THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 1,-Uf. 
 
 Si/tf.ttrt //.'!</ r.tb'n:
 
 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 TRANSLATED 
 rno.v THE 
 
 A 
 
 ORIGINAL GREEK; 
 
 WITH 
 
 NOTES HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL, 
 
 A NEW LIFE OF PLUTARCH. 
 
 IN SIX VOLUMES. 
 
 By JOHN LANGHORNE, D. D. and 
 WILLIAM LANGHORNE, M. A. 
 
 A NEW EDITION. 
 
 CAKZFCU.7 CORRECTED, AND THE INDEX MUCH AMENDED, AKD 
 ACCURATELY REVISED THROUGHOUT. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 EDINBURGH : 
 
 PUNTED JOB MUNDELL, DOIG, AND STEVENSON ; CHADOCK ANP 
 JOXj LONDON J AND WILSON AND SOU, VOAK. 
 
 1811.
 
 DF 7 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 VOLUME II. 
 
 Page 
 
 Fabius Maximum - 1 
 
 Pericles and Fulius Maximus compared 31 
 
 Alcibiades 34 
 
 Caius Martins Coriolanus 77 
 
 Alcibiades and Coriolanus compared 114 
 
 Timoleon 118 
 
 Paulas JEmilius 154 
 
 Timoleon and Paulus ^Emilius compared 192 
 
 Pelopidas 196 
 
 Narceilits 230 
 
 Pelopidas and Marcellus compared 266 
 
 Aristides 269 
 
 Cato the Censor 305 
 
 Aristides and Cato compared 336 
 
 Philopoemen 342 
 
 Titus Quinctius Flaminius 364 
 
 Philopoemen and Fla/ninius ,,.,, 388 
 
 853767
 
 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 FABIUS MAX1MUS; 
 
 1 
 
 OUCH were the memorable actions of Pericles,* a3 far as 
 we have been able to collect them ; and now we proceed 
 to the life of Fabius Maximus. 
 
 The fitst Fabius was the son of Hercules by one of the 
 nymphs, according to some authors ; or, as others say, by 
 a woman of the country near the river Tiber. From him 
 came the family of the Fabii, one of the most numerous 
 and illustrious in Rome.f Yet some authors write, that 
 the first founders of this family were called Fodrt,~$. on ac- 
 count of their catching wild beasts by means of pits } for 
 a pit is still in Latin called foveu, and the word/ocfcre sig- 
 nifies to dig : but in time two letters being changed, they 
 had the name of Falii. This family produced many emi* 
 nent men, the most considerable of whom was Rulius, \\ by 
 
 f- The most numerous ? for that family alone undertook the war 
 against the Veientes, and sent out three hundred and six persons of 1 
 their own name, who were all slain in that expedition. It was like- 
 wise one of the most illustrious ; for the Fabii had borne the high- 
 est offices in the state, and two of them had been seven times consuls. 
 
 J Pliny's account of the matter is much more probable, via. that 
 they were called Fabii, a Fabis, from their skill in raising beans ; as 
 several other families of note among the Romans were denominated 
 from other branches of husbandry. Indeed, their first heroes tilled 
 the ground with their own hands. 
 
 |! This Fabius Rullus was five times consul, and gained several 
 important victories over the Samnltes, Tuscans, and other nations. 
 It was not, however, from these great actions that be obtained the 
 surname of Maximvs, but from his behaviour in the censorship ; 
 during which he reduced the populace of Rome into four tribes, who 
 before were dispersed among all the tribes in general, and by that 
 means had very great power in the assemblies. These were called 
 Tribus Urban*. Liv. lib, ix, cap. 46. 
 
 n, B
 
 PLUTARCH 8 LIVES. 
 
 the Romans surnamed Maiinius, or the greet ; and from 
 him the Fabius Maximus of whom we are writing, was the 
 fourth in descent. 
 
 This last had the surname of V< rrucosus, from a small 
 \vart on his upper lip. He was likewise called (Jvicula,* 
 from the mildness and gravity of his behaviour when a boy. 
 Nay, his composed demeanour, and his silence, his caution 
 in engaging in the diversions of the other boys, the slow- 
 ness and difficulty with which he took up what was taught 
 him, together with the submissive manner in which he com- 
 plied with the proposals of his comrades, brought him un- 
 der the suspicion of stupidity and foolishness with those 
 that did not thoroughly know him. Yet a few there were 
 who perceived that his composedness was owing to the so- 
 lidity of his parts, and who discerned withal a magnani- 
 mity and lion-like courage in his nature. In a short time, 
 when application to business drew him out, it was obvious 
 even to the many, that his seeming inactivity was a com- 
 mand which he had of his passions, that his cautiousness 
 was prudence, and that which had passed for heaviness and 
 insensibility was really an immoveable firmness of soul. He 
 saw what an important concern the administration was, and 
 in what wars the republic was frequently engaged, and 
 therefore by exercise prepared his body, considering its 
 strength as a natural armour ; at the 8ame time he improved 
 his powers of persuasion, as the engines by which the peo- 
 ple are to be moved, adapting them to the manner of his 
 life ; for in his eloquence there was nothing of affectation, 
 no empty f plausible elegance, but it was full of that good 
 sense. which was peculiar to him, and had a sententious 
 force and depth, said to have resembled that of Thucydi- 
 des. There is an oration of his still extant, which he deli- 
 vered before the people on occasion of his son's funeral, 
 who died after he had been consul. 
 
 Fabius Maximus was five times consul ; and in his first 
 consulship was honoured with a triumph for the victory he 
 gained over the Ligurians, who being defeated by him in a set 
 battle, with the loss of a great number of men, were driven 
 behind the Alps, and kept from such inroads and ravages as 
 they had used to make in the neighbouring provinces. 
 
 * Ovicula signifies a little sheep. 
 
 f- The writers that affect this Plato calls XySJX. 
 
 $ Fabius was consul the first time in the year of Rome 521 ; and 
 the fifth time, in the tenth year of the second Punic war, in the year 
 of Rome 545.
 
 FABIUS MAXIMUS. 3 
 
 Some years after, Hannibal having invaded Italy,* and 
 gained the battle of Trebia, advaaced through Tuscany, 
 laying waste the country, and striking Rome itself with 
 terror and astonishment- This desolation was announced 
 by signs and prodigies ; some familiar to the Romans, as 
 that of thunder for instance, and others quite strange and 
 unaccountable. For it was said that certain shields sweated 
 blood ; that bloody corn was cut at Antium ; that red 
 hot stones fell from the air ; that the Falerians saw the 
 heavens open, and many billets fail,-|- upon one of which 
 these words were very legible, A.ars Lrandisheth his arms. 
 But Caius Fiaminius, then consul, was not discouraged 
 by any of these things. He was indeed naturally a man of 
 much fire and ambition, and besides was elated by former 
 successes, which he had met with contrary to all proba- 
 bility ; for against the sense of the senate and his colleague, 
 he had engaged with the Gauls and beaten them. Fabius 
 likewise paid but little regard to prodigies, as too ab- 
 surd to be believed, notwithstanding the great effect they 
 had upon the multitude. But being informed how small 
 the numbers of the enemy were, and of the want of money, 
 he advised the Romans to have patience; not to give bat- 
 tle to a man who led on an army hardened by many con- 
 
 " Here Plutarch leaves a void of fifteen years. It was not indeed 
 a remarkable period of the life of Fabius. Hannibal entered Italy 
 in the year of Rome 535. He defeated Scipio in the battle of Ti- 
 cinus, before he beat Sempronius in that of Trebia, 
 
 f- Plutarch misunderstood Livy, and of the two prodigies which 
 he mentions made but one. Livy says, " At Falerium the sky was 
 " seen to open, and in the void space a great light appeared. The 
 *' lots at Praneste shrunk of their own accord, and one of them 
 44 dropped down, whereon was written, Mars brandisheth his sn-ord." 
 Liv. lib. xxii. These lots were bits of oak handsomely wrought, 
 with some ancient characters inscribed upon them. When any 
 came to consult them, the coffer in which they were kept was open. 
 ed, and a child having first shaken them together, drew out one 
 from the rest, which contained the answer to the querist's demand. 
 As to the lots being shrunk, which Livy mentions, and which was 
 considered as a bad omen, no doubt the priests had two sets, a 
 smaller and a greater, which they played upon the people's super- 
 stition as they pleased. Cicero says they were very littl* regarded 
 in his time. Ct'c. dc Divinat. lib. ii. 
 
 $ If Fabius was not moved by those prodigies, it was not because 
 he despised them, (as his colleague did, who, according to Livy, nei- 
 ther feared the gods, nor took advice of men/, but because he hoped, 
 by appeasing the anger of the gods, to render the prodigies ineffec- 
 tual. It was not Fabius, however, but Cn. Servilius Getninus, who 
 *'as colleague to Fiaminius, 
 
 B2
 
 4 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 flicts for this very purpose, but to send succours to their 
 allies, and to secure the towns that were in their possession, 
 until the vigour of the enemy expired of itself, like a flame 
 for want of fuel. 
 
 He could not, however, prevail upon Flaminius. That 
 general declared he would never suffer the war to ap- 
 proach Rome ; nor, like Camillus of old, dispute withfn the 
 vails, who should be the master of the city. He therefore 
 ordered the tribunes to draw out the forces, and mounted 
 his horse, but was thrown headlong off,* the horse with- 
 out any visible cause being sei/ed with a fright and trem- 
 bling ; yet he persisted in his resolution of marching out 
 to meet Hannibal, and drew up his army near the lake call- 
 ed Thrasymenus,-*- in Tuscany. 
 
 While the armies were engaged, there happened an 
 earthquake, which overturned whole cities, changed the 
 course of rivers, and tore off the tops of mountains ; yet 
 not one of the combatants was in the least sensible of that 
 violent motion. Flaminius himself having greatly signaliz- 
 ed his strength and valour, fell, and with him the bravest 
 of his troops. The rest being routed, a great carnage en- 
 sued ; full fifteen thousand were slain, and as many taken 
 prisoners.^ Hannibal was very desirous of discovering the 
 body of Flaminius, that he might bury it with due honour, 
 as a tribute to his bravery ; but he could not find it, nor 
 could any account be given what became of it, 
 
 When the Romans lost the battle of Trebia, neither the 
 
 * This fall from his horse, which WES considered as an ill omen, 
 was followed by another as bad. When the ensign attempted to 
 pull his standard out of the ground in order to march, he had not 
 strength enough to do it. But where is the wonder, says Cicero, 
 to have a horse take fright, or to find a str.ndard-bearer feebly en- 
 deavouring to draw out the standard which he had perhaps purpose- 
 ly struck deep into the ground ? 
 
 f- Now the lake of Perugia. 
 
 : Notwithstanding this complete victory, Hannibal lost only fif- 
 teen hundred men ; for he fought the Romans at great advantage, 
 having drawn them into an ambuscade between the hills of Cortona 
 and the lake Thrasymenus. Livy and Valerius Maximus make the 
 number of prisoners only six thousand ; but Pblybius says they were 
 much more numerous. About ten thousand Romans, most of them 
 wounded, made their escape, and took their route to Rome, where 
 few of them arrived, the rest dying of their wounds before thy 
 reached the capital. Two mothers were so transported with joy, 
 one at the gate of the city, when she saw her son unexpectedly ap- 
 pear, and the other at home, where she found her sen, that th-?y 
 both expired on the spot.
 
 FABIUS MAXI.MUS. 5 
 
 generals sent a true account of it, nor the messenger repre- 
 sented it as it was : both pretended the victory was doubt- 
 ful. But as to the last, as soon as the praetor Pomponius 
 was apprised of it, he assembled the people, and without 
 disguising t'.ie matter in the least, made this declaration. 
 " Romans, we have lost a great battle, our army is cut to 
 " pieces, and Flaininius the consul is slain ; think, there- 
 " fore, what is to be done for your safety.'' The same 
 commotion which a furious wind causes in the .ocean, did 
 these words of the praetor produce in so vast a multitude. 
 In the first consternation they cculd not fix upon any 
 thing ; but at length all agreed that affairs required the di- 
 rection of an absolute power, which they called the dicta- 
 torship ; and that a man should be fixed upon for it, who 
 would exercise it with steadiness and intrepidity : that such 
 a man was Fabius Maximus, who had a spirit and dignity 
 of manners equal to so great a command, and besides was 
 of an age in which the vigour of the body is sufficient to 
 execute the purposes of the mind, and courage is tempered 
 with prudence. 
 
 Pursuant to these resolutions, Fabius was chosen dicta- 
 tor,* and he appointed Lucius Minucius his general of 
 the horse, f But first he desired permission of the senate 
 to make use of a horse when in the field. This was for- 
 bidden by an ancient law, either because they placed 
 their greatest strength in the infantry, and therefore r.hosc 
 that the commander in chief should be always posted 
 among them ; or else becaus'e they would have the dicta- 
 tor, whose power in all other respects was very great, and 
 indeed arbitrary, in this case at least appear to be depend- 
 ent upon the people. In the next place, Fabius, willing 
 to shew the high authority and grandeur of his office, in 
 order to make the people more tractable and submissive, 
 appeared in public with twenty-four Hctors carrying the 
 Jasces before him ; and when the surviving consul met him, 
 he sent one of his officers to order him to dismiss his lictort 
 
 * A dictator could not be regularly named but by the surviving 
 consul : arid Servilius being with the army, the people appointed 
 Fabius by their own authority, with the title of prodictator. How- 
 ever, the gratitude of Rome allowed his descendants to put dictator, 
 instead of prodictator, in the list of his titles. 
 
 f- According to Polybius and Livy, his name was not Lucius, but 
 Marcus Minutius ; nor was he pitched upon by Fabius, but by the 
 people* 
 
 B3
 
 d PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 and the other ensigns of his employment, and to join him 
 as a private man. 
 
 Then beginning w jt|, an ac t o f religion , which is the 
 best of all beginnings,* and assuring the people that their 
 defeats were not owing to "the cowardice of the soldiers, 
 but to the general's neglect of the sacred rites and auspices, 
 he exhorted them to entertain no dread of the enemy, but 
 by extraordinary honours to propitiate the gods. Not 
 that he wanted to infuse into them a spirit of superstition, 
 but to confirm their valour by piety, and to deliver them 
 from every other fear by a sense of the divine protection. 
 On that occasion he consulted several of those mysterious 
 books of the Sybils, which contained matters of great use 
 to the state ; and it is said, that some of the prophecies 
 found there perfectly agreed with the circumstances of 
 those times ; but it was not lawful for him to divulge them. 
 However, in full assembly, he vowed to the gods a ver sa- 
 crum, that is, all the young which the next spring should 
 produce, on the mountains, the fields, the rivers, and mea- 
 dows of Italy, from the goats, the swine, the sheep, and 
 the cows.f He likewise vowed to exhibit the great games 
 in honour of the gods, and to expend upon those games 
 three hundred and thirty-three thousand sesterces, three 
 hundred and thirty-three denarii, and one third of a dena- 
 rius ; which sum in our Greek money is eighty-three thou- 
 sand five hundred and eighty-three drachmas and two o'-o'i. 
 What his reason might be for fixing upon that precise num- 
 ber is not easy to determine, unless it were on account of 
 the perfection of the number three, as being the first of odd 
 numbers, the first of plurals, and containing in itself the first 
 differences, aud the first elements of all numbers. 
 
 Fabius having taught the people to repose themselves on 
 acts of religion, made them more easy as to future events. 
 For his own part, he placed all his hopes of victory in him- 
 self, believing that heaven blesses men with success. OP. ac- 
 exunt of their virtue and prudence ; a;id therefore he watch- 
 ed the motions of Hannibal, not with a design to give him 
 battle, but by length of time to waste his spirit and vigour, 
 and gradually to destroy him by means of his superiority m 
 men and money. To secure himself against the enemy's 
 hors^, he took care to encamp above them on high and 
 
 * *aXX/Jv xp%tu.'.*os t* %tu* *%>!* 
 
 f This vow had formerly been made to Mars by Aulus Ccrr 
 and neglected.
 
 FABIUS MAXIMUS. 7 
 
 mountainous places. When they sat still, lie did the same ; 
 when they were in motion, he shewed himself upon the 
 heights, at such a distance as not to be obliged to fight 
 against his inclination, and yet near enough to keep them 
 in perpetual alarm, as if, amidst his arts to gain time, he in- 
 tended every moment to give them battle. 
 
 These dilatory proceedings exposed him to contempt 
 among the Romans in general, and even in his own army. 
 The enemy, too, excepting Hannibal thought him a man 
 of no spirit. He alone was sensible of the keenness of Fa- 
 bius, and of the manner in which he intended to carry on 
 the war, and therefore was determined, if possible, either by 
 stratagem or force, to bring him to a battle, concluding that 
 otherwise the Carthaginians must be undone ; since they 
 could not decide the matter in the field, where they had the 
 advantage, but must gradually wear away, and be reduced 
 to nothing, when the dispute was only who should be supe- 
 rior in men and money. Hence it was that he exhausted 
 the whole art of war, like a skilful wrestler, who watches 
 every opportunity to lay hold of his adversary. Sometimes 
 he advanced, and alarmed him with the apprehensions of an 
 attack ; sometimes by marching and counter-marching he 
 led him from place to place, hoping to draw him from his 
 plan of caution.* But as he was fully persuaded of its uti- 
 lity, he kept immoveable to his 'resolution. Alinucius, his 
 general of horse, gave him, however, no small trouble 
 by his unseasonable courage and heat, haranguing the ar- 
 my, and filling them with a furious desire to come to ac- 
 tion, and a vain confidence of success. Thus the soldiers 
 were brought to despise Fabius, and by way of derision to 
 call him the pedagogue of Hannibal,.f while they extolled 
 Minucius as a great man, and one that acted up to the dig- 
 nity of Rome. This led Minuciua to give a freer scope to 
 his arrogance and pride, and to ridicule the dictator for en- 
 camping constantly upon the mountains, ** As if he did it 
 " on purpose that his men might more clearly behold Italy 
 " laid waste with fire and sword." And he asked the 
 friends of Fabius, " Whether he intended to take his army 
 " up into heaven, as he had bid adieu to the world below, 
 " or whether he would screen himself from the enemy with 
 
 E*r!7< <r<yv vvre^ TYIS Kffetkiixt \ttyifffjiui Sn)(.aftttos. 
 f For the office of a pedagogue of old was (as the name implies) 
 to attend the children, to carry them up and down, and conduc* 
 them home again. 
 
 B4
 
 d PLUTARCHS 
 
 * clouds and fogs ?" When the dictator's friends brought 
 
 him an account of these aspersions, and exhorted him to 
 
 wipe them off by risking a battle, " In that case," said he, 
 
 I should be of a more dastardly spirit than they represent 
 
 me, if, through fear of insults and reproaches, I should 
 
 depart from my own resolution. But to fear for my 
 
 country is not a disagreeable fear. That man is unworthy 
 
 of such a command as this, who shrinks under calumnies 
 
 and slanders, and complies with the humour of those 
 
 " whom he ought to govern, and whose folly and rashness 
 
 <c it is his duty to restrain.'' 
 
 After this, Hannibal made a disagreeable mistake. For 
 intending to lead his army farther from Fabius, and to move' 
 into a part of the country that would afford him forage, he 
 ordered the guides, immediately after supper, to conduct 
 him to the plains of Casinum.* They taking the word 
 wrong, by reason of his barbarous pronunciation of it, led 
 his forces to the borders of Campania, near the town of Ca- 
 silinum, through which runs the river Lothronus, which 
 the Romans call Vulturnus. The adjacent country is sur- 
 rounded by mountains, except only a valley that stretches 
 out to the sea. Near the sea the ground is very marshy and 
 full of large banks of sand, by reason of the overflowing of 
 the river. The sea is there very rough, and the coast al- 
 
 Impracticable. 
 
 As soon as Hannibal was entered into this valley, Fabius, 
 availing himself of his knowledge of the country, seized the 
 narrow outlet, and placed in it a guard of four thousand 
 men. The main body of his army he posted to advantage 
 on the surrounding hifls, and with the lightest and most ac- 
 tive of his troops, fell upon the enemy's rear, put their whole 
 army in disorder, and killed about eight hundred of them. 
 
 Hannibal then wanted to get clear of so disadvantageous 
 a situation, and in revenge of the mistake the guides had 
 
 * Hannibal had ravaged Samnium, plundered the territory of Be- 
 iieventnm, a Roman colony, and Ir.id siege to Tilesia, a city at the 
 foot of the Appenines. But finding that neither the ravaging of the 
 country, nor even the taking of some cities, could make Fabius quit 
 his eminences, he resolved to ru-ike use of a stronger bait, which was 
 to enter Campania, the finest country in Italy, and lay it waste un- 
 der the dictator's eyes, hoping by that mean.; to bring him to an ac- 
 tion. But, by the mistake which Plutarch mentions, his guides, in- 
 stead of conducting him to the plains of Casinum, led him iuto the 
 narrow passs 01 CiifHinuuJ, which divides Samnium from Campania.
 
 FABIUS MAXIMUS. 9 
 
 made, and the danger they had brought him into, he cruci- 
 fied them all. But not knowing how to drive the enemy 
 from the heights they were masters of, and sensible besides 
 of the terror and confusion that reigned amongst his men, 
 who concluded themselves fallen into a snare, from which 
 there was no escaping, he had recourse to stratagem. 
 
 The contrivance was this : He caused two thousand oxen, 
 which he had in his camp, to have torches and dry bavins 
 well fastened to their horns. These, in the night, upon a 
 signal given, were to be lighted, and the oxen to be driven 
 to the mountains, near the narrow pass that was guarded 
 by the enemy. Whi^e those that had it in charge were thus 
 employed, he decamped, and marched slowly forward. So 
 long as the fire was moderate, and burnt only the torches 
 and bavins,* the oxen moved softly on, as they were driven 
 up the hills ; and the shepherds and herdsmen on the adja- 
 cent heights took them for an army that inarched in order 
 with lighted torches. But when their horns were burnt to 
 the roots, and the fire pierced to the quick, terrified, and 
 jnad with pain, they no longer kept any certain route, but 
 ran up the hills, with their foreheads and tails flaming, and 
 setting every thing on fire that came in their way. The 
 Remans who guarded the pass were astonished ; for they 
 appeared to them like a great number of men running up 
 and down with torches, which scattered fire on every side. 
 In their fears, of course, they concluded that they should 
 be attacked and surrounded by the enemy ; for which rea- 
 son they quitted the pass, and fled to the main body in the 
 camp. Immediately Hannibal s light-armed troops took 
 possession of the outlet, and the rest of his forces marched 
 safely through, loaded with a rich booty. 
 
 Fabius discovered the stratagem that same night ; for some 
 of the oxen, as they were scattered about, fell into his hands ; 
 but, for fear of an ambush in the dark, he kept his men all 
 night under arms in the camp. At break of day, he pur- 
 sued the enemy, came up with their rear, and attacked 
 them ; several skirmishes ensued in the difficult passes of the 
 mountains, and Hannibal's army was put in some disorder, 
 until he detached from his van a body of Spaniards, light 
 and nimble men, who were accustomed to climb such 
 heights. These falling upon the heavy-armed Romans, 
 cut off a considerable number of them, and obliged Fabiva
 
 10 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 to retire. This brought upon him more contempt and ca- 
 lumny than ever ; for having renounced open force, as if 
 ,he could subdue Hannibal by conduct and foresight, he ap- 
 peared now to be worsted at his own weapons. Hanniba), 
 to incense the Romans still more against him, when he came 
 to his lands, ordered them to be spared, and set a guard 
 upon them, to prevent the committing of the least injury 
 there, while he was ravaging all the country around them, 
 and laying it waste with five. An account of these things 
 being brought to Rome, heavy complaints were made 
 thereupon. The tribunes alleged many articles of accusa- 
 tion against him before the people, chiefly at the instigation 
 of Metilius, who had no particular enmity to Fabius, but 
 being strongly in the interest of Minucius, the general of 
 the horse, whose relation he was, he thought by depressing 
 Fabius to raise his friend The senate, too, was offended, 
 particularly with the terms he had settled with Hannibal 
 for the ransom of prisoners. For it was agreed between 
 them, that the prisoners should be exchanged, man for man, 
 and that if either of them had more than the other, he should 
 release them for two hundred and fifty drachmas each man ;* 
 and upon the whole account there remained two hundred 
 and forty Romans unexchanged. The eenate determined 
 not to pay this ransom, and blamed Fabius as taking a step 
 that was against the honour and interest of the state, in en- 
 deavouring to recover men whom cowardice had betrayed 
 into the hands of the enemy. 
 
 When Fabius was informed of the resentment of his fel- 
 low-citizens, he bore it with invincible patience ; but being 
 in- want of money, and not choosing to deceive Hannibal, 
 or to abandon his countrymen in their distress, he sent his 
 son to Rome, with orders to sell part of his estate, and bring 
 him the money immediately. This was punctually perform- 
 ed by his son, and Fabius redeemed the prisoners ; several of 
 whom afterwards offered to repay him, but his generosity 
 would not permit him to accept it. 
 
 . After this he was called to Rome by the priests, to assist 
 at some of the solemn sacrifices, and therefore was obliged 
 to leave the army to Minucius ; but he both charged him as 
 dictator, and used many arguments and entreaties with him 
 as a friend, not to come to any kind of action. The pains 
 
 * Livy calls this,.wgen<j pondo bina ct sclibras in milltem ; whence 
 we learn that the ttoman pondo, or pound weight of silver, was eoni- 
 valent to one hundred Grecian drachmas, or a mina.
 
 FABIUS MAXIMUS. 11 
 
 he took were lost upon Minucius ; for he immediately 
 souglit occasions to tight the enemy ; and observing one 
 day that Hannibal had sent out great part of his army to 
 forage, he attacked those that were left behind, and drove 
 them within their entrenchments, killing great numbers of 
 them, so that they even feared he would storm their camp ; 
 and when the rest of the Carthaginian forces were returned, 
 he retreated without loss.* This success added to his te- 
 merity, and increased the ardour of his soldiers. The re- 
 port of it soon reached Rome, and the advantage was re- 
 presented as much greater than it really was. When Fa- 
 bius was informed of it, he said, lie dreaded nvthing more 
 than the success nf Minncim. But the people, mightily elat- 
 ed with the news, ran to the /oru ; and their tribune Meti- 
 lius harangued them from the rostrum, highly extolling Mi- 
 nucius, and accusing Fabius now, not of cowardice and 
 want of spirit, but of treachery. He endeavoured also to in- 
 volve the principal men in Rome in the same crime, alleging, 
 1 That they had originally brought the war upon Italy 
 ' for the destruction of the common people, and had put 
 ' the commonwealth under the absolute direction of one 
 ' man, who, by his slow proceedings, gave Hannibal op- 
 ' portunity to establish himself in the country, and to draw 
 ' fresh forces from Carthage, in order to effect a total 
 ' conquest of Italy." 
 
 Fabius disdained to make any defence against these alle- 
 gations of the tribune ; he only declared, that " He would 
 ' finish the sacrifice, and other religious rites, as soon as 
 ' possible, that he might return to the army, and punish 
 44 Mii.ucius for fighting contrary to his orders." This oc- 
 casioned a great tumult among the people, who were alarm- 
 ed at the danger of Minucius. For it is in the dictator's 
 power to imprison and inflict capital punishment, without 
 form of trial ; and they thought that the wrath of Fabius, 
 v.ow provoked, though he was naturally very mild and pa- 
 tieiit, would prove heavy and implacable. But fear kept 
 them" all silent, except Metilius, whose person, as tribune of 
 the people, could not be touched, (for the tribunes are the 
 only officers of state that retain their authority after the 
 appointing of a dictator). Metilius entreated, insisted that 
 the people should not give up Minucius, to suffer, perhaps, 
 what Manlius Torquatus caused his own son to suffer, 
 
 Others say, that he lost 6ve thousand of his men, and that th 
 enemy's loss did not exceed his by mor than a thousand. 
 
 B6
 
 12 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 whom he beheaded, when crowned with laurel for his vic- 
 tory, but that they should take from Fabius hia power to 
 play the tyrant, and leave the direction of affairs to one 
 \vho was both able and willing to save his country. The 
 people, though much affected with this speech, did not 
 venture to divest Fabius of the dictatorship, notwithstand- 
 ing the odium he had incurred, but decreed that Minucius 
 should share the command with him, and have equal autho- 
 rity in conducting the war ; a thing never before practised 
 in Rome. There was, however, another instance of it 
 soon after, upon the unfortunate action of Cannae ; for 
 Marcus Junius, the dictator, being then in the field, they 
 created another dictator, Fabius Buteo, to fill up the se- 
 nate, many of whose members were slain in that battle. 
 There was this difference, indeed, that Buteo had no sooner 
 enrolled the new senators, than he dismissed his lictors, and 
 the rest of his retinue, and mixed with the crowd, stop- 
 ping sometime in the forum about his own affairs as a pri- 
 vate man. 
 
 When the people had thus invested Minucius with a 
 power equal to that of the dictator, they thought they 
 should find Fabius extremely humbled and dejected; but it 
 soon appeared that they knew not the man. For he did not 
 reckon their mistake any unhappiness to him ; but, as Dio- 
 genes the philosopher, when one said, " They deride you," 
 answered, " Well, but I am not derided ;" accounting 
 those only to be ridiculed, who feel the ridicule, and are 
 discomposed at it ; so Fabius bore, without emotion, all 
 that happened to himself, herein confirming that position 
 in philosophy, which affirms that a wise and goad man can 
 suffer no disgrace. But he was under no small concern 
 for the public, on account of the unadvised proceedings of 
 -the people, who had put it in the power of a rash man to 
 indulge his indiscreet ambition for military distinction ; and 
 apprehensive that Minucius, infatuated with ambition, might 
 take some fatal step, he left Rome very privately. 
 
 Upon his arrival at the camp, he found the arrogance of 
 Minucius grown to such a height, that it was no longer to 
 be endured. Fabius, therefore, refused to comply with his 
 demand of having the army under his orders every other 
 day ; and, instead of that, divided the forces with him, 
 choosing rather to have the full command of a part, than 
 the direction of the whole by turns. He therefore took the 
 first and fourth legions himself} leaving the second and
 
 fABIUS MAXIM US. 13 
 
 third to Minucius ; and the confederate forces were like- 
 wise equally divided. 
 
 Minucius valued himself highly upon this, that the 
 power of the greatest and most arbitrary office in the state 
 was controlled and reduced for his sake. But Fabius put 
 him in mind, " That it was not Fabius whom he had to 
 contend with, but Hannibal ; that if he would, notwith- 
 standing, consider his colleague as his rival, he must 
 take care lest he who had so successfully carried his point 
 with the people, should one day appear to have their 
 safety and interest less at heart than the man who had 
 been so ill treated by them." Minucius considering this 
 as the effect of an old man's pique, and taking the troops 
 that fell to his lot, marked out a separate camp for them.* 
 Hannibal was well informed of all that passed, and watch- 
 ed his opportunity to take advantage of it. 
 
 There was a hill betwixt him and the enemy, not diffi- 
 cult to take possession of, which yet would afford an army 
 a very safe and commodious post. The ground about it, 
 at a distance, seemed quite level and plain, though there 
 were in it several ditches and hollows : and, therefore, 
 though he might privately have seized that post with ease, 
 yet he left it as a bait to draw the enemy to an engagement. 
 But as soon as he saw Minucius parted from Fabius, he 
 took an opportunity in the night to place a number -f- of 
 men in those ditches and hollows ; and early in the morning 
 he openly sent out a small party, as if designed to make 
 themselves masters of the hill, but really to draw Minucius 
 to dispute it with them. The event answered his expecta- 
 tion ; for Minucius sent out his light- armed troops first, 
 then the cavalry, and at last, when he saw Hannibal send 
 reinforcements to his men upon the hill, he marched out 
 with all his forces in order of battle, and attacked with 
 great vigour the Carthaginians, who were marking out a 
 camp upon the hill. The fortune of the day was doubtful, 
 until Hannibal, perceiving that the enemy had fallen into 
 the snare, and that their rear was open to the ambuscade, 
 instantly gave the signal. Hereupon his men rushed out 
 on all sides, and advanced with loud shouts, and cutting 
 in pieces the hindmost ranks, they put the Romans in dis- 
 order and terror inexpressible. Even the spirit of Minuoiue 
 
 * About fifteen hundred paces from Fabius. 
 t Five hundred !>crse and five thousand foot.
 
 14 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 began to shrink ; and he looked first upon one officer and 
 then upon another, but not one of them durst stand his 
 ground : they all betook themselves to flight, and the 
 flight itself proved fatal ; for the Nymidians, now victo- 
 rious, galloped round the plain, and killed those whom 
 they found dispersed. 
 
 Fabius wa& not ignorant of the danger of his countrymen; 
 Foreseeing what would happen, he kept his forces under 
 arms, and took care to be informed how the action went 
 on : nor did he trust to the reports of others, but he himself 
 looked out from an eminence not far from his camp. 
 When he saw the army of his colleague surrounded and 
 broken, and the cry reached him, not like that of men 
 standing the charge, but of persons flying in great dismay,* 
 he smote upon his thigh, and with a deep sigh said to his 
 friends about him, " Ye gods ! how much sooner than I 
 " expected^ and yet later than his ir. discreet proceedings 
 " required, has Minucius ruined himself !'' Then having 
 commanded the standard bearers to advance, and the 
 whole army to follow, he addressed them i.n these words. 
 " Now, my brave soldiers, if any one lias ?. regard for 
 " Marcus Minucius, let him exert himself; for he deserve* 
 " assistance for his valour and the love he bears his-coun- 
 " try. If, in his haste to drive out the enemy, he has 
 " committed any error, this is not a time to find fault with 
 " him." 
 
 The first sight of Fabius frightened away the Numidj- 
 ans, who .were picking up stragglers in the field. Then he 
 attacked those who were charging the Romans in the rear. 
 Such as made resistance he slew ; but the greatest part re- 
 treated to their own army, before the communication wa* 
 cut off, lest they should themselves be surrounded in their 
 turn. Hannibal, seeing this change of fortune, and finding 
 that Fabius pushed on through the hottest of the battle, 
 with a vigour above his years, to come up to Minucius 
 upon the hill, put an end to the dispute, and having sound- 
 ed a retreat, retired into ins carnp. The Romans, on their 
 part, were not sorry when the action was over Hanni- 
 bal, as he was drawing off, is reported K have said smart- 
 ly to those that were by, " Did not 1 often tell )ou, that 
 
 * Homer mentions the custom of smiting upon the thigh in time 
 of trouble Ka< ^ncrx*-, T pupa ; and we learn from scripture, 
 that it was practised in the east. 
 
 Compare Horn. II. ft. v. 162, and this passage of Plutarch, with 
 Jer. xxxi. 19, and Ezck. xxi. 1?.
 
 FABIUS MAXTMUS. 15 
 
 " this cloud would one day burst upon us from the moun- 
 " tains with all the fury of a storm ?" 
 
 After the battle, Fabius having collected the spoils of 
 such Carthaginians as were left dead upon the field return- 
 ed to his post ; nor did he let fall one haughty or ^ngry 
 word against his colleague,. As for Minucius. having call- 
 ed his men together, he thus expressed himself. " Friends 
 *' and fellow- soldiers, not to err at all iii the management 
 *' of great affairs, is above the wisdom of men ; but it is 
 " the part of a prudent and good man, to learn, from his 
 " errors and miscarriages, to correct himself for the fu- 
 " ture. For my part, I confess, that though fortune has 
 " frowned upon me a little, I have much to thank her 
 " for. For what I could not be brought to be sensible 
 " of in so long a time, I have learned in the small com- 
 " pass of one day, that I know not how to command, but 
 " have need to be under the direction of another ; and 
 " from this moment I bid adieu to the ambition of get- 
 " ting the better of a man whom it is an honour to be 
 " foiled by. In all other respects the dictator shall be 
 ' your commander ; but in the due expression* of grati- 
 " tude to him, 1 will be your leader still, by being the first 
 " to shew an example of obedience and submission." 
 
 He then ordered the ensigns to advance with the eagleSj 
 and the troops to follow, himself marching at their head, 
 to the camp of Fabius. Being admitted, he went directly 
 to his tent. The whole army waited with impatience for 
 the event. Wheii Fabius came out, Minucius fixed his 
 standard before him, and with a loud voice saluted him by 
 the name of Fatktr ; at the same time his soldiers called 
 those of Fabius their Patrons, an appellation which freed- 
 men gave to those that enfranchise them. These respects 
 being paid, and silence taken place, Minucius thus address- 
 ed himself to the dictator. " You have this day, Fabius, 
 " obtained two victories, one over the enemy by your va- 
 " lour, the other over your colleague by your prudence 
 " and humanity. By the former you saved us, by the 
 " latter you have instructed us ; and Hannibal's victory 
 " over us, is not more disgraceful than yours is honour- 
 " able and salutary to us. I call you bat fie,' , not know- 
 4< ing a more honourable m.me, aud am more indebted to 
 " yuu than to my real father. To him I owe my oeing, 
 " but to you the preservation of my life, and the lives of 
 " all these brave men.'* After this, he threw himself
 
 16 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 into the arms of Fabius, and the soldiers of each army em- 
 braced one another, with every expression of tenderness, 
 and with tears of joy. 
 
 Not long after this, Fabius laid down the dictatorship, 
 and consuls were created.* The first of these kept to the 
 plan which Fabius had laid down. He took care not to 
 come to a pitched battle with Hannibal, but sent succour 
 to the allies of Rome, and prevented any revolt in their 
 cities. But when Terentius Varro,-{- a man of obscure 
 birth, and remarkable only for his temerity and servile 
 complaisance to the people, rose to the consulship, it soon 
 appeared that his boldness and inexperience would bring 
 him to risk the very being of the commonwealth ; for 
 he loudly insisted in the assemblies of the people, that the 
 war stood still whilst it was under the conduct of the Fabii ; 
 but for his part he would take but one day to get sight of 
 the enemy, and to beat him. With these promises he so 
 prevailed on the multitude, that he raised greater forces 
 than Rome had ever had on foot before in her most dan- 
 gerous wars ; for he mustered J no fewer than eighty-eight 
 thousand men. Hereupon Fabius, and other wise and 
 experienced persons among the Romans, were greatly 
 alarmed ; because they saw no resource for the state, if 
 such a number of their youth should be cut off. They 
 addressed themselves, therefore, to the other consul, Pan- 
 lus ./Emilius, a man of great experience in war, but dis- 
 agreeable to the people, and at the same time afraid of 
 them, for they had formerly set a considerable fine upon 
 him. Fabius, however, encouraged him to withstand the 
 temerity of his colleague, telling him, '* That the dispute 
 " he had to support for his country was not so much with 
 
 * According to Livy, Fabius, after the six months of his dictator- 
 ship were expired, resigned the army to the consuls of that year, 
 Servilius and Attilius ; the latter having been appointed in the room 
 of Flaminius, who was killed in battle. But Plutarch follows Poly- 
 faius, who says, that as the time for the election of new consul* ap- 
 proached, the Romans named L. JEmilius Paulus and Terentius 
 Varro consuls, after which the dictators resigned their charge. 
 
 f Varro v/as the son of a butcher, and hud followed his father's 
 profession in his youth ; but, growing rich, he had forsaken that 
 mean callin.. ; and, by the favour of the people, procured by support- 
 ing the most turbulent of their tribunes, he obtained the consulate. 
 
 It was usual with the Romans to muster every year four le- 
 gions, which consisting, in difficult times, each of five thousand Ro- 
 man foot, and three hundred horse, and a battalion of Latins equal 
 to that number, amounted in the whole to 42,400. But this year- 
 instead of four Jegions, they raised eight.
 
 PABIUS MAXIMUS. lj 
 
 u Hannibal as with Varro. The latter," said he, " will 
 " hasten to an engagement,* because he kncnvs not his 
 ** own strength ; and the former because he knows his 
 " own weakness. But, believe me, jEmilius, I deserve 
 *' more attention than Varro, with respect to the affairs of 
 ' Hannibal ; and I do assure you, that if the Romans 
 " come to no battle with him this year, he will either be 
 " undone by his stay in Italy, or else be obliged to quit 
 " it. Even now, when he seems to be victorious, and to 
 " carry all before him, not one of his enemies has quitted 
 " the Roman interest, and not a third part of the forces 
 " remains, which he brought from home with him." To 
 this ^Emilius is said to have answered, " My friend, when 
 '* I consider myself only, I conclude it better for me to 
 " fall upon the weapons of the enemy than by the sentence 
 ** of my own countrymen. However, since the state of 
 " public affairs is so critical, I will endeavour to approve 
 " myself a good general, and had rather appear such to 
 " you than to all who oppose you, and who would drnw 
 *' me, willing or unwilling, to their party." With these 
 sentiments JEmilius began his operations. 
 
 But Varro, having brought his colleague to agree,f that 
 they should command alternately each his day, when his 
 turn came, took post over against Hannibal, on the banks 
 of the Aufidus, near the village of Cannae. As soon as 
 it was light he gave the signal for battle, which is a red 
 mantle set up over the general's tent. The Carthaginians 
 were a little disheartened at first, when they saw how daring 
 the consul was, and that his army was more than twice 
 their number. But Hannibal having ordered them to arm, 
 himself, with a few others, rode up to an eminence, to take 
 
 * The best dependence of Varro was, undoubtedly, to prolong 
 the war, that Hannibal, who was already weakened, might wear 
 himself out by degrees ; and, for the same reason, it was Hanni- 
 bal's business to tight. 
 
 f- It was a fixed rule with the Romans, that the consuls, when 
 they went upon the same service, should have the command of the 
 army by turns. 
 
 J Canrue, according to Livy, Appian, and Florus, was only a poor 
 village, which afterwards became famous on account of the buttle 
 fought year it ; but Polybius, who lived near the time of the se- 
 cond Punic war, styles Cannae a city ; and adds, that it had been 
 razed a year before the defeat of the Roman army. Silius Italians 
 agrees with Pclybius. It was afterwards rebuilt ; for Pliny ranks it 
 among the cities of Apulia. The ruins of Cannae are still tw be 
 wen in the territory of Bari.
 
 18 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 a view of the enemy now drawn up for battle. One Giseo> 
 that accompanied him, a man of his own rank, happening 
 to 8ay, '* The numbers of the enemy appeared to him 
 " surprising,'' Hannibal re; lied, with a serious counte- 
 nance, " There is another thing which has escaped your 
 *' observation, much more surprising than that." Upon, 
 his asking what it was, " It is," said he, " that among 
 " such numbers, not one of them is named Gisco.'' The 
 whole company were diverted with the humour of his 
 observation ; and as they returned to the camp, they told 
 the jest to those they met. so that the laugh became uni- 
 versal. At sight of this the Carthaginians took courage, 
 thinking it must proceed from the great contempt in which 
 their general held the Romans, that he could jest and laugh, 
 in the face of danger. 
 
 In this battle Hannibal gave great proofs of generalship- 
 In the first place, he took advantage of the ground, to post 
 his men with their backs to the wind, which was then very 
 violent and scorching, and drove from the dry plains, over 
 the heads of the Carthaginians, clouds of sand and dust into 
 the eyes and nostrils of the Romans, so that they were 
 obliged to turn away their faces, and break their ranks. 
 In the next place, his troops were drawn up with superior 
 art. He placed the flower of them in the wings, and those 
 upon whom he had less dependence in the main corps, 
 which was considerably more advanced than the wings. 
 Then he commanded those in the wings, that when the 
 enemy had charged, and vigorously pushed that advanced 
 body, which he knew would give way, and open a passage 
 for them to the very centre, and when the Romans by this 
 means should be far enough engaged within the two wings, 
 they should both on the right and left take them in flank, 
 and endeavour to surround them.* This was the principal 
 cause of the great carnage that followed ; for the enemy 
 pressing upon Hannibal's front, which gave ground, the 
 form of his army was changed into a half moon ; and the 
 officers of the select troops caused the two points of the 
 wings to join behind the Romans. Thus they were exposed 
 to the attacks of the Carthaginians on all sides ; an incre- 
 dible slaughter followed ; nor did any escape but the few 
 that retreated before the main body was enclosed. 
 
 * Five hundred Numidians pretended to desert to the Romans ; 
 but in the heat of the battle turned against them, and atiackvd them 
 in the rear.
 
 FAHIUS MAXIMUS* 1<J 
 
 It is also said, that a strange and fatal accident happened 
 to the Roman cavalry ; for the horse which /Emilius rode, 
 having received some hurt, threw him ; and those about 
 him alighting to assist and defend the consul on foot, the 
 rest of the cavalry seeing this, and taking it for a signal 
 for them to do the same, all quitted their horses, and charg- 
 ed on foot. At sight of this, Hannibal said, " This pleases 
 " me better than if they had been delivered to me bound 
 " hand and foot." But the particulars may be found at 
 large in the historians who have described this battle. 
 
 As to the consuls, Varro escaped with a few horse to 
 Venutia ; and yLmilius, covered with darts which stuck 
 in his wounds, sat down in anguish and despair, waiting for 
 the enemy to dispatch him. His head and his face were so 
 disfigured and stained with blood, that it was not easy to 
 know him ; even his friends and servants passed by him 
 without stopping. At last, Cornelius Lentulus, a young 
 man of a pntricinn family, perceiving who he was, dis- 
 mounted, and entreated him to take his horse, and save 
 himself for the cemmonwealth, which had then more occa- 
 sion than ever for so good a consul. But nothing could 
 prevail upon him to accept of the offer ; ai.d, notwithstand- 
 ing the young man's tears, he obliged him to mount his 
 horse again. Then rising up, and taking him by the hand, 
 " Tell Fabius Maximus," said he, " and, Lentulus, do 
 " you yourself be witness,* that Faulus .r.milius followed 
 " his diiections to the hst, and did not deviate in the least 
 " from the plan agreed upon between them, but was first 
 " overcome by Varro, and then by Hannibal." Having 
 dispatclitd Lentulus with this commission, he rushed among 
 the enemy's swords, and was slain. Fifty thousand Ro- 
 mans are said to have fallen in this battle,-}- and four thou- 
 sand to have been take;; prisoners, beside ten thousand that 
 were taken after the battle in both camps. 
 
 f According to Livy, there were killed of the Romans only forty 
 thousand foot, and two thousand seven hundred horse. Polybius- 
 say.-* that seventy thousand were killed. The loss of the Carthagi- 
 nians did not amount to .six thousand. 
 
 When the Carthaginians were stripping the dead, among other 
 moving objects, they found, to their great surprise, a Numidian, 
 yet alive, lying under the dead body of a Roman, who had thrown 
 himself headlong on his enemy, and beat him down ; but being no 
 longer able to make use of his weapons, because he had lost his 
 hands, had torn oft' the nose and ears of the Numidian with his 
 ' i and in that lit of rage expired.
 
 20 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 After this great success, Hannibal's friends advised him 
 to pursue his fortune, and to enter Rome along with the 
 fugitives, assuring him that in five days he might sup in the 
 Capitol. It is not easy to conjecture what his reason was 
 for not taking this step. Most probably some deity oppos- 
 ed it, and therefore inspired him with this hesitation and ti- 
 midity. On this account it was that a Carthaginian, named 
 Barca, said to him, with some heat," Hannibal, you know 
 '* how to gain a victory, but not how to use it.*" 
 
 The battle of Canna, however, made such an alteration 
 in his affaire, that though before it he had neither town, 
 nor magazine, nor port in Italy, but, witnout any regular 
 supplies, for the war, subsisted his army by rapine, and for 
 that purpose moved them, like a great band of robbers, 
 from place to place j yet then he became master of the 
 greatest part of Italy : its best provinces and towns volun- 
 tarily submitted to him ; and Capua itself, the most respect- 
 able cty after Rome, threw its weight into hia scale. 
 
 In this case it appeared that great misfortunes are not 
 only, what Euripides calls them, a trial of the fidelity of a 
 friend, but of the capacity and conduct of a general. For 
 the proceedings of Fabius, which before this battle were 
 deemed cold and timid, then appeared to be directed by 
 counsels more than human ; to be indeed the dictates of a 
 divine wisdom, which penetrated into futurity at such a 
 distance, and foresaw what seemed incredible to the very 
 persons who experienced it. In him, therefore, Rome 
 places her last hope ; his judgment is the temple, the altar, 
 to which she flies for refuge, believing that to his prudence 
 it was chiefly owing that she still held up her head, and 
 that her children were not dispersed, as when she was taken 
 by the Gauls. For he who, in times of apparent security, 
 
 * Zonarus tells us, that Hannibal himself afterwards acknow- 
 ledged his mistake in not pursuing that day's success, and used of- 
 ten to cry out, O Cannae, Cannse ! 
 
 But, on the other hand, it may be pleaded, in defence of Hannibal, 
 that the advantages he had gained were chiefly owing to his cavalry, 
 who could not act in a siege : That the inhabitants of Rome were all 
 bred up to arms from their infancy ; would use their utmost efforts hi 
 defence of their wives, their children, and their domestic gods ; and, 
 when sheltered by walls and ramparts, would probably be invincible : 
 That they had as many generals as senators : That no one nation of 
 Italy had yet declared for him, and he might judge it necessary to 
 gain some of them before he attempted the capital : And, lastly, that 
 if he had attempted the capital first, and without success, ha would 
 net have been able to gain any one nation r city.
 
 FAB1US MAXIMUS. 21 
 
 seemed to be deficient in cenfidence and resolution, now, 
 when all abandoned themselves to inexpressible sorrow and 
 helpless despair, alone walked about the city with a calnj 
 and easy peace, with a firm countenance, a mild and gra- 
 cious address, checking their effeminate lamentations, and 
 preventing them from assembling in public to bewail their 
 common distress. He caused the senate to meet ; he en- 
 couraged the magistrates, himself being the soul of .their 
 body, for all waited his motion, aud were ready to obey 
 his orders ; he placed a guard at the gates, to hinder such 
 of the people as were inclined to fly, from quitting the 
 city ; he fixed both the place and time for mourning, al- 
 lowed thirty days for that purpose in a man's own house, 
 and no more for the city in general ; and as the feast of 
 Ceres fell within that time, it was thought better entirely 
 to omit the solemnity, than by the small numbers, and the 
 melancholy looks of those that should attend it, to disco- 
 ver the greatness of their loss ; * for the worship most ac- 
 ceptable to the gods is that which comes from cheerful 
 hearts. Indeed, whatever the augurs ordered for propi- 
 tiating the divine powers, and averting inauspicious omens, 
 was carefully performed ; for Fabius Pictor, the near re- 
 lation of Fabius Maximus, was sent to consult the oracle 
 at Delphi ; and of the two vestals who were then found 
 guilty of a breach of their vow of chastity, one was buried 
 alive, according to custom, and the other died by her own 
 hand. 
 
 But what most deserves to be admired, is the magna- 
 nimity and temper of the Romans, when the consul Varro 
 returned after his defeat, { much humbled and very me- 
 lancholy, as one who had occasioned the greatest cala- 
 mity and disgrace imaginable to the republic. The whole 
 senate and people went to welcome him at the gates ; and, 
 
 This was not the real cause of deferring the festival, but thV 
 which Plutarch hints at just after, viz. because it was unlawful for 
 persons in mourning to celebrate it ; and at that time there was not 
 one matron in Rome who was not in mourning. In fact, the feast was 
 not entirely omitted, but kept as soon as the mourning was expired. 
 
 f- Valerius Maximus tells us (lib. iii, c. 6,j that the senate and 
 people offered Varto the dictatorship, which he refused, and by his 
 modest refusal, wiped off, in some measure, the shame of his former 
 behaviour. Thus the Romans, by treating their unfortunate com- 
 manders with humanity, lessened the disgrace of their being van- 
 quished or discharged ; while the Carthaginians condemned their 
 generals to cruel deaths, upon their being overcome, though it was 
 often without their own fault,
 
 22 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 when silence was commanded, the magistrates and principal 
 senators, amongst whom was Fabius, commended him for 
 not giving up the circumstance* of the state as desperate 
 after so great a misfortune, but returning to take upon him 
 the administration, and to make what advantage he could 
 for his country of the laws and citizens, as not being utter- 
 ly lost and ruined. 
 
 When they found that Hannibal, after the battle, instead 
 of marching to Rome, turned to another part of Italy, they 
 took courage, and sent their armies and generals into the 
 field. The most eminent of these were Fabius Maximus 
 and Claudius Marcellus, men distinguished by characters 
 almost entirely opposite. Marcellus (as we have mentioned 
 in his life) was a man of a buoyant and animated valour, 
 remarkably well skilled in the use of weapons, and naturally 
 enterprizing ; such an one, in short, as Homer calls lofty 
 in heart, in courage fierce, in war delighting. So intrepid 
 a general was very fit to be opposed to an enemy as daring as 
 himself, to restore the courage and spirits of the Romans, 
 by ome vigorous stroke in the first engagements. As for 
 Fabius, he kept to his first sentimerits, and hoped, that if 
 he only followed Hannibal close, without fighting him, he 
 and his army would wear themselves out, and lose their 
 warlike vigour, just as a wrestler does, who keeps continu- 
 ally in the ring, and allows himself no repose to recruit his 
 strength after excessive fatigues. Kence it was that the 
 Romans (as Posidonius tells us} called Fabius their shield, 
 and Marcellus their sword, and used to say, that the steadi- 
 ness and caution of the one, mixed with the vivacity and 
 boldness of the other, made a compound vary salutary to 
 Rome. Hannibal, therefore, often meeting Marcellus, 
 whose motions were like those of a torrent, found his forces 
 broken and diminished ; and by Fabius, who moved with 
 a silent but constant stream, he was undermined and insen- 
 sibly %veakened. Such, at length, w as the extremity he 
 was reduced to, that he was tired of fighting Marcellus, 
 and afraid of Fabius. And these were the persons he had 
 generally to do with during the remainder of the war, as 
 praetors, consuls, or proconsuls ; for each of them was five 
 times consul. It is true, Marcellus, in his fifth consulate, 
 was drawn into his snares, and killed, by means of an am- 
 buscade. Hannibal often made the like attempts upon Fa- 
 bius, exerting all his arts and stratagems, but without ef- 
 fect. Once only he deceived him, and had nearly led him
 
 TABIUS MAXiMUS. 23 
 
 into a fatal error. He forged letters to him, as from the 
 principal i.. habitants of Metapontum, offering to deliver 
 up the city to him, and assuring 'him that those who had 
 taken this resolution, on\\ waited till he appeared before it. 
 Fabius, giving credit to these letters, ordered a party to be 
 ready, intending to march thither in the night ; but find- 
 ing the auspices unpromising, he altered his design, and 
 soon after discovered that the letters were forged by an ar- 
 tifice of Hannibal's, and that he was lying in ambush for 
 him near the town. But this perhaps, may be ascribed to 
 the favour and protection of the gods. 
 
 Fabius was persuaded that it was better to keep the cities 
 from revolting, and to prevent any commotions among the 
 allies, by affability and mildness, than to entertain every 
 suspicion, or to use severity against those whom he did 
 suspect. It is reported of him, that being informed that a 
 certain Marcian in his army,* who was a man not inferior 
 in courage or family to any among the allies, solicited some 
 of his men to desert, he did not treat him harshly, but ac- 
 knowledged that he had been too much neglected ; declar- 
 ing, at the same time, that he was now perfectl) sensible 
 how much his officers had been to blame, in distributing ho- 
 nours more out of favour than regard to merit ; and that, 
 for the future, he should take it ill if he did not apply to 
 him when he had any request to make. This was followed 
 with a present of a war horse, and with other marks of ho- 
 nour ; and from that time the man behaved with great fi- 
 delity and zeal for the service. Fabius thought it hard, 
 that, while those who bred dogs and horses soften their 
 stubborn tempers, and bring down their fierce spirits, by 
 care and kindness, rather than with whips and chains, he 
 who has the command of men should not endeavour to 
 correct their errors by gentleness and goodness, tut treat 
 them even in a harsher and mere violent manner than gar- 
 deners do the wild fig-trees, wild pears and olives, whose 
 nature they subdue by cultivation, and which, by that 
 means, they bring to produce very agreeable fruit. 
 
 Another time, some of his officers informed him, that 
 one of the soldiers, a native of Lucania, often quitted his 
 post, and rambled out of the camp. Upon this report, he 
 asked what kind of a man he was in other respects? and they 
 all declared it was not easy to find so good a soldier, doing 
 
 * Livy tells this story of Marcellus, which Plutarch here applies 
 tp Fabius.
 
 24 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 him the justice to mention several extraordinary instar.c 
 his valour. On inquiring into the cause of this irregularity, 
 he found that the man was passionately in love, and that, 
 for the sake of seeing a young woman, he ventured out o 
 the camp, and took a long and dangerous journey, every 
 night. Hereupon Fabius gave orders to some of his men 
 to find out the woman, and convey her into his own tent, 
 but took care that the Lucanian should not know it. Then 
 he sent for him, and taking him aside, spoke to him as 
 follows. " I very well know that you have lain many 
 " nights out of the camp, in breach of the Roman dis- 
 " ciplir.e and laws ; at the same time, I am not ignorant of 
 " your past services. In consideration of them, I forgive 
 " your present crime ; but, for the future, I will give you 
 " in charge to a person who shall be answerable for you." 
 While the soldier stood much amazed, Fabius produced 
 the woman, and putting her in his hands, thus expressed 
 himself. " This is the person who engages for you, that you 
 " will remain in camp ; and now we shall see whether there 
 *' was not some traitorous design which drew you out, and 
 " which you made the love of this woman a cloak for." 
 Such is the account we have of this affair. 
 
 By means of another love-affair, Fabius recovered the 
 city of Tarentum, which had been treacherously delivered 
 up to Hannibal. A young man, a native of that place, 
 who served under Fabius, had a sister there, who loved him 
 with great tenderness. This youth being informed that a 
 certain Brutian,* one of the officers of the garrison which 
 ^Hannibal had put in Tarentum, entertained a violent pas- 
 sion for his sister, hoped to avail himself of this circum- 
 stance to the advantage of the Roman*. Therefore, with 
 the permission of Fabius, he returned to his sister at Taren- 
 tum, under colour of having deserted. Some days passed, 
 during which the Brutian forbore his visits, for she supposed 
 that her brother knew nothing of the amour. This obliged 
 the young man to come to an explanation. " It has been 
 " currently reported,'' said he, " that you receive addresses 
 " from a man of some distinction. Pray who is he ? If he is 
 " a man of honour and character, as they say he is, Mars, 
 u who confounds all things, takes but little thought of 
 " what country he may be. What necessity imposes is no 
 " disgrace ; but we may rather think ourselves fortunate* 
 
 rtwyftnn ! sr AwCti w f!\i* fpttit ttf n
 
 FABIUS MAXIMUS. 25 
 
 " at a time when justice yields to force, if that which force 
 " might compel us to, happens not to be disagreeable to 
 " our own inclinations.'' Thus encouraged, the young 
 woman sent for the Brutian, and presented him to her 
 brother. And as she behaved to him in a kinder and 
 more complying manner, through her brother's means, 
 who was very indulgent to his passion, it was not very 
 difficult to prevail with the Brutian, who was deeply in 
 love, and was withal a mercenary,* to deliver up the town, 
 upon promises of great rewards from Fabius. 
 
 This is the account which most historians give us ; yet 
 some say, that the woman by whom the Brutian was 
 gained, was not a Tarentine, but a Brutian ; that she 
 had been concubine to Fabius ; and that when she found 
 the governor of Tarentum was her countryman and ac- 
 quaintance, she told Fabius of it, and finding means, by 
 approaching the walls, to make him a proposal, she drew 
 him over to the Roman interest. 
 
 During these transactions, Fabius, in order to make a 
 diversion, gave directions to the garrison of Regium, to 
 lay waste the Brutian territories, and, if possible, to make 
 themselves masters of Caulonia. These were a body of 
 eight thousand men, composed partly of deserters, and 
 partly of the most worthless of that infamous band brought 
 by Marcellus out of Sicily, f and therefore the loss of them 
 would not be great, nor much lamented by the Romane. 
 These men he threw out as a bait for Hannibal, and by 
 sacrificing them, hoped to draw him to a distance from 
 Tarentum. The design succeeded accordingly ; for Han- 
 nibal marched with his forces to Caulonia, and Fabius in 
 the meantime laid siege to Tarentum. The sixth day of 
 the eiege, the young man having settled the matter with 
 the Brutian officer, by means of his sister, and having well 
 observed the place where he kept guard, and promised to 
 let in the Romans, went to Fabius by night, and gave 
 him an account of it. The consul moved to the appoint- 
 ed quarter, though not entirely depending upon the pro- 
 
 tttrStiptpit- 1 ' . This has been mistranslated a man of 
 a mercenary disposition. The words only import that he was not of 
 Hannibal's own troops, but of the mercenaries. Hence all govern- 
 ments should learn to beware how they entrust their towns with 
 garrisons of hired troops and strangers. 
 
 f These men were brought from Sicily, not by Marcellus, but by 
 his colleague Laevinus. 
 
 Vol. II. C
 
 26 PLUTAUCIl's LIVES. 
 
 mise that the town would be betrayed. There he himself sat 
 still, but at the same time ordered an assault on every other 
 part, both by sea and land. This was put in execution with 
 great noise and tumult, which drew most of the Taren- 
 tines that way, to assist the garrison, and repel the be- 
 siegers. Then the Brutian giving Fabius the signal, he 
 scaled the walls, and got possession of the town. 
 
 On this occasion Fabius seems to have indulged a cri- 
 minal ambition.* For that it might not appear that the 
 place was betrayed to him, he ordered the Brutians to be 
 put first to the sword. But he failed in his design ; for 
 the former suspicion still remained, and he incurred, be- 
 sides, the reprcach of perfidy and inhumanity. Many of 
 the Tarentines also were killed ; thirty thousand of them 
 were sold for slaves ; the army had the plunder of the 
 town, and three thousand talents were brought into the 
 public treasury. Whilst every thing was ransacked, and 
 the spoils were heaped before Fabius, it is reported that 
 d/e officer who took the inventory, asked, " What he 
 tk would have them do with the gods ?'' meaning the sta- 
 tus and pictures : Fabius answered, " Let us leave the 
 ** Tarentines their angry gods."f However, he carried 
 away a colossus of Hercules, which he afttrwards setup 
 in the capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself 
 in brass, j Thus he shewed himself inferior to Marcellus 
 in his taste for the fine arts, and still more so in mercy 
 and humanity. Marcellus in this respect had greatly the 
 advantage, as we have already observed in his life. 
 
 Hannibal had hastened to the relief of Tarentum ; and 
 being within five miles of it, when it was taken, he scru- 
 pled not to say publicly, " The Romans, too, have their 
 ** Hannibal ; for we have lost Tarentum in the same 
 * manner that we gained it." And, in private, he then 
 first acknowledged to his friends, " That he had always 
 " thought it difficult, but now saw it was impossible, with 
 ** the forces he had, to conquer Italy." 
 
 * Livy docs not say that Fabius gave such orders. He only says, 
 " There were many Brutians slain, either through ignorance, or 
 " through the ancient hatred v.-hich the Romans bore them, or be- 
 cause the Romans were desirous that Tarentum should seem to 
 * be taken sword in hand, rather than betrayed to them." 
 
 f The gods were in the attitude of combatants; and they appear- 
 ed to have fought against the Tarentinet. 
 
 The work of Lysippus.
 
 TAF.IUS MAXIMUS. 1J 
 
 Fabius for this was honoured with a triumph more 
 splendid than the former, having gloriously maintained 
 the field against Hannibal, and baffled all his schemes with 
 ease, just as an able wrestler disengages himself from the 
 arms of his antagonist, whose grasp no longer retains the 
 same vigour. For Hannibal's army was now partly en- 
 ervated with opulence and luxury, and partly impaired and 
 worn out with continual action. 
 
 Marcus Livius, who commanded in Tarentum when it 
 was betrayed to Hannibal, retired into the citadel, and held 
 it till the town was retaken by the Romans. This officer 
 beheld with pain the honours conferred upon Fabius ; and 
 one day his envy and vanity drew from him this expression 
 in the senate : " 1, not Fabius, was the cause of recovering 
 " Tarentum." " True," said Fabius, laughing, for if 
 *' you had not lost the town, I had never recovered it." 
 
 Among other honours which the Romans paid to Fabius, 
 they elected his son consul.* When he had entered upon 
 his office, and was settling some point relating to the war, 
 the father, either on account of his age and infirmities, or 
 else to try his son, mounted his horse to ride up to him. 
 The young consul, seeing him at a distance, would not suf- 
 fer it, but sent one of the factors to his father, with orders 
 for him to dismount, and to come on foot to the consul, 
 if he had any occasion to apply to him. The whole as- 
 sembly were moved at this, and cast their eyes upon Fabius, 
 by their silence and their looks expressing their resentment 
 of the indignity offered to a person of his character. But 
 he instantly alighted, and ran to his son, and embraced him 
 with great tenderness. " My son," said he, " I applaud 
 " your sentiments and your behaviour. You know what 
 " a people you command, and have a just sense of the 
 " dignity of your office. This was the way that we and 
 " our forefathers took to advance Rome to her present 
 " height of glory, always considering the honour and in- 
 " terest of our country before that of our own fathers and 
 " children." 
 
 And indeed it is reported that the great-grandfather of 
 our Fabius,f though he was one of the greatest men in 
 Rome, whether we consider his reputation or authority, 
 though he had been five times consul, and had been ho- 
 noured with several glorious triumphs on account of his 
 
 " The son was elected consul four years before the father took 
 Tarentum. 
 
 j- Fabius Rullu* 
 
 C 2
 
 28 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 success in wars of the last importance, yet condescended to 
 serve as lieutenant to his son, then consul,* in an expedi- 
 tion agairwt the Samnites: and while his son, in the 
 triumph which was decreed him, drove into Rome in a 
 chariot and four, he, with others, followed him on horse- 
 hack. Thus, while he had authority over his son, consi- 
 dered as a private man, and while he was,-f- both especially 
 and reputedly, the most considerable member of the com- 
 monwealth, yet he gloried in shewing his subjection to the 
 laws and to the magistrate. Nor was this the only part of 
 his character that deserves to be admired. 
 
 When Fabius Ivlaximus had the misfortune to lose his 
 son, he bore that loss with great moderation, as became a 
 wise man and a good father : and the funeral oration, J 
 which, on occasion of the deaths of illustrious men, is usual- 
 ly pronounced by some near kinsman, he delivered him- 
 self ; and having committed it to writing, made it public. 
 
 When Publius Cornelius Scipio, who was sent procon- 
 sul into Spain, had defeated the Carthaginians in many 
 battles, and driven them out of that province ; and when 
 he had, moreover, reduced several towns and nations under 
 the obedience of Rome, on returning loaded with spoil, he 
 was received with great acclamations and general joy. 
 Being appointed consul, and finding that the people ex- 
 pected something great and striking at his hands, he con- 
 sidered it as an antiquated method, and worthy only of the 
 inactivity of an old man, to watch the motions of Hannibal 
 in Italy ; and therefore determined to remove the seat of 
 war from thence into Africa, to fill the enemy's country 
 with his legions, to extend his ravages far and wide, and 
 to attempt Carthage itself. With this view, he exerted all 
 his talents to bring the people into his design. But Fa- 
 bius, on this occasion, filled the city with alarms, as if the 
 commonwealth was going to be brought into the most 
 extreme danger, by a rash and indiscreet young mm; in 
 short, he scrupled not to do or say any thing he thought 
 
 * Fabius Gurges, who had been defeated by the Samnites, and 
 would have been degraded, had not his father promised to attend 
 him in his second expedition as his lieutenant. 
 
 \- K.a.t uv, tfpofaytfiU>ff.n>9S 
 
 $ Cicero, in his treatise on old age, speaks in high terms, both of 
 Fabius and this oration of his : " Many extraordinary things have I 
 " known in that man, but nothing more admirable than the manner 
 ' in which he bore the death of his son, a person of great merit and 
 14 of consular dignity. His eulogium is in our hands; and while we 
 read it, do we not look down on the best of th philosophers . ? "
 
 FABIUS MAXIMUS.- 2<) 
 
 .'ikely to dissuade his countrymen from embracing the pro- 
 posal. With the senate he- carried his point.* But the 
 people believed that his opposition to Scipio proceeded 
 either from envy of his success, or from a secret fear, that 
 if this young hero should perform some signal exploit, put 
 an end to the war, or even remove it out of Italy, his own 
 slow proceedings through the course of so many years 
 might he imputed to indolence or timidity. 
 
 To me Fabius seems at first to have opposed the mea- 
 sures of Scipio, from an excess of caution and prudence, 
 and to have really thought the danger attending his pro- 
 ject great ; but in the progress of the opposition I think 
 he went too great lengths, misled by ambition and a jea- 
 lousy of Scipio's- rising glory ; for he applied to Crassus, 
 the colleague of Scipio, a;id endeavoured to persuade him 
 not to yield that province to Scipio, but, if he thought it 
 proper to conduct the war in that manner, to go hi: iself 
 against Carthage. f Nay, he even hindeied the raising of 
 money, for that expedition ; so that Scipio was obliged to 
 find the supplies as he could: 'and he effected it through 
 his iiiterest with the cities of Hetruria, which were wholly- 
 devoted to him .J As for Crassus, he stayed at home, 
 partly induced to it by his disposition, which was mild and 
 peaceful, and partly by the care of religion, which was 
 entrusted to him as high priest. 
 
 Fabius, therefore, took another method to traverse the 
 design. He endeavoured to prevent the young men, who 
 offered to go volunteers, from giving in their names, and 
 loudly declared, both in the senate and joiuin, " That Sct- 
 " pio did not only himself avoid Hannibal, but intended 
 " to carry away with him the remaining strength of Italy, 
 '* persuading the young men to abandon their parents* 
 '* their wives, and native city, whilst an unsubdued and 
 " potent enemy was still at their doors.'' With these as- 
 
 * See the debates in the senate on that occasion, in Livy, lib. 
 xxviii. 
 
 f This Crassus could not do; for being Pontifex Maximvs, it 
 was necessary that he should remain in Italy. 
 
 $ Scipio was empowered to ask of the allies all things necessary 
 for building and equipping a new fleet. And many of the provinces 
 and cities voluntarily taxed themselves to furnish him with corn, 
 iron, timber, cloth for sails, &c. so that in forty days after the cut- 
 ting of the timber, he was in a condition to set sail .with a fleet of 
 thirty new galleys, besides the thirty he had before. There went 
 with him about seven thousand volunteers. 
 
 C 3
 
 30 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 aertions he so terrified the people, that they allowed Scipfo 
 to take with him_only the legions that were in Sicily, and 
 three hundred of those men who had served him with 
 so much fidelity in Spain. In this particular Fabius seems 
 to have followed the dictates of his own cautious temper. 
 
 After Scipio was gone over into Africa, an account was 
 soon brought to Rome of his glorious and wonderful 
 achievements. This account was followed by rich spoils, 
 which confirmed it. A Numidian king was taken pri- 
 soner ; two camps were burnt and destroyed, and in them 
 a vast number of men, arms, and horses ; and the Cartha- 
 ginians seat orders to Hannibal to quit his fruitless hopes 
 in Italy, and return home to defend his own country. 
 Whilst every tongue was applauding these exploits of Sci- 
 pio, Fabius proposed that his successor should be appoint- 
 ed, without any shadow of reason for it, except what this 
 well-known maxim implies, viz. " That it is dangerous to 
 " trust affairs of such importance to the fortune of one man, 
 " because it is not likely that he will always be sr.cceesful.'' 1 
 
 By this he offended the people, who now considered him 
 as a captious and envious man ; or as one whose courage 
 and hopes were lost in the dregs of years, and who there- 
 fore looked upon Hannibal as much more formidable than 
 he really was. Nay, even when Hannibal embarked his 
 army, and quitted Italy, Fabius ceased not to disturb the 
 general joy, and to damp the spirits of Rome. For he took 
 the liberty to affirm, " That the commonwealth was now 
 " come to her last and worst trial ; that she had the most 
 " reason to dread the efforts of Hannibal when he should 
 tc arrive in Africa, and attack her sons under the walls of 
 " Carthage ; that Scipio would have to de with an army 
 *' yet warm with the blood of so many Roman generals, 
 *' dictators, and consuls." The city was alarmed with these 
 declamations ; and though the war was removed into Afri- 
 ca, the danger seemed to approach nearer Rome than ever. 
 
 However, soon after, Scipio defeated Hannibal in a 
 pitched battle, pulled down the pride ef Carthage, and 
 trode it under foot. This afforded the Romans a pleasure 
 beyond all their hopes, and restored a firmness to their 
 empire, which had been shaken with so many tempests. 
 But Fabius Maximus did not live to the end of the war, 
 to hear of the overthrow of Hannibal, or to see the pros- 
 perity of his country re-established ; for about the time 
 that Hannibal left Italy, he fell sick and died. \V
 
 PERICLES AND FABIUS MAXIMTS COMPARED. 31 
 
 assured, that Epaminondas died so poor, that the Thebans 
 buried him at the public charge ; for at his death nothing 
 was found in his house but an iron spit.* The expence 
 of Fabius's funeral was not indeed defrayed out of the 
 Roman treasury, but every citizen contributed a small 
 piece of money towards it : not that he died without ef- 
 fects, but that they might bury him as the father of the 
 people, and that the honours paid him at his death might 
 be suitable to the dignity of his life. 
 
 PERICLES AND FABIUS MAXIMUS 
 
 COMPARED. 
 
 SUCH were the lives of those two persons, so illustrious 
 and worthy of imitation, both in their civil and military 
 capacity.f We shall first compare their talents for war. 
 And here it strikes us at once, that Pericles came into 
 power at a time when the Athenians were at the height 
 of prosperity, great in themselves, and respectable to their 
 neighbours ; so that in the very strength of the republic, 
 with only common success, he was secure from taking 
 any disgraceful step. But as Fabius came to the helm, 
 when Rome experienced the worst and most mortifying 
 turn of fortune, he had not to preserve the well-established 
 prosperity of a flourishing state, but to draw his country 
 from an abyss of misery, and raise it to happiness. Be- 
 sides, the successes of Cimon, the victories of Myronides 
 and Leocrates, and the many great achievements of Tol- 
 mides, rather furnished occasion to Pericles, during his ad- 
 ministration, to entertain the city with feasts and games, 
 than to make new acquisitions, or to defend the old ones 
 by arms. On the other hand, Fabius had the frightful 
 objects before his eyes, of defeats and disgraces, of Roman 
 consuls and generals slain, of lakes, fields, and forests, full 
 of the dead carcases of whole armies, and of rivers flow- 
 
 * Xylander is of opinion, that the word OZ&urxo; in this place 
 does not signify a spit, but a piece nf ni'inci/ ; and he shews, from a 
 passage in the life of Lysander, that money anciently was made in 
 a pyramidical form. But he did not consider that iron money was not; 
 in use at Thebes, and Plutarch says that this obeliscus was of iron. 
 
 C 4
 
 32 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 ing with blood down to the very sea. In this tottering 
 and decayed condition of the commonwealth, he was to 
 support it by his councils and his vigour, and to keep it 
 from falling into absolute ruin, to which it was brought so 
 near by the errors of former commanders. 
 
 It may seem, indeed, a less arduous performance to ma- 
 nage the tempers of a people humbled by calamities, and 
 Compelled by necessity to listen to reason, than to restrain 
 the wildnebs and insolence of a city elated with success, 
 and wanton with power, such as Athens was whea Pericles 
 held the reins of government. But then, undauntedly to 
 keep to his first resolutions, and not to be dibcon-^osed by 
 the vast weight of misfortunes with which Rome was then 
 oppressed, discovers in Fabius an admirable firmness and 
 dignity of mind. 
 
 Against the taking of Samos by Pericles, we may set 
 the retaking of Tarentum by Fabius ; and with Eubcea 
 we may put in balance the towns of Campania. As for 
 Capua, it was recovered afterwards by the consuls Furius 
 and Appius. Fabius -indeed gained but one set battle, 
 for which he had his first triumph ; whereas Pericles erect- 
 ed nine trophies, for as many victories won by land and 
 sea. But none of the victories of Pericles can be com- 
 pared with that memorable rescue of Minucius, by which 
 Fabius redeemed him and his whole army from utter de- 
 struction ; an action truly great, a;,d in which you find 
 at once the bright assemblage of valour, of prudence, and 
 humanity. Nor can Pericles, on the other hand, be said 
 ever to have committed such an error as that of Fabius, when 
 he suffered himself to be imposed on by Hannibal's stra- 
 tagem of the oxen ; let his enemy slip in the night through 
 those straits in which he had been entangled by accident, 
 and where he could not possibly have forced hn way out ; 
 and as soon as it was day, saw himself repulsed by the man 
 who was so lately at his mercy. 
 
 If it is the part of a good general, not only to make a 
 proper use of the present, but also to form the best judg- 
 ment of things to come, it must be allowed that Pericles 
 both foresaw and foretold what success the Athenians would 
 have in the war, namely, that they would ruin themselves by 
 grasping at too much. But it was entirely against the opi- 
 nion of Fabius, that the Romans sent Scipio into Africa, 
 and yet they were victorious there, not by the favour of 
 fortune, but by the courage and conduct of their general.
 
 PERICLES AN'D FABIUS MAXIMUS COMPARED. 33 
 
 So that the misfortunes of his country bore witness to the 
 sagacity of Pericles, and from the glorious success of the 
 Romans it appeared that Fabius was utterly mistaken ; and, 
 indeed, it is an equal fault in a commander in chief to lose 
 an advantage through diffidence, and to fall into danger for 
 want of foresight ; for it is the same want of judgment 
 and skill,* that sometimes produces too much confidence, 
 and sometimes leaves too little. Thus far concerning their 
 abilities in war. 
 
 And if we consider them in their political capacity, we 
 shall find that the greatest fault laid to the charge of Pe- 
 ricles was, that he caused the Peloponnesian war, through 
 opposition to the Lacedaemonians, which made him unwill- 
 ing to give up the least point to them. I do not suppose 
 that Fabius Maximus would have given up any point to the 
 Carthaginians, but that he would generously have run the 
 last risk to maintain the dignity of Rome. 
 
 The mild and moderate behaviour of Fabius to Minu- 
 cius, sets in a very disadvantageous light the conduct of 
 Pericles, in his implacable persecution of Cimon and Thu- 
 cydides, valuable men, and friends to the aristocracy, and 
 yet banished by his practices and intrigues. 
 
 Bes'd"s, the power of Pericles was much greater than 
 that of Fabuis ; and therefore he did not suffer any mis- 
 fortune to be brought upon Athens by the wrong measures 
 of other generals. Tolmides only carried it against him 
 for attacking the Boeotians, and in doing it he was defeated 
 and slain. All the vest adhered to his party, and submit- 
 ted to his opinion, on account of his superior authority ; 
 whereas Kabius, whose measures were salutary and safe, as 
 far as they depended upon himself, appears only to have 
 fallen short by his inability to prevent the miscarriages of 
 ethers. For the Romans would not have had so many 
 misfortunes to deplore, if the power of Fabius had been 
 a; great in Rome, as that of Pericles in Athens. 
 
 As to their liberality and public spirit, Pericles shewed if 
 in refusing the sums that were offered him, and Fabius in 
 ransoming his soldiers with his own money. This, indeed, 
 was no great expence, being only about six talents. -j- But 
 
 * This cnriifia. signifies, as well as inexperience. Fabius had as 
 much experience as Pericles, and yet was not equally happy in his 
 conjectures with regard to future events. 
 
 \ Probably this is an error of the transcribers. For Fabius was 
 to pay two hundred and fifty drachmas for each prisoner, and he ran- 
 C 5
 
 34 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 it is not easy to jay what a treasure Pericles might have 
 amassed from the allies, and from kings who made their 
 court to him, on account of his great authority ; yet no 
 man ever kept himself more free from corruption. 
 
 As for the temples, the public edifices, and other works, 
 with which Pericles adorned Athens, all the structures of 
 that kind in Rome put together, until the times of the Cae- 
 sars, deserved not to be compared with them, either in the 
 greatness of the design, or the excellence of the execution. 
 
 
 ALCIBIADES. 
 
 THOSE that have searched into the pedigree of Alcibiades 
 say, that Eurysaces, the son of Ajax, was founder of the 
 family ; and that by his mother's side he was descended 
 from Alcmaeon ; for Dinomache, his mother, was the 
 daughter of Megacles, who was of that line. His father 
 Clinias gained great honour in the sea-fight of Artemisium, 
 where he fought in a galley fitted out at his own expence, 
 and afterwards was slain in the battle of Coronie, where 
 the Boeotians won the day. Pericles and Ariphron, the 
 sons of Xanthippus, and near relations to Alcibiades, were 
 his guardians. It is said, and not without reason, that 
 the affection and attachment of Socrates contributed much 
 to his fame. For Nicias, Demosthenes, Lamachus, Phor- 
 mio, Thrasybulus, Theramenes, were illustrious persons, 
 and his contemporaries, yet we do not so much as know the 
 name of the mother of either of them ; whereas we know 
 even the nurse of Alcibiades, that she was of Lacedaemon, 
 and that her name was Amycla ; as well as that Zopyrus 
 was his schoolmaster ; the one being recorded by Antis- 
 thenes, and the other by Plato. 
 
 As to the beauty of Alcibiades, it may be sufficient to 
 say, that it retained its charms through the several stages 
 of childhood, youth, and manhood. For it is not univer- 
 sally true what Euripides says, 
 
 The very autumn of a form once fine 
 Retains its beauties. 
 
 soraed two hundred and forty-seven, which would stand him sixty - 
 one thousand seven hundred and fifty drachmas, that is, more than 
 ten talents ; a very considerable expence to FaUius, which he could 
 not answer without selling his estate.
 
 ALCIBIADES. 35 
 
 Yet this was the case of Alcibiades, amongst a few others, 
 by reason of his natural vigour and happy constitution. 
 
 He had a lisping in his speech, which became him, and 
 gave a grace and persuasive turn to his discourse. Aris- 
 tophanes, in those verses wherein he ridicules Theorus, 
 takes notice, that Alcibiades lisped, for instead of calling 
 him Corax, Raven, he called him Colax, Flatterer; from 
 whence the poet takes occasion to observe, that the term 
 in that lisping pronunciation, too, was very applicable to 
 him. With> this agrees the satirical description which 
 Archippus gives of the son of Alcibiades. 
 
 With saunt'ring step, to imitate his father, 
 
 The vain youth moves ; his loose robe wildly floats ; 
 
 He bends the neck ; he lisps. 
 
 His manners were far from being uniform ; nor is it strange, 
 that they varied according to the many vicissitudes and won- 
 derful turns of his fortune. He was naturally a man of 
 strong passions ; but his ruling passion was an ambition to 
 contend and overcome. This appears from what is related 
 of his sayings when a boy. When hard pressed in wrestling, 
 to prevent his being thrown, he bit the hands of his anta- 
 gonist ; who let go his hold, and said, " You bite, Alci- 
 " biades, like a woman." " No," says he, " like a lion." 
 One day he was playing at dice with other boys in the 
 street ; and when it came to his turn to throw, a loaded 
 waggon came up. At first he called to the driver to stop, 
 because he was to throw in the way over which the wag- 
 gon was to pass. The rustic disregarding him and dri. 
 on, the other boys broke away ; but Alcibiades threw him- 
 self upon his face directly before the waggon, and stretch- 
 ing himself out, bade the fellow drive on if he pleased. 
 Upon this he was so startled, that he stopped his horses, 
 while those that saw it ran up to him with terror.' 
 
 In the course of his education, he willingly took the 
 
 lessons of his other masters/ bjjt refused learning Jo .piay 
 
 upon the flute, which he looked upon as a mean art, 
 
 unbecoming a gentleman. " The use of the plectrum upon 
 
 ' the lyre, he would say, has nothing in it that disorders the 
 
 ' features or form, but a man is hardly to be known by 
 
 ' his most intimate friends when he plays upon the flute. 
 
 * Besides, the lyre does not hinder the performer from 
 
 1 speaking or accompanying it with a song, whereas the 
 
 " flute ao engages the mouth and the breath, that it leaves 
 
 C 6
 
 36 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 ' no possibility of speaking. Therefore, let the" Thebati 
 ' youth pipe, who know not how to discourse : but we 
 ' Athenians, according to the account of our ancestors, 
 ' have Minerva for our patroness, and Apollo for our 
 ' protector, one of whom threw away the flute, and the 
 ' other stripped off the man's skin who played upon it.*" 
 Thus, partly by faillery, and partly by argument, Alci- 
 biades kept both himself and others from learning to play 
 upon the flute : for it soon became the talk among the 
 young men of condition, that Alcibiades was right in hold- 
 ing that art in abomination, and ridiculing those that prac- 
 tised it. Thus it lost its place in the number of liberal ac- 
 complishments, and was universally exploded. 
 
 In the invective which Antipho wrote against Alcibi- 
 ades, one story is, that when a boy, he ran away from his 
 guardians to one of his friends named Democrates ; and 
 that Ariphron would have had proclamation made for him, 
 had not Pericles diverted him from it, by saying, " If he 
 " is dead, we shall only find him one day the sooner for 
 " it ; if he is safe, it will be a reproach to him as long as 
 " he lives." Another story is, that he killed one of his 
 servants with a stroke of his stick, in Sibyrtius's place of 
 exercise. But, perhaps, we should not give entire credit 
 to these things, which were professedly written by an enemy 
 to defame him. 
 
 Many persons of rank made their court to Alcibiades ; 
 but it is evident that they were charmed and attracted by 
 the beauty of his person. Socrates was the only one whose 
 regards were fixed upon the mind, and bore witness to the 
 young man's virtue and ingenuity ; the rays of which he 
 could distinguish through his fine form : and fearing lest 
 the pride of riches and high rank, and the crowd of flat- 
 terers, both Athenians and strangers, should corrupt him, 
 he used his best endeavours to prevent it, and took care 
 that so hopeful a plant should not lose its fruit, and pe- 
 rish in the very flower. Tf ever fortune so enclosed and 
 fortified a man with what are called her goods, as to ren* 
 der him f inaccessible to the incision-knife of philosophy, 
 and the searching-probe of free advice, surely it was Alci- 
 
 * Marsyas. 
 
 f Plutarch's exprr'-sion here is not exactly the same with that of 
 the translation, but it is couched in figures which tend the same way, 
 art fi'^oftfius yinffSai, xa.i h'.ytii *f}fira xst^mxi xxt
 
 ALCIBIADES. 37 
 
 biades. From the first, he was surrounded with pleasure, and 
 a multitude of admirers, determined to say nothing but what 
 they thought would please, and to keep him from all admo- 
 nition and reproof; yet, by his native penetration, he distin- 
 guished the value of Socrates, and attached himself to him, 
 rejecting, the rich and great, who sued for his regard. 
 
 With Socrates he soon entered into the closest intimacy ; 
 and finding that he did not, like the rest of the unmanly 
 crew, want improper favours, but that he studied to correct 
 the errors of his heart, and to cure him of his empty and 
 foolish arrogance, 
 
 Then his crest fell, and all his pride was gone. 
 He droop'd the conquer'd wing. 
 
 In Fact, he considered the discipline of Socratts ns a provi- 
 sion from heaven for the preservation and benefit of youth. 
 Thus despising himself, admiring his friend, adoring his 
 wisdom, and revering his virtue, he insensibly formed iu 
 his heart the image of love, or rather came under the in- 
 fluence of that power, who, as Plato says, secures his vo- 
 taries from vicious love. It surprised all the world to see 
 him constantly sup with Socrates, take with him the exer- 
 cise of wrestling, lodge in the same tent with him ; while 
 to his other admirers he was reserved and rough. Nay, to 
 some he behaved with great insolence, to Anytus (for in- 
 stance) the son of Anthemion. Anytus was very fond of 
 him, and happening to make an entertainment for some 
 strangers, he desired Alcibiades to give him his company. 
 Alcibiades would not accept of the invitation; but having 
 drunk deep with some of his acquaintance at his own house, 
 he went thither to play some frolic. The frolic was this : 
 He stood at the door of the room where the guests were 
 entertained, and seeing a great number of gold and silver 
 cups upon the table, he ordered his servants to take half of 
 them, and carry them to his own house}* and then, not 
 vouchsafing so much as to enter into the room himself, as 
 soon as he had done this, he went away. The company 
 resented the affront, and said he had behaved very rudely 
 and insolently to Anytus. " Not at all," said Anytus, 
 44 but rather kindly, since he has left us half, when he 
 ** knew it was in his power to take the whole." 
 
 * Athenaeus says, he did not keep them himself, but having taken 
 them from this man, who was rich, gave them t to Thrasylus, wh-,, 
 was poor.
 
 38 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 He behaved in the same manner to his other admirers, 
 except only one stranger. This man (they tell us) was but 
 in indifferent circumstances ; for when he had sold all, he 
 could make up no more than the siim of one hundred sta- 
 ters;* which he carried to Alcibiades, and begged of him 
 to accept it. Alcibiades was pleased at the thing, and, 
 smiling, invited him to supper. After a kind reception 
 and entertainment, he gave him the gold again, but re- 
 quired him to be present next day when the public reve- 
 nues were to be offered to farm, and to be sure to be the 
 highest bidder. The man endeavouring to excuse himself, 
 because the rent would be many talents, Alcibiades, who 
 had a private pique against the old farmers, threatened to 
 have him beaten if he refused. Next morning, therefore, 
 the stranger appeared in the market-place, and offered a 
 talent more than the former rent. The farmers, uneasy 
 and angry at this, called upon him to name his security, 
 supposing that he could not find any. The poor man was 
 indeed much startled, and going to retire with shame, when 
 Alcibiades, who stood at some distance, cried out to the 
 magistrates, " Set down my name, he is my friend, and 
 " I will be his security." When the old farmers of the re- 
 venue heard this, they were much perplexed ; for their way 
 was, with the profits of the present year to pay the rent of 
 the preceding ; so that, seeing no other way to extricate 
 themselves out of the difficulty, they applied to the stranger 
 in an humble strain, and offered him money. But Alci- 
 biades would not suffer him to take less than a talent, which 
 accordingly was paid. Having done him this service, he 
 told him he might relinquish his bargain. 
 
 Though Socrates had many rivals, yet he kept possession 
 of Alcibiades's heart by the excellence of his genius, and 
 the pathetic turn of his conversation, which often drew 
 tears from his young companion ; and though sometimes 
 he gave Socrates the slip, and was drawn away by his flat- 
 
 " The stater was a coin which weighed four Attic drachmas, and 
 .ther of gold or silver. The silver was worth about two shil- 
 lings and sixpence sterling ; the staler daricus, a gold coin, was worth 
 twelve shillings and threepence halfpenny ; but the Attic stater of 
 gold must be worth much more, if we reckon the proportion of gold 
 to silver only at ten to one, as it was then ; whereas now it is about 
 sixteen to one. Dacier, then, is greatly mistaken, when he says the 
 ttater here mentioned by Plutarch was worth only forty French soisj 
 for Plutarch says expressly, that these staters were of gold.
 
 ALCIBIADES 30 
 
 terers, who exhausted all the art of pleasure for that pur- 
 pose, yet the philosopher took care to hunt out his fugi- 
 tive, who feared and respected none but him ; the rest he 
 held in great contempt. Hence that saying of Cleanthes, 
 " Socrates gains Alcibiades by the ear, and leaves to his 
 " rivals other parts of his body, with which he scorns to 
 " meddle." In fact, Alcibiades was very capable of being led 
 by the allurements of pleasure ; and what Thucydides says 
 concerning his excesses in his way of living, gives occasion 
 to believe so. Those who endeavoured to corrupt, him, 
 attacked him on a still weaker side, his vanity and love of 
 distinction, and led him into vast designs and unseasonable 
 projects; persuading him, that as soon as he. should apply 
 himself to the management of public affairs, he should not 
 only eclipse the other generals and orators, but surpass 
 even Pericles himself, in point of reputation, as well as in- 
 terest with the powers of Greece. But as iron, when soft- 
 ened by the fire, is soon hardened again, and brought to a 
 proper temper by cold water j so when Alcibiades was 
 enervated by luxury, or swoln with pride, Socrates cor- 
 rected and brought him to himself by his discourses ; for 
 from them he learned the number of his defects, and the im- 
 perfection of his virtue. 
 
 When he was past his childhood, happening to go into 
 a grammar-school, he asked the master for a volume of 
 Homer ; and upon his making answer that he had nothing 
 of Homer's, he gave him a box on the ear, and so left him. 
 Another schoolmaster telling him he had Homer corrected 
 by himself : " How!" said Alcibiades, " and do you em- 
 " ploy your time in teaching children to read ? you, who 
 " are able to correct Homer, might seem to be lit to in- 
 *' struct men!" 
 
 One day, wanting to speak to Pericles, he went to his 
 house, and being told there that he was busied in consi- 
 dering how to give in his accounts to the people, and 
 therefore not at leisure, he said as he went away, " He 
 " had better consider how to avoid giving in any account 
 " at all." 
 
 While he was yet a youth, he made the campaign at 
 Potidaea, where Socrates lodged in the same tent with him, 
 and was his companion in every engagement. In the prin- 
 cipal battle, they both behaved with great gallantry ; but 
 Alcibiades at last falling d_wn wounded, Socrates advanced 
 to defend him, which he did effectually, in the sight of the
 
 40 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 whole army, saving both him and his arms. For this thfe 
 prize of valour was certainly due to Socrates, yet the ge- 
 nerals inclined to give it to Alcibiades, on account of his 
 quality ; and Socrates, willing to encourage his thirst after 
 true glory, was the first who gave his suffrage for him, 
 and pressed them to adjudge him the crown, and the com- 
 plete suit of armour. On the other hand, at the battle of 
 Delium, where the Athenians were routed,* and Socrates, 
 with a few others, was retreating on foot, Alcibiades ob- 
 serving it, did not pass him, but covered his retreat, and 
 brought him safe off, though the enemy pressed furiously 
 forward, and killed great numbers of the Athenians. But 
 this happened a considerable time after. 
 
 To Hipponicus, the fa 1 her of Callias, a man respectable 
 both for his birth and fortune, Alcibiades one day gave a box 
 on the ear; not that he had any quarrel with him, or was 
 heated by passion, but purely because, in a wanton frolic, 
 he had agreed with his companions to do so. The whole 
 city being full of the story of his insolence, and every body 
 (as it \vas natural to expect) expressing some resentment, 
 early next morning Alcibiades went to wait on Hipponicus, 
 knocked at the door, and was admitted. As soon as he 
 came into his presence, he stripped <.ff his garment, and pre- 
 senting his naked body, desired him to beat and chastise 
 him as he pleased. But instead of that, Hipponicus pan- 
 doned him, and forgot all his resentment : nay, sometime 
 after, he even gave him his daughter Hipparete in man- 
 riage. Some say it was not Hipponicus, but his son Cal- 
 lias, who gave Hipparete to Alcibiades, with ten talents to 
 her portion; and that, when she brought him a child, he 
 demanded ten talents more, as if he had taken her on that 
 condition. Though this was but a groundless pretext, yet 
 Callias, apprehensive of some bad consequence from his art- 
 ful contrivances, in a full assembly of the people, declared, 
 that if he should happen to die without children, Akibiades 
 should be his heir. 
 
 Hipparete made a prudent and affectionate wife ; but 
 at last, growing very uneasy at her husband's associating 
 with such a number of courtezans, both strangers and Athe- 
 nians, she quitted his house, and went to her brother's. 
 
 " Laches, as introduced by Plato, tells us, that if others had done 
 their duty as Socrates did his, the Athenians would not have been 
 defeated in the battle of Delium. That battle was fought the 
 flrst year of the eighty-ninth Olympiad, eight years after the battle 
 of Potidsa.
 
 AI.CIBIADE*. 41 
 
 Alcibiades went on with his debaucheries, and gave himself 
 no pain about his wife ; but it was necessary for her, in or- 
 der 10 a legal aOpuniUo-!, to give in a bill of divorce to the 
 archo.i, and to upbear personally with it ; for the sending 
 of it by another hand would not do. When she came to do 
 this accoi ding to law, Alcibiades rushed in, caught her in 
 his anus, and carried her through the market-place to his 
 own house, no one presuming to oppose him, or to take 
 her from him. From that time she remained with him until 
 her death, which happened not long after, when Alci- 
 biades was Hpon his voyage to Ephesus. Nor <ioes the 
 violence used, in this case, seem to be contrary to the 
 laws, either of society in general, or of that republic in 
 particular. For the law of Athens, :n requiring her who 
 wants to be divorced to appear publicly in person pro- 
 bably intended to give the husband an opportunity to 
 meet with her and to recover her 
 
 Alcibiades had a dog of an uncommon size and beauty, 
 which cost him seventy aiiaa, an.' yet his tail, which was 
 his principal ornament, he cauted to be cut off. Some of 
 his acquaintance found great fault with his acting so 
 strangely, and told him, that all Athens rung with the 
 story of his foolish treatment of the dog : At which he 
 laughed, and said, " This is the very thing I wanted ; for 
 " I would have the Athenians talk of this, lest they should 
 " find something worse to say of me." 
 
 The first thing that made him popular,* and introduced 
 him into the administration, was his distributing of money, 
 not by design, but accident. Seeing oue day a great 
 crowd of people, as he was walking along, he asked what 
 it meant ; and being informed there was a donative made 
 to the people, he distributed money too as he went in 
 amongst them. Tin's meeting with great applause, he was 
 so much delighted that he forgot a quail which he had 
 under his robe,f and the bird, frightened with the noise, 
 
 
 
 * n^unt y iurif f&^i* il; re tntitria* Demosthenes and JKs- 
 chines both make use of the word Iv/twin to express the administra- 
 tion. 
 
 j- It was the fashion in those days to breed quails. Plato reports, 
 that Socrates having brought Alcibiades to acknowledge, that the 
 way to rise to distinction among the Athenians was to study to ex- 
 cel the generals of their enemies, replied with this severe irony, 
 No, no, Alcibiades, your only study is how to surpass Midias iii 
 " !.-. art of breeding quails Plat, in 1 Akib.
 
 42 FLUTAHCH'S LIVES. 
 
 flew away. Upon this, the people set up still louder accla- 
 mations, and many of them assisted him to recover the 
 quail. The man who did catch it and bring it to him, was 
 one Antiochus,* a pilot, for whom he had ever after a parti- 
 cular regard. 
 
 He had great advantages for introducing himself into 
 the management of public affairs, from his birth, his estate, 
 his personal valour, and the number of his friends and rela- 
 tions : but what he chose above all the rest to recommend 
 himself by to the people was the charms of his eloquence. 
 That he was a fine speaker the comic writers bear witness ; 
 and so does the prince of orators, in his oration against 
 Midias,f where he says that Alcibiades was the most elo- 
 quent man of his time. And, if we believe Theophrastus, 
 a curious searcher into antiquity, and more versed in history 
 than the other philosophers, Alcibiades had a peculiar 
 happiness of invention, and readiness of ideas, which emi- 
 nently distinguished him. But as his care was employed 
 not only upon the matter but the expression, and he had 
 not the greatest facility in the latter, he often hesitated in 
 the midst of a speech, not hitting upon the word he want- 
 ed, and stopping until it occurred to him. 
 
 He was famed for his breed of horses and the number of 
 chariots. For no one besides himself, whether private per- 
 son or king, ever sent seven chariots at one time to the Olym- 
 pic games. The first, the second, and the fourth pri/es, 
 according to Thucydides, or the third, as Euripides re- 
 lates it, he bore away at once, which exceeds every thing 
 performed by the most ambitious in that way. Euripides 
 - celebrates his success : 
 
 Great son of Clinias, I record thy glory, 
 
 First on the dusty plain 
 
 The threefold prize to gain > 
 What hero boasts thy praise in Grecian story ? 
 
 * The name of the man who caught the quail would h.irdly have. 
 been mentioned, had not Alcibiades afterwards entrusted him with 
 the command of the fleet in his absence ; when he took the oppor- 
 tunity to fight, and was beaten. 
 
 f It appears, from the passage of Demosthenes, that he spoke on- 
 ly from common fame, and consequently that there was little of AU 
 cibiades's then extant. We find some remains of his oratory in 
 Thucydides.
 
 ALCIBIADES. <}.} 
 
 Twice * does the trumpet's voice proclaim 
 Around the plausive cirque thy honour'd name : 
 
 Twice on thy brow was seen 
 
 The peaceful olive's green, 
 The glorious palm of easy purchased fame.-{- 
 
 The emulation which several Grecian cities expressed in 
 the presents they made him gave a still greater lustre to his 
 success. Ephesus provided a magnificent pavilion for him ; 
 Chios was at the expence of keeping his horses and beasts 
 for sacrifice ; and Lesbos found him in wine and every 
 thing necessary for the most elegant public table. Yet, 
 amidst this success, he escaped not without censure, oc- 
 casioned either by the malice of his enemies, or by his 
 own misconduct. It seems there was at Athens one DIQ- 
 medes, a man of good character and a friend of Alcibiadea, 
 who was very desirous of winning a prize at the Olympic 
 games ; and being informed that there was a chariot to 
 be sold, which belonged to the city of Argos, where Al- 
 cibiades had a strong interest, he persuaded him to buy it 
 for him. Accordingly he did buy it, but kept it for him- 
 self, leaving Diomedcs to vent his rage, and to call gods 
 and men to bear witness of the injustice. For this there 
 seems to have been an action brought against him ; and 
 there is extant an oration concerning a chariot, written by 
 Isocrates, in defence of Alcibiadcs, then a youth ; but 
 there the plaintiff is named Tisius, not Diomedes. 
 
 Alcibiades was very young when he first applied himse^ 
 to the business of the republic, and yet he soon shewed him- 
 
 " Alcibiades won the first, second, and third prizes in person ; 
 beside which, his chariots won twice in his absence. The latter is 
 what Euripides refers to in the words thrown and lif fifSwrie. 
 
 f Antisthenes, a disciple of Socrates, writes, that Chios fed his 
 
 horses, and Cyzjcus provided his victims. The passage is remarkable, 
 
 for we learn from it, that this was done, not only %vhen Alcibiades 
 
 went to the Olympic games, but in his warlike expeditions, and even 
 
 in his travels. " Whenever," says he, " Alcibiades travelled, four 
 
 cities of the allies ministered to him as his handmaids. Ephesus 
 
 furnished him with tents as sumptuous as those of the Persians ; 
 
 Chios found provender for his horses ; Cyzicus supplied him with 
 
 victims and provisons for his table ; and Lesbos with wine and all 
 
 other necessaries for his household." Nonj but opulent cities were 
 
 able to answer such an expence ; for at the time when Alcibiades won 
 
 the three prizes in person at the Olympic games, after he had offered 
 
 a very costly sacrifice to Jupiter, he entertained at a magnificent re-> 
 
 past that innumerable company which had assisted at the games,
 
 44 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 self superior to the other orators. The persons capable of 
 standing i . some degree of competition with him, were 
 Phaeax the son of Erasistratus, and Nicias the son of Nico- 
 ratus. The latter was advanced in years, and one of the 
 best generals of his time, Hie former was but a youth, like 
 himself, just beginning to make his way ; for which lie had 
 the advantage of high birth ; but i'i other respects, as well 
 as in the art of speaking, was inferior to Alcibiades. He 
 seemed fitter for soliciting and persuading in private, than 
 for stemming the torrent of a public debate ; in short, he 
 was one of those of whom Eupolis says, " True, he can talk, 
 *' and yet he is no speaker." There is extant an oration 
 against Alcibiades and Phaeax, in which, amongst other 
 things,-- it is alleged against Alcibiades, that he used at his 
 table many of the gold and silver vessels provided for the 
 sacred processions, as if they had been his own. 
 
 There was at Athens one Hyperbolus, of the ward of 
 Perithois, whom Thucydides makes mention of as a very 
 bad man. and who was a constant subject of ridicule for 
 the comic writers. But he was unconcerned at the worst 
 things they could say of him ; and being regardless of ho- 
 nour, he was also insensible of shame. This, though real- 
 ly impudence and folly, is by some people called fortitude 
 and a noble daring. But, though no oe liked him, the 
 people nevertheless made use of him, when they wanted 
 to strike at persons in authority. At his instigation, the 
 Athenians were ready to proceed to the ban of ostracism^ 
 by which they pull down and expel such of the citizens as 
 are distinguished by their dignity and power, therein con- 
 sulting their envy rather than their fear. 
 
 As it was evident that this sentence was levelled againct 
 one of the three, Phaeax, Nicias. or Alcibiades, the latter 
 took rare to unite the contending partie?, and leaguing 
 with Nicias, caused the ostracism to fall upon Hyperbolus 
 himself. Some say, it was not Nicias, but Phseax, with 
 whom Alcibiades joined interest, and by whose assistance 
 he expelled their common enemy, when he expected no- 
 thing less ;. for no vile or infamous person had ever un- 
 dergone that punishment. So Plato, the comic poet, as 
 cures us, thus speaking of Hyperbolus : 
 
 Well had the caitiff earned his banishment, 
 But not by ostracism ; that sentence sRcrcd 
 To dangerous eminence.
 
 ALCIBIADES. 45 
 
 But we have elsewhere given a more full account of what 
 history lias delivered down to us concerning this matter * 
 
 Alcibiades was not less disturbed at the great esteem in 
 which Nicias was held by the enemies of Athens, than at 
 the respect which the Athenians themselves paid him. The 
 rights of hospitality had long subsisted between the family 
 of Alcibiades end the Lacedaemonians, and he had taken 
 particular care of such of them as were made prisoners at 
 Pylos ; yet when they found that it was chiefly by the 
 means of Nicias that they obtained a peace and recovered 
 the captives, their regards centered in him, It was a com- 
 mon observation among the Greeks, that Pericles had en- 
 gaged them in a war, and Nicias had set them free from it ; 
 nay, the peace was even called the Nician peace Alcibi- 
 ades was very uneasy at this, and out of envy to Nicias 
 determined to break the league. 
 
 As soon, then, as he perceived that the people of Argos 
 both feared and hated the Spartans, and consequently 
 wanted to get clear of all connection with them, he pri- 
 vately gave them hopes of assistance frcm Athens ; and, 
 both by his agents and in person, he encouraged the prin- 
 cipal citizens not to entertain any fear, or to give up any 
 point, but to apply to the Athenians, who were almost 
 ready to repent of the peace they had made, and would 
 soon seek occasion to break it. 
 
 But after the Lacedaemonians had entered into alliance 
 with the Boeotians, and had delivered Panactus to the 
 Athenians, not with its fortifications, as they ought to have 
 done, but quite dismantled, he took the opportunity, while 
 the Athenians were incensed at this proceeding, to inflame 
 them still more. At the same time he raised a clamour 
 against Nicias, alleging things which had a face of proba- 
 bility ; for he reproached him with having neglected, when 
 commander in chief, to make that f party prisoners who 
 
 * In the lives of Aristides and Niciae. 
 
 f After the Lacedaemonians had lost the fort of Pylos in Mes- 
 senia, they left in the isle of Sphacteria, which was opposite that 
 fort, a garrison of three hundred and twenty men, besides helots, 
 under the command of Epitades the son of Molobrus. The Athe- 
 nians would have sent Nicias, while commander in chief, with a 
 fleet against that island, but he excused himself. Afterwards Cleon, 
 in conjunction with Demosthenes, got possession of it, after a long 
 dispute, wherein several of the garrison were slain, and the rest made 
 prisoners, and sent to Athens. Among those prisoners were 'an 
 hundred and twenty Spartans, who by the assistance of Nicias got
 
 46 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 were left by the enemy in Sphacteria, and with releasing 
 them, when taken by others, to ingratiate himself with the 
 Lacedaemonians. He farther asserted, that though Nicias 
 had an interest with the Lacedaemonians, he would not 
 make use of it to prevent their entering into the confederacy 
 with the Boeotians and Corinthians ; but that when an al- 
 liance was offered to the Athenians by any of the Grecian 
 states, he took care to prevent their accepting it, if it were 
 likely to give umbrage to the Lacedaemonians. 
 
 Nicias was greatly disconcerted; but at that very juncture 
 it happened that ambassadors from Lacedsemon arrived with 
 moderate proposals, and declared that they had full powers 
 to treat and decide all differences in an equitable way. 
 The senate was satisfied, and next day the people were to 
 be convened : but Alcibiades, dreading the success of that 
 audience, found means to speak with the ambassadors in the 
 meantime, and thus he addressed them. " Men of Lace- 
 " daemon, what is it you are going to do ? Are you not 
 *' apprised that the behaviour of the senate is always candid 
 " and humane to those who apply to it, whereas the peo- 
 " pie are haughty, and expect great concessions ? I f you say 
 '* that you are come with full powers, you will find them 
 " untractable and extravagant in their demands. Come, 
 " then, retract that impudent declaration ; and if you de- 
 " sire to keep the Athenians within the bounds of reason, 
 " and not to have terms extorted from you, which you 
 " cannot approve, treat with them as if you had not a dis- 
 " cretionary commission. I will use my best endeavours in 
 " favour of the Lacedaemonians." He confirmed his pro- 
 mise with an oath, and thus drew them over from Nicias 
 to himself. In Alcibiades they now placed an entire con- 
 fidence, admiring both his understanding and address in 
 business, and regarding him as a very extraordinary man. 
 
 Next day the people assembled, and the ambassadors were 
 introduced Alcibiades asked them in an obliging manner, 
 what their commission was, and they answered, that they 
 did not come as plenipotentiaries. Then he began to rave 
 and storm, as if he had received an injury, not done one ; 
 
 released. The Lacedaemonians afterwards recovered the port of 
 Pylos : for Anytus, who was sent with a squadron to support it, 
 finding the wind directly against him, returned to Athena ; upon 
 which the people, according to their usual custom, condemned him 
 todie; which sentence, however, he commuted, by pay ing a vast sum 
 of money, being the first who reversed a judgment in that manner.
 
 ALCIBIADES. 47 
 
 calling them faithless prevaricating men, who were come nei. 
 ther to do nor to say any thing honourable. The senate was 
 incensed, the people were enraged, and Nicias, who was ig- 
 norant of the deceitful contrivance of Alcibiades, was filled 
 with astonishment and confusion at this change. 
 
 The proposals of the ambassadors thus rejected, Alcibi- 
 ades was declared general, and soon engaged the Argives,* 
 the Mantineans, and Eleans, as allies to the Athenians. 
 Nobody commended the manner of this transaction, but 
 the effect was very great, since it divided and embroiled 
 almost all Peloponnesus, in one day lifted so many arms 
 against the Lacedaemonians at Mantinea, and removed to 
 so great a distance from Athens the scene of war ; by which 
 the Lacedasmonians, if victorious, could gain no great ad- 
 vantage, whereas a miscarriage would have risked the very- 
 being of their state. 
 
 Soon after this battle at Mantinea,f the principal offi- 
 cers of the Argive army attempted to abolish the popu- 
 lar government of Argos, and to take the administration in- 
 to their own hands. The Lacedaemonians espoused the de- 
 sign, and assisted them to carry it into execution. But the 
 people took up arms again, and defeated their new masters ; 
 and Alcibiades coming to their aid, made the victory more 
 complete. At the same time he persuaded them to extend 
 their walls down to the sea, that they might always be in 
 a condition to receive succours from the Athenians. From 
 Athens he sent them carpenters and masons, exerting him* 
 self greatly on this occasion, which tended to increase his 
 personal interest and power, as well as that of his country. 
 He advised the people of Patrae, too, to join their city to 
 the sea by long walls. And somebody observing to the Pa- 
 trensians, " That the Athenians would one day swallow 
 
 * He concludtjd a league with these states for an hundred years, 
 which Thucydides has inserted at full length in his fifth book ; and 
 hv which we learn that the treaties of the ancient Greeks were no 
 less perfect and explicit than ours. Their treaties were of as little 
 conse(|uence too ; for how soon was that broken which the Athe- 
 nians had made with the Lacedaemonians ! 
 
 j* That battle was fought near three years after the conclusion of 
 the treaty with Argos. 
 
 Those officers availed themselves of the consternation the people 
 of Argos were in after the loss of the battle ; and the Lacedaemoni- 
 ans gladly supported them, from a persuasion that if the popular 
 government were abolished, and an aristocracy (like that of Sparta) 
 set up in Argos, they should soon be masters there.
 
 49 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 " them up." " Possibly it may be so," said Alcibiade;, 
 " but they will begin with the feet, and do it by little and 
 " little, whereas the Lacedemonians will begin with the 
 " head, and do it all at once." He exhorted the Athe- 
 nians to assert the empire of the land, as well as of the sea ; 
 and was ever putting the young warriors in mind to shew 
 by their deeds that they remembered the oath they had 
 taken in the temple of Agraulos.* The oath is, that 
 they will consider wheat, barley, vine, and olives, as the 
 bounds of Attica ; by which it is insinuated, that they 
 should endeavour 'o possess themselves of all lands that 
 are cultivated and fruitful. 
 
 But these his great abilities in politics, his eloquence, 
 his reach of genius, and keenness of apprehension, were 
 tarnished by his luxurious living, his drinking and de- 
 bauches, his effeminacy of dress, and his insolent profusion. 
 He wore a purple robe with a long train when he appeared 
 in public. He caused the planks of his galley to be cut 
 away, that he might lie the softer, his bed not being placed 
 upon the boards, but hanging upon girths. And in the 
 wars he bore a shield of gold, which had none of the usualf 
 ensigns of his country, but, in their stead, a cupid bearing 
 a thunderbolt. The great men of Athens saw his behaviour 
 with uneasiness and indignation, and even dreaded the con- 
 sequence. They regarded his foreign manners, his profu- 
 sion, and contempt of the laws, as so many means to make 
 himself absolute. And Aristophanes well expresses how 
 the bulk of the people were disposed towards him : 
 
 They love, they hate, but cannot live without him. 
 
 * Agraulos, one of the daughters of Cecrops, had devoted herself 
 to death for the benefit of her country ; it has been supposed, there- 
 fore, that the oath which the young Athenians took, bound them to 
 dosomething of that nature, if need should require ; though, as given 
 by Plutarch, it implies only an unjust resolution to extend the Athe- 
 nian dominions to all lands that were worth seizing. Demosthenes 
 mentions the oath in his oration Defals. Legat. but does not explain it. 
 
 f Both cities and private persons had of old theirensigns, devices, 
 or arms. Those of the Athenians were commonly Minerva, the owl, 
 or the olive. None but people of figure were allowed to bear any de- 
 vices ; nor even they, until they had performed some action to deserve 
 them; in the meantime their shields were plain white. Alcibiades, 
 in his device, referred to the beauty of his person and his martial 
 prowess. Mottos, too, were used. Capaneus, for instance, bore a 
 naked man with a torch in his hand ; the motto this, / vill burn the 
 city. S? more in JEschylus's tragedy of the Seven Chiefs.
 
 ALCIBIADES. 4<) 
 
 : again he satirizes him still more severely by the fol- 
 lowing allusion. 
 
 Nurse not a lion's whelp within your walls ; 
 But jf he is brought up there, sooth the bruto. 
 
 The truth is, his prodigious liberality, the games he 
 exhibited, and the other extraordinary instances of his mu- 
 nificence to the people, the glory of his ancestors, the beau- 
 ty of his person, and the force of his eloquence, together 
 with his heroic strength, his valour and experience in war, 
 so gained upon the Athenians, that they connived at his 
 errors, and spoke of them with all imaginable tender- 
 ness, calling them sallies of youth, and good-humoured fro- 
 lics. Such were his confining Agatharcus the painter,* 
 until he had painted his house, and then dismissing him 
 with a handsome present ; his giving a box on, the car to 
 Taureus, who exhibited games in opposition to him, and 
 vied with him for the preference ; and his taking one of 
 the captive Melian women for his mistress, and bringing up 
 a child he had by her. These were what they called his 
 good-humoured frolics ; but surely we cannot bestow that 
 appellation upon the slaughtering of all the males in the isle 
 of Melos,f who had arrived at years of puberty, which was 
 in consequence of a decree that he promoted. Again, 
 when Aristophon had painted the courtezan Nemea with 
 Alcibiades in her arms, many of the people eagerly crowded 
 to see it ; but such of the Athenians as were more advanced 
 in years, were much displeased, and considered these as 
 sights fit only for a tyrant's court, and as insults on the 
 laws of Athens. Nor was it ill observed by Archestratus, 
 " that Greece could not bear another Alcibiades." When 
 Timon, famed for his misanthropy, saw Alcibiades, after 
 having gained his point, conducted home with great honour 
 from the place of assembly, he did not shun him as he 
 did other men, but went up to him, and shaking him by 
 the hand, thus addressed him. " Go on, my brave boy, 
 " and prosper ; for your prosperity will bring on the ntiu 
 
 * This painter had been familiar with Alcibiades's mistress. 
 
 ) The isle of Melos, one of the Cyclades, and a colony of Lace- 
 daemon, was attempted by Alcibiades, the last year of the ninetieth 
 Olympiad, and taken the year following. Thucydides, who has given 
 us an account of this slaughter of the Mclians, makes no mention of 
 the decree. Probably he was willing to have the carnage thought the 
 effect of a sudden transport in the soldiery, and not of a cruel and cwl 
 resolution of the people of Athens, 
 
 Vol. //, D
 
 50 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 " of all this crowd." This occasioned various reflections ; 
 soire laughed, some railed, a'.d others v.vre extremely moved 
 at the saying ; so various were the judgments formed of Alci- 
 biades, by reason of the inconsistency of his character. 
 
 In the time of Pericles,* the Athenians had a desire 
 after Sicily ; and when he had paid the last debt to nature, 
 they attempted it ; frequently ur.cier pretence of succouring 
 their allies, sending aids of men and money to such of the 
 Sicilians as were attacked by the Syracusans. This was a 
 step to greater armaments. But A labiades inflamed this 
 desire to an irresistible degree, and persuaded them not to 
 attempt the island in part, and by little and little, but .to 
 send a powerful fleet entirely to subdue it. He inspired 
 the people with hopes of great things, and indulged him- 
 self in expectations still more lofty ; for he did not, like 
 the rest, consider Sicily as the end of his wishes, but ra- 
 ther as an introduction to the mighty expeditions he had 
 conceived. And while Nicias was dissuading the people 
 i'rom the siege of Syracuc", as a business too difficult to 
 succeed in, Alcibiades was dreaming of Carthage and of 
 JLybia ; and after these were g lined, he designed to grasp 
 Italy and Peloponnesus, regarding Sicily as little more 
 than a magazine for provisions and warlike stores. 
 
 The young men immediately entered into his schemes, 
 and listened with great attention to those who, under the 
 sanction of age, related woi.ders concerning the intended 
 expeditions ; so that many of them sat whole days in the 
 places of exercise, drawing in the dust the figure of the 
 island, and plans of L)bia and Carthage. However, we 
 are informed that Socrates the philosopher, and Meton the 
 Lftrologer, were far from expecting that these wars would 
 
 " Pericles, by his prudence and authority, had restrained this ex- 
 travagant ambition of the Athenians. He died the last year of the 
 eighty-seventh Olympiad, in the third year of the Peloponnebian war. 
 Two years after this, the Athenians sent some ships to Rhegium, 
 which were to go from thence to the succour of the Leontines, who 
 v/ere attacked by the Syracusans. The year following, they f-ent a 
 still greater number ; and two years after that, they fitted out another 
 fleet of a greater force than the former ; but the Sicilians having put 
 an end to their divisions, and by the advice of Hermocrates (whose 
 ?peech Thucydides, in his fourth book, gives us at large}, having sent 
 iiack the fleet, the Athenians were so enraged at their generals for 
 not having conquered Sicily, that they banished two of them, Pytho- 
 tlorus and Sophocles, and laid a heavy fine upon Eurymedon. So in- 
 fatuated were they by their prosperity, that they imagined themselves 
 rresistible.
 
 ALCIBIADES. 51 
 
 turn to the advantage of Athens ; the former, it should 
 seem, influenced by some prophetic notices with which h. 
 favoured by the genius who attended him ; and the latter, 
 either by reasonings which led him to fear what was to come, 
 or else by knowledge with which his art supplied him. Be 
 that as it may, Melon feigned himself mad, and taking a 
 flaming torch, attempted to set his house on fire. Others say, 
 that he made use of no such pretence, but burnt down his 
 house in the night, and in the morning went and begged of 
 the people to excuse his son from that campaign, that he 
 might be a comfort to him under his misfortune. By this 
 artifice he imposed upon them, a;.d gained his point. 
 
 Nicias was appointed one of the generals, much against 
 his inclination ; for he would have declined the command, 
 if it had been only on account of his having such a col- 
 kague. The Athenians, however, thought the war would 
 be better conducted, if they did not give free scope to the 
 impetuosity of Alcibiades, but tempered his boldness with 
 the prudence of Nicias. For as to the third general, Lama- 
 elms, though well advanced in years, he did not seem to come 
 at all short of Alcibiades in heat a;.d rashness. 
 
 When they came to deliberate about the number of the 
 troops, and the necessary preparations for the armament, 
 Nicias again opposed their measures, and endeavoured to 
 prevent the war. But Alcibiades replying to his argu- 
 ments, and carrying all before him, the orator Demostratus 
 proposed a decree, 'hat the generals should have the abso- 
 lute direction of the war, and of all the preparations for it. 
 When the people had given their assent, and every thing 
 was got ready for setting sail, unlucky omens occurred, even 
 on a festival which was celebrated at that time. It was the 
 feast of Adonis ; * the women walked in procession with 
 images, which represented the dead carried out to burial, 
 acting the lamentations, and singing the mournful dirges 
 usual en such occasions. 
 
 * On the fc.ist of Adonis all the cities put themselves in mourn- 
 ing ; coffins were exposed at every door ; the statues of Venus and 
 Adonis were borne in procession, with certain vessels filled with earth, 
 in which they had raised corn, herbs, and lettuce, and these vessels 
 were called the gardens of Adonis. After the ceremony was over, the 
 garden* were thrown into the sea, or some river. This festival was 
 celebrated throughout all Greece and Egypt, and among the Jews 
 too, when they degenerated into idolatry, as we learn fromEzekiel, x, 
 H, And behold f&ore $ at vvmen weeping for Tammuz, that is, Adonis, 
 
 Da
 
 J2 rLL'TARCH 3 LIVLL-. 
 
 Add to this the mutilating and disfiguring of almost all 
 the statues of Mercury,* which happened in one night ; a 
 circumstance which alarmed even those who had long de- 
 spised things of that nature. It was imputed to the Co- 
 rinthians, of whom the Syracusans were a colony ; and 
 they were supposed to have done it, in hopes that such a 
 prodigy might-induce the Athenians to desist from the war. 
 But the people pajd little regard to this insinuation, or to 
 the discourses of those who said that there \vas no man- 
 ner of ill presage in what had happened, and that it was 
 nothing but the \vild frolic of a parcel of young fellows, 
 flushed with wine, and bent on some extravagance. In- 
 dignation and fear made them take this event not only 
 for a bad omen, but for the consequence of a plot which 
 aimed at greater matters ; and therefore both senate and 
 people assembled several times within a few days, and very 
 strictly examined every suspicious circumstance. 
 
 In the meantime, the demagogue Androcles produced 
 rorne Athenian slaves and certain sojourners, who accused 
 Alcibiades and his friends of defacing some other statues, 
 and of mimicking the sacred mysteries in one of their 
 drunken revels ; on which occasion, they said, one Theo- 
 dorus represented the herald, Polytion the torch-bearer, 
 and Alcibiades the high-priest ; his other companions at- 
 tending as persons initiated, and therefore called Mystse. 
 Such was the import of the deposition of Thessalus the son 
 of Cimon, who accused Alcibiades of impiety towards the 
 goddesses Ceres and Proserpine. The people being much 
 provoked at Alcibiades, and Androcles, his bitterest enemy, 
 exasperating them still more, at first he was somewhat dis- 
 concerted. But when he perceived that the seamen and 
 -oldiers too, intended for the Sicilian expedition, were en 
 his side, and heard a body of Argives and Mantinean?, 
 consisting of a thousand men, declare that they were willing 
 to cross the seas, and to run the risk of a foreign war for 
 the sake of Alcibiades, but that if any injury were done 
 to him, they would immediately march home again ; then 
 he recovered his spirits, and appeared to defend himself. It 
 was now his enemy's turn to be discouraged, and to fear 
 that the people, on account of the need they had of him, 
 '.vould be favourable in their sentence. To obviate this 
 inconvenience, they persuaded certain orators, who were not 
 
 * The Athenians had statues of Mercury at the doors of 
 2s, made of stones cf a cubical form,
 
 ALCIBIADES. 
 
 reputed to be his enemies, but hated him as heartily as the 
 
 most professed ones, to move it to the people, " That it was 
 
 extremely absurd, that a general 'who was invested with a 
 
 discretionary power, and a very important command, when 
 
 the troops were collected, and the allies all ready to sail; 
 
 should lose time, while they were casting lots for judges, 
 
 and filling the glasses with water, to measure out the time 
 
 *' of his defence. In the name of the gods let him sail, and 
 
 " when the war is concluded, be accountable to the laws., 
 
 " which will still be the same." 
 
 Alcibiades easily saw their malicious drift in wanting to 
 put off the trial, and observed, " That it would be an in- 
 tolerable hardship to leave such accusations and calum- 
 nies behind him, and be sent out with so important a com- 
 mission, while he was in suspense as to his own fate. That 
 he ought to suffer death, if he could not clear himself of 
 the charge ; but if he could prove his innocence, justice 
 required that he should be set free from all fear of false ac- 
 cusers before they sent him against their enemies." But 
 he could not obtain that favour. He was indeed ordered to 
 set sail,* which he accordingly did, together with his col- 
 leagues, having near an hundred and forty galleys in his com- 
 pany, five thousand one hundred heavy-armed soldiers, and 
 ftbout a thousand three hundred archers, slingers, and others, 
 light-armed, with suitable provisions and stores. 
 
 Arriving on the coast of Italy, he landed at Rhegium. 
 There he gave his opii.ion as to the manner in which the 
 war should be conducted, and was opposed by Nicias : but 
 as Lamachus agreed with him, he sailed to Sicily, and 
 made himself master of Catana.-j- This was all he per- 
 formed, being soon sent for by the Athenians to take his 
 trial. At first, as we have observed, there was nothing 
 against him but slight suspicions, and the depositions of 
 slaves and persons who sojourned in Athens. But his ene- 
 mies took advantage of his absence to bring new matter of 
 impeachment, adding to the mutilating of the statues his 
 sacrilegious behaviour with respect to the mysteries, and al- 
 leging that both these crimes flowed from the same source, J 
 
 * The second year of the eighty-first Olympiad, and seventeenth 
 of the Peloponnesian war. 
 
 f By surprise. Thucyd. lib. vi. 
 
 J They gave out, that he had entered into a conspiracy to betray 
 the city to the Lacedaemonians, and that he had persuaded the Ar- 
 gives to undertake something to their prejudice.
 
 54 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 a conspiracy to change the government. All that were ac- 
 cused of being anywise concerned in it, they committed to 
 prison unheard ; and they repented exceedingly that they 
 had not immediately brought Alcibiades to his trial, and 
 rot him condemned upon so heavy a charge. While tin's 
 lasted, every relation, every friend and acquaintance of 
 his, was very severely dealt with by the people. 
 
 Thucydides his omitted the names of the accusers, but 
 ^thers mention Diocjides and Teucer. So Phrynichus, the 
 romic poet, 
 
 Ilcrmf.'i, prny, beware a fall ; nor break 
 Thy marble nose, lei-t some false Dioclides 
 Once more his shafts in fat;il poison drench. 
 
 Merc. I will ; nor e'er again shall that informer 
 Teucer, that faithless stranger, boast from roe 
 Rewards for perjury. 
 
 Indeed, no clear or strong evidence was given by the in- 
 r ormers.* One of them being asked how he could dis- 
 tinguish the faces of those who disfigured the statues, an- 
 swered, that he discerned them by the light of the moon ; 
 which was a plain falsity, for it was done at the time of 
 the moon's change. All persons of understanding exclaim- 
 ed against such baseness, but this detection did not in the 
 least pacify the people ; they went on with the same rage 
 and violence with which they had begun, taking informa- 
 "ions, and committing all to prison whose names were given 
 in. 
 
 Among^ those that were then imprisoned, in order to 
 their trial, was the orator Andocides, whom Hellanicus 
 the historian reckons among the descendants of Ulysses. 
 He \V2S thought to be no friend to a popular government, 
 r. favourer of oligarchy. What contributed not a 
 little to his being suspected of having some concern in de- 
 facing the Hernia?, was, that the great statue of Mercury, 
 which was placed near his house, being consecrated to that 
 god by the tribe called the ./Egei's, was almost the only 
 one, amongst the more remarkable, which was left entire. 
 Therefore, to this day, it is called the Hermes of Andocides, 
 and that title universally prevails, though the inscription 
 does not agree with it. 
 
 airixis rrjixxiTzt;. The translation of 1758 renders it 
 
 pregnant proofs though Plutarch observes, a little lower, that thi 
 proofs were very weak, and the evidence false and inconsistent.
 
 ALCIBIADES. 55 
 
 It happened, that among those who were imprisoned on 
 the same account, Andoudes contracted an acquaintance 
 and friendship with one Timaeus, a man not equal in rank 
 to himself, hut of uncommon parts and a daring spirit. 
 He advised Andocides to accuse himself and a few more ; 
 bocausc the decree promised impunity to any one that would 
 confess and inform, whereas the event of the trial was un- 
 certain to all, and much to be dreaded by such of them as 
 were persons of distinction. He represented that it was bet- 
 ter to save his life by a falsity, than to suffer an infamous 
 death as one really guilty of the crime ; and that with re- 
 spect to the public, it would be an advantage to give up 
 a few persons of dubious character, in order to rescue ma- 
 ny good men from an enraged populace. 
 
 Andocides was prevailed upon by these arguments of 
 Timaeus ; and informing against himself and some others, 
 enjoyed the impunity promised by the decree ; but all the 
 rest whom he named were capitally punished, except a few 
 that fled. Nay, to procure the greater credit to his de- 
 position, he accused even his own servants. 
 
 However, the fury of the people was not so satisfied ; 
 but turning from the persons who had disfigured the Her- 
 man, as if it had reposed awhile only to recover its strength, 
 it fell totally upon Alcibiades.' At last they sent the Sala- 
 minian galley to fetch him, artfully enough ordering their 
 officer not to use violence, or to lay hold on his person, but 
 to behave to him with civility, and to acquaint him with the 
 people's orders, that he should go and take his trial, and 
 clear himself before them ; for they were apprehensive of 
 some tumult and mutiny in the army, now it was in an ene- 
 my's country, which Alcibiades, had he been so disposed, 
 might have raised with all the ease in the world. In- 
 deed, the soldiers expressed great uneasiness at his leav- 
 ing them, and expected that the war would be spun out 
 to a great length by the dilatory counsels of Nicias, when 
 the spur was taken away. Lamachus, indeed, was bold 
 and brave, but he was wanting both in dignity and weight* 
 by reason of his poverty. 
 
 Alcibiades immediately embarked ; * the consequence of 
 which was, that the Athenians could not take Mes.eiu. 
 
 * He prudently embarked on a vessel of his own, and not on thft 
 Salaminiiin galley. 
 
 D4
 
 56 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 There were persons in the town ready to betray it, whom 
 Alcibiades perfectly knew ; and as he apprised some that 
 were friends to the Syracusans of their intention, the af- 
 fair miscarried. 
 
 As soon as he arrived at Thurii, he went on shore, and 
 concealing himself there, eluded the search which was made 
 after him. But some person knowing him, and saying, 
 " Will not you, then, trust your country :" he answered, 
 <( As to any thing else I will trust her; but with my life 
 " I would not trust even my mother, lest she should tnis- 
 " take a black bean for a white one." Afterwards, being 
 told that the republic had condemned him to die, he said, 
 " But I will make them find that I am alive." 
 
 The information against him ran thus. " Thessaltis, 
 ' the son of Cimon, of the ward of Lacias, accuscth Alci- 
 " biades, the son of Clinias, of the ward of Scambonis, of 
 " sacrilegiously offending the goddesses Ceres and Proser- 
 " pine, by counterfeiting their mysteries, and shewing them 
 " to his companions in his OWH house ; wearing such a robe 
 tf as the high-priest does while he shews the holy things, 
 " he called himself high-priest, as he did Polytion torch-bear - 
 " er, and Theodorus, of the ward of Phygea, herald; and 
 " the rest of his companions he called persons initiated,* 
 " and brethren of Ike secret ; herein acting contrary to the 
 " rules and ceremonies established by the Eumolpidse,-}- the 
 " heralds and priests at Eleusis." As he did not appear, 
 they condemned him, confiscated his goods, and ordered all 
 the priests and priestesses to denounce an execration against 
 him ; which was denounced accordingly by all but Theanoj 
 the daughter of Menon, priestess of the temple of Agraulos, 
 who excused herself, alleging that she was a priestess for 
 *rrr/er, not for execration, 
 
 While these decrees and sentences were passing against 
 Alcibiades, he was at Argos ; having quitted Thurii, which 
 
 * The Mystte, or persons initiated, were to remain a year under 
 probation, during which time they were to go no farther than the 
 vestibule of the temple; after that term was expired they were call- 
 ed epoptce, and admitted to all the mysteries, except such as were 
 reserved for the priests only. 
 
 f Eumolpus was the first who settled these mysteries of Ceres, 
 for which reason his descendants had the care of them after him j 
 and when his line failed, those who succeeded ia the function, were, 
 notwithstanding, called Eumolpidw.
 
 ALCIBIADES. 5/ 
 
 no longer afforded him a safe asylum, to come into Pelopon- 
 nesus. Still dreading his enemies, and giving up all hopes 
 of being restored to his country, he sent to Sparta to desire 
 permission to live there under the protection of the public 
 faith, promising to serve that state more effectually, now he 
 was their friend, than he had annoyed them whilst their 
 enemy. The Spartans granting him a safe conduct, and 
 expressing their readiness to receive him, he went thither 
 with pleasure. One thing he soon effected, which was to 
 procure succours for Syracuse without further hesitation or 
 delay, having persuaded them to send Gylippus thither, to 
 take upon him the direction of the war, and to crush the 
 Athenian power in Sicily. Another thing which he per- 
 suaded them to, was to declare war against the Athenians, 
 and to begin its operations on the continent : and the third, 
 which was the most important of all, was to get Decelea 
 fortified ; for this being in the neighbourhood of Athens, 
 was productive of great mischief to that commonwealth.* 
 
 These measures procured Alcibiades the public approba- 
 tion at Sparta, and he was no less admired for his manner 
 of living in private. By conforming to their diet and other 
 austerities, he charmed and captivated the people. When 
 they saw him close shaved, bathing in cold water, feeding 
 on their coarse bread, or eating their black broth, they could 
 hardly believe that such a man had ever kept a cook in his 
 house, seen a perfumer, or worn a robe of Milesian purple. 
 It seems, that amongst his other qualifications, he had the 
 very extraordinary art of engaging the affections of those 
 with whom he conversed, by imitating and adopting their 
 customs and way of living. Nay, he turned himseif into 
 all manners of forms with more ease than the cameleon 
 changes his colour. It is not, we are told, in that animal's 
 power to assume a white, but Alcibiades could adapt hhn- 
 
 * Agis, king of Sparta, at the head of a very numerous army of 
 Lacedaemonians, Corinthians, and other nations of Peloponnesus, in- 
 vaded Attica, and according to the advice which Alcibiades had 
 given, seized and fortified Decelea, which stood at an equal distance 
 from Athens and the frontiers of Boeotia, by means of which the 
 Athenians were now deprived of the profits of the silver mines, of 
 the rents of their lands, and of the succours of their neighbours. 
 But the greatest misfortune which happened to the Athenians, 
 from the beginning of the war to this time, was that which befel 
 them this year in Sicily, where they not only lost the conquest they 
 iiimed at, together with the reputation they had so long maintained 
 but their fleet, their army, and their generals. 
 
 D 5
 
 58 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 self either to good or bad, and did not find any thing \vhici-. 
 he attempted impracticable. Thus, at Sparta he was all 
 for exercise, frugal in his diet, and severe in his manners. 
 In Asia he was as much far mirth and pleasure, luxury and 
 case. In Thrace, again, riding and drinking were his 
 favourite amusements ; and in the palace of Tissaphernes, 
 the Persian grandee, he outvied the Persians themselves in 
 pomp and splendour. Not that he could with so much ease 
 change his real manners, or approve in his heart the form 
 which he assumed ; but because he knew that his native 
 manners would be unacceptable to those whom he happen- 
 ed to be with, he immediately conformed to the ways and 
 .fashions of whatever place he came to. When he was at 
 Lacedaemon, if you regarded only his outside, you would 
 r,ay, as the proverb does, This is not the son of Achilles, but 
 Achilles himself; this man has surely been brought up 
 under the eye of JLycurgus : but then if you looked more 
 nearly into his disposition and his actions, you would ex- 
 claim with Electra in the poet, The same weak woman. 
 stiUl* For while king Agis was employed in a distant expe- 
 dition, he corrupted his wife Timsea so effectually, that she 
 was with child by him, and did not pretend to deny it ; and 
 when she was delivered of a son, though in public she called 
 him Leotychidas, yet in her own house she whispered to 
 her female friends and to her servants, that his true name 
 was Alcibiades. To such a degree was the woman trans- 
 ported by her passion. And Alcibiades himself, indulging 
 his vein of mirth, used to say, " His motive was not to 
 " injure the king, or to satisfy his appetite, but that his 
 " offspring might one day sit on the throne of JLacedse- 
 " mon." Agis had information of these matters from 
 ceveral hands, and he was the more ready to give credit 
 to them, because they agreed with the time. Terrified 
 with an earthquake, he had quitted his wife's chamber, 
 to which he returned not for the next ten months : at the 
 end of which Leotychidas being born, he declared the 
 child was not his ; and for this reason he was never suffered 
 to inherit the crown of Sparta. 
 
 After the miscarriage of the Athenians in Sicily, the 
 people of Chios, of Lesbos, and Cyzicum, sent to treat 
 with the Spartans about quitting the interests of Athens, 
 
 " This is spoken of Hermione, in the Orestes of Euripides, upon 
 her discovering th same vanity and solicitude about her beauty, 
 when advanced in years, that she had when she was young.
 
 ALCIBIADEb. 59 
 
 and putting themselves under the protection of Sparta. 
 The Boeotians on this occasion solicited for the Lesbians, 
 and Pharnabazus for the people of Cyzicum ; but at the 
 persuasion of Alcibiades, succours were sent to those of 
 Chios before all others. He likewise passed over into 
 Ionia, and prevailed with almost all that country to re- 
 volt ; and attending the Lacedaemonian generals in the 
 execution of most of their commissions, he did great pre- 
 judice to the Athenians. 
 
 But Agis, who was already his enemy, on account of the 
 injury done to his bed, could not endure his glory and 
 prosperity ; for most of the present successes were ascribed 
 to Alcibiades. The great and the ambitious among the 
 Spartans were indeed, in general, touched with envy ; and 
 had influence enough with the civil magistrate, to pro- 
 cure orders to be sent to their friends in Ionia to kill hirr : , 
 But timely foreseeing his danger, and cautioned by bis 
 fears, in every step he took, he still served the Lacedemo- 
 nians, taking care all the while not to put himself in their 
 power. Instead of that, he sought the protection of Ti5- 
 saphernes, one of the grandees of Persia, or lieutenants oi 
 the king. With this Persian he soon attained the highest 
 credit and authority ; for himself a very subtle ar,d insin- 
 ctre man, he admired the art and keenness of Alcibiades. 
 Indeed, by the elegance of his conversation, and the charmg 
 of his politeness, every man was gained, all hearts were 
 touched. liven those that feared and envied him were 
 riot insensible to pleasure in his company ; and while they 
 enjoyed it, their resentment was disarmed. Tissaphenies, 
 in all other cases savage in his temper, and the bitterest 
 enemy that Greece experienced among the Persians, gave 
 himself up, notwithstanding, to the flatteries of AlcibiadeF, 
 insomuch that he even vied with and exceeded him in ad- 
 dress. For of all his gardens, that which excelled in beauty, 
 which was remarkable for the salubrity of its streams and 
 the freshness of its meadows, which was set off with pavi- 
 lions royally adorned, and retirements finished in the most 
 elegant taste, he distinguished by the name of Alcibiades; 
 and every one continued to give it that appellation. 
 
 Rejecting, therefore, the interests of Lacedaemon, and 
 fearing that people as treacherous to him, he represented 
 them and their king Agis, in a disadvantageous light to 
 Tissapherne?. He advised him not to assist them eiiectually, 
 ner absolutely to ruiu the Athe.iia ^ it to send has sub- 
 
 D<5
 
 60 PLUTARCH'S LIVL*. 
 
 sidles to Sparta with a sparing hand ; that so the two 
 powers might insensibly weaken and consume each other, 
 and both at last be easily subjected to the king. Tissa- 
 phernes readily followed his counsels, and it was evident 
 to all the world that he held him in the greatest admira- 
 tion and esteem ; which made him equally considerable 
 with the Greeks of both parties. The Athenians repent- 
 ed of the sentence they had passed upon him, because 
 they had suffered for it since ; and Alcibiades, on his side, 
 was under some fear and concern, lest, if their republic 
 were destroyed, he should fall into the hands of the La- 
 cedaemonians, who hated him. 
 
 At that time the whole strength of the Athenians lay 
 at Samos. With their ships sent out from thence, they re- 
 covered some of the towns which had revolted, and others 
 they kept to their duty ; and at sea they were in some 
 measure able to make head against their enemies. But 
 they were afraid of Tissaphernes, and the Phoenician fleet 
 of an hundred and fifty ships, which were said to be coming 
 against them ; for against such a force they could not hope 
 to defend themselves. Alcibiades, apprised of this, privately 
 sent a messenger to the principal Athenians at Samos, to 
 give them hopes that he would procure them the friend- 
 ship of Tissaphernes ; not to recommend himself to the 
 people, whom he could not trust, but to oblige the nobi- 
 lity, if they would but exert their superiority, repress the 
 insolence of the commonalty, and taking the government 
 into their own hands, by that means save their country. 
 
 All the officers readily embraced his proposal, except 
 Phrynichus, who was of the ward of Dirades. He alone 
 suspected what was really the case, that it was a matter of 
 very little consequence to Alcibiades whether an oligarchy 
 or democracy prevailed in Athens ; that it was his business 
 to get himself recalled by any means whatever ; and that 
 therefore, by his invectives against the people, he wanted 
 only to insinuate himself into the good graces of the no- 
 bility. Upon these reasons proceeded the opposition of 
 Phrynichus ; but seeing his opinion disregarded, and that 
 Alcibiades must certainly become his enemy, he gave se- 
 cret intelligence to Astyochus, the enemy's admiral, cf 
 the double part which Alcibiades acted, advising him to 
 beware of his designs, and to secure his person. But he 
 knew not that while he was betraying, he was himself 
 betrayed j for Astyochus, wanting to make his court to
 
 ALCIBIADES. 61 
 
 Tissaphernes, informed Alcibiades of the affair, who, he 
 knew, had the ear of that grandee. 
 
 Alcibiades immediately sent proper persons to Samoa 
 with an accusation against Phrynichus ; who seeing no 
 other resource, as every body was against him, and ex- 
 pressed great indignation at his behaviour, attempted to 
 cure one evil with another, and a greater ; for he sent 
 to Astyochus to complain of his revealing his secret, and 
 to offer to deliver up to him the whole Athenian fleet and 
 army. This treason of Phrynichus, however, did no in- 
 jury to the Athenians, because it was again betrayed by 
 Astyochus ; for he laid the whole matter before Alcibiades. 
 Phrynichus had the sagacity to foresee, and expect another 
 accusation from Alcibiades 5 and to be beforehand with 
 him, he himself forewarned the Athenians that the ene- 
 my would endeavour to surprise them, and therefore de- 
 sired them to be upon their guard, to keep on board their 
 ships, and to fortify their camp. 
 
 While the Athenians were doing this, letters came from 
 Alcibiades again, advising them to beware of Phrynichus, 
 who had undertaken to betray their fleet to the enemy : but 
 they gave no credit to these dispatches, supposing that Al- 
 cibiades, who perfectly knew the preparations and inten- 
 tions of the enemy, abused that knowledge to the rising 
 of such a calumny agamst Phrynichus. Yet afterwards, 
 when Phrynichus was stabbed in full assembly by one of 
 Hermon's soldiers, who kept guard that day, the Atheni- 
 ans taking cognizance of the matter, after his death, con- 
 demned Phrynichus as guilty of treason, and ordered Her- 
 mon and his party to be crowned for dispatching a traitor. 
 
 The friends of Alcibiades, who now had a superior in. 
 terest at Samos, sent Pisander to Athens, to change the 
 form of government, by encouraging the nobility to assume 
 it, and to deprive the people of their power and privileges, 
 as the condition upon which Alcibiades would procure 
 them the friendship and alliance of Tissaphernes. This 
 was the colour of the pretence made use of by those who 
 wanted to introduce an oligarchy. But when the body 
 which were called the five thousand, but in fact were only 
 four hundred,* had got the power into their hands, they 
 
 * It was at first proposed that only the dregs of the people should 
 lose their authority, which was to be vested in five thousand of the 
 most wealthy, who were for the future to be reputed the people. 
 But when Pisander and his associates found the strength of their
 
 62 PLUTARCH S LIVES. 
 
 paid but little attention to Alcibiades, and carried on the 
 war but slowly ; partly distrusting the citizens, who did 
 not ytt relish the new form of government, and p?.rtlv 
 hoping that the Lacedaemonians, who were alsvays inclined 
 to favour an oligarchy, would not press them with their 
 visual vigour. 
 
 Such of the commonalty as were at home, were silent 
 through fear, though much against their will ; for a number 
 of those who had openly opposed the four hundred, were put 
 to death. But when they that were at Samos were informed 
 of the affair, they were highly incensed at it, and inclined 
 immediately to set sail for the Piraeus. In the first place, 
 however, they sent for Alcibiades ; and having appointed 
 him their general, ordered hfrn to lead them against the 
 tyrants, and demolish both them and their power. On 
 such an occasion, almost any other man, suddenly exalted 
 by the favour of the multitude, would have thought he 
 must have complied with all their humours, and not have 
 contradicted those in any thing, who, from a fugitive and- 
 a banished man, had raised him to be commander in chief 
 of such a fleet and army. But he behaved as became a 
 great general, and prevented their plunging into error 
 through the violence of their rage. This care of his evi- 
 dently was the saving of the commonwealth. For it they 
 had sailed home, as they promised, the enemy would have 
 seized on Ionia immediately, and have gained the Helle- 
 spont and the islands without striking a stroke ; while the 
 Athenians would have been engaged in a civil war, of 
 which Athens itself must have been the seat. All this was 
 prevented chiefly by Alcibiades, who not only tried what 
 arguments would do with the army in general, and inform- 
 ed them of their danger, but applied to them one by or.e, 
 using entreaties to some and force to others ; in which he 
 was assisted by the loud harangues of Thrasybulus, of the 
 ward of Stira, who attended him through the whole, and 
 had the strongest voice of any man among the Athenians. 
 
 Another great service performed by Alcibiades was, his 
 undertaking that the Phoenician fleet, which the Lacedae- 
 monians expected from the king of Persia, should either 
 
 party, they carried it that the old form of government should be 
 dissolved, and that five Prytanes should be elected ; that these five 
 should choose a hundred; that each of the hundred should choo.se 
 three ; that the four hundred thus elected should become a senate 
 with supreme power, and should consult the five thousand only 
 when and on such matters as th<*y thought fit.
 
 ALCIBIADSS. 
 
 join the Athenians, or at least not act on the enemy's side, 
 la consequence of this promise, he set out as expeditiously 
 as possible ; and prevailed upon Tissaphemes not to for- 
 ward the ships, which were already come as far as Aspen- 
 dus, but to disappoint and deceive the Lacedaemonians. 
 Nevertheless, both sides, and particularly the Lacedamo- 
 nians, accused Alcibiades of hindering that fleet from com- 
 ing to their aid ; for they supposed he had instructed the 
 Persians to leave the Greeks to destroy each other. And, 
 indeed, it was obvious enough, that such a force added to 
 either side, would entirely have deprived the other of the 
 dominion of the sea. ' . 
 
 After this, the four hundred were soon quashed,* the 
 friends of Alcibiades very readily assisting those who were 
 for a democracy. And now the people of the city not only 
 wished for him, but commanded him to return ;f yet he 
 thought it not best to return with empty hands, or with- 
 out having effected something worthy of note, but instead 
 of being indebted to the compassion and favour of the mul- 
 titude, to distinguish his appearance by his merit. Parting, 
 therefore, from Samos with a few ships, he cruised on the 
 sea of Cnidus and about the isle of Coos, where he got 
 intelligence that Mindarus, the Spartan admiral, was sailed 
 with his whole fleet towards the Hellespont, to find out 
 the Athenians. This made him hasten to the assistance 
 of the latter, and fortunately enough he arrived with his 
 eighteen ships at the very juncture of time, when the two 
 fleets having engaged near Abydos, continued the fight 
 from morning until night, one side having the advantage 
 in the right wing, and the other on the left.;}: 
 
 On the appearance of his squadron, both sides entertained 
 a false opinion of the end of his coming ; for the Spartans 
 were encouraged, and the Athenians struck with terror. 
 But he soon hoisted the Athenian flag on the admiral galley, 
 and bore down directly upon the Peloponnesians, who now 
 had the advantage, and were urging the pursuit. His vi- 
 
 * The same year that they were set up, which was the second of 
 the ninety-second Olympiad. The reader must carefully distingui. h 
 this faction of four hundred from the senate of four hundred esta- 
 blished by Solon, which these turned out the few months they weie 
 iu power. 
 
 "f" AVT; uiru 5-<y p.* xitxi; Xlgffi (tl$t ufpttxrots- 
 
 Thucydides does not speak of this arrival of Alcibiades ; but 
 probably he did not live to have a clear account of this action, lor 
 he died this year. Xenophon, who continued his history, mentions 
 it.
 
 64 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 gorous impression put them to flight, and following them 
 close he drove them ashore, destroying their ships, and 
 killing such of their men as endeavoured to save themselves 
 by swimming, though Pharnabazus succoured them all he 
 could from the shore, and with an armed force attempted 
 to save their vessels. The conclusion was, that the Athe- 
 nians, having taken thirty of the enemy's ships, and re- 
 covered their own, erected a trophy. 
 
 After this glorious success, Alcibiades, ambitious to 
 shew himself as soon as possible to Tissaphernea, prepared 
 presents and other proper acknowledgments for his friend- 
 hip and hospitality, and then went to wait upon him 
 with a princely train. But he was not welcomed in the 
 manner he expected : for Tissaphernes, who for sometime 
 had been accused by the Lacedaemonians, and was appre- 
 hensive that the charge might reach the king's ear, thought 
 the coming of Alcibiades a very seasonable incident, and 
 therefore put him under arrest, and confined him at Sardis, 
 imagining that injurious proceeding would be a means to 
 clear himself. 
 
 Thirty days after, Alcibiades having by some means or 
 ther obtained a horse, escaped from his keepers, and fled 
 to Clazomenae ; and, by way of revenge, he pretended that 
 Tissaphernes privately set him at liberty. From thence he 
 passed to the place where the Athenians were stationed ; and 
 being informed, that Mindarus and Pharnabazus were to- 
 gether at Cyzicum, he shewed the troops that it was neces- 
 sary for them to fight both by sea and land, nay, even to 
 fight with stone walls, if that should be required, in order 
 te come at their enemies : for, if the victory were not com- 
 plete and universal, they could come at no money. Then 
 he embarked the force, and sailed to Proconesus, where he 
 ordered them to take the lighter vessels into the middle of 
 the fleet, and to have a particular care that the enemy might 
 not discover that he was coming against them. A great and 
 sudden rain which happened to fall at that time, together 
 with dreadful thunder and darkness, was of great service 
 In covering his operations. For not only the enemy were 
 ignorant of his design, but the very Athenians, whom he 
 had ordered in great haste on board, did not presently 
 perceive that he was under sail. Soon after the weather 
 cleared up, and the Peloponnesian ships were seen riding 
 at anchor in the road of Cyzicum Lest, therefore, the 
 enemy should be alarmed at the largeness of his fleet, and
 
 ALCIBIADES. 63 
 
 save themselves by getting on shore, he directed many of the 
 officers to slacken sail, and keep out of sight, while he 
 shewed himself, with forty ships only, and challenged the 
 Lacedaemonians to the combat. The stratagem had its ef- 
 fect ; for, despising the small number of galleys which they 
 saw, they immediately weighed anchor, and engaged ; but 
 the rest of the Athenian ships coming up during the en- 
 gagement, the Lacedaemonians were struck with terror, 
 and fled. Upon that Alcibiades, with twenty of his best 
 ships, breaking through the midst of them, hastened to the 
 shore, and having made a descent, pursued those that fled 
 from the ships, and killed great numbers of them. He 
 likewise defeated Mindarus and Pharnabazus, who came 
 to their succour. Mindarus made a brave resistance, and 
 was slain ; but Pharnabazus saved himself by flight. 
 
 The Athenians remained masters of the field, and of 
 the spoils, and took all the enemy's ships. Having also 
 possessed themselves of Cy/icum, which was abandoned by 
 Pharnabazus, and deprived of the assistance of the Pelo- 
 ponnesians, who were alrnost all cut off, they not only se- 
 cured the Hellespont, but entirely cleared the sea of the 
 Lacedaemonians. The letter also was intercepted, which, 
 in the laconic style, was to give the Ephori an account of 
 their misfortune. " Our glory is faded. Mindarus is slain. 
 " Our soldiers are starving } and we know not what step 
 " to take." 
 
 On the other hand, Alcibiades's men were so elated, and 
 took so much upon them, because they had always been 
 victorious, that they would not vouchsafe even to mix with 
 other troops that had been sometimes beaten. It happened, 
 not long before, that Thrasyllus having miscarried in his 
 attempt upon Ephesus, the Ephesians erected a trophy of 
 brass, in reproach of the Athenians.* The soldiers of Al- 
 cibiades, therefore, upbraided those of Thrasyllus with this 
 affair, magnifying themselves and their general, and dis- 
 daining to join the others, either in the place of exercise 
 or in the camp. But soon after, when Pharnabazus, with a 
 strong body of horse and foot, attacked the forces of Thra- 
 syllus, who were ravaging the country about Abydos, Al- 
 cibiades marched to their assistance, routed the enemy, 
 
 * Trophies before had been of wood, but the Ephesians erected 
 this of brass, to perpetuate the infamy of the Athenians ; and it was 
 this new and mortifying circumstance with which Alcibiades's sol- 
 diers reproached those of Thrasyllus. Diodor, lib. xiii.
 
 66 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 and, together with Thrasyllus, pursued them until night. 
 Then he admitted Thrasyllus into his company, and, with 
 mutual civilities and satisfaction, they returned to the camp. 
 Next day he erected a trophy, and plundered the province 
 which was under Pharnabazus, without the least opposition. 
 The priests and priestesses he made prisoners, among the 
 rest, but soon dismissed them, without ransom. From thence 
 he intended to proceed and lay siege to Chalcedon, which 
 had withdrawn its allegiance from the Athenians, and re- 
 ceived a Lacedaemonian garrison and governor ; but being 
 informed that the Chalcedonians had collected their cattle 
 and corn, and sent it all to the Bithynians, their iriends, 
 he led his army to the frontier of the Bithynians, and sent 
 3 herald before him, to summon them to surrender it. They, 
 dreading his resentment, gave up the booty, arid entered 
 into an alliance with him. 
 
 Afterwards he returned to the siege of Chalcedon, and 
 enclosed it with a wall which reached from sea to sea. 
 Pharnabazus advanced to raise the siege, and Hippocrates, 
 the governor, sallied out with his whole force to attack the 
 Athenians; but Alcibiades drew up his army so as to en- 
 gage them both at once, and he defeated them both ; Phar- 
 nabazus betaking himself to flight, and Hippocrates being 
 killed, together with the greatest part of his troops. This 
 done, he sailed into the Hellespont, to raise contributions 
 in the towns upon the coast. 
 
 In this voyage he took Selybria ; but in the action unne- 
 cessarily exposed himself to great danger. The persona 
 who promised to surrender the town to him, agreed to give 
 him a signal at midnight with a lighted torch ; but they 
 were obliged to do it before the time, for fear of some one 
 that was in the secret, who suddenly altered his mind. 
 The torch, therefore, being held up before the army was 
 ready, Alcibiades took about thirty men with him, aid 
 ran to the walls, having ordered the rest to follow as fast as 
 possible. The gate was opened to him ; and twenty of the 
 conspirators, lightly armed, joining his small company, he 
 advanced with great spirit, but soon perceived the Sely- 
 brians, with their weapons in their hands, coming forward 
 to attack him. As to stand and fight promised no sort of 
 success, and he, who to that hour had never been defeated, 
 did not choose to fly, he ordered a trumpet to command 
 silence, and proclamation to be snade, that the Selybrians 
 should not, under the paiu of ike republic's high displeasure^
 
 ALCIBfADES, 6? 
 
 :p nr;)is against the Athenians. Their inclination to 
 the combat was then immediately damped, partly from a 
 supposition that the whole Athenian army was within the 
 walls, and partly from the hopes they conceived of coming 
 to tolerable t erms. Whilst they were talking together of 
 this order, the Athenian army came up, and Alcibiades 
 rightly conjecturing that the inclinations of the Selybrians 
 were for peace, was afraid of giving the Thraciane an op- 
 portunity to plunder the town. These last came down in 
 great numbers to serve under him as volunteers, from a 
 particular attachment to his person ; but, on this occasion, 
 he sent them all out of the town ; and, upon the submis- 
 sion of the Selybrians, he saved them from being pillaged, 
 demanding only a sum of money, and leaving a garrison in 
 the place. 
 
 Meantime, the other generals, who carried on the siege 
 of Chalcedon, came to an agreement with Pharnabazus, on 
 these conditions ; namely, that a sum of money should be 
 paid them by Pharnabazus ; that the Chalcedonians should 
 return to their allegiance to the republic of Athens ; and 
 that no injury should be done the province of which Phar- 
 nabazus was governor, who undertook that the Athenian 
 ambassadors should be conducted safe to the king. Upon 
 the return of Alcibiades, Pharnabazus desired that he too 
 would swear to the performance of the articles ; but Alei- 
 biudes insisted that Pharnabazus should swear first. When 
 the treaty was reciprocally confirmed with an oath, Alci- 
 biades went against Byzantium, which had revolted, and 
 drew a line of circumvallation about the city. While he 
 was thus employed, Anaxilaus, Lycurgus, and some others, 
 secretly promised to deliver up the place, on condition that 
 he would keep it from being plundered. Hereupon he 
 caused it to be reported, that certain weighty and unex- 
 pected affairs called him back to Ionia, and in the day- 
 time he set sail, with his whole fleet ; but returning at 
 night, he himself disembarked with the land forces, and 
 posting them under the walls, he commanded them not to 
 make the least noise. A t the same time, the ships made 
 for the harbour, and the crews pressing in, with loud shouts 
 and great tumult, astonished the Byzantines, who expected 
 no such matter. Thus an opportunity was given to those 
 within the walls, who favoured the Athenians, to receive 
 them in great security, while every body's attention was 
 engaged upon the harbour and -the ships-
 
 8 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 The affair passed not, hov/ever, without blows ; for the 
 Pelopomiesians, Boeotians, and Megarensians, who were at 
 Byzantium, having driven the ships crews back to their 
 vessels, and perceiving that the Athenian land forces were 
 got into the town, charged them too with great vigour. 
 The dispute was sharp, and the shock great, but victory 
 declared for Alcibiades and Theramenes. The former of 
 these generals commanded the right wing, and the latter 
 the left. About three hundred of the enemy, who survived, 
 were taken prisoners. Not one of the Byzantines, after 
 the battle, was either put to death or banished ; for such 
 were the terms on which the town was given up, that the 
 citizens should be safe in their persons and their goods. 
 
 Hence it was, that when Anaxilaus was tried at Lacedz- 
 mon for treason, he made a defence which reflected no dis- 
 grace upon his past behaviour ; for he told them, " That 
 " not being a Lacedaemonian, but a Byzantine, and see- 
 " ing not Lacedaemon but Byzantium in danger, its com- 
 " munication with those that might have relieved it stop- 
 " ped, and the Peloponnesians and Boeotians eating up 
 " the provisions that were left, while the Byzantines, 
 " with their wives and children, were starving ; he had 
 " not betrayed the town to an enemy, but delivered it 
 " from calamity and war ; herein imitating the worthiest 
 " men among the Lacedaemonians, who had no other rule 
 " of justice and honour, but by all possible means to serve 
 " their country." The Lacedaemonians were so much 
 pleased with this speech, that they acquitted him, and all 
 that were concerned with him. 
 
 Alcibiades, by this time, desirous to see his native coun- 
 try, and still more desirous to be seen by his countrymen, 
 after so many glorious victories, set sail with the Athe- 
 nian fleet, adorned with many shields, and other spoils of 
 the enemy ; a great number of ships that he had taken 
 making up the rear, and the flags of many more which he 
 had destroyed, being carried in triumph ; for all of them, 
 together were not fewer than two hundred. But as to 
 what is added by Duns the Samian, who boasts of his 
 being descended from Alcibiades, that the oars kept time 
 to the flute of Chrysogonus, who had been victorious in 
 the Pythian games ; that Callipides, the tragedian, attired 
 in his buskins, magnificent robes, and other theatrical orna- 
 ments, gave orders to those who laboured at the oars ; and 
 that the admiral galley entered the harbour with a purple
 
 ALCIBIADES. (5(J 
 
 sail, as if the whole had been a company who had pro- 
 ceeded from a debauch to such a frolic. These are par- 
 ticulars not mentioned either by Theopompus, Ephorus, 
 or Xenophon. Nor is it probable that, at his return from 
 exile, and after such misfortunes as he had suffered, he 
 would insult the Athenians in that manner. So far from it, 
 that he approached the shore with some fear and caution ; 
 nor did he venture to disembark, until, as he stood upon 
 the deck, he saw his cousin Euryptolemus, with many 
 others of his friends and relations, coming to receive and 
 invite him to land. 
 
 When he was landed, the multitude that came out to 
 meet him, did not vouchsafe so much as to look upon the 
 other generals, but crowding up to him, hailed him with 
 shouts of joy, conducted him on the way, and such as 
 could approach him, crowned him with garlands ; while 
 those that could not come up so close, viewed him at a 
 distance, and the old men pointed him out to the young. 
 Many tears were mixed with the public joy, and the me- 
 mory of past misfortunes with the sense of their present 
 success ; for they concluded that they should not have mis- 
 carried in Sicily, or indeed have failed in any of their ex- 
 pectations, if they had left the direction of affairs, and the 
 command of the forces, to .Alcibiades ; since now having 
 exerted himself in behalf of Athens, when it had almost 
 lost its dominion of the sea, was hardly able to defend its 
 own suburbs, and was moreover harassed with intestine 
 broils, he had raised it from that low and ruinous condi- 
 tion, so as not only to restore its maritime power, but to 
 render it victorious everywhere by land. 
 
 The act for recalling him from banishment had been 
 passed, at the motion of Critias, the son of Callgeschrus,* 
 as appears from his elegies, in which he puts Alcibiades in 
 mind of his service. 
 
 If you no more in hapless exile mourn, 
 The praise is mine- 
 
 * This Critias was uncle to Plato's mother, and the same that he 
 introduces in his Dialogues. Though now the friend of Alcibiades, 
 yet, as the lust of power destroys all ties, when one of the thirty 
 tyrants, he became his bitter enemy, and sending to Lysander, assur- 
 ed him that Athens would never be quiet, or Sparta safe, until Al- 
 cibiades was destroyed. Critias was afterwards slain by Thiasybu- 
 'us, when he delivered Athens from that tyranny.
 
 /O PLUTAHCtt 8 LIVES. 
 
 The people presently meeting in full assembly, Aki- 
 biades came in among them, and having, in a pathetic man- 
 ner, bewailed his misfortunes, he very modestly complain- 
 ed of their treatment, ascribing all to his hard fortune, and 
 the influence of some envious demon. He then proceeded 
 to discourse of the hopes and designs of their enemies, 
 against whom he used his utmost endeavours to animate 
 them. And they were BO much pleased with his harangue, 
 that they crowned him with crowns of gold, and gave him 
 the absolute command of their forces, both by sea and 
 land. They likewise made a decree, that his estate should 
 be restored to him, and that the Eumolpid.c and the heralds 
 should take off the execrations which they had pronounced 
 against him, by order of the people. Whilst the rest were 
 employed in expiations for this purpose, Theodorus, the 
 high priest, said, " For his part, he had never denounced 
 " any curse against him, if he had done no injury to the 
 " commonwealth." 
 
 Amidst this glory and prosperity of Alcibiadcs, some 
 people were still uneasy, looking upon the time of his ar- 
 rival as ominous ; for on that very i!;ty was kept the 
 plyntetia,* or purifying of the goddess Minerva. It was 
 the twenty-fifth of May, when the praxiergidre perform 
 those ceremonies which are not to be revealed, disrobing 
 the image, and covering it up. Hence it is that the Athe- 
 nians, of all days, reckon this the most ur, lucky, and take 
 the most care not to do business upon it ; and it seemed 
 that the goddess did not receive him graciously, but rather 
 with aversion, since she hid her face from him. Notwith- 
 standing all this, every thing succeeded according to hib 
 wish; three hundred galleys were manned, and ready to 
 put to sea again ; but a laudable zeal detained him until 
 the celebration of the mysteries.f For after the Lacedas- 
 monians had fortified Decelea, which commanded the roads 
 to Eleusis, the feast was not kept with its usual pomp, be- 
 cause they were obliged to conduct the procession by sea ; 
 the sacrifices, the sacred dances, and other ceremonies, 
 
 " On that day, when the statue of Minerva was washed, the 
 tiinples were encompassed with a cord, to denote that they were 
 .-fiut up, as was customary on all inauspicious days. They carried 
 J.'icd rigs in procession, because that was the first fruit which v/os 
 riten after acorns. 
 
 f The festival of Ceres and Proserpine continued nine day.-:. On 
 the sixth day, they carried in procession to Eleusi s the statue of Bac- 
 chus, whom they supposed to be the son of Jupiter uud Ceres.
 
 ALCIBIADES. / I 
 
 which had been performed on the way, called holy, while 
 the image of Bacchus was carried in procession, being on 
 that account necessarily omitted. Alcibiades, therefore, 
 judged it would be an act conducive to the honour of the 
 gods, and to his reputation with men, to restore those rites 
 to their due solemnity, by conducting the procession with 
 his army, and guarding it against the enemy. By that 
 means, either king Agia would be humbled, if he suffered 
 it to pass unmolested ; or, if he attacked the convoy, Al- 
 cibiades would have a fight to maintain in the cause of 
 piety and religion, for the most venerable of its mysteries, 
 in the sight of his country, and all his fellow-citizens would 
 be witnesses of his valour. 
 
 When he had determined upon this, and communicated 
 his design to the Eumolpide and the heralds, he placed sen- 
 tinels upon the eminences, and set out hie advanced guard 
 as soon as it was light. Next he took the priests, the per- 
 sons initiated, and those who had the charge of initiating 
 others, and covering them with his forces, led them on, in 
 great order and profound silence ; exhibiting in that march 
 a spectacle so august and venerable, that those who did not 
 envy him, declared he had performed not only the office of 
 a general, but of a high priest. Not a man of the enemy 
 dared to attack him, and he conducted the procession back 
 in great safety, which both exalted him in his own thoughts, 
 and gave the soldiery such an opinion of him, that they 
 considered themselves as invincible while under his com- 
 mand ; and he gained such an influence over the mean and 
 indigent part of the people, that they were passionately de- 
 sirous to see him invested with absolute power ; insomuch, 
 that some of them applied to him in person, and exhorted 
 him, in order to quash the malignity of envy at once, to 
 abolish the privileges of the people, and the laws, and to 
 quell those busy spirits who would otherwise be the ruin 
 of the state ; for then he might direct affairs, and proceed 
 to action, without fear of groundless impeachments. 
 
 What opinion he himself had of this proposal we know 
 not ; but this is certain, that the principal citizens were so 
 apprehensive of his aiming at arbitrary power, that they 
 got him to embark as soon as possible ; and the more to ex- 
 pedite the matter, they ordered, among other things, that 
 he should have the choice of his colleagues Putting to 
 sea, therefore, with a fleet of a hundred ships, he sailed to 
 the isle of Andros, where he fought and defeated the A--
 
 72 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 drians, and such of the Lacedaemonians as assisted them ; 
 but yet he did not take the city, which gave his enemies 
 the first occasion for the charge which they afterwards 
 brought against him. Indeed, if ever man was ruined by 
 a high distinction of character, it was Alcibiades ; * for 
 his continual successes had procured such an opinion of 
 his courage and capacity, that when afterwards he happen- 
 ed to fail in what he undertook, it was suspected to be from 
 want of inclination, and no one would believe it was from 
 want of ability. They thought nothing too hard for him, 
 when he pleased to exert himself. They hoped also to hear 
 that Chios was taken, and all Ionia reduced, and grew im- 
 patient when every thing was not dispatched as suddenly as 
 they desired. They never considered the smallness of his 
 supplies ; and that, having to carry on the war against 
 people who were furnished out of the treasury of a great 
 king, he was often under the necessity of leaving his camp, 
 to go in search of money and provisions for his men. 
 
 This it was that gave rise to the last accusation against 
 him. Lysander, the Lacedaemonian admiral, out of the 
 money he received from Cyrus, raised the wages of each 
 mariner from three ololi a-day to four ; whereas it was with 
 difficulty that Alcibiades paid his men three. The latter, 
 therefore, went into Caria to raise money, leaving the fleet 
 in charge with Antiochus,-f- who was an experienced sea- 
 man, but rash and inconsiderate. Though he had express 
 orders from Alcibiades to let no provocation from the 
 enemy bring him to hazard an engagement, yet, in his 
 contempt of those orders, having taken some troops on 
 board his own galley and one more, he stood for Ephesus, 
 where the enemy lay ; and as he sailed by the heads of their 
 ships, insulted them in the most insufferable manner, both 
 by words and actions. Lysander sent out a few ships to 
 pursue him ; but as the whole Athenian fleet came up to 
 assist Antiochus, he drew out the rest of his, and gave battle, 
 and gained a complete victory. He slew Antiochus himself, 
 took many ships and men, and erected a trophy. Upon 
 
 * It was not altogether the universality of his success that ren- 
 dered Alcibiades suspected, when he came short of public expectation. 
 The duplicity of his character is obvious, from the whole account of 
 his life. He paid not the least regard to Veracity in political mat- 
 ters ; and it is not to be wondered if such principles made him con- 
 tinually obnoxious to the suspicion of the people. 
 
 t This was be who caught the quail for him,
 
 ALCIBIADES. 73 
 
 this disagreeable news, Alcibiades returned to Samos, from 
 whence he moved, with the whole fleet, to offer Lysander 
 battle ; but Lysander, content with the advantage he had 
 gained, did not think proper to accept it. 
 
 Among the enemies which Alcibiades had in the army, 
 Thrasybulus, the son of Thrason, being the most deter- 
 mined, quitted the camp, and went to Athens, to impeach 
 him. To incense the people against him, he declared, in 
 full assembly, that Alcibiades had been the ruin of their 
 affairs, and the means of losing their ships,, by his insolent 
 and imprudent behaviour in command, and by leaving the 
 direction of every thing to persoss who had got into credit 
 with him, through the great merit of drinking deep, and 
 cracking seamen's jokes, whilst he was securely traversing 
 the provinces to raise money, indulging his love of liquor, 
 or abandoning himself to his pleasures with the courtezans 
 of lona and Abydos ; and this at a time when the enemy- 
 was stationed at a small distance from his fleet. It was also 
 objected to him, that he had built a castle in Thrace, near 
 the city of Bisanthe, to be made use of as a retreat for 
 himself, as if he either could not, or would not, live any 
 longer in his own country. The Athenians, giving ear to 
 these accusations, to shew their resentment and dislike to 
 him, appointed new commanders of their forces.* 
 
 Alcibiades was no sooner informed of it, than consult- 
 ing his own safety, he entirely quitted the Athenian army ; 
 and having collected a band of strangers, he made vrar, or. 
 his own account, against those Thracians who acknowledg- 
 ed no king. The booty he made raised him great sums ; 
 and, at the same time, he defended the Grecian frontier 
 against the barbarians. 
 
 Tydeus, Menander, and Adimantus, the new-made ge- 
 nerals, being now at ^gos Potamos, f with all the ship* 
 which the Athenians had left, used to stand out early every 
 morning, and offer battle to Lysander, whose station was at 
 Lampascus, and then to return, and pass the day in a dis- 
 
 * They appointed ten generals. Xenoph. lib. i. 
 
 f- Plutarch passes over almost three years ; namely, the twenty- 
 fifth of the Peloponnesian war ; the twenty-sixth, in which t:> 
 Athenians obtained the victory at Arginusae, and put six of the ten 
 generals to death, upon a slight accusation of their colleague Thera- 
 menes ; and almost the whole twenty-seventh, towards the end oi 
 which the Athenians sailed to JEgos Potamos, where they receh c^ 
 the blow that is spoken of in this place. 
 
 
 J'~ol. IL E
 
 /4 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 orderly and careless manner, as if they despised their ad- 
 versary. This seemed to Alcibiades, who was in the neigh- 
 bourhood, a matter not to be passed over without notice. 
 He, therefore, went and told the generals,* " He thought 
 their station by no means safe, in a place where there wa 
 neither town nor harbour ; that it was very inconvenient 
 to have their provisions and stores from so distant a place 
 as Sestos ; and extremely dangerous to let their seamen 
 go ashore, and wander about at their pleasure, whilst a 
 " fleet was observing them, which was under the orders of 
 " one man, and the strictest discipline imaginable. He, 
 ". therefore, advised them to remove their station to Sestos." 
 The generals, however, gave no attention to what he 
 said ; and Tydeus was so insolent as even to bid him be- 
 gone, for that they, not he, were now to give orders. Al- 
 cibiades, suspecting that there was some treachery in the 
 case, retired, telling his acquaintance, who conducted him 
 out of the camp, that if he had not been insulted in such 
 an insupportable manner by the generals, he would, in a 
 few days, have obliged the Lacedaemonians, however un- 
 willing, either to come to an action at sea, or else to quit 
 their ships. This to some appeared a vain boast ; to others 
 it seemed not at all improbable, since he might have brought 
 down a number of Thracian archers and cavalry, to attack 
 and harass the Lacedaemonian camp.f 
 
 The event soon shewed that he judged right of the errors 
 which the Athenians had committed ; for Lysander falling 
 upon them, when they least expected it, eight galleys only- 
 escaped, J along with Conon ; the rest, not much short of 
 two hundred, were taken and carried away, together with 
 three thousand prisoners, who were afterwards put to death. 
 And within a short time after Lysander took Athens itself, 
 burnt the shipping, and demolished the long walls. 
 
 Alcibiades, alarmed at the success of the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, who were now masters both at sea and land, retired 
 into Bithynia. Thither he ordered much treasure to be 
 
 * The officers at the head of the Grecian armies and navy, vre 
 sometimes call generals, and sometimes admirals, because they com- 
 monly commanded both by sea and land. 
 
 f" When a fleet remained sometime at one particular station, there 
 was generally a body of land-forces, and part of the mariners too, 
 encamped upon the shore. 
 
 J There was a ninth ship, called Paralus, which escaped, and car- 
 ried the news of their defeat to Athens. Conon himself retired te 
 Cyprus.
 
 ALCIBIADES. 5 
 
 sent, and took large sums with him, but still left more be- 
 hind in the castle where he had resided. In Bithynia he once 
 more lost great part of his substance, being stript by the 
 Thracians there; which determined him to go to Artax- 
 erxes, and entreat his protection. He imagined that the 
 king, upon trial, would find him no less serviceable than 
 Themistocles had been, and he had a better pretence to his 
 patronage ; for he was not going to solicit the king's aid 
 against his countrymen, as Themistocles had done, but for 
 his country against its worst enemies. He concluded that 
 Pharnabazus was most likely to procure him a safe conduct, 
 and therefore went to him in Phrygia, where he stayed some 
 time, making his court, and receiving marks of respect. 
 
 It was a grief to the Athenians to be deprived of their 
 power and dominion ; but when Lysander robbed them also 
 of their liberty, and put their city under the authority of 
 thirty chiefs, they were still more miserably afflicted. Now 
 their affairs were ruined, they perceived with regret the 
 measures which would have saved them, and which they 
 had neglected to make use of ; now they acknowledged 
 their blindness and errors, and looked upon their second 
 quarrel with Alcibiades as the greatest of those errors. 
 They had cast him off without any offence of his ; theif 
 anger had been grounded upon the ill conduct of his lieu- 
 tenant in losing a few ships ; and their own conduct had 
 been still worse, in depriving the commonwealth of the most 
 excellent and valiant of all its generals. Yet amidst their 
 present misery there was one slight glimpse of hope, that 
 while Alcibiades survived, Athens could not be utterly un- 
 done. For he, who before was not content to lead an in- 
 active, though peaceable life, in exile, would not now, if 
 his own affairs were upon any tolerable footing, sit still 
 and see the insolence of the Lacedaemonians, and the mad- 
 ness of the thirty tyrants, without endeavouring at some 
 remedy. Nor was it at all unnatural for the multitude to 
 dream of such relief, since those thirty chiefs themselves 
 were so solicitous to inquire after Alcibiades, and gave so 
 much attention to what he was doing and contriving. 
 
 At last, Critias represented to Lysander, that the La- 
 cedsemonians could never securely enjoy the empire of 
 Greece till the Athenian democracy was absolutely de- 
 stroyed. And though the Athenians seemed at present to 
 bear an obligarchy with some patience, yet Alcibiades, if 
 he lived, would not suffer them long to submit to such a 
 
 E 2
 
 7(5 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 kind of government. Lysander, however, could not be 
 prevailed upon by these arguments, until he received pri- 
 vate orders from the magistrates of Sparta,* to get Al- 
 cibiades dispatched ; whether it was that they dreaded his 
 great capacity, and enterprising spirit, or whether it was 
 done in complacence to king Agis. Lysander then sent 
 to Pharnabazus, to desire him to put this order in execu- 
 tion ; and he appointed his brother Magacus and his uncle 
 Susamithres to manage the affair. 
 
 Alcibiades at that time resided in a small village in Phry- 
 gia, having his mistress Timaadra with him. One night 
 he dreamed that he was attired in his mistress's habit,f 
 and that as she held him in her arms, she dressed his head, 
 and painted his face like a woman's. Others say, he 
 dreamed that Magacus cut off his head, and burnt his body ; 
 and we are told that it was but a little before his death 
 that he had this vision. Be that as it may, those that were 
 sent to assassinate him, not daring to enter his house, sur- 
 rounded it, and set it on fire. As soon as he perceived it, 
 lie got together large quantities of cloths and hangings, 
 and threw them upon the fire to choke it j then having 
 wrapt his robe about his left hand, and taking his sword 
 in his right, he sallied through the fire, and got safe out 
 before the stuff which he had thrown upon it could catch 
 the flame. At sight of him the barbarians dispersed, not 
 one of them daring to wait for him, or to encounter him 
 hand to hand ; . but standing at a distance, they pierced 
 him with their darts and arrows. Thus fell Alcibiades. 
 The barbarians retiring after he was slain, Timandra 
 wrapt the body in her own robes,jl and buried it as de- 
 cently and honourably as her circumstances would allow. 
 
 Timandra is said to have been mother to the famous 
 Lais, commonly c.illed the Corinthian, though Lais was 
 brought a captive from Hyccarae, a little town in Sicily. 
 
 Some writers, though they agree as to the manner of 
 Alcibiades's death, yet differ about .the cause. They tell 
 
 * The Scytala was sent to him. 
 
 f Alcibiades had dreamed that Timandra attired him in her Qwn 
 habit. 
 
 $ She buried him in a town called Melissa ; and we learn from 
 
 Athenseus (in Deipnosoph.) that the monument remained to his time ; 
 
 for he himself saw it. The emperor Adrian, in memory of so great 
 
 a man, caused his statue of Persian marble to be set up thereon, an3 
 
 : -I bull to be sacrificed to him cmiually.
 
 ALCIBIADES. J7 
 
 us, that catastrophe is not to be imputed to Pharnabazus, 
 or Lysander, or the Lacedaemonians ; but that Alcibiades 
 having corrupted a young woman of a noble family in that 
 country, and keeping her in his house, her brothers, in- 
 censed at the injury, set fire in the night to the house in 
 \vhich he lived, and upon his breaking through the flames, 
 killed him in the manner we have related.* 
 
 CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 THE family of the Marcii afforded Rome many illustrious 
 patricians. Of this house was Ancus Marcius, who was 
 grandson to Numa by his daughter; as were also Publius 
 and Quintus Marcius, who supplied Rome with plenty of 
 the best water. Censorinus, too, who was twice appoint- 
 ed censor by the people of Rome, and who procured a 
 law, that no man should ever bear that office twice after- 
 wards, had the same pedigree. 
 
 Caias Marcius, of whom I now write, was brought up 
 by .his mother, in her widowhood ; and from him it appeared, 
 that the loss of a father, though attended with other disad- 
 vantages, is no hindrance to a man's improving in virtue, 
 and attaining to a distinguished excellence ; though bad men 
 sometimes allege it as an excuse for their corrupt lives. 
 On the other hand, the same Marcius became witness to the 
 truth of that maxim, that if a generous and noble nature 
 be not thoroughly formed by discipline, it will shoot forth 
 many bad qualities along with the good, as the richest soil, 
 if not cultivated, produces the rankest weeds. His un- 
 daunted courage and firmness of mind excited him to many 
 great actions, and carried him through them with honour ; 
 but, at the same time, the violence of his passions, his spi- 
 rit of contention, and excessive obstinacy, rendered him un- 
 
 * Ephorus the historian, ashe is cited by Diodorus Siculus (lib.xiv.), 
 gives an account of his death, quite different from those recited by 
 Plutarch. He says, that Alcibiades having discovered the design of 
 Cyrus the younger to take up arms, informed Pharnabazus of it, 
 and desired that he might carry the news to the king ; but Pharna- 
 bazus envying him that honour, sent a confidant of his own, and 
 took all the merit upon himself. Alcibiades, suspecting the matter, 
 went to Paphlagonia, and sought to procure from the governor let- 
 ters of credence to the king, which Pharnabazus understanding, hired 
 people to murder him. He was slain in the fortieth year of his age. 
 
 E3
 
 , a PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 tractable and disagreeable in conversation; so that those 
 very persons who saw with admiration his soul unshaken 
 with pleasures, toils, and riches, and allowed him to be 
 possessed of the virtues of temperance, justice, and fortitude, 
 yet, in the councils and affairs of state, could not endure his 
 imperious temper, and that savage manner, which was too 
 haughty for a republic. Indeed, there is no other advan- 
 tage to be had from a liberal education, equal to that of 
 polishing and softening our nature by reason and discipline; 
 for that produces an evenness of behaviour, and banishes 
 from our manners all extremes. There is this, however, to 
 be said, that in those times military abilities were deemed 
 by the Romans the highest excellence ; insomuch, that the 
 term which they use for virtue in general, was applied by 
 hem to valour in particular. 
 
 Marcius, for his part, had a more than ordinary incli- 
 nation for war, and therefore, from a child, began to handle 
 }iis weapons. As he thought that artificial arms avail but 
 little, unless those with which nature has supplied us be 
 well improved, and kept ready for use, he so prepared him- 
 self by exercise for every kind of combat, that while his 
 limbs were active and nimble enough for pursuing, such 
 v/as his force and weight in wrestling and in grappling with 
 the enemy, that none could easily get clear of him. Those, 
 therefore, that had any contest with him for the prize of 
 courage and valour, though they failed of success, flattered 
 themselves with imputing it to his invincible strength, 
 which nothing could resist or fatigue. 
 
 He made his first campaign when he was very young,* 
 v/nen Tarquin, who had reigned in Rome, was driven 
 from the throne, and afer many battles fought with bad 
 curcess, was now venturing all upon the last throw. Most 
 of the people of Latium, and many other states of Italy, were 
 now assisting and marching towards Rome, to re-establish 
 him, not through any regard they had for Tarquin, but 
 for fear and envy of the Romans, whose growing greatness 
 they were desirous t check. A battle ensued, with various 
 turns of fortune. Marcius distinguished himself that day, 
 in sight of the dictator ; for seeing a Roman pushed down 
 at a small distance from him, he hastened to his help, and 
 standing before him, he engaged his adversary, and slew him. 
 When the dispute was decided in favour of the Romans, 
 
 * In the first year of the seventy-first Olympiad, the two hundred 
 and fifty-eight of Rome, four hundred and ninety-third before the 
 Christian era.
 
 CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANU C . 79 
 
 *!ie general presented Marcius, among the first, with an 
 oakeil crown.* This is the reward \vhich_ their custom 
 assigns to a man who saves the life of a citizen ; either 
 because they honoured the oak for the sake of the Arca- 
 dians, whom the oracle called slcorn-eaters ; or because a:i 
 oaken branch is most easy to be had, be the scene of action 
 ' where it will ; or because they think it most suitable to 
 take a crown for him who is the means of saving a citizen, 
 from the tree which is sacred to Jupiter, the protector of 
 cities. Besides, the oak bears more and fairer fruit than 
 any tree that grows wild, and is the strongest of those that 
 are cultivated in plantations. It afforded the first ages both 
 food and drink, by its acorns and honey ; and supplied men 
 with birds at.d other creatures for dainties, as it produced 
 the misleto, of which birdlime is made.f 
 
 Castor and Pollux are said to have appeared in that battle, 
 and, with their horses dropping sweat, to have beea seen soou 
 after in the forum, announcing the victory, near the foun- 
 tain, where the temple now stands. Hence also it is said, 
 that the fifteenth of July, ^ being the day on which that 
 victory was gained, is consecrated to those sons of Jupiter. 
 It generally happens, that when men of small ambition 
 are very early distinguished by the voice of fame, their thirst 
 of honour is soon quenched, and their desires satiated ; 
 whereas deep and solid minds are improved and brightened 
 by marks of distinction, which serve as a brisk gale, to 
 drive them forward in the pursuit of glory. They do not 
 so much think that they have received a reward, as that 
 they have given a pledge, which would make them blush 
 to fall short of the expectations of the public ; and there- 
 fore they endeavour, by their actions, to exceed them. Mar- 
 cius had a soul of this frame. He was always endeavour- 
 ing to excel himself, and meditating some exploit which 
 
 * The civic crown was the foundation of many privileges. He 
 who had once obtained it, had a right to wear it always. When he 
 appeared at the public spectacles, the senators rose up to do him ho- 
 nour. He was placed near their bench ; and his father, and grand- 
 father by the father's side, were entitled to the same privileges. 
 Here was encouragement to merit, which cost the public nothing, 
 and yet was productive of many great effects. 
 
 j- It does not anywhere appear that the ancients made use of the 
 oak in ship-building. How much nobler an encomium might an Eng- 
 lish historian afford. that tree than Plutarch has been able to give it 1 
 
 By the great disorder of the Roman kalender, the fifteenth of 
 July then fell upon the twenty-fourth of our October. 
 
 E 4
 
 90 PLUTARCH'S LIVES 
 
 might set him in a new light, adding achievement tw 
 achievement, and spoils to spoils ; therefore the latter ge- 
 nerals under whom he served were always striving to out- 
 do the former in the honours they paid him, and in the 
 tokens of their esteem. The Romans at that time were 
 engaged in several wars, and fought many battles, and 
 there was not one that Marcius returned from without 
 some honorary crown, some ennobling distinction. The 
 end which others proposed in their acts of valour was glory ; 
 but he pursued glory because the acquisition of it delight- 
 ed his mother. For when she \vas witness to the applauses 
 
 :eived, when she saw him crowned, when she embra- 
 ced him with tears of joy, then it was that he reckoned 
 himself at the height of honour and felicity. Epaminondas 
 (they tell us) had the same sentiments, and declared it the 
 ;:hief happiness of his life, that his father and mother lived 
 to see the generalship he exerted, and the victory he won, 
 at Leuctra. He had the satisfaction, indeed, to see both 
 
 .-.rents rejoice in his success, and partake of his good 
 
 -.--.it only the mother of Marcius, Volumnia, was 
 
 : and therefore holding himself obliged to pay her all 
 
 .uty which would have belonged to his father, over and 
 .ibeve what was due to herself, he thought he could never 
 sufficiently express his tenderness and respect. He even 
 married in compliance with her desire and request ; and af- 
 
 :: wife had born him children, still lived in the same 
 huuse with his mother. 
 
 At the time when the reputation and interest which hia 
 virtue had procured him in Rome, was very great, the senate, 
 taking the part of the richer sort of citizens, were at variance 
 '.vith the common people, who* were used by their creditors 
 
 .itolerable cruelty. Those that had something consi- 
 derable, were stript of their goods, which were either de- 
 tained for security or sold ; and those that had nothing 
 were dragged into prison, and there bound with fetters, 
 though their bodies were full of wounds, and worn out 
 
 righting for their country. The last expedition they 
 were engaged in was against the Sabines, on which occa- 
 iion their rich creditors promised to treat them with more 
 lenity ; and, in pursuance of a decree of the senate, M. 
 Valerius, the consul, was guarantee of that promise. But 
 
 * Tlxffxtiv ZoKvtrx signifies the sam as <ra.tx.m-ji.. So 1 Cor. vii, -10, 
 fctu at x.xyu ftivua. Sstr .-!', instead of / think also tfta: I fiai-e the 
 Spirit of Cod, should be translated, and 1 have the Spirit of t
 
 C AIL'S MARCIUS tOKIOLAXU*. i> I 
 
 when they had cheerfully undergone the fatigues of that 
 war, and were returned victorious, and yet found that the 
 usurers made them no abatement, and that the senate pre- 
 tended to remember nothing of that agreement, but with- 
 out any sort of concern saw them dragged to prison, and 
 their goods seized upon as formerly, then they filled the 
 city with tumult and sedition. 
 
 The enemy, apprised of these intestine broils, invaded 
 the Roman territories, and laid them waste with fire and 
 sword. And when the consuls called upon such as were 
 able to bear arms to give in their names, not a man took 
 any notice of it ; something was then to be done, but the 
 magistrates differed in their opinions. Some thought the 
 poor should have a little indulgence, and that the extreme 
 rigour of tke law ought to be softened. Others declared 
 absolutely against that proposal, and particularly Marcius. 
 Not that he thought the money a matter of great conse- 
 quence, but he considered this specimen of the people'* 
 insolence 33 an attempt to subvert the laws, and the fore- 
 runner of farther disorders, which it became a wise govern- 
 ment timely to restrain and suppress. 
 
 The senate assembled several times within the space of a 
 few days, and debated this point ; but as they came to no 
 conclusion, on a sudden the commonalty rose, one and all, 
 and encouraging each other, they left the cicy, and with- 
 drew to the hill now called Sacred, near the river Anio, but 
 without committing any violence or other act of sedition. 
 Only, as they went along, they loudly complained, " That 
 " it was now a great while since the rich had driven them 
 " from their habitations ; that Italy would anywhere sup- 
 " ply them with air and water, and a place of burial ; and 
 44 that Rome, if they stayed in it, would afford them no 
 " other privilege, unless it were such to bleed and die in 
 " fighting for their wealthy oppressors." 
 
 The senate were then alarmed, and from the oldest men 
 of their body selected the most moderate and popular to 
 treat with the people. At the head of them was Menenius 
 Agrippa, who, after much entreaty addressed to them, and 
 many arguments in defence of the senate, concluded his dis- 
 course with this celebrated fable. " The members of the 
 " human body once mutinied against the belly, and accused 
 * 4 it of lying idle and useless, while they were all labouring 
 " and toiling to satisfy its appetites ; but the belly only 
 *' laughed at their simplicity, who knew not that though it 
 
 E5
 
 82 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 *' received all the nourishment into itseif, it prepared and 
 " distributed it again to all parts of the body. Just go, 
 " my fellow-citizens,'* said he, *' stands the case between 
 " the senate and you. For their necessary counsels and 
 " acts of government are productive of advantage to you 
 *' all, and distribute their salutary influence amongst the 
 " whole people." 
 
 After this they were reconciled to the senate, having de- 
 manded and obtained the privilege of appointing five men* 
 to defend their rights on all occasions. These are called 
 tribunes of the people. The first that were elected, were 
 Junius Brutusf and Sicinius Vellutus, the leaders of the se- 
 cession. When the breach was thus made up, the plebeians 
 soon came to be enrolled as soldiers, and readily obeyed the 
 orders of the consuls relative to the war. As for Marcius, 
 though he was far from being pleased at the advantage 
 which the people had gained, as it was a lessening of the 
 authority of the patricians, and though he found a consi- 
 derable part of the nobility of his opinion, yet he exhorted 
 them not to be backward wherever the interest of their 
 country was concerned, but to shew themselves superior to 
 the commonalty rather in virtue than in power. 
 
 Corioli was the capital of the country of the Volscians, 
 with whom the Romans were at war ; and as it was be- 
 sieged by the Consul Cominius, the rest of the Volscians, 
 were much alarmed, and assembled to succour it, intending 
 to give the Romans battle under the walls, and to attack 
 them on both sides. But after Cominius had divided his 
 forces, and with part went to meet the Volscians without, 
 who were marching against him, leaving Titus Lartius, an 
 illustrious Roman, with the other part, to carry on the 
 siege, the inhabitants of Corioli despised the body that w .re 
 
 * The tribunes were at first five in number ; but a few years after 
 five more were added. Before the people left the Mons Sacer, they 
 passed a law, by which the persons of the tribunes were made sacred. 
 Their sole function was to interpose in all grievances offered the ple- 
 beians by their superiors. This interposing was called interctssio, and 
 was performed by .standing up and pronouncing the single word veto, 
 I forbid it. They had their seats placed at the door of the senate, and 
 were never admitted into it, but when the consuls called them to ask 
 their opinion upon some aflairjthat concerned the interests of the people. 
 
 j- The name of this tribune was Lucius Junius, and because Lu- 
 cius Junius Brutus was famed for delivering his country from the 
 tyrannic yoke of the kings, he also assumed the surname of Brutus, 
 whjch exposed him to a great deal of ridicule.
 
 CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLAXUS. 
 
 left, and sallied out to fight them. The Romans at first 
 were obliged to give ground, and were driven to their en- 
 trenchments. But Marciui, with a small party, flew to 
 their assistance, killed the foremost of the enemy, and stop- 
 ping the rest in their career, with a loud voice called the 
 Romans back. For he was ( what Cato wanted a soldier 
 to be) not only dreadful for the thunder of his arm, but of 
 voice too, and had an aspect which struck his adversaries 
 with terror and dismay. Many Romans then crowding 1 
 about him, and being ready to second him, the enemy re- 
 tired in confusion. Nor was he satisfied with making them 
 retire ; he pressed hard upon their rear, and pursued them 
 quite up to the gates. There he perceived that his men 
 discontinued the pursuit, by reason of the shower of arrows 
 which fell from the walls, and that none of them had any 
 thoughts of rushing along with the fugitives intd the city, 
 which was filled with warlike people, who were all under 
 arms ; nevertheless he exhorted and encouraged them to 
 press forward, crying out, -" That fortune had opened the 
 45 gates rather to the victors than to the vanquished." But 
 as few were willing to follow him, he broke through the 
 enemy, and pushed into the town with the crowd, no one 
 at first daring to oppose him, or even to look him in the 
 face. But when he cast his eyes around, and saw so small 
 a number within the walls, whose service he could make 
 use of in that'dangerous enterprize, and that friends and 
 foes were mixed together, he summoned all his force, and 
 performed the most incredible exploits, whether you consi- 
 der his heroic strength, his amazing agility, or his bold and 
 daring spirit ; for he overpowered all that were in his way, 
 forcing some to beek refuge in the farthest corners of the 
 town, and others to give out and throw down their arms ; 
 which afforded Lartius an opportunity to bring in the rest 
 of the Romans unmolested. 
 
 The city thus taken, most of the soldiers fall to plunder- 
 ing, which Marcius highly resented, crying out, ; " That 
 " it was a shame for them to run about atter plunder, -or, 
 " under pretence of collecting the spoils, to get out of the 
 " way of danger, while the consul, and the Romans under 
 "' his command, were, perhaps, en^a^ed with the enemy." 
 As there were not many that listened to what he said, he 
 put himself at the head of such as offered to follow him, 
 and took the route which he knew would lead him to the 
 consul's army ; sometimes pressing his small party to hasten 
 
 E6
 
 84 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 their march, and conjuring them not to suffer their ardour 
 to cool ; and sometimes begging of the gods that the battle 
 might not be over before he arrived, * but that he might 
 have his share in the glorious toils and dangers of his coun- 
 trymen. 
 
 It was customary with the Romans of that age, when they 
 were drawn up in order of battle, and ready to take up 
 their shields, and gird their garments about them, to make 
 a nuncupative will, naming each his heir, in the presence 
 of three or four witnesses. While the soldiers were thus 
 employed, and the enemy in sight, Marcius came up. Some 
 were startled at his first appearance, covered as he was with 
 blood and sweat. But when he ran cheerfully up to the 
 consul, took him by the hand, and told him that Corioli 
 was taken, the consul clasped him to his heart ; and those 
 who heard the news of that success, and those who did but 
 guess at it, were greatly animated, and with shouts demand- 
 ed to be led on to the combat. Marcius inquired of Comi- 
 nius, in what manner the enemy's army was drawn up, and 
 where their best troops were posted. Being answered, that 
 the Antiates, who were placed in the centre, were supposed 
 to be the bravest and most warlike," I beg it of you, 
 " then/' said Marcius, " as a favour, that you will place 
 " me directly opposite to them." And the consul, admir- 
 ing his spirit, readily granted his request. 
 
 When the battle was begun with the throwing of spears/* 
 Marcius advanced before the rest, and charged the centre 
 of the Volscians with so much fury that it was soon broken. 
 Nevertheless, the wings attempted to surround him ; and 
 the consul, alarmed for him, sent to his assistance a select 
 band which he had near his own person. A sharp conflict 
 then ensued about Marcius, and a great carnage was quickly 
 made ; but the Romans pressed the enemy with so much 
 vigour that they put them to flight. And when they were 
 going upon the pursuit, they begged of Marcius, now al- 
 most weighed down with wounds and fatigue, to retire to 
 the camp. But he answered, " That it was not for con- 
 14 querors to be tired ;" and so joined them in prosecuting 
 the victory. The whole army of the Volscians was defeat- 
 ed, great numbers killed, and many made prisoners. 
 
 Next day, Marcius waiting upon the consul, and the 
 amy being assembled, Cominius mounted the rostrum ;
 
 CA1US MARCH'S COHIOLANUS. 85 
 
 and, having, in the first place, returned due thanks to the 
 gods for such extraordinary success, addressed himself to 
 Marcius. He began with a detail of his gallant actions, 
 of which he had himself been partly an eye-witness, and 
 which had partly been related to him by Lartius. Then 
 out of the great quantity of treasure, the many horses and 
 prisoners they had taken, he ordered him to take a tenth, 
 before any distribution was made to the rest, beside making 
 him a present of a fine horse with noble trappings, as a 
 reward for his valour. 
 
 The army received this speech with great applause ; and 
 Marcius, stepping forward, said," That he accepted of 
 '* the horse, and was happy in the consul's approbation ; 
 " but as for the rest, he considered it rather as a pecuniary 
 " reward than as a mark of honour, and therefore desired 
 " to be excused, being satisfied with his single share of 
 " the booty. One favour only in particular," continued 
 he, " I desire, and beg I may be indulged in. I have 
 *' a friend among the Volscians, bound with me in the 
 " sacred rites ot hospitality,* and a man of virtue and 
 *' honour. He is now among the prisoners, and from easy 
 " and opulent circumstances reduced to servitude. Of 
 " the many misfortunes under which he labours, I should 
 44 be glad to rescue him from one, which is that of being 
 " sold as a slave.'' 
 
 These words of Marcius were followed with still louder 
 acclamations ; his conquering the temptations of money 
 being more admired than the valour he had exerted in 
 battle. For even those who before regarded his superior 
 honours with envy and jealousy, now thought him worthy 
 of great things, because he had greatly declined them, and 
 were more struck with that virtue which led him to despise' 
 such extraordinary advantages, than with the merit which 
 claimed them. Indeed, the right use of riches is more 
 commendable than that of arms ; and not to desire them 
 at all, more glorious than to use them well. 
 
 When the acclamations were over, and the multitude 
 silent again, Cominius subjoined, " You cannot, indeed, 
 
 With the former translator, we have rendered it thus, instead 
 of 7/G-:f, which is indeed the literal sense, but sounds uncouthly in 
 English, as it conveys to the unlearned reader the idea of an inn- 
 keeper. Among the ancients, one friend called another of a different 
 nation |ES,- p tl) my stranger, or kospes meus, my host, because, on their 
 travels or other occasions, they entertained each other at their houses.
 
 86 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 *' my fellow-soldiers, force these gifts of yours upon a 
 " person so firmly resolved to refuse them ; let us then give 
 " him what is not in his power to decline, let us pass 
 " a vote that he he called COHIOLANUS, if his gallant 
 *' behaviour at Corioli has not already bestowed that name 
 " upon him/' Hence came his third name of Coriolanus. 
 By which it appears, that Caius was the proper name ; that 
 the second name, Marcius, was that of the family ; and 
 that the third Roman appellative was a peculiar note of 
 distinction, given afterwards on account of some particular 
 act of fortune, or signature, or virtue of him that bore it. 
 Thus, among the Greeks, additional names were given to 
 some on account of their achievements, as Soter, the pre- 
 server, and Ca/Hnicus, the victorious ; to others, for some- 
 thing remarkable in their persons, as Physcon, the gor- 
 be.lifd, and Giypus, the eagle-nosed; or, for their good 
 qualities., as Euergetes, the benefactor, and Philadelphia, the 
 kind brother ; or their good fortune, as Eudfmon, the pros- 
 perous, a name given to the second prince of the family of 
 the Batti. Several princes also have had satirical names 
 bestowed upon them ; Antigonus (for instance) was called 
 Dnsnn, the man that will give to-norroiv ; and Ptolemy was 
 styled Lamyrus, the l>ujf>on. But appellations of this last 
 sort were used with greater latitude among the Romans. 
 One of the Metelli was distinguished by the name of Dia- 
 dematus, becau e he went a long time with a bandage, 
 which covered an ulcer he had in his forehead ; and an- 
 other they called Celer, because with surprising celerity he 
 entertained them with a funeral shew of gladiators, a few 
 days after his father's death. In our times, too, some of 
 the Romans receive their names from the circumstances of 
 their birth ; as that of Procului, if born when their fathers 
 are in a distant country, and that of Posfhumus, if born 
 after their father's death ; and when twins come into the 
 world, and one of them dies at the birth, the survivor is 
 called yopiscus. Names are also appropriated on account 
 of bodily imperfections ; for amongst them we find not 
 only Sylla, the red, and Niger, the I lack, but even Caen?, 
 the Hind, and Claudius, the lame; such persons, by this 
 custom, being wisely taught, not to consider blindness, or 
 any other bodily misfortune, as a reproach or disgrace, but 
 to answer to appellations of that kind as their proper 
 names. But this point might have been insisted upon with 
 greater propriety in another place.
 
 CAIVS MARCIUS CORIOLAXV5. 87 
 
 When the war was over, the demagogues stirred up 
 another sedition. And as there was no new cause of dis- 
 quiet or injury done the people, they made use of the 
 mischiefs which were the necessary consequence of the for- 
 mer troubles and dissensions, as a handle against the patri- 
 lians. For the greatest part of the ground being left un- 
 cultivated and unsown, and the war not permitting them 
 to bring in bread-corn from other countries, there was an 
 extreme scarcity in Rome.* The factious orators then 
 seeing that corn was not brought to market, and that if 
 the market could be supplied, the commonalty had but 
 little money to buy with, slanderously asserted that the 
 rich had caused the famine out of a spirit of revenge. 
 
 At this juncture there arrived ambassadors from the peo- 
 ple of Velitrse, who offered to surrender their city to the 
 Romans, and desired to have a number of new inhabitants 
 to replenish it ; a pestilential distemper having committed 
 such ravages there, that scarce the tenth part of the inha- 
 bitants remained. The sensible part of the Romans thought 
 this pressing necessity of Velitrse a seasonable and advan- 
 tageous thing for Rome, as it would lessen the scarcity of 
 provision*. They hoped, moreover, that the sedition 
 w.mid subside if the city were purged of the troublesome 
 part of the people, who most readily took fire at the ha- 
 rangues of their orators, and who were as dangerous to 
 the state as so many superfluous and morbid humours are 
 to the body. Such as these, therefore, the consuls singled 
 out for the colony, and pitched upon others to serve in 
 the war against the Volscians, contriving it so that employ- 
 ment abroad might still the intestine tumuks, and believing, 
 that when rich and poor, plebeians and patncians, came te 
 bear -arms together again, to be in the same camp, and to 
 meet the same dangers, they would be disposed to treat 
 each other with more gentleness and candour. 
 
 But the restless tribunes, Sicinius and BrutuSj opposed 
 both these designs, crying out, That the consuls disguised 
 a most inhuman act under the plausible term of a colony ; 
 for inhuman it certainly was, to throw the poor citizens 
 into a devouring gulf, by sending them to a place where 
 
 * The people withdrew to the sacred mount soon after the au* 
 al equinox, and the reconciliation with the patricians did not 
 ;4ace until the winter solstice, so that the seed-time was lost ; 
 and the Roman factors, who were sent to buy corn in other coun- 
 tries, were very unsuccessful.
 
 88 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 the air was infected, and where noisome carcases lay 
 above ground, where also they would be at the disposal 
 of a strange and cruel deity. And as if it were not suf- 
 ficient to destroy some by famine, and to expose others to 
 the plague, they involved them also into a needlees war, 
 that no Kind of calamity might be wanting to complete the 
 ruin of the city, because it refused to continue in slavery to 
 the rich. 
 
 The people, irritated by these speeches, neither obeyed 
 the summons to be enlisted for the war, nor could be brought 
 to approve the order to go and people Velitrae. While the 
 senate were in doubt what step they should take, Marcius, 
 mow not a little elated by the honours he had received, by 
 the sense of his own great abilities, and by the deference 
 that was paid him by the principal persons in the state, 
 stood foremost in opposition to the tribunes. The colony, 
 therefore, was sent out, heavy fines being set upon such as 
 refused to go. But as they declared absolutely against serv- 
 ing in the war, Marcius mustered up his own clients, and 
 as many volunteers as he could procure, and with these 
 made an inroad into the territories of the Antiates. There 
 he found plenty of corn, and a great number of cattle and 
 slaves, no part of which he reserved to himself, but led his 
 troops back to Rome, loaded with the rich booty. The 
 rest of the citizens then repenting of their obstinacy, and 
 envying those who had got such a quantity of provisions, 
 looked upon Marcius with an evil eye, not being able to 
 endure the increase of his power and honour, which they 
 considered as rising on the ruins of the people, 
 fc. Soon after,* Marcius stood for the consulship ; on which 
 occasion the commonalty began to relent, being sensible 
 what a shame it would be to reject and affront a man of his 
 family and virtue, and that too after he had done so many 
 signal services to the public. It was the custom for those 
 who were candidates for such an high office to solicit and 
 caress the people in the 'orum, and, at those times, to be 
 clad in a loose gown without the tunic; whether that humble 
 dress was thought more suitable for suppliants, or whether 
 it was for the convenience of shewing their wounds, as so 
 many tokens of valour ; for it was not from any suspicion 
 the citizens then had of bribery, that they required the 
 
 * It was the next year, being the third of the seventy-second 
 lympiad, four hundred and eighty-eight years before the Christian 
 era,
 
 CAJUS MAUCIUS CORIOLAKUS. 89 
 
 candidates to appear before them ungirt, and without any 
 close garment, when they came to beg their votes ; since it 
 was much later than this, and indeed many ages after, that 
 buying and selling stole in, and money came to be a means 
 of gaining an election. Then, corruption reaching also the 
 tribunals and the camps, arms were subdued by money, and 
 the commonwealth was changed into a monarchy. It was 
 a shrewd saying, whoever said it, " That the man who 
 " first ruined the Roman people, was he who first gave them 
 " treats and gratuities." But this mischief crept secretly 
 and gradually in, and did not shew its face in Rome for a 
 considerable time. For we know not who it was that first 
 bribed its citizens or its judges ; but it is said, that in 
 Athens, the first man who corrupted a tribunal, was Any- 
 tas, the son of Anthymion, when he was tried for treason 
 in delivering up the fort of Pylos,* at the latter end of the 
 Peloponnesian war ; a time when the golden age reigned in 
 the Roman courts in all its simplicity. 
 
 When, therefore, Marcius shewed the wounds and scars 
 he had received in the many glorious battles he had fought, 
 for seventeen years successively, the people were struck with 
 reverence for his virtue, and agreed to choose him consul. 
 But when the day of election came, and he was conducted 
 with great pomp into the Campus Martius by the senate in 
 a body, all the patricians acting with more zeal and vigour 
 than ever had been known on the like occasion, the com- 
 mons then altered their minds, and their kindness was 
 turned into envy and indignation. The malignity of these 
 passions was farther assisted by the fear they entertained, 
 that if a man so strongly attached to the interests of the 
 senate, and so much respected by the nobility, should attain 
 the consulship, he might utterly deprive the people of their 
 liberty. Influenced by these considerations, they rejected 
 Marciue, and appointed others to that office. The senate 
 took this extremely ill, considering it as an affront rather in- 
 tended against them than against Marcius. As for Marcius, 
 he resented that treatment highly, indulging his irascible 
 passions upon a supposition, that they have something great 
 and exalted in them ; and wanting a due mixture of gravity 
 and mildness, which are the chief political virtues, and 
 the fruits of reason and education. He did not consider, 
 
 * The translation of 1758, has the name of the fort with a 
 French termination, Pyle, which is a clear proof that the Greek 
 was not consulted,
 
 CX) PLUTARCH'S Lives. 
 
 that the man who applies himself to public business, and 
 undertakes to converse with men, should, above all things, 
 avoid that overbearing auslei'ilif, which (as Plato says) is 
 always the companion r,f s<>litui!c' t and cultivate in his heart 
 the patience which some people so much deride. Marcius, 
 then, being plain and artless, but rigid and inflexible 
 withal, was persuaded, that to vanquish opposition was the 
 highest attainment of a gallant spirit. He never dreamed 
 that such obstinacy is rather the effect of the weakness and 
 effeminacy of a distempered mind, which breaks out in 
 violent passions, like so many tumours ; and therefore he 
 went away in great disorder, and full of rancour against 
 the people. Such of the young nobility as were most distin- 
 guished by the pride of birth and greatness of spirit, who 
 had always been wonderfully taken with Marcius, and then 
 unluckily happened to attend him, inflamed his resentment 
 by expressing their own grief and indignation. For he was 
 their leader in every expedition, and their instructor in the 
 art of war : he it was who inspired them with a truly vir- 
 tuous emulation, and taught them to rejoice in their own 
 success, without envying the exploits of others 
 
 In the meantime, a great quantity of bread-corn was 
 brought to Rome, being partly bought up in Italy, and 
 partly a present from Gelon, kin^of Syracuse, The aspect 
 of affairs appeared now to be encouraging, and it was 
 hoped that the intestine broils would "ease with the scarcity. 
 The senate, therefore, being im-ne iiateiy assembled, the 
 people stood in crowds without, waiting for the issue of their 
 deliberations. They expected that the market rates for 
 the corn that was bought would be moderate, and that a 
 distribution of that which was a gift would be made i^rati' ; 
 for there were some who proposed that the senate should 
 dispose of it in that manner But Marcius stood up, and 
 severely censured those that spoke in favour of the com- 
 moralty, calling them demagogues, and traitors to the 
 nobility. He said, " They nourished, to their own great 
 " prejudice, the pernicious seeds of boldness and petulance, 
 " which had been sown among the populace, wht-n they 
 should rather have nipped them in the bud, and not have 
 suffered the plebeians to strengthen themselves with the 
 tribunitial power. That the people were now become 
 formidable, gaining whatever point they pleased, and 
 not doing any one thing against their inclination ; so 
 that living in a eort of anarchy, they would no longer
 
 CAIUS MARCICS CORIOLAKUS. 91 
 
 ' obey the consuls, nor acknowledge any superiors but 
 ' those whom they called their own magistrates. That the 
 ' senators who advised that, distributions should be rr.de 
 ' in the manner of the Greeks, whose goverhmenr was 
 ' entirely democratical, were effecting the ruin of the 
 " constitution, by encouraging the insolence of tiie rabble. 
 " For that they would not suppose they received such fa- 
 " vours for the campaign which they had refused to make, 
 " or for the secessions by which they had deserted their 
 " country, or for the calumnies which they Lad counte- 
 *' nanced against the senate. But," continued he, " they 
 " will think that we yield to them through fear, and grant 
 " them such indulgences by way of flattery ; and as they 
 " will expect to find us always so complaisant, there will 
 " be no end to their disobedience, no period to their tur- 
 " bulent and seditious practices. It would, therefore, be 
 " perfect madness to take such a step. Nay, if we are 
 *' wise, we shall entirely abolish the tribune's office,* 
 " which has made cyphers of the consuls, and divided the 
 " city in such a manner, that it is no longer one as for- 
 " merly, but broken into two parts, which will never 
 " knit again, or cease to vex and harass each other with 
 " all the evils of discord."f 
 
 Marcius, haranguing to this purpose, inspired the young 
 senators and almost all the men of fortune with his own 
 enthusiasm ; and they cried out that he was the only man 
 in Rome who had a spirit above the meanness of flattery 
 and submission ; yet some of the aged senators foresaw the 
 consequence, and opposed his measures. In fact the issue 
 >vas unfortunate ; for the tribunes, who were present, when 
 they saw that Marcius would have a majority of voices, ran 
 out to the people, loudly calling upon them to stand by 
 their own magistrates, and give their best assistance. An 
 assembly then was held in a tumultuary manner, in which 
 the speeches of Marcius were recited, and the plebeians in 
 their fury had thoughts of breaking in upon the senate. 
 The tribunes pointed their rage against Marcius in par- 
 ticular, by impeaching him in form, and sent for him to 
 make his defence ; but as he spurned the messengers, they 
 
 * The tribunes had lately procured a lav.-, which made it penal t 
 interrupt them when they were speaking to the people. 
 
 j- Plutarch has omitted the mobt aggravating passage in Coriola- 
 mis's speech, wherein he proposed the holding up the price of bread- 
 corn as high as ever, to keep the people r r ? ar.d subjection.
 
 Q2 JLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 went themselves, attended by the asdiles, to bring him by 
 force, and began to lay hands on him. Upon this the 
 patricians stood up for him, drove off the tribunes, and 
 beat the aediles ; till night coming on broke off the quarrel. 
 Early next morning, the consuls observing that the people, 
 now extremely incensed, flocked from all quarters into the 
 forum ; and dreading what might be the consequence to 
 the city, hastily convened the senate, and moved, " That 
 44 they should consider how with kind words and favour- 
 44 able resolutions they might bring the commons to tem- 
 44 per ; for that this was not a time to display their ambi- 
 44 tion, nor would it be prudent to pursue disputes about 
 14 the point of honour at a critical and dangerous juncture, 
 44 which required the greatest moderation and delicacy of 
 *' conduct." As the majority agreed to the motion, they 
 went out to confer with the people, and used their best 
 endeavours to pacify them, coolly refuting calumnies, and 
 modestly, though not without some degree of sharpness, 
 complaining of their behaviour. As to the price of bread- 
 corn, and other provisions, they declared there should be 
 no difference between them. 
 
 Great part of the people were moved with this applica- 
 tion, and it clearly appeared, by their candid attention, that 
 they were ready to close with it. Then the tribunes stood 
 up and saidj " That since the senate acted with such mode- 
 44 ration, the people were not unwilling to make concessions 
 44 in their turn ; but they insisted that Marcius should come 
 44 and answer to these articles :" Whether he had not stirred 
 up the senate to the confounding of all government, and to 
 the destroying of (he people's privileges ? IVliether he had not 
 refused to obey their summons? Whether he had not beaten 
 and otherwise maltreated the adiles in the forum ; and ly 
 these means (so Jar as in him lay) levied war, and brought 
 the citizens to sheath their swords in each other's bosom? 
 These things they said with a design, either to humble Mar- 
 cius, by making him submit to entreat the people's clemency, 
 which was much against his haughty temper; or if he follow- 
 ed his native bent, to draw him to make the breach incurable. 
 The latter they were in hopes of, and the rather because 
 they knew the man well. He stood as if he would have 
 made his defence, and the people waited in silence for what 
 he had to say. But when, instead of the submissive language 
 that jyas expected, he began with an aggravating boldness, 
 and rather accused the commons than defended himself;
 
 CAIUS MARCItJS CORIOLANUS. 93 
 
 when with the tone of his voice and the fierceness of his 
 looks he expressed an intrepidity bordering upon insolence 
 and contempt, they lost all patience ; and Sicinius, the 
 boldest of the tribunes, after a short consultation with his 
 colleagues, pronounced openly, that the tribunes con- 
 demned Marcius to die. He then ordered the aediles to 
 take him immediately up to the top of the Tarpeian rock, 
 and 'throw him down the precipice. However, when they 
 came to lay hands on him, the action appeared horrible 
 even to many of the plebeians. The patricians, shocked 
 and astonished, ran with great outcries to his assistance, and 
 got Marcius in the midst of them, some interposing to 
 keep off the arrest, and others stretching out their hands 
 in supplication to the multitude ; .but no regard was paid 
 to words and entreaties amidst such disorder and confusion, 
 until the friends and relations of the tribunes perceiving 
 it would be impossible to carry off Marcius and punish 
 him capitally, without first spilling much patrician blood, 
 persuaded them to alter the cruel and unprecedented part 
 of the sentence ; not to use violence in the affair, or put 
 him to death without form of trial, but to refer all to the 
 people's determination in full assembly. 
 
 Sicinius, then a little mollified, asked the patricians, 
 " What they meant by taking Marcius out of the hands 
 " of the people, who were resolved to punish him ?'* To 
 which they replied by another question, " What do you 
 " mean by thus dragging one of the worthiest men in 
 " Rome, without trial, to a barbarous and illegal execu- 
 " tion ?'* " If that be all," said Sicinius, " you shall no 
 " longer have a pretence for your quarrels and factious 
 " behaviour to the people ; for they grant you what you 
 " desire ; the man shall have his trial. And as for you, 
 " Marcius, we cite you to appear the third market-day, 
 " and satisfy the citizens of your innocence, if you can ; 
 " for then by their suffrages your affair will be decided.'' 
 The patricians were content with this compromise ; and 
 thinking themselves happy in carrying Marcius off, they 
 retired. 
 
 Meanwhile, before the third market-day, which was a 
 considerable space, for the Romans hold their markets every 
 ninth day, and thence call them Nund'uue, war broke out 
 with the Antiates,* which, because it was like to be of some 
 
 * Advice was suddenly brought to Rome, that the people of Ai> 
 t'uuuhad seized and confiscated the ships belonging to Gelon's arrr-
 
 94 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 continuance, gave them hopes of evading 1 the judgment, 
 since there would be time for the people to become more 
 tractable, to moderate their anger, or perhaps let it entirely 
 evaporate in the business of that expedition. But they soon 
 made peace with the Antiates, and returned : whereupon, 
 the fears of the senate were renewed, and they often met to 
 consider how things might be so managed, that they should 
 neither give up Marcius, nor leave room for the tribunes 
 to throw the people into new disorders. On this occasion, 
 Appius Claudius, who was the most violent adversary the 
 commons had, declared, " That the senate would betray 
 " and ruin themselves, and absolutely destroy the consti- 
 " tution, if they should once suffer the plebeians to assume 
 " a power of suffrage against the patricians." But the 
 oldest and most popular of the senators * were of opinion, 
 " That the people, instead of behaving with more harsh- 
 " ness and severity, would become mild and gentle, if 
 that power were indulged them ; since they did not des- 
 pise the senate, but rather thought themselves despised 
 by it ; and the prerogative of judging would be such an 
 honour to them, that they would be perfectly satisfied, 
 and immediately lay aside all resentment.'' 
 Marcius then seeing the senate perplexed between their 
 regard for him and fear of the people, asked the tribunes, 
 " What they accused him of, and upon what charge he 
 " waste be tried beforethe people ?" Being told, " That 
 " he would be tried for treason against the commonwealth, 
 " in designing to set himself up as a tyrant ;"f " Let me 
 " go, then," said he, " to the people, and make my de- 
 " fence ; I refuse no form of trial, nor any kind of pu- 
 " nishment if I be found guilty. Only allege no other 
 ct crime against me, and do not impose upon the senate." 
 The tribunes agreed to these conditions, and promised that 
 the cause should turn upon this one point. 
 
 bassadors in their return to Sicily, and had even imprisoned the am- 
 bassadors. Hereupon they took up arms to qhastise the Antiates, 
 but they submitted and made satisfaction,. 
 
 * Valerius was at the head of these. He insisted also at large on 
 the horrible consequences of a civil war. 
 
 f It was never known that any person, who affected to set him- 
 self up tyrant, joined with the nobility niniinst the people, but on the 
 contrary, conspired with the people against the nobility. " Be- 
 ' sides," said he, in his defence, " it was to save these Vitizens, 
 ' that I have received the wounds you see: let the tribunes *hew, 
 " if they can, how such actions are consistent with the treacherous 
 -'qns th<'y ;ay to my cbarjj-.;.''
 
 CAIUS MAHCIUS CORIOLANUS. Q5 
 
 But the first thing they did, after the people were assem- 
 bled, was to compel them to give their voices by tribes,* 
 and not by centuries ; thus contriving thaUthe meanest and 
 most seditious part of the populace and those who had no 
 regard to justice or honour, might outvote si'ch as had 
 borne arms, or were of some fortune and character. In 
 the next place, they passed by the charge of his affecting 
 the sovereignty, because they could not prove it, and, in- 
 stead of it, repeated what Marcius sometime before had 
 said in the senate, against lowering the price of corn, and 
 for abolishing the tribunitial power. And they added to 
 the impeachment a new article, namely, his not bringing- 
 into the public treasury the spoils he had taken in the 
 country of the Antiates, but dividing them among the sol- 
 diers.f This last accusation is said to have discomposed 
 Marcius more than all the rest ; for it was what he did not 
 expect, and he could not immediately think of an answer 
 that would satisfy the commonalty ; the praises he bestowed 
 upon those who made that campaign with him, serving only 
 to raise an outcry against him from the majority, who were 
 not concerned in it. At last, when they came to vote, he 
 was condemned by a majority of three tribes, and the pe- 
 nalty to be inflicted upon him was perpetual banishment. 
 
 After the sentence was pronounced, the people were more 
 elated, and went off in greater transports thai) they ever 
 did on account of a victory in the fitld ; the senate, on the 
 ether .hand, were in the greatest distress, and repented that 
 they had not run the last risk, rather than suffer the people 
 to possess themselves of so much power, and use it in so in- 
 solent a manner. There was no need then to look upon 
 
 * From the reign of Servius Tullius the voices had been always 
 gathered by centuries. The consuls were for keeping up the an- 
 cient custom, being well apprised, that they could save Coriolanus 
 if the voices were reckoned by centuries, of which the knights and 
 the wealthiest of the citizens made the majority, being pretty mre 
 of ninety-eight out of a hundred and seventy-three. But the artful 
 tribunes, alleging that, in an affair relating to the rights of the 
 people, every citizen's vote ought to have its due weight, would not 
 by any means consent to let the voices be collected otherwise than 
 by tribes. 
 
 f- " This," said the tribune Decius, " is a plain proof of his 
 evil designs : with the public money he secured to himself crea- 
 tures and guards, and supporters of his intended usurpation. Let 
 him make it appear that he had power to dispose of this booty 
 without violating the laws. Let him answer directly to this one 
 article, without "dazzling us with the splendid shew of his crowr.r 
 and scars, or using any other arts to blind the assembly."
 
 Q6 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 their dress, or any other mark of distinction, to know 
 which was a plebeian, and which a patrician ; the man that 
 exulted was a plebeian, and the man that was dejected a 
 patrician. 
 
 Marcius alone was unmoved and unhumbled. Still lofty 
 in his port, and firm in his countenance, he appeared not to 
 be sorry for himself, and to be the only one of the nobility 
 that was not. This air of fortitude was not, however, the 
 effect of reason or moderation, but the man was buoyed up 
 by anger and indignation. And this, though the vulgar 
 know it not, has its rise from grief, which, when it catches 
 flame, is turned to anger, and then bids adieu to all feeble- 
 ness and dejection. Hence, the angry man is courageous, 
 just as he who has a fever is hot, the mind being upon the 
 stretch and in a violent agitation. His subsequent beha- 
 viour soon shewed that he was thus affected. For having 
 returned to his own house, and embraced his mother and 
 his wife, who lamented their fate with the weakness of 
 women, he exhorted them to bear it with patience, and 
 then hastened to one of the city gates, being conducted 
 by the patricians in a body. Thus he quitted Rome, with- 
 out asking or receiving aught at any man's hands ; and took 
 with him only three or four clients. He spent a few days 
 in a solitary manner at some of his farms near the city, 
 agitated with a thousand different thoughts, such as his 
 anger suggested ; in which he did not propose any advan- 
 tage to himself, but considered only how he might satisfy 
 his revenge against the Romans. At last he determined to 
 spirit up a cruel war against them from some neighbouring 
 nation ; and for -this purpose to apply first to the Volscians, 
 whom he knew to be yet strong both in men and money, 
 and whom he supposed to be rather exasperated and pro- 
 voked to farther conflicts, than absolutely subdued. 
 
 There was then a person at Antium, Tullus Aufidius by 
 name,* highly distinguished among the Volscians, by his 
 wealth, his valour, and noble birth. Marcius was very 
 sensible, that of all the Romans, himself was the man whom 
 Tullus most hated. For, excited by ambition and emula- 
 tion, as young warriors usually are, they had in several 
 
 * In Bryan's text, it is A^p/J/af. The Bodleian has it without the 
 u, A0j$if. But Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus call him Tul- 
 his Attius ; and with them an anonymous MS. agrees. AJidius, how- 
 ever, which is very near the Bodleian reading, has a Latin sound, 
 and probably -,vas what Plutarch meant to write.
 
 CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. Q? 
 
 engagements encountered each other with menaces and bold 
 defiances, and thus had added personal enmity to the hatred 
 which reigned between the two nations. But notwith- 
 standing all this, considering the great generosity of Tnllus, 
 and knowing that he was more desirous than any of the 
 Volscians of an opportunity to return upon the Romans 
 part of the evils his country had suffered, he took a method 
 which strongly confirms that saying of the poet. 
 
 Stern wrath, how strong thy sway ! though life's the forfeit, 
 Thy purpose must be gain'd. 
 
 For, putting himself in such cloths and habiliments as we: r 
 most likely to prevent his being known, like Ulysses, 
 
 He stole into the hostile town. 
 
 It was evening when he entered, and though many people 
 met him in the streets, not one of them knew him. He 
 passed therefore on to the house of Tullus, where he got 
 in undiscovered, and having directly made up to the fire- 
 place,* he seated himself without saying a word, covering 
 his face, and remaining in a composed posture. The peo- 
 ple of the house were very much surprised, yet they did 
 not venture to disturb him, for there was something of 
 dignity both in his person and in his silence ; but they went 
 and related the strange adventure to Tullus, who was then 
 at supper. Tullus, upon this, rose from table, and coming 
 to Coriolanus, asked him, Who he was, and upon what busi- 
 ness he was come ? Coriolanus, uncovering his face, paused 
 awhile, and then thus addressed him. " If thou dost not 
 " yet know me, Tullus, but distrustest thy own eyes, I 
 " must of necessity be my own accuser. I am Caius Mar- 
 ' cius, who have brought so many calamities upon the 
 * Volscians, and bear the additional name of Coriolanus, 
 1 which will not suffer me to deny that imputation, were 
 ' I disposed to it. For all the labours and dangers T have 
 ' undergone, I have no other reward left, but that appel- 
 ' lation which distinguishes my enmity to your nation, 
 " and which cannot indeed be taken from me. Of every 
 ** thing else I am deprived by the envy and outrage of the 
 " people, on the one hand, and the cowardice and trea- 
 " chery of the magistrates, and those of my own order, on 
 
 * The fire-place, having the domestic gods in it, was esteemed sa- 
 cred ; and therefore all suppliants resorted to it, as to an asylum. 
 Fo/. //. F
 
 PLUTARCH'S Livr. . 
 
 *'- t'.i; other. Thus driven out an exile, I am come a 
 " pliant to thy household {rods; not for shelter and pro- 
 ; tectin:: ; for why should I come hither, if 1 were afraid 
 *' of death : b:it for vengeance against tiiose who have ex- 
 " pellcd me, which, mcthinks, I begin to take, by putting 
 " myself ii.to thy lir-n.is. If", therefore, thou art disposed 
 ' to att;-.^k the e:i?j:v-, come on, brave Tullus, avail thy- 
 ' self of ir.y miiifort.-.ivs ; kt my personal distress be the 
 " common happiness of the Voiscians. You may be as- 
 " surcd, I shall fight much better for you, than I lun ; 
 " fought against you. because they who know perfectly the 
 ".state of the enemy's affairs, are much more capable of an- 
 " noyir.g them than such as do not know the:n. But if 
 *' thou hast given up all thoughts of war, I neither desire to 
 " live, nor is it fit for thee to preserve a person who of old 
 " .has been thine enemy, and now is not able to do thee any 
 * sort of service." 
 
 Tullus, delighted with this address, gave him his hand, 
 " Rise," said he, " Marcius, and take courage, 'i'lv 
 *' present you thus make of yourself is inestimable ; and you 
 " may assure yourself, that the Volsciaas will not be un- 
 ' grateful." Then he entertained him at his table with 
 ^i eat kindness, and the next and the following days they 
 consulted together about the war. 
 
 Rome was then in great confusion, by reason of the ani- 
 mosity of the nobility against the commons, which was con- 
 siderably heightened by the late condemnation of Marcius. 
 Many prodigies were also announced by private persons, 
 as well as by the priests and diviners ; one of which was 
 as follows. Titus Latinus,* a man of no high rank, but of 
 great modesty and candour, not addicted to superstition, 
 much less to vain pretences to what is extraordinary, had 
 this dream. Jupiter, he thought, appeared to him, and or- 
 dered him to tell the senate, That they had provided him a 
 very Lad and ill favoured leader of the dance in the sacred 
 procession. When he had seen this vision, he said, he paid 
 but little regard to it at first. It was presented a second 
 and a third time, and he neglected it ; whereupon he had 
 the unhappiness to see his son sicken and die, and he him- 
 self was suddenly struck in such a manner as to lose the 
 use of his limbs. These particulars he related in the se- 
 rate-house, being carried on his couch for that purpose. 
 
 Livy calls him Titus Atinius.
 
 CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOI.ANU3. 
 
 And he had no sooner ma.le an end, than lie perceived, as 
 they tell us, his strength return, and rose yp, and walked 
 home without help. 
 
 The senate were much surprised, and made a strict in- 
 quiry into the affair, the result of which was, that a certain 
 householder had delivered up one of his slaves, \vho had bee- 
 guilty of some offence, to his other servants, with an order 
 to whip him through the market-place, and then put him 
 to death. While they were executing this order, and 
 scourging the wretch, who writhed himself, through the vi- 
 lence of pain, into various postures,* the precession hap- 
 pened to come up. Many of the people that composed it. 
 were tired with indignation, for tlie sight was excessively 
 disagreeable, and shocking to humanity ; yet nobody gave 
 him the least assistance ; only curses and execrations wer<* 
 vented against the man who punished with so much cruelty. 
 For in those times they treated their slaves with great mo- 
 deration, and this was natural, because they worked and 
 even eat with them. It was deemed a great punishment 
 for a slave who had committed a fault to take up that piece 
 of wood with which they supported the thill of a waggon, 
 and carry it round the neighbourhood. For he that was 
 thus exposed to the derision of the family, and other inhabit- 
 ants of the place, entirely lost his credit, and was styled 
 Jurcif'er ; the Romans calling that piece of timber urea, 
 which the Greeks call h>//)o*tates, thas is, a supporter. 
 
 When*Latinus had given the senate an account of his 
 dream, and they doubted who this ill-favoured and lad 
 leader of the dance might be, the excessive severity of the 
 punishment put some of them in mind of the slave who was 
 whipped through the market-place, and afterwards put to 
 death. All the priests agreeing that he must be the person 
 meant, his master had a heavy fine laid upon him, and the 
 procession and games were exhibited anew, in honour of 
 Jupiter. Hence it appears, that Numa's religious institu- 
 tions in general are very wise, and that this in particular is 
 highly conducive to the purposes of piety, namely, tha.t 
 when the magistrates or priests are employed in any sacred 
 ceremony, a herald goes before, and proclaims aloud, Hoc 
 
 ' According to Dionyshis of Halicarnassusi.the master had given 
 orders that the slave should be punished at' thickhead of the proces- 
 Mon, to make the ignominy the more notorious which was a stiH 
 greater afl'ront to the deity in whose honour the procession was led 
 up, 
 
 P2
 
 100 riUTARCH's LIVES. 
 
 i. e. te attentive to this ; hereby commanding every 
 body to regard the solemn acts of religion, and not to suf- 
 fer any business or avocation to intervene and disturb them ; 
 as well knowing that men's attention, especially in what 
 concerns the worship of the gods, is seldom fixed, but by a 
 *ort of violence and constraint. 
 
 But it is not only in so important a case, that the Ro- 
 mans begin anew their sacrifices, their processions, and 
 
 .-, : they do it for very small matters. If one of the 
 horses that draw the chariots, called 7V?za?, in which are 
 placed the images of the gods, happened to stumble, or if 
 the charioteer took the reins in his left hand, the whole 
 procession was to be repeated. And in later ages they have 
 set about one sacrifice thirty several times, on account of 
 come defect or inauspicious appearance in it. Such rever- 
 ence have the Romans paid to the Supreme Being. 
 
 McantitTie Marcius and Tullus held secret conferences 
 with the principal Volscians, in which they exhorted them 
 to bogin the war, while Rome was torn in pieces with fac- 
 tious disputes ; but a sense of honour restrained some of 
 t hem from breaking the truce, which was concluded for two 
 years. The Romans, however, furnished them with a pre- 
 tence for it, having, through some suspicion or false sug- 
 gestion, caused proclamation to be made at one of the pub- 
 lic shows or games, that all the Volscians should quit the 
 >own before sun-set. Some say, it was a stratagem con- 
 trived by Marcius, who suborned a person to go touhe con- 
 
 and accuse the Volscians of a design to attack the 
 Romans during the games, and to set fire to the city. This 
 proclamation exasperated the whole Volscian nation against 
 the Romans ; and Tullus, greatly aggravating the affront,* 
 .'t last persuaded them to send to Rome, to demand that 
 the lands and cities which had been taken from them in the 
 war should be restored. The senate having heard what 
 the ambassadors had to say, answered with indignation, 
 '* That the Volscians might be the first to take up arms, 
 " but the Romans would be the last to lay them down." 
 Hereupon Tullus summoned a general assembly of his 
 Countrymen, whom he advised to send for Marcius, and, 
 forgetting all past injuries, to rest satisfied, that the ser- 
 
 * We alone," said he. " of all the different nations now in 
 
 " Rorry, arc not thought worth}' to see the games. We alone, 
 
 " like the profane&t wretches and outlaws, arc driven from a puh- 
 
 lie festival. Go, and tell in all your cities and villages the distir- 
 
 guishing mark the Romans have put upon us."
 
 CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLAKUS. 101 
 
 vice he would do them, now their ally, would greatly ex- 
 ceed all the damage they had received from him while their 
 enemy. 
 
 Marcius accordingly was called in, and made an oration 
 to the people ; who found that he knew how to speak as 
 well as fight, and that he excelled in capacity as well as 
 courage, and therefore they joined him in commission with 
 Tullus. As he was afraid that the Volscians would spend 
 much time in preparations, and so lose a favourable oppor- 
 tunity for action, he left it to the magistrates and other 
 principal persons in Antium to provide troops and whatever 
 else was necessary, while he, without making any set levies, 
 took a number of volunteers, and with them overran the 
 Roman territories, before any body in Rome could expect 
 it. There he made so much booty that the Volscians 
 found it difficult to carry it off, and consume it in the camp. 
 But the great quantity of provisions he collected, and the 
 damage he did the enemy by committing such spoil, was 
 the least part of the service in this expedition. The great 
 point he had in view in the whole matter, was to increase 
 the people's suspicions of the nobility. For while he ra- 
 vaged the whole country, he was very attentive to spare 
 the lands of the patricians, and to see that nothing should 
 be carried off from them. Hence the ill opinion the two 
 parties had of. each other ; and consequently the troubles 
 grew greater than ever ; the patricians accusing the ple- 
 beians of unjustly driving out one of the bravest men in 
 Rome, and the plebeians reproaching them with bringing 
 Marcius upon them to indulge their revenge, and with sit- 
 ting secure spectators of what others suffered by the war, 
 while the war itself was a guard to their lands and subsist- 
 ence. Marcius having thus effected his purpose, and in- 
 spired the Volscians with courage, not only to meet, but 
 even to despise the enemy, drew off his party without being 
 molested. 
 
 1 The Volscian forces assembled with great expedition and 
 alacrity ; and they appeared so considerable, that it was 
 thought proper to leave part to garrison their towns, while 
 the rest marched against 'the Romans. Coriolanus leaving 
 it in the opf.on of Tullus which corps he would command, 
 Tullus observed, that as his colleague was not at all inferior 
 to himself in valour, and had hitherto fought with better 
 success, he thought it most advisable for him to lead the 
 army into the field, while himself stayed behind to provid'" 
 
 F 3
 
 ^02 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 for the defence of the towns, and to supply the troops that 
 made the campaign with tfrery thing necessary.* 
 
 Marcius, strengthened still more by this division of the 
 ..and, marched lirst against Circcii.f a Roman colony ; 
 and as it surrendered without resistance, he would not 
 suffer it to be plundered. After this, he laid waste the 
 territories of the Latins, e -xpecting that the Romans would 
 hazard a battle for the Latins, who were their allies, and 
 by frequent messengers called upon them for assistance. 
 But the commons of Rome shewed no alacrity in the affair, 
 and the consuls, whose office was almost expired, were not 
 willing to run such a risk, and therefore rejected the re- 
 quest of the Latins. Marcius then turned his arms against 
 Tolenum, Labici, Pedum, and Bola, cities of Latium, 
 which he took by assault ; and because they made resistance* 
 sold the inhabitants as slaves, and plundered their houses. 
 At the same time, he took particular care of such as volun- 
 tarily came over to him ; and that they might not sustain 
 any damage against his will, he always encamped at the 
 greatest distance he could, and would not even touch upon 
 their lands, if he could avoid it. 
 
 Afterwards he took Bollae, which is little more than 
 twelve miles from Rome, where he put to the sword almost 
 all that were of age to bear arms, and got much plunder. 
 The rest of the Volscians, who were left as a safeguard to 
 the towns, had not patience to remain at home any longer, 
 but ran with their weapons in their hands to Marcius, de- 
 claring that they knew no other leader or general but him. 
 His name and his valour were renowned through Italy. 
 All were astonished that one man's changing sides could 
 ::iake so prodigious an alteration in affairs. 
 
 Nevertheless, there was nothing but disorder at Rome. 
 '1 he Romans refused to fight, and passed their time in ua'ui.V-, 
 seditious speeches, and mutual complaints ; until news was 
 brought that Coriolanus had laid siege to Laviniurn, where 
 
 * It would have been very imprudent iu Tullir; 
 claims, who had been an enemy, ami nov. might possibly be only x 
 preteyded fiieud, at thv head of an arm;, in the bowels of his coui.- 
 try, while he was marching at the h-ad of another against Hume. 
 
 j- For the right terminations of thi.> and other towns soon afur 
 mentioned, s>ee l.ivy, book ii, c. o9. 1'hitarch calls the town Cir- 
 c.-i/m. Ili.s error i.-, much greater, when a little below he writes 
 Ctcclia hj.sti.art of Clxilitr. Sometimes, too, the foru.er tru: 
 makej u mistake, \vhtr_' Fluted-, h.id m
 
 CAIUS MARC I US CO I. 
 
 t :.c huly symbols of the gods of their fathers were placed, 
 and from whence they derived their original, that beir.^ 
 the first city which ./Eneas built. A wonderful and uni- 
 versal change of opinion then appeared among the people, 
 and a very strange and absurd one among the patricians. 
 The people were desirous to annul the sentence against 
 Marcius, and to recal him to Rome, but the senate being 
 assembled to deliberate on that point, finally rejected the 
 proposition; either out of a perverse humour of opposing 
 whatever measure the people espoused, or perhaps unwilling 
 that Coriolanus should owe his return to the favour of tht: 
 people ; or else having conceived some resentment against 
 him for harassing and distressing all the Romans, when lie 
 had been injured only by a part, and for shewing himselt 
 an enemy to his country, in which he knew the most re- 
 spectable body had both, sympathised with him, and shared 
 in his ill treatment. This resolution being announced to 
 the commons,* it was not in their power to proceed to 
 vote or to pass a bill ; for a previous decree of the senaU; 
 was necessary. 
 
 At this news Coriolanus was still more exasperated, so 
 that quitting the siege of Lavinium,f he marched in great 
 fury towards Rome, and encamped only five miles from it, 
 at the Fosstr Clulti<e. The sight of him caused great terror 
 and confusion, but for the present it appeased the sedition : 
 for neither magistrate nor senator durst any longer oppose 
 the people's desire to recal him. When they saw the women 
 running up and down the streets, and the supplications and 
 tears of the aged men at the altars of the gods, when all 
 courage and spirit were gone, and salutary councils were- 
 no more; :hen they acknowledged that the people were 
 right in endeavouring to be reconciled to Coriolanns, and 
 that the senate were under a great mistake, in beginning to 
 indulge the passions of anger and revenge, at a time when 
 they should have renounced them. All, therefore, agreed 
 to send, ambassadors to Coriolanus to offer him liberty to 
 rerun,;, and to entreat him to put an end to the war. Those 
 that went on the part of the senate, being all either relations 
 
 * Perhaps the senate now refused to comply with the demands of 
 
 tho people, cither to clear themselves from the suspicion of main- 
 
 t-iininy a correspondence with Coriolanus, or possibly out of tha* 
 
 unimity which made the Romans averse to peace, when the; 
 
 ttended with bad success in war. 
 f: He left a body of troops to continue the blockade. 
 
 F 4
 
 ^04 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 or friends of Coriolanns, expected at the first interview muca 
 kindness from a man who was thus connected with them. 
 But it happened quite otherwise ; for being conducted 
 through the Volscian ranks, they found him seated in coun- 
 cil with a number of great officers, and xvith an insuffer- 
 able appearance of pomp and severity. He bade them then 
 declare their business, which they did in a very modest and 
 humble manner, as became the state of their affairs. 
 
 When they had made an end of speaking, he answered 
 them with much bitterness and high resentment of the in- 
 juries done him ; and, as general of the Volscians, he in- 
 sisted, " That the Romans should restore all the cities and 
 " lands which they had taken in the former wars j and 
 *' that they should grant by decree the freedom of the city 
 " to the Volscians, as they had done to the Latins : for 
 " that no lasting peace could be made between the two 
 " nations, but upon these just and equal conditions/' 
 He gave them thirty days to consider of them j and having 
 lismissed tlie ambassadors, he immediately retired from the 
 Roman territories. 
 
 Several among the Volscians, who for a long time had 
 envied his reputation, and being uneasy at the interest he 
 had with the people, availed themselves of this circumstance 
 to calumniate and reproach him. Tullus himself was of 
 the number. Not that he had received any particular injury 
 from Coriolanus ; but he was led away by a passion too 
 natural to man. It gave him pain to find his own glory 
 obscured, and himself entirely neglected by the Volscians, 
 who looked upon Coriolanus as their supreme head, and 
 thought that others might well be satisfied with that portion 
 of power and authority which he thought proper to allow 
 them. Hence, secret hints were first given, and in their 
 private cabals his enemies expressed their dissatisfaction, 
 giving the name of treason to his retreat. For though he 
 had not betrayed their cities or armies, yet they said he 
 had traiterously given up time, by which these and all 
 other things are both won and lost. He had allowed them 
 u respite of no less than thirty days,* knowing their affairs 
 
 * So Dacier paraphrases /tfiova,-, iS' l sXarr**/ xpnu >.uC- 
 ..// ^;rex*;, and his paraphrase seems nearest the sound of the 
 Greek. But the text is manifestly corrupted, and it is not easy tore- 
 store the true reading. Perhaps the Latin translation, as published 
 by Bryon, has the sense intended by Plutarch. It is to this effect*
 
 CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 105 
 
 to be so embarrassed, that they wanted such a space to 
 re-establish them. 
 
 Coriolanus, however, did not spend those thirty days idly. 
 He harassed: the enemy's allies,* laid waste their lands, 
 and took seven great and populous' cities in that interval. 
 The Romans did not venture to send them any succours. 
 They were as spiritless, and as little disposed to the war, as if 
 their bodies had been relaxed and benumbed with the palsy. 
 
 When the term was expired, and Coriolanus returned 
 with all his forces, they sent a second embassy, " To en- 
 " treat him to lay a-;ide his resentment, to draw off the 
 " Volscians from their territories, and then to proceed ai 
 " should seem most conducive to the advantage of both 
 " nations. For that the Romans would not give up any 
 " thing through fear ; but if he thought it reasonable that 
 " the Volscians should be indulged in some particular 
 " points, they would be duly considered if they laid down 
 " their arms." Coriolanus replied, " That as general of 
 " the Volschns, he would give them no answer ; but as 
 " one who was yet a citizen of Rome, he would advise 
 " and exhort them to entertain humble thoughts, and to 
 " come within three days with a ratification of the just 
 " conditions he had proposed.. At the same time he as- 
 " sured them, that if their resolutions should be of a dif- 
 " ferent nature, il would not be safe for them to come any 
 " more into his camp with empty words." 
 
 The senate having heard the report of the ambassadors, 
 considered the commonwealth as ready to sink in the waves 
 of a dreadful tempest, and therefore c:;st the last, the sacred 
 anchor, as it is called. They ordered all the priests of the 
 gods, the ministers and guardians of the mysteries, and all 
 that, by the ancient usage of their country, practised di- 
 vination by the flight of bird^s, to go to Coriolanus, in their 
 robes, with the ensigns which they bear in the duties of their 
 office, and exert their utmost endeavours to persuade him to 
 desist from the war, and then to treat with his countrymen 
 of articles of peace for the Volsd'ans. When they came, 
 lie did indeed vouchsafe to admit them into the camp, but 
 
 when greater changes, than were necessary in this case, nijht tap- 
 pen in a less space of time. But to justify that translation, the 
 Greek should run as follows : en f^tj^otxs tt Ixur-ri.i WK>> iSutart 
 ^scilicet a-eXius}) AxM&triiv ^'TaftXa,-. 
 
 * By this he prevented the allies of the Romans from assisting 
 them, and guarded against the charge of treachery, which 
 f the Vclscians were ready to bring against him.
 
 106 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 shewed them no other favour, nor gave them a milder answer 
 than the others had received. " He bade them," in short, 
 ' either accept the former proposals, or prepare for war." 
 When the priests returned, the Romans resolved to keep 
 rlose within the city and to defend the walls ; intending 
 only to repulse the enemy, should he attack them, and 
 placing their chief hopes on the accidents of time and for- 
 tune ; for they knew of no resource within themselves : the 
 city was full of trouble and confusa/n, terror and unhappy 
 presages. At last something happened similar to what is 
 often mentioned by Homer, but which men, in general, 
 are little inclined to believe. For when, on occasion of any 
 great and uncommon event, he says, 
 
 Pallas inspir'd that counsel ; 
 And again, 
 
 But some immortal power who rules tbe mind, 
 Chang'd their resolves ; 
 
 And elsewhere, 
 
 The thought spontaneous rising, 
 Or by some god inspir'd 
 
 They despise the poet, as if, for the sake of absurd notions 
 and incredible fables, he endeavoured to take away our 
 liberty of will. A thing which Homer never dreamed of: 
 for whatever happens in the ordinary course of things, and 
 is the effect of reason and consideration, he often ascribes 
 to our own powers ; as, 
 
 My own great mind 
 I then consulted ; 
 
 And in another place, 
 
 Achilles heard with grief; and various thoughts 
 Perplex'd his mighty mind ; 
 
 .e more, 
 
 But she in vain 
 
 Tempted Bellcrophon. The noble youth 
 With wisdom's shield was arm'd. 
 
 And in extraordinary and wonderful actions, whieh required 
 some supernatural impulse and enthusiastic movement, he 
 never introduces the Deity as depriving man of freedom of 
 will, but as moving the will. He does not represent the 
 heavenly power Jas producing the ^resolution, but ideas,
 
 CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 which lead to the resolution. The act, therefore, is by no 
 means involuntary, since occasion only is given to free 
 operations, and confidence and good hope are superadded ; 
 /or either the Supreme Being must be excluded from. all 
 casualty and influence upon our actions, or it ir.ust be con- 
 fessed that this is the only way in which he assists men, and 
 co-operates with them ; since it is not to be supposed that 
 he fashions our corporeal organs, or directs the motions -of 
 our hands and feet to the purposes he designs, but that, by 
 certain motives and ideas which he suggests, he either ex- 
 cites the active powers of the will, or else restrains them.* 
 
 The Roman women were then dispersed in the several 
 temples, but the greatest part, and the most illustrious of the 
 matrons, made their supplications at the altar of Jupiter 
 Capitcliims. Among the last was Valeria, the sister of the 
 great Publicola, a person who had done the Romans ti. 
 most considerable services, both in peace and war. Publicohi 
 died some time before, as we have related in his life ; buu 
 Valeria still Lved in the greatest esteem ; for her life did 
 honour to her high birth. This woman discerning, by 
 some divine impulse, what would be the best expedient, 
 rose and called upon the other matrons to attend her. to 
 the house of Volumnia,f the mother of Coriolanus. When 
 she entered, and found her sitting with her daugr.ter-in-!u.\v, 
 and with the children of Coriolanus on her lap, she ap- 
 proached her, witli her female companions, and spoke to 
 tt'.is effect " We address ourselves to you, Volumnia and 
 ; Vergilia, as women to women, without any decree of 
 " the senate, or order of the consuls. But our god, we 
 " believe, lending a merciful car to our prayers, put it in 
 ** our minds to apply to you, and to entreat you to do a 
 " thing that v.ill not only be salutary to us and the other . 
 ' citizens, but jr.orc glorious for you, if you hearken to 
 " us, than the reducing their fathers and husbands from 
 " mortal enmity to peace and friendship, was to the daugh- 
 " ters of the Sabiues. Come, then, go along with us to 
 " Coriolar.uj ; join your instances to ours; and give a trui- 
 ;' and honourable testimony to your country, that though 
 " she has received the greatest injuries from him, yet she 
 
 * Plutarch represents the divine assistance as a moral influence, pre- 
 !, by rational motives ; and the best Christian 
 
 . ibe it in the same manner. 
 
 f Dionys::;s of Ilalicanjas'sus and Livy cr.ll his mother Vet 
 and his wjje Volumnlo. 
 
 F 6
 
 108 PLUT ARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 *' has neither done nor resolved upon any thing against 
 " you in her anger, but restores you safe into his hands, 
 " though perhaps she may not obtain any better terms to 
 " herself on that account.'' 
 
 When Valeria had thus spoken, the rest of the women 
 joined her request. Volumnia gave them this answer. 
 *' Beside the share which we have in the general calamity, 
 " we are, my friends, in particular very unhappy ; since 
 *' Marcius is lost to us, his glory obscured, and his virtue 
 *' gone ; since we behold him surrounded by the arms of 
 ** the enemies of his country, not as their prisoner, but 
 *' their commander. But it is still a greater misfortune to 
 " us, if our country is become So weak, as to have need 
 " to repose her hopes upon us ; for I know not whether 
 '' he will have any regard for us, since he has had none for 
 " his country, which he used to prefer to his mother, to 
 " his wife, and children. Take us, however, and make 
 " what use of us you please. Lead us to him. If we 
 " can do nothing else, we can expire at his feet in suppli- 
 *' eating for Rome.*' 
 
 She then took the children and Verplia with her,* and 
 went with the other matrons to the Volscian camp. The 
 jight of them produced, even in the enemy, compassion 
 and a reverential silence. Coriolamts, who then happened 
 to be seated upon the tribunal with his principal officers, 
 seeing the women approach, was greatly agitated and sur- 
 prised. Nevertheless, he endeavoured to retain his wonted 
 sternness and inexorable temper, though he perceived that 
 l:is wife was at the head of them ; but, unable to resist the 
 emotions of affection, he could not suffer them to address 
 him as he sat. He descended from the tribunal, and ran 
 to meet them. First he embraced his mother for a con- 
 siderable time, and afterwards his wife and children, nei- 
 ther refraining from tears, nor any other instance of natural 
 tenderness. 
 
 When he had sufficiently indulged his passion, and per- 
 ceived that his mother wanted to speak, he called the Vol- 
 scian counsellors to him, and Volumnia expressed herself 
 
 * Valeria f:rst gave advice of this design to the consuls, who pro- 
 posed it in the senate, where, after long debates, it was approved of 
 try the fathers. Then Veturia, and the most illustrious of the Ro- 
 man matrons, in chariots which the consuls had ordered to be < t 
 ready for thr., took their waj to the enemy's camp.
 
 CAIUS MARCIUS COIUOLANV*. 100 
 
 to this purpose. " You see, my son, by our attire and 
 *' miserable looks, and therefore I may spare myself the 
 ft trouble of declaring, to what condition your banishment 
 " has reduced us. Think with yourself whether we are 
 " not the most unhappy of women, when fortune has 
 " changed the spectacle that should have been the most 
 " pleasing in the world, into the most dreadful ; when 
 " Volumnia beholds her son, and Vergilia her husband, 
 " encamped in a hostile manner before the walls of his 
 " native city ; and what to others is the greatest consola- 
 " tion under misfortune and adversity, I mean prayer to 
 " the gods, to us is rendered impracticable ; for we cannot 
 " at the same time beg victory for our country and your 
 " preservation, but what our worst enemies would imprecate 
 " on us as a curse, must of necessity be interwoven with our 
 " prayers. Your wife and children must either see their 
 ** country perish, or you. As to my own part, I will not 
 " live to see this war decided by fortune. If I cannot per- 
 " suade you to prefer friendship and union to enmity and 
 " its ruinous consequences, and so to become a benefactor 
 " to both sides, rather than the destruction of one, you 
 " must take this along with you, and prepare to expect it, 
 that you shall not advance against your country, without 
 trampling upon the dead body of her that bore you; for 
 it does not become me to wait for that day, when my son 
 shall be either led captive by his fellow-citizens, or 
 triumph over Rome. If, indeed, I desired you to save 
 your country by ruining the Volscians, I confess the case 
 " would be hard, and the choice difficult; For it would 
 " neither be honourable to destroy your countrymen, nor 
 '* just to betray those who have placed their confidence in 
 " you. But what do we desire of you, more than deliver- 
 " ance from our own calamities ? A deliverance which will 
 4< be equally salutary to both parties,* but most to the 
 *' honour of the Volscians, since it will appear that their 
 <{ superiority empowered them to grant us the greatest of 
 *' blessings, peace and friendship, while they themselves 
 receive the same. If these take place, you will be ac- 
 knowledged to be the principal cause of them; if they do 
 not, you alone must expect to bear the blame from both 
 nations; and though the chance of war is. uncertain, 
 yet it will be the certain event of this, that if you con- 
 
 * She begged a truce for a year, that in that time measure* might 
 fee taken for settling a solid and lajtimg pcaoe.
 
 1 10 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 *' quer, you will be a destroying demon to your country ; 
 rf if you are beaten, it will be clear that, by indulging your 
 " resentment, you have plunged your friends and benefac- 
 " tors in the greatest of misfortunes." 
 
 Coriol an us listened to his mother while she went on with 
 her speech, without saying the least word to her ; and 
 Volumnia, seeing him sta id a long time mute after she had 
 left speaking, proceeded again in this manner. " Why are 
 " you silent, my son ? Is it an honour to yield every thing 
 " to anger and resentment; and would it be a disgrace to 
 " yield to your mother in so important a petition ? Or does 
 " it become a great man to remember the injuries done 
 " him ; and would it not equally become a great and good 
 " man, with the highest regard and reverence, to keep in 
 " mind the benefits he has received from his parents ? 
 *' Surely you, of all men, should take care to be grateful, 
 *' who have suffered' so extremely by ingratitude ; aud 
 " yet, though you have already severely punished your 
 " country, you have not made your mother the least return 
 *' for her kindness. The most sacred tie?, both of nature 
 " and religion, without any other constraint, require that 
 " you should indulge me in this just and reasonable request ; 
 " hot if words cannot prevail, this only resource is left." 
 When she had said this, she threw herself at his feet, to- 
 gether with his wife and children ; upon which Coriolanus, 
 crying out, " O mother ! what is it you have d. 
 raised her from the ground, and tenderly pressing her ha:id, 
 continued., " You have gained 2 victory fortunate for \ our 
 " country, but ruinous to mi'.* I go, vanquished by you 
 ' alone." Then, after a short Coaierence with his mother 
 and wife, in private, he sent them back to Rome agreeably 
 to their desire. Next morning he drew off the V uscians, 
 who had not all the snme sentiments of what had passed. 
 Some blamed h;m ; others, whose inclinations w^re for 
 peace, found no fa^lt ; other?, agnin, though thev disliked 
 what was done, did not look upon Coriplai us as a Lad man, 
 but thought he was excusable i i yielding to sucli power- 
 ful solicitations- However, none presumed to contradict 
 his orders, though they followed him rather out of venera- 
 tion for his virtue than regard to his authority. 
 
 The s*nse of the dreadful and dangerous circumstances 
 which the Roman people had been in by reason of the war, 
 
 * He well foresaw that the VolscioJis <rou!'.J never r.Tgite l.ioi 
 the favour he tli .':es.
 
 CA1US MARC/L'.S COIUOLAS'US. 1 11 
 
 never appeared so strong as when they were delivered from 
 it. For no sooner did they perceive from the walls, 
 the Volscians were drawing off, than all the temples were 
 opened and filled with persons crowned with garlands, and 
 offering sacrifice as for some great victory. But in nothing 
 was the public joy more evident, than in the affectionate 
 regard and honour which both the senate and people paid 
 the women, whom they both considered and declared the 
 means of their preservation. Nevertheless, when the senate 
 decreed,* that whatever they thought would contribute 
 most to their glory and satisfaction, the consuls should 
 take care to see it done, they only desired that a temple 
 might be built to the FORTUNE or WOMEN, the expence 
 of which they offered to defray themselves, requiring the 
 commonwealth to be at no other charge than that of sacri- 
 fices, and such a solemn service as was suitable to the 
 majesty of the gods. The senate, though they commended 
 their generosity, ordered the temple and shrine to be 
 erected at the public charge ;-}- but the women contribut- 
 ed their money notwithstanding, and with it provided 
 another image of the goddess, which the Romans report, 
 when it was set up in the temple, to have uttered these 
 words: O WOMEN! MOST ACCEPTABLE TO THE GOD.S is 
 
 THIS YOUR PIOU-S GIFT. 
 
 They fabulously report that this voice was repeated twice, 
 thus offering to our faith things that appear impossible. 
 Indeed, we will not deny that images may have sweated, 
 may have been covered with tears, and emitted drops like 
 blood. For wood and stone often contract a scurf and 
 mouldiness, that produces moisture ; and they not only ex- 
 hibit many different colours themselves, but receive variety 
 of tinctures from the ambient air ; at the same time, there 
 is no reason why the Deity may not make use of these signs 
 to announce things to come. It is also very possible, that 
 a sound like that of a sigh or a groan may proceed from a 
 statue, by the rupture or violent separation of some of the 
 interior parts } but that an articulate voice and expression 
 
 * It was decreed that an encomium of those matrons should be 
 engraven on a public monument. 
 
 -( It was erected in the Latin way, about four miles from Rome, 
 n the place where Veturiu had overcome the obstinacy of her ;<>n. 
 Valeria, who had proposed so successful a deputation, was the first 
 priestess of this temple, which was much frequented by the Roman 
 -*cmen. Dion. UMkur. p. 479, 489. Liv. Jib. ii, c. 40.
 
 112 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 clear, so full and perfect, should fall from a thing inanimate, 
 is out of all the bounds of possibility ; for neither the soul 
 of man, nor even God himself, can utter vocal sounds, and 
 pronounce words, without an organized body and parts 
 fitted for utterance. Wherever, then, history asserts such 
 things, and bears us down with the testimony of many cre- 
 dible witnesses, we must conclude, that some impression, 
 not unlike that of sense, influenced the imagination, and 
 produced the belief of a real sensation ; as in sleep we seem 
 to hear what we hear not, and to see what we do not see. 
 As for those persons, who are possessed with such a strong 
 sense of religion, that they cannot reject any thing of this 
 kind, they found their faith on the wonderful and incom- 
 prehensible power of God ; for there is no manner of 
 resemblance between him and a human being, either in his 
 nature, his wisdom, his power, or his operations. If, 
 therefore, he performs something which we cannot effect, 
 and executes what with us is impossible, there is nothing in 
 this contradictory to reason; since, though he far excels us 
 in every thing, yet the dissimilitude and distance between 
 him and us, appears most of all in the works which he 
 hath wrought. But much knowledge of things divine, as 
 Heraclitus affirms, escapes us through want of ]ui h. 
 
 When Coriolanus returned, after this expedition, to An- 
 tium, Tullus, who both hated and feared him, resolved to 
 assassinate him immediately ; being persuaded, that if he 
 missed this, he should not have such another opportunity. 
 First, therefore, he collected aJid prepared a number of ac- 
 complices, and then called upon Coriolanus to divest himself 
 of his authority, and give an account of his conduct to the 
 Volscians. Dreading the consequence of being reduced tp 
 a private station, while Tullus, who had so great an interest 
 with his countrymen, was in power, he made answer, that 
 if the Volscians required it, he would give up his commis- 
 sion, and not otherwise, since he had taken it at their com- 
 mon request ; but that he was ready to give an account of 
 his behaviour even then, if the citizens of Antium would 
 have it so. Hereupon, they met in full assembly, and some 
 of the orators that were prepared for it, endeavoured to ex- 
 asperate the populace against him. But when Coriolanus 
 stood up, the violence of the tumult abated, and he had 
 liberty to speak ; the best part of the people of Antium, 
 and those that were most inclined to peace, appearing ready 
 to hear him with candour, and to pass sentence with equity.
 
 CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLAKUS. 1 13 
 
 Tullus was then afraid that he would make but too good a 
 defence ; for he was an eloquent man, and the former ad- 
 vantages which he had procured the nation, outweighed his 
 present offence. Nay, the very impeachment was a clear 
 proof of the greatness of the benefits he had conferred upon 
 them ; for they would never have thought themselves in- 
 jured in not conquering Rome, if they had not been near 
 taking it through lila means. The conspirators, therefore, 
 judged it prudent not to wait any longer, or to try the mul- 
 titude ; and the boldest of their faction, crying out that a 
 traitor ought not to be heard, or suffered by the Volscians 
 to act the tyrant, and refuse to lay down his authority, rush- 
 ed upon him in a bpdy, and * killed him on the spot ; not 
 one that was present lifting a hand to defend him. It was 
 soon evident that this was not done with the general appro- 
 bation ; for they assembled from several cities to give his 
 body an honourable burial,-}- and adorned his monument 
 with arms and spoils, as became a distinguished warrior and 
 general. 
 
 When the Romans were informed of his death, they 
 shewed no sign either of favour or resentment. Only they 
 permitted the women, at their request, to go into mourning 
 for ten months, as they used to do for a father, a son, or a 
 brother ; this being the longest term for mourning allowed 
 by Numa Pompilius, as we have mentioned in his life. 
 
 Dionysius of Halicarna^sus sars they stoned him to death. 
 
 f- They dressed him in his general's rohcs, and laid his corpse on 
 a magnificent bier, which was carried by such young officers as were 
 most distinguished for their martial exploits. Before him were borne 
 the spoils he had taken from the enemy, the crowns he had gained, 
 and plans of the cities he had taken. In this order his body was laid 
 on the pile, while several victims were slain in honour to his memory. 
 When the pile was consumed they gathered up his ashes, which they 
 interred on the spot, and erected a magnificent monument there. Co- 
 riolanus was slain in the second year of the seventy-third Olympiad, 
 in the two hundred and sixty-sixth year of Home, and eight years 
 after his first campaign. According to this account, he died in the 
 flower of his age ; but Livy informs us froru Fabius v a very ancient 
 author, that he lived till he was very old ; and that in the decline of 
 life he was wont to say, that " A state of exile was always uncom- 
 " fortable, but more so to an old man than to another." We can- 
 not, however, think that Coriolanus grew old among the Volscians. 
 Had he done so, his counsels would have preserved them from ruin ; 
 and after Tullus was slain, he would have restored their affairs, and 
 have got them admitted to the rights and privileges of Roman citi 
 zvns, in the same manner as the Latins.
 
 1 14 PLUTARCH S :.;VES. 
 
 The Volsdan aflairs soon wanted the abilities oi . 
 for, first of all, in a dispute which they Lad \viih the ^Equi, 
 their friends and allies, which of the two mttioub should 
 give a general to their armies, they proceeded to blows, 
 and a number were killed and wounded ; and afterwards, 
 coining to a battle with the Romans, in which they were 
 defeated, and Tullus, together with the flower of their 
 army slain, they were forced to accept of very disgraceful 
 conditions of peace, by which they were reduced to the 
 obedience of Rome, and obliged to accept of such terms 
 as the conquerors would allow them. 
 
 ALQIBUDES AM) COIMOLAMS 
 
 COMPARED* 
 
 HAVIKO now given a detail of all the actions of these two 
 great men, that we thought worthy to be known and re- 
 membered, we may perceive at one glance, that as to their 
 military exploits the balance is nearly even ; for both gave 
 extraordinary pioofs of courage as soldiers, and of prudence 
 and capacity as commanders in chief: though, perhaps, 
 some may think Alcibiades the more complete general, on 
 account of his many successful expeditions at sea aa well as 
 land. But this is common to both, that when they had 
 the command, and fought in person, the affairs of their 
 country infallibly prospered, and as infallibly declined when 
 they went over to the enemy. 
 
 As to their behaviour in point of government, if the 
 licentiousness of Alcibiades, and his compliances with the 
 humour of the populace, were abhorred by the wise and 
 sober part of the Athenians } the proud and forbidding 
 m?.nner of ConolamiG, and his excessive attachment to the 
 patricians, were equally detested by the Roman people. 
 In tins rts-.ect, therefore, neither of them is to be cor: 
 mended ; though he that avails himself of popular arts, 
 and shews too much indulgence, is less blameable than he, 
 who, to avoid the imputation of obsequiousnc-s, treats the 
 people with severity. It is, indeed, a disgrace to attain 
 to power by flattering them , but, on the other hand, to 
 pursue it b) acts of insoler.ee and oppre:sion. ii not only 
 shameful but unjust.
 
 A1.CIUJAUES AND f JKl-JLANLS CuMI'AItKD. 115 
 
 That Coriolanus had an openness and simplicity of man- 
 ners, is a poir.t beyond dispute, whilst Alcibiades \v;i 
 crafty and dark in the proceedings of his administration. 
 The latter has been most blamed for the trick which he 
 put upon the Lacedaemonian ambassadors, as Thucydides 
 tells us, and by which he renewed the war. Yet this 
 stroke of policy, though it plunged Athens again in war, 
 rendered the alliance with the Mantineans and Argues, 
 which was brought about by Alcihiades, much stronger 
 and more respectable. But was not Coriolanus chargeable 
 with a falsity, too, when, as Dionysius informs us, he stir- 
 red up the Romans against the Volscians, by loading the 
 latter with an infamous calumny when they went to sec 
 the public games ? The cause, too, makes this action the 
 more criminal } for it was not by ambition or a rival spirit 
 in politics that he was influenced, as Alcibiades was, but 
 he did it to gralify his anger, a passion wliich, as Dion says, 
 is ever ungrateful to its votaries. By this means he dis- 
 turbed all Italy, and in his quarrel with his country de- 
 stroyed many cities which had never done him any injury. 
 Alcibiades, indeed, was the author of many evils to the 
 Athenians, but was easily reconciled to them when he found 
 that they repented Nay, when he was driven a second 
 time into exile, he could not bear with patience the blunders 
 cnimitted by the new generals, nor see with indifference 
 the dangers to which they were exposed ; but observed the 
 tame conduct which Aristides is so highly extolled for with 
 respect to Themistocles. He went in person to those 
 generals, who, he knew, were not his friends, and shewed 
 them what steps it was proper for them to take. Whereas 
 Coriolanus directed his revenge against the v\ hole common- 
 wealth, though he had not been injured by the whole, but 
 the best and most respectable part both suffered and sym- 
 pathized with him. And afterwards, when the Romans 
 endeavoured to make satisfaction for that single grievance 
 by many embassies and much submission, he was not in the 
 least pacified or won ; but shewed himself determined t 
 prosecute a cruel war, not in order to procure his return to 
 his native country, but to conquer and to ruin it. It may, 
 indeed, be granted, that there was this difference in the 
 , Alcibiades returned to the Athenians, when the 
 Spartans, who both feared and hated him, intended to dis- 
 patch him privately. But it was not so honourable in 
 Coriolanus to desert the Volcciang, who had treated hirs
 
 116 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 with the utmost kindness, appointed Kim general with full 
 authority, and reposed in him the highest confidence ; very 
 different in this respect from Alcibiades, who was abused, to 
 their own purposes, rather than employed and trusted by 
 the Lacedaemonians ; and, who, after having been tossed 
 about in their city and their camp, was at last obliged to put 
 himself in the hands of Tissapher.ies. But, perhaps, he 
 made his court to the Persian,* in order to prevent the utter 
 ruin of his country, to which he was desirous to return. 
 
 History informs us, that Alcibiades often took bribes, 
 which he lavished again with equal discredit upon his vi- 
 cious pleasures ; while Coriolanus refused to receive even 
 what the generals he served under would have given him 
 with honour. Hence the behaviour of the latter was the 
 more detested by the people in the disputes about debts ; 
 since it was not with a view to advantage, but out of con- 
 tempt and by way of insult, as they thought, that he bore 
 so hard upon them. 
 
 Antipater, in one of his epistles, where he speaks of the 
 death of Aristotle the philosopher, telh us, " That great 
 ** man, besides his other extraordinary talents, had the art 
 41 of insinuating himself into the affections of those he con- 
 " versed with." For want of this talent, the great actions 
 and virtues of Coriolanus were odious even to those who 
 received the benefit of them, and who, notwithstanding, 
 could not endure that austerity which, as Plato says, is the 
 companion of solitude. But as Alcibiades, on the other 
 hand, knew how to treat those with whom he conversed, 
 with an engaging civility, it is no wonder if the glory of his 
 exploits flourished in the favour and honourable regard of 
 mankind, since his very faults had sometimes their grace 
 and elegance. Hence it was, that though his conduct was 
 often very prejudical to Athens, yet he was frequently ap- 
 pointed commander in chief ; while Coriolanus, after many 
 great achievements, with the best pretensions, sued for the 
 consulship, and lost it. The former deserved to be hated 
 by his countrymen, and was not ; the latter was not be- 
 loved, though at the same time he was admired. 
 
 * For he prevented Tissaphernes from assisting the Spartans with 
 all his forces. Thus he served the Athenians and the Persians at 
 the same time ; for it was undoubtedly the interest of the Persians 
 to preserve the two leading powers of Greece in a condition to 
 annoy each other, and, in the meantime, to reap the advantage 
 themselves.
 
 ALCIBIADES AVD CORIOLANUS COMPARED. 117 
 
 We should, moreover, consider, that Coriolanus per- 
 formed no considerable services while he commanded the 
 armies of his country, though for the enemy against his 
 country he did ; but that Alcibiades, both as a soldier and 
 a general, did great things for the Athenians. When 
 amongst his fellow-citizens, Alcibiades was superior to all 
 the attempts of his enemies, though their calumnies pre- 
 vailed against him in his absence ; whereas Coriolanus was 
 condemned by the Romans, though present to defei d him- 
 self, and at length killed by the Volscians, against all rights, 
 indeed, whether human or divine : nevertheless he afforded 
 them a colour for what they did, by granting that peace 
 to the entreaties of the women, which he had refused to 
 the application of the ambassadors ; by that means leav- 
 ing the enmity between the two nations, and the grounds 
 of the war entire, and losing a very favourable opportu- 
 nity for the Volscians. For surely he would not have drawn 
 off the forces without the consent of those that committed 
 them to his conduct, if he had sufficiently regarded his 
 duty to them. 
 
 But if, without considering the Volscians in the least) 
 he consulted his resentment only in stirring up the war, 
 and put a period to it again when that was satisfied, he 
 should not have spared his country on his mother's account* 
 but have spared her with it ; for both his mother and wife 
 made a part of his native city, which he was besieging. 
 But inhumanly to reject the application and entreaties of 
 the ambassadors, and the petition of the priests, and then 
 to consent to a retreat in favour of his mother, was not do- 
 ing honour to his mother, but bringing disgrace upon his 
 country ; since if it was not worthy to be saved for its 
 own sake, it appeared to be saved only in compassion to 
 a woman. For the favour was invidious, and so far front 
 being engaging, that, in fact, it savoured of cruelty, and 
 consequently was unacceptable to both parties. He re- 
 tired without being won by the supplications of those he 
 was at war with, and without consent of those for whom 
 he undertook it. The cause of all which was, the aus,.e- 
 rity of his manners, his arrogance, and inflexibility of mind, 
 things hateful enough to the people at all times ; but, 
 when united with ambition, savage and intolerable. Persons 
 of his temper, as if they had no need of honours, neglect- 
 to ingratiate themselves with the multitude, and yet are 
 excessively chagrined when those are denied them. It is
 
 LIVE*. 
 
 true, neither Meteflus, nor Aristides, nor Epaminondas, 
 were pliant to the people's humour, or could submit t. 
 flatter them ; but then they had a thorough contempt ot' 
 every thing that the people could either give or take away ; 
 and when they were baniihfd, or, on any other occasion, 
 miscarried in their suffrages, or were condemned in large 
 fines, they nourished no anger agair.st their ungrateful 
 countrymen, but were satisfied v.itli their repe::ta:.ce, and 
 reconciled to them at their request. And, surely, he who 
 is sparing in his assiduities to the people, can but with an 
 ill grftce think of reveng;:g tiny s'i^ht lie may suffer ; for 
 extreme resentment in case of disappointment in a pursuit 
 of honour, must be the effect of an extreme desire of it. 
 
 Alcibiadesj for his part, ivndily acknowledged that he 
 \vas charmed v;ith honours, a-.id that he was very uneasy at 
 being neglected ; and therefore he endeavoured to recom- 
 mend himself to those he had to do with, by every engag- 
 ing art. But the pride of Coriolanus would not permit him 
 to make his court to those who were capable of conferring 
 honours upon him ; and at the same time his ambition filled 
 him with regret and indignation when they passed him by. 
 This, then, is the blarneable part of his character ; all the 
 rest is great and glorious. In point of temperance and dis- 
 regard of riches, he is fit to be compared with the most il- 
 lustrious examples of integrity in Greece, and not with Al- 
 cibiades, who, in this respect, was the most profligate of 
 men, and had the least regard for deceney and honour. 
 
 TfMOLEON. 
 
 J HE affairs of the Syracusans, before Timoleon was 
 sent into Sicily, were in this posture. Dior having driven 
 out Dionysius the tyrant, was soon assassinated ; those 
 that v/ith him had been the means of delivering Syracuse, 
 were divided among themselves ; and the city, which only 
 changed one tyrant for another-, was oppressed with so 
 many miseries, that it was almost desolate.* As for th e 
 
 Upon Dion's doath, his murderer Calippus usurped the supreme 
 
 r ; but after ten months he was driven out, ami slain with the 
 
 -.me dagjrer which he had planted in the breast of his friend. Hip- 
 
 her of Dionysius, arriving with a numerous flevt.
 
 TOLEOX. 119 
 
 rest of Sicily, the wars had made part of it quite a de- 
 sert, and most of the tewr.s t'nat remained were held by a 
 Confused mixture of barbarian*: and soldier?,* who having 
 no reg i!ar pay, were ready for every change of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Sivli be::'.g the state cf things, Dionysit'..-, in the tenth 
 year after his expulsion, having got together a body ot 
 foreigners, drove out Nys-i'us, then master of Syiacuse, re- 
 stored his own affairs, and re-established himself in his 
 dominions. Thus he who had been unaccountably strip. 
 pod, by a small body of men, of the greatest power that 
 any tyrant ever possessed, still more unaccountably, of a 
 beggarly fugitive, became the master of those who had ex- 
 pelled him. AH, therefore, who ivinuii.e-J in Syracuse, 
 became slaves to a tyrant, who, at" tire best, was of an un- 
 gentle nature, and at that time exasperated -by his misfor- 
 tunes to a degree of savage ferocity. But the best and 
 most considerable of the citizerts having retired to Icetes. 
 prince of the Leontine?, put ; themselves tfnder his protec- 
 tion, and chose. It im for their 'general. Not that he wa? 
 better than the most avowed tyrants ; but they had no. 
 other resource ; and they were willing to repose some con- 
 fidence in him as being of a-Syracusan family, and having 
 an army able to encounter that of DionysiUs. 
 
 In. the meantime, the -Carthaginians .appearing before 
 Sicily with a great fleet, '-and being likely to avail them- 
 selves of the disordered state of the island, the Sicilians, 
 struck with terror, determined to send an embassy into 
 Greece, to beg assistance of the Corinthians; not only on 
 account of their kindred to that people, f and the many 
 services they had received from them on former occasions, 
 but because they knew that Corinth was always a patroness 
 of liberty, and an enemy to tyrants, and that she had en- 
 possessed himself of the city of Syracuse, and held it for the space 
 of two years. Syracuse and all Sicily being thus divided into par- 
 ties and factions, Dionysius the younger, who had been driven 
 from the throne, taking advantage of these troubles, assembled some 
 foreign troops ; and having defeated Nysaeus, who was then gover- 
 nor of Syracuse, reinstated himself in his dominions. 
 
 * Ffiraruv KUirSa*. 
 
 j- The Syracusans were a colony from Corinth, founded by Archias 
 the Corinthian, in the second year ot" the eleventh Olympiad, seven 
 hundiedand thirty-three years before the Christian era. Sicily had 
 been planted with Phoenicians and other barbarous people, as th>- 
 Grecians called them, above three hundred years before.
 
 120 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 gaged in many considerable wars, not from a motive of 
 ambition or avarice, but to maintain the freedom and inde- 
 pendency of Greece. Hereupon Icetes, whose intention in 
 accepting the command was not so much to deliver Syra- 
 cuse from its tyrants, as to set up himself there in the same 
 capacity, treated privately with the Carthaginians, while 
 in public he commended the design of the Syracusans, and 
 dispatched ambassadors along with theirs into Peloponnesus. 
 Not that he was desirous of succours from thence, but he 
 hoped that if the Corinthians, on account of the troubles of 
 Greece, and their engagements at home, should, as it was 
 likely enough, decline sending any, he might the more 
 easily incline the balance to the side of the Carthaginians, 
 and then make use of their alliance and their forces, either 
 against the Syracusans, or their present tyrant. That such 
 were his views, a little time discovered. 
 
 When the ambassadors arrived, and their business was 
 known, the Corinthians, always accustomed to give parti- 
 lar attention to the concerns of the colonies, and especially 
 those of Syracuse, since, by good fortune : they had nothing 
 to molest them in their own country, readily passed a vote 
 that the succours should be granted. The next thing to be 
 considered was, who should be general; when the magi- 
 strates put in nomination such as had endeavoured to distin- 
 guish themselves in the state ; but one of the plebeians stood 
 up, and proposed Timoleon, the son of Timodemus, who as 
 yet had no share in the business of the commonwealth, 'and 
 was so far from hoping or wishing for such an appointment, 
 that it seemed some god inspired him with the thought ; 
 with such indulgence did fortune immediately promote his 
 election, and so much did her favour afterwards signalize 
 his actions, and add lustre to his valour ! 
 
 His parentage was noble on both sides; for both his father 
 Timodemus, and his mother Demariste, were of the best 
 families in Corinth. His love of his country was remark- 
 able, and so was the mildness of his disposition, saving that 
 he bore an extreme hatred to tyrants and wicked men. 
 His natural abilities for war were so happily tempered, that 
 as an extraordinary prudence was seen in the enterprises of 
 his younger years, so an undaunted courage distinguished 
 his declining age. He had an elder brother, named Ti- 
 mophanes, who resembled him in nothing ; being rash 
 and indiscreet of himself, and utterly corrupted, besides, by 
 the passion* for sovereignly, infused into him by some of
 
 121 
 
 liis profligate acquaintance, and certain foreign soldiers 
 whom he had always about him. He appeared to be im- 
 petuous iu war, and to court danger, which gave his coun- 
 trymen such an opinion of his courage and activity, that 
 they frequently entrusted him with the command of the 
 army. And in these matters Timoleon much assisted him, by 
 entirely concealing, or at least extenuating his faults, and 
 magnifying the good qualities which nature had given him. 
 In a battle between the Corinthians and the troops of 
 Argos and Cleone, Timoleon happened to serve among 
 the infantry, when Timophane?, who was at the head of 
 the cavalry, was brought into extreme danger ; for his 
 horse, being wounded, threw him amidst the enemy. Here- 
 upon, part of his companions were frightened, and pre- 
 sently dispersed ; and the few that remained, having to 
 "fight with numbers, with difficulty stood their ground. 
 Timoleon, seeing his brother in these circumstances, ran 
 to his assistance, and covered him as he lay with his 
 shield ; and after having received abundance of darts and 
 many strokes of the sword upon his body and his armour, 
 by great efforts repulsed the enemy and s-.-ved him. 
 
 Some time after this, the Corinthians, apprehensive that 
 their city might be surprised through some treachery of 
 their allies, as it had been before, resolved to keep on foot 
 four hundred mercenaries, gave the command of them to 
 Timophanes. But he hiving no regard to justice or honour, 
 soon entered into measures to subject the city to himself ; 
 and having put to death a number of the principal inhabit- 
 ants without form of trial, declared himself absolute prince 
 of it. Timoleon, greatly concerned at this, and accounting 
 the treacherous proceedings of his brother his own misfor- 
 tune, went to expostulate with him, and endeavoured to 
 persuade him to renounce this madness and unfortunate 
 ambition, and to bethink himself how to make his fellow 
 citizens some amends for the crimes he had committed. 
 But as he rejected his single admonition with disdain, he 
 returned a few days after, taking with him a kinsman, 
 named /Eschylus, brother to the wife of Timophanes, and 
 a certain soothsayer, a friend of his, whom Theopompus 
 calls Satyrus, but Ephorus and Timaeus mention by the 
 name of Orthagoras. These three standing round him, 
 earnestly entreated him yet to listen to reason and change 
 his mind. Timophanes at first laughed at them, and after- 
 warus gave way to a violent passion; upon which, Tir. 
 Vd.lL G
 
 122 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 stepped aside, and stood weeping-, with his face covered, 
 while the other two drew their swords, and dispatched him 
 in a moment.* 
 
 The matter being soon generally known, the principal 
 and most valuable part of the Corinthians extolled Timo- 
 leon's detestation of wickedness, and that greatness of soul 
 which, notwithstanding the gentleness of his heart, and his 
 affection to his relations, led him to prefer his country to 
 his family, and justice and honour to interest and advantage. 
 While his brother fought valiantly for his country, he had 
 saved him ; and slain him when he had treacherously en- 
 slaved it. Those who knew not how to live in a democracy, 
 and had been used to make their court to men in power, 
 pretended indeed to rejoice at the tyrant's death ; but at 
 the same time reviling Timoleon, as guilty of an horrible 
 and impious deed, they created him great uneasiness. When 
 he heard how heavily his mother bore it, and that she ut- 
 tered the most dreadful wishes and imprecations against him, 
 he went to excuse it and to console her ; but she could not 
 endure the thought of seeing him, and ordered the doors to 
 be shut against him. He then became entirely a prey to 
 sorrow, and attempted to put an end to his life by abstaining 
 from all manner of food. In these unhappy circumstances 
 his friends did not abandon him. They even added force 
 to their entreaties, till they prevailed on him to live. He 
 determined, however, to live in solitude ; and accordingly 
 he withdrew from all public affairs, and for some years did 
 not so much as approach the city, but wandered about the 
 most gloomy parts of his grounds, and gave himself up to 
 melancholy. Thus the judgment, if it borrows not from 
 reason and philosophy sufficient strength and steadiness for 
 action, is easily unsettled and depraved by any casual com* 
 mendation or dispraise, and departs from its own purposes. f 
 For an action_should not only be just and laudable in itself, 
 
 * Diodorus, in the circumstances of this fact, differs from Plu- 
 tarch. He tells us, that Timoleon having killed his brother in the 
 market-place with his own hand, a great tumult arose among the 
 citizens. To appease this tumult, an assembly was convened ; and 
 in the height of their debates the Syracusan ambassadors arrived, 
 demanding a general. Whereupon they unanimously agreed to send 
 Timoleon ; but first let him know, that if he discharged his duty 
 there well, he should be considered as one who had killed a tyrant { 
 if not, as the murderer of his brother. Diodor. Sicul. 1. xvi, c. 10. 
 
 *) ExxcHsfiCiai (at xir-i; SC.)
 
 TIAIOLEON. 123 
 
 but the principle from which it proceeds firm and immove- 
 able, in order that our conduct may have the sanction of 
 our own approbation. Otherwise, upon tlie completion of 
 any undertaking, we shall, through our own weakness, be 
 filled with sorrow and remorse, and the splendid ideas of 
 honour and virtue, that led us to perform it, will vanish ; 
 just as the glutton is soon cloyed and disgusted with the 
 luscious viands which he had devoured with too keen an 
 appetite. Repentance tarnishes the best actions; whereas 
 the purposes that are grounded upon knowledge and reason 
 never change, though they may happen to be disappointed 
 of success. Hence it was that Phocion of Athens hav- 
 ing vigorously opposed the proceedings of Leosthenes,* 
 which notwithstanding turned out much more happily 
 than he expected, when be saw the Athenians offering 
 sacrifice, and elated with their victory, told them, he was 
 glad of their success, luf if it were to do over again, he should 
 give the same counsel. Still stronger was the answer which 
 Aristides the Locrian, one of Plato's intimate friends, 
 gave to Dionysius the elder, when he demanded one of his 
 daughters in marriage, / had rather see the virgin in her 
 grave, than in t lie palace of a tyrant. And when Diony- 
 sius soon after put his son to death, and then insolently- 
 asked him, What he now thought us to the disposal of his 
 daughter? I am sorry, said he, for what you have done, 
 but I am not sorry for what I said. However, it is only 
 a superior and highly r^complished virtue that can attain 
 such heights as these. ^* 
 
 As for Timoleon's extreme dejection in consequence of 
 the late act, whether it proceeded from regret of his bro- 
 ther's fate, or the reverence he bore his mother, it so shat- 
 tered and impaired his spirits, that for almost twenty years 
 he was concerned in no important or public affair. 
 
 When, therefore, he was pitched upon for general, and 
 accepted as such by the suffrages of the people, Teleclides, 
 a man of the greatest power and reputation in Corinth, 
 exhorted him to behave well, and to exert a generous va- 
 lour in the execution of his commission : For, said he, if 
 your conduct be god, we shall consider you as (he destroyer 
 of a tyrant ; if bad, as the murderer of your brother. 
 
 While Timoleon was assembling his forces, and preparing 
 to set sail, the Corinthians received letters from Icetes, 
 xvhich plainly discovered his revolt and treachery. For his 
 
 * See the Life of fhocion. 
 G 2
 
 124 PLUTARCH'S I.IVE.V. 
 
 ambassadors were no sooner set out for Corinth, than he 
 openly joined the Carthaginians, and acted in concert 
 with them, in order to expel Dionysius from Syracuse, 
 and usurp the tyranny himself. Fearing, moreover, lest 
 he should lose his opportunity, by ^ie speedy arrival of 
 the army from Corinth, he wrote to the Corinthians to 
 acquaint them, " That there was no occasion for them to 
 " put themselves to trouble and expense, or to expose 
 " themselves to the dangers of a voyage to Sicily ; par- 
 " ticnlarly, as the Carthaginians would oppose them, arid 
 <* were watching for their ships with a numerous fleet ; 
 " and that, indeed, on account of the slowness of their 
 " motions, lie had been forced to engage those very Car- 
 " thaginians to assist him against the tyrant." 
 
 It any of the Corinthians before were cold and indifferent 
 as to the expedition, upon the reading of these letters they 
 were one and all so incensed against Icetes, that they readi- 
 ly supplied Timoleon with whatever he wanted, and united 
 their endeavours to expedite his sailing. 
 
 When the fleet was equipped, and the soldiers provided 
 with all that was necessary, the priestesses of Proserpine had 
 a dream, wherein that goddess and her mother Ceres ap- 
 peared to them in a travelling garb, and told them, " That 
 " they intended to accompany Timoleon into Sicily." 
 Hereupon the Corinthians equipped a sacred galley, which 
 they called the get/It^, of the goddesses. Timoleon himself 
 -went to Delphi, where he offered sacrifice to Apollo ; and, 
 upon his descending into the place where the oracles were 
 delivered, was surprised with this wonderful occurrence : 
 A wreath, embroidered with crowns and images of victory, 
 slipped down from among the offerings that were hung up 
 there, and fell upon Timoleon'shead ; so that Apollo seem- 
 ed to send him out crowned upon that enterprise. 
 
 He had seven ships of Corinth, two of Corcyra, and a 
 .enth fitted out by the Leucadians, with which he put to 
 :ea. It was in the night that he set sail, and with a pros- 
 perous gale he was making his way, when on a sudden 
 the heavens seemed to be rent asunder, and to pour upon 
 his ship a bright and spreading flame/nvhich soon formed 
 itself into a torch, such as is used in the sacred -mysteries, 
 having conducted them through their whole course, 
 brought them to that quarter of Italy for which they de- 
 ed to steer. The soothsayer declared that this ap- 
 pearance perfectly agreed with the dream of the priestesses, 
 aad that by this light from heaven, the goddesses shewed
 
 TIMOLEO.V. 125 
 
 themselves interested in the success of the expedition ; 
 particularly as Sicily was sacred to Proserpine ; it being 
 fabled that her rape happened there, and that the island 
 was bestowed on her as a nuptial gift.* 
 
 The fleet, thus encouraged with tokens of the divine 
 favour, very soon crossed the sea, and made the coast of 
 Italy. But the news brought thither from Sicily much 
 perplexed Timoleon, and disheartened his forces. For 
 Icetes having beaten Dionysius in a set battle, -f- and taken 
 great part of Syracuse, had, by a line of circumvallation, 
 shut up the tyrant in the citadel, and that part of the city 
 which is called the is/and, and besieged him there. At 
 the same time he ordered the Carthaginians to take care 
 that Timoleon should not land in Sicily ; hoping, when 
 the Corinthians were driven off, without farther opposi- 
 tion, to share the island with his new allies. The Car- 
 thaginians, accordingly, se.it awuy twenty of their galleys 
 to Rhegium, in which were ambassadors from Icetes to 
 Timoleon, charged with proposals quite as captious as his 
 proceedings themselves ; for they were nothing but spe- 
 cious and artful words, invented to give a colour to his 
 treacherous designs They were to make an offer, " That 
 ' Timoleon might, if he thought proper, go and assist 
 " Icetes with his counsel, and share in his successes ; but 
 " that he must send back his ships and troops to Corinth, 
 " since the war was almost finished, and the Carthaginians 
 ' were determined to prevent their passage, and ready to 
 *' repel force with force." 
 
 The Corinthians, then, as soon as they arrived at Rhe- 
 gium, meeting with this embassy, and seeing the Cartha- 
 ginians riding at anchor near them, were vexed at the in- 
 sult : a general indignation was expressed against Icetes, 
 and fear for the Sicilians, whom they plainly saw left as a 
 prize to reward Icetes for his treachery, and the Cartha- 
 
 * The bridegroom made a present to the bride, the third day 
 after the wedding, when, according to the modesty of those ancient 
 times, the bride appeared first without a veil ; for which reason the 
 present was called ava*Xu-TTj;j/.-i. 
 
 f- Icetes finding himself in want of provisions, withdrew from the 
 siege of Syracuse towards his own country ; whereupon Dionysius 
 marched out and attacked his rear. But Icetes facing about, defeat- 
 ed him, killed three thousand of his men, and pursuing him into, 
 the city, got possession of part of it. Our author observes, a little 
 below, that Syracuse being divided by strong walls, was as it were 
 an assemblage of cities. 
 
 G 3
 
 LIVES. 
 
 ginians for assisting ia setting him up tyrant. And it 
 seemed impossible for them to get the better, either of 
 the barbariaiis, who were watching them with double their 
 number of ships, or of the forces of Icetes, which they 
 had expected would have joined them, and put 'themselves 
 aiider their command. 
 
 Timoleon, on this occasion, coming to an interview with 
 the ambassadors and the Carthaginian commanders, mildly 
 said, " He would submit to their proposal," for what 
 could he gain by opposing them ? " but he was desirous 
 that they would give them in publicly before the peo- 
 ple of Rhegitim, ere he quitted that place, since it was 
 a Grecian city, and common friend to both parties ; for 
 that this tended to his security, and they themselves 
 would stand more firmly to their engagements, if they 
 took that people for witnesses to them." 
 This overture he made only to amuse them, intending 
 all the while to steal a passage ; and the magistrates of Rhe- 
 ghim entered heartily into his scheme ; for they wished to 
 see the affairs of Sicily in Corinthian hands, and dreaded 
 the neighbonrhood of the barbarians. They summoned, 
 therefore, an assembly, and shut the gates, lest the citizens 
 should go about any other business. Being convened, they 
 made long speeches, one of them taking up the argument 
 where another laid it down, with no other view than to gain 
 time for the Corinthian galleys to get under sail ; and the 
 Carthaginians were easily detained in the assembly, as hav- 
 ing no suspicion, because Timoleon was present, and it was 
 expected every moment that he would stand up and make 
 his speech. But upon secret notice that the other galleys 
 had put to sea,* and his alone was left behind, by the help 
 of tin? Rhfgians, who pressed close to the rostrum, and con- 
 cealed him amongst them, he slipped through the crowd i 
 got down to the shore, and hoisted sail with all speed. 
 
 He soon arrived, with all his vessels, at Tauromeniun: 
 in Sicily, to which he had been invited some time before, 
 and where he was now kindly received by Andromachus, 
 lord of that city. This Andromachus was father to Ti- 
 ".iseus the historian ; and being much the best of all the 
 Sicilian princes of his time, he both governed his own 
 people agreeably to the laws and principles of justice, and 
 
 * The Carthaginians believed that the departure of those nine 
 galleys for Corinth had been agreed on between the officers of both 
 parties, and that the tenth \va.s left behind to carry Timcl' 
 Icetes.
 
 TJMOLEON. 127 
 
 had ever avowed his aversion and enmity to tyrants. On 
 this account he readily allowed Timoleoa to make his 
 city a place of anus, and persuaded his people to co-ope- 
 rate with the Corinthians with all their force, in restoring 
 liberty to the whole island. 
 
 The CartHaginians at Rhegium, upon the breaking up 
 of the assembly, seeing that Timoleon was gone, were vex- 
 ed to find thems'.-lves outwitted ; aad it afforded no small 
 diversion to the Rhegians that Phoenicians should complain 
 rif a m/ thing effected L-y guile.* They dispatched, however, 
 one of their galleys with an ambassador to Tanromeniuin, 
 who represented the affair at large to Andromachus, insist- 
 ing, with much insolence and barbaric pride, that he should 
 immediately turn the Corinthians out of his town ; and, at 
 last, shewing him his hand with the palm upwards, and then 
 turning it down again, told him, if he did not comply with 
 that condition, the Carthaginians would ovi-rturn Ids r/'fy, 
 just av he had turned his hand. Andromachus only smiled ; 
 and without making him any other answer, stretched out 
 his hand, first with one side up, and then the other, and 
 bade him begone directly, ij he did not chouse to have his 
 ship turned upside dou-n in the name manner. 
 
 Icetes, hearing that Timoleon had made good his passage* 
 was much alarmed, and sent for a great number of the 
 Carthaginian galleys. The Syracusans then began to de- 
 spair of a deliverance ; for they saw the Carthaginians 
 masters of their harbour,-]- Icetes possessed of the city, 
 and the citadel in the hands of Dionysius ; while Timo- 
 leon held only by a small border of the skirts of Sicily, 
 the little town of Tauromenium, with a feeble hope, and 
 an inconsiderable force, having no more than a thousand 
 men, and provisions barely sufficient for them. Nor had 
 the Sicilian states any confidence in him, plunged as they 
 were in misfortunes, and exasperated against all that pre- 
 tended to lead armies to their succour, particularly on ac- 
 cou^ of the perfidy of Callippus and Pharax. Ihe one 
 was an Athenian, and the other a Lacedaemonian ; and 
 both came with professions to dp great tilings for the liber- 
 ty of Sicily, aad for demolishing the tyrants ; yet the Si- 
 cillians soon found that the reign of former oppress <rs was 
 comparatively a golden age, and reckoned those far more 
 
 * Fratis punica, Phoenician /rau</, had passed into a proverb. 
 |- The Carthaginians had a hundred ami lift/ nion ci' war, fifty 
 ud foot, and three hundred chariots.
 
 128 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 happy who died in servitude, than such as lived to st 
 dismal a kind of freedom. Expecting, therefore, that this 
 Corinthian deliverer would be no better than those before 
 him, and that the deceitful hand of art would reach out 
 to them the same bait of good hopes ar.d fair promises, to 
 draw them into subjection to a new master, they all, ex- 
 cept the people of Adranum, suspected the designs of the 
 Corinthians, and declined their proposals. Adranum was 
 a small city, consecrated to the god Adranus,* who was 
 held in high veneration throughout all Sicily. Its inha- 
 bitants were at variance with each other ; some calling in 
 Icttea and the Carthaginians, and others applying to Ti- 
 moleon. Both general?, striving which should get there 
 first, as fortune would have it, arrived about the same time. 
 But Icetes had five thousand men with him, and Timo- 
 leon twelve hundred at the most, whom he drew out of 
 Tauromenium, which was forty-two miles and a half from 
 Adranirm. The first day he made but a short march, and 
 pitched his tents in good time. The next day he march- 
 ed forward at a great pace, though the road was very rug- 
 ged, and towards evening was informed that Icetes had 
 just reached the town, and was encamping before it. At 
 the same time his officers made the foremost division halt, 
 to take some refreshment, that they might be the more 
 vigorous in the ensuing engagement. This, however, was 
 against the opinion of Timoleon, who entreated them to 
 inarch forward as fast as possible, and to attack the enemy 
 before they were put in order ; it being probable, now they 
 were just come off their march, that they were employed 
 in pitching their tents and preparing their supper. He had 
 no sooner given this order, than he took his buckler, and 
 put himself at the head of them, as leading them on to un- 
 doubted victory. 
 
 His men, thus encouraged, followed him very cheerfully, 
 being now not quite thirty furlongs from Adranum. As 
 soon as they came up, they fell upon the enemy, who were 
 in great confusion, and ready to fly at their first approach. 
 For this reason not many more than three hundred were 
 killed, but twice as many were made prisoners, and the 
 camp was taken. 
 
 Upon this the people of Adranum opened their gates to 
 Timoleon, and joined his party, declaring with terror and 
 
 * This deity, by his insignia, afterwards mentioned, should 
 o be Mars. His temple was guarded by a hundred dogs.
 
 TIMOLHOX. 129 
 
 astonishment, that during the battle, the sacred doors of 
 the temple opened of their own accord, the spear of their 
 god was seen to shake to the very point, and his face dropt 
 with sweat. These things did not foreshow that victory- 
 only, but the future successes to which this dispute was a 
 fortunate prelude ; for several cities, by their ambassa- 
 dors, immediately joined in alliance with Timoleon ; and 
 Mamercus, sovereign of Catana, a warlike and wealthy 
 prince, entered into the confederacy. But what was still 
 more material, Dionysius himself, having bid adieu to 
 hope, and unable to hold out much longer, despising Ice- 
 tes, who was so shamefully beaten, and admiring the bra- 
 very of Timoleon, offered to deliver up to him and the 
 Corinthian* both himself and the citadel. 
 
 Timoleon accepted of this good fortune, so superior to 
 his hopes, and sent Euclides and Telemachus, two Corin- 
 thian officers, into the citadel, as he did four hundred men 
 besides, not altogether, nor openly, for that was impos- 
 sible, because the enemy were upon their guard, but by 
 stealth, and a few at a time. This corps then took pos- 
 sion of the citadel, and the tyrant's moveab:es, with all 
 that he had provided for carrying on the war, namely, a 
 good number of horses, all manner of engines, and a vast 
 quantity of darts. They found also arms for seventy thou- 
 sand men, which had been laid up of old, and two thousand 
 soldiers with Dionysius, whom he delivered up, along with 
 the stores, to Timoleon. But the tyrant reserved his money 
 to himself; and having got on board a ship, he sailed, with 
 a few of his friends, without being perceived by Icetes, 
 and reached the camp of Timoleon. 
 
 Then it was that he first appeared in the humble figure 
 of a private man ;* and, as such, he was sent, with one 
 ship, and a very moderate sum of money, to Corinth ; he 
 that was born in a splendid court, and educated as heir to 
 the most absolute monarchy that ever existed. He held it 
 for ten years ; -j- and for twelve more, from the time that 
 
 * Dionysius was born to absolute power, whereas most other ty- 
 rants, Dionysius the elder, for instance, had raised themselves to 
 it, and some from a mean condition. 
 
 f- For he began his reign in the first year of the hundred and third 
 Olympiad, three hundred and sixty-six years before the Christian era. 
 Dion took aims against him in the fourth year of the hundred and 
 fifth Olympiad ; and he delivered up the citadel to Timoleon, and 
 was sent to Corinth, in the first year of the hundred and ninth. 
 
 G5
 
 1 30 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 Dion took up arms against him, he was exercised conti- 
 nually in wars and troubles ; insomuch that the mischiefs 
 caused by his tyranny were abundantly recompensed upon 
 his own head in what he suffered. He saw his sons die in 
 their youth, his daughters deflowered, and his sister, who 
 was also his wife, exposed to the brutal lusts of his ene- 
 mies, and then slaughtered, with her children, and tlirown 
 into the sea, as we have related more particularly in the life 
 of Dion. 
 
 When Dionysius arrived at Corinth, there was hardly a 
 man in Greece who was not desirous to see him and dis- 
 course with him. Some hating the man, and rejoicing at 
 his misfortunes, came for the pleasure of insulting him in 
 his present distress ; others, whose sentiments with respect 
 to him were somewhat changed, and who were touched 
 with compassion for his fate, plainly saw the influence of 
 an invisible and divine power displayed in the affairs of 
 feeble mortals ; for neither nature nor art produced, in 
 those times, any thing so remarkable as that work of for- 
 tune,* which shewed the man, who was lately sovereign of 
 Sicily, now holding conversation in a butcher's shop at 
 Corinth, or sitting whole days in a perfumer's; or drinking 
 the diluted wine of taverns ; or squabbling in the streets 
 with lewd women ; or directing female musicians in their 
 singing, and disputing with them seriously about the har- 
 mony of certain airs that were sung in the theatre.-f 
 
 Some were of opinion, that he fell into these unworthy 
 amusements, as being naturally idle, effeminate, and dis- 
 solute ; but others thought it was a stroke of policy, and 
 that he rendered himself despicable to prevent his being 
 feared by the Corinthians ; contrary to his nature, affect- 
 ing that meanness and stupidity, lest they should imagine 
 the change of his circumstances sat heavy upon him, and 
 that he aimed at establishing himself again. 
 
 Nevertheless, some sayings of his are recorded, by which 
 it should seem that he did not bear his present misfortunes 
 in an abject manner. When he arrived at Leucas, which 
 was a Corinthian colony as well as Syracuse, he said, " He 
 
 * Plutarch add^, nor art, to give us to- understand that the tragic 
 poets had not represented so signal a catastrophe even in fable. 
 
 f Some writers tell us that the extreme poverty to which he 
 was reduced, obliged him to open a school at Corinth, where he ex- 
 ercised that tyranny over children which he could no longer practise 
 over- men. Ctc. Tusc. Quest. 1. iii.
 
 TIMOLEON.- ' 131 
 
 " found himself in a situation like that of young men who 
 ** had been guilty of some misdemeanor. For as they con- 
 " verse cheerfully, notwithstanding, with their brothers, 
 *' but are abashed at the thought of coming before their 
 <{ fathers, so he was ashamed of going to live in the mo- 
 " ther city, and couldipass his days much more to his satis- 
 " faction with them." Another time, when a certain 
 stranger derided him at Corinth, in a very rude and scorn- 
 ful manner, for having, in the meridian of his power, ta- 
 ken pleasure in the discourse of philosophers, and at last 
 asked him, " What he had got by the wisdom of Plato ?" 
 " Do you think," said he, " that we have reaped no ad- 
 " vantage from Plato, when we bear in this manner such 
 " a change of fortune ?" Aristoxenus the muscian, and 
 some others, having inquired, " What was the ground of 
 " his displeasure against Plato ?'' he^answered, " That 
 " absolute power abounded with evils ; but bad this great 
 " infelicity above all the rest, that among the number of 
 " those who call themselves the friends of an arbitrary 
 " prince, there is not one who will speak his mind to him 
 " freely; and that by such false friends he had been de- 
 " prived of the friendship of Plato." 
 
 borne one who had a mind to be arch, and to make 
 merry with Dionysius, shook his robe when he entered his 
 apartment, as is usual when persons approach a tyrant ; and 
 he, returning the jest very well, bade him '* do the same 
 " when he went out, that be might not carry off some 
 " of the moveables." 
 
 O^e day* over their cups, Philip of Macedon, with a 
 kind of sneer, introduced some discourse about the odes* 
 
 * Dionysius the elder valued himself upon his poetry, but has been 
 censured as the worst poet in the world. Philoxcnus, who was him- 
 self an excellent poet, attempted to undeceive him in the favourable 
 opinion he had of his own abilities, but --vas sent to the quarries for 
 the liberty he took. However, the next day he was restored to favour, 
 and Dionysius repeated to him some verses he had taken extraordi- 
 nary pains with, expecting his approbation ; but the poet, instead 
 of giving it, looked round to the guards, and said to them very hu- 
 morously, " Take me back to the qnan-ie.-." Notwithstanding this, 
 Dionysius disputed the prize of poetry at the Olympic games; but 
 there he was hissed, and the rich pavilion he had sent torn in pieces, 
 fie had better success, however, at Athens; for he gained 'the prize 
 of poetry at the celebrated feast of Bacchus. On this occasion he 
 was in such raptures that he drank to excess, and the debauch threw 
 him into violent pains ; to allay which, he asked for a soporative; 
 and his physicians gave him one that laid him asleep, out of which 
 he never awakedt 
 
 G6
 
 132 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 and tragedies which Dionysius the elder left behind him, 
 and pretended to doubt how he could find leisure for such 
 works. Dionysius answered smartly enough, " They 
 " were written in the time in which you and I, and other 
 " happy fellows, spend over their bowl." 
 
 Plato did not see Dionysius in Corinth, for he had now 
 been dead some time. But Diogenes of Sinope, when 
 he first met him, addressed him as follows. " How little 
 *' dost thou deserve to live !'* Thus Dionysius answered. 
 " It is kind in you to sympathize with me in my misfor- 
 " tunes." " Dost thou think, then," said Diogenes, " that 
 " I have any pity for thee, and that I am not rather vexed 
 " that such a slave as thou art, and so fit to grow old and 
 * die, like thy father, on a tyrant's uneasy throne, should, 
 " instead of that, live with us here in mirth and pleasure." 
 So that when I compare with these words of the philo- 
 sopher, the doleful expressions of Philistus, in which he 
 bewails the fate of the daughters of Leptines,* " That 
 " from the great and splendid enjoyments of absolute 
 *' power, they were reduced to a private and humble sta- 
 " tion," they appear to one as the lamentations of a wo- 
 man who regrets her perfumes, her purple robes, and gol- 
 den trinkets. This account of the sayings of Dionysius 
 seems to me neither foreign from biography, nor without 
 its utility to such readers as are not in a hurry, or taken 
 up with other concerns. 
 
 If the ill fortune of Dionysius appeared surprising, the 
 success of Timoleon was no less wonderful. For within 
 fifty days after his landing in Sicily, he was master of the 
 citadel of Syracuse, and sent off Dionysius into Pelopon- 
 nesus. The Corinthians, encouraged with these advan- 
 tages, sent him a reinforcement of two thousand foot and 
 two hundred horse. These got on their way as far as 
 Thurium ; but finding it impracticable to gain a passage 
 from thence, because the sea was beset with a numerous 
 fleet of Carthaginians, they were forced to stop there, and 
 watch their opportunity. However, they employed their 
 time in a very noble undertaking. For the Thurians, 
 marching out of their city to war against the Brutians, 
 left it in charge with these Corinthian strangers, who de- 
 fended it with as much honour and integrity as if it hau 
 been their own. 
 
 * Leptines. mentioned afterward?, was tyrant of Apollonia.
 
 133 
 
 Meantime, Icetes carried on the siege of the citadel with 
 great vigour, and blocked it up so close, that no provisions 
 could be got in for the Corinthian garrison. He prorided 
 also two strangers to assassinate Timoleon, and sent them 
 privately to Adranum. That general, who never kept 
 any regular guards about him, lived then with the Adranites 
 without any sort of precaution or suspicion, by reason 
 of his confidence in their tutelary god. The assassins be- 
 ing informed that he was going to offer sacrifice, went into 
 the temple with their poniards under their clothes, and 
 mixing with those that stood round the altar, got nearer 
 to him by little and little. They were just going to 
 give each other the signal to begin, when somebody struck 
 one of them on the head with his sword, and laid him at 
 his feet. Neither he that struck the blow kept his station, 
 nor the companion of the dead man ; the former, with his 
 sword in his hand, fled to the top of a high rock, and the 
 latter laid hold of the altar, entreating Timoleon to spare 
 his life, on condition that he discovered the whole matter. 
 Accordingly pardon was promised him ; and he confessed 
 that he and the person who lay dead were sent on purpose 
 to kill him. 
 
 Whilst he was making this confession, the other man was 
 brought down from the rock, and loudly protested, that he 
 was guilty of no injustice, for he only took righteous venge- 
 ance on the wretch who had murdered his father in the 
 city of Leontiiim.* And for the truth of this he appealed 
 to several that were there present, who all attested the same, 
 and could not but admire the wonderful management of 
 fortune, which, moving one thing by another, bringing to- 
 gether the most distant incidents, and combining those 
 that have no manner of relation, but rather the greatest 
 dissimilarity, makes such use of them, that the close of one 
 process is always the beginning of another. The Corinthians 
 rewarded the man with a present of ten min<f, because his 
 hand had co-operated with the guardian genius of Timo- 
 leon, and he had reserved the satisfaction for his private 
 wrongs to the time when fortune availed herself of it to 
 save the general. This happy escape had effects beyond the 
 present ; for it inspired the Corinthians with high expecta- 
 tions of Timoleon, when they saw the Sicilians now re- 
 
 " History can hardly afford a stronger instance of an interfering 
 Providence.
 
 134 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 verence and guard him, as a man whose person was sacred, 
 and who was come, as minister of the gods, to avenge and 
 deliver them. 
 
 When Icetes had failed in this attempt, and saw many 
 of the Sicilians going over to Timoleon, he blamed him- 
 self for making use of the Carthaginians in small numbers 
 only, and availing himself of their assistance as it were by 
 stealth, and as if he were ashamed of it, when they had 
 such immense forces at hand. He sent, therefore, for 
 Mago, their commander in chief, and his whole fleet ; who, 
 with terrible pomp, took possession of the harbour with a 
 hundred and fifty ships, and landed an army of sixty thou- 
 sand men, which encamped in the city of Syracuse ; inso- 
 much, that-every one imagined the inundation of barbarians, 
 which had been announced and expected of old, was now 
 come upon Sicily ; for in the many wars which they had 
 waged in that island, the Carthaginians had never before 
 been able to take Syracuse ; but Icetes then receiving them, 
 and delivering up the city to them, the whole became a 
 camp of barbarians. 
 
 The Corinthians, who still held the citadel, found them- 
 selves in very dangerous and difficult circumstances ; for 
 besides that they were in want ol previous, because the 
 port was guarded and blocked up, they were employed 
 in sharp a:.d continual disputes about the walls, which 
 were attacked with all manner of machines and batteries, 
 and for the defence of which they were obliged to divide 
 themselves. Timoleon, however, found means to relieve 
 ibem, by sending a supply of corn from Catana in small 
 fishing-boats and little skiffs, which watched the opportu- 
 nity to make their way through the enemy's fleet, when it 
 happened to be separated by a storm. Mago and Icetes 
 no sooner saw this, than they resolved to make themselves 
 masters of Catana, from which provisions were sent to the 
 besieged; and taking with them the best of their troops, 
 they sailed from Syracuse. Leo, the Corinthian, who 
 commanded in the citadel, having observed from the top of 
 it, that those of the er.emy who stayed behind abated their 
 vigilance, and kept but an indifferent guard, suddenly fell 
 upon them as they were dispersed ; and killing some, ar.d 
 putting the rest to flight, gained the quarter called 
 Achradlna^ which was much the strongest, and had suf- 
 fered the least from the enemy j for Syracuse is an as-
 
 TIMOLEOtf. 135 
 
 eemblage, as it were, of towns.* Finding plenty of pro- 
 visions and money there, he did not give up the acquisition, 
 nor return into the citadel, but stood upon his defence in 
 the Achradinay having fortified it quite round, and joined 
 it by new works to the citadel. Mago and Icetes were 
 now near Catana, when a horseman, dispatched from Sy- 
 racuse, brought them tidings that the Achradinu was 
 taken ; which struck them with such surprise, that they 
 returned in great hurry, having neither taken the place 
 which they went against, nor kept that which they had 
 before. 
 
 Perhaps prudence and valour have as much right as 
 fortune to lay claim to these successes ; but the event that 
 next ensued, is wholly to be ascribed to the favour of for- 
 tune. The corps of Corinthians that were at Thurii.m 
 dreading the Carthaginian fleet, which, under the com- 
 mand of Haano, observed their motions, and finding, at 
 the same time, that the sea for many days was stormy and 
 tempestuous, determined to march through the country of 
 the Brutians ; and partly by persuasion, partly by force, 
 they made good their passage through the territories of 
 the barbarians, and came down to Rhegium, the sea still 
 Continuing rough as before 
 
 The Carthaginian admiral, not expecting the Corinthi- 
 ans would venture out, thought it was in vain to sit still ; 
 and having persuaded himself that he had invented one of 
 the finest stratagems in the world, ordered the mariners to 
 crown themselves with garlands, and to dress up the galleys 
 wivh Grecian and Phoenician bucklers jf and thus equipped, 
 he sailed to Syracuse. When he came near the citadel, he 
 hailed it with loud huzzas and expressions of triumph, de- 
 claring that he was just come from beating the Corinthian 
 
 * There were four ; the Isle, or the citadel*, which was between 
 the two ports ; Achr.idina, at a little distance from the citadel ; 
 Tyche, so called from the temple of Fortune ; and Neapolh, or the 
 new city. To these some eminent authors 'and Plutarch is of the 
 number; add a fifth, which they call Epipdce. 
 
 { As it steins absurd to make mention here of Phoenician buck- 
 lers, since they could be no token that the Greeks were beaten, M. 
 Datier conjectures that the word $i,Kten should not be taken for a 
 patronymic, nor written with a capital, but with a simple 0, and 
 then it may signify giisttring icitk purple ; so Plutarch, a little be- 
 low, takes notice of tnwai -,r;;;;y^ayl/f. 
 
 But it must be acknowledged, that the xz> before finnan* ttiUids 
 in the way of that correction.
 
 136 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 succours, whom he had met with at sea, as they were en- 
 deavouring at a passage. By this means he hoped to strike 
 terror into the besieged. While he was acting this part, 
 the Corinthians got down to Rhegium ; and as the coast 
 was clear, and the wind falling as it were miraculously, 
 promised smooth water and a safe voyage, they immedi- 
 ately went aboard such barks and fishing-boats as they 
 could find, and passed over into Sicily with so much safety, 
 and in such a dead calm, that they even drew the horses by 
 the reins, swimming by the side of the vessels. 
 
 When they were all landed, and had joined Timoleon, 
 he soon took Messana;* and from thence he marched in 
 good order to Syracuse, depending more upon his good 
 fortune than his forces, for he had not above four thou- 
 sand men with him. On the first news of his approach, 
 Mago was greatly perplexed and alarmed ; and his suspicions 
 were increased on the following occasions. The marshes 
 about Syracuse,f which receive a great deal of fresh water 
 from the springs, and from the lakes and rivers that dis- 
 charge themselves there into the sea, have such abundance 
 of eels, that there is always plenty for those that choose to 
 fish for them. The common soldiers of both sides amused 
 themselves promiscuously with that sport at their vacant 
 hours, and upon any cessation of arms. As they were all 
 Greeks, and had no pretence for any private animosity 
 against each other, they fought boldly when they met in 
 battle, and in time of truce they mixed together, and con- 
 versed familiarly. Busied at one of these times in their 
 common diversion of fishing, they fell into discourse, and 
 expressed their admiration of the convenience of the sea and 
 the situation of the adjacent places. Whereupon one of 
 the Corinthian soldiers thus addressed those that served 
 under Icetes. " And can you, who are Greeks, readily 
 consent to reduce this city, so spacious in itself, and blest 
 with so many advantages, into the power of the barba* 
 rians, and to bring the Carthaginians, the most deceitful 
 and bloody of them all, into our neighbourhood, when 
 you ought to wish that between them and Greece there 
 were many Sicilies ? Or can you think that they have 
 " brought an aimed force from the pillars of Hercules and 
 
 * Messana in the ancient Sicilian pronunciation ; now Mtssina. 
 
 f There is one morass that is called Lysimelia, and another called 
 Syraco. From this last the city took its name. These morasses 
 aake the air of Syiacuw very uu wholesome.
 
 TIMOLEON. 137 
 
 " the Atlantic ocean, and braved the hazards of war, 
 " purely to erect a principality for Icetes ; who, if he had 
 11 had the prudence which becomes a general, would never 
 " have driven out his founders, to call into his country the 
 " worst of its enemies, when he might have obtained of 
 " the Corinthians and Timoleon any proper degree of ho- 
 " nour and power." 
 
 The soldiers that were in pay with Icetes, repeating their 
 discourses often in their camp, gave Mago, who had long 
 wanted a pretence to be gone, room to suspect that he was 
 betrayed ; and though Icetes entreated him to stay, and re- 
 monstrated upon their great superiority to the enemy, yet he 
 weighed anchor, and sailed back to Africa, shamefully and 
 unaccountably suffering Sicily to slip out of his hands. 
 
 Next day, Timoleon drew up his army in order of battle 
 before the place ; but when he and his Corinthians were 
 told that Mago was fled, and saw the harbour empty, they 
 could not forbear laughing at his cowardice ; and by way 
 of mockery, they caused proclamation to be made about the 
 city, promising a reward to any one that could give infor- 
 mation where the Carthaginian fleet was gone to hide itself. 
 Icetes, however, had still the spirit to stand a farther shock, 
 and would not let go his hold, but vigorously defended 
 those quarters of the city which he occupied, and which 
 appeared almost impregnable, Timoleon, therefore, divided 
 his forces into three parts ; and himself, with one of them, 
 made his attack by the river Anapus, where he was likely 
 to meet with the warmest reception ; commanding the 
 second, which was under Isias the Corinthian, to begin 
 their operations from the Achriidina, while Dinarchus and 
 Demaretus, who brought the last reinforcement from 
 Corinth, should attempt the E/jipota- ; so that several im- 
 pressions being made at the same time, and on every side, 
 the soldiers of Icetes were overpowered, and put to flight. 
 Now that the city was taken by assault, and suddenly re- 
 duced, upon the flight of the enemy, we may justly impute 
 to the bravery of the troops, and the ability of their general ; 
 but that not one Corinthian was either killed or wounded, 
 the fortune of Timoleon claims entirely to herself, willing, 
 as she seems, to maintain a dispute with his valour, and 
 that those who read his story, may rather admire his happy 
 success than the merit of his actions The fame of this 
 great achievement soon overspread not only Sicily and 
 Italy, but, in a few days, it resounded through Greece } so
 
 139 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 that the city of Corinth, which was in some doubt whether 
 its fleet was arrived in Sicily, was informed by the same 
 messengers, that its forces had made good their passage, 
 and were victorious. So well did their affairs prosper, and 
 so much lustre did fortune add to the gallantry of their 
 exploits by the speediness of their execution. 
 
 Timoleon, thus master of the c'tadel, did not proceed like 
 Dion, or spare the place for its beauty and magnificence ; 
 but guarding against the suspicions, which first slandered, 
 and then destroyed that great man, he ordered the public 
 crier to give notice, " That all the Syracusans who were 
 *' willing to have a hand in the work, should come with 
 " proper instruments to destroy the bulwarks of tyranny." 
 Hereupon they came one and all, considering that procla- 
 mation and that day as the surest commencement of their 
 liberty ; and they not only demolished the citadel, but le- 
 velled with the ground both the palaces and the monuments 
 of the tyrants. Having soon cleared the place, he built a 
 common hall there for the seat of judicature, at once to 
 gratify the citizens, and to shew that a popular government 
 should be erected on the ruins of tyranny. 
 
 The city thus taken was found comparatively destitute of 
 inhabitants ; many had been slain in the wars and intestine 
 broils, and many more had fled from the rage of the tyrants. 
 Nay, so little frequented was the market-place of Syracuse, 
 that it produced grass enough for the horses to pasture upon, 
 and for the grooms to repose themselves by them. The 
 other cities, except a very few, were entire desarts, fall of 
 deer and wild boars ; and such as had leisure for it, often 
 hunted them in the suburbs and about the walls ; while 
 none of those that had possessed themselves of castles and 
 strong holds, could be persuaded to quit them, or come down 
 into the city, for they looked with hatred and horror upon 
 the tribunals, and other seats of government, as so many 
 nurseries of tyrants. Timoleon and the Syracusans, there- 
 fore, thought proper to write to the Corinthians, to send 
 them a good number from Greece to people Syracuse, be- 
 cause the iund ir.U3t otherwise lie uncultivated, and because 
 they expected a more formidable war from Africa, being 
 informed that Mago had killed himself, and that the Car- 
 thaginicns, provoked at his bad conduct in the expedition, 
 had crucified his body, and were collecting great forces for 
 the iuvasion of Sicily the ensuing summer. 
 
 These letters of Tiir.oleor. Iving delivered, the Syra
 
 TJMOLEON. 139 
 
 cii'san ambassadors attended at the same time, and begged 
 of the Corinthians to ttvke their city into their protection, 
 and to become founder* of it anew. They did not, how- 
 ever, hastily seize that advantage, or appropriate the city 
 to themselves, but first sent to the sacred games, and the 
 other great assemblies of Greece, and caused proclama- 
 tion to be made by their heralds, " That the Corinthians 
 having abolished arbitrary power in Syracuse, and ex- 
 pelled the tyrant, invited ail Syracusans and other Sici- 
 lians to people that city, where ihey should enjoy their 
 liberties and privileges, and have the lands divided by 
 equal lots among them.'' 'ihen they sent envoys into 
 Asia and the islands, where they were told the greatest 
 part of the fugitives were dispersed, to exhort them all to 
 come to Corinth, where they should be provided with ves- 
 sels, commanders, and a convoy, at the expence of the Co- 
 rinthians, to conduct them safe to Syracuse, i heir inten- 
 tions thus published, the Corinthians enjoyed the justest 
 praise, and the most distinguished glory, having delivered a 
 Grecian city from tyrants saved it from the barbarians, 
 and restored the citizens to their country. But the per- 
 sons who met on this occasion at Corinth, not being a suf- 
 ficient number, desired that they might take others along 
 with them from Corinth, and the re&t of Greece, as new 
 colonists ; by which means, having made up their number 
 full ten thousand, they sailed to Syracuse. By this time 
 great multitudes from Italy and Sicily had flocked in to Ti- 
 moleon, who, finding their number, as Athanis reports, 
 amount to sixty thousand, freely divided the lands among 
 them, but sold the houses for a thousand talents. By this 
 contrivance, he both left it in the power of the ancient inha- 
 bitants to redeem their own, and took occasion also to 
 raise a stock for the community, who had been so poor in 
 all respects, and so little able to furnish the supplies for 
 the war, that they had sold the very statues, after having 
 formed a judicial process against each, and passed sentence 
 upon them, as if they had been so many criminals. On 
 this occasion, we are told, they spared one statue, when all 
 the rest were condemned, namely, that of Gelon, one of their 
 ancient kings, in honour of the man, and for the sake of the: 
 victory* which he gained over the Carthaginians at Himera. 
 
 * He defeated Hamilcar, who landed in Sicily with three hvsndrcd 
 thousand men, in the second year of the seventy-fifth Olympiad.
 
 14O PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 Syracuse being thus revived, and replenished with such a 
 Jiumber of inhabitants, who flocked to it from all quarters, 
 Timoleon was desirous to bestow the blessings of liberty on 
 the other cities also, and, once for all, to extirpate arbitrary 
 government out of Sicily. For this purpose, marching in- 
 to the territories of the petty tyrants, he compelled Icetes 
 to quit the interests of Carthage, to agree to demolish his 
 castles, and to live among the Leontines as a private person. 
 Leptines also, prince of Apollonia and several other little 
 towns, finding himself in danger of being taken, surrendered, 
 and had his life granted him, but was sent to Corinth ; for 
 Timoleon looked upon it as a glorious thing, that the ty- 
 rants of Sicily should be forced to live as exiles in the city 
 which had colonized that island,* and should be seen by the 
 Greeks in such an abject condition. 
 
 After this, he returned to Syracuse to settle the civil 
 government, and to establish the most important and neces- 
 sary la\vs,-f- along with Cephalus and Dinarchus, lawgivers 
 sent from Corinth. In the meanwhile, willing that the 
 mercenaries should reap some advantage from the enemy's 
 country, and be kept from inaction, he sent Dinarchus and 
 Demaretus into the Carthaginian province. These drew 
 several citizens from the Punic interest, and not only lived 
 in abundance themselves, but also raised money from the 
 plunder for carrying on the war. While these matters 
 were transacting, the Carthaginians arrived at Lilybaeum 
 With seventy thousand land-forces, two hundred galleys, and 
 a thousand other vessels, which carried machines of \var, 
 chariots, vast quantities cf provisions, and all other stores, 
 as if they were now determined not to carry on the war by 
 piecemeal, but to drive the Greeks entirely out of Sicily ; 
 for their force was sufficient to effect this, even if the Sici- 
 lians had been united, and much more so, harassed as they 
 were with mutual animosities. When the Carthaginians, 
 therefore, found that their Sicilian territories were laid 
 
 * n ry fivrpiTekti i 
 
 j- Among other wise institutions, he appointed a chief magistrate 
 to be chosen yearly, whom the Syracusans called the Amphipdus of 
 Jupiter Olympius; thus giving him a kind of sacred character. The 
 first Amphtpolns was Comraenes. Hence arose the custom among 
 the Syracusans to compute their years by the respective govern- 
 ments of these magistrates; which custom continued in the time of 
 Diodorus Siculus, that is, in the reign of Augustus, above three 
 hundred yea^ after the office of Amphipolus was first introduced. 
 Diodor, Sicvl.1, xvi, c. 12.
 
 T1MOLEOK. 141 
 
 traste, they marched, under the command of Asdrubal and 
 Hamilcar i gnat fury against the Corinthians. 
 
 Information o: this being brought directly to Syracuse, 
 the inhabitants were struck with such terror by that pro- 
 digious armament, that scarce three thousand, out of ten 
 times that number, took up arms, and ventured to follow 
 Timoleon. The mercenaries were in number four thou- 
 sand, and of them about a thousand gave way to their fears 
 when upon the inarch, and turned back, crying out, 
 " That Timoleon must be mad, or in his dotage, to go 
 " against an army of seventy thousand men, with only five 
 " thousand foot and a thousand horse, and to draw his 
 " handful of men, too, eight days march from Syracuse, 
 ' by which means there could be no refuge for those that 
 " fled, nor burial for those that fell in battle." 
 
 Timoleon considered it as an advantage, that these cow- 
 ards discovered themselves before the engagement ; and 
 having encouraged the rest, he led them hastily to the 
 banks of the Crimesus, where he was told the Carthagi- 
 nians were drawn together. But as he was ascending an 
 hill, at the top of which the enemy's camp and all their vast 
 forces would be in sight, he met some mules loaded with 
 parsley ; and his men took it into their heads that it was a 
 bad omen, because we usually crown the sepulchres with 
 parsley ; and thence the proverb with respect to one that is 
 dangerously ill, Su. h an one has need of nothing lut pars- 
 ley. To deliver them from this superstition, and to remove 
 the panic, Timoleon ordered the troops to halt, and mak- 
 ing a speech suitable to the occasion, observed, among other 
 things, " That crowns were brought them before the 
 " victory, and offered themselves of their own accord ;'' 
 for the Corinthians, from all antiquity, having looked upon 
 a wreath of parsley as sacred, crowned the victors with it 
 at the Isthmean games. In Timoleon's time it was still in 
 use in those games, as it is now at the Nemean ; and it is 
 but lately that the pine-branch ha* taken its place. The 
 general having addressed his army, as we have said, took a 
 chaplet of parsley, and crowned himself with it first, and 
 then his officers and the common soldiers did the same. 
 At that instant, the soothsayers, observing two eagles flying 
 towards them, one of which bore a serpent, which he had 
 pierced through with his talons, while the other advanced 
 v uh a loud and animating noise, pointed them out to the
 
 142 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 army, who all betook themselves to prayer and invocation 
 to the gods. 
 
 The summer was now begun, and the end of the month 
 Thargel'wit* brought on the solstice; the river then sending 
 up a thick mist, the fields were covered with it at first, so 
 that nothing in the enemy's camp was discernible ; only an 
 inarticulate and confused noise, which reached the summit 
 of the hill, shewed that a great army lay at some distance; 
 but when the Corinthians had reached the top, and laid 
 down their shields to take breath, the sun had raised the 
 vapours higher ; so that the fog being collected upon the 
 summits, covered them only, while the places below were 
 all visible. The river Crimesis appeared clearly, and the 
 enemy were seen crossing it, first with chariots drawn by 
 four horses, and formidably provided fur the combat ; be- 
 hind which there marched ten thousand men with white 
 bucklers. These they conjectured to be Carthaginians, by 
 the brightness of their armour, and the slowness and good 
 order in which they moved. They were followed by the 
 troops of other nations, who advanced in a confused and 
 tumultuous manner. 
 
 Timoleon observing that the river put it in his power to 
 engage with what number of the enemy he pleased, bade 
 his men take notice how the main body was divided by the 
 stream, part having already got over, and part preparing to 
 pass it ; and ordered Demaretus, with the cavalry, to attack 
 the Carthaginians, and put them in confusion, before they 
 had time to range themselves in order of battle. Then he 
 himself descending into the plain, with the infantry, form- 
 ed the wings out of other Sicilians, intermingling a few 
 strangers with them ; but the natives of Syracuse and the 
 most warlike of the mercenaries he placed about himself, in 
 the centre, and stopped awhile to see the success of the 
 horse. When he saw that they could not come up to 
 grapple with the Carthaginians, by reason of the chariots 
 that ran to and fro before their army, and that they were 
 obliged often to wheel about, to avoid the danger of hav- 
 
 * Here we see the uncertainty of the Grecian months. The writers 
 on that subject, Dionysius of Hallicarnassus, for instance (Rom. An- 
 tiqu. lib. i.), take Thargelion to be April; and yet here we are told, 
 the end of that month was near the solstice Ta piv it* irm <Va/<<vB 
 
 ftifUf ifl v *fv, *a< \.nytin ur,n Qa/>yr,}.iun, fft; TUi reifas ran ffutnfTlv 
 
 TH recitiv. Hence it is, that Dacicr ventures, in this place, to 
 nanslate it June, the solstice certainly being in that month.
 
 TIMOLEOX. 143 
 
 ing their ranks broken, and then to rally again, and return 
 to the charge, sometimes here, sometimes there, he took 
 his buckler, and called to the foot to follow him, and be 
 of good courage, with an accent that seemed more than 
 human, so much was it above his usual pitch ; whether it 
 was exalted by his ardour and enthusiasm, or whether (as 
 many were of opinion) the voice of some god was joined 
 to his. His troops answering him with a loud shout, and 
 pressing him to lead them on without delay, he sent orders 
 to the cavalry to get beyond the line of chariots, and to 
 take the enemy in flank, while himself, thickening his first 
 ranks so as to join buckler to buckler, and causing the 
 trumpet to sound, bore down upon the Carthaginians. 
 They sustained the first shock with great spirit ; for being 
 fortified with breastplates of iron and helmets of brass, and 
 covering themselves with large shields, they could easily 
 repel the spears and javelins ; but when the business came 
 to a decision by the sword, where art is no less requisite 
 than strength, all on a sudden there broke out dreadful 
 thunders from the mountains, mingled with long trails of 
 lightning ; after which the black clouds, descending from 
 the tops of the hills, fell upon the two armies in a storm of 
 wind, rain, and hail. The tempest was on the backs ot 
 the Greeks, but beat upon the faces of the barbarians, and 
 almost blinded them with the stormy showers and the fire 
 continually streaming from the clouds. 
 
 These things very much distressed the barbarians, parti- 
 cularly such of them as were not veterans. The greatest 
 inconvenience seems to have been the roaring of the thun- 
 der, and the clattering of the rain and hail upon their 
 arms, which hindered them from hearing the orders of their 
 officers. Besides, the Carthaginians not being light, but 
 heavy armed, as I said, the dirt was troublesome to them ; 
 and, as the bosoms of their tunics were filled with water, 
 they were very unwieldy in the combat, so that the Greeks 
 could overturn them with ease ; and when they were down, 
 it was impossible for them, encumbered as they were with 
 arms, to get up out of the mire ; for the river Crimesus, 
 swoln, partly with the rains, and partly having its course 
 stopped by the vast numbers that crossed it, had overflowed 
 its banks. The adjacent field, having many cavities and 
 low places in it, was filled with water, which settled there; 
 and the Carthaginians falling into them, could not disen- 
 gage themselves without extreme difficulty. In short, the
 
 144 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 storm continuing to beat upon them with great violence, 
 and the Greeks having cut to pieces four hundred men, 
 who composed their first ranks, their whole body was put 
 to flight. Great numbers were overtaken in the field, and 
 put to the sword ; many took to the river, and, jostling 
 with those that were yet passing it, were carried down and 
 drowned. The major part, who endeavoured to gain the 
 hills, were stopped by the light-armed soldiers, and slain. 
 Among the ten thousand that were killed, it is said there 
 were three thousand natives of Carthage ; a heavy loss to 
 that city ; for none of its citizens were superior to these, 
 either in birth, fortune, or character ; nor have we any ac- 
 count that so many Carthaginians ever fell before in one 
 battle ; but as they mostly made use of Lybians, Spaniards, 
 and Numidians in their wars, if they lost a victory, it was 
 at the expence of the blood of strangers. 
 
 The Greeks discovered, by the spoils, the quality of the 
 killed. Those that stripped the dead set no value upon 
 brass or iron, such wat> the abundance of silver and gold ; 
 for they passed the river, and made themselves masters of the 
 camp and baggage. Many of the prisoners were clandes- 
 tinely sold by the soldiers ; but five thousand were delivered 
 in upon the public account, and two hundred chariots also 
 were taken. The tent of Timoleon afforded the most beau- 
 tiful and magnificent spectacle. In it were piled all manner 
 of spoils, among which a thousand breastplates of exquisite 
 workmanship, and ten thousand bucklers, were exposed to 
 view. As there was but a small number to collect the 
 spoils of such a multitude, and they found such immense 
 riches, it was the third day after the battle before they 
 could erect the trophy. With the first news of the victory, 
 Timoleon sent to Corinth the handsomest of the arms he 
 had taken, desirous that the world might admire and emu- 
 late his native city, when they saw the fairest temples adorn- 
 ed, not with Grecian spoils, nor with the unpleasing mo- 
 numents of kindred blood and domestic ruin, but with the 
 spoils of barbarians, which bore this honourable inscription, 
 declaring the justice, as well as the valour, of the conquer- 
 ors" That the people of Corinth, and Timoleon their 
 " general, having delivered the Greeks who dwelt in Sicily 
 (t from the Carthaginian yoke, made this offering, as a 
 " grateful acknowledgment to the gods." 
 
 After this, Timoleon left the mercenaries to lay waste the 
 Carthaginian province, arrtl returned to Syracuse. By an
 
 TIMOLEOtf. 145 
 
 edict published there, he banished from Sicily the thousand 
 hired soldiers who deserted him before the battle, and 
 obliged them to quit Syracuse before the sun set. These 
 wretches passed over into Italy, where they were trea- 
 cherously slain by the I'miti-ins. Such was the vengeance 
 which heaven took of their perfidiousness. 
 
 Nevertheless, Mamercus, prince of Catana, and Icetes, 
 either moved with envy at the success of Timoleon, or 
 dreading him as an implacable enemy, who thought no 
 faith was to be kept with tyrants, entered into league 
 v.-ith the Carthaginians, and desired them to send a new 
 army and general, if they were not willing to lose Sicily 
 entirely. Hereupon Cisco came with a fleet of seventy 
 ships, and a body of Greeks whom he had taken into pay. 
 The Carthaginians had not employed any Greeks before, 
 but now they considered them as the bravest and most in- 
 vincible of men. 
 
 On this occasion, the inhabitants of Messina rising with 
 one consent, slew four hundred of the foreign soldiers, 
 whom Timoleon had sent to their assistance ; and within 
 the dependencies of Carthage, the mercenaries, commanded 
 by Euthymus the Leucadian, were cut off by an ambush at 
 a place called Hierx.* Hence the good fortune of Timo- 
 leon became still more famous ; for these were some of the 
 men who, with Philodemus of Phocis and Onomarchus, had 
 broke into the temple of Apollo at Delphi, and were 
 partakers with them in the sacrilege. -J- Shunned as exe- 
 crable on this account, they wandered about Peloponnesus, 
 where Timoleon, being in great want of men, took them 
 into pay. When they came into Sicily, they were victorious 
 in all the battles where he commanded in person ; but after 
 the great struggles of the war were over, being sent upon 
 service where succours were required, they perished by little 
 
 * We do not find there was any place in Sicily called Hierts ; in 
 all probability, therefore, it should be read Hieke ; for Stephanus cf< 
 Urbih. mentions a castle in Sicily of that name. 
 
 f The sacred tear commenced on this occasion. The Amphittyons 
 having condemned the people of Phocis in a heavy fine, for plunder- 
 ing the country of Cyrrha, which was dedicated to Apollo, and that 
 people being unable to pay it, their whole country was judged for- 
 feited to that god. Hereupon Philomelus, not Philodemus, called 
 the people together, and advised them to seize the treasures in the 
 temple of Delphi, to enable them to hire forces to defend themselves. 
 This brought on a war that lasted six years ; in the course of which 
 most of the sacrilegious persons perished miserably. 
 
 Vol. II. H
 
 1-46 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 and little. Herein avenging justice seems to have been 
 willing to make use of the prosperity of Timoleon as an 
 apology for its delay, taking care, as it did, that no harm 
 might happen to the good from the punishment of the 
 \vicked; insomuch that the favour of the gods to that great 
 man was no less discerned and admired in his very losses 
 than in his great success. 
 
 Upon any of these little advantages, the tyrants took 
 occasion to ridicule the Syracusans ; at which they were 
 highly incensed. Mamercus, for instance, who valued him- 
 self on his poems and tragedies, talked in a pompous man- 
 ner of the victory he had gained over the mercenaries, and 
 ordered this insolent inscription to be put upon the shields 
 wlu'ch he dedicated to the gods : 
 
 These shields,* with gold and ivory gay, 
 To our plain bucklers lost the day. 
 
 Afterwards, when Timoleon was laying siege to Calauria, 
 Icetcs took the opportunity to make an inroad into the 
 territories of Syracuse, where he met witlr considerable 
 booty ; and having made great havoc, he marched back 
 by Calauria itself, in contempt of Timoleon and the slender 
 force he had with him. Timoleon suffered him to pass, 
 and then followed him with his cavalry and light-armed 
 foot. When Icetes saw he was pursued, he crossed the Da- 
 myrias,f and stood in a posture to receive the enemy, on 
 the other side. What emboldened him to do this was, the 
 difficulty of the passage, and the steepness of the banks on 
 both sides. But a strange dispute of jealousy and honour, 
 which arose among the officers of Timoleon, awhile de- 
 layed the combat ; for there was not one that was willing to 
 go after another, but every one wanted to be foremost in 
 the attack ; so that their fording was likely to be very 
 tumultuous and disorderly, by their jostling each other, and 
 pressing to get before. To remedy this, Timoleon ordered 
 them to decide the matter by lot, and that each, for this 
 purpose, should give him his ring. He took the rings and 
 shook them in the skirt of his robe, and the first that came 
 up, happening to have a trophy for the seal, the young 
 officers received it with joy, and crying out, that they weuld 
 not wait for any other lot, made their way as fast as possible 
 
 They were shields that had been taken out of the temple at 
 Delphi. 
 T Or the Laymirias.
 
 TIMOLHOX. 147 
 
 through the river, and fell upon the enemy, who, unable 
 to sustain the shock, soon took to flight, throwing away 
 their arms, and leaving a thousand of their men dead upon 
 the spot. 
 
 A few days after this, Timoleon marched into the terri- 
 tory of the Leontines, where he took Icetus alive ; and 
 his son Eupolemus, and Euthymus, his general of horse, 
 were brought to him bound by the soldiers. Icetes and 
 his son were capitally punished, as tyrants and traitors to 
 their country ; nor did Euthymus find mercy, though re- 
 markably brave and bold in action, because he was accused 
 of a severe sarcasm against the Corinthians. He had said, 
 it seems, in a speech he made to the Leontines, upon the 
 Corinthians taking the field,* *' That it was no formid- 
 " able matter, if the Corinthian dames were gone out to 
 " take the air." Thus the generality of men are more apt 
 to resent a contemptuous word than an unjust action, and 
 can bear any other injury better than disgrace. Every hos- 
 tile deed is imputed to the necessity of war, but satirical 
 and censorious expressions are considered as the effects of 
 hatred or malignity. 
 
 When Timoleon was returned, the Syracusans brought 
 the wife and daughters of Icetes to a public trial, who, 
 being there condemned to die, were executed accordingly. 
 This seems to be the most exceptionable part of Timoleon's 
 conduct ; for if he had interposed, the women would not 
 have suffered. But he appears to have connived at it, and 
 given them up to the resentment of the people, who were 
 willing to make some satisfaction to the manes of Dion, who 
 expelled Dionysius ; for Icetus was the man who threw 
 Arete, the wife of Dion, his sister Aristomache, and his son, 
 who was yet a child, alive into the sea, as we have related 
 in the life of Dion.f 
 
 * A verse in the Medea of Euripides, quite altered in the sense by 
 the different punctuations. Medea says there, ver. 24> 
 
 ymaix-;, e-JiX'av at^ui, 
 bin ftet <r^ p-f&^tirSu.* 
 
 Instead of which Euthymus pronounced it thus. 
 
 KofnStiti ytncuxi; i|>.$s tiuu*. 
 
 f From this passage, and another before, it seems as if the life of 
 Dion was written before this ; and yet in the life of Dion. Plutarch 
 
 H2
 
 J49 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 Timoleon then marched to Catana against Matnercus, 
 who waited for him, in order of battle, upon the banks of 
 the Abolus.* Mamercus was defeated, and put to flight, 
 with the loss of above two thousand men, no small part of 
 which consisted of the Punic succours sent by Cisco. Here- 
 upon the Carthaginians desired him to grant them peace, 
 which he did, on the following conditions. " That they 
 " should hold only the lands within the Lycus ; f that 
 " they should permit all who desired it, to remove out of 
 " their province, with their families and goods, and to 
 " settle at Syracuse ; and that they should renounce all 
 " friendship and alliance with the tyrants." Mamercus, 
 reduced by this treaty to despair, set sail for Italy, with 
 an intent to bring the Lucanians against '1 imoleon and the 
 Syracusans ; but, instead of that, the crews tacking about 
 with the galleys, and returning to Sicily, delivered up Ca- 
 tana to Timoleon, which obliged Mamercus to take refuge 
 at Messena, with Hippo, prince of that city. Timoleon 
 coming upon them, and investing the place both by sea 
 nd land, Hippo got on board a ship, and attempted to 
 make his escape, but was taken by the Messenians them- 
 selves, who exposed him in the theatre ; and calling their 
 children out of the schools, as to the finest spectacle in the 
 world, the punishment of a tyrant, they first scourged him, 
 und then put him to death. 
 
 Upon this, Mamercus surrendered himself to Timoleon, 
 agreeing to take his trial at Syracuse, on condition that 
 Timoleon himself would not be his accuser. Being con- 
 ducted to Syracuse, and brought before the people, he at- 
 tempted to pronounce an oration, which he had composed 
 long before for such an occasion ; but being received with 
 noise and clamour, he perceived that the assembly were 
 determined to shew him no favour. He, therefore, threw 
 off his upper garment, ran through the theatre, and dashed 
 his head violently against one of the steps, with a design to 
 
 speaks as if this was written first ; for there he says, As we have 
 i^ritten in the life of Timoleon. In one of them, therefore, if not in 
 both, those references must have been made by the librarians, ac- 
 cording to the different order in which these lives were placed. 
 
 * Ptolemy and others call this river Alabus, Alabis, or Alabon. 
 It is near Hybla, between Catana and Syracuse. 
 
 f- Plutarch probably took the name of this river as he found it in 
 lliodorus ; but other historians call it the Halycus. Indeed, the 
 Carthaginians might possibly give it the oriental aspirate ha, which 
 signifies no more- than the particle the.
 
 TIMOLEOK. M9 
 
 kill himself , but did not succeed according to his wish, 
 for he was taken up alive, and suffered the punishment of 
 thieves and robbers. 
 
 In this manner did Timoleon extirpate tyranny, and put 
 a period to their wars. He found the whole island turned 
 almost wild and savage with its misfortunes, so that its 
 very inhabitants could hardly endure it, and yet he so civi- 
 lized it again, and rendered it so desirable, that strangers 
 came to settle in the country, from which its own people 
 had lately fled ; the great cities of Agrigcntum and Gela, 
 which, after the Athenian war, had been sacked and lett 
 desolate by the Carthaginians, were now peopled again ; 
 the former by Megellus and Pheristus from Elea, and the 
 latter by Gorgus from the isle of Ceos, who also collected 
 and brought with him some of the old citizens. Timoleon 
 not only assured them of his protection, and of peaceful 
 days to settle in, after the tempest of such a war, but 
 cordially entered into their necessities, and supplied them 
 witli every thing ; so that he was even beloved by them as 
 if he had been their founder. Nay, to that degree did he 
 enjoy the affections of the Sicilians in general, that no war 
 eemed concluded, no laws enacted, no lands divided, no 
 political regulation made, in a proper manner, except it was 
 revised and touched by him ; he was the master-builder, 
 who put the last hand to the work, and bestowed upon it 
 a happy elegance and perfection. Though at that time 
 Greece boasted a number of great men, whose achievements 
 were highly distinguished, Timotheus (for instance), Age- 
 silaus, Pelopidas, and Epaminondas, the last of whom 
 Timoleon 'principally vied with in the course of glory, yet 
 we may discern in their actions a certain labour and straining 
 which diminishes their lustre, and some of tlierr ha^e af 
 forded room for censure, and been followed with repent 
 ance ; whereas, there is not one action of Timoleon (if we 
 except the extremities he proceeded to in the case of his 
 brother), to which we may not, with Timaeus, apply that 
 passage of Sophocles, 
 
 What F*nu-s, or what Love, 
 Plac'd the fair parts in this harmonious whole. 
 
 For, as the poetry of Antimachus* and the portraits of 
 
 * Antimachus was an epic poet, who flourished in the days of 
 Socrates and Plato. He wrote a poem called the Thebaid. Qura 
 
 H J
 
 J50 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 Dionysius,* both of them Colophonians, with all the nerves 
 and strength one finds in them, appear to be too much 
 laboured, and smell too much of the lamp ; whereas, the 
 paintings of Nicomachus,f and the verses of Homer, beside 
 their other excellencies and graces, seem to have been struck 
 off with readiness and ease ; so, if we compare the exploits 
 of Epaminondas and Agesilaus, performed with infinite 
 pains and difficulty, with those of Timoleon, which, glo- 
 rious as they were, had a great deal of freedom and ease in 
 them, when we consider the case well, we shall conclude 
 the latter not to have been the work of fortune indeed, but 
 the effects of fortunate virtue. 
 
 He himself, it is true, ascribed all hie successes to fortune ; 
 for when he wrote to his friends at Corinth, or addressed 
 the Syracusans, he often said, he was highly indebted to 
 ihat goddess, when she was resolved to save Sicily, for 
 doing it under his name. In his house he built a chapel, 
 and offered sacrifices to Chance^ and dedicated the house 
 itself to Fortune ; for the Syracusans had given him one of 
 the best houses in the city, as a reward for his services, and 
 provided him, besides, a very elegant and agreeable retreat 
 in the country. In the country it was that he spent most of 
 his time, with his wife and children, whom he had sent for 
 tVom Corinth; for he never returned home; he took no 
 part in the troubles of Greece, nor exposed himself to 
 public envy, the rock which great generals commonly split 
 wpon in their insatiable pursuits of honour and power, but 
 
 filian (x, 1.) says, he had a force and solidity, together with an 
 elevation of style, and had the second place given him by the gram- 
 marians after Homer; but as he failed in the passions, in the dis- 
 poHition of his fable, and in the ease and elegance of manner, 
 hough he was second, he was far from coming near the fir.st. 
 
 * Dionysius was a portrait-painter. Plin. xxxv, 10. 
 
 + PJiny tells us, " Nicomachus painted with a \vift as well as 
 " masterly hand ; and that his pieces sold for as much as a town 
 ' was worth." Aristratus, the tyrant of Sicyon, having agreed with 
 him for a piece of work which seemed to require a considerable time, 
 Nicomachus did not appear till within a few days of that on which 
 he had agreed to finish it. Hereupon the tyrant talked of punish- 
 ing him ; but in those few days he completed the thing in an ad- 
 mirable manner, and entirely to his satisfaction. 
 
 When the ancients ascribed any event to fortune, they did not 
 mean to deny the operation of the Deity in it, but only to exclude 
 all human contrivance and power; and in events ascribed to chance, 
 they might possibly mean to exclude the agency of all rational 
 beings, whether human or divine.
 
 T1MOLEON. 1 5 1 
 
 he remained in Sicily, enjoying the blessings be had establish- 
 ed ; and of which the greatest of all was to see so many cities 
 and so many thousands of people happy through his means. 
 
 But since, according to the comparison of Simonides, 
 every republic must have some impudent slanderer, just as 
 every lark must have a crest on its head, so it was at Syra- 
 cuse; for Timoleon was attacked by two demagogues, 
 Laphystius and Demaenetus. The first of these having 
 demanded of him sureties that he would answer Jo an in- 
 dictment which was to be brought against him, the people 
 began to rise, declaring they would not suffer him to pro- 
 ceed ; but Timoleon stilled the tumult, by representing, 
 " That he had voluntarily undergone so many labours and 
 " dangers, on purpose that the meanest Syracusan might 
 " have recourse, when he pleased, to the laws.'' And when 
 Demxnetus, in full assembly, alleged many articles against 
 his behaviour in command, he did not vouchsafe him any 
 answer ; he only said, " He could not sufficiently express 
 " his gratitude to the gods for granting his request, in 
 " permitting him to see all the Syracusaos enjoy the li- 
 " berty of saying what they thought fit." 
 
 Having then confessedly performed greater things than 
 any Grecian of his time, and been the only man that re- 
 alized those glorious achievements to which the orators 
 of Greece were constantly exhorting their countrymen in 
 the general assemblies of the states, fortune happily placed 
 him at a distance from the calamities in which the mother- 
 country was involved, and kept his hands ur.stained with 
 its blood. He made his courage and conduct appear in his 
 dealings with the barbarians and with tyrants, us well as 
 his justice and moderation wherever the Greeks or their 
 friends were concerned. Very few of his trophies cost his 
 fellow-citizens a tear, or put any of them in mourning ; 
 and yet, in less than eight years, he delivered Sicily from 
 its intestine miseries and distempers, and restored it to the 
 native inhabitants. 
 
 After so much prosperity, when he was well advanced in 
 years, his eyes began to fail him; a:id the defect increased 
 so fast that he entirely lost his sight ; not that he had done 
 any thing to occasion it, nor was it to be imputed to the 
 caprice of fortune,* but it seems to have been owing to a 
 
 * Plutarch here hints at an opinion, which was very prevalent 
 among the pagans, that if any person was signally favoured with 
 
 H4
 
 152 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 family weakness and disorder, which operated together with 
 the course of time ; for several of his relations are said to 
 have lost their sight in the same manner, having it gradu- 
 ally impaired by years. But Athanis tells us, notwith- 
 standing-, that during the war with Hippo and Mamercus, 
 and while he lay before Mills, a white speck appeared on 
 his eye, which was a plain indication that blindness was 
 coming on. However, this did not hinder him from con- 
 tinuing the siege, and prosecuting the war, until he got 
 the tyrants in his power. But when he was returned to 
 Syracuse, he laid down the command immediately, and 
 excused himself to the people from any farther service, as 
 he had brought their affairs to a happy conclusion. 
 
 It is not to be wondered that he bore his misfortune 
 without repining ; but it was really admirable to observe 
 the honour and respect which the Syracusans paid him 
 when blind. They not only visited him constantly them- 
 selves, but brought all strangers, who spent some time 
 amongst them, to his house in the town, or to that in the 
 country, that they too might have the pleasure of seeing 
 the deliverer of Syracuse ; and it was their joy and their 
 pride that he chose to spend his days with them, and de- 
 spised the splendid reception which Greece was prepared 
 to give him on account of his great success. Among the 
 many votes that were passed, and things that were done in 
 honour of him, one of the most striking was that decree 
 of the people of Syracuse, " That whenever they should 
 *' be at war with a foreign nation, they would employ a 
 41 Corinthian general." Their method of proceeding, too, 
 in their assemblies, did honour to Timoleon ; for they 
 decided smaller matters by themselves, but consulted him 
 in the more difficult and important cases. On these occa- 
 sions he was conveyed in a litter through the market-place 
 to the theatre ; and when he was carried in, the people 
 saluted him with one voice as he sat. He returned the 
 civility; and having paused awhile to give time for their 
 acclamations, took cognizance of the alfair, and delivered 
 his opinion. The assembly gave their sanction to it, and 
 then his servants carried the litter back tlirough the theatre ; 
 and the people having waited on him out with loud ap- 
 
 success, there would some misfortune happen to counterbalance it. 
 Tkis tlu:v imputed to the envy of some malignant demon-
 
 TI.VfOLEOX* 153 
 
 plauses, dispatched the rest of the public business without 
 him. 
 
 With so much respect and kindness was the old age of 
 Timoleon cherished, as that of a common father ! and at 
 last he died of a slight illness, co-operating with length of 
 years.* Some time being given the Syracusans to prepare 
 for his funeral, and for the neighbouring inhabitants and 
 strangers to assemble, the whole was conducted with great 
 magnificence. The bier, sumptuously adorned, was carried 
 by young men, selected by the people, over the ground 
 where the palace and castle of the tyrants stood before 
 they were demolished. It was followed by many thou- 
 sands of men and women, in the most pompous solemnity, 
 crowned with garlands, and clothed in white. The la- 
 mentations and tears, mingled with the praises of the de- 
 ceased, shewed that the honour now paid him was not a 
 matter of course, or compliance with a duty enjoined, but 
 the testimony of real sorrow and sincere affection. At last, 
 the bier being placed upon the funeral pile, Demetrius, 
 who had the loudest voice of all their heralds, was directed 
 to make proclamation as follows. " The people of Syra- 
 ** cuse inter Timoleon the Corinthian, the son of Timode- 
 " mus, at the expence of two hundred mince: they honour 
 " him, moreover, through all time, with annual games, to 
 ** be celebrated with performances in music, horse-racing, 
 " and wrestling ; as the man who destroyed tyrants, sub- 
 " dued barbarians, repeopled great cities which lay deso- 
 " late, and restored to the Sicilians their laws and privi- 
 " leges." 
 
 The body was interred, and a monument erected for him 
 in the market-place, which they afterwards surrounded 
 with porticoes, and other buildings suitable to the purpose, 
 and then made it a place of exercise for their youth, under 
 the name of Timoleonteiim. They continued to make use 
 of the form of government and the laws that he had esta- 
 blished ; and this ensured their happiness for a long course 
 of years. -j- 
 
 He died the last year of the hundred and tenth Olympiad, three 
 hundred and thirty-five years before the Christian era. 
 
 t This prosperity was interrupted about thirty years after, by the 
 cruelties of Agathocles. 
 
 H5
 
 154 rtuT ARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 PAULUS .'EMILIUS. 
 
 WHEN I first applied myself to the writing of these lives, 
 it was for the sake of others, but I pursue that study for 
 my own sake ; availing myself of history as of a mirror, 
 from which I learn to adjust and regulate my own conduct ; 
 for it is like living and conversing with these illustrious 
 men, when I invite, as it were, and receive them, one after 
 another, under my roof; when I consider how great and 
 iuondcrful they were* and select from their actions the 
 .nost memorable and glorious. 
 
 Ye gods ! what greater pleasure ? 
 
 What HAPPIER ROAD TO VIRTUE .' 
 
 Democritus has a position in his philosophy, f utterly 
 false indeed, and leading to endless superstitions, that there 
 are phantasms or images continually floating in the air, 
 some propitious, and some unlucky, and advises us to pray 
 that such may strike upon our senses as are agreeable to 
 and perfective of our nature, and not such as have a tend- 
 ency to vice and error. For my part, instead of this, I 
 Sll my mind with the sublime images of the best and greatest 
 .nen, by attention to history and biography ; and if I con- 
 tract any blemish or ill custom from other company, which 
 I am unavoidably engaged in, I correct and expel them, by 
 oalmly and dispassionately turning my thoughts to these 
 f.-xcellent examples. For the same purpose, I now put in 
 your hands the life of Timoleon the Corinthian, and that 
 ;f ,'Kmilius Paulus, men famous not only for their virtues, 
 but their success ; insomuch, that they have left room to 
 doubt whether their great achievements were not more ow- 
 .ing to their good fortune than their prudence. 
 
 Most writers agree that the .Kmilian family was one of 
 the most ancient among the Roman nobility ; and it is as- 
 
 * orfss t>lts ft Horn. II. xxiv, ver. 629. 
 
 f Democritus held that visible objects produced their image in 
 the ambient air, which image produced a second, and the second a 
 third, still less than the former, and so on, till the last produced its 
 counter-part in the eye. This he supposed the process of the act of 
 vision. But he went on'to what is infinitely more absurd. He main- 
 tained that thought was formed according as those images stmrk 
 upon the imagination ; that of these there were some good, and some 
 evil ; that the good produced virtuous thoughts in us, ind tlu* 
 the contrary.
 
 PAULUS /EMILIUS. 155 
 
 serted that the founder of it, who also left it his surname, 
 was Mamercus,* the son of Pythagoras the philosopher, f 
 who, for the peculiar charms and gracefulness of his elocu- 
 tion, was called ,Kmilius. Such, at least, is the opinion of 
 those who say that Xuma was educated under Pythagoras. 
 
 Those of this family that distinguished themselves^ found 
 their attachment to virtue generally blesSed with success ; 
 and, notwithstanding the ill fortune of Lucius Paulus at 
 Cannae, he shewed, on that occasion, both his prudence and 
 his valour ; for, when he could not dissuade his colleague 
 from fighting, he joined him in the combat, though much 
 against bit will, but did not partake with him in his flight ; 
 on the contrary, when he who plunged them in the danger 
 deserted the field, Paulus stood his ground, and fell bravely 
 amidst the enemy, with his sword in his hand. 
 
 This Paulus had a daughter named J'lmilia, who was 
 married to Scipio the Great, and a son called Paulus, whose 
 history I am now writing. 
 
 At the time he made his appearance in the world, Rome 
 abounded in men who were celebrated for their virtues and 
 ^' her excellent accomplishments ; j| and even among these 
 -Krnilius made a distinguished figure, without pursuing the 
 same studies, or setting out in the same track, with the 
 young nobility of that age ; for he did not exercise himself 
 in pleading causes, nor could he stoop to salute, to solicit, 
 and caress the people, which was the method that most men 
 took who aimed at popularity. Not but that he had talents 
 from nature to acquit himself well in either of these respects, 
 but he reckoned the honour that flows from valour, from 
 justice and probity, preferable to both ; and in these virtues 
 he soon surpassed all the young men of his time. 
 
 The first of the great offices of state for- which he was a 
 candidate, was that of tedile, and he carried it against twelve 
 competitors, who, we are told, were all afterwards consuls ; 
 
 * See the life of Numa. 
 
 j- He is called Pythagoras the philosopher, to distinguish him 
 from Pythagoras the famed wrestler. 
 
 From Lucius ^Emilius, who was consul in the year of Rome two 
 hundred and seventy, and overcame the Volscians.to Lucius Paulus, 
 who was father to Paulus ^Emilius, and who fell at Cannae, in tfcc 
 year of Rome five hundred and thirty-seven, there were many of 
 those JSmilii renowned for their victories and triumphs. 
 
 'I In that period we find the Sempronii, the Albini, the Fabii 
 Mayimi, the Marcelli, the Scipios, the Fulvii, Suluitii, Cethegi, 
 JVietelli, and other great and excellent men. 
 
 H 6
 
 ijo PLUTARCH'S LIVKS. 
 
 *nd when he was appointed one of the augurs t whom tF,c 
 Romans employ in the inspection and care of divination by 
 the flight of birds, and by prodigies in the air, he studied 
 so attentively the usages of his country, and acquainted 
 himself so perfectly with the ancient ceremonies of religion, 
 that what before was only considered as an honour, and 
 sought for on account of the authority annexed to it,* ap- 
 peared in his hands to be one of the principal arts. Thus 
 he confirmed the definition which is given by some philoso- 
 phers, Thettjrelirton is the science of worshipping the gods. 
 He did every thing with skill and application ; he laid aside 
 all other concerns while he attended to this, and made not 
 the least omission or innovation, but disputed \vith his col- 
 leagues about the smallest article, and insisted, that though 
 the Deity might be supposed to be merciful, and willing 
 to overlook some neglect, yet it was dangerous for the 
 state to connive at and pass by such things ; for no man 
 ever began his attempts against government with an enor- 
 mous crime ; and the relaxing in the smallest matters breaks 
 down the fences of the greatest. 
 
 Nor was he less exact in requiring and observing the Ro- 
 man military discipline. He did not study to be popular 
 in command, nor endeavour, like the generality, to make 
 one commission the foundation for another, by humouring 
 and indulging the soldiery ;f but as a priest instructs the 
 initiated with care in the sacred ceremonies, so he explain- 
 ed to those that were under him the rules and customs of 
 war ; and being inexorable, at the same time, to those that 
 transgressed them, he re-established his country in its former 
 glory. Indeed, with him the beating of an enemy was a 
 matter of much less account than the bringing of his coun- 
 trymen to strict discipline; the one seeming to be the ne- 
 cessary consequence of the other. 
 
 During the war which the Romans were engaged in with 
 Antiochus the GreatJ in the east, and || in which their 
 
 * Under pretence that the auspices were favourable or otherwise, 
 the avgurs had it in their power to promote or put a stop to any 
 public affair whatever. 
 
 f- The Roman soldiers were, at the same time, citizens, who had 
 Totes for the great employments, both civil and military. 
 
 J The war with Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, began about 
 the year of Rome five hundred and sixty-one, twenty-four years 
 after the battle of Cannae. 
 
 H The consul Glabrio, and after him the two Scipios, the elder 
 of whom was content to serve as lieutenant under his brother. 
 iiv.. 1. xxxvii.
 
 PAULU3 JKMILIUS. IS/ 
 
 most experienced officers were employed, another broke 
 out in the west. There was a general revolt in Spain ;* 
 and thither ^Emilius was sent, not with six lit tors only, 
 like other prtlors, but with twice the number ; which 
 seemed to raise his dignity to an equality with the consular. 
 He beat the barbarians in two pitched battles,f and killed 
 thirty thousand of them ; which success appears to have 
 been owing to his generalship in choosing his ground, and 
 attacking the enemy while they were passing a river ; for 
 by these means his army gained an easy victory. He made 
 himself master of two hundred and fifty cities, which vo- 
 luntarily opened their gates ; and having established peace 
 throughout the province, and secured its allegiance, he re- 
 turned to Rome, not a drachma richer than he went out. 
 He never indeed was desirous to enrich himself, but lived 
 in a generous manner on his own estate, which was so far 
 from being large, that after his death, it was hardly suffi- 
 cient to answer his wife's dowry. 
 
 His first wife was Papiria, the daughter of Papirius Maso, 
 a man of consular dignity. After lie had lived with her a 
 long time in wedlock he divorced her, though she had 
 brought him very fine children ; for she was mother to the 
 illustrious Scipio and to Fabius Maximus. History does 
 not acquaint us with the reason of this separation ; but with 
 respect to divorces in general, the account which a certain 
 Roman, who put away his wife, gave of his own case, seems 
 to be a just one. When his friends remonstrated, and asked 
 him, Was site not chaste? Was she not fair / Was she not 
 fruitful* he held out his shoe, and said, Is it not handsome ? 
 Is it not new * yet none knows where it wrings him, but he 
 that wears it. Certain it is, that men usually repudiate 
 their wives for great and visible faults ; yet sometimes also, 
 a peevishness of temper, or incompliance of manners, small 
 and frequent distastes, though not discerned by the world, 
 produce the most incurable aversions in a married life.;j: 
 
 * Spain had been reduced by Scipio Nasica. 
 
 f Livy, xxxvii, 57, speaks only of one battle, in which Paulus 
 JEmilius forced the intrenchments of the Spaniards, killed eighteen 
 thousand of them, and made three hundred prisoners. 
 
 The very ingenious Dr. Robertson mentions this frequency df 
 divorces as one of the necessary reasons for introducing the Chris- 
 tian religion at that period of time when it was published to the 
 world. * Divorces," says he, " on very slight pretences, were per- 
 mitted both by the Greek and Roman legislators. And though 
 " the pure manners of those republics restrained for some time the 
 operation of such a pernicious institution ; though the virtue of
 
 153 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 JEmilius, thus separated from Papiria, married a second 
 wife, by whom he had also two sons. These he brought 
 up in his own house ; the sons of Papiria being adopted 
 into the greatest and most noble families in Rome ; the elder 
 by Fabius Maximus, who was five times consul, and the 
 younger by his cousin-german, the son of Scipio Africanus, 
 who gave him the name of Scipio. One of his daughters 
 was married to the son of Cato, and the other to ./Elius 
 Tubero, a man of superior integrity, and who, of all the 
 Romans, knew best how to bear poverty. There were no 
 less than sixteen of the ^lian family and name, who had 
 only a small house, and one farm amongst them ; and in 
 this house they all lived with their wives and many children. 
 Here dwelt the daughter of /Emilius, who had been twice 
 consul, and had triumphed twice, not ashamed of her 
 husband's poverty, but admiring that virtue which kept 
 him poor. Very different is the behaviour of brothers and 
 other near relations in these days ; who, if their possessions 
 be not separated by extensive countries, or at least rivers 
 and bulwarks, are perpetually at variance about them. So 
 much instruction does history suggest to the consideration 
 of those who are willing to profit by it. 
 
 When ^Emilius was created consul,* he went upon an 
 expedition against the Ligurians, whose country lies at the 
 foot of the Alps, and who are also called Ligustines: a bold 
 and martial people that learnt the art of war of the Romans, 
 
 " private persons seldom abused the indulgence that the legislator 
 " allowed them, yet no sooner had the establishment of arbitrary 
 " power, and the progress of luxury, vitiated the taste of men, than 
 " the law with regard to divorces was found to be amongst the 
 " worst corruptions that prevailed ift that abandoned age. The 
 " facility of separations rendered married persons careless of prac- 
 " tising or obtaining those virtues which render domestic life easy 
 " and delightful. The education of their children, as the parents 
 were not mutually endeared or inseparably connected, was gene- 
 rally disregarded, as each parent considered it but a partial care, 
 which might with equal justice devolve on the other. Marriage, 
 instead of restraining, added to the violence of irregular desire, 
 and under a legal title became the vilest and most shameless 
 prostitution. From all these causes the marriage state fell into 
 disreputation and contempt ; and it became necessary to force 
 " men by penal laws into a society where they expected no ecure 
 " or lasting happiness. Among the Romans domestic corruption 
 " grew of a sudden to an incredible height. And perhaps in the 
 " history of mankind we can find no parallel to the undisguised 
 " impurity and licentiousness of that age. It was in good time, 
 11 therefore," &c. &c. 
 * It was the year following that he went against tb Ligurians.
 
 PAULU9 JEMILIUS. 15Q 
 
 by means of their vicinity. For they dwelt in the extremi- 
 ties of Italy, bordering upon that part of the Alps which 
 is washed by the Tuscan sea, just opposite to Africa, and 
 were mixed with the Gauls and Spaniards who inhabited 
 the coast. At that time they had likewise some strength 
 at sea, and their corsairs plundered and destroyed the mer- 
 chant ships as far as the Pillars of Hercules. They had an 
 army of forty thousand men to receive ./Emilius, who came 
 but with eight thousand at the most. He engaged them, 
 however, though five times his number, routed them en- 
 tirely, and shut them up within their walled towns. When 
 they were in these circumstances, he offered them reason- 
 able and moderate terms ; for the Romans did not choose 
 utterly to cut off the people of Liguria, whom they consi- 
 dered as a bulwark against the Gauls, who were always ho- 
 vering over Italy. The Ligurians, confiding in y^Lmilius, 
 delivered up their ships and their towns. He only razed 
 the fortifications, and then delivered the cities to them 
 again ; but lie carried off their shipping, leaving them not 
 a vessel bigger than those with three banks of oars ; and he 
 set at liberty a number of prisoners whom they had made 
 both at sea and land, as well Romans as strangers. 
 
 Such were the memorable actions of his first consulship. 
 After which he often expressed his desire of being ap- 
 pointed again to the same high office, and even stood can- 
 didate for it ; but meeting with a repulse, he solicited it 
 no more. Instead of that he applied himself to the dis- 
 charge of his function as augur, and to the education of 
 his sons, not only in such arts as had been taught in Rome, 
 and those that he had learnt himself, but also in the gen- 
 teelcr arts of Greece. To this purpose he not only en- 
 tertained masters who could teach them grammar, logic, 
 a.id rhetoric, but sculpture also, and painting, together 
 with such as were skilled in breaking and teaching horses 
 r.nd dogs, and were to instruct them in riding and hunting. 
 When no public affairs hindered him, he himself always at- 
 tended their studies and exercises. In short, he was the 
 most indulgent parent in Rome. 
 
 As to public affairs, the Romans were then engaged iu 
 a war with .Perseus,* king of the Macedonians, anu-they 
 
 " This second Macedonian war with '.Perseus began in the year 
 ;' Rome five hundred and z.nd sixty-nin? 
 
 /'-ars before the C ;
 
 1(50 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 imputed it either to the incapacity or cowardice of their 
 generals* that the advantage was on the enemy's side. For 
 they who had forced Antiochus the Great to quit the rest 
 of Asia,f driven him beyond Mount Taurus, confined 
 him to Syria, and made him think himself happy if he 
 could purchase his peace with fifteen thousand talents ; 
 they who had lately vanquished king Philip in Thessaly,(| 
 and delivered the Greeks from the Macedonian yoke ; iu 
 short, they who had subdued Hannibal, to whom no king 
 could be compared either for valour or power, thought 
 it an intolerable thing to be obliged to contend with Per- 
 seus upon equal terms, as if he could be an adversary able 
 to cope with them, who only brought into the field the 
 poor remains of his father's routed forces. In this, hovv- 
 ever, the Romans were deceived ; for they knew not that 
 Philip, after his defeat, had raised a much more nume- 
 rous and better disciplined army than he had before. It 
 may not be amiss to explain this in a few words, begin- 
 ning at the fountain head. Antigonus,^ the most power- 
 ful among the generals and successors of Alexander, hav- 
 ing gained for himself and his descendants the title of 
 king, had a son named Demetrius, who was father to 
 Antigonus, surnamed Gonatus. Gonotus had a son named 
 Demetrius, who, after a short reign, left a young son cal- 
 led Philip. The Macedonian nobility dreading the con- 
 fusion often consequent upon a minority, set up Antigo- 
 nus, cousin to the deceased king, and gave him his wi- 
 dow, the mother of Philip, to wife. At first they 
 made him only regent and general, but afterwards find- 
 ing that he was a moderate and public-spirited man, 
 they declared him king. He it was that had the name of 
 
 * Those generals were P. Licinius Crassus, after him, A. Hosti- 
 lius Mancimis, and then Q. Martins Philippic, who dragged the 
 war heavily on during three years of their consulship. 
 
 f Seventeen years before. 
 
 Ltvy says twelve thousand, which were" to be paid in twelve 
 years, by a thousand talents a-year. 
 
 || This service was performed by Quinctius Flaminius, who de- 
 feated Philip in Thessaly, killed eu/ht thousand of his men upon 
 the spot, took live thousand prisoners, and after his victory caused 
 proclamation to be made by an herald at the Isthmean games, that 
 Greece was free. 
 
 This Antigonus killed Eumenes, and took Babylon from Se- 
 leucus ; and when his son Demetrius had overthrown Ptolemy's 
 fleet at Cyprus, he, the first of all Alexander's successors, presumed 
 to wear a diadem, and assumed the title of king.
 
 PAUL US JE.MIX.IU9. l6l 
 
 Boson,* because he was always promising, but never per- 
 formed what lie promised. After him, Philip mounted 
 the throne, and, though yet bat a youth, soon shewed 
 himself equal to the greatest of kings ; so that it was be- 
 lieved he would restore the crown of Macedon to its au- 
 cient dignity, and be the only man that could stop the 
 progress of the Roman power, which was now extending 
 itself over all the world. But being beaten at Scotusa by 
 Titus Flaminius, his courage sunk for the present, and 
 promising to receive such terms as the Romans should 
 impose, he was glad to come off with a moderate fine. 
 But recollecting himself afterwards, he could not brook 
 the dishonour. To reign by the courtesy of the Romans, 
 appeared to him more suitable to a slave, who minds no- 
 thing but hie pleasures, than to a man who has any dig- 
 nity of sentiment ', and, therefore, he turned his thoughts 
 to war, but made his preparations with great privacy and 
 caution. For suffering the towns that were near the great 
 roads, and by the sea, to run to decay, and to become half 
 desolate, in order that he might be held in contempt by 
 the enemy, he collected a great force in the higher pro- 
 vinces ; and filling the inland places, the towns, and castles, 
 with arms, money, and men, fit for service, without mak- 
 ing aliy shew of war, he had his troops always in readi- 
 r.ess for it, like so many wrestlers trained and exercised 
 in secret. For he had in his arsenal arms for thirty thou- 
 sand men, in his garrisons eight millions of measures of 
 wheat, and money in his coffers to defray the charge of 
 maintaining ten thousand mercenaries for ten years, to de- 
 fend his country. But he had not the satisfaction of put- 
 ting these designs in execution ; for he died of grief and a 
 broken heart, on discovering that he had unjustly put De- 
 metrius, his more worthy son, to death,f in consequence of 
 an accusation preferred by his other son Perseus. 
 
 Perseus, who survived him, inherited, together with the 
 crown, his father's enmity to the Romans ; but he was not 
 equal to such a burden, on account of the littleness of his 
 capacity, ai.d the meanness of his mamiers ; avarice being 
 the principal of the many passions that reigned in his dis- 
 tempered heart. It is even said, that he was not the son of 
 Philip, but that the wife of that prince took him, as soon 
 
 * Doson signifies tn'tf give. 
 
 f This story is finely embellished in Dr. Young's tragedy of Hi* 
 Brothers,
 
 162 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 as he was born, from his mother, who was a sempstress 
 f Argos, named Gnathoenia, and pa?sed him upon her 
 husband as her own. And the chief reason of his com- 
 passing the death of his brother seemed to have been his 
 fear that the royal house, having a lawful heir, might 
 prove him to be supposititious. But though he was of 
 such an abject and ungenerous disposition, yet elated with 
 the prosperous situation of his affairs, he engaged in \var 
 with the Romans, and maintained the conflict a long 
 while, repulsing several of their fleets and armies, com- 
 manded by me i of consular dignity, and even beating 
 some of them. Publius Licinius was the first that invad- 
 ed Macedonia, and him he defeated in an engagement of 
 the cavalry,* killed two thousand five hundred of his best 
 men, and took six hundred prisoners ; he surprised the 
 Roman fleet which lay at anchor at Ormeum, took twenty 
 of their store ships, sunk the rest, that were loaded with 
 wheat, and made himself master besides of four galleys, 
 which had each five benches of oars ; he fought also ano- 
 ther battle, by which he drove back the consul Hostilius, 
 who was attempting to enter his kingdom by Elimia ; 
 and when the same general was stealing in by the way of 
 Thessaly, he presented himself before him, but the Ro- 
 man did not choose to stand the encounter. And as if 
 this war did not sufficiently employ him, or the Romans 
 alone were not an enemy respectable enough, he went upon 
 an expedition against the l)ardanians, in which he cut in 
 pieces ten thousand of them, and brought off much booty. 
 At the same time, he privately solicited the Gauls who 
 dwell near the Danube, and who are called Bastarnse. 
 These were a warlike people, and strong in cavalry. He 
 tried the Illyrians too, hoping to bring them to join him 
 by means of Gentius their king ; and it was reported that 
 the barbarians had taken his money, under promise of 
 making an inroad into Italy, by the Lower Gaul, along 
 the coast of the Adriatic.f 
 
 * Livy has given us a description of this action at the end of his 
 forty-second book. Perseus offered peace to those he had beaten 
 upon as easy conditions as if he himself had been overthrown, but 
 the Romans refused it. They made it a rule, indeed, never to make 
 peace when beaten. This rule proved a wise one for that people, 
 but can never be universally adopted. 
 
 f He practised also with Eumenes, king of Bithynia, and caused 
 representations to be made to Antiochus, king of Syria, that the 
 Romans weje equally enemies to all king?. But Eurnenex demand
 
 PAULUS -SMILIUS. l6a 
 
 When this news was brought to Rome, the people 
 thought proper to lay aside all regard to interest and soli- 
 citation in the choice of their generals, and to call to the 
 command a man of understanding, fit for the direction of 
 great affairs. Such was Paulus ./Enalius, a man advanced 
 in years indeed (for he was about threescore), but still in 
 his full strength, and surrounded with young eons and sons- 
 m-law, and a number of other considerable relations and 
 friends, who all persuaded him to listn to the people, that 
 called him to the consulship. At first he received the offer 
 of the citizens very coldly, though they went ^so far as to 
 court, and even to entreat him ; for he was now no longer 
 ambitious of that honour. But as they daily attended at 
 his gate, and loudly called upon him to make his appearance 
 in the fur am, he was at length prevailed upon. When he 
 put himself among the candidates, he looked not like a man 
 who sued for the consulship, but as one who brought suc- 
 cess along with him. And when, at the request of the ci- 
 tizens, he went down into the Campus Martius t they all re- 
 ceived him with so entire a confidence, and such a cordial 
 regard, that upon their creating him consul the second 
 time, they would not suffer the lots to be cast for the pro- 
 vinces,* as usual, but voted him immediately the direction 
 of the war in Macedonia. It is said, that after the people 
 had appointed him commander in cl.icf against Perseus, and 
 conducted him home in a very splendid manner, he found 
 his daughter Tertia, who was y*-'t but a child, in tears. 
 Upon this he took her in his arms, and asked her, " Why 
 " she wept ?" The girl embracing and kissing him, said, 
 l< Know you not then, father, that Ptrseus is dead ?" 
 meaning a little dog of that name, which she had brought 
 up. To which JEmilius replied, " It is a lucky incident, 
 " child, I accept the omen." This particular is related by 
 Cicero in his Treatise on Divination. 
 
 It was the custom for those that were appointed to the 
 consulship, to make their acknowledgments to the people 
 if) an agreeable speech from the rostrum. jEmilius having 
 assembled the citizens on this occasion, told them, " He 
 " had applied for his former consulship, because he wanted 
 
 ing fifteen hundred talents, a stop was put to the negotiation. The 
 very treating, hov. ever, with Perseus, occasioned an inveterate ha- 
 tred between the Romans and their old friend Eumenes ; but that 
 hatred was of no service to Perseus. 
 Livy says the contrary.
 
 io4 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 a command ; but in this they had applied to him, be- 
 cause they wanted a commander ; and, therefore, at pre- 
 sent, he did not hold himself obliged to them. If they 
 could have the war better directed by another, he would 
 readily quit the employment ; but if they placed their 
 confidence in him, he expected they would not interfere 
 with his orders, or propagate idle reports, but provide 
 in silence what was necessary for the war ; for if they 
 wanted to command their commanders, their expeditions 
 would be more ridiculous than ever." It is not easy to 
 express how much reverence this speech procured him from 
 the citizens, and what high expectations it produced of the 
 event. They rejoiced that they had passed by the smooth- 
 tongued candidates, and made choice of a general who had 
 so much freedom of speech, and such dignity of manner. 
 Thus the Romans submitted, like servants, to reason and 
 virtue, in order that they might one day rule, and become 
 masters of the world. 
 
 That Paulus ./Emilius, when he went upon the Macedo- 
 nian expedition, had a prosperous voyage and journey, and 
 arrived with speed and safety in the camp, I impute to his 
 good fortune ; but when I consider how the war was con- 
 ducted, and see that the greatness of his courage, the ex- 
 cellence of his counsels, the attachment of his friends, his 
 presence of mind, and happiness in expedients in times of 
 danger, all contributed to his success, I cannot place his 
 great and distinguished actions to any account but his own. 
 Indeed, the avarice of Perseus may possibly be looked upon 
 as a fortunate circumstance for JEmilius ; since it blasted 
 and ruined the great preparations and elevated hopes of the 
 Macedonians by a mean regard to money. For the Ba- 
 starnae came, at his request, with a body of ten thousand 
 horse,* each of which had a foot soldier by his side, and 
 they all fought for hire ; men they were that knew not how 
 to till the ground, to feed cattle, or to navigate ships, but 
 
 * Livy (xliv. 2G.) has well described this horseman and his foot- 
 soldier. He says, " There came ten thousand hor.se, and as many 
 " fi/ot, who kept pace with the horse, and when any of the cavalry 
 " were unhorsed, they mounted, and went into the ranks." They 
 were the same people >vith those described iiy Caesar in the tirst 
 book of his Commentaries, where he is giving an account of Ario- 
 vistus's army. As soon as Perseus had intelligence of the approach 
 of the Bastarnae, he sent Antigonus to congratulate Clondicus their 
 king. Clondicus made answer, that the Gauls could not march a 
 step farther without money ; which Perseus, in his avarice and iH 
 policy, refused to advance,
 
 PAULUS JEMILIUS. lj 
 
 whose sole profession and employment was to fight and t* 
 conquer. When these pitched their tents in Medica, and 
 mingled with, the king's forces, who beheld them tall in 
 their persons, ready beyond expression at their exercises, 
 lofty and full of menaces against the enemy, the Macedo- 
 nians were inspired with fresh courage, and a strong opi- 
 nion that the Romans would not be able to stand against 
 these mercenaries, but be terrified both at their looks and 
 at their strange and astonishing motions. 
 
 After Perseus had filled his people with such spirits and 
 hopes, the barbarians demanded of him a thousand pieces 
 of gold for every officer ; but the thoughts of parting with 
 such a sum almost turned his brain, and in the narrowness 
 of his heart he refused it, and broke off the alliance ; as 
 if he had not been at war with the Romans, but a steward 
 for them, who was to give an exact account of his whole 
 expences to those whom he was acting against. At the 
 same time* the example of the enemy pointed out to 
 
 * We agree with the editor of the former English translation, 
 that the original here is extremely corrupted and very difficult to be 
 restored 4 and that it seems improbable that the Romans should 
 have an army of a hundred thousand men in Macedonia. But the 
 improbability lessens, if we consider that Paulus J?tnHius applied 
 on this occasion to the allies, especially the Achseans, for what forces 
 they could spare, and if we take in those that acted on board the 
 Roman fleet. vKmiiius, indeed, just before the battle, expresses his 
 apprehensions from the enemy's superiority of numbers; and it is 
 true that he had none to depend upon but the Romans, who were 
 comparatively few. As lor hj.s Grecian a* lies, he could not place 
 much confidence in them, because it was their interest that the 
 kingdom of Maccdon should stand ; and, in fact, when that fell, 
 severe tribunals were set up in Greece, and the shadow of liberty, 
 which remained to it, was lost. 
 
 That translation, however, has given a turn to the passage quite 
 different from the sense that may be gathered from the Greek and 
 the whole context. It runs thus For though he had made such vast 
 preparations, though he had money in the treasury sufficient to pay a hun- 
 dred thousand men, &c. How does this give any itlea of the Romans 
 being instructors 'J/JairxaAa, to Perseus in point of expence ' 
 
 The Greek, in Bryan's edition, is KO.I oioafxa).*; ti%tv txtivv ; o! 
 XX; -raf&ffKtfr.s, <ruv emet fi.vtia.eui nfotv vSgoi<rf4l';Ki xcti tra^ifUffni 
 tout x^tim;. 
 
 An anonymous manuscript copy has it thus us ttnu rns va^na- 
 
 Kivr.s (T) Jtxa p.uo,x'i; . &c. 
 
 But a.ii\> is a bad alteration, because it implies that such immense 
 forces were collected without any stores or provisions for them ; and 
 the word m we have put in brackets, because it has nothing to do there. 
 If the correction was made by some librarian, probably he thought 
 the word eatv signifies besides, whereas it signifies only without.
 
 \Q PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 him better things ; for, besides their other preparations, 
 they had an hundred thousand men collected and ready 
 for their use ; and yet he having to oppose so considerable 
 a force, and an armament that was maintained at such an 
 extraordinary expence, counted his gold and sealed his 
 bags, as much afraid to touch them as if they had belong- 
 ed to another. And yet he was not descended from any 
 Lydian or Phoenician merchant, but allied to Alexander 
 and Philip, whose maxim it was, to procure empire with 
 money, and not money ly empire, and who, by pursuing 
 that maxim, conquered the world. For it was a common 
 saying, " That it was not Philip, but Philip's gold, that 
 " took the cities of Greece." As for Alexander, when 
 he went upon the Indian expedition, and saw the Mace- 
 donians dragging after them a heavy and unwieldy load 
 of Persian wealth, he first set fire to the royal carriages, 
 and then persuaded the rest to do the same to theirs, that 
 they might move forward to the war light and unencum- 
 bered : whereas Perseus, though he and his children and 
 his kingdom overflowed with wealth, would not purchase 
 his preservation at the expence of a small part of it, but was 
 carried a wealthy captive to Rome, and shewed that people 
 what immense sums he had saved and laid up for them. 
 
 Nay, he not only deceived and sent away the Gauls, 
 but also imposed upon Gentius, king of the Illyrians, 
 whom he prevailed with to join him, in consideration of 
 a subsidy of three hundred talents. He went so far as to 
 order the money to be counted before that prince's envoys, 
 and suffered them to "put their seal upon it. Gentius, 
 thinking his demands were answered, in violation of all the 
 laws of honour and justice, seized and imprisoned the Ro- 
 man ambassadors who were at his court. Perseus now 
 concluded that there was no need of money to draw his ally 
 into the war, since he had unavoidably plunged himself 
 into it, by an open instance of violence, and an act of hos- 
 tility which would admit of no excuse, and therefore he 
 defrauded the unhappy man of the three hundred talents, 
 and without the least concern beheld him, his wife, and 
 children, in a short time after dragged from their kingdom, 
 by the prztor Lucius Anicius, who was sent at the head 
 of an army against Gentius. 
 
 -/Emilius, liaving to do with such an adversary as Per- 
 seui, despised, indeed, the man, yet could not but admire 
 his preparations and his strength. For he had four thou- 
 sand horse, and near forty thousand foot; who composed
 
 PAUL US JBMILIl'S. ifif 
 
 the phalanx ; and being encamped by the sea-side, at the 
 foot of MoCmt Olympus, 1.1 a place that was perfectly 
 inaccessible, and strengthened on every side with fortifi- 
 cations of wood, he lay free from all apprehensions, per- 
 suaded that he should wear out the consul by protracting 
 the time and exhausting his treasures. But ^Emilius, al- 
 ways vigilant and attentive, weighed every expedient and 
 method of attack; a.'d perceiving that th;* soldiers,, through 
 the want of discipline in tin.? past, were impatient of de- 
 lay, and ready to dictate to their general things impossible 
 to be executed, he reproved them with great severity, or- 
 dering them not to intermeddle, or give attention to any 
 thing but their own persons and then arms, that they might 
 be in readiness to use their swords as became Romant, 
 when their commander should give them an opportunity. 
 He ordered also the sentinels to keep watch without their 
 pikes,* that they might guard the better Mgaiust sleep, 
 when they were sensible that they had nothing to defend 
 themselves with against the enemy, who might attack them 
 in the night. 
 
 But his men complained the most of want of water ; for 
 only a little, and that but indifferent, flowed, or rather came 
 drop by drop, from some springs near the sea. In this ex- 
 tremity, ^Emilius, seeing Mount Olympus before him, very 
 high and covered with trees, conjectured, from their ver- 
 dure, that there must be springs in it which would discharge 
 themselves at the bottom, and therefore caused several pits 
 and wells to be dug at the foot of it. These were soon fill- 
 ed with clear water, which ran into them with the greater 
 force and rapidity, because it had been confined before. 
 
 Some, however, deny that there are any hidden sources 
 constantly provided with water in the places from which 
 it flows ; nor will they allow the discharge to be owing to 
 the opening of a vein ; but they will have it, that the 
 water is formed instantaneously, from the condensation of 
 vapours, and that by the coldness and pressure of the earth 
 a moist vapour is rendered fluid. For, as the breasts of 
 women are not, like vessels, stored with milk always ready 
 to flow, but prepare and change the nutriment that is in 
 
 * Livy says, without their shields ; the reason of which was this : 
 the Roman shields being long, they might rest their heads upon 
 them, and sleep standing. jEmilius, however, made one order in 
 favour of the soldiers upon guard ; for he ordered them to be re- 
 lieved at noon, whereas before they used to be upon duty all day.
 
 }6S PLUT.ARCi 
 
 them into niilk ; so the cold and cpringy places of tlie 
 ground have not a quantity of water hid within them, 
 which, as from reservoirs always full, can be sufficient to 
 supply large streams and rivers ; but by compressing and 
 condensing the vapours and the air, they convert them 
 into water. And such places being opened, afford that 
 element freely, just as the breasts of women do milk from 
 their being sucked, by compressing and liquefying .the 
 vapour ; whereas, the earth that remains idle and undug, 
 cannot produce any water; because it wants that motion 
 which alone is the true cause of it. 
 
 But tho?e that teach this doctrine, give occasion to the 
 sceptical to observe, that, by parity of reasoa, there is no 
 blood in animals, but that the wound produces it, by a 
 change in the flesh and spirits, which that impression ren- 
 ders fluid. Besides, that doctrine is refuted by those who, 
 digging deep in the earth to undermine some fortification, 
 or to search for metals, meet with deep rivers, not col- 
 lected by little and little, which would be the case if they 
 were produced at the in- tan t the earth was opened, but 
 rushing upon them at once in great abundance. And it 
 often happens, upon the breaking of a great rock, that a 
 quantity of water ksues out, which as suddenly ceases. 
 So much for springs. 
 
 .Kmilius sat still for some days ; and it is said that there 
 never were two great armies so near each other that re- 
 mained so quiet. But trying and considering every thing, 
 he got information that there was one way only left un- 
 guarded, which lay through Perrhsebia, by Pythium and 
 Petra ; and conceiving greater hope from the defenceless 
 condition of the place, than fear from its rugged and diffi- 
 cult appearance, he ordered the matter to be considered in 
 council. 
 
 Scipio, surnamed Nasica, son-in-law to Scipio Africanus, 
 who afterwards was a leading man in the senate, was the 
 first that offered to head the troops in taking this circuit to 
 come at the enemy. And after him Fabius Maximus, the 
 eldest son of .Emilius, though he was yet but a youth, ex- 
 pressed his readiness to undertake the enterprise. ./Err.ilius, 
 delighted with this circumstance, gave them a detachment, 
 not so large indeed as Polybius gives account of, but the 
 number that Nasica mentions in a short letter wherein he 
 describes this action to a certain king. They had three 
 thousand Italians, who were not Romans, and five thousand
 
 PAULUS JEMILIUS. 16$ 
 
 men besides, who composed the left wing. To these 
 Nasica added a hundred and twenty horse, and two hundred 
 Thracians and Cretans intermixed, who were of the troops 
 of Harpalus. 
 
 With this detachment he began to march towards the 
 sea. and encamped at Heracleum,* as if he intended to sail 
 round, and come upon the enemy's camp behind ; but 
 when his soldiers had supped, and night came on, he ex- 
 plained to the officers his real design, and directed them to 
 take a different route. Pursuing this without loss of time, 
 he arrived at Pythium, where he ordered his men to take 
 some rest. At this place Olympus is ten furlongs and 
 ninety-six feet in height, as it is signified in the inscription 
 made by Xenagoras the son of Eumelus, the man that 
 measured it. The geometricians, indeed, affirm, that there 
 is no mountain in the world more than ten furlongs high, 
 nor sea above that depth ; yet it appears that Xenagoras 
 did not take the height in a careless manner, but regularly 
 and with proper instruments. 
 
 Nasica passed the night there. Perseus, for his part, 
 seeing ^milius lie quiet in his camp, had not the least 
 thought of the danger that threatened him ; but a Cretan 
 deserter, who slipt from Scipio by the way, came and in- 
 formed him of the circuit the Romans were taking in order 
 to surprise him. This news put him in great' confusion, 
 yet he did not remove his camp ; he only sent ten thousand 
 foreign mercenaries and two thousand Macedonians, under 
 Milo, with orders to possess themselves of the heights with 
 all possible expedition. Polybius relates, that the Romans 
 fell upon them while they were asleep, but Nasica tells us 
 there was a sharp and dangerous conflict for the heights ; 
 that he himself killed a Thracian mercenary who engaged 
 him, by piercing him through the breast with his spear ; 
 and that the enemy being routed, and Milo put to a shameful 
 flight without his arms, and in his under garment only, he 
 pursued them without any sort of hazard, and led his party 
 down irto the plain. Perseus, terrified at this disaster, and 
 disappointed in his hopes, decamped and retired. Yet he 
 was under a necessity of stopping before Pydna, and risking 
 
 * The consul gave out that they were to go on board the fleet, 
 which, under the command of Octavius the prsetor, lay upon the 
 xt^t, in order to waste the maritime parts of Macedonia and s 
 o draw Perseus from bis camp. 
 
 !'>'. If. I
 
 170 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 a battle, if he did not choose to divide his army to garri- 
 son his towns,* and there expect the enemy, who, when 
 once entered into his country, could not be driven out 
 without great slaughter and bloodshed. 
 
 His friends represented to him, that his army was still 
 superior in numbers, and that they would fight with great 
 resolution in defence of their wives and children, and in 
 sight of their king, who was a partner in their danger. 
 Encouraged by this representation, he fixed his camp there ; 
 he prepared for battle, viewed the country, and assigned 
 each officer his post, as intending to meet the Romans 
 when they came off their march. The field where he en- 
 camped was fit for the phalanx, which required plain and 
 even ground to act in ; near it was a chain of little hills, 
 proper for the light-armed to retreat to, and to wheel 
 about from the attack ; and through the middle ran the 
 rivers JE.son and Leucus, which, though not very deep, 
 because it was the latter end of summer, were likely to 
 give the Romans some trouble. 
 
 ./Emilius having joined Nasica, marched in good order 
 against the enemy ; but when he saw the disposition and 
 siumber of their forces, he was astonished, and stood still 
 to consider what was proper to be done. Hereupon the 
 young officers, eager for the engagement, and particularly 
 Nasica, flushed with his success at Mount Olympus, pressed 
 up to him, and begged of him to lead them forward with- 
 out delay. ./Emilius only smiled and said, " My friend, 
 if I was of your age I should certainly do so ; but the 
 many victories I have gained, have made me observe 
 the errors of the vanquished, and forbid me to give 
 battle immediately after a march, to an army well drawn 
 up, and every way prepared. 5 ' 
 Then he ordered the foremost ranks, who were in sight 
 of the enemy, to present a front, as if they were ready to 
 engage, and the rear, in the meantime, to mark out a 
 camp and throw up entrenchments ; after which, he made 
 the battalions wheel off by degrees, beginning with those 
 next the soldiers at work, so that their disposition was 
 
 * His best friends advised him to garrison his strongest cities 
 with his best troops, and to lengthen out the war, experience hav- 
 ing shewn that the Macedonians were better able to defend cities, 
 than the Romans were to take them ; but this opinion the king re- 
 jected from this cowardly principle, that perhaps the town he chose 
 for his residence might be first besieged.
 
 PAULUS JEMILIfS. 171 
 
 insensibly changed, and his whole army encamped without 
 noise. 
 
 When they had supped, and were thinking of nothing but 
 going to rest, on a sudden the moon, which was then at full, 
 and very high, began to be darkened, and, after changing 
 into various colours, was at last totally eclipsed.* The 
 Romans, according to their custom, made a great noise by 
 striking upon vessels of brass, and held up lighted faggots 
 and torches in the air, in order to recal her light ; but the 
 Macedonians did no such thing ; horror and astonishment 
 seized their whole camp, and a whisper passed among the 
 multitude, that this appearance portended the fall of the 
 king. As for ./Emilius, he was not entirely unacquainted 
 with this matter ; he had heard of the ecliptic inequalities 
 which bring the moon, at certain periods, under the shadow 
 of the earth, and darken her, till she has past that quarter 
 of obscurity, and receives light from the sun again. Never- 
 theless, as he was wont to ascribe most events to the Deity, 
 was a religious observer of sacrifices and of the art of divi- 
 nation, he offered up to the moon eleven heifers, as soon 
 as he saw her regain her former lustre. At break of day, 
 he also sacrificed oxen to Hercules to the number of twenty, 
 without any auspicious sign ; but in the twenty-first the 
 desired tokens appeared, and he announced victory to his 
 troops, provided they stood upon the defensive.f At the 
 same time he vowed a hecatomb and solemn games in ho- 
 nour of that god, and then commanded the officers to put 
 the army in order of battle ; staying, however, till the sun 
 should decline, and get round to the -west, lest, if they 
 came to action in the morning, it should dazzle the eyes of 
 
 * Livy tells us, that Sulpitius Gallus, one of the Roman tribunes,, 
 foretold this eclipse; first to the consul, and then with his leave to 
 the army, whereby that terror which eclipses were wont to breed 
 in ignorant minds, was entirely taken off, and the soldiers more and 
 more disposed to confide in officers of so great wisdom and of such 
 general knowledge. 
 
 f- Here we see JihnilSus availed himself of augury, to bring hi i 
 troops the more readily to comply with what he knew was most pru- 
 dent. He was sensible of their eagerness and impetuosity ; but he 
 was sensible, at the same time, that coolness and . were 
 
 more necessary to be exerted against the Macedonian phalanx, 
 which was not inferior in courage and discipline to the Romans, and 
 therefore he told them, that the gods enjoined them to stand upon 
 the defensive, if they desired to be victorious. Another reason why 
 jEmilius deferred ihe fight was, as Plvtarch tells us, because tlitf 
 morning sun was full in the eyes of his soldiers. 
 
 12
 
 172 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 his soldiers, he sat down in the meantime in his tent, which 
 was open towards the field and the enemy's camp. 
 
 Some say, that towards evening, he availed himself of an 
 artifice to make the enemy begin the fight. It seems he 
 turned a horse loose without a bridle, and sent out some 
 Romans to catch him, who were attacked while they were 
 pursuing him, and so the engagement began. Others say, 
 that the Thracians, commanded by one Alexander, attacked 
 a Roman convoy ; that seven hundred Ligurians making 
 up to its assistance, a sharp skirmish ensued ; and that larger 
 reinforcements being sent to both parties, at last the main 
 bodies were engaged. /Emilius, like a wise pilot, foresee- 
 ing, by the agitation of both armies, the violence of the im- 
 pending storm, came out of his tent, passed through the 
 ranks, and encouraged his men. In the meantime, Nasica. 
 who had rode up to the place where the skirmish began, saw 
 the whole of the enemy's army advancing co the charge. 
 
 First of all marched the Thracians, whose very aspect 
 struck the beholders with terror. They were men of a 
 prodigious size ; their shields were white and glittering ; 
 their vests were black, their legs armed with greaves ; and 
 as they moved, their long pikes, heavy-shod with iron, 
 shook on their right shoulders. Next carne the mercenaries, 
 variously armed, according to the manner of their respective 
 countries ; with these were mixed the Pasonians. In the 
 third place moved forward the battalions of Macedon, the 
 flower of its youth and the bravest of its sons ; their new 
 purple vests and gilded arms made a splendid appearance. 
 As these took their post, the Chalchespides moved out of 
 the camp ; the fields gleamed with the polished steel and 
 the brazen shields which they bore, and the mountains 
 re-echoed to their cheers. In this order they advanced, and 
 that with so much boldness and speed, that the first of their 
 slain* fell only two furlongs from the Roman camp. 
 
 As soon as the attack was begun, Emilius advanced to the 
 first ranks, found that the foremost of the Macedonians had 
 struck the heads of their pikes into the shields of the Romans, 
 so that it was impossible for his men to reach their adversaries 
 with their swords ; and when he saw the rest of the Mace- 
 donians take their bucklers from their shoulders, join them 
 close together, and with one motion present their pikes 
 against his legions, the strength of such a rampart, and the 
 fprmidable appearance of such a front, struck him with terror 
 
 The light-armed.
 
 PAULUS JEMILIUS. 173 
 
 and amazement. He never, indeed, saw a more dreadful 
 spectacle, and he often mentioned afterwards the impres- 
 sion it made upon him. However, he took care to shew 
 a pleasant and cheerful countenance to his men, and even 
 rode about without either helmet or breait-piate. But the 
 king of Macedon, as Polybius tells us, as soon as the en- 
 gagement was begun, gave way to his fears, and withdrew 
 into the town, under pretence of sacrificing to Hercules ; a 
 god that accepts not the timid offerings of cowards, nor 
 favours any unjust vows. And surely it is not just that the 
 man who never shoots should bear away the prize ; that he 
 who deserts his post should conquer ; tliat he who is des- 
 picably indolent should be successful ; or that a bad man 
 should be happy. But the god attended to the prayers of 
 ^milius ; for he begged for victory and success with his 
 sword in his hand, and fought while he implored the divine 
 aid. Yet one Posidonius,* who says he lived in those 
 times, and was present at that action, in the history of 
 Perseus, which he wrote in several books, affirm?, that it 
 was not out of cowardice, nor under pretence of offering 
 sacrifice, that he quitted the field, but because the day before 
 the fight he received a hurt on his leg, from the kick of a 
 horse ; that when the battle came on, though very much 
 indisposed, and dissuaded by his friends, he commanded 
 one of his horses to be brought, mounted him, and charged, 
 without a breast-plate, at the head of the phalanx; and 
 that, amidst the shower of missive weapons of all kinds, hs 
 was struck with a javelin of iron, not indeed with the point, 
 but it glanced in such a manner upon his left side, that it 
 not only rent his clothes, but gave him a bruise in the flesh, 
 the mark of which remained a long time. This is what 
 Posidonius says in defence of Perseus. 
 
 The Romans who engaged the phalanx being unable to 
 break it, Salius, a Peliguian officer, snatched the ensign of 
 his company, and threw it among the enemy. Hereupon 
 the Peligniana rushing forward to recover it, for the Italians 
 look upon it as a great crime and disgrace to abandon their 
 standard, a dreadful conflict ar.d slaughter on both sides 
 
 * Tins could not be Posidonius of Apamea, who wrote a conti- 
 nuation oi' PoJybius's history, for that Pi-siuonius went to Rome 
 during the consulship of Marcellus, a hundred and eighteen years 
 after this hnttlt. Plutarch, indeed, seems to have taken him either 
 P.>r a counterfeit, or a writer of no account, when he calls him OM 
 P>;J/:::uj, vfa tdi? :is /.? i-:>?d at t^at time. 
 
 13
 
 1/4 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 ensued. The Romans attempted to cut the pikes of the 
 Macedonians asunder with their swords, to beat them back 
 with their shields, or to put them by with their hands ; but 
 the Macedonians, holding them steady with both hands, 
 pierced their adversaries through their armour ; for neither 
 shield nor corslet was proof against the pike.* The Pe- 
 lignians and Marrucinians were thrown headlong down, 
 who, without any sort of discretion, or rather with a brutal 
 fury, had exposed themselves to wounds, and run upon 
 certain d?ath. The first line thus cut in pieces, those that 
 were behind were forced to give back, and though they did 
 not fly, yet they retreated towards Mount Olocrus. ^milius 
 seeing thi?, rent his clothes, as Posidonius tells us. He was 
 reduced almost to despair, to find that part of his men had 
 retired, and that the rest declined the combat with a phalanx 
 which, by reaso.i of the pikes that defended it on all sides 
 like a rampart, appeared impenetrable and invincible ; but 
 as the unevenness of the ground, and the large extent of the 
 front, would not permit their bucklers to be joined through 
 the whole, he observed several interstices and openings in 
 the Macedonian line ; as it happens in great armies, ac- 
 cording to the different efforts of the combatants, who in 
 one part press forward, and in another are forced to give 
 hack. For this reason he divided his troop?, with all pos- 
 :-xpedition, into platoons, which he ordered to throw 
 themselves into the void spaces of the enemy's front ; and 
 so, not to engage with the whole at once, but to make many 
 impressions at the same time in different parts. These or- 
 ders being given by ./Emilius to the officers, and by the 
 officers to the soldiers, they immediately made their way 
 between the pikes wherever there was an opening ;{ which, 
 was no sooner done, than some took the enemy in flank, 
 where they were quite exposed, while others fetched a 
 compass, and attacked them in the rear. Thus was the 
 phalanx soon broken, and its strength, which depended 
 upon one united effort, was no more. When they came to 
 
 * This shews the advantage which the pike has over the broad- 
 sword ; and the bayonet is still better, because it gives the soldier 
 the free use of his musket, without being encumbered with a pike, 
 und, when screwed to the musket, supplies the place of a pike. 
 
 j- On the first appearance of this, Perseus should have charged the 
 Romans very briskly with his horse, and by that means have given 
 Ms infantry time to recover themselves ; but, instead of this, they 
 basely provided for their own safety by a precipitate flight.
 
 PAULUS vEMII 175 
 
 fight man with man, and party with party, the Macedo- 
 nians had only short swords to strike the long shields of 
 the Romans that reached from head to foot, and slight 
 bucklers to oppose to the Romans swords, which, by reason 
 of their weight, and the force with which they were ma- 
 naged, pierced through all their armour to the bodies ; so 
 that they maintained their ground with difficulty, and in 
 the end were entirely routed. 
 
 It was here, however, that the greatest efforts were 
 made on both sides ; and here Marcus, the son of Cato, 
 and son-in-law to ^Emilius, after surprising acts of valour, 
 unfortunately lost his sword. As he was a youth who had 
 received all the advantages of education, and who owed 
 to so illustrious a father extraordinary' instances of virtue, 
 he was persuaded that he had better die than leave such a 
 spoil in the hands of his enemies. He, therefore, flew 
 through the ranks, and wherever he happened to see any 
 of his friends or acquaintance, he told them his misfor- 
 tune, and begged their assistance. A number of brave 
 young men was thus collected, who, following their lead- 
 er with equal ardour, soon traversed their own army, 
 and fell upon the Macedonians. After a sharp conflict and 
 dreadful carnage, the enemy was driven back, and the 
 ground being left vacant, the Romans sought for the 
 sword, which with much difficulty \vas found under a 
 heap of arms and dead bodies. Transported with this suc- 
 cess, they charged those that remained unbroken, with 
 still greater eagerness and shouts of triumph. The three 
 thousand Macedonians, who were all select men, kept 
 their station, and maintained the fight, but at last were 
 entirely cut off. The rest fled ; and terrible was the 
 slaughter of those. The field and the sides of the hills 
 were covered with the dead, and the river Leucus, which 
 the Romans crossed the day after the battle, was even then 
 mixed with blood. For it is said, that about twenty-five 
 thousand were killed on the Macedonian side ; whereas the 
 Rsmans, according to Posidonius, lost but one hundred ; 
 Nasica says, only fourscore.* 
 
 This great battle was soon decided, for it began at the 
 ninth hour,f and victory declared herself before the tenth. 
 The remainder of the day was employed in the pursuit, 
 
 * Utterly impossible ! if the circumstances of the fight are con- 
 sidered ; but Livy's account is lost, 
 f- i. e. Three in the afternoon. 
 
 I 4
 
 1/6 JLVT ARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 .vhich was continued for the space of an hundred and 
 t.-.enty furlong^, so that it was far in the night when they 
 returi.ed. The servants went with torches to meet their 
 masters, and conducted them with shouts of joy to their 
 tents, which they had illuminated, and adorned with crowns 
 of ivy and laurel.* 
 
 But the general himself was overwhelmed with grief. 
 For, of the two sons that served under him, the youngest, 
 whom he most loved, and who, of all the brothers, was 
 most happily formed for virtue, was not to be found. He 
 \vas naturally brave and ambitious of honour, and withal 
 very young,f he concluded that his inexperience had en- 
 gaged him too far in the hottest of the battle, and that he 
 was certainly killed. The whole army was sensible of his 
 sorrow and distress ; and leaving their supper, they ran out 
 with torches, some to the general's tent, and some out of 
 the trenches, to &eek him among the first of the slain. A 
 profound melancholy reigned in the camp, while the field 
 resounded with the cries of those that called upon Scipio. 
 For so admirably had nature tempered him, that he was 
 very early marked out by the world, as a person beyond 
 the rest of the youth, likely to excel in the arts both of war 
 and of civil government. 
 
 It was now very late, and he was almost given up, when 
 lie returned from the pursuit, with two or three friends, 
 covered with the fresh blood of the foe, like a generous 
 young hound, carried too far by the charms of the chace. 
 This is that Scipio who afterwards destroyed Carthage and 
 Numantia, and was incomparably the first, both in virtue 
 and power, of the Romans of his time. Thus fortune did 
 not choose at present to make ^Emilius pay for the favour 
 she did him, but deferred it to another opportunity ; and 
 therefore he enjoyed this victory with full satisfaction. 
 
 As for Perseus, he fled from Pydna to Pella, with his 
 cavalry which had suffered no loss, When the foot over- 
 
 * The laurel was sacred to Apollo, and the ivy to Bacchus. Bac- 
 chus, who is sometimes supposed to be the same with Hercules, 
 was a warrior, and we read of his expedition into India. But th; 
 Roman custom of adorning the tents of the victors with ivy, the 
 plant of Bacchus, might arise from a more simple cause. Caesar, in 
 his third book of the civil wars, says, that in Pompey's camp he 
 found the tent of Lentulus and some others covered with ivy; so 
 sure had they made themselves of the victory. 
 
 } He was then in his seventeenth year.
 
 PAUI.US JTMILIUS. 1/7 
 
 took tliem, they reproached them as cowards and trai- 
 tors, pulled them off their horses, and wounded severals 
 of them; so that the king, dreading the consequences of 
 the tumult, turned his horse out of the common road, 
 and, lest he should be known, wrapt up his purple robe, 
 and put it before him ; he also took off his diadem, and 
 carried it in his hand ; and, that he might converse the 
 more conveniently with his friends, alighted from his horse 
 and led him. Bat they all slunk away from him by de- 
 grees ; o.:e under pretence of tying his shoe, another of 
 watering his horse, and a third of being thirsty himself: 
 not that they were so much afraid of the enemy, as of the 
 cruelty of Perseus, who, exasperated with his misfor- 
 tunes, sought to lay the blame of his miscarriage on any 
 body but himself. He entered Pella in the night, where 
 he killed with his poniard Euctus and Eudaeus, two of 
 his treasurers; who, when they waited upon him., had found 
 fault with some of hi proceedings, and provoked him by 
 an unseasonable liberty of admonition. Hereupon every 
 body forsook him, except Evandcr the Cretan, Archeda- 
 mus the ^.tolian, and Neon the Boeotian : nor did any of 
 his soldiers follow him, but the Cretans, who were not at- 
 tached to his person but to his money, as bees are to the 
 honeycomb. For he carried great treasure along with him, 
 and suffered them to take out of it cups and bowls, and 
 other vessels of gold and silver,* to the value of fifty ta- 
 lents. But when he came to Amphipolis, and from thence 
 to Alepsus,f his fears a little abating, he sunk again into 
 his old and inborn distemper of avarice ; he lamented to his 
 friends, that he had inadvertently given up to the Cretans 
 some of the gold plate of Alexander the Great, and he 
 applied to those that had it, and even begged of them 
 with tears to return it him for the value in money. Those 
 tha,t knew him well, easily discovered that he was play- 
 ing the Cretan uith the Cretans :| but such as were pre- 
 vailed upon to give up the plate, lost all, for he never paid 
 the money. Thus he got thirty talents from his friends, 
 which soon after were to come into the hands of his ene- 
 
 " He was afraid to give it them, lest the Macedonians out of 
 spite should take all the rest. 
 
 f A manuscript copy has it Galepsus, probably upon the autho- 
 rity of Livy. 
 
 It was an ancient proverb, The Crttans are din-ay Hart, St, 
 Paul has quoted it from Callimachus. 
 
 I 5
 
 173 . PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 mies, and with these he sailed to Samothrace, where he 
 took refuge at the altar of Castor and Pollux.* 
 
 The Macedonians have always had the character of be- 
 ing lovers of their kings ;f but now, as if the chief bul- 
 wark of their constitution was broken down, and all were 
 fallen with it, they submitted to /Emilius, and in two days 
 he was master of all Macedonia. This seems to give some 
 countenance to those who impute these events to fortune. 
 A prodigy which happened at Amphipolis testified also 
 the favour of the gods. The consul .was offering sacri- 
 fice there, and the sacred ceremonies were begun, when a 
 flash of lightning fell upon the altar, and at once con- 
 sumed and consecrated the victim. But the share whicli 
 fame had in this affair exceeds both that prodigy and what 
 they tell us of his good fortune. For, on the fourth day 
 after Perseus was beaten at Pydria, as the people were at 
 the equestrian games in Rome, a report was suddenly 
 spread in the first seats of the theatre, that TEmilius had 
 gained a great battle over Perseus, and overturned the 
 Ttingdom^of Macedon. The news was made public in a 
 moment, the multitude clapped their hands and set up 
 great acckmations, and it passed current that day in the 
 city. Afterwards, when it appeared that it had no good 
 foundation, the story dropt for the present ; but when, a 
 few days after, it was confirmed beyond dispute,;}: they 
 could not but admire at the report which was its harbin- 
 ger, and the fiction which turned to truth. 
 
 In like manner, it is said, that an account of the battle of 
 the Italians near the river Sagra, was carried into Pelopon- 
 
 He carried with him two thousand talents. 
 
 f- When Perseus was at Amphipolis, being afraid that the inha- 
 bitants would take him and deliver him up to the Romans, he came 
 out with Philip, the only child he had with him, and having mount- 
 ed the tribunal, began to speak ; but his tears flowed so fast, that, 
 after several trials, he found it impracticable to proceed. Descend- 
 ing again from the tribunal, he spoke to Evander, who then went 
 up to supply his place, and began to speak ; but the people, who 
 hated him, refused to hear him, crying out, " Begone, begone ; we 
 " are resolved not to expose ourselves, our wives, and our children, 
 " for your sakes. Fly, therefore, and leave us to make the best 
 ' terms we can with the conquerors." Evander had been the prin- 
 cipal actor in the assassination of Eumenes, and wan afterwards dis- 
 patched in Samothrace by order of Perseus, who was afraid that 
 Evander would accuse him as the author of that murdtr. 
 
 J It was confirmed by the arrival of Q- Fabjus Maximus, the son 
 of ^Emilius, L. Lentulus, and Q. Metellus, who had been sent ex- 
 press by JSmilius, and reached Rome the twentieth day after the 
 ftction.
 
 PAULUS JEMILIUS. 1/9 
 
 nesus the same day in was fought ; and of the defeat of 
 the Persians at Mycale, with equal expedition to Plataea ; 
 and that very soon after the battle which the Romans 
 gained over the Tarquins, and the people of Latium that 
 fought under their banners, two young men of uncommon 
 size and beauty, who were conjectured to be Castor and 
 Pollux, arrived at Rome, from the army, with the news of 
 it. The first man they met with, by the fountain in the 
 market-place, as they were refreshing their horses, that 
 foamed with sweat, expressed his surprise at their account 
 of the victory ; whereupon they are said to have smiled, 
 and to have stroked his beard, which immediately turned 
 from black to yellow. This circumstance gained credit 
 to his report, and got him the surname of Acnolarbus or 
 yellow beard. 
 
 All these stories are confirmed by that which happened 
 in our times. Fer when Lucius Antonius rebelled against 
 Domitian, Rome was much alarmed, and expected a bloody 
 war in Germany ; but on a sudden, and of their own pro- 
 per motion, the people raised a report, and spread it over 
 the city, that Autonius was vanquished and slain, that his 
 army was cut in pieces, and not one man had escaped. Such 
 a run had the news, and such was the credit given to it, 
 that many of the magistrates offered sacrifice on the occa- 
 sion. But when the author of it was sought after, they 
 were referred from one to another, all their inquiries were 
 eluded, and at last the news was lost in the immense crowd, 
 as in a vast ocean. Thus the report, appearing to have no 
 solid foundation, immediately vanished. But as Domitian 
 was marching his forces to chastise the rebels, messengers 
 and letters met him on the road which brought an account 
 of the victory. Then they found that it was won the 
 same day the report was propagated, though the field of 
 battle was more than twenty thousand furlongs from Rome. 
 This is a fact which none can be unacquainted with. 
 
 But to return to the story of Perseus : Cneius Octa- 
 vitis, who was joined in command with TEmilius, came with 
 his fleet to Samothrace, where, out of reverence to the 
 gods,* he permitted Perseus to enjoy the protection of the 
 
 * The gods of Samothrace were dreaded by all nations.. The 
 pagans carried their prejudices so far in favour of those pretended 
 deities, that they were struck with awe upon the bare mention of 
 their names. Of all the oaths that were in use among the ancients, 
 that by these gods was deemed the most sacred and inviolable. Sncik 
 
 I 6
 
 iQ PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 asylum, but watched the coasts and guarded against his 
 escape. Perseus, however, found means privately to en- 
 gage one Orandes, a Cretan, to take him and his treasure 
 into his vessel, and carry them off. He, like a true Cre- 
 tan, took in the treasure, and advised Perseus to come in 
 the night, with his wife and children, and necessary attend- 
 ants, to the port called Demetrium ; but, before this, he 
 had set sail. Miserable vvai the condition of Perseus, 
 compelled as he was to escape through a narrow window, 
 and to let himself down by the wall, with his wife and 
 children, who had little experienced such fatigtit and 
 hardships ; but still more pitiable were his groans, when, as 
 he wandered by the shore, one told him that he had seen 
 Orandes a good way off at sea. By this time it was day, 
 and, destitute of all other hope, he fled back to the wall. 
 He was not, indeed, undiscovered, yet he reached the 
 place of refuge, with his wife, before the Romans could 
 take measures to prevent it. His children he put in the 
 hands of Ion, who had been his favourite, but now was 
 his betrayer, for he delivered them up to the Roman* ; 
 and so by the strongest necessity with which nature can 
 be bound, obliged him, as beasts do, when their young are 
 taken, to yield himself to those who had his children in 
 their power. 
 
 He had the greatest confidence in Nasica, and for him he 
 inquired ; but as he was not there he bewailed his fate, 
 and sensible of the necessity he lay under, he surrendered 
 himself to Octavius. Then it appeared more plain than 
 ever, that he laboured under a more despicable disease than 
 avarice itself I mean the fear of death ; and this deprived 
 him even of pity, the only consolation of which fortune 
 does not. rob the distressed For when he desired to be 
 conducted to ^milius,* the consul rose from his seat, and, 
 
 as were found not to have observed this oath were looked upon as 
 the curse of mankind, and persons devoted to destruction. Diodorus 
 (lib. v. tells us that these gods were always present, and never fail- 
 td to assist those that were initiated, and called upon them in any 
 sudden and unexpected danger ; and that none ever duly performed 
 their ceremonies without being amply rewarded for their piety. 
 No wonder, then, if the places of refuge in this island were very 
 highly revered. Besides the temple of Castor and Poiiux, to which 
 Perseus fled, there was also a wood, esteemed sueh, where those 
 who were admitted to the holy rites of the Cabiri, used to meet. 
 
 * Octavius, as soon as he had the king in his power, put him on 
 board the admiral galley ; and having embarked also a!i his treasure 
 that was left, the Roman fleet weighed and stood for Ajnphipolis. An
 
 PAUI.VS JTMILIUS. I SI 
 
 accompanied with his friends, went to receive him with 
 tears in his eyes, as a great man unhappily fallen through 
 the displeasure of the gods. But Perseus behaved in the 
 vilest manner ; he bowed down with his face to the earth, 
 he embraced the Roman's knees ; his expressions were so 
 mean, and his entreaties so abject, that ./Emilius could not 
 endure them ; but regarding him with an eye of regret and 
 indignation, " Why dost thou, wretched man !" said he, 
 41 acquit fortune of what might seem her greatest crime, 
 " by a behaviour which makes it appear that (hou deservedst 
 ** her frowns, and that thou art not only now, but hast 
 ** been long, unworthy the protection of that goddess ? 
 4< why dost thou tarnish my laurels, and detract from my 
 44 achievements, by shewing thyself a mean adversary, and 
 " unfit to cope with a Roman ? courage in the unfortu- 
 " nate is highly revered, even by an enemy ; and cowardice, 
 44 though it meets with success, is held in great contempt 
 " among the Romans." 
 
 Notwithstanding this severe rebuke, he raised him up, 
 gave him his hand, and delivered him into the custody of 
 Tubero. Then taking his sons, his sons-in-law, and tne 
 principal officers, particularly the younger sort, back with 
 him into his tent, he sat a ion time silent, to the astonish- 
 ment of the whole company. At last he began to speak 
 of the vicissitudes of fortune, and of human affairs " Is 
 " it fit, then," said he, " that a mortal should be elated by 
 " prosperity, and plume himself upon the overturning a 
 " city, or a kingdom ? should we not rather attend to the 
 " instructions of fortune, who, by such visible marks of 
 44 her instability, and of the weakness of human power, 
 4< teaches every one that goes to war to expect from her 
 *' nothing solid and permanent ? YV hat time for confidence 
 can there be to man, when, in the very instant of victory,' 
 he must necessarily dread the power of fortune, and the 
 very joy of success -must be mingled with anxiety, from a 
 reflection on the course of unsparing fate, which humbles 
 one man to-day, and to-morrow another? when one short 
 
 express was dispatched from thence to acquaint ./Emilias with what 
 had happene.-I, who sent Tubero his son-in-law, with several per. 
 sons of distinction, to meet Perseus. The consul ordered sacrifices 
 to be immediately offered, and made the same rejoicings as if a new 
 victory had been obtained. The whole camp ran out to see the royal 
 prisoner, who, covered with a mourning cloak, walked alone to the 
 tent of JEmilius.
 
 182 PLUTARCH S LIVES. 
 
 " hour has been sufficient to overthrow the house of Alex- 
 " ander, who arrived at such a pitch of glory, and extended 
 " his empire over great part of the world ; when you see 
 " princes that were lately at the head of immense armies 
 *' receive their provisions for the day from the hands of 
 44 their enemies ; shall you dare to flatter yourselves that 
 " fortune has firmly settled your prosperity, or that it is 
 " proof against the attacks of time ? Shall you not rather, 
 " my young friends, quit this elation of heart, and the vain 
 " ruptures of victory, and humble yourselves in the thought 
 " of what may happen hereafter, in the expectation that 
 " the gods will send some misfortune to counterbalance 
 " the present success." JEmilius, they tell us, having 
 said a great deal to this purpose, dismissed the young men, 
 seasonably chastised with this grave discourse, and restrain- 
 ed in their natural inclination to arrogance. 
 
 When this was done, he put his army in quarters, while 
 he went to take a view of Greece. This progress was 
 attended both with honour to himself and advantage to the 
 Greeks ; for he redressed the people's grievances, he re- 
 formed their civil government, and gave them gratuities, to 
 some wheat, and to others oil, out of the royal stores ; 
 in which such vast quantities are said to have been found, 
 that the number of those that asked and received was too 
 small to exhaust the whole. Finding a great square pe- 
 destal of white marble at Delphi, designed for a golden sta- 
 tue of Perseus, he ordered his own to be put upon it ;* 
 alleging that it was but just that the conquered should give 
 place to the conqueror. At Olympia, we are told, he 
 uttered that celebrated saying, " This Jupiter of Phidias 
 is the very Jupiter of Homer." 
 
 Upon the arrival of the ten commissioners! from Rome, 
 for settling the affairs of Macedonia, he declared the lands 
 and cities of the Macedonians free, and ordered that they 
 
 * This was not quite so consistent with his humiliating discourse 
 on the vicissitudes of fortune. 
 
 f These ten legates were all men of consular dignity, who came 
 to assist ^Emilius in settling a new form of government. The Ma- 
 cedonians were not much charmed with the promise of liberty, be- 
 cause they could not well comprehend what that liberty was. They 
 saw evident contradictions in the decree, which, though it spoke of 
 leaving them under their own laws, imposed many new ones, and 
 threatened more. What most disturbed them, was a division of 
 their kingdom, whereby, as a nation, they were separated and dis- 
 jointed from each other.
 
 PAULUS JEMILIUS- 1 S3 
 
 should be governed by their own laws, only reserving a 
 tribute to the Romans of a hundred talents, which was not 
 half what their kings had imposed. 
 
 After this he exhibited various games and spectacles, of- 
 fered sacrifices to the gods, and made great entertainments ; 
 for all which he found an abundant supply in the treasures 
 of the king ; and he shewed so just a discernment in the or- 
 dering, the placing, and saluting of his guests, and in dis- 
 tinguishing what degree of civility was due to every man's 
 rank and quality, that the Greeks were amazed at his know- 
 ledge of matters of mere politeness, and that, amidst his 
 great actions, even trifles did not escape his attention, but 
 were conducted with the greatest decorum. That which 
 afforded him the highest satisfaction was, that notwithstand- 
 ing the magnificence and variety of his preparations, he him- 
 self gave the greatest pleasure to those he entertained ; and 
 to those that expressed their admiration of his management 
 on these occasions, he said, " That it required the same 
 " genius to draw up an army and to order an entertain- 
 " ment ;* that the one might be most formidable to the 
 " enemy, and the other most agreeable to the company." 
 
 Among his other good qualities, his disinterestedness and 
 magnanimity stood foremost in the esteem of the world ; 
 tor he would not so much as look upon the immense quan- 
 tity of silver and gold that was collected out of the royal 
 palaces, but delivered it to the quctstcrs, to be carried into 
 the public treasury. He reserved only the books of the 
 king's library for his sons, who were men of letters ; and in 
 distributing rewards to those that had distinguished them- 
 selves in battle, he gave a silver cup of five pounds weight 
 to his son-in-law, /Elius Tubero. This is that Tubero 
 who, as we have already mentioned, was one of the sixteen 
 relations that lived together, and were all supported by one 
 small farm ; and this piece of plate, acquired by virtue and 
 honour, is affirmed to be the first that was in the family of 
 the /Elians; neither they nor their wives having, before 
 this, either used or wanted any vessels of silver or gold. 
 
 After he had made every proper regulation, f taken his 
 
 * To these two particulars, of drawing up an army, and ordering 
 an entertainment, Henry IV of France added the making love. 
 
 f At the close of these proceedings, Andronicus the .flStolian, and 
 Neo the Boeotian, because they had always been friends to Perseus, 
 und had not deserted him even now, were condemned, and lost their 
 iieads. So unjust, amidst ail the specious appearances of justice, 
 were the conquerors.
 
 184 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 leave of the Greeks, and exhorted the Macedonians to re- 
 memb'.T the liberty which the Romans had bestowed on 
 them,* and to preserve it by good laws and the happiest 
 harmony, he marched into Epirus. The senate had made a 
 decree, that the soldiers who had fought under him against 
 Perseus should have the spoil of the cities of Epirus. In or- 
 der, therefore, that they might fall upon them unexpected- 
 ly, he sent for ten of the principal inhabitants of each city, 
 and fixed a day for them to bring in whatever silver and 
 gold could be found in their houses and temples. With each 
 of these he sent a centurion and guard -of soldiers, under 
 pretence of searching for and receiving the precious metal, 
 and as for this purpose only. But when the day came, they 
 nished upon all the inhabitants, and began to seize and 
 plunder them. Thus, in one hour, an hundred and fifty 
 thousand persons were made slaves, and seventy cities sacked ; 
 ye'., from this general ruin and desolation, each soldier had 
 no more than eleven drachmas to his share. How shocking 
 was such a destruction for the sake of such advantage ! 
 
 /Eniilius having executed this commission, so contrary to 
 his mildness and humanity, went down to Oricum, where 
 he embarked his forces, and passed over into Italy. He 
 sailed up the Tiber in the king's galley, which had sixteen 
 ra.,ks of oars, and was richly adorned with aims taken from 
 the enemy, and with cloth of scarlet and purple ; and the 
 bank< of the river being covered with multitudes that ca;. ; 
 to see the ship as it sailed slowly against the stream, the 
 Romans in some measure anticipated his triumph. 
 
 But the soldiers, who looked with longing eyes on the 
 wealth of Perseus, when they found their expectations dis- 
 appointed, i.idulged a secret resentment, and were ill-affect- 
 ed to .Emilius. In public they alleged another cause. 
 They said he had behaved in command in a severe and im- 
 perious manner, and therefore they did not meet his wishes 
 for a triumph. Serviu? Galba, who had served under 
 /Emilius as a tribute, and who had a personal enmity to 
 
 * This boasted favour of the Romans to the people of Macedon 
 ".as certainly nothing extraordinary. Their country being now di- 
 vided into four districts, it was declared unlawful for any person lo 
 intermarry, to carry on any trade, to buy or sell any lands to any 
 ho was not an inhabitant of his own district. They v.-.ve pro- 
 hibited to import any salt, or to sell any timber fit for building ships 
 to the barbarian nations. All the nobility, and their children ex- 
 ceeding the age of fifteen, were commanded immediately to trans- 
 port themselves into Italy ; and the supreme power in Macedon 
 y/as vested in certain Roman senators.
 
 PAULUS JEM 1 1. 185 
 
 him, observing this, pulled off the mask, and declared that 
 no triumph ou^lu to be r.!i. -wed hi:i-. Having spread among 
 the o!diery several calumnies against the general, and sharp- 
 ened the resentment which they had already ccr :rived,Galba 
 requested another da\ of the ; f the people ; be- 
 
 cause the remaining four hours, he said, were not sufficient 
 for the intended impeachment ; but as the tribunes ordered 
 him to speak then, if he had iiny thing to say, he began a 
 long harangue, full of injurious and false allegations, and 
 spun it out to the end of the day. When it was dark, the 
 tribunes dismissed the assembly. The soldiers, now more 
 insolent than ever, thronged about Galba ; and animating 
 each other, before it was light, took their stand again in 
 the capitol, \vhere the tribunes had ordered the assembly 
 to be held. 
 
 As soon as day appeared it was put to the vote, and the 
 first tribe gave it against the triumph. When this was un- 
 derstood by the rest of the assembly and the senate, the 
 commonalty expressed great concern at the injury done to 
 ^Emilius ; but their words had no effect. The principal se- 
 nators insisted that it was an insufferable attempt, and en- 
 couraged each other to repress the bold and licentious spi- 
 rit of the soldiers, who would in time stick at no instance 
 of injustice and violence,* if something was not done to 
 prevent their depriving Paulus yLmilius of the honours of 
 his victory. They pushed, therefore, through the crowd, 
 a-:d coming up in a body, demanded that the tribunes would 
 put a stop to the suffrages, until they had delivered what 
 they had to say to the people. The poll being stopped 
 accordingly, and silence made, Marcus Servilius, a man of 
 consular dignity, who had killed three and twenty enemies 
 in single combat, stood up, and spoke as follows. 
 
 " I am now sensible, more than ever, how great a general 
 Paulus yEmilius is, when with so mutinous and disorder- 
 ly an army he has performed such great and honourable 
 achievements ; but J am surprised at the inconsistency 
 of the Roman people, if, after rejoicing in triumphs 
 over the Illyrians and Ligurians,f they envy them selves 
 the pleasure of seeing the king of Macedon brought alive, 
 and all die glory of Alexander and Philip led captive by 
 
 * This was sadly verified in the times of the Roman emperors. 
 
 f Instead of Li'vui, Lybians, the common reading in the Greek, vre 
 should undoubtedly, with the small alteration of one letter, read 
 A/> , LisTirinn: ; for the Ligurians had been conquered by -d&rajlir >.
 
 1 80 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 " the Roman arms ; for is it not a strange thing for you, 
 '* who, upon a slight rumour of the victory brought hither 
 " some time since, offered sacrifices, and made your requests 
 *'* to the gods, that you might soon see that account verified ; 
 " now the consul is returned with a real victory, to rob 
 ' the gods of their due honour, and yourselves of the sa- 
 ' tisfaction, as if you were afraid to behold the greatness 
 " of the conquest, or were willing to spare the king ? 
 " though, indeed, it would be much better to refuse the 
 " triumph out of mercy to him than envy to your general. 
 " But to such excess is yoi?r malignity arrived, that a man 
 ** who never received a wound, a man shining in delicacy, 
 " and fattened in the shade, dares discourse about the con- 
 " duct ol the war and the right to a triumph, to you who, 
 " at the expence of so much blood, have learned how to 
 ** judge of the valour or misbehaviour of your commanders." 
 
 At the same time, baring his breast, he shewed an incre- 
 dible number of scars upon it, and then turning his back, 
 he uncovered some parts which it is reckoned indecent to 
 expose ; and addressing himself to Galba, he said, *' Thou 
 " laughest at this ; but I glory in these marks before my 
 " fellow-citizens ; for I got them by being on horseback 
 " day and night in their service. But go on to collect the 
 " votes : I will attend the whole business, and mark those 
 " cowardly and ungrateful men, who had rather have their 
 lf own inclinations indulged in war, than be properly 
 " commanded." This speech, they tell us, so humbled the 
 soldiery, and effected such an alteration in them, that the 
 triumph was voted to /Emilius by every tribe. 
 
 The triumph is said to have been ordered after this man- 
 ner : In every theatre, or, as they call it, circus, where 
 equestrian games used to be held, in the forum, and other 
 parts of the city, which were convenient for seeing the pro- 
 cession, the people erected scaffolds, and on the day of the 
 triumph were all dressed in white. The temples were set 
 open, adorned with garlands, and smoking with incense. 
 Many lictors and other officers compelled the disorderly 
 crowd to make way, and opened a clear passage. The 
 triumph took up three days. On the first, which was 
 scarce sufficient for the show, were exhibited the images^ 
 paintings, and colossal statues, taken from the enemy, and 
 now carried in two hundred and fifty chariots. Next day, 
 the richest and most beautiful of the Macedonian arms were 
 brought up in a great number of waggons. These glittered
 
 PAULUS JEMIUUS. 187 
 
 with new furbished brass and polished steel ; and, though 
 they were piled with great art and judgment, yet seemed to 
 be thrown together promiscuously. ; helmets being placed 
 upon shields, breast-plates upon greaves, Cretan targets, 
 Thracian bucklers, and quivers of arrows huddled among 
 the horses bits, with the points of naked swords and long 
 pikes appearing through on every side. All these arms 
 were tied together with such a just liberty, that room was 
 left for them to clatter as they were drawn along, and the 
 clank of them was so harsh and terrible, that they were not 
 seen without dread, though among the spoils of the con- 
 quered. After the carriages loaded with arms, walked 
 three thousand men, who carried the silver money in seven 
 hundred and fifty vessels, each of which contained three 
 talents, and was borne by four men. Others brought 
 bowls, horns, goblets, and cups, all of silver, disposed in 
 such order as would make the best show, and valuable not 
 only for their si/e, but the depth of the basso relievo. 
 On the third day, early in the morning, first came up the 
 trumpets, not with such airs as are used in a procession of 
 eolemn entry, but with such as the Romans sound when 
 they animate their troops to the charge. These were fol- 
 lowed by an hundred and twenty fat oxen, with their horns 
 gilded, and set off with ribbons and garlands. The young 
 men that led these victims were girded with belts of curious 
 workmanship ; and after them came the boys who carried 
 the gold and silver vessels for the sacrifice. Next went the 
 persons who carried the gold coin,* in vessels which held 
 three talents each, like those that contained the silver, and 
 which were to the number of seventy-seven. Then follow- 
 ed those that bore the consecrated bowl,f of ten talents 
 \veight, which /Emilius had caused to be made of gold, 
 and adorned with precious stones; and those that exposed 
 to view the cups of Antigonus of Seleucus, and such as 
 were of the make of the famed artist Shericles, together 
 with the gold plate that had been used at Perseus's table. 
 
 * According to Plutarch's account there were 2250 talents of sil- 
 ver coin, and 231 of gold coin. According to Valerius Antias, it 
 amounted to somewhat more ; but Livy thinks his computation too 
 small, and Vellius Paterculus makes it almost twice as much. The 
 account which Paterculus gives of it is probably right, since the mo- 
 ney now brought from Macedonia set the Romans free from all taxes 
 for one hundred and twenty-five years. 
 
 j- This bowl weighed six hundred pounds ; for the talent weighed 
 sixty pounds. It was consecrated to Jupiter.
 
 1S8 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 Immediately after, was to be seen the chariot of that prince* 
 with his armour upon it, and his diadem upon that ; at a 
 littic distance his children were Jed captive, attended by a 
 great number of governor?, masters, and preceptors, all in 
 tears, who stretched out their hands by way of Supplication 
 to the spectators, and taught the children to do the same. 
 There were two sons and one daughter, all so young, that 
 they were not much affected with the greatness of their 
 misfortunes. This insensibility of theirs made the change 
 of their condition more pitiable ; insomuch that Perseus 
 passed on almost without notice ; so fixed were the eyes of 
 the Romans upon the children, from pity of their fate, that 
 many of them shed tears, and none tasted the joy of the 
 triumph without a mixture of pain till they were gone by. 
 Behind the children and their tra ; n walked Perseus him- 
 self, clad all in black, and wearing sandals of the fashion 
 of his country. He had the appearance of a man that 
 was overwhelmed with terror, and whose reason was al- 
 most staggered with the weight of his misfortunes. He 
 was followed by a great number of friends and favourites, 
 whose countenances were oppressed with sorrow, and who, 
 by fixing their w'Scptrag eyes continually upon their prince, 
 testified to the spectators, that it was his lot which they 
 lamented, and that they were regardless of their own. He 
 had sent, indeed, to ALmilius, to desire that he might be 
 excused from being led in triumph, and being made a pub- 
 lic spectacle. But ^.miiius, despising his cowardice 
 and attachment to life, by way of derision, it seems, sent 
 him word, " That it had been in his power to prevent it, 
 " and still was, if he were so disposed :" hinting, that he 
 should prefer death to disgrace. But he had not the 
 courage to strike the blow ; and the vigour of his mind 
 being destroyed by vain hopes, he became a part of his 
 own spoils. Next were carried foui hundred coronets of 
 gold, which the cities had sent Aimilius; along with their 
 embassies, as compliments on his victory. Then came 
 the consul himself, riding in a magnificent chariot ; a man, 
 exclusive of the pomp of power, worthy to be seen and 
 admired, but his good mien was now set off with a pur- 
 ple robe interwoven with gold, and he held a branch of 
 laurel in his right hand. The whole army likewise car- 
 ried boughs of laurel, and, divided into bands and compa- 
 nies, followed the general's chariot ; some singing satiri- 
 cal songs usual on such occasions, and some chanting odt-t 
 o^ victory, and the glorious exploits of /Emilias, who
 
 PAULUS JEMILIVS. 180 
 
 revered and admired by all, and whom no good man could 
 envy. 
 
 But, perhaps, there is some superior Being, whose office 
 it is to cast a shade upon any great and eminent prosperity, 
 and so to mingle the lot of human life, that it may not be 
 perfectly free from calamity ; but those, as Homer says,* 
 may think themselves most happy to whom fortune gives 
 an equal share of good and evil. For ./Emilius having 
 four sons, two of which, namely Scipio and Fabius, were 
 adopted into other families, as has been mentioned above, 
 and two others by his second wife, as yet but young, whom 
 he brought up in his own house ; one of these died at 
 fourteen years of age, five days before liis father's triumph, 
 <:nd the other at twelve, three days after. There was not 
 a man among the Romans that did not sympathize with 
 him in this affliction. All were shocked at the cruelty of 
 fortune,-}- who scrupled not to introduce such deep distress 
 into a house that was full of pleasure, of joy, and festal 
 sacrifices, and to mix the songs of victory and triumph 
 with the mournful dirges of death. 
 
 ^milius, however, rightly considering that mankind 
 
 " Plutarch here refers to a passage in the speech of Achilles to 
 Priam in the last Iliad, which is thus translated by Pope : 
 
 Two urns by Jove's high throne have ever stood, 
 The source of evil one, and one of good. 
 From thence the cup of mortal man he fill?, 
 Blessings to these, to those distributes ills ; 
 To most he mingles both ; the wretch decreed 
 To taste the bad, unmix'd, is curs'd indeed. 
 The happiest taste not happiness sincere, 
 But find the cordial draught is dash'd with care. 
 
 Plato has censured it as an impiety to say that God gives evil. God 
 is not the author of evil. Moral evil is the result of the abuse of 
 free agency ; natural evil is the consequence of the imperfection of 
 matter ; and the Deity stands justified in his creating beings liable to 
 both, because natural imperfection was necessary to a progressive 
 existence, moral imperfection was necessary to virtue, and virtue was 
 necessary to happiness. However, Homer's allegory seems borrowed 
 from the eastern manner of speaking. Thus, in the Psalms : In the 
 hand of the Lord there is a cup, and he poitreth out of the same as for 
 the dregs thereof, all the ungodly of the earth shall drink them. Psal. 
 Ixxv, 8. 
 
 f Or more properly the just and visible interposition of Provi- 
 dence, to punish, in some measure, that general havoc of the hu- 
 man species which the Roman pride and avarice had so recently 
 made in Greece. For though God is not the author of evil, it is no 
 impeachment of his goodness to suppose that by particular punish- 
 ments he chastises particular crimes.
 
 190 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 have need of courage and fortitude, not only again. i 
 swords and spears, but against every attack of fortune, 
 so tempered and qualified the present emergencies, as to 
 overbalance the evil by the good, and his private misfor- 
 tunes by the public prosperity ; that nothing might ap- 
 pear to lessen the importance, or to tarnish the glory of his 
 victory. For soon after the burial of the first of his sons, 
 he made, as we have said, his triumphal entry, and upon 
 the death of the second, soon after the triumph, he as- 
 sembled the people of Rome, and made a speech to them, 
 not like a man that wanted consolation himself, but like 
 one who could alleviate the grief which his fellow-citizens 
 felt for his misfortunes. 
 
 " Though I have never," said he, " feared any thing 
 " human, yet, among things divine, I have always had a 
 " dread of fortune, as the most faithless and variable of 
 " beings ; and because, in the course of this war, she pros- 
 " pered every measure of mine, the rather did I expect 
 " that some tempests would follow so favourable a gale. 
 " For in one day I passed the Ionian from Brundusium 
 *' to Corcyra ; from thence, in five days, I reached Del- 
 " phi, and sacrified to Apollo. In five days more, I 
 " took upon me the command of the army in Macedo- 
 " nia ; and as soon as I had offered the usual sacrifices 
 " for purifying it, I proceeded to action ; and, in the 
 space of fifteen days from that time, put a glorious pe- 
 riod to the war. Distrusting the fickle goddess on ac- 
 count of such a run of success, and now being secure 
 and free from all danger with respect to the enemy, I 
 was most apprehensive of a change of fortune in my 
 passage home ; having such a great and victorious ar- 
 my to conduct, together with the spoils and royal pri- 
 soners. Nay, when I arrived safe among my country- 
 men, and beheld the city full of joy, festivity, and grati- 
 tude, still I suspected fortune, knowing that she grants 
 us no great favour without some mixture of uneasiness, 
 or tribute of pain. Thus, full of anxious thoughts for 
 what might happen to the commonwealth, my tears did 
 not quit me till this calamity visited my house, and I 
 had my two promising sons, the only heirs I had left 
 myself, to bury one after the other, on the very days 
 sacred to triumph. Now, therefore, I am secure as to 
 the greatest danger, and I trust I am fully persuaded 
 that fortune will continue kind and constant to us, 
 since she has taken sufficient usury for her favours of
 
 PAULUS jfcMILIUS. J()l 
 
 ' me and mine ; for the man who led the triumph is as 
 * great an instance of the weakness of human power, as he 
 ' that was led captive ; there is only this difference, that 
 ' the sons of Perseus, who were vanquished, are alive, and 
 1 those of ./Emilius, who conquered, are no more." 
 
 Such was the generous speech which -/Emilius made to 
 the people, from a spirit of magnanimity that was perfect- 
 ly free from artifice. 
 
 Though he pitied the fate of Perseus, and was well in- 
 clined to serve him, yet all he could do for him was to 
 get him removed from the common prison to a cleaner 
 apartment and better diet. In that confinement, accord- 
 ing to most writers, he starved himself to death. But some 
 say the manner of his death was very strange and peculiar. 
 The soldiers, they tell us, who were his keepers, being on 
 some account provoked at him, and determined to wreak 
 their malice, when they could find no other means of do- 
 ing it, kept him from sleep, taking turns to watch him, 
 and using such extreme diligence to keep him from rest, 
 that at last he was quite wearied out and died.* Two 
 of his sons also died ; and the third, named Alexander, 
 is said to have been distinguished for his art in turning, 
 and other small work ; and having perfectly learned to 
 speak and write the Roman language, he was employed by 
 the magistrates as a clerk ;-|- in which capacity he shewed 
 himself very serviceable and ingenious. 
 
 Of the acts of TEmilius with regard to Macedonia, the 
 most acceptable to the Romans was, that from thence he 
 brought so much money into the public treasury, that the 
 people had no occasion to pay any taxes till the times of 
 Hirtius and Pansa, who were consuls in the first war be- 
 tween Anthony and Ccesar. /Emilius had also the uncom- 
 mon and peculiar happiness to be highly honoured and 
 caressed by the people, at the same time that he remained 
 attached to the patrician party, and did nothing to ingra- 
 tiate himself with the commonalty, but ever acted in con- 
 cert with men of the first rank in matters of government. 
 
 * This account we have from Diodorus Siculus, ap. Phot. Bi- 
 Uioth. Philip is said to have died before his father ; but how or 
 where cannot be collected, because the books of Livy, and of Dic- 
 dorus Siculus, which treat of those times, are lost. 
 
 J- Here was a remarkable instance of the pride of the Roman se- 
 nate, to have the son of a vanquished king for their clerk ; while 
 Nicomedes, the son of Prusias, king of Bithynia, was educated by 
 them with all imaginable pomp and splendour, because the father 
 had put him under the care of the republic.
 
 1Q2 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 This conduct of his was afterwards alleged by way of re- 
 proach against Scipio Africanus, by Appius, These two 
 being then the most considerable men in Rome, stood for 
 the censorship ; the one having the senate and nobility on 
 his side, for the Appian family were always in that interest ; 
 and the other, not only great in ni.ns'-if, but ever greatly 
 in favour with the people. Whirr, therefore, Appius saw 
 Scipio come into the I'nruw, attended by a crowd of mean 
 persons, and many who had been slaves, but who were able 
 to cabal, to influence the multitude, and to carry all be- 
 fore them, either by solicitation or clamour, he cried out, 
 *' O Paulus ./Emilias ! groan, groan from beneath the 
 " earth, to think that /Emilias the crier, and Lycinius the 
 " rioter, conduct thy son to the censorship !" It is no 
 wonder if the cause of Scipio was espoused by the people, 
 since he was continually heaping favours upon them ; but 
 ./Emilius, though he ranged himself on the side of the no- 
 bility, was as much beloved by the populace as the most 
 insinuating of their demagogues. This appeared in their 
 bestowing upon him, among other honours, that of the 
 censorship, which is the most sacred of all offices, and 
 which has great authority annexed to it, as in other re- 
 spects, so particularly in the power of inquiring into the 
 morals of the citizens. For the censors could expel from 
 the senate any member that acted in a manner unworthy 
 of his station, and enrol a man of character in that body ; 
 and they could disgrace one of the equestrian order who 
 behaved licentiously, by taking away his horse. They 
 also took account or' the value of each man's estate, and re- 
 gistered the number of the people. The number of citizens 
 which ^milius took was three hundred and thirty-seven 
 thousand four hundred and fifty-two. He declared Mar- 
 cus ^Emilius Lepidus first senator, who had already four 
 tirr.es arrived at that dignity. He expelled only three se- 
 nators, who were men of HO note ; and with equal mode- 
 ration both he and his colleague Marcius Philippus be- 
 haved in examining into the conduct of the knights. 
 
 Having settled many important affairs while he bore this 
 office, he fell into a distemper, which at first appeared very 
 dangerous, but in time became less threatening, though it 
 still was troublesome and difficult to be cured. By the ad- 
 vice therefore of his physicians he sailed to Velia,* where 
 
 * Plutarch here writes Elea instead of Vtlia, and calls it a town 
 n Italy, to distinguish it from one of that name in Greece.
 
 PAULUS JEMELIUS. 1QJ 
 
 he remained a long time near the sea, in a very retired and 
 quiet situation. In the meantime, the Romans greatly re- 
 gretted his absence, and, by frequent exclamations in the 
 theatres, testified their extreme desire to see him again. At 
 last, a public sacrifice coming or., which necessarily required 
 his attendance, /Emilius seeming now sufficiently recovered, 
 returned to Rome, and offered that sacrifice, with the assist- 
 ance of the other priests, amidst a prodigious multitude ot 
 people, who expressed thei: joy for his return. Next day 
 he sacrificed again to the gods for his recovery. Having 
 finished these rites, he returned home and went to bed, 
 when he suddenly fell into a delirium, in which he died the 
 third day, having attained to every thing that is supposed 
 to contribute to the happiness of man. 
 
 His funeral was conducted with wonderful solemnity ; 
 the cordial regard ot the public did honour to his virtue, 
 by the best and happiest obsequies. These did not consist 
 in the pomp of gold, of ivory, or other expence and parade, 
 but in esteem, in love, in veneration, expressed not only by 
 his countrymen, but by his very eaemieo ; for as many of 
 the Spaniards, Ligurians, and Macedonians,* as happened 
 to be then at Rome, and were young and robust, assisted 
 in carrying his bier ; \vliile the aged followed it, calling 
 ./Emilius their benefactor, and the preserver of their coun- 
 tries. For he, not only at the time he conquered them, 
 gained the character of humanity, but continued to do 
 them services, and to take care of them, as if they had been 
 his friends and relations. 
 
 The estate he left behind him scarcely amounted to the 
 sum of three hundred and seventy thousand denarii, of 
 which he appointed his sons joint heirs ; but Scipio, the 
 younger son, who was adopted into the opulent house 
 of Africanus, gave up his part to his brother. Such is 
 the account we have of the life and character of Paulus 
 . f 
 
 These were some of the Macedonian nobility, who were then 
 at Rome. Valerius Maximus says, it was like a second triumph to 
 ^Emilius, to have these persons assist in supporting his bier, which 
 was adorned with representations of his conquest of their country. 
 In fact, it was more honourable than the triumph he had led up, 
 because this bore witness to his humanity, and the other only to 
 his valour. 
 
 f A saying of his to his son Scipio, is worth mentioning : 
 A good general never gives battle, but when he is led to it, either by 
 the last necessity, or by a vtry favourable occasion. 
 
 Vol. 11. K
 
 19-* PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 T1MOLEON AND PAULUS 
 
 COMPARED. 
 
 IF we consider these two great men as history has repre- 
 sented them, we shall find no striking difference between 
 them in the comparison. Both carried on wars with very 
 respectable enemies ; the one with the Macedonians, the 
 other with the Carthaginians ; and both with extraordinary 
 success. One of them conquered Macedon, and crushed 
 the house of Antigonus, which had flourished in a succes- 
 sion of seven kings ; the other expelled tyranny out of 
 Sicily, and restored that island to its ancient liberty. It 
 may be in favour of TEmilius that he had to do with Per- 
 seus when in his full strength, and when he had beaten 
 the Romans, and Timoleon with Dionysius when reduced 
 to very desperate circumstances ; as, on the other hand, it 
 may be observed, to the advantage of Timoleon, that he 
 subdued many tyrants, and defeated a great army of Car- 
 thaginians, with such forces as he happened to pick up, 
 \vho were not veteran and experienced troops like those of 
 ./Emilius, but mercenaries and undisciplined men, who had 
 been accustomed to fight only at their own pleasure. For 
 equal exploits, with unequal means and preparations, 
 reflect the greater glory on the general who performs 
 them. 
 
 Both paid a strict regard to justice and integrity in their 
 : in ploy merits. ^Emilius was prepared from the first to 
 behave so, by the laws and manners of his country ; but 
 iimoleon's probity was owing entirely to himself. A proof 
 of this is, that in the time of ^milius, good order uni- 
 versally prevailed among the Romans, through a spirit of 
 obedience to their laws and usages, and a reverence of their 
 fellow-citizens ; whereas not one of the Grecian generals 
 who commanded in Sicily kept himself uncorrupted, ex- 
 cept Dion ; and many entertained a jealousy that even he 
 affected monarchy, and dreamt of setting up such a regal 
 authority as that in Lacedaemon. Timaeus informs u?, 
 that the Syracusans sent sway Gylippus loaded with in- 
 famy, for his insatiable avarice and rapacity while he had 
 rhe command; and many writers give account of the mis- 
 demeanors and breach of articles which Pharax the Spartan,
 
 TIMOLEON AND PAULUS JBUIL1VS COMPARED. lp5 
 
 and Callippus the Athenian, were guilty of, in hopes of 
 gaining the sovereignty of Sicily. But what were these 
 men, and on what power did they build such hopes ? 
 Pharax was a follower of Dionysius, who was already ex- 
 pelled, and Callippus was an officer in the foreign troops 
 in the service of Dion. But Timoleon was sent to be 
 general of the Syracusans at their earnest request ; he had 
 not an army to provide, but found one ready formed, which 
 cheerfully obeyed his orders ; and yet he employed thi 
 power for no other end than the destruction of their op- 
 pressive masters. 
 
 Yet, again, it was to be admired in ^Lmilius, that, 
 though he subdued so opulent a kingdom, he did not add 
 one drachma to his substance. He would not touch, nor 
 even look upon the money himself, though he gave many 
 liberal gifts to others. I do not, however, blame Timoleon 
 for accepting of a handsome house and lands ; for it is no 
 disgrace to take something out of so much, but to take 
 nothing at all is better ; and that is the most consummate 
 virtue, which shews that it is above pecuniary considera- 
 tions, even when it has the best claim to them. 
 
 As some bodies are able to bear heat, and others cold, 
 but those are the strongest which are equally fit to en- 
 dure either ; so the vigour and firmness of those minds is 
 the greatest, which are neither elated by prosperity, nor 
 broken by adversity. And, in this respect, ALmilius -ap- 
 pears to have been superior ; for, in the great and severe 
 misfortune of the loss of his sons, he kept up the same 
 dignity of carriage as in the midst of the happiest suc- 
 cess. Bat Timoleon, when he had acted as a patriot 
 should, with regard to his brother, did not let his reason 
 support him against his grief ; but becoming a prey to sor- 
 row and remorse for the space of twenty year?, he could 
 not so much as look upon the place where the public 
 business was transacted, much less take a part in it. A 
 man should, indeed, be afraid and ashamed of what is really 
 shameful ; but to shrink under every reflection upon his 
 character, though it speaks a delicacy of temper, has no- 
 thing in it of ^ue greatness of mind, 
 
 K.2
 
 rr.ur ARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 PELOPJDAS. 
 
 CATO the elder, hearing somebody commend a man who 
 was rashly and indiscreetly daring in war, made this just 
 observation, that there u-as great difference between a due 
 regard to valuur and a contempt of /iff. To this purpose, 
 there is a story of one of the soldiers of Antigonus, who 
 was astonishingly brave, but of an unhealthy complexioa 
 and bad habit of body. The king asked him the cause of 
 his paleness, and he acknowledged that he had a private 
 infirmity. He therefore gave his physicians a strict charge, 
 that if any remedy could be found, they should apply it 
 with the utmost care. Thus the man was cured ; but then 
 he no longer courted, nor risked his person as before. 
 Antigonus questioned him about it, and could not forbear 
 to express his wonder at the change. The soldier did not 
 conceal the real cause, " You, Sir,'' said he, " have made 
 " me less bold, by delivering me from that misery which 
 " made my life of no account to me." From the same 
 way of arguing it was, that a certain Sybarite* said of the 
 Spartans, " It was no wonder if they ventured their lives 
 " freely in battle, since death was a deliverance to them 
 *' from such a train of labours, and from such wretched 
 " diet." It was natural for the Sybarites, who were dis- 
 sohred in luxury and pleasure, to think that they who des- 
 pised death, did it not from a love of virtue and honour, 
 but because they were weary of life. But, in fact, the 
 Lacedaemonians thought it a pleasure either to live or to 
 die, as virtue and right reason directed ; and so this epitaph 
 testifies. 
 
 Not life nor death, they deem'd the happier state, 
 But life that's glorious, or a death that's great. 
 
 For neither is the avoiding of death to be found fault 
 with, if a man is not dishonourably fond of life ; nor is 
 the meeting it with courage to be commended, if he is 
 
 The Sybarites were a colony of Greeks who settled in ancient 
 times on the gulf of Tarentum. The felicity of their situation, their 
 wealth and power, drew them into luxury, which was rtmarkable 
 to a proverb. But one cannot credit the extravagant things which 
 Athenaeus relates of them. Their chief city, which at first was 
 called Sybaris, from a river of that name, was afterwards named 
 Thurium, or Thurii.
 
 PELOPIDAS. 107 
 
 disgusted with life. Hence it is that Homer leads out the 
 boV.est and bravest of his warriors to battle always well 
 armed ; and the Grecian lawgivers punish him who throws 
 away his shield, not him who loses his sword or spear j 
 thus instructing us, that the first care of every man, espe- 
 cially of every governor of a city, or commander of an 
 army should be, to defend himself, and after that he is 
 to think of annoying the enemy ; for if, according to the 
 comparison made by Iphicrates, the light-armed resemble 
 the hands, the cavalry the feet, the main body of in- 
 fantry the breast, and the general the head ; then that ge- 
 neral who suffers himself to be carried away by his impe- 
 tuosity, so as to expose himself to needless hazards, not 
 only endangers his own life, but the lives of his whole army, 
 whose safety depends upon his. Callicratidas, therefore, 
 though otherwise a great man, did not answer the sooth- 
 sayer well, who desired him not to expose himself to dan- 
 ger, because the entrails of the victim threatened his life 
 
 " Sparta,'' said he, " is- not bound up in one man." For 
 in battle he was indeed but one, when acting under the or- 
 ders of another, whether at sea or land ; but when he had 
 the command, he virtually comprehended the whole force 
 in himself; so that he was no longer a single person, when 
 such numbers must perish with him. Much better was 
 the saying of old Antigonus, when he was going to en- 
 gage ia a sea-fight near the isle of Andrps. Somebody 
 observed to him, that the enemy's fleet was much larger 
 than his. " For how many ships then dost thou reckon 
 me ?" He represented the importance of the commander 
 great, as in fact it is, when he is a man of experience and 
 valour ; and the first duty of such a one is to preserve him 
 who preserves the whole. 
 
 On the same account, we must allow that Timotheus ex- 
 pressed himself happily, when Chares shewed the Athenians 
 the wounds he had received when their general, and his 
 shield pierced with a spear. " I, for my part," said he, 
 " was much ashamed, when at the siege of Samos a javelin 
 " fell near me, as if I had behaved too like a young man,. 
 " and not as became the commander of so great an arma- 
 " ment." For where the scale of the whole action turr.a 
 upon the general's risking his own person, there he is to 
 stand the combat, and to brave the greatest danger, with- 
 out regarding those who say that a good general should 
 die of old age, or at least an old man ; but when the ad-*-
 
 JgS PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 vantage to be reaped from his personal bravery is but small, 
 and afi is lost in case of a miscarriage, no one then expects 
 that the general should be endangered by exerting too 
 much of the soldier. 
 
 Thus much I thought proper to premise before the lives 
 of Pelopidas and Marcellus, who were both great men, 
 and both perished by their rashness. Both were excellent 
 soldiers, did honour to their country by the greatest ex- 
 ploits, and had the most formidable adversaries to deal with ; 
 for the one defeated Hannibal, until that time invincible, 
 and the other conquered the Lacediemonians, who were 
 masters.both by sea and land ; and yet, at last, they both 
 threw away their lives, and spilt their blood, without any 
 sort of discretion, when the times most required such men 
 and such generals. From this resemblance between them 
 we have drawn their parallel. 
 
 Pelopidas, the son of Hippoclus, was of an illustrious 
 family of Thebes, as was also Epaminondas. Brought up 
 in affluence, and coming in his youth to a great estate, he 
 applied himself to relieve such necessitous persons as deserv- 
 ed his bounty, to shew that he was really master of his 
 riches, not their slave ; for the greatest part of men, a> 
 Aristotle says, either through covetousness make no use of 
 their wealth, or else abuse it through prodigality; and these 
 live perpetual slaves to their pleasures, as those do to care 
 and toil. The Thcbans, with grateful hearts, enjoyed the 
 liberality and munificence of Pelopidas. Epaminondas alone 
 could not be persuaded to share in it. Pelopidas, however, 
 partook in the poverty of his friend, glorying in a plain- 
 ness of dress and slendernees of diet, indefatigable in la- 
 bour,, and plain and open in his conduct in the highest 
 posts.* In short, he was like Capaneus in Euripides, 
 
 i i . Whose opulence was great, 
 And yet his heart was not elated. 
 
 He looked upon it as a disgrace to expend more upon his 
 own person than the poorest Theban. As for Epaminon- 
 das, poverty was his inheritance, and consequently familiar 
 to him ; but he made it still more light and easy by philo- 
 sophy, and by the uniform simplicity of his life. 
 
 * K.&r*rpttT<ictsa. cwX&j literally, plain and open ia his conduct 
 , .1 KYir. But in Bceotia, as well as other Grecian states, a commander 
 in chief of the forces was generally also first minister. Such an one 
 in Bceotia was called
 
 Pclopidas married into a noble family, and had several 
 children ; but setting no greater value upon money than be- 
 fore, and devoting all his time to the concerns of the common- 
 wealth, he impaired his substance ; and when his friends ad- 
 monished him, that money, which lie negUcted, was a very ne- 
 cessary thing : It is necessary, indted, said he, for Nicodcmus 
 there, pointing to a man that was both lame and blind. 
 
 Epaminondas and ho were both equally inclined to every 
 virtue, but Pelopidas delighted more in the exercises of the 
 body, and Epaminondas in the improvement of the mind ; 
 and the one diverted himself in the wrestling-ring or iu 
 hunting, while the other spent his hours of leisure in hear- 
 ing or reading something in philosophy. Among the many 
 things that reflected glory upon both, there was nothing 
 wliich men of sense bo much admired, as that strict and 
 inviolable friendship which subsisted between them from 
 first to last, in all the high posts which they held, both 
 military and civil. For if we consider the administration 
 of Aristides and Themietocles, of Cimon and Pericles, of 
 Nicias and Alcibiades, how much the common concern was 
 injured by their dissension, their envy and jealousy of each 
 other, and then cast our eyes upon the mutual kindness and 
 esteem which Pelopidas and Epaminondas inviolably pre- 
 served, we may justly call these colleagues in civil govern- 
 ment and military command, and not those whose study it 
 was to get the better of each other rather than of the 
 enemy. The true cause of the difference was the virtue ot 
 these Thebans, v/hich led them not to seek, in any of their 
 measures, their own honour and wealth, the pursuit of 
 which is always attended with envy and strife ; but being 
 both inspired from the first with a divine ardour to raise 
 their country to the summit of glory, for this purpose they 
 availed themselves of the achievements of each other as if 
 they had been their own. 
 
 But many are of opinion that their extraordinary friend- 
 ship took its rise from the campaign which they made at 
 Mantinea,* among the succours which the Thebans had sent 
 the Lacedaemonians, who as yet were their allies ; for, being 
 placed together among the heavy-armed infantry, and fight- 
 
 * We must take care not to confound this wuh the famous battle 
 at Mantinea, in which Epaminondas was slain; for that butt!., 
 ought against the Lacedaemonians, and this for them. The action 
 here *poken of was probably about the third year of the ninety- 
 eighth Olympiad. 
 
 K4
 
 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 ing with the Arcadians, that v'ng of the Lacedaemonians 
 in \vhteh they were gave way and was broken ; whereupon 
 Pelopidas and Epaminondas locked their shields together, 
 and repulsed all that attacked them, till at last Pelopidas 
 having received seven large wounds, fell upon a heap of 
 friends aiid enemies who lay dead together. Epaminondas, 
 though he thought there was no life left in him, yet stood 
 forward to defend hio body and his arms ; and being deter- 
 mined to die rather than leave his companion in the power 
 of his enemies, he engaged with numbers at once. He was 
 now in extreme danger, t.e.r.g wounded in the breast with a 
 spear, and in the arm with a sword, when Agesipolis, king 
 of the Lacedaemonians, brought succours from the other 
 wing, and, beyond all expectation, delivered them both. 
 
 After this the Spartans, in appearance, treated the T he- 
 bans as friends and allies ;* but, in reality, they were sus- 
 picious of their spirit and power ; particularly, they hated 
 the party of Ismenias and Androclides, in which Pelopidaa 
 was, aa attached to liberty and a popular government. 
 Therefore Archias, Leontidas, and Philip, men inclined 
 to an oligarchy, and rich withal and ambitious, persuaded 
 Phcebidas the Lacedaemonian, who was marching by The- 
 bes with a body of troops,f to seize the castle called 
 Cadmea, to drive the opposite party out of the city, and to 
 put the administration into the hands of the nobility, subject 
 to the inspection of the Lacedaemonians. Phoebidas listened 
 to the proposal, and coming upon the Thebans unexpect- 
 edly, during the feast of the Tkesmophoria,^. he made him- 
 self master of the citadel, and seized Ismenias, and carried 
 him to Lacedaemon, where he was put to death soon after. 
 
 " During the whole Peloponncsian war Sparta found a very faith- 
 fil ally in the Thcbans ; and under the countenance of Sparta the 
 Thebans recovered the government of Boeotia, of which they had 
 been deprived on account of their defection to the Persians. How- 
 over, at length they grew so powerful and headstrong, that when the 
 peace of Antalcidas came to be subscribed to, they refused to come 
 into it, and were with no small difficulty o-.erawed and forced into 
 it by the confederates. We learn, indeed, from Polybius, that though 
 the'Lacedsmonians, at that peace, declared all the Grecian cities free, 
 they did not withdraw their garrisons from ary one of them. 
 
 f Phcebidas was marching against Olyrtthus, when Leontidas, or 
 Leontiades, one of the two polemarchs, betrayed to him the town 
 and citadel of Thebes. This happened in the third year of the 
 ninety-ninth Olympiad, three hundred and seventy-four years be- 
 jore the Christi;m a-ra. 
 
 * The women were celebrating this feast in the Cadciea.
 
 rKLOPIDAS. ^^ 201 
 
 Pelopidas, Pherenicus, and Androclides, with many others 
 that fled, were sentenced to banishment ; but Epaminondas 
 remained upon the spot, being despised for his philosophy, 
 as a man who would not intermeddle with affairs ; and for 
 his poverty, as a man of no power. 
 
 Though the Lacedaemonians took the command of the 
 army from Phcebidas, and fined him in a hundred thousand 
 drachmas, yet they kept a garrison in the Cadmea notwith^ 
 standing. All the rest of Greece was surprised at this ab- 
 surdity of theirs, in punishing the actor, and yet authoris- 
 ing the action. As for the Thebans, who had lost their 
 ancient form of government, and were brought into sub- 
 jection by Archias and Leontidas, there was no room for 
 them to hope to be delivered from the tyranny, which was 
 supported in such a manner by the power of 'the Spartans, 
 that it could not be pulled down unless those Spartans could 
 be deprived of their dominion both by sea and land. 
 
 Nevertheless, Leontidas having got intelligence that the 
 exiles were at Athens, and that they were treated there 
 with great regard by the people, and no less respected by 
 the nobility, formed secret designs against their lives. For 
 this purpose he employed certain unknown assassins, who 
 took off Androclides; but all the rest escaped. Letters 
 were also sent to the Athenians from Sparta, insisting that 
 they should not harbour or encourage exiles, but drive them 
 out as persons declare*! by the confederates to be common 
 enemies; but the Athenians, agreeable to their usual and 
 natural humanity, as well as in gratitude to the city of 
 Thebes, would not suffer the least injury to be done the 
 exiles ; for the Thebans had greatly assisted in restoring 
 the democracy at Athens, having made a decree, that if any 
 Athenian should march armed through Bceotia against the 
 tyrants, he should not meet with the least hinderance or 
 molestation in that country. 
 
 Pelopidas, though he was one of the youngest,* applied 
 to each exile in particular, as well as harangued them in a 
 body, urging, " That it was both dishonourable and im- 
 " pious to leave their native city enslaved and garrisoned ; 
 
 * Xenophon, in the account which he gives of this transaction, does 
 not so much as mention Pelopidas. His silence, in this respect, was 
 probably owing to his partiality to his hero Agesilaus, whose glory, 
 he might think, would be eclipsed by that of Pelopidas and his 
 worthy colleague Epaminondas ; for of the latter, too, he s-r.eakr 
 very sparingly. 
 
 K5
 
 -03 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 " by an enemy ; and, meanly contented with their own 
 " lives and safety, to wait for the decrees of the Athenians, 
 " and to make the.'r court to the popular orators ; bat 
 " that they ought to run every hazard in so glorious a 
 " cause, imitating the courage and patriotism of Thrasy- 
 " bulus ; for, as he advanced from Thebes to crush the ty- 
 " rants in Athens, so should they march from Athens to 
 " deliver Thebes." 
 
 Thus persuaded to accept his proposal, they sent pri- 
 vately to their friends who were left behind in Thebe?, to 
 acquaint them with their resolution, which was highly ap- 
 proved of; and Charon, a person of the first rank, offered 
 his house for their reception. Philidas found means to be 
 appointed secretary to Archias and Philip, who were then 
 pmemarchs; and as for Epaminondas, he had taken pains 
 all along to inspire the youth with sentiments of bravery ; 
 :or lie desired them, in the public exercises, to try the La- 
 cedzmonians at wrestling ; and when he saw them elated 
 \vith success, he used to tell them, by way of reproof, 
 '* That they should rather be ashamed of their meanness 
 * of spirit in remaining subject to those, to whom in 
 '' strength they were so much superior." 
 
 A day being fixed for putting their design in execution, 
 It was agreed among the exiles, that Pherenicus, with the 
 iest, should stay at Thriasium, while a few of the youngeot 
 should attempt to get entrance first into the city ; and that 
 If these happened to be surprised by the enemy, the others 
 'd take care to provide for their children and their 
 parents. Pelopidas was the first that offered to be of this 
 , and then Melon, Democlides, and Theopompus, all 
 : :ien of noble blood, who were united to each other by the 
 most faithful friendship, and who never had any contest but 
 which should be foremost in the race of glory and valour. 
 These adventurers, who were twelve in number, having em- 
 braced those that stayed behind, and sent a messenger before 
 them to Charon, set out in their under-garments, with dogs 
 and hunting-poles, that none who met them might have 
 any suspicion of what they were about, and that they might 
 seem to be only hunters beating about for game. 
 
 When their messenger came to Charon, and acquainted 
 him that they were on their way to Thebes, the near approach 
 of danger changed not his resolution : he behaved like a 
 man of honovjr, and made preparations to receive them. 
 Hipposthenidas, who was also in the secret, wr.r not by any
 
 J-ELOP1DAS. 
 
 means an ill man, but rather a friend to his country and to 
 the exiles ; yet he wanted that firmness which the present 
 emergency and the hazardous point of execution required. 
 He grew giddy, as it were, at the thought of the great 
 danger they were about to plunge in, and at last opened his 
 eyes enough to see that they were attempting to shake the 
 Lacedaemonian government, and to free themselves from 
 that power, without any other dependence than that of a 
 few indigent persons and exiles. He therefore went to hia 
 own house without saying a word, and dispatched one of 
 his friends to Melon and Pelopidas, to desire them to defer 
 their enterprize for the present, to return to Athens, and 
 to wait till a more favourable opportunity offered. 
 
 Chlidon, for that was the name of the man sent upon this 
 business, went home in all haste, took his horse out of the 
 stable, and called for the bridle. His wife being at a loss, 
 and not able to find it, said she had lent it to a neighbour. 
 Upon this, words arose, and mutual reproaches followed ; 
 the woman venting bitter imprecations, and wishing that 
 the journey might be fatal, both to him and those that sent 
 him ; so that Chlidon, having spent great of the day in 
 this squabble, and looking upon what had happened as 
 ominous, laid aside all thoughts of the journey, and went 
 elsewhere. So near was this great and glorious undertaking 
 to being disconcerted at the very entrance. 
 
 Pelopidas and his company, now in the dress of peasants, 
 divided, and entered the town at different quarters, whilst 
 it was yet day ; and, as the cold weather was setting in,* 
 there happened to be a sharp wind and a shower of snow, 
 which concealed them the better, most people retiring into 
 their houses, to avoid the inclemency of the weather ; but 
 those that were concerned in the affair received them as 
 they came, and conducted them immediately to Charon's 
 house ; the exiles and others making up the number of 
 forty-eight. 
 
 As for the affairs of the tyrants, they stood thus : Phi. 
 lidas, their secretary, knew (as we said) the whole design 
 of the exiles, and omitted nothing that might contribute to 
 its success. He had invited Archias and Philip, some time 
 before, to t.n entertainment at his house on that day, and 
 
 * The Spartans seized on the Cadmea about the middle of sum- 
 mer, in the year already mentioned, and it was taken from them in 
 the beginning of winter, in the first yar of the hundredth Oh 
 
 K 6
 
 204 PLUTARCH'S 
 
 promised to introduce to them some women, in order that 
 those who were to attack them might find them disolved in 
 wine and pleasure.* They had not yet drank very freely, 
 when a report reached them, which, though not false, 
 seemed uncertain and obscure, that the exiles were con- 
 cealed somewhere in the city ; and though Philidas endea- 
 voured to turn the discourse, Archias sent an officer to 
 Charon, to command his immediate attendance. By this 
 time it was grown dark, and Pelopidas and his companions 
 were preparing for action, having already put on their 
 breast-plates and girt their swords, when suddenly there 
 was a knocking at the door ; whereupon one ran to it, and 
 asked what the person's business was ; and having learned 
 from the officer that he was sent by the polemarchs to 
 fetch Charon, he brought in the news in great confusion. 
 They were unanimous in their opinion, that the affair was 
 discovered, and that every man of them was lost, before 
 they had performed any thing which became their valour. 
 Nevertheless, they thought it proper that Charon should 
 obey the order, and go boldly to the tyrants. Charon was 
 a man of great intrepidity and courage in dangers that 
 threatened only himself, but then lie was much affected on 
 account of his friends, and afraid that he should lie under 
 some suspicion of treachery if so many brave citizens should 
 perish. Therefore, as he was ready to depart, he took his 
 son, who was yet a child, but of a beauty and strength be- 
 yond those of his years, out of the women's apartment, and 
 put him into the hands of Pelopidas, desiring, " I hat if 
 " he found him a traitor, he would treat that child as an 
 " enemy, and not spare its life."' Many of them shed tears, 
 when they saw the concern and magnanimity of Charon ; 
 and all expressed their uneasiness at his thinking any of 
 them so dastardly, and so much disconcerted with the present 
 danger, as to be capable of suspecting or blaming him in 
 the least. They begged of Lim, therefore, not to leave his 
 son with them, but to remove him out of the reach of what 
 might possibly happen, to some place, where, safe from the 
 tyrants, he might be brought up to be an avenger of his 
 country and his friends ; but Charon refused to remove him. 
 11 F^r what life," said he, " or what deliverance could I wish 
 
 * Perhaps at first he really intended to introduce some women , 
 wf, as it is in the original, ywaia. -rut vravepa*, married women ; and 
 the dressing up the exiles in female habits waaan after-thought.
 
 205 
 
 44 him, that would be more glorious, than his falling ho- 
 " nourably with his father and so many of his friends ?" 
 Then he addressed himself in prayer to the gods, and hav- 
 ing embraced and encouraged them all, he went out ; en- 
 deavouring by the way to compose himself, to form his 
 countenance, and to assume a tone of voice very different 
 from the real state of his mind. 
 
 When he was come to the door of the house, Archias 
 and Philidas went out to him and said, " What persons 
 " are these, Charon, who, as we are informed, are lately 
 ** come into the town, and are concealed and counte- 
 " nanced by some of the citizens." Charon was a little 
 fluttered at first, but soon recovering himself, he asked, 
 " who these persons they spoke of were, and by whomhar- 
 " boured ?'* And finding that Archias had no clear ac- 
 count of the matter, concluded from thence that his in- 
 formation came not from any person that was privy to 
 the design, and therefore said, " Take care that you do 
 " not disturb yourselves with vain rumours. However, 
 " I will make the best inquiry I can ; for, perhaps, no- 
 " thing of this kind ought to be disregarded." Philidas, 
 who was by, commended his prudence, and conducting 
 Archias in again, plied him strongly with liquor, and pro- 
 longed the carousal by keeping up their expectation of the 
 women. 
 
 When Charon was returned home, he found his friends 
 prepared, not to conquer or to preserve their lives, but to 
 sell them dear, and to fall gloriously. He told Pelopidas 
 the truth, but concealed it from the rest, pretending that 
 Archias had discoursed with him about other matters.* 
 
 The Hrst storm was scarce blown over when fortune 
 raised a second. For there arrived an express from 
 Athens, with a letter from Archias, high- priest there, to 
 Archias, his namesake and particular friend, not lilied with 
 vair and groundless surmises, but containing a clear nar- 
 rative of the whole affair, as was found afterwards. The 
 messenger being admitted to Archias, now almost intoxi- 
 cated, as he delivered the letter, said, " The person who 
 *' sent this, desired that it might be read immediately, 
 *' for it contains business of great importance." But 
 
 ' There appears no necessity for this artifice ; and, indeed, Pin- 
 tarch, in his treatise concerning the genius of Socrates, says, th*t 
 Charon came back to the little bund of patriots with a pleasant 
 countenance, and gave them all an account of what had passed 
 without the least disguise,
 
 205 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 Archias receiving it, said, smiling, Business to-morrow, 
 Then he put it under the bolster of his couch, and resumed 
 the conversation with Philidas. This saying, iu^inais to- 
 morrou; passed into a prorerb, and continues so among the 
 Greeks to this day. 
 
 A good opportunity now offering for the execution of 
 their purpose, the friends of liberty divided themselves in- 
 to two bodies, and sallied out. Pelopidas and Damocli- 
 das went against Leontidas and Hypates,* who were 
 neighbours, and Charon and Melon against Archias and 
 Philip. Charon and his company put women's clothes 
 over their armour, and wore thick wreaths of pine and 
 poplar upon their heads, to shadow their faces. As soon 
 as they came to the door of the room where the guests 
 were, the company shouted and clapped their hands, be- 
 lieving them to be the women whom they had so long 
 expected. When the pretended women had looked round 
 theroom, and distinctly surveyed all the guests, they drew 
 their swords ; and making at Archias and Philip across 
 the table, they shewed who they were. A small part of 
 the company were persuaded by Philidas not to intermed- 
 dle : the rest engaged in the combat, and stood up for 
 the polemarchs, but, being disordered by wine, were easily 
 dispatched. 
 
 Pelopidas and his party had a more difficult affair of it. 
 They had to do with Leontidas, a sober and valiant man. 
 They found the door made fast, for he was gone to bed, 
 and they knocked a long time before any body heard. 
 At last a servant perceived it, and came down and re- 
 moved the bar, which he had no sooner done than they 
 pushed open the door, and rushing in, threw the man 
 down, and run to the bed-chamber. Leontidas, conjec- 
 turing by the noise and trampling what the matter wa, 
 leapt from his bed and seized his sword ; but he forgot 
 to put out the lamps, which, had he done, it would have 
 left them to fall foul on each other in the dark. Being, 
 therefore, fully exposed to view, he met them at the door, 
 and with one str- ke laid Cephisodorus, who was the first 
 man that attempted to enter, dead at his feet. He en- 
 countered Pelopidas next ; and the narrowness of the door, 
 together with the dead body of Cephisodorus lying in the 
 
 * These were not invited to the entertainment, because Archias, 
 expecting to meet a woman of great distinction, did not choose that 
 JLeomidas should be there.
 
 PELOPIDA8. 207 
 
 way, made the dispute long and doubtful. At last Pelo- 
 pidas prevailed, and having slain Leontidas, he marched 
 immediately with his little band against Hypates. They 
 got into his house in the same manner as they did into the 
 other ; but lie quickly perceiving them, made his escape 
 into a neighbour's house, whither they followed and dis 
 patched him. 
 
 Tin's affair being over, they joined Melon, and sent for 
 the exiles they had left in Attica. They proclaimed li- 
 berty to all the Thebaiis,* and armed such as came over 
 to them, taking down the spoils that were suspended upon 
 the porticoes, and the arms out of the shops of the armour- 
 ers and sword-cutlers. Epaminondas-j- and Gorgidas came 
 to their assistance, with a considerable body of young men, 
 and a select number of the old, whom they had collected 
 and armed. 
 
 The whole city was now in great terror and confu- 
 sion ; the houses were filled with lights, and the streets 
 with men running to and fro. The people, however, did 
 uut yet assemble ; but being astonished at what had hap- 
 pened, and knowing nothing with certainty, . they waited 
 with impatience for the day. It seems, therefore, to have 
 bee;i a great error in the Spartan officers, that they did 
 not immediately sally out and fall upon them ; foi their 
 garrison consisted of fifteen hundred men, and they were 
 )0!. :ed besides by many people from the city. But, ter- 
 rified Jiouts, tlte lights, the hurry and confusion 
 that were on every side, they contented themselves with 
 preserving the citadel. 
 
 As soon as it was day, the exiles from Attica came in 
 armed ; the peop'.a complied with the summons to as- 
 semble ; and Eparninondas and Gorgidas presented to them 
 Pelopidas and his party, surrounded by the priests, who 
 carried garlands in their hands, and called upon the citi- 
 zens to exert themselves for their gods and their country. 
 Excited by this appearance, the whole assembly stood 
 up, and received them with great acclamations as their 
 benefactors and deliverers. 
 
 Pelopidas, then elected governor of Boeotia, together 
 with Melon and Chart,*!, immediately blocked up and at- 
 
 * Pelopidas also sent Philidas to all the gaols in the city, to re- 
 lease those brave Thebans whom the tyrannic Spartans kept in fet- 
 ters. 
 
 f Epaminondas did not join them sooner, because he was afraid 
 that too much innocent Hood would be sbed with the guilty.
 
 203 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 tacked the citadel, hastening to drive out the Lacedzmo- 
 nians, and to recover the Ca'imea, before succours could 
 arrive from Sparta.* And inr'eed he was but a little be- 
 forehand with them ; for they had but just surrendered the 
 place, and were returning home, according to capitulation, 
 when they met Cleombrotus at Megara, marching towards 
 Thebes with a great army. The Spartans called to ac- 
 count the three /trrrmosteu, officers who had commanded in 
 the Caditicn, and signed the capitulation. Hermippidas 
 and Arcissus were executed for it, and the third, named 
 Dysaoridas, was so severely fined, that he was forced to 
 qviit Peloponnesus, f 
 
 This action of PelopidasJ was called by the Greeks sister 
 to that of Thrasybulus, on account of their near resem- 
 blance, not only in respect of the great virtues of the men, 
 and the difficulties they had to combit, but the success 
 with which fortune crowned them. For it is not easy to 
 fin d another instance so remarkable, of the few overcoming 
 the mar.y. a:id the wak the strong, merely by dint of cou- 
 rage and conduct, at;d procuring by these means such great 
 advantages to their country. But the change of affairs 
 which followed upon this action, rendered it still mure glo- 
 rious. For the war which humbled the pride of the Spar- 
 tans, ar.d deprived them of their empire both by sea and 
 laiid, took its rise from that wight, when Pelopidas, without 
 taki;>;^ town or castle, but being only one out of twelve, who 
 entered a private hoi;se, loosened and broke to pieces (if we 
 may express truth by a metaphor) the chains of the Spar- 
 tan government, until then esteemed indissoluble. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians soon entering Bocotia with a 
 
 " As it is not probable that the retraining so strong a place should 
 be the work of a day. or have been effected with so small a force as 
 nen had, we mu*t h ; tve recourse to Diodorus Siculusand 
 XenopLon, who tell us, that the Athenians, early on the next morn- 
 "er the seizing on the city, sent theTheban general five thou- 
 , :. aid two thousand horse; and thi'.t several other bodies of 
 troops 'ame in from the cities of Bceotia, to the number of about se- 
 ven thousand more; that Pelopi'la* be.- iefced the place in form uith 
 them, and that it held out seviral days, and surrendered at length 
 for want of ; . Diudor. SicuL lib. xv. Jienoph. 1. v. 
 
 f It was a maxim with the Spartans, to die sword in hand in de- 
 : a place committed to their care. 
 
 . Dacier gives a parallel between the conduct of this action, 
 ,.t of the prince of Monaco, In driving a Spanish garrison out 
 Q\ his town.
 
 PELOPIDAS. 209 
 
 powerful army, the Athenians were struck with tcn-or ; 
 and renouncing their alliance with the Thebant, tu :or>k 
 cognizance, in a judicial way, of all that continue^ in the 
 iaterc-st of that people ; some they put to death, some 
 they I'ar.ished, and upon others they laid heavy fines. 
 The Thebans being thus deserted by their allies, then af- 
 fairs seemed to be in a desperate situation. But Pelopi- 
 das and Gorgidas, who then had the command in Boectia, 
 sought means to embroil the Athenians again with the 
 Spartans ; and they availed themselves of this stratagem. 
 There was a Spartan named Sphodrias, a man of great 
 reputation as a soldier, but of no sound judgment, san- 
 guine in his hopes, and indiscreet in his ambition. This 
 man was left with some troops at Thespise, to receive and 
 protect such of the Boeotians as might come over to the 
 Spartans. To him Pelopidas privately sent a merchant, 
 in whom he could confide,* well provided with money, 
 and with proposals that were more likely to prevail than 
 the money, " That it became him to undertake some 
 " noble enterprise to surprise the Piraeus for instance, 
 " by falling suddenly upon the Athenians, who were not 
 " provided to receive him : for that nothing could be so 
 " agreeable to the Spartans as to be masters of Athens ; 
 " and that the Thebans, now incensed against the Athe- 
 " nians, and considering them as traitors, would lend them 
 " no manner of assistance '' 
 
 Sphodrias, suffering himself at last to be persuaded, 
 inarched into Attica by night, and advanced as far as 
 Eleusis.f There the hearts of his soldiers began to fail, 
 and finding his design discovered, he returned to Thespise, 
 after he had thus brought upon the Lacedaemonians a long 
 and dangerous war. For upon this the Athenians readily 
 united with the Thebans ; and having fitted out a large 
 fleet, they sailed round Greece, CBgagihg and receiving 
 such as were inclined to shake oft the Spartan yoke. 
 
 Meantime, the Thebans, by themselves, frequently can: 
 
 * This is more probable than what Diixlorus Siculus says; name- 
 ly, that Cleombrotus, without any order from the- Ephori, persuaded 
 Sphodrias to surprise the Fincus. 
 
 f They hoped to have reached the Pi:a-us in the night, but found, 
 when the day appeared, that they were got no farther than Lleusi.-. 
 Sphodrias, perceiving that he \va.s discovered, in his return, plunder- 
 ed the Athenian territories. The Lacetlamonians recalled Spho. 
 and the Exhort proceeded against him ; but Agesiiaus, imtuenced by 
 his eon, who was a friend of the son ot Sphodrias, brought him ofi'.
 
 21O PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 to action with the Lacedaemonians in Bceotia, not in set 
 battles, indeed, but in such as were of considerable service 
 and improvement to them ; for their spirits were raised, 
 their bodies inured to labour, and, by being used to these 
 rencounters, they gained both experience and courage. 
 Hence it was, that Antalcidas the Spartan, said to Agesi- 
 laus, when he returned to Bceotia wour.ded, Truly yon are 
 well paid far the instruction you have given tkc Thebans, 
 and for teaching them the art of war against their will. 
 Though, to speak properly, Agesilaus was not their in- 
 structor, but those prudent generals who made choice of 
 fit opportunities to let loose the Thebans, like so many 
 young hounds,* upon the enemy ; and when they had tast- 
 ed of victory, satisfied with the ardour they had shewn, 
 brought them off again safe. The chief honour of this 
 was due to Pelopidas. For from the time of his being first 
 chosen general, until his death, there was not a year that 
 he was out of employment, but he was constantly either 
 captain of the sacred band, or governor of Bceotia. 
 And while he was employed, the Lacedemonians were 
 several times defeated by the Thebans, particularly at 
 Platsea, and at Thespise, where Phcebidas, who had sur* 
 prised the Cadmea, was killed ; and at Tanagra, where Pe- 
 lopidas beat a considerable body, and slew, with his own 
 hand, their general Panthoides. 
 
 But these combats, though they served to animate and 
 encourage the victors, did not quite dishearten the van- 
 quished ; for they were not pitched battles, nor regular 
 engagements, but rather advantages gained of the enemy by 
 well-timed skirmishes, in which the Thebans sometimes 
 pursued, and sometimes retreated. 
 
 But the battle of Tegyrse, which was a sort of prelude 
 to that of Leuctra, lifted the character of Pelopidas very 
 high ; for none of the other commanders could lay claim to 
 any share of the honour of the day, nor had the enemy any 
 pretext to cover the shame of their defeat. 
 
 He kept a strict eye upon the city of Orchomenus,-)- 
 which had adopted the Spartan interest, and received t\ro 
 companies of foot for its defence, end watched for an op- 
 
 * We know not how the former translator happened to rendef 
 ex.\j\a,x.Kt staunch hounds, when it signifies whdps, which, by tasting 
 the blood, become eager after the game. 
 
 f This was one of the largest and most considerable towns in 
 Bceotia, and still garrisoned by the Lacedaemonians.
 
 PELOPIDAS. 211 
 
 portunity to make himself master of it. Being informed 
 that the garrison were gone upon an expedition to Locris, 
 he hoped to take the town with ease, now it was desti- 
 tute of soldiers, and therefore hastened thither with the 
 sacred bund, and a small party of horse. But finding, 
 when he was near the town, that other troops were com- 
 ing from Sparta to supply the place of those that were 
 marched out, he led his forces back again by Tegyrse, 
 along the sides of the mountains, which was the only way 
 he could pass ; for all the flat country was overflowed 
 by the river Melas, which, from its very source, spreading 
 itself into marshes and navigable pieces of water, made the 
 lower roads impracticable. 
 
 A little below these marshes stands the temple of Apol- 
 lo Tegyneus, whose oracle there has not been long silent. 
 It flourished most in the Persian wars, while Echerates 
 was high-priest. Here they report that Apollo was 
 born ; and at the foot of the neighbouring mountain call- 
 ed Delos, the Melas returned into his channel. Behind 
 the temple rise two copious springs, whose waters are 
 admirable for their coolness aiod agreeable taste. The 
 one is called Pain,, and the other buve, to this day ; so 
 that Latona seems to have been delivered, not between 
 two trees, but two fountains of that name. Ptoum, too, 
 is just by, from whence, it is said, a boar suddenly rushed 
 out and frighted her ; and the stories of Python and Ti- 
 tyus, the scene of which lies here, agree with their opinion 
 who say, Apollo was born in this place. The other 
 proofs of this matter I omit. For tradition does not 
 reckon this deity among those who were born mortal, and 
 afterwards were changed into demigods ; of which num- 
 ber were Hercules and Bacchus, who by their virtues 
 were raised from a frail and perishable being to immor- 
 tality ; but he is one of those eternal deities who were never 
 born, if we may give credit to those ancient sages that 
 have treated of these high points. 
 
 The Thebans then retreating from Orchomenus towards 
 Tegyras, the Lacedaemonians who were returning from 
 Lccris met them on the .road. As soon as they were 
 perceived to be passing the straits, one ran and told Pelo- 
 pidas, We arejalten into l/ie ene".y's hands : And why not 
 they, said he, into GUTS? At the same time he ordered the 
 cavalry to advance from the rear to the front, that they 
 might be ready for the attack ; and the infantry, who were
 
 212 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 but three hundred,* he drew up in a close body ;' hoping 
 that, wherever they charged, they would break through 
 the enemy, though superior in numbers. 
 
 The Spartans had two battalions. Ephorus says, their 
 battalion consisted of five hundred men, but Calisthenes 
 makes it seven hundred, and Polybius and others nine 
 hundred. Their polemarchs y Gorgoleon and Thoopom- 
 pus, pushed boldly on against the Thebans. The shock 
 began in the quarter where the generals fought in person 
 on both sides, and was very violent and furious. The 
 Spartan commanders, who attacked Pelopidas, were 
 among the first that were slain ; and all that were near them 
 being either killed or put to flight, the whole army was 
 so terrified, that they opened a lane for the Thebans, 
 through which they might have passed safely, nud continu- 
 ed their route if they had pleased. But Pelopidas, disdain- 
 ing to make his escape so, charged those who yet stood 
 their ground, and made such havoc among them, that 
 they fled in great confusion. The pursuit was not con- 
 tinued very far, for the Thebans were afraid of the Orcho- 
 menians, who were near the place of battle, and of the for- 
 ces just arrived from Lacedaemon. They were satisfied 
 with beating them in fair combat, and making their retreat 
 through a dispersed and defeated army. 
 
 Having, therefore, erected a trophy, and gathered the 
 spoils of the slain, they returned home not a little elated. 
 For it seems that in all their former wars, both witli the 
 Greeks and barbarians, the Lacedemonians had never been 
 beaten, the greater number by the less, nor even by equal 
 numbers in a pitched battle. Thus their courage seemed 
 irresistible ; and their renown so much intimidated their 
 adversaries, that they did not care to ha/.ard an engage- 
 ment with them on equal terms. This battle first taught 
 the Greeks, that it is not the Eurotas, nor the space be- 
 tween Babyce and Cnacion, which alone produces brave 
 warriors ; but wherever the youth are ashamed of what is 
 
 * This small body was, however, the very flower of the T: 
 army, and was dignified by the names of the yacred battalion a-id 
 the band of lovers (as mentioned below), being equally f.'.nied for 
 their fidelity to the Thebau state, and aflbction for each other. 
 Some fabulous things are related of them, from which we c?.i only 
 infer, that they were a brave resolute set of young xnen, who had 
 vowed perpetual friendship to each other, and had bound them- 
 selves, by the strongest ties, to stand by one other to the last 
 drop of their blood ; and were therefore the fittest to be employed 
 iz. such private and dangerous expeditions.
 
 PELOPIDAS. 213 
 
 base, resolute in a good cause, and more inclined to avoid 
 disgrace than danger, there are the men who are terrible t 
 their enemies. 
 
 Gorgidas, as some say, first formed the sacred land, con- 
 sisting of three hundred select men, who were quartered in 
 the Caiiwta, and maintained and exercised at the public ex- 
 pence. They were called the ci(y-l-and ; for citadels in those 
 days were called cities. 
 
 But Gorgidas, by disposing those that belonged to thu 
 sacred band here and there in the first ranks, and cover- 
 ing the front of his infantry with them, gave them but 
 little opportunity to distinguish themselves, or effectual- 
 ly to serve the common cause ; thus divided as they were, 
 and mixed with other troops more in number nnd of in- 
 ferior resolution. But when their valour appeared with 
 so much lustre at Tegyrae, where they fought together, 
 and close to the person of their general, Pelopidas would 
 never part them afterwards, but kept them in a body, and 
 constantly charged at the head of them in the most dan- 
 gerous attacks. For, as horses go faster when harnessed 
 together in a chariot, than they do when driven single, 
 not because their united force more easily breaks the air, 
 but because their spirits are raised higher by emulation ; 
 60 he thought the courage of brave men would be most 
 irresistible when they were acting together, and contend- 
 ing with each other which should most excel. 
 
 But when the Lacedaemonians had made peace with the 
 rest of the Greeks, and continued the war against the 
 Thebans only, and when king Cleombrotus had entered 
 their country with ten thousand foot and a thousand horse, 
 they were not only threatened with the common dangers 
 of war, as before, but even with total extirpation ; which 
 spread the utmost terror over all Bceotia. As Pelopidas, 
 on this occasion, was departing for the army, his wife, 
 who followed him to the door, besought him with tears to 
 take care of himself, he answered, My dear, private per. 
 sons are to te advistd to take care of themselves, but per- 
 sons in a public character to take care of others. 
 
 When he came to the army, and found the general 
 officers differing in opinion, he was the first to close in 
 with that of Epaminondas, who proposed that they should 
 give the enemy battle. He was not, indeed, then one of
 
 214 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 those that commanded in chief, but he was captain of the 
 sacred band; and they had that confidence in him which 
 was due to a man who had given his country such pledges 
 of his regard for liberty. 
 
 The resolution thus taken to hazard a battle, and the 
 two armies in sight at Leuctra, Pelopidas had a dream 
 which gave him no small trouble. In that field lie the 
 bodies of the daughters of Scedasus, who are called Lcuc- 
 tr'idae from the place. For a rape having been committed 
 upon them by some Spartans whom they had hospitably 
 received into their house, they had killed themselves, and 
 were buried there. Upon this their father went to La- 
 cedaemon, and demanded that justice should be done upon 
 the persons who had committed so detestable and atro- 
 cious a crime ; and, as he could not obtain it, he vented 
 bitter imprecations against the Spartans, and then killed 
 himself upon the tomb of his daughters. From that time 
 many prophecies and oracles forewarned the Spartans to 
 beware of the vengeance of Leuctra : the true intent of 
 which but few understood ; for they were in doubt as to 
 the place that was meant, there being a little maritime 
 town called Leuctrum in Laconia, and another of the 
 same name near Megalopolis in Arcadia. Besides, that 
 injury was done to the daughters of Scedaaus long before 
 the battle of Leuctra. 
 
 Pelopidas, then, as he slept in his tent, thought he saw 
 these young women weeping at their tombs, and loading 
 the Spartans with imprecations, while their father ordered 
 him to sacrifice a red-haired young virgin to the damsels, 
 if he desired to be victorious in the ensuing engagement. 
 This order appearing to him cruel and unjust, he rose and 
 communicated it to the soothsayers and the generals. Some 
 were of opinion that it should not be neglected or dis- 
 obeyed, alleging to the purpose the ancient stories of Me- 
 nasceus the son of Creon,* and Macaria the daughter of 
 Hercules ; and the more modern instances of Pherecydes 
 the philosopher, who was put to death by the Laoedarmo* 
 nians, and whose skin was preserved by their kings, pur- 
 suant to the direction of some oracle ; of Leonidas, who, 
 by order of the oracle too, sacrificed himself, as it were, 
 for the sake of Greece ; and lastly, of the human victims 
 
 * Mcnaeceus devoted himself to death for the benefit of his coun- 
 try ; as did also Macaria for the benefit of the Heraclidae. For an 
 account of the former, sec the PAowwa, yid for the latter, the 
 tfcracltd<E of Euripides,
 
 PELOPIDAS. 2J 5 
 
 offered by Themiatocles to Bacchus Omestes, before the 
 sea fight at Salamis ; to all which sacrifices the ensu- 
 ing success gave a sanction. They observed also, that 
 Agesilaus, setting sail from the same place that Agamem- 
 non did, and against the same enemies, and seeing, more- 
 over, at A-tlis, the same vision of the goddess,* demand- 
 ing his daughter in sacrfice, through an iil-timed tender- 
 ness for his child, refused it ; the consequence of which 
 was, that his expedition proved unsuccessful. 
 
 Those that were of the contrary opinion, argued, that 
 so barbarous and unjust a.i offering could not possibly be 
 acceptable to any supe'ior being ; that no Typhous or 
 giants, but the father of gods and men, governed the 
 world ; that it was Absurd to suppose that the gods de- 
 lighted in human sacrifices ; and that, if any of them did, 
 they ought to he disregarded as impotent beings, since 
 such strange and corrupt desires could not exiot but in 
 weak and vicious minds. 
 
 While the principal officers were engaged on this sub- 
 ject, and Pelopidas was more perplexed than all the rest, 
 on a sudden a she-colt quitted the herd, and ran through 
 the camp ; and when she came to the place where they 
 were assembled, she stood still. The officers, for their 
 part, only admired her colour, which was a shining red, 
 the stateliness of her form, the vigour of her motions, and 
 the sprightliness of her neighings ; but Theocritus the di- 
 viner, undei standing the thing better, cried out to Pelopi- 
 das, " Here comes the victim, fortunate man that thou art! 
 " wait for no other virgin, but sacrifice that which heaven 
 " hath sent thee." They then took the colt, and led her 
 to the tomb of the virgins, where, after the usual prayers, 
 and the ceremony of crowning her, they offered her up 
 with joy, not forgetting to publish the vision of Pelopidas, 
 and the sacrifice required, to the whole army. 
 
 The day of battle being come, Epaminondas drew up 
 the infantry of his left wing in an oblique form, that the 
 
 * Xenophon, in the seventh book of his Grecian history, ac- 
 quaints us, that Pelopidas, when he went upon an embassy to the 
 king of Persia, represented to him, that the hatred' which the Lace- 
 daemonians bore the Thebans, was owing to their not following 
 Agcsilaus when he went to make war upon Persia, and to their 
 hindering him from sacrificing his daughter at Aulis, when Diana 
 demanded her ; a compliance with which demand would have en- 
 sured his success ; such, at least, was the doctrine of the heathen 
 theology.
 
 2 if) PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 right wing of the Spartans being obliged to divide from 
 the other Greeks, he might fall with all his force upon 
 Cleombrotus, who commanded them, and break them 
 with the greater ease. But the enemy perceiving his in- 
 tention, began to change their order of battle, and to ex- 
 tend their right wing, and wheel about, with a design to 
 surround Epaminondas. In the meantime, Pelopidas 
 came briskly up with his band of three hundred ; and before 
 Cleombrotus could extend his wing as he desired, or re- 
 duce it to its former disposition, fell upon the Spartans, 
 disordered as they were with the imperfect movement. 
 And though the Spartans, who were excellent masters in 
 the art of war, laboured no point so much as to keep their 
 men from -confusion, and from dispersing when their ranks 
 happened to be broken;* insomuch that the private men 
 were as able as the officers to knit again, and to make a 
 united effort, wherever any occasion of danger required ; 
 yet Epaminondas then attacking their right wing only, 
 without stopping to contend with the other troops, and 
 Pelopidas rushing upon them with incredible speed and 
 bravery, broke their resolution, and baffled their art. The 
 consequence was, such a route and slaughter as had beea 
 never known before.-f- For this reason Pelopidas, who had 
 no share in the chief command, but was only captain of a 
 small band, gained as much honour by this day's great suc- 
 cess, as Epaminondas, who was governor of Boeotia, and 
 commander of the whole army. 
 
 But soon after they were appointed joint-governors of 
 Boeotia, and entered Peloponnesus together, where they 
 
 f- The Thcban army consisted, at most, but of six thousand men, 
 whereas that of the enemy was, at least, thrice that number, reck- 
 oning the allies. But Epaminondas trusted most in his cavalry, 
 wherein he had much the advantage, both in their quality and good 
 management ; the rest he endeavoured to supply by the disposition 
 of his men, who were drawn up fifty deep, whereas the Spartans 
 were but twelve. When the Thebans had gained the victory, and 
 killed Cleombrotus, the Spartans renewed the tight, to recover the 
 king's body ; and in this the Theban general wisely chose to gratify 
 them rather than to hazard the success of a second onset. The allies 
 of the Spartans behaved ill in this battle, because they came to it 
 with an expectation to conquer without righting ; as fur the The- 
 bans, they had no allies at this time. This battle was fought in the 
 year before Christ 371. Diod. Sic. 1. xv. Xtnnph. llellan. 1. vi,
 
 J'ELOPIDAS. 217 
 
 eaused several cities to revolt from the Lacedxmonians, and 
 brought over to the Theban interest Elis, Argos, all Ar- 
 cadia, and great part of Laconia itself. It was now the 
 winter solstice, and the latter end of the last month in the 
 year, so that they could hold their office but a few days 
 longer ; for new governors were to succeed on the first day 
 of the next month, and the old ones to deliver, up their 
 charge, under pain of death. 
 
 The rest of their colleagues, afraid of the law, and dis- 
 liking a winter campaign, were for marching home without 
 loss of time ; but Pelopidas joining with Epaminondas to 
 oppose it, encouraged his fellow-citizens, and led them 
 against Sparta. Having passed the Eurotas, they took 
 many of the Lacedaemonian towns, and ravaged all the 
 country to the very sea, with an army of seventy thousand 
 Greeks, of which the Thebans did not make the twelfth 
 part. But the character of those two great men, without 
 any public order or decree, made all the allies follow, with 
 silent approbation, wherever they led : for the first and 
 supreme law, that of nature, seems to direct those that 
 have need of protection, to take him for their chief Avho is 
 most able to protect them ; and as passengers, though, in 
 fine weather, or in port, they may behave insolently, and 
 brave the pilots, yet as soon as a storm arises, and danger 
 appears, fix their eyes on them, and rely wholly on their 
 skill ; so the Argives, the Eleans, and the Arcadians, in 
 the bent of their councils, were against the Thebans, and 
 contended with them for superiority of command ; but 
 when the time of action came, and danger pressed hard, 
 they followed the Theban generals of their own accord, 
 and submitted to their orders. 
 
 In this expedition they united all Arcadia into one body, 
 drove out the Spartans who had settled in Messenia, and 
 called home its ancient inhabitants ; they likewise repeopled 
 Ithome ; and in their return through Cenchrea, they de- 
 feated the Athenians,* who had attacked them in the 
 straits, with a design to hinder their passage. 
 
 After such achievements, all the other Greeks were 
 charmed with their valour, and admired their good fortune ; 
 but the envy of their fellow-citizens, which grew up toge- 
 
 * This happened to the Athenians through the error of their gene- 
 ral Iphricates, who, though otherwise an able man, forgot the pass 
 of Cenchrea, while he placed his troops in posts less commodious. 
 
 To/. //. L
 
 218 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 ther with their glory, prepared for them a very unkind and 
 unsuitable reception ; for, at their return, they were both 
 capitally tried for not delivering up their charge, according 
 to law, in the first month, which they called Bnucation, 
 but holding it four months longer ; during which time they 
 performed those great actions in Messenia, Arcadia, and 
 JLaconia. 
 
 Pelopidas was tried first, and therefore was in most dan- 
 ger ; however, they were both acquitted. Epaminondas 
 bore the accusations and attempts of malignity with great 
 patience ; for he considered it as no small instance of forti- 
 tude and magnanimity not to resent the injuries done by his 
 ifllow-citizeiis ; but Pelopidas, who was naturally of a 
 warmer temper, and excited by his friends to revenge him- 
 self, laid hold on this occasion. 
 
 Meneclidas the orator was one of those who met upon 
 the great enterprize in Charon's house. This man, finding 
 himself not held in the same honour with the rest of the 
 deliverers of their country, and being a good speaker, 
 though ot bad principles, and a malevolent disposition, in- 
 dulged his natural turn in accusing and calumniating his 
 superiors; and this he continued to do with respect to Epa- 
 minondas and Pelopidas, even after judgment was passed 
 in their favour. He prevailed so far as to deprive Epami- 
 non Jas of the government of Bceotia, and managed a party 
 against him a long tune with success ; but his insinuations 
 against Pelopidas were not listened to by the people, and 
 therefore lie endeavoured to embroil him with Charon. It 
 is the common consolation of envy, when a man cannot 
 maintain the higher ground himself, to represent those he 
 is excelled by as inferior to some others. Hence it was 
 that Meneclidas was ever extolling the actions of Charon 
 to the people, and lavishing encomiums upon his expedi- 
 tions and victories. Above all, he magnified his success in 
 a battle fought by the cavalry under his command at Pla- 
 tza, a little before the battle of Leuctra, and endeavoured 
 to perpetuate the memory of it by some public monument. 
 
 The occasion he took was this. Androcides of Cyzicum 
 had agreed with the Thebans for a picture of some other 
 battle ; which piece he worked at in the city of Thebes ; 
 bat upon the revolt, and the war that ensued, he was ob- 
 liged to quit that city, and leave the painting, which 
 was almost finished, with the Thebans. Meneclidas en- 
 deavoured to persuade the people to hang up this 'piece in
 
 PELOPIDAS. 2iy 
 
 one of their temples, with an inscription, signifying that it 
 was one of Charon's battles, in order tu cast a shade upou 
 the glory of Pelopidas and Epamuioiulas. Certainly the 
 proposal was vain and absurd, to prefer one single engage- 
 ment,* in which these fell only Gerandas, a Spartan of no 
 note, with forty others, to so many, and such important 
 victories. Pelopidas, therefore, opposed this motion, in- 
 sisting that it was contrary to the laws and usages of the 
 Thebans to ascribe the honour of a victory to any one 
 man in particular, and that their country ought to have the 
 glory of it entire. As for Charon, he was liberal in his 
 praises of him through his whole harangue, but he shewed 
 that Meneclidas was an envious and malicious man ; and he 
 often asked the Thebans if they had never before done any 
 thing that was great and excellent. Hereupon a heavy fine 
 was laid upon Meneclidas ; and as he was not able to pay it, 
 he endeavoured afterwards to disturb ar.cl overturn the go- 
 vernment- Such particulars as these, though small, serve 
 to give an insight into the lives and characters of men. 
 
 At that time AlexandtT,f the tyrant of Pherae, making 
 open war against several cities of Ihessaly, and entertaining 
 a secret design to bring the whole country into subjection, 
 the Thessalians sent ambassadors to Thebes, to beg the fa- 
 vour of a general and some troops. Pelopidas seeing Epa- 
 minondus engaged in settling the affairs of Peloponnesus, 
 offered himself to command in Thessaly ; for he was un- 
 willing that his military talents and skill should lie useless, 
 and well satisfied withal, that wherever Epaminondas was, 
 there was no need of any other general. He therefore 
 marched with his forces into Thessaly, where he soon re- 
 covered Lanssa ; and, as Alexander came and made sub- 
 mission, he endeavoured to soften and humanize him, and, 
 instead of a tyrant, to render him a just and good prince; 
 but finding him incorrigible and brutal, and receiving fresh 
 complaints of his cruelty, his unbridled lust, and insatiable 
 avarice, he thought it necessary to treat him with some se- 
 verity ; upon which he made his escape with the guards. 
 
 Xenophon speaks slightly of Charon. He says,." The exiles 
 ' went to the house of one Charon." 
 
 f He had lately poisoned his uncle Polyphron, and set himself up 
 tyrant in his stead. Polyphron, indeed, had killed his o*n brdther 
 Polydore, the father of Alexander. All these, with Jason, who was 
 of the same family, were usurpers in Thessaly, which before was a 
 free state. 
 
 L 2
 
 220 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 Having now secured the Thessalians against the tyrant, 
 and left them in a good understanding among themselves, 
 he advanced into Macedonia.* Ptolemy had commenced 
 hostilities against Alexander, king of that country, and they 
 both had sent for Pelopidas to be an arbitrator of their dif- 
 ferences, and an assistant to him who should appear to be 
 injured. Accordingly, he went and decided their disputes, 
 recalled such of the Macedonians as had been banished, and 
 taking Philip, the king's brother, and thirty young men of 
 the best families, as hostages, he brought them to Thebes, 
 that he might shew the Greeks to what height the Theban 
 commonwealth was risen by the reputation of its arms, and 
 the confidence that was placed in its justice and probity.-j- 
 
 This was that Philip who afterwards made war upon 
 Greece, to conquer and enslave it. He was now a boy, and 
 brought up at Thebes, in the house of Pammenes. Hence 
 he was believed to have proposed Epaminondas for his pat- 
 tern ; and perhaps he was attentive to that great man's 
 activity and happy conduct in war, which was in truth the 
 most inconsiderable part of his character; as for his tem- 
 perance, his justice, his magnanimity, and mildness, which 
 really constituted Epaminondas the great man, Philip had 
 no share of them, either natural or acquired. 
 
 After this, the Thessalians complaining again, that Alex- 
 ander of Pherae disturbed their peace, and formed designs 
 upon their cities, Pelopidas and Ismenias were deputed to 
 attend them ; but having no expectation of a war, Pelopi- 
 das had brought no troops with him, and therefore the 
 urgency of the occasion obliged him to make use of the 
 Thessalian forces. 
 
 At the same time, there were fresh commotions in Ma- 
 cedonia ; for Ptolemy had killed the king, and assumed the 
 sovereignty. Pelopidas, who was called in by the friends 
 of the deceased, was desirous to undertake the cause ; but 
 having no troops of his own, he hastily raised some mer- 
 cenaries, and marched with them immediately against 
 Ptolemy. Upon their approach, Ptolemy bribed the mer- 
 
 * Amyntas II left three legitimate children, Alexander, Perdic- 
 tas, and Philip, and one natural son, whose name was Ptolemy. 
 This last made war against Alexander, slew him treacheroiisly, and 
 reigned thsee years. 
 
 f- About this time the cause of liberty was in a great measure de- 
 serted by the other Grecian states. Thebes was now the only com- 
 monwealth that retained any remains of patriotism and concern for 
 the injured and oppressed.
 
 PELOPIDAS. 221 
 
 cenaries, and brought them over to his side ; yet, dreading 
 the very name and reputation of Pelopidas, he went to pay 
 his respects to him as his superior, endeavoured to pacify 
 him with entreaties, and solemnly promised to keep the 
 kingdom for the brothers of the dead king, and to regard 
 the enemies aad friends of the Thebans as his own. For 
 the performance of these conditions, he delivered to him 
 his son Philoxenus, and fifty of his companions, as hostages. 
 These Pelopidas sent to Thebes ; but being incensed at 
 the treachery of the mercenaries, and having intelligence 
 that they had lodged the best part of their effects, together 
 with their wives and children, in Pharsalns, he thought 
 by taking these he might sufficiently revenge the affront. 
 Hereupon he assembled some Thessalian troops, and 
 marched against the town. He was no sooner arrived, 
 than Alexander the tyrant appeared before it with his army. 
 Pelopidas, concluding that he was come to make apology 
 for his conduct, went to him with Ismenias. Not that he 
 was ignorant what an abandoned and sanguinary man he 
 had to deal with, but he imagined that the dignity of Thebes 
 and his own character would protect him from violence. 
 The tyrant, however, when he saw them alone and un- 
 armed, immediately seized their persons, and possessed 
 himself of Pharsalus. This struck all his subjects with 
 terror and astonishment ; for they were persuaded that, 
 after such a flagrant act of injustice, he would spare no- 
 body, but behave on all occasions, and to all persons, like 
 a man that had desperately thrown off all regard to hie 
 own life and safety. 
 
 When the Thebans were informed of this outrage, they 
 were filled with indignation, and gave orders to their army 
 to march directly into Thessaly ; but Epaminondas then 
 happening to lie under their displeasure,* they appointed 
 other generals. 
 
 As for Pelopidas, the tyrant took him to Pherae, where 
 at first he did not deny any one access to him, imagining 
 that he was greatly humbled by his misfortune ; but Pelo- 
 
 * They were displeased at him, because, in a late battle fought 
 with the Lacedaemonians near Corinth, he did not, as they thought, 
 pursue his advantage to the utmost, and put more of the enemy to 
 the sword. Hereupon they removed him from the government of 
 Boeotia, and sent him along with their forces as a private person. 
 Such acts of ingratitude towards great and excellent men ar com- 
 mon in popular governments. 
 
 L3
 
 22 I'LUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 pidas, seeing the Theneans overwhelmed with sorrow, bade 
 them be comforted, because now vengeance was ready to 
 fall upon the tyrant ; and sent to tell him, " That he 
 " acted very absurdly in daily torturing and putting to 
 " death so many of his innocent subjects, and in the mean- 
 " time sparing hint, who, he might know, was determined 
 " to punish him when once out of his hands." The 
 r.yrant, surprised at his magnanimity and unconcern, made 
 answer, -< Why is Pelopidas in such haste to die?" 
 Which being reported to Pelopidas, he replied," It is, 
 " that thoii, being more hated by the gods than ever, 
 *' mayst the sooner come to a miserable end." 
 
 From that time Alexander allowed access to none but 
 his keepers. Thebe, however, the daughter of Jason, who 
 was wife to the tyrant, having an account from those 
 keepers of his noble and intrepid behaviour, had a desire 
 to see him, and to have some discourse with him. When 
 she came into the prison, she could noc presently distin- 
 guish the majestic turn of his person amidst such an appear- 
 ance of distress ; yet supposing, from the disorder of his 
 hair, and the meanne'ss of his attire and provisions, that 
 he was treated unworthily, she wept. Pelopidas, who knew 
 not his visitor, was much surprised ; but when he under- 
 stood her quality, addressed her by her father's name, with 
 whom he had been intimately acquainted. And upon her 
 snying, " I pity your wife," he replied, " And I pity 
 " you, who, wearing no fetters, can endure Alexander." 
 This affected her nearly, for she hated the cruelty and in- 
 solence of the tyrant, who to his other debaucheries added 
 that of abusing her youngest brother. In consequence of 
 this, and by frequent interviews with Pelopidas, to whom 
 she communicated her sufferings, she conceived a still 
 stronger resentment and aversion for her husband. 
 
 The Theban generals, who had entered Thessaly without 
 doing any thing, and, either through their incapacity or ill 
 fortune, returned with disgrace, the city of Thebes fined 
 each of them ten thousand drachmas, and gave Epaminon- 
 das the command of the army that was to act in Thessaly. 
 
 The reputation of the new general gave the Thessalians 
 fresh spirits, and occasioned such great insurrections among 
 them, that the tyrant's affairs seemed to be in a very desperate 
 ro'idition ; so great w as the terror that fell upon his officers 
 and friends, so forward were his subjects to revolt, and so 
 universal was the joy at the prospect of seeing him punished.
 
 PELOI'IDAS. 223 
 
 Epair.iiiondas, however, preferred the safety of Pelopi- 
 das to his own fame ; and fearing, if he carried matters to 
 an extremity at first, that the tyrant might grow despe- 
 rate, and destroy his prisoner, he protracted the war. By 
 fetching a compass, as if to finish his preparations, he kept 
 Alexander in suspence, and managed him so as neither to 
 moderate his violence and pride,* nor yet to increase his 
 fierceness and cruelty. For he knew his savage disposition, 
 and the little regard he paid to reason or justice, that he 
 buried some persons alive, and dressed others in the skins 
 of bears and wild boars, and then, by way of diversion, 
 baited them with dogs, or dispatched them with darts ; 
 that having summoned the people of Melibcea and Scotv. - 
 sa, towns in friendship and alliance with him, to meet him 
 in fully assembly, he surrounded them with guards, and 
 with all the wantonness of cruelty put them to the sword ; 
 and that he consecrated the spear with which he slew his 
 uncle Polyphron, and having crowned it with garlands, 
 offered sacrifice to it, as to a god, and gave it the name of 
 Tychoa. Yet upon seeing a tragedian act the Trodden of 
 Euripides, he went hastily out of the Theatre, and at the 
 same time sent a message to the actor, " not to be dis- 
 couraged, but to exert all his skill in his part ; for it 
 was not out of any dislike that he went out, but he wa<-- 
 ashamed that his citizens should see him, who never 
 pitied those he put to death, weep at the sufferings of 
 Hecuba and Andromache." 
 This execrable tyrant was terrified at the very name and 
 character of Epaminondas, 
 
 And dropped the craven wing. 
 
 He sent an embassy in all haste to offer satisfaction ; but 
 that general did not vouchsafe to admit such a man into 
 alliance with the Thebana ; he only granted him a truce of 
 thirty days ; and having recovered Pelopidas and Ismeniue 
 out of his hands, he marched back again with his army. 
 
 Soon after this, the Thebans having discovered that the 
 Lacedaemonians and Athenians had sent ambassadors to 
 the king of Persia, to draw him into league with them, sent 
 Pelopidas on their psu't ; whose established reputation am- 
 
 >i/M(Sss tZ-piSar&t. If the tyrant had restrained his excesses, his 
 subjects might have returned to him ; and if his fury had been 
 mre provoked, he might have killed Pelopidas. 
 
 L 4
 
 224 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 ply justified their choice ; for he had no sooner entered th< 
 king's dominions than he was universally known and ho- 
 noured : the fame of his battles with the Lacedaemonians 
 had spread itself through Asia ; and, after his victory at 
 Leuctra, the report of new successes continually following, 
 had extended his renown to the most distant provinces. So 
 that when he arrived at the king's court, and appeared 
 before the nobles and great officers that waited there, he 
 was the object of universal admiration. " This" said they, 
 " is the man who deprived the Lacedaemonians of the 
 " empire both of sea and land, and confined Sparta within 
 " the bounds of Taygetus and Eurotas; that Sparta, which 
 " a little before, under the conduct of Agesilaus, made 
 " war against the great king, and shook the realms of Su- 
 " sa and Ecbatana." On the same account, Artaxerxes 
 rejoiced to see Pelopidas, and loaded him with honours. 
 But when he heard him converse in terms that were strong- 
 er than those of the Athenians, and plainer than those of 
 the Spartans, he admired him still more ; and, as kings 
 seldom conceal their inclinations, he made no secret of his 
 attachment to him, but let the other ambassadors see the 
 distinction in which he held him. It is true, that of all 
 the Greeks, he seemed to have done Antalcidas the Spar- 
 tan the greatest honour,* when he took the garland which 
 he wore at table from his head, dipt it in perfumes, and 
 sent it him. But though he did not treat Pelopidas with 
 that familiarity, yet he made him the richest and most 
 magnificent presents, and fully granted his demands, which 
 were," That all the Greeks should be free and indepen- 
 " dent ; that Messene should be repeopled ; and that the The- 
 " bans should be reckoned the king's hereditary friends." 
 
 With this answer he returned, but without accepting 
 any of the king's presents, except some tokens of his fa- 
 vour and regard ; a circumstance that reflected no small 
 dishonour upon the other ambassadors. The Athenians 
 condemned and executed Timagoras, and justly too, if it 
 was on account of the many presents he received. For he 
 accepted not only gold and silver, but a magnificent bed, 
 and servants to make it, as if that was an art which the 
 Greeks were not skilled in. He received also fourscore 
 cows, and herdsmen to take care of them, as if he wanted 
 
 * If Plutarch means the Spartan ambassador, he differs from Xe- 
 nophon, who says that his name was Euthicles. He likewise tells 
 us that Timagaras was the person whom the king esteemed next to 
 Pelopidas.
 
 PELOPIDAS. 225 
 
 their milk for his health ; and, at last, he suffered himself 
 to be carried in a litter as far as the sea-coast at the king's 
 expense, who paid four talents for his conveyance : but 
 his receiving of presents does not seem to have been the 
 principal thing that incensed the Athenians. For when 
 lipicrates, the armour-bearer, acknowledged in full assembly 
 that he had received the king's presents, and talked of 
 proposing a decree, that, instead of choosing nine arc/ions 
 every year, nine of the poorest citizens should be sent am- 
 bassadors to the king, that by hk gifts they might be 
 raised to affluence, the people only laughed at the motion. 
 What exasperated the Athenians most was, that the 
 Thebans had obtained of the king all they asked ; they 
 did not consider how much the character of Pelopidas out- 
 weighed the address of their orators, with a man who ever 
 paid particular attention to military excellence. 
 
 This embassy procured Pelopidas great applause, as well 
 on account of the repeopling ef Messene, as to the restor- 
 ing of liberty to the rest of Greece. 
 
 Alexander the Pheraean was now returned to his natural 
 disposition ; he had destroyed several cities of Thessaly, 
 and put garrisons into the towns of the Phthiotae, the 
 Achaeans, and the Magnesians. As soon as these oppress- 
 ed people had learnt that Pelopidas was returned, they 
 sent their deputies to Thebes, to beg the favour of some 
 forces, and that he might be their general. The Thebans 
 willingly granted their request, and an army was soon got 
 ready ; but as the general was on the point of marching, 
 the sun began to be eclipsed, and the city was covered with 
 darkness in the day- time. 
 
 Pelopidas, seeing the people in great consternation at 
 this phenomenon, did not think proper to force the army 
 to move, while under such terror and dismay, nor to risk 
 the lives of seven thousand of his fellow-citizens. Instead 
 of that, he went himself into Thessaly, and taking with 
 him only three hundred horse, consisting of Theban volun- 
 teers and strangers, he set out, contrary to the warnings of 
 the soothsayers and inclinations of the people ; for they 
 considered the eclipse as a sign from heaven, the object of 
 which must be some illustrious personage. But, besides 
 that Pelopidas was the more exasperated against Alexan- 
 der by reason of the ill-treatment he had received, he hop- 
 ed, from the conversation he had with Thebe, to find the 
 tyrant's family embroiled and in great disorder. The 
 
 L 5
 
 22(J PLUTARCH'S 
 
 greatest incitement, however, was the honour of the thing. 
 He had a generous ambition to shew the Greeks, at a 
 time when the Lacedaemonians were sending generals and 
 other officers to Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily, and the 
 Athenians were pensioners to Alexander, as their bene- 
 factor, to whom they had erected a statue of brass, that 
 the Thebans were the only people who took the field in 
 behalf of the oppressed, and endeavoured to exterminate all 
 arbitrary and unjust government. 
 
 When he was arrived at Pharsalus, he assembled his 
 farces, and then marched directly against Alexander ; who, 
 knowing that Pelopidas had but few Thebans about him, 
 and that he himself had double his number of Thessalian 
 infantry, went to meet him as far as the temple of Thetis. 
 When he was informed, that the tyrant was advancing 
 towards him with a great army, So much the better, said 
 he, for we shall beat so many the more. 
 
 Near the place called Cynoscephalae, there are two steep 
 hills opposite each other, in the middle of the plain. Both 
 sides endeavoured to get possession of these hills with their 
 infantry. In the meantime, Pelopidas, with his cavalry, 
 which was numerous and excellent, charged the enemy's 
 horse, and put them to the rout. But while he was pur- 
 suing them over the plain, Alexander had gained the hills, 
 having got before the Thessalian foot, which he attacked 
 as they were trying to force those strong heights, killing 
 the foremost, and wounding many of those that followed, 
 so that they toiled without effecting any thing. Pelopidas 
 seeing this, called back his cavalry, and ordered them to 
 fall upon such of the enemy as still kept their ground on 
 the plain ; and taking his buckler in his hand, he ran to 
 join those that were engaged on the hills. He soon made 
 his way to the front ; and by his presence inspired his 
 soldiers with such vigour, and alacrity, that the enemy 
 thought they had quite different men to deal with. They 
 stood two or three charges ; but when they found that 
 the foot still pressed forward, and saw the horse return 
 from the pursuit, they gave ground, and reatreated, but 
 slowly, and step by step.* Pelopidas tken taking a view, 
 from an eminence, of the enemy's whole army, which did 
 not yet take to flight, but was full of confusion and disor- 
 der, stopped awhile to look round for Alexander. When he
 
 PELOPIDAS. 227 
 
 perceived him on the right, encouraging and rallying the 
 mercenaries, he was no longer master of himself ; but sa- 
 crificing both his safety and his duty as a general to his 
 passion, he sprung forward a great way before his troops, 
 loudly calling for and challenging the tyrant, who did not 
 dare to meet him, or to wait for him, but fell back and hid 
 himself in the midst of his guards. The foremost ranks 
 of the mercenaries, who came hand to hand, were broken 
 by Pelopidas, and a number of them slain ; but others, 
 fighting at a distance, pierced his armour with their jave- 
 lins. The Thessalians, extremely anxious for him, ran 
 down the hiil to his assistance ; but when they came to 
 the place, they found him dead upon the ground. Both 
 horse and foot then falling upon the enemy's main body, 
 entirely routed them, and Killed above three thousand. The 
 pursuit continued a long way, and the fields were covered 
 with the carcases of the slain. 
 
 Such of the Thebans as were present, were greatly af- 
 flicted at the death of Pelopidas, calling him their father, . 
 t/ieir saviour, and instructor in every thing that was great 
 and honourable. Nor is this to be wondered at ; since the 
 Thessalians and allies, after exceeding, by their public act! 
 in his favour, the greatest honours that are usually paid to 
 human virtue, testified their regard for him still more sen- 
 sibly by the deepest sorrow ; for it is said, that those 
 who were in the action, neither put off their armour, nor 
 unbridled their horses, nor bound up their wounds, after 
 they heard that he was dead ; but, notwithstanding their 
 heat and fatigue, repaired to the body, as if it still had 
 life and sense, piled round it the spoils of the enemy, and 
 cut off their horses manes and their own hair * Many of 
 them, when they retired to their tents, neither kindled a 
 fire nor took any refreshment ; but a melancholy silence 
 reigned throughout the camp, as if, instead of gaining so 
 great and glorious a victory, they had been worsted and. 
 enslaved by the tyrant. 
 
 When the news was carried to the towns, the magistrates, 
 young men, children, and priests, came out to meet the. 
 body, with trophies, crowns, and golden armour ; and when 
 the time of his interment was come, some of the Thessalians,. 
 who were venerable for their age, went and begged of the 
 Thebans that they might have the honour of burying him. . 
 One of them expressed himself in these terms. " What 
 
 * A customary token of mourning among the ancients,
 
 228 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 " we request of you, our good allies, will be an honour 
 " and consolation to us under this great misfortune. It 
 " is not the living Pelopidas whom the Thessalians de- 
 " sire to attend j it is not to Pelopidas sensible of their 
 " gratitude, that they would now pay the due honours ; 
 " all we ask is the permission to wash, to adorn, and in- 
 " ter his dead body. And if we obtain this favour, we 
 " shall believe you are persuaded that we think our share 
 " in the common calamity greater than yours. You have 
 " lost only a good general, but we are so unhappy as to 
 " be deprived both of him and of our liberty. For how 
 " shall we presume to ask you for another general, when 
 " we have not restored to you Pelopidas ?'' 
 
 The Thebans granted their request. And, surely, there 
 never was a more magnificent funeral, at least in the opi- 
 nion of those who do not place magnificence in ivory, 
 gold, and purple, as Philistus did, who dwells in admira- 
 tion upon the funeral of Dionysius ; which, properly 
 speaking, was nothing but the pompous catastrophe of 
 that bloody tragedy, his tyranny. Alexander the Great, 
 too, upon the death of Hephestion, not only had the 
 manes of the horses and mules shorn, but caused the bat- 
 tlements of the walls to be taken down, that the very ci- 
 ties might seem to mourn, by losing their ornaments, and 
 having the appearance of being shorn and chastised with 
 grief.* These things being the effects of arbitrary or- 
 ders, executed through necessity, and attended both with 
 envy of those for whom they are done, and hatred of 
 those who command them, are not proofs of esteem and 
 respect, but of barbaric pomp, of luxury, and vanity, in 
 those who lavish their wealth to such vain and despicable 
 purposes. But that a man, who was only one of the sub- 
 jects of a republic,-)- dying in a strange country, neither 
 his wife, children, nor kinsmen present, without the request 
 or command of any one, should be attended home, con. 
 ducted to the grave, and crowned by so many cities and 
 tribes, might justly pass for an instance of the most perfect 
 happiness. For the observation of /Esop is not true, that 
 Death is most unfortunate in the time of prosperity ; on the 
 contrary, it is then most happy, since it secures to good men 
 the glory of their virtuous actions, and puts them above the 
 power of fortune. The compliment, therefore, of the Spar- 
 tan was much more rational, when embracing Diagoras, af-
 
 PELOPIDAS. 229 
 
 ter he and his sons and grandsons had all conquered and been 
 crowned at the Olympic games, he said, Die, die, now, 
 Diagoras, JOT thou canst not be a god.* And yet, I think, 
 if a man should put all the victories in the Olympian and 
 Pythian games together, he would not pretend to compare 
 them with any one of the enterprises of Pelopidas, which 
 were many, and all successful ; so that after he had flou- 
 rished the greatest part of his life in honour and renown, 
 and had been appointed the thirteenth time governor of 
 Boeotia, he died in a great exploit, the consequence of 
 which was the destruction of the tyrant, and the restoring 
 of its liberties to Thessaly. 
 
 His death, as it gave the allies great concern, so it 
 brought them still greater advantages. For the Thebans 
 were no sooner informed of it, than prompted by a desire 
 of revenge, they sent upon that business seven thousand 
 foot, and seven hundred horse, under the command of Mai- 
 cites and Diogiton. These finding Alexander weakened 
 with his late defeat, and reduced to great difficulties, com- 
 pelled him to restore the cities he had taken from the Thes- 
 salians, to withdraw his garrisons from the territories of 
 the Magnesians, the Phthiotae, and Achseans, and to en- 
 gage by oath to submit to the Thebans, and to keep his 
 forces in readiness to execute their orders. 
 
 And here it is proper to relate the punishment which 
 the gods inflicted upon him soon after for his treatment of 
 Pelopidas. He, as we have already mentioned, first taught 
 Thebe, the tyrant's wife, not to dread the exterior pomp 
 and splendour of his palace, though she lived in the midst 
 of guards, consisting of exiles from other countries. She, 
 therefore, fearing his falsehood, and hating his cruelty, 
 agreed with her three brothers, Tisiphonus, Pytholaus, 
 and Lycophron, to take him off; and they put their de- 
 sign in execution after this manner. The whole palace 
 was full of guards, who watched all the night, except the 
 tyrant's bed-chamber, which was an upper room, and the 
 door of the apartment was guarded by a dog, who was 
 chained there, and who would fly at every body except 
 his master and mistress, and one slave that fed him. When 
 the time fixed for the attempt was come, Thebe concealed 
 her brothers, before it was dark, in a room hard by. She 
 went in alone, as usual, to Alexander, who was already 
 asleep, but presently came out again, and ordered the slave
 
 23O PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 to take avray the dog, because her husband chose to sleep 
 withoiit being disturbed ; and that the stairs might not 
 creak as the young men came up, she covered them with 
 wool. She then fetched up her brothers, and leaving them 
 at the door with poniards in their hands, went into the 
 chamber, and taking away the tyrant's sword, which hung 
 at the head of his bed, shewed it them as a proof that he was 
 fast asleep. The young men now being struck with ter- 
 ror, and not daring to advance, she reproached them with 
 cowardice, and swore in her rage that she would awake Alex- 
 ander, and tell him the whole. Shame and fear having, 
 brought them to themselves, she led them in and placed 
 them about the bed, herself holding the light. One of 
 them caught him by the feet, and another by the hair of 
 his head, while the third stabbed him with his poniard. 
 Such a death was, perhaps, too speedy for so abominable 
 a monster ; but if it be considered that he was the first 
 tyrant who was assassinated by his own wife, and that his 
 dead body was exposed to all kinds of indignities, and 
 spurned and trodden under foot by his subjects, his punish- 
 ment will appear to have been proportioned to his crimes. 
 
 MARCELLUS. 
 
 MARCUS CLAUDIUS, who was five times consul, was the 
 son of Marcus ; and, according to Posidonius, the first of 
 his family that bore the surname of Marcellus, that is A/;:/- 
 tia/. He had, indeed, a great deal of military experience ; 
 his make was strong, his arm almost irresistible-, and he was 
 naturally inclined to war. But though impetuous and lofty 
 in the combat, on other occasions he was modest and hu- 
 mane. He was so far a lover of the Grecian learning and 
 eloquence, as to honour and admire those that excelled in 
 them, though his employments prevented his making that 
 progress in them which he desired. For if heaven ever de- 
 signed that any men, 
 
 in war's rude lists should combat, 
 From youth to age- 
 as Homer expresses it, certainly it was the principal Ro- 
 mans of those times. In their youth they had to contend 
 with the Carthaginians for the island of Sicily, in their
 
 MARCELLUS. 231 
 
 middle age with the Gauls for Italy itself, and in their old 
 age again with the Carthaginians and Hannibal. Thus, 
 even in age, they had not the common relaxation and re- 
 pose, but were called forth by their birth and their merit 
 to accept of military commands. 
 
 As for Marcellus, there was no kind of fighting in which 
 he was not admirably well skilled ; but in single combat 
 he excelled himself. He, therefore, never refused a chal- 
 lenge, or failed of killing the challenger. In Sicily, see- 
 ing his brother Otacilius in great danger, he covered him 
 with his shield, slew those that attacked him, and saved 
 his life. For these things, he received from the generals 
 crowns and other military honours, while but a youth ; 
 and his reputation increasing every day, the people ap- 
 pointed him to the office of curu/e acdile^ and the priests to 
 that of augur. This is a kind of sacerdotal function to 
 which the law assigns the care of that divination which is 
 
 taken from the flight of birds. 
 
 * * * * * * 
 
 # # * * # # 
 
 After the first Carthaginian war,* which had lasted 
 twenty-two years, Rome was soon engaged in a new war 
 with the Gauls. The Insubrians, a Celtic nation, who 
 inhabit that part of Italy which lies at the foot of the Alps, 
 though very powerful in themselves, called in the assistance 
 of the Gesatae, a people of Gaul, who fight for pay on such 
 occasions. It was a wonderful and fortunate thing for the 
 Roman people, that the Gallic war did not break out at 
 the same time with the Punic, and that the Gauls, observing 
 an exact neutrality all that time, as if they had waited to 
 
 Plutarch is a little mistaken here in his chronology. The first 
 Punic war lasted twenty-four years, for it began in the year of Rome 
 four hundred and eighty-nine, and peace was made with the Car- 
 thaginians in the year five hundred and twelve. The Gauls conti- 
 nued quiet all that time, and did not begin to stir till four years af- 
 ter. Then they advanced to Ariminum; but the Boii mutinying 
 against their leaders, slew the kings Ates and Galates ; after which 
 the Gauls fell upon each other, and numbers were slain ; they that 
 survived returned home. Five years after this, the Gauls began to 
 prepare for a new war, on account of the division which Flaminius 
 had made of the lands in the Picene, taken from the Senones of 
 Gallia Cisalpina. These preparations were carrying On a long time ; 
 and it was eight years after that division before the war began in 
 earnest under their chiefs Congolitanus and Anerocstes, when L. JE- 
 milius Paupus and C. Atilius Regulus were consuls, in the five hun- 
 dred and twenty-eighth year of Rome, and the third year of the oce 
 hundred and thirty-eight Olympiad, Polyb, 1, ii.
 
 232- PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 take up the conqueror, did not attack the Romans till they 
 were victorious, and at leisure to receive them. However, 
 this war was not a little alarming to the Romans, as well 
 on account of the vicinity of the Gauls, as their character 
 of old as warriors. They were, indeed, the enemy whom 
 they dreaded most ; for they had made themselves masters 
 of Rome ; and from that time it had been provided by law, 
 that the priests should be exempted from bearing arms, ex- 
 cept it were to defend the city against the Gauls. 
 
 The vast preparations they made were farther proofs of 
 their fears (for it is said that so many thousands of Romans 
 were never seen in arms either before or since); and so were 
 the new and extraordinary aacrifices which they offered. 
 On other occasions, they had not adopted the rites of bar- 
 barous and savage nations, but their religious customs had 
 been agreeable to the mild and merciful ceremonies of the 
 Greeks : yet, on the appearance of this war, they were 
 forced to comply with certain oracles found in the books 
 of the Sibyls ; and thereupon they buried two Greeks,* a ' 
 man and a woman, and likewise two Gauls, one of each sex, 
 alive in the beast-market ; a thing that gave rise to cer- 
 tain private and mysterious rites, which still continue to be 
 performed in the month of November. 
 
 In the beginning of the war, the Romans sometimes gain- 
 ed great advantages, and sometimes were no less signally de- 
 feated ; but there was no decisive action till the consulate 
 of Flaminius and Furius, who led a very powerful army 
 against the Insubrians. Then we are told, the river which 
 runs through the Picene was seen flowing with blood, and 
 that three moons appeared over the city of Ariminum. 
 But the priests, who were to observe the flight of birds at 
 the time of choosing consuls, affirmed that the election was 
 faulty and inauspicious. The senate, therefore, immediate- 
 ly sent letters to the camp, to recal the consuls, insisting 
 that they should return without loss of time, and resign 
 their office, and forbidding them to act at all against the 
 enemy, in consequence of their late appointment. 
 
 Flaminius having received these letters, deferred opening 
 them till he had engaged and routed the barbarians,! and 
 
 * They offered the same sacrifice at the beginning of the second 
 Punic war. Liv. 1. xxii, 5, 7. 
 
 f Flaminius was not entitled to this success by his conduct. He 
 gave battle with a river behind him, where there was not room for his
 
 MARCELLV3. 233 
 
 over-run their country. Therefore, when he returned, 
 loaded with spoils, the people did not go out to meet him ; 
 and because he did not directly obey the order that recalled 
 him, but treated it with contempt, he was in danger of los- 
 ing his triumph. As soon as the triumph was over, both 
 lie and his colleague were deposed, and reduced to the rank 
 of private citizens. So much regard had the Romans for 
 religion, referring all their affairs to the good pleasure of 
 the gods, and, in their greatest prosperity, not suffering any 
 neglect of the forms of divination and other sacred usages ; 
 for they were fully persuaded, that it was a matter of great- 
 er importance to the preservation of their state, to have 
 their generals obedient to the gods, than even to have them 
 victorious'in the field. 
 
 To this purpose, the following story is remarkable. 
 Tiberius Sempronius, who was as much respected for his 
 valour and probity as any man in Rome, while consul, 
 named Scipio Nasica and Caius Marcius his successors. 
 When they were gone into the provinces allotted them, 
 Sempronius happening to meet with a book which contained 
 the sacred regulations for the conduct of war,* found that 
 there was one particular which he never knew before. It 
 was this. " When the consul goes to take the auspices in 
 " a house or tent without the city, hired for that purpose, 
 " and is obliged by some necessary business to return into 
 " the city before any sure sign appears to him, he must not 
 " make use of that lodge again, but take another, and 
 ** there begin his observations anew." Sempronius was 
 ignorant of this when he named those two consuls, for he 
 had twice made use of the same place ; but when he per- 
 ceived his error, he made the senate acquainted with it. 
 They, for their part, did not lightly pass over so small a 
 
 men to rally or retreat, if they had been broken. But possibly he 
 might make such a disposition of his forces, to shew them that they 
 must either conquer or die ; for he knew that he was acting against 
 the intentions of the senate, and that nothing but success could bring 
 him off. Indeed, he was naturally rash and daring. 
 
 It was the skill and management of the legionary tribunes which 
 made amends for the consul's imprudence. They distributed among 
 the soldiers of the first line the pikes of the Triarii, to prevent the 
 enemy from making use of their swords ; and when the first ardour 
 of the Gauls was over, they ordered the Romans to shorten their 
 swords, close with the enemy, so as to leave ihei'i no room to lift up 
 their arms, and stab them : which they did without running any ha- 
 zard themselves, the swords of the Gauls having no points.
 
 234 TLLTAHCH'S LI\ Lt. 
 
 defect, but wrote to the consuls about it ; who left their 
 provinces, and returned with all speed to Rome, where they 
 laid down their offices. This did not happen till Jong afttr 
 trie affair of which we were speaking.* 
 
 But about that very time, two priests of the best fami- 
 lies in Rome, Cornelius Cethegus and Ouintus Sulpicius, 
 were degraded from the priesthood ; the former, because 
 he did not present the entrails of the victim according to 
 rule ; and the latter, because, as he was sacrificing, the 
 tuft of his cap, which was such an one as the Fltimines 
 wear, fell off. And because the squeaking of a rat hap- 
 pened to be heard, at the moment that Minucius the dicta- 
 tor appointed Caius Flaminius his general of the horse, the 
 people obliged them to quit their pofts, and appointed others 
 in their stead. But while they observed thse small mat- 
 ters with such exactness, they gave not inttr any sort of 
 ?uperstition,f for they neither changed nor went beyond 
 the ancient ceremonies. 
 
 Flaminius and his colleague being deposed from the con- 
 sulship, the magistrates called Inrtereges^. nominated Mar- 
 rellus to that high office , who, when he entered upon it, 
 took Cneius Cornelius for his colleague. Though the Gauls 
 are said to have been disposed to a reconciliation, and the 
 senate was peaceably inclined, yet the people, at the insti- 
 gation of Marcellus, were for war. However, a peace was 
 concluded ; which seems to have been broke hy the Gesatas, 
 who, having passed the Alps with thirty thousand men, 
 prevailed with the Insubrians to join them with much 
 greater numbers. Elated with their strength, they march- 
 ed immediately to Acerrae,|| a city on the banks of the Po. 
 There Viridomarus, king of the Gesatas, took ten thousand 
 men from the main body, and with this party laid waste all 
 the country about the river. 
 
 When Marcellus was informed of their march, he left 
 his colleague before Acerras, with all the heavy-armed iu- 
 
 * Sixty years after. 
 
 f- This word is here used in the literal sense. 
 
 These were officers, who, when there were no legal magistrates 
 in beingi were appointed to hold the cotnhia for electing new ones. 
 The title of Interreges, which was given them while the government, 
 was regal, was continued to them under the commonwealth. 
 
 || The Romans were besieging Acerrae, and the Gauls went to re- 
 lieve it ; but finding themselves unable to do that, they passed the Po 
 with part of their army, and laid siege to ClastiUium to make a diver- 
 sion. 1'vlyb. 1. ii.
 
 MARCELLUS. 235 
 
 fantry, and the third part of the horse ; and taking with 
 him the rest of the cavalry, and about six hundred of the 
 light-armed foot, he set out, and kept forward day and 
 night, till he came up with the ten thousand Gesatse near 
 Clastidium,* a little town of the Gauls, which had very 
 lately submitted to the Romans. He had r.ot time to give 
 his troops any rest or refreshment ; for the barbarians im- 
 mediately perceived his approach, and despised his at- 
 tempt, as he had but a handful of infantry, and they made 
 no account of his cavalry. These, as well as all the other 
 Gauls, being skilled in fighting on horseback, thought 
 they had the advantage in this respect ; and, besides, they 
 greatly exceeded Marcellus in numbers. They marched, 
 therefore, directly against him, their king at their head, 
 with great impetuosity and dreadful menaces, as if sure of 
 crushing him at once. Marcellus, because his party was 
 but small, to prevent its being surrounded, extended the 
 wings of his cavalry, thinning and widening the line, till 
 he presented a front nearly equal to that of the enemy. 
 He was now advancing to the charge, when his horse, 
 terrified with the shouts of the Gauls, turned short, and 
 forcibly carried him back. Marcellus fearing that this, 
 interpreted by superstition, should cause some disorder 
 in his troops, quickly turned his horse again towards the 
 enemy, and then paid his adorations to the sun ; as if that 
 movement had been made, not by accident, but design, 
 for the Romans always turn round when they worship 
 the gods. Upon the point of engaging: he vowed to 
 Jupiter F<Tctrius the choicest of the enemy's arms. In 
 the meantime, the king of the Gauls spied him, and 
 judging by the ensigns of authority that he was the con- 
 sul, he set spurs to his horse, and advanced a consider- 
 able way before the rest, brandishing his spear, and loudly 
 challenging him to the combat. He was distinguished 
 from the rest of the Gauls by his stature, as v. ell as by his 
 armour, which, beirg ^et off with gold and silver, and the 
 most lively colours, s! one like lightning. As Marcellus 
 was viewing the disposition of the enemy's forces, he cast 
 his eyes upon this rich suit of armour, and concluding that 
 in it his vow to Jupiter .would be accomplished, he rushed 
 upon the Gaul, and pierced his breast- plate with his spear ; 
 which stroke, together with the weight and force of the 
 consul's horse, brought him to the ground, and with two 
 
 I.ivy places this town in Ljguria Montana.
 
 236 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 or three more blows he dispatched him. He then leaped 
 from his horse, and disarmed him ; and lifting up his spoils 
 towards heaven, he said, " O Jupiter Feretriui, who ob 
 ** servest the deeds of great warriors and generals in battle, 
 " I now call thee to witness, that I am the third Roman 
 " consul and general who have, with my own hands, slain 
 " a general and a king ! To thee I consecrate the most 
 *' excellent spoils. Do thou grant us equal success in the 
 " prosecution of this war." 
 
 When this prayer was ended, the Roman cavalry en- 
 countered both the enemy's horse and foot at the same 
 time, and gained a victory, not only great in itself, but pe- 
 culiar in its kind ; for we have no account of such a handful 
 of cavalry beating such numbers, both of horse and foot, 
 either before or since. Marcellus having killed the greatest 
 part of the enemy, and taken their arms and baggage, re- 
 turned to his colleague,* who had no such good success 
 against the Gauls before Milan, which is a great and po- 
 pulous city, and the metropolis of that country. For this 
 reason the Gauls defended it with such spirit and resolu- 
 tion, that Scipio, instead of besieging it, seemed rather 
 besieged himself. But upon the return of Marcellus, the 
 Gesatae, understanding that their king was slain, and his 
 army defeated, drew off their forces ; and so Milan was 
 taken ;f and the Gauls surrendered the rest of their cities, 
 and referring every thing to the equity of the Romans, 
 obtained reasonable conditions of peace. 
 
 The senate decreed a triumph to Marcellus only ; and, 
 whether we consider the rich spoils that were displayed in 
 it, the prodigious size of the captives, or the magnificence 
 with which the whole was conducted, it was one of the most 
 splendid that were ever seen. But the most agreeable and 
 most uncommon spectacle was Marcellus himself, carrying 
 the armour of Viridomarus, which he vowed to Jupiter. 
 He had cut the trunk of an oak in the form of a trophy, 
 which he adorned with the spoils of that barbarian, placing 
 every part of his arms in handsome order. When the 
 procession began to move, he mounted his chariot, which 
 was drawn by four horses, and passed through the city with 
 
 * During the absence of Marcellus, Acerrze had been taken by 
 his colleague Scipio, who from thence had marched to invest Me 
 diolanum, or Milan. 
 
 t Comum, also, another city of great importance, surrendered. 
 Thus all Italy, from the Alps to the Ionian sea, became entirely 
 Roman.
 
 MARCELLUS. 237 
 
 the trophy on his shoulders, which was the noblest ornament 
 of the whole triumph. The army followed, clad in elegant 
 armour, and singing odes composed for that occasion, and 
 other songs of triumph, in honour of Jupiter and their general. 
 
 When he came to the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, he set 
 up and consecrated the trophy, being the third and last 
 general who as yet has been so gloriously distinguished. 
 The first was Romulus, after he had slain Acron, king of 
 the Caeninenses ; Cornelius Cossus, who slew Volumnius 
 the Tuscan, was the second ; and the third and last was 
 Marcellus, who killed with his own hand Viridomarus, king 
 of the Gauls. The god to whom these spoils were devoted, 
 was Jupiter, surnamed Feretr;us (as some say), from the 
 Greek word Phercfron, which signifies a car; for the trophy 
 was borne on such a carriage, and the Greek language at 
 that time was much mixed with the Latin. Others say, 
 Jupiter had that appellation, because he strike? with light- 
 ning, for the Latin word ferire signifies to strike. Others 
 again will have it, that it is on account of the strokes which 
 are given in battle ; for even now, when the Romans charge 
 or pursue an enemy, they encourage each other by calling 
 cut, feri, feri, strike, strike them down. What they take 
 from the enemy in the field, they call by the general name 
 of spoils ; but these which a Roman general takes from the 
 general of the enemy, they call opime spoils. It is indeed 
 said, that Numa Pompilius, in his Commentaries, makes 
 mention of opime spoils of the first, second, and third order ; 
 that he directed the first to be consecrated to Jupiter, the 
 second to Mars, and the third to Quirinus ; and that the 
 persons who took the first should be rewarded with three 
 hundred asses, the second with two hundred, and the third 
 with one hundred. But the most received opinion is, that 
 those of the first sort only should be honoured with the 
 name of opime, which a general takes in a pitched battle, 
 when he kills the enemy's general with his own hand. 
 But enough of this matter. 
 
 The Romans thought themselves so happy in the glorious 
 period put to this war, that they made an offering to Apollo 
 at Delphi, of a golden cup, in testimony of their gratitude } 
 they also liberally shared the spoils with the confederate 
 cities, and made a very handsome present out of them to 
 Hiero, king of Syracuse, their friend and ally. 
 
 Some time after this, Hannibal having entered Italy, 
 Marcellus was sent with a fleet to Sicily. The war conti-
 
 233 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 nued to rage, and that unfortunate blow \va received at 
 Cannte, by which many thousands of Romans fell. . The 
 few that escaped fled to Canusium ; and it was expected 
 that Hannibal, who had thus destroyed the strength of the 
 Roman forces, would march directly to Rome. Hereupon, 
 Marcellus first sent fifteen hundred of his men to guard 
 the city ; and afterwards, by order of the senate, he went 
 to Canuium, drew out the troops that had retired thither, 
 and marched at their head to keep the country from being 
 ravaged by the enemy. 
 
 The wars had by this time carried off the chief of the 
 Roman nobility, a;ul most of their best officers. Still, in- 
 deed, there remained Fabius Maximus, a man highly re- 
 spected for his probity and prudence; but his extraordinary 
 attention to the avoiding of loss, passed for want of spirit, 
 and incapacity for action. The Romans, therefore, consi- 
 dering him as a proper person for the defensive, but not the 
 offensive part of war, had recourse to Marcellus ; and wisely 
 tempering his boldness and activity with the slow and cau- 
 tiousconduct of Fabius, they sometimes appointed them con- 
 suls together, and sometimes sent out the one in the quality 
 of consul, and the other in that of proconsul. Posidonius 
 tells us, that Fabius was called the i inkier, and Marcellus 
 the sword; but Hannibal himself said, " He stood in 
 " fear of Fabius as his schoolmaster, and of Marcellus as 
 " his adversary ; for he received hurt from the latter, and 
 " the former prevented his doing hurt himself." 
 
 Hannibal's soldiers, elated with their victory, grew care- 
 less, and straggling from the camp, roamed about the 
 country ; where Marcellus fell upon them, and cut off 
 great numbers. After this, he went to the relief of Naples 
 and Nola. The Neapolitans lie confirmed in the Roman 
 interest, to which they were themselves well inclined ;^but 
 when he entered Nola, he found great divisions there, the 
 seriate of that city being unable to restrain the commonalty, 
 wlro were attached to Hannibal. There was a citizen in 
 this place named Bandius,* well born, and celebrated for 
 Itis valour ; for he greatly distinguished himself in the battle 
 of Cannx, where, after killing a number of Carthaginians, 
 lie was found at last upon a heap of dead bodies, covered 
 with wounds. Hannibal, admiring his bravery, dismissed 
 him, not only without ransom, but with handsome presents, 
 
 * Or Bantiu?,
 
 MARCELLUS. 23<) 
 
 honouring him with his friendship and admission to the 
 rights of hospitality. Bandius, in gratitude for these 
 favours, heartily espoused the party of Hannibal, and by 
 his authority drew the people on to a revolt. Marcellus 
 thought it wrong to put a man to death, who had glori- 
 ously fought the battles of Rome ; besides, the general 
 had so engaging a manner grafted upon his native humanity, 
 that he could hardly fail of attracting the regards of a man 
 of a great and generous spirit. One day, Bandius hap- 
 pening to salute him, Marcellus asked who he was ? not 
 that he was a stranger to his person, but that he might 
 have an opportunity to introduce what he had to say. 
 Being told his name was Lucius Bandius, " What !'' says 
 Marcellus, in seeming admiration, " that Bandius who has 
 " been so much talked of in Rome for his gallant behaviour 
 " at Cannae, who indeed was the only man that did not 
 " abandon the consul /Emilius, but received in his body 
 " most of the shafts that were aimed at him !" Bandius 
 saying he was the very person, and shewing some of his 
 scars, *' Why then," replied Marcellus, " when you bore 
 " about you such marks of your regard for us, did not 
 " you come to us one of the first ? Do we seem to you 
 *' slow to reward the virtue of a friend, who is honoured 
 " even by his enemies ?" After this obliging discourse, he 
 embraced him, and made him a present of a war horse, and 
 five hundred drachmas in silver. 
 
 From this time Bandius was very cordially attached to 
 Marcellus, and constantly informed him of the proceedings 
 of the opposite party, who were very numerous, and who 
 had resolved, when the Romans marched out against the 
 enemy, to plunder their baggage. Hereupon Marcellus 
 drew up his forces in order of battle within the city, 
 placed the baggage near the gates, and published an edict, 
 forbidding the inhabitants to appear upon the walls. Han- 
 nibal seeing no hostile appearance, concluded that every 
 thing was in great disorder in the city, and therefore he 
 approached it with little precaution. At this moment 
 Marcellus commanded the gate that was next him to be 
 opened, and sallying out with the best of his cavalry, he 
 charged the enemy in front. Soon after, the infantry 
 rushed out at another gate with loud shouts ; and while 
 Hannibal was dividing his forces to oppose these two 
 parties, a third gate was opened, and the rest of the Ro- 
 man troops issuing out, attacked the enemy on another
 
 240 rLUTAXlCH's LIVKS. 
 
 aide, who were greatly disconcerted at such an unexpected 
 sally, and who made but a faint resistance against those 
 with whom they were first engaged, by reason of their 
 being fallen upon by another body. 
 
 Then it was that Hannibal's men, struck with terror, 
 and covered with wounds, first gave back before the Ro- 
 mans, and were driven to their camp. Above five thou- 
 sand of them are said to have been slain, whereas of the 
 Romans there fell not more than five hundred. Livy does 
 not, indeed, make this defeat and loss on the Carthaginian 
 side to have been so considerable ; he only affirms that 
 Marcellus gained great honour by this battle, and that the 
 courage of the Romans was wonderfully restored after all 
 their misfortunes, who now no longer believed that they 
 had to do with an enemy that was invincible, but one who 
 was liable to suffer in his turn. 
 
 For this reason, the people called Marcellus, though 
 absent, to fill the place of one of the consuls * who was 
 dead, and prevailed, against the sense of the magistrates, to 
 have the election put off till his return. Upon his arrival, 
 he was unanimously chosen consul ; but it happening to 
 thunder at that time, the augurs saw that the omen was 
 unfortunate ; and as they did not choose to declare it 
 such, for fear of the people,f Marcellus voluntarily laid 
 down the office. Notwithstanding this, he had the com- 
 mand of the army continued to him, in quality of proconsul, 
 and returned immediately to Nola, from whence he made 
 excursions to chastise those that had declared for the Car- 
 thaginians. Hannibal made haste to their assistance, and 
 offered him battle, which he declined. But some days 
 after, when he saw that Hannibal, no longer expecting a 
 battle, had sent out the greatest part of his army to plunder 
 
 * This was Posthumius Albinus, who was cut off with all his 
 army by the Boii, in a vast forest, called by the Gauls the forest of 
 Litana. It seems they had cut all the trees near the road he was to 
 pass, in such a manner that they might be tumbled upon his army 
 with the least motion. 
 
 f- Marcellus was a plebeian, as was also his colleague Sempronius ; 
 and the patricians, unwilling to see two plebeians consuls at the 
 same time, influenced the augurs to pronounce the election of Mar- 
 cellus disagreeable to the gods. But the people would not have 
 acquiesced in the declaration of the augurs, had not Marcellus 
 shewed himself, on this occasion, as zealous a republican as he wai 
 a great commander, and refused that honour which had not the 
 sanction of all his fellow-citizens.
 
 MARCELLUS. 241 
 
 the country, he attacked him vigorously, having first pro- 
 vided the foot with long spears, such as they use in sea- 
 fights, which they were taught to hurl at the Carthaginians 
 at a distance, who, for their part, were not skilled in the use 
 of the javelin, and only fought hand to hand with short 
 swords. For this reason, all that attempted to make head 
 against the Romans were obliged to give way, and fly in 
 great confusion, leaving five thousand men slain upon the 
 field,* beside the loss of four elephants killed, and two taken. 
 What was of still greater importance, the third day after 
 the battle,f above three hundred horse, Spaniards and Nu- 
 midians, came over to Marcellus ; a misfortune which never 
 before happened to Hannibal ; for though his army was 
 collected from several barbarous nations, different both in 
 their manners and their language, yet he had a long time 
 preserved a perfect unanimity throughout the whole. Thi* 
 body of horse ever continued faithful to Marcellus, and those 
 that succeeded him in the command. J 
 
 Marcellus, being appointed consul the third time, passed 
 over into Sicily ;|| for Hannibal's great success had encou- 
 raged the Carthaginians again to support their claim to that 
 island ; and they did it the rather, because the affairs of 
 Syracuse were in some confusion upon the death of Hiero- 
 nymus,$ its sovereign. On this account the Romans had 
 already sent an army thither, under the command of Ap- 
 pius Claudius.** 
 
 * On the Roman side there was not a thousand killed. Liv. 
 lib. xxiii, c. 46. 
 
 f Livy makes them a thousand two hundred and seventy-two. It. 
 is therefore probable that we should read in this place, one thousand 
 three hundred horse. 
 
 $ Marcellus beat Hannibal a third time before Nola; and had Clau- 
 dius Nero, who was sent out to take a circuit, and attack the Cartha- 
 . ginians in the rear, come up in time, that day would probably have 
 made reprisals for the loss sustained at Cannae. Liv. lib. xxiv, c. 17. 
 
 || In the second year of the hundred and forty-first Olympiad, the 
 five hundred and thirty-ninth of Rome, and two hundred and twelve 
 years before the birth of Christ. 
 
 Hieronymus was murdered by his own subjects at Leontium, the 
 conspirators having prevailed on Dinomanes, one of his guards, to 
 favour their attack. He was the son of Gelo, and the grandson of 
 Hiero. His father Gelo died first, and afterwards his grandfather, 
 being.ninety years old; and Hieronymus, who was not then fifteen, 
 was slain some months after. These three deaths happened towards 
 the latter end of the year that preceded Marcellus's third consulate. 
 " Appius Claudius, who was sent Into Sicily in quality of praetor, 
 T.-as there before the death of Hieronymus. That young prince, having 
 
 yof. iL M
 
 242 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 The command devolving upon Marcellus, he was no 
 sooner arrived in Sicily than a great number of Romans 
 came to throw themselves at his feet, and represent to him 
 their distress. Of those that fought against Hannibal at 
 Cannx, some escaped by flight, and others were taken 
 prisoners ; the latter in such numbers, that it was thought 
 the Romans must want men to defend the walls of their 
 capital. Yet that commonwealth had so much firmness 
 and elevation of mind, that, though Hannibal offered to 
 release the prisoners for a very inconsiderable ransom, they 
 refused it by a public act, and left them to be put to death 
 or sold out of Italy. As for those that had saved themselves 
 by flight, they sent them into Sicily, with an order not to 
 eet foot on Italian ground during the war with Hannibal. 
 These came to Marcellus in a body, and, falling on their 
 knees, begged, with loud lamentations and floods of tears, 
 the favour of being admitted again into the army, promising 
 to make it appear, by their future behaviour, that that defeat 
 was owing to their misfortune, and not to their cowardice. 
 Marcellus, moved with compassion, wrote to the senate, 
 desiring leave to recruit his army with these exiles, as he 
 should find occasion. After much deliberation, the senate 
 signified by a decree, " That the commonwealth had no 
 " need of the service of cowards : that Marcellus, how- 
 *' ever, might employ them if he pleased, but on condi- 
 " tion that he did not bestow upon any of them crowns 
 " or other honorary rewards." This decree gave Mar- 
 cellus some uneasiness ; and, after his return from the war 
 in Sicily, he expostulated with the senate, and complain- 
 ed, " That for all his services they would not allow him 
 " to rescue from infamy those unfortunate citizens." 
 
 His first care, after he arrived in Sicily, was to make 
 reprisals for the injury received from Hippocrates, the 
 Syracusan general, who, to gratify the Carthaginians, and 
 by their means to set himself up tyrant, had attacked the 
 
 a turn for raillery, only laughed at the Roman ambassadors. " I 
 will ask you," said he, " but one question ; Who were conquer- 
 ors at Cannae, you or the Carthaginians .' I am told such supris- 
 ing things of that battle, that I should be glad to know all the 
 particulars of it." And again, " Let the Romans restore all the 
 gold, the corn, and the other presents that they drew from my 
 grandfather, and consent that the river Himera be the common 
 boundary between us, and I will renew the ancient treaties with 
 them." Some writers are of opinion that the Roman praetor was 
 
 not entirely unconcerned in a plot which was so useful to his republic.
 
 MARCZL1US. 24S 
 
 Romans, and killed great numbers of them, in the district 
 of Leontium. Marcellus, therefore, laid siege to that 
 city, and took it by storm, but did no harm to the inha- 
 bitants ; only such deserters as he found there he order- 
 ed to be beaten with rods, and then put to death. Hip- 
 pocrates took care to give the Syracasans the first notice 
 of the taking of Leontium, assuring them, at the same 
 time, that Marcellus had put to the sword all that were 
 able to bear arms ; and while they were under great con- 
 sternation at this news, he came suddenly upon the city, 
 and made himself master of it. 
 
 Hereupon Marcellus marched with his whole army, 
 and encamped before Syracuse. But before he attempted 
 any thing against it, he sent ambassadors with a true account 
 of what he had done at Leontium. As this information 
 had no effect with the Syracusans, who were entirely in 
 the power of Hippocrates,* he made his attacks both by 
 sea and land, Appius Claudius commanding the land for- 
 ces, and himself the fleet, which consisted of sixty galleys, 
 of five banks of oars, full of all sorts of arms and missive 
 weapons. Besides these, he had a prodigious machine, car- 
 ried upon eight galleys fastened together, with which he 
 approached the walls, relying upon the number of his bat- 
 teries and other instruments of war, as well as on his own 
 great character. But Archimedes despised all this, and 
 confided in the superiority of his engines ; though he did 
 not think the inventing of them an object worthy of his se- 
 rious studies, but only reckoned them among the amuse- 
 ments of geometry. Nor had he gone so far, but at the 
 pressing instances of king Hiero, who entreated him to turn 
 his art from abstracted notions to matters of sense, and to 
 make his reasonings more intelligible to the generality of 
 mankind, applying them to the uses of common life. 
 
 The first that turned their thoughts to mechanics t a 
 branch of knowledge which came afterwards to be so 
 much admired, were Eudoxus and Archytas, who thus 
 gave a variety and an agreeable turn to geometry, and 
 confirmed certain problems by sensible experiments, and 
 
 * Hieronymus being assassinated, and the commonwealth restor- 
 ed, Hippocrates and Epicydes, Hannibal's agents, being of Syracus- 
 an extraction, had the address to gel themselves admitted into the 
 number of praetors. In consequence of which, they found means to 
 embroil the Syracusans with Rome, in spite of the opposition of 
 such of the praetors as baa the interest of their country at heart, 
 
 M 2
 
 244 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 the use of instruments, which could not be demon- 
 strated in the way of theorem. That problem, for ex- 
 ample, of two mean proportional lines, which cannot be 
 found out geometrically, and yet are so necessary for the 
 jSolution of other questions, they solved mechanically, by 
 the assistance of certain instruments called mesolai-ea, taken 
 from conic sections. But when Plato inveighed against 
 them with great indignation, as corrupting and debasing 
 the excellence of geometry, by making her descend from 
 incorporeal and intellectual to corporeal and sensible things, 
 and obliging her to make use of matter, which requires 
 much manual labour, and is the object of servile trades ; 
 then mechanics were separated from geometry ; and being 
 a long time despised by the philosopher, were considered 
 as a branch of the military art. 
 
 Be that as it may, Archimedes one day asserted to king 
 Hiero, whose kinsman and friend he was, this proposition, 
 that with a given power he could move any given weight 
 whatever ; nay, it is said, from the confidence he had in his 
 demonstration, he ventured to affirm, that if there was 
 another earth besides this we inhabit,* by going into that, 
 he would move this wherever he pleased. Hiero, full of 
 wonder, begged of him to evince the truth of his proposi- 
 tion, by moving some great weight with a small power. 
 In compliance with which, Archimedes caused one of the 
 kings galley's to be drawn on shore with many hands and 
 much labour ; and having well manned her, and put on 
 board her usual loading, he placed himself at a distance, 
 and without any pains, only moving with his hand the 
 end of a machine, which consisted of a variety of ropes 
 and pulleys, he drew her to him in as smooth and gentle 
 a manner as if she had been under sail. The king, quite 
 astonished when he saw the force of his art, prevailed 
 with Archimedes to make for him all manner of engines 
 and machines which could be used either for attack or 
 defence in a siege. These, however, he sever made use 
 of, the greatest part of his reign being blest with tran- 
 quillity ; but they were extremely serviceable to the Sy- 
 racusans on the present occasion, who, with such a num- 
 ber of machines, had the inventor to direct them. 
 
 When the Romans attacked them both by sea and land, 
 they were struck dumb with terror, imagining they could 
 
 * Tzetzes gives us the expression which Archimedes made use of, 
 * Cw,
 
 AIARCELLL'S. 245 
 
 not possibly resist such numerous forces and so furious an' 
 assault. But Archimedes soon began to play his engines, 
 and they shot against the land forces all sorts of missive 
 weapons and stones of an enormous size, with so incredible 
 a noise and rapidit} , that nothing could stand before them ; 
 they overturned and crushed whatever came in their way,' 
 and spread terrible disorder throughout the ranks. On the 
 side towards the sea were erected vast machines, putting 
 forth on a sudden, over the walls, huge beams, with the 
 necessary tackle,* which striking with a prodigious force 
 on the enemy's galleys, sunk them at once ; while other 
 ships, hoisted up at the prows by iron grapples or hooks,-}- 
 like the beaks of cranes, and set an end on the stern, were 
 plunged to the bottom of the sea ; and others, again, by' 
 ropes and grapples, were drawn towards the ihore, and 
 after being whirled about, and dashed against the rocks 
 that projected below the walls, were broken to pieces, and 
 the crews perished. Very often a ship, lifted high above 
 the sea, suspended and twirling in the air, presented a 
 most dreadful spectacle. There it swung till the men 
 were thrown out by the violence of the motion, and then 
 it split against the walls, or sunk on the engine's letting go 
 its hold. As for the machine which JVJarcellus brought 
 forward upon eight galleys, and which was called samlntca, 
 on account of its likeness to the musical instrument of 
 that name, whilst it was at a considerable distance from 
 the walls, Archimedes discharged a stone of ten talents 
 weight,^ and after that a second and a third, all which 
 
 * K-pecixt. 
 
 f What most harassed the Romans was a sort of crow with two 
 claws, fastened to a long chain, which was let down by a kind of 
 lever. The weight of the iron made it fall with great violence, and 
 drove it into the planks of the galleys. Then the besieged, by a 
 great weight of lead at the other end of the lever, weighed it down, 
 and consequently raised up the iron of the ciow in proportion, and 
 with it the prow of the galley to which it was fastened, sinking the 
 poop at the 7 same time into the water. After this, the crow letting 
 go its hold all on a sudden, the prow of the galley fell with such, 
 force into the sea, that the whole vessel was filled with water, and 
 sunk. 
 
 J It is not easy to conceive how the machines formed by Archi- 
 medes could throw stones of ten quintals or talents, that is, twelve 
 hundred and lifty pounds weight, at the ships of Marcellus, when . 
 they were at a considerable distance from the walls. The account 
 which Polybius gives us, is much more probable. He says, that the 
 stone-i that were thrown by the batistes made by Archimedes, were 
 
 M3
 
 246 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 striking upon it with an amazing noise and force, hattere<J 
 and totally disjointed it. 
 
 Marcellus, in this distress, drew off his galleys as fast as 
 possible, and sent orders to the land forces to retreat like- 
 wise. He then called a council of war, in which it was 
 resolved to come close to the walls, if it was possible, next 
 morning before day ; for Archimedes's engines, they 
 thought, being very strong, and intended to act at a con- 
 siderable distance, would then discharge themselves over 
 their heads ; and if they were pointed at them when they 
 were so near, they would have no effect. But for this 
 Archimedes had long been prepared, having by him en- 
 gines fitted to all distances, with suitable weapons and 
 shorter beams. Besides, he had caused holes to be made in 
 the walls, in which he placed scorpions, that did not carry far, 
 but could be very fast discharged ; and by these the enemy 
 was galled, without knowing whence the weapon came. 
 
 When, therefore, the Romans were got close to the 
 walls, undiscovered, as they thought, they were welcom- 
 ed with a shower of darts and huge pieces of rocks, which 
 fell as it were perpendicularly upon their heads ; for the 
 engines played from every quarter of the walls. This 
 obliged them to retire ; and when they were at some dis- 
 tance, other shafts were shot at them in their retreat, 
 from the larger machines, which made terrible havoc among 
 them, as well as greatly damaged their shipping, without 
 any possibility of their annoying the Syracusans in their 
 turn ; for Archimedes had placed most of his engines under 
 covert of the walls ; so that the Romans, being infinitely 
 distressed by an invisible enemy, seemed to fight against 
 the gods. 
 
 Marcellus, however, got off, and laughed at his own 
 artillery-men and engineers " Why do not we leave off 
 " contending (said he) with this mathematical Briareus, 
 *' who, sitting on the shore, and acting as it were but in jest, 
 " has shamefully baffled our naval assault ; and, in striking 
 " us with such a multitude of bolts at once, exceeds even 
 ' the hundred-handed giants in the fable?" And, in 
 truth, all the rest of the Syracusans were no more than the 
 
 body iu-the batteries of Archimedes, while he himself was 
 
 r 
 
 of the weight of ten pounds. Livy seems to agree with Polybius. 
 Indeed, if we suppose that Plutarch did not mean the talent of an 
 hundred and twenty-five pounds, but the talent of Sicily, which 
 some say weighed twenty-five pounds, and others only ten, his 
 account comes more within the bounds of probability.
 
 MARCELLUS. 24? 
 
 the informing soul. A\l other weapons lay idle and unem- 
 ployed ; his were the only offensive and defensive arms of 
 the city. At last, the Romans were so terrified, that if 
 they saw but a rope or a stick put over the walls, they cried 
 out that Archimedes was levelling some machine at them, 
 and turned their backs and fled. Marcellus seeing this, 
 gave up all thoughts of proceeding by assault, and leaving 
 the matter to time, turned the siege into a blockade. 
 
 Yet Archimedes had such a depth of understanding, 
 such a dignity of sentiment, and so copious a fund of ma- 
 thematical knowledge, that though, in the invention of 
 these machines, he gained the reputation of a man en- 
 dowed with divine, rather than human knowledge, yet 
 he did not vouchsafe to leave any account of them in 
 writing ; for he considered all attention to mechanics, and 
 every art that ministers to common uses, as mean and 
 sordid, and placed his whole delight in those intellectual 
 speculations, which, without any relation to the necessi- 
 ties of life, have an intrinsic excellence arising from truth 
 and demonstration only. Indeed, if mechanical knowledge 
 is valuable for the curious frame and amazing power of 
 those machines which it produces, the other infinitely ex- 
 cels, on account of its invincible force and conviction ; 
 and certain it is, that abstruse and profound questions in 
 geometry are nowhere solved by a more simple process, 
 and upon clearer principles, than in the writings of Archi- 
 medes. Some ascribe this to the acuteness or his genius, 
 and others to his indefatigable industry, by which he 
 made things that cost a great deal of pains, appear unla- 
 boured and easy. In fact, it is almost impossible for a 
 man of himself to find out the demonstration of his pro- 
 positions ; but as soon as he has learned it from him, he 
 will think he could have done it without assistance ; such 
 a ready and easy way does he lead us to what he wants 
 to prove. We are not, therefore, to reject as incredible 
 what is related of him, that being perpetually charmed by 
 a domestic syren, that is, his geometry, he neglected his 
 meat and drink, and took no care of his person ; that he 
 was often carried by force to the baths, and, when there, 
 he would make mathematical figures in the ashes, and 
 with his finger draw lines upon his body, when it was 
 anointed ; so much was he transported with intellectual 
 delight, such an enthusiast in science. And though he 
 was the author of many curious and excellent discoveries, 
 
 M4
 
 2-18 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 yet he is said to have desired his friends only to place on 
 his tomb-stone a cylinder, containing a sphere,* and to set 
 down the proportion which the containing solid bears to the 
 contained. Such was Archimedes, who exerted all his skill 
 to defend himself and the town against the Romans. 
 
 During the siege of Syracuse, Marcellus went against 
 Megara, one of the most ancient cities of Sicily, and took 
 it. He also fell upon Hippocrates, as he was entrenching 
 himself at Acrillse, and killed above eight thousand of his 
 men.f Nay, he over-ran the greatest part of Sicily, brought 
 over several cities from the Carthaginian interest, and beat 
 all that attempted to face him in the field. 
 
 Some time after, when he returned to Syracuse, he sur- 
 prised one Damippus, a Spartan, as he was sailing out of the 
 harbour ; and the Syracusans being very desirous to ransom 
 him, several conferences were held about it ; in one of which 
 Marcellus took notice of a tower but slightly guarded, in- 
 to which a number of men might be privately conveyed, 
 the wall that led to it being easy to be scaled. As they 
 often met to confer at the foot of this tower, he made a 
 good estimate of its height, and provided himself with pro- 
 per scaling-ladders ; and observing that on the festival of 
 Diana the Syracusans drank freely, and gave a loose to 
 mirth, he not only possessed himself of the tower, undisco- 
 
 * Cicero, when he was quaestor in Sicily, discovered this monu- 
 ment, and shewed it to the Syracusans, who knew not that it was in 
 being. He says there were verses inscribed upon it, expressing that a 
 cylinder and a sphere had been put upon the tomb ; the proportion 
 between which two solids Archimedes first discovered. From the 
 death of this great mathematician, which fell out in the year of Rome 
 five hundred and forty-two, to the quaestorship of Cicero, which was 
 in the year of Rome six hundred and seventy-eight, an hundred and 
 thirty-six years were elapsed. Though time had not quite obliterat- 
 ed the cylinder and the sphere, it had put an end to the learning of 
 Syracuse, once so respectable in the republic of letters. 
 
 f Himilco had entered the port of Heraclea with a numerous fleet 
 sent from Carthage, and landed twenty thousand foot, three thousand 
 horse, and twelve elephants. His forces were no sooner set ashore, 
 than he marched against Agrigentum, which he retook from the Ro- 
 mans, with several other cities lately reduced by Marcellus. Here- 
 upon the Syracusan garrison, which was yet entire, determined to 
 send out Hippocrates with ten thousand foot and fifteen hundred 
 horse, to'join Himilco. Marcellus, after having made a vain at- 
 tempt upon Agrigentum, was returning to Syracuse. As he drew 
 near Acrilloe, he unexpectedly discovered Hippocrates busy in for- 
 tifying his camp, fell upon him before he had time to draw up his 
 army, and cut eight thousand of them in pieces.
 
 MARCELLUS. 249 
 
 vered, but before day-light filled the walls of that quarter 
 with soldiers, and forcibly entered the Hexapylum. The 
 Syracusans, as soon as they perceived it, began to move about 
 in great confusion ; but Marcellus ordering all the trumpet* 
 to sound at once, they were seized with consternation, and 
 betook themselves to flight, believing that the whole city was 
 lost. However, the Achradina, which was the strongest, the 
 most extensive, and fairest part of it, was not taken, be- 
 ing divided by walls from the rest of the city, one part of 
 which is called Neapolis, and the other Tyche The enter- 
 prize thus prospering, Marcellus, at day-break, moved down 
 from the Hexapylum into the city, where he was congratu- 
 lated by his officers on the great event.* But it is said that 
 he himself, when he surveyed from an eminence that great 
 and magnificent city, shed many tears in pity of its impend- 
 ing fate, reflecting into what a scene of misery and desola- 
 tion its fair appearance would be changed when it came to 
 be sacked and plundered by the soldiers ; for the troops de- 
 manded the plunder, and not one of the officers durst oppose 
 it. Many even insisted that the city should be burnt, and 
 levelled with the ground ; but to this Marcellus absolutely 
 refused his consent. It was with reluctance that he gave 
 up the effects and the slaves; and he strictly charged the 
 soldiers not to touch any free man or woman, not to kill or 
 abuse, or n.ake a slave of any citizen whatever. 
 
 But though he acted with so much moderation, the city 
 had harder measure than he wished ; and amidst the great 
 and general joy, his seul sympathized with its sufferings, 
 when lie considered that in a few hours the prosperity of 
 such a flourishing state would be no more. It is even said 
 that the plunder of Syracuse was as rich as that of Carthage 
 after it ;f for the rest of the city was soon betrayed to the 
 
 * Epipolae was entered in the night, and Tyche next morning- 
 Epipolae was encompassed with the same wall as Ortygia, Achradina, 
 Tyche, and Neapoiis; had its own citadel, called Euryaluin, on the. 
 top of a steep rock, and was, as we may say, a fifth city. 
 
 f- The siege of Syracuse lasted in the whole three years; no small 
 part of which passed after Marcellus entered Tyche. As Plutarch, 
 has run so slightly over the subsequent events, it may not be amiss 
 to give a summary detail of them from Livv. 
 
 Epicydes, who had hi.s head-quarters in the farthest part of Ortygia, 
 hearing that the Romans had seized on Epipolae and Tyche, went to 
 drive them from their posts ; but finding much greater numbers than; 
 lie expected got into the town, after a slight skirmish, he retired. 
 Marcellus, unwilling to destroy the city, tried gentle methods with- 
 
 M 5
 
 25O PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 Romans, and pillaged ; only the royal treasure was preserv- 
 ed, and carried into the public treasury at Rome. 
 
 But what most of all afflicted Marcellus, was the unhappy 
 fate of Archimedes, who was at that time in his study, 
 engaged in some mathematical researches ; and his mind, 
 as well as his eye, was so intent upon his diagram, that he 
 
 the inhabitants ; but the Syracusans rejected his proposals ; and their 
 general appointed the Roman deserters to guard Achradina, which 
 they did with extreme care, knowing that if the town were taken by 
 composition they must die. Marcellud then turned his arms against 
 the fortress of Euryalum, which he hoped to reduce in a short time, 
 by famine. Philodemus, who commanded there, kept him in play 
 some time, in hope of succours from Hippecrates and Himilco ; but 
 finding himself disappointed, he surrendered the place, on condition 
 of being allowed to march out with his men, and join Epicydes. 
 Marcellus, now master of Euryalum, blocked up Achradina so close, 
 that it could not hold out long without new supplies of men and pro- 
 visions ; but Hippocrates and Himilco soon arrived ; and it was re- 
 solved that Hippocrates should attack the old camp of the Romans 
 without the walls, commanded by Crispinus, while Epicycles sallied 
 out upon Marcellus. Hippocrates was vigorously repulsed by Cris- 
 pinus, who pursued him up to his entrenchments ; and EpicytU 
 forced to return into Achradina with great loss, and narrowly escaped 
 being taken prisoner by Marcellus. The unfortunate Syracusans were 
 now in the greatest distress for want of provisions ; and to complete 
 their misery, a plague broke out among them, of which Himilco and 
 Hippocrates died, with many thousands more. Hereupon Bomilcar 
 ailed to Carthage again for fresh supplies, and returned to Sicily 
 with a large fleet ; but hearing of the great preparations of the Ro- 
 mans at sea, and probably fearing the event of a battle, he unex- 
 pectedly steered away. Epicydes, who was gone out to meet him, 
 was afraid to return into a city half taken, and therefore fled for re- 
 fuge to Agrigentum. The Syracusans then assassinated the governors 
 left by Epicydes, and proposed to submit to Marcellus ; for which 
 purpose they sent deputies, who were graciously received ; but the 
 garrison, which consisted of Roman deserters and mercenaries, raising 
 fresh disturbances, killed the officers appointed by the Syracusans, 
 and chose six new ones of their own. Among these was a Spaniard, 
 named Mexicus, a man of great integrity, who disapproving of the 
 cruelties of his party, determined to give up the place to Marcellus. 
 In pursuance of which, -under pretence of greater care than ordinary, 
 be desired that each governor might have the sole direction in his own 
 quarter, which gave him an opportunity to open the gate of Arethusa 
 to the Roman general; and now Marcellus being at length become 
 master of the unfaithful city, gave signal proofs of his clemency and 
 good-nature. He suffered the Roman deserters to escape ; for he was 
 unwilling to shed the blood even of traitors. No wonder then if he 
 spared the lives of the Syracusans and their children, though, as he 
 told them, the services which good king Hierohad rendered Rome, 
 were exceeded by the insults they bad offered her in a few years.
 
 MARCELLUS. 251 
 
 neither heard the tumultuous noise of the Romans, nor 
 perceived that the city was taken. A soldier suddenly en- 
 tered his room, and ordered him to follow him to Marcel- 
 lus ; and Archimedes refusing to do it till he had finished 
 his problem, and brought his demonstration to bear, the 
 soldier, in a passion, drew his sword and killed him. 
 Others say, the soldier came up to him at first with a 
 drawn sword to kill him, and Archimedes perceiving him, 
 begged he would hold his hand a moment, that he might 
 not leave his theorem imperfect ; but the soldier, neither 
 regarding him nor his theorem, laid him dead at his feet. 
 A third account of the matter is, that, as Archimedes 
 was carrying in a box some mathematical instruments to 
 Marcellus, as sun-dials, spheres, and quadrants, by which 
 the eye might measure the magnitude of the sun, some 
 soldiers met him, and imagining that there was gold in the 
 box, took away his life for it. It is agreed, however, on 
 all hands, that Marcellus was much concerned at his death ; 
 that he turned away his face from his murderer, as from an 
 impious and execrable person ; and that having by inquiry 
 found out his relations, he bestowed upon them many sig- 
 nal favours. 
 
 Hitherto the Romans had shewn other nations their 
 abilities to plan, and their courage to execute, but they 
 had given them no proof of their clemency, their humanity, 
 or, in one word, of their political virtue. Marcellus seems 
 to have been the first who made it appear to the Greeks, 
 that the Romans had greater regard to equity than they ; 
 for such was his goodness to those that addressed him, and 
 so many benefits did he confer upon cities, as well as pri- 
 vate persons, that if Enna, Megara, and Syracuse, were 
 treated harshly, the blame of that severity was rather to be 
 charged on the sufferers themselves, than on those who 
 chastised them. 
 
 I shall mention one of the many instances of this great 
 man's moderation. There is in Sicily a town called En- 
 guium, not large, indeed, but very ancient, and celebrated 
 for the appearance of the goddesses called the Mothers.* 
 The temple is said to have been built by the Cretans, and 
 they shew some spears and brazen helmets, inscribed with 
 the names of Meriones and Ulysses, who consecrated them 
 to those goddesses. This town was strongly inclined to 
 
 * These are supposed to be Cybele, Juno, and Ceres. Cicero 
 Bientions n temple of Cybele at Enguium. 
 
 M6
 
 -52 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 favour the Carthaginians ; but Nicias, one of its principal 
 inhabitants, endeavoured to persuade them to go over to 
 the Romans, declaring his sentiments freely in their pub- 
 lic assemblies, and proving that his opposers consulted not 
 their true interests. These men, fearing his authority and 
 the influence of his character, resolved to carry him off, and 
 put him in the hands of the Carthaginians. Nicias, ap- 
 prised of it, took measures for his security, without seem- 
 ing to do so. He publicly gave out unbecoming speeches 
 against the Mothers, as if he disbelieved and made light of 
 the received opinion concerning the presence of those god- 
 desses there. Meantime, his enemies rejoiced that he 
 himself furnished them with sufficient reasons for the worst 
 they could do to him. On the day which they had fixed 
 for seizing him. there happened to be an assembly of the 
 people, and Nicias was in the midst of them, treating about 
 some public business. But on a sudden he threw himself 
 upon the ground, in the midst of his discourse, and, after 
 having lain there some time without speaking, as if he had 
 been in a trance, he lifted up his head, and turning it 
 round, began to speak with a feeble trembling voice, which 
 he raised by degrees ; and when he saw the whole assembly 
 Struck dumb with horror, he threw off his mantle, tore his 
 vest in pieces, and ran half naked to one of the doors of 
 the theatre, crying out that he was pursued by the Mothers. 
 From a scruple of religion, no one durst touch or stop him ; 
 all, therefore, making way, he reached one of the city- 
 gates, though he no longer used any word or action, like 
 ne that was heaven-struck and distracted. His wife, who 
 was in the secret, and assisted in the stratagem, took her 
 children, and went and prostrated herself as a supplicant 
 before the altars of the goddesses. Then pretending that 
 she was going to seek her husband who was wandering about 
 in the fields, she met with no opposition, but got safe out 
 of the town ; and so both of ' hem escaped to Marcellus at 
 Syracuse. The people of Enguium adding mar.y other 
 insults and misdemeanors to their past faults, Marcellus 
 came, and had them loaded with irons, in order to punish 
 them. But Nicias approached him with tears in his eyes, 
 and kissing his hands and embracing his knees, asked pardon 
 for all the citizens, and for his enemies first. Hereupon 
 Marcellus relenting, set them all at liberty, and suffered 
 not his troops to commit the least disorder in the city ; at 
 the same time, he bestowed on Nicias a Urge tract of land
 
 MARCELLUS. 253 
 
 and many rich gifts. These particulars we learn from Po- 
 sidonius the philosopher. 
 
 Marcellus,* after this, being called home to a war in 
 the heart of Italy, carried with him the most valuable of 
 the statues and paintings in Syracuse, that they might em- 
 bellish his triumph, and be an ornament to Rome. For 
 before this time, that city neither had nor knew any curi- 
 osities of this kind, being a stranger to the charms of taste 
 and elegance. Full of arms taken from barbarous nations, 
 and of bloody spoils, and crowned as she was with trophies, 
 and other monuments of her triumphs, she afforded not a 
 cheerful and pleasing spectacle, fit for men brought up in 
 ease and luxury, but her look was awful and severe. And 
 as Epaminondas calls the plains of Boeotia the o>chestra y or 
 stage o/'Mars, and Xenophon says Ephesus was the arsenal 
 j war, so, in my opinion (to use the expression of Pin- 
 dar), one might then have styled Rome the temple of frown- 
 ing MARS 
 
 Thus Marcellus was more acceptable to the people, be- 
 cause he adorned the city with curiosities in the Grecian 
 taste, whose variety, as well as elegance, was very agreeable 
 to the spectator. But the graver citizens preferred Fabius 
 Maximus, who, when he took Tarentum, brought nothing 
 of that kind away. The money, indeed, and other rich 
 moveables he carried off, but he let the statues and pictures 
 remain, using this memorable expression, Let us leave the 
 Tarentines their angry deities They blamed the proceed- 
 ings of Marcellus, in the first place, as very invidious for 
 Rome, because he had led not only men, but the very gods, 
 in triumph ; and their next charge was, that he had spoiled 
 a people inured to 3griculture and war ; wholly unacquaint- 
 ed with luxury and sloth, and, as Euripides says of Hercules, 
 
 In vice untaught,f but skill'd where glory led 
 To arduous enterprise, 
 
 Marcellus, before he left Sicily, gained a considerable victory 
 over Epicydes and Hanno ; he slew great numbers, and took many 
 prisoners, beside eight elephants. Liv. lib. xxv, c. 40. 
 
 J" <t>Ti/A.?> ctfj,^t avra, ftfyifa <ri tf/xS-i*. 
 
 Tnis, which is taken from an ancient manuscript, is much better than 
 the common reading, which divides the word an-* into two, ', <ra ; 
 for so divided, it is nonsense. But probably the > has crept in by the 
 carelessness of some transcriber, and it will read better without it
 
 254 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 by furnishing them with an occasion of idleness and vain 
 discourse ; for they now began to spend great part of the 
 day in disputing about arts and artists. But notwithstand- 
 ing such censures, this was the very thing that Marcellus 
 valued himself upon, even to the Greeks themselves, that 
 he was the first who taught the Romans to esteem and to 
 admire the exquisite performances of Greece, which were 
 hitherto unknown to them. 
 
 Finding, at his return, that his enemies opposed his tri- 
 umph, and considering that the war was not quite finished 
 in Sicily, as well as that a third triumph might expose him 
 to the envy of his fellow-citizens,* he so far yielded as 
 to content himself with leading up the greater triumph on 
 Mount Alba, and entering Rome with the less. The less 
 is called by the Greeks evan, and by the Romans an ovation. 
 In this the general does not ride in a triumphal chariot 
 drawn by four horses ; he is not crowned with laurel, nor 
 has he trumpets sounding before him, but he walks in 
 sandals, attended with the music of many flutes, and wear- 
 ing a crown of myrtle ; his appearance, therefore, having 
 nothing in it warlike, is rather pleasing than formidable. 
 This is to me a plain proof, that triumphs of old were 
 distinguished, not by the importance of the achievement, 
 but by the manner of its performance. For those that sub- 
 dued their enemies, by fighting battles and spilling much 
 blood, entered with that warlike and dreadful pomp of the 
 greater triumph, and, as is customary in the lustration of 
 an army, wore crowns of laurel, and adorned their arms 
 with the same. But when a general, without fighting, 
 gained his point by treaty and the force of persuasion, the 
 law decreed him this honour, called ovation, which had 
 more the appearance of a festival than of war. For 
 the flute is an instrument used in time of peace ; and the 
 myrtle is the tree of Venus, who, of all the deities, is 
 most averse to violence and war. 
 
 * Our author mentions but one triumph before this, namely, that 
 ever the Gauls, nor do other writers speak of any more ; and instead 
 of rfires, an ancient manuscript gives us *funs, which is thevread- 
 ing that Dacier has followed. If this be the true one, it must be 
 translated thus : His farmer had exposed him to envy. But as Plutarch 
 afterwards says expressly, that Marcellus had rfits Spiap'vg, three 
 triumphs, we have retained the common reading, though we ac 
 knowledge that he might be mistaken i* the matter of fact.
 
 MARCELLU*. 255 
 
 Now the term ovation is not derived (as most authors 
 think) from the word evan, which is uttered in shouts of 
 joy, for they hare the same shouts and songs in the other 
 triumph ; but the Greeks have wrested it to a word well 
 known in their language, believing that this procession is 
 intended in some measure in honour of Bacchus, whom 
 they call Evius and Thriamlus. The truth of the matter 
 is this : it was customary for the generals, in the greater 
 triumphs, to sacrifice an ox ; and in the less a sheep, in 
 Latin ovis, whence the word ovation. On this occasion, 
 it is worth our while to observe how different the institu- 
 tions of the Spartan legislator were from those of the Ro- 
 man, with respect to sacrifices. In Sparta, the general who 
 put a period to a war by policy or persuasion, sacrificed a 
 bullock ; but he whose success was owing to force of arms, 
 offered only a cock. For though they were a very warlike 
 people, they thought it more honourable and more worthy 
 of a human being, to succeed by eloquence and wisdom, 
 than by courage and force. But this point I leave to be 
 considered by the reader. 
 
 When Marcellus was chosen consul the fourth time, the 
 Syracusans, at the instigation of his enemies, came to Rome 
 to accuse him, and to complain to the senate that he had 
 treated them in a cruel manner, and contrary to the faith 
 of treaties.* It happened that Marcellus was at that time 
 in the cxpitol, offering sacrifice. The Syracusan deputies 
 went immediately to the senate, who were yet sitting, and 
 falling on their knees, begged of them to hear their com- 
 plaints, and to do them justice ; but the other consul re- 
 pulsed th.em with indignation, because Marcellus was not 
 there to defend himself. Marcellus, however, being in- 
 formed of it, came with all possible expedition ; and having 
 seated himself in his chair of state, first dispatched some 
 public business, as consul. When that was over, he came 
 down from his seat, and went, as a private person, to the 
 place appointed for the accused to make their defence in, 
 giving the Syracusans opportunity to make good their 
 charge. But they were greatly confounded to see the dig- 
 nity and unconcern with which he behaved ; and he who 
 
 * The Syracusans were scarce arrived at Rome, before the con- 
 suls drew lots for their provinces, and Sicily fell to Marcellus. This 
 was a great stroke to the Syracusan deputies, and they would not 
 have dared to prosecute their charge, had not Marcellus voluntarily 
 offered to change the provinces.
 
 256 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 had been irresistible in arms, was still more awful and ter- 
 rible to behold in his robe of purple. Nevertheless, en- 
 couraged by his enemies, they opened the accusation in a 
 speech mingled with lamentations ; the sum of which was, 
 " That though friends and allies of Rome, they had 
 " suffered more damage from Marcellus, than some other 
 " generals had permitted to be done to a conquered ene- 
 tf my." To this Marcellus made answer,* " That, not- 
 " withstanding the many instances of their criminal beha- 
 '* viour to the Romans, they had suffered nothing but 
 " what it is impossible to prevent when a city is taken by 
 " storm ; and that Syracuse was so taken, was entirely 
 " their own fault, because he had often summoned it to 
 '* surrender, and they refused to listen to him Tha:, in 
 " short, they were isot forced by their tyrants to commit 
 *' hostilities, but they had themselves set up tyrants for 
 ' ' the sake of going to war." 
 
 The reasons of both sides thus heard, the Syracusans, 
 according to the custom in that case, withdrew, and Mar- 
 cellus went out with them, leaving it to his colleague to 
 collect the votes. While he stood at the door of the 
 senate-house,-]- he was neither moved by the fear of the 
 issue of the cause, nor with resentment against the Syracu- 
 sans, so as to change his usual deportment, but with great 
 mildness ar,d decorum he waited for the event. When the 
 cause was decided, and he was declared to have gained it,:}: 
 the Syracusans fell at his feet, and besought him with tears 
 to pardon not only those that were present, but to take 
 compassion on the rest of their citizens, who would ever 
 acknowledge with gratitude the favour. Marcellus, moved 
 with their entreaties? not only pardoned the deputit-s, but 
 continued his protection to the other Syracusans, and the 
 
 * When the Syracusans had finished their accusations against 
 Marcellus, his colleague Laevinus ordered them to withdraw ; but 
 Marcellus desired they might stay and hear his defence. 
 
 -|- While the cause was debating, he went to the capitol, to take 
 the names of the new levies. 
 
 Ttie conduct of Marcellus, on the taking of Syracnse, was not 
 entirely appro-, ed of at Rome. Some of the senators, remembering 
 the attachment which king Hiero had on all occasions shewn to their 
 republic, could not help condemning their general for giving up the 
 city to be plundered by his rapacious soldiers. The Syracu^ans were 
 not in a condition to make good their party against an army of merce- 
 liav.t. ; ana, therefore, were obliged, against their will, to yield to the 
 times, and obey the ministers of Hannibal, who commanded the army.
 
 MARCJELLUS. 257 
 
 senate, approving the privileges he had granted, confirmed 
 to them their liberty, their laws, and the possessions that 
 remained to them. For this reason, be^icle other signal ho- 
 nours with which they distinguished Marccllus, they made 
 a lawi that whenever he, or any of his descendants, entered 
 Sicily, the Syracusans should wear garlands, and offer sacri- 
 fices to the gods. 
 
 After this Marcellus marched against Hannibal. And 
 though almost all the other consuls and generals, after the 
 defeat at Cannz, availed themselves of the single art of 
 avoiding an engagement with the Carthaginian, and not 
 one of them durst meet him fairly in the iield ; Marcellus 
 took a quite different course. He was of opinion, that in- 
 stead of Hannibal's bei'ig won. out by length of time, the 
 strength of Italy would be insensibly wasted by him ; and 
 that the slow cautious maxims of Fabius were not fit to 
 cure the malady of his country ; since, by pursuing them, 
 the flames of war could not be extinguished until Italy 
 was consumed ; just as timorous physicians neglect to ap- 
 ply strong though necessary remedies, thinking the dis- 
 temper wiU abate with the strength of the patient. 
 
 In the fir^t place, he recovered the best towns of the 
 Samnites, which had revolted. In them he found consider- 
 able magazines ot corn, and a great quantity of money, be- 
 side making three thousand of Hannibal's men, who garri- 
 soned them, prisoners. In the next place, when Cneius 
 Fulvius, the proconsul, with eleven tribunes, was slain, and 
 great part of his army cut in pieces, by Hannibal in Apu- 
 lia, Marcellus sent letters to Rome, to exhort the citizens 
 to be of good courage, for he himself was on his march to 
 drive Hannibal out of the country.* The reading of these 
 letters, Livy tells us, was so far from removing their grief, 
 that it added terror to it, the Romans reckoning the pre- 
 sent danger as much greater than the past, as Marcellus 
 was a greater man than Fulvius. 
 
 Alarcellus then going in quest of Hannibal, according 
 to his promise, entered Lucania, and found him encamped 
 on inaccessible heights near the city of Numistro. Marcel- 
 lus himself pitched his tents on the plain, and the next 
 day was the first to draw up his forces in order of battle. 
 
 The Latin annotator observes, on the authority of Livy, that 
 instead of * we should here read />*, ai d then the passage 
 will run thus : he himself was marching against Hannibal, and vovtd 
 take care that his joy should be very short-lived.
 
 258 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 Hannibal declined not the combat, but descended from the 
 hills, and a battle ensued, which was not decisive indeed, 
 but great and bloody; for though the action began at the 
 third hour, it was with difficulty that night put a stop to 
 it. Next morning, at break of day, Marcellus again drew 
 up his army, and posting it among the dead bodies, chal- 
 lenged Hannibal to dispute it with him for the victory. 
 But Hannibal chose to draw off ; and Marcellus, after he 
 had gathered the spoils of the enemy, and buried his own 
 dead, marched in pursuit of him. Though the Carthagi- 
 nian laid many snares for him, he escaped them all ; and 
 having the advantage too in all skirmishes, his success was 
 looked upon with admiration. Therefore, when the time of 
 the next election came on, the senate thought proper to call 
 the other consul out of Sicily, rather than draw off Mar- 
 cellus, who was grappling with Hannibal. When he was 
 arrived, they ordered him to declare Quintus Fulviua 
 dictator. For a dictator is not named either by the 
 people or the senate ; but one of the consuls or praetors, 
 advancing into the assembly, names whom he pleases. 
 Hence some think the term Dictator comes from dicere, 
 which in Latin signifies to name ; but others assert, that 
 the dictator is so called because he refers nothing to plurali- 
 ty of voices in the senate, or to the suffrages of the people, 
 but gives his orders at his own pleasure. For the orders 
 of magistrates, which the Greek call diatagmata, the Ro- 
 mans call edictn, edicts. 
 
 The colleague* of Marcellus was disposed to appoint 
 another person dictator ; and that he might not be obliged 
 to depart from his own opinion, he left Rome by night, 
 and sailed back to Sicily. The people, therefore, named 
 Quintus Fulvius dictator ; and the senate wrote to Mar- 
 cellus to confirm the nomination, which he did accord- 
 ingly. 
 
 Marcellus was appointed proconsul for the year follow- 
 ing ; and having agreed with Fabius Maximus, the consul, 
 by letters, that Fabius should besiege Tarentum, while 
 himtelf was to watch the motions of Hannibal, and prevent 
 his relieving the place, he marched after him with all 
 
 * Laevinus, who was the colleague of Marcellus, wanted to name 
 M. Valerius Messala dictator. As he left Rome abruptly, and en- 
 joined the praetor not to name Fulvius, the tribunes of the people 
 took upon them to do it ; and the senate got the nomination con* 
 firmed by the consul Marcellus.
 
 MARCELLUS. 259 
 
 diligence, and came up with him at Canusium. And as 
 Hannibal shifted his camp continually, to avoid coming to 
 a battle, Marcellus watched him closely, and took care to 
 keep him in sight. At last, coming up with him as he 
 was encamping, he so harassed him with skirmishes that 
 he drew him to an engagement ; but night soon came on f 
 and parted the combatants. Next morning early he drew 
 his army out of the entrenchments, and pat them in order 
 of battle ; so that Hannibal, in great vexation, assembled 
 the Carthaginians, and begged of them to exert themselves 
 more in that battle than ever they had done before. " For 
 " you see," said he, " that we can neither take breath, af- 
 *' ter so many victories already gained, nor enjoy the least 
 " leisure if we are victorious now, unless this man be driven 
 " off." 
 
 After this a battle ensued, in which Marcellus seems to 
 have miscarried by an unseasonable movement ;* for 
 seeing his right wing- hard pressed, he ordered one of the 
 legions to advance to the front to support them. This 
 movement put the whole army in disorder, and decided the 
 day in favour of the enemy ; two thousand seven hundred 
 Romans being slain upon the spot. Marcellus reireated 
 into his camp, and having summoned his troops together, 
 told them, " He saw the arms and bodies of Romans in 
 " abundance before him, but not one Roman." On their 
 begging pardon, he said, ** He would not forgive them 
 " while vanquished, but when they came to be victorious 
 " he would ; and that he would lead them into the field 
 " again the next day, that the news of the victory might 
 " reach Rome before that of their flight." Before he dis- 
 missed them, he gave orders that barley should be measured 
 out, instead of wheat,f to those companies that had 
 turned their backs. His reprimand made such an im- 
 pression on them, that though many were dangerously 
 wounded, there was not a man who did not feel more 
 pain from the words of Marcellus than he did from hie 
 wounds. 
 
 * The movement was not unseasonable, but ill executed. Livy 
 says the right wing gave way faster than they needed to have done ; 
 and the eighteenth legion, which was ordered to advance from rear 
 to front, moved too slowly ; this occasioned t'.i.. i:;soider. 
 
 f This was a common punishment. Bes; u which, he ordered 
 that the officers of those companies should continue all day long with 
 their swords drawn, and without their girdles. Liv. xxvii, c. 1*.
 
 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 Next morning, the scarlet robe, which was the ordinary 
 signal of battle, was hung out betimes; and the compa- 
 nies that had come off with dishonour before, obtained 
 leave, at their earnest request, to be posted in the foremost 
 line ; after which the tribunes drew up the rest of the 
 troops in their proper order. When this was reported to 
 Hannibal, he said, " Ye gods, what can one do with a 
 " man who is not affected with either good or bad for- 
 " tune ? This is the only man who will neither give any 
 ** time to rest when he is victorious , nor take any when he 
 " is beaten. We must even resolve to fight with him for 
 *' ever ; since, whether prosperous or unsuccessful, a prin- 
 *' ciple of honour leads him on to new attempts and far- 
 " ther exertioiis, of courage." 
 
 Both armies then engaged ; and Hannibal, seeing no ad- 
 vantage gained by either, ordered his elephant! to be 
 brought forward into the first line, and to be pushed against 
 the Romans. The shock caused great confusion at first in 
 the Roman front ; but Flavius, a tribune, snatching an en- 
 sign-staff from one of the companies, advanced, and with 
 the point of it wounded the foremost elephant. The beast 
 upon this turned back, and ran upen the second, the se- 
 cond upon the next that followed, and so on till they were 
 all put in great disorder. Marcellus observing this, order- 
 ed his horse to fall furiously upon the enemy, and taking 
 advantage of the confusion already made, to rout them 
 entirely. Accordingly, they charged with extraordinary 
 vigour, and drove the Carthaginians to their entrench- 
 ments. The slaughter was dreavihil ; and the fall of the 
 killed, and the plunging of the wounded elephants, con- 
 tributed greatly to it. It is said that more tha i ei^ht 
 thousand Carthaginians fell in this battle ; of the Romans 
 not above three thousand were slain, but almost all the 
 rest were wounded. This gave K annibal opportunity to 
 decamp silently in the night, and remove to a great dis- 
 tance from Marcellus, who, by reason of the number of his 
 wounded, was not able to pursue him, but retired, by easy 
 marches, into Campania, and passed the summer in the city 
 of Sinuessa,* to recover and refresh his soldiers. 
 
 Hannibal, thus disengaged from Marcellus, made use of 
 his troops, now at liberty, and securely o\er-ran .the coun- 
 try, burning and destroying all before him. This gave 
 
 * Livy says in Venusia, which being much nearer Canusium, 
 TTOS more convenient for the wounded men to retire to.
 
 MARCHLLUS. 26l 
 
 ocrasion to unfarourable reports of Marcellus at Rome ; 
 and his enemies incited Publius Bibulus, one of the tribunes 
 of the people, a man of violent temper, and a vehement 
 speaker, to accuse him in form. Accordingly Bibulut 
 often assembled the people, and endeavoured to persuade 
 them to take the command from him, and give it to ano- 
 ther, " Since. Marcellus," said he, " has only exchanged 
 *' a few thrusts with Hannibal, and then left the stage, 
 " and is gone to the hot baths to refresh himself."* 
 
 When Marcellus was apprised of these practices against 
 him, he left his army in charge with his lieutenants, and 
 went to Rome to make his defence. On his arrival he 
 found an impeachment framed out of these calumnies. 
 And the day fixed for it being come, and the people 
 assembled in the Flaminian circus, Bibulus ascended the 
 tribune's seat, and set forth his charge. Marcellus's an- 
 swer was plain and short ; but many persons of distinction 
 among the citizens exerted themselves greatly, and spoke 
 with much freedom, exhorting the people not to judge 
 worse of Marcellus than the enemy himself had done, by 
 fixing a mark of cowardice upon the only general whom 
 Hannibal shunned, and used as much art and care to avoid 
 ighting with, as he did to seek the combat with others. 
 These remonstrances had such an effect, that the accuser 
 was totally disappointed in his expectations, for Marcellui 
 was not only acquitted of the charge, but a fifth time 
 chosen consul. 
 
 As soon as he had entered upon his office, he yisited the 
 cities of Tuscany, and by his personal influence allayed a 
 dangerous commotion that tended to a revolt. At his 
 return, he was desirous to dedicate to Honour and Virtue, 
 the temple which he had built out of the Sicilian spoils, but 
 was opposed by the priests, who would not consent that 
 two deities should be contained in one temple.f Taking 
 
 * There were hot baths near Sinuessa, but none near Venusia. 
 Therefore, if Marcellus went to the latter place, this satirical stroke 
 was not applicable. Accordingly, Livy does not apply it ; he only 
 makes Bibulus say that Marcellus passed the summer in quarters. 
 
 f- They said, if the temple should be struck with thunder and 
 lightning, or any other prodigy should happen to it that wanted 
 expiation, they should not know to which of the deities they ought 
 to offer the expiatory sacrifice. Marcellus, therefore, to satisfy the 
 priests, began another temple, and the work was carried on with 
 great diligence ; but he did not live to dedicate it. His son conse- 
 crated both the temples about four years after.
 
 302 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 this opposition ill, and considering it as ominous, he began 
 another temple. 
 
 There were many other prodigies that gave him uneasi- 
 ness. Some temples were struck with lightning ; in that of 
 Jupiter rats gnawed the gold j it was even reported that an 
 ox spoke, and that there was a child living which was born 
 with an elephant's head ; and when the expiation of these 
 prodigies was attempted, there were no tokens of success. 
 The augurs, therefore, kept him in Rome, notwithstand- 
 ing his impatience and eagerness to be gone ; for never was 
 man so passionately desirous of any thing as he was of 
 fighting a decisive battle with Hannibal. It was his dream 
 by night, the subject of conversation all day with his friends 
 and colleagues, and his sole request to the gods, that he 
 might meet Hannibal fairly in the field. Nay, I verily 
 believe, he would hare been glad to have had both armies 
 surrounded with a wall or entrenchment, and to have fought 
 in that inclosure. Indeed, had he not already attained to 
 such a height of glory, had he not given so many proofs of 
 his equalling the best generals in prudence and discretion, I 
 should think he gave way to a sangume and extravagant 
 ambition, unsuitable to his years ; for he was above sixty 
 when he entered upon his fifth consulate. 
 
 At last the expiatory sacrifices being such as the sooth- 
 sayers approved, he set out, with his colleague, to prose- 
 cute the war, and fixed his camp between Bantia and Venu- 
 sia. There he tried every method to provoke Hannibal to 
 a battle, which he constantly declined. But the Carthagi- 
 nian perceiving that the consuls had ordered some troops 
 to go and lay siege to the city of the Epizeptiyrians, or 
 Western Locrians,* he laid an ambuscade in their way, under 
 the hill of Petelia, and killed two thousand five hundred of 
 them. This added stings to Marcellus's desire of an en- 
 gagement, and made him draw nearer to the enemy. 
 
 Between the two armies was a hill, which afforded a 
 pretty strong post ; it was covered with thickets, and on 
 both' sides were hollows, from whence issued springs and 
 rivulets. The Romans were surprised that Hannibal, who 
 came first to so advantageous a place, did not take posses- 
 
 * This was not a detachment from the forces of the consuls, which 
 they did not choose to weaken when in the sight of such an enemy 
 as Hannibal. It consisted of troops drawn from Sicily, and from 
 the garrison of Tarentum.
 
 MARCELLCS. 26$ 
 
 sion of it, but left it for the enemy ; he did, indeed, think 
 -it a e for a camp, but a better for an ambuscade, 
 
 and i f e tho^e to put it. He filled, therefore, 
 
 the thicket . a'.d hollows with a good number of archers 
 and spearmen, assuring Umsf-lf tha the convenience of the 
 post would draw the Romaus to it ; nor was he mistaken 
 in his conjecture. Presently nothing was talked of in the 
 Roman army, but the expediency of seizing this hill ; and 
 as if they h;<d been all general*, they set forth the many 
 advantages they should have over the enemy, by encamping, 
 or, at least, raising a fortification upon it. Thus Marcellus 
 was induced to g<> with a few hone to take a view of the 
 hill ; but, before he went, he offered sacrifice. In the first 
 victim that was slain, the diviner shewed him the liver with- 
 out a head ; in the second, the head was very plump and 
 large, and the other tokens appearing remarkably good, 
 seemed sufficient to dispel the fears of the first ; but the 
 diviners declared, they were the more alarmed on that 
 very account ; for when favourable signs on a sudden fol- 
 low threatening and inauspicious ones, the strangeness of 
 the alteration should rather be suspected ; but, as Pindar 
 eays, 
 
 Nor fire, nor walls of triple brass, 
 
 Controul the high behests of fate. 
 
 He, therefore, set out to view the place, taking with 
 him his colleague Crispinus, his son Marcellus, who was a 
 tribune, and only two hundred and twenty horse, among 
 whom there was not one Roman ; they were all Tuscans, 
 except forty Fregellanians, of whose courage and fidelity 
 he had sufficient experience. On the summit of the hill, 
 which, as we said before, was covered with trees and bushes, 
 the enemy had placed a sentinel, who, without being seen 
 himself, could see every movement in the Roman camp. 
 Those that lay in ambush having intelligence from him of 
 what was doing, lay close till Alarcellus came very near, 
 and then all at once rushed out, spread themselves about 
 him, let fly a shower of arrows, and charged him with 
 their swords and spears. Some pursued the fugitives, and 
 others attacked those that stood their ground : the latter 
 were the forty Fregellanians ; for the Tuscans taking to 
 flight at the first charge, the others closed together in a 
 body to defend the consuls ; and they continued the fight 
 till Crispinus, wounded with two arrows, turned his horse 
 to make bis escape, and Marcellus being run through
 
 2(54 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 between the shoulders with a lance, fell down dead. Then 
 the few Fregellanians that remained, leaving the body of 
 Marcellus, carried off his son, who was wounded, and fled 
 with him to the camp. 
 
 In this skirmish there were not many more than forty 
 men killed; eighteen were taken prisoners, besides five lictors. 
 Crispinus died of his wounds a few days after * This was 
 a most unparalleled misfortune ; the Romans lost both the 
 consuls in one action. 
 
 Hannibal made but little account of the rest ; but when 
 he knew that Marcellus was killed, he hastened to the 
 place, and, standing over the body a long time, surveyed 
 its size and mien, but without speaking one insulting 
 word, or shewing the least sign of joy, which might have 
 been expected at the fall of so dangerous and formidable an 
 enemy. He stood, indeed, awhile astonished at the strange 
 death of so great a man ; and at last, taking his signet from 
 his finger,f he caused his body to be magnificently attired 
 and burnt, and the ashes to be put in a silver urn, and thn 
 placed a crown of gold upon it, and sent it to his son. 
 But certain Numidians meeting those that carried the urn, 
 attempted to take it from them ; and as the others stood 
 upon their guard to defend it, the ashes were scattered in 
 the struggle. When Hannibal was informed of it, he said 
 to those who were about him, You see it is impossible to do 
 any thing against the will of God. He punished the Numi- 
 dians, indeed, but took no further care about collecting 
 and sending the remains of Marcellus, believing that some 
 deity had ordained that Marcellus should die in so strange 
 a manner, and that his ashes should be denied burial. This 
 account of the matter we have from Cornelius Nepos and 
 
 * He did not die till the latter end of the year, having named 
 T. Manlius Torquatus dictator, to hold the comitia. Some say he 
 died at Tarentum ; others, in Campania, 
 
 f- Hannibal imagined he should have some opportunity or other of 
 making use of this seal to his advantage ; but Crispinus dispatched 
 messengers to all the neighbouring cities, in the interest of Rome, 
 acquainting them that Marcellus was killed, and Hannibal master of 
 his ring. This precaution preserved Salapia, in Apulia; nay, the 
 inhabitants turned the artifice of the Carthaginian upon himself; 
 for admitting, upon a letter sealed with that ring, six hundred of 
 Hannibal's men, most of them Roman deserters, into the town, 
 they, on a sudden, pulled up the draw-bridges, cut in pieces those 
 who had entered, and, with a shower of darts from t'v; ramp-irt*, 
 drove back the rest. Lin. 1, xxvii, c. 28.
 
 MARCELLL'Si 265 
 
 Valerius Maximus ; but Livy* and Augustus Czsar affirm 
 that the urn was carried to his "son, and that his remain! 
 were interred with great magniiicence. 
 
 Marcellus's public donations, beside those he dedicated 
 at Rome, were a Gymnasium, which he built at Catana in 
 Sicily ; and several statues and paintings, brought from, 
 Syracuse, which he set up in the temple of the Caliri in 
 Samothrace, and in that of Minerva at Lindus. In the 
 latter of these, the following verses, as Posidonius tells us, 
 were inscribed on the pedestal of his statue. 
 
 The light of Rome, Marcellus, here behold, 
 For birth, for deeds of arms, by fame enroli'd. 
 Seven times his FASCES grac'd the martial plain, 
 And by his thundering arm were thousands slain. 
 
 The author of this inscription adds to his five consulates 
 the dignity of proconsul, with which he was twice honour- 
 ed. His posterity continued in great splendour down to 
 Marcellus, the son of Caius Marcellus and Octavia, the 
 sister of Augustus.f He died very young, in the office 
 of tdile, soon after he had married Julia, the emperor's 
 daughter. To do honour to his memory, Octavia dedi- 
 cated to him a library, J and Augustus a theatre; and these 
 public works bore his name. 
 
 * Livy tells us, that Hannibal buried the body of Marcellus on 
 the hill where he was slain. 
 
 f His family continued after his' death an hundred and eighty-five 
 years; for he was slain in the first year of the hundred and forty- 
 third Olympiad, in the five hundred and forty-fifth year of Rome, 
 and two hundred and six years before the Christian era ; and young 
 Marcellus died in the second year of the hundred and eighty-ninth 
 Olympiad, and seven hundred and thirtieth of Rome. 
 
 According to Suetonius and Dion, it was not Octavia, but 
 Augustus, that dedicated this library. 
 
 Vol. IT. N
 
 2(30 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 PELOPIDAS AND MAIICELLUS 
 
 COMPARED. 
 
 THESE are the particulars which we thought worth re- 
 citing from history concerning Marcellus and Pelopidas ; 
 between whom there was a perfect resemblance in the gifts 
 of nature, and in their lives and manners ; for they were 
 both men of heroic strength, capable of enduring the 
 greatest fatigue, and in courage and magnanimity they 
 were equal. The sole difference is, that Marcellus, in 
 Hiost of the cities which he took by assault, committed 
 great slaughter, whereas Epaminondas and Pelopidas never 
 spilt the blood of any man they had conquered, nor en- 
 slaved any city they had taken. And it is affirmed, that 
 if they had been present, the Thebans would not have de- 
 prived the Orchomeniang of their liberty. 
 
 A 8 to their achievements, among those of Marcellus, 
 there was none greater or more illustrious than his beating 
 such an army of Gauls, both horse and foot, with a hand- 
 ful of horse only, of which you will scarce meet with 
 another instance, and his slaying their prince with his own 
 hand. Pelopidas hoped to have done something of the 
 Hke nature, but miscarried, and lost his life in the attempt, 
 However, the great and glorious battles of Leuctra and 
 Tegyrae may be compared with these exploits of Marcellus. 
 And, on the other hand, there is nothing of Marcellus's 
 effected by stratagem and surprise, which can be set 
 against the happy management of Pelopidas, at his return 
 from exile, in taking off the Theban tyrants. Indeed, of 
 all the enterprises of the secret hand of art, that was the 
 masterpiece. 
 
 if it be said, that Hannibal was a formidable enemy to 
 the Romans, the Lacedaemonians were certainly the same 
 to the Thebans ; and yet it is agreed on all hands, that 
 they were thoroughly beaten by Pelopidas at Leuctra 
 and Tegyrse ; whereas, according to Polybius, Hannibal 
 was never once defeated by Marcellus, but continued 
 invincible till he had to do with Scipio. However, we 
 iwher believe, with Livy, Caesar, and Cornelius Ncpos,
 
 PELOPIDAS AND MARCELLUS COMPARED. 26/ 
 
 among the Latin historians, and with king Juba* among 
 the Greek, that Marcellus did sometimes beat Hannibal, 
 and even put his troops to flight, though he gained no ad- 
 vantage of him sufficient to turn the balance considerably on 
 his side ; so that one might even think, that the Carthagi- 
 nian then acted with the art of a wrestler, who sometimes 
 suffers himself to be thrown. f But what has been very 
 justly admired in Marcellus is, that, after such great armies 
 had been routed, sci many generals slain, and the whole 
 empire almost totally subverted, he found means to in- 
 spire his troops with courage enough to make head against 
 the enemy. He was the only man that, from a state of 
 terror and dismay, in which they had long remained, raised 
 the army to an eagerness for battle, and infused into them 
 such a spirit, that, far from tamely giving up the victory, 
 they disputed it with the greatest obstinacy. For those 
 very men, who had been accustomed, by a run of ill suc- 
 cess, to think themselves happy if they could escape Han- 
 nibal by flight, were taught by Marcellus to be ashamed 
 of coming off with disadvantage, to blush at the very- 
 thought of giving way, and to be sensibly affected if they 
 gained not the victory; 
 
 As Pelopidas never lost a battle in which he commanded 
 in person, and Marcellus won more than any Roman of 
 his time, he W!K> performed so many exploits, and was so 
 hard to conquer, may, perhaps, be put on a level with 
 the other, who was never beaten, On the other hand, it 
 may be observed, that Marcellus took Syracuse, whereas 
 Pelopidas failed in his attempt upon Sparta. Yet, I think, 
 even to approach Sparta, and tu be the firat that ever 
 passed the Eurotaa in a hostile manner, was a greater 
 achievement than the conquest of Sicily ; unless it maybe 
 said, that the honour of this exploit, as well as that of 
 Leuctra, belongs rather to Epaminondas than PelopidaSj 
 whereas the glory Marcellua gained was entirely his own. 
 For he alone took Syracuse i he defeated the Gauls with- 
 out his colleague ; he made head against Hannibal, not 
 
 * This historian was the son of Juba, king of Numidia, who, la 
 the civil war, aided with Pomp^y, and was slain by Petreius in 
 single combat. The son mentioned here, vas brought in triumph 
 by Caesar to Rome, where he was educated in the learning of the 
 Greeks and Romans, 
 
 N2
 
 2(58 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 only without the assistance, but against the remonstrances 
 of the other generals ; and changing the face of the war, 
 he first taught the Romans to meet the enemy with a good 
 countenance. 
 
 As for their deaths, I praise neither the one nor the 
 other ; but it is with concern and indignation that I think 
 of the strange circumstances that attended them. At the 
 same time, I admire Hannibal, who fought such a num- 
 ber of battles as it would be a labour to reckon, without 
 ever receiving a wound ; and I greatly approve the beha- 
 viour of Chrysantes, in the Cyropcedia,* who, having hi 
 fiword lifted up, and ready to strike, upon hearing the trum- 
 pets sound a retreat, calmly and modestly retired without 
 giving the stroke. Pelopidas, however, was somewhat ex- 
 cusable, because he was not only warmed with the heat of 
 battle, but incited by a generous desire of revenge. And 4 
 as Euripides says, 
 
 The first of chiefs is he who laurels gains, 
 And buys them not with life ; the next is he 
 Who dies, but dies in virtue's arms 
 
 In such a man, dying is a free and involuntary act, not 
 a passive submission to fate. But, beside his resentment, 
 the end Pelopidas proposed to himself in conquering, 
 which was the death of a tyrant, with reason animated 
 him to uncommon efforts ; for it was not easy to find 
 another cause so great and glorious wherein to exert him- 
 self. But Marcellus, without any urgent occasion, with- 
 out that enthusiasm which often pushes men beyond the 
 bounds of reason in time of danger, unadvisedly exposed 
 himself, and died, not like a general, but like a spy ; risk- 
 ing his five consulates, his three triumphs, his trophies and 
 spoils of kings, against a company of Spaniards and Numi- 
 dians, who had bartered with the Carthaginians for their 
 lives and services. An accident so strange, that those very 
 adventurers could not forbear grudging themselves such 
 success, when they found that a man the most distinguish- 
 ed of all the Romans for valour, as well as power and fame, 
 had fallen by their hands, amidst a scouting party of Fre- 
 gellanians. 
 
 Let not this, however, be deemed an accusation against 
 these great men, but rather a complaint to them of the 
 
 Mentioned at the beginning of the fourth book.
 
 PELOPIDAS AND MARCELLUS COMPARED. 26$ 
 
 injury done themselves, by sacrificing all their other virtues 
 to their intrepidity, and a free expostulation with them for 
 being so prodigal of their blood as to shed it for their own 
 sakes, when it ought to have fallen only for their country, 
 their friends, and their allies. 
 
 Pelopidas was buried by his friends, in whose cause he 
 was slain, and Marcellus by those enemies that slew him. 
 The first was a happy and desirable thing, but the other 
 was greater and more extraordinary ; for gratitude in a 
 friend for benefits received, is not equal to an enemy's ad- 
 miring the virtue by which he suffers. In the first case, there 
 is more regard to interest than to merit ; in the latter, real 
 worth is the sole object of of the honour paid. 
 
 ARISTIDES. 
 
 ARISTIDES, the son or,j-ivsmiai.-tiuo, .._ < .r. ^^ r 
 
 Antiocnus, aud the ward ot Alopece. Ut his estate we 
 
 have different accounts. Seme say he was always very 
 poor, and that he left two daughters behind him, who re- 
 mained a long time unmarried, on account of their pover- 
 ty.* But Demetrius, the Phalerian, contradicts this ge- 
 ner.tl opinion in Ins Svciatds, and says there was a farm at 
 Phalera, which went by the name of Aristides, and that 
 there he was buried. And to prove that there was a 
 competent estate in his family, he produces three argu- 
 ments. The first is taken from the office of archon,f 
 which made the year bear his name, and which fell to 
 him by lot ; and for this none took their chance but such 
 as had an income of the first degree, consisting of five 
 hundred measures of corn, wine, and oil, who therefore 
 were called Perifacosiomedimni. The second argument 
 is founded on the ostracism, by which he was banished, and 
 which was never inflicted on the meaner sort, but only 
 upon persons of quality, whose grandeur and famil) pride 
 
 * And yet, according to a law of Solon's, the bride was to carry 
 with her only three suits of cloths, and a little household stufl' of 
 small value. 
 
 J At Athens they reckoned their years by archons, as the Romans 
 did theirs by consuls. One of the nine archons, who all had estates 
 of the first degree, was for this purpose chosen by lot out of the 
 rest, and his name inscribed in the public renters. 
 
 N 3
 
 2^0 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 made them obnoxious to the people. The third and last 
 is drawn from the tripods, which Aristides dedicated in 
 the temple of Bacchus, on account of his victory in the 
 public games, and which are still to be seen with this in- 
 scription. " The tribe of Antiochus gained the victory* 
 " Aristides defrayed the charges, and Archestratus was the 
 '* author of the play." 
 
 But this last argument, though in appearance the 
 strongest of all, is really a very weak one. For Epami- 
 r.ondas, who, as every body knows, lived and died poor, 
 and Plato, the philosopher, who was not rich, exhibited 
 very splendid shows ; the one was at the expence of a 
 concert of flutes at Theirs, and the other or an enter- 
 tainment of singing and dancing, performed by boys at 
 Athens ; Dion having furnished Plato with the money, 
 and Pelopidas supplied Epaminondas. For why should 
 good men be always averse to the presents of their 
 friends ? While they think it mean and ungenerous to re- 
 ce\vf =>"". k ; -*- f *' ----- -, .v/ lay up, or to gratify 
 
 an avanciouo to r -_, U.^ ___ j. ... .Cr___ ___ i. _tr.__ J. 
 
 serve ^ the purposes of honour and magnificence, without 
 any views of profit. 
 
 As to the tripods, inscribed with Aristides, Panae- 
 tius shews plainly that Demetrius was deceived by the 
 name. For, according to the registers, from the Persian 
 to the end of the Peloponnesian war, there were only two 
 of the name of Aristides who carried the prize in the 
 choral exhibitions, and neither of them was the son of 
 Lysimachus ; for the former was son to Xenophilus, and 
 the latter lived long after, as appears from the characters,* 
 which were not in use till after Euclid's time, and likewise 
 from the name of the poet Archestratus, which is not found 
 in any record or author during the Persian wars ; whereas 
 mention is often made of a poet of that name, who brought 
 his pieces upon the stage in the time of the Peloponnesian 
 war.f But this argument of Pansetius should not be ad- 
 mitted without farther examination. 
 
 And as for the ostracism, every man that was distin- 
 
 iKr.s, which is the common reading, has been well 
 changed by M. Salvini to 'yfa/u.p.ixnt. 
 
 f It was very possible for a poet, in his own lifetime, to have 
 his plays acted in the Peloponnesian war, and in the Persian too, 
 And, therefore, the inscription which Plutarch mentions might be. 
 fon to our Aristides,
 
 ABISTIDES. 2/1 
 
 guished by birth, reputation, or eloquence, was liable to 
 suffer by it ; since it fell even upon Damon, preceptor to 
 Pericles, because he was looked upon as a man of superior 
 parts and policy. Besides, Idomeneus tells us, that Aris- 
 tides came to be archon, not by lot, but by particular ap- 
 pointment of the people. And if he was arc/ion after the 
 battle of Platza,* as Demetrius himself writes, it is very 
 probable that, after such great actions, and so much elory, 
 his virtue might gain him that office, which others obtain- 
 ed by their wealth. But it is plain that Demetrius labour- 
 ed to take the imputation of poverty? as if it were some 
 great evil, not only from Aristides, but from Socrates 1007 
 who, he says, besides a house of his own, had seventy minae-j- 
 at interest in the hands of Crito. 
 
 Aristides had a particular friendship for Clisthenes, who 
 settled the popular government at Athens after the expul- 
 sion of the tyrants ; j yet he had, at the same time, the 
 greatest veneration for Lycurgus the Lacedemonian, whom 
 he considered as- the most excellent of lawgivers; and this 
 led him to be a favourer of aristocracy, in which he was al* 
 ways opposed by Themistocles, who listed in the party 
 of the commons- Some, indeed, say, that being brought 
 up together from their infancy, when boys, they were al- 
 ways at variance, not only in serious matters, but in their 
 very sports and diversions ; and their tempers were disco- 
 vered from the first by that opposition. The one was in- 
 sinuating, daring, and artful, variable, and at the same impe- 
 tuous in his pursuits ; the other was solid and steady, in- 
 flexibly just, incapable of using any falsehood, flattery, or 
 deceit, even at play. But Aristo ofChiasJ) writes, that their 
 enmity, which afterwards came to such a height, took its 
 rise from love. 
 
 * But Demetrius was mistaken; for Aristides was never archon 
 after the battle of Plataea, which was fought in the second year of 
 the seventy-fifth Olympiad. In the list of archons the name of Aristi- 
 des is found in the fourth year of the seventy -second Olympiad, a year 
 or two after the battle of Marathon, and in the second year of the se- 
 venty-fourth Olympiad, four years before the battle of Plataa. 
 
 f But Socrates himself declares, in his apology to his judge.!, 
 that, considering his poverty, they could not in reason fine hiwr 
 more than one mina. 
 
 J These tyrants were the Pisistratidae, who were driven out 
 about the sixty-sixth Olympiad. 
 
 || Dacier thinks it was rather Aristo of Ceos, because, as a Peri- 
 patetic, he was moye likely to write treatises of love than the other,, 
 who was a Stoic. 
 
 H.4
 
 2/2 -PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 * * * . 
 
 * * * * 
 
 Themistocles, who was an agreeable companion, gained 
 many friends, and became respectable in the strength of 
 his popularity. Thus, when he was told that " he would 
 " govern the Athenians extremely well, if he would but do 
 " it without respect of persons," he said, " May I never 
 " sit on a tribunal where my friends shall not find more fa- 
 " vour from me than strangers." 
 
 Aristides, on the contrary, took a method of his own 
 in conducting the administration ; for he would neither 
 consent to any injustice to oblige his friends, nor yet dis- 
 oblige them by denying all they asked : and as he saw 
 that many, depending on their interest and friends, were 
 tempted to do unwarrantable things, he never endea- 
 voured after that support, but declared, that a good ci- 
 tizen should place his whole strength and security in ad- 
 vising and doing what is just and right. Nevertheless, 
 as Themistocles ma<.le many rash and dangerous motions, 
 and endeavoured t"> break his measures in every step of 
 government, he was obliged to oppose him as much in 
 his turn, partly by way of self-defence, and partly to les- 
 sen his power, which daily increased through the favour o 
 the people. For he thought it better that the com- 
 monwealth should miss some advantages, than that The. 
 mistocles, by gaining his point, should come at last to 
 carry all before him. Hence it was, that one day, when 
 Themistocles proposed something advantageous to the 
 public, Aristides opposed it strenuously, and with suc- 
 cess ; but as he went out of the assembly, he could not 
 forbear saying, " The affairs of the Athenians cannot 
 " prosper, except they throw Themistocles and myself 
 " into the barathrum."* Another time, when he in- 
 tended to propose a decree to the people, he found it 
 strongly disputed in the council, but at last he prevailed; 
 perceiving its inconveniencies, however, by the preceding 
 debates, he put a stop to it, just as the president was 
 going to put it to the question, in order to its being 
 confirmed by the people. Very often he offered his sen- 
 timents by a third person, lest, by the opposition of The- 
 
 * The barathrum was a very deep pit, into which condemned per 
 Sons were. thrown headlong.
 
 ARISTIDBS. 2"3 
 
 mistocles to him, the public good should be obstruct- 
 ed. 
 
 In the changes and fluctuations of the government, his 
 firmness was wonderful. Neither elated with honours, nor 
 discomposed with ill success, he went on in a moderate and 
 steady manner, persuaded that his country had a claim to 
 his services, without the reward either of honour or profit. 
 Hence it was, that when those verses of /Eschylus concern- 
 ing Amphiaraus were repeated on the stage, 
 
 To be, and not to seem, is this man's maxim ; 
 His mind reposes on his proper wisdom, 
 And wants no other praise * 
 
 the eyes of the people in general were fixed on Aristides, 
 as the man to whom this great encomium was most appli- 
 cable. Indeed, he was capable of resisting the suggestions, 
 not only of favour and afiection, but of resentment and en- 
 mity too, wherever justice was concerned. For it is said, 
 that when he was carrying on a prosecution against his ene- 
 my, and, after he had brought his charge, the judges were 
 going to pass sentence, without hearing the person accused, 
 he rose up to his assistance, entreating that he might be 
 heard, and have the privilege which the laws allowed. 
 Another time, when he himself sat judge between two pri- 
 vate persons, and one of them observed, " That his adver- 
 " sary had done many injuries to Aristides ;" " Tell me 
 " not that," said he, " but what injury he has done to 
 " thee ; for it is thy cause I am judging, not *my own." 
 
 When appointed public treasurer, he made it appear, 
 that not only those of his time, but the officers that pre- 
 ceded him, had applied a great deal of the public money to 
 their own use, and particularly Themistocles j 
 
 For he, with all his wisdom, 
 Could ne'er command his hands. 
 
 For this reason, when Aristides gave in his accounts, The- 
 mistocles raised a strong party against him, accused him of 
 
 * These verses are to be found in the " Siege cf Thebes by the 
 Seven Captains." They are a description of the genius and temper 
 of Amphiaraus, which the courier, who brings an account of the 
 enemy's attacks, and of the characters of the commanders, gives to 
 Eteocles. Plutarch has changed one word in them for another, that 
 suited his purpose better ; reading J<*/s,-, just, instead of 
 valiant, 
 
 N
 
 274 PLUTARCH'9 LIVKS. 
 
 misapplying the public money, and (according to Idome- 
 neus) got him condemned. But the principal and most re- 
 spectable of the citizens,* incensed at this treatment of 
 Aristides, interposed, and prevailed, not only that he might 
 be excused the fine, but chosen again chief treasurer. He 
 now pretended that his former proceedings were too strict ; 
 and carrying a gentler hand over those that acted under 
 him, suffered them to pilfer the public money, without 
 seeming to find them out, or reckoning strictly with them ; 
 so that, fattened OH the spoils of their country, they lavish- 
 ed their praises on Aristides, and heartily espousing his 
 cause, begged of the people to continue him in the same 
 department. But when tne Athenians were going to con- 
 firm it to him by their suffrages, he gave them this severe 
 rebuke. " While I managed your finances with all the 
 4< fidelity of an honest man, I was loaded with calumnies ; 
 " and now when I suffer them to be a prey to public rob- 
 ** bers, I am become a mighty good citizen ; but I assure 
 " you, I am more ashamed of the present honour, than I 
 " was of the former disgrace ; and it is with indignation 
 " and concern, that 1 see you esteem it more meritorious 
 " to oblige ill men, than to take proper care of the public 
 *' revenue." By thus speaking, and discovering their frauds, 
 he silenced those that recommended him with so much 
 noise and bustle, but at the same time received the truest 
 and most valuable praise from the worthiest of the citizens. 
 About this time Datis, who was sent by Darius, under 
 pretence of chastising the Athenians for burning Sardis, 
 but in reality to subdue all Greece, arrived with his fleet 
 at Marathon, ar/d began to ravage the neighbouring coun- 
 try. Among the generals to whom the Athenians gave 
 the management of this war, Miltiades was first in dig- 
 nity, and the next to him in reputation and authority was 
 Aristides. In a council of war that was then held, Mil- 
 tiades voted for giving the enemy battle,f and Aristides, 
 
 * The court of Areopagus interposed in his behalf. 
 
 f According to Herodotus fl. vi, c. 109 , the generals were very 
 much divided in their opinions, some were for fighting, others not; 
 Miltiades observing this, addressed himself to Callimachus of 
 Aphidnse, who was polemarch, and whose power was eqiml to that 
 of all the other generals. Callimachus, whose voice was decisive ac- 
 cording to the Athenian laws, joined directly with Miltiades, and 
 declared for giving battle immediately. Possibly Aristides might 
 have some share in bringing Callimachus to this resolution.
 
 ARISTIDES. 
 
 seconding him, added no little weight to his scale. The 
 generals commanded by turns, each his day ; but when it 
 came to Aristides's turn, he gave up his right to Miltia- 
 des, thus shewing his colleagues, that it was no disgrace 
 to follow the directions of the wise, but that, on the con- 
 trary, it answered several honourable and salutary purposes. 
 By this means, he laid the spirit of contention, and bring- 
 ing them to agree in, and follow the best opinion, he 
 strengthened the hands of Miltiades, who now had the ab- 
 solute and undivided command ; the other generals no long- 
 er insisting on their days, but entirely submitting to hl 
 orders.* 
 
 In this battle the main body of the Athenian army was 
 pressed the hardest, f because there for a long time the 
 barbarians made their greatest efforts against the tribea 
 Leontis and Antiochus ; and Themistocles and Aristides, 
 who belonged to those tribes, exerting themselves at the 
 head of them, with all the spirit of emulation, behaved 
 with so much vigour, that the enemy were put to flight,- 
 and dr.ven back to their ships. But the Greeks perceiv- 
 ing that the barbarians, instead of sailing to the isles, to 
 return to Asia, were driven in by the wind and currents- 
 towards Attica, J and fearing that Athens, unprovided for. 
 its defence, mi^ht become an easy prey to them, marched 
 home with nine tribes, and used such expedition, that they 
 reached the city in one day. 
 
 Aristides was left at Marathon with his own tribe, to 
 guard the prisoners and the spoils ; and he did not disap- 
 
 * Yet he would not fight until his own proper day of command 
 came about, for fer.r that, through any latent sparks of jealousy and 
 envy, any of the generals should be led not to do their duty. 
 
 + The Athenians and Plntaeans fought with such obstinate valour 
 on the right and left, that the barbarians were forced to fly on both 
 sides. The Persians and Sacae, however, perceiving that the Athe- 
 nian centre was weak, charged with such force, that they broke 
 through it : this tho.se on the right and left perceived, but did not 
 attempt to succour it, till they had put to flight both the wings of 
 the Persian army ; then bending the points of the wings towards 
 their own centre, they inclosed the hitherto victorious Persians, and 
 cut them in pieces. 
 
 It was reported in those times, that the Alcmeonidae encouraged 
 the Persians to make a second attempt, by holding up, as they ap- 
 proached the shore, a shield for a signal. However, it was the Per- 
 sian fleet that endeavoured to double the Cape of Junium, with a 
 view, to surprise the city of Athens before the army could return. 
 
 Herodot. ]. v i, c. 101, <|c. , 
 
 Fiom Marathon to Athens is about forty m/les. 
 
 N6
 
 2?(5 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 point the public opinion ; for though there was much 
 gold and silver scattered about, and rich garments and 
 other booty in abundance were found in the tents and ships 
 which they had taken, yet he neither had an inclination to 
 touch any thing himself, nor permitted others to do it. 
 But, notwithstanding his care, some enriched themselves 
 unknown to him ; among whom was Callias the torch- 
 bearer.* One of the barbarians happening to meet him 
 in a private place, and probably taking him for a king, on 
 account of his long hair and the fillet which he wore,-|- 
 prostrated himself before him ; and taking him by the 
 hand, shewed him a great quantity of gold that was hid in 
 a well. But Callias, not less cruel than unjust, took away 
 the gold, and then killed the man that had given him in- 
 formation of it, lest he should mention the thing to others. 
 Hence, they tell us, it was, that the comic writers called 
 his family Laccoplitti, i. e. enriched lij tlie -well, jesting 
 upon the place from whence their founder drew his 
 wealth. 
 
 The year following, Aristides was appointed to the office 
 of archon, which gave his name to that year ; though, 
 according to Demetrius the Phalerean, he was not archon till 
 after the battle of Plataea, a little before his death. "But, in the 
 public registers, we find not any of the name of Aristides in 
 the list of archons, after Xanthippides, in whose archon- 
 ship Mardonius was beaten at Plataea ; whereas his name 
 is on record immediately after Phanippus,^ who was ar- 
 chon the same year that the battle was gained at Mara- 
 thon. 
 
 Of all the virtues of Aristides, the people were most 
 struck with his justice, because the public utility was 
 
 * Torch-bearers, styled in Greek deductii, were persons dedicated 
 to the service of the' gods, and admitted even to the most sacred 
 mysteries. Pausanias speaks of it as a great happiness to a woman, 
 that she had seen her brother, her husband, and her son, succes- 
 sively enjoy this office. 
 
 f Both priests and kings wore fillets or diadems. It is well known, 
 that in ancient times those two dignities were generally vested in 
 the same person ; and such nations as abolished the kingly office, 
 kept the title of king for a person who ministered in the principal 
 functions of the priesthood. 
 
 From the registers it appears, that Phanippus was archon in 
 the third year of the seventy-second Olympiad. It was therefore 
 in this year that the battle of Marathon was fought, four hundred 
 and ninety years before the birth of Christ.
 
 ARISTTOES. 277 
 
 the most promoted by it. Thus lie, though a poor man 
 and a commoner, gained the royal and divine title of the 
 Just, which kings and tyrants have never been fond of. 
 It has been their ambition to be stiled I'oliorceli, takers of 
 cities; Cerauni, thunderbolts; Xnanois,coji(juerors. Nay, 
 some have chosen to be called Eagles and Failures, pre- 
 ferring the fame of power to that of virtue. Whereas the 
 Deity himself, to whom they want to be compared, is dis- 
 tinguished by three things, immortality, power, and vir- 
 tue ; and of these, virtue is the most excellent and divine. 
 For space and the elements are everlasting ; earthquakes, 
 lightning, storms, and torrents, have an amazing power ; 
 but as for justice,* nothing participates of that, without 
 reasoning and thinking on God. And whereas men entertain 
 three different sentiments with respect to the gods, namely, 
 admiration, fear, and esteem, it should seem that they ad- 
 mire and think them happy by reason of their freedom 
 from death and corruption, that they fear and dread them 
 because of their power and sovereignty, and that they 
 love, honour, and reverence them for their justice. Yet, 
 though affected these three different ways, they desire only 
 the two first properties of the Deity ; immortality, which 
 our nature will not admit of; and power, which depends 
 chiefly upon fortune ; while they foolishly neglect virtue, 
 the only divine quality in their power ; not considering 
 that it is justice alone which makes the life of those that 
 flourish most in prosperity and high stations, heavenly 
 and divine, while injustice renders it grovelling and bru- 
 tal. 
 
 Aristides at first was loved and respected for his surname 
 of the Just, and afterwards envied as much ; the latter, 
 chiefly by the management of Themistocles, who gave it 
 out among the people, that Aristides had abolished the 
 courts of judicature, by drawing the arbitration of all 
 causes to himself, and so was insensibly gaining sovereign 
 power, though without guards, and other ensigns of it. 
 The people, elevated with the late victory, thought them- 
 selves capable of every thing, and the highest respect little 
 
 * oixrf ?j xat Stfiiot; ? STI fin <ru fynn xai AOFI7.E20AI re Stitr 
 (i>.T,\a.y-a.iu. In this passage t.y tZiffSa.1 is used in the same sense 
 as in 1 Corinth, xiii, 5, >a.r x AOFIZETAI ~.txt*, which is, we 
 K'lieve, a rare instance. Perhaps, in this passage of Plutarch, in- 
 *tead of in, we should read it n.
 
 278 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 enough for them. Uneasy, therefore, at finding that any 
 one citizen rose to such extraordinary honour and distinc- 
 tion, they assembled at Athens from all the towns in At- 
 tica, and banished Aristides by the ostracism ; disguising 
 their envy of his character under the specious pretence of 
 guarding against tyranny. 
 
 For the ostracism was not a punishment for crimes and 
 misdemeanours, but was very decently called an humbling and 
 lessening of some excessive influence and power. In reality 
 it was a mild gratification of envy ; for by this meaiis r 
 whoever was offended at the growing greatness of another, 
 discharged his spleen, not in any thing cruel or inhuman, 
 but only in voting a ten years banishment. But when it 
 once began to fall upon mean and profligate persons, it was 
 ever after entirely laid aside, Hyperbolus being the last 
 that was exiled by it. 
 
 The reason of its turning upon such a wretch was this 
 
 Alcibiades and Nicias, who were persons of the greatest 
 interest in Athens, had each his party ; but perceiving that 
 the people were going to proceed to the ostracism, and 
 that one of them was likely to suffer by it, they consulted 
 together, and joining interests, caused it to fall upon Hy- 
 perbolus. Hereupon the peopk-, full of indignation at find- 
 ing this kind of punishment dishonoured and turned into 
 ridicule, abolished it entirely. 
 
 The ostracism (to give a summary account of it) was 
 conducted in the following manner. Every citizen took 
 a piece of a broken pot, or a shell, on which he wrote the 
 name of the person he wanted to have banished, and car- 
 ried it to a part of the marker-place that was inclosed \\ith 
 wooden rails. The magistrates then counted the number 
 of the shells; and if it amounted not to s;x thousand, the 
 ostracism stood for nothing; if it did, they soiled the 
 *hells, and the person whose na'- <> was found on the great- 
 est number was declared an exile for ten years, but with 
 permission to enjoy his estate. 
 
 At the time when Aristides was banished, when the 
 people were inscribing their names on the shells, it is re- 
 ported that an illiterate burgher came to Aristides, whom 
 he took for some ordinary person, and giving him his shell, 
 desired him to write Aristides upon it. The good man, 
 surprised at the adventure, asked him, " Whether Aris- 
 " tides had ever injured him ?" " No," said he, " nor do 
 " I even know him j but it vexes rue to hear him every-
 
 ARISTIDES. 2/9 
 
 " where called the Just." Anstidcs made no answer, but 
 took the shell, and having written his own name upon it, 
 returned it to the man. When he quitted Athens, he lift- 
 ed up his hands towards heaven, and agreeably to his cha- 
 racter, made a prayer very different from that of Achilles ; 
 namely, " That the people of Athens might never see 
 '* the day which should force them to remember Aris- 
 " tides" 
 
 Three years after, when Xerxes was passing through 
 Thessaly and Bceotia, by long marches, to Attica, the Athe- 
 nians reversed this decree, and by a public ordinance recall- 
 ed all the exiles. The principal inducement was their 
 fear of Aristides; for they were apprehensive that he 
 would join the enemy, corrupt great part of the citizens, 
 and draw them over to the interest of the barbarians ; 
 but they little kv.ew the man. Before this ordinance of 
 theirs, he had been exciting and encouraging the Greeks 
 to defend their liberty ; and after it, when Themistocles 
 was appointed to the command of the Athenian forces, he 
 assisted him both with his person and counsel, not disdain- 
 ing to raise his worst enemy to the highest pitch of glory 
 for the public good ; for when Eurybiades, the commander 
 in chief, had resolved to quit Salamis,* and before he 
 could put his purpose into execution, the enemy's fleet, tak- 
 ing advantage of the night, had surrounded the islands, 
 and in a manner blocked up the straits, without any one's 
 perceiving that the confederates were so hemmed in, Aris- 
 tides sailed the same night from /Egina, and passed with 
 the utmost danger through the Persian fleet. .-'\s soon as 
 he reached the tent of 'i hemistocles, he desired to speak 
 with him in private, and then addressed him in these 
 terms " You and I, Themistocles, if we are wise, shall 
 now bid adieu to our vain and childish disputes, and 
 enter upon a nobler and more salutary contention, striv- 
 ing which of us shall contribute most to tlu? preserva- 
 tion of Greece ; you in doing the duty of a general, 
 and I in assisting you with my service and advice. I find 
 that you alone have hit upon the best measures, in ad- 
 
 " Eurybiades was for standing away for the gulf of Corinth, thrt 
 he might be near the land army ; but Themistocles clearly saw that 
 in the straits of Salamie, they could fight the Persian flett, which 
 was so vastly superior in numbers, with much greater advantage 
 than jn the gulf of Corinth, where there was an oj>en sea.
 
 280 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 " vising to come immediately to an engagement in the 
 " straits ; and though the allies oppose your design, the 
 " enemy promote it ; for the sea on all sides is covered 
 " with their ships, so that the Greeks, whether they will 
 " or not, must come to action, and acquit themselves like 
 *' men, there being no room left for flight." 
 
 Themistocles answered, *' I could have wished, Aris- 
 " tides, that you had not been beforehand with me in 
 " this noble emulation ; but I will endeavour to outdo 
 " this happy beginning of yours by my future actions." 
 At the same time, he acquainted him with the stratagem 
 he had contrived to ensnare the barbarians,* and then de- 
 sired him to go, and make it appear to Eurybiades, that 
 there could be no safety for them without venturing a 
 sea-fight there; for he knew that Aristides had much 
 greater influence over him than he. In the council of 
 war assembled on this occasion, Cleocritus the Corinthian 
 said to Themistocles, " Your advice is not agreeable to 
 " Aristides, since he is here present, and says nothing." 
 " You are mistaken," said Aristides, tf for I should not 
 " have been silent, had not the counsel of Themistocles 
 *' been the most eligible ; and now I hold my peace, not 
 t out of regard to the man. but because I approve his 
 " sentiments." This, therefore, was what the Grecian 
 officers fixed upon. 
 
 Aristides then perceiving that the little island of Psyt- 
 talia, which lies in the straits over against Salamis, was 
 full of the enemy's troops, put on board the small trans- 
 ports a number of the bravest and most resolute of his 
 countrymen, and made a descent upon the island, where 
 he attacked the barbarians with such fury, that they were 
 all cut in pieces, except some of the principal persons, 
 who were made prisoners. Among the latter were three 
 *ons of Sandauce, the king's sister, whom he sent imme- 
 diately to Themistocles ; and it is said that, by the direc- 
 tion of Euphrantides the diviner, in pursuance of some 
 oracle, they were all sacrificed to Bacchus (.'-mi'Stes. After 
 this, Aristides placed a strong guard round the island, to 
 take notice of such as were driven ashore there, that so 
 
 * The stratagem was to send one to acquaint the enemy that the 
 Greeks were going to quit the straits of Salami* ; and therefore, 
 if the Persians were desirous to crush them at once, they must fall 
 upon them immediately, before they dispersed.
 
 ARISTIDBS. 281 
 
 none of his friends might perish, nor any of the enemy 
 escape ; for about Psyttalia the battle raged the most,* 
 and the greatest efforts were made, as appears from the 
 trophy erected there. 
 
 When the battle was over, Themistocles, by way of 
 sounding Aristides, said, " That great things were already 
 " done, but greater still remained ; for they might con- 
 " quer Asia in Europe, by making all the sail they could 
 " to the Hellespont, to break down the bridge." But 
 Aristides exclaimed against the proposal, and bade him 
 think no more of it, but rather consider and inquire what 
 would be the speediest method of driving the Persians out 
 of Greece, lest, finding himself shut up with such immense 
 forces, and no way left to escape, necessity might bring 
 him to fight with the most desperate courage. Hereupon 
 Themistocles sent to Xerxes the second time, by the eu- 
 nuch Arnaces, one of the prisoners, f to acquaint him pri- 
 vately, that the Greeks were strongly inclined to make the 
 best of their way to the Hellespont, to destroy the bridge 
 which he had left there ; but that, in order to save his 
 royal person, Themistocles was using his best endeavours to 
 dissuade them from it. Xerxes, terrified at this news, made 
 all possible haste to the Hellespont, leaving Mardonius 
 behind him with the land-forces, consisting of three hun- 
 dred thousand of his best troops. 
 
 In the strength of such an army Mardonius was very 
 formidable ; and the fears of the Greeks were heightened 
 by his menacing letters, which were in this style. " At 
 " sea, in your wooden towers, you have defeated landmen, 
 " unpractised at the oar ; but there are still the wide 
 " plains of Thessaly and the fields of Bceotia, where both 
 " horse and foot may fight to the best advantage." To 
 the Athenians he wrote in particular, being authorized by 
 the king to assure them that their city should be rebuilt, 
 large sums bestowed upon them, and the sovereignty of 
 Greece put in their hands, if they would take no further 
 share in the war. J 
 
 The battle of Salamis was fought in the year before Christ 480. 
 f This expedient answered two purposes. By it he drove the king 
 
 of Persia out of Europe, and in appearance conferred an obligation 
 upon him, which might be remembered to the advantage of The- 
 mistocles when he came to have occasion for it. 
 
 * He made these proposals by Alexander, king of Macedon, who 
 delivered them in a set speech.
 
 282 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 As soon as the Lacedjemonians had intelligence of thesr 
 proposals, they were greatly alarmed, and sent ambassa- 
 dors to Athens, to entreat the people to send their wives 
 and children to Sparta,* and to accept from them what was 
 necessary for the support of such as were in years ; for the 
 Athenians, having lost both their city and country, were 
 certainly in great distress. Yet when they had heard what 
 the ambassadors had to say, they gave them such an answer, 
 by the direction of Aristides, as can never be sufficiently 
 admired. They said, " They could easily forgive their 
 enemies for thinking that every thing was to be pur- 
 chased with silver and gold, because they had no idea of 
 any thing more excellent ; but they could not help being 
 displeased that the Lacedaemonians should regard only 
 their present poverty and distress, and, forgetful of 
 their virtue and magnanimity, call upon them to fight 
 for Greece, for the paltry consideration of a supply of 
 provisions." Aristides having drawn up this answer in 
 the form of a decree, and called al! the ambassadors to an 
 audience in full assembly, bade those of Sparta tell the 
 Lacedaemonians, That the people of Athens would not take 
 all the gold, either above or under ground, for the liberties 
 oj Greece. 
 
 As for those of Mardonius, he pointed to the sun, and 
 told them, ** As long as this luminary shines, so long 
 " will the Athenians carry on war with the Persians for 
 " their country, which has been laid waste, and for their 
 *' temples, which have been profaned and burnt." He 
 likewise procured an order, that the priests should solemnly 
 execrate all that should dare to propose an embassy to the 
 Medes, or talk of deserting the alliance of Greece. 
 
 When Mardonius had entered Attica the second time, 
 the Athenians retired again to Salamis ; and Aristides, 
 who, on that occasion, went ambassador to Sparta, com- 
 plained to the Lacedaemonians of their delay and neglect 
 in abandoning Athens once more to the barbarians ; and 
 pressed them to hasten to the succour of that part of Greece 
 
 * They did not propose to the Athenians to send their wives and 
 children to Sparta, but only offered to maintain them during the 
 war. They observed, that the original quarrel was between the 
 Persians and Athenians ; that the Athenians were always wont to 
 be the foremost in the cause of liberty ; and that there was no rea- 
 son to believe the Persians would observe any terms with a people 
 the/ hated.
 
 ARIST1DES* 283 
 
 Tvhich was not yet fallen into the enemy's hands. The 
 Epho>i gave him the hearing,* but seemed attentive to 
 nothing but mirth and diversion, for it was the festival 
 of Hyacinthus.-j- At night, however, they selected five 
 thousand Spartans, with orders to take each seven helots 
 with him, and to march before morning, unknown to the 
 Athenians. When Aristides came to make his remonp 
 strances again, they smiled, arid told him, ' That he did 
 " but trifle or dream, since their army was at that time as 
 " far as Orestium, on their march against the foreigners," 
 for so the Lacedaemonians called the barbarians. Aristides 
 told them, " It was not a time to iest, or to put their 
 " stratagems in practice upon their friends, but on their 
 " enemies." This is the account Idomeneus gives of the 
 matter ; but, in Aristides's decree, Cimon, Xanthippus, 
 and Myronides, are said to have gone upon the embassy, 
 and not Aristides. 
 
 Aristides, however, was appointed to command the 
 Athenians in the battle that was expected, and marched 
 with eight thousand foot to Plataea. There Pausanias, 
 who was commander in chiet ot all the confederates, 
 joined him with the Spartans, and the other Grecian troops 
 arrived daily in great numbers. The Persian army, which 
 was encamped alung the river Asopas, occupied an im- 
 mense tract of ground ; and they had fortified a spot ten 
 furlongs square, for their baggage and other things of 
 value. 
 
 In the Grecian army there was a diviner of Elis, named 
 Tisamenus,J who foretold certain victory to Pausanias, 
 and the Greeks in general, if they did not attack the 
 enemy, but stood only upon the defensive. And Aristides 
 
 They put off their answer from time to time, until they had 
 gained ten days ; in which time they finished the wall across the 
 isthmus, which secured them against the barbarians. 
 
 t Among the Spartans the feast of Hyacinthus lasted three days ; 
 the first and last were days of sorrow and mourning for Hyacin- 
 thus's death j but the second was a day of rejoicing, celebrated with 
 all manner of diversions. 
 
 The oracle having promised Tisamenus five great victories, the 
 Lacedaemonians were desirous of having him for their diviner ; but 
 he demanded to be admitted a citizen of Sparta, which was refused 
 at first. However, upon the approach of the Persians, he obtained 
 that privilege both for himself and his brother Hegias. This would 
 scarce have been worth mentioning, had not those two been the only 
 Grangers that were ever made citizens of Sparta,
 
 284 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 having sent to Delphi, to inquire of the oracle, received 
 this answer. " The Athenians shall be victorious, if they 
 address their prayers to Jupiter, to Juno of Cithxron, 
 to Pan, and to the nymphs Sphragitides ;* if they sa- 
 crifice to the heroes, Androcrates, Leucon, Pisander, 
 Damocrates, Hypsion, Actaeon, and Polydius ; and if 
 they fight only in their own country, on the plain of 
 the Eleusinian Ceres and of Proserpine/' This oracle 
 perplexed Aristides not a little ; for the heroes to whom 
 he was commanded to sacrifice were the ancestors of the 
 Platxans, and the cave of the nymphs Sphragitides in one 
 of the summits of mount Cithasron, opposite the quarter 
 where 'the sun sets in the summer ; and it is said, in that 
 cave there was formerly an oracle, by which many who 
 dwelt in those parts were inspired, and therefore called 
 Nymphulefjli. On the other hand, to have the promise 
 of victory only on condition of fighting in their own 
 country, on the plain of the Eleusinian Ceres, was calling 
 the Athenians back to Attica, and removing the seat of 
 war. 
 
 In the meantime Arimnestus, general of the Platseans, 
 dreamt that Jupiter the Preserver asked him," What the 
 " Greeks had determined to do ?" To which he answer- 
 ed, " To-morrow they will decamp and march to Eleosis, 
 " to fight the barbarians there, agreeable to the oracle." 
 The god replied, " They quite mistake its meaning ; for 
 " the place intended by the oracle is in the environs of 
 " Platzea ; and if they seek for it, they will find it." 
 matter being so clearly revealed to Arimnestus, as soon as 
 he awoke, he sent for the oldest and most experienced of 
 his countrymen ; and having advised with them, and made 
 the best inquiry, he found that near Husiae, at the foot of 
 mount Cithscron, there was an ancient temple called the 
 temple of the Eleusinian Ceres and of Proserpine, 
 immediately conducted Aristides to the place, which ap- 
 peared to be very commodious for drawing up an army 
 of foot, that was deficient in cavalry, because the bottor 
 of mount Cithscron, extending as far as the temple, made 
 
 The nymphs of mount Cithaeron were called Sphragitides from 
 the cave Sphragidion, which probably had its name from the si 
 observed in it by the persons who went thither to be inspired ; 
 $ilence being described by sealing the lips.
 
 ARISTIDES'. 285 
 
 the extremities of the field on that side inaccessible to the 
 horse.* In that place was also the chapel of the hero 
 Androcrates, quite covered with thick bushes and trees. 
 And that nothing might be wanting to fulfil the oracle, 
 and confirm their hopes of victory, the Plataeans resolved, 
 at the motion of Arimnestus, to remove their boundaries 
 between their country and Attica, and for the sake of 
 Greece, to make a grant of those lands to the Athenians, 
 that, according to the oracle, they might fight in their 
 own territories. This generosity of the Plataeans gained 
 them so much renown, that many years after, when Alex- 
 ander had conquered Asia, he ordered the walls of Plataea 
 to be rebuilt, and proclamation to be made by an herald 
 at the Olympic games, " That the king granted the 
 " Plataeans this favour, on account of their virtue and ge- 
 " nerosity in giving up their lands to the Greeks in the 
 " Persian war, and otherwise behaving with the greatest 
 " vigour and spirit." 
 
 When the confederates came to have their several posts 
 assigned them, there was a great dispute between the 
 Tegetae and the Athenians ; the Tegetae insisting, that, 
 as the Lacedaemonians were posted in the right wing, the 
 left belonged to them, and in support of their claim, set* 
 ting forth th gallant actions of their ancestors. As the 
 Athenians expressed great indignation at this, Aristides 
 stepped forward and said, " The time will not permit us 
 " to contest with the Tegetae the renown of their ances- 
 " tors and their personal bravery ; but to the Spartans, 
 and to the rest of the Greeks, we say, that the post 
 neither gives valour nor takes it away ; and whatever 
 post you assign us, we will endeavour to do honour to 
 it, and take care to reflect no disgrace upon our former 
 achievements. For we are not come hither to quarrel 
 with our allies, but to fight our enemies ; not to 
 make encomiums upon our forefathers, but to approve 
 our own courage in the cause of Greece. And the 
 battle will soon shew what value our country should 
 set on every state, every general, and private man." 
 After this speech, the council of war declared in favour 
 of the Athenians, and gave them the command <jf the left 
 wing. 
 
 tifer.
 
 286 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 While the fate of Greece was in suspence, the affairs of 
 the Athenians were in a very dangerous posture ; for those 
 of the best families and fortunes, being reduced by the war, 
 and seeing their authority in the state and their distinction 
 gone with their wealth, and others rising to honours and 
 employments, assembled privately in a house at Platza, and 
 conspired to abolish the democracy ; and, if that did not 
 succeed, to ruin all Greece, and betray it to the barbarians. 
 When Aristides got intelligence of the conspiracy thus en- 
 tered into in the camp, and found that numbers were cor- 
 rupted, he was greatly alarmed at its happening at such a 
 crisis, and unresolved at first how to proceed. At length he 
 determined neither to leave the matter uiiinquired into, nor 
 yet to sift it thoroughly, because he knew not how far the 
 contagion had spread, and thought it advisable to sacrifice 
 justice, in some degree, to the public good, by forbearing to 
 prosecute many that were guilty. He therefore caused eight 
 persons only to be apprehended, and of those eight no more 
 than two, who were most guilty, to be proceeded against, 
 ^Eschines of Lampra, and Agesias of Acharnae ; and even 
 they made their escape during the prosecution. As for the 
 rest he discharged them, and gave them, and all that weie 
 concerned in the plot, opportunity to recover their spirits 
 and change their sentiments, as they might imagine that no- 
 thing was made out against them ; but he admonished them 
 at the same time, " That the battle was the great tribunal, 
 " where they might clear themselves of the charge, and 
 *' shew that they had never followed any counsels but such 
 " as were just and useful to their country." 
 
 After this,* Mardonius, to make a trial of the Greeks, 
 ordered his cavalry, in which he was strongest, ta skir- 
 mish with them. The Greeks were all encamped at the 
 foot of mount Cithaeron, in strong and stony places ; ex- 
 cept the Megarensians, who, ta the number of three thou- 
 sand, were posted on the plain, and by this means suffered 
 much by the enemy's horse, who charged them on every 
 side. Unable to stand against such superior numbers, 
 
 The battle of Flatten was fought in the year before Christ 479, 
 the year after that of Salamis. Herodotus was then about nine or 
 ten years old, and had his accounts from persons that were present 
 in the battle. And he informs us, that the circumstance here related 
 by Plutarch, happened before the Greeks left their camp at Kry thr, 
 ia order to encamp round to Plata-a, and before the contest between 
 the Tegttse and the Athenians. Lib. ix, c. 29, 30, c.
 
 ARISTIDES. 287 
 
 they dispatched a messenger to Pausanias for assistance. 
 Pausanias hearing their request, and seeing the camp of the 
 Megarensians darkened with the shower of darts and ar- 
 rows, and that they were forced to contract themselves 
 within a narrow compass, was at a loss what to resolve 
 on ; for he knew that his heavy-armed Spartans were not 
 fit to act against cavalry. He endeavoured, therefore, to 
 awaken the emulation of the generals and other officers 
 that were about him, that they might make it a point 
 of honour voluntarily to undertake the defence and suc- 
 cour of the Megarensians. But thc-y all declined it, ex- 
 cept Aristides, who made an offer of his Athenians, and 
 gave immediate orders to Olympiodorus, one of the most 
 active of his officers, to advance with his select band of 
 three hundred men and some archers intermixed. They 
 were all ready in a moment, and ran to attack the bar- 
 barians. Masistius, general of the Persian horse, a man 
 distinguished for his strength and graceful mien, no sooner 
 saw them advancing, then he spurred his horse against 
 them. The Athenians received him with great firmness, 
 and a sharp conflict ensued ; for they considered this as a 
 specimen of the success of the whole battle. At last Ma- 
 sistius's horse was wounded with an arrow, and threw his 
 rider, who could not recover himself because of the weight 
 of his armour, nor yet be easily slain by the Athenians 
 that strove which should do it first, because not only his 
 body and his head, but his legs and arms, were covered 
 with plates of gold, brass, and iron. But the vi/or of his 
 helmet leaving part of his face open, one of them pierced 
 him in the eye with the staff of his spear, and so dis- 
 patched him. The Persians then left the body and 
 fled. 
 
 The importance of this achievement appeared to the 
 Greeks, not by the number of their enemies lying dead 
 upon the field, for that was but small, but by the mourn- 
 ing of the barbarians, who, in their grief for Masistius, 
 cut off their hair, and the manes of their horses and mules, 
 and filled all the plain with their cries and groans, as having 
 lost the man that was next to Mardonius in courage and 
 authority. 
 
 After this engagement with the Persian cavalry, both 
 sides forbore the combat a long time; for the diviners, 
 from the entraik of the victims, equally assured the Per- 
 sians and the Greeks of victory, if they stood upon the de-
 
 283 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 fensive, and threatened a total defeat to the aggressors. 
 But at length Mardonius seeing but a few days provision 
 left, and that the Grecian forces increased daily by the ar- 
 rival of fresh troops, grew uneasy at the delay, and resolv- 
 ed to pass the Asopus next morning by break of day 
 and fall upon the Greeks, whom he hoped to find unpre- 
 pared ; for this purpose he gave his orders over night. 
 But at midnight a man on horseback softly approached 
 the Grecian camp, and addressing himself to the sentinels, 
 bade them call Aristides the Athenian general to him. 
 Aristides came immediately, and the unknown person said, 
 " I am Alexander, king of Macedon, who, for the friend- 
 " ship I bear you, have exposed myself to the greatest 
 *' dangers to prevent your fighting under the disadvan- 
 " tage of a surprise ; for Mardonius will give you bat- 
 *' tie to-morrow ; not that he is induced to it by any well- 
 " grounded hope or prospect of success, but by the scar- 
 " city of provisions ; for the soothsayers, by their ominous 
 " sacrifices and ill-boding oracles, endeavour to divert 
 '* him from it ; but necessity forces him either to hazard 
 '* a battle, or to sit still and see his whole army perish 
 " through want." Alexander having thus opened him- 
 self to Aristides, desired him to take notice and avail 
 himself of the intelligence, but not to communicate it to 
 any other person.* Aristides, however, thought it wrong 
 to conceal it from Pausanias, who was commander in 
 chief ; but he promised not to mention the thing to any 
 one besides, until after the battle ; and assured him at the 
 lame time, that if the Greeks proved victorious, the whole 
 army should be acquainted with this kindness and glorious 
 daring of Alexander. 
 
 The king of Macedon, having dispatched this affair, 
 returned, and Aristides went immediately to the tent of 
 Pausanias, and laid the whole before him ; whereupon 
 the other officers were sent for, and ordered to put the 
 troops under arms,' and have them ready for battle. At 
 the same time, according to Herodotus, Pausanias in- 
 formed Aristides of his design to alter the disposition of 
 the army, by removing the Athenians from the left wing 
 to the right, and setting them to oppose the Persians ; 
 
 * According to Herodotus, Alexander had excepted Pausanias 
 out of this charge of secrecy ; and this is most probable, because 
 Pausanias wag commander in chief.
 
 ARISTIDES. 280 
 
 against whom they would act with the more bravery, be- 
 cause they had made proof of their manner of fighting, 
 and with greater assurance of success, because they had 
 already succeeded. As for the left wing, which would 
 have to do with those Greeks that had embraced the 
 Median interest, he intended to command there himself.* 
 The other Athenian officers thought Pausanias carried it 
 with a partial and high hand, in moving them up and 
 down, like so many helots, at his pleasure, to face the 
 boldest of the enemy's troops, while he left the rest of 
 the confederates in their posts. But Aristides told them 
 they were under a great mistake. " You contended," 
 said he, *' a few days ago with the Tegetse for the com- 
 tc mand of the left wing, and valued yourselves upon the 
 " preference ; and now, when the Spartans voluntarily 
 " offer you the right wing, which is in effect giving up 
 *' to you the command of the whole army, you are nei- 
 " ther pleased with the honour, nor sensible of the ad- 
 " vantage of not being obliged to fight against your coun- 
 " try men, and those who have the same origin with you, 
 " but against barbarians, your natural enemies." 
 
 These words had such an effect upon the Athenians, 
 that they readily agreed to change posts with the Spar- 
 tans ; and nothing was heard among them but mutual ex- 
 hortations to act with bravery. Tliey observed, ." That 
 " the enemy brought neither better arms nor bolder hearts 
 " than they had at Marathon, but came with the same 
 " bows, the same embroidered vests and profusion of gold, 
 " the same effeminate bodies, and the same unmanly souls. 
 " For our part," continued they, ' we have the same 
 " weapons and strength of body, together with additional 
 " spirits from our victories ; and we do not, like them, 
 " fight for a tract of land or a single city, but for the 
 " trophies of Marathon and Salamis, that the people of 
 " Atnens, and not Miltiadea and fortune, may have the 
 " glory of them," 
 
 While they were thus encouraging each other, they 
 hastened to their new post. But the Thebans being in- 
 formed of it by deserters, sent and acquainted Mardouius, 
 who, either out of fear of the Athenians, or from an am- 
 
 * Herodotus says the contrary 5 namely, that all the Athenian 
 officers were ambitious of that post, but did not think proper to pro- 
 pose it, for fear of disobliging the Spartans. 
 
 Vol. II. O
 
 290 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 bition to try his strength with the Lacedaemonians, in. 
 mediately movt-J the Persians to his right wing, and the 
 Greeks that were of his party to the left, opposite to the 
 Athenians. This change in the disposition of the ene- 
 my's army being known, Pausanias made another move- 
 ment, and passed to the right ; which Mardonius perceiving, 
 returned to the left, and so still faced the Lacedaemo- 
 nians. Thus the day passed without any action at all. 
 In the evening the Grecians held a council of war, in 
 which they determined to decamp, and take possession of 
 a place more commodious for water, because the springs of 
 their present camp were disturbed and spoiled by the ene- 
 my's horse. 
 
 When night was come,* and the officers began to 
 inarch at the head of their troops to the place marked 
 out for a new camp, the soldiers followed unwillingly, 
 and could not without great difficulty be kept together ; 
 for they were no sooner out of their first entrenchments, 
 than many of them made off to the city of Platasa, and 
 cither dispersing there, or pitching their tents without 
 any regard to discipline, were in the utmost confusion. 
 It happened that the Lacedaemonians alone were left be- 
 hind, though against their will. For Amompharetus, an 
 intrepid man, who had long been eager to engage, and 
 uneasy to sec the battle so often put off and delayed, 
 plainly called this decampment a disgraceful flight, and 
 declared, " He would not quit his pot, but remain there 
 " with his troops, and stand it out against Mardonius." 
 And when Pausanias represented to him, that this mea- 
 sure was taken in pursuance of the counsel and determin- 
 ation of the confederates, he took up a large stone with 
 both his hands, and, throwing it at Pausanias's feet, said, 
 This is my ballot for a battle ; and I despise the ti- 
 " mid counsels and resolves of others." Pausanias was 
 at a loss what to do, but at last sent to the Athenians, 
 who by this time were advancing, and desired them to 
 halt a little, that they might all proceed in a body : at 
 the same time he marched with the rest of the troops to- 
 wards Plataea, hoping by that means to draw Amompha- 
 retus after him. 
 
 " On this occasion Mardonius did not fail to insult Artabazus, 
 reproaching him v ith his cowardly prudence, and the false notion 
 h" had conceived of the LacedrcTnoniaiifj vho, as he pretended? 
 never fled before the enemy.
 
 AMSTIBES. 291 
 
 By this time it was day, and Mardoniua,* who was not 
 ignorant that the Greeks had quitted their camp, put hii 
 army in order of battle, and bore down upon the Spar- 
 tans ; the barbarians setting up such shouts, and clanking 
 their arms in such a manner, as if they expected to have 
 only the plundering of fugitives, and not a battle. And, 
 indeed, it was like to have been so ; for though Pausanias, 
 upon seeing this motion of Mardonius, stopped, and or- 
 dered every one to his post, yet, either confused with his 
 resentment against Amompharetus, or with the suddea 
 attack of the Persians, he forgot to give his troops the 
 word ; and for that reason they neither engaged readily, 
 nor in a body, but continued scattered in small parties, even 
 after the fight was begun. 
 
 Pausanias in the meantime offered sacrifice ; but see- 
 ing no auspicious tokens, he commanded the Lacedaemo- 
 nians to lay down their shields at their feet, and to stand 
 still and attend his orders, without opposing the enemy. 
 After this he offered other sacrifices, the Persian cavalry 
 still advancing. They were now within bow-shot, and 
 some of the Spartans were wounded : among whom wa 
 Callicrates, a man that for size and beauty exceeded the 
 whole army. This brave soldier being shot with an ar- 
 row, and ready to expire r said, " He did not lament hia 
 *' death, because he came out resolved to shed his blood 
 *' for Greece ; but he was sorry to die without having 
 *< once drawn his sword against the enemy." 
 
 If the terror of this situation was great, the steadiness 
 and patience of the Spartans was wonderful ; for they 
 made no defence against the enemy's charge, but waiting 
 the time of heaven and their general, suffered themselves 
 to be wounded and slain in their ranks. 
 
 Some say, that, as Pausanias was sacrificing and pray- 
 ing at a little distance from the lines, certain Lydian* 
 
 * Having passed the Asopus, he came up with the Lacedaemo- 
 nians and Tegetae, who were separated from the body of the arm}', 
 to the number of lifty-three thousand. Pausanias, finding himself 
 thus attacked by the whole Persian army, dispatched a messenger to 
 acquaint the Athenians, who had taken another route, with the dan- 
 ger he was in. The Athenians immediately put themselves on their 
 inarch to succour their distressed allies, but were attacked, and, to 
 their great regret, prevented by those Greeks who sided with the 
 Persians. The battle being thus fought in two different places, the 
 Spartans were the first who broke into the centre of the Persian 
 y, and, after a most obstinate resistance, put them to flight. 
 
 O2
 
 292 PLUTARCH'S LIVE". 
 
 coming suddenly upon him, seized and scattered the sacred 
 utensils,* and that Pausanias and those about him, having 
 no weapons, drove them away with rods and scourges. And 
 they will have it to be in imitation of this assault of the Ly- 
 dians, that they celebrate a festival at Sparta now, in which 
 boys are scourged round the altar, and which concludes 
 with a. march called the Lydian mar. h. 
 
 Pausanias, extremely afflicted at these circumstances, 
 while the priest offered sacrifice upon sacrifice, turning to- 
 wards the temple of Juno, and with tears trickling from his 
 eyes, and uplifted hands, prayed to that goddess, the pro- 
 tectress of Cithseron, and to the other tutelar deities of 
 the Plataeans, " That if the fates had not decreed that 
 " the Grecians should conquer, they might at least be per- 
 ** mitted to sell their lives dear, and shew the enemy by 
 " their deeds, that they had brave men and experienced 
 " soldiers to deal with." 
 
 The very moment that Pausanias was uttering this prayer, 
 the tokens so much desired appeared. in the victim, and the 
 diviners announced him victor)'. Orders were immediately 
 given the whole army to come to action, and the Spartan 
 phalanx all at once had the appearance of some fierce ani- 
 mal, erecting his bristles, and preparing to exert his strength. 
 The barbarians then saw clearly that they had to do with 
 men who were ready to spill the last drop of their blood ; 
 and, therefore, covering themselves with their targets, shot 
 their arrows against the Lacedaemonians. The Lacedaemo- 
 nians moving forward in a close compact body, fell upon 
 the Persians, and forcing their targets from them, directed 
 their piices against their faces and breasts, and brought 
 many of them to the ground. However, when they were 
 down, they continued to give proofs of their strength and 
 courage ; For they laid hold on the pikes with their naked 
 hands and broke them ; and then springing up, betook 
 themselves to their swords and battle-axes, and wresting 
 away their enemies shields, and grappling close with them, 
 made a long and obstinate resistance. 
 
 The Athenians all this while stood still, expecting the 
 Lacedaemonians ; but when the noise of the battle reached 
 them, and an officer, as we are told, dispatched by Pau- 
 
 * aava^uv KO.I StuftiTTtit ret rt(i rut S-vfint. At vet vi^i r Svraa 
 may be rendered either the *acr/ice, or the sacred utensils, we haw 
 made choice of the latter.
 
 ARISTIDE.V. 203 
 
 sanias, gave them an account that the engagement was 
 begun, they hastened to his assistance ; ana as they were 
 crossing the plain towards the place where the noise was 
 heard, the Greeks who sided \virh the enemy pushed 
 against them. A* soon as Aristides saw them, he ad- 
 vanced a considerable way before his troops, and, calling 
 out to them with .^11 his force, conjured them by the gods 
 of Greece, " to renounce this impious war, and not op- 
 *' pose the Athenians, who were running to the succour 
 " of those that were now the first to hazard their lives for 
 " the safety of Greece." But finding that, instead of 
 hearkening to him, they approached in a hostile manner, 
 he quitted his design of going to assist the Lacedaemonians, 
 and joined battle with these Greeks, who were above five 
 thousand in number , but the greatest part soon gave way 
 and retreated, especially when they heard that the barba- 
 lians were put to flight. The sharpest part of this action 
 is said to have been with the Thebans ; among whom the 
 first in quality and power having embraced the Median 
 interest, by their authority carried out the common people 
 agai-.st their inclination. 
 
 The battle thus divided into two parts, the Lacedse- 
 monians first broke and routed the Persians ; and Mar- 
 donius himself was slain by a Spartan named Arimnes- 
 tus,-j- who broke his skull with a stoue, as the oracle of 
 A mphiarus had foretold him ; for Mardonius had sent 
 a Lydian to consult this oracle, and at the same time a 
 Carian to the cave of Trophonius.j; The priest of Tro- 
 phcnius answered the Carian in his own language ; but 
 the Lydian, as he slept in the temple of Amphiarus,$ 
 thought he saw a minister of the god approach him, who 
 
 * Mardonius, mounted on a white horse, signalized himself 
 greatly; an :, at the head of a thousand chosen men, killed a great 
 number of the enemy ; but when he fell, the whole Persian army 
 was easily routed. 
 
 j- In some copies he is called Diamnesttis. Arimnestus was ge- 
 neral of the Platsrans. 
 
 J The cave of Trophonius was near the city of Lahadia in Bosotia, 
 above Delphi. Mardonioa had sent to consult, not only this oracle, 
 but almost all the other oracles in the country, so restless and un- 
 easy was he about the event of the war. 
 
 Amphiarus, in his life-time, had been a great interpreter of 
 dreams, and therefore, after his death, gave his oracles by dreams; 
 for which purpose, those that consulted him slept in his temple o 
 fhe bkin of a ram which thev had sacrificed to him. 
 
 O3
 
 *LUTARCIl's 
 
 commanded him to begone, and, upon his refusal, threw 
 a great stone* at his head, so that he believed himself 
 killed by the blow. Such is the account we have of that! 
 affair. 
 
 The barbarians flying before the Spartann, were pur- 
 sued to their camp, which they had fortified with wooden 
 walls ; and soon after the Athenians routed the Thebans, 
 killing three hundred persons, of the first distinction, 
 on the spot. Just as the Thebans began to give way, 
 news was brought that the barbarians were shut up and 
 besieged in their wooden fortification ; the Athenians, 
 therefore, suffering the Greeks to escape, hastened to 
 assist in the siege ; and finding that the Lacedaemonians, 
 unskilled in the storming of walls, made but a slow pro- 
 gress, they attacked and took the camp,* with a pro- 
 digious slaughter of the enemy. For it is said, that of 
 three hundred thousand men, only forty thousand escaped 
 with Artabazus ;f whereas of those that fought in the 
 cause of Greece, no more were slain than one thousand 
 three hundred and sixty ; among whom were fifty-two 
 Athenians, all, according to Clidemus, of the tribe of 
 Aiantis, which greatly distinguished itself in that action. 
 And, therefore, by order of the Delphic oracle, the 
 Aiantidse offered a yearly sacrifice of thanksgiving for the 
 victory to the nymphs SpJiragitidi's, having the expence 
 defrayed out of the treasury. The Lacedaemonians lost 
 ninety-one, and the Tegetse sixteen. But it is surprising 
 that Herodotus J should say, that these were the only 
 Greeks that engaged the barbarians, and that no other 
 
 * The spoil was immense, consisting of vast sums of money, of 
 gold and silver cups, vessels, tables, bracelets, rich beds, and all 
 .sorts of furniture. They gave the tenth of all to Pausanias. 
 
 f Artabazus, who, from Mardonius's imprudent conduct, had 
 but too well foreseen the misforUme that befel him, after having 
 distinguished himself in the engagement, made a timely retreat 
 with the forty thousand men he had commanded, arrived safe at 
 Byzantium, and from thence passed over into Asia. Beside these, 
 only three thousand men escaped. Jfcrodot. 1. ix, c. 31-69. 
 
 i Dacier has shewn very clearly, that Plutarch misunderstood an 
 expression in the 70th ch. of the llth book of Herodotus ; and that 
 this mistake of his own, led him to impute one to that historian. 
 The expression is, etMv p. Jiv/ i^u wnnpNiMM&tf'j which Plutarch 
 must have supposed to mean, I cannot bear witness for any other of 
 .tie Greeks, whereas the real meaning is, of ickick / cannot give 
 tetter proof.
 
 ARIST1DES. 295 
 
 were concerned in the action ; for both the number of 
 the slain and the monuments shew, that it was the com- 
 mon achievement of the confederates ; and the altar erected 
 on that occasion would not have had the following inscrip- 
 tion, if only three states had engaged, and the rest had sat 
 still. 
 
 The Greeks, their country freed, the Persians slain, 
 Have reared this altar on the glorious field, 
 To freedom's patron, Jove 
 
 This battle was fought on the fourth of Boedromion, 
 f_ September^* according to the Athenian way of reckon- 
 ing ; but, according to the Boeotian computation, on the 
 twenty-fourth of the month Pannnus. And on that day 
 there is still a general- assembly of the Greeks at Plataea, 
 and the Plataans sacrifice to Jupiter the deliverer, for the 
 victory. Nor is this difference of days in the Grecian 
 months to be wondered at, since even now, when the science 
 of astronomy is go much improved, the months bgin and 
 end differently in different places. 
 
 This victory went near to be the ruin of Greece. 
 For the Athenians, unwilling to allow the Spartans the 
 honour of the day, or t j consent that they should erect 
 the trophy, would have referred it to the decision of the 
 sword, had not Aristides taken great pains to explain the 
 matter, and pacify the other generals, particularly Leo- 
 crates and Myronides, persuading them to leave it to the 
 judgment of the Greeks. A council was called accerd- 
 ingry, in which Theogiton gave it as his opinion, 
 " That those two states should give up the palm to a 
 " third, if they desired to prevent a civil war." Then 
 Cleocritus the Corinthian rose up, and it was expected 
 
 * Dacier has it October in his translation ; but he justly observes, 
 in a note, that an Athenian month does not answer exactly to one of 
 ours, but to part of one and part of another ; Jloedromion, for in- 
 stance, begins about the fifteenth of September, and ends about tht 
 fifteenth of October. So that the battle of Platica must, according 
 to our computation, have been on the nineteenth of September at 
 least; that is, as near as we can fix it. Nor does Plutarch seem 
 to have been sure ; for, in the life of Camillus, he says this battle 
 was fought on the third of Boedromion. But we rather think 
 some error has crept into the text, since being 9. Boeotian himself, 
 he could not be ignorant what day the festival of that victory was 
 held. 
 
 04
 
 296 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 he would set forth the pretensions of Corinth to the prize 
 of valour as the city next in dignity to Sparta and Athens ; 
 but they were most agreeably surprised when they found 
 that he spoke in behalf of the Plateaus, a?;d proposed, 
 " That all disputes laid aside, the palm should be adjudg- 
 " ed to them, since neither of the contending parties could 
 ' be jealous of them." Aristides was the first to ;rive up 
 the point for the Athenians, and then Pausanias did the 
 same for the Lacedaemonians.* 
 
 The confederates thus reconciled, eighty talents were 
 set apart for the Piataeans, with which they built a tem- 
 ple, and erected a statue to Minerva, adorning the tem- 
 ple with paintings, which to this day retain their origi- 
 nal beauty and lustre. Both the Lacedaemonian* and 
 Athenians erected trophies separately ; and sending to 
 consult the oracle at Delphi about the sacrifice they 
 " were to offer, they were directed by Apollo, " To 
 " build an altar to Jupiter the deliverer, but not to offer 
 " any sacrifice upon it till they had extinguished all the 
 " fire in the country (because it had been polluted by 
 " the barbarians), and supplied themselves with pure fire 
 " from the common altar at Delphi." Hereupon the 
 Grecian generals went all over the country, and caused 
 the fires to be put out ; and Euchidas, a Platxan, under- 
 taking to fetch fire with all imaginable speed from the 
 altar of the god, went to Delphi, sprinkled and purified 
 himself there with water, put a crown of laurel on his 
 head, took fire from the altar, and then hastened back to 
 Platrea, where he arrived before sun-set, thus performing 
 a journey of a thousand furlongs in one day. But hav- 
 ing saluted his fellow citizens, and delivered the fire, he 
 fell down on the spot, and presently expired. The Pla- 
 teaus carried him to the temple of Diana, surnamed Eu- 
 cleia, and buried him there, putting this short inscription 
 oa his tomb.-* 
 
 Here lies Euchidas, who went to Delphi, and returned the same day. 
 As for Eucleia, the generality believe her to be Diana, 
 
 * As to the individuals, when they came to determine which had 
 behaved with most courage, they all gave judgment in favour of Ari- 
 .stodemus, who was the only one that had saved himself ut Thermo- 
 pyhr, and now wiped uff the blemish of his former conduct by a glo- 
 rious death.
 
 ARISTIDES. 297 
 
 and call her by that name ; but some say she was daugh- 
 ter to Hercules and Myrto, the daughter ofMenaeceus, and 
 sister of Patrpclus ; and that dying a virgin, she had divine 
 honours paid her by the Boeotians and Leocrians. For in 
 the market-place of every city of theirs, she has a statue 
 and an altar, where persons of both sexes that are betroth- 
 ed offer sacrifice before marriage. 
 
 In the first general assembly of the Greeks after this 
 victory, Aristides proposed a decree, " That deputies from 
 all the states of Greece should meet annually at Plataea, 
 to sacrifice to Jupiter the deliverer^ and that every fifth 
 year they should celebrate the games of liberty ; that a 
 general levy should be made through Greece of ten 
 thousand foot, a thousand horse, and a hundred ships, 
 for the war against the barbarians ; and that the Pktse- 
 ans should be exempt, being set apart for the service of 
 the god, to propitiate him in behalf of Greece, and con- 
 sequently their persons to be esteemed sacred. 
 These articles passing into a law, the Plataeans under- 
 took to celebrate the anniversary of those that were slain 
 and buried in that place, and they continue it to this day. 
 The ceremony is as follows On the sixteenth day of 
 Maimacterion [X- /t'eWrr], which, with the Boeotians, is 
 the month sl/dlcomenius, the procession begins at break of 
 day, preceded by a trumpet, which sounds the signal of 
 battle. Then follow several chariots full of garlands and 
 branches of myrtle, and next to the chariots is led a black 
 bull. Then come some young men that are free born, 
 carrying vessels full of wine and milk for the libations, and 
 cruets of oil and perfumed essences ; no slave being allow- 
 ed to have any share in this ceremony, sacred to the me- 
 mory of men that died for liberty. The procession closes 
 with the archon of Plataa, who, at other times, is not al- 
 lowed either to touch iron, or to wear any garment but a 
 white one ; but, that day, he is clothed with a purple robe, 
 and girt with a sword ; and carrying in his hand a water- 
 pot, taken out of the public hall, he walks through the 
 midst of the city to the tombs. Then he takes water in 
 the pot out of a fountain, and, with his own hands, 
 washes the little pillars of the monuments,* and rubs them 
 
 It Appears from an epigram of Callimachus, that it was custom- 
 ary to place little pillars upon the monuments, which the friends oC 
 the deceased perfumed with essences, and crowned with flowers* 
 
 O a
 
 299 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 \\ith essences. After this he kills the bull upon a pile of 
 wood ; and having made his supplications to the terrestrial 
 Jupiter* and Mercury, he invites those brave men who fell 
 in the cause of Greece, to the funeral banquet and the 
 steams ofblood.f Last of all, he fills a bowl with wine, and 
 pouring it out, he says, " I present this bowl to the men 
 " who died for the liberty of Greece." Such is the ce- 
 remony still observed by the Plataeans. 
 
 When the Athenians were returned home, Aristides ob- 
 serving that they used their utmost endeavours to make 
 the government entirely democratical, considered on one 
 *ide, that the people deserved some attention and respect, 
 on account of their gallant behaviour, and on the other, 
 that being elated with their victories, it would be difficult 
 to force them to depart from their purpose ; and, there- 
 fore, he caused a decree to be made, that all the citizens 
 should have a share in the administration, and that the ar- 
 chons should be chosen out of the whole body of them. 
 
 Themistocles having one day declared to the general 
 assembly, that he had thought of an expedient which was 
 very salutary to Athens,;}; but ought to be kept secret, 
 he was ordered to communicate it to Aristides only, and 
 abide by his judgment of it. Accordingly, he told him, 
 his project was to burn the whole fleet of the confede- 
 rates ; by which means the Athenians would be raised to 
 the sovereignty of all Greece. Aristides then returned 
 to the assembly, and acquainted the Athenians, " That 
 " nothing could be more advantageous than the project 
 " of Themistocles, nor any thing more unjust." And 
 upon his report of the matter, they commanded Themisto- 
 cles to give over all thoughts of it. Such regard had that 
 people for justice, and so much confidence in the integrity 
 of Aristides. 
 
 The terrestrial Jupiter is Pluto, who, as well as the celestial, 
 had his Mercury, or else borrowed the messenger of the gods of his 
 brother. To be sure, there might be as well two Mercurys as two 
 Jupiters ; but the conducting of souls to the shades below is reckon- 
 ed part of the office of that Mercury who waits upon the Jupiter of 
 the skies. 
 
 f In Brian's text U is /',u<>xiyuri>,but an ancient manuscript has it 
 ;'uaxof/v, which is understood to be the same as M^MMMM* ; the 
 ghosts being supposed to be satisfied n-i:h the steams of blood. 
 
 J This was before the battle of Plataa, at the time when Xerxes 
 was put to flight, and driven back into Asia.,
 
 ARISTIDES. 
 
 Some time after this,* he was joined in commission with 
 Cimon, and sent against the barbarians ; where, observing 
 that Pausanias, and the other Spartan generals, behaved 
 with excessive haughtiness, he chose a quite different man- 
 ner, shewing much mildness and condescension in his whole 
 conversation and address, and prevailing with Cimon to be- 
 have with equal goodness and affability to the whole 
 league. Thus he insensibly drew the chief command from 
 the Lacedaemonians, not by force of arms, horses, or ships, 
 but by his gentle and obliging deportment. For the justice 
 of Aristides, and the candour of Cimon, having made the 
 Athenians very agreeable to the confederates, their regard 
 was increased by the contrast they found in Pausanias's 
 avarice and severity of manners. Tor he never spoke to 
 the officers of the allies but with sharpness and anger, and 
 he ordered many of their men to be flogged, or to stand all 
 day with an iron anchor on their shoulders. He would not 
 suffer any of them to provide themselves with forage, or 
 stra\v to lie on, or to go to the springs for water, before 
 the Spartans were supplied, but placed his servants there 
 with rods, to drive away those that should attempt it. 
 And when Aristides was going to remonstrate with him 
 upon it, he knit his brows, and telling him, " He was not 
 " at leisure,'' refused to hear him. 
 
 From that time the sea captains and land officers of the 
 Greeks, particularly those of Chios, Samos, and Lesbos, 
 pressed Aristides to take upon him the command of tire 
 confederate forces, and to receive them into his protection, 
 since they had long desired to be delivered from the Spar- 
 tan yoke, and to act under the orders of the Athenians. 
 He answered, " That he saw the necessity and justice of 
 " what they proposed, but that the proposal ought first 
 '* to be confirmed by some act, which would make it im- 
 " possible for the troops to depart from their resolution," 
 Hereupon Uliades of Samos, and Antagoras of Chios, 
 conspiring together, went boldly and attacked Pausanias's 
 galley at the head of the fleet. Pausanias, upon this inso- 
 lence, cried out, in a menacing tone, " He would soon 
 " shew those fellows they had not offered this insult to 
 *' his ship, but to their own countries." But they told 
 him, " The best thing he could do was to retire, and 
 
 * Eight years after. 
 
 O 6
 
 300 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 " thank fortune for fighting for him at Platsa ; for tliat 
 " nothing but the regard they had for that great action, 
 " restrained the Greeks from wreaking their just ven- 
 " geance on him." The conclusion was, that they quitted 
 the Spartan banners, and ranged themselves under those of 
 the Athenians. 
 
 On this occasion the magnanimity of the Spartan people 
 appeared with great lustre. For as soon as they perceived 
 their generals were spoiled with too much power, they sent 
 no more, but voluntarily gave up their pretensions to the 
 chief command ; choosing rather to cultivate in their citi- 
 zens a principle of modesty and tenaciousness of the laws 
 and customs of their country, than to possess the sovereign 
 command of Greece. 
 
 While the Lacedaemonians had the command, the Greeks 
 paid a certain tax towards the war ; and now being desir- 
 ous that every city might be more equally rated, they beg- 
 ged the favour of the Athenians that Aristides might take 
 it upon him, and gave him instructions to inspect their 
 lands and revenues, iu order to proportion the burden of 
 each to its ability. 
 
 Aristides, invested with this authority, which, in a 
 manner, made him master of all Greece, did not abuse it. 
 For th< ugh he went out poor, he returned poorer, having 
 settled the quotas of the several states, not only justly and 
 disinterestedly, but with so much tenderness and humanity, 
 that his assessment was agreeable and convenient to all. 
 And as the ancients praised the times of Saturn, so the 
 allies of Athens blest the settlements of Aristides, calling 
 it the happy Jortunc of Greece; a compliment which soon 
 after appeared still more just, when this taxation was twice 
 or three times as high; for that of Aristides amounted 
 only to four hundred and sixty talents, and Pericles in- 
 ercasL'd it almost one third : for Thucydides writes, that, 
 at the beginning of the \var, the Athenians received from 
 their allies six hundred talents ; and after the death of 
 . Pericles, those that had the administration in their hands, 
 raised it by little and little to the sum of thirteen hundred 
 talents. Not that the war grew more expensive, either by 
 its length or want of success, but because they had ac- 
 customed the people to receive distributions of money fas 
 the public spectacles and other purposes, and had made 
 them fond of erecting magnificent statues and temples.
 
 ARISTIDES. 3OJ 
 
 The great and illustrious character which Aristides ac- 
 quired by the equity of this taxation piqued Themisto- 
 cles ; and he endeavoured to turn the praise bestowed upon 
 him into ridicule, by saying, " It was not the praise of a 
 " man, but of a money chest, to keep treasure without di- 
 *' minution." By this he took but a feeble revenge for 
 the freedom of Aristides. For one day Themistocles hap- 
 pening to say, " That he looked upon it as the principal 
 " excellence of a genera! to know and foresee the designs 
 " of the enemy-" Aristides answered, " That is indeed a 
 " necessary qualification ; but there is another very excel- 
 " lent one, and highly becoming a ge-.ieral, and that is, to 
 " have clean hands.'' 
 
 When Aristides had settled the articles of alliance, he 
 called upon the confederates to confirm them with a;i oath, 
 which he himself took on the part of the Athenians ; and, 
 at the same time that he uttered the execration on those 
 that should break the articles, he threw red hot pieces of 
 iron into the sea.* However, when the urgency of af- 
 fairs afterwards required the Athenians to govern Greece 
 with a stricter hand than those conditions justified, he 
 advised them to let the consequences of the perjury rest 
 with him, and pursue the path which expediency pointed 
 out.-]- Upon the whole, Theophrastus says, that in all 
 his own private concerns, and in those of h's fellow-citi- 
 zens, he was inflexibly just ; but in affairs of state he did 
 many things, according to the exigency of the case, to 
 serve his country, which seemed often to have need of 
 the assistance of in'iustice. And he relates, that when it 
 was debated in council, whether the treasure deposited at 
 Delos should be brought to Athens, as the Samians had 
 advised, though contrary to treaties, on its comi.ig to his 
 turn to speak, he said, " It was not just, but it was 
 ' expedient." 
 
 " As much as to say, as the fire in these pieces of iron is ex 
 tingubhed in a moment, so may their days be extinct who break 
 thK^ovenant. 
 
 f Thus even the just, the upright Aristides, made a distinction 
 between his private and political conscience. A distinction which 
 Uas no manner of foundation in truth or reason, and which, in 
 the end, will be productive of ruin rather than advantage; as all 
 those nations will find who avail themselves of injustice to serve a 
 present occasion. For so much reputation is so much power ; and 
 states, as well as private persons, are respectable only in thei* 
 character.
 
 302 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 This must be said, notwithstanding, that though he 
 extended the dominions of Athens over so many people, 
 he himself still continued poor, and esteemed his poverty 
 no Ie a glory than all the laurels he had won. The fol- 
 lowing is a clear proof of it- Callias the torch-bearer, 
 who was his near relation, was prosecuted in a capital 
 cause by his enemies. When they had alleged what they 
 had against him, which was nothing very flagrant, they 
 launched out into something foreign to their own charge, 
 and thus addressed the judges. " You know Aristides, 
 " the son of Lysimachus, who is justly the admiration of 
 " all Greece. When you see with what a garb he ap- 
 " pears in public, in what manner do you think he must 
 " live at home ? Must not he who shivers here with 
 " cold for want of clothing, be almost famished there, 
 ** and destitute of all necessaries ; yet this is the man 
 whom Callias, his cousin-german, and the richest man 
 in Athens, absolutely neglects, and leaves, with his 
 wife and children, in such wretchedness, though he 
 has often made use of him, and availed himself of his 
 interest with you." Callias, perceiving that this point 
 affected and exasperated his judges more than any thing 
 else, called for Aristides to testify before the court, that 
 he had many times offered him considerable sums, and 
 strongly pressed him to accept them, but he had always 
 refused them, in such terms as these. " It better becomes 
 " Aristides to glory in his poverty, than Callias in his 
 4< riches ; for we see every day many people make a good 
 " as welt as a bad use of riches, but it is hard to find one 
 *' that bears poverty with a noble spirit j- and they only 
 " are ashamed of it who are poor against their will." 
 When Aristides had given in his evidence, there was not a 
 man in the court who did not leave it with an inclination 
 rather to be poor with him, than rich with Callias. This 
 particular we have from ^Eschines, the disciple of Socrates. 
 And Plato, among all that were accounted great and illus- 
 trious men in Athens, judged none but Aristides worthy 
 of real esteem. As for Themistocles, Cimon, and Penc^es, 
 they filled the city with magnificent buildings, with wealth, 
 and the vain superfluities of life ; but virtue was the only 
 object that Aristides had in view in the whole course of 
 his administration. 
 
 We have extraordinary instances of the candour with 
 which he behaved towards Themistocles. For though b
 
 ARISTIDES. 30$ 
 
 was his constant enemy in all affairs of government, and 
 the means of his banishment, yet when Themistocles was 
 accused of capital crimes against the state, and he had an 
 opportunity to pay him in kind, he indulged not the least 
 revenge; but \vliile Alcmason, Cimon, and many others, 
 were accusing him, and driving him into exile, Aristides 
 alone neither did nor said any thing to his disadvantage ; 
 for, as he had not envied his prosperity, so now he did not 
 rejoice in his misfortunes. 
 
 As to the death of Aristides, some say it happened in 
 Pontus, whither he had sailed about some business of the 
 state ; others sayjie died at Athens, full of days, ho- 
 noured and admired by his fellow-citizens ; but Craterus 
 the Macedonian gives us another account of the death of 
 this great man. He tells us, that after the banishment 
 of Themistocles, the insolence of the people gave encou- 
 ragement to a number of villainous informers, who, at- 
 tacking the greatest and best men, rendered them ob- 
 noxious to the populace, now much elated with prosperity 
 and power. Aristides himself was not spared; but, on a 
 charge brought against him by Diophautus of Amphi- 
 trope, was condemned for taking a bribe of the Ionian* 
 at the time he levied the tax. He adds, that being un- 
 able to pay his fine, wliich was fifty mime, he sailed to 
 some part of Ionia, and there died. But Craterus gives 
 us no written proof of this assertion, nor does he allege 
 any register of court, or decree of the people, though on 
 other occasions he is full of such proofs, and constantly 
 cites his author. The other historians, without excep- 
 tion, who have given us an account of the unjust beha- 
 viour of the people of Athens to their generals, among 
 many other instances dwell upon the banishment of The- 
 mistocles, the imprisonment of Miltiades, the fine im- 
 posed upon Pericles, and the death of Paches, who, upon 
 receiving sentence, killed himself in the judgment hall, 
 at the foot of the tribunal. Nor do they forget the ba- 
 nishment of Aristides, but they say not one word of his 
 condemnation. 
 
 Besides, his monument is still to be seen at Phalerum, 
 and is said to have been erected at the public charge, be- 
 cause he did not leave enough to defray the expences of 
 his funeral. They inform us, too, that the city provided 
 for the marriage of his daughters, and that each of them 
 had three thousand drachmae to her portion out of the
 
 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 treasury ; and to his son Lysimachus the people of 
 Athens gave an hundred mtn<e of silver, and a plantation of 
 as many acres of land, with a pension of four drachmae a 
 day ;* the whole being confirmed to him by a decree 
 drawn up by Alcibiades. Callisthenes adds, that Lysi- 
 machus, at his death, leaving a daughter named Poly- 
 crite, the people ordered her the same subsistence with 
 those who had conquered at the Olympic games- Deme- 
 trius the Phalerean, Hieronymus of Rhodes, Aristoxenu 
 the musician, and Aristotle himself, if the treatise concern- 
 ing nobility is to be reckoned among his genuine works, 
 relate, that Myrto, a grand-daughter ofcAristides, was mar- 
 ried to Socrates the philosopher, who had another wife at 
 the same time, but took her because she was in extreme 
 want, and remained a widow on account of her poverty. 
 But this is sufficiently confuted by Panztius, in his life of 
 that philosopher. 
 
 The same Demetrius, in his account of Socrates, tells 
 us, he remembered one Lysimachus, grandson to Aris- 
 tides, who plied constantly near the temple of Bacchus, 
 having certain tables by which he interpreted dreams lor 
 a livelihood ; and that he himst-lf procured a decree, by 
 which his mother and aunt had three vfali a-day each al- 
 lowed for their subsistence He farther acquaints us, that 
 when afterwards he undertook to reform the. Ath 
 laws, he ordered each of those women a drachma a-day. 
 Nor is it to be wondered that this people took so much 
 care of those that lived with them in Athens, when 
 having hea-d that a grand-daughter of Aristogitou lived 
 in mean circumstances in Lemnos, and continued unmar- 
 ried by reason of her poverty, they sent for her to At.iens, 
 and married her to a man of a considerable family, giving 
 her for a portion an estate in the borojigh of Potan os. 
 That city, even in our days, continues to give so many 
 proofs of her benevolence and humanity, that she is de- 
 ervedly admired and applauded by all the world. 
 
 * Though this may seem no extraordinary matter to us, being 
 only about half a crown of our money, yet in those days it was ; 
 for an ambassador was allowed only two drachmae a-d;iy. as appears 
 from the Acharntnse* of Aristophanes. The poet, indeed, speaks of 
 ne sent to the king of Persia, at whose court an ambassador jfvm. 
 pretty sure to be enriched.
 
 CATO THE CENSOR. 
 
 IT is said that Marcus Cato was born at Tusculum, of 
 which place his family oiiginally \vas, and that before he 
 was concerned in civil or military affairs, he lived upon 
 an estate which his father Ltt him near the country of the 
 Sabi', es. Though his ancestors were reckoned to have 
 been persons of no note, yet Cato himself blasts of his 
 father as a brave man and an excellent soldier, and as- 
 sure* us, that his grandfather Cato received several mili- 
 tary rewards, and that having had five horses killed under 
 him, he had the value of them paid him out of the trea- 
 ury, as an acknowledgment of his gallant behaviour. 
 As the Roma'.s always gave the appellation of new men* 
 to those who, having no honours transmitted to them from 
 their ancestors, began to distinguish themselves, they 
 mentioned Cuto by the same style 5 but he used to say, he 
 was indeed new with respect to offices and dignities, but 
 with regard to the services and virtues of his ancestors, he 
 was very ancient. 
 
 His third name, at first, was not Cato, but Priscus. 
 It was afterwards changed to that of Cato, on account of 
 his great wisdom ; for the Romans call wise men Catos.^ 
 He had red hair and grey eyts, as this epigram ill-na- 
 turedly enough declares. 
 
 With eyes so grey and hair so red, 
 
 With tusksj so sharp and keen, 
 Thou'lt fright the shades when thou art dead, 
 
 And hell wont let thee in. 
 
 * The Jus imaginum was annexed to the great offices of state, and 
 none had their statues or pictures but such as had borne those of- 
 fices. Therefore, he who had the pictures of his ancestors, was called 
 noble he who had only his own, was called a neic man ; and he who 
 had neither the one nor the other, was called ignoble. So says As- 
 conius. But it does not appear, that a man who had borne a great 
 office, the consu'ate for instance, was ignoble, because he had not his 
 statue or picture ; for he might not choose it. Cato himself did not 
 choose it : his reason, we suppose, was because he had none of his. 
 ancestors ; though he was pleased to assign another. 
 
 f The Latin word catus signifies prudent, 
 
 The epigrammatist, when he says that he was TavJajefTJt?, one 
 that bit every thing that came in his any, plays upon his name of 
 quasi Porous, hog.
 
 3(X5 PLUTARCH'S 
 
 Inured to labour and temperance, and brought up, as 
 it were, in camps, he had an excellent constitution with 
 respect to strength as we ^ as health; and he considered 
 eloquence as a valuable contingent, an instrument of great 
 things, not only useful but necessary for every man who 
 does not choose to live obscure and inactive ; for which 
 reason he exercised and improved that talent in the neigh- 
 bouring boroughs and villages, by undertaking the causes 
 of such as applied to him ; so that he was soon allowed to 
 be an able pleader, and afterwards a good orator. 
 
 From this time all that conversed with him, discovered 
 in him such a gravity of behaviour, such a dignity and 
 depth of sentiment, as qualified him for the greatest af- 
 fairs in the most respectable government in the world ; 
 for he was not only so disinterested as to plead without 
 fee or reward, but it appeared that the honour to be 
 
 Sined in that department was not his principal view, 
 is ambition was military glory ; and when yet but a 
 youth, he had fought in BO many battles that his breast 
 was full of scar?. He himself tells us, he made his first 
 campaign at seventeen years of age, when Hannibal, in 
 the height of his prosperity, was laying Italy waste with 
 fire and sword. In battle he stood firm, had a sure and 
 executing hand, a fierce countenance, and spoke to his 
 enemy in a threatening and dreadful accent ; for he rightly 
 judged, and endeavoured to convince others, that such a 
 kind of behaviour often strikes an adversary with greater 
 terror than the sword itself. He always marched on foot, 
 and carried his own. arms, followed only by one servant, 
 who carried his provisions. And it is said, he never was 
 angry or found fault with that servant, whatever he set 
 before him; but when he was at leisure from military duty, 
 he would case and assist him in dressing it. All the time 
 he was in the army, he drank nothing but water, except 
 that when almost burnt up with thirst, he would ask for 
 a little vinegar, or when he found his strength and spirits 
 exhausted, he would take a little wine. 
 
 Near his country-seat was a cottage which formerly 
 belonged to Manius Curius,* who was thrice honoured 
 
 * Manius Curius Dentatus triumphed twice in his first consulate, 
 in the four hundred and sixty-third year of Home, first over the 
 Samnites, and afterwards over the Sabines. And eight years after 
 that, in his third consulate, he triumphed over Pyrrhus. After this, 
 he led up the less triumph, culled Ovation, for his victory over th 
 Lucanians.
 
 CATO THE CENSOR. 30? 
 
 with a triumph. Cato often walked thither, and reflect- 
 ing on the smallness of the farm and the meanness of the 
 dwelling, used to think of the peculiar virtues of Benta- 
 tus, who, though he was the greatest man in Rome, had 
 subdued the most warlike nations, and driven Pyrrhus out 
 of Italy, cultivated this little spot of ground with his 
 own hards, and after three triumphs lived in this cot- 
 tage. Here the ambassadors of the Samnites found him in 
 the chimney-corner, dressing turnips, and offered him a 
 large present of gold ; but he absolutely refused it, and 
 gave them this answer. " A man who can be satisfied with 
 " such a supper, bath no need of gold ; and I think it 
 44 more glorious to conquer the owners of it, than to have 
 " it myself." Full of these thoughts, Cato returned 
 home, and taking a view of his own estate, his servants, 
 and manner of living, added to his own laiour, and re- 
 trenched his unnecessary expences. 
 
 When Fabius Maximus took the city of Tarentum, 
 Cato, who was then very young,* served under him. Hap- 
 pening at that time to lodge with a Pythagorean philoso- 
 pher named Nearchus, he desired to hear some of his doc- 
 trine ; and learning from him the same maxims which Plato 
 advances, " That pleasure is the greatest incentive to 
 " evil ; that the greatest burden and calamity to the soul is 
 " the body, from which she cannot disengage herself, but by 
 " such a wise use of reason as shall wean and separate her 
 " from all corporeal passions ;" he became still more at- 
 tached to frugality and temperance. Yet it is said that 
 he learned Greek very late, and was considerably advanced 
 in years when he began to read the Grecian writers, among 
 whom he improved his eloquence, somewhat by Thucydi- 
 des, but by Demosthenes very greatly. Indeed, his own 
 writings are sufficiently adorned with precepts and examples 
 borrowed from the Greek ; and among his maxims and 
 sentences we find many that are literally translated from 
 the same originals. 
 
 At that time there flourished in Rome a nobleman of 
 great power and eminence, called Valerius Flaccus, whose 
 penetration enabled him to distinguish a rising genius and 
 virtuous disposition, and whose benevolence inclined him 
 
 " Fabius Maximus took Tarerrtum in his fifth consulate, in the 
 year of Rome 544. Cato was then twenty .three years old; but he 
 hftd ina.de bis first campaign under the same Fabius five years before.
 
 308 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 to encourage and conduct it in the path of glory. This 
 nobleman had an estate contiguous to Cato's, where he 
 often heard his servants speak of his neighbour's laborious 
 and temperate manner of life. They told him that he used 
 to go early in the morning to the little towns in the neigh- 
 bourhoood, and defend the causes of such as applied to 
 him ; that from thence he would return to his own farm, 
 where, iu a coarse frock, if it was winter, and naked, if it 
 was summer, he would labour with his domestics, after- 
 wards sit down with them, and eat the same kind of bread, 
 and drink of the same wine. They related also many 
 other instances of his condescension and moderation, and 
 mentioned several of his short sayings that were full uf wit 
 and good sense. Valerius, charmed with his character, 
 sent him an invitation to dinner. From that time, by fre- 
 quent conversation, he found in him so much sweetness of 
 temper and ready wit, that he considered him as an excel- 
 lent plant, which wanted only cultivation, and deserved to 
 "be removed to a better soil. He therefore persuaded him 
 to go to Rome, and apply himself to affairs of state. 
 
 There his pleadings soon procured him friends and ad- 
 mirers ; the interest of Valerius, too, greatly assisted his 
 rise to preferment ; so that he was first made a tribune of 
 the soldiers, and afterwards quaestor ; and having gained 
 great reputation and honour in those employments, he was 
 joined with Valerius himself in the highest dignities, being 
 his colleague both as consul and as censor. 
 
 Among all the ancient -senators, he attached himself 
 chiefly to Fabius Maximus, not so much on account of 
 the great power and honour he had acquired, as tor the 
 sake of his life and manners, which Cato considered as 
 the best model to form himself upon ; so that he uvde 
 no scruple of differing with the great Scijno, who, though 
 at that time but a young man, yet, actuated by a spirit of 
 emulation, was the person who most opposed the power 
 of Fabius ; for being sent quaestor with Scipio to the 
 war in Africa, and perceiving that he indulged himself, as 
 usual, in an unbounded expense, and lavished the public 
 money upon the troops, he took the liberty to remon- 
 strate ; observing, " That the expense itself was not the 
 " greatest evil, but the consequence of that expense, since 
 " it corrupted the ancient simplicity of the soldiery, who, 
 " when they had more money .than was necessary for tbejr
 
 CATO THE CEX80R. 309 
 
 " subsistence, were sure to bestow it upon luxury and 
 " riot." Scipio answered, " He had no need of a very 
 " exact and frugal treasurer, because he intended to spread 
 > ** all his sails in the ocean of war,* and because his coun- 
 " try expected from him an account of services perfurm- 
 " ed, not of money expended." Upon this^Cato left 
 Sicily, and returned to Rome, where, together with Fa- 
 bins, he loudly complained to the senate, " Of Scipio's 
 " immense profusion, and of his passing his time, like a 
 " boy, in wrestling-rings and theatres, as if he had not 
 " been sent out to make war, but to exhibit games and 
 " shows." In consequence of this, tribunes were sent to 
 examine into the affair, with orders, if the accusation prov- 
 ed true, to bring Scipio back to Rome. Scipio represent- 
 ed to them, " That success depended entirely upon the 
 " greatness of the preparations ;" and made them sensible,- 
 " That though he spent his hours of leisure in a cheer. 
 " ful manner with his friends, his liberal way of living had 
 " not caused him to neglect any great or important busi- 
 " ness." With this defence the commissioners were satis 
 fied, and he set sail for Africa. 
 
 As for Cato, he continued to gain so much influence 
 and authority by his eloquence, that he was commonly- 
 called the Roman Demosthenes ; but he was still more 
 celebrated for his manner of living. His excellence as a 
 speaker awakened a general emulation among the youth to 
 distinguish themselves the same way, and to surpass each 
 other ; but few were willing to imitate him in the ancient 
 custom of tilling the field with their own hands, in eating 
 a dinner prepared without fire, and a spare frugal supper ; 
 few, like him, could be satisfied with a plain dress, and a 
 poor cottage, or think it more honourable not to want the 
 superfluities of life, than to possess them } for the com- 
 monwealth now no longer retained its primitive purity and 
 integrity, by reason of the vast extent of ita dominions ; 
 the many different affairs under its management, and the 
 infinite number of people that were subject to its command, 
 had introduced a great variety of customs and modes of 
 living. Justly, therefore, was Cato entitled to admiration, 
 when the other citizens were frightened at labour, and 
 enervated by pleasure, and he alone was unconquered by
 
 3 1<J rLUTARcn's LIVE& 
 
 cither, not only while young and ambitious, but when old 
 and grey-haired, after his consulship and triumph ; like a 
 brave wrestler, who, after he has come off conqueror, ob- 
 serves the common rules, and continues his exercises to the 
 last. 
 
 He himself tells us that he never wore a garment that 
 cost more than an hundred drachmas; that even when pras- 
 tor or consul, he drank the same wine with his slaves ; that 
 a dinner never cost him from the market above thirty asses ; 
 and that he was thus frugal for the sake of his country, 
 that he might be able to endure the harder service in war. 
 He adds, that having got, among some goods he was heir 
 to, a piece of Babylonian tapestry, he sold it immediately ; 
 that the walls of his country-houses were neither plastered 
 nor white-washed ; that he never gave more for a sJave than 
 fifteen hundred drachmas, as not requiring in his sen-ants 
 delicate shapes and fine faces, but strength and ability to 
 labour, that they might be fit to be employed in his stables, 
 about his cattle, or such like business ; and these he 
 thought proper to sell again when they grew old,* that he 
 might have no useless persons to maintain. In a word, he 
 thought nothing cheap that was superfluous ; that what a 
 man has no need of, is dear even at a penny ; and that it is 
 much better to have fields where the plough goes or cattle 
 feed, than fine gardens and walks that require much water- 
 ing and sweeping. 
 
 Some imputed these things to a narrowness of spirit, 
 while others supposed that he betook himself to this con- 
 tracted manner of living, in order to correct, by his ex- 
 ample, the growing luxury of the age. For my part, I 
 cannot but charge his using his servants like so many 
 beasts ot burden, and turning them off, or selling them, 
 when grown old, to the account of a mean and unge- 
 nerous spirit, which thinks that the sole tie between man 
 and man is interest or necessity. But goodness moves in 
 a larger sphere than justice : the obligations of law and 
 
 * Cato says, in express terms," A master of a family should sell 
 his old oxen, and all the horned cattle that are of a delicate frame ; 
 all his sheep that are not hardy, their wool, their very pelts; he 
 should sell his old waggons, and his old instruments of husbandry; 
 he should sell such of his slaves as were old or infirm, and every 
 thing else that is old or useless. A master of a family should love 
 to sell, not to buy." What a fine contrast there is between the 
 
 spirit of this old stoic, and that of the liberal-minded, the 
 
 Ipnt Plutarch !
 
 PATO THE CENSOR. SI 1 
 
 equity reach oly to mankind, but kindness and beneficenc* 
 should be extended to creatures of every species ; and 
 these still flow from the breast of a well-natured man, as 
 streams that issue from the living fountain. A good man 
 will take care of his horses and dogs, not ouly while they 
 are young, but when old and past service. Thus the 
 people of Athens, when they had finished the temple 
 called Hecatompedon, set at liberty the beasts of burden 
 that had been chiefly employed in that work, suffering them 
 to pasture at large, free from any further service. It is 
 said, that one of these afterwards came of its own accord 
 to work, and putting itself at the head of the labouring 
 cattle, marched before them to the citadel ; this pleased 
 the people, and they made a decree that it should be kept 
 at the public charge as long as it lived. The graves of 
 Cimon's mares, with which he thrice conquered at the 
 Olympic gamed, are still to be seen near his own tomb. 
 Many have shewn particular marks of regard in burying 
 the dogs which they had cherished and been fond of ; and, 
 among the rest, Xanthippus, of old, whose dog swam by 
 the side of his galley to Salamis, when the Athenians were 
 forced to abandon their city, was afterwards buried by his 
 master upon a promontory, which, to this day, is called 
 the Dog's Grave. We certainly ought not to treat living 
 creatures like shoes or household goods, which, when worn 
 out with use, we throw away ; and were it only to learn 
 benevolence to human kind, we should be merciful to other 
 creatures. For my own part, I would not sell even an old 
 ox that had laboured for me ; much less would I remove, 
 for the sake of a little money, a man grown old in my 
 service, from his usual place and diet ; for to him, poor 
 man ! it would be as bad as banishment, since he could be 
 of no more use to the buyer than he was to the seller. 
 But Cato, as if he took a pride in these things, tells us, 
 that, when consul, he left his war-horse in Spain, to save 
 the public the charge of his freight. Whether such things 
 as these are instances of greatness or littleness of soul, let 
 the reader judge for himself. 
 
 He was, however, a man of wonderful temperance ; 
 for, when general of the army, he took no m,,re from the 
 public, for himself and those about him, than three Attic 
 medimni of wheat a-month ; and less than a meaimnus and 
 a half of barley for his horses. And when he was gover-
 
 312 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 nor of Sardinia, though his predecessors had put the pro- 
 vince to a very great expence for pavilions, bedding, and 
 apparel, and still more by the number of friends and ser- 
 vants they had about them, and by the great and sump- 
 tuous entertainments they gave,* he, on the contrary, was 
 as remarkable for his frugality. Indeed, he put the pub- 
 lic to no manner of charge. Instead of making use of a 
 carriage, he walked from one town to another, attended 
 only by one officer, who carried his robe, and a vessel for 
 libations. But if in these things he appeared plain and 
 easy to those that were under his command, he preserved a 
 gravity and severity in every thing else. For he was in- 
 exorable in whatever related to public justice, and inflex- 
 ibly rigid in the execution of his orders ; so that the Ro- 
 man government had never before appeared to that people 
 either so awful or so amiable, f 
 
 This contrast was found, not only in his manners, but 
 in his style, which was elegant, facetious, and familiar, 
 and at the same time grave, nervous, and sententious. 
 Thus Plato tells us, " The outside of Socrates was that 
 *' of a satyr and buffoon, but his eoul was all virtue ; 
 " and from within him came such divine and pathetic 
 " things, as pierced the heart, and drew tears from the 
 " hearers," And as the same may justly be affirmed of 
 Cato, I cannot comprehend their meaning, who compare 
 his language to that of Lysias. I leave this, however, 
 to be decided by those who are more capable tha.n myself 
 of judging of the several sorts of style vised among the Ro- 
 mans : and being persuaded that a man'* disposition may 
 be discovered much better by his speech than by his looks 
 (though some are of a different opinion), I shall set down 
 some of Cato's remarkable sayings. 
 
 One day, when the Romans clamoured violently and un- 
 seasonably for a distribution of corn, to dissuade them from 
 it, he thus began his addres8.~ " It is a difficult task, my 
 fellow-citizens, to speak to the belly, because it has no ears." 
 Another time, complaining of the luxury of the Romana, 
 he said," It was a hard matter to save that city from ruin 
 
 f Ills only amusement was to hear the husmu -tionti of the poet 
 Ennius, under whom he learned the Greek sciences. He banished 
 lumreri from his province, and reduced the Interest ujwa Joans al- 
 most to nothing.
 
 CATO THE CENSOR. 313 
 
 where a fish was sold for more than an ox." On another 
 occasion, he said, - " The Roman people were like sheep, for 
 as those can scarce be brought to stir singly, but all in a bo- 
 dy readily follow their leaders, just such are ye. The men 
 whose counsel you would not take as individuals, lead you 
 with ease in a crowd." Speaking of the power of women, 
 he said, " All men naturally govern the women, we govern 
 all men, and our wives govern us." But this might be ta- 
 ken from the Apophthegms of Themistocles. For his son 
 directing in most things through his mother, he said, " The 
 Athenians govern the Greeks, I govern the Athenian*, you, 
 wife, govern me, and your son governs you ; let him then 
 use that power with moderation, which, child as he is, sets 
 him above all the Greeks." Another of Cato's sayings 
 wae, '* That the Roman people fixed the value, not only 
 of the several kinds of colours, but of the arts and sciences : 
 For, added he, as the dyers dye that sort of purple which 
 is most agreeable to you, so our youth only study and 
 strive to excel in such things as you esteem and commend." 
 Exhorting the people to virtue, he said, '' If it is by virtue 
 and temperance that you are become great, change not for 
 the worse ; but if by intemperance and vice, change for the 
 better ; for you are already great enough by such means as 
 these." Of such as were perpetually soliciting for great 
 offices he said, " Like men who knew not their way, they 
 wanted lictors always to conduct them." He found fault 
 with the people for often choosing the same persons con- 
 suls. " You either (said he) think the consulate of little 
 worth, or that there are but rew worthy of the consulate. 1 ' 
 Concerning one of his enemies who led a very profligate 
 and infamous life, he said, " His mother takes it for a curse 
 and not a prayer, when any one wishes this son may sur- 
 vive her." Pointing to a man who had sold a paternal 
 estate near the sea-side, he pretended to admire him, as one 
 that was stronger than the sea itself : " For (said he) 
 what the eea could not have swallowed without difficulty, 
 this man has taken down with all the ease imaginable." 
 When king Eumenes* came to Rome, the senate received 
 him with extraordinary respect, and the great men strove 
 which should do him the most honour, but Cato visibly 
 neglected and shunned him. Upon which somebody said, 
 " Why do you shun Eumenes, who is so good a man, ai.d 
 
 * Eumenes went to Rome in the year of Rome 581. Cato was 
 then thirty-nine years old. 
 
 rot. n, p
 
 314- PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 so great a friend to the llo<> : ans ?" " That may be (answer- 
 ed Cato), but 1 look upon a king as a creature that feeds 
 upon human flesh ;* and of all the kings that have been so 
 much cried up, I find not one to be co'.i pared with an E- 
 pauiinondas, a PC. ides, a 7 kem idiocies, a Mamus Curius t 
 or with Hamncar, surnamed Barcus." He used to say, 
 " That his enemies hated him because he neglected his 
 own concerns, and rose before <lay to mind those of the 
 public. But that he had rather his good actiens should go 
 unrewarded than his bad ones unpunished ; and that he par- 
 doned every body's faults sooner than his own." The Ro- 
 mans having sent three ambassadors to the king of Bithy- 
 nia, of whom one had the gout, another had his skull tre- 
 panned, and the third was reckoned little better than a 
 fool, Cato smiled and said, " They had sent an embassy 
 which had neither feet, head, nor heart." When Scipio 
 applied to him, at the request of Polybius, in behalf of the 
 Achaean exiles,f and the matter was much canvassed in the 
 senate, some speaking for their being restored, and some a- 
 gainst it, Cato rose up, and said, " As if we had nothing 
 tlse to do, we sit here all day debating, whether a few poor 
 old Greeks shall be buried by our grave-diggers, or those of 
 their own country." The senate then decreed that the ex- 
 iles should return home ; and Polybius, some days after, en- 
 deavoured to procure another meeting of that respectable 
 body, to restore those exiles to their former honours in A- 
 chaia. Upon this affair he sounded Cato, who answer- 
 ed, smiling, " This was just as if Ulysses should have wanted 
 to enter the Cyclops cave again for a hat and a belt which he 
 had left behind." It was a saying of his, " That wise 
 :;'.en learn more from fools, than fools from the wise ; for 
 the wise avoid the error of fools, while fools do not profit by 
 the example of the wise." Another of his sayings was, 
 " That he liked a young man that blushed, morethanone that 
 turned pale : and that he did not Uke a soldier who moved his 
 Bands in marching, and his feet in fighting, and who sno- 
 
 This jest is taken from that expression in the first book of He- 
 iner's Iliad, ?;,/><>{ <>.,-, king that devourest thy people. 
 
 f The Achaeans, in the first year of the hundred and fifty-third 
 Olympiad, entered into measures for delivering up their country to 
 the king of Persia ; but being discovered, a thousand of them were 
 seized, and compelled to live exiles in Italy. There they continued 
 seventeen years ; after which, about three hundred, who were still 
 living, were restored by a decree of the senate, which was particu- 
 larly made in favour of Polybius, who was one of the number.
 
 CATO THE CEKSOn. 315 
 
 d louder in bed than he shouted in battle." Jesting upon 
 a very fat man, he said, " Of what service to his country 
 can such a body be, which is nothing but belly ?" When an 
 epicure desired to be admitted into Ins friendship, he said, 
 *' He could not live with a man whose palate had quicker 
 sensations than his heart." He used to say, " The soul 
 of a lover lived in the body of another :" And that, " in 
 all his life, he never repented but of three things ; the first 
 was, that he had trusted a woman with a secret ; the se- 
 cond, that he had gone by sea when he might have gone by 
 land ; and the third, that he had passed one day without 
 having a will by him."* To an old debauchee, he said, 
 *' Old age has deformities enough of its own ; do not add 
 to it the deformity of vice. 1 ' A tribune of the people, who 
 had the character of a poisoner, proposing a bad law, and 
 taking great pains to have it passed, Cato said to him, 
 " Young man, I know not which is most dangerous, to 
 drink what you mix, or to enact what you propose.*' Being 
 scurrilously treated by a man who led a dissolute and infa- 
 mous life, he said, " It is upon very unequal terms that I 
 contend with you ; for you are accustomed to be spoken ill 
 of, and can speak it with pleasure ; but with me it is un- 
 usual to hear it, and disagreeable to speak it.'* Such was 
 the manner of his repartees and short sayings. 
 
 Being appointed consul along with his friend Valerius 
 Flaccus, the government of that part of Spain which the 
 Romans call Ulterior, Hither, fell to his lot.f While he 
 was subduing some of the nations there by arms, and 
 winning others by kindness, a great army of barbarians 
 fell upon him, and he was in danger of being driven out 
 with dishonour. On lias occasion he seat to desire suc- 
 cours of his neighbours the Celtiberians, who demanded 
 two hundred talents for that service. All the officers of 
 his army thought it intolerable- that the Romans should 
 be obliged to purchase assistance of the barbarians: but 
 
 " This has been misunderstood by all the translators, who have 
 agreed in rendering it, that he had passed one day idly." 
 
 f As Cuto's troops consisted for the most part of raw soldiers, he 
 
 took great pains to discipline them, considering that they had to 
 
 deal with the Spaniards, who, in their wars with the Romans and 
 
 C'arthaginlans, had learned the military art, and were natiuilly 
 
 brave and courageous, Before ho camo to action, he sent a^vay his 
 
 r->i-t, that his i-ohliuvs might place all their hopes In their vaJour. 
 
 "With the same view, when he came near the enemy, he took A com* 
 
 and posted his army behind them in the plain ; so that U" 
 
 ards were between him and his camp, 
 
 F 2
 
 3i6 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 Cato said, " It is no such great hardship"; for, if we con- 
 quer, we shall pay them at the enemy's expence ; and if we 
 are conquered, there will be nobo.ty either to pay or make 
 the demand." He gained the battle, and every thing after- 
 wards succeeded to his wish. Folybius tells us, that the 
 is alls of all the Spanish towns on this side the river Baetis 
 were razed by his command in one day,* notwithstanding 
 the towns were numerous and their inhabitants brave. 
 Cato himself says, he took more cities than he spent days 
 in Spain ; nor is it a vain boast ; for they were actually 
 no fewer than four hundred. Though this campaign afford- 
 ed the soldiers great booty, he gave each of them a pound 
 weight of silver besides, saying, " It was better that many 
 of the Romans should return with silver in their pockets than 
 few with gold." And, for his own part, he assures u, 
 that of all that was taken in the war, nothing came to his 
 share but what he eat and drank. " Not that I blame 
 (says he) those that seek their own advantage in these things; 
 but I had rather contend for valour with the brave, than 
 for wealth with the rich, or in rapaciousness with the 
 covetous,'' And he not only kept himself clear of extor- 
 tion, but all that were immediately under his direction. He 
 had. live servants with him in this expedition, one of whom, 
 named Paccus, had purchased three boys that were among 
 the prisoners ; but when he knew that his master was in- 
 formed of it, unable to bear the thoughts of coming into 
 his presence, he hanged himself. Upon which Cato sold 
 the boys, and put the money into the public treasure. 
 
 While he was settling the affairs of Spain, Scipio the Great, 
 who was his enemy, and wanted to break the course of his 
 success, ana have the finishing of the war himself, managed 
 matters so as to get himself appointed his successor. After 
 which he made all possible haste to take the command of the 
 army from him. But Cato, hearing of his march, took five 
 companies of foot, and five hundred horse as a convoy to at- 
 tend upon Scipio, and as he went to meet him, defeated the 
 
 * As the dread of bis name procured him great respect in all the 
 provinces beyond the Iberus, he wrote the same day private letters 
 to the commanders of several fortified towns, ordering them to de- 
 molish without delay their fortifications ; and assuring them that 
 they would pardon none but such as readily complied with his 
 orders. Every one of the commanders believing the orders to be 
 sent only to himself, immediately beat down their walls and towers--. 
 Liv. 1. xixiv, c. 15.
 
 CATO THE CEKSOK. 3 J 7 
 
 Lacctauians, and took among them six hundred Roman de- 
 serters, whom he caused to be put to death. And upon 
 Scipio's expressing his displeasure at this, he answered ironi- 
 cally, " i\ owe would be great indeed, if men of birth would 
 not yield the palm of virtue to the commonalty, and if ple- 
 beians, like himself, would contend for excellence with men 
 of birth and quality." Besides, as the senate had decreed, 
 that nothing should be altered which Cato had ordered 
 and established, the post which Scipio had made so much 
 interest for, rather tarnished his own glory than that of Ca- 
 to ; for he continued inactive during that government. 
 
 In the meantime Cato was honoured with a triumph. 
 But he did not act afterwards like those whose ambition is 
 only for fame, and not for virtue, and who having reached 
 the hip lust honours, borne the office of consul, and led up 
 triumphs, withdraw from public business, and give up the 
 rest of their days to ease and pleasure. On the con- 
 trary, like those who are just entered upon business, and 
 thirst for honour and renown, he exerted himself as if he 
 was beginning his race anew, his services being always 
 ready, both for his friends in particular, and for the citi- 
 zens in genera', either at the bar or in the field. For 
 he went with the consul Tiberius Sempronius to Thrace 
 and the Danube* as his lieutenant. And as legionary 
 tribune he attended Manius Acilius Glabrio into Greece, 
 in the war against Antiochus the Great ; who, next to 
 Hannibal, was the most formidable enemy the Romans 
 ever had. For having recovered almost all the provinces 
 of Asia which Seleucus Nicanor had possessed, and redu- 
 ced many warlike nations of barbarians, he was so much 
 elated as to think the Romans the only match for him in 
 the field. Accordingly he crossed the sea with a powerful 
 army, colouring h;s design with the specious pretence of 
 restoring liberty to the Greeks, of which, however, they 
 stood in no need ; for being lately delivered by the fa- 
 vour of the Romans from the yoke of Philip and the Ma- 
 cedonians, they were free already, and were governed by 
 their own laws. 
 
 At his approach all Greece was in great commotion, 
 and unresolved how to act ; being corrupted with the 
 splendid hopes infused by the orators whom Antiochus 
 
 * The year after his consulship, and the second year of the hun- 
 dred and forty-sixth Olympiad. 
 
 P3
 
 318 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 bad gained. Acilius, therefore, sent ambassadors to the se 
 veral states ; Titus I laminius appeased the disturbances, 
 and kept most of the Greeks in the Roman interest, with. 
 out using any violent means, as 1 have related in his life ; 
 and Cato confirmed the people of Corinth, as well as 
 those of Patrae and /Egium, in their duty. He also made 
 a considerable stay at Athens ; and it is said there is 
 still extant a speech of his which he delivered to the A- 
 i.henians in Greek, expressing his admiration of the. vir- 
 tue of their ancestors, and his satisfaction in beholding 
 the beauty and grandeur of their city. But this account 
 is not true, for he spoke to them by an interpreter. Not 
 that he was ignorant of Greek, but chose to adhere to 
 the customs of his country, and laugh at those who admir- 
 ed nothing but what was Greek. He therefore ridiculed 
 Posthumius Albinus, who had written an history in that 
 language, and made an apology for the improprieties of 
 expression, saying, He ought to be pardoned if he wrote 
 it by command of the Amphictyvnf." We are assured that 
 the Athenians admired the strength and conciseness of hie 
 language ; for what he delivered in few words, the inter- 
 preter was obliged to make use of many to explain, in- 
 somuch, that he left them in the opinion, that the expres- 
 sions of the Greeks flowed cmly from the lips, while those 
 of the Romans came from the heart.* 
 
 Antiochus having blocked up the narrow pass of Ther- 
 mopylae with his troops, and added walls and entrench- 
 ments to the natural fortifications of the place, sat down 
 there unconcerned, thinking the war could not touch him. 
 And, indeed, the Romans despaired of forcing the pass. 
 But Cato recollecting the circuit the Persians had taken 
 on a like occasion,f set out in the night with a proper de- 
 tachment. 
 
 When they had advanced a considerable height, the 
 guide, who was one of the prisoners, missed his way, and 
 wandering about, among impracticable places and pre- 
 
 * There cannot be a stronger instance than this, that the brief ex- 
 pression of the Spartans was owing to the native simplicity of their 
 manners, and the sincerity of their hearts. It was the expression of 
 nature. Artificial and circumlocutory expression, like licentious 
 paintings, are the consequences of licentious life. 
 
 ) In the Persian war, Leonidas, with three hundred Spartans only, 
 sustained the shock of an innumerable multitude in the pass of Ther- 
 mopylae, until the barbarians, fetching a compass round the mountains 
 by bye-ways, came up upon him behind, and cut his party in pieces.
 
 CATO THE CENSOR. 
 
 cipiccs, threw the soldiers into inexpressible dread and 
 despair. Cato seeing the danger, ordered his forces to 
 halt, while he, with one Lucius Manlius, who was dex- 
 terous in climbing the steep mountains,* went forward 
 with great difficulty, and at the hazard of his life, at mid- 
 night, without any moon, scrambling among wild olive- 
 trees and steep rocks, that still more impeded his view, 
 and added darkness to the obscurity. At last they hit 
 upon a path which seemed to lead down to the encmy'i 
 camp. There they set up marks upon some of the most 
 conspicuous rocks on the top of the mountain Callidro- 
 mus ; and returning the same way, took the whole party 
 with them ; whom they conducted by the direction of the* 
 marks, and so regained the little path ; where they marie 
 ~a proper disposition of the troops. They had marched but 
 a little further, when the path failed them, and they savr 
 nothing before them but a precipice, which distressed 
 them still more ; for they could not yet perceive that they 
 were near the enemy. 
 
 The day no\v began to appear, when one of them thought 
 he heard trie ound of human voices 5 and a little after they 
 saw the Grecian camp and the advanced guard at the foot 
 of the rock. Cato, therefore, made a halt, and sent to 
 acquaint the Firmians that he wanted to speak with them 
 in private. f These were troops whose fidelity and cou- 
 rage he had experienced on the most dangerous occasions. 
 They hastened into his presence, when he thus addressed 
 them.*' I want to take one of the enemy alive, to learu 
 '* of him who they are that compose this advanced guard, 
 " and how many in number ; and to be informed what is 
 " the disposition and order of their whole army, and what 
 '* preparations they have made to receive us ; but the bus- 
 *' siness requires the speed and impetuosity of lions, who 
 " rush into a herd of timorous beasts." 
 
 When Cato had done speaking, the Firmians, without 
 further preparation, poured down the mountain, sur- 
 prised the advanced guard, dispersed them, took one 
 armed man, and brought him to Cato. The prisoner in* 
 formed him, that the main body of the army was en- 
 
 * The mountains to the cast of the straits of Thermopylae are 
 .comprehended under the name of Oeta ; and the highest of them is 
 called Callidromus, at the foot of whicli h- a road sixty feet broad 
 /.t'r. 1. xxxvi, c. 15. 
 
 f Firraium was a Roman colonv in th'- Picene. 
 
 P4
 
 320 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 camped with the king in the narrow pass, und that the 
 detachment which guarded the heights consisted of six 
 hundred select ^itolians. Cato despising these troops, 
 as well on account of their small number, as their negli- 
 gence, drew his sword, and rushed upon them with all 
 the alarm of voices and trumpets. The ,/Etolians no 
 sooner sa%v him descend from the mountains, than they 
 fled to the main body, and put the whole in the utmost 
 confusion. 
 
 At the same time Manius forced the entrenchments of 
 Antiochns""below, and poured into the pass with his army. 
 Antiochus himself being wounded in the mouth with a 
 stone, and having some of his teeth struck out, the anguish 
 obliged him to turn his horse and retire Afiter his re- 
 treat, no part of his army could stand the shock of the Ro- 
 mans ; and though there appeared no hopes of escaping by 
 flight, by reason of the straitness of the road, the deep 
 marshes on one side, and rocky precipices on the other, yet 
 they crowded alone through these narrow passages, and 
 pushing each other down, perished miserably, out of fear 
 of being destroyed by the Romans 
 
 Cato, who was never sparing in his own praises, and 
 thought boasting a natural attendant on great actions, is 
 very pompous in his account of this exploit. He says, 
 That those who saw him charging the enemy, routing 
 aad pursuing them, declared, that Cato owed less ta 
 the people of Rome, than the people of Rome owed to 
 Cato ; and that the consul Manius himself, coming hot 
 from the fight, took him in his arms as he too came 
 panting from the action, and embracing him a long 
 time, cried out in a transport of joy, that neither he 
 nor the whole Roman people could sufficiently reward 
 Cato's merit." 
 
 Immediately after the battle, the consul sent him with 
 an account of it to Rome, that he might be the first to 
 carry the news of his own achievements. With a favour- 
 able wind he sailed to Brundusium ; from thence he 
 reached Tarentum in one day ; and having travelled four 
 days more, he arrived at Rome the fifth day after he 
 landed, and was the first that brought the news of the vic- 
 tory. His arrival filled the city with sacrifices and other 
 testimonies of joy, and gftve the people so high an opinion 
 of themselves, that they now believed there could be no 
 bounds to their empire or their power.
 
 CATO THE CEN'SOR. 321 
 
 These are the most remarkable of Cato's actions ; and, 
 with respect to civil affairs, he appears to have thought 
 the impeaching of offenders, and bringing them to justice, 
 a] thing that well deserved his attention ; for he prose- 
 cuted several, and encouraged and assisted others in car- 
 rying on their prosecutions. Thus he set up Petilius 
 against Scipio the Great ; but secure in the dignity of his 
 family and his own greatness of mind, Scipio treated the 
 accusation with the utmost contempt. Cato perceiving 
 he would not be capitally condemned, dropt the accusa- 
 tion ; but, with some others who assisted him the cause, 
 impeached his brother Lucius Scipio, who was sentenced 
 to pay a fine which his circumstances could not answer, so 
 that he was in danger of imprisonment ; and it was not 
 without great difficulty, and appealing to the tribunes, that 
 he was dismissed. 
 
 We have also an account of a young man who had pro- 
 cured a verdict against an enemy of his father who was 
 lately dead, and had him stigmatized. Cato met him as he 
 was passing through the Jorum, and taking him by the 
 hand, addressed him in these words. " It is thus we are 
 " to sacrifice to the manes of our parents, not with the 
 " blood of goats and lambs, but with the tears and con- 
 " demnation of their enemies." 
 
 Cato, however, did iiot escape these attacks ; but 
 when, in the business of the state, he gave the least han- 
 dle, was certainly prosecuted, and sometimes in danger 
 of being condemned. FoV it is said that near fifty im- 
 peachments were brought against him, and the last, when 
 he was eighty-six years of age ; on which occasion he 
 made use of that memorable expression, It is hard that 
 I, u-ho have lived with men of one generation, should ie 
 ulli^cd to make my defence in those of another. Nor was 
 this the end of his contests at the bar ; for, four years 
 after, at the age of ninety,* he impeached Servilius Gal- 
 ba : so that, like Nestor, he lived three generations, and, 
 
 * Plutarch here is not consistent with himself. Towards the be- 
 ginning of thislife, he says, ;hat Cato was but seventeen years old at 
 the time of Hannibal's success in Italy; and at the conclusion he 
 tells , that Cato died just at the beginning of the third Punic war. 
 But Hannibal came into Italy in the year of Rome 534 ; and the 
 third Punic war broke out seventy years after, in the year of Rome 
 60-k According to this computation, Cato could not be more than 
 eighty-seven years old when he died ; and this account is confirm- 
 ed by Cicero. 
 
 P5
 
 322 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 like him, was always in action. In short, after having 
 constantly opposed Scipio in matters of government, he 
 lived until the time of young Scipio, his adopted grandson, 
 and son of Paulus ^milius, who conquered Perseus and 
 the Macedonians. 
 
 Ten years after his consulship, Cato stood for the office 
 of censor, which was the highest dignity in the republic j 
 for, besides the other power and authority that attended 
 this office, it gave the magistrate a right of inquiry into 
 the lives and manners of the citizens. The Romans did 
 not think Juproper that any one should be left to follow 
 his own inclinations without inspection or control, either 
 in marriage, in the procreation of children, in his table, 
 or in the company he kept. But, convinced that in these 
 private scenes of life, a man's real character was much 
 tnore distinguishable than in his public and political trans- 
 actions, they appointed two magistrates, the one out of 
 the patricians, and the other out of the plebeians, to in- 
 spect, to correct, and to chastise such as they found giv- 
 ing into dissipation and licentiousness, and deserting the 
 ancient and established manner of living. These great 
 officers they called censors ; and they had power to de- 
 prive a Roman knight of his horse, or to expel a senator 
 that led a vicious and disorderly life. They likewise took 
 an estimate of each citizen's estate, and enrolled them ac- 
 cording to their pedigree, quality, and condition. 
 
 This office has several other great prerogatives annex- 
 ed to it ; and, therefore, when Cato solicited it, the prin- 
 cipal senators opposed him. The motive to this opposi- 
 tion with some of the patricians was envy ; for they ima- 
 gined it would be a disgrace to the nobility, if persons of 
 a mean and obscure origin were elevated to the highest 
 honour in the state : with others it was fear ; for, con- 
 scious that their lives were vicious, and that they had de- 
 parted from the ancient simplicity of manners, they dread- 
 ed the austerity of Cato ; because they believed he would 
 be stern and inexorable in his office. Having consulted 
 and prepared their measures, they put up seven candi- 
 dates in opposition to Cato ; and imagining that the peo- 
 ple wanted to be governed with an easy hand, they sooth- 
 ed them with hopes of a mild censorship. Cato, on the 
 contrary, without condescending to the least flattery or 
 complaisance, in his speeches from the rostrum professed 
 his resolution to punish every instance of vice ; and loud*
 
 CATO THE CENSOR. 323 
 
 ly declaring that the city wanted great reformation, con. 
 jured the people, if they were wise, to choose, not the 
 mildest, but the severest physician. He told them that 
 he was one of that character, and, among the patricians, 
 Valerius Flaccus was another ; and that, with him for his 
 colleague, and him only, he could hope to render good 
 service to the commonwealth, by effectually cutting oft, 
 like another hydra, the spreading luxury and effeminacy 
 of the times. He added, that he saw others pressing into 
 the censorship, in order to exercise that office in a bad man- 
 ner, because they were afraid of such as would discharge it 
 faithfully. 
 
 The Roman people, on this occasion, shewed them- 
 selves truly great, and worthy of the best of leaders ; 
 for, far from dreading the severity of this inflexible man, 
 they rejected those smoother candidates that seemed ready 
 to consult their pleasure in every thing, and chose Vale- 
 rius Flaccus with Cato ; attending to the latter, not as a 
 man that solicited the office of censor, but as one who,, 
 already possessed of it, gave out his orders by virtue of his 
 authority. 
 
 The first thing Cato did, was to name his friend and 
 colleague Lucius Valerius Flaccus chief of the senate, and 
 to expel many others the house j particularly Lucius Quin- 
 tus, who had been consul seven years before, and, what 
 was still a greater honour, was brother to Titus Flanai- 
 nius,* who overthrew king Philip. 
 
 He expelled also Manilius, another senator, whom the 
 general opinion had marked out for consul, because he had 
 given his wife a kiss in the day-time in the sight of his 
 daughter.. * For his own part," he said, " his wife 
 - never embraced him but when it thundered dreadfully ;" 
 adding, by way of joke, "That he was happy when 
 Jupiter pleased to thunder.'* 
 
 He was censured as having merely indulged his envy, 
 when he degraded Lucius, who was brother to Scipio the 
 Great, and had been honoured wilh a triumph ; for he 
 took from him his horse ; and it was believed he did it to 
 insult the memory of Scipio Africanus. But there was 
 
 " Polybius, Livy, and Cicero, make the surname of this family 
 Fjaminius, 
 
 PS
 
 32-t PLVTAECHS LIVflS. 
 
 another thing that rendered him more generally obnoxi- 
 ous, and that was the reformation he introduced in point 
 of luxury. It was impossible for him to bejrin his at- 
 tacks upon it openly, because the whole body of the peo- 
 ple was infected, and therefore he took an indirect me- 
 thod. He caused an estimate to be taken of all apparel, 
 carriages, female ornaments, furniture, and utensils ; and 
 whatever exceeded fifteen hundred drachmas in value, he 
 rated it ten times as much, and imposed a tax according 
 to that valuation. For every thousand asses he made them 
 pay three ; that, finding themselves burdened with the 
 tax, while the modest and frugal, with equal substance, 
 paid much less to the public, they might be induced to 
 retrench their appearance. This procured him many ene- 
 mies, not only among those who, rather than part with 
 their luxury, submitted to the tax, but among those who 
 lessened the expence of their figure to avoid it ; for the 
 generality of mankind think that prohibition to shew 
 their wealth is the same thing as taking it away, and that 
 opulence is seen in the superfluities, not in the neces 
 saries of life. And this (we are told) was what surprised 
 Aristo the philosopher ; for he could not comprehend 
 why those that are possessed of superfluities should be ac- 
 counted happy, rather than such as abound in what is ne- 
 cessary and useful. But Scopas the Thessalian, when 
 one of his friends asked him for something that could be 
 of little use to him, and gave him that as a reason why 
 he should grant his request, made answer, " It. is in these 
 " useless and superfluous things that I am rich and hap- 
 " py." Thus, the desire of wealth, far from being a na- 
 tural passion, is a foreign and adventitious one, arising from 
 vulgar opinion. 
 
 Cato paid no regard to these complaints, but became 
 still more severe and rigid. He cut off the pipes by 
 which people conveyed water from the public fountains 
 into their houses and gardens, and demolished all the 
 buildings that projected out into the streets. He lower- 
 ed the price of public works, and farmed out the public 
 revenues at the highest rent they could bear. By these 
 things he brought upon himself the hatred of vast num- 
 bers of the people ; so that Titus Flaminius and his party 
 attacked him, and prevailed with ths senate to annul the 
 contracts he had made for repairing the temples and pub- 
 He buildings, as detrimental to the state. Nor did they
 
 CATO THE CENSOR. 325 
 
 Stop here, but incited the boldest of the tribunes to ac- 
 cuse him to the people, and fine him two talents. They 
 likewise opposed him very much in his building, at the pub- 
 lic charge, a hall below the senate-house by the /r/nm, 
 which he finished notwithstanding, and called the Porcian 
 hall. 
 
 The people, however, appear to have been highly pleased 
 with his behaviour in this office ; for when they erected his 
 statue in the temple of Health, they made no mention on 
 the pedestal of his victories and his triumph, but the in- 
 scription was to this effect. " In honour of Cato the 
 " Censor, who, when the Roman commonwealth was de- 
 " generating into licentiousness, by good discipline and 
 " wise institutions restored it." 
 
 Before this he laughed at those who were fond of such 
 honours, and said, " They were not aware that they 
 " plumed themseves upon the workmanship of founders, 
 *' statuaries, and painters, while the Romans bore about 
 " a more glorious image of him in their hearts." And 
 to those that expressed their wonder, that, while many 
 persons of little note had their statues, Cato had none, he 
 said, " He had much rather it should be asked, why he had 
 " not a statue, than why he had one." In short, he was of 
 opinion, that a good citizen should not even accept of 
 his due praise, unless it tended to the advantage of the 
 community. Yet of all men he was the most forward to 
 commend himself; for he tells us, that those who were 
 guilty of misdemeanors, and afterwards reproved for 
 them, used to say, " They were excusable ; they were 
 " not Catos ;"* and that such as imitated some of his 
 actions, but did it awkwardly, were called left-handed Ca- 
 
 * So we have rendered the passage with the Latin translator. 
 The text runs thus : ; yi xeti <rm itprnfemmret TI **f *" d, mr" 
 i>.<~/Z!ifj.iiv;, Xiyttv <f>fit us UK |io> tyxaXsiv aura;' v yap Karutif lift. 
 Now, we think it much more natural to alter the two last words 
 into Kuruizi nvai, if any alteration is necessary, than to break into 
 the construction, and change the whole form of the sentence thus : 
 is yi x.tri'T'.pi TflN 'AMAPrAKONTflN vi -rtfi *tn "tar, HT EAtTXOME- 
 NflN', \tyni Inure* ftem, x. 7. x. and yet it must be so changed to 
 justify the English and the French translations. The English runs 
 thus: Insomuch, (hat when some citizens that had been guilty of mis- 
 demeanors K-fre reproved for it, he used to nay, " They are excus- 
 " able, for they are not Catos." And the French of Dacier thus : 
 Jusque-la, que lorsque qudqiics ritoyens avoient fu.it des favtes dang 
 In condvite de leur vie, ft qu'on les en reprenoit, il avoit accoutumi de 
 dirt. -. >< Us sent excusablesj car ils ue sent pas des Catons."
 
 326 PLUTARCH'S LIVES'. 
 
 tos. He adds, " That the senate, in difficult and dan- 
 " gerous times, used to cast their eyes upon him, as pas- 
 " senders in a ship do upon the pilot in a storm ;" and, 
 " That when lie happened to be absent, they frequently 
 *' put ofF the consideration of matters of importance." 
 These particulars, indeed, are confirmed by other writers ; 
 for hia life, 1m eloquence, and his age, gave him great au- 
 thority in Rome. 
 
 He was a good father, a good husband, and an excellent 
 economist. And as he did not think the care of his family 
 a mean and trifling thing, which required only a superficial 
 attention, it may be of use to give some account of his 
 conduct in that respect. 
 
 He chose his wife rather for her family than her for- 
 tune ; persuaded, that though both the rich and the 
 high-born have their pride, yet women of good families 
 are more ashamed of any base and unworthy action, and 
 more obedient to their husbands in every thing that is 
 good and honourable. He used to say, that they who 
 beat their wives or children, laid their sacrilegious hands 
 on the most sacred things in the world ; and that he pre~ 
 ferred the character of a good husband to that of a great 
 senator. And he admired nothing more in Socrates than 
 his living in an easy and quiet manner with an ill-temper- 
 ed wife and stupid children. When lie had a son born, 
 no business, however urgent, except it related to the 
 public, could hinder him from being present while his 
 wife washed and swaddled the infant ; for she suckled 
 it herself ; nay, she often gave the breast to the sons of 
 her servants, to inspire them with a brotherly regard for 
 her own. 
 
 As soon as the dawn of understanding appeared, Cato 
 took upon him the office of schoolmaster to his son, 
 though he had a slave named Chilo, who was a good 
 grammarian, and taught several other children. But he 
 tells us, he did not choose that his son should be repri- 
 manded by a slave, or pulled by the ears, if he happened 
 to be slow in learning ; or that he should be indebted 
 to so mean a person for his education. He was, there- 
 fore, himself his preceptor in grammar, in law, and in the 
 necessary exercises; for he taught him not only how to 
 throw a dart, to fight hand to hand, and to ride, but to 
 box, to endure heat and cold, and to swim the most ra- 
 pid rivers. He farther acquaints us, that he wrote his-
 
 CATO THE CENSOR. 327 
 
 tones for him with his own hand, in large characters, 
 that, without stirring out of his father's house, he might 
 train a knowledge of the great actions of the ancient Ro- 
 mans, and of the customs of his country. He was as 
 careful not to utter an indecent word before his son, as 
 he would have been in the presence of the vestal virgins ; 
 nor did he ever bathe with him. A regard to decency 
 in this respect was, indeed, at that time general among the 
 Romans ; for even sons-in-law avoided bathing with 
 their fathers-in-law, not choosing to appear naked before 
 them ; but afterwards the Greeks taught them not to be 
 so scrupulous in uncovering themselves ; and they in their 
 turn taught the Greeks to bathe naked even before the wo- 
 men. 
 
 While Cato was taking such excellent measures for 
 forming his son to virtue, he found him naturally ductile 
 both in genius and inclination ; but as his body was too 
 weak to undergo much hardship, his father was obliged 
 to relax the severity of his discipline, and to indulge him 
 a little in point of diet. Yet, with this constitution, he 
 was an excellent soldier, and particularly distinguished 
 himself under Paulus -/Emilius, in the battle against Per- 
 seus. On t'iis occasion, his sword happening to be 
 struck from his hand, the moisture of which prevented 
 him from grasping it firmly, he turned to some of lus 
 companions with great concern, and begged their as- 
 sistance in recovering it. He then rushed with them in- 
 to the midst of the enemy, and having, with extraordi- 
 nary efforts, cleared the place where the sword was lost, 
 he found it with much difficulty, under heaps of arms, 
 and dead bodies of friends as well as enemies, piled upon 
 each other. Paulus ./Emilius admired this gallant action 
 .of the young man ; and there is a letter still extant, 
 written by Cato to his son, in which he extremely com- 
 mends his high sense of honour expressed in the recovery 
 of that sword. The young man afterwards married 
 Tertia, daughter to Paulus ^Emilius, and sister to young 
 Scipio ; the honour of which alliance was as much ow- 
 ing to his own as to his father's merit. Thus Cato's 
 care in the education of his son answered the end pro- 
 posed. 
 
 He had many slaves which he purchased among the 
 captives taken in. war, always chooiing the youngest, and 
 such ae were most capable of instruction, like whelps os
 
 328 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 colts that may be trained at pleasure. None of these 
 slaves ever went into any other man's house, except they 
 were sent by Cato or his wife ; and if any of them was 
 asked what his master was doing, he always answered, he 
 did not know ; for it was a rule with Cato, to have his 
 slaves either employed in the house, or asleep, and he 
 liked those best that slept the most kindly, believing that 
 they were better tempered than others that had not so 
 much of that refreshment, and fitter for any kind of busi- 
 ness. And as he knew that slaves will stick at nothing to 
 gratify their passion for women, he allowed them to have 
 the company of his female slaves, upon paying a certain 
 price ; but under a strict prohibition of approaching any 
 other women. 
 
 When he was a young soldier, and as yet in low circum- 
 stances, he never found fault with any thing that was serv- 
 ed up to his table, but thought it a shame to quarrel with 
 a servant on account of his palate. Yet afterwards, when 
 he was possessed of an easy fortune, and made entertain- 
 ments for his friends, and the principal officers, as soon as 
 dinner was over, he never failed to correct, with leathern 
 thongs, such of his slaves as had not given due attendance, 
 or had suffered any thing to be spoiled. He contrived 
 means to raise quarrels among his servants, and to keep them 
 at variance, ever suspecting and fearing some bad conse- 
 quence from their unanimity. And, 
 
 When any of them were guilty of a capital crime, he 
 gave them a formal trial, and put them to death in the 
 presence of their fellow servants. As his thirst after wealth 
 increased, and he found that agriculture was rather amusing 
 than profitable, he turned his thoughts to surer depend- 
 encies, and employed his money in purchasing ponds, hot- 
 baths, places proper for fullers, and estates in good condi- 
 tion, having pasture ground and wood lands. From these 
 he had a ^reat revenue, suck a one, he used to say, ay Jupi- 
 ter himseif' could not rmnppoin/ him of. 
 
 He practised u a ury upon ships in the most blameable 
 manner. His method was to insist that those whom he 
 furnished with money should take a great number into 
 partnership. When there were full fifty of them, and as 
 many ships, he demanded one share for himself, which he 
 managed by Quintio his freed man, who sailed and traffic- 
 ed along with them. Thus, though his gain was great, he- 
 did not risk hie capital, but only a small part of it.
 
 CATO THE CEX9OR. 320 
 
 He likewise lent money to such of his slaves as chose it ; 
 and they employed it in purchasing boys, who were af- 
 terwards instructed and fitted for service at Cato's ex- 
 pence ; and being sold at the year's end by auction, Cato 
 took several of them himself at the price of the highest 
 bidder, deducting it out of what he had lent. To incline 
 his son to the same economy, he told him, " That to 
 * ; diminish his substance was not the part of a man, but of 
 " a widow woman." Yet he carried the thing to extrava- 
 gance when he hazarded this assertion, " That the man 
 *' truly wonderful and godlike, and fit to be registered in 
 " the lists of glory, was he by whose accounts it should 
 " at last appear that he had more than doubled what he 
 " had received from his ancestors." 
 
 When Cato was very far advanced in years, there ar- 
 rived at Rome two ambassadors from Athens,* Car- 
 neadcs the Academic, and Diogenes the Stoic. They were 
 sent to beg off a fine of five hundred talents which had 
 been imposed on the Athenians for contumacy, by the 
 Sicyonians, at the suit of the people of Oropus.f Upon 
 the arrival of these philosophers, such of the Roman youth 
 as had a taste for learning went to wait on them, and 
 heard them with wonder and delight. Above all. they 
 were charmed with the graceful manners of Carneades, 
 the force of whose eloquence being great, and his reputa- 
 tion equal to his eloquence, had drawn an audience of the 
 most considerable and the politest persons in Rome, and 
 the sound of his fame, like a mighty wind, had filled the 
 whole city. The report ran, that there was come from 
 Greece a man of astonishing powers, whose eloquence, 
 more than human, was able to soften and disarm the 
 fiercest passions, and who had made so strong an impres- 
 sion upon the youth, that, forgetting all other pleasure* 
 and diversions, they were quite possessed with an enthusias- 
 tic love of philosophy. 
 
 The Romans were delighted to find it so ; nor could 
 they without uncommon pleasure behold their sons thus 
 foudly receive the Grecian literature, and follow frhese 
 wonderful men. But Cato, from the beginning, was 
 
 * Auiui Gtllius mentions a third ambassador, Critolaus the Perl- 
 jiateHc, 
 
 f The Athenians had plundered the city of Oropus. Upon com- 
 plaint made by the inhabitant?, ihe affair was referred to the de- 
 termination of the Sicyonians | and the Athenians not appearing 
 , justify themselves, v.ere lined live hundred talents.
 
 330 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 alarmed at it. He no sooner perceived this passion fo: 
 the Grecian learning prevail, but he was afraid that the 
 youth would turn their ambition that way, and prefer the 
 glory of eloquence to that of deeds of arms. But when he 
 found that the reputation of these philosophers rose still 
 higher, and their first speeches were translated into Latin 
 by Cains Acilius, a senator of great distinction, who had 
 earnestly begged the favour of interpreting them, he had 
 no longer patience, but resolved to dismiss these philoso- 
 phers upon some decent and specious pretence. 
 
 He went therefore to the senate, and complained of 
 the magistrates for detaining so long such ambassadors as 
 those, who could persuade the people to whatever they 
 pleased. " You ought," said he, " to determine their 
 ** affair as speedily as possible, that returning to their 
 " schools, they may hold forth to the Grecian youth, and 
 " that our young men may a^ain give attention to the 
 " laws and the magistrates.'' Not that Cato was induced 
 to this by any particular pique to Cartieades, which some 
 suppose to have been the case, but by his aversion to phi- 
 losophy, and his making it a point to shew his contempt 
 of the polite studies and learning of the Greeks. Nay, 
 he scrupled not to affirm, " * That Socrates himself 
 ' was a prating seditious fellow, who used his utmost 
 " endeavours to tyrannize over his country, by abolish- 
 " ing its customs, and drawing the people over to opi- 
 nions contrary to the laws." And to ridicule the slow 
 methods of tsocrates's teaching, he said, " His scholars 1 
 '* grew eld in learning their art, as if they intended to 
 k< exercise it in the shades below, and to plead causes there." 
 And to dissuade his son from those studies, he told him in 
 a louder tone than could be expected from a man of his 
 age, and, as it were, in an oracular and prophetic way, 
 '* That when the Romans came thoroughly to imbibe the 
 " Grecian literature, they would lose the empire of the 
 " world." But time has shewn the vanity of that invidi- 
 ous assertion ; for Rome was never at a higher pitch of 
 greatness than when she was most perfect in the Grecian 
 erudition, and most attentive to all manner of learning.* 
 
 * Rome had, indeed, a very extensive empire in the Augustan 
 age, but, at the same time, she lost her ancient constitution and her 
 liberty. -Not that the learning of the Romans contributed to that 
 loss, but their irreligion, their luxury, and corruption, occasioned it.
 
 CATO THE CEXSOR. 331 
 
 Nor was Cato an enemy to the Grecian philosophers 
 only, but looked upon the physicians also with a suspici- 
 ous eye. He had heard, it seems, of the answer which Hip- 
 pocrates gave the king of Persia, when he sent for him, 
 and offered him a reward of many talents, " I will never 
 " make use of my art in favour of barbarians who are ene- 
 " mies to the Greeks." This he said was an oath which 
 all the physicians had taken, and therefore he advised his 
 son to beware of them all. He added, that he himself had 
 written a little treatise, in which he had set down his me- 
 thod of cure,* and the regimen he prescribed, when any of 
 his family were sick j that he never recommended fasting, 
 but allowed them herbs, with duck, pigeon, or hare ; such 
 kind of diet being light and suitable for sick people, having 
 no other inconvenience'but its making them dream ; and that 
 with these remedies, and this regimen, he preserved himself 
 and his family. But his self-sufficiency in this respect went 
 not unpunished ; for he lost both his wife and son. He 
 himself) indeed, by his strong make and good habit of 
 body, lasted lonp ; so that even in old age he frequently 
 indulged his inclination for the se*, and, at an unseasonable 
 time of life, married a young woman. It was on the fol* 
 lowing pretence. 
 
 After the death of his wife, he married his son to the 
 daughter of Paulus jfllmilius, the sister of Scipio ; and 
 continued a widower, but had a young female slave that 
 came privately to his bed. It could not, however, be 
 long a secret in a small house, with a daughter-in-law in 
 it ; and one day as the favourite slave passed by with a 
 haughty and flaunting air, to go to the censor's cham- 
 ber,f young Cato gave her a severe look, and turned his 
 back upon her, but said not a word. The old man was 
 soon informed of this circumstance, and finding that this 
 kind of commerce displeased his son and his daughtcr-in- 
 
 * Cato was a worse quack than Dr. Hill. His medical receipts, 
 which may be found in his treatise of country affairs, are either 
 very simple, or very dangerous ; and fasting, which he exploded, is 
 better than them all. Duck, pigeon, and hare, which, if we may 
 believe Plutarch, he gave his sick people as a light diet, are certain- 
 ly the strongest and most indigestible kinds of food, and their mak- 
 ing them dream was a proof of it. 
 
 f Ille Pater rectorque deum, cui dcxtra trisulcis 
 Ignibis armata c.st, qui nutu concutit orbeni, 
 Jnduitur faciera tauri " Ovid, Met. lib. H
 
 332 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 law, he did not expostulate with them, nor take the least 
 notice. Next morning he went to the jorum, according to 
 custom, with his friends about him ; and as he went along, 
 he called aloud to one Salonius, who had been his secretary, 
 and now was one of his train, and asked him, " Whether 
 41 he had provided a husband for his daughter ?" Upon 
 his answering, " That he had not, nor should, without 
 " consulting his best friei.d ;" Cato said, " Why then, I 
 " have found out a very fit husband for her, if she can bear 
 *' with the disparity of age ; for, in other respects, he is 
 " unexceptionable, but he is very old." Salomus reply- 
 ing, " That he left the disposal of her entirely to him ; 
 " for she was under his protection, and had no dependence 
 *' but upon his bounty ;" Cato said, without farther cere- 
 mony, " Then I will be your son-in-law." The man at 
 first was astonished at the proposal, as may easily be ima- 
 gined ; believing Cato past the time of life for marrying, 
 and knowing himself far beneath an alliance with a family 
 that had been honoured with the consulate and a triumph. 
 But when he saw that (Jato was in earnest, lie embraced 
 the offer with joy, and the marriage-contract was signed as 
 soon as they came to the forum. 
 
 While they were busied in preparing for the nuptials, 
 young Cato, taking his relations with him, went and asked 
 his father, " \Vhat offence he had committed, that he 
 *' was going to put a mother-in-law upon him ?" Cato 
 immediately answered, " Ask not such a question, my 
 *' son ; for, instead of being offended, I have reason to 
 " praise your whole conduct ; I am only desirous of having 
 " more such sons, and leaving more such citizens to my 
 " country." But this answer is said to have been given 
 long before, by Pisistratus, the Athenian tyrant, who, when 
 he had sons by a former wife already grown up, married a 
 second, Timonassa of Argos, by whom he is said to have 
 had two sons more, Jophon and Thessal-is. 
 
 By this wife Cato had a son, whom lie called Salonius, 
 after his mother's father. As for his eldest son Cato, he 
 died in his pnetorship. His father often makes mention 
 of him in his writings as a brave and worthy man. He 
 bore this loss with the moderation of a philosopher, ap- 
 plying himself, with his usual activity, to affairs of state ; 
 tor he did not, like Lucius Lucullus afterwards, and 
 Metellus Pius, think age an exemption from the service 
 of the public, but considered that service as his indispen-
 
 CATO THE CENSOR. 333 
 
 sable duty ; nor yet did he act as Scipio Africanus had 
 done, who, finding himself attacked and opposed by envy 
 in his course of glory, quitted the administration, and spent 
 the remainder of his days in retirement and inaction. But, 
 as one told Dionysius, that the most honourable death was 
 to die in possession of sovereign power, so Cato esteemed 
 that the most honourable old age which was spent in 
 serving the commonwealth. The amusements in which he 
 passed his leisure hours, were the writing ot books, and 
 tilling the ground ; and this is the reason of our having 
 so many treatises on various subjects, and histories of his 
 composing.* 
 
 In his younger days he applied himself to agriculture, 
 with a view to profit ; for he used to say, he had only 
 two ways of increasing his income, labour and parsimony ; 
 but, as he grew old, he regarded it only by way of theory 
 and amusement. He wrote a book concerning country 
 affairs,-]- in which, among other things- he gives rules for 
 making cakes and preserving fruit ; for he was desirous to 
 be thought curious and particular in every thing. He kept 
 a better table in the country than in the town ; for he 
 always invited some of his acquaintance in the neighbour- 
 hood to sup with him. With these he passed the time 
 in cheerful conversation, making himself agreeable not only 
 to those of hie own age, but to the young ; for he had a 
 thorough knowledge of the world, and had either seen 
 himself, or heard from others, a variety of things that were 
 curious and entertaining. He looked upon the table as 
 one of the best means of forming friendships ; and at his 
 the conversation generally turned upon the praises of great 
 and excellent men among the Romans : as for the bad and 
 the unworthy, no mention was made of them, for he would 
 not allow, in his company, one word, either good or bad, 
 to be said of such kind of men. 
 
 The last service he is said to have done the public, was 
 the destruction of Carthage. The younger Scipio, indeed, 
 gave the finishing stroke to that work, but it was under- 
 
 * Besides an hundred and fifty orations, and more, that he left 
 behind him, he wrote a treatise of military discipline, and books of 
 antiquities; in two of these he treats of the foundation of the cities 
 of Italy ; the other five contained the Roman history, particularly 
 a narrative of the 'first and second Punic war. 
 
 f This is the only work of his that remains entire ; of the rest 
 ve have only fragments.
 
 334 PLUTARCH'S LIVE-. 
 
 taken chiefly by the advice and at the instances of Cato. 
 The occasion of the war was this. The Carthaginians, and 
 Massinissa, king of Numidia, being at war with each other, 
 Cato was sent into Africa to inquire into the causes of the 
 quarrel. Massinissa, from the first, had been a friend to 
 the Romans, and the Carthaginians were admitted into their 
 alliance after the great overthrow they received from Scipio 
 the elder, but upon terms which deprived them of great 
 part of their dominions, and imposed a heavy tribute.* 
 When Cato arrived at Carthage, he found that city not in 
 the exhausted and humble condition which the Romans 
 imagined, but full of men fit to bear arms, abounding in 
 money, in arms, and warlike stores, and not a little elated 
 in the thought of its being so well provided. He con- 
 cluded, therefore, that it was now time for the Romans to 
 endeavour to settle the points in dispute between the Nu- 
 midians aod Carthage ; and that, if they did not soon make 
 themselves masters of that city, which was their old enemy, 
 and retained strong resentments of the usage she had lately 
 received,, and which had not only recovered herself after her 
 losses, but was prodigiously increased in wealth and power, 
 they would soon be exposed to all their former dangers. 
 For this reason, he returned in all haste to Rome, where 
 he informed the senate, " That the defeats, and other mis- 
 fortunes, which had happened to the Carthaginians, had 
 not so much drained them of their forces, as cured them 
 of their folly ; and that, in all probability, instead of a 
 weaker, they had made them a more skilful and warlike 
 enemy ; that their war with the Numidians was only a 
 prelude to future combats with the Romans; and that 
 the late peace was a mere name, for they considered it 
 only as a suspension of arms, which they were willing to 
 avail themselves of, till they had a favourable opportunity 
 to renew the war-" 
 It is said, that at the conclusion of his speech he shook 
 the lap of his gown, and purposely dropped some Libyan 
 figs ; and when he found the senators admired them for 
 their size and beauty, he told them, " That the country 
 
 * Scipio Africaniis obliged the Carthaginians, at the conclusion of 
 rhe second Punic w;tr, to deliver up their fleet h> the Romans, yield 
 to Ma,s.-,inissa part of Syphux's dominions, and pay the Homuiio teii 
 thousand talents. This peace was made in the third year of the 
 hundred and forty-fourth Olympiad, two hundred years before the 
 Christian era.
 
 CATO THE CENSOE. 335 
 
 " where they grew was but three days sail from Rome." 
 But what is a stronger instance of his enmity to Carthage, 
 he never gave his opinion in the senate upon any other point 
 whatever, without adding these words -" And my opinion 
 " is, that Carthage should be destroyed." Scipio, sur- 
 named Nasica, made it a point to maintain the contrary, 
 and concluded all his speeches thus " And my opinion 
 " is, that Carthage should be left standing." It is very 
 likely that this great man, perceiving that the people were 
 come to such a pitch of insolence, as to be led by it into 
 the greatest excesses (so that in the pride of prosperity 
 they could not be restrained by the senate, but by their 
 overgrown power were able to draw the government what 
 way they pleased), thought it best that Carthage should 
 remain to keep them in awe, and to moderate their pre- 
 sumption. For he saw that the Carthaginians were not 
 strong enough to conquer the Romans, and yet too re- 
 spectable an enemy to be despised by them. On the other 
 hand, Cato thought it dangerous, while the people were 
 thus inebriated and giddy with power, to suffer a city 
 which had always been great, and which was now grown 
 sober and wise through its misfortunes, to lie watching 
 every advantage against them. It appeared to him, there- 
 fore, the wisest course to have all outward dangers re- 
 moved from the commonwealth, that it might be at leisure 
 to guard against internal corruption.* 
 
 Thus Cato, they tell us, occasioned the third and last 
 war against the Carthaginians. But as soo'n as it began he 
 died, having first prophesied of the person that should put 
 an end to it ; who was then a young man, and had only a 
 
 * So we have rendered the last member of the sentence, with the 
 Latin, ut ita opporluniua intestinin mctlis medendiu vacarent. lu Un- 
 original it is, KvafcfKs auruf Tfo; raj s/xshv afiaf?ia; a.*t). fret ret; ; 
 and one of the senses of avp*f is an alleviation, a resource ; so 
 Euripides in Orent. r< iiui* axa-ftp* <r*i svu.$o^a,;. Yet the former 
 Fn^lish translator aiid the French have rendered it very differently. 
 How justly let the learned reader judge ! 
 
 The English runs thus. At a time LAe/, through their depravity 
 and corruption, tht'y hud so many dangers hanging over their hettda ai 
 Lome. 
 
 The French thus, Larsqiion tut laissoit au dedans tovs Ics inoytns 
 de sc, porter a tons leu cxcen tit dc cotnmcttre Us fatttts lex plux tcrribies. 
 
 What led Dacier wrong, was, we suppose, his finding it asrXjTvra,-, 
 in the text, in the past time ; but it is verv. clear to UB, it should be 
 read x-rt).tin>Tas, io the prv.
 
 336 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 tribune's command in the army, but was giving extraordinary 
 proofs of his conduct and valour. The news of these ex- 
 ploits being brought to Rome, Cato cried out, 
 
 He is the soul of council ; 
 The rest are shadows vain. 
 
 This Scipio soon confirmed by his actions. 
 
 Cato left one son by his second wife, who, as we have 
 already observed, was surnamed Salonius, -and a grandson 
 by the son of his first wife, who died before him. Salo- 
 nius died in his prsetorship, leaving a son named Marcus, 
 who came to be consul, and was grandfather * to Cato 
 the philosopher, the best and most illustrious man of his 
 time. 
 
 AR1STIDES AND CATO 
 
 COMPARED. 
 
 HAVING thus given a detail of the most memorable ac- 
 tions of these great men, if we compare the whole life 
 of the one with that of the other, it will not be easy to 
 discern the difference between them, the eye being at- 
 tracted by so many striking resemblances. But if we ex- 
 amine the several parts of their lives distinctly, as we do 
 n poem or a picture, we shall find, in the first place, this 
 common to them both, that they rose to high stations and 
 great honour in their respective commonwealths, not by 
 the help of family connections, but merely by their own 
 virtue and abilities. It is true, that when Aristides raised 
 himself, Athens was not in her grandeur, and the de- 
 magogues and chief magistrates he had to deal with, were 
 men of moderate and nearly equal fortunes. For estates 
 of the highest class were then only five hundred medimrri ; 
 of those of the second order, who were knights, three 
 hundred ; and of those of the third order, who were 
 called Zeugit<e, two hundred. But Cato, from a little 
 village and a country life, launched into the Roman go- 
 vernment, as into a boundless ocean, at a time when it 
 
 * This is a mistake in Plutarch ; for Salon.us was the 
 fathei, and Marcus the father of Cato of Utica.
 
 ARISTIDES AND CATO COMPARED. 337 
 
 was not conducted by the Curii, the Fabricii, and Hostilii, 
 nor received for its magistrates and orators men of narrow 
 circumstances, who worked with their own hands, from 
 the plough and the spade, but was accustomed to regard 
 greatness of family, opulence, distributions among the 
 people, and servility in courting their favour ; for the Ro- 
 mans, elated with their power and importance, loved to 
 humble those who stood for the great offices of state. 
 And it was not the same thing to be rivalled by a Themis- 
 tocles, who was neither distinguished by birth nor fortune 
 (for he is said not to have been worth more than three, or, 
 at the most, five talents, when he first applied himself to 
 public affairs), as to have to contest with a Scipio Africa- 
 nus, a Servius Galba, or a Qtiintius Flaminius, without 
 any other assistance or support but a tongue accustomed to 
 speak with freedom in the cause of justice. 
 
 Besides, Aristides was only one amon^ ten that com- 
 manded at Marathon and Plataea ; whereas Cato was chosen 
 one of the two consuls from a number of competitors, and 
 one of the two censors, though opposed by seven candi- 
 dates, who were some of the greatest and most illustrious 
 men in Rome. 
 
 It should be observed, too, that Aristides was never 
 principal in any action ; for Miltiades had the chief ho- 
 nour of the victory at Marathon ; Themistocles of that at 
 Salamis ; and the palm of the important day at Plataea, as 
 Herodotus tells us, was adjudged to Pausanias ; nay, even 
 the second place was disputed with Aristides by Sophanes, 
 Aminias, Callimachus, and Cynaegirus, who greatly distin- 
 guished themselves on that occasion. 
 
 On the other hand, Cato not only stood first in courage 
 and conduct, during his own consulate, and in the war 
 with Spain ; but when he acted at Thermopylz, only as 
 a tribune, under the auspices of another, he gained the 
 glory of the victory ; for he it was that unlocked the 
 pass for the Romans to rush upon Antiochus, and that 
 brought the war upon the back of the king, who minded 
 only what was before him. That victory, which was 
 manifestly the work of Cato, drove Asia out of Greece, 
 and opened the passage for Scipio to that continent after- 
 wards. 
 
 Both of them were equally victorious in war, but Aril- 
 tides miscarried in the administration, being banished and 
 
 /'/. II. Q
 
 333 _ PLUTARCH'S LIVBS. 
 
 oppressed by the faction of Themistocles ; whilst Cato, 
 though he had for antagonists almost all the greatest and 
 most powerful men in Rome, who kept contending with 
 him even in his old age, like a skilful wrestler, always 
 held his footing. Often impeached before the people, 
 and often the manager of an impeachment, he generally- 
 succeeded in his prosecution of others, and was never con- 
 demned himself; secure in that bulwark of life, the de- 
 fensive and offensive armour of eloquence; and to this, 
 much more justly than to fortune, or his guardian gcr, ;?/>, 
 we may ascribe his maintaining his dignity unblemished to 
 the last. For Antipater bestowed the same encomium upon 
 Aristotle the philosopher, in what he wrote concerning 
 him after his death, that, among his other qualities, he had 
 the very extraordinary one, of persuading people to what- 
 ever he pleased. 
 
 That the art of governing cities and commonwealths 
 is the chief excellence of. man, admits not of a doubt ; 
 and it is generally agreed, that the art of governing a 
 family is no small ingredient in that excellence ; for a city, 
 which is only a collection of families, cannot be prosperous 
 in the whole, unless the families that compose it be flourish- 
 ing and prosperous. And Lycurgus, when he banished 
 gold and silver out of Sparta, and gave the citizens, in- 
 stead of it, money made of iron, that had been spoiled by 
 the fire, did not design to excuse them from attending to 
 economy, but only to prevent luxury, which is a tumour 
 ;uid inflammation caused by riches ; that every one might 
 have the greater plenty of the necessaries and conveniencies 
 of life. By this establishment of him, it appears, that he 
 saw farther than any other legislator ; since he was sensible 
 that every society has more to apprehend from its needy 
 members, than from the rich. For this reason, Cato was 
 no less attentive to the management of his domestic con- 
 cerns, than to that of public affairs ; and he not only in- 
 creased his own estate, but became a guide to others in 
 economy and agriculture, concerning which he collected 
 many useful rules. 
 
 But Aristides, by his indigence, brought a disgrace 
 upon justice itself, as if k were the ruin and impoverish- 
 ment of families, and a quality that is profitable to any 
 one rather than the owner. Hesiod, however, has said ?. 
 good deal to exhort us both to justice and economy, and
 
 ARISTIDES AXD CATO COMPARED. 33<) 
 
 inveighs against idleness as the source of injustice. The 
 same is well represented by Homer * 
 
 The culture of the field, which fills the stores 
 
 With happy harvests ; and domestic cares, 
 
 Which rear the smiling progeny, no charms 
 
 Could boast for me ; 'twas mine to sail 
 
 The gallant ship, to sound the trump of war, 
 
 To point the polish'd pear, and hurl the quivering lance. 
 
 By which the poet intimates, that those who neglect their 
 bwn affairs, generally support themselves by violence and 
 injustice. For what the physicians say of oil, that used 
 outwardly it is beneficial, but pernicious when taken in- 
 wardly, is not applicable to the just man ; nor is it true, 
 that he is useful to others, and unprofitable to himsell 
 and his family. The politics of Aristides seem, there- 
 fore, to have been defective in this respect, if it is true 
 (as most writers assert), that he left not enough either for 
 the portions of his daughters, or for the expcnces of his 
 funeral. 
 
 Thus, iQato's family produced praetors and consuls to the 
 fonrth generation ; for his grandsons and their children 
 bore the highest offices ; whereas, though Aristides was 
 one of the greatest men in Greece, yet the most distressful 
 poverty prevailing among his descendants, some of them 
 were forced to get their bread by shewing tricks of slight- 
 of-hand, or telling fortunes, and others, to receive public 
 alms ; and not one of them entertained a sentiment worthy 
 of their illustrious ancestor. 
 
 It is true, this point is liable to some dispute ; for po- 
 verty is not dishonourable in itself, but only when it i? 
 the effect of idleness, intemperance, prodigality, and folly. 
 And when, on the contrary, it is associated with all the 
 virtues in the sober, the industrious, the just, and valiant 
 statesman, it speaks a great and elevated mind. For an 
 attention to little things, renders it impossible to do any- 
 thing that is great ; nor can he provide for the wa its of 
 others, whose own are numerous and craving. The great 
 and necessary provision for a statesman is, not riches, but 
 a contented raind, which, requiring no superfluities for 
 
 Odyis. 1. iv. 
 
 Q '-
 
 34O PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 itself, leaves a man at full liberty to serve the common- 
 wealth. God is absolutely exempt from wants ; and the 
 virtuous man, in proportion as he reduces his wants, ap- 
 proaches nearer to the divine perfection. For as a body 
 well built for health needs nothing exquisite, either in 
 food or clothing, so a rational way of living, and a well- 
 governed family, demands a very moderate support. Our 
 possessions, indeed, should be proportionate to the use we 
 make of them ; he that amasses a great deal, and uses but 
 little, is far from being satisfied and happy in his abun- 
 dance ; for if, while he is solicitous to increase it, he has 
 no desire of those things which wealth can procure, he is 
 foolish ; if he does desire them, ajid yet out of meanness 
 of spirit will not allow himself in their enjoyment, he is 
 miserable. 
 
 I would fain ask Cato himself this question, " If 
 " riches are to be enjoyed, why, when possessed of a great 
 " deal, did he plume himself upon being satisfied with a 
 " little ?" If it be a commendable thing, as indeed it is, 
 to be contented with coarse bread, and such wine as our 
 servants and labouring people drink, and not to coyet 
 purple and elegantly plastered houses, then Aristides, 
 Epaminondas, Manius Curius, and Caius Fabricius, were 
 perfectly right in neglecting to acquire what they did not 
 think proper to use. For it was by no means necessary 
 for a man who, like Cato, could make a delicious meal 
 on turnips, and loved to boil them himself, while his wife 
 baked the bread, to talk so much about a farthing, and to 
 write by what means a man might soonest grow rich. 
 Indeed, simplicity and frugality are then only great 
 things, when they free the mind from the desire of super- 
 fluities and the anxieties of care. Hence it was that 
 Aristides, in the trial of Callias, said, " It was fit for none 
 " to be ashamed of poverty, but those that were poor 
 " against their wills ; and that they who, like him, were 
 " poor out of choice, might glory in it." For it is ridi- 
 culous to suppose that the poverty of Aristides was to be 
 imputed to sloth, since he might, without being guilty of 
 the least baseness, have raised himself to opulence, by the 
 spoil of one barbarian, or the plunder of one tent. But 
 enough of this. 
 
 As to military achievements, those of Cato added but 
 little to the Roman empire, which was already very great ;
 
 ARIST1DES AND CATO COMPARED. ' 341 
 
 whereas the battles of Marathon, Salamis, and Plataea, the 
 most glorious and important actions of the Greeks, are 
 numbered among those of Aristides. And surely Anti- 
 ochus is not worthy to be mentioned with Xerxes, nor the 
 demolishing of the walls of the vSpanish towns, with the 
 destruction of so many thousands of barbarians, both by 
 sea and land. On these great occasions Aristides was in- 
 ierior to none in real service ; but he left the glory and the 
 laurels, as he did the wealth, to others who had more need 
 of them, because he was above them. 
 
 I do not blame Cato for perpetually boasting and 
 giving himself the preference to others, though, in one of 
 his pieces, he says, " It is absurd for a man either to 
 " commend or depreciate himself;" but I think the man 
 who is often praising himself, not so complete in virtue 
 as the modest man, who does not even want others to 
 praise him. For modesty is a very proper ingredient in 
 the mild and engaging manner necessary for a .statesman ; 
 on the other hand, he who demands any extraordinary re- 
 spect, is difficult to please, and liable to envy. Cato wag 
 very subject to this fault, and Aristides entirely free from 
 it ; for Aristides, by co-operating with his enemy The- 
 mistocles in his greatest actions, and being, as it were, a 
 guard to him, while he had the command, restored the 
 affairs of Athens ; vrhereas Cato, by counteracting Scipio, 
 had well nigh blasted and ruined that expedition of hift 
 against Carthage, which brought down Hannibal, who, 
 till then, was invincible. And he continued to raise sus- 
 picions against him, and to persecute him with calumnies, 
 till at last he drove him out of Rome, and got his brother 
 stigmatized with the shameful crime of embezzling the. 
 public money. 
 
 As for temperance, which Cato always extolled as the 
 greatest of virtues, Aristides preserved it in its utmost 
 purity and perfection ; while Cato, by marrying so much 
 beneath hi.nself, and at an unseasonable time of life, stood 
 justly impeached in that respect ; for it was by no means 
 decent, ; t his great age, to bring home to his son and 
 daughter-in-law a young wife, the daughter of his secre- 
 tary, a man who received wages of the public. Whether 
 he did it merely to gratify his appetite, or to revenge the 
 affront which his so:, put upon his favourite slave, both 
 the cause and the thing were dishonourable. And the . 
 
 Q3
 
 342 . PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 reason which he gave to his son was ironical and ground- 
 less. For if he was desirous of having more children like 
 him, he should have looked out before for some woman of 
 family, and not have put off the thoughts of marrying 
 again, till his commerce with so mean a creature was dis- 
 covered ; and when it was discovered, he ought to have 
 chosen for his father-in-law, not the man who would most 
 readily accept his proposals, but one whose alliance would 
 have done him the most honour. 
 
 PHILOPCEMEN. 
 
 Mantinea, there was a man of great quality and 
 power, named Cassander,* who being obliged, by a reverse 
 of fortune, to quit his own country, went and settled at 
 Megalopolis. He was induced to fix there, chiefly by the 
 friendship which subsisted betwixt him and Crausis,f the 
 father of Philopcemen, who was in all respects an extraor- 
 dinary man. While his friend lived, he had all that he 
 could wish ; and being desirous, after his death, to make 
 io:r.e return for his hospitality, he educated his orphan son 
 in the same manner as Homer says Achilles was educated 
 by Phoenix, and formed him from his infancy to generous 
 sentiments and royal virtues. 
 
 But when he was past the years of childhood, Ecdemus 
 and DemophanesJ had the principal care of him. They 
 were both Megalopolitans, who, having learned the 
 academic philosophy of Arcesilaus,|| applied it, above 
 all the men of their time, to action and affairs of state. 
 They delivered their country from tyranny, by provid- 
 ing persons privately to take off Aristodemus ; they were 
 assisting to Aratus, in driving out Necocles the tyrant 
 of Sicyon ; and, at the request of the people of Cyrene, 
 
 * Pausanias calls him Cleander ; and some manuscripts of Plu- 
 tarch agree with him. So it Is also in the translation of Guarini. 
 
 } Craugis in Pausanias; in the inscription of a statue of Phi 
 lopoemen at Tegeoe ; and in an ancient collection of epigrams. 
 
 J In Pausanias their names are Ecdelus and Megalophane*. 
 
 || Arcesilaus was founder of the Middle Academy, and made some 
 alteration in the doctrine which had obtained.
 
 TIULOPCEMEX. 3 i:J 
 
 whose government was in great disorder, they sailed thi- 
 ther, settled it on the foundation of good laws, and tho- 
 roughly regulated the commonwealth. But among all 
 their great actions, they valued themselves most on the 
 education of Philopoemon, as having rendered him, by 
 the principles of philosophy, a common benefit to Greece. 
 And, indeed, as he came the last of so many excellent ge- 
 nerals, Greece loved him extremely, as the child of her 
 old age ; and, as his reputation increased, enlarged his 
 power. For which reason, a certain Roman calls him 
 the last of the Greeks, meaning that Greece had not pro- 
 duced one great man, or one that was worthy of her, after 
 him. 
 
 His visage was not very homely,* as some imagine it to 
 have been ; for we see his statue still remaining at Delphi. 
 As for the mistake of his hostess at Megara, it is said to 
 be owing to his easiness of. behaviour, and the simplicity of 
 his garb. She having word brought that the general of 
 the Achseans was coming to her house, was in great care 
 and hurry to provide his supper, her husband happening 
 to be out of the way. In the meantime Philopcemeu 
 came, and, as his habit was ordinary, she took him for 
 one of his own servants, or for an harbinger, and desired 
 him to assist her in the business of the kitchen. He pre- 
 sently threw off his cloak, and began to cleave some wood ; 
 when the master of the house returning, and seeing him, 
 so employed, said, " What is the meaning of this, Philo- 
 " pcemen I" He replied, in broad Doric, " I am paying 
 " the fine of my deformity." Titus Flaminius rallying 
 him one day upon his make, said, * What fine hands and 
 " legs you have ! but then you have no belly :" and he 
 was indeed very slender in the waist. But this raillery might 
 rather be referred to the condition of his fortune ; for he 
 had good soldiers, both horse and foot, but very often 
 wanted money to pay them. These stories are subjects of 
 disputations in the schools. 
 
 As to his manners, we find that his pursuits of honour 
 were too much attended with roughness and passion. 
 Epaminondas was the person whom he proposed his pat- 
 tern ; and he succeeded in imitating his activity, his 
 
 Pausanias assures us, that his visage was homely, but at the 
 tame time declares that, in point f size and strength, no man in 
 Peloponnesus exceeded him.
 
 3-J4 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 shrewdness, and contempt of riches ; but his choleric con- 
 tentious humour prevented his attaining to the mildness, 
 the gravity, and candour of that great man in political 
 disputes ; so that he seemed rather fit for war than for the 
 civil administration. Indeed, from a child, he was fond of 
 every thing in the military way, and readily entered into 
 the exercises which tended to that purpose ; those of rid- 
 ing, for instance, and handling of arms. Aa he seemed 
 well formed for wrestling, too, his friends and governors 
 advised him to improve himself in that art ; which gave 
 him occasion to ask, whether that might be consistent 
 with his proficiency as a soldier ? They told him the 
 truth ; that the habit of body and manner of life, the diet 
 and exercise of a soldier and a wrestler, were entirely dif- 
 ferent ; that the wrestler must have much sleep and full 
 meals, stated times of exercise and rest, every little de- 
 parture from his rules being very prejudicial to him ; where- 
 as the soldier should be prepared for the most irregular 
 changes of living, and should chiefly endeavour to bring 
 himself to bear the want of food and sleep without diffi- 
 culty. Philopcemen hearing this, not only avoided and de- 
 rided the exercise of wrestling himself, but afterwards, 
 when he came to be general, to the utmost of his power 
 exploded the whole art, by every mark of disgrace, aud 
 expression of contempt ; satisfied that it rendered persons, 
 who were the most tit for war, quite useless and unable to 
 fight on necessary occasions. 
 
 When his governors and preceptors had quitted their 
 charge, he engaged in those private incursions into Laconia, 
 which the city of Megalopolis made for the sake of booty ; 
 and in these he was sure to be the first to march out, and 
 the last to return. 
 
 His leisure he spent either in the chace, which increased 
 both his strength and activity, or in the tillage of the 
 field. For he had a handsome estate, twenty furlongs 
 from the city, to which he went every day after dinner, 
 or alter supper ; and, at night, he threw himself upon 
 an ordinary ruattress, and slept as one of the labourers. 
 Early iti the morning he rose and went to work along 
 with his vine-dressers or ploughmen ; after which he re- 
 tu*- a to the town, and employed his time about the 
 public affairs with his friends, and with the magistrates. 
 What he gained in the wars he laid out upon horses or
 
 PHILOPCEMEN. 345 
 
 arms, or in the redeeming of captives ; but he endeavoured 
 to improve his own estate the justest way in the world, by 
 agriculture I mean.* Nor did he apply himself to it in a 
 cursory manner, but in full conviction that the surest way 
 not to touch what belongs to others, is to take care of 
 one's own. 
 
 He spent some time in hearing the discourses, and study- 
 ing the writings of philosophers ; but selected such as he 
 thought might assist his progress in virtue. Among the 
 poetical images in Homer, he attended to those which 
 see.T-ed to excite and encourage valour ; and as to other 
 authors, he was most conversant in the Tactics of Evange- 
 lus,-|- and in the histories of Alexander; being persuaded 
 that learning ought to conduce to action, and not be con- 
 sidered as mere pastime, and an useless fund for talk. In 
 the study of tactics, he neglected those plans and diagrams 
 that are drawn upon paper, and exemplified the rules in the 
 iield ; considering with himself as he travelled, and point- 
 ing out to those about him, the difficulties of steep or 
 broken ground ; and how the ranks of an army must be 
 extended or closed, according to the difference made by 
 ditches, rivers, and defiles. 
 
 He seems, indeed, to have set rather too great a value on- 
 military knowledge ; embracing war as the most extensive 
 exercise of virtue, and despising those that were not versed i 
 in it as persons entirely useless. 
 
 He was now thirty years old, when Cleomenes, J king - 
 of the Lacedsemonians, surprised Megalopolis in the- 
 night, and having forced the guards, entered and seized 
 the market-place. Philopoemen ran to succour the inha- 
 bitants, but was not able to drive out the enemy, though 
 he fought with the most determined and desperate valour. 
 
 * Columella says agriculture is next akin to philosophy. It does, 
 indeed, afford a person who is capable of speculation an opportunity 
 of meditating on nature ; and such meditations enlarge the mind. 
 
 -} This author is mentioned by Arrian, who also wrote a discourse 
 on tactics. He observes, that the treatise of Evangelus, as well as 
 those of several other writers or. that subject, were become of little 
 use in his time, because they had omitted several things as sufficient- 
 ly known in their days, which, however, then wanted explication. 
 Tins ruay serve as a caution to future writers oil this and such like 
 subjects. 
 
 $ Cleomenes made himself master of Megalopolis in the second 
 year of the hundred and thirty-ninth Olympiad, which was the two - 
 hundred and twenty-first before the Christian era.
 
 346 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 He prevailed, however, so far as to give the people op- 
 portunity to steal out of the town, by maintaining the 
 combat with the pursuers, and drawing Cleomenes upon 
 himself ; so that he retired the last with difficulty, and after 
 prodigious efforts, being wounded, and having his horse 
 killed under him. When they had gained Messene, Cleo- 
 aienes made them an offer of their city, with their lands 
 and goods. Philopoemen perceiving they were glad to ac- 
 cept the proposal, and in haste to return, strongly opposed 
 it, representing to them, in a set speech, that Cleomenes 
 did not want to restore them their city, but to be master 
 of the citizens, in order that he might be more secure of 
 keeping the place ; that he could not sit still long to watch 
 empty houses and walls, for the very solitude would 
 force them away. By this argument he turned the Me- 
 galopolitans from their purpose, but at the same time fur- 
 nished Cleomenes with a pretence to plunder the town, and 
 demolish the greater part of it, and to march off loaded 
 with booty. 
 
 Soon after, Antigonus came down to assist the Achxans 
 against Cleomenes ; and rinding, that he had possessed 
 himself of the heights of Sellasia, and blocked up the 
 passages, Antigonus drew up his army near him, with a 
 resolution to force him from his post. Philopcemen, with 
 his citizens, was placed among the cavalry, supported 
 by the Illyrian foot, a numerous and gallant body of 
 men, who closed that extremity. They had orders to 
 wait quietly, until from the other wing, where the king 
 fought in person, they should see a red robe lifted up upon 
 the point of a spear. The Achaeans kept their ground 
 as they were directed ; but the Illyrian officers, with their 
 corps, attempted to break in upon the Lacedsemonians. 
 Euclidas, the brother of Cleomenes, seeing this opening 
 made in the enemy's army, immediately ordered a party 
 of his light-armed infantry to wheel about and attack 
 the rear of the Illyrians, thus separated from the horse. 
 This being put in execution, and the Illyrians harassed 
 and broken, Philopcemen perceived that it would be no 
 difficult matter to drive off that light-armed party, and 
 that the occasion called for it. First he mentioned 
 the thing to the king's officers, but they rejected the 
 hint, and considered him as no better than a madman, 
 kis reputation being not yet respectable enough to justify
 
 PHILOKEMEX. 3-47 
 
 such a movement. He, therefore, with his Megtlopoli- 
 tans, falling upon that light-armed corps himself, at the 
 first encounter pnt them in confusion, and soon after 
 routed them with great slaughter. Desirous yet farther 
 to encourage Antigonus's troops, and quickly to pene- 
 trate into the enemy's army, which was now in some dis- 
 order, he quitted his horse ; and advancing on foot, in his 
 horseman's coat of mail, and other heavy accoutrements, 
 upon rough uneven ground, that was full of springs and 
 bogs, he was making his way with extreme difficulty, 
 when he had both his thighs struck through with a javelin, 
 so that the point came through on the other side, and the 
 wound was great, though not mortal. At first he stood 
 still as if he had been shackled, not knowing what me- 
 thod to take. For the thong in the middle of the javelin 
 rendered it difficult to be drawn out ; nor would any about 
 him venture to do it. At the same time the fight being at 
 the hottest, and likely to be soon over, honour and indig- 
 nation pushed him on to take his share in it ; and, there- 
 fore, by moving his legs this way and that, he broke the 
 staff, and then ordered the pieces to be pulled out. Thus 
 set free, he ran, sword in hand, through the first ranks, to 
 charge the enemy ; at the same time animating the troops, 
 and tiring them with emulation. 
 
 Antigonus having gained the victory, to try his Ma- 
 cedonian officers, demanded of them, " Why they had 
 " brought on the cavalry before he gave them the sig- 
 " nal ?" By way of apology, they said, *' They were 
 " obliged, against their will, to come to action, because 
 " a young man of Megalopolis had begun the attack too 
 '* soon." " That young man," replied Antigonus smil- 
 ing, " has performed the office of an experienced gene- 
 " ral." 
 
 This action, as we may easily imagine, lifted Pliilo- 
 pcemen into great reputation, so that Antigonus was very 
 desirous of having his service in the wars, and offered 
 him a considerable command, with great appointments ; 
 but he declined it, because he knew he could not bear to 
 be under the direction of another. Not choosing, how- 
 ever, to he idle, and hearing there was a war in Crete, 
 he sailed thither, to exercise and improve his military 
 talents. When he had served there a good while, alonjr 
 with a set of brave men, who were not only versed :
 
 348 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 the stratagems of war, but temperate besides, and strict 
 in their manner of living, he returned with so much re- 
 nown to the Achaeans, that they immediately appointed 
 him general of horse. He found that the cavalry made 
 use of small and mean horses, which they picked up as 
 they could when they were called to a campaign ; that 
 many of them shunned the wars, and sent others in their 
 stead ; and that shameful ignorance of service,* with 
 its consequence, timidity, prevailed among them all. 
 The former generals had connived at this, because it be- 
 ing a degree of honour among the Achaeans to serve on 
 horseback, the cavalry had great power in the common- 
 wealth, and considerable influence in the distribution of 
 rewards and punishments. But Philopcemen would not 
 yield to such considerations, or grant them the least indul- 
 gence. Instead of that, he applied to the several towns, 
 and to each of the young men in particular, rousing them 
 to a sense of honour, punishing where necessity required, 
 and practising them in exercise, reviews, and mock-battles, 
 in places of the greatest resort. By these means, in a little 
 time, he brought them to surprising strength and spirit ; 
 and what is of most consequence in discipline, rendered 
 them so light and quick, that all their evolutions and 
 movements, whether performed separately or together, 
 were executed with so much readiness and address, that 
 their motion was like that of one body actuated by art 
 internal voluntary principle. In the great battle which 
 they fought with the jEtolians and Eleans, near the river 
 Larissus,f Demophantus, general of the Elean horse, ad- 
 vanced belore the lines, at full speed, against Philopoe- 
 men. Philopcemen, preventing his blow with a push 
 of his spear, brought him dead to the ground. The ene- 
 my seeing Demophantus fall, immediately fled. And now 
 Philopcemen was universally celebrated, as not inferior to 
 the young in personal valour, nor to the old in prudence, 
 
 * CKCJJV S n-riipix.1 pirn a.raXpia.( t vmTiat vfxv. The Latin transla- 
 tion, esstt etiam singularis omnium cum ignavia inertia, being a little 
 obscure in this passage, though the Greek is very clear, the former 
 English translator entirely omitted it. The passage, however, is 
 of importance, and well deserves the consideration of every military 
 man. 
 
 f This battle was fought the fourth year of the hundred and forty- 
 second Olympiad, when Philopcemen was in his forty-fourth year.
 
 PHILOPOF.MEN'. 
 
 and as equally well qualified both to fight and to com- 
 mand. 
 
 Aratus was, indeed, the first who raised the common- 
 wealth of the Achasans to dignity and power. For, 
 whereas, before they were in a low condition, dispersed in 
 unconnected cities, he united them in one body, and gave 
 them a moderate civil government worthy of Greece. And, 
 as it happens in running waters, that when a few small bo- 
 dies stop, others stick to them, and one part strengthening 
 another, die whole becomes one firm and solid mass, so 
 it was with Greece. At a time when she was weak and 
 easily broken, dispersed as she was in a variety of cities, 
 which stood each upon its own bottom, the Achasans first 
 united themselves, and then drawing some of the neigh- 
 bouring cities to them, by assisting them to expel their ty- 
 rants, while others voluntarily joined them for the sake of 
 that unanimity which they beheld in so well constituted 
 a government ; they conceived the great design of forming 
 Peloponnesus into one community. It is true, that while 
 Aratus lived, they attended the motions of the Macedo- 
 nians, and made their court first to Ptolemy, and after- 
 wards to Antigonus and Philip, who ail had a great share 
 in the affairs of Greece. But when Philopoemen had taken 
 upon him the administration, the Achseans finding them- 
 selves respectable enough to oppose their strongest adver- 
 saries, ceased to call in foreign protectors. As for Aratus, 
 not being so fit for conflicts in the field, he managed most 
 of his affairs by address, by moderation, and by the friend- 
 ships he had formed with foreign princes, as we have re- 
 lated in his life. But Plnlopcemen, being a great warrior, 
 vigorous and bold, and successful withal in the first bat- 
 tles that he fought, raised the ambition of the Achaeans 
 together with their power ; for under him they were used 
 to conquer. 
 
 In the first place, he corrected the errors of the Achae- 
 ans in drawing up their forces, and in the make of their 
 arms. For hitherto they had made use of bucklers which 
 were easy to manage on account of their smallness, but 
 too narrow to cover the body, and lances that were much 
 shorter than the Macedonian pikes ; for which reason 
 they answered the end in fighting at a distance, but were 
 of little use in close battle. As for the order of battle, 
 they had not been accustomed to draw up in a spiral
 
 350 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 form,* but in the square battalion ; which having neither 
 a front of pikes nor shields, fit to lock together, like that 
 of the Macedonians, was easily penetrated and broken. 
 Philopoemen altered both ; persuading them, instead of 
 the buckler and lance, to take the shield and pike ; to 
 arm their heads, bodies, thighs, and legs ; and, instead 
 of a light and desultory manner of fighting, to adopt a 
 close and firm one. After he had brought the youth to 
 wear complete armour, and on that account to consider 
 themselves as invincible, his next step was to reform them 
 with respect to luxury and love of expense. He could 
 not, indeed, entirely cure them of the distemper with 
 which they had long been infected, the vanity of ap- 
 pearance, for they had vied with each other in fine 
 clothe, in purple carpets, and in the rich service of their 
 tables. But he began with diverting their love of show 
 from superfluous things to those that were useful and ho- 
 nourable ; and soon prevailed with them to retrench their 
 daily expense upon their persons, and to give into a mag- 
 nificence in their arms, and the whole equipage of war. 
 The shops, therefore, were seen strewed with plate broken 
 in pieces, while breast-plates were gilt with the gold, and 
 shields and briddles studded with the silver. On the pa- 
 rade the young men were managing horses, or exercising 
 their arms. The women were een adorning helmets and 
 crests with various colours, or embroidering military vests 
 both for the cavalry and infantry. The very sight of 
 these things inflaming their courage, and calling forth 
 their vigour, made them venturous and ready to face any 
 danger. For much expence in other things that attract 
 our eyes, tempts to luxury, and too often produces effe- 
 minancy ; the feasting of the senses relaxing the vigour of 
 the mind; but, in this instance, it strengthens and im- 
 
 * The Macedonian phalanx occasionally altered their form from 
 the square to the spiral or orbicular, and sometimes to that ef the 
 cuneus or wedge. 
 
 T'f us rnifui might also be translated to drato up in platoons, 
 the word r*upa, derived from rvcau, signifying band or platoon. 
 But, then, in the original, it would rather have been t*tif*i than 
 rriifai ; besides, the context seems to determine it to the former 
 signification. It was necessary for the phalanx to throw themselver 
 into -the spiral or obicular form, whenever they were surrounded, 
 in order that they might face and fight the enemy on every side.
 
 PHILOPffiMEX. 351 
 
 proves it. Thus Homer represents Achilles, at the sight 
 of his new armour, exulting with joy,* and burning 
 with impatience to use it. When Philopoemen had per- 
 suaded the youth thus to arm and to adorn themselves, 
 he mustered and trained them continually, and they en- 
 tered with pride and pleasure into his exercise, they 
 were greatly delighted with the new form of the batta- 
 lion, which was so cemented that it seemed impossible to 
 break it. And their arms became light and easy in the 
 wearing, because they were charmed with their richness 
 and beauty j and they longed for nothing more than to 
 use them against the enemy, and to try them in a real 
 encounter. 
 
 At that time the Achseans were at war with Machani- 
 das, the tyrant of Lacedasmon, who, with a powerful ar- 
 iny, was watching his opportunity to subdue all Pelopon- 
 nesus. As soon as news was brought that he was fallen 
 upon the Mantineans, Philopcemen took the field, and 
 inarched against him. They drew up their armies near 
 Mantinea, each having a good number of mercenaries in 
 pay, beside the whole force of their respective cities. 
 The engagement being begun, Machanidas, with his fo- 
 reign troops, attacked and put to flight the spearmen and 
 the Tarentines, who were placed in the Achaean front ; 
 but afterwards, instead of falling upon that part of the 
 army who stood their ground, and breaking them, he 
 went upon the pursuit of the fugitives ;f and when he 
 should have endeavoured to rout the main body of the 
 Achaeans, left his own uncovered. Philopoemen, after 
 so indifferent a beginning, made light of the misfortune, 
 and represented it as no great matter, though the day 
 seemed to be lost. But when he saw what an error the 
 enemy committed, in quitting their foot and going upon 
 the pursuit, by which they left him a good opening, he 
 did not try to stop them in their career after the fugi- 
 
 * She drops the radiant burden on the ground ; 
 Clang the strong arms, and ring the shores around. 
 Buck shrink the Myrmidons with dread surprise, 
 And from the broad effulgence turn their eyes. 
 Unmov'd, the hero kindles at the show, 
 And feels with rage divine his bosom glow ; 
 From his fierce eyeballs Jiving flames expire, 
 And flash incessant like a stream of fire. Popt) II. * 
 
 J- See Polybius, book xi.
 
 352 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 tives, but suffered them to pass by. When the pursuers 
 were got at a great distance, he rushed upon the Lace- 
 daemonian infantry, now left unsupported by their right 
 wing. Stretching, therefore, to the left, he took them 
 iu flank, destitute as they were of a general, and far from 
 expecting to come to blows ; for they thought Machanidas 
 absolutely sure of victory when they saw him upon the 
 pursuit. 
 
 Atter he had routed this infantry with great slaughter 
 (for it is said that four thousand Lacedaemonians were 
 left dead upon the spot), he marched against Machani- 
 das, who was now returning with his mercenaries from 
 the pursuit. There was a broad and deep ditch between 
 them, where both strove a while, the one to get over and 
 fly, the other to hinder him. Their appearance was not 
 like that ot a combat between two generals, but between 
 two wild beasts (or rather, between a hunter and a wild 
 beast), whom necessity reduces to fight. Philopoemen 
 was the great hunter. The tyrant's horse being strong 
 and spirited, and violently spurred on both sides, ven- 
 tured to leap into the ditch, and was raising his fore 
 feet, in order to gain the opposite bank, when Simmias 
 and Polyaenus, who always fought by the side of Philo- 
 pcemen, both rode up and levelled their spears against 
 Machanidas. But Philopoemen prevented them ; and 
 perceiving that the horse, with his head high reared, co- 
 vered the tyrant's body, he turned his own a little, and 
 pushing his spear at him with all his force, tumbled him 
 into the ditch. The Achaeans, in admiration 01 this ex- 
 ploit, and of his conduct in the whole action, set up his 
 statue in brass at Delphi, in the attitude in which he killed 
 the tyrant. 
 
 It is reported, that at the Nemean games, a little after 
 he had gained the battle of Mantinea, Philopcemen, then 
 chosen general the second time, and at leisure on account 
 of that great festival, first causid this phalanx, in the best 
 order and attire, to pass in review before the Greeks, and 
 to make all the movements which the art of war teaches, 
 with the utmost vigour and agility. After this, he en- 
 tered the theatre, while the musicians were contending 
 for the prize, lie was attended by the youth in their 
 military cloaks and s.carlet vests. These young men were 
 all well made, of the san.e age and stature ; and though 
 they shewed great respect for their general, yet they
 
 PHILOPfEMEV. 353 
 
 seemed not a little elated themselves with the many glorious 
 battles they had fought. In the moment that they enter- 
 ed, Py lades the musician happened to be singing to his lyre 
 the Persce of Timotheus,* and was pronouncing this verse 
 with which it begins, 
 
 The palm of liberty for Greece I won, 
 
 when the people, struck with the grandeur of the poetry, 
 sung by a voice equally excellent, from every part of the 
 theatre turned their eyes upon Philopoemen, and welcomed 
 him with the loudest plaudits. They caught in idea the 
 ancient dignity of Greece, and in their present confidence 
 aspired to the lofty spirit of former times. 
 
 As young horses require their accustomed riders, and 
 are wild and unruly when mounted by strangers, so it was 
 with, the Achaeans. When their forcts were under any 
 other commander, on every great emergency, they grew 
 discontented, and looked about for Phflopcemen ; and if 
 he did but make his appearance, they were soon satisfied 
 again, and fitted for action by the confidence which they 
 placed in him ; well knowing that he was the only general 
 whom their enemies durst not look in the face, and that 
 they were ready to tremble at his very narae. 
 
 Philip, king of Macedon, thinking he ceuld easily 
 bring the Achasans under him again, if Philopceuien 
 was out of the way, privately sent some persons to Argos 
 to assassinate him But this treachery was timely die- 
 covered, and brought upon Philip the hatred and contempt 
 of ail the Greeks. The Boeotians were besieging Megara, 
 and hoped to be soon masters of the place, when a re- 
 port, though uot a true one, being spread among them, 
 that i hilopcemen was approaching to the relief of the 
 besieged, they left their scaling-ladders, already planted 
 against the walls, and took to flight. Nabis, who was 
 tyrant of Lacedsemon, alter Machanidas had taken Mes- 
 sene by surprise, and Philopcemen, who was out of 
 command, endeavoured to persuade Lysippus, then ge- 
 neral of the Achaeans, to succour the Messeniaos ; but 
 
 * Timotheus was a Dithyrambic poet, who flourished about the 
 ninety-fifth Olympiad, three hundred and ninety-eight years before 
 the Christian era,
 
 354 PLUTARCH'S LIVfcS. 
 
 not prevailing with him, because, he said, the enemy was 
 within, and the place irrecoverably lost, he went himself; 
 taking with him his own citizens, who waited neither for 
 form of law nor commission, but followed him upon this 
 natural principle, that he who excels should always com- 
 mand. When he was got pretty near, Nabis was inform- 
 ed of it ; and not daring to wait, though his army lay 
 quartered in the town, stole out at another gate with his 
 troops, and marched off precipitately, thinking himself 
 happy if he could escape. He did indeed escape, but 
 Messene was rescued. 
 
 Thus far every thing is great in the character of Philo- 
 pcemen. But as for his going a second time into Crete, 
 at the request of the Gortynians, who were engaged in 
 war, and wanted him for general, it has been blamed, 
 either as an act of cowardice, in deserting his own coun- 
 try when she was distressed by Nabis, or as an mjseason- 
 able ambition to shew himself to strangers. And it is 
 true, the Megajppolitans were then so hard pressed, that 
 they were obliged to ehut themselves up within their 
 walls, and to sow corn in their very streets, the enemy 
 having laid waste their lands, and encamped almost at their 
 gates. Philopcemen, therefore, by entering into the ser- 
 vice of the Cretans at such a time, and taking a command 
 beyond sea, furnished his enemies with a pretence to ac- 
 cuse him of basely flying from the war at home. 
 
 Yet it is said, that as the Achaeans had chosen other 
 generals, Philopcemen, being unemployed, bestowed his 
 leisure upon the Gortynians, and took a command among 
 them at their request ; for he had an extreme aversion 
 to idleness, and was desirous, above all things, to keep 
 his talents, as a soldier and general, in constant practice. 
 This was clear from what he said of Ptolemy. Some were 
 commending that prince for daily studying the art of war, 
 and improving his strength by martial exercise, " Who'* 
 said he, ** can praise a prince of his age, that is always 
 " preparing, and never performs :" 
 
 The Megalopolitans, highly incensed at his absence, 
 and looking upon it as a desertion, were inclined to pass 
 an outlawry against him. But the Achaeans prevented 
 them, by sending their general* Aristasnetus to Megalo- 
 
 Polybius and Livy call him Ariotsnu;.
 
 PHILOPOIMEN. 355 
 
 polls, who, though he differed with Philopcemen about" 
 matters of government, would not suffer him to be decla- 
 red an outlaw. Philopcemen, finding himself neglected by 
 his citizens, drew off from them several of the neighbour- 
 ing boroughs, and instructed them to allege that they were 
 not comprised in their taxations, nor originally of their 
 dependencies. By assisting tham to maintain this pretext, 
 he lessened the authority of Megalopolis in the general 
 assembly of the Achaeans. But these things happened 
 some time after. 
 
 Whilst he commanded the Gortynians in Crete, he did 
 not, like a Peloponnesian or Arcadian, make war in an 
 open generous manner, but adopting the Cretan customs, 
 and using their artifices and slights, their stratagems and 
 ambushes, against themselves, he soon shewed that their 
 devices were like the short-sighted schemes of children, 
 when compared with the long reach of an experienced ge- 
 neral. 
 
 Having greatly distinguished himself by these means, 
 and performed many exploits in that country, he returned 
 to Peloponnesus with honour. Here he found Philip beaten 
 by T. Q. Flaminius, and Nabis engaged in war both 
 with the Romans and Achseans, He was immediately 
 chosen general of the Achaeans ; but venturing to act at 
 sea, he fell under the same misfortune with Epaminondas ; 
 he saw the great ideas that had been formed of his courage 
 and conduct vanish in consequence of his ill success in a 
 naval engagement. Some say, indeed, that Epaminondas 
 was unwilling that his countrymen should have any share 
 of the advantages of the sea, lest of good soldiers (as Pla- 
 to expresses, it)* they should become licentious and dis- 
 solute sailors ; and therefore chose to return from Asia and 
 the isles, without effecting any thing. But Philopcemen, 
 being persuaded that his skill in the land service would 
 ensure his success at sea, found to his cost how much 
 experience contributes to victory, and how much practice 
 adds in all things to our powers ; for he was not only 
 worsted in the sea-fight for want of skill; but having 
 fitted up an old ship, which had been a famous vessel 
 
 * This observation occurs in Plato's fourth book De Legibus; and 
 from this passage of Plutarch, it appears, that there, instead of 
 t>uium, we should read pmiftu*. The ancient Greek is not pro- 
 perly expressed. Indeed, there are no type* for it.
 
 356 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 forty years before, and manned it with his townsmen, it. 
 proved so leaky, that they were in danger of being lost. 
 1'nding that, after tliis, the enemy despised hii as a man 
 that disclaimed all pretensions at sea, and that ftey had in- 
 solently laid siege to Gythium, he set sail again ; and as 
 they did not expect him, but were dispersed without any 
 j-recaution, by reason of their late victory, he landed in 
 the night, burnt their camp, and killed a great number of 
 t hem. 
 
 A few days after, as he was marching through a diffi- 
 cult pass, Nabis came suddenly upon him. The Achse- 
 ans were in great terror, thinking it impossible to escape 
 out of so dangerous a passage, which the enemy had al- 
 ready seized. Bat Philopocmen, making a little halt, and 
 seeing at once the nature of the ground, shewed, that skill 
 in drawing up an army is the capital point in the art of 
 war. For altering a little the disposition of his forces, 
 and adapting it to the, present occasion, without any bustle, 
 he easily disengaged them from the difficulty ; and then 
 falling upon the enemy, put them entirely to the rout. 
 When he saw that they fled not to the town, but dis- 
 persed themselves about the country, as the ground was 
 woody and uneven, and on account of the brooks and 
 ditches impracticable for the horse, he did not go upon 
 the pursuit, but encamped before the evening. Conclud- 
 ing, however, that the fugitives would return as soon as it 
 grew dark, and draw up in a straggling manner to the city, 
 he placed in ambush, by the brooks and hills that surround- 
 ed it, many parties of the Achaians with their swords in 
 their hands. By this means the greatest part of the troops 
 of Nabis were cut off: for not returning in a body, but as 
 the chance of flight had dispersed them, they fell into 
 their enemy's hands, and were caught like so many birds* 
 ere they could enter the town. 
 
 Philopcemen being received on this account with great 
 honour and applause in all the theatres of Greece, it gave 
 ome umbrage to Flaminius, a man naturally ambitious ; 
 for, as a Roman consul, he thought himself entitled to 
 much greater marks of distinction among the Achaeans 
 than a man of Arcadia ; and that as a public benefactor, 
 he was infinitely above him, having by one proclamation 
 set free all that part of Greece which had been enslaved
 
 PH1LOPCEMEN. 357 
 
 by Philip and the Macedonians.* After this, FlaminiuB 
 made peace with Nabis ; and Nabis was assassinated by 
 the ./Etolians. Hereupon Sparta being in great confu- 
 sion, Philopcemeti seizing the opportunity, came upon 
 it with his army, and partly by force, partly by persua- 
 sion, brought that city to join in the Achaean league. 
 The gaining over a city of such dignity and power made 
 him perfectly adored among the Achaeans. And, indeed, 
 Sparta was an acquisition of vast importance to Achaia, 
 of which she was now become a member. It was also a 
 grateful service to the principal Lacedaemonians, who 
 hoped now to have him for the guardian of their libeity. 
 For which reason, having sold the house and goods of 
 Nabis, by a public decree, they gave the money, wliich 
 amounted to a hundred and twenty talents, to Philopoe- 
 men, and determined to send it by persons deputed fiom 
 their body. 
 
 On this occasion it appeared how clear hi integrity 
 was ; that he not only seemed, but was a virtuous man. 
 For not one of the Spartans chose to speak to a person 
 of his character about a present ; but afraid of the office, 
 they all excused themselves, and put it upon Timolaus, to 
 whom he was bound by the rights of hospitality. Timo- 
 laus went to Megalopolis, and wa entertained at Philo- 
 poemen's house; but when he obsenred the gravity of his 
 discourse, the simplicity of his diet, and the integrity of 
 manners, quite impregnable to the attacks and deceits 
 of money, he said not a word about the present, but 
 having assigned another cause for his coming, returned 
 home. He was sent a second time, but could not men- 
 tion the money. In a third visit he brought it out with 
 much difficulty, and declared the benevolence of Sparta 
 to him. Philopcemen heard with pleasure what he had 
 to say, but immediately went himself to the people of 
 Laceda*mon, and advised them not to try to tempt good 
 men with money, who were already their friends, and 
 of whose virtues they might freely avail themselves ; but 
 to buy and corrupt ill men who opposed their measures 
 in council, that, thus silenced, they might give them the 
 less trouble ; it being much better to stop the mouths of 
 
 * Dacier reads JLaceAem&niin*, but does not mention his autho- 
 rity.
 
 353 PLUTARCH'S LIVE*. 
 
 their enemies than of their friends. Such was Philopce- 
 men's contempt of money. 
 
 Some time after, Diophanes being general of the 
 Achaeans, and hearing that the Lacedaemonians had 
 thoughts of withdrawing from the league, determined to 
 chastise them.* Meanwhile they prepared for war, and 
 raised great commotions in Peloponnesus. Philopoemen 
 tried to appease Diophanes, and keep him quiet ; repre- 
 senting to him, " That while Antiochus and the Romans 
 " were contending in the heart of Greece with two such 
 '* powerful armies, an Achaean general should turn his 
 " attention to them ; and, instead of lighting up a war at 
 " home, should overlook and pass by some real injuries." 
 When he found that Diophanes did not hearken to him, 
 but marched along with Flaminius into Laconia, and that 
 they took their route towards Sparta, he did a thing 
 which cannot be vindicated by law and strict justice, but 
 which discovers a great and noble daring. He got into the 
 town himself, and though but a private man, shut the gates 
 against an Achxan general and a Roman consul, healed the 
 divisions among the Lacedaemonians, and brought them 
 back to the league. 
 
 Yet, afterwards, when he was general himself, upon 
 some new subject of complaint against that people, he re- 
 stored their exiles, and put eighty citizens to death, as 
 Polybius tells us, or, according to Aristocrates, three 
 hundred and fifty. He demolished their walls, took from 
 them great part of their territory, and added it to that 
 of Megalopolis. All who had been made free of Sparta 
 by the tyrants he disfranchised, and carried into Achaia ; 
 except three thousand who refused to quit the place, and 
 those he sold for slaves. By way of insult, as it were, 
 upon Sparta, with the money arising thence he built a 
 portico in Megalopolis. Pursuing his vengeance against 
 that unhappy people, who had already suffered more than 
 they deserved, he added one cruel and most unjust thing 
 to fill up the measure of it ; he destroyed their constitu- 
 tion. He abolished the discipline of Lycurgus, compelled 
 them to give their children and youth an Achaean educa- 
 tion, instead of that of their own country, being per- 
 
 The same year, Caius Livius with a Roman fleet defeated that 
 f Antiwchus, near Ephesus.
 
 PHILOKEMEN'. 350 
 
 siladed that their spirit could never be humbled, while 
 they adhered to the institutions of their great lawgiver. 
 Thus brought, by the weight of their calamities, to 
 have the sinews of their city cut by Philopoemen, they 
 grew tame and submissive. Some time after, indeed, 
 upon application to the Romans, they shook off the 
 Achaean customs, and re-established their ancient ones, 
 as far as it could be done after so much misery and corrup- 
 tion. 
 
 When the Romans were carrying on the war with An- 
 tiochus in Greece, Philopcemen was in a private station. 
 And when he saw Antiochus sit still at Chalcia, and spend 
 his time in youthful love, and a marriage unsuitable to his 
 years, while the Syrians roamed from town to town with- 
 out discipline and without officers, and minded nothing 
 but their pleasures, he repined extremely that he was not 
 then general of the Achaeans, and scrupled not to declare, 
 that he envied the Romans their victory ; " For had I been 
 " in command,'' said he, " I would have cut them all in 
 *' pieces in the taverns." After Antiochus was over- 
 come, the Romans pressed still harder upon Greece, and 
 hemmed in the Achaeans with their power ; the orators 
 too inclined to their interest. Under the auspices of 
 Heaven, their strength prevailed over all ; and the point 
 was at hand, where fortune, who had long veered, was to 
 stand still. In these circumstances, Philopoemen, like a 
 good pilot, struggled with the waves. Sometimes he was 
 forced to give way a little and yield to the times ; but on 
 most occasions maintaining the conflict, he endeavoured 
 to draw all that were considerable, either for their elo- 
 quence or riches, to the side of liberty. Aristaenetus the 
 Megalopolitan, who had great interest among the Achae- 
 ans, but always courted the Romans, declared it in coun- 
 cil as his opinion, " That they ought not to be opposed 
 " or disobliged in any thing. 1 ' Philopoemen heard him 
 with silent indignation ; and at last, when he could re- 
 frain no longer, said to him," And why in such haste, 
 " wretched man, to see an end of Greece ?'' Manius,* 
 the Roman consul, after the defeat of Antiochus, moved 
 the Achaeans to permit the Lacedaemonian exiles to return, 
 and Titus seconded him in his application ; but Philo- 
 pcemen opposed it, not out of any ill-will to the exiles, 
 
 * Manius Acilius Glabris.
 
 30o PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 but because he was willing they should be indebted for 
 that benefit to himself and the Achxans, and not to the 
 favour of Titus and the Romans ; for the next year, 
 when he was general himself, he restored them. Thus 
 his gallant spirit led him to contend with the prevailing 
 powers. 
 
 He was elected general of the Achaeans, the eighth 
 time, when seventy years of age ; and now he hoped not 
 only to pass the year of his magistracy without war, but 
 the remainder of his life in quiet. For as the force of 
 distempers abates with the strength of the body, so in 
 tke states of Greece, the spirit of contention failed with 
 their power. Some avenging deity, however, threw him 
 down at last, like one who, with matchless speed, runs 
 over the race, and stumbles at the goal. It seems, that 
 being ia company where a certain general was mentioned 
 as an extraordinary man, Philopcemen said, " There was 
 " no great account to be made of a man who suffered 
 " himself to be taken alive." A few days after this, 
 Dinocrates the Meiseniaii, who was particularly on ill 
 terms with Philopcemen, and, indeed, not upon good 
 ones with any one, by reason of his profligate and wicked 
 life, found means to draw Messene off from the league ; 
 and it was also said that he was going to seize a little place 
 called Colonis.* Philopcemen was then at Argos, sick 
 of a fever ; but upon this news he pushed to Megalapolis, 
 and reached- it in one day, though it was at the distance 
 of four hundred furlongs. From thence he presently 
 drew out a body of horse, consisting of the nobility ; but 
 all young men, who from affection to his person and am- 
 bition for glory, followed him as volunteers. With these 
 he marched towards Messene, and meeting Denocrates on 
 Evander's hilL/j- lie attacked and put him to flight. But 
 five hundred men, who guarded the flat country, sud- 
 denly coming up, the others, who were routed, seeing 
 them, rallied again about the hills. Hereupon, Philo- 
 pcemen, afraid of being surrounded, and desirous of saving 
 his young cavalry, retreated upon rough and difficult 
 
 * There is no such place known as Colonis. Livy (lib. 39) calls 
 it Coroxe ; and Plutarch probably wrote Corona, or Coronis. Strabo 
 mentions the latter as a place in the neighbourhood of Messene. 
 
 f- Evander's kill is likewise unknown. Polybius, and after him 
 Pausanias, mentions a hill called Evan (which name it probably 
 had from the cries of the Bacchanals), not far from Messene.
 
 PBILOKE1 
 
 ground, while he was in the rear, often turning upon the 
 enemy, and endeavouring to draw them entirely upon 
 himself. Yet none of them dared to encounter him ; 
 they only shouted, and rode about him at a distance. As 
 he often faced about, and left his ir.ain body, on account 
 of his young men, each of whom he was solicitous to put 
 out of danger, at last he found himself alone amidst a 
 number of the enemy. Even then they durst not attack 
 him hand to hand ; but hurling their darts at a distance, 
 they drove him upon steep and craggy places, where he 
 could scarcely make his horse go, though he spurred him 
 continually. He was still active through exercise, and 
 for that reason his age was no hindrance to his escape ; 
 but being weakened by sickness, and extremely fatigued 
 with his journey, his horse threw him, now heavy and 
 encumbered, upon the stones. His head was wounded 
 with the fall, and he lay a long time speechless, so that 
 the enemy, thinking him dead, began to turn him, in 
 order to strip him of his arms. But finding that he raised 
 his head and opened his eyes, they gathered thick about 
 him, bound his hands behind his back, and led him off 
 with such unworthy treatment and gross abuse, as Philo- 
 poemen could never have supposed he should come to suffer 
 even from Dinocrates. 
 
 The Messenians, elated at the news, flocked to the 
 gates. But when they saw Philopcemen dragged along in 
 a manner so unworthy of the glory of his achievements 
 and trophies, most of them were touched with pity and 
 compassion for his misfortune. They shed tears, and 
 contemned all human greatness as a faithless support, as 
 vanity and nothing. Their tears, by little and little, 
 turned to kind words, and they began to say, they ought 
 to remember his former benefits, and the liberty he had 
 procured them by expelling the tyrant Nabis. A few 
 there were, indeed, who, to gratify Dinocrates, talked of 
 putting Philopoemen to torture and to death, as a dan- 
 gerous and implacable enemy, and the more to be 
 dreaded by Dinocrates, if he escaped after being made 
 prisoner, and treated with such indignity. At last they 
 put him in a dungeon called the treasury,* which had 
 neither air nor light from without, and which having no 
 
 * The public treasure was kept there ; and it was *hut up with 
 in immense stone, moved to it by an engine. Liv. L XDX. 
 / of. II. R
 
 302 PLUTARCH S LIVES. 
 
 doors, was closed with a great stone. In this dungeon they 
 shnt him up with the stone, and placed a guard around it. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Achaean cavalry, recollecting them- 
 selves after their flight, found that Philopcemen was not 
 with them, and probably had lost his life. They made a 
 stand, and called him with loud cries, blaming each 
 other for making a base and shameful escape by aban- 
 doning their general, who had been prodigal of his own 
 life in order to save theirs. By much search and inquiry 
 about the country, they got intelligence that he was taken 
 prisoner, and carried the heavy newS to the states of 
 Achaia ; who, considering it as the greatest of losses, re- 
 solved to send an embassy to demand him of the Messe- 
 nians ; and in the meantime prepared for war. 
 
 While the Achaeans were taking these resolutions, 
 Dinocrates, who most of all dreaded time, as the thing 
 most likely to save Philopcemen, determined to be be- 
 forehand with the league- Therefore, when night was 
 come, and the multitude retired, he opened the dungeon, 
 and sent in one of his servants with a dose of poison, and 
 orders not to leave him till he had taken it. Philopce- 
 men was laid down in his cloak, but not to sleep j vex- 
 ation and resentment kept him awake. When he saw the 
 light, and the man standing by him with a cup of poi- 
 son, he raised himself up, as well as his weakness would 
 permit, and, receiving the cup, asked him, " Whether 
 " he had heard any thing of his cavalry, and particularly 
 " of Lycortas ?" The executioner answering that they 
 almost all escaped, he nodded his head in sign of satis- 
 faction ; and looking kindly upon him, said, " Thou 
 " bringest good tidings, and we are not in all respects 
 " unhappy." Without uttering another word, or breath- 
 ing the least sigh, he drank off the poison, and lay down 
 again. He was already brought so low that he could not 
 make much struggle with the fatal dose, and it dispatched 
 him presently. 
 
 The news of his death filled all Achaia with grief and 
 lamentation. All the youth immediately repaired with 
 the deputies of the several cities to Megalopolis, where 
 they resolved, without loss of time, to take their revenge. 
 >"or this purpose, having chosen Lycortas * for their ge- 
 
 * This was in the second year of the hundred and forty-ninth 
 Olympiad. Lycortas was father to Polybius the historian, who wa.* 
 in 'the action, and might be then about twenty years of age.
 
 PlIILOPCEME.V. 33 
 
 nerai, they entered Messene, and ravaged the country, 
 till the Messcuians, with one consent, opened their gates 
 -and received tliem. Dinocrates prevented their revenge 
 by killing himself ; and those who voted for having Phi- 
 lopoemen put to death, followed his example.* But 
 such as were for having him put to the torture, were ta- 
 ken by Lycortas, and reserved for more painful punish- 
 ments. 
 
 When they had burnt his remains, they put the ashes 
 in an urn, and returned, not in a disorderly and promis- 
 cuous manner, but uniting a kind of triumphal march 
 with the funeral solemnity. First came the font, with 
 crowns of victory on their heads, and tears in their eyes, 
 and attended by their captive enemies in fetters. Poly- 
 bius, the general's son, with the principal Achaeans about 
 
 him, carried the urn, which was so adorned with ribbons 
 and garlands that it was hardly visible. The march was 
 closed by the cavalry, completely armed and superbly 
 mounted ; they neither expressed in their looks the me- 
 lancholy of such a mourning, nr the joy of a victory. 
 The people of the towns and villages on the way flocked 
 out, as if it had been to meet him returning from a glo- 
 
 . rious campaign, touched the urn with great respect, and 
 conducted it to Megalopolis. The old men, the women, 
 and children, who joined the procession, raised such a 
 
 ', bitter lamentation, that it spread through the army, and 
 was re-echoed by the city, which, besides her grief for 
 Philopoemen, bemoaned her own calamity, as in him she 
 thought she lost the chief rank and influence among the 
 Achasans. 
 
 His interment was suitable to his dignity, and the 
 
 Messenian prisoners were stoned to death at his tomb. 
 I Many statues were set up,f and many honours decreed 
 L him by the Grecian cities. But when Greece was in- 
 
 volved in the dreadful misfortunes of Corinth, a certain 
 I Roman attempted to get them all pulled down,;}; accusing 
 
 him in form, as if he had been alive, of implacable enmity 
 
 * -rums fr aixtzi; vriusfmt; <ri':t}.a l u.2a.nr o Avxcgraf. He intend- 
 ed to have them beaten with rods before they were put to death. 
 
 f- Pausanias, in his Arcadic, gives us the inscription the Tegeans 
 I put upon one of those statues. 
 
 ; This happened thirty-seven years after his death ; that is, the 
 second year of the hundred and forty-eigth Olympiad, one hun- 
 dred and forty-five years Jjefore the Christian era. 
 
 R 2
 
 364 
 
 PLUTAUCH S LIVES. 
 
 to *r,e Romans. \Vhen he had finished the impeachment, 
 and Polybius had answered his calumnies, neither Mum- 
 niius nor his lieutenants would suffer the monuments of so 
 illustrious a man to be defaced, though he had opposed 
 both Flaminius and Glabrio not a little. For they made 
 a proper distinction between virtue and interest, between 
 honour and advantage ; well concluding, that rewards and 
 grateful acknowledgments are always due from pers* r.s 
 obliged to their benefactors, and honour and respect from 
 men of merit to each other. So much concerning Phi- 
 lopoemen. 
 
 TITUS QUINCTIL'S FLAMLMUS. 
 
 THE person whom we put in parallel with Philopoenaen* 
 is Titus Quinctius Flaminius.* Those who are desirous 
 of being acquainted witb^ his countenance and figure, need 
 but look upon the statue in brass which is erected at 
 Rome, with a Greek inscription upon it, opposite the 
 Circus Maximum, near the great statue of Apollo, which 
 was brought from Carthage. As to his disposition, he 
 was quick both to resent an injury, and to do a service. 
 But his resentment was not in all respects like his affec- 
 tion ; for he punished lightly, and soon forgot the offence ; 
 but his attachments and services were lasting and com- 
 plete. For the persons whom he had obliged he ever re- 
 tained a kind regard ; as if, instead of receiving, they 
 had conferred a favour ; and considering them as his great- 
 est treasure, he was always ready to protect and to pro- 
 mote them. Naturally covetous of honour and fame, 
 and not choosing to let others have any share in his great 
 
 * It ought to be written Flaminintis, and not Flaminius. Poly* 
 l>ius, Livy, and all the other historians, write it Flamininus. In- 
 deed, the Flaminii were a very different family from the Flaminini. 
 The former were patricians, the latter plebeians. Caius Flaminius, 
 who was killed in the battle at the lake of Thrasymenus, was of the 
 plebeian family. Besides, some manuscripts, for instance the Vulcofo 
 an Anon, and one that Dacier consulted, have it Flamininus ; which 
 would be sufficient authority to correct it. But that would occasion^ 
 some inconvenience, because Plutarch has called him Flaminius in 
 t)ther places, as well as here in his life ; and, indeed, several modern 
 writers have done the same.
 
 T. Q. FLAMISIUS. 3.3 
 
 and good actions, he took more pleasure in those whom 
 he could assist, than in those who could give him assistance ; 
 looking upon the former as persons who afforded room 
 for the exertion of virtue, and the latter as his rivals in 
 glory. 
 
 From his youth he was trained up to the profession of 
 arms. For Rome having then many important war 
 upon her hands, her youth betook themselves betimes to 
 arms, and had early opportunities to qualify themselves 
 to command. Flamming served like the rest, and was 
 first a legionary tribune under the consul Marcellus,* in 
 the war with Hannibal. Marcellus fell into an ambus- 
 cade and was slain ; after which Flaminius was appointed 
 governor of Tarentum, newly retaken, and of the country 
 about it. In this commission he grew no less famous for 
 his administration of justice, than for his military skill ; 
 for which reason he was appointed chief director of the 
 two colonies that were sent to the cities of Narnia and 
 Cossa. 
 
 This inspired him with such lofty thoughts, that over- 
 looking the ordinary previous steps by which young men 
 ascend, I mean the offices of tribune, praetor, and aedile, 
 he aimed directly at the consulship. Supported by those 
 colonies, he presented himself as a candidate. But the 
 tribunes, Fulvius and Manlius, opposed him, insisting that 
 it was a strange and unheard of thing, for a man so young, 
 \vho wis not yet initiated in the first mysteries of govern- 
 ment, to intrude, in contempt of the laws, into the highest 
 office in the state. The senate referred the affair to the 
 suffrages of the people ; and the people elected him con- 
 sul, though he was not yet thirty years old, with Sextus 
 ^Elius. The lots being cast for the provinces, the war 
 with Philip and the Macedonians fell to Flaminius ; and 
 this happened very fortunately for the Roman people, as 
 that department require I a general who did not want to do 
 every thing by for:.. >l>nce, but rather by gentle- 
 
 ness and persuasion. T r Macedonia furnished Philip with 
 a sufficient number of men for his wars, but Greece was 
 
 He was appointed a tribune at the age of twenty, in the fourth 
 year of the hundred and forty-second Olympiad. Consequently he 
 was born in the first year of the hundred and thirty-eighth Olym- 
 piad, which was the year of Rome 526. Livy tells us, he was thirty. 
 three veors of age, when he proclaimed liberty to Greece. 
 
 R 3
 
 36G PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 his principal dependence for a war of any length. She 
 it was that supplied him with money and provisions, with 
 strongholds and places of retreat, and, in a word, with 
 all the materials of war. So that if she could not be dis- 
 engaged from Philip, the war with him could not be de- 
 cided by a single battle. Besides, the Greeks as yet had 
 but little acquaintance with the Romans ; it was now 
 first to be established by the intercourse of business; and, 
 therefore, they would not so soon have embraced a fo- 
 reign authority, instead of that they had been accustomed 
 to, if the Roman general had not been a man of great 
 good nature, who was more ready to avail himself of 
 treaty than of the sword, who had a persuasive manner 
 where he applied, and was affable and easy of access when 
 applied to, and who had a constant and invariable regard 
 to justice. But this will better appear from his actions 
 themselves. 
 
 Titus, finding that Sulpitius and Publius,* his prede- 
 cessors ia command, had not entered Macedonia till late 
 in the season, and then did not prosecute the war with 
 vigour, but spent their time in skirmishing to gain some 
 particular post or pass, or to intercept some provisions, de- 
 termined not to act like them. They bad \vacted tl.c 
 -, car of their consulate in the enjoyment of their new 
 honours, and in the administration of domestic affairs, 
 and towards the close of the year they repaired to their 
 province ; by which artifice they got their command con- 
 tinued another year, being the first year in character of 
 consul, and the second of proconsul. But Titus, ambitious 
 to distinguish his consulship by some important expedition, 
 left the honours and prerogatives he had in Rome ; and 
 having requested the senate to permit his brother Lucius 
 to command the naval forces, and selected three thousand 
 men, as yet in full vigour and spirits, and the glory of 
 the field,f from those troops who under Scipio had sub- 
 dued Asdrubal in Spain, and Hannibal in Africa, he crossed 
 the sea, and got safe into Epirus. There he found Pub- 
 lius encamped over against Philip, who had been a long 
 
 * Publius Sulpitius Gatba was consul two years before. Publius 
 Villius Tappulus was consul tbe year after Sulpitius, and next be- 
 fore Flaminius. 
 . } ar-fi* tnu.Mi/K n? (be edge of the v
 
 T. Q. FLAMINIUS. 36? 
 
 time defending the fords of the river Apsus and the ad- 
 joining straits ; and that Publius had not been able to ef- 
 fect any thing, by reason of the natural strength of the 
 place. 
 
 Titus having taken the command of the army, and sent 
 Publius home, set himself to consider the nature of the 
 country. Its natural fortifications are equal to those of 
 Tempe ; but it is not like Tempe in the beauty of the 
 woods and groves, and the verdure of valleys and delicious 
 meads. To the right and left there is a chain of lofty 
 mountains, between which there is a deep and long chan- 
 nel. Down this runs the river Apsus, like the Peneus, 
 botli in its appearance and rapidity. It covers the foot of 
 the hills on each side, so that there is left only a narrow 
 craggy path, cut out close by the stream, which is not 
 easy for an army to pass at any time, and, when guarded, 
 is not passable at all. 
 
 There was some, therefore, who advised Flaminius to 
 take a compass through Dassaretis along the Lycus, which 
 was an easy passage. But he was afraid that if he removed 
 too far from the sea, into a country that was barren and 
 little cultivated, while Philip avoided a battle, he might 
 come to want provisions, and be constrained, like the gene- 
 ral before him, to retreat to the sea without effecting any 
 thing. This determined him to make his way up the 
 mountains sword in hand, and to force a passage. But 
 Philip's army being possessed of the heights, showered 
 down their dart and arrows upon the Romans from every 
 quarter. Several sharp contests ensued, in which many 
 were killed and wounded on both sides, but none that were 
 likely to be decisive. 
 
 In the meantime, some shepherds of those mountains 
 came to the consul with the discovery of a winding-way, 
 neglected by the enemy, by which they promised to bring 
 his army to the top in three days at the farthest. And to 
 confirm the truth of what they had said, they brought 
 Charops, the son of Machatas, prince of the Epirots, who 
 was a friend to the Romans, and privately assisted them 
 out of fear of Philip. As Flaminius could confide in 
 him, he sent away a tribune with four thousand foot and 
 three hundred horse. The shepherds, in bonds, led the 
 way. In the day time they lay still in the hollows of the 
 woods, and in the night they marched ; for the moou was 
 
 R4
 
 308 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 then at full. Flaminius having detached this party, 
 let his main body rest three days, and only had some 
 slight skirmishes with the enemy to take up their atten- 
 tion. But the day that he expected those who had taken 
 the circuit to appear upon the heights, he drew out his 
 forces early, both the heavy and li^ht-armed ; and divid- 
 ing them into three parts, himself led the van, marching 
 his men along the narrowest path by the side of the river. 
 The Macedonians galled him with their darts ; but he 
 maintained the combat notwithstanding the disadvantage 
 of ground ; and the other two parties fought wirti all the 
 spirit of emulation, and clung to the rocks with astonishing 
 ardour. 
 
 In the meantime the sun arose, and a smoke appeared 
 at a distance, not very strong, but like the mist of the 
 hills. Being on the back of the enemy, they did not ob- 
 serve it, for it came from the troops who had reached the 
 top. Amidst the fatigue of the engagement, the Romans 
 were in doubt whether it was a signal or not, but they 
 inclined to believe it the thing they wished ; and when 
 they saw it increase, so as to darken the air, and to mount 
 higher and higher, they were well assured that it came 
 from the fires which their friends had lighted. Hereupon 
 they set up loud shouts, and charging the enemy with 
 greater vigour, pushed them into the most craggy places. 
 The shouts were re-echoed by those behind at the top of 
 the mountain. And now the Macedonians fled with the 
 utmost precipitation. Yet there were not above two 
 thousand slain, the pursuit being impeded by the difficulty 
 of the ascent. The Romans, however, pillaged the camp, 
 seized the money and slaves, and became absolute masters 
 of the pass. 
 
 They then traversed all Epirus, but with such order 
 and discipline, that, though they were at a great distance 
 from their ships and the sea, and had not the usual 
 monthly allowance of corn, or convenience of markets, 
 yet they spared the country, which at the same time 
 abounded in every thing. For Flaminius was informed 
 that Philip, in his passage, or rather flight, through Thes- 
 saly, had compelled the people to quit their habitations and 
 retire to the mountains, had burnt the towns, and had 
 given as plunder to his men what was too heavy or cum- 
 bersome to be carried off j and so had in a manner yielded
 
 T. Q. FLAMINIUS. 869 
 
 up the country to the Romans. The consul, therefore, 
 made a point of it to prevail with his men to spare it as 
 their own, to march through it as laud already ceded to 
 them. 
 
 The event soon shewed the benefit of this good order ; 
 for as soon as they entered Thessaly, all its cities declared 
 for them ; and the Greeks within Thermopylae longed for 
 the protection of Flaminius, and gave up their hearts to 
 him. The Achaeans renounced their alliance with Philip, 
 and by a solemn decree resolved to take part with the Ro- 
 mans against him. And though the TEtolians, who, at 
 that time, were strongly attached to the Romans, made 
 the Opuntians an offer to garrison and defend their city, 
 they refused it ; and having sent for Flaminius, put them- 
 selves in his hands- 
 It is reported of Pyrrhus, when from an eminence he 
 had first a propect of the disposition of the Roman army, 
 that he said," I see nothing barbarian like in the ranks 
 " of these barbarians." Indeed, all who once saw Flami- 
 nius, spoke of him in the same terms. They had heard 
 the Macedonians represent him as the fierce commander 
 ol a host o* biub:.r;?.ns, who was come to ruin and destroy, 
 and to reduce all to slavery ; and when afterwards they 
 met a youn^ man of a mild aspect, who spoke very good 
 Greek, ;u;0. \\ :s a lover of true honour, they were ex-- 
 trcmely taken \\iih him, and excited the kind regards of 
 their cities to him, as to a general who would lead them 
 to liberty. 
 
 After this, Philip seeming inclined to treat, Flaminius 
 came to an interview with him,* and offered him peace 
 and friendship with Rome, on condition that he left the 
 Grecians free, and withdrew his garrisons from their cities. 
 And as he refused those terms, it was obvious, even to the 
 partisans of Philip, that the Romans were not come to 
 fight against the Greeks, but for Greece against the Ma- 
 cedonians. 
 
 The rest of Greece acceding voluntarily to the confe- 
 deracy, the consul entered Bceotia, but in a peaceable 
 manner, and the chief cf the Thebans came to meet him. 
 They were inclined to the Macedonian interest, on ac- 
 count of Brachyllas ; but they honoured and respected' 
 
 * See Polybius, book xvii. 
 
 R5
 
 ^70 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 Flaminius, and were willing to preserve tae friendship of 
 both. Flaminius received them with great goodness, 
 embraced them, and went on slowly with them, asking 
 various questions, and enteitaining them with discourse, 
 on purpose to give his soldiers time to come up. Thus, 
 advancing insensibly to the gates of Thebes, he entered 
 the city with them ; they did not, indeed, quite relish the 
 thing, but they were afraid to forbid him, as he came so 
 well attended. Then, 39 if he had been nowise master 
 of the town, he endeavoured by persuasion to bring it to 
 declare for the Romans ; king Attalus seconding him, and 
 using all his rhetoric to the Thebans. But that prince, it 
 seems, in his eagerness to serve Flaminius, exerting him- 
 self more than his age could bear, was seized, as he was 
 speaking, with a giddiness or rheum, which made him swoon 
 away. A few days after, his fleet conveyed him into Asia, 
 and he died there. As for the Boeotians, they took part 
 with the Romans. 
 
 As Philip sent an embassy to Rome, FlaminJus also sent 
 his agents to procure a decree of the senate, prolonging his 
 commission if the war continued, or else empowering him 
 to make peace ; for his ambition made him apprehensive, 
 that if a successor were sent, he should be robbed of all 
 the honour of the war. His friends managed matters so 
 well for him, that Philip failed in his application, and 
 the command was continued to Flaminius. Having re- 
 ceived the decree, he was greatly elevated in his hopes, 
 and marched immediately into Thessaly, to carry on the 
 war against Philip. His army consisted of more than 
 twenty-six thousand men, of whom the ^Etolians furnished 
 six thousand foot and three hundred horse. Philip's forces 
 were not inferior in number. They marched against each 
 uther, and arrived near Scotusa, where they proposed to 
 decide the affair with the sword. The vicinity of two such 
 armies had not the usual effect, to strike the officers with 
 a mutual awe ; on the contrary, it increased their courage 
 ;uid ardour ; the Romans being ambitious to conquer the 
 Macedonians, whose > valour and power Alexander had 
 rendered so famous, and the Macedonians hoping, if they 
 could beat the Romans, whom they looked upon as a more 
 respectable enemy than the Persians, to raise the glory of 
 Philip above that of Alexander. Flaminius, therefore, 
 exhorted his men to behave with the greatest courage and
 
 T. Q. FLAMIN1US. 3?1 
 
 gallantry, as they had to contend with brave adversaries 
 in. so glorious a theatre as Greece. On the other side, 
 Philip, in order to address his army, ascended an eminence 
 without his camp, which happened to be a burying-place, 
 cither not knowing it to be so, or in tTie hurry not attend- 
 ing to it. There he began an oration, such as is usual 
 before a battle ; but the omen of a sepulchre spreading a 
 dismal melancholy among the troops, he stopped, and put 
 off the action till another day. 
 
 Next morning at day-break, after a rainy night, the 
 clouds, turning into a mist, darkened the plain ; and as 
 the day came on, a foggy thick air, descending from the 
 hills, covered all the ground between the two camps. 
 Those, therefore, that were sent out, on both sides, to 
 seize posts or to make discoveries, soon meeting unawares, 
 engaged at the Cynosccphalcc, which are sharp tops of hills 
 standing opposite each other, and so called from their 
 resemblance to the heads of dogs. The success of these 
 skirmishes was various, by reason of the uneven ness of 
 the ground, the same parties sometimes flying and some- 
 times pursuing ; and reinforcements were sent on both, 
 sides, as they found their men hard pressed and giving 
 way ; till at length, the day clearing up, the action became 
 general. Philip, who was in the right wing, advanced 
 from the rising ground with his whole phalanx against 
 the Romans, who could not, even the bravest of them, 
 stand the shock of the united shields and the projected 
 spears.* But the Macedonian left wing being separated 
 and intersected by the hills,f Flarninius observing that, 
 and having no hopes on the side where his troops gave 
 way, hastened to the other, and there charged the enemy, 
 where, on account of the inequality and roughness of the 
 country, they could not keep in the close form of a 
 phalanx, nor line their ranks to any great depth, but were 
 forced to fight man to man, in heavy and unwieldy 
 armour. For the Macedonian phalanx is like an animal 
 of enormous strength, while it keeps in one body, and 
 
 The pike of the fifth man in file projected beyond the front. 
 Thers was, therefore, an amazing strength in the phalanx while it 
 stood firm. But it had its inconvenicncies ; it could not act at all. 
 except in a level and clear field. Polyb. lib. xvii, sub fin. 
 
 f* Plutarch makes no mention of the elephants ; which, accord- 
 ing to Livy and Polybius, were very serviceable to Flaminjus.
 
 372 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 preserves its union of locked shields ; but when that is 
 broken, each particular soldier loses of his force, as well 
 because of the form of his armour, as because the strength 
 of each consists rather in his being a part of the whole, 
 than in his single person. When these were routed, some 
 gave chace to the fugitives ; others took those Macedo- 
 nians in flank who were still fighting. The slaughter was 
 great, and the wing, lately victoriou*, soon broken in 
 such a manner, that they threw down their arms and fled. 
 There were no less than eight thousand slain, and about 
 five thousand were taken prisoners. That Philip himself 
 escaped was chiefly owing to the ^tolians, who took to 
 plundering the camp while the Romans were busied in 
 the pursuit, so that at their return there was nothing left 
 for them. 
 
 This from the first occasioned quarrels and mutual re- 
 proaches ; but afterwards Flaminius was hurt much more 
 sensibly, when the ./Etolians ascribed the victory to them- 
 selves,* and endeavoured to prepossess the Greeks that the 
 fact was really so. This report got such ground, that the 
 poets and others, in the verses that were composed and 
 sung on this occasion, put them before the Romans, The 
 verses most in vogue were the following. 
 
 Stranger ! unwept, unhonour'd with a grave, 
 See thrice ten thousand bodies of the brave ! 
 The fierce -iEtolians, and the Latin power 
 - Led by Flamioius, rul'd the vengeful hour ; 
 Emathia's scourge, beneath whose stroke they bled, 
 And swifter than the roe, the mighty Philip fled. 
 
 Alcaeus wrote this epigram in ridicule of Philip, and 
 purposely misrepresented the number of the slain. '1 he 
 epigram was indeed in every body's mouth ; but Flaminius 
 was much more hurt by it than Philip ; for the latter pa- 
 rodied Alcaeus as follows. 
 
 Stranger ! unleav'd, unhonour'd e'en with bark, 
 See this sad tree, the gibbet of Alca-us J 
 
 * Polybius informs us, that the Macedonians in the first en- 
 counter had the advantage, and beat the Romans from the tops of 
 the mountains they had gained. And he affirms, that in all pioba- 
 bility the Romans would have been put to flight, had they not been 
 supported by the JStolian cavalry.
 
 T. Q. FLAMINIUS. 373 
 
 Flaminius, who was ambitious of the praise of Greece, 
 was not a little provoked at this ; and therefore managed 
 every thing afterwards by himself, paying very little re- 
 gard to the Aitolians. They, in their turn, indulged their 
 resentment ; and when Flaminius had admitted proposals 
 for an accommodation, and received a:i embassy for that 
 purpose from Philip, the Italians exclaimed in all the 
 cities of Greece, that he sold the peace to the Mace- 
 donian, at a time when he might have put a fi;:al period 
 to the war, and have destroyed that empire which first en- 
 slaved the Grecians. These speeches, though groundless, 
 greatly perplexed the allies ; but Phihp, coming in person 
 to treat, and submitting hiirs^lf and his kingdom to the 
 discretion of Flaminius and the Romans, removed all sus- 
 picion . 
 
 Thus Flaminius put an end to the Avari He restored 
 Philip his kingdom, but obliged him to quit all claim to 
 Greece ; he fined him a thousand talents ; took away all 
 his ships except ten ; and sent Demetrius, one of his sons, 
 hostage to Rome. In this pacification, he made a happy 
 use of the present, and wisely provided for the time to 
 come. Fcr Hannibal, the Carthaginian, an inveterate 
 enemy to the Romans, and now an exile, being at the 
 court of Antiochus,* exhorted him to meet fortune, who 
 opened her arms to him; and Antiochus himself, seeing 
 his power very considerable, and that his exploits had 
 already gained him the title of the Great, legan now to 
 think of universal monarchy, and particularly of setting 
 himself against the Romans, Had not Fl. irinius, there- 
 fore, in his great wisdom, foreseen this, and made peace. -j- 
 Antiochus might have joined Philip in the war with 
 Greece, and those two kings, then the most powerful in 
 the world, have made a common cause of it ; which 
 would have called Rome again to as great conflicts and 
 dangers, as she had experienced in the war with Hannibal. 
 
 * This is a mistake. Hannibal did not come to the court of 
 Antiochus till the year after Flaminius had proclaimed liberty to 
 Greece at- the Isthmian games; Cato and Valerius Flaccus, who 
 were then consuls, having sent an embassy to Carthage to complain 
 of him, 
 
 f- Polybius lulls us, Flaminius was induced to conclude a peace 
 upon the intelligence he had received, that Antiochus was marching 
 towards Greece with a powerful army ; and he was afraid Philip 
 might lay hold on that advantage to continue the war.
 
 374 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 But Flaminius, by thus putting an intermediate space of 
 peace between the two wars, and finishing the one before 
 the other began, cut off at once the last hope of Philip, 
 and the first of Antiochus. 
 
 The ten commissioners now sent by the senate to assist 
 Flaminius advised him to set the rest of Greece free, but 
 to keep garrisons in the cities of Corinth, Chalcis, and 
 Demetrias, to secure them in case of a war with Antiochus. 
 But the ^tolians, always severe in their accusations, 
 and now more so than ever, endeavoured to excite a 
 spirit of insurrection in the cities, calling upon Flaminius 
 to knock off the shackles of Greece ; for so Philip used 
 to term those cities. They asked the Greeks, " If they 
 " did not find the chain very comfortable, now it was 
 " more polished, though heavier than before ; and if they 
 " did not consider Flaminius as the greatest of bene- 
 " factors, for unfettering their feet, and binding them 
 " by the neck." Flaminius, afflicted at these clamours, 
 begged of the council of deputies, and at last prevailed 
 with them, to deliver those cities from the garrisons, in 
 order that his favour to the Grecians might be perfect and 
 entire. 
 
 They were then celebrating the Isthmian games, and 
 an innumerable company was seated to see the exercises ; 
 for Greece, now enjoying full peace after a length of 
 wars, and big with the expectation of liberty, had given 
 into these festivals on that occasion. Silence being com- 
 manded by sound of trumpet, an herald went forth and 
 made proclamation, " That the Roman senate, and 
 Titus Quinctius Flaminius, the general and proconsul, 
 having vanquished king Philip and the Macedonians, 
 took off all impositions, and withdrew all garrisons 
 from Greece, and restored liberty, and their own laws 
 and privileges, to the Corinthians, Locrians, Phocians, 
 " Eubceans, Achaeans, Phthistae, Magnesians, Thessalians, 
 " and Perrhaebians." 
 
 At first the proclamation was not generally or distinctly 
 heard, but a confused murmur ran through the theatre j 
 some wondering, some questioning, and others calling 
 upon the herald to repeat what he had said Silence 
 being again commanded, the herald raised his voice, so 
 as to be heard distinctly by the whole assembly. The 
 shout which they gave in the transport of joy, was M> pso-
 
 T. Q. FLAMINIUS. 373 
 
 digious, that it was heard as far as the sea. The people 
 left their seats ; there was no farther regard paid to the 
 diversions ; all hastened to embrace and to address the 
 preserver and protector of Greece. The hyperbolical ac- 
 counts that have often been given of the effect of loud 
 shouts, were verified on that occasion. For the crows 
 which then happened to be flying over their heads, fell 
 into the theatre. The breaking of the air seems to have 
 been the cause ; for the sound of many united voices being 
 violently strong, the parts of the air are separated by it, 
 and a void is left, which affords the birds no support. Or 
 perhaps the force of the sound strikes the birds like an 
 arrow, and kills them in an instant. Or possibly a circular 
 motion is caused in the air, as a whirlpool is produced in 
 the sea, by the agitations of a storm. 
 
 If Flaminius, as soon as he saw the assembly risen, and 
 the crowd rushing towards him, had not avoided them, 
 and got under covert, he must have been surrounded, and, 
 in all probability, suffocated by such a multitude. When 
 they had almost spent themselves in acclamations about 
 his pavilion, and night was now come, they retired ; and 
 whatever friends or fellow-citizens they happened to see, 
 they embraced and caressed again, and then went and 
 concluded the evening together in feasting and merriment. 
 There, no doubt, redoubling their joy, they began to 
 recollect and talk of the state of Greece. They observed, 
 That notwithstanding the many great wars she had been 
 engaged in for liberty, she had never gained a more 
 secure or agreeable enjoyment of it than now, when 
 others had fought for her ; that glorious and impor- 
 tant prize now hardly costing them a drop of blood or 
 a tear. That, of human excellencies, valour and pru- 
 dence were but rarely met with, but that justice was 
 still more uncommon. That such generals as Agesi- 
 laus, Lysander, Nicias, and Alcibiades, knew how to 
 manage a war, and to gain victories both by sea and 
 land ; but they knew not how to apply their success to 
 generous and noble purposes. So that if one excepted 
 the battles of Marathon, of Salamis, Plataea, and Ther- 
 mopylae, and the actions of Cimon upon the Euryme- 
 don, and near Cyprus, Greece had fought to no other 
 purpose but to bring the yoke upon herself; all the tro* 
 phies ehe had erected were monuments of her dishonour,
 
 3/6 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 " and at last her affairs were ruined by the unjust ambi- 
 tion of her chiefs. But these strangers, who had scarce 
 a spark of anything Grecian left,* who scarce retained 
 a faint tradition of their ancient descent from us, from 
 whom the least inclination, or even word in our behalf, 
 could not have been expected ; these strangers have run 
 the greatest risk,f and submitted to the greatest labours, 
 " to deliver Greece from her cruel and tyrannic mastersj 
 " and to crown her with liberty again " 
 
 These were the reflections the Grecians made, and the 
 actions of Flaminius justified them, being quite agreeable 
 to his proclamation ; for he immediately dispatched Len- 
 tulus into Asia, to set the Bargylliaiis free, and Titillius^ 
 into Thrace, to draw Philip's garrisons out of the towns 
 and adjacent islands. Publius Villius set sail in order to 
 treat with Antiochus about the freedom of the Grecians 
 under liim. And Flaminius himself went to Chalcis, and 
 sailed from thence to Magnesia, where he removed the 
 garrison, and put the government again in the hands of 
 the people. 
 
 At Argos, being appointed director of the Nemean 
 games, he settled the whole order of them in the most 
 agreeable manner, and on that occasion caused liberty to 
 be proclaimed again by the crier And as he rassed 
 through the other cities, he strongly recommended to them 
 an adherence to law, a strict course of justice, and domes- 
 tic peace and unanimity. He healed their divisions ; he 
 restored tl.cir exiles In short, he took not more plea- 
 sure in the conquest of the Macedonians, than in recon- 
 ciling the Greeks to each other j and their liberty now 
 
 * According to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Rome was stocked 
 with inhabitant* r.t first chiefly from those Grecian colonies which 
 had s=e*t)'jd in i h of Italy before the time of Komi. In-. 
 
 J- The former ti n- .- l>as entirely mistaken the str.se of this 
 The Greek runs thus : HT:I rag piyirus xi lu~.cn KXI 
 
 fttiij -AAJZ ^tffnrw "^aA'Twv xai vvfaLtiwi i\lu&n- 
 
 fVfn. His trail--;-;! n runs thus: Aos retrieved Greece from htr 
 vitrts and deepest extremities, kdn rescued her out of the 
 hands of insulting fa fruits, a,id reinstated her ih her former lilx 
 It is plain he v.as led into thi iuistake by misunderstanding the 
 Latin, beyond which language he had no ambition to go. Hi wa.-i- 
 mit pericutu et Utboriuu.-, Cr < _;igra^icn<i tuli-ervnt domin><- et tyran~ 
 ;;/?, at-jue in libertatem. restit: 
 ^ Polybius and Livy call Lira Luciiis Stertinius.
 
 T. Q. FLAMIXIL.?. 3T7 
 
 appeared the least of the benefits he had conferred upon 
 them. 
 
 It is said that when Lycurgus the orator had delivered 
 Xenocrates the philosopher out of the hands of the tax- 
 gatherers, who were hurrying him t<> prison for the tax 
 paid by strangers, and had prosecuted them for their inso- 
 lence, Xenocrates afterwards meeting the children ef Ly- 
 curgus, said to them, " Children, I have made a noble 
 ** return to your father for the service he did me ; for all 
 " the world praise him for it." But the returns which 
 attended Flaminius and the Romans for their bei.eficence 
 to the Greeks, terminated not in praises only, but justly 
 procured them the confidence of all mankind, and added 
 greatly to their power. For now a variety of people not 
 only accepted the governors set over them by Rome, but 
 even sent for them, and begged to be under their govern- 
 ment. And not only cities and commonweakhs, but 
 kings, when injured by other kings, had recourse to their 
 protection. So that, the divine assistance too perhaps 
 co-operating, in a short time the whole world became sub- 
 ject to them. Flaminius also valued himself most upon 
 the liberty he had bestowed on Greece For having de- 
 dicated some silver bucklers, together with his own shield, 
 at Delphi, he put upon them the following inscription. 
 
 Ye Spartan twins, who tamed the foaming steed, 
 Ye friends, ye patrons of each glorious deed, 
 Behold FhiKi'";:- ;. 'f Eneas' line, 
 Presents this off*., ing at your awful shrine. 
 Ye sons of love, your generous pnths he trod, 
 And snatch'd from Greece each little tyrant's rod. 
 
 He offered also to Apollo a golden crown, with these verses 
 inscribed on it. 
 
 See grateful Titus homage p*y 
 
 To thee, the glorious god of day ; 
 
 See him with gold ihy locks adorn, 
 
 Thy locks which shed th' ambrosial morn. 
 
 O {;rant him fame and every gift divine, 
 
 Who led the warriors of JSneas' line. 
 
 The Grecians have had the noble gift of liberty twice 
 conferred upon them in the city of Corinth ; by Flami- 
 nius then, and by Nero in our times. It wa granted
 
 3/8 PLUTARCH'S LIVES.' 
 
 both times during the celebration of the Isthmian game?, 
 Flaminius had it proclaimed by an herald : but Nero 
 himself declared the Grecians free, and at liberty to be 
 governed by their own laws, in an oration which he made 
 from the rostrum in the public assembly. This happened 
 long after.* 
 
 Flaminius next undertook a very just and honourable 
 war against Nabis, the wicked and abandoned tyrant of 
 Jjacedxmon ; but in this case he disappointed the hopes 
 of Greece. For though he might have taken him pri- 
 soner, he would not ; but struck up a league with him, 
 and left Sparta unworthily in bondage ! Whether it was 
 that he feared, if the war was drawn out to any length, 
 a successor would be sent him from Rome, who would 
 rob him of the glory of it ; or whether in his passion for 
 fame, he was jealous of the reputation of Philopcemen ; 
 a man who on all occasions had distinguished himself 
 among the Greeks, and in that war particularly had given 
 wonderful proofs both of courage and conduct ; insomuch 
 that the Achzans gloried in him as much as in Flaminius, 
 and paid him the same respect in their theatres. This 
 greatly hurt Flaminius ; he could not bear that an Arca- 
 dian, who had only commanded in some inconsiderable 
 wars upon the confines of his own country, should be held 
 in equal admiration with a Roman consul, who had fought 
 for all Greece. Flaminius, however, did not want apo- 
 logies for his conduct ; for he said, " He put an end 
 *' to the war, because he saw he could not destroy the 
 " tyrant without involving all the Spartans in the mean- 
 " time in great calamities."f 
 
 The Achaeans decreed Flaminius many honours ; but 
 none seemed equal to his services, unless it were one pre- 
 
 * Two hundred and sixty-three years. 
 
 f- Livy touches upon this reason ; but at the same time he men- 
 tions others more to the honour of this great man. Winter was 
 now coming oh, and the siege of Sparta might have lasted a con- 
 siderable time. The enemy's country was so exhausted, that it 
 could not supply him with provisions, and it was difficult to get 
 convoys from any other quarter. Besides, Villius was returned 
 from the court of Antiochus, and brought advice that the peace 
 with that prince was not to be depended upon. In fact, he had 
 already entered Europe with a fleet and army more numerous than 
 before. And what forces had they to oppose him, in case of a 
 rupture, if Flaminius continued to employ his in the siege of Spar- 
 ta ? Lit. 1. xxxir. c . 33, 34.
 
 T. Q. FLAM IK I US. 3/9 
 
 ".,!, which pleased him above all the rest. It was this. 
 'ihe Romans who had the misfortune to be taken prison- 
 01 s in the war with Hannibal, were sold for slaves, and 
 dispersed in various places. Twelve hundred of them 
 were now in Greece. That sad reverse of fortune made 
 them always unhappy, but now (as might be expected) 
 they were still more so, when they met their sons, their 
 brothers, or their acquaintance, and saw them free while 
 they were slaves, and conquerors while they were cap- 
 tives. Flaminius did not pretend to take them from their 
 masters, though his heart sympathized with their distress. 
 But the Achasans redeemed them at the rate of five minie 
 a man, and having collected them together, made Flami- 
 nius a present of them just as he was going on board ; 
 so that he set sail with great satisfaction, having found a 
 glorious recompense for his glorious services ; a return 
 suitable to a man of such humane sentiments, and such a 
 lover of his country. This indeed made the most illus- 
 trious part of his triumph. For these poor men got their 
 heads shaved, and wore the cap of liberty, as the custom 
 of slaves is upon their manumission ; and in this habit they 
 followed the chariot of Flaminius. But to add to the 
 splendour of the show, there were the Grecian helmets, 
 the Macedonian targets and spears, and the other spoils, 
 carried in great pomp before him. And the quantity of 
 money was not small ; for, as Itanus relates it, there were 
 carried in this triumph three thousand seven hundred and 
 thirteen pounds of unwrought gold, forty-three thousand 
 two hundred and seventy of silver, fourteen thousand five 
 hundred and fourteen pieces of coined gold called Phi- 
 lippics ; besides which, Philip owed a thousand talents. 
 But the Romans were afterwards prevailed upon, chiefly 
 by the mediation of Flaminius, to remit this debt ; Philip 
 was declared their ally, and his son, who had been with 
 them as an hostage, sent home. 
 
 After this Antiochus passed over into Greece with a 
 great fleet and a powerful army, and solicited the states 
 to join him. The ./Etolians, who had been a long time 
 ill-affected to the Romans, took his part, and suggested 
 this pretence for the war, that he came to bring the Gre- 
 cians liberty. The Grecians had no want of it, for they 
 \rere free already ; but, as he had no better cause to assign, 
 they instructed him to cover his attempt with that splendid 
 pretext.
 
 380 PLUTARCH'S LIVE.S. 
 
 The Romans, fearing o - this account a revolt in 
 Greece, as well as the strength of Antiochus, sent the 
 consul, Manius Acilius, to command in the war, but ap- 
 pointed Flaminius his lieutenant,* for the bake of his in- 
 fluence in Greece. His appearance there immediately 
 confirmed such as were yet friends in their fidelity, and 
 prevented those who were wavering from an entire de- 
 fection. This was effected by the respect they bore him ; 
 for it operated like a potent remedy at the beginning of 
 a disease. There were few, indeed, so entirely gained 
 and corrupted by the ^Etolians, that his interest did not 
 prevail with them ; yet even these, though he was much 
 exasperated against them at present, he saved after the 
 battle ; for Antiochus, being defeated at Thermopylae, 
 and forced to fly, immediately embarked for Asia. Upon 
 this, the consul Maniui went against some of the /lito- 
 liatis, and besieged their towns, abandoning others to 
 Philip. Thus great ravages were committed by the Ma- 
 cedonians among the Dolopians and Magnesians on one 
 hand, and among the Athamanians and Aperantians on 
 the other ; and Manius himself, having sacked the city 
 of Heraclea, besieged Naupactua, then in the hands of 
 the TEtolians. But Flaminius, being touched with com- 
 passion for Greece, went from Peloponnesus to the con- 
 sul by water. He began with remonstrating, that the 
 consul, though he had won the victory himself, suffered 
 Philip to reap the fruits of it ; and that while, to gratify 
 his resentment, he spent his time about one town, the 
 Macedonians were subduing whole provinces and king- 
 doms. The besieged happened to see Flaminius, called 
 to him from the walls, stretched out their hands, and 
 begged his interposition. He gave them no answer, but 
 turned round and wept, and then immediately withdrew. 
 Afterwards, however, he discoursed with Manius so ef- 
 fectually, that he appeased his anger, and procured the 
 /Etolians a truce, and time to send deputies to Rome, to 
 petition for favourable terms. 
 
 But he had much greater difficulties to combat, whea 
 he applied to Manius in behalf of the Chalcidians. The 
 consul was highly incensed at them, on account of the 
 
 According to Livy, it was not Titus, but Lucius Quicctius, 
 who was appointed lieutenant to Glabrio.
 
 T. Q. FLAMINIUS. 381 
 
 marriage which Antiochus celebrated among them, even 
 after the war was begun ; a marriage every way unsuitable 
 as well as unseasonable ; for he was far advanced in years, 
 and the bride very young. The person he thus fell in 
 love with was daughter to Cleptolemus, and a virgin of 
 incomparable beauty. This match brought the Chalci- 
 dians entirely into the king's interest, and they suffered 
 him to make use of their city as a place of arms.* Af- 
 ter the battle he fled with great precipitation to Chalcis, 
 and taking with him his young wife, his treasures, and his 
 friends, sailed from thence to Asia. And now Manius, 
 in his indignation, marched directly against Chalcis ; Fla- 
 minius followed, and endeavoured to appease his resent- 
 ment. At last he succeeded, by his assiduities with him, 
 and the most respectable Romans who were likely to have 
 an influence upon him. The Chalcidans, thus saved 
 from destruction, consecrated the most beautiful and the 
 noblest of their public edifices to Titus Flaminius ; and 
 such inscriptions as these are to be seen upon them to this 
 day. " The people dedicated this Gymnasium to Titus 
 " and Hercules ; the people consecrate the Delphinium 
 " to Titus and Apollo " Nay, what is more, even in 
 our days a priest of Titus is formally elected and de- 
 clared ; and on occasions of sacrifice to him, when the 
 libations are over, they sing an hymn, the greatest part 
 of which, for the lesgth of it, I omit, and only give the 
 conclusion. 
 
 While Rome's protecting power we prove, 
 Her faith adore, her virtues love, 
 Still, as our strains to heaven aspire, 
 Let Rome and Titus wake the lyre ! 
 To these our grateful altars blaze, 
 And our long paeans pour immortal praise. 
 
 The rest of the Grecians conferred upon him all due 
 honours ; and what realized those honours, and added to 
 their lustre, was the extraordinary affection of the people, 
 which he had gained by his lenity and moderation. For 
 if he happened to be at variance with anyone, upon ac- 
 count of business, or about a point of honour, as, for in- 
 stance> with Philopcemen, and with Diophanes, general of
 
 382 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 the Achaeans, he never gave into malignity, or carried 
 his resentment into action, but let it expire in words, in 
 such expostulations as the freedom of public debates may 
 seem to justify. Indeed, no man ever found him vindic- 
 tive, but he often discovered a hastiness and passionate 
 turn. Setting this aside, he was the most agreeable man 
 in the world ; and a pleasantry, mixed with strong sense, 
 distinguished his conversation. Thus, to divert the 
 Achzans from their purpose of conquering the island of 
 Zacynthus, he told them, " It was as dangerous for them 
 " to put their heads out of Peloponnesus, as it was for 
 " the tortoise to trust his out of the shell." In the first 
 conference which Philip and he had about peace, Philip 
 taking occasion to say, " Titus, you come with a nu- 
 " merous retinue, whereas I come quite alone ;" Flami- 
 iiius answered, " No wonder if you come alone, for you 
 " have killed all your friends and relations." Dinocrates, 
 the Messenian, being in company at Rome, drank until 
 he was intoxicated, and then put on a woman's habit, and 
 danced in that disguise. Next day he applied to Flami- 
 nius, and begged his assistance in a design which he had 
 conceived to withdraw Messene from the Achaean league. 
 Flaminius answered, " I will consider of it j but I am 
 " surprised that you, who conceived such great designs, 
 " can sing and dance at a carousal." And when the 
 ambassadors of Antiochus represented to the Achseans, 
 how numerous the king's forces were, and, to make them 
 appear still more so, reckoned them up by all their dif- 
 ferent names. " I supped once," said Flaminius, " with 
 *' a friend ; and upon my complaining of the great num- 
 " ber of dishes, and expressing my wonder how he could 
 " furnish his table with such a vast variety ; be not un- 
 tc easy about that, said my friend, for it is all hog's flesh ; 
 " and the difference is only in the dressing and the sauce. 
 " In like manner, I say to you, my Achaean friend, be 
 " not astonished at the number of Antiochus's forces, at 
 " these pikemen, these halberdiers and cuirassiers ; for they 
 " are all Syrians, only distinguished by the trifling arms 
 " they bear." 
 
 After these great actions in Greece, and the conclu- 
 sion of the war with Antiochus, Flaminius was created 
 censor. This is the chief dignity in the state, and the 
 crown, as it were, of all its honours. He had for col-
 
 T. Q. FLAMIN1US. 383 
 
 league the son of Marcellus, who had been five times con- 
 sul. They expelled four senators, who were men of no 
 great note ; and they admitted as citizens all who offer- 
 ed, provided that their parents were free. But they 
 were forced to this by Tercntius Culeo, a tribune of the 
 people, who, in opposition to the nobility, procured such 
 orders from the commons. Two of the greatest and most 
 powerful men of those times, Scipio Africanus and Mar- 
 cus Cato, were then at variance with each other. Fla- 
 minius appointed the former of these president of the se- 
 nate, as the first and best man in the commonwealth ; 
 and with the latter he entirely broke on the following 
 unhappy occasion. Titus had a brother named Lucius 
 Quinctius Flaminius, unlike him in all respects, but quite 
 abandoned in his pleasures, and regardless of decorum. 
 This Lucius had a favourite boy whom he carried with 
 him, even when he commanded armies and governed pro- 
 vinces. One day, as they were drinking, the boy, making 
 his court to Lucius, said, " I love you so tenderly, that, 
 *' preferring your satisfaction to my own, I left a show 
 " of gladiators to come to you, though I have never seen 
 " a man killed." Lucius, delighted with the flattery, 
 made answer, " If that be all, you need not be in the 
 " least uneasy, for I shall soon satisfy your longing." He 
 immediately ordered a convict to be brought from the pri- 
 son, and having sent for one of his lictors, commanded him 
 to strike off the man's head, in the room where they were 
 carousing. Valerius Antias writes, that this was done 
 to gratify a mistress. And Livy relates, from Cato's writ- 
 ings, that a Gaulish deserter being at the door with his 
 wife and children, Lucius took him into the banqueting- 
 room, and killed him with his own hand ; but it is proba- 
 ble that Cato said this to aggravate the charge. For that the 
 person killed was not a deserter, but a prisoner, and a con- 
 demned one too, appears from many writers, and parti- 
 cularly from Cicero, in his treatise on Old Age, where 
 he introduces Cato himself giving that account of the 
 matier. 
 
 Upon this account, Cato, when he was censor, and set 
 himself to remove all obnoxious persons from the senate, 
 expelled Lucius, though he wae of consular dignity. His 
 brother thought this proceeding reflected dishonour upon
 
 384 PLUTARCH'S 
 
 himself ; and they both went into the assembly in the 
 form of suppliants, and besought the people with tears, 
 that Cato might be obliged to assign his reason for fix- 
 ing such a mark of disgrace upon so illustrious a family. 
 The request appeared reasonable. Cato, without the 
 least hesitation, came out, and standing up with his col- 
 league, interrogated Titus, whether he knew any thing 
 of that feast. Titus answering in the negative, Cato re- 
 lated the affair, and called upon Lucius to declare upon 
 oath whether it was not true. As Lucius made no re- 
 ply, the people determined the vote of infamy to be just, 
 and conducted Cato home with great honour from the 
 tribunal. 
 
 Titus, greatly concerned at his brother's misfortune, 
 leagued with the inveterate enemies of Cato, and gaining 
 a majority in the senate, quashed and annulled all the 
 contracts, leases, and bargains which Cato had made, re- 
 lating to the public revenues, and stirred up many and 
 violent prosecutions against him. But I know not whe- 
 ther he acted well, or agreeably to good policy, iu thus 
 becoming a mortal enemy to a man who had only done 
 what became a lawful magistrate and a good citizen, for 
 the sake of one, who was a relation indeed, but an un- 
 worthy one, and who had met with the punishment lie 
 deserved. Some time after, however, the people being 
 assembled in the theatres to see the shows, and the senate 
 seated, according to custom, in the most honourable place, 
 Lucius was observed to go in an humble and dejected man- 
 ner, and sit down upon one of the lowest benches. The 
 people could not bear to see this, but called out to him to 
 go up higher, and ceased not until he went to the consular 
 bench, who made room for him. 
 
 The native ambition of Flaminius was applauded, 
 while it found sufficient matter to employ itself upon in 
 the wars we have given account of. And his serving in 
 the army as a tribune, after he had been consul, was 
 regarded with a favourable eye, though no one required 
 it of him; but when he was arrived at an age that ex- 
 cused him from all employments, he was blamed for in- 
 dulging a violent passion for fame, and a youthful impe- 
 tuosity in that inactive season of life. To some excess of 
 this kind seems to have been owing his behaviour with
 
 T. Q. FLA.MINIUS. 385 
 
 respect to Hannibal,* at which the world was much 
 offended For Hannibal, having fled his country, took 
 refuge first at the court of Antiochus. But Antiochus, 
 after he had lost the battle of Phrygia, gladly accepting 
 conditions of peace, Hannibal was again forced to fly ; 
 and, after wandering through many countries, at length 
 settled in Bithynia, and put himself under the protection 
 of Prusias. The Romans knew this perfectly well, but 
 they took no notice of it, considering him now as a man 
 enfeebled by age, and overthrown by fortune. But Fla- 
 minitis, being sent by the senate upon an embassy to Prusias 
 about other matters, and seeing Hannibal at his court, 
 could not endure that he should be suffered to live. And 
 though Prusias used much intercession and entreaty in be- 
 half of" a man who came to him as a suppliant, and lived 
 with him under the sanction of hospitality, he could not 
 prevail. 
 
 It seems, there was an ancient oracle, which thus pro- 
 phesied concerning the end of Hannibal : 
 
 Libyssan earth shall hide the bones of Hannibal. 
 
 He, therefore, thought of nothing but ending his days 
 at Carthage, and being buried in Lybia. But in Bithy- 
 nia there is a sandy place near the sea, which has a small 
 village in it called Libyssa. In this neighbourhood Han- 
 nibal lived. But having always been apprised of the 
 timidity of Prusias, and distrusting him on that account, 
 and dreading withal the attempts of the Romans, he had, 
 some time before, ordered several subterraneous passages 
 to be dug under his house, which were continued a great 
 way under ground, and terminated in several different 
 places, but were all undiscernible without. As soon as 
 lie was informed of the orders which Flaminius had 
 given, he attempted to make .his escape by those passages 
 
 * Flaminius was no more than forty-four years of age, when he 
 went ambassador to Prusias. It was not, therefore, an unseason- 
 able desire of a public character, or extravagant passion for fame, 
 which was blamed in him on this occasion, but an unworthy per- 
 secution of a great, though unfortunate man. \Ve are inclined, 
 however, to think, that he had secret instructions from the senate 
 for what he did ; for it is not probable, that a man of his mild and 
 humane disposition, would choose to hunt down an old unhappy 
 warrior ; and Plutarch confirms this opinion afterwards. 
 
 roi. IL
 
 386 PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 but finding the king's guards at the outlets, he resolved 
 to kill himself. Some say, he wound his cloak about his 
 neck, and ordered his servant to put his knees upon his 
 back, and pull with all his force, and not to leave twist- 
 ing, till he had quite strangled him. Others tell us, 
 that, like Themistocles and Midas, he drank bull's blood. 
 But Livy writes, that having poison in readiness, he 
 mixed it for a draught ; and taking the cup in his hand, 
 '* Let us deliver the Romans," said he, *' from their cares 
 " and anxieties, since they think it too tedious and dan- 
 *' gerous to wait for the death of a poor hated old man. 
 '* Yet shall not Titus gain a conquest worth envying, or 
 " suitable to the generous proceedings of his ancestors, 
 " who sent to caution Pyrrhus, though a victorious ene- 
 " my, against the poison that was prepared for him." 
 
 Thus Hannibal is said to have died. When the news 
 was brought to the senate, many in that august body were 
 highly displeased. Flaminius appeared too officious and 
 cruel in his precautions to procure the death of Hannibal, 
 now tamed by his misfortunes, like a bird, that, through 
 ago, had lost its tail and feathers, and suffered to live so. 
 And, as he had no orders to put him to death, it was plain, 
 that he did it out of a passion for fame, and to be men- 
 tioned in after times as the destroyer of Hannibal.* On 
 this occasion they recollected, and admired more than ever, 
 the humane and generous behaviour of Scipio Africanus ; 
 for when he had vanquished Hannibal in Africa, at a time 
 when he was extremely formidable, and deemed invincible, 
 he neither insisted on his banishment, nor demanded him 
 of his fellow-citizens ; but, as he had embraced him 
 at the conference which he had with him before the 
 battle ; so, after it, when he settled the conditions of 
 peace, he offered not the least affront or insult to his mis- 
 fortunes. 
 
 It is reported, that they met again at Ephesus ; and 
 Hannibal, as they walked together, taking the upper 
 hand, Africanus suffered it, and walked on without the 
 least concern. Afterwards, they fell into conversation 
 
 If this was really the motive of Flaminius, and nothing of a 
 political tendency entered into this dastardly destruction of that 
 great general, it" would hardly be possible for all the virtues, all 
 The triumphs of the Romans, to redeem him from the infamy of 
 so base an action.
 
 T. Q. FLAiilSIUS. 387 
 
 about great generals ; and Hannibal asserted that Alexan- 
 der \v;;s the greatest general the world had ever seen, that 
 Pyrrl us was the second, and himself the third. Scipio 
 smiled at this, and said, " But what rank would you 
 *' have placed yourself in, if I had not conquered you " 
 " O, Scipio P' said he, " then I would not have placed 
 " myself the third, but the first." 
 
 The generality admiring this moderation of Scipio, 
 found the greater fault with Flaminius for taking the 
 spoils of an enemy whom another man had slain. There 
 were some, indeed, who applauded the thing, and ob- 
 served, " That while Hannibal lived, they must have 
 looked upon him as a fire, which wanted only to be 
 blown into a flame ; that when he was in the vigour 
 of his age, it was not his bodily strength, or his right 
 hand which was so dreadful to the Romans, but hia 
 >.y and experience, together with his innate ran. 
 cour and hatred to their name ; and that these are 
 not altered by age ; for the native disposition still 
 overrules the manners; whereas fortune, far from re- 
 maining the same, changes continually, and, by new 
 hopes, invites those to new enterprises who were ever 
 at war with us in their hearts." And the subsequent 
 events contributed still more to the justification of Flami- 
 nius. For, in the first place, Aristonicus, the son of a 
 harper's daughter, on the strength of his being reputed 
 the natural son of Eumenes, filled all Asia with tumult 
 and rebellion ; and, in the next place, Mithridates, after 
 such strokes as he had met with from Sylla and Fimbria, 
 and so terrible a destruction among his troops and officers, 
 rose up stronger than ever agabst Lucullus, both bv sea 
 and land. Indeed, Hannibal was never brought so low 
 as Cams Marius had been ; for Hannibal enjoyed the 
 friendship of a king, from whom he received liberal sup- 
 plies, and with whose officers, both in the navy and army, 
 he had important connections ; whereas, Marius was a 
 wanderer iiv. Africa, and forced to beg his bread. But 
 the Romans, who had laughed at his fall, soon after bled, 
 in their own streets, under his rods and axes, and pro- 
 strated themselves before him. So true it is, that there is 
 nothing either great or little at this moment, which is 
 sure ta hold so in the days to come ; and that the changes 
 we have ta experience, only terminate with our 
 
 S2
 
 338 PLUTARCH'S LTV, 
 
 For this reason some tell us, that Flaminius did not do 
 this of himself, but that he was joined in commission with 
 Lucius Scipio, and that the sole purpose of their embassy 
 was to procure the death of Hannibal. As we have no 
 account, after this, of any political or military act of Fla- 
 minius, and only know that he died in his bed, it is time 
 to come to the comparison. 
 
 FLAMINIUS AJND PHILOPCEMEN 
 
 COMPARED. 
 
 IF we consider the extensive benefits which Greece re- 
 ceived from Flaminius, we shall find that neither Phi- 
 lopotmen, nor other Grecians more illustrious than Philo- 
 poemen, will stand the comparison with him. For the 
 Greeks always fought against Greeks ; but Flaminius, 
 who was not of Greece, fought for that country. And 
 at a time when Philopcemen, unable to defend his fel- 
 low citizens who were engaged in a dangerous war, passed 
 over into Crete, Flaminius having vanquished Philip in 
 the heart of Greece, set cities and whole nations free. 
 If we examine into their battles, it will appear, that Phi- 
 lopcemen, while he commanded the Achaean forces, killed 
 more Greeks than Flamiaius, in asserting the Grecian 
 cause, killed Macedonians. 
 
 As to their failings, ambition was the fault of Flami- 
 nius, and obstinacy that of Philoposmen. The former 
 was passionate and the latter implacable. Flaminius left 
 Philip is his royal dignity, and pardoned the ,<Etolians ; 
 whereas Philopcemen, in his resentment against his coun- 
 try, robbed her of several of her dependencies. Besides, 
 Flaminius was always a firm friend to those whom he had 
 once served ; but Philopcemen was ever ready to destroy 
 the merit of his former kindnesses, only to indulge his 
 anger. For he had been a great benefactor to the Lace- 
 daemonians ; yet afterwards he demolished their \v;;l!~, 
 and ravaged their country ; and in the end entirely 
 changed and overturned their constitution. Nay, he sf 
 to have sacrificed his life to his passion and perverseness, 
 by too hastily and unseasonably invading Messenia, in-
 
 FLAMINIUS AXD PHILOPO3MEN COMPARED. 38Q 
 
 itead of taking, like Flaminius, every precaution for his 
 own security and that of his troops. 
 
 But Philopoemen's military knowledge and experience 
 were perfected by his many wars and victories. And, 
 whereas Flaminius decided this dispute with Philip in two 
 engagements, Philopcemen, by conquering in an incre- 
 dible number of battles, left fortune 110 room to question 
 his skill. 
 
 Flaminius, moreover, availed himself of the power of 
 a great and flouriihing commonwealth, and raised himself 
 by its strength ; but Philopcemen distinguished himself at 
 a time when his country was upon the decline. So that 
 the success of the one is to be ascribed solely to himself, 
 and that of the other to all the Romans. The one had 
 good troops to command ; and the other made those so 
 which he commanded. And though the great actions of 
 Philopoemen, being performed against Grecians, do not 
 prove him a fortunate man, yet they prove him a brave 
 man ; for, where all other things are equal, great suc- 
 cess must be owing to superior excellence. He had to do 
 with two of the most warlike nations among the Greeks; 
 the Cictans, who were the most artful ; and the .Lacedae- 
 monians, who were the most valiant ; and yet he mastered 
 the former by policy, and the latter by courage. Add 
 to this, that Flaminius had his men ready armed and disci- 
 plined to his hand ; whereas Philopoemen had the armour 
 of his to alter, and to new model their discipline. So 
 that the tilings which contribute most to victory, were 
 the invention of the one, while the other only practised 
 what was already in use. Accordingly, Philopcemen's per- 
 sonal exploits were many and great ; but we find nothing 
 of that kind remarkable in Flaminius. On the contrary, 
 a certain .^Etolian said, by way of raillery, " Whilst I 
 " ran,* with my drawn sword, to charge the Macedoni- 
 " ans, who stood firm and continued lighting, Titus was 
 " standing still, with his hands lifted up towards heaven, 
 " and praying." 
 
 It is true all acts of Flaminius were glorious, while 
 he was general, and during his lieutenancy too ; but 
 
 The former translator makes the ./Etolian say this of Philo- 
 pcemen ; but the original will not bear it. In that case the Greek, 
 instead of '>s i-rt U7>;, x, T. A. would have run '/$ iri
 
 39O PLUTARCH'S LIVES. 
 
 Philopoemen shewed himself no less serviceable and active 
 among the Achseans, when in a private capacity, than 
 when he had the command. For when commander in 
 chief, he drove Nabis out of the city of Messene, and 
 restored the inhabitants to their liberty ; but he was 
 only in a private station when he shut the gates of Sparta 
 against the general Diophanes, and against Flamiaius, 
 and by that means saved the Lacedaemomians. Indeed, - 
 nature had given him such talents for command, that he 
 knew not only how to govern according to the laws, but 
 how to govern the laws themselves when the public good 
 required it ; wot waiting for the formality of the people's 
 appointing him, but rather employing them when the 
 occasion demanded it. For he was persuaded, that, not 
 he whom the people elect, but he who thinks best for 
 thepeople, is the true general. 
 
 There was undoubtedly something great and generous 
 in the clemency and humanity of Fiaminius towards the 
 Grecians ; but there was something still greater and more 
 generous in the resolution which Philopcemen shewed in 
 maintaining the liberties of Greece against the Romans. 
 For it is a much easier matter to be liberal to the weak, 
 than to oppose and to support a dispute with the strong. 
 Since, therefore, after all our inquiry into the characters 
 of these two great men, the superiority is not obvious, 
 perhaps we shall not greatly err, if we give the Grecian- 
 the palm of generalship and military skill, and the Roman 
 that of justice and humanity. 
 
 END OF THE SECOND VOLUME. 
 
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