old Spanish maps Santa Cruz, and near the present 
 beautiful town of Beaufort." Parkman, Pioneers of France 
 in the New World, 1893, p. 41. 
 
 On the Edisto: Chalmers, " Political Annals of the Province 
 of Carolina," London, 1780, reprint in Carroll's Hist. Col. 
 South Carolina, vol. ii., p. 275. 
 
 Beaufort or Edisto : Gaffarel, Hist, de la Floride Frangaise, 
 1875, p. 22. 
 
 Mouth of the Albemarle River: Oldmixton, " Hist, of 
 Georgia," 1708, reprint in Carroll's ^w/. Col. South Carolina, 
 
Appendix G 405 
 
 vol. ii., p. 394. Monette {Hist, of the Valley of the Missis- 
 sippi, New York, 1846, vol. i., p. 67) places it " a few miles 
 above the St. Helena Sound, south of the Combahee River." 
 Both Barcia, in his Ensayo Cronoloi:;ico, (ano MDLXII., p. 
 44), and John Lee Williams, in his Florida (New York, 1837, 
 p. 169), confuse the Charlesfort of Ribaut with Fort Caroline, 
 built in 1564 by Laudonniere. 
 
 The Chenonceau is identified with Pilot's Creek, which 
 empties into the Port Royal, in the note to " The Port Royal 
 Discovery," in Hist. Col. South Carolina, vol. v., p. 75. 
 Parkman (in The Pioneers of France in the New IVorld, p. 41) 
 and French (in Hist. Col. Louisiana and Florida, 2nd series, 
 " Hist. Memoirs and Narratives," p. 184, note) identify it 
 with Archer's Creek, about six miles from the present town of 
 Beaufort, to which French also gives the name of Skull Creek. 
 
 APPENDIX G 
 
 FORT CAROLINE 
 
 Rojomonte, in his deposition {Noticias de la Poblacidn, etc., 
 p. 3), says of the situation of Fort Caroline: " Puede estar de 
 la boca del dicho Rio dos leguas y sobre una barranca alta 
 sobre un brago del dicho Rio a la banda del Sudueste." Me- 
 leneche, in his deposition ("Relacion del suceso, " etc., in 
 Noriega to Philip II., March 29, 1565, fol. 3b, MS.), says: 
 " Entrado de la barra adentro hay muchos bancos 
 y estos bancos los hay quatro 6 cinco leguas por el rio adentro, 
 al fin de los quales han fundado un Pueblo la gente de esta 
 Armada," and farther on he repeats: " Fundaron un fuerte de 
 madera y faxina, quatro 6 cinco leguas a dentro de la boca 
 deste rio, passados los bancos que estan dichos." The writer 
 of the "Coppie d'une lettre venant de la Floride " {Recueil de 
 Pilces sur la Floride, p. 241) says: " Lequel fort est sur la dicte 
 riuiere de May, enuiron six lieues das la riuiere loign de la 
 mer." Velasco, in his Geografia (p. 168), says: " San Mateo 
 [the name given by Men^ndez to Fort Caroline] tiene por senas 
 una tierra mas alta que todas, que esta una legua por la tierra. 
 
4o6 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 adonde solia estar el fuerte que los franceses hicieron." 
 Laudonniere, in his Histoire Notable (Basanier, p. 44; Hak., 
 vol. ii., p. 453), says: " This place is ioyning a mountaine." 
 Menendez, in his letter of September 11, 1565 (Ruidiaz, La 
 Florida^ tomo ii., p. 75), says of the French: " Tiene hecha 
 su fuerga cinco leguas por el rio adentro "; but this informa- 
 tion he had probably derived from the three French mutineers 
 he took with him, as he had not yet been to the fort. 
 
 Some confusion exists in the above descriptions, but four of 
 the authorities agree in placing the fort on or near a high hill, 
 and it was unquestionably situated on a river, probably where 
 a small stream flowed into it. It is not at all unlikely that it 
 was at the head of the sand-bars in the river; and if Rojo- 
 monte indicates the distance by land, he is in substantial 
 agreement with Velasco. 
 
 George R. Fairbanks, in his History of St. Augustifie (New 
 York, 1858, p. 16), places Fort Caroline " about two leagues " 
 above the mouth of the St. John's, and between pages 50 and 
 51 he gives an interesting map entitled, " Entrance of the St. 
 John's River," showing the nature of the neighbouring region, 
 which goes far to prove the correctness of his conclusion. In 
 chapter vi., pp. 51-59, he gives an excellent discussion on the 
 subject of its site, although he was not in command of some 
 of the data which we now have. Mr. Fairbanks adheres to 
 this location in his History of Florida (p. 100), and is followed 
 by Parkman in his Pioneers of France in the New World (Bos- 
 ton, 1893, p. 55, note i), and by John Gilmary Shea in his 
 "Ancient Florida" (in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am.., vol. ii., 
 p. 265), who reproduces the above-mentioned Fairbanks map 
 with a note that "his view of the site is open to question." 
 Charles B. Reynolds, in his Old St. Augustine (St. Augustine, 
 Florida, 5th edition), in the map given on p. 21 and elsewhere 
 in his book, places the fort in the bight in the river to the 
 south of the location given by Fairbanks. Le Page Du Pratz, 
 in the English version of his History of Louisiana (London, 
 1763, vol. i., p. 3), says the ruins of Fort Caroline "are still 
 to be seen above the fort at Pensacola "(!). His translator, 
 in a foot-note to the author's remark, places it at St. Augus- 
 
 I 
 
Appendix H 407 
 
 tine. As Dr. Shea has observed, the location at St. John's 
 Bluff does not altogether satisfy the requirements; but in the 
 course of years the topography of the river may have greatly 
 changed, and St, John's Bluff cannot be far out of the way. 
 
 APPENDIX H 
 
 TIMUQUA 
 
 The name is variously written Timoqua, Timuca, Timucua, 
 Tymangona, Tymangoua, Thimogona, Thimogoa, Thimagoa, 
 Timogona, Timoga, and, by the English, Tomoco and Ali- 
 muca. It contains the word attmoqua, signifying ' ' lord, ruler," 
 which occurs in Father Pareja's Confessionario En lengua 
 Castellatia y Timuguana, Mexico, 1613, p. 205, and elsewhere 
 in his works. Albert S. Gatschet in "The Timucua Language," 
 in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Philadel- 
 phia, 1877, vol. xvi., p. 627. 
 
 For the region inhabited by the Timuquanans see: Albert 
 S. Gatschet, ibid., 1877, vol. xvi., p. 626; ibid., 1878, vol. xvii., 
 p. 490; ibid., 1880, vol. xviii., p. 465. The final article in Mr. 
 Gatschet's interesting and exhaustive essay contains on page 
 475 a bibliography of the titles of Father Pareja's works in the 
 Library of the Historical Society of New York consulted by 
 him. The Zeitschrift fur Ethnologic for 1877, pp. 245-260, and 
 for 1881, pp. 189-200, contains an abridgment in German 
 of his essay published in The Proceedings of the American 
 Philosophical Society 2^iovQ mentioned. J. W. Powell, " Indian 
 Linguistic Families," Seventh Ann. Rep. Bu. Ethn., 1885-86, 
 p. 123. Cyrus Thomas, "The Indians in North America in 
 Historic Times," in Lee's Hist, of North Atnerica, Philadel- 
 phia, vol. ii., p. 58. Bernard Romans, in A concise Natural 
 History of East and West Florida (New York, 1775, vol. i., 
 pp. 37, 267), gives an account of their last home. 
 
 For the Timuquanan language, in addition to the essay of 
 Mr. Gatschet above cited, see: Arte de la Lengua Timuguana, 
 compuesto en 16 14 por el P* Francisco Pareja y publicado 
 conforme al original linico por Lucien Adam y Julien Vinson, 
 Paris, 1886. 
 
4o8 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Some idea of the numerous Timuquanan villages can be 
 gathered from Laudonniere's relation in the Histoire Notable. 
 Menendez, writing of the St. John's River, says: " En este 
 rio ay grandes poblaciones de yndios " (Aviles to Philip II., 
 Oct. 15, 1565, Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 92). Le Moyne 
 shows " Timoga " on his map on the right bank of the St. 
 John's shortly before it turns south, opposite the mouth of the 
 mythical northern branch of the river, which may perhaps 
 correspond to Trout Creek. 
 
 Timuqua also appears on various maps as follows: Lescarbot 
 (Marc), " Figure et description de la terre reconue et habitee 
 par les Francois en la Floride et audega, gisante par les 30, 31, 
 et 32 degrez," in Lescarbot 's Histoire de la Nouvelle France, 
 Paris, 1611, facing p. 596. De Laet (Jean), "Florida et 
 Regiones Vicinae, ' ' in Histoire du Nouveau Monde 
 par le Sieur lean de Laet ... A Leyde, 1640, p. 102. 
 Sanson d' Abbeville, " Le Nouveau Mexique et la Floride," 
 Paris, 1656. Du Val (P.), " La Floride Frangoise Dressee sur 
 La Relation des Voyages que Ribaut, Laudonier, et Gourgues 
 y ont faits en 1562, 1564 et 1567," vn Diver ses Cartes et Tables 
 pour la Ge'ographie Ancienne . . . Par O. Du Val . 
 Paris, 1665. Sanson d' Abbeville, " Le Nouveau Mexique et 
 la Floride," Paris, 1679 (a reprint of the 1656 map). De I'lsle 
 (Guillaume), "Carte du Mexique et de la Floride," Paris, 
 1703. Senex and Maxwell, "North America," London, 
 1710. Chatelain (H. A.), "Carte contenant le Royaume du 
 Mexique et de la Floride," in Gueudeville, Atlas Historique 
 (1705-1719), tome vi. (1719), No. 27, p. loi. De I'lsle (Guil- 
 laume), "Carte du Mexique et de la Floride," etc., Amsterdam, 
 1722. Renier & Ottens, " Insulse Americanse," etc. (1730?). 
 Seutter (Matthaeus), " Mapa Geographica Regionam Mexi- 
 canam et Floridam," etc. (1740-1760). De I'lsle (Guillaume), 
 "Carta Geografica della Florida Nell' America Settentrionale " 
 (1750), in Atlante Novissimo del Sig' Guglielmo de I'lsle, 
 Venezia, 1740-1750, vol. ii. (1750). In this last map, as well 
 as in all the preceding ones, the location of " Timogoa " fol- 
 lows that given it in the Le Moyne map, or varies only slightly 
 from it. Martin (Benjamin), "A Map of the British and 
 
Appendix I 409 
 
 French Settlements in North America" (second part), in his 
 Miscellaneous Correspondence, 1755-1756, London, vol. i., p. 
 88, where the name Timooquas is applied to the northern 
 section of the Peninsula of Florida. Homann (Joh. Bap- 
 tista), " Regni Mexicani seu Novae Hispaniae," etc. (1763), 
 in his Atlas Geographicus Major, tomus i. (published 1763). 
 Romans (Bernard), "A General Map of the Southern British 
 Colonies in America," by B. Romans, 1776. He shows the 
 "Ancient Timookas " in about northern Alabama. Pownall, 
 "A New Map of North America with the West India Islands," 
 1783, and Albert and Letter, "A New and Correct Map of 
 North America with the West India Islands," 1784, show the 
 country of the "Ancient Timookas " in southern Georgia. 
 
 Recent maps are: " The Linguistic Families of the Gulf 
 States," by Albert S. Gatschet, in his A Migration Legend of 
 the Creek Indians, vol. i. Philadelphia, 1884, between pp. 48, 
 49. "Florida, 1565," in Parkman, Pioneers of France in the 
 New World, Boston, 1893, between pp. 96, 97. 
 
 APPENDIX I 
 
 LAUDONNlfeRE'S STORY OF THE NOVEMBER MUTINY 
 
 Laudonniere, Le Moyne, and Hawkins, who obtained his 
 information from the French, give a much more dramatic ac- 
 count of the mutiny than that recorded by the Spaniards. It 
 is evidently derived from the mutineers, who returned to Fort 
 Caroline, and who, faithful to the traditions of their country, 
 make their ill-luck turn upon the cleverness of a woman. 
 Their story, which we have only at second and third hand, 
 runs as follows: The vessel captured off Cape Tiburon proved 
 to have a rich prize on board, for it contained no less a per- 
 sonage than the Governor of Jamaica (Le Moyne, Brevis 
 Narratio, p. 19, says. Governor of Havana), together with a 
 great store of gold and silver, merchandise and wines. Hav- 
 ing agreed with the Governor upon a ransom, which, sailor- 
 like, was to include some monkeys called sanguines, natives of 
 the island, they set sail for Jamaica. Arrived off the island. 
 
4IO The Spanish Settlements 
 
 the Governor persuaded them to allow his two little boys, 
 who had been captured with him, to go ashore and advise 
 his wife to send him some provisions. At the same time he 
 forwarded secret instructions by the lads as to where his 
 captors were and asked that vessels be sent to his rescue. 
 The lady proved equai to the occasion, and at daybreak next 
 morning the pirates were surprised by the descent upon them 
 of three Spanish ships, which chased them for three leagues 
 and succeeded in recapturing their own vessel, but allowed the 
 brigantine to escape with the larger part of the pirates. (See 
 also Hawkins's account in Hak.^ vol. iv., p. 242.) 
 
 APPENDIX J 
 
 MAPS OF THE FRENCH COLONIES IN FLORIDA AND SOUTH 
 CAROLINA 
 
 The earliest map of the French settlements is : 
 (i) Le Moyne de Morgues (Jacques), " Floridae Americae 
 Provinciae Recens & exactissima descriptio Auctore lacobo le 
 Moyne cui cognomen de Morgues, Qui Laudonierum, Altera 
 Gallorum in earn Prouinciam Nauigatione comitat' est, Atque 
 adhibitis aliquot militibus, Ob pericula, Regionis illius interiora 
 & maritima diligentissime Lustrauit, & Exactissime dimensus 
 est, Obseruata etiam singulorum Fluminum inter se distantia, 
 ut ipsemet redux Carolo IX Galliarum Regi, demonstrauit." 
 In Part II. of T. De Bry's Historia AmericcB, Francoforti ad 
 Moenum, 1591. There are good reproductions of the map in 
 Narrative of Le Moyne . . . translated from the Latin of 
 De Bry, Boston, 1875. Shipp's History of Hernando de Soto 
 and Florida. Gaffarel's Histoire de la Floride Frangaise. 
 Ruidiaz's La Florida., tomo i. Winsor's Narr. and Crit. 
 Hist. Am.., vol. ii., p. 274. 
 
 Generally speaking, the Atlantic coast-line runs north-east 
 and south-west. On the northern margin of the map is shown 
 the southern section of a great body of water without any 
 legend, Verrazano's sea according to Winsor ( The Kohl Col- 
 lection, by Justin Winsor, with Index by Philip Lee Phillips. 
 
 ( 
 
Appendix J 411 
 
 Library of Congress, Washington, 1904, p. 89), probably the 
 Pacific, as in the Miinster map of 1540 and others of a similar 
 type. Directly south of this body of water are the " Montes 
 Apalatci," with a small lake at their foot fed by a spring gush, 
 ing out of the mountains. Along the north-eastern Atlantic 
 coast two nameless rivers, one coming from the north and the 
 other from the north-west, unite to form Port Royal Sound. 
 Two streams connect the rivers together at some distance from 
 their confluence, which gives them somewhat the appearance 
 of an inverted V- Farther down the coast the " F. Maij " (the 
 St. John's) flows north-westerly for about a third of its length, 
 and then sends a branch abruptly to the south-west in a direc- 
 tion approximately parallel with the coast. It surrounds in its 
 course an island named Edelano {Hist. Notable, Basanier, p. 
 75; Hak., vol. ii., p. 485; De Bry, Brevis Narratio, pp. 15, 
 19), identified by Mr. Fairbanks with Drayton Island {Hist, 
 of Florida^ Philadelphia, 1871, p. 105), and terminates in a 
 nameless lake bearing a legend to the effect that one shore 
 cannot be seen from the other {Hist. Notable^ Basanier, p. 75; 
 Hak., vol. ii., p. 485). This was the highest point on the 
 river reached by the French and is identified by Mr. Fairbanks 
 {ibid., p. 105) with Lake George, a body of water twenty miles 
 long and twelve broad, distant about a hundred miles from the 
 mouth of the river {Memoir . . . of Florida, by William 
 Darby, Philadelphia, 1821, p. 17). 
 
 Still farther south is a small lake called " Sarrope " {Hist. 
 Notable, Basanier, p. 73; Hak., vol. ii., p. 483; De Bry, 
 Brevis Nar ratio, p. 17), which Brinton {Notes on the Floridian 
 Peninsula, Philadelphia, 1859, p. 117), and after him Parkman 
 {Pioneers of France in the New World, Boston, 1893, p. 80), 
 think may be Lake Ware in Marion County; but it is far more 
 probable that it is an echo of Lake Okeechobee, as identified 
 by Powell (" Indian Linguistic Families," in Seventh Ann. 
 Pep. Bu. Ethn., 1 885-1886, p. 123), the Lake Mayaimi of 
 Fontanedo (" Memoria de las cosas y costa y indios de la 
 Florida," Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo v., p. 534). A second 
 arm of the " F. Maij " extends to the north and terminates 
 in the vicinity of the great unnamed body of water. 
 
412 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 The map embodies data derived from three different sources 
 of information. The first and most reliable are those within 
 the sphere of Le Moyne's personal observation, which in- 
 cludes, so far as we are aware, the region immediately around 
 Fort Caroline, such as the countries of Saturiba and Alima- 
 cany. Le Moyne says that he was wounded in an expedition 
 against Outina, consequently he went a certain distance up 
 the river, and villages such as Malica, Casti, Melona, and 
 Timoga, are probably correctly placed. Data of the second 
 class are those derived from Le Moyne's companions. Thus 
 Port Royal was previously known to Laudonniere, and during 
 Le Moyne's residence in Florida a captain was sent to Audusta 
 to renew the relations between him and the French. An ex- 
 pedition was also sent up the St. John's to the island of 
 Edelano and to the edge of the lake of the unseen shore, Lake 
 George. " Calos " was heard of from the escaped Spaniards, 
 but the vagueness of the information which they gave is indi- 
 cated by the location which Le Moyne has given to Lake 
 Sarrope (Lake Okeechobee). These data also are deserving of 
 a varying degree of credit. Belonging to the same class, but 
 of inferior credibility, are the data obtained from the Indians, 
 which we can determine by a process of exclusion to include 
 all of the remaining indications on the map relating to the 
 interior of the country. The third class consists of data de- 
 rived from prior records, such as the shape of the Peninsula, 
 and the names along the coast of foreign origin, such as Sinus 
 loannis Ponce, F. Canotes, F. Pacis, Aquatio, and the names 
 along the Carolina coast, which, according to Winsor ( TheKohl 
 Collection, p. 89), indicate that Le Moyne used Spanish drafts 
 of the coast. 
 
 This map has exerted a great influence upon the subsequent 
 cartography of this region. One or more of the features just 
 described reappear in Dutch, French, and English maps for 
 over a century and a quarter subsequent to its publication, 
 either as laid down by Le Moyne or in the modified form given 
 them by Mercator. To this influence Dr. Shea has given a 
 very brief reference in his "Ancient Florida," in Narr. and 
 Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 274, note i. But Andr^ Thevet's 
 
Appendix J 413 
 
 map of "Le Nouveau Monde descovvert et illvstre de nostre 
 temps," in his La Cosmographie Universelle, Paris, 1575, to 
 which Dr. Shea refers, is on too small a scale to be of interest, 
 and shows the Florida Peninsula without details and without 
 the French names. 
 
 (2) With (John), also styled John White, " Map of southern 
 part of the Atlantic coast of North America, showing the 
 strait leading from Port Royal to the South Sea," 1585, MS. 
 Brit. Museum. First published in reduced facsimile in " The 
 Beginnings of a Nation," by Edward Eggleston, in the 
 Century Illustrated Monthly Magazine^ Nov., 1882, vol. xxv., 
 pp. 66, 67, where it is accidentally dated 1685. There is a 
 larger reproduction entitled " Chart of Virginia and Florida, 
 by John White," in The Principal Navigations . . . of 
 the English Nation ... by Richard Hakluyt, Glasgow, 
 MCMIV., vol. viii., between pp. 400, 401. It is also repro- 
 duced on a smaller scale, and with most of the names omitted, 
 by Justin Winsor in his Christopher Columbus, Boston and New 
 York, 1891, p. 589. 
 
 The Atlantic coast outline of the Florida portion of this map 
 corresponding to that shown by Le Moyne differs materially 
 from the latter. The trend of the coast from the Cape of 
 Florida to Port Royal is substantially north and south. The 
 promontory formed by the River of May and the River of 
 Dolphins in Le Moyne is here a peninsula projecting due east 
 far into the Atlantic, and Cape Canaveral has undergone a 
 like change. The two rivers which unite to form Port Royal 
 flow, the one east and the other nearly west, in place of south 
 and south-east, as in Le Moyne, and the stream from the west 
 is a strait connecting the Atlantic with the Pacific. The River 
 of May rises in a western lake and flows due east, without 
 turning to the south or having any northern affluent, as in Le 
 Moyne. All of the names are in French, and the names of 
 the rivers are those given by Laudonniere, and follow in the 
 same order, with the exception of the " Belle a veoir," which 
 is omitted. They also correspond in name and order to 
 Ribaut's list, but include the Gironde, which he omits. The 
 "Montes Apalatci " of Le Moyne become the " Montagnei 
 
4^4 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Pallassi," but retain substantially the same position as in Le 
 Moyne's map. The Indian names, "Vlina," " Machiaca," 
 " Satvriona," " Oatchaqva," and " Catos," correspond to Le 
 Moyne's " Vtina," " Mathiaca," "Saturnva," "Oathkaqua," 
 and "Calos"; but are placed in different locations from those 
 given by Le Moyne, except for Satvriona and Catos, which 
 have the same position in both maps, Le Moyne's "lake of 
 the unseen shore " has been moved north and becomes the 
 western source of the River of May, but it is without any 
 legend. Le Moyne's " Sarrope " is " Sieropea, " and remains 
 in substantially the same position in both maps, but his 
 crescent-shaped lake and the lake of the gushing spring are 
 omitted. 
 
 These differences are too pronounced for the map to have 
 been based upon the Le Moyne map, to which With might have 
 had access prior to its publication by De Bry in 1591. The 
 supposition that the information was obtained from Ribaut's 
 relation published in 1563, and the maps Ribaut says he trans- 
 mitted with his report, is excluded, because the data therein 
 contained relate to his first voyage and the founding of Charles- 
 fort. Laudonniere's relation was first published in the follow- 
 ing year, 1586, and Le Challeux's Z)ist:ours, printed at Dieppe 
 in 1566, is not sufficiently definite in its descriptions of the 
 country. The evidence as a whole appears to point to an 
 independent French source for the new data given by the map, 
 to a person familiar with Laudonniere's exploration of the St, 
 John's, the escape of the Spaniards from the Caloosas, and the 
 report of the rivers seen by Ribaut on his first voyage. If 
 a suggestion may be ventured it is possible that the information 
 upon which With based his map, in so far as the Florida por- 
 tion of it is concerned, was furnished him by a member of 
 Laudonniere's colony who had escaped the massacre. The 
 name of the map-maker, John With, in place of John White, 
 as it is usually written, is here used in view of the lucid argu- 
 ment in its favour made by Mr, P, Lee Phillips in his " Virginia 
 Cartography, ' ' Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections^ Washing- 
 ton, 1896, p. 3. 
 
 (3,) Mercator (Gerard). " Virginiae item et Floridae Ameri- 
 
Appendix J 415 
 
 canae Provinciarum, nova descriptio." In Gerardi Mercatoric 
 Atlas stve costnographiae meditatioties de fabrica mufidi et fabri- 
 cati Jigura . . . auctus et illustratus a ludoco Hondio 
 . . . aditae . . . descriptiones novae; studio et opera 
 Pet. Montani. Dispensis Cornelli Nicolai Amsterodami, 1606, 
 p. 347. The legend affixed to the map says: " Verum nos 
 earn solummodo Floridre partem hie apposiuim* cujus pleniorem 
 notitiam habemus ex ipso autographo illius qui hanc nomine 
 regis Gallioe accuratissime descripsit." This probably refers 
 to Laudonniere's Histoire Notable, Paris, 1586, and put into 
 English by Hakluyt in the following year (1587), for the data 
 given in Ribaut's True and last discoverie of 1563 are insuffi- 
 cient to form the basis of a map. Le Moyne's map, however, 
 has very largely influenced him, for the Port Royal River is 
 reproduced as in the Le Moyne map; the Appalachian Moun- 
 tains with the lake and gushing spring, the lake to the south, 
 and the small lake Sarrope. But the River of May has become 
 much more tortuous. Its northerly arm now takes its rise in 
 the lake of the unseen shores, which is here placed immedi- 
 ately south-west of the mountains, while its south-westerly arm 
 has been changed into a small western extension without any 
 lake. In a word, while all of the main features of Le Moyne 
 have been retained, a transposition has taken place as to the 
 lake, and consequently in the direction of the course of the 
 River of May, which flows from it. 
 
 For the entire seventeenth century this map of Mercator be- 
 came the source from which the mapmakers drew all of their 
 information concerning the territory occupied by the French. 
 
 (4.) Hondius (Henricus) in his " Virginiae item et Floridae 
 Americae Provinciarum Nova Descriptio," 1633, reprints it 
 bodily. 
 
 (5.) Jansson (Joannes) in his "Virginiae partis australis, et 
 Floridae partis orientalis, interjacentiumq? regionum nova de- 
 scriptio " (In Le Noveau Theatre du Monde ou Novvel Atlas, 
 Amstelodami. Apud loan lanssonium, 1642, vol. iii., pt. 2) 
 puts it in a more finished dress. (6) Guillaume Bleau in 
 Le Theatre du Monde ou Novvel 4tlas, Mis en lumiere pa: 
 Gvillavme et lean Blaev. Segonde partie (Amsterdam, 7644). 
 
4i6 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Amerique, between pp. lo, ii ; (7) Joannes Blaeu in his Atlas 
 major, sive cosmographia Blaviana (Amst., J Blaeu, 1662) vol. 
 ii., "America," between pp. 41, 42, and in other editions; 
 (8) Carel Allard in his Atlas Minor (Amstelodami ex officina 
 Caroli Allard [1696?] No. 141); and (9) Gerard Valkand Peter 
 Schenk (Amstelodami), [17 10?], all reprint the map with the 
 same title and apparently from the same plates with an occa- 
 sional insignificant change of some of the lettering and the 
 addition or removal of an ornamental design. And (10) 
 Arnoldus Montanus in his De Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld 
 of Beschryving van America en t Zuid-land . . . Door Ar- 
 noldus Montanus (t' Amsterdam . . . 167 1) between pp. 
 142, 143 reproduces it with the same title in smaller size. 
 
 (ii.) Lescarbot (Marc), " Figure et description de la terra 
 reconue et habitee par les Franpois en la Floride et aude^a, 
 gisante par les 30, 31 et 32 degrez." De la main de M. Marc 
 Lescarbot. (In his Histoire de la Nouvelle France, Paris, 161 1, 
 facing p. 596.) This map, while very different in outline from 
 the Mercator of 1606, still plainly shows its influence. But 
 the " R. Loire " has extended northward until it takes its rise 
 in the lake of the gushing spring. The lake of the unseen 
 shores has moved farther north, and the " R. des Dauphins " 
 has at last found its source in Lake " Sarope." 
 
 (12.) Dudley (Robert), " La Florida," in Del V Arcano del 
 Mare, di D. Rvberto Dvdleo Dvca di Nortvmbria et conte di 
 Warvich. . . . Firenze . . . 1630. Dudley gives in 
 two instances Spanish equivalents for French names which 
 appear on Le Moyne's map, whose influence he shows. 
 
 (13.) Laet (Jean de), "Florida et Regiones Vicinae." 
 In V Histoire du Nouveau Monde ... Par le Sieur lean 
 de Laet ... A Leyde, 1640, p. 102, follows the 1606 
 Mercator. 
 
 (14.) Sanson d'Abbeville (N.), " Le Nouveau Mexique et 
 la Floride . . ." Paris . . . 1656. (This map was 
 republished in 1679 with a change in the date and an unim- 
 portant addition to the title.) This map shows the Mercator 
 influence as does (15) Du Val (P). "La Floride Fran9oise 
 Dress6e sur La Relation des Voyages que Ribaut, Laudonier, 
 
Appendix K 4^7 
 
 et Gourgues y ont faits en 1562, 1564 et 1567." Par P. Du 
 Val, G^ographe du Roy, in Diver ses Cartes et Tables pour la 
 Giographie Aticientie. ... Par P. Du Val . . . Paris 
 . . . 1665. And (16) Speed (John), "A New Descrip- 
 tion of Carolina," in The Theatre of the Empire of Great 
 Britain, by John Speed, London, 1676, between pp. 49, 50. 
 
 With the opening of the eighteenth century and the gradual 
 advance of the English to the south the country became better 
 known, as may be seen in (17) Guillaume de I'lsle's " Carte 
 du Mexique et de la Floride " of 1703, where the French 
 names begin to disappear and are replaced by Indian names 
 known to the English. But the influence of the Mercator map 
 continued to show itself, on occasion, far into the century, as in 
 (18) Nicolas de Fer's " Partie Meridionale de la Riviere du 
 Mississippi" of 17 18, where a "Riviere de Mai" still flows 
 from north to south, and in (19) Guillaume de I'lsle's 
 "Amerique Septentrionale" (Chez Covens & Mortier) of about 
 1730, and in (20) Johannes Keulen's " Pas Kaart van West 
 Indien, " of about 1735, where the French names for the rivers 
 are still retained. It may be said in conclusion that the Le 
 Moyne and Mercator maps and those of the preceding list give 
 the location of a great number of Indian villages mentioned in 
 the Relations; but they appear to be largely the result of mere 
 guesswork and quite undeserving of serious consideration until 
 better evidence of their accuracy can be secured than can be 
 commanded in the present state of our knowledge. 
 
 APPENDIX K 
 
 LA TERRE DES BRETONS 
 
 The Portuguese Portolano, dated 15 14 by Kunstmann and 
 1520 by Kohl {Discovery of Maine, p. 179), reproduced in 
 Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. iii., p. 56, shows Nova Scotia 
 with the legend: " Tera que foij descuberta por bertomas." 
 Ribero's chart of 1529, a section of which is reproduced in 
 Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. iv., p. 38, shows the legend 
 *' Trra de Breto " on the Nova Scotia coast. The legend on 
 
41 8 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 the mainland to the west of it reads: " Tiera de Esteva 
 Gomez la qual descubrio por mandado de su mag. el ano de 
 1525 " etc. The Miinster map of 1540 (See Narr. and Crit. 
 Hist. Am., vol. iii., p. 201, and iv., p. 41) shows Nova 
 Scotia with the legend: " C. Britonum, " and on the main- 
 land to the west, " Francisca." The section of the Ulpius 
 Globe of 1542, reproduced in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. 
 iv., pp. 42 and 82, shows the " Cavo de Brettoni " with the 
 legend appended to the mainland: " Verrazana sive Nova 
 Gallia aver razano fiorentino comperta anno sal, M.D." The 
 Henri II. map of 1546 by the Abbe Desceliers {Narr. and Crit. 
 Hist. Am., vol. iv., pp. 85, 86) shows Nova Scotia with the 
 legend: " Terre des Bretons." The map by the same author, 
 No. 9814 of the British Museum, dated 1550, and reproduced 
 in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. iv., p. 87, has the legend 
 " Tierra de los Bretones " on the mainland, west of what is 
 now Nova Scotia. The map in Baptista Agnese's Venetian 
 atlas of 1554 {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. iv., p. 90) shows 
 Nova Scotia with the legend: " Tarra de los bertoms," Rus- 
 celli in his map of 1561, reproduced in Narr. and Crit. Hist. 
 Am., vol. iv., p. 92, shows Nova Scotia with the legend: 
 " Tierra de los Breton." The sketch of the Des Liens map 
 of 1566 in Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. iv., p. 79, shows 
 Nova Scotia with the legend " Cap aux Bretons," and to the 
 west of it, on the continent: " La nouv. France." 
 
 APPENDIX L 
 
 PORTRAITS OF PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVIL^S 
 
 There is a copperplate engraving published in Retratos 
 de los Espanoles /lustres con un Epitome de sus Vidas. De Orden 
 Superior. En la Imprenta Real de Madrid. Siendo su Re- 
 gente D. Lazaro Gayguer. 1791." It is entitled: "Pedro 
 Menendez de Avil^s, Natural de Aviles en Asturias, Com- 
 endador de la orden de Santiago, Conquistador de la Florida, 
 nombrado Gral de la Armada contra Jnglaterra. Murio en 
 Santander A° 1574, a los 55, de edad." It is drawn by Josef 
 Camaron, and engraved by Franco de Paula Marte, 1791. It 
 
Appendix L 419 
 
 measures 23 x 17 cms. It is said in the Biblioteca Nacional, 
 Madrid, Sec. de Bellas Artes, Dibujos Originales, that the 
 portraits in this work are not all of ecjual authority. 
 
 This portrait, a reduced photogravure facsimile of which is 
 given in the frontispiece of this volume, has been frequently 
 reproduced in whole or in part. There is a copy in Rui- 
 diaz. La Florida, tomo i. Mr. Parkman has engraved the 
 head for his Pioneers of France in the New World. Dr. Shea 
 used the plate for his Charlevoix, and it also appears in Charles 
 B. Reynolds's Old St. Augustine (St. Augustine, Florida, 5th 
 Edit., p. 45). The head has also been reproduced in La 
 Llustracidn Espanola y Americana of Nov. 15, 1880, in La 
 Ilustracion Gallega y Asturiana, of March 10, 1879, and in 
 Duro's Armada Espafiola, tomo ii,, p. 214. It is apparent 
 that the date of the likeness is subsequent to January 19, 
 1568, at about which time he was appointed to the Com- 
 mandery of the Holy Cross of Zarza, the insignia of which, a 
 crimson cross in the shape of an antique sword, appears in the 
 portrait. (See p. 292, note 3, in this volume.) 
 
 Ruidiaz, in the preface to his La Florida (tomo i., p. 
 cxvii., note **) says that according to Canon Posada there was 
 a portrait of Aviles by Titian in the possession of the first Duke 
 of Almodovar del Rio. He also cites Pezuelo to the effect 
 that there was a good engraving by Coello made after an an- 
 cient portrait in the house of Dona Ana Antonia Suarez de 
 Gongora, ninth Adelantado of Florida. In the " Peticion de 
 Don Martin Menendez de Abiles, sobre que se le conceda 
 licencia para ir a Mexico y otras mercedes fundado en los 
 servicios prestados por sus antecesores " (Arch. Gen. de 
 Indias, Seville, est. 54, caj. 5, leg. 18) we learn that Philip 
 II. ordered the portrait of Pedro Menendez de Aviles to be 
 painted and placed in his gallery among those of other illus- 
 trious individuals and conquerors of provinces, and this may 
 be the above mentioned Titian portrait. 
 
 COAT OF ARMS OF PEDRO MENENDEZ DE AVILES 
 
 The Coat of Arms of Avilds is given by Ruidiaz in his La 
 Florida, tomo i., p. cxviii. It consists of a field gules on 
 
420 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 which is an armed vessel under sail with a cross on the main- 
 mast and a saw on the bow breaking a large chain suspended 
 between two castles (Vigil, Noticias, p. 15). This is in 
 allusion to a deed of an ancestor in an encounter with the 
 Moors on the Guadalquivir. 
 
 APPENDIX M 
 
 THE DEPOSITION OF JEAN MEMYN 
 
 Jean Memyn was from La Rochelle and was a member of 
 Ribaut's final expedition. He was made a prisoner on the 
 capture of Fort Caroline, but, coming to Spain with his captor, 
 escaped from him, and on October 16, 1566, made a deposi- 
 tion at the request of M. de Fourquevaux, the French Am- 
 bassador at Madrid. The deposition is a curious jumble of 
 fact and fancy. He says that on Ribaut's arrival in Florida 
 he was attacked by a combined fleet consisting of twenty-five 
 Spanish and Portuguese vessels from which Ribaut fled in his 
 six ships. Memyn gives a confused account of Ribaut's ship- 
 wreck; tells of the surprise of Fort Caroline, in which the 
 Portuguese were as many, if not more in number than 
 the Spaniards, and were the more cruel of the two; says the 
 women and children were sent to Puerto Rico; that 350 men 
 were killed in the attack on the fort and in a neighbouring 
 island, probably the Matanzas massacre, and that Ribaut's 
 beard was cut off to send to the King of Spain. He adds that 
 seventeen or eighteen sailors were alive and prisoners at Ha- 
 vana {Depeches de M. de Fourquevaux, tome i., pp. 131-133). 
 The curious feature in this relation is the gratuitous and whole- 
 sale importation of the Portuguese into the conquest, a state- 
 ment which so impressed Fourquevaux, that he again refers to 
 it in a subsequent letter of November 2, 1566, to the King. 
 
 APPENDIX N 
 
 THE CAPTURED FRENCH VESSELS 
 
 The six vessels captured at Fort Caroline by the Spaniards 
 were: (i) The one remaining ship of Laudonniere's fleet; (2) 
 
Appendix O 421 
 
 The vessel brought in by the mutineers; (3 and 4) Two small 
 shallops; (5) A galley on the stocks; (6) The vessel purchased 
 from Hawkins. It seems altogether probable from the Spanish 
 account, and in part from the French, that these six ships were 
 up the river, somewhere in the neighbourhood of the fort. 
 
 When Aviles attacked the fort he sank one of these vessels. 
 Laudonniere acknowledges {Histoire Notable, Basanier, p. 112; 
 Hak., vol. ii., p. 521) that he left the vessel purchased from 
 Hawkins behind. Le Moyne (De Bry, Brevis Nar ratio, p. 
 27) says that Laudonniere scuttled (i) his own ship and (6) 
 the vessel purchased from Hawkins. If we accept the assump- 
 tion that the ships which he scuttled were at Fort Caroline, it 
 is difficult to understand how Laudonniere could have accom- 
 plished it, considering his own story of liis escape; and if he 
 had really scuttled them he would have stated it in his ac- 
 count in order to palliate his defeat. Instead of so doing he 
 admits having abandoned one of them to the enemy and does 
 not mention the fate of the others. 
 
 Mendoza (" Relacion" in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 
 459) says there were six vessels in the river including two 
 which were at the river's mouth, four of which were captured 
 including the vessel sunk or disabled by Aviles. Thus the 
 evidence, although conflicting, has a tendency to confirm 
 Aviles's statement that five French ships were left behind. Of 
 Ribaut's fleet of seven vessels four were wrecked, one was 
 scuttled, and two returned to France. No reason can be 
 assigned for doubting the statement made by Aviles, and twice 
 repeated in his letter, that in addition to these five he found 
 two other boats stolen by the French. 
 
 APPENDIX O 
 
 THE OATH OF AVILES 
 
 Spanish Accounts— The First Massacre. — We have four 
 sources which repeat the terms offered by Aviles to the 
 French. The first is Aviles himself. In his letter of October 
 i5» 1565 (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 89), he writes that 
 
422 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Laudonniere's lieutenant "abiendo dado y tornado conraigo, 
 ofreciome que me entregarian las armas y se darian con que les 
 otorgase la vida. Respondile que las armas me podian rendir 
 y ponerse debaxo de mi gracia para que yo hiziese dellos 
 aquello que Nuestro Senor me ordenase; y de aqui no me 
 saco ni sacara, si Dios Nuestro Seiior no esperara en mi otra 
 cosa; y ansi se fue con esta respuesta," etc. 
 
 The second is Dr. Gonzalo Solis de Meras, his brother-in- 
 law. Meras (in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 114), after 
 repeating in substance the declaration of enmity which has 
 just been quoted in the text (p. 191 in this volume), follows it 
 immediately with the terms of the oath: " que si ellos querian 
 entregarle las banderas e las armas, e ponerse a su misericordia, 
 lo podian hacer, para que ^1 hiciera dellos lo que Dios le diese 
 de gracia, 6 que hiciesen lo que quisieren, que otras treguas 
 ni amistades no habian de hacer con el; y aunque el Capitan 
 Frances replico, no se pudo acabar otra cosa con el Adelan- 
 tado; e ansi se partio para su gente," etc. 
 
 The third is Barrientos (" Hechos," in Garcia, Dos Antiguas 
 Relacioties de la Florida, p. 64), who uses almost identically the 
 same language as Meras. After repeating the declaration of 
 enmity, he follows it immediately with the terms: "que si ellos 
 quisieren entregalle las banderas y armas, y ponerse a miseri- 
 cordia,lo podian hacer para q el haga lo q dios le diere de gracia; 
 o determinen lo que quieren: q otras treguas ni amista<des no 
 auian de hacer Con el: ansi no se pudo acauar Con el ade- 
 lantado otra cosa: partiose Con esto para su gente a decilles 
 lo que pasaua, " etc. 
 
 The fourth is the chaplain Mendoza (Ruidiaz, La Florida, 
 tomo ii., p. 464), who was a member of Aviles's council {ibid., 
 tomo ii., p. 454, "deputado para las consultas "), was present 
 at the massacre, and saved the lives of the Roman Catholics 
 among the Frenchmen. He says: "Vino un gentil-hombre 
 frances, sargento, y truxo un mensaje del real de los enemigos 
 en que pedian que se les otorgase la vida, y que rendirian las 
 armas y entregarian las personas; y despues de mucho parla- 
 mento entre el y nuestro buen General, respondio y dixo que 
 no les queria dar tal palabra, sino que truxesen las armas y sus 
 
Appendix O 423 
 
 personas para que ^1 hiziese a su voluntad; por que si 61 les 
 diese la vida queria que se lo agradeciesen; y si la muerte, 
 que no se quejasen de ab^rsela quebranto; visto que no podian 
 hazer otru cosa, se volvio a su real," etc. 
 
 The Second Massacre. — Aviles in the letter already 
 quoted (t'h'd., p. 102) says that Ribaut " sobre seguro enbio d 
 su Sargento mayor d hablar conmigo. . . . Respondile lo 
 que d los otros: que yo era enemigo suyo y tenia guerra con 
 ellos d fuego y sangre, por ser luteranos y por venir d plantar 
 d estas tierras de V. M. su mala secta y d doctrinar los yndios 
 della, y desenganarle que su fuerte teniamos ganado; que me 
 entregasen las banderas y las armas y se pusiesen debaxo de 
 mi gracia, para que hiziese de sus personas lo que quisiese, y 
 que otra cosa no avian de hazer ni acabar conmigo. Y avien- 
 dose ydo con este recado el Sargento mayor," etc. Meras, 
 who was present at this massacre, and was one of the two who 
 stabbed Jean Ribaut, says {t/>i(/., p. 123) that when Ribaut came 
 to treat of the terms " el Adelantado le respondio lo que a los 
 primeros franceses de que hizo hacer justicia, e dando e to- 
 mando con ^1, no pudo acabar otra cosa el Juan Ribao con el 
 Adelantado." Barrientos (t'did., p. 68) merely says that in the 
 interview with Ribaut " el adelantado le Respondio lo que a 
 los otros, y con el no pudo acauar otra cosa." 
 
 We have thus the concurrent testimony of Mendoza and of 
 Meras to the terms in which Aviles made his promise to the 
 French, one of them having been present at one massacre, 
 and the other at the other. The statement of Barrientos is 
 not of equal importance with that of the two just mentioned 
 -because he appears to have drawn his information for this part 
 of his history from a source common to himself and Meras. 
 It is difficult to imagine any connivance between Aviles, the 
 chaplain, and the brother-in-law to misrepresent the words 
 used, because it is not easy to conceive what motive there 
 could be for so doing. 
 
 French Accounts — Second Massacre. — We have but two 
 original accounts of the oath of Aviles from the French side, 
 and both of them relate to the second massacre. The first is 
 .that given by the Dieppe sailor and reported by Le Moyne, 
 
424 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 a translation of which appears in the text (p. 202 in this vol- 
 ume). The paragraph describing the promise in the original 
 is: " Ille Caillii oratione audita, non modo conceptis verbis 
 fidem Caillio dedit, quam repetitis multis crucis signis, osculo 
 sancitis, confirmavit, sed etiam juratam cora omni suorum 
 caterva, & scriptam suoq; sigillio obfirmatam tradere voluit, 
 per quam denuo jurabat, & poUicebatur, se sine fraude, fide- 
 liter, & ut virum nobilem atque probum decet Ribaldi at(|ue 
 militum ipsius vitam conservaturum: datae sunt igitur litterae 
 eleganter scriptse," etc. {Brevis Narratio, pp. 28, 29). 
 
 The second is that of Le Chaileux (" Histoire Memorable," 
 reprint in Gaffarel, pp. 474, 475), who has also preserved an 
 account of the same event, but does not positively state its 
 origin. As he ascribes the report of the mutilation of Ribaut's 
 body to the sailor Christophe le Breton, from Havre de Grace, 
 one of the persons saved from the massacre, it is possible that 
 he learned it from him. It is as follows: " Les deleguez [of 
 Ribaut] furent regus de prime face assez humainement. Le 
 capitaine de ceste compagnie espagnole, lequel se faisoit nom- 
 mer Vallemande, protesta en foy de gentilhomme, chevalier 
 et chrestien, de sa bienveillance envers les Fran9ois, mesme- 
 ment que c'estoit la fa?on qui avoit este de tout temps pra- 
 tiquee en la guerre que 1' Espagnole victorieux se contentast, 
 a I'endroit du Francois principalement, sans passer plus outre: 
 exhortant en truchement, afin q'tous fussent persuadez de ceste 
 belle promesse, que iamais il ne voudroit faire faire en ceste 
 endroit, de quoy les nations se puissent en apres ressentir, et 
 prestement fist accoustrer une barque," etc. Fourquevaux in 
 his letter to Charles IX. of July 5, 1566, says: "qu'il m'a est^ 
 diet que led. Menendes avoit receu vosd. subjectz la vie 
 sauve et promis de les fere mener en Espagne pour y attendre 
 Tadveu ou desadveu de Votred. Majeste " {Ddpeches, p. 93). 
 
 This is the evidence on the French side. Its characteristics 
 are that it reaches us indirectly, neither Le Moyne nor Le 
 Chaileux having been present at the massacre; that the two 
 sailors were not of a rank, nor in a position to be informed as 
 to what were the exact terms of the promise made by Avil^s 
 to Ribaut, but knew only the construction put upon it in the 
 
Appendix P 425 
 
 form in which it was announced to them. Stripped of all re- 
 ligious prejudice and racial hatred, the credibility of the two 
 contradictory accounts resolves itself into a question of the 
 relative weight of the evidence. On the one hand is the 
 direct testimony of Merds and Mendoza, each witness of one 
 of the massacres, each confirming the statement made by 
 Aviles, and each in a position which enabled him to obtain 
 correct information; and opposed to this, on the other hand, 
 are the two concurrent accounts, reaching us at second hand, 
 of two sailors, each present at the massacre, from which one 
 escaped, and where the other is pardoned, and neither of them 
 in a position to obtain direct information. Gaffarel in his 
 Histoire de la Floride Francaise (pp. 222, 223) accepts the 
 Spanish version as to the form of Aviles's promise at the first 
 massacre, and gives both versions of the promise made at the 
 second massacre {ibid., pp. 225, 226) without deciding between 
 the two. Parkman in his Pioneers of France in the New World 
 (pp. 137 and 142) accepts the Spanish version for both mas- 
 sacres, and adds: " That they contain an implied assurance of 
 mercy has been held, not only by Protestants, but by Catholics 
 and Spaniards"; and he cites in support of his statement 
 Salazar, Cricis del Ensayo, p. 23; and Padre Felipe Brief, Anales. 
 The theory has been advanced by Gaffarel (p. 225) that 
 Vallemande of Le Challeux was an officer of Aviles, upon 
 whom the Adelantado had imposed the burden of perjuring 
 himself in the Spanish interest. No corresponding name, or 
 one approximately like it, appears among the names of officers 
 of the conquest given by Barrientos or by Meras. Neither 
 was it in the nature of Aviles to compel another to do that 
 which he would not do himself. 
 
 APPENDIX P 
 
 THE DEATH OF RIBAUT 
 
 French Accounts. — Le Chalkux in his Histoire Memorable, 
 which was printed at Dieppe in 1566 {Narr. and Crit. Hist. 
 Am., vol. ii., p. 296) agrees substantially with the details given 
 
426 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 by Barrientos, as related in the text, except as to the nature of 
 the promise given by Aviles, — a subject which has already been 
 considered in Appendix O (p. 421 in this volume), — and as to 
 the subsequent treatment of Ribaut's body. He relates on 
 the authority of Christophe le Breton, a French sailor spared 
 by Aviles, and who on being sent to Seville, had escaped from 
 there to Dieppe, " et pour combler leur cruaute et barbarie: 
 ils ont rase la barbe du lieutenant du Roy, pour faire monstre 
 de leur expedition et Ton bien tost apres envoy^e a Civile, 
 et pour le trophee de leur renommee et victoire, d6- 
 membrerent le corps de ce bon et fidele serviteur du Roy, et 
 firent de sa teste quatre quartiers lesquels.ils ficherent en 
 quatre picques, et puis les planterent aux quatre coings du 
 fort" (reprint in Gaffarel, Hisi. de la Floride Fran^aise, p. 
 476). There is a simplicity and a ring of truth about the Le 
 Challeux Relation, the sincerity of which is confirmed by his 
 giving the source of this latter report. It will be noted, how- 
 ever, that the story comes through Le Breton, who had been 
 pardoned by the Spaniards, had been for a short time in their 
 service, and whose interest it was to appease the suspicions his 
 pardon would naturally excite among his compatriots by ex- 
 aggerating the ferocity of the Spaniards. 
 
 October i6th of the same year Jehan Memyn, a French 
 sailor also spared by the Spaniards and who had remained in 
 Florida for some time subsequent to Ribaut's death, deposed 
 that the Spaniards " coupperent plustost la barbe aud, cap"' 
 Ribbault disant la vouloir envoyer au Roy d'Espagne " 
 {^D^ptches de M. Fourquevaux^ p. 132), but says nothing of his 
 head being cut off. 
 
 The Requeste au Roy, the approximate date of which is 
 probably August, 1566 (see p. 318 in this volume), and 
 which is full of exaggeration, relates (reprint in Gaffarel, p. 
 478) that after Ribaut was killed " ledit soldat luy coupa la 
 teste, luy raza le poil de la barbe et partit la teste en quatre 
 quartiers, qui furent plantez sur quatre picques au milieu de 
 la place oti les Frangois estoyent morts. Finalement ledit 
 capitaine Hespagnol envoya une lettre au Roy d'Hespagne, 
 et fit enclore dedans ladite lettre le poil de la barbe dudit 
 
Appendix P 427 
 
 Ribaut. " It conveys the impression that all the women 
 and children were killed, which was incorrect. It says that 
 "seven or eight hundred" Frenchmen were killed. The 
 name of Pedro or Pero Menendez, as it was frequently written 
 in the Spanish of that time, is transformed to Pdtremclaud. 
 Finally, the description of Ribaut' s death has a curious re- 
 semblance to that given by Le Challeux, with the exception 
 that the head is now erected in a different place. And the 
 beard story is almost identical with that told by Memyn. The 
 Requesie breathes a spirit of intense excitement and a fierce 
 desire for revenge, which, however righteous it was, does not 
 inspire the reader with the conviction that the composition of 
 the Requeste was governed by a nice weighing of the truth of 
 the particular statements which it contains. As the number 
 of Frenchmen spared by the Spaniards was very few, and those 
 who finally escaped and returned to France were fewer still, 
 it is highly probable that the Requeste derived this information 
 from Le Challeux and Memyn. 
 
 La Popeliniere, in Les trots Motides (1582, liv. ii., p, 34), 
 reported that the Spaniards " escorcherent la peau du visage 
 avec la longue barbe de Ribaut, les yeux, le nez et oreilles, et 
 envoyerent ainsi le masque defigure au Perou, pour en faire 
 des montres. ' ' Lescarbot in his Histoire de la Nouvelle France 
 (1611, p. 120), relates that "after several tortures they cruelly 
 skinned him (contrary to all the laws of war that ever were) 
 and sent his skin to Europe." De Thou adds nothing further 
 to this catalogue of atrocities. 
 
 It thus appears that the only contemporary French evidence 
 which we have of the indignities inflicted on Ribaut's body is 
 that of Le Challeux and Memyn. It is to be noted that Bar- 
 rientos, who finished the writing of his history December 30, 
 1568, explicitly states that Ribaut's head was cut off, a fact 
 passed over by Meras and Aviles. When we bear in mind that 
 Philip spoke of the French in Florida as pirates and corsairs, 
 who should be treated as such, and recall the customs of that 
 age, there would be nothing unusual in the proceeding had 
 Aviles caused the head of a pirate to be cut off and exhibited 
 on the point of a spear at Fort St. Augustine. The legend of 
 
428 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 the shaven beard sent to Spain is too puerile to deserve con- 
 sideration. Avil^s was a nobleman of high rank and of 
 acknowledged courage, and the man who wrote the modest 
 and business-like reports of September and October would be 
 far above such pettiness. The French are an excitable people 
 of vivid imagination, and although of an eminently artistic 
 temperament, lose all sense of proportion the moment their 
 antipathy is aroused, and lend a willing ear to the wildest 
 rumours. The ready acceptance given within the last decade 
 to the reported correspondence of a German emperor with an 
 alleged spy furnishes us with a recent parallel. 
 
 Spanish Accounts of Ribaut's Death. — Vasalenque, 
 who appears to have been present on this occasion, for he 
 served in the company of Diego de Amaya which was sent to 
 the scene of the massacre by Aviles (Ruidiaz, La Florida^ 
 tomo ii., pp. 615 and 616), gives a somewhat different account 
 of the death of Ribaut. He relates that after a demonstration 
 of banners and music on each side, Jean Ribaut came over 
 alone, at about noon in an Indian canoe, " and the first thing 
 he did was to take off his sword and dagger, and some keys, 
 which he took out of his pocket and surrendered them and the 
 said fort to the said Adelantado; and the said Adelantado told 
 him that he had already captured the fort; and the said Juan 
 Ribao asked after his son, and the said Adelantado told him 
 he had escaped in a boat; and thereupon there was along 
 conversation between them alone; and after that the said 
 Adelantado said that the said Juan Ribao be given something 
 to eat, and it was given him; and wishing to return to his 
 people, for it was already late, he was given two bags of 
 biscuits and other things. And all that night there was a 
 great stir among the French, on account of which Pedro 
 Menendez and his soldiers remained under arms all night, 
 and at dawn all of the French came unarmed to the river 
 bank, asking to be taken across, and they were taken over 
 in boats; and when they had arrived where the said Pedro 
 Menendez was, they were given something to eat, and within 
 an hour they \i. e., the Spaniards] began to march with them 
 according to a certain command which the said Adelantado 
 
Appendix Q 429 
 
 gave, and on turning a point of land the Spanish soldiers be- 
 gan to cut off the heads of all of them, without one of them 
 escaping, nor the said Juan Ribao, except a few lads mechanics 
 of the said Juan Ribao and some calkers." This deposition 
 was made thirty years after the event (" Informacion de 
 algunos servicios prestados por el Adelantado Pedro Menendez 
 de Aviles," Mexico, 3 de Abril de 1595, in Ruidiaz, ibid., 
 tomo ii., pp. 615-617). 
 
 Silva in his letter to Philip II. of May 18, 1566 {Corre- 
 spondencia de Felipe II. con sus Enbajadores en la Corte de 
 Inglaterra 1538 d 1584, tomo ii., p. 319; English translation 
 in Spanish State Papers, 1^58-67, I. Elizabeth, 551), gives a 
 paragraph to the wreck of Ribaut and his death, as it was re- 
 lated to him by an English sailor who had been taken in a 
 vessel captured by Aviles before the Florida incident, and 
 who claimed to have been present at the death of Ribaut. 
 
 APPENDIX Q 
 
 THE SITUATION OF AVILES AT THE TIME OF THE MASSACRE 
 
 Philip II., in his letter to Alava of February 23, 1566 (MS. 
 Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1505 (75), fol. 2b), tells him that when 
 Fourquevaux complained "that a great cruelty had been com- 
 mitted in putting so many soldiers to the knife after they had 
 surrendered," one of the explanations given him in extenua- 
 tion of the act of Aviles was the following: " In no other way 
 in the world could Pero Menendez secure himself against the 
 said pirates than in the way he did, for he had nothing to give 
 them to eat, and if he had so done, his own people would have 
 perished and died of hunger; besides, being as they were so 
 many French, and those of Menendez so few, he could place 
 them nowhere, where he and his people could be safe, and 
 that besides Pero Menendez was obliged to go to other parts, 
 and necessarily was compelled to leave part of his people in 
 the fort. And leaving the French, who were so many more in 
 number, with them, it was evident they would kill our people 
 and take the fort. And as to putting them in the ships, they 
 
430 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 would not hold them, because they were so small, neither 
 could he go away in safety. That as to giving them ships in 
 which to go to France, he had none, and even should he have 
 had them, it would evidently be providing them with ships 
 and facility to disturb him elsewhere." See also Ruidiaz's 
 observations in La Florida^ tomo i., pp. clxxvi.-clxxvii. 
 
 Relative Number of the French and Spaniards. — 
 Aviles, in his letter of October 15, 1565 (Ruidiaz, La Florida^ 
 tomo ii., pp. 88, 102), sets the minimum number of French- 
 men who escaped from the wreck of Ribaut's fleet at 440. 
 Meras, in his " Jornadas " {ibid.^ tomo i., pp. 116, 121), says 
 558. The total number of the French, at the lowest estimate, 
 including the 50 women and children saved (letter of Octo- 
 ber 15, 1565, ibid., p. 87) and the few prisoners spared at Fort 
 Caroline, was 500, of whom over 440 were men. Aviles in his 
 letter of September 11, 1565 {ibid., tomo ii., p. 75) gives 800 
 as the total number of the Spaniards, of whom 500 were sol- 
 diers and 200 sailors. The sailors must necessarily have re- 
 mained with the fleet. Of the 500 soldiers, 300 were already 
 in garrison at San Mateo (Meras, in Ruidiaz, ibid., tomo i., p. 
 104) and in November, subsequent to the massacre, 200 were 
 left at Ays (Aviles to Philip II,, December 5, 1565, ibid, tomo 
 ii., p. 107). 
 
 The Food-Supply. — Aviles, in his letter of September 11, 
 1565 (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 79), wrote that he had 
 sufficient biscuit to last him till December, but that he could 
 make it go through January. In his letter of October 15, 
 1565 {ibid., tomo ii., p. 104), he says: "With the burning of 
 the fort we are suffering very greatly from hunger, because 
 the meal was burnt up, and the biscuit I landed here is spoil- 
 ing and being consumed, and unless we are succoured very 
 shortly we will be in suffering and many will depart this world 
 from starvation." Meras states (in ibid., tomo i., p. 178) that 
 after the burning of Fort Caroline over a hundred casks of 
 flour still remained, and although many of the soldiers volun- 
 tarily reduced their rations, the supply was exhausted by the 
 middle of February. The news of the burning of the exten- 
 sive food-supply captured from the French at Fort Caroline 
 
Appendix R 431 
 
 here referred to reached Avil^s in the interval between the 
 first and the second massacres. 
 
 Ships. — In the interview preceding the first massacre, when 
 Aviles was asked to furnish a ship to convey the French back 
 to France, he made the following answer, according to Merds 
 (in ibid., tomo i., p. 113): " That he would gladly do so were 
 they Catholics and had he ships for such a purpose, but that 
 he did not have them, for he had sent two to San Mateo with 
 the artillery and to transport the French women and the chil- 
 dren to Santo Domingo, and to obtain supplies; and the other 
 was to go with dispatches to His Majesty of what had so far 
 occurred in these parts." He does not mention the San 
 Felayo and the San Salvador, which had sailed some time 
 previously. The reply was, however, disingenuous, to say the 
 least, for according to his own statement he had found eight 
 vessels at Fort Caroline (letter of October 15, 1565, ibid.^ 
 tomo ii., pp. 90, 91), of which two or three at the least were 
 available. 
 
 APPENDIX R 
 
 Juan Lopez de Y qIslsco {Geografiay JDescrtpciJn Universal 
 de las Indias, ijy 1-1^74, Madrid, 1894, p. 167) places "el Rio 
 Asis " in 27 degrees north latitude, south of Cape Canaveral. 
 Hernando de Escalante Fontanedo refers to the "Ais" Indians 
 and the " coast of Ais " in his " Memoria " {Col. Doc. Inedit. 
 Indias, tomo v., pp. 541-543). He mentions Mayaca and 
 Mayajuaca as in the country of Ays, in the direction of Cape 
 Canaveral (pp. 540, 545). His account was written in Spain 
 about 1575 {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 291, 
 note i). Herrera, in his ** Descripci6n de las Indias" (in his 
 Decadas, Madrid, 1730, tomo i., cap. viii., p. 15), places it 
 south of Cape Canaveral and mentions the settlement made 
 there by Aviles. Barcia, in his Ensayo (Afio MDLXVI., p. 
 118), places it twenty leagues up the St. John's, beyond Ma- 
 coya, possibly the Mayaca of Fontanedo. In this he merely 
 
432 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 copies the statement made by Merds (in Ruidiaz, La Florida^ 
 tomo i., p. 253). Brinton, in his Notes on the Floridian Penin- 
 sula (Philadelphia, 1859, p. 116, note 3), questions Barcia's 
 statement, saying " distances given by the Spanish historians 
 are often mere guesses, quite untrustworthy." 
 
 There can be no doubt that the Rio de Ays, Ais, Is, Ys, 
 Days, Asis, Aiz, is Indian River. William Roberts, in his 
 History of Florida (London, 1763, p. 22), mentions the " Rio 
 de Ays, three leagues north of Rio Santa Cruz," which he 
 also calls Santa Lucia on the same page, " and in latitude 27 
 deg. 45 min.," etc. William Stork in A Description of East- 
 Florida (London, 3d ed., 1769, p. 10), says, "We are as yet 
 unacquainted with the sources ... of Hillsborough River; 
 it is generally believed to have a communication with an In- 
 dian inlet, called by the Spaniards Rio Days, sixty miles to 
 the south, where there is such another harbour as Musquito, 
 with eight feet water; it is said to communicate with St. John's 
 River." Bernard Romans, in his A concise Natural History 
 of East and West Florida (New York, 1775, vol. i., p. 2), says: 
 " On the East side [of Florida] is . . . the Lagoon, 
 known by the name of Aisa Hatcha, Rio d'ais or Indian 
 River" (see also p. 282) and on p. 273 he refers to the names 
 of South-hillsborough and Hysweestake given it by De Brahm. 
 Both he (p. 273) and Brinton {Floridian Peninsula, p. 116) 
 derive the name from a native word, aisa, deer. Grant Forbes, 
 in his Sketches, Historical and Topographical, of the Floridas 
 (New York, 1821, p. 93), says " the lagoon of Aise or Indian 
 River" and on p. 102 he quotes Romans on the "Aisa 
 Hatcha." George William Lee in his Florida (New York, 
 1857, p. 51), says "Indian River . . . formerly called 
 Ys." George R. Fairbanks in his History of St. Augustine 
 (New York, 1858, p. 125) says "Indian River was the pro- 
 vince of Ys." Daniel G. Brinton, in his Floridian Peninsula 
 (Philadelphia, 1859, p. 116) is disposed to think "Ais" was 
 the northern extremity of the province of Tegesta, in which 
 he is probably mistaken. He adds: " The residence of the 
 chief was near Cape Canaveral, probably on Indian River." 
 Barnard Shipp, in his Hernando de Soto and Florida (Phila- 
 
Appendix R 433 
 
 delphia, 1881, p. 560) says " Province of Ais or St. Lucia," 
 but in his note, p. 587, he incorrectly locates it at the southern 
 extremity of the peninsula. 
 
 Albert S. Gatschet in his " The Timucua Language" {Pro- 
 ceedings of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 
 1880, vol. xviii., p. 469) says "the northern portion of this 
 section of land [/. e., of the " Province of Tequesta," which he 
 locates south of Cape Canaveral] was called in later epochs Ais, 
 Ays, Is, and Santa Lucia by the Spaniards. Ais is interpreted 
 by aisa, deer, a term not belonging to the Timucua language, 
 but identifiable with itcho, deer, in Seminole, or itchi, itche in 
 Hitchiti and Mikasuke." In his Migration Legend of the 
 Creek Indians (Philadelphia, 1884, vol. i., p. 12) he adheres to 
 the same location and places the "Ais " Indians " from Cape 
 Canaveral, where the Spaniards had the post Santa Lucia, to a 
 lagoon once called Aisahatcha. " " They formed the northern 
 portion of the Tequesta domains " (p. 15). It is to be noted, 
 however, that Santa Lucia was not at Cape Canaveral, but 
 south of it at the second inlet into the Rio de Ais. In this 
 respect Williams in his Florida (pp. 52, 53) observes that In- 
 dian Lagoon undergoes frequent changes. (See Appendix S, 
 Santa Lucia.) It is to be observed that most of the authori- 
 ties quoted subsequent to Romans base their conclusions on 
 and quote liberally from him, with and without acknowledging 
 their source. 
 
 Ays appears on the following maps: " Derrotero util y pro- 
 vechoso y en todo verdadero de Rios, canos, lagunas, montes, 
 poblaciones, envarcaderos, baradereos, rancherias, el qual 
 reza desde la ciudad de San Agustin hasta la varra de Ais por 
 Albaro Mexia." MS. Arch., Gen. de Indias, Seville, Patro- 
 nato, est. i, caj. i, leg. 1/19, ramo 29. It is accompanied by 
 a Relation of 1605 in which "Aiz el biejo " is situated on the 
 northern extremity of what is probably Hutchinson Island, 
 between the lagoon and the sea. " Mapa de la Florida y 
 Laguna de Maimi donde se ha de hacer un fuerte." MS. 
 Undated, (1595-1600?), Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 145, 
 caj. 7, leg. 7. In this "Ais " is shown as a lagoon. Jean de 
 Laet, "Florida et Regiones Vicinae," in his L'Histoire dv 
 
434 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Nouveau Monde, Leyde, 1640, between pp. 102, 103. In this 
 " R Ayz " is shown as a lagoon. loannes Jansson, "America 
 Septentrionalis, " in his Niievo Atlas, Amsterdam, 1653, vol. 
 ii. In this it appears as " Enseada \sic\ de Ays." Nicolas 
 Bellin, "Carte reduite des Costes de la Louisiane et de la 
 Floride," 1764. In this the " R. de Ays" is shown approxi- 
 mately correct in position. Fernando Martinez, "Descripcion 
 geographica de la parte que los Espaholes poseen actualmente 
 en el continente de la Florida," 1765. Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 
 i7,648A, and in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., between pp. 
 xliii., xliv. In this " Rio Ais " is shown as a river and not as 
 a lagoon. Thomas Jefferys, "The Peninsula and Gulf of 
 Florida or Channel of Bahama with the Bahama Islands," 
 1775, i^ t^^ North American Atlas, London, 1777, No. 34. 
 Bernard Romans, "The Seat of War in the South British 
 Colonies," 1776, in The American Military Pocket Atlas, 
 London (1776), No. 5. John Andrews, "A New Map of 
 the British Colonies in North America . . ," 1777. 
 Pownall, "A New Map of North America with the West India 
 Islands . . ," 1783. All of these three show "Ays 
 Inlet." Tomas Lopez, map of Florida, inset to his " Piano 
 de la Ciudad y Puerto de San Agustin de la Florida," 1783. 
 In this it is shown as " Barra de Ays." George Frederic 
 Lotter, "A New and Correct Map of North America with 
 the West India Islands . . ," 1784. This shows "Ays 
 Inlet" into the "St. Lucia R." Joseph Purcell, "A Map 
 of the States of Virginia . . . comprehending the Spanish 
 Provinces of East and West Florida. . . ," 1792. This 
 shows "Rio Ays or Indian R." John Walsh, " Tabvla 
 Geographica maximae partis Ameriae Mediae sive Indise Occi- 
 dentalis," 1798. This shows " River Ays od. Indian." 
 
 APPENDIX S 
 
 SANTA LUCIA 
 
 The Spaniards named this settlement Santa Lucia (Merds 
 in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 169). The name is pre- 
 
Appendix S 435 
 
 served in that of the St. Lucia River, called on some maps Rio 
 Santa Cruz, and " river of St. Luz," probably an abbreviation 
 of Santa Lucia, according to Roberts {^History of Florida, 
 London, 1763, pp. 22, 286), who places it three leagues south 
 of the " Rio de Ays" (p. 22). It is to be noted, however, that 
 the inlets between the sea and Indian River (Ays) have been 
 subject to many changes in the past. John Lee Williams in 
 his Florida (New York, 1837, p. 43, and see p. 51), says: "A 
 few years since the high waters of St. Lucia River forced a 
 passage through the coast at a place called the Gap." "Jupiter 
 Inlet has opened and closed three times within seventy years " 
 (PP- 52, 53), and: " There is every reason to believe that at 
 some period [Indian Lagoon] discharged a great column of 
 water at Cape Canaveral" {ibid.). "St, Lucia Island was 
 formerly connected with Jupiter. . . . In 183 1 a mile in 
 front of the north end of the island was torn away by storms" 
 (p. 43). The name of " New Inlet" opening into " Sharks 
 Head and Tail River" (Lake Worth?) in Thomas Jefferys's 
 map of "East Florida" appended to A Description of Fast 
 Florida hy V^\\\\3im Stork, 3rd edition, London, 1769, indicates 
 a recent inroad of the sea similar to that mentioned by Wil- 
 liams. In the Mexia map referred to below there was a second 
 inlet to the Matanzas River, named Barreta de Ribao, south 
 of the present Matanzas Inlet. Bernard Romans {A concise 
 Natural History of Fast ajid West Florida, New York, 1775, 
 vol. i., pp. 34, 284-286) merely describes the river and has 
 nothing of interest to add. 
 
 The cartography is somewhat curious. In Mexia's map of 
 1605 (MS, Arch. Gen, de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est, i, 
 caj, I, leg, 1/19, ramo 29) the name of " Rio de Sta, Luzia" is 
 given to the lagoon between the " Barra de Ays," Indian 
 River Inlet, and Gilbert's Bar, " S iozia" appears on " Mapa 
 de la Florida y Laguna de Maimi done se ha de hacer un 
 fuerte " (MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 145, caj. 7, 
 leg. 7. Undated, 1595-1600?), south of "Ays" lagoon, and 
 is probably intended for S. Iozia, i. e., Santa Lucia, Guil- 
 laume Blaeu, " Insulse Americanse in Oceano Septentrionalis 
 cum Terris adiacentibus " (in Le Theatre dv Monde ou Nowel 
 
43^ The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Atlas, Mis en lumiere par Gvillavme & lean Blaev. Segonde 
 Partie. A Amsterdam Chez lean Blaev. 1644. Amerique, 
 pp. 5, 6) has a " p** S. Luzia" which reoccurs in the majority 
 of the Dutch, French, and Spanish maps. The latest of these 
 is Mentelle et Chanlaire, " Carte de la Floride et de la 
 Georgie," in Atlas Universelle de Geographie Physique et 
 Politique, Paris, An six de la Republique [1798]. The 
 name was probably applied to Cape Malabar. John Senex, 
 "A New Map of the English Empire in America," etc., 1719 
 (in A New General Atlas . . . London, 17 19), places 
 " S. Lucia" at the southern extremity of the peninsula. 
 Covens et Mortier, "Archipelague du Mexique ou sont les 
 Isles de Cuba," etc. {ca. 1757?), has " S. Lucia" on the west 
 coast. Nicolas Bellin, " Carte reduite des Costes de la 
 Louisiane et de la Floride," 1764, has " R S'^ Lucie" in an 
 approximately correct position. Fernando Martinez, " De- 
 scripcion Geographica de la parte que los Espaiioles poseen 
 actualmente en el continente de la Florida," 1765 (Brit. Mus. 
 Add. MSS. 1 7, 648 A, and in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., be- 
 tween pp. xliii., xliv.) has "Rio S'* Lucia." Pownall's "A 
 New Map of North America with the West India Islands 
 . . ." 1783. George Frederic Lotter, "A New and Cor- 
 rect Map of North America with the West India Islands," 
 1784, and Laurie and Whittle, " West Indies," 1794, all have 
 "St. Lucia" as a river. 
 
 APPENDIX T 
 
 CALOOSA 
 
 For the early accounts of the Caloosas and their country 
 see: " Memoria de las cosas y costa y indios de la Florida" 
 , . por Hernando de Escalante Fontanedo. Col. Doc. 
 
 Inedit. Indias, tomo v., pp. 532, 535, 538, 539, in which a list 
 of the names of the Caloosa villages is given. Ternaux-Com- 
 pans's translation in Recueil de Pieces sur la Floride (Paris, 
 1841, p, 13) is inaccurate, and Barnard Shipp's English trans- 
 lation in his Hernando de Soto and Florida (Philadelphia, 1881), 
 
Appendix T 437 
 
 which is apparently based on that of Temaux-Compans, is 
 incomplete, see p. 584, where he omits an entire sentence, 
 which he supplies in a note with the Temaux-Compans render- 
 ing added. Le Moyne in De Bry's Brevis Narratio, Franco- 
 forti ad Moenum, 1591, p. 17. Histoire Notable, Basanier, 
 Paris, 1586, pp. 72-74; English translation in Hakluyi, Edin- 
 burgh, 1889, vol. ii., pp. 481-483. Geogra/ia de las Indias per 
 Juan Ldpez de Velasco, 1571-1574, Madrid, 1894, p. 164. 
 Barrientos, " Vida y Hechos," in Dos Antiguas Relaciones de 
 la Florida, Genaro Garcia, Mexico, 1902, pp. 87-95. Merds, 
 " Jornadas " in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., pp. 149-168. 
 Herrera in his " Descripcion de las Indias" {Decadas, 
 Madrid, 1730, cap. viii., tomo i., p. 15), refers only to Carlos 
 Bay. 
 
 The recent history is given in: History of Florida, by Wil- 
 liam Roberts, London, 1763, p. 17. A concise Natural History 
 of East and West Florida, by Captain Bernard Romans, New 
 York, 1775, vol. i., pp. 289, 290, 291. Appendix, p. Ixxvi. 
 et seq. Captain Romans's history, of which only the first vol- 
 ume was ever published, is the source from which most subse- 
 quent writers have derived their information, journal of 
 Andrew Ellicott, Philadelphia, 1814, pp. 246, 247. Forbes's 
 Florida, New York, 1821, pp. 100, 108. Observations upon the 
 Floridas, by Charles Vignoles, New York, 1823, pp. 53, 81. 
 John Lee Williams's Florida, New York, 1837, pp. 25, 32, 36. 
 Daniel G. Brinton's Notes on the Floridian Peninsula, Phila- 
 delphia, 1859, pp. 112, 113. A Migration Legend of the Creek 
 Lndians, by Albert S. Gatschet, Philadelphia, 1884, vol. i., p. 
 13. " Indian Linguistic Families" by J. W. Powell, 7/// Arm. 
 Rep. Bu. Ethn., 1 885-1 886, p. 123. 
 
 Caloosa is shown in the following maps; John With's map, 
 1585, in the Century Magazine, vol. xxv., pp. 66, 67. The 
 name "Catos," probably intended for "Calos," appears on the 
 southern end of the peninsula. Le Moyne's map in De Bry, 
 1591, previously cited. Guillaume de ITsle, "Carte de la 
 Louisiane et du Cours du Mississipi " (1718?) shows " Les 
 Carlos Antropophages " correctly located. John Senex, "A 
 Map of Louisiana and the River Mississipi " (in A New 
 
438 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 General Atlas, etc., London, 17 19), is probably copied from 
 De risle and shows "The Carlos Man-eaters." Matthaeus 
 Seutter, " Mappa Geographica Regionem Mexicanam et 
 Floridam Terrasque adjacentes ut et Anteriores Americae In- 
 sulas," etc., 1 731-1760. Johann Baptista Homann, "Am- 
 plissima regionis Mississipi seu Provinciae Ludovicianae," 
 etc. (1763), and his " Regni Mexicani seu Novae Hispaniae 
 , , . Tabula" (1763, m Alias Geographicus Major, Norim- 
 bergae, 1763, Nos. 139 and 147), both show " Les Carlos" in 
 about the correct location. Fernando Martinez, " Descrip- 
 cion geographica de la parte que los Espanoles poseen actual- 
 mente en el continente de la Florida" (1765, Brit. Mus. 
 Add. MSS. 1 7, 648 A, and in Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., be- 
 tween pp. xliii., xliv). Jn°. Cary, " The West Indies," 1783, 
 and Joseph Purcell, "A Map of the States of Virginia, , . . 
 comprehending the Spanish Provinces of East and West 
 Florida," 1792, both show "Carlos" island. See also Spanish 
 Settlements, 1513-1561, p. 441, Appendix G, "The Bay of 
 Juan Ponce." 
 
 APPENDIX U 
 
 SAN FELIPE 
 
 Barrientos in Garcia, Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida^ 
 p, 179) says San Felipe was " En Vna ysla de quatro leguas 
 Estando de la baRa Vna legua. " Velasco in his 
 Geografia de las Indias, 1^71-1^74, p. 161, says San Felipe 
 was the island settled by the French five years before and 
 abandoned by them when they learned of the victory of 
 Avilds. But there was no French settlement at Santa Elena 
 prior or subsequent to that of Charlesfort in 1562, to which it 
 is possible that he refers. It is noticeable that Pardo, who 
 went to Cufitatchiqui on the Savannah twice, once across coun- 
 try and once along the coast, mentions no large river between 
 it and San Felipe from where he started (see pp. 275, 294, 445, 
 in this volume). Aviles, in his letter to Philip II. of October 
 15, 1565, written before he had visited the locality (see p. 401 
 
Appendix U 439 
 
 in this volume), placed Santa Elena fifty leagues from St. 
 Augustine, "and in a distance of three leagues it has three 
 ports and rivers, and the largest has six fathoms of water and 
 the other four admirable harbours; and that which we call 
 Santa Elena, which is the third where the French are, is very 
 bad, and all three can be navigated inside from one to the 
 other." 
 
 In the " Relacion de la Costa de la Florida" of Joan de 
 Herrera of 1576, forming part of the Derrotero hecho Por el 
 ynsigne y sabido piloto ysidro de la puebla . . . 1578 
 (Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, MSS. 4541, fol. 87), the 
 writer, after giving the latitudes of St, Augustine in 29°, of 
 San Mateo in 30°, of Santa Elena in 32°, and of Guale, 
 "which is between San Mateo and Santa Elena," in 32° 20', 
 "according to the Reportorio \sic\ of Chabes," continues 
 "from Santa Elena to the north-east is the Point of Santa 
 Elena itself, and it is an island in itself, for the sea washes 
 between it and the land. ... To the north-east of the 
 cape of Santa Elena is a very good river . . . and these 
 shoals extend fully three leagues from the land into the sea. 
 . . . It has three or four entrances. ... In the midst 
 [medio] of the bay you will find within it an island in the 
 middle [en mitad] of the river which is like a galley. . . . 
 To reach the port you must hug the east shore; there is a shoal 
 there, along which the waves break, for in the morning by the 
 full tide (?) and by the roar of the water the current tells you 
 where the bottom lies until you see the houses. To the north- 
 east of the Cape of Santa Elena is another river, which has a 
 good bar, where is the first Indian village . . . and there 
 is a beech beyond, the which is a sweet water river. And the 
 land is more than fifteen leagues, more than any of these 
 rivers. And between one river and the other there are many 
 shoals. . . . This river of sweet water, which is in 32° 20' 
 largos for the River Jordan the coast runs east north-east. 
 . . . From here to the River Jordan is the same east 
 north-east coast. . . . Four leagues beyond the River 
 Jordan is a sand bar which projects into the sea (sale a la 
 mar) nine leagues, all white water." 
 
440 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Mr. Herbert C. Graves, of the Coast and Geodetic Survey, 
 to whom Herrera's description was submitted for his opinion, 
 identifies the Punta de Santa Elena with Hilton Head, in view 
 of J. G. Kohl, "A History of the Discovery of the Coast of 
 North America," vol. i., pp. 309, 399 {Collection of the Maine 
 Historical Society, 2nd series), the Ribero map of 1529, facing 
 p. 299, Winsor, Narr. a?id Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., pp. 256, 
 260, and Le Moyne's map on p. 274. Mr. O. H. Tittmann, 
 Superintendent of the Coast and Geodetic Survey, through 
 whose kindly assistance the report of Mr. Graves was ob- 
 tained, adds that " Herrera's description and sailing direc- 
 tions answer well to Port Royal and its entrance, and Hilton 
 Head then follows of necessity as Cape St. Helena." 
 
 It appears highly probable that the Point of Santa Elena 
 was Hilton Head, and that San Felipe was therefore in the 
 immediate neighbourhood of Charlesfort. As bearing on this 
 conclusion, Mr. Graves calls attention in his report to the 
 similarity of Herrera's galley-shaped island to that of the 
 largest of the islands shown on Le Moyne's map at Portus 
 Regalis, although it should not be forgotten that Le Moyne 
 did not himself visit this region. The Fort of San Felipe may 
 have been on St. Phillip's Island or perhaps on Paris Island. 
 
 APPENDIX V 
 
 After describing the island of Metacumbe at the northern 
 extremity of the Martyr Islands (the Florida Keys) Velasco 
 writes {Geografia de las Indias, 1571-1574, Madrid, 1894, p. 
 166): " En la mesma punta de Tequesta, entra en la mar un 
 rio dulce, que viene de la tierra adentro y al parecer corre del 
 oeste al leste . . . junto a el, de la parte del norte, est4 
 el pueblo de indios que se dice Tequesta, de donde se dice asi 
 la punta; poblose aqui un pueblo de Espanoles ano de 67, que 
 despues se despoblo ano de 70. . . . La Costa va cor- 
 riendo desde Tequesta al norte, declinando al norueste hasta 
 ponerse en 27 grados: desde la dicha punta hasta rio Dulce 
 
Appendix V 441 
 
 que serdn seis leguas, hay tres islas al lungo de la costa norte 
 sur, que tendran todas tres de largo las dichas seis leguas," 
 Fontanedo (" Memoria, " Col. Doc. Inedit IndiaSy tomo v., 
 p. 534) writing in 1575 {N'arr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 
 291, note i), says: " Voy i. lo que trataba del cabo de las islas 
 de los Martires hdcia el Norte. Fenecen estas islas junto a 
 un lugar de indios, que han por nombre Teguesta, ([ue estd d, 
 un lado de un rio que entra hacia la tierra dentro; este rio 
 corre hasta quince leguas, y sale a otra laguna, que dicen 
 algunos indios que la han andado mas que yo, que es un brazo 
 de la laguna de Mayaimi." 
 
 Romans in his A concise Natural History of East and West 
 Florida (New York, 1775, vol. i., pp. 296 and 299) knows 
 nothing of the name Tegesta, and ridicules De Brahm's use of 
 the name in his Atlantic Pilot (London, 1772). Forbes, in his 
 Florida (New York, 1821, p. 103), applies the name Tegesta 
 to the southern extremity of the peninsula. Brinton in his 
 Notes on the Floridian Peninsula (Philadelphia, 1859, p. 112) 
 places the province of Tegesta at the southern extremity of 
 the peninsula, and (p. 116) speaks of it as a part of the pro- 
 vince of "Ais," in which he is followed by Albert S. Gatschet 
 in his Migration Legend of the Creek Indians (Philadelphia, 
 1884, vol, i,, p. 15), who places the village of Tequesta "on 
 a river coming from Lake Mayaimi." J. W. Powell in his 
 "Indian Linguistic Families" {yth Ann. Rep. Bu. Ethn., p. 
 123) is even less definite. 
 
 It is to be noted that both the descriptions of Fontanedo 
 and Velasco mention a point of land with three islands at the 
 head of the Florida Keys and a river of sweet water flowing 
 east and west from an arm of Lake Miami, They point with 
 much probability to Biscayne Bay and Miami River, the large 
 river of sweet water flowing east and west in that neighbour- 
 hood, and which finds its source in a sweet water lagoon in the 
 interior. Snake River, to the north of it, does not flow in the 
 same direction, although it is also a sweet-water river. 
 
 In the maps the name "Province of Tegesta" has been 
 applied at different times to the southern extremity of the 
 peninsula, to its northern part, and to the entire peninsula. 
 
442 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 The most interesting and typical of these maps are: Jean de 
 Laet, " Florida et Regiones Vicinae," 1640, in his LHistoire dv 
 Nouveau Monde, Leyde, 1640, between pp. 102, 103. loannes 
 Jansson, "America Septentrionalis," in his Nuevo Atlas, 
 Amsterdam, 1653, vol. ii. Sanson d' Abbeville, " Le Nouveau 
 Mexique et la Floride," 1679. Nicolaus Visscher, " Insulae 
 Americanse in Oceano Septentrionali," etc. (1680?), in his 
 Atlas Minor, Amst. All four of these maps give " Tegesta 
 Provincia." Edward Wells, "A New Map of North America," 
 etc. (in his A New Sett of Maps both of Antient and Present 
 Geography, Oxford, 1701), shows the " Peninsula of Tegesta." 
 Matthieu Albert Lotter, " Carte Nouvelle de I'Amerique 
 Angloise," etc., 1720 (?) shows " Tegeste " applied to part of 
 the peninsula. Matthaeus Seutter, " Novus Orbis," etc., 1725- 
 1760. Renier & Ottens, " Insulae Americanse," etc., 1730 (?) 
 Matthaeus Seutter, " Mappa Geographica Regionem Mexi- 
 canam et Floridam," etc., 1 731-1760. All three of these 
 maps show "Tegesta Prov." Covens et Mortier, "Archi- 
 pelague du Mexique ou sont les Isles de Cuba," etc., ca. 1757, 
 shows "Tegeste Province." Johann Baptista Homann, 
 " Totius Americse Septentrionalis et Meridionalis," etc., 1765, 
 shows the name " Tegesta Provincia," applied to the southern 
 end of the peninsula. Johann Baptista Homann, " Regni 
 Mexicani seu Novse Hispanias," etc., 1763, shows "Tegesta 
 Prov." Fernando Martinez, " Descripcion Geographica de 
 la parte que los Espanoles poseen actualmente en el continente 
 de la Florida," 1765 (Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 17,468, and in 
 Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i.), has the legend: " Tequesta 
 que oy se dicen Indios Costas." John Grear de Brahm, 
 " The Ancient Tegesta, now Promontory of East Florida," in 
 his The American Pilot, London, 1772. De Brahm has been 
 copied by the following maps, all of which represent Tegesta 
 across the southern end of the Peninsula: Thos. Jefferys, 
 " The Peninsula and Gulf of Florida or Channel of Bahama 
 with the Bahama Islands," 1775. Bernard Romans, "A 
 General Map of the Southern British Colonies in America," 
 1776. John Andrews, "A Map of the British Colonies in North 
 America," 1779. J"°. Gary, "The West Indies," 1783. 
 
Appendix W 443 
 
 APPENDIX W 
 
 DATE OF PARDO'S FIRST EXPEDITION 
 
 There is a conflict between the dates given in the Relation of 
 Martinez and that of Pardo, for the inception of the various 
 expeditions of the latter. Pardo in his undated report says he 
 was sent to Santa Elena, " donde desde d pocos dias que ay 
 estdbamos llego el Adelantado pero Menendez de Avil^s 
 . . . y . . . me mando queyo entraseel diade Santo 
 Andres, primo venidero, la tierra adentro . . . y ansi, 
 benido el dia de Santo Andres, yo me parti " (" Relacion de 
 la entrada," Ruidiaz, La Florida^ tomo ii., p. 466). He then 
 proceeds with the report of this expedition or entrada, which 
 ends with the words: " Esto es lo de la primera Jornada " (p. 
 469). These are immediately followed by the words: " Lleg6 
 el Adelantado Pero Menendez de Avil^s el afio 1566 d la 
 cibdad de Santa Elena, a donde me mando yo tornase a pro- 
 seguir la Jornada . . . y asl yo me parti el primer dia de 
 Setiembre" (p. 469). Martinez in his Relation dated July 11, 
 1567, says that: " De la civdad de Santa Elena salio el Capitan 
 Juan Pardo el primer dia de Nobienbre ano de 1566, para 
 entrar la tierra dentro d descubrilla y conquistalla dende aqui 
 hasta Mexico" (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 477). Pardo 
 went as far as " Juada," where, finding his progress impeded 
 by snow upon the mountains, he returned to Sari Felipe, leav- 
 ing his sergeant at Juada. The sergeant subsequently made 
 a reconnoissance as far as Chiaha, " donde aguardo al dicho 
 Capitan que ha de partir deste fuerte mediado Agosto " (p, 
 479) /. e., during August, 1567. Vandera in the opening of 
 his narrative refers indefinitely to expeditions in 1566 and 
 1567 (see the copy given by Buckingham Smith, Col. Doc. 
 Flo., tomo i., p. 15, which begins with these dates, given only 
 in the title by Ruidiaz), and neither he nor Barcia gives dates 
 nor distinguishes the entradas. 
 
 It thus appears from the Pardo Relation that Aviles was 
 twice at Santa Elena in 1566 and that Pardo's second entrada 
 was made in September subsequent to Aviles's second visit. 
 But Aviles, in fact, made but one visit to Santa Elena during 
 
444 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 the year 1566, leaving San Mateo April ist, and returning May 
 15th, or in August, according to Meras. He returned a second 
 time in 1567, sailing from there for Spain on the i8th of May. 
 It is therefore altogether probable that the date 1566 in Pardo's 
 Relation is a misprint or error of the copyist for 1567, in which 
 latter case all of Pardo's statements will substantially conform 
 with the dates given by Martinez and by Vandera. Thus we 
 will have two entradas, the first November i, 1566, the date 
 given by Martinez, and subsequent to Avil^s's first visit ac- 
 cording to Pardo, and a second entrada on the ist of Septem- 
 ber, 1567, the year given by Martinez and Vandera, the month 
 that of Pardo in approximate agreement with Martinez's state- 
 ment that an entrada was to be made in August of 1567, and 
 also subsequent to the second visit of Aviles according to 
 Pardo. There is also the mistake of a year in the printed 
 title of the Pardo Relation, 1565 being given for 1566, 
 
 APPENDIX X 
 
 pardo's first expedition 
 
 Pardo's Rel. Vandera in Buck. Vandera in Ruidiaz, 
 
 Ruidiaz, La Flor- Smith, Col. Doc. La Florida., tomo 
 
 ida, tomo ii., pp. Flo., pp. 15-17. ii., pp. 481-486. 
 
 465-473- 
 
 Uscamacu 
 Ahoya 
 
 Vandera (Ruidiaz, tomo ii., p. 481) describes it as an island. 
 In " Mapa de la Florida y Laguna de Maimi donde se ha de 
 hacer un fuerte " (MS. Undated, 1595-1600? Arch. Gen de 
 Indias, Seville, est. 145, caj. 7, leg. 7), it is shown as an island 
 directly south of Santa Elena. Albert S. Gatschet in his Mi- 
 gration Legend of the Creek Lndians (vol. i., p. 62) derives the 
 name from a Creek word signifying " two going," and says it 
 was a Creek village along the Savannah River. This is in- 
 correct, as Pardo had not yet reached the Savannah. Ahoya 
 is probably only another form of " Hoya," on page 352 of this 
 volume. The prefix " a " in names of persons and places was 
 
Appendix X 445 
 
 frequently dropped by the Spaniards (see Maya and Amaya, 
 p. 225, note 2, in this volume). 
 
 ardo's Rel. 
 
 Vandera in Buck. 
 
 Vandera in Ruidiaz, 
 
 ^uidiaz, La Flori- 
 
 Smith, Col. Doc. 
 
 La Florida, tomo 
 
 da, tomo ii., pp. 
 
 Flo., pp. 15-17. 
 
 ii., pp 481-486. 
 
 465-473 
 
 
 Ahoyabe 
 
 
 
 
 Cocao. Cozao 
 
 Cozao 
 
 J. G. Shea in a note to his " Pardo's Exploration of South 
 Carolina and Georgia in 1566-67 " {Historical Magazine, Au- 
 gust, i860, p. 231) suggests the Coosawatchee(?) 
 
 Enfrenado 
 
 (Guiomae?) Guiomaer Guiomaez 
 
 Vandera (p. 482) places it on a large river. Both Vandera 
 
 {ibid.') and Pardo (p. 469) say forty leagues from Santa Elena. 
 
 Canos Cofeta^que j Canos, Canosi, 
 
 ] Cofetazque 
 Pardo (p. 466) says: " Tyene un rio cavdal." Vandera 
 (p. 482) describes it as " Canos, que los indios llaman Canosi, 
 y por otro nombre Cofetazque. . . . Hay hasta Sancta 
 Elena cinquenta leguas y hasta la mar como veinte leguas; 
 puedese ir hasta el por el rio dicho, cursando la tierra, y por 
 mucho mas adelante por el mismo rio." James Mooney in 
 his " Myths of the Cherokee" (/p Ann. Rep. Bu. Ethn., pt. 
 i., p. 28) and Shea [ibid., p. 231) identify Canos with De Soto's 
 Cufitatchiqui. Gatschet in his Migration Legend of the Creek 
 Indians (vol. i,, p. 20) with the Cannouchee River at the head 
 of which lived the Yuchees. He derives Canosi from the 
 Creek ikanodshi signifying, " graves are there " {ibid., p. 63). 
 Tagaya Jagaya Tagaya 
 Tagaya el Chico 
 
 Gueza 
 
 Arauchi, Aracuchi. Aracuchi. 
 
 Ysa Issa (4) Isa ' 
 
 ' The numbers indicate the order in which these names are given by 
 Vandera, who describes them in the order in which they were visited on the 
 second entrada, i. e., from south to north. 
 
446 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Gatschet (p. 62) derives Issa from the Creek idshu, deer, 
 and locates it on the Savannah. But it is to be noted that 
 neither Pardo nor Vandera states that Ysa was on the same 
 river as Canos. In fact, Pardo says of Canos: " Tyene un rio 
 cavdal " (p. 466) and of Ysa " tiene un rio cavdal " (p. 467), 
 from which it does not necessarily follow that both were on the 
 same river. Had he ascended the river to Ysa he would have 
 said: " Pasa ^/ rio cavdal por ^1," as he does in the case of 
 Quihanaqui, which was on the same stream as Juada, below it 
 (p. 467). Shea {ibid., p. 230) derives the name from the 
 " Chahta," tssi, a deer, and says it is apparently identical with 
 Ays, which Romans describes as on the Indian River. The 
 mistake in the location is too apparent to require comment. 
 
 Pardo's Rel. Vandera in Buck. Vandera in Ruidiaz, 
 
 Ruidiaz, La Flori- Smith, Col. Doc. La Florida, tomo 
 
 da, tomo ii., pp. Flo., pp. 15-17. ii., pp. 481-486. 
 
 465-473- 
 
 Juada (6) Joara 
 
 This is the " Toana " of Barrientos (" Hechos " in Dos 
 Antigiias Relaciones de la Florida, p. 140). Mooney identifies 
 this with the Xuala of De Soto (see Spanish Settlements, 15 13- 
 1561, p. 230, and note 3), which he locates in the territory of 
 the Suwali Indians about the head of the Broad River in North 
 Carolina (see "Xuala and Guaxule " by Cyrus Thomas and 
 J. N. B. Hewitt in Science, N. S., vol. xxi, p. 863, for a dif- 
 ferent location). But the distance, fifty or sixty miles from 
 the nearest point on the Savannah, is excessive for a two- 
 days' march. Shea {Jibid., p. 231) also notes its similarity to 
 De Soto's Xuala. 
 
 Aguaquiri 
 
 Mooney {ibid., p. 28) thinks it the "Guiaquili " of De Soto. 
 Quihanaqui (3) Quinahaqui 
 
 Pardo (p. 467) says it was a large river, and the context ap- 
 pears to indicate that it was the same river which flowed by 
 Juada. Vandera (p. 483), who mentions the localities in the 
 
Appendix X 447 
 
 reverse order, i. e., from south to north, says it was a large river 
 other than the river on which Guatary was situated, and Ysa 
 lay twelve leagues to the left (/. <?., the East? See p, 450 in 
 this volume). 
 
 Pardo's Rel. Vandera in Buck. Vandera in Ruidiaz, 
 
 Ruidiaz, La Flor- Smith, Col. Doc. La Florida., tomo 
 
 ida, tomo ii., pp. Flo., pp. 15-17. ii., pp. 481-486. 
 
 465-473- 
 
 Guatari Guatari (2) Guatary 
 
 Vandera (p. 483) says of it: " que viene d dar a Sauapa y Usi, 
 donde se hace sal, junto con la mar sesenta leguas de Sancta 
 Elena. Desde este Sancta Elena a este Guatari hay ochenta 
 leguas, y por este mismo rio puede entrar mas de veinte, segun 
 dicen, cualquier navio." Mooney {ibid., p. 28) identifies it 
 with the Wateree. He says Usi is Ushery or Catawba, and 
 Sauapa is Waxhaw or Sissipahaw(?) It is to be noted, however, 
 that Vandera locates them in the region where the river be- 
 comes salt. 
 
 Guatariatiqui \ , 
 
 (Quatariaatiqui >• Otariyatiqui (i) -j 
 
 of 2d Entrada) ) 
 
 j Otariatiqui 
 
 r , T^ , X . ' Otari. 
 
 of 2d Entrada) 
 
 James Adair in The History of the Americati Lndians (Lon- 
 don, 1775, p. 226) says the Cherokees call the mountain 
 portion of their territory Ottare, signifying "mountainous." 
 Mooney {ibid., p. 28) suggests that it may have been a frontier 
 Cherokee settlement. Perhaps the Cherokee d tari or d tali — 
 "mountain." Gatschet {ibid., p. 24) places the Cherokee 
 villages of the Overhill Settlements, Otari, Otali, signifying 
 "up, above," north-west of the " Smoky Mountains," along 
 the Great and Little Tennessee rivers and their tributaries. 
 
 Pardo's return was by the same route, /. e., Tagaya Chiquito 
 (Chico), Tagaya, Cajucos, Guiomae, and Santa Elena. George 
 R. Fairbanks in his History of St. Augustine (New York, 1858, 
 p. loi) think Pardo probably visited the up-country of Georgia, 
 in the neighbourhood of Rome. Luys de Paez (E.xpediente 
 del Sargento Pedro Luys de Paez, 1579, MS. Arch. Gen. 
 
44^ The Spanish Settlements 
 
 Indias, Seville, est. 51, caj. 5, leg. 16) relates that Pardo on 
 his expedition into the interior constructed "three or four" 
 forts named "Zuara," "Aguatira," and "Orista." These 
 are Juada and Aguaquiri. 
 
 APPENDIX Y 
 
 TOCOBAGA 
 
 Velasco in his Geografia de las Indias, i^ii-i^'/4, pp. 162, 
 163, gives the following description: " La bahia de Tocobaga, 
 por otro nombre del Espiritu- Santo d de Mirueio, esta en 29 
 grados y 1/2 de altura: la entrada tiene por travesia el oeste; 
 tendra tres leguas de boca, y en ella tres isletas pequenas en 
 que no hay cosa ninguna sino arena y pajaros; por la parte 
 del norte corre la costa dentro della como dos leguas del oeste 
 al leste y luego vuelve un brazo de mar de tres leguas de ancho 
 derecho al norte, diez y ocho leguas la tierra adentro, hasta el 
 mesmo pueblo de Tocobaga, pueblo de indios donde se acaba: 
 para navegarse, se ha de arrimar siempre a la costa del este, 
 por que la otra es todo bajo; en pasando el dicho brazo vuelve 
 otro brazo mas ancho que el sobredicho; al es nordeste no se 
 ha navegado; por esto no se sabe donde va a parar." Fon- 
 tanedo (" Memoria," Col. Doc. Inedit. Indias, tomo v., p. 537), 
 writing in about 1575 {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 
 291, note i), places " Toco-baja, " in which town "esta el Rey 
 casi mayor de aquella comarca, " near a river on the west 
 Florida coast called " Guavaca-Esgui " by the Indians. The 
 river is between " Abalache " and "Ogale," locations which 
 he does not describe. The chief's residence " llamase Toco- 
 baja Chile ... a cabo posterior del rio, hacia la tierra 
 adentro, que hay de rio mas de quarenta leguas." " Desde 
 Tocovaga hasta Santa Elena, que habra de costa seiscientos 
 leguas" (p. 546). It can be reached from " Saravay, que esta 
 cinquenta 6 sesenta leguas la tierra adentro del rio (St. John's?) 
 arriba, 6 a la provincia de Utina," and then west, " tomando 
 por arriba de pueblo en pueblo, y dar consigo a la Canoga- 
 
Appendix Y 449 
 
 cola, vasallos de Tocovaga, y de allf al lugar mismo de 
 Tocovaga, en que esta otro rio muy grande, donde Soto 
 estuvo y muri6 " (p. 545). Herrera in his " Descripcion de 
 las Indias " {Decadas de Indias, Madrid, 1730, tomo i., cap. 
 viii., p. 15) places Tocobaga thirty-three leagues to the north 
 of Tampa Bay. Barcia in his Ensayo (Ano MDLXVII., 
 p. 127) says, "Avil^s entro por el Puerto y un Indio . . . 
 guio al Pueblo de Tocobaga, que estaba 20 Leguas la Tierra 
 adentro, sobre vn Brago de Agua salada. " William Roberts 
 in his History of Florida (London, 1763, p. 16), says: "Be- 
 tween Rio Pedro and the Rio Amasura are the two small 
 rivers of St. Martin and Tocobogas. Between these rivers 
 reside the tribe of Tocobogas." He places the Rio Ama- 
 sura or Masura in latitude 28 deg. 25 min. {ibid., p. 16). 
 The Rio Pedro is "almost S.E, from Apalache River." 
 Williams's Florida (New York, 1837, pp. 31, 32) writes: 
 " Helley's Keys are a range of sandy islands extending in 
 front of Tocobagos, or St. Joseph's Bay. From Tocobagos 
 to Tampa there is a boat channel behind these keys, but at 
 some places it is very shoal at low water." Daniel G. Brinton 
 in his Notes on the Floridian Peninsula (Philadelphia, 1859, p. 
 118) says: " In later times the cacique dwelt in a village on 
 Old Tampa Bay, twenty leagues from the main, called Toco- 
 baga or Togabaga, whence the province derived its name, and 
 was reputed to be the most potent in Florida. A large mound 
 still seen in the vicinity marks the spot." Fairbanks in his 
 History of Florida (Philadelphia, 1871, p. 139) places " Toco- 
 bay o " about Cape Canaveral. Cyrus Thomas in his "The 
 Indians of North America in Historic Times " (Lee, Hist, of 
 North America, Philadelphia, vol. ii., p. 57) places Tocobaga 
 on Old Tampa Bay. 
 
 Velasco's description evidently refers to Tampa Bay. The 
 first bay within three leagues of the mouth and eighteen leagues 
 deep, extending directly north, is Old Tampa, where the village 
 of Tocobaga is correctly placed, according to the independent 
 observations of subsequent authorities to whom his description 
 was unknown. The second wider arm, which extends east 
 north-east (incorrectly punctuated in Velasco's text), is Hills- 
 
450 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 borough Bay. It is to be noted that Velasco does not locate 
 Tampa Bay, showing a confusion existing in his mind between 
 it and Tocobaga, and that the only two other localities which 
 he gives on the west coast, " Bahia de Carlos" and " la punta 
 de Muspa," are correctly located. 
 
 " Mapa de la Florida y Laguna de Maimi donde se ha de 
 hacer un fuerte" (Undated, 1595-1600? MS. Arch. Gen. de 
 Indias, Seville, est. 145, caj. 7, leg. 7), shows the " b^ de 
 tacabaga " in about the correct position. Tocobaga is also 
 shown on the following maps, which have been already re- 
 ferred to in previous notes: De Laet, 1640; Sanson d' Abbe- 
 ville, 1656 and 1679; Visscher, 1680. It reappears with 
 Reinier & Ottens, 1730, and Jno. Gary, " West Indies," 1783, 
 who gives it in approximately the correct position. The 
 river of Tocobaga referred to by William Roberts appears on 
 the following map, as well as elsewhere: " East Florida, from 
 Surveys made since the last Peace," adapted to Dr. Stork's 
 History of that country, by Thomas Jefferys, Geographer to 
 the King, in A Description of East-Florida, by William Stork, 
 3rd edit., London, 1769. In " The Bay of Espiritu Santo, in 
 East Florida," by Tho. Jefferys, facing Bartram's " Journal," 
 which is published by Dr. Stork in the work just referred to, 
 the north-west arm of the bay is named " Tampa Bay Accord- 
 ing to the Spaniards," 
 
 APPENDIX Z 
 
 PARDO'S SECOND EXPEDITION 
 
 On reference to Appendix W in this volume it will be noted 
 that Vandera gives the villages between Joara (Pardo's Juada) 
 and Otariatiqui (Pardo's Guatariatiqui) in the reverse order 
 from that followed by Pardo. On collating this list of Van- 
 dera with that in Pardo's second expedition the order will be 
 found to be substantially the same in both, indicating that 
 Vandera described the route followed on the second expedi- 
 tion. For this reason it is necessary only to give the names 
 
Appendix Z 
 
 451 
 
 of the towns beyond Juada in the order in which they are given 
 by Pardo and by Vandera. 
 
 Pardo's Rel. 
 
 Vandera in Buck. Vandera in Ruidiaz, 
 
 Ruidiaz, La Flor- Smith, Col. Doc. La Florida, tomo 
 Flo., pp. 15-17. ii., pp. 481-486. 
 
 ida, tomo ii., p. 
 465. 
 
 Juada 
 
 Tocalques, Tocae. Tocax 
 
 See p. 295 in this volume. 
 
 Canche, Cauchi, 
 
 Joara 
 Tocar 
 
 Cauchi 
 
 Pardo (p. 470) says it has a large river. Mooney, in " Myths 
 of the Cherokee " (/p Ann. Rep. Bu. Ethn., pt. i., p. 29), sug- 
 gests Nacoochee, apparently a Creek town. And see p. 296, 
 note 4 in this volume. 
 
 Tanasqui 
 
 Pardo {ibid., p. 470) says, " It has a large 
 {ibid., p. 29) says apparently a Creek town. 
 
 Chihaque, Lameco 
 Chiaha 
 
 Tanasqui 
 river." Mooney 
 
 Solameco, Chiaha 
 
 See p. 286 note i in this volume. 
 
 Satapo 
 
 Chalahume 
 Satapo, Tasqui. 
 
 From Satapo Pardo returned to San Felipe at Santa Elena. 
 
 Fourquevaux, under date of November 30, 1567 {Dipeches, 
 p. 305) forwarded to Charles IX. a curious account of an ex- 
 pedition which probably relates to this entrada, furnished him 
 by an usher of Philip II. It gives a few interesting details of 
 the country, although it contains some exaggeration and ap- 
 pears to be somewhat confused with the events of the first 
 entrada made during the winter. It reads as follows: " The 
 
452 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 captain Jehean Pardo, governor of the point of Santa Elena in 
 Florida has written that he has sent thirty soldiers in a brigan- 
 tine one hundred leagues up the said river of Santa Elena, and 
 some of them having landed on the north side, they went 
 thirty leagues over land away from the said river, and have 
 found at the foot of the mountains an open town, the houses 
 built of stone, and a small castle also of stone where there was 
 a tower. The inhabitants are peaceable and appear to be good 
 people. They are dressed in cotton shirts and the furs of 
 various beasts. They sow corn and other seed. There are 
 oxen, but they are small. The land is fertile and they have 
 trees bearing various fruits which are good to eat. There are 
 mines of gold and silver. And they told the said soldiers that 
 several days' distance farther on there was a population of 
 bearded men; they were unable to learn if they were French- 
 men or Spaniards, neither were they allowed to proceed 
 farther; the said Indians, however, gave them food and pro- 
 visions for their return to the brigantine, and thus they re- 
 turned to the said fort." 
 
 The ascent of the Savannah in boats, according to this ac- 
 count, is not inconsistent with Pardo' s Relation, for he may 
 have followed the coast to the mouth of the Savannah River, 
 visiting Ahoya on his way. The silver mines suggest the 
 second entrada in which the fumes of silver were perceived 
 (see p. 295 in this volume). The refusal to allow the Spaniards 
 to advance may refer to their return from Chiaha on account 
 of the hostile Indians farther on; and the report of the white 
 settlement may have arisen from the imperfect understanding 
 by the Spaniards of a reference made by the Indians to De 
 Luna's settlement of a few years before. 
 
 APPENDIX AA 
 
 TACATACURU 
 
 " El fuerte de San Pedro, que es en la isla de Tacatacoru." 
 Disposicion de cuatro fuertes que ha de haber en la Florida y 
 guarnicion que debe tener cada uno de ellos. (In Ruidiaz, La 
 
Appendix AA 453 
 
 Florida^ tomo ii., p. 507. Ruidiaz dates this document 1566, 
 see ibid., p. 713. The date of 1569 given it in Col. Doc. Inedit. 
 Indias, tomo xiii., p. 307, is probably correct). Velasco in 
 his Geogra/ia de las Indias, Ijyi-ijy4, pp. 168, 169 does not 
 mention the island by this name, but, describing the coast to 
 the north-east, in the direction of Santa Elena, which is filled 
 with islands both large and small, he says: " La primera de 
 las mas seiialadas es, en pasando la boca del rio de San Mateo, 
 la que se llama Carabay, que es una barra muy chicjuita, y as{ 
 no puede servir sino para chalupas; dos leguas mas adelante 
 esta otra que llaman la Revuelta, con dos bocas por una isleta 
 que tiene en la entrada; y mas adelante otras dos leguas estd 
 la barra de Sena, adonde solia estar el fuerte de San Pedro; es 
 barra que, si aguardan marea, pueden entrar navios de docien- 
 tos toneles. Mas adelante cuatro leguas, esta Bahia de Bal- 
 lenas, que es una bahia muy grande y ancha; pero no tiene 
 buena barra, porque es todo bajio: arriba de la tierra, un rio 
 muy poderoso de agua dulce, que se llama el rio del Marques, 
 esta muy poblado de indios al luengo d^l de una y de otra 
 parte. Mas adelante de esta bahia dos leguas, esta otra barra 
 pequena que se dice Gualequefii, adonde no pueden entrar sino 
 con chalupas." And see also p. 161, where he says: "El 
 fuerte de San Pedro estuvo en la barra de Seiia." 
 
 According to the " Piano de la Entrada de Gualiquini Rio 
 de San Simon situado a 31° 17' de latitud Septentrional " (MS. 
 Dep. de la Guerra, Madrid, Arch, de Mapas, L. M. 8a-ia-a, 
 No. 43, and of which there appears to be another MS. copy 
 dated May 15, 1757, in the Archives of the Indies, Seville, 
 Eelacion Descriptiva de los Mapas, Pianos, <5r» \sic\ de Mexico y 
 Florida existentes en el Archive General de Indias por Pedro 
 Torres Lanzas, Sevilla, 1900, tomo i.. No. 131), there can be 
 little doubt that Gualiciuini is Jykill Island, which is substan- 
 tially in agreement with the conclusion reached by Dr. Shea 
 in The Catholic Church in Colonial Days (New York, 1886, pp. 
 142, 143, note I, p. 178, note i) from independent observation. 
 Accordingly the island of San Pedro is Cumberland Island ; la 
 barra de Sena is Cumberland Sound; La Revuelta is Nassau 
 Sound, and Carabay is Fort George Inlet. 
 
454 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 William B. Stevens in his History of Georgia (New York, 
 1847, vol. i., p. 135), says: " Missoe is the Indian name, 
 meaning sassafras, of the island called San Pedro by the 
 Spaniards and by the English Cumberland." Fairbanks in 
 his History of Florida (Philadelphia, 187 1, p. 143) identifies 
 the harbour of Fernandina with Tacatacuru. This is sub- 
 stantially in agreement with the above, for the entrance to the 
 harbour of Fernandina is through Cumberland Sound, al- 
 though it appears that he is disposed to consider Amelia 
 Island as Tacatacuru. William W. Dewhurst, in his History 
 of St. Augustine (New York, 1881, p. 60), and Shea in his 
 "Ancient Florida" {Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 
 280), identify Tacatacuru with St. Mary's River. It is to be 
 noted that the name " Sena" used by Velasco for this harbour 
 bears a curious resemblance to the French name " Seine," by 
 which the French are said to have called the Tacatacuru River 
 {La Reprise de la Floride, p. 47). The Spanish form of 
 " Seine " is " Sequena." Gatschet says the name Tacatacuru 
 contains the Timucuanan word taca, fire, probably in a re- 
 doubled form. " The Timucua Language " in Proceedings of 
 the American Philosophical Society, vol. xviii., p. 502. 
 
 APPENDIX BB 
 
 THE SPANISH ACCOUNT OF GOURGUES's ATTACK ON SAN MATEO 
 
 A careful collation of the incomplete manuscript letter of 
 Las Alas entitled: "estevan de la sala en san agustin cinco de 
 mayo mil quinientos sesenta y nueve cuenta como se perdio 
 el fuerte de sant mateo " (Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, est. 
 2, caj. 5, leg. 1/9) with Gourgues's Relation in La Reprise de 
 la Floride (Larroque, Paris, Bordeaux, 1867) raises so strong a 
 presumption that we have here part of the original Spanish 
 version of the French attack upon San Mateo, that the events 
 which it relates have been incorporated into the narrative in 
 the text in the belief that the date of 1569 appended to the 
 document is a clerical error. The letter appears from its 
 context as well as from its title to have been written from St. 
 
Appendix BB 455 
 
 Augustine. So much of it as is essential to a comparison of 
 the two accounts is as follows: "Good Friday at three o'clock 
 in the afternoon five ships appeared upon the bar three of 
 which were of reasonable size and the other two smaller and 
 they were about a league from the fort a gun was fired to 
 inform them that there were people and a harbour here think- 
 ing they were Spanish ships and if they were enemies that they 
 might also know we were here, hearing the gun . . . they 
 took the direction of San Mateo . . . the first Sunday after 
 Easter [el domingo de pasquilla] in the morning the sergeant 
 of San Mateo arrived at this fort with thirty persons who had 
 been with thirty men in one of two houses which had been 
 built at the bar of San Mateo and said that the Saturday be- 
 fore at midday he had seen from this house where he was 
 which is on this side of the river of San Mateo towards this 
 fort many Indians approach and another band of persons 
 armed with guns and corselets and arquebuses and four field 
 banners and their trumpets and drums and at once they closed 
 in on the house which is on the other side of the Island of 
 Alimacani in which there were thirty other soldiers who became 
 so confused that they abandoned the house and he who could 
 fly fled but only a few for of all of them only five escaped the 
 sergeant continued firing from this house to where they were 
 with two guns which he had in it until the ammunition gave 
 out and perceiving that succour could not reach him speedily 
 from San Mateo because the tide would not permit of it and 
 the weather which was very fierce from the north east he spiked 
 the guns and came as I have said to this fort." 
 
 The fragment of the letter contains no hint as to the nation- 
 ality of the ships, and only from its title do we know that the 
 missing portion, which probably bore the date and the signa- 
 ture of the writer, relates the fall of Fort San Mateo. The 
 result of a comparison of the two accounts is as follows: 
 Gourgues states that he had three vessels {La Reprise de la 
 Floride, p. 29). Las Alas mentions five. This difference in 
 numbers is not material, since Gourgues had captured Spanish 
 vessels during his voyage (Alava to Alba, June 25, 1568, MS. 
 Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 15 11 [56J, fol. 2; Alava to Philip II., 
 
45^ The Spanish Settlements 
 
 June 28, 1568, ibid., [59]). Eight days prior to his capture 
 of the blockhouses (Za Reprise, pp. 38, 40, 44, 46, 47, 49, 
 50) Gourgues, who was sailing in a northerly direction, passed 
 a Spanish fort which saluted him with two guns, to which he 
 replied {ibid., p, 38). Las Alas relates that on Good Friday, 
 nine days before the capture of the blockhouses according to 
 his own dates, he fired a gun to signal five ships, which were 
 discovered off St. Augustine. Thereupon Gourgues sails away 
 until out of sight of land, but returns at night and lands 
 within fifteen leagues of the fort. Las Alas says the ships 
 took the direction of Fort San Mateo. 
 
 Gourgues says it rained hard the morning of the attack and 
 that it blew a north-east wind the previous day {ibid., pp. 49, 
 50). Las Alas says that on the day of the attack there was a 
 strong north-east wind. Gourgues attacked first the block- 
 house on the left (north) bank of the St. John's with a force 
 of Indians and of armed men. Las Alas says the same. 
 Gourgues attacked the first blockhouse after ten o'clock in the 
 morning {ibid.., p. 52). Las Alas says at midday. Gourgues 
 says the south fort incommoded the French attack on the 
 north fort by firing cannon at them {ibid., p. 54). Las Alas 
 says the south fort fired at the party attacking the north fort 
 until its ammunition was expended. According to Gourgues 
 the two forts were captured on " the eve of Quasimodo," /. ^., 
 the Saturday preceding the first Sunday after Easter. Las 
 Alas says the same. Gourgues says there were sixty Spaniards 
 in the south fort (p. 54), and does not mention the number in 
 the first fort. Las Alas says there were sixty men in both forts. 
 
 The coincidences are remarkable. The salute on first seeing 
 the ships, the direction taken by the ships after being sighted, 
 the direction from which comes the attack on the first block- 
 house, the character of the attacking force, the weather, the 
 fort first captured, the defence made by the second fort, the 
 locality, and finally the ecclesiastical date. Against the proba- 
 bility, raised by this similarity in the two accounts, that they are 
 both describing the same event, is to be set the remote possi- 
 bility of an event's repeating itself for two years in succession 
 with all of these characteristics in common and occurring in 
 
Appendix CC 457 
 
 the same order. The mistake of one figure in the date of the 
 title is not an unusual circumstance, instances of such errors 
 having been noticed in the course of this volume, particularly 
 as the title in which it occurs is in the nature of a caption 
 written in by a clerk. 
 
 While this volume was going through the press, Professor 
 William R. Shepherd has, in a recent review, assumed the 
 same position as the author in respect to the authenticity of 
 the Gourgues incident, in view " of the evidence presented by 
 the correspondence of Menendez de Aviles published in the 
 second volume of Ruidiaz y Caravia's La Florida^ by the state- 
 ments of Barrientos in his Vida y Hechos de Pero Menendez de 
 Auiies, and by other original authorities recently discovered." 
 {Political Science Quarterly, vol. xx., p. 331, June, 1905.) 
 
 APPENDIX CC 
 
 THE SECOND VOYAGE OF AVIL^S TO FLORIDA 
 
 A period of sixteen months intervenes between Aviles's let- 
 ter of May 12, 1568, from Santander and his next letter from 
 Spain, dated at Seville, September 22, 1569 (Ruidiaz, La 
 Florida, tomo ii., p. 180). During this interval he appears to 
 have been at Havana in April (?) of 1569 according to his 
 letter of September 22, 1569, above cited, in which he says: 
 "y aviendome V. M. mandado por una su Real Cedula, hecha 
 por Febrero de este presente ano, recibida en la Habana por 
 este mes de Abril pasado, en que me manda con la armada de 
 mi cargo aconpaiie la flota de Nueva Espana hasta la meter en 
 Sanlucar de Barrameda en salvamiento, . . . y que vini- 
 endo la dicha flota sola, quedando yo en las Indias " {ibid., 
 tomo ii., pp. 182, 183). Fourquevaux observes that Aviles 
 was expected at the Azores about June, 1568 (Letter of May 
 21, 1568, De'peches, p. 360). Gabriel de Cayas wrote Alava 
 that Aviles had sailed from Laredo August 12 to punish pi- 
 rates (Sept. 4, 1568, Arch. Nat., Paris, K, 1511 [81]). Gar- 
 cilaso {La Florida del Lnca, Madrid, 1723, lib. vi., cap. xxii., 
 p. 268), Pulgar {Historia general de la Florida, Biblioteca Na- 
 
458 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 cional, Madrid, MSS. 2999, fol. 173), and Barcia {Ensayo, Ano 
 MDLXX., p. 141) insist upon three voyages of Aviles to Flor- 
 ida, although Barcia attributes a wrong date to this voyage, as 
 stated in note i, p. 342, in this volume. The date of Aviles's 
 return to Spain was prior to that of his letter of September 22, 
 
 1569, above referred to. He remained in Spain until after Janu- 
 ary 4, 1570. (See letters dated Escalona, November 12, 1569, 
 Ruidlaz, La Florida, tomo ii., p. 184; Seville, November 20th, 
 ibid., p. 185; Seville, November 24th, ibid., p. 189; Seville, 
 November 27th, ibid., p. 191; Seville, Dec. ^ih,ibid., p. 193; 
 Cadiz, December 31st, ibid., p. 196, and Cadiz, January 4, 
 
 1570, ibid., p. 201). It follows that Shea's statement that 
 Aviles returned to Spain after hearing of Segura's landing, 
 September 11, 1570, at Axacan, is incorrect. 
 
 It is true that a period of eleven months intervenes between 
 Aviles's letter of January 4, 1570, and his next letter dated 
 at Seville, December 3, 1570 {ibid., tomo ii., p. 203). But 
 during this interval Aviles appears to have been at sea protect- 
 ing the treasure fleets on their voyage between the Canaries 
 and Spain from Pie de Palo and other pirates {ibid., tomo ii., 
 p. 205, of this same letter). Subsequent to December 3, 1570, 
 he remained in Spain until he sailed for Florida, May 17, 1571. 
 (See his letters dated San Lucar de Barrameda [Dec.?], 1570, 
 ibid., p, 213; Seville, January 23, 1571, ibid., p. 220; Seville, 
 March 12th, ibid., p. 221; San Lucar de Barrameda, May 
 15th, ibid., p. 222; Sanflanejos, May 15th, ibid., p. 224; and 
 San Lucar, May 16, 1571, ibid., p. 226). 
 
 APPENDIX DD 
 
 The first visit of the Spaniards to Axacan was that of the 
 Dominican missionaries in 1 559-1 560, who are said by Sac- 
 chini {Hist. Soc. Jesu. Pars tertia, Romae, 1650, p. 323) to have 
 taken the Indian Don Luis from there eleven years prior to 
 1570. Aviles refers to Don Luis as being already in Mexico 
 in his letter to the King of October 15, 1565 (Ruidiaz, La 
 
Appendix DD 459 
 
 Florida, tomo ii., p. 94), and it seems probable that from him 
 the existence of the Bay of Santa Maria of Axacan (Xacan, 
 Jacan, lacan, Axaca, Axacam) was learned. Aviles in the 
 letter above referred to says of the Bay of "Santa Maria" 
 "que esta an treynta y siete grados, ciento y treynta leguas 
 mas adelante de Santa Elena " (p. 94) ; but in his letter of 
 December 25, 1565 {ibid., p. 131), he places it one hundred 
 leagues to the north of Santa Elena, and elsewhere in the same 
 letter (p. 134) fifty leagues by land from St. Augustine and San 
 Mateo, which shows how indefinite his information was. 
 
 There can be little doubt as to its identity with Chesapeake 
 Bay. Velasco in his Geografia de las Indias, 1^71-1^^4 (p. 
 172) says: " Cabo de Santiago: [esta] al norte del cabo de 
 Arenas [the Cabo de Arenas was in 37° 30'], cerca d^l. Bahia 
 de San Cristobal; mas al norte. Bahia de Santa Maria: mas 
 al norte. Rio de San Anton: en 42 grados y 1/2 como 
 ochenta leguas al norte del cabo de las Arenas." The Chesa- 
 peake was visited in 1588 by Vincente Gonzales, for he entered 
 a bay where the Indians told him there was an English settle- 
 ment towards the north on a river flowing into it, but Gonzales 
 does not give the name of the bay. (" Relacion que dio el 
 Capitan Vizente Gonzales," 1588, MS. Direc. de Hidrog., 
 Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo xiv., Doc. No. 54, fol. 8.) Juan 
 Menendez Marques in his " Relacion escrita en el fuerte de 
 San Agustin . . . al P. Comisario General de Indias Fr. 
 Miguel Avengo^ar," June 7, 1606 (Ruidiaz, tomo ii., p. 498) 
 refers to this expedition of 1588 as being to the Bay of Jacan. 
 "Y aviendo por el ano de 88 ydo al descubrimiento de la 
 baya de la Madre de Dios del Jacan, y tomar lengua de la 
 poblacion del yngles, juntamente con el Capitan Vincente 
 Gonzales," etc. In 1609 Ecija, Piloto Mayor, was ordered to 
 reconnoitre the coast " hasta allegar a la Altura de 37 grados 
 y medio donde se sospecha estan poblados los primeros yngleses 
 en el sitio que ellos llaman (la Virginia) ' o cortuan y en nuestra 
 lengua se llama la vaya del lacan." (Orden del Gobernador 
 D. Pedro de Ibarra a el Capitan Francisco Fernandez de Ecija 
 para reconocer las costas del norte de aquella Provincia, 1609, 
 1 Bracketed in the original MS. 
 
46o The Spanish Settlements 
 
 MS. Arch. Gen. de Indias, Seville, Patronato, est. 2, caj. 5, 
 leg. 3/16, p. 2.) 
 
 In the " Report of the voyage to Virginia made in behalf of 
 Don Diego de Molino, Marco Antonio Perez and Francisco 
 Lembri," enclosed in a letter of the Duke of Lerma of No- 
 vember 13, 1611, there is mention of "the point of Virginia 
 . . . at 37° and 10 minuits N. latitude . . . this afore- 
 said Bay of Virginia (which is called bay of the Xacan),'" 
 (Translation in Alexander Brown, Genesis of the United States, 
 Boston and New York, 1890, vol. i., pp. 514, 515), and (on p. 
 518) " Xacan, since that is the name of Virginia." In the letter 
 of Diego de Molino (to Alonso de Velasco?) of May 28, 1613, 
 he says of the region visited: " This country lies in the midst 
 of thirty-seven degrees and a third, in which lies also the bay 
 which they call Santa Maria " (Translation in Alexander 
 Brown, Genesis of the United States, vol. ii., p. 650). Fran- 
 cisco Sacchini, in his Historice Societatis J^esu, Pars tertia 
 (Romae, 1650, p. 323), says: " Est Axaca Floridae Prouincia 
 perampla, ab aequatore in Boream erecta triginta septem gradi- 
 bus, ab Sancta Elena leucis centum septuaginta disiuncta." 
 Barcia in his Ensayo (Madrid, 1723, Ano MDLXVI., p. 119) 
 says: " Baia de Santa Maria, que esta en 37 Grados," and 
 (Ano MDLXIII., p. 148) "en 37 Grados y medio." Alegre 
 in his Historia de la Compahia de Jesus en Nueva Espana 
 (Mexico, 1842, tomo i., p. 26), says Father Segura and his 
 companions " Uegaron a la provincia de Axacan, que hoy 
 . . . hace parte de la nueva Georgia y la Virginia, a los 11 
 de setiembre, y dieron fondo en el mismo puerto de Santa 
 Maria (hoy S. George), patria del cacique D. Luis." 
 
 Fairbanks in his History of St. Augustine (New York, 1858, 
 pp. 100-102) and in his History of Florida (Philadelphia, 1871, 
 p. 157) and Shea in his The Catholic Church in Colonial Days 
 (New York, 1886, p. 147), in his " Ancient Florida" {Narr. 
 and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. ii., p. 282) and elsewhere in various 
 essays on the Segura mission, both identify the Bay of Santa 
 Maria and Axacan with the Chesapeake. J. G. Kohl in his 
 "A History of the Discovery of the East Coast of North 
 ' Bracketed in Alexander Brown's translation. 
 
Appendix EE 461 
 
 America," Portland, 1869, vol. i., pp. 309, 399-401 {Collections 
 of the Maine Historical Society, 2nd series) identifies the Baya 
 de Santa Maria with Chesapeake Bay. Justin Winsor, in 
 Narr. and Crit. Hist. Am., vol. iii., p. 167, appears to have 
 some doubts as to the identity, while he admits " that there 
 seem to have been visits of the Spaniards to the Chesapeake 
 at an early day (1566-1573)." .Dr. Shea in " The Log Chapel 
 on the Rappahannock," in The Catholic World, March, 1875, 
 p. 847, suggests the derivation of Axacan from Occoquan, and 
 Alexander Brown in his reference to the Ecija Relation of 1609 
 {The First Republic in America, Boston, 1898, p. 88) repeats 
 this derivation. In his Genesis of the [/nited States {iSgo, vol. 
 ii., p. 947) he admits the identity of Axacan with the Chesa- 
 peake, and his conclusion is deserving of great weight. In 
 vol. i., p. 488, of the same work there is a note to the name 
 " Xatamahane," which he has bracketed in the Spelman Rela- 
 tion, and which he thinks may possibly be the Spanish name 
 " Xacan." 
 
 APPENDIX EE 
 
 THE SITE OF THE SEGURA MISSION 
 
 The only knowledge which we have of the locality where the 
 Jesuits established their mission is contained in the very vague 
 description of it given by Father Quiros in the joint letter 
 which he wrote with Father Segura on the 12th of December, 
 1570, a day or two after the landing, and is as follows: After 
 referring to "la esperanza grande q se tiene de la conversion 
 desta gente . . . y entrada para la sierra y la China" 
 (p. 2), the letter continues on page 3: " de la informacion 
 desta tierra lo que toca a la derota q se ha de traer el piloto la 
 dara porque no conviene q se entre por el rio que nosotros en- 
 tramos a causa de no tener tambuena informacion quanto con- 
 venia de los indios por donde aviamos de entrar y por esso es 
 ydo oy el piloto por la tierra dos buenas leguas de aqui a ver 
 un rio por donde se ha de hazer la entrada quanto con la 
 buena ventura nos vengan a proveer y visitar, pues por aquella 
 
4^2 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 parte se puede yr por mar hasta el lugar donde hemos de hazer 
 la habitacion y por aqui ay dos buenas leguas por tierra y 
 otros dos o mas por la mar . . . 
 
 " La informacion que hasta ahora se ha podido aver de la 
 tierra adentro es que unos indios que encontramos alia abaxo 
 en este rio nos informaron que tres o quatros jornadas de alii 
 estava la sierra y las dos dellas se yva por un rio y despues de 
 la sierra otra Jornada o dos se via otro mar. ... (p. 6) 
 . . . desque se entienda ser tiempo en que venga la fragata 
 . . . se embiara un indio o dos con una carta a la boca del 
 bra90 de mar por donde se ha de passar . 
 
 This is the sum total of the information conveyed by the 
 letter. It does not mention when land was sighted, nor when 
 the bay was entered. It does not state the distance sailed nor 
 the direction taken by the vessel after entering the bay, nor 
 how many rivers or harbours, if any, were passed before the 
 vessel reached the river up which it sailed. It does not give 
 the direction of the course of the river nor how far up it was 
 ascended. The landing-place is not described, nor are its 
 latitude and longitude mentioned. It does not tell the direc- 
 tion followed by the pilot to reach the other river, nor the 
 direction in which the other river flowed. The way to the 
 mountains was partly by a river, but whether by a river flowing 
 into the bay above or below the river the ship had ascended 
 there is nothing to indicate. This is absolutely all that is 
 known of the region visited by the Jesuits, for the only sur- 
 vivor of the party was the boy Alonso, whose account is ob- 
 scure, and none of the authorities relied on for the subsequent 
 visit of Aviles to avenge the murder of the Fathers gives any 
 details. 
 
 It is upon this meagre evidence that Dr. Shea has based his 
 conclusion that the Jesuits ascended the Potomac and ulti- 
 mately settled on the Rappahannock. (" The Log Chapel on 
 the Rappahannock," in The Catholic World, March, 1875, p. 
 847. The Catholic Church in Colonial Days, New York, 1886, 
 pp. 147, 149. "Ancient Florida" in Narr. and Crit. Hist. 
 Am., New York, 1886, vol. ii., p. 282.) In " The Log Chapel " 
 {ibid., p. 848), Dr. Shea observes: " Believing that the Chesa- 
 
Appendix EE 463 
 
 peake, by the rivers running into it, would easily lead to the 
 Western Ocean Men^ndez spent the winter of 1565 studying 
 out the subject with the aid of Don Luis de Velasco [/. ^., the 
 Axacan Indian] and Father Urdaneta, a missionary just ar- 
 rived from China by the overland route across Mexico." Both 
 Merds (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo i., p. 258) and Barrientos 
 (Garcia, Dos Aniiguas Relaciones de la Florida, p. 126) say Don 
 Luis had been six years with Aviles, and all the information 
 about Axacan which Aviles had obtained from him is probably 
 set out in his letter to Philip IL, of October 15, 1565 (Ruidiaz, 
 ibid., tomo ii., pp. 93, 94, 100; see p. 212, in this volume). In 
 the absence of any mention of the presence of Don Luis on the 
 Ays expedition either by Aviles or by his two biographers, it 
 is problematical whether he accompanied the Adelantado on 
 his exploration and was with him in Havana during the winter 
 of 1 5 65- 1 5 66. What little we know of the information which 
 Aviles obtained from Father Andres de Urdaneta, concerning 
 the straits leading to China is found in the letter of the former 
 to the King of January 30, 1566 (Ruidiaz, La Florida, tomo 
 ii., p. 151). The active occupation of Aviles during this 
 winter could have left him but little time for the study of geo- 
 graphical problems. 
 
 While it is probable that the Jesuits were commissioned to 
 inform themselves of the " entrada . . . para la China," 
 the context of the quotation above given indicates that this 
 was not their immediate objective, otherwise they would have 
 followed the directions given by the natives. Their desire was 
 to reach the country of Don Luis, where he could serve them 
 as an interpreter, an object which they appear to have accom- 
 plished, for they certainly reached a region the language of 
 which he spoke. As their communication with the natives 
 was entirely through him, his representations as to his relation- 
 ship with the chiefs is not altogether free from suspicion in 
 view of his subsequent treachery. The only point in favour of 
 the site selected by Dr. Shea lies in his suggestion that Axacan 
 is derived from Occoquan (" The Log Chapel," in ibid., p. 
 851) in which he is followed by Alexander Brown, who is dis- 
 posed to accept Dr. Shea's identification of the location {The 
 
4^4 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 First Republic in America, p. 88, Genesis of the United States y 
 vol. ii., p. 947). 
 
 It is only necessary to consult a map of the Chesapeake with 
 its many rivers and creeks, both large and small, flowing into 
 it from the west to see how improbable it is that a vessel de- 
 layed in its voyage by stress of weather and short of provisions 
 would ascend it to the Potomac before making harbour, and 
 how readily the vague data of the letter can be applied to any 
 of its numerous affluents, both as to the landing-place, the site 
 of the mission, and the distance to the Alleghanies. In the 
 absence of further particulars the term " brago de mar por 
 donde se ha de passar" can refer to the estuaries of the James, 
 the York, Mobjack Bay, Piankatank River, and the Rappahan- 
 nock as well as to the Potomac, into some small river either 
 above or below the mouth of any of which the Jesuits may 
 have entered, since no direction is given. While it is equally 
 impossible to assert that the rivers visited by the Jesuits were 
 not the Potomac and the Rappahannock, yet in view of the 
 absence of any substantial evidence to establish their identity 
 the question must remain an open one until more definite in- 
 formation is produced, notwithstanding the high authority of 
 Dr. Shea. 
 
 APPENDIX FF 
 
 MAPA DE LA FLORIDA V LAGUNA DE MAIMI DONDE SE HA DE 
 
 HACER UN FUERTE (aRCH. GEN. DE INDIAS, SEVILLE, 
 
 EST. 145, CAJ. 7, LEG. 7) 
 
 This map is anonymous, undated, and unaccompanied by 
 data of any description. 
 
 The coast names on the map, reading from east to west, are: 
 s helena (Santa Elena), ahoya. b de los baxos (Bahia de 
 los Bajos). cofonufo. hospogahe (Espogache of the Rela- 
 tions), asao. Guadalquini. Ballenas. S pedro (San Pedro). 
 Sena. S mateo. S agustin. matancas (Matanzas). moy- 
 squitos (Mosquitos). cabo de canaberal. ays. S iozia 
 (probably san Iozia — Santa Lucia). Xega. vocas de migel 
 
Appendix FF 465 
 
 mora (Bocas de Miguel de Mora), hensenada de niupa. b* 
 de Carlos (Bahia de Carlos), b* de tacabaga (Bahia de Taca- 
 baga, also written Tocobaga). hensenada de carlos. punta 
 de apalahe (Punta de Apalache). 
 
 In the centre: laguna de meiymi. The islands are: ba- 
 hama. mimeres. isla de cuba. havana. martires. tor- 
 tugas. The inscription endorsed on the map, and reproduced 
 at the bottom of the copy in this volume, is: " Planta de la 
 costa de la florida y en que Paraje esta La LaGuna Maymi y 
 adonde se ha de hacer el fuerte." 
 
 The map is No. 94 of D. Pedro Torre Lanzas, Mapas de 
 Mexico y Florida, tomo i., p. 71, where he dates it " siglo 
 i7(?)" 
 
 All of the names on this map are found either on earlier maps 
 or in Relations accessible to the writer prior to 1596 with the 
 exception of " hospogahe," which first appears under the form 
 " Espogache " in 1606 (in Marques's " Relacion," Ruidiaz, La 
 Florida, tomo ii., p. 506) and "hensenada de niupa," which 
 does not appear elsewhere. 
 
 In 1595 Juan Maldonado Barnuevo, Governor of Havana, 
 sent his nephew Juan Maldonado to examine the coast from 
 St. Augustine as far as the southern extremity of the Florida 
 Keys. In the " Derrotero " of the expedition appears for the 
 first time the Florida coast names " jega " (Xega of the map) 
 and "bocas de miguel de mora" (see Barnuevo's letter of 
 July 6, 1595, with the annexed " Derrotero." Arch. Gen. de 
 Indias, Seville, MS., est. 54, caj. i, leg. 15). At about this 
 date Juan de Posada, who had come to Florida in 1586, where 
 he had spent seven years (Letter of Albaro Flores, Novem- 
 ber 9, 1586, Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, tomo 
 xxii.. Doc. No. 98) wrote to the home government advising 
 the dismantling of all of the forts in Florida, "y que haga 
 hacer uno en la cabeza de los Martires" (see his undated 
 " Relacion," Direc. de Hidrog., Madrid, Col. Navarrete, Doc. 
 No. 31). 
 
 In view of the fact that Posada was probably in Florida at 
 the time of Maldonado's return from his expedition ; that the 
 location given the fort on the map corresponds with the 
 
466 The Spanish Settlements 
 
 description in the "Derrotero "; that these particular legends 
 are identical in both map and "Derrotero," and that the script 
 used on the map and in the endorsed title is of the period in 
 which his letter was written, it is not at all improbable that 
 the map formed part of Posada's letter. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abalache, 448 
 
 Acuna, Juan de, sent to France, 
 
 107, 109 
 
 Aguaquiri, 448 
 
 Aguatira, 448 
 
 Aguirre, Captain, sent to San 
 Mateo, 256; left in charge, 257 
 
 Ahoya, 444, 452 
 
 Ahoyabe, 445 
 
 Aij, 395 
 
 Aisa Hatcha, 432, 433 
 
 Ais, Province of, 433 
 
 Ais, Rio de, 432, 433 
 
 Aiz el biejo, 433 
 
 Aiz, Rio de, 432 
 
 Alabama, 409 
 
 Alamo, Father Gonzalo del, 
 accompanies Father Segura to 
 Florida, 341; returns to Eu- 
 rope, 342, 349; sent to San 
 Antonio, 345 
 
 Alava, Frances de, 107, n8, 299, 
 457; succeeds Chantone at 
 French Court, loi; treat- 
 ment accorded his protests, 
 102; warns Philip against 
 French designs on Florida, 
 104; of Ribaut's prepara- 
 tions, 106; that French know 
 of Aviles's armada, ioq; his 
 credulity, 109. no; leaves for 
 Bayonne, instructions, 109, 
 no, 113; audience with Cath- 
 erine de' Medici, 1 14-1 16; 
 conversation with Burdin, 
 116, 117; instructed to in- 
 form Catherine of French de- 
 feat, 301; his explanation of 
 Jacques Ribaut's bearing, 301 ; 
 his interview with Catherine, 
 
 302; Fourquevaux's com- 
 plaint of his language, 306; 
 instructions from Philip, 306; 
 interview with Catherine, 307- 
 310; informs Philip of meet- 
 ings at Coligny's house, 316; 
 and Laudonnicrc, 317; noti- 
 fies Philip of loss of San Mateo 
 and protests, 335; reports on 
 treasure imported into Spain, 
 388; instructions relative to 
 the Matanzas massacre, 429 
 
 Alba, Fernando Alvarez de 
 Toledo, Duke of, treaty of 
 Cateau-Cambrdsis and the 
 West Indies, 24; informs 
 Philip of French prohibition 
 respecting West India naviga- 
 tion, 25; advises Philip con- 
 cerning the French in Florida, 
 106; at Bayonne conference, 
 no; his instructions, in; 
 advises Philip, n2; intervievr 
 with Fourquevaux, 300, 301; 
 informs Fourquevaux of 
 French defeat in Florida, 304- 
 306; his opinion of the Matan- 
 zas massacre, 306; interviews 
 with Fourquevaux, 319, 320 
 
 Albaycin, 364 
 
 Albemarle River, 402, 404 
 
 Alcala, Spain, 269 
 
 Alcaudete, Count of, 269 
 
 Alexander VI., Bull of May 4, 
 1493, 16 
 
 Alfonse, Jean, encounter with 
 Avilcs, 122 
 
 Algarve, 12, 279 
 
 Alimacany, where situated, var- 
 ious forms of, 59; blockhouse 
 built at, 289, 297; Le Moyne's 
 knowledge of, 412 
 
 467 
 
468 
 
 Index 
 
 Alimacany (river), 397; Gour- 
 gues at the, 327 
 
 Alleghanies, 275, 463 
 
 Alligator hide sent to France, 
 Le Challeux's idea of an, 76 
 
 Almohades, 136 
 
 Alonso accompanies Father Se- 
 gura to Chesapeake Bay, 360; 
 his escape, 365; rescued by 
 Aviles, 373 
 
 Altamaha, 390, 391, 397 
 
 Amasura, Rio, 449 
 
 Amaya, Diego de, accompanies 
 Aviles's first Florida expedi- 
 tion, 148; crosses with Aviles 
 to Havana, 218; sent to St. 
 Augustine, 222; returns, 225; 
 accompanies Aviles to Carlos, 
 228; rescued at St. Augustine, 
 253; at Matanzas, 428 
 
 Amboise, peace of, 36, 51 
 
 Amboyna, massacre of, 206 
 
 Amelia Island, 59, 347, 348, 454 
 
 Anastasia Island, 159 
 
 Andalusia, 12, 295 
 
 Andrada, Pedro de, at St. Augus- 
 tine, 263; sent to assist 
 Outina, is slain, 294 
 
 Antilles, 11 
 
 Antonia, Dona, 260; appear- 
 ance, 236; marries Aviles, 
 238; and goes to Havana, 
 238, 242; her stay there, 254; 
 returns to San Antonia, 255; 
 returns to Havana, 276; ac- 
 companies Aviles to San An- 
 tonio, 277; her sister prisoner 
 at Tocolaaga, 278 
 
 Antwerp, Aviles's tripto, 130, 131 
 
 Anunciacion, Fray Domingo de 
 la, jealousy aroused by his 
 mission, 266 
 
 Apalache, 291 
 
 River, 449 
 
 Apalatci, Montes, 411, 413 
 
 Appalachee Bay, 212 
 
 Appalachian Mountains, 287, 
 415 ; gold region of, 78; silver 
 from, 179 
 
 Appalachians, 59 
 
 Aquatio, 412 
 
 Aracuchi, 445 
 
 Arauchi, 445 
 
 Archer's Creek, 405 
 
 Arciniega, Sancho de, to rein- 
 
 force Florida, 222; prepara- 
 tions to receive, 223; reaches 
 St. Augustine, 255; reheves 
 San Felipe and San Mateo, 
 256; meeting with Aviles, 
 256; part of his fleet returns 
 to Spain, 262; his sailing dis- 
 courages France, 317 
 
 Arcos, Cuba, 80 
 
 Arenas, Cabo de, 459 
 
 Arlac sent to Outina, 78 
 
 Armada de las Carreras de las 
 Indias, its origin, course, and 
 duty, 12; customs of, 126; 
 Aviles appointed captain-gen- 
 eral of, 134 
 
 Arguelles, Martin, his quarrel 
 with Bartolom^ Menendez de 
 Aviles, 294; father of first 
 white child born at St. Augus- 
 tine, 294 
 
 Artamua, 129 
 
 Artedo, 290, 291 
 
 Asis, Rio, 431, 432 
 
 Asturian colonists sent to Flor- 
 ida, 3S2 
 
 Asturians in attack on Fort 
 Caroline, 170 
 
 Asturias, 120, 149, 218, 291 
 
 Atinas, Martin, 89 
 
 Atlantic, 413 
 
 Aubespine, Claude de, 115 
 
 Sebastien de. Bishop of 
 
 Limoges, 28 
 
 Audiencia, of Hispaniola, 82 
 
 of Mexico, 254, 368 
 
 of Santo Domingo, 224, 
 
 263 
 
 Audusta, 246, 412; Landon- 
 niere sends expedition to, 40, 
 84 
 
 Augustin, Brother Domingo, ac- 
 companies Father Segura to 
 Florida, 341; sent to Guale, 
 344; prepares grammar of 
 Guale language, 349; dies 
 from epidemic, 350 
 
 Austria, notified by Philip of 
 French defeat, 310, 311 
 
 Avila (Portugal), 279 
 
 Aviles, Alvar Sanchez de, 129 
 
 Aviles, Bartolome Menendez de, 
 admiral on Aviles's second 
 West India voyage, 134; im- 
 prisoned by Casa de Contra- 
 
Index 
 
 469 
 
 Avil6s — Continued 
 
 taci6n, 135, 138; accom- 
 panies Aviles's first Florida 
 expedition, 148; in charge at 
 St. Augustine, 169,214, 26.^; 
 recovers a French ship, 188; 
 seeks to reheve colony, 240; 
 falls ill, 241; his quarrel 
 with Henriquez, 284; with 
 Arguelles, 203, 204; informs 
 Aviles of Gourgues's attack, 
 334; returns to Spain, 356 
 
 ■ Catalina Menendez de, 
 
 her two marriages, 148, 384; 
 Aviles's bequest to, 384 
 
 Juan Menendez de. ac- 
 companies his father to Spain, 
 132; wrecked ofT Bermuda, 
 139; hope of finding him at 
 Carlos, 227 
 
 Maria Menendez de, mar- 
 ried to Diego de Velasco, 384; 
 Aviles's bequest to her, 384 
 Pedro Menendez de, ne- 
 
 phew of the Adelantado, in 
 charge at St. Augustine, 357; 
 falling ill, goes to Havana, 372 
 
 Pedro Menendez de, 393, 
 
 401, 408, 438; principal 
 sources for the history of, v; 
 his correspondence, vi, x, xi; 
 his original Relacion, ix; its 
 reliability, x; advises ports of 
 refuge in neighbourhood of 
 the Bahama Channel, 13; 
 points out danger from in- 
 crease of negroes in West In- 
 dies, 14, 15 ; his tribute to the 
 French Protestant Indian Mis- 
 sion, 78; Coligny advises 
 Ribaut of his departure for 
 Florida, 95 ; arrival there, 
 100; warns against French 
 occupation of Florida, 104; 
 French informed of his arm- 
 ada, 109; sails for Florida, 
 113; birth and parentage, 
 120, 121; boyhood, 121; en- 
 counter with Jean Alfonse, 
 122; ability recognised, 122; 
 appointed captain-general of 
 West India fleet, 123, 127; his 
 duties, 123-126; his integrity, 
 125,126; incurs animosity of 
 Casa de Contratacion, 226; 
 
 accompanies Philip to Eng- 
 land, 126; dies poor, 126; 
 first voyage to West Indies, 
 127; appointed to guard 
 Spanish coast, 128; expedi- 
 tions to Flanders, 128, 130, 
 131; saves Mendoza's fleet, 
 129; conducts Philip to Spain 
 131-132; illness, 133; second 
 voyage to West Indies, 133- 
 134; captain-general of the 
 Carrera de las Indias, 134; 
 conflict with the Casa, 134; 
 third voyage to West Indies, 
 134, 135; his law suit with 
 the Casa, 135-138; his house 
 at Aviles, 138; loss of his 
 only son, 138, 139; appointed 
 to conquer Florida, 139; his 
 character, 139-141; his por- 
 trait, 141 ; asiento with 
 Philip II. to conquer Florida, 
 142-145; salary, 144; titles, 
 144; goes to Madrid, 146; his 
 fleet, 147; colonists, 147-149; 
 sails, 149; at the Canaries, 
 149; at Puerto Rico, 150; his 
 plan of defence, 151; leaves 
 Puerto Rico, 152; reaches 
 Florida, 153; anchors at St. 
 Augustine, 154; leaves St. 
 Augustine and discovers 
 French fleet, 155, 156; at- 
 tacks and pursues it, 157, 158; 
 returns to and founds St. 
 Augustine, 158, 159; appoints 
 officers, 160; reports to Philip, 
 161; Protestants among his 
 colonists, 163; attacked at 
 St. Augustine by Ribaut, 167 ; 
 prepares to attack Fort Caro- 
 line, 168, 169; the march, 
 170, 171; the attack, 172- 
 175; and capture, 175-179; 
 names it San Mateo, 180; re- 
 turns to St. Augustine, 181, 
 186; his reception, 188, 189; 
 at Matanzas Inlet, 190, 195; 
 kills the French wrecked from 
 Ribaut 's fleet, 191-203; re- 
 fuses to be bribed, 192, 198; 
 relieves San Mateo, 194; his 
 estimate of Jean Ribaut, 200; 
 Spanish opinion of his action, 
 203-205; probable motives, 
 
470 
 
 Index 
 
 Aviles — Continued 
 
 203; Philip approves his act, 
 206; his report to Philip, 207 ; 
 his plans for Florida, 21 1-2 13; 
 his geographical ideas, 212; 
 leaves for French fort near 
 Cape Canaveral, 214; cap- 
 tures it, 215; at Ays, 216; 
 voyage to Havana, 217; re- 
 leases the French prisoners, 
 218; meets Marques at Ha- 
 vana, 218; refused assistance 
 by Osorio, 220, 221; informs 
 Philip, 221; relieves St. Au- 
 gustine, 222; learns of Arci- 
 niega's departure, 222; re- 
 newed trouble with Osorio, 
 223; treatment of deserters, 
 225 ; hears of French at Guale, 
 226; of Carlos, 226; plans, 
 227; his first Carlos expedi- 
 tion, 228-239; marries Car- 
 los's sister, 238; returns to St. 
 Augustine, 240; quells mu- 
 tinies at San Mateo and St. 
 Augustine, 242-245; first 
 Guale expedition, 245-247; 
 at Orista, 247 ; at Santa 
 Elena, 247 ; founds San Felipe 
 248; returns to Guale, 249- 
 250; to San Mateo, 251; to 
 St. Augustine, 252; to Hav- 
 ana, 253, 254; to San Antonio, 
 255; back to Havana, 255; 
 to San Mateo, 255 ; to St. Au- 
 gustine, 256; meeting with 
 Arciniega, 256; to San Mateo, 
 257; ascends the St. John's, 
 257; returns to San Mateo, 
 258; and the Northwest pas- 
 sage, 259 ; sends expedition to 
 the Bay of Santa Maria, 259; 
 goes to San Felipe, 261; to 
 Guale and back to San Mateo, 
 262; to St. Augustine, 262; 
 sends Reynoso to Carlos, 263; 
 sails for Puerto Rico, 263, 
 273; his account of Indian 
 religion, 264; attempts to 
 obtain missionaries, 265, 274; 
 letter on death of Father 
 Martinez, 273; his search for 
 Father Rogel, 273; at San 
 Antonio, 277; expedition to 
 Tocobaga , 278-280; returns 
 
 to San Antonio, 280; quells 
 Havana mutiny 281 ; goes to 
 Tegesta, 282; at San Mateo, 
 282 ; interview with Saturiba, 
 283; at St. Augustine, 284; 
 at San Felipe, 284; results 
 attained, 286-289; orders 
 forts to be built, 289 ; sails for 
 Spain, 290; at Madrid, 291; 
 presents himself at Court, 
 291; appointed captain-gen- 
 eral of the West and to com- 
 mandry of Santiago, 292; 
 Alba's explanation of his 
 cruelty, 305, 306; Fourque- 
 vaux demands his punish- 
 ment, 319; Philip's final ex- 
 planation of Aviles 's action, 
 321; reported to be at the 
 Canaries, 323; asks for more 
 missionaries, 341; attempts 
 to relieve St. Augustine, 343; 
 his second visit to Florida, 
 345; sends succour to Florida, 
 356; fears attack by Haw- 
 kins, 356 ; succour delayed by 
 Casa de Contrataci6n, 356; 
 exerts his influence for Las 
 Alas, 358 ; his theory of North- 
 west passage, Portuguese set- 
 tlements in Florida, 367 ; asks 
 licence to settle Panuco, 368; 
 and obtains it, 369; fifth 
 voyage to Indies, 370; Pius 
 V.'s letter to him, 370; escorts 
 India fleets, 370; sails on his 
 last voyage to Florida, 371; 
 at Havana and San Felipe, 
 372; at Axacan, 372; hangs 
 the murderers of the Jesuits, 
 373 ; wrecked near Cape Can- 
 averal, 374; escapes to St. 
 Augustine, and returns to 
 Havana, 374; at Hispaniola 
 and return to Spain, 375; 
 sends farmers to Florida, 375; 
 anxious on account of his 
 colony, 379; equips armada 
 against pirates, 382; sends 
 settlers to Florida, 382; ob- 
 tains patent for invention, 
 382; desires to return to 
 Florida, 383; death, 383; his 
 will, 384; character, 385, 386; 
 description of the ' ' Riviere de 
 
Index 
 
 471 
 
 Avil6s — Continued 
 
 Mai," 3go; portraits of, 418; 
 coat of arms of, 419; his oath 
 at Matanzas, 421-425; his 
 treatment of Ribaut's body, 
 425-429; his situation at the 
 time of the Matanzas mas- 
 sacres, 429-431; his visits to 
 Santa Elena, 443; date of his 
 second voyage to Florida, 457, 
 458 ; his knowledge of Axacan 
 
 458 
 
 sea-port of, 120, 138, 
 
 249, 219, 290 
 
 Axaca, 459, 460 
 
 Axacam, 459 
 
 Axacan, 2bo, 342, 361, 365, 463; 
 expeditions to, 259, 372, 373; 
 identified with Chesapeake 
 Bay, 458-461 
 
 Axona Iracana, 395 
 
 Ay lion, Lucas Vasquez de, re- 
 quests extension of term to 
 settle Florida, his death, 50 
 
 Ay lion's expedition of 1520, 41, 
 108 
 
 Ays, 239, 287, 374, 446, 463; 
 Avil^s at, 216; Medrano 
 settled near, 217; experience 
 of settlement, 224, 225; plan 
 to relieve, 227; Perucho, a 
 chief of, 258; settlement 
 abandoned, 357 ; where found, 
 431-434; various forms of 
 name, 432 
 
 Indians, 58; their coun- 
 try, 216 
 
 Rio de, 435 
 
 Azores, 12, 32, 290 
 
 Azurite mine, reported finding 
 of, 378 
 
 B 
 
 Badajos, Congress of, 17 
 Bahama Channel, 31. 82, 260; 
 path of West Indian com- 
 merce, 12; discovered by 
 Ponce de Leon, 13; its dan- 
 gers, 13; proximity to Florida, 
 13, 14; French intention to 
 occupy neighbourhood of, 21; 
 Ribaut's second expedition to 
 command the, 96 ; menace of 
 a French settlement near, 103 
 
 -105, 109; Avil^s's fleet in, 
 153; Avil^s in, 240 
 
 Balfcnas, Bahia de, 453 
 
 Baraeou, 81 
 
 Barbary, 325 
 
 Barchino, Caspar, his opinion of 
 the French, 103; warns Philip 
 against French designs on 
 F'lorida, 104 
 
 Barcia, Andreas Gonzales, ac- 
 count in his Ensayo Crono- 
 lo^ico of the conquest of 
 Florida by Avil(5s, v; copies 
 the Meras Memorial, ix; re- 
 liability of his account, x 
 
 Bamuevo, Juan Maldonado, 
 Governor of Havana, his re- 
 port on the Florida coast, 465 
 
 Barreda, Captain, 281 
 
 Barre, Nicolas, succeeds Pierria 
 in command at Charlcsfort, 42 
 
 Barrientos, Bartolom^, 137, 138, 
 205, 232, 239, 247, 251; his 
 Vida y hechos de Pero Menen- 
 dez de Auiles, v, vii ; reproduces 
 the Relacion oi _Avi\6s, viii; its 
 reliability, x ; his opinion of the 
 Matanzas massacres, 204; of 
 Aviles's oath at Matanzas,_422 
 
 Basque pilot with Laudonniere, 
 
 S3 
 
 Basques in attack on Fort Caro- 
 line, 170 
 
 Basse, 395, 399 
 
 Batten Island, 297 
 
 Bayahonda, Cuba, 218 
 
 Bayonne, arming of vessels for 
 the Indies at, 101 
 
 Conference, Philip sends 
 
 his queen to, 106 ; Alava leaves 
 for, 109; Alba at, 110-113; 
 failure of, 113; France warned 
 at, 320 
 
 Bazaine, Franjois Achille, 369 
 
 Bazares, Guido de las, see La- 
 bazares 
 
 Beaguez, Pedro, visits Santa 
 Martha, 22 
 
 Beaufort, S. C, 402, 405 
 
 Island, 404 
 
 Beauhaire, M. de, 166 
 
 Belle, 34, 395. 398 
 
 a veoir, 395, 399, 413 
 Isle-en-Mer, 315, 322 
 voir, 395, 396 
 
472 
 
 Index 
 
 Bellum, 395 
 
 Bermuda, 12, 13,33. i39 
 
 Biscay, 149, 218, 370 
 
 Biscayne Bay, 260, 287, 441 
 
 Blanco, Cape, 325 
 
 Bojador, Cape, 16 
 
 Bordeaux, expedition for the 
 Indies equipped at, loi ; 
 Gourgues sails from, 325 ; and 
 returns to, 334 
 
 Borgia, Francisco, Duke of 
 Gandia, appoints Jesuit mis- 
 sionaries for Florida, 266; 
 sends Jesuits to Oran, 269; 
 names Father Segura and 
 other priests for Florida, 341 ; 
 names Father Segura rector of 
 College of Villimar, 342 
 
 Bourbon, Cardinal de, 315 
 
 Bourdet, Captain, returns to 
 France, 79 
 
 Bourne, E. G., his account of the 
 conquest of Florida by Avil^s, 
 xii ; opinion of Matanzas mas- 
 sacre, 206 
 
 Boyano, 294, 295, 296; in com- 
 mand at Fort San Juan, 276; 
 his war against the Chisca 
 chief, 284; expedition to 
 Chiaha, 285, 286 
 
 Brazil, 10 
 
 Bretoncs, Ticrra de los, 116 
 
 Breton fishermen in Newfound- 
 land, 19 
 
 Bretons , Coste des, 301 
 
 Isles des, 302, 308, 309 
 
 Land of the, 117 
 
 Bretons, Terr e des, 118, 119, 300, 
 305, 319: maps showing, 417 
 
 Breu, Pedro, 327 
 
 Bribery of Captain-General, 125, 
 126 
 
 of French officials, pirates 
 
 practise, loi 
 
 Brinton, Daniel G., his opinion 
 of Pulgar's Historic general 
 de la Florida, xv 
 
 Brittany: Spanish secret agent 
 in, 20; vessels equipped for 
 Indies in, 25, 26, loi 
 
 Broad River, 35, 398, 403, 446 
 
 Burdin, secretary of Charles IX., 
 his interview with Alava, 116, 
 117 
 
 Cabray, 81 
 
 Cadiz, 113, 123, 146, 147, 149, 
 
 ^ 163, 255, 357 
 
 Cajucos, 447 
 
 Calais, 39, 128, 130 
 
 California, 270 
 
 Caloosa Indian guides Avil^s to 
 Tocobaga, 278 
 
 Coloosa Indians, 58, 255, 261^ 
 277,348,414; human sacrifice, 
 226, 264; their country, 229, 
 436; customs, 230; mark of 
 respect, 232; Father Rogel's 
 mission among, 277, 278, 339, 
 340; marriage custom, 341; 
 revolt against Spaniards, 346; 
 maps and recent history, 437, 
 438 
 
 Calos, 412, 414, 437 
 
 Calvinists in Ribaut's first Flor- 
 ida expedition, 31; with 
 Laudonniere, 53 
 
 Cambahee, 275, 276; (see Com- 
 bahee) 
 
 Campeche, 223, 282, 372 
 
 Canada, 32, 270, 335 
 
 Canaries, 12, 32, 122, 149, 150, 
 218, 219, 323, 342, 370, 458 
 
 Canaveral, Cape, 45, 59, 154, 
 214, 250, 374, 413, 431, 432, 
 
 433' 435' 449 
 
 Cancer, Fray Luis, 265 ; jealousy 
 aroused by his mission, 266 
 
 Canche, 451 
 
 Cannouchee River, 445 
 
 Caongacola, 448 
 
 Canos, 445, 446 
 
 Canosi, 445 
 
 Canotes, F., 412 
 
 Cape de Verd Islands, 17, 143 
 
 Captain-General of the West In- 
 dia fleet, his duties, 123-126; 
 Avil^s appointed, 123 
 
 Carabay, 258, 453 
 
 Caraffa, Cardinal, 128 
 
 Carlos, 260, 261; Spaniards 
 from, escape to Laudonnidre, 
 83; his Christian slaves, 226; 
 his village, 230; relations 
 with Avilds, 231-239; his 
 wife, 237; his sister, 238; her 
 return to him, 255; Lake 
 Maymi and the country of, 
 258; Father Rogel destined 
 
Index 
 
 473 
 
 Carlos — Continued 
 
 for, 273; attempts to kill 
 Reynoso, 277; accompanies 
 Avil^s to Tocobaga, 277; his 
 interview with Tocobaga, 279 ; 
 plots against the Spaniards, 
 340; is killed by them, 341 
 
 Carlos, Bahia de, '450 
 
 Bay of, Spanish settle- 
 ment in, 281, 287 
 
 village of, 230, 231; 
 
 named San Antonio, 239; 
 settlement at, abandoned, 346, 
 
 ^ 357 
 
 Caro, 395 
 
 Carolina coast, 412 
 
 Caroline, Fort, 80, 81, 83, 191, 
 195, 197, 201, 245, 255, 300, 
 314-316, 323, 334, 390. 405- 
 409, 412, 420; Laudonniere 
 founds, 57; Hawkins at, 
 88; Jean Ribaut at, 97, 164, 
 165; Jacques Ribaut at, 99; 
 the garrison at, 165; Spanish 
 preparations to attack, 168; 
 its situation, 170; march 
 upon, 170-172; capture of, 
 172-179, 214; named San 
 Mateo by Avil^s, 180; women 
 and children captured at, set 
 free, 322; Debray captured at, 
 327; description and identi- 
 fication of its site, 405-407; 
 number of French vessels 
 captured at, 420; burning of, 
 
 430 
 
 Carrera de las Indias, see 
 Armada de 
 
 Carthagena, 1 1 ; negro popula- 
 tion of 14; burned by Jacques 
 de Soria, 22 
 
 Cartier, Jacques, his first and 
 second expeditions, 19; his 
 third expedition and measures 
 taken by Spain to defeat it, 
 20-22 
 
 Casa de Contratacion, founded, 
 4; governing board of, 4; 
 records of discoveries kept in 
 the, 7 ; visitador of, 11; ap- 
 points Captain-General, 123; 
 persecutes Aviles, 126, 127; 
 and refuses to pay his salary, 
 134; its charges against him, 
 i35~i38; French prisoners 
 
 forwarded to, 322; delays re- 
 lief sent by Aviles, 343, ^57; 
 delays Avil«Js's return to Flor- 
 ida, 371 
 
 Casina, Timuquanan drink, 66 
 
 Castellon, commander at San 
 Mateo, wounded in Indian at- 
 tack, 297; recovering from 
 his wounds at lime of French 
 attack, 298; warned of 
 Gourgues's approach, 332 ; es- 
 capes the massacre, ^^3 
 
 Casti, 41 2 
 
 Castillo, Pedro del, assists Aviles, 
 146 
 
 Castro, Avilds at, 130 
 
 Castro the Licenciate, Governor 
 of Peru, 137 
 
 Catawba, 447 
 
 Cateau-Cambr(^sis, treaty of, 23 ; 
 and the West Indies, 24 
 
 Catherine de' Medici, Chantone 
 notifies her of Ribaut 's de- 
 signs on Florida, 28; her an- 
 swer, 29; assists Ribaut 's first 
 Florida expedition, 31; de- 
 lavs explanation, 44; charges 
 Laudonnidre to respect Span- 
 ish rights, 53 ; her interest in 
 Ribaut 's second expedition, 
 95 ; her treatment of Alava's 
 protests, 102; and the Ba- 
 yonne Conference, 106, no; 
 Alava instructed to inform 
 her of Philip's claims to Flor- 
 ida, 109, no; her curiosity, 
 no; foils Philip at Bayonne, 
 113; at Tours, 114; Alava's 
 audience with, 114; Four- 
 quevaux's advice to, 114, 115; 
 her dependence on Philip, 
 299; her duplicity, 300; 
 interviews with Alava, 302, 
 307-310; renews promises to 
 respect Spanish rights, 303; 
 her answer to Enveja's com- 
 plaint, 316; Philip's treat- 
 ment of her protests, 318, 319; 
 tries to work upon her daugh- 
 ter, 319; memorial to Philip, 
 321; her attitude towards 
 Coligny, 322; her answer to 
 Alava's protest about 
 Gourgucs, 335 ; and the North- 
 west passage, 367 
 
474 
 
 Index 
 
 Catos, 414, 437 
 
 Cauchi, 451; Pardo erects block- 
 house at, 296; its fate, 296, 
 297 
 
 Cavuitas, Riviere des, 390 
 
 Cayas, Gabriel de, 457 
 
 Cecil, William, opinion on Co- 
 ligny's Florida enterprise, 312 
 
 Celda, Spain, 267 
 
 Cevallos, Brother Sancho, ac- 
 companies Father Segura to 
 Florida, 341; and to Chesa- 
 peake Bay, 360; his death, 
 364 
 
 Francisco de, his treat- 
 ment of Florida deserters, 
 244, 245 
 
 Chalahume, 451 
 
 Chantone, Perrenot de, 26, 27, 
 31, 44, 45, 50, 389; Spanish 
 ambassador to France, 25; 
 protests against French ag- 
 gressions in West Indies, 25 ; 
 notifies Philip II. of Ribaut's 
 designs on Florida, 28, 104; 
 protests to Catherine de' 
 Medici, 29; his successor, loi; 
 instructed to notify Austria 
 of the French defeat, 310, 311 
 
 Charenta, 395 
 
 Charente, Florida, 34, 395, 397 
 
 • France, 325 
 
 Charles IX., 42, loi, 292, 304, 
 305; Charlesfort named in 
 honour of, 35; Fort Caroline 
 also, 58; at Tours, 114; 
 widows of Florida settlers 
 petition, 318 
 
 Charles V.. warns Emanuel I. of 
 Portugal not to steal Spanish 
 pilots, 17; warns Philip II. 
 against French aggression in 
 the West Indies, 18; recog- 
 nises ability of Avil^s, 122; 
 appoints him Captain-General, 
 123; Carlos a corruption of 
 his name, 231 
 
 Charlesfort, 245, 394, 402, 403, 
 414; Ribaut's settlement at, 
 35, 40-44; abandoned by 
 Coligny, 36; identified with 
 Ayllon's first landfall, 41; 
 dissentions at, 41; story of 
 concealed treasure, 42; aban- 
 doned by settlers, 42, 43; 
 
 their fate, 44; Philip II. ad- 
 vised of colony left at, 44; 
 orders its expulsion, 45 ; Man- 
 rique de Rojas at, 47, 48; its 
 site identified, 403-405; San 
 Felipe near site of, 440 
 
 Charlotte Harbour, 287 
 
 Chamet, 395 
 
 Charts, see Maps 
 
 Chatham Bay, 231 
 
 Chatillon, Cardinal, at Tours, 
 114; see Xatillon 
 
 Chenonceau, 35, 404, 405 
 
 Cherokees, 295 
 
 Cherokee settlements, 447 
 
 Chesapeake Bay, 212, 259, 260, 
 291, 367, 381, 462; Jesuit 
 mission to, 360-366; expedir 
 tions to, 259, 372, 373; iden- 
 tified with Axacan and Bahia 
 de Santa Maria, 458-461 
 
 Chiaha, 294, 295, 443, 451, 452; 
 Boyano's expedition to, 285; 
 where he builds Fort Santa 
 Elena, 286 
 
 Chica^a, 291 
 
 Chicora, 40 
 
 Chihaque, 286, 451 
 
 China, passage to, 212, 259, 362, 
 367, 461, 463 
 
 Chiquola, giant race and city of, 
 40 
 
 Chisca of De Soto, Boyano at 
 the, 284 
 
 Choctaw country, where found, 
 296; Pardo in, 296 
 
 Chouanes, Riviere des, 398 
 
 Cibola, Ribaut on first expedi- 
 tion thinks he hears of, 34 
 
 Cicuye, 340 
 
 Cimarron negroes, 382 
 
 Cobos, Francisco de los, instruc- 
 tions to prevent French under- 
 takings in the Indies, 19; his 
 letter to the Spanish ambas- 
 sador to Portugal, 20 
 
 Coga, 212, 296 
 
 Cofao, 445 
 
 Cofetasque, 445 
 
 Cofetazque, 445 
 
 Coligny, Gaspard de, promises to 
 respect Spanish rights in the 
 Indies, 25; his hatred of 
 Spain and desire to weaken 
 her, 29; sends Villegaignon to 
 
Index 
 
 475 
 
 Coligny — Continued 
 
 Brazil, 2q; determines to 
 colonise Florida, 29; selects 
 Jean Ribaut to command the 
 expedition, 30 ; abandons 
 Charlesfort, 36; Stuckeley's 
 enterprise attrilauted to, 39; 
 renews his designs on Florida, 
 51; assists Laudonnidre's ex- 
 pedition, 52; assists Ribaut 's 
 second expedition, 94; recalls 
 Laudonniere, 94, 98; his 
 letter to Ribaut, 95; treat- 
 ment of Alava's protests, 102 ; 
 hears Jacques Ribaut 's report, 
 300 ; accused of the Florida en- 
 terprise by Philip, 304; Alba 
 asks his punishment, 305; his 
 designs upon the West Indies, 
 306; Alava's accusations 
 against, 307; Catherine's de- 
 fence of, 308, 309; Philip's 
 accusations against, 311, 312; 
 Cecil's opinion of, 312; secret 
 meetings at his house, 315; 
 Catherine's favourable atti- 
 tude towards, 322 
 
 Columbus, Georgia, 285 
 
 Combahee River, 402, 405 {see 
 Cambahee) 
 
 Commerce, Avil^s's privilege, 
 144, 145 
 
 Commerce, between Spain and 
 the West Indies, 4; merchan- 
 dise, 5 ; gold, silver, and gems, 
 5; between Puerto Rico, His- 
 paniola, Tierra Firme, and 
 Honduras, 10 
 
 Cond^, Louis I., Prince of, assists 
 Ribaut 's first Florida expedi- 
 tion, 31; servants of his in 
 Ribaut 's second Florida ex- 
 pedition, 215 
 
 Conspectu Bellum, 395 
 
 Coosa River, 295 
 
 Coosawhatchee, S. C, 403, 445 
 
 Cordova, 291 
 
 Cordova, Martin de, expedition 
 to Oran, 269 
 
 Corrientes, Ribera de las, 389 
 
 Rio de las, 46 
 
 Cortds, Hernando, 369; Verra- 
 zano captures his treasure 
 fleet, 9 
 
 Cortuan, 459 
 
 Corunna, 44, 290 
 
 Cossette, Captain, 164 
 
 Council of Indies on Philip's 
 title to Florida, 107 
 
 Courset sails under orders from 
 Coligny, 304 
 
 Coz, Martinez de, remains at 
 Tocobaga, 280 
 
 Cozao, 445 
 
 Creek Indians, Pardo's first ex- 
 pedition through the country 
 of the, 276; his second ex- 
 pedition 295; Boyano's ex- 
 pedition, 285 
 
 Crews of Spanish vessels, French 
 treatment of, 83 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, and the mas- 
 sacre of Drogheda, 206 
 
 Cruz, Rio de la, 46 
 
 Cuba, 217, 253, 262, 288, 301; 
 negro population of, 14; Fort 
 Caroline pirates in, 79, 81; 
 French settlement in Florida 
 a menace to, 103; French 
 prisoners sent to, 201; Avil^s 
 Governor of, 292, 345; Pedro 
 Men^ndez Marques, Lieuten- 
 ant-Governor of, 357 
 
 Cuenca, Spain, 269 
 
 Cufitatchiqui, 275, 287, 294, 438, 
 
 445 
 Cumberland Island, 272, 378, 
 
 453. 454 
 
 Sound, 453, 454 
 
 Cursol, Madame de, see Cursot 
 Cursot, Madame de, assists Ri- 
 baut 's first Florida expedition, 
 
 D 
 
 Dartmouth, 129 
 
 Dauphins, R. des, 416 
 
 Days, Rio, 432 
 
 Debray, Pierre, assists Gour- 
 
 gues, 327 
 Delpeuch, Maurice, his account 
 
 of the conquest of Florida by 
 
 Avilds, xii 
 Denmark, 163 
 Descalona, Fray Luis, 340 
 Deserters from Florida, Avil^s's 
 
 proposed treatment of, 225 
 Dieppe sailor, his story of the 
 
 massacre of Jean Ribaut and 
 
 his own escape, 200-203 
 
476 
 
 Index 
 
 Dolphins, River of, 32, 33, 413; 
 Laudonniere at 54; called 
 Seloy by natives, 54; Avil^s 
 at, 154 
 
 Dominica, 149, 150, 326 
 
 Dominican friars for Florida, 
 223; with Merds, 254, 265; 
 sent to the Bay of Santa 
 Maria, 259; take the Indian 
 Don Luis to Havana, 360 
 
 Order, missions under- 
 taken without advice of its 
 Provincial Chapter, 266 
 
 Dover, 128 
 
 Drake, Sir Francis, his attack 
 on St. Augustine, 379 
 
 Drayton Island, 84, 411 
 
 Drogheda, massacre of, 206 
 
 Dulce, Rio, 440 
 
 Du Lys, 165, 166 
 
 Dutch massacre of English, 206 
 
 Eboli, Prince of, 129, 321; see 
 Gomez, Ruy 
 
 Ecija, Francisco Fernandez de, 
 expedition to lacan, 459, 461 
 
 Edelano, 84, 411, 412 
 
 Edisto, 398, 399, 402, 404 
 
 Indians, 40 
 
 Elizabeth, Queen, interview 
 with Ribaut, 36; designs on 
 Florida, 37; assists Stukeley 
 with ship, 37; interest in 
 Hawkins's slave trade, 89; 
 informed of French defeat in 
 Florida, 311, 312 
 
 Emanuel I. of Portugal steals 
 Spanish pilots, 17 
 
 Emeralds imported into Spain, 
 388 
 
 Enfrenado, 445 
 
 English, jealousy of Spanish suc- 
 cess in West Indies, 4; rumour 
 of attack on Madeira, 9; en- 
 terprise in North America, 15, 
 16 
 
 piracies, Spain de- 
 mands a statute restricting 
 them, 10 
 
 Roman Catholic colony 
 
 designed for Florida, 206 
 
 vessels attack St. Au- 
 
 gustme, 374 
 
 Englishman in Ribaut 's first 
 Florida expedition, 31 
 
 Enveja, Doctor Gabriel de, sent 
 to Madrid, 109; Philip II. 's 
 agent at Moulins, 302; threat- 
 ened by Jacques Ribaut, 302; 
 informed of Gourgues's expe- 
 dition, 324 
 
 Erlach, accompanies Laudon- 
 niere, 52; assists Outina, 78 
 
 Escamacu, 352 
 
 Escudero, Alberto, stationed at 
 Juada, 296 
 
 Espiritu Santo, the, 357 
 
 Espiritu Santo, bahia de, 448 
 Rio del, 369 
 
 Espogache, 465 
 Estrada, Sebastian de, 132 
 Eugenius IV. 's grant to Portu- 
 gal, 16 
 Everglades, 229 
 
 Farmers colonised at Santa 
 Elena, 352; sent to colonise 
 Florida, 375 
 
 Fatilcon. the, 53 
 
 Felipe, Don, successor of Carlos, 
 341; killed by order of Mar- 
 ques, 346 
 
 Ferdinand of Spain, 300 
 
 Fernandez, Antonio, in charge 
 at Tacatacuru, 357 
 
 Fernandina, 454 
 
 Figueroa, the Regent, 131 
 
 Finisterre, 122 
 
 Flanders, 128, 163, 290, 292, 
 370, 382, 383 
 
 Fleets of New Spam and of 
 Tierra Firme, their origin, 1 1 
 
 Flemings accompany Father 
 Martinez to Florida, 271 
 
 Flores, companion of Father 
 Martinez, 271 
 
 Florida, 13, 28, 29, 30, 32, 36, 
 45. 49-51. 54. 91. 94. 100. 
 102, 106, 110-118, 120, 139, 
 140, 142-146, 152, 161, 163, 
 217, 221-223, 228, 243, 254, 
 259, 262, 263, 266, 291, 299, 
 302, 305-307, 310, 312, 314- 
 316, 318, 319, 335, 360, 365, 
 368, 369, 371, 412, 414; 
 Ribaut 's first expedition re- 
 
Index 
 
 477 
 
 Florida — Continued 
 
 ported bound for, 3 1 ; Thomas 
 Sluckclcy's proposed expedi- 
 tion to, 37-40; not fit to 
 colonise, 49; minor expedi- 
 tions for, arining in France, 
 loi; its occupation by the 
 French a menace to Spain, 
 103-105, 108; opinion of 
 Council of Indies on Philip's 
 title to, 107; discovered from 
 Hispaniola, 108; reported sale 
 of, to the Turk, 109 ; purged of 
 heretics and French, 207 ; 
 Avilt^s describes its wealth, 
 213; why not mentioned in 
 French treaty with Spain, 
 301; to be erected into a 
 marquisate, 303; rumours of 
 further French designs on, 
 316; its importance to Spain, 
 320; Fourquevaux's report 
 on condition of, 323; Aviles's 
 second visit to, 345; Jesuit 
 missionaries remove from 
 Havana to, 346; the country 
 virtually abandoned, 357 ; 
 Portuguese settlements in, 
 367 ; Mexican knowledge of 
 its geography, 368; condi- 
 tion of, at death of Aviles, 
 375-379; reported finding of 
 mines in, 378; Aviles's fond- 
 ness for, 383; maps of the 
 French colonies in, 410 
 
 ■ Cape of, 413 
 
 east coast, proximity to 
 
 path of West India fleets, 13; 
 danger of foreign occupancy, 
 13, 14; Marques 's explora- 
 tion of, 381; Maldonado's 
 exploration of, 465 
 
 Indians accompany sec- 
 ond Jesuit mission to Florida, 
 342 
 
 Keys, 143, 211, 228, 229, 
 
 258, 260, 277, 381, 441 
 
 Straits, 326, 379 
 
 Florin, Jean, see Verrazano 
 
 Foix, M. de, Laudonniere visits, 
 185 
 
 Fontanedo, Hernando de Esca- 
 lante, 230, 376 
 
 Foreigners, refused maps of West 
 Indies, 7 ; excluded from 
 
 visiting West Indies, except 
 under licence, 8 ; informed of 
 sailing of treasure fleet, 8 
 
 Fort George Inlet, 453 
 
 Island ,151; block- 
 house built at, 297 
 
 Fourquevaux, Raymond de 
 Rouer de, x., 24, 42, 300, 
 367, 420; his DcpC'ches, xii. ; 
 reports sailing of treasure 
 fleets, 8; advises Catherine of 
 Philip's sentiments, 114; his 
 account of Aviles's reception 
 at Madrid, 292; ignorant of 
 French defeat, 300; interview 
 with Alba, 300, 301; believes 
 Avilds to be at Santo Domingo, 
 301; learns of French defeat, 
 303; describes reception of 
 news at Court, 303; mformed 
 by Alba of French defeat, 304; 
 his TQ-pXy, 305; complains of 
 Alava's language, 306; audi- 
 ences with Philip, 319, 321; 
 interview with Alba, 320; re- 
 ports on condition of Florida, 
 323; reports finding of gold 
 mines and azurite in Florida, 
 378; reports on treasure im- 
 ported into Spain, 388; his 
 report on Aviles's oath at 
 Matanzas, 424; excuse given 
 him for the Matanzas mas- 
 sacre, 429; his account of 
 Pardo's expeditions, 451 
 
 France, 9, 14. 15. 32, 42, 43- 48, 
 76, 85, 92, 93, 105, 112, 121, 
 127, 128, 163, 166, 169, 176, 
 184, 185, 189, 192, 299, 300, 
 305, 320, 325, 333, 334, 335; 
 her decadence, 29; condition 
 at time of Ribaut's Charlesfort 
 settlement, 36 
 
 and the West Indies, she 
 
 envies Spain's success in, 4; 
 Aviles's warns Philip II. 
 against her presence there, 15; 
 her aggressions there and 
 measures taken by Charles 
 V. to prevent them, 18-23; 
 Charles warns Philip against 
 her presence there, iS ; her de- 
 signs on the Bahama Channel, 
 21; Renard warns Charles V. 
 of her designs on West Indies, 
 
478 
 
 Index 
 
 France — Continued 
 
 22; her reply to Chantone's 
 protest against equipping ves- 
 sels for, 25; her prohibition 
 respecting navigation in, 25; 
 Spain protests against her 
 grant of licences to visit, 25 
 
 Francis I. and Verrazano, 19 
 
 Franciscans, sail with Las Alas, 
 219; at Santa Elena, 382 
 
 Frangois, Cape, 32, 33 
 
 Jean, 170, 172, 175, 176 
 
 French ambassador, see Four- 
 quevaux 
 
 ■ Cape, 32^ 
 
 indignation at Florida 
 
 defeat and massacre, 317; 
 petitions to the King, 318 
 
 occupation of Florida a 
 
 menace to the treasure fleets, 
 103; and to the Indies, 104, 
 105; informed of Spanish 
 preparations, 109; attitude 
 at Bayonne, 112 
 
 pilots secretly visit West 
 
 Indies, 8; accompany Stucke- 
 ley's expedition, 37 ; their at- 
 tempted escape, 39 
 
 pirates, depredations of, 
 
 9, 22, 26 
 
 vessels captured at Fort 
 
 Caroline, 420 
 Frenchmen left in Florida by 
 
 Gourgues, 334 
 Fripp's Inlet, 401 
 
 G 
 
 GaflFarel, Paul, his Histoire de la 
 Floride Frangaise, xi 
 
 Galicia, 149 
 
 Gallego, Gonzalo de, returns 
 from Santa Lucia, 224 
 
 Gandia, Duke of, 266; see Bor- 
 gia, Francisco 
 
 College of, 269, 270 
 
 Garcilaso de la Vega, his 
 anecdote of the Florida In- 
 dians in Spain, 291 
 
 Garonne, 34, 395- 39^ 
 
 Garumna, 395 
 
 Geographical knowledge of Flor- 
 ida, 368 
 
 George, Lake, 84, 391, 411, 412 
 
 Georgia, 397, 409; gold mines 
 
 of, 85; Boyano in the moun- 
 tains of, 284; Pardo in up- 
 country of, 447 
 Georgia, neuva, 460 
 Georgia, west, 403 
 Germans with Ribaut's second 
 
 expedition, 198 
 Gijon, 132, 149, 219 
 Gilbert's Bar, 217, 224, 435 
 Gironda, 395 
 
 Gironde, 34, 395. 396, 398, 413 
 Gold and silver, importation of, 
 
 5, 6, 388; smuggling of, 126 
 Gold mine, reported finding of, 
 
 378 
 Gomez, Brother Gabriel, accom- 
 panies Father Segura to Flor- 
 ida, 341; and to Chesapeake 
 Bay, 360; killed by the 
 natives, 364 
 
 Ruy, Prince of Eboli, on 
 
 Spanish diplomatic methods, 
 321 
 Gomez's expedition postponed 
 owing to Spanish and Portu- 
 guese rivalries, 17 
 Gonzales, Vincente, in Chesa- 
 peake Bay, 459 
 Gonzalo, Vincente, accompanies 
 Father Rogel to the Bay of 
 Santa Maria, 366; possibly 
 accompanied the Marques ex- 
 pedition, 381 
 Gourgues, Dominique de, 342; 
 his Florida expedition, 324- 
 335; his birthplace and re- 
 ligion, 324; preparations to 
 attack Florida, 324; Spanish 
 knowledge of, 324; sets sail, 
 325; lands at Tacatacuru, 
 326; makes friends with 
 natives, 327; captures block- 
 houses on St. John's River, 
 328-331; his capture of San 
 Mateo, 331-333; hangs the 
 captured Spaniards, 333; re- 
 turns to France, 334; Philip 
 notified of Spanish defeat, 
 335; Spanish protests and 
 Catherine's reply, 335; recog- 
 nition by France, 336; Las 
 I Alas's account cf his capture 
 of San Mateo, 454-457 
 
 Ogier, assists his brother 
 
 Dominique, 325 
 
Index 
 
 479 
 
 Grajalas, Francisco Lopdz do 
 
 Mendoza, 265, 421; cnaplain 
 in Avil6s's first Fl( irida expedi- 
 tion, i4g; reaches Dominica, 
 150; at Puerto Rico, 151, 152; 
 at the founding of St. Augus- 
 tine, 160; receives Aviles on 
 his return from Fort Caroline, 
 188, 189; rescues condemned 
 French prisoners, 193; at- 
 tempts to leave Santa Lucia, 
 240; named vicar, 256; inter- 
 cedes for mutineers, 293; 
 mentions scarcity of writing 
 paper in colony, 294; his 
 account of Avilds's oath at 
 Matanzas, 422 
 
 Granada, 121, 364 
 
 Grande, 34, 395- 398 
 
 Grandis, 395 
 
 Granvclie, Antoine Perrenot, 
 Cardinal de, his instructions 
 to prevent French undertak- 
 ings in the Indies, 19; warns 
 Philip against French in Flor- 
 ida, 104 
 
 Great Tennessee River, 447 
 
 Guale, 242, 244, 360; Manrique 
 de Rojas at, 46; reported 
 French fort at, 226; French- 
 men escape to, 245, 246; 
 Avil^s's first expedition to, 
 245-247; returns to, 249, 250; 
 he plans visit to, 256; Las 
 Alas in charge of, 261 ; Avil^s 
 visits, 262; fort at, 289; 
 Jesuit missionaries sent to, 
 344, 345, 347; where found, 
 347; Father Alamo replaced 
 by Father Quiros, 349; epi- 
 demic at, 349; Jesuit mission 
 withdrawn, 353 
 
 • Indians, human sacri- 
 fice, 246, 264 
 
 — Island, 348 
 
 Gualequeni, barra de, 453 
 
 Gualiquini, 453 
 
 Guatari, 276, 447; Pardo erects 
 blockhouse at, 296; its fate, 
 296, 297 
 
 Guatariatiqui, 447, 450 
 
 Guatary, 447 
 
 Guavaca-Esqui, 448 
 
 Gueza, 445 
 
 Guinea. 143 
 
 Guiomae, 275, 445, 447 
 
 (Tui<jmaer, 445 
 
 Ciuioniacz, 445 
 
 Guises said to have betraved the 
 
 French Protestant colony in 
 
 Florida, 299 
 Gulf of Mexico, 59, 143, 229; 
 
 infested with pirates, 10; 
 
 fleet of New Spain for the, 1 1 
 Gulf Stream, 217, 366 
 Gutierrez, Juan, accompanies 
 
 Las Alas to Spain, 357 
 Guzman, Juan Tello de, ap- 
 pointee of Casa de Contra- 
 
 taci6n, 123 
 
 H 
 
 Hais, Jean de, 177 
 
 Hartamua, 129 
 
 Havana, 80, 161, 163, 212, 222- 
 224, 228, 238—240, 242, 244, 
 252-255, 259, 260, 273, 276, 
 277. 289, 323. 341, 360, 
 366, 372-375. 377. 463; at- 
 tacked by French pirates, 9; 
 sacked by Jacques de Soria, 
 22; Ribaut's instructions to 
 seize, 96; Captain Barreda 
 in charge of harbour, 281; 
 Ribaut's intention to seize, 
 304; plan to found Jesuit 
 college at, 344; its failure, 
 346; Governor of, captured 
 by Fort Caroline mutineers, 
 409 
 
 Havre de Grace, 25, 39, 96 
 
 Hawkins, John, 409, 410, 421; 
 visits Fort Caroline, 88, 89; 
 his fleet, 89; offers to take 
 colonists to France, 91; re- 
 lieves the colony, 91, 92; 
 commissioned by Laudon- 
 niere to sell cargoes captured 
 by the French, 92, 179; 
 leaves hostages, 92; their 
 fate, 177; ship bought from 
 him abandoned, 184; fear of a 
 descent on Florida by, 356; 
 description of "Riviere de 
 Mai," 389 
 
 Helley's Keys, 449 
 
 Hcnriquez, Miguel, at St. Au- 
 gustine, 263; his quarrel with 
 the Governor, 284; Aviles 
 
48o 
 
 Index 
 
 Henriquez — Continued 
 
 takes him prisoner to San 
 Felipe, 284 
 
 Henry II., 330 
 
 Hercules, Mountains of , 116, 117 
 
 Hevia, Diego de, his death, 255 
 
 Hillsborough Bay, 449 
 
 River, 432 
 
 Hilton Head, 440 
 
 Hinestrosa, Juan de, receives 
 Avil^s at Havana, 220; Avil^s 
 at his house, 223; relieves 
 Santa Lucia, 239; assists 
 Avilds with money, 254; 
 Father Rogel's letter to, 350 
 
 Hispaniola, 219, 244, 301; com- 
 merce of, exposed to piracies, 
 10; negro population of, 14; 
 Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon dies 
 at, 50; Ribaut's instructions 
 to free negroes of, 96; French 
 colony in Florida a menace to, 
 103 ; Florida discovered from, 
 108; the San Pelayo sails for, 
 163; Father Rogel at, 273; 
 Avil^s at, 375 
 
 Holland cartographers and the 
 rivers named by Ribaut, 34 
 
 Honduras, 244; commerce with 
 West Indies, 10; negro popu- 
 lation of, 14; Ribaut's pur- 
 pose to threaten, 96 
 
 Hospogahe, 464, 465 
 
 Houstaqua, 76 
 
 Hoya, 352, 444 
 
 Humilde, 395 
 
 Hutchinson's Island, 216, 433 
 
 Hysweestake River, 432 
 
 lacan, 459 
 
 laruas of the Timuquanans, 63 
 
 India, 16 
 
 Indian Inlet, 216 
 
 Lagoon, changes in, 433, 
 
 435 
 
 method of recovering 
 gold, 84 
 
 names, Spanish corrup- 
 tion of, 231 
 
 -; River, 59, 216, 435, 446; 
 
 identified with the Rio de 
 Ays, 432 
 
 River Inlet, 435 
 
 use of tobacco, 90 
 
 Indians, rapid spread of news 
 among the, 247 
 
 see Caloosas, Guale, 
 
 Santa Elena, Timuquanans, 
 etc. 
 
 Indios Costas, 442 
 
 Inquisition informs Avil^s of 
 presence of "Lutherans" in 
 his fleet, 163 
 
 in Flanders, Avil^s to 
 
 command fleet to plant the, 
 292 
 
 loannis Ponce, Sinus, 412 
 
 Iracana, 397 
 
 Isa, 445 
 
 Isabella, the, 53, 76 
 
 Isabella of Savoy, married to 
 Philip II., 24; replaces him 
 at the Bayonne conference, 
 106; accompanied by the 
 Duke of Alba, no; informs 
 Catherine of Philip's senti- 
 ments, 114; Catherine de- 
 clares her innocence to, 300; 
 fears breach between France 
 and Spain, 301; informs 
 Catherine of her fears and 
 Philip's sentiments, 319 
 
 Isle of Wight, 96 
 
 Is, Rio de, 432 
 
 Issa, 445 
 
 Jacan, 459 
 
 Jagaya, 445 
 
 Jamaica, 81, 82, 103; Governor 
 of, captured by Fort Caro- 
 line mutineers, 409 
 
 James River, 464 
 
 Jesuits to accompany Aviles, 
 142; sail with Las Alas, 219; 
 origin of the Order, 265; first 
 mission to Florida and Amer- 
 ica, 266-273; mission to San 
 Antonio, 277, 345; toTegesta, 
 282; second Florida mission, 
 341; to Guale, 344; mission 
 wthdrawn, 353; to Virginia, 
 360-366; first mission to 
 Mexico, 373 
 
 Jesus of Lubcck, the, 89 
 
 Jews prohibited in Avil^s's 
 Florida colony, 143 
 
 Joara, 446, 450, 451 
 
Index 
 
 481 
 
 John of Portugal, his distrust of 
 Spanish discovery, 16, 17 
 
 Jordan, River, 34, 395, 439 
 
 Juada, 275, 2S4, 294, 296, 443, 
 446, 448, 450, 451 
 
 Juana, Dona, Regent of Spain, 
 
 23 
 Jupiter Inlet, 217, 435 
 Jykill Island. 453 
 Sound, 397 
 
 Labazares, Guido de, in Florida, 
 108 
 
 La Caille accompanies Vasseur's 
 expedition up the St. John's, 
 76; sent to Avilcs, 202 
 
 La Carrera, Brother Juan de la, 
 accompanies Father Segura 
 to Florida, 341 ; appointed to 
 Santa Elena, 347 
 
 Lachgrc, exiled from Charles- 
 fort, 41; his rescue, 42; his 
 fate. 43 
 
 La Grange, Captain, 165 
 
 Lague, Francjois, left in charge of 
 Gourgues's ships, 327 
 
 Lameco, 286, 451 
 
 Landes, 324 
 
 La Parra, Juan de, his treat- 
 ment by Osorio, 220, 221 ; his 
 ship taken by Aviles, 222 
 
 La Popeliniere's account of the 
 treatment of Jean Ribaut's 
 body, 427 
 
 Laredo, Aviles at, 128, 130 
 
 La Rocheferri^re, accompanies 
 Laudonniere, 52 
 
 La Rochelle, 122, 185, 322, 334, 
 420 
 
 La Roquette, 79 
 
 Larroque, Ph. Tamizey de, and 
 the authorship of La Reprise 
 de la Floride, 329 
 
 Las Alas, Esteban de, 155, 371, 
 372; his fleet, 148, 149; in- 
 structions, 151; appointed 
 royal accountant of Florida, 
 160; expected at Havana, 
 163; sails for Florida, 218- 
 220; reaches Havana, 223; 
 accompanies Aviles to Carlos, 
 228; returns to Havana, 238; 
 and St. Augustine, 242; ac- 
 
 ••-31 
 
 companies Avil6s to Guale, 
 245; to Santa Elena, 247; at 
 San Fc'lijjo, 24>S; ordered to 
 kill French interpreter, 250; 
 relief sent him, 254; in charge 
 at Orista and Guale, 261; 
 writes to Pardo, 276; ap- 
 pointed Lieutenant during 
 absence of Avilos, 2H4; sends 
 Boyano on expedition, 285; 
 at San Felipe, 294; builds 
 blockhouses and relieves San 
 Mateo, 297 ; quiets Indian 
 revolt at San Felipe, 3 5 2 ; 
 help sent him from Spain, 
 salary unpaid, 356; abandons 
 Florida and returns to Spain, 
 357' 35^; remains in Spain, 
 371; sails for Florida, 375; 
 married to Catalina Men6ndez 
 de Aviles, 384; his account of 
 Gourgues's attack on San 
 Mateo, 454-457 
 La Salle's Texas colony, 335 
 Laudonniere, Rene de, 390, 393, 
 399, 400, 404—406, 408, 409, 
 412—415, 420, 421; accom- 
 panies RilDaut's first Flor- 
 ida expedition, 3 t ; his ex- 
 pedition to Florida, 51-58, 
 75-185; assisted by Co- 
 ligny, 52; his colonists, 52; 
 his fleet, 53; religion of colo- 
 nists, 53 ; ordered to respect 
 Spanish rights, 53; sails, 54; 
 makes land near St. Augus- 
 tine, visits St. John's River, 
 54: received by Saturiba, 54; 
 selects site for settlement; 
 57; erects Fort CaroHne, 57, 
 58; sends Ottigny to treat 
 with Thimogoa, 75; sends 
 Vasseur up the St. John's, 75; 
 his treatment of Saturiba, 77, 
 78; sends Arlac to Outina, 78; 
 his treatment of the settlers, 
 78; attempt to kill him, 79; 
 the September revolt, 79, 80; 
 the November mutiny, 80- 
 83; expeditions to Port 
 Royal, the St. John's, Outina, 
 84; famine, 85-88; prepares 
 to abandon the country, 86- 
 88; holds Outina for food, 
 87; Hawkins's visit, 88-92; 
 
482 
 
 Index 
 
 Laudonnidre — Continued 
 
 commissions Hawkins to sell 
 captured cargoes, 92; arrival 
 of Ribaut with charges against 
 him, 97, 98; his excuses, 98, 
 99; report of piracies com- 
 mitted by his colony reaches 
 Spain, 102; opposes Ribaut's 
 plans, 164; condition of his 
 garrison, 165; prepares for 
 Spanish attack on Fort Caro- 
 line, 166, 167; the attack, 
 
 172, 173; his escape, 175, 181, 
 182, 184; reaches Moulins, 
 185; Aviles unaware he has 
 left Florida, 226; ship left by 
 him in Florida, 241 ; at Mou- 
 lins, 314; his reception, 315; 
 offers his services to Spain, 
 317; at French Court, 336; 
 his story of the November 
 mutineers, 409 
 
 Laudonniere's interpreter, 314; 
 becomes Alava's spy at Moul- 
 ins, 315, 316 
 
 La Vandera, Juan de, 355; ac- 
 companies Pardo's second ex- 
 pedition, description of South 
 Carolina, 295; commands at 
 San Felipe, his effort to relieve 
 1^,352,357: his treatment of 
 the colonists, 377 
 
 La Vigne, M. de, 167 
 
 Le Breton, Christophe, 424, 426 
 
 Le Challeux, his idea of an 
 alligator, 76; describes colo- 
 nists of third expedition, 95; 
 escapes from Fort Caroline, 
 
 173, 174, 183, 184; account of 
 Spanish cruelty, 176; account 
 of scotiting party, 195; his 
 Discours, 414; his account of 
 Aviles's oath at Matanzas, 
 424; of Ribaut's death, 425 
 
 Le Clerc, Jacques, his depreda- 
 tions, 50, see Pie de Palo 
 
 Le Moyne de Morgues, Jacques, 
 33,409,412,413,421; accom- 
 panies Laudonniere, 52; de- 
 scribes the Timuquanans, 59; 
 escapes from Fort Caroline, 
 
 174, 181, 182; account of the 
 second Matanzas massacre, 
 200-203; of Aviles's oath at 
 Matanzas, 423 
 
 Leon, Bay of Ponce de, Ribaut 
 to fortify the, 96; Aviles pro- 
 poses to fortify the, 212, 226; 
 Chatham Bay, 231 
 
 Juan Ponce de, 108, 152 
 
 Lescarbot's complaint of the 
 Holland cartographers, 34; 
 account of the treatment of 
 Jean Ribaut's body, 427 
 
 Liboume, 399 
 
 Licences, French, to go to the 
 Indies, 25 
 
 Ligeris, 395 
 
 Limoges, Sebastien de I'Aubes- 
 pine. Bishop of, French am- 
 bassador in Spain, 28 
 
 Linares, Brother Pedro, accom- 
 panies Father Segura to Flor- 
 ida, 341; and to Chesapeake 
 Bay, 360; killed by the 
 natives, 364 
 
 Lisbon, 301 
 
 Little Briton, the, 53 
 
 Little Lake George, 62 
 
 Tennessee River, 447 
 
 Llanes, 383 
 
 Lobo, Father, 270 
 
 Loire, 34, 395, 397, 416 
 
 Longitude, instrument for meas- 
 uring, invented by Aviles, 382 
 
 Lorraine, Cardinal of, reply to 
 Spanish protests, 25 
 
 Lucayan Islands, 81 
 
 Luis, Don, see Velasco, Luis de 
 
 Luna y Arellano, Tristan _ de, 
 266, 452; his companions 
 consulted on fitness of Florida 
 for colonisation, 49 
 
 Lutheran interpreter at Guale, 
 245; his fate, 250 
 
 Lyons, 388 
 
 ■ banks notified of arrival 
 
 of Spanish treasure fleets, 8 
 
 M 
 
 Machiaca, 414 
 
 Macoya, 431 
 
 ally of Saturiba, 258, 
 
 277, 280, 282 
 
 Madeira, rumoured English at- 
 tack on, 9; Montluc's attack 
 on, 263, 316 
 
 Madre de Dios del Jacan, baya 
 de, 459 
 
Index 
 
 483 
 
 Madrid. 290, 291, 300 
 
 Magnum, 395 
 
 Mai, Riviere de, where found, 
 389; identified with various 
 rivers, 390-392; with the St. 
 John's, 392, 393; rivers be- 
 tween it and Port Royal, 394- 
 
 Maij,395,4ii 
 
 Maillard, Captain, rescues fugi- 
 tives from Fort CaroHne, 184 
 Malabar, Cape, 436 
 Maldonado, Juan, report on 
 
 Florida coast, 465 
 Malica, 412 
 Malta, 146, 303 
 Maps: 
 
 Abbeville, Sanson d', 1656, 
 "Le Nouveau Mexique et la 
 Florida," 408, 416, 450 
 i679,"Le Nou- 
 veau Mexique et laFloride," 
 408, 416, 442, 450 
 Agnese, Bap list a. Venetian 
 
 Atlas of 1554, 418 
 Albert and Lottier, 1784, "A 
 New and Correct Map of 
 North America with the 
 West India Islands," 409 
 Allard, Carel, 1696, "Virginise 
 partis australis, et Floridae 
 partis orientalis 
 nova descriptio," 416 
 Andrews, John, 1777, "A 
 New Map of the British 
 Colonies in North America," 
 393. 434, 442 
 Anonymous, 1595 - 1600, 
 
 "Mapa de la Florida y 
 Laguna de Maimi . . ." 
 
 433. 435. 444. 450; de- 
 scription and date, 464-466 
 
 1760, "A new and 
 
 accurate map of the pro- 
 vince of Georgia in North 
 America," 391 
 
 Bellin, Nicolas, 1744, "Carte 
 des costes de la Floride 
 Fran9aise," 392, 397, 398, 
 402 
 
 • 1764, "Carte 
 
 reduite des Costes de la 
 Louisiane et de la Floride," 
 
 434. 436 
 
 Bleau, Guillaume, 1644, "Vir- 
 
 giniae partis australis, et 
 
 Floridae partis orientalis, 
 . nova descriptio," 
 
 415 
 1644, "Insulc-e 
 
 Americance in Oceano Sep- 
 
 tcntrionalis . . .," 435 
 Joannes, 1662, "Vir- 
 
 ginice partis australis, et 
 
 Floridae partis orientalis 
 
 . . . novadescriptio,"4i6 
 Brahm, John Grcar de, 1772, 
 
 "The Ancient Tegesta 
 
 ■ • .," 442 
 Gary, Jno., 1783, "The West 
 
 Indies," 393, 438, 442, 450 
 Chatelain, H. A., 17 19, "Carte 
 
 contenant le Royaume du 
 
 Mexique et de la Floride," 
 
 408 
 Covens et Mortier, 1757, 
 
 " Archipelague du Mexique 
 
 . . . ," 436. 442 
 Darby, William, 182 1, "Map 
 
 of Florida," 393 
 Desceliers, Pierre, Henry II., 
 
 map of 1546, 418 
 
 Mapof 1550,418 
 
 Des Liens, Nicolas, 1566, Map 
 
 of North America, 418 
 Dudley, Robert, 1630, "La 
 
 Florida," 416 
 Du Val, P., 1665, "La Floride 
 
 Franfoise . . .," 408, 
 
 416 
 Fairbanks, George R., 1858, 
 
 "Map of Florida, 1565," 
 
 392, 406 
 Fer, Nicolas de, 17 18, " Partie 
 
 M^ridionale de la Riviere 
 
 Mississippi," 417 
 Gaffarcl, Paul, 1875, "Carte 
 
 de la Floride Franfaise," 
 
 392, 397, 398 
 Gatschet, Albert S., 1884, 
 
 "The Linguistic Families of 
 
 the Gulf States," 409 
 Homann, Johann Baptista, 
 
 1763, "Amplissima regionis 
 
 Mississipi seu Provinciae 
 
 Ludovicianae," 31)0, 396, 
 
 398. 438 
 1763, 
 
 ' ' Regni Mexicani scu Novae 
 
 Hispaniae," 409, 438, 442 
 
484 
 
 Index 
 
 Maps — Continued 
 
 Homann, Johann Baptista, 
 
 1765," Totius Americae Sep- 
 
 tentrionalis et Meridion- 
 
 alis," 442 
 Hondius, Henricus, 1633, 
 
 "Virginiae item et Floridae 
 
 . . . Nova Descriptio," 
 
 415 
 Isle, Guillaume de 1', 1703. 
 
 "Carte du Mexique et de la 
 
 Floride," 408, 417 
 1718, "Carte et 
 
 Cours du Mississipi . . .," 
 
 39O' 396, 397. 437 ..^ 
 1722, Carte 
 
 du Mexique et de la Flori- 
 de," 408 
 1730. "Amer- 
 
 ique Septentrionale," 417 
 1750. "Carta 
 
 Geografica della Florida neir 
 America Settentrionale," 
 408 
 Jansson, Joannes, 1642, "Vir- 
 giniae partis australis, et 
 Floridae partis orientalis 
 
 • • -"415 
 
 . 1653, America 
 
 Septentrionalis," 434, 442 
 
 Jeflferys, Thomas, 1769, "The 
 Bay of Espiritu Santo, 
 East Florida," 450 
 
 1769, "East 
 
 Florida . . ."393-435.45° 
 
 1775. "The 
 
 Peninsula and Gulf of Flor- 
 ida . . .," 434. 442 
 
 Keulen, Johannes, 1735, "Pas 
 Kaart van West Indien," 
 
 417 
 
 La Cosa, Juan de, 1500, Map 
 of America, 7 
 
 Laet, Jean de, 1640, "Florida 
 et Regiones Vicinae," 408, 
 416, 433. 442, 450 
 
 Laurie and Whittle, 1784, 
 "West Indies," 436 
 
 Le Moyne de Morgues, Jac- 
 ques, 1 59 1, "Floridae Ameri- 
 canae Provinciae Recens and 
 exactissima descriptio," 
 231. 391. 394. 398. 400, 
 414-417, 437. 440; the 
 map described, 410-413 
 
 Lescarbot, Marc, 161 1, "Fig- 
 ure et description de la terre 
 reconue et habitue par les 
 Francois en la Floride et 
 audega . . ., " 408, 416 
 
 Lopez, Tomas, 1783, "Piano 
 de la Ciudad y Puerto de 
 San Agustin de la Florida," 
 
 434 
 Lotter, Albert Matthieu, 1720, 
 
 "Carte Nouvelle de I'Amer- 
 
 ique Angloise," 442 
 George Frederic, 1784, 
 
 "A New and Correct Map of 
 
 North America . . .," 
 
 434. 436 
 Maiollo, Vesconte, 1527, Map 
 
 of America, 212 
 Martin, Benjamin, 1755-56, 
 
 "A Map of the British 
 
 and French Settlements in 
 
 North America," (second 
 
 part), 408 
 Martinez, Fernando, 1765, 
 
 "Descripcion . . . de 
 
 la parte que los Espanoles 
 
 poseen . . . en . . . 
 
 la Florida," 434, 436, 438, 
 
 442 
 Mentelle et Chanlaire, 1798, 
 
 ' ' Carte de la Floride et de la 
 
 Georgie," 436 
 Mercator, Gerard, 1606, "Vir- 
 
 ginise item et Floridae . . . 
 
 nova descriptio," 391, 412, 
 
 416,417; the map described 
 
 414. 415 .^ 
 
 Mexia, Albaro, 1605, Der- 
 rotero util y provechoso 
 . el qual reza desde 
 la ciudad de San Agustin 
 hasta la varra de Aiz," 195, 
 
 433. 435 
 Moll, Herman, 1710-1715, 
 "A Map of the West Indies 
 or the Islands of America in 
 the South Sea . . .," 
 
 391 
 
 Montanus, Amoldus, 1671, 
 "Virginia partis australis, 
 et Floridae partis orientalis, 
 . . . nova descriptio," 416 
 
 Miinster, Sebastian, 154°. 
 "Novae Insulae," 212, 411, 
 
Index 
 
 485 
 
 Maps — Continued 
 
 Olives, Domingo, 1568, Map 
 of England, 129 
 
 Parkman, Francis, 1893, 
 "Florida, 1565," 393, 409 
 
 Portuguese Portolano, 15 14- 
 1520, 417 
 
 Pownall, 1783, "A New Map 
 of North America \vith the 
 West India Islands," 409, 
 434- 436 
 
 Ptolemy, 1540, "Nova; In- 
 suhe," 212, 4n, 418 
 
 Purcell, Joseph, 1792, "A 
 Map of the States of Vir- 
 ginia . . . comprehend- 
 ing . . . East and West 
 Florida," 434, 438 
 
 Renier and Ottens, 1730, "In- 
 sulae Americana; . . ., " 
 408, 442, 450 
 
 Reynolds, Charles B., 18^3, 
 Map of Portion of Florida 
 Coast, 406 
 
 Ribero, Diego, 1529, "Carta 
 universal . . ., " 417 
 
 Robinson, G. G., and J., "The 
 West Indies, " 393 
 
 Romans, Bernard, 1776, "A 
 General Map of the South- 
 em British Colonies in 
 America," 409, 442 
 
 1776, "The 
 
 Seat of War in the South 
 British Colonies," 434 
 
 Ruscelli, Girolamo, Map of 
 1561, 418 
 
 Senex and Maxwell, 17 10, 
 "North America," 408 
 
 Senex, John, 17 19, "A Map 
 of Louisiana and the River 
 Mississipi," 437 
 
 Seutter, Matthaeus, 1725- 
 1760, "NovusOrbis . . .," 
 442 
 
 1740 -1760, 
 
 "Mapa Geographica Regi- 
 onem Mexicanam et Flori- 
 dam . . .," 408, 438, 442 
 
 Speed, John, 1676, "A New 
 Description of Carolina," 
 
 417 
 Thevet , Andr^ , 1 5 7 5 , " Le Nou- 
 
 veau Monde . . .,"412 
 Ulpius Globe of 1542, 418 
 
 Valk, Gerard, and Schenk, 
 Peter, 17 10, "Virgini;e par- 
 tis australis, et Floridaj 
 partis orientalis, 
 nova descriptio," 416 
 Visscher, Nicolaus, 1680, "In- 
 sul;c Amcricanx in Occano 
 Septentrionali," 442, 450 
 Walsh, John, 1798, "Tabvla 
 maxima: partis 
 Ameriae Media; . . . , " 
 434 
 Wells, Edward, 1701, "A 
 New Map of North Amer- 
 ica," 442 
 White, John, see With 
 With, John, 1585, "Map of 
 southern part of the At- 
 lantic coast of North 
 America," . . . ,"; map 
 described, 413 
 Maps and charts of the West In- 
 dies, supply to foreigners for- 
 bidden, 6, 7; publication of, 
 suppressed, 7 
 Dutch, French and Eng- 
 lish, Le Moyne's influence on, 
 412 
 Spanish, Ribaut's possi- 
 ble use of, 45 ; used by Le 
 Moyne, 412 
 
 of the French Colonies 
 
 in Florida and South Carolina, 
 410 
 Margarita plundered by Jacques 
 
 de Soria, 22 
 Marques, Alonzo Men^ndes, 
 hostage at Guale, 247; where 
 he remains, 250, 262 
 Pedro Men^ndez, ap- 
 pointed factor, 160; accom- 
 panies Las Alas's fleet, 218, 
 219; separated in storm, and 
 reaches Havana, 220; sale of 
 his prize, 222 ; sails for Spain, 
 223; returns to Florida and 
 accompanies Avil^s to San 
 Antonio, 277; at St. Augus- 
 tine, 294; leaves for vSan 
 Felipe, 294; orders death of 
 Caloosa chief, 346; quiets 
 Indian revolt at San Felipe, 
 352; salary unpaid, 356; 
 leaves San Felipe for Havana, 
 357; named Lieutenant -Gov- 
 
486 
 
 Index 
 
 Marquds — Continued 
 
 emor of Cuba, 357 ; returns to 
 San Mateo, 359; in charge of 
 Florida, 375; exploration of 
 the coast, 381, 382; Avil^s 
 bequeaths Pdnuco conquest 
 to, 384 
 
 ■ Rio del, 453 
 
 Marranos prohibited in Avil^s's 
 Florida colony, 143 
 
 Martinez, Father Pedro, sent to 
 Florida, 266; early training, 
 267 ; admitted to the Society 
 of Jesus, 268; his austerities, 
 268; sent to Oran, 269; re- 
 turns to Spain, 269; sails for 
 Florida with his two com- 
 panions, 270; is abandoned 
 on Florida coast, 271 ; reaches 
 the island of Tacatacuru, 272 ; 
 his death, 272, 326; punish- 
 ment of his murderer ordered, 
 290; other Jesuits not dis- 
 couraged by his fate, 341 
 
 Martires, Islas de los, 441 
 
 Martyr Islands, 83, 440; Ribaut 
 to fortify the, 96 
 
 Mary of England, Queen, Avil^s 
 attends her marriage, 126; 
 she sends Philip assistance, 
 129; her liking for Avil^s, 140 
 
 Massacre of St. Bartholomew 
 postponed, 113 
 
 Masura River, 449 
 
 Matan9as, 195, 196 
 
 Matanzas, Cuba, 79, 80, 222 
 
 Matanzas Inlet, Florida, visited 
 by Manrique de Rojas, 46; 
 part of Ribaut 's fleet wrecked 
 near, 190;. balance of his fleet 
 wrecked near, 195, 201; inlet 
 south of, 196; changes in 
 coast near, 435 
 
 ■ massacres, the first and 
 
 second, 190-203; opinions as 
 to, 103-107; Spanish Govern- 
 ment's excuse for, 205, 305, 
 429; French indignation at, 
 317; widows and orphans 
 petition the King, 318; 
 Memyn's account of, 420; the 
 oath of Avil^s, 421-425 
 
 — ■ River, 195, 196, 289, 
 
 ^290, 435 
 
 Mathiaca, 414 
 
 Mauvilia, 291 
 
 Maximilian, Regent of Spain, 122 
 
 Mayaca, 431 
 
 Maya, Diego de, see Amaya 
 
 Mayaimi, laguna de, 441 
 
 Lake, 411, 441 
 
 Mayajuaca, 431 
 Maymi, Lake, 258, 263 
 Mayport Peninsula, blockhouse 
 
 built at, 297 
 May, River of, 32, 33, 395, 413- 
 
 415 
 
 May (River, S. C), 398 
 
 Mazariegos, Diego, Governor of 
 Cuba, ordered to reconnoitre 
 Ribaut 's settlement in Flor- 
 ida, 45 ; dispatches Manrique 
 de Rojas, 45 
 
 Medrano, Juan Velez de, settles 
 at Ays, 217; at Santa Lucia, 
 239; wounded by mutineers, 
 240 
 
 Meleneche, 390, 391 
 
 Melona, 412 
 
 Memyn, Jean, captured by 
 Avilds, 177; his deposition, 
 420; account of Ribaut 's 
 death, 426 
 
 Mendez, Brother Juan Bautista, 
 accompanies Father Segura to 
 Florida, 341, 342; and to 
 Chesapeake Bay, 360; sent on 
 embassy to Don Luis, 363; 
 killed by the natives, 364 
 
 Mendoza, Bernardino de, threat 
 to English Roman Catholic 
 colonists, 206, 207 
 
 Diego de, rescue of his 
 
 fleet, 129 
 
 Grajales, Lop^z de, 
 
 see Grajales 
 
 Louis Sarmiento de. 
 
 Spanish ambassador to Portu- 
 gal, 20 
 Meras, Gonzalo Solis de, 170, 
 237, 242. 259, 265, 290; his 
 Memorial, v, vii; reproduces 
 the Relacidn of Avil^s, viii; is 
 copied by Barcia, ix ; its 
 reliability, x ; accompanies 
 Aviles's first Florida expedi- 
 tion, 148; kills Jean Ribaut, 
 199; records opinion on the 
 Matanzas massacres, 203 ; 
 sent to Campeche and New 
 
Index 
 
 487 
 
 Merds — Continued 
 
 Spain, 223, 239; returns to 
 Havana, 254; sails for Spain, 
 255; his account of Avil^s's 
 oath at Matanzas, 422 
 
 Merchant fleets, exposed to 
 piracies, 9-1 1; measures 
 taken to protect, 11, 12; 
 course taken by, 12 
 
 Mercy, friar of the Order ot, 
 with Las Alas, 219 
 
 Metacumbe, island of, 440 
 
 Mexico, 212, 259, 368, 443, 458, 
 463; first Jesuit mission to, 
 373 ; royal revenues from, 387 
 
 • City of, 369 
 
 Miami, Lake, 58, 229, 441 
 
 River, 260, 441 
 
 Miranda, Hernando de, accom- 
 panies x\vil6s's first Florida 
 expedition, 148; sent to Santo 
 Domingo and Havana, 151; 
 Treasurer of Florida, 160; 
 married to Catalina Mendndez 
 de Aviles, 148, 384 
 
 Miruelo, bahia de, 448 
 
 Mission, the French Protestants 
 and the Indians, 78; Avil6s's 
 tribute to, 79; see Jesuits 
 
 Missoe, 454 
 
 Mobjack Bay, 464 
 
 Mollona, 75, 76 
 
 Moluccas, Portuguese and Span- 
 ish disputes concerning the, 
 17; path to the, 212, 367 
 
 Mona, 326 
 
 Monardes, Dr. Nicolas, his trea- 
 tise on the medicinal plants of 
 the West Indies, 379, 380 
 
 Moncada, Sancho de, his esti- 
 mate of treasure imported into 
 Spain from West Indies, 5 
 
 Montagan, 269 
 
 Montagnei Pallassi, 413 
 
 Mont de Marsan, 324 
 
 Monte de Rey, 138 
 
 Monterey, College of, 342 
 
 Montluc, Blaise de Lasseran- 
 Massencome de, and his son 
 Pierre's Bayonne expedition, 
 
 lOI 
 
 Pierre de, sacks Madeira, 
 
 263; his preparations, 316; 
 his victory inspires French, 
 322 
 
 Montmorcnci, Anne de, 307 
 Moors prohibited in Avil^s's 
 
 Florida colony, 143 
 Mosquito Inlet, 190, 195 
 
 River, 46 
 
 Moulins, 185, 301, 306, 307, 
 
 Muspa, punta de, 450 
 
 Musquito harbour, 432 
 
 Mutineers from Fort Caroline in 
 Avil6s's first Florida expedi- 
 tion, 148 
 
 Mutiny, the September, and its 
 fate, 79, 80; prisoners sent to 
 Spain, 105; the November, 
 its depredations and fate, 80- 
 
 83 
 Mymy, Captain, his treatment 
 of Spanish crews, 322 
 
 N 
 
 Nantes, expedition for the In- 
 dies equipped at, loi 
 
 Narvaez, P^nfilo de, in Florida, 
 108 
 
 Nassau Sound, 453 
 
 Navarette, Pedro Fernandez, his 
 estimate of treasure imported 
 into Spain from West Indies, 5 
 
 Navarre, 215 
 
 Negro population of West In- 
 dies, rapid increase, and dan- 
 ger attending it, 14, 15; 
 Ribaut's instructions to free, 
 96 
 
 slaves, on Aviles 's first 
 
 Florida expedition, 143, 145; 
 at founding of St. Augustine, 
 160 
 
 New Biscay, 335 ' 
 
 Newfoundland, 143, 211, 212, 
 246, 259, 291, 367 
 
 New Inlet, 435 
 
 Newport (river), 397 
 
 New Spain, 37, 133, 223, 228, 
 243, 244, 253, 254, 259, 301, 
 345. 369. 374; fleet of, Its or- 
 igin, 11; passes near French 
 settlement, 114; report of 
 Council of, on fitness of Santa 
 Elena for colony, 49; on 
 Avilds's Panuco grant, 368; 
 royal revenues from, 387; 
 treasure fleet from, 388 
 
488 
 
 Index 
 
 Niebla, Count of, 133 
 
 Nieremberg, Father Eusebio, his 
 account of Father Martinez, 
 268, 270 
 
 Nombre de Dios, negro popula- 
 tion of, 14 
 
 Noriega, Juan Rodriguez de, 
 counsels Philip to drive French 
 from Florida, 105 
 
 Normandy, Admiral of, 131 
 
 Spanish secret agent 
 
 visits, 20, 23 ; vessels equipped 
 for the Indies in, 25, 26, loi 
 
 Normans in Florida, 336 
 
 North America unsettled by 
 white men north of Panuco in 
 1562, 3 
 
 North Carolina, 446 
 
 North River, 159, 161, 170 
 
 Northwest passage, 371 ; Avil^s 
 informed of, 259; Avil^s's 
 theory of, 212, 367; through 
 Virginia, 362 
 
 Nouvelle France, 118 
 
 Nova Gallia, 118 
 
 Nova Scotia, 118, 417, 418 
 
 Nuestra Sefiora de la Concepcion, 
 the, 45 
 
 Nuiiez, Francisco, sent to re- 
 lieve San Mateo, 297 ; sends a 
 spy to Gourgues's camp, 331 ; 
 notified of Gourgues's ap- 
 proach, 332 
 
 Nut grass found in Florida, 379; 
 Spanish description of, 380, 
 
 Oatchaqva, 414 
 
 Oathkaqua, 414 
 
 Occoquan, 461, 463 
 
 Ochoa, Martin, 172; his death, 
 
 255 
 Ogale, 448 
 Ogeechee, 398 
 
 Okeechobee, Lake, 84, 411, 412 
 Oklawaha, 62 
 Old Bahama Channel, 224 
 St. Augustine, founding 
 
 and site of, 159; abandoned, 
 
 252; blockhouse at, 289, 297 
 
 TampaBay, 234, 278, 449 
 
 Oliva, Spain, 269 
 
 Olotoraca, Indian chief guides 
 
 Gourgues, 329 
 
 Onatheaqua, 76 
 
 Oran, 269 
 
 Orista, 347, 352, 360, 448; 
 French escape from Matan- 
 zas massacre to, 201; chief 
 of, at war with Guale, 246; 
 Aviles at, 247, 248; Las Alas 
 in charge of, 261; where 
 found, 348; Jesuit mission to, 
 348-353; Indian revolt at, 
 352; soldiers quartered at , 
 
 Indians, their customs, 
 
 348, 349 
 
 Orixa, 40 
 
 Osorio, Garcia, governor of 
 Cuba, his reception of Aviles, 
 220; imprisons La Parra, 220; 
 refuses Aviles assistance, 221, 
 254; and seeks his death, 223; 
 takes Penalosa's gun, 224; 
 encourages Robaddn'smutiny, 
 281; his treatment of Avil6s, 
 288 
 
 Ossaba Sound, 401 
 
 Otari, 447 
 
 Otariatiqui, 447, 450 
 
 Otariyatiqui, 447 
 
 Ottare, 447 
 
 Ottigny accompanies Laudon- 
 niere, 52; visits Thimogoa, 
 75 ; ascends the St. John's, 84; 
 fate of his tailor, 182; his 
 death, 203 
 
 Outina, his villages, 62; signifi- 
 cance of name, 62; Laudon- 
 niere hears of, 75; at war with 
 Potauou, 78; relief expedi- 
 tion to, 84; and famine at 
 Fort Caroline, 86; is held as 
 hostage for food, 87, 88; gold 
 and pearls obtained from, 
 179; and Aviles, 257 ; his war 
 with Saturiba, 294; requested 
 to assist San Mateo, 332; ex- 
 pedition against, 412 
 
 Overhill settlements, 447 
 
 Pablo Creek, 161, 170 
 Pacific, 367, 413 
 
 Straits through Florida 
 
 to the, 259 
 
Index 
 
 489 
 
 Pads, F., 412 
 
 Paez, Luys de, 447 
 
 Palican, 289 ; where found, 
 station at, 290 
 
 Pallassi, Montagnci, 413 
 
 Pamplona, 270 
 
 Panuco, northern limit of Span- 
 ish settlement,, 3; Avil(Ss asks 
 licence to settle, 368; report 
 of Audiencia of Mexico, 368; 
 licence granted, 369; Avil^s 
 bequeatns conquest of, to 
 Matqu^s, 384 
 
 Paracusi, 62 
 
 Paraguay, 270 
 
 Pardo, Juan, 284, 286, 378, 438; 
 sent to San Felipe, 256; 
 reaches there, 261; his first 
 expedition, 275, 276 ; his 
 second expedition, 294—296; 
 at Chiaha, 295; constructs 
 blockhouses at various points, 
 296; fate of his settlements, 
 296, 297; date of his first 
 expedition, 443; route of his 
 first expedition, 444-448; of 
 his second expedition, 450- 
 452; Fourquevaux's account 
 of, 451 
 
 Paris, 317, 334 
 
 Island, 440 
 
 Parkman, Francis, his account 
 of the conquest of Florida by 
 Avil^s, ix, xii; sources, xi 
 
 Patino, Andres Lopez de, and 
 the founding of St. Augustine, 
 
 159 
 
 Paul IV., and the truce of Vau- 
 celles, 23 
 
 Paya, Dona, ancestor of Avil^s, 
 120 
 
 Pearl, the, 96, 99, 175-177 
 
 Pedro, heir of Carlos, 255; ac- 
 companies Reynoso to San 
 Antonio, 276 
 
 Rio, 449 
 
 Pelayo, Don, 120 
 
 Pefialosa, Diego de, brings as- 
 sistance from Santo Domingo, 
 223, 224 
 
 Diego Dionisio de, and 
 
 the conquest of New Biscay, 
 
 335 
 Pensacola, 406 
 Peru, 37, 243, 259, 388; French 
 
 pirates capture fleets from, 9; 
 sink vessels from, 22 
 
 Peruclu), the Ays chief, 258 
 
 Peter Martyr's First Decade, 
 descriptive of West Indies, 
 suppressed, 7 
 
 Petition to Charles IX., of 
 widows and orphans of Flor- 
 ida culonisis, 318; its recep- 
 tion, 318; its description of 
 Ribaut's death, 426 
 
 P^tremclaud, 427 
 
 Philip II., warned by Charles V. 
 against France in the West In- 
 dies, 18; marries Isabella of 
 Savoy, 24; notified of Ribaut's 
 designs on Florida, 28; of the 
 colony left there, 44; orders 
 its expulsion, 45 ; learns of 
 Ribaut's preparations for sec- 
 ond expedition, 102; warned 
 against French occupation of 
 Florida, 104, 105; of Ribaut's 
 second expedition, 106; takes 
 Alba's advice, 106; sends 
 Acuna to France, 106; his 
 title to Florida, 107; instruc- 
 tions to Alba at Bayonne, 1 1 1 ; 
 notice to Catherine, 113; 
 takes Avilcs with him to 
 England, 126; asiento with 
 Avilcs to conquer Florida, 
 142-145; his excuse for the 
 killing of the French prisoners, 
 205; commends Aviles, 206; 
 motives, 206, 207; his letter 
 delivered to Aviles, 256; asks 
 for Jesuit missionaries for 
 Florida, 266; at Madrid, 290; 
 where he receives and rewards 
 Aviles, 291, 292; Catherine's 
 dependence upon, 299; deter- 
 mined to recover Florida, 301 ; 
 instructs Alava to inform 
 Catherine, 301 ; attributes the 
 Florida colony to Coligny, 
 303; his object, 304; his in- 
 structions to Alava, 306; 
 notifies Austria of French 
 defeat, 310; and England 
 also, 311; continues to sus- 
 pect French, 316; assured of 
 safety of Florida, 317; his 
 treatment of Catherine's com- 
 plaints, 319; audiences with 
 
 I 
 
490 
 
 Index 
 
 Philip II. — Continued 
 
 Fourquevaux, 319-321; his 
 final reply, 321; learns of 
 loss of San Mateo, 335; 
 orders an investigation in Las 
 Alas's abandonment of Flor- 
 ida, 357 ; his treatment of the 
 Indian Luis de Velasco, 360; 
 interest in Northwest pas- 
 sage, 367; his excuses for the 
 Matanzas massacre, 429 
 
 Philippines, 373 
 
 Piankatank River, 464 
 
 Pie de Palo, his depredations, 
 50, 458; encounters Aviles, 
 128 
 
 Pierria, Albert or Aubert, in 
 command at Charlesfort, 35; 
 visits Audusta, 40; his harsh 
 acts, 41; killed by colonists, 
 41; fate of his murderers, 44 
 
 Pilot Creek, 405 
 
 Pilots, Portuguese, in Villafane's 
 Florida expedition, 17 
 
 ■ Spanish, stolen by Em- 
 anuel I., of Portugal, 17 
 
 Piracies, statutes restricting, 
 demanded of England, 10; 
 committed by Laudonniere's 
 colony, 79-80, 80-83, 92; re- 
 port of, reaches Spain, 102 
 
 Pirates, Aviles goes against the 
 West India, 222 
 
 — French, plunder treasure 
 
 fleets, 9; and merchantmen, 
 10; arming for Florida, loi; 
 bribe French judges, 10 1 
 
 Spanish instructions as 
 
 to treatment of, 124 
 
 Pius v., his letter to Aviles, 370 
 
 Plymouth, Ribaut's second ex- 
 pedition at, 102 
 
 Point Sable, 229 
 
 Port Royal, 347, 395, 398, 400, 
 405,412,415; Ribaut's settle- 
 ment at, 34, 35, 40-44; its 
 danger to Spanish commerce, 
 103; Laudonniere's expedi- 
 tion to, 84; reported French 
 fort in vicinity of, 226; rivers 
 between it and the "Riviere 
 de Mai," 394-399; descrip- 
 tion of, 399; location, 400; 
 coast to south of it, 400; 
 north of it, 401; identifica- 
 
 tion, 401-403; San Felipe in 
 neighborhood of, 440 
 Sound, 401-403, 
 
 Portugal, 143, 201; envious of 
 Spain's success in the West 
 Indies, 4; bribes Spanish 
 pilots, 8 
 
 Princess of. Regent of 
 
 Spain, 131 
 
 Portuguese distrust of Spanish 
 discovery, 16-18 
 
 incite negro chiefs to at- 
 tack Gourgues, 325; supposed 
 to assist Aviles in Florida, 
 316; in attack on Fort Caro- 
 line, 420 
 
 map-makers and Terre 
 
 des Bretons, 118 
 
 pilots in Villafane's ex- 
 pedition to Florida, 18; one 
 accompanies Ribaut's first 
 Florida expedition, 3 1 ; and 
 Laudonniere, 53 ; and Ribaut's 
 second expedition, 95 
 
 settlements in Florida, 
 
 Aviles's account of, 367 
 
 trader wrecked near To- 
 
 440 
 
 cobaga, 279 
 
 Portus Regalis, 395, 404, 
 
 Posada, Juan de, 465 
 
 Potauou, 75; his country, 75; 
 at war with Outina, 78 
 
 Potomac River, 212, 462, 464 
 
 Protestant books captured at 
 Fort Caroline, 179 
 
 mission among Florida 
 
 Indians, 79 
 
 Protestants in Laudonniere's ex- 
 pedition, 53 ; in Ribaut's sec- 
 ond expedition, 95 ; in Aviles's 
 first Florida expedition, their 
 fate, 163 
 
 Puerto de Cavallos, negro popu- 
 lation of, 14 
 
 Puerto de Plata, 244, 374 
 
 Puerto Rico, 265, 273, 288, 326, 
 342, 420; its commerce exposed 
 to pirac}', 10; perils to fleet 
 returning to, 13 ; negro popula- 
 tion of, 14; Ribaut's designs 
 on, 96; Aviles at, 150, 263; 
 Mendoza at, 151; instructions 
 left for Las Alas at, 151; 
 governor of, 152; desertions 
 
Index 
 
 491 
 
 Puerto Rico — Continued 
 
 at, 152; ships sent to, 163; 
 horses shipped at, 164; Las 
 Alas reaches, 2 iq; vessels for, 
 256; defence of, 262 
 
 Pulgar, Pedro Fernandez de, his 
 Historia general dc la Florida, 
 xiii-xv; his Historia General 
 de las Indias Occidentales, xiii 
 
 Q 
 
 Quadra, Alvarez de. Bishop of 
 Aquila, Spanish ambassador 
 to England, his interview with 
 Stuckeley, 3 7 ; suspects his 
 object, 38 
 
 Quasimodo, 331 
 
 Quatariaatiqui, 447 
 
 Quihanaqui, 446 
 
 Quinahaqui, 446 
 
 Quiros, Father Luis de, accom- 
 panies Father Segura to Flor- 
 ida, 341; replaces Father 
 Alamo at Guale, 342, 349; 
 accompanies Father Segura to 
 Chesapeake Bay, 360; his last 
 letter, 361, 362; goes on 
 embassy to Don Luis, 363; 
 his death, 364 
 
 Rando, Pedro de la, order to 
 punish his murderer, 290; 
 killed at Tacatacuru, 290, 326 
 
 Rappahannock, 462, 464 
 
 Recalde, Francisco de, heads 
 mutiny at St. Augustine, 240 
 
 Redondo, Brother Cristobal, ac- 
 companies Father Segura to 
 Florida, 341; and to Chesa- 
 peake Bay, 360; killed by the 
 natives, 364 
 
 Red town of Creek Indians 
 visited by Boyano, 285 
 
 Renard, Simon, Spanish ambas- 
 sador to France, warns against 
 French designs on West In- 
 dies, 2 2 ; reports Villegaignon's 
 seizure of Spanish port in, 23 
 
 Revenues, royal, from the In- 
 dies, 387 
 
 Revuelta, 453 
 
 Reynoso, Francisco de, sent to 
 Carlos, 263; Father Rogel to 
 
 accompany, 273; at San An- 
 tonio, 277; attempts to kill 
 him, 277 ; attacks the shamans, 
 340; linal withdraw^al from 
 San Antonio, 346 
 Rihao, Barreta de, 196, 435 
 Ribaut, Jacques, accompanies 
 third c'xpedition to Florida, 
 95; anchors at Fort Caroline, 
 99; rescues fugitives from 
 Fort Caroline, 175, 177; re- 
 fuses tosurrender, 1 76; Avil(;!'s's 
 plan to capture, 180, 189; 
 sails for France, 184; Avil6s 
 fears his return, 212; Avil6s 
 unaware of his departure, 226; 
 arrival in France, 300; re- 
 ports to Coligny. 300; his 
 bearing at Moulins, 301; 
 threatens Enveja, 302 ; Alava's 
 complaint, 302 ; in secret con- 
 ferences at Coligny's house, 
 315; Enveja's complaint of 
 him, 316 
 
 Jean, 400, 401, 403, 405, 
 
 414, 415, 420; Philip II., 
 notified of his preparations 
 for Florida, 28; Chantone's 
 protest, 28; Philip II. refers 
 the matter to the Council of 
 the Indies, 29; sails, 30; per- 
 sons interested in enterprise, 
 3 I ; rumoured destination, 3 1 ; 
 course taken, 32; reaches 
 Florida, 32; and St. John's 
 River, ^5; where he erects 
 a column, 34; seeks River 
 Jordan, 34; enters Port Royal, 
 34; founds Charlesfort, 35; 
 returns to France, 35 ; goes to 
 England, 36; sees Elizabeth, 
 36; aids Stuckeley, 37; to 
 deliver Charlesfort to Stuck- 
 eley, 39; treachery discov- 
 ered and cast into prison, 
 39; where he remains, 51; 
 and the mutineers at Fort 
 Caroline, 83; his second ex- 
 
 f edition to Florida, 94-199; 
 is instructions, 95; depart- 
 ure, 96; reaches Fort Caro- 
 line, 97; informs Laudonnidre 
 of charges against him, 98; 
 anchors part of his fleet in the 
 river, 99; his preparations 
 
492 
 
 Index 
 
 Ribaut — Continued 
 
 known to Philip, 102; part of 
 his fleet encounters Avil^s and 
 escapes, 155-158; threatens 
 St. Augustine, 160, 161; in- 
 formed of Aviles's attack, 
 164; plans attack, 164; sets 
 sail, 165; at St. Augustine, 
 167 ; wreck of one of his ships, 
 187; of part of his fleet, 190; 
 fate of the survivors, 191-194; 
 wreck of balance of his fleet, 
 19s; fate of the survivors, 
 195-203; his surrender and 
 death, 198, 199; Aviles's 
 opinion of, 200; French 
 Catholics accused of betray- 
 ing him, 299; Valdes informs 
 Court of destruction of his 
 fleet, 300; Spanish fears lest 
 he avenge Fort Caroline, 303; 
 Spain's joy at news of his de- 
 feat, 303 ; accused of intention 
 to seize Havana, 304; acts 
 under orders from the King, 
 305; Catherine's anger at his 
 murder, 309; Aviles wrecked 
 where he was, 374; the pillar 
 set up by, 393, 394; various 
 accounts of his death, 425- 
 429 
 
 Ris, 374 
 
 Rivers between the ' ' Riviere de 
 Mai" and Port Royal, 394- 
 
 399 
 
 Robadan, Pedro de, his mtitmy 
 and capture, 281 ; Aviles takes 
 him to San Felipe, 284; and 
 to Spain, 290 
 
 Robert, "Maistre," 78 
 
 Roberval's expedition and Spain 
 22; his pilot, 122 
 
 Rogel, Father Juan, sent to 
 Florida, 266; becomes a 
 Jesuit, 270; sails for Florida 
 with Father Martinez, 270; 
 separated by a storm, 270; 
 reaches Havana, 273; Aviles's 
 search for him, 273; accom- 
 panies Aviles to San Antonio, 
 277; a chapel built for him, 
 278; his work there, 339; 
 jealousy of the shamans, 340; 
 returns to Havana, 341; joins 
 Father Segura, 344; sent to 
 
 Santa Elena, 347; his account 
 of the Crista Indians, 348; 
 his work at Crista, 350-352; 
 withdraws to Havana, 353; 
 reasons for his failure, 353, 
 354; his legend of the Vir- 
 ginia mission crucifix, 365; 
 expedition to relieve the Vir- 
 ginia Jesuits, 366; informs 
 Aviles of death of Jesuits, 372; 
 accompanies Aviles to Axa- 
 can, ^72; returns with Aviles 
 and IS wrecked, 373; reaches 
 St. Augustine, 374 
 
 Rojas, Alonso de, 277 
 
 Hernando Manrique de, 
 
 245. 389. 399-401, 404; 
 his expedition in search of 
 Ribaut's colony, 45-48; 
 reaches Florida, 46; at Santa 
 Elena, 46; finds Rufin, whom 
 he takes to Cuba, 47, 48; 
 finds and destroys Charles- 
 fort, 48; and Laudonniere's 
 expedition, 51 
 
 Rojomonte, 389, 405 
 
 Roman Catholics accompany 
 Laudonniere, 53; forbidden 
 on Ribaut's second expedi- 
 tion, 95 
 
 Rome, Ga., 447 
 
 receives news of French 
 
 defeat in Florida, 313 
 
 Rouen citizens arm vessels to 
 plunder the Indies, 25 
 
 Rueda heads mutiny at St. 
 Augustine, 241 
 
 Ruffm, Guillaume, 394, 400, 401, 
 404; remains at Charlesfort 
 and rescued by Manrique de 
 Rojas, 47, 48; accompanies 
 Aviles to Guale, 245; married 
 to chief's daughter, 248; be- 
 trays French interpreter, 250 
 
 Ruidiaz y Caravia, E., his La 
 Florida, su Conquista y Coloni- 
 zacidn examined, v, vi 
 
 St. Andrew's Sound, 397 
 
 St. Anthony, 227, 239 
 
 St. Augustine, 156, 212, 254, 281, 
 287, 289, 290, 341, 372, 376, 
 401, 406, 439, 459; Ribaut's 
 
Index 
 
 493 
 
 St. Au^stine — Continued 
 
 first landfall near, 32, ;^^ ; Lau- 
 donniOre at, 54; Avilos at, 154, 
 155, 252, 284. 373; founding 
 of, 158-1O0; first site of, 159; 
 Bartolomc left in charge of, 
 169; French ship brought to, 
 188; arrival of Aviles from 
 capture of Fort Caroline, 188, 
 189; French prisoners from 
 Matanzas sent to, 194; return 
 of Avilcs to, 194; discontent 
 at, 225; supposed western 
 waterway to, 226; Avilcs 
 reaches, 240, 242; mutinies at, 
 240, 241, 244, 262, 293, 359; 
 Las Alas returns to, 242; 
 burning of magazine, 251; 
 the site changed, 252, 253; 
 Arciniega at, 255; second 
 change of site, 256; depend- 
 ence of San Felipe upon, 261 ; 
 settlers at, 263; Father Marti- 
 nez's ship seen from, 270; 
 first white child born at, 294; 
 Marques at, 294; famine at, 
 297; Gourgues's fleet sighted 
 from, 326; Father Segura at, 
 342; destitution of the set- 
 tlement, 343; San Antonio 
 garrison transferred to, 346; 
 reason for absence of Jesuit 
 mission at, 346, 347; condi- 
 tion of the settlement, 355, 
 377> 378; garrison reduced, 
 357; English vessels attack, 
 374; Drake's attack on, 379 
 
 River of, 390 
 
 St. Catherine's Inlet, 398 
 
 Saint Cler, M. de, 167 
 
 S. George, 460 
 
 St. George's River, 391 
 
 S. Helenae, 395, 396, 398 
 
 St. Helena, Cape, 440 
 
 St. John's River, 256, 287, 398, 
 402, 406, 408, 412, 414, 431, 
 43 2 ; visited by Ribaut on first 
 expedition, ;i;i, 34; Manrique 
 de Rojas at the, 46; Laudon- 
 niere at the, 54; Saturiba's 
 village near the, 55; Outina's 
 country on the, 62; limit of 
 tidal water, 62; French as- 
 cend the, 75, 84; Ribaut's 
 fleet at mouth of the, 155; 
 
 Avil<5s's attempt to capture 
 its entrance, 158; approach to 
 Fort Caroline from the, 170; 
 its supposed communication 
 with Gulf of Mexico, 226; 
 expedition up tlie, 257, 258; 
 Father Martmez reaches vi- 
 cinity of the, 271 ; second ex- 
 pedition up the, 277, 282; Las 
 Alas builds two blockhouses 
 at the mouth of the, 297; 
 Gourgues informed of the 
 blockhouses, 327 ; attacks and 
 captures them, 328-33 i ; iden- 
 tified with the " Rjvidre de 
 Mai," 390, 392, 393 
 
 Bluff, 55. 407 
 
 St. Joseph's Bay, 449 
 
 St. Lawrence River, 212 
 
 St. Lucia Island, 435 
 
 Province of, 433 
 
 \ — River, 435 
 
 St. Lucie River, 224, 287 
 
 St. Martin River, 449 
 
 St. Mary's River, 392, 396, 397, 
 454 
 
 St. Michael, 194 
 
 St. Nicolas, Cape, 81 
 
 St. Phillip's Island, 440 
 
 St. Quentin, Battle of, 129 
 
 St. Sebastian River, 216 ^ 
 
 Saint Sulpice, Jean d' Ebrard 
 de, 115; report on treasure 
 fleet, 388 
 
 St. Vincent, Cape, 12 
 
 Salamon, the, 89 
 
 Salcedo, Brother Juan, accom- 
 panies Father Segura to Flor- 
 ida, 341 ; and Father Rogel in 
 search of the Virginia Jesuits, 
 366 
 
 Salinacana, 397 
 
 Saltilla, 397 
 
 Salvatierra, Brother Pedro Ruiz, 
 accompanies Father Segura to 
 Florida, 341; sent to Guale, 
 344 
 
 San Antomo, the, 147 
 
 San Antonio, name given to 
 village of Carlos, 239; Aviles 
 at, 255, 277, 278, 280; Reyno- 
 so at, 276, 277; garrison in- 
 creased, 280; Father Rogel 
 stationed at, 281, 339; trou- 
 ble with the natives, 340, 341; 
 
494 
 
 Index 
 
 San Antonio — Continued 
 
 one of the three remaining 
 garrisons, 343; Jesuit mis- 
 sionaries sent to, 345 ; aban- 
 donment of the settlement at, 
 346 
 
 — Cape, 326 
 
 cian Anton, Rio de, 45Q 
 San Cristobal, Bahia de, 459 
 San Felipe, 286, 287, 296, 343, 
 347, 348, 355, 451; founded, 
 248 ; Las Alas in command at, 
 248; relief sent, 254; Pardo 
 sent to, 256; desertions from, 
 260; arrival of Pardo, con- 
 dition of settlement, 261; 
 Aviles at, 261; Las Alas at, 
 261; Aviles sails for Spain 
 from, 290; Marques and Las 
 Alas at, 294; famine at, 297, 
 352; Vandera's effort to re- 
 lieve it, Indian revolt at, 352 ; 
 garrison at, reduced, Marques 
 ^-t, 357; Aviles reinforces, 
 372; condition of settlement, 
 375-377; Vandera ' s govern- 
 ment of, 377; where found, 
 438-440; Aviles's two visits 
 to, 443 
 San Juan de Luz, 125, 130, 131 
 
 de Ulua, 125 
 
 Fort, Pardo at, 
 
 276, 294; Boyano in com- 
 mand, 276; expedition from, 
 285; distance from Chiaha, 
 286; reinforced, 296; its fate, 
 296, 297 
 San Jusepe, Bay of, 226 
 San Lucar de Barrameda, 125, 
 
 255, 270, 342, 371, 388 
 San Martin, mines of, 213, 295 
 San Mateo, 254, 255, 259, 261, 
 281, 283, 287, 289, 334, 342, 
 390, 393, 405, 430. 431. 439. 
 444, 459; Aviles names Fort 
 Caroline, 180; supplies for, 
 189, 192 ; burning and relief of, 
 194, 213; reinforcements from, 
 214; suffering and discon- 
 tent at, 225; supposed western 
 waterway to, 2 26; uprising at, 
 241-243; begins Indian war, 
 242; Aviles returns to, 251, 
 262; Aguirre at, 256; Villar- 
 roel in command at, 257; 
 
 vessel sent to, 277; sup- 
 posed waterway communica- 
 tion with Tocobaga, 278, 
 280; Indian attack on, 297; 
 Castellon in command, 297; 
 Nunez sent to relieve, 297; 
 Gourgues lands near, 326; his 
 capture of, 331-333; notified 
 of Gourgues' s approach by 
 Las Alas, 331, 332, reason for 
 absence of Jesuit mission at, 
 346, 347; Marques at, 359; no 
 colonists at, 378; Spanish ac- 
 count of Gourgues's capture 
 of, 454-457 
 
 Rio de, 59, 453 
 
 San Pedro, condition of the gar- 
 rison, 356; no colonists at, 
 378; where situated, 356, 452- 
 
 454 
 San Pelayo, the, 142, 147, 150, 
 
 156, 161, 163, 167, 431 
 San Salvador, the, 161, 163, 167, 
 
 431 
 San Vincente, Captain, and the 
 founding of St. Augustine, 
 159; prophesies Aviles's fail- 
 ure to take Fort Caroline, 
 188; kills Ribaut, 199; deserts 
 Aviles, 244; and spreads evil 
 reports of Florida, 245, 259 
 Sancta Elena, Rio de, 399 
 Sandoval, Governor of Belle- 
 Isle-en-Mer, 315; Enveja 
 complains of, 316; his treat- 
 ment of Spanish crews, 322 
 Santa Cruz Island, 404 
 
 Rio, 432, 435 
 
 Santa Elena, 256, 262, 275, 
 276, 287, 288, 343, 368, 369, 
 375, 380, 381, 401-403, 445, 
 447, 451, 453. 459; Ribaut's 
 intention to settle at, 31; 
 Manrique de Rojas's expedi- 
 tion to, 45-48; reaches there, 
 and finds many Indian vil- 
 lages, 46; Viceroy of New 
 Spain and his coiincU report 
 it unfit for a colony, 49; 
 escape of members of Jean 
 Ribaut's fleet to, 201, 245; 
 Aviles and Las Alas at, 247; 
 Aviles at, 262, 372; Jesuit 
 missionaries appointed to, 
 347; epidemic at, 349; con- 
 
Index 
 
 495 
 
 Santa Elena — Continued 
 
 dition of settlement at, 352, 
 375-377; garrison reduced, 
 357 ; Vandera's administration 
 01, 377; Franciscans at, 382; 
 where found, 438-440; Avilcs's 
 two visits to, 443 
 
 Fort (Chiaha, 
 
 Georgia), 286 
 
 Indians, their 
 
 disposition towards French 
 and Spaniards, 372 
 Santa Helena (river), 398 
 
 Sound, 402, 405 
 
 Santa Lucia, experience of the 
 colony at, 224, 225, 239; 
 mutiny at, 240; famine at, 
 343; its site, 433, 434 
 
 Rio de, 432 
 
 Santa Maria, Bay of, 212, 366; 
 expedition to, its fate, 259; 
 Jesuit mission to, 360—366; 
 Avilcs at, 372, 373 ; visited by 
 Marques, 381 ; identified with 
 Axacan and Chesapeake Bay, 
 459-461 
 
 Fray Domingo de, 
 
 on Dominican missions, 266 
 negro population 
 
 of, 14 
 
 Santa Martha plundered by 
 French pirates, 22 
 
 Santander, 383 
 
 Santiago, Cabo de, 459 
 
 de Cuba, sacked by 
 
 Jacques de Soria, 22; Fort 
 Caroline mutineers capture 
 vessel bound for, 82; French 
 prisoners at, released, 322 
 
 Knights of, Aviles ap- 
 pointed to the commandery 
 of the Holy Cross of Zarza of, 
 292 
 
 Pedro de, sent to spy out 
 
 French designs on the West 
 Indies, 20; visits French coast 
 20; interview with Jacques 
 Cartier, 21 
 
 Santo Domingo, 12,81, 219, 220, 
 254, 288, 236; Avilcs's fleet 
 at, 115, 153; Miranda sent to, 
 151; Aviles sends ships to, 
 163; women and children 
 from Fort Caroline sent to, 
 180, 192, 431; assistance 
 
 from, 223; governor of, 244; 
 search at, for Father Rogel, 
 273; Aviles supposed to be at, 
 
 301 
 
 SajKjllo, 397 
 
 Sarabay, 328 
 
 Saravay, 448 
 
 Sarope, Lake, 416 
 
 "Sarr()j)e," Lake, 411, 412 
 
 Sarvauahi, 395 
 
 Sassafras, account of the, 379, 
 380 
 
 Satapo, 295, 296, 451 
 
 Saturiba, 288, 326, 412; receives 
 Laudonniere, 54; various 
 forms of his name, 54; his vil- 
 lage, 55, 62; asks assistance 
 against Thimogoa, 77; de- 
 ceived by Laudonniere, 77, 78; 
 San Mateo mutineers incite 
 war against, 242; his ally Ma- 
 coya, 258; continues war with 
 Spaniards 258, 282; his 
 interview with Aviles, 283; 
 successful campaign against 
 Aviles, 284; his war with Ou- 
 tina, 294; attacks San Ma- 
 teo, 297 ; assists Gourgues, 327 
 
 village of, 353 
 
 Saturn va, 414 
 
 Satvriona, 414 
 
 Sauana, 224 
 
 Sauapa, 447 
 
 Savannah River, 275, 276, 286, 
 294. 397-399. 438, 444. 446, 
 452 
 
 Sedeno, Father Antonio, ac- 
 companies Father Segura to 
 Florida, 341; sent to Guale, 
 345; returns to Havana, 353; 
 sent to Mexico and the Philip- 
 pines, 373 
 
 Segura, Father Juan Bautista 
 de, Rogel awaits him at 
 Havana, 341; selected with 
 other Jesuits for Florida, 341; 
 reaches St. Augustine, 342; 
 assists the garrison, 343; 
 joined by Father Rogel, 344; 
 goes to Havana, 344; and to 
 Tegesta, 345 ; plans his Florida 
 mission, 346; sends mission- 
 aries to Santa Elena and 
 Guale, 347; goes to Guale, 
 348; his Virginia mission, 
 
496 
 
 Index 
 
 Segura — Continued 
 
 360-366; sails for Chesapeake 
 Bay, 360; reaches Axacan, 
 361; establishes the mission, 
 363; his death, 364; arrival 
 of relief ship and its return to 
 Havana, 366; Aviles learns of 
 fate of his mission, 372; its 
 site, 461-464 
 
 Seine, 34, 395, 396, 454 
 
 Seloy, 54, 158 
 
 Sena, 453, 454 
 
 Sequena, 395, 396, 454 
 
 Sessa, Carlos de, Philip's reply 
 to, 133 
 
 Seville, 180, 259, 270, 301, 323 
 
 Archbishop of, 148 
 
 Cardinal of, advice in 
 
 respect to Cartier's third ex- 
 pedition, 21 
 
 ' ' Golden Tower " of, 136 
 
 Sharks Head and Tail River, 
 
 435 
 
 Shoulder of Mutton, the, 96 
 
 Silva, Diego Guzman de, Span- 
 ish ambassador to England, 
 instructed to notify Eliza- 
 beth of expulsion of French 
 from Florida, 310; his inter- 
 view with her, 311, 312; his 
 reference to the death of Jean 
 Ribaut, 429 
 
 Silver mines, 295 
 
 of the Cherokees, 
 
 Sissipahaw, 447 
 
 Skull Creek, 399, 405 
 
 Slave Trade, John Hawkins and 
 the, 89; Gourgues's apparent 
 purpose the, 325 
 
 Smoky Mountains, 447 
 
 Smuggled treasure imported into 
 Spain, 3 88 
 
 Snake River, 441 
 
 Solameco, 286, 451 
 
 Solis, Brother Gabriel de, ac- 
 companies Father Segura to 
 Florida, 341; and to Chesa- 
 peake Bay, 360; sent on em- 
 bassy to Don _ Luis, 363; 
 killed by the natives, 364 
 
 Solis, Dona Maria de, affianced 
 to Avills, 121 
 
 Soloy, fort at, 289 
 
 Somme, 34, 395, 397 
 
 Soria, Jacques de, his piracies in 
 the West Indies, 22 
 
 Soto, Hernando de, 108, 275, 
 284, 286, 291 
 
 South Carolina, 287; maps of 
 the French colonies in, 410; 
 Pardo in, Vandera's descrip- 
 tion of, 295 
 
 Indians, 403 
 
 South Edisto, 398 
 
 South Hillsborough River, 432 
 
 South Sea, 212, 368 
 
 Spain, vii, i... xi; 6, 8-10, 12, 15- 
 20, 24, 36, 38, 51, 95, 100, 
 102, 103, 121, 132-134, 138, 
 139, 143, 148, 163, 213, 25s, 
 256, 259, 262, 282, 284, 287, 
 289, 292, 299-301, 316, 318, 
 334. 335. 341. 345. 356, 357. 
 360, 371, 376, 382, 444; her 
 settlements in North America 
 in I s 6 2 , 3 ; her commerce with 
 the 'West Indies, 4, 5; gold 
 and silver imported into, 5, 
 388 
 
 Spes, Guerau de, Spanish ambas- 
 sador to England, his account 
 of Gourgues's return, 334 ; pro- 
 tests to Catherine, 335 
 
 Story River, 401 
 
 Stuckeley, Thomas, his expedi- 
 tion, 37—40; assisted by 
 Ribaut, 37; interview with 
 Quadra, 37, 38; designs on 
 Florida, 39; discovers Ri- 
 baut's treachery, 39 
 
 Sugar cane, 143 ; planted at San 
 Felipe, 376 
 
 Suwali Indians, 446 
 
 Swallow, the, 89 
 
 Swansea Bay, 185 
 
 Tacatacuru, 396, 452; block- 
 house at, 289, 356; Father 
 Martinez killed at, 272; chief 
 of, punished, 290; Gourgues 
 lands at, 326; village of, 353; 
 garrison reduced, 357 ; its site, 
 
 452-454 
 Tagaya, 445, 447 
 
 Chiquito, 447 
 
 el Chico, 445, 447 
 
 Talbot Island, 59, 328 
 
Index 
 
 497 
 
 Talimcco, 286 
 
 Talladega County, Alabama, 296 
 Tallapoosa River, 295 
 Tampa Bay, 229, 278, 287, 450; 
 and Tocobaga, 449 
 
 Tanasqui, 295, 451 
 
 Tasqui, 451 
 
 Tasquiqui, where found, 295 
 
 Tegesta, 287; waterway to Lake 
 Maymi, 258; deserters from 
 San Felipe at, 260; where sit- 
 uated, 260; Avilds at, 282, 
 345 ; Brother Francisco re- 
 mains with settlement at, 282 ; 
 his work at, 340; Spaniards 
 driven from, 342, 343; Father 
 Segura at, 345; Spanish gar- 
 rison fmally withdrawn from, 
 346; and Ays, 432; its site, 
 440-442 
 
 — Indians, their customs, 
 
 260; prisoners of Carlos, rc- 
 tumea to their village, 281; 
 accompany Avil6s to Spain, 
 284 
 
 Tegestas, 58 
 
 Teguesta, 441 
 
 Teneriffe, 122 
 
 Tequesta, 440 
 
 Province of, 433 
 
 Tercera, 290 
 
 Teruel, Spain, 267 
 
 Texas, 335 
 
 Thou, Jacques Augusta de, ac- 
 cuses French Catholics of 
 betraying Jean Ribaut, 299 
 
 Thimogoa, Laudonniere hears 
 of, 56; signifies "enemy," 56; 
 name "Timuqua" derived 
 from, 59; visited by Ottigny, 
 75; Saturiba goes against, 77 
 
 Tiburon, Cape, 81, 409 
 
 Tierra Firme, commerce with 
 West Indies, 10; origin of its 
 fleet , 11; French colony in 
 Florida a menace to, 103; 
 armada of, 133 
 
 Tiger, the, 89 
 
 Timoga, 408, 412 
 
 Timookas, ancient, 409 
 
 Timooquas, 409 
 
 Timuqua, derivation of, 59; 
 where found, 407 
 
 Timuquanan Indians, French 
 reports of the great age they 
 **— 32 
 
 attain. 56; thievishness, 56; 
 their country and settlements, 
 58, 59; their customs, 60-74; 
 appearance, 60; tattooing, 60; 
 dress, 60; abstemiousness, 61 ; 
 honesty, 61; women, 6i; 
 hermaphrodites, 61; chiefs, 
 62; confederacies, 62; gentes, 
 63 ; shamans, 63 ; their cures, 
 64 ; villages, 64 ; plantings, 65 ; 
 storehouses, 65; drink, 66; 
 winter occupation, 66; fish- 
 ing and hunting, 66, 67 ; coun- 
 cils, 67; religion, 67; human 
 sacrifice, 68; witchcraft, 68; 
 superstitions, 69; marriage 
 customs, 69, 70; burial cus- 
 toms, 69, 71; mode of fight- 
 ing, 71-73, 251, 252 ; shamans 
 consulted on war-path, 72; 
 treatment of enemy, 73 ; scalp 
 ceremony, 73; training of 
 boys, 74; industries, 74; ac- 
 company Avil^s to Spain, 
 284; region inhabited by, lan- 
 guage, 407 ; villages, 408 
 
 Toana, 446 
 
 Tobacco pipe used by Indians, 
 90, 91 
 
 Tocae, 451 
 
 Tocalques, 295, 451 
 
 Tocar, 451 
 
 Tocax, 451 
 
 Toccoa, 295 
 
 Tocobaga, 62, 234, 287, 296; its 
 waterway to San Mateo, 278, 
 280; Avil6s's expedition to, 
 277-280; garrison left at, 280; 
 its fate, 342; where situated, 
 448-450 
 
 Indians, burial custom, 
 
 280 
 
 Toco-baja, 448 
 
 Chile, 448 
 
 Tocobogas, River 449 
 
 Tocovaga, 448, 449 
 
 Togabaga, 449 
 
 Toledo, 133, 269, 342 
 
 Archbishop of, 131 
 
 Toral, Francisco de. Bishop of 
 Yucatan, Avil^s asks him 
 for missionaries, 274; assists 
 Father Rogel at San Antonio, 
 339 
 
 Tordesillas, treaty of, 17 
 
498 
 
 Index 
 
 Tortugas, 228 
 Tours, 114, 299 
 Toxaway, 295 
 
 Trades represented in Avil^s's 
 first Florida expedition, 142, 
 
 147 
 
 Treasure fleet, foreign know- 
 ledge of its sailing, 8; ex- 
 posed to piracy, 9 ; measures 
 taken to protect, ii, 12; 
 course taken by, 12; French 
 expeditions to plunder the, 
 1 01; French occupation of 
 Florida a menace to the, 103- 
 105; sailing delayed through 
 fear of French, 322; value of 
 treasure carried by, 388 
 
 Trinity, the, 96, 100, 155, 156, 
 164, 195, 214, 215 
 
 Troyes, peace of, 44 
 
 Trout, the, 96 
 
 Trout Creek, 408 
 
 Tucururu, 59 
 
 Turk, Florida sold to the, 109; 
 moving on Malta, 146 
 
 Turks, 303 
 
 Tuscaloosa, Alabama, 296 
 
 Tybee Roads, 401 
 
 U 
 
 Union, the, 96 
 
 Urdaneta, Andres de, informs 
 Avil^s of Northwest passage, 
 
 259. 463 
 Urnparacusi, 62 
 Uscamacu, 444 
 Ushery, 447 
 XJsi, 447 
 Usta, 47 
 Utina, provincia de, 448 
 
 Vaez, Brother Domingo, see 
 Brother Domingo Augustin, 
 341 
 
 Valdes, Diego Flores de, accom- 
 panies Avil^s's first Florida 
 expedition, 146; at first 
 Matanzas massacre, 190; fer- 
 ries over the French prisoners, 
 198; leaves for Spain, 213; 
 informs Court of destruction 
 of French in Florida, 300; his 
 
 story about Jean Ribaut, 3,05; 
 to follow Avil^s to Florida, 
 
 371 
 
 Valdez, Pedro Men^ndez de, ac- 
 companies Avilds's first Flor- 
 ida expedition, 148; prior 
 service, 149; attack on Fort 
 Caroline, 172 
 
 Valencia, 269 
 
 Bishop of, 307 
 
 University of, 267, 270 
 
 Valladolid, 130, 133, 342 
 
 Vallemande, 424, 425 
 
 Vasalenque, Antonio Garcia, his 
 account of Jean Ribaut' s sur- 
 render and death, 428, 429 
 
 Vasseur ascends St. John's River 
 75; visits Audusta, 84; at 
 Fort Caroline, 201 
 
 Vaucelles, truce of, 23, 128 
 
 Velasco, Diego de, married to 
 Maria Men^ndez de Avil^s, 
 384 
 
 Doctor B., 131 
 
 Juan L6pez de, his ac- 
 count of the Caloosas, 230; of 
 the Tegestas, 260; his Geo- 
 
 grafia y Descripcion Universal 
 de las Indias, 381 
 
 Luis de. Viceroy of New 
 
 Spain, directed to report on 
 fitness of Santa Elena for set- 
 tlement, 49; and the Indian, 
 Don Luis, 259 
 
 Luis de, the Virginia In- 
 
 dian, his history, 259, 458; 
 in Spain, 360; accompanies 
 the Jesuit mission to Axacan, 
 and betrays it, 360, 361, 363, 
 364; with Avil^s at Havana, 
 463 
 
 Venddme (Antoine de Bourbon), 
 assists Ribaut 's first Florida 
 expedition, 31 
 
 Venezuela, negro population of, 
 
 14 
 
 Vera Cruz negro population of, 
 14 
 
 Verrazano, Giovanni da, cap- 
 tures treasures of Cortes, 9; 
 his expedition, 19; French 
 claim founded on his discover- 
 ies, 118 
 
 Verrazano 's sea, 410 
 
 Vetachuco, 291 
 
Index 
 
 499 
 
 Victoria, the, 147 
 
 Villafane, Angel de, 403 ; con- 
 sulted on fitness of Florida 
 for colony, 49; at region 
 settled by the French, 107; 
 near the Chesapeake, 260 
 
 Villareal, Brother Francisco de, 
 sent to Florida, 266 ; sails with 
 Father Martinez, 270; sepa- 
 rated by a storm, 270; reacnes 
 Havana, 273; Avilds's search 
 for him, 273; accompanies 
 Avil^s to San Antonio, 277; 
 studies the Tcgesta language, 
 281; remains there, 282; suc- 
 cess of his labours, 340; In- 
 dians destroy his crosses, 343 ; 
 sent to San Antonio, 345; 
 sent to Guale, 347 
 
 Villarroel, Gonzalo de, at San 
 Mateo, 180; and the mutin- 
 eers, 241, 242; leaves with 
 Avil^s, 252; in charge at San 
 Mateo, 257; accompanies 
 Avil^s to St. Augustine, 262; 
 imprisons captured Indians at 
 San Mateo, 282 
 
 Villegaignon, Nicolas Durand, 
 Chevalier de, reported to have 
 seized a Spanish port in the 
 West Indies, on his Brazil 
 expedition, 23; sent by Col- 
 igny, 29 
 
 Villimar, College of, 342 
 
 Virginia, 361, 459, 460; Jesuit 
 mission to, 360-366 
 
 Bay of, 460 
 
 Visitador of the Casa de Con- 
 tratacion, his duty, ii 
 
 Vivero, 290 
 
 Vlina, 414 
 
 Vtina, 414 
 
 w 
 
 Wales, South, 185 
 
 Ware, Lake, 411 
 
 Wassaw Sound, 401 
 
 Wateree, 276, 447 
 
 Waxhaw, 447 
 
 West India treasure fleet, see 
 Treasure fleet 
 
 West Indies, commercial rela- 
 tions with Spain, 4; with 
 Honduras and Tierra Firme 
 
 10 ; gold and silver export ,15; 
 supply of maps of, to f<jreij^- 
 ers prohibited, 7; maps of, 
 and descriptive books sup- 
 pressed, 7; records of dis- 
 coveries in, 7 ; first olTicial 
 map published, 7; exclusion 
 of foreigners from, 8; Portu- 
 guese bribe Spanish pilots to 
 show the way to, 8; secretly 
 visited by trench pilots, 8; 
 Bahama Channel, the path- 
 way of its commerce, 12; 
 negro population of, and its 
 danger, 14-15; French aggres- 
 sion in, measures taken to 
 prevent 18-23; Spanish se- 
 cret agents spy out French 
 designs on, 20, 23; Spain's 
 ambassador reports French 
 designs on, 22, 23; French 
 pirates in, 22; omission of 
 reference to, in treaty of 
 Cateau-Cambr^sis, 24; French 
 prohibition respecting naviga- 
 tion of, 25 ; French licences to 
 visit, 25; Chant one's protest 
 against French aggression in, 
 and reply thereto, 25; vessels 
 equipped in Normandy and 
 Brittany to plunder, 25, 26; 
 French occupation of Florida 
 a menace to the, 103-105, 
 108; Avil^s's first voyage to, 
 127; second voyage to, 133; 
 third voyage to, 134; his com- 
 merce with, 144, 145; his 
 reinforcements from, 146; 
 fourth voyage to, 149; first 
 Jesuit mission to, 266; Avilds 
 to command fleet to protect 
 navigation of, 292; Coligny's 
 designs upon the, 306; im- 
 portance of Florida for the 
 navigation of the, 320; 
 Gourgucs in the, 326; Avilds's 
 fifth voyage to, 370; Monar- 
 des's treatise on the medicinal 
 plants of the, 379 
 
 fleet of the, 122, 
 
 123; its captain-general, 123- 
 
 126 
 Worth, Lake, 435 
 Writing paper, scarcity of, at St. 
 
 Augustine, 294 
 
500 
 
 Index 
 
 Xacan, 459-461 
 
 Xatamahane, 461 
 
 Xatillon, Cardinal, reported to 
 
 be interested in Laudonniere 's 
 
 expedition, 52 
 Xerez de la Frontera, 364 
 Xuala, 446 
 
 Y 
 
 Yaguana, 92, 179, 224 
 Yanahume, 46 
 Ylacco, 393 
 York River, 464 
 
 Ysa, 275, 445-447 
 Ys, Rio de, 432 
 Yucatan, 239, 244 
 Yuchees, 445 
 
 Zacatecas, 295 
 
 mines of, 213 
 
 Zarza, Holy Cross of, 292 
 Zaval, Vasco, hostage at Gnale, 
 247 ; in charge at San Mateo, 
 252; trouble with Aguirre, 
 256 
 Zuara, 448 
 
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