GIFT OF 
 
 of a; 
 
GEORGE F. HOAR 
 
 (Late a Senator from Manachuietta) 
 
 Memorial Addresses Delivered in the 
 Senate and House of Representatives 
 
 Third Session of the 
 Fifty-eighth Congress 
 
 Compiled under the direction of the Joint Committee on Printing 
 
 WASHINGTON : GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE : 1905 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 Page 
 
 Proceedings in the Senate 5 
 
 Prayer by Rev. Kdward Kverett Hale 5 
 
 Prayer by Rev. Kdward Kverett Hale 9 
 
 Address of Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts 12 
 
 Address of Mr. Allison, of Iowa 42 
 
 Address Of Mr. Cockrell, of Missouri 48 
 
 Address of Mr. Platt, of Connecticut 53 
 
 Address of Mr. Teller, of Colorado 59 
 
 Address of Mr. Culloin, of Illinois 65 
 
 Address of Mr. Daniel, of Virginia 71 
 
 Address of Mr. Gallinger, of New Hampshire 79 
 
 Address of Mr. Bacon, of ( Georgia 84 
 
 Address of Mr. Perkins, of California 89 
 
 Address of Mr. Fairbanks, of Indiana 96 
 
 Address of Mr. Pet t us, of Alabama 102 
 
 Address of Mr. Gorman, of Maryland 105 
 
 Address of Mr. Depew, of New York 108 
 
 Address of Mr. McComas, of Maryland V. 117 
 
 Address of Mr. Crane, of Massachusetts 123 
 
 Proceedings in the House 127 
 
 Prayer by Rev. Henry N. Couden 129 
 
 Address of Mr. Lovering, of Massachusetts 131 
 
 Address of Mr. Gillett, of Massachusetts 136 
 
 Address of Mr. Lawrence, of Massachusetts 140 
 
 Address of Mr. Thayer, of Massachusetts 145 
 
 Address of Mr. Sullivan, of Massachusetts 151 
 
 Address of Mr. Greene, of Massachuseetts 154 
 
 Address of Mr. Tirrell, of Massachusetts 162 
 
 Address of Mr. Clark, of Missouri 169 
 
 Address of Mr. Dnscoll, of New York 180 
 
 Address of Mr. Powers, of Massachusetts 185 
 
 Address of Mr. Keliher, of Massachusetts 189 
 
 327861 
 
DEATH OF SENATOR GEORGE F. HOAR 
 PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE 
 
 DECEMBER 5, 1904. 
 PRAYER. 
 
 The Chaplain, Rev. Kdward Everett Hale, offered the fol 
 lowing prayer: 
 
 Thou shall love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and 
 with all thy soul, and with all thy mind, and with all thy 
 strength. This is the first and greatest commandment, and 
 the second is like unto it, namely, this: Thou shall love thy 
 neighl>or as thyself. 
 
 Let us pray. Father, we thank Thee for so much. \Ye 
 thank Thee for life and health and strength, and that we are 
 here together now, and, best of all, thai Thou art with us to 
 give us new life, to give us new health, to give us new strength, 
 to guide us and help us wherever we go and wherever we are. 
 
 Make this Thine own home, that we may find Thee always 
 when we need Thy help, as always we do need it; that wherever 
 we go we may go as the children of I he living God, ready lo do 
 Thy work, that we may live to Thy glory. 
 
 Father, Thou hast given Thy servants here so much to do. 
 They have lo spend Ihese months in caring for the coming of 
 Thy kingdom, and for nothing less that the nations of the 
 world may be one; lhal Ihe Slales may bear each olhers bur 
 dens, each as Ihe others brethren; that for all sorts and 
 
 5 
 
6 Proceedings in the Senate 
 
 conditions of men Thou shalt make Thy gospel known, each 
 for all and all for each, for all races and all sects and creeds 
 and communions, that all may join in the common service, as 
 children working with their Father. Thou art with us; hear 
 us and answer us. 
 
 And we remember, Father, those whose faces we shall not 
 see here ever again Thy servants whom Thou hast lifted to 
 higher service. They pray while we pray; the} hope as we 
 hope. Bind us together, those whom we see and those whom 
 we do not see, in the great brotherhood of the children of the 
 living God. We ask it and offer it in Christ Jesus. 
 
 Join me in the Lord s prayer. 
 
 Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be Thy name. Thy 
 kingdom come, Thy will be done on earth as it is done in 
 heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and forgive us our 
 trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us. And 
 lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil, for Thine 
 is the kingdom and the power and the glory, forever. Amen. 
 
 DEATHS OF SENATOR QUAY AND SENATOR HOAR. 
 
 Mr. PENROSE. Mr. President, it is my sad duty to announce 
 to the Senate the death of my late colleague, MATTHEW STAN 
 LEY QUAY, which occurred at his home in Beaver, Pa., on the 
 28th day of May last. 
 
 I shall not at this moment take up the time of the Senate 
 with anj- extended remarks touching his personal character 
 and his public services, but will content myself with simply 
 submitting the following resolutions, asking consideration for 
 them after similar resolutions, which I understand the Senator 
 from Massachusetts desires to submit, have been considered. 
 
 At some more appropriate time I will ask the Senate to sus 
 pend its ordinary business in order that fitting tribute may be 
 paid to the memory of my deceased colleague. 
 
Proceedings in the Senate 7 
 
 The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Pennsyl 
 vania offers resolutions which will be read. 
 
 The Secretary read the resolutions, as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That the Senate has heard with profound sorrow and deep 
 regret of the death of Hon. MATTHKW STANLEY Qt AY, late a Senator 
 from the State of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Resolved^ That the Secretary communicate a copy of these resolutions 
 to the House of Representatives. 
 
 The resolutions were considered by unanimous consent, and 
 unanimously agreed to. 
 
 Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, it is my painful duty to make 
 formal announcement to the Senate that the senior Senator from 
 Massachusetts, Hon. GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR, died at his home 
 in Worcester on the 3oth of September last. 
 
 At some future time I shall ask the Senate to set apart a da} 
 fittingly to commemorate his high character, his distinguished 
 career, and his eminent services. 
 
 At this time I offer the following resolutions, and ask for 
 their adoption. 
 
 The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The resolutions will be read. 
 
 The Secretary read the resolutions, as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That the Senate has heard with profound sorrow of the death 
 of the Hon. GEORGE F. HOAR, late a Senator from the State of Massa 
 chusetts. 
 
 Resolved, That the Secretary communicate a copy of these resolutions 
 to the House of Representatives. 
 
 The resolutions were considered by unanimous consent, and 
 unanimously agreed to. 
 
 Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, in behalf of the Senator from 
 Pennsylvania and myself I now offer the following resolution, 
 and ask for its immediate consideration. 
 
 The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The resolution will be read. 
 
 The resolution was read, as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That, as a further mark of respect to the memory of the two 
 Senators whose deaths have just been announced, the Senate do now 
 adjourn. 
 
8 Proceedings in tlie Senate 
 
 The resolution was considered by unanimous consent, and 
 unanimously agreed to. 
 
 The Senate accordingly (at 12 o clock and 12 minutes p. m.) 
 adjourned until to-morrow, Tuesday, December 6, 1904, at 12 
 o clock meridian. 
 
 JANUARY 9, 1905. 
 
 MEMORIAL ADDRESSES ON THE LATE SENATOR HOAR. 
 
 Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, I desire to give notice that on 
 January 28, immediately after the routine morning business, I 
 shall ask the Senate to consider resolutions in commemoration 
 of the life, character, and public services of my late colleague, 
 Hon. GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR. 
 
MEMORIAL ADDRESSES 
 
 SATURDAY, January 28, 1905. 
 
 Rev. Edward K. Hale, the Chaplain of the Senate, offered 
 the following prayer: 
 
 Let us now praise famous men. The Lord hath wrought great glory by 
 them, through His great jxjvver from the beginning. 
 
 Men renoweil for their power, giving counsel by their understanding, 
 leaders of the people by their counsel and by their knowledge of learning 
 meet for the people wise and eloquent in their instructions. 
 
 All these were honored in their generations and were the glory of their 
 times. The people will tell of their wisdom and the congregation will 
 show forth their praise. 
 
 Father, we ask Thee to keep green and fresh the memories 
 of such fathers in the past, of those whom we have seen with 
 our eyes and have heard with our ears, that in all coming time 
 such mens lives may live among the children and the children s 
 children. 
 
 Teach us to-day, teach all this people, that Thou art pleased 
 to do Thy work by the agency of Thy children who enter into 
 Thy service and go about a Father s business. Show us how 
 they can be strong with Thy strength, wise in Thy wisdom, 
 and interpret Thy law. 
 
 Keep green and fresh for us the memory of him whom we do 
 not see here, but whom we loved to see; whom we do not hear, 
 but whom we rememljer, that this Senate, that the people of 
 this country, may l>e loyal as he to friends, to Senate, to 
 country, and to the world. It is not in vain for us that Thou 
 hast sent forth such children to interpret Thy purpose and to 
 carry out Thy law. 
 
 First and last and always show us that Thy law may be our 
 law, that Thy kingdom may come, and that we are to enter 
 
 9 
 
io Memorial Addresses 
 
 into Thy service, that it may come the sooner. We ask it in 
 Christ Jesus. 
 
 Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed be Thy name. Thy 
 kingdom come. Thy will be done on earth, as it is done in 
 heaven. Give us this day our daily bread. And forgive us 
 our trespasses, as we forgive those who trespass against us. 
 And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil; for 
 Thine is the kingdom and the power and the glory, forever. 
 Amen. 
 
Memorial Addresses n 
 
 MEMORIAL ADDRESSES ON THE LATE SENATOR HOAR. 
 
 Mr. LODGE. Mr. President, before sending the resolutions 
 to the desk I wish to state, as I have been asked to do, that 
 the Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. Spooner] , who was very 
 anxious to be here to-day and to speak to the resolutions, and 
 whose long friendship with Mr. HOAR is well known to the 
 Senate, is unfortunately prevented suddenly by illness from 
 coming; he is unable to leave his house. I now send tile- 
 resolutions to the desk. 
 
 The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The Senator from Massachu 
 setts submits resolutions, which will be read. 
 
 The Secretary read the resolutions, as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That the Senate has heard with profound sorrow of the 
 death of Hon. GEORGE F. HOAR, late a Senator from the State of Mas 
 sachusetts. 
 
 Resolved, That as a mark of respect to the memory of the deceased 
 the business of the Senate be now suspended, to enable his associates 
 to pay proper tribute to his high character and distinguished public 
 sen-ices. 
 
 Resolved, That the Secretary communicate these resolutions to the 
 House of Representatives. 
 
 The PRESIDENT pro tempore. Will the Senate agree to the 
 resolutions? 
 
 The resolutions were unanimously agreed to. 
 
12 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. LODGE, OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT: Duty and desire alike command that I 
 should speak of Mr. HOAR, to whose memory we consecrate 
 this day, as a distinguished statesman, an historic figure, and a 
 representative man of a remarkable and an eventful time. But 
 for me to speak in this place in such fashion is most difficult. 
 Curae leves loquuntur; ingentes stupent. 
 
 I trust that the Senate, remembering this, will accord to my 
 shortcomings the indulgence which I am only too well a\vare I 
 shall greatly need. 
 
 Men distinguished above their fellows, who have won a 
 place in history, may be of interest and importance to pos 
 terity as individuals or as representatives of their time, or in 
 both capacities. Hobbes and Descartes, for instance, are 
 chiefly if not wholly interesting for what they themselves 
 were and for their contributions to human thought which 
 might conceivably have been made at any epoch. On the 
 other hand, Pepys and St. Simon, substantially contemporary 
 with the two philosophers, are primarily of interest and im 
 portance as representative men, embodiments and exponents 
 of the life and thought of their time. Benjamin Franklin, 
 to take a later example, was not only deeply interesting as 
 an individual, but he seemed to embody in himself the ten 
 dencies of thought and the entire meaning and attitude of 
 the eighteenth century in its broadest significance. Mr. 
 HOAR belongs to the class which is illustrated in such a high 
 degree by Franklin, for he has won and will hold his place 
 in history not only by what he was and what he did, but 
 
Address of Mr, Lodge, of Massachusetts 1 3 
 
 because he was a very representative man in a period fruitful 
 in great events and conspicuous for the consolidation of the 
 United States the greatest single fact of the last century, 
 measured by its political and economic effect upon the for 
 tunes of mankind and upon the history of the world. 
 
 To appreciate properly and understand intelligently any 
 man who has made substantial achievement in art or letters, 
 in philosophy or science, in war or politics, and who has 
 also lived to the full the life of his time, we must turn first 
 to those conditions over which he himself had no control. 
 In his inheritances, in the time and place of birth, in the 
 influences and the atmosphere of childhood and youth we 
 can often find the key to the mystery which every human 
 existence presents and obtain a larger explanation of the 
 meaning of the character and career before us than the man s 
 own life and deeds will disclose. 
 
 This is especially true of Mr. HOAR, for his race and 
 descent, his time and place of birth are full of significance 
 if we would rightly understand one who was at once a 
 remarkable and a highly representative man. He came of a 
 purely English stock. His family in England were people -of 
 consideration and substance, possessing both education and 
 established position before America was discovered. Belong 
 ing in the seventeenth century to that class of prosperous 
 merchants and tradesmen, of country gentlemen and farmers 
 which gave to England Cromwell and Hampden, Eliot and 
 Pym, they were Puritans in religion and in politics support 
 ers of the Parliament and opponents of the King. Charles 
 Hoar, sheriff of Gloucester and enrolled in the recorcl of the 
 city government as " Generosus " or "gentleman," died in 
 1638. Two years later his widow, Joanna Hoar, with five of 
 her children, emigrated to New England. One of the sons, 
 
14 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 Leonard Hoar, chosen by his father to go to Oxford and 
 become a minister, entered Harvard College, then just founded, 
 and graduated there in 1650. He soon after returned to 
 England, where he was presented to a living under the Pro 
 tectorate. He married Bridget, the daughter of John Lisle, 
 commonly called Lord Lisle, one of the regicides assassinated 
 later at Lausanne, where he had taken refuge, by royal 
 emissaries after the King had come to his own again. John 
 Lisle s wife, the Lady Alicia, died on the scaffold in 1685, 
 the most famous and pathetic victim in the tragedy of Jef- 
 freys s "Bloody Assize." Her son-in-law, Leonard Hoar, 
 ejected from his living under the Act of Uniformity, studied 
 medicine, and returning to New England ten years later 
 became in 1672 president of Harvard College, and died in 
 
 Senator HOAR was descended from an elder brother of the 
 president of Harvard, John Hoar, evidently a man of as strong 
 character and marked abilities as the rest of his family. The 
 old records contain more than one account of his clashings 
 with the intolerant and vigorous theocracy which governed 
 Massachusetts, and of the fines and imprisonments which he 
 endured; but he never seems either to have lost the respect 
 of the community or to have checked his speech. We get a 
 bright glimpse of him in 1690, when Sewall says, in his diary 
 on November 8 of that year: 
 
 Jno. Hoar comes into the lobby and sais he conies from the Lord, by 
 the Lord, to speak for the Lord; complains that sins as bad as Sodom s 
 found here. 
 
 In every generation following we find men of the same 
 marked character who were graduates of Harvard, active citi 
 zens, successful in their callings, taking a full share of public 
 duties and in the life of their times. Senator HOAR S great 
 
Address of Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts 1 5 
 
 grandfather, who had served in the old French war, and his 
 grandfather were both in the fight at Concord Bridge. His 
 father, vSamuel Hoar, was one of the most distinguished law 
 yers in Massachusetts. He served in both branches of the 
 State legislature, and was a Mem1:>er of Congress. Honored 
 throughout the vState, his most conspicuous action was his 
 journey to Charleston, to defend certain negro sailors, and from 
 that city, where his life was in danger, he was expelled because 
 he desired to give his legal services to protect men of another 
 and an enslaved race. 
 
 On his mother s side Senator HOAR was a descendant of the 
 John Sherman who landed in Massachusetts in 1630 and be 
 came the progenitor of a family which has been extraordinarily 
 prolific in men of high ability and distinction. In the century 
 just closed this family gave to the country and to history 
 one of our most brilliant soldiers, one of our most eminent 
 statesmen and financiers, and through the female line the 
 great lawyer and orator, Mr. Evarts, and E. Rockwood Hoar, 
 distinguished alike as judge, as Member of Congress, and as 
 Attorney-General of the United States. In the eighteenth 
 century we owe to the same blood and name one of the most 
 conspicuous of the great men who made the Revolution 
 and founded the United States, Roger Sherman, signer of the 
 Declaration of Independence, signer of the articles of Confed 
 eration, signer of the Constitution, first Senator from Con 
 necticut, and grandfather of Mr. HOAR, as he was also of Mr. 
 Evarts. I have touched upon this genealogy more, perhaps, 
 than is usual upon such occasions, not only because it is 
 remarkable, but because.it seems to me full of light and mean 
 ing in connection with those who, in the years just past, had 
 the right to claim it for their own. \Ve see these people, 
 when American history begins, identified with the cause of 
 
1 6 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 constitutional freedom and engaged in resistance to what they 
 deemed tyranny in church and state. They became exiles for 
 their faith, and the blood of the victims of Stuart revenge is 
 sprinkled on their garments. They venture their lives again 
 at the outbreak of our own Revolution. They take a con 
 tinuous .part in public affairs. They feel it to be their busi- 
 j ness to help the desolate and oppressed, from John Hoar 
 sheltering and succoring the Christian Indians, in the dark 
 and bloody days of King Philip s war, to Samuel Hoar, going 
 forth into the midst of a bitterly hostile community to defend 
 the helpless negroes. The tradition of sound learning, the 
 profound belief in the highest education, illustrated by Leonard 
 Hoar in the seventeenth century, are never lost or weakened 
 in the succeeding generations. Through all their history runs 1 
 unchanged the deep sense of public responsibility, of patriotism ,- 
 and of devotion to high ideals of conduct. The stage upon 
 which they played their several parts might be large or small, 
 but the light which guided them was always the same. They 
 were Puritans of the Puritans. As the centuries passed, the 
 Puritan was modified in many ways, but the elemental quali 
 ties of the powerful men who had crushed crown and miter 
 in a common ruin, altered the course of English history, and 
 founded a new state in a new world, remained unchanged. 
 
 So patented and so descended, Mr. HOAR inherited certain 
 deep-rooted conceptions of duty, of character, and of the con 
 duct of life, which were as much a part of his being as the color 
 of his eyes or the shape of his hand. Where and when was he 
 born to this noble heritage? We must ask and answer this 
 question, for there is a world of suggestion in the place and 
 time of a man s birth when that man has come to have a mean 
 ing and an importance to his own generation as well as to those 
 which succeed it in the slow procession of the years. 
 
Address of Mr, Lodgi\ of Massachusetts 1 7 
 
 Concord, proclaimed by Webster as one of the glories of 
 Massachusetts which no untoward fate could wrest from her, 
 was the place of his birth. About the quiet village were 
 gathered all the austere traditions of the colonial time. It 
 had witnessed the hardships of the early settlers, it had 
 shared and shuddered in the horrors of Indian wars, it had 
 seen the slow and patient conquest of the wilderness. There 
 within its Ixmndaries had blazed high a great event, catching 
 the eyes of a careless world which little dreamed how far 
 the fire then lighted would spread. Along its main road, 
 overarched by elms, the soldiers of England marched that 
 pleasant April morning. There is the bridge where the farmers 
 returned the British fire and advanced. There is the tomb of 
 the two British soldiers who fell in the skirmish, and whose 
 grave marks the spot where the power of England on the 
 North American Continent first began to ebb. Truly there 
 is no need of shafts of stone or statues of bron/.e, for the 
 whole place is a monument to the deeds which there were 
 done. The very atmosphere is redolent of great memories; 
 the gentle ripple of the placid river, the low voice of the wind 
 among the trees, all murmur the story of patriotism and 
 teach devotion to the nation, which, from "the bridge that 
 arched the flood," set forth upon its onward march. 
 
 And then just as Mr. HOAR began to know his birthplace 
 the town entered upon a new phase which was to give it a 
 place in literature and in the development of imxlern thought 
 as eminent as that which it had already gained in the history 
 of the country. Kmerson made Concord his home in 1835, 
 Hawthorne came there to live seven years later, and Thoreau, 
 a native of the town, was growing to manhood in those same 
 years. To Mr. HOAR S inheritance of public service, of devo 
 tion to duty, and of lofty ideals of conduct, to the family 
 S. Doc. 201, 58-3 2 
 
1 8 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 influences which surrounded him and which all pointed to work 
 and achievement as the purpose and rewards of life, were 
 added those of the place where he lived, the famous little 
 town which drew from the past lessons of pride and love of 
 country, and offered in the present examples of lives given to 
 literature and philosophy, to the study of nature, and to the 
 hopes and destiny of man here and hereafter. 
 
 Thus highly gifted in his ancestry, in his family, and in his 
 traditions, as well as in the place and the community in which 
 he was to pass the formative years of boyhood and youth, 
 Mr. HOAR was equally fortunate in the time of his birth, 
 which often means so much in the making of a character and 
 career. He was born on the 2gth of August, 1826. Super 
 ficially it was one of the most uninteresting periods in the 
 history of western civilization dominated in Europe by small 
 men, mean in its hopes, low in its ambitions. But beneath 
 the surface vast forces were germinating and gathering, which 
 in their development were to affect profoundly both Europe 
 and America. 
 
 The great movement which, beginning with the revolt of the 
 American colonies, had wrought the French Revolution, con 
 vulsed Europe, and made Napoleon possible, had spent itself 
 and sunk into exhaustion at Waterloo. The reaction reigned 
 supreme. It \vas the age of the Metternichs and Castlereaghs, 
 of the Eldons and Ljverpools, of Spanish and Neapolitan Bour 
 bons. With a stupidity equaled only by their confidence and 
 insensibility, these men and others like them sought to establish 
 again the old tyrannies and believed that they could restore 
 a dead system and revive a vanished society. They utterly 
 failed to grasp the fact that \vhere the red-hot plowshares of 
 the French Revolution had passed the old crops could never 
 flourish again. The White Terror swept over France, and a 
 
Address of Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts 19 
 
 little later the Due Decazes, the only man who understood the 
 situation, was driven from power because he tried to establish 
 the conditions upon which alone the Bourbon monarchy could 
 hope to survive. The Holy Alliance was formed to uphold 
 autocracy and crush out the aspirations of any people who 
 sought to obtain the simplest rights and the most moderate 
 freedom. To us Webster s denunciation of the Holy Alliance 
 sounds like an academic exercise, designed simply to display 
 the orator s power, but to the men of that day it had a most 
 real and immediate meaning. The quiet which Russia and 
 Austria called peace reigned over much wider regions than 
 Warsaw. England cringed and burned incense before the 
 l>ewigged and padded effigy known as " George the Fourth." 
 France did the bidding of the dullest and most unforgetting of 
 the Bourbons. Anyone who ventured to criticise any existing 
 arrangement was held up to scorn and hatred as an enemy of 
 society, driven into exile like Byron and Shelley, or cast into 
 prison like Leigh Hunt. 
 
 But the great forces which had caused both the American 
 and French revolutions were not dead. They were only 
 gathering strength for a renewed movement, and the first voices 
 of authority which broke the deadly quiet came from Kngland 
 and the United States. When the Holy Alliance stretched out 
 its hand to thrust back the Spanish colonies into bondage 
 Canning declared that he would call in the New World to 
 redress the balance of the Old," and Monroe announced that in 
 that New World there should be no further European coloni/a- 
 tion and no extension of the monarchical principle. Greece 
 rose against the Turks, and lovers of liberty everywhere went 
 to her aid, for even the Holy Alliance did not dare to make the 
 Sultan a partner in a combination which professed to be tlu 
 defender of Christianity as well as of desjxjtic government. 
 
2O Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 When Mr. HOAR was born the Greek revolution was afoot, 
 the first stirrings of the oppressed and divided nationalities 
 had begun, the liberal movement was again lifting its head 
 and preparing to confront the entrenched, uncompromising 
 forces of the reaction. When he was four years old Concord 
 heard of the fighting in the Paris streets during the three 
 days of July, and of the fall of the Bourbon monarchy. When 
 he was six years old the passage of the reform bill brought to 
 England a peaceful revolution instead of one in arms, and 
 crumbled into dust the system of Castlereagh and Liverpool 
 and Wellington. 
 
 The change and movement thus manifested were not con 
 fined to politics. As Mr. HOAR went back and forth to school 
 in the Concord Academy the new forces were spreading into 
 every field of thought and action. .Revolt against conventions 
 in art and literature and against existing arrangements of 
 society was as ardent as that against political oppression, 
 while creeds and dogmas were called in question as unspar 
 ingly as the right of the few to govern the many. In Eng 
 land one vested abuse after another was swept away by the 
 Reform Parliament. It was discovered that Shelley and 
 Byron, the outlaws of twenty years before, were among the 
 greatest of England s poets. Dickens startled the world and 
 won thousands of readers by bringing into his novels whole 
 classes of human beings unknown to polite fiction since the 
 days of Fielding, and by plunging into the streets of London 
 to find among the poor, the downtrodden, and the criminal 
 characters which he made immortal. Carlyle was crying out 
 against venerated shams in his fierce satire on the Philosophy 
 of Clothes. Macaulay was vindicating the men of the great 
 rebellion to a generation which had been brought up to be 
 lieve that the Puritans were little better than cutthroats, and 
 
Address of Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts 21 
 
 Oliver Cromwell a* common military usurper. The English 
 establishment was shaken by the Oxford movement, which 
 carried Newman to Rome, drove others to the extreme of 
 skepticism, and breathed life into the torpid church, sending 
 its ministers out into the world of men as missionaries and 
 social reformers. 
 
 In France, after the days of July, the romantic movement 
 took full possession of literature, and the Shakespeare whom 
 Voltaire rejected became to the new school the head of the 
 corner. The sacred Alexandrine of the days of Louis XIV 
 gave way to varied measures which found their inspiration 
 in the poets of the Renaissance. The plays of Hugo and 
 Dumas drove the classical drama from the stage; the verse 
 of De Mussel, the marvelous novels of Bal/.ac were making 
 a new era in the literature of France. 
 
 Italy, alive with conspiracies, was stirring from one end to 
 the other with aspirations for national unity and with resistance 
 to the tyranny of Neapolitan Bourbons and Austrian Haps- 
 burgs. Hungary was moving restlessly ; Poland was strug 
 gling vainly with her fetters. Plans, too, for social regeneration 
 were filling the minds of men. St. Simon s works had come 
 into fashion. It was the age of Fourier and Proudhon, of 
 Bentham and Comte. 
 
 Such were the voices and such the influences which then 
 came across the Atlantic, very powerful and very impressive to 
 the young men of that day, especially to those who were begin 
 ning to reflect highly and seriously upon the meaning of life. 
 And all about them in America the same portents were visible. 
 Everything was questioned. Men dreamed dreams and saw 
 visions. There is a broad, an impassable gulf Ijetween the deep 
 and beautiful thought, the mysticism and the transcendentalism 
 of Emerson and the wild vagaries of Miller and the Second 
 
22 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 Adventists, or the crude vulgarity of Joseph Smith, yet were 
 they all manifestations of the religious cravings which had 
 succeeded the frigid skepticism of the eighteenth century and 
 the dull torpor of the period of reaction. So, too, Brook Farm 
 and the Oneida Community were widely different attempts to 
 put into practice some of the schemes of social regeneration 
 then swarming in the imagination of men. Literature was 
 uplifting itself to successes never yet reached in the New World. 
 It was the period of Poe and Hawthorne, of Longfellow and 
 Lowell, of Holmes and Whittier. Bancroft and Prescott were 
 already at \vork ; Motley was beginning his career with 
 romantic novels. And then behind all this literature, all these 
 social experiments, all these efforts to pierce the mystery of 
 man s existence, was slowly rising the agitation against 
 slavery, a dread reality destined to take possession of the 
 country s history. 
 
 These influences, these voices were everywhere when Mr. 
 
 HOAR, a vigorous, clever, thoughtful boy of sixteen, left his 
 ji 
 school at Concord and entered Harvard College in 1842. Brook 
 
 Farm had been started in the previous year ; the next was to 
 witness Miller s millennium ; he \vas halfway through college 
 when Joseph Smith was killed at Nauvoo. In his third year 
 the long battle which John Quincy Adams had waged for nearly 
 a decade in behalf of the right of petition and against the slave 
 power, and which had stirred to its depths the conscience of 
 New England, culminated in the old man s famous victory by 
 the repeal of the gag rule. 
 
 As Mr. HOAR drew to manhood the air was full of revolt and 
 
 questioning !!! thought, in literature, in religion, in society, and 
 
 \ in politics. The dominant note was faith in humanity and in 
 
 sthe perfectibility of man. Break up impeding, stifling customs, 
 
 strike down vested abuses, set men free to think, to write, to 
 
Address of Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts 23 
 
 work, to vote as they chose and all would l>e well. To Mr. 
 HOAR, with his strong inheritances, with the powerful influ 
 ences of his family and home, the spirit of the time came with 
 an irresistible appeal. It was impossible to him to be deaf to 
 its voice or to shut his ears to the poignant cry against oppres 
 sion which sounded through the world of Europe and America 
 with a fervor and pathos felt only in the great moments of 
 human history. But he was the child of the Puritans. Their 
 elemental qualities were in his blood, and the Puritans joined 
 to the highest idealism the practical attributes which had made 
 them in the days of their glory the greatest soldiers and states 
 men in Europe. Macaulay, in a well-known passage, says of 
 Cromwell s soldiers that 
 
 They moved to victory with the precision of machines, while burning 
 with the wildest fanaticism of Crusaders. 
 
 Mr. HOAR, by nature, by inheritance, by every influence of 
 time and place, an idealist, had also the strong good sense, the 
 practical shrewdness, and the reverence for law and precedent 
 which were likewise part of his birthright. He passed through 
 college with distinction, went to his brother s office for a year, 
 to the Harvard Law School, and thence, in 1849, to Worcester, 
 where he cast in his fortune with the young and growing city 
 which ever after was to be his home. But his personal for 
 tunes did not absorb him. He looked out on the world about 
 him with an eager gaze. As he said in his old age, 
 Bliss was it in that dawn to l>e alive. 
 
 The profound conviction that every man had a public duty 
 was strong within him. The spirit of the time was on him. 
 He would fain do his share. When the liberal movement cul 
 minated in Europe in 1848 he was deeply stirred. When, a 
 little later, Kossuth came to the United States the impression 
 
24 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 then made upon him by the cause and the eloquence of the 
 great Hungarian sank into his heart and was never effaced. 
 He, too, meant to do his part, however humble, in the work of 
 his time. He did not content himself with barren sympathy 
 for the oppressed beyond the seas, nor did he give himself to 
 any of the vague schemes then prevalent for the regeneration 
 of society. He turned to the question nearest at hand, to the 
 work of redressing what he believed the wrong and the sin of 
 his native land human slavery. He did not join the aboli 
 tionists, but set himself to fight slavery in the effective manner 
 which finally brought its downfall by organized political effort 
 within the precincts of the Constitution and the laws. 
 - AJ.r^HoAR had been bred a Whig. His first vote in 1847 was 
 for a Whig governor, and Daniel Webster was the close friend 
 of his father and brother. He had been brought up on Web 
 ster s reply to Hayne, and as a college student he had heard 
 him deliver the second Bunker Hill oration. In that day the 
 young Whigs of Massachusetts looked to Webster with an 
 adoring admiration. They 
 
 Followed him, honored him, 
 Lived in his mild and magnificent eye, 
 Learned his great language, caught his clear accents, 
 Made him their pattern to live and to die. 
 
 But the great command of conscience to Mr. HOAR was to 
 resist slavery, and the test of his faith was at hand. He was 
 to break from the dominant party of the State. Webster was 
 to become to him in very truth The Lost L/eader. He was to 
 join with those who called the great Senator "Ichabod," and 
 not until he himself was old was he to revert to his young ad 
 miration of that splendid intellect and that unrivaled eloquence. 
 But when the ordeal came there was no shrinking. Charles 
 Allen, of Worcester, amid derisive shouts, announced at Phila 
 delphia, after the nomination of General Taylor, that the Whig 
 
.Ictdrcss of J/r. Lodge, of Massachusetts 25 
 
 party was dissolved, and Mr. HOAR went with him. After the 
 delegates had returned to Massachusetts Mr. HOAR rendered 
 his first political service by addressing and mailing a circular 
 drawn by his elder brother, K. Rock wood Hoar, which invited 
 the antislavery Whigs to meet at Worcester and take steps 
 to oppose the election of either General Taylor or of General 
 Cass, the Democratic candidate. The convention was held 
 in Worcester on June 28, became the Free Soil party, and 
 gave their support to Van Huren. The result of the move 
 ment nationally was to defeat the Democrats in New York, as 
 the Liberty party had turned the scales against Clay four 
 years before. In Massachusetts the Worcester convention 
 marked the appearance of a group of young men who were 
 to form a new school of statesmen, and who were destined 
 to control Massachusetts and to play a leading part in guiding 
 the fortunes of the nation for forty years to come. 
 
 The Federalists, who had formed and organized the Govern 
 ment of the United States, and who were essentially construct 
 ive statesmen of great power, had followed the men of the 
 Revolution, and in turn had been succeeded by the Whigs. 
 Under the lead of Webster and Choate, of Kverett and Win- 
 throp, and others hardly less distinguished, the Whigs con 
 trolled Massachusetts for a generation. They never had seemed 
 stronger, despite Webster s personal discontent, than on the eve 
 of Taylor s election. But it was to be their last triumph. The 
 men, mostly young, who gathered at Worcester were to displace 
 them and themselves take and hold power for nearly forty years. 
 There at Worcester, with Samuel Hoar, one of the pioneers of 
 earlier days, presiding, were assembled the men of the future. 
 Charles Sunnier, Charles Francis Adams, Henry Wilson, K. R. 
 Hoar, Charles Allen, and Richard H. Dana spoke to the conven 
 tion, while Palfrey the historian, John A. Andrew, then a young, 
 
26 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 unknown lawyer, and Anson Burlingame, although not present, 
 joined with and supported them. These were not only new 7 
 men, but they represented a new political school. The Whigs, 
 inheriting the Federalist doctrines of liberal construction, were 
 essentially an economic party, devoted to the industrial and 
 material development of the country. The men who supplanted 
 them were primarily and above all human-rights statesmen, as 
 befitted the time. To them the rights of humanity came first 
 and all economic questions second. With these men and with 
 this school Mr. HOAR united himself heart and soul, swayed 
 by the sternest and strongest convictions, for which no sacri 
 fice was too great, no labors too hard. He was perhaps the 
 youngest of the men destined to high distinction who met 
 in Worcester in 1848; he was certainly the last great sur 
 vivor of this remarkable group in the largest fields of national 
 statesmanship. 
 
 Thus was the beginning made. The next step was an 
 unexpected one. There was a Free-Soil meeting in Worcester 
 in 1850. Charles Allen, who was to speak, was late, and a 
 cry went up from the impatient audience of "Hoar!". 
 "Hoar!" Neither father nor brother was present, so Mr. 
 HOAR took the platform, and speaking from the fullness of 
 his heart and with the fervor of his cause, won a success 
 which put him in demand for meetings throughout the county. 
 The following year he was made chairman of the Free-Soil 
 count}" committee, proved himself a most efficient organizer, 
 and carried all but six of the fifty-two towns in the county. 
 Then, greatly to his surprise, he was nominated for the legis 
 lature. He accepted, was elected, became the leader of the 
 Free Soilers in the house, and distinguished himself there by 
 his advocacy of the factory acts limiting the hours of labor, 
 in which Massachusetts was the pioneer. He retired at the 
 
Address of Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts 27 
 
 end of the year for which he had been chosen. In 1857 he 
 was nominated, again unexpectedly, to the State senate, was I 
 elected, served one year with marked distinction, and then j 
 retired, as he had from the house. He had, indeed, no desire 
 for office. On coming to Worcester he had been offered a 
 partnership by Emory Washburn, soon after governor of the 
 State, and later a professor in the Harvard Law School. This 
 connection brought him at once into one of the largest prac 
 tices in the county, and his partner s election to the governor- 
 ship, which soon followed, gave him entire responsibility foif,, 
 the business of the firm. He was not only very busy, but 
 he was devoted to his profession, for he possessed legal abili 
 ties of the highest order. Yet he was never too busy to give 
 his sen-ices freely to the great cause of human rights, which 
 he had so much at heart. He labored unceasingly in his 
 resistance to slavery and in building up the Republican party, 
 which during that time was fast rising into power, l>otli in 
 State and nation. 
 
 It is impossible to follow him through those eventful years 
 when freedom and slavery clinched in a death struggle far out 
 in Kansas and the black clouds of civil war were gathering 
 darkly on the horizon. But there are two incidents of that 
 period which illustrate Mr. HOAR S character so strongly that 
 they can not be passed over. In 1854 the Know Nothing 
 movement broke out with all the force of a tropical hurricane. ] 
 To men painfully struggling to bring a great cause to judgment 
 against the resistance of the old and dominant parties it offered 
 many temptations. The new party was overwhelming in its 
 strength; it evidently could not last indefinitely; it was sound 
 on the slavery question, and it promised to act as a powerful 
 solvent and disintegrate the old organizations which every Free 
 Soiler rightly thought was vital to their own success. But Mr. 
 
28 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 HOAR, unmoved by the storm, believing in freedom of con 
 science as he believed in political freedom, set himself in stern 
 opposition to a party which rested on the principle of discrimi 
 nation and ostracism against all men of a certain race or of a 
 given creed. No public clamor then or ever was able to sway 
 him from those ideals of faith and conduct which were the 
 guiding stars of his life. 
 
 The other incident was widely different and even more char 
 acteristic/- If there was one thing more hateful to Mr. HOAR 
 than another in those days it was the return of runaway slaves 
 to the South by the authorities of Northern States. Massachu 
 setts was the scene of some of the worst examples of this bad 
 business, and the wrath of the people was deeply stirred. In 
 1 854 a deputy marshal connected with the work of slave catch 
 ing arrived in Worcester. His presence became known, and 
 an angry mob, utterly uncontrollable by the little police force 
 of the town, gathered about the hotel. The man was in immi- 
 nent danger and stricken with terror. No one loathed a slave 
 catcher more than Mr. HOAR, but the idealist gave way to the 
 lover of law and ordered liberty. Mr. HOAR went out and 
 addressed the crowd, then gave his arm to the terrified man, 
 walked with him down the street, surrounded by a few friends, 
 and so got him to the station and out of the town, bruised 
 
 by blows but alive and in safety. 
 
 -^ 
 
 So the years of that memorable time went by. Mr. HOAR 
 worked diligently in his profession, rising to the front rank of 
 ithe bar and laboring in season and out of season in support of 
 the Republican party and of the Administration of Lincoln 
 when the civil \var came. He had neither thought nor desire 
 for public life or public office. He wished to succeed in his 
 profession, to live quietly at home among his books, and he 
 cherished the modest ambition of one day becoming a judge 
 
Address of Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts 29 
 
 of the supreme court of the State. But it was ordered other 
 wise. In itS68 Mr. HOAR went to Europe, worn out by hard A 
 work at his profession. There were at the moment many 
 candidates for the nomination for Congress in the Worcester 
 district, and most of them were strong and able men. In this 
 condition of affairs Mr. HOAR consented to let some of his 
 friends bring his name forward, and then took his departure 
 for Europe. Travel and rest brought back his health and he 
 returned home eager for his profession, regretting that he had 
 allowed his name to be suggested as that of a candidate for 
 any position, only to find himself nominated for Congress on 
 the first ballot taken in the convention. So his life in Wash 
 ington l>egan, with no desire or expectation on his part of a 
 sen-ice of more than one or two terms. At the end of his 
 second term he announced his intention of withdrawing and 
 was persuaded to reconsider it. The fourth time he was 
 obliged again to withdraw a refusal to run because it was a 
 year of peril to the party. The next time the refusal was 
 final and his successor was nominated and elected. 
 s~ His eight years in the House were crowded with work. He 
 j began with a very moderate estimate of his own capacities, 
 I but his power of eloquent speech and his knowledge and ability 
 J as a lawyer soon brought him forward. When S. S. Cox 
 sneered at him one day, saying "Massachusetts had not sent 
 her Hector to the field," and Mr. HOAR replied that there was 
 \ no need to send Hector to meet Thersites, the House recog 
 nized a quick and biting wit, of which it was well to l>eware. 
 When Mr. HOAR entered the House Congress was engaged 
 in completing the work which by the war and the emancipation 
 of the slaves had marked the triumph of that mighty struggle 
 for human freedom to which he had given his youth and early 
 manhood. He was therefore absorbed in the questions raised 
 
30 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 \>\ the reconstruction policy, which involved the future of the 
 race he had hoped to free, and he labored especially in the 
 interests of that race for the establishment of national educa 
 tion, which, after years of effort constantly renewed, ultimately 
 failed of accomplishment. But the civil war, besides its great 
 triumphs of a Union preserved and a race set free, had left also 
 the inevitable legacy of such convulsions, great social and 
 political demoralization in all parts of the country and in all 
 phases of public and private life. Political patronage ran riot 
 among the offices and made Mr. HOAR one of the most ardent, 
 as he was one of the earliest and most effective, of civil-service 
 reformers. Unhappily, however, the poison of the time pene 
 trated much higher in the body politic than the small routine 
 offices so sorely misused under the "spoils system." It was 
 an era when Cabinet officers and party leaders were touched 
 and smirched and when one Congressional investigation fol 
 lowed hard upon another. Mr. HOAR S keenness as a lawyer, 
 his power as a cross-examiner, and his fearless and indignant 
 honesty caused the House to turn to him for this work of 
 punishment and purification, which was as painful as it was 
 necessary. He was a member of the committee to investigate 
 the Freedmen s Bureau, and took part in the report which 
 exonerated General Howard. He was one of the House 
 managers in the Belknap trial and the leading member of the 
 committee which investigated the Union Pacific Railroad and 
 the scandals of the Credit Mobilier. 
 
 But his greatest and most distinguished service came to"Tiim 
 just as his career in the House was drawing to a close. The 
 demoralization of the war, the working out of reconstruction, 
 the abnormal conditions which war and reconstruction together 
 had produced, culminated in 1876 in a disputed Presidential 
 election. Into the events of that agitated winter it is needless 
 
Address of Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts 31 
 
 and impossible to enter. The situation was in the highest de 
 gree perilous, and everyone recogni/.ed that a grave crisis had 
 arisen in the history of the Republic. Finally an electoral tri 
 bunal was established which settled the controversy and re 
 moved the danger. Upon that tribunal Mr. HOAR was placed 
 by a Democratic Speaker as one of the representatives of the 
 House, and this appointment alone was sufficient to fix his place 
 as one of the political leaders of the country. With this great 
 and responsible task accomplished, his career in the House 
 drew to a close. Yet even while he was thus engaged a new 
 and larger service came to him by his election to the_j$enate. 
 He was then, as when he entered the House, without desire 
 for public office. He still longed to return to- his library and 
 his profession and allow the pleasures and honors as well as the 
 trials of public life to pass by. But again it was not to be. 
 There was at that time a strong and deep-rooted opposition to 
 the dominance of General Butler in the politics of Massachu 
 setts, and this opposition, determined to have a Senator in full 
 sympathy with them, took up Mr. HOAR as their candidate 
 and, without effort or even desire on his part, elected him. 
 
 So he passed from the House to the Senate. He entered the 
 Senate a leader, and a leader he remained to the end, ever 
 growing in strength and influence, ever filling a larger place, 
 until he was recognized everywhere as one of the first of Amer 
 ican statesmen, until his words were listened to by all his 
 countrymen, until there gathered about him the warm light of 
 history, and men saw when he rose in debate 
 The past of the nation in battle there. 
 
 Neither time nor the occasion permits me to trace in fitting 
 detail that long and fine career in the Senate. Mr. HOAR was 
 a great Senator. He brought to his service an intense patriot 
 ism, a trained intellect, wide learning, a profound knowledge 
 
32 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 of law and history, an unsullied character, and noble abilities. 
 All these gifts he expended without measure or stint in his 
 country s service. His industry was extraordinary and unceas 
 ing. Whatever he spared in life, he never spared himself in 
 the performance of his public duty. The laws .settling the 
 Presidential succession, providing for the count of the electoral 
 vote, for the final repeal of the tenure-of -office act, for a uniform 
 system of bankruptcy, are among the more conspicuous monu 
 ments of his industry and energy and of his power as a con 
 structive lawmaker and statesman. Nor did his activity cease 
 with the work of the Senate. He took a large part in public 
 discussion in every political campaign and in the politics of his 
 own State. He was a delegate to four national conventions, a 
 leading figure in all, and in 1880 he presided at Chicago, with 
 extraordinary power, tact, and success, over the stormiest con 
 vention, with a single exception, known to our history. 
 1 1 In the Senate he was a great debater, quick in retort, with all 
 the resources of his mind always at his command. Although 
 he had no marked gifts of presence, voice, or deliver}-, he was 
 none the less a master of brilliant and powerful speech. His 
 style was noble and dignified, with a touch of the stateliness of 
 the eighteenth century, rich in imagery and allusion, full of the 
 apt quotations which an unerring taste, an iron memory, and 
 the widest reading combined to furnish. When he was roused, 
 when his imagination was fired, his feelings engaged, or his 
 indignation awakened, he was capable of a passionate eloquence 
 which touched every chord of emotion and left no one who lis 
 tened to him unmoved. At these moments, whether he spoke 
 on the floor of the Senate, in the presence of a great popular 
 audience, or in the intimacy of private conversation, the words 
 glowed, the sentences marshaled themselves in stately sequence, 
 and the idealism which was the dominant note of his life was 
 
Address of Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts 33 
 
 heard sounding clear and strong above and beyond all pleas of 
 interest or expediency. 
 
 So \ve come back to the light which shone upon his early 
 years and which never failed him to the last. Mr. HOAR 
 was lx>rn in the period of revolt. He joined the human- 
 rights statesmen of that remarkable time. He shared in 
 their labors; he saw the once unpopular cause rise up victo 
 rious through the stress and storm of battle; he beheld the 
 visions of his youth change into realities and his country 
 emerge triumphant from the awful ordeal of civil war. He 
 came into public life in season to join in completing the 
 work of the men who had given themselves up to the 
 destruction of slavery and the preservation of the Union. 
 But even then the mighty emotions of those terrible years 
 were beginning to subside. The seas which had been run 
 ning mountain high were going down, the tempestuous winds 
 before which the ship of state had driven for long years were 
 dropping and bid fair to come out from another quarter. 
 The country was passing into a new political period. Ques 
 tions involving the rights of men and the wrongs of humanity 
 gave place throughout the world of western civilization to 
 those of trade and commerce, of tariffs and currency and 
 finance. The world returned to a period when the issues 
 were economic, industrial, and commercial, and when the 
 vast organizations of capital and labor opened up a new 
 series of problems. In the United States, as the issues of 
 the war faded into the distance and material prosperity was 
 carried to heights undreamed of before, the nation turned 
 Inevitably from the completed conquest of its own continent 
 to expansion beyond its borders, and to the assertion of a 
 control and authority which were its due among the great 
 powers of the earth. Many years before Mr. HOAR S death 
 S. Doc. 201, 58-3 3 
 
34 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 the change was complete, and he found himself a leader in 
 the midst of a generation whose interests and whose concep 
 tions differed widely from those to which his own life had 
 been devoted. He took up the new questions with the same 
 zeal and the same power which he had brought to the old. 
 He made himself master of the tariff, aided thereto by his 
 love of the great industrial community which he had seen 
 grow up about him at Worcester, and whose success he 
 attributed to the policy of protection. In the same way he 
 studied, reflected upon, and discussed problems of banking 
 and currency and the conflict of standards. But at bottom 
 all these questions were alien to him. However thoroughly 
 he mastered them, however wisely he dealt with them, they 
 never touched his heart. His inheritance of sound sense, 
 of practical intelligence, of reverence for precedent, rendered 
 it easy for him to appreciate and understand the value and 
 importance of matters involving industrial prosperity and the 
 growth of trade; but the underlying idealism made these 
 questions at the same time seem wholly inferior to the 
 nobler aspirations upon which his youth was nurtured. An 
 idealist he was born, and so he lived and died. Neither 
 skepticism nor experience could chill the hopes or dim the 
 visions of his young manhood. He was imbued with the 
 profound and beautiful faith in humanity characteristic of 
 that earlier time. He lived to find himself in an atmosphere 
 where this faith was invaded by doubt and questioning^ 
 
 How much that great movement, driven forward by faith in 
 humanity and hope for its future, to which Mr. HOAR gave all 
 that was best of his youth and manhood, accomplished, it is not 
 easy to estimate. It is enough to say that the results were vast 
 in their beneficence. But the wrongs and burdens which it 
 
Address of Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts 35 
 
 swept away were known by the sharp exi>erience of actual suf 
 fering only to the generations which had endured them. The 
 succeeding generation had never felt the hardships and oppres 
 sions which had j>erished, but were keenly alive to all the evils 
 which survived. Hence the inevitable tendency to doubt the 
 worth of any great movement which -has come, done its work, 
 and gone, asserted itself; for there are no social or political 
 panaceas, although mankind never ceases to look for them and 
 expect them. To a ]>eriod of enthusiasm, aspiration, and faith, 
 resulting in great changes and in great l>enefits to humanity, a 
 period of skepticism and reaction almost always succeeds. The 
 work goes on, what has been accomplished is made sure, much 
 good is done, but the spirit of the age alters. 
 y^The new generation inclined to the view of science and his 
 tory that there were ineradicable differences between the races 
 of men. They questioned the theory that opportunity was 
 equivalent to capacity; they refused to believe that a ]>eople 
 totally ignorant or to whom freedom and self-government were 
 unknown could carry on successfully the complex machinery of 
 constitutional and representative government which it had cost 
 the English-speaking peoples centuries of effort and training to 
 bring forth./ To expect this seemed to the new time as unrea 
 sonable as to believe that an Ashantee could regulate a watch 
 l>ecause it was given to him, or an Arruwhimi dwarf run a loco 
 motive to anything but wreck because the lever was placed in 
 his hands. Through all these shifting phases of thought and 
 feeling Mr. HOAR remained unchanged, a man of 4^, his ideals 
 unaltered, his faith in tlie quick perfectibility of humanity 
 unshaken, his hopes for the world of men still glowing with the 
 warmth and light of eager youth. And when all is said, when 
 science and skepticism and experience have spoken their last 
 
36 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 word, the ideals so cherished by him still stand as noble and 
 inspiring as the faith upon which they rested was beautiful and 
 complete.// The man who steered his course by stars like these 
 could never lose his reckoning or be at variance with the eter 
 nal verities which alone can lift us from the earth. His own 
 experience, moreover, although mingled with disappointments, 
 as is the common fate of man, could but confirm his faith and 
 hope. He had dreamed dreams and seen visions in his youth, 
 but he had beheld those dreams turn to -reality and those 
 visions come true in a manner rarely vouchsafed. He had seen 
 the slave freed and the Union saved. He had shared with his 
 countrymen in their marvelous onward march to prosperity and 
 power. He had seen rise up from the revolt of 1848 a free and 
 united Italy, a united Germany, a French Republic, a free 
 Hungary. He would have been a cynic and a skeptic indeed if 
 he had wavered in his early faith. And so his ideals and the 
 triumphs they had won made him full of confidence and cour 
 age, even to the end. He, too, could say: 
 
 I find earth not gray, but rosy; 
 
 Heaven not grim, but fair of hue. 
 Do I stoop? I pluck a posy. 
 
 Do I stand and stare? All s blue. 
 
 This splendid optimism, this lofty faith in his country, this 
 belief in humanity never failed. The} were with him in his 
 boyhood; they were still with him, radiant and vital, in the 
 days when he lay dying in Worcester. It was all part of his 
 philosophy of life, knit in the fibers of his being and pervading 
 his most sacred beliefs. To him the man who could not 
 recognize the limitations of life on earth was as complete a 
 failure as the man who, knowing the limitations, sat down 
 content among them. To him the man who knew the limita 
 tions but ever strove toward the perfection he could not reach 
 
Address of Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts 37 
 
 was the victorious soul, the true servant of God. As Browning 
 wrote in his old age, he, too, might have said that he was 
 
 One who never turned his hack, but marched breast forward, 
 
 Never doubted clouds would break, 
 Never dreamed, though right were worsted, wron^ would triumph, 
 
 Held we fall to rise, are baffled to fitfht l>etter, 
 Sleep to wake. 
 
 He had an unusually fortunate and happy life. He was 
 fortunate in the knowledge of great work done, happy in 
 never knowing idleness or the distress of wondering painfully 
 how to pass away the short time allowed to us here, or the 
 miserable craving for constant excitement so marked at the 
 present moment. His vacations were filled, as were his working 
 hours. He traveled wisely and well, and the Old World spoke 
 to him as she only does to those who know her history. He 
 was a lover of nature. He rejoiced in the beauties of hill and 
 stream and forest, of sea and sky, and delighted to watch the 
 flight of the eagle or listen to the note of the song birds in 
 whose name he wrote the charming petition which brought 
 them the protection of the law in Massachusetts. 
 / He was a scholar in the wide, generous, unspecialized sense 
 of an older and more leisurely age than this. His Greek and 
 Latin went with him through life, and the great poets and 
 dramatists and historians of antiquity were his familiar friends. 
 His knowledge of English literature was extraordinary, as 
 extensive as it was minute and curious. His books were his 
 companions, an unfailing resource, a pleasure never exhausted. 
 To him history had unrolled her ample page, and as antiquarian 
 and collector he had all the joys which come from research and 
 from the gradual acquisition of those treasures which appeal to 
 the literary, the historic, or the artistic sense. 
 
 Any man of well-balanced mind who is wedded to high 
 ideals is sure to possess q great loyalty of soul. It is from 
 
38 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 such men that martyrs have been made, the true martyrs 
 whose blood has been the seed of churches and across whose 
 fallen bodies great causes have inarched to triumph. But it is 
 also from men of this stamp, whose minds are warped, that 
 the fanatics, the unreasoning and mischievous extremists like 
 wise come, those who at best only ring an alarm bell, and 
 who usually are thoroughly harmful, not only to the especial 
 cause they champion, but to all other good causes, which they 
 entirely overlook. There is, therefore, no slight peril in the 
 temperament of the thorough going idealist, unless it is bal 
 anced and controlled, as it was with Mr. HOAR, by sound 
 sense and by an appreciation of the relation which the idealist 
 and his ideals bear to the universe at large. It was said of a 
 brilliant contemporary of Mr. HOAR, like him an idealist, that 
 if he had lived in the Middle Ages, he would have gone to 
 the stake for a principle under a misapprehension as to the 
 facts." Mr. HOAR would have gone to the stake socially, 
 politically, and physically rather than yield certain profound 
 beliefs. But if he had made this last great sacrifice, he would 
 have known just what he was doing and would have been 
 under no misapprehension as to the facts. 
 
 LtQyalty to his ideals, moreover, was not his only lo) 7 alty. 
 He was bv_nature a partisan; he could not hold faiths or take 
 sides lightly or indifferently. He loved the great part} he had 
 helped to found in that strongest of all ways, with an open- 
 eyed and not a "blind affection. He more than once differed 
 from his party; he sometimes opposed it on particular meas 
 ures; he once, at least, parted with it on a great national issue; 
 but he never would leave it; he never faltered in its support. 
 He believed that two great parties were essential bulwarks of 
 responsible representative government. He felt that a man 
 could do far more and far better by remaining in his party, 
 even if he thought it wrong in some one particular, than by 
 
Address of Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts 39 
 
 going outside and becoming a mere snarling critic. No man 
 respected and cherished genuine independence more than he, 
 and no man more heartily despised those who gave to hatred, 
 malice, and all uncharitableness the honored name of inde 
 pendence. Nothing could tear him from the great organiza 
 tion he had helped and labored to build up. If anyone had 
 ever tried to drive him out, he would have spoken to Republi 
 cans as Webster did to the Whigs in 1842 at Faneuil Hall, 
 when he said: 
 
 I am a Whig; I always have been a Whig, and I alway;: will be one; 
 and if there are any who would turn me out of the pale of that com 
 munion, let them see who will get out first. 
 
 Mr. HOAR S high ideals and unswerving loyalty were not 
 confined to public life and public duty. He was not of those 
 who raise loft}- standards in the eyes of the world and then 
 lower and forget them in the privacy of domestic life and in 
 the beaten way of friendship. He was brought up in days 
 when "plain living and high thinking" was not the mere 
 phrase which it has since become, but a real belief, and to 
 that belief he always adhered. He cast away a large income 
 and all hope of wealth for the sake of the public service. 
 He had no faculty for saving money and no desire to attempt it. 
 If he made a large fee in an occasional case, if his pen brought 
 him a handsome reward, it all went iul)Qoks or pictures, in the 
 hospitality he loved to exercise, and in the most private chari 
 ties, always far beyond his means. He once said that he had 
 Ijeen more than thirty years in public life and all he had accu 
 mulated was a few books. But there was no bitterness, no repin 
 ing in the words. He respected riches wisely used for the public 
 good, but he was as free from vulgar admiration as he was from 
 the equally vulgar hatred of wealth. He was, in a word, simply 
 indifferent to the possession of money a fine attitude,- never 
 more worthy of consideration and respect than in these very days. 
 
4-O Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 His love for his native land was an intense and mastering 
 emotion. His country rose before his imagination like some 
 goddess of the infant world, the light of hope shining in her 
 luminous eyes, a sweet smile upon her lips, the sword of justice 
 in her fearless hand, her broad shield stretched out to shelter 
 the desolate and oppressed. Before that gracious vision he 
 bowed his head in homage. His family and friends Massa- 
 setts, Concord, Harvard College, Worcester he loved and 
 served them all with a passion and affection in which there was 
 no shadow of turning. His pride in the Senate, in its history 
 and its power, and his affection for it were only excelled by his 
 jealous care for its dignity and its prerogatives. He might at 
 times criticise its actions, but he would permit no one else to 
 do so or to reflect in his presence upon what he regarded as the 
 greatest legislative, body ever devised by man, wherein the 
 ambassadors of sovereign States met together to guard and to 
 advance the fortunes of the Republic. Beneath a manner 
 sometimes cold, sometimes absent-minded, often indifferent, 
 beat one of the tenderest hearts in the world. He had known 
 many men in his day all the great public men, all the men of 
 science, of letters, or of art and his judgments upon them 
 were just and generous, yet at the same time .shrewd, keen, 
 and by no means overlenient. But when he had once taken 
 a man within the circle of his affections he idealized him imme 
 diately; there was thenceforth no fleck or spot upon him, and 
 he would describe him in glowing phrases which depicted a 
 being whom the world perhaps did not know or could not rec 
 ognize. It was easy to smile at some of his estimates of those 
 who were dear to him, but we can only bow in reverence 
 before the love and loyalty which inspired the thought for 
 these are beautiful qualities which can never go out of fashion. 
 
 /He was a fearless and ready fighter; he struck hard and did 
 not flinch from the return. His tongue could utter bitter 
 
Address of Mr. Lodge, of Massachusetts 41 
 
 words, which fell like a whip and left a scar behind, but he 
 cherished no resentments, he nursed no grudges. As the 
 shadows lengthened he softened, and grew ever gentler and 
 more tolerant. The caustic wit gave place more and more to 
 the kindly humor which was one of his greatest attributes^/ In 
 the latter days he would fain have been at peace with all men, 
 and he sought only for that which was good in everyone about 
 him. He died in the fullness of years, with his affections 
 unchilled, his fine intellect undimmed. He met death with 
 the calm courage with which he had faced the trials of life. 
 
 He took his shriveled hand without resistance 
 And found him smiling as his step drew near. 
 
 So he passed from among us, a man of noble character and 
 high abilities. He did a great work; he lived to the full the 
 life of his time. He was a great Senator a great public 
 servant laboring to aid his fellow-men and to uplift humanity. 
 
 He has fought a good fight, he has finished his course, he has kept the 
 faith. 
 
 May we not say of him, in the words of one of the poets who 
 inspired his imagination, in the noble language he so dearly 
 
 loved : 
 
 Kuiyor ToS cz ^o? na.6i noMraif 
 
 yap 
 
 On all this folk, both low and high, 
 
 A grief has fallen beyond men s fears. 
 
 There cometh a throbbing of many tears, 
 
 A sound as of waters falling. 
 
 For when great men die, 
 
 A mighty name and a bitter cry 
 
 Rise up from a nation calling. 
 
 NOTE. This English version of the last chorus in the Hippolytus of 
 Euripides is taken from the remarkable and very beautiful translation 
 of that tragedy by Professor Murray. 
 
42 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. ALLISON, OF IOWA 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT: I have listened with profound interest and 
 with much gratification to the address just delivered by the 
 senior Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] , portraying 
 the story of the life, character, and public services of his late 
 colleague, Senator GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR. That character 
 was a great one, and it has been so eloquently depicted by the 
 Senator from Massachusetts that it seems almost impossible 
 for anyone else to add to that beautiful tribute. I regret that, 
 with the occupations and duties pressing upon me at this late 
 stage of the session, I have not had time to make the necessary 
 preparation for speaking as I should like to speak of the dis 
 tinguished public services rendered by the late Senator HOAR 
 in the two Houses of Congress, covering a continuous period 
 of thirty-five years. I can not, however, refrain from express 
 ing in brief terms my appreciation of those services and 
 offering what must necessarily be an imperfect tribute to his 
 memory. 
 
 I was fortunate enough to be a Member of the House of 
 Representatives when Mr. HOAR first appeared in that body 
 in 1869. He entered the House fully equipped for the great 
 work of the period immediately following the close of the 
 civil war, having previously enjoyed unusual advantages and 
 opportunities. He came of a long line of ancestry of educated 
 and scholarly men, who had achieved distinction in his native 
 State. He had the advantage of an intellectual training in 
 the oldest and most distinguished university in our country, 
 and in his early youth had not only in his own family, but 
 
Address of Mr. Allison, of Iowa 43 
 
 among his immediate surroundings, the example and influence 
 of many illustrious scholars and writers. Reared in an atmos 
 phere of "plain living and high thinking," of right speaking 
 and right acting, he had formed lofty ideals of private conduct 
 and public duty. 
 
 He entered upon the practice of his chosen profession of the 
 law, and soon after had the good fortune to become associated 
 with one of the most distinguished members of the New 
 Kngland bar, which brought him at once into great activity 
 as a lawyer in the courts. 
 
 Thus equipped, he entered upon the work of the House of 
 Representatives. A close student of the history of our country, 
 he was familiar with the public questions that confronted him 
 and was equally familiar with the details of the events which 
 brought about the then existing conditions. Having great 
 ability and large experience as a lawyer, and entering the 
 House at the mature age of 43 years, it was expected that he 
 would soon take high rank in that body. This expectation 
 was fully reali/ed. He early became one of the ablest and 
 most conspicuous Members of the House, and participated 
 actively in the enactment of legislation to solve the difficult 
 problems which were from time to time presented. 
 
 His leadership in the House was early recognized by his 
 assignment to most important duties; notably, he was a leading 
 manager in the Belknap impeachment trial in 1876. He was 
 also one of the members, on the part of the House, of the Elec 
 toral Commission of 1877, the decisions of which resulted in 
 the peaceful inauguration of President Hayes and averted what 
 then appeared to be a most dangerous situation arising from a 
 defect or omission in the law respecting the method of counting 
 the electoral votes for President and Vice- President. Although 
 in the heat of partisan debate the decisions of the Commission 
 
44 Life and Character of George F, Hoar 
 
 were for a time criticized, it is now generally admitted that the 
 whole scheme as respects the creation of the Commission and 
 its decisions meet the general approval of the people of our 
 country as the wisest and best mode of adjusting that emergent 
 difficulty, which is not likely to occur in the future. 
 
 He took his seat in the Senate on the 4th of March, 1877, 
 and brought with him the added reputation and distinction 
 achieved in his eight years of service in the House. He served 
 here continuously until the date of his death, for a period of 
 more than twenty-seven years. 
 
 His service here was, coustant^active, and vigilant; and with 
 out disparagement of any of the eminent men who served with 
 him during this long period, it may be truthfully said that, 
 compared with him, there were few, if any, who brought to 
 this service higher ideals of public duty, greater industry in 
 public work, greater learning as respects the structure of our 
 Government, or a wider knowledge of its constitutional history 
 and the successive steps in its growth and development. 
 .^He was a ready and incisive debater, as man} of us have 
 reason to remember, with great power of analysis, and with 
 a very accurate knowledge of almost every conceivable sub 
 ject that was likely to arise in debate. He was quick to 
 detect the weak points in the armor of his adversary, and 
 being himself armed with rapier and scimiter he was always 
 ready to thrust or parry a blow. 
 
 He made many speeches in the Senate on many subjects. 
 He readily utilized his wide knowledge of history as appli 
 cable to the particular matter under consideration. He often 
 made studied preparation for such efforts; but with wide read 
 ing, a well-stored mind, and a most retentive memory, he 
 made many able and effective speeches without such prepa 
 ration. Many Senators will recollect that some of the ablest 
 
Address of Mr. Allison, of Iowa 45 
 
 speeches made by Senator HOAR were delivered in executive 
 session when great topics were under consideration. 
 
 Senator HOAR was an orator. He had the power of utter 
 ing his thoughts in a manner to produce conviction or per 
 suasion. He charmed his hearers with the wealth and beauty 
 of his rhetoric and diction.// 
 
 /jfirom his early life he was a believer in universal freedom 
 and in the mission of our country to make laws universal in 
 their application as respects the people of all races, giving 
 equal opportunities to all. Thus for years he advocated the 
 appropriation of public money from the Treasury of the 
 United States for the education of the negro race in the South 
 in order to qualify that race for the duties of citizenship. 
 His eloquent advocacy of that duty of our Government may 
 yet in time appeal convincingly to legislators who are here 
 and those who may come hereafter. / 
 
 He believed that our country was intended to be an asy 
 lum for all oppressed peoples, and therefore he opposed all 
 laws prohibiting immigration of particular races, and espe 
 cially opposed the enactment of the laws prohibiting Chinese 
 immigration into our country, but later yielded to the gen 
 eral sentiment on that subject. I think one of the ablest 
 speeches that has been delivered on this floor was a speech 
 made by Senator HOAR in opposition to the enactment of a pro 
 posed law for the prohibition of the immigration of Chinese ^ 
 
 \Ve all remember how earnestly he opposed the entire scheme 
 for control over the Philippine Archipelago. He believed that 
 those people should be left to work out their own destiny in 
 such manner as to them seemed wisest and best, differing in 
 that respect from the great majority of his party, and possibly 
 from a great majority of the people of the country. But he 
 was also ja__partifta^ He believed that the great interests of 
 
46 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 this country could be more safely intrusted to the Republican 
 party than to any other. Therefore he steadily adhered to 
 that party, though differing from it in respect to some of its 
 declared public policies, of which I have given a notable 
 illustration. 
 
 Senator HOAR was an industrious man always investiga 
 ting, working, thinking, writing, and speaking upon subjects 
 of great interest. His Recollections disclose this trait in his 
 character to a marked degree, but it was illustrated in other 
 \vays. During his vacations he prepared with care and deliv 
 ered many speeches and orations upon topics of general interest 
 not political in character. Those speeches would make a most 
 interesting and instructive volume, and I hope that at no dis 
 tant day they will be gathered into a volume for the benefit of 
 students of our history. 
 
 Those speeches were often of a historical character, and 
 disclosed that in their preparation he had delved into obscure 
 records and gathered incidents not found in published papers. 
 His oration at the centennial of the settlement of Ohio, deliv 
 ered at Marietta, is a notable illustration of this painstaking 
 preparation, and is the most complete history of that early 
 settlement which has been \vritten, so far as I have been able 
 to observe. 
 
 / . During the last years of his life, though feeble in health, he 
 / made several speeches of this character, to one of which I wish 
 to make particular allusion. Two years ago the president of 
 the Iowa State University made a journey to Washington with 
 a message from the regents of the university inviting Senator 
 HOAR to deliver the oration at their annual commencement in 
 1903. That invitation was extended to Senator HOAR on 
 account of the general admiration of his lofty character and 
 his great public worth. He expressed a wish to comply with 
 
Address of Mr. Allison, of Iowa 47 
 
 the request, but doubted whether he had the health and 
 strength to make preparation and also to make the journey. 
 He was finally persuaded to accept. On that occasion he 
 delivered a most charming and finished oration relative to the 
 growth and development of the country west of the Mississippi 
 River. It is now and will be for many years one of the most 
 pleasant memories of the people of our State who heard him 
 that they had that rare opportunity of listening to his 
 eloquence. 
 
 At the time of his death he aad the respect and the affec 
 tion of all the people whom he had long served faithfully 
 and well. 
 
 Mr. President, I repeat that it is to me a source of sincere 
 regret that, owing to the pressure of public duties, I have been 
 prevented from making the proper preparation to pay fitting 
 tribute to the memory of this illustrious man. I knew him 
 personally during the entire term of his service in both Houses 
 of Congress, and I am most happy to say that during that 
 extended period we were always upon the most pleasant and 
 agreeable terms of friendship. 
 
48 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. COCKRELL, OF MISSOURI 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT: I willingly unite with others in this Cham 
 ber in paying just tribute to the memory of Hon. GEORGE 
 FRISBIE HOAR, late a United States Senator from the State 
 of Massachusetts. 
 
 He was born at Concord, Mass., August 29, 1826, and died 
 on the 30th day of September, 1904. He graduated at Har 
 vard College in 1846, studied law and graduated at the Dane 
 Law School, Harvard University, and entered upon the prac 
 tice of his chosen profession at Worcester, Mass., thereafter 
 his residence. He was elected a member of the State house 
 of representatives in 1852, and of the State senate in 1857, 
 and subsequently served as a Representative in the Forty- 
 first, Forty-second, Forty-third, and Forty-fourth Congresses, 
 serving continuously for eight years, and declined a renom- 
 ination for Representative in the Forty-fifth Congress. 
 
 He was elected as a Republican to the United States Sen 
 ate to succeed Hon. George S. Boutwell, for the term begin 
 ning March 4, 1877, and was reelected in 1883, 1889, 1895, 
 and 1901. His term would have expired March 3, 1907. 
 He was an overseer of Harvard College 1874-1880, declined 
 reelection, but was reelected in 1896, and again for six years 
 in 1900. He \vas president of the association of the alumni 
 of Harvard. 
 
 He presided over the Massachusetts State Republican con 
 ventions in 1871, 1877, 1882, and 1885, and was a delegate to 
 the Republican national conventions of 1876, at Cincinnati, 
 and of 1880, 1884, and 1888 at Chicago. Presided over the 
 
Address of Mr. Cockrcll, of Missouri 49 
 
 convention of 1880, and was chairman of the Massachusetts 
 delegation in 1880, 1884, and 1888. In the Forty-fourth Con 
 gress he \vas one of the managers on the part of the House 
 of Representatives in the Belknap impeachment trial in 1876. 
 In 1877 he was one of the five Members of the House of 
 Representatives appointed on the commission authori/ed by 
 the act of January 29, 1877, entitled "An act to provide fori 
 and regulate the counting of votes for President and Vice- > 
 President and the decision of questions arising thereon for 
 the term commencing March 4, A. I). 1877." 
 
 He was a Regent of the Smithsonian Institution in 1880; 
 president of the American Antiquarian Society, of the Ameri 
 can Historical Association, and of the board of trustees of 
 Clark University; trustee of the Peabody Museum of Archae 
 ology and of Leicester Academy; a member of the Massa 
 chusetts Historical Society, of the American Historical Society, 
 of the Historic-Genealogical Society, and of the Virginia His 
 torical Society; fellow of the American Academy of Arts 
 and Sciences, and corresponding member of the Brooklyn 
 Institute of Arts and Sciences, and a trustee of the Peabody 
 Fund. 
 
 He received the degree of doctor of laws from William 
 and Mary, Amherst, Yale, Harvard, and Dartmouth colleges. 
 These many positions of trust and honor conferred upon 
 and held by him illustrate the diversity of his pursuits and 
 attainments. 
 
 In the Forty-first Congress Mr. HOAR supported Senator 
 Simmer in his opposition to President Grant s Santo Domingo 
 proposal, and was recognized as a formidable antagonist in 
 debate. 
 
 In the Forty-second Congress Mr. HOAR, in the contested- 
 election cases in the House, was regarded as an impartial 
 S. Doc. 201, 58-3 4 
 
50 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 judge and honored as such by Republicans and Democrats 
 alike. 
 
 My personal acquaintance with Mr. HOAR began in the 
 Forty-fourth Congress, when he was one of the managers on 
 the part of the House in the Belknap impeachment trial. I 
 shall never forget his denunciation of corruption and bribery 
 in office, so forcibly and fearlessly expressed in the following 
 language in his pleading before the impeachment court (I 
 quote from his Autobiography of Seventy Years): 
 
 I said a little while ago that the Constitution had no safeguards to 
 throw away. You will judge w T hether the public events of to-day 
 admonish us to look well to all our securities to prevent or power to pun 
 ish the great guilt of corruption in office. We must not confound idle 
 clamor with public opinion, or accept the accusations of scandal and malice 
 instead of proof; but we shall make a worse mistake if, because of the 
 multitude of false and groundless charges against men in high office, we 
 fail to redress substantial grievances or to deal with cases of actual guilt. 
 The worst evil resulting from the indiscriminate attack of an unscrupulous 
 press upon men in public station is not that innocence suffers, but that 
 crime escapes. Let scandal and malice be encountered by pure and stain 
 less lives. Let corruption and bribery meet their lawful punishment. 
 
 My own public life has been a very brief and insignificant one, extend 
 ing little beyond the duration of a single term of Senatorial office; but in 
 that brief period I have seen five judges of a high court of the United 
 States driven from office by threats of impeachment for maladministra 
 tion. I have heard the taunt, from friendliest lips, that when the United 
 States presented herself in the East to take part with the civilized world 
 in generous competition in the arts of life the only product of her institu 
 tions in which she surpassed all others beyond question was her corrup 
 tion. I have seen, in the State in the Union foremost in power and wealth, 
 four judges of her courts impeached for corruption and the political admin 
 istration of her chief city become a disgrace and a byword throughout the 
 world. I have seen the chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs 
 in the House, now a distinguished member of this court, rise in his place 
 and demand the expulsion of four of his associates for making sale of their 
 official privilege of selecting the youths to be educated at our great mili 
 tary school. When the greatest railroad of the world, binding together 
 the continent and uniting two great seas which wash our shores, was 
 finished, I have seen our national triumph and exultation turned to bitter 
 ness and shame by the unanimous reports of three committees of Con 
 gress two of the House and one here that every step of that mighty 
 
Address of Mr. Cockrcll, of Missouri 51 
 
 enterprise had been taken in fraud. I have heard in highest places the 
 shameless doctrine avowed by men grown old in public office that the true 
 way by which jxnver should be gained in the Republic is to bribe the 
 people with the offices created for their service, and the true end for which 
 it should be used when gained is the promotion of selfish ambition and 
 the gratification of personal revenge. 1 have heard that suspicion haunts 
 the footsteps of the trusted companions of the President. 
 
 These things have passed into history. The Hallam or the Tacitus or 
 the Sismondi or the Mncaulay who writes the annals of our time will 
 record them with his inexorable pen. And now, when a high Cabinet 
 officer, the constitutional adviser of the Executive, flees from office before 
 charges of corruption, shall the historian add that the Senate treated the 
 demand of the i>eople for its judgment of condemnation as a farce, and 
 laid down its high functions before the sophistries and jeers of the crim 
 inal lawyer? Shall he speculate about the petty political calculations as 
 to the effect on one party or the other which induced his judges to connive 
 at the escape of the great public criminal? Or, on the other hand, shall he 
 close the chapter by narrating how these things were detected, reformed, 
 and punished by constitutional processes which the wisdom of our fathers 
 devised for us, and the virtue and purity of the people found their vindi 
 cation in the justice of the Senate? 
 
 Mr. HOAR took his seat in this Senate on the 5th clay of 
 March, 1877, and was assigned to the Committee on Claims, 
 among other committee assignments. I served on the Com 
 mittee on Claims with him for years. He did his full share of 
 the onerous duties of that committee, and clearly demonstrated 
 his incorruptible integrity and impartial judgment. 
 
 \Ve became warm personal friends, and I admired and loved 
 him for his many noble traits of character, and realized that 
 whatever might be our difference in views and judgment he 
 was honest, sincere, and conscientious. 
 
 He rendered valuable services on many important committees 
 of the Senate, such as the Committee on Claims, Privileges and 
 Elections, Judiciary, Library, and others. He was, in the full 
 est sense of the term, a learned man, possessed of varied and 
 diversified attainments, and always a close student of all exist 
 ing conditions of our country, nationally and internationally. 
 He was probably the best informed on historical questions of 
 
52 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 any member of this body. While broad in his sympathies, he 
 was always alert in the interests and reputation of his native 
 State. It is related of him that while a Member of the House 
 the late Hon. S. S. Cox made some reflections upon the Bay 
 State and expressed surprise that the Massachusetts Hector 
 did not come to the relief of his beloved Troy," when Mr. HOAR 
 coolly replied: "It is not necessary for Hector to take the field 
 when the attack is led by Thersites." 
 
 // His writings are pleasing and interesting. His speaking was 
 forcible, earnest, and instructive. While Mr. HOAR may not 
 be considered an orator in the popular use of that word, yet 
 many of his speeches, such as those delivered by him at the 
 centennial of the opening of the great Northwest, at Marietta, 
 Ohio; the presentation of the statue of Daniel Webster to the 
 National Art Gallery; the two hundred and seventj -fifth anni 
 versary of the landing of the Pilgrims at Plymouth; the bicen 
 tennial of Worcester; the Belknap impeachment trial; and many 
 others, will give him, justly, rank as an orator.,/ He was a true, 
 patriotic American, a firm believer in our dual systems of 
 Government National and State. 
 
 While in some things he was radical and partisan, he was in 
 many things conservative, liberal, and generous, and exhibited 
 many genial and attractive characteristics. His long, eventful, 
 and illustrious career in the many positions of honor and trust 
 held by him in State and nation is crowned with absolute per 
 sonal and official integrity, and entitles him to the rank of one 
 of the greatest scholars, orators, and statesmen of his native 
 State and of our great country. 
 
Address of ^fr. Platt^ of Connecticut 53 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. PLATT, OF CONNECTICUT 
 
 Mr. PRKSIDKNT: The Reverend Doctor Kdwards, preaching 
 the funeral sermon of Senator HOAR S maternal grandfather, 
 Roger Sherman, of Connecticut, quoted, as voicing public 
 sorrow, the words of David uttered upon the death of Abner, 
 "Know ye not that there is a prince and a great man fallen 
 this day in Israel?" These words as fittingly describe the 
 universal sentiment with which the news of Senator HOAR S 
 death was received. 
 
 The most eloquent and comprehensive review of the life, 
 character, and services of GKORGK FKISHIK HOAR by the 
 Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] leaves but little to 
 be said. His review is complete, his estimate true, his survey 
 exhaustive. It has occurred to me, therefore, that I, who 
 esteem it a privilege to add something by way of affectionate 
 tribute to the memory of Senator HOAR, may speak briefly 
 of his greatness. 
 
 Greatness is a quality conceded to only few men; but I 
 think no one, in this country at least, doubts that when Sen 
 ator HOAR died a great man passed beyond our ken to enter 
 upon the life and activities of that future of which we know so 
 little, but in which he had undoubting faith. It softens our 
 grief and mitigates our sense of loss to believe that in him the 
 mortal has put on immortality. 
 
 No question has been more widely discussed by thinkers, 
 essayists, and philosophers than what it is that constitutes true 
 greatness; none perhaps upon which there is wider divergence 
 of opinion. \Ve recognize human greatness. We may not 
 
54 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 define it; but I think that whatever else may be required three 
 elements must exist without which no one can be said to have 
 been a truly great man namely, intellectual power, intense 
 energy, and, above all, lofty moral purpose. Where can the 
 man be found who possessed in higher degree or in whom were 
 more completely blended these three essentials of greatness 
 than our lost brother? 
 
 His mental powers and activities were marvelous; his learn 
 ing the most profound, covering all fields literature, history, 
 law, religion, poetry everything that mankind has thought 
 or felt or wrought. The classics were as familiar to him as 
 the primer of the schoolboy. The great poems in which the 
 noblest souls have found their best expression were his daily 
 food. The history of our own race and all races from pre 
 historic periods to the immediate present he fully knew. It 
 was once said of an able Senator that he was authority upon 
 our country s history, except that of the last fifty years. 
 Senator HOAR not only knew even- fact and detail of our 
 history, but he helped to make most of it during the past 
 half century. Books were his constant companions. The 
 highest thoughts of the wise and great in all times were his 
 perpetual stimulus. 
 
 No man was ever better equipped by scholarship and learn 
 ing for his life work. What he had once learned he could 
 instantly recall and use with telling effect. His intellect was 
 of the highest order keen, analytical, powerful, grasping 
 every topic, overlooking no detail, going straight to the core 
 of things, disciplined, and untiring. Intellectually he meas 
 ured up to the best. 
 
 When we think of the energy he brought to his work, his 
 life seems to have been modeled on the scriptural injunction, 
 "Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy might." 
 
Address of Mr. Platt, of Connecticut 55 
 
 Whatever task lie umlert<x>k absorl>ed all the energies and 
 jxnvers of his being, and to its accomplishment he gave of 
 his mind, his body, and his soul, until it was finished. No 
 field of inquiry was difficult enough to turn him back, no 
 question sufficiently abstruse to deter him, no problem so 
 complicated as to be left unsolved. I doubt if he ever really 
 knew an idle waking hour. How often as we watched him 
 we saw his lips moving, framing the words of his unuttered 
 thought. Those who knew him best could not help feeling 
 that even in his moments of apparent relaxation and good 
 fellowship there was going on within him that mysterious 
 thing which we sometimes call "unconscious cerebration;" 
 that his mind was ever at work solving the weightiest questions. 
 
 Neither vast learning, powerful intellect, nor intense energy 
 can make a man really great, unless his life is dominated by 
 the highest moral purpose; and here, indeed, his nobility of 
 soul was most apparent. His ideals were lofty. His was a 
 spiritual life. I use that word, not in a religious sense, 
 although he was by nature religious, but in its wider meaning. 
 He lived for that which was noble, pure, and uplifting, rather 
 than for that which was material and self-helping. His one 
 unvarying thought was to better the world by the enforcement 
 of the right. 
 
 We have heard sometimes of men who have tried to guide 
 their lives according to some selected motto. I remember to 
 have heard Senator HOAR quote in a speech in the Senate the 
 text, "Whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are 
 honest, whatsoever things are just, whatsoever things are 
 pure, whatsoever things are lovely, whatsoever things are of 
 good report, if there be any virtue or if there be any praise, 
 think on these things." I thought then that that was the 
 motto upon which he endeavored to fashion his life. Idealist, 
 
56 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 indeed, he was, and yet all his great gifts and powers were 
 exercised to make his highest ideals the actualities of human 
 life. Others have been great as lawyers, philosophers, states 
 men, and as such he excelled, but he was greatest of all in his 
 humanity. In the following of his high purposes he was 
 inflexible. He sought to know the very right of things, from 
 the advocacy of which no one could turn or swerve him. 
 When he had determined in his mind that a certain course of 
 action was right, he was ready to surrender friendships, asso 
 ciations, and personal comfort in following it. His convictions 
 were positive. Anything once thought out by him was 
 settled, and his course inflexibly defined. He might stand 
 alone in his belief, but he never doubted himself. 
 
 Such, feebly outlined, I believe to have been the real ele 
 ments of his greatness, and I am sure it was these qualities 
 which so endeared him to his associates here in the Senate, to 
 the. people of his native State, and to. the country at large. 
 L,et no one suppose that in dwelling upon these traits of his 
 character I would leave it to be inferred that his nature was 
 stern or hard or forbidding. On the contrary, he was one of 
 the sweetest and gentlest souls that ever lived. Tender and 
 true as a woman, guileless as a child, sincere and loving in his 
 friendships, attractive in all his social qualities, a man loving 
 and beloved. 
 
 We hear much of late of the greatly lauded, but rarely lived, 
 simple life. I think Senator HOAR was a perfect illustration of 
 true simplicity in living. He lived out his inward life. He 
 tried to be in public and on every occasion just what he really 
 was at heart, and this, as has been recently emphasized, is most 
 compatible with true greatness. 
 
 The occasion demands brevity, but I should sadly fail to do 
 justice to the memory of Senator HOAR if I did not refer to his 
 
Address of Mr. Watt, of Connecticut 57 
 
 intense patriotism. His love of country was unbounded it 
 was a passion. Its history and its traditions were ingrained in 
 his very being and l>ecanie a part of him. No love of country 
 is complete that does not include the love of those who have 
 heli>ed to fashion it, who have toiled and sacrificed for it. 
 This is indeed the substratum of patriotism. This love is akin 
 to ancestor worship. What the fathers thought, what they 
 did, what they said, how they fought, was to him an inspira 
 tion. That he might follow in their footsteps, preserve the 
 institutions they founded, pass on to posterity the blessings 
 they brought to our people, was his constant aim. ICvery act 
 of his public career was influenced by his ancestral love. To 
 carry on the work begun at Plymouth Rock, fought for at Hun 
 ker Hill, crystalli/ed in the Declaration of Independence, 
 ordained in the Constitution of the United States, triumphant 
 at Appomattox, was his life purpose his ever present hope. 
 
 Senator HOAR was thirty-five years in Congress, a length of 
 service rarely exceeded in our history eight years representing 
 his Congressional district in the House, twenty-seven years 
 representing his State in the Senate. He followed great Sena 
 tors from Massachusetts Choate, Webster, Simmer, Wilson, 
 not to s]>eak of others justly entitled to be called great but 
 the interests of his State, its glory and honor, in no wise suf 
 fered by the comparison of his career with that of the great 
 Senators who had gone before. In his love for his State, in his 
 xeal for its welfare, in his devotion to the institutions of our 
 country, to the love of freedom, to the well-being of our people, 
 he was the peer of any of his great predecessors. 
 
 The word statesman has been belittled of late by those who 
 have but a poor comprehension of its meaning. To really 
 understand the meaning of the word we must emphasize both 
 of the syllables which compose it. Senator HOAR was in the 
 
58 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 highest and truest sense a statesman a servant of the State, 
 most truly a man. To the State, in its broadest sense, he gave 
 ungrudgingly all that was highest, noblest, and best in him as 
 a man. We of the Senate, the people of his city and Common 
 wealth, loved his personality, his personal qualities, but his 
 State and the nation loved him most because of his zeal for the 
 public good, because he was in very truth and deed a statesman. 
 One single other word and I must conclude. I am profoundly 
 impressed by the thought of the influence that such a man as 
 Senator HOAR exercises on the future. I am one of those who 
 believe that no thought conceived by the brain, no word spoken 
 by the lips, no act performed by the will has ever been lost or 
 ceases to exert its influence upon mankind. No thought, word, 
 or act of the highest, the lowest, the richest, the poorest, the 
 best, or the worst of men and women who have lived on earth 
 since the days when mankind became socially organized has 
 ever been wholly effaced. The world is to-day what these 
 thoughts, words, and deeds of all who have gone before us have 
 made it, and the world of the future will, in this respect, be like 
 the world of the present. Men die, but humanity lives on. 
 We say that Senator HOAR is dead, but what he has done here 
 is passed on to be reflected in the life of mankind so long as the 
 earth and human life shall endure. Happy is the memory of 
 the man who has thus lived and worked and impressed himself 
 not only upon the present but the future. 
 
Address of Mr. Teller, of Colorado 59 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. TELLER, OF COLORADO 
 
 Mr. PRKSIDKXT: My first acquaintance with the late Senator 
 HOAR began during the last session of the Forty-fourth Con 
 gress. He was a member of the Electoral Commission that 
 decided the Presidential contest between Hayes and Tilden. 
 On the 4th of March, iSyj, he became a member of this body. 
 He had been a Membgr of the House of Representatives during 
 the Forty-first, Forty-second, Forty-third, and Forty-fourth 
 Congresses. His service in the House of Representatives had 
 been conspicuous, and he was recognized as a worthy repre 
 sentative of the great State of Massachusetts in that body. 
 Having been a member of the Electoral Commission in service 
 here, he naturally came in for his share of the criticism of 
 those who were displeased with the finding of the Commission. 
 There was much bitterness and ill feeling on the part of those 
 who had supported Tilden. The situation in several of the 
 Southern States was troublesome, if not alarming; we were too 
 near the close of the great civil war to allow that conservative 
 action that could alone bring about peace l>etween the former 
 contending parties. Thus it will be seen Senator HOAR S 
 entrance in this body was at a very important period of our his 
 tory. Senator HOAR, as a member of the House of Represent 
 atives, had been an active and aggressive force, exerting much 
 influence over his political associates, but I believe all who 
 knew him will agree that the Senate was the proper place for 
 the exercise of his great abilities. In this body he found 
 opport unities for the display of his talents that he could not 
 find in the House of Representatives. He met in this Ixxly the 
 
60 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 ablest of his political opponents men smarting under the de 
 feat of 1876, who could not readily forgive him for the part he 
 had taken in the final settlement of that contest. 
 
 The President called an extra session of Congress to meet in 
 October. The membership of that Congress is somewhat re 
 markable. Among the Republicans were James G. Elaine, 
 George F. Bdmunds, Justin S. Morrill, Henry L. Dawes, Ros- 
 coe Conkling, Timothy O. Howe, Senator HOAR, John J. 
 Ingalls, Hannibal Hamlin, William Windom, Samuel J. R. 
 McMillan, of Minnesota; Henry B. Anthony; Ambrose E. 
 Burnside, of Rhode Island; S. J. Kirkwood, of Iowa; Stanley 
 Matthews, of Ohio; Aaron A. Sargent and Xewton Booth, of 
 California; O. P. Morton; John P. Jones; the senior Senator 
 from Iowa, Mr. Allison, and the senior Senator from Oregon, 
 Mr. Mitchell. 
 
 Among the Democrats were Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio; 
 , Thomas F. Bayard and Kli Saulsbury, of Delaware; Francis 
 Kernan, of New York; James B. Beck, of Kentucky; I v . Q. C. 
 L,amar, of Mississippi; John T. Morgan, of Alabama: Benja 
 min Hill, of Georgia; I. G. Harris, of Tennessee; Joseph E. 
 McDonald, of Indiana; Henry G. Davis, of West Virginia; the 
 senior Senator from Missouri, Mr. Cockrell; T. F. Randolph, 
 of Xew Jersey; W. Pinkney Whyte, of Maryland, and David 
 Davis, of Illinois, just from the Supreme Court of the United 
 States, who, while calling himself an independent, was, in 
 fact, a Democrat. 
 
 The special session commencing on October 15, 1877, was 
 an unusually exciting one, and the bitterness growing out of 
 the decision of the Electoral Commission rather increased 
 than decreased during the session. The Senator s command 
 ing position in the House of Representatives enabled him to 
 take an active part in the business before the Senate, and his 
 
Address of Mr. Teller, of Colorado 61 
 
 jxxsition on the Electoral Commission made him the special 
 target of attack from his political opponents. Senator HOAR 
 did not attempt to explain his action on the Commission, but 
 met all attacks with spirit and in a way to command the 
 respect of his opponents. 
 
 We know that the Senate does not readily concede to new 
 comers any more than they show themselves capable of win 
 ning:. It did not take long for Senator HOAR to win his way 
 to the front rank of the able men in the Senate, and we all 
 know that he maintained that rank to the day of his last 
 services in this body. While he was positive in his ideas and 
 pressed the measures that he favored with intelligence and xeal, 
 he was ever tolerant toward those who he, believed differed 
 with him from conviction. 
 
 //I recall that while he was the chairman of the Committee on 
 Privileges and Klections the House of Representatives sent to 
 us a bill to regulate Federal elections, which was referred to 
 that committee. I was at the time a member of that com 
 mittee, and when we came to consider the measure I could not 
 agree with my Republican colleagues. While I could see the 
 evils complained of, I could not rid myself of the idea that it 
 was a dangerous bill, and very likely to make matters worse 
 rather than better. Senator HOAR appealed to me to allow a 
 favorable report to be made. I agreed that he might report 
 the bill in accordance with the wishes of the majority of the 
 Republican members, but stated that I could not support the 
 bill. The bill, after considerable delay, came before the Senate 
 as a special order. It was extensively debated on both sides of 
 the Chamber, but was finally laid aside and lost its place by the 
 taking up of another bill. This change was accomplished by 
 the vote of all the Democrats and six Republicans, the vote 
 l)eing 35 to 34. I do not recall the defeat of any measure that 
 
62 Life and Character of George P. Hoar 
 
 created more feeling than the displacement of that bill. The 
 recalcitrant Republicans were severely blamed, and many hard 
 things said of those who failed to support the bill. 
 
 Soon after the displacement of that bill a conference of 
 Republican Senators was called at the home of a Republican 
 Senator to consider whether the bill should be abandoned or 
 an effort made to pass it. I have attended many party con 
 ferences, but in no one, either before or since that confer 
 ence, have I ever seen .so much bitterness on the part of the 
 defeated element. Speeches were made of an angry character, 
 and the recalcitrant Republicans were unmercifully chastised. 
 The offending Senators were quick to respond in the spirit 
 of their accusers. Senator HOAR had taken but little part 
 in the discussion; but when apparently the discussion was 
 about to close he took the floor. We all knew how dear 
 the bill was to him and how arduously he had labored to 
 secure its passage. He told us how important he thought 
 the bill; he spoke of the abuse it was intended to prevent, 
 and the obligations on Congress to secure by law some way 
 to destroy existing abuses. He frankly admitted that he had 
 feared the bill if it became a law might be abused and harm 
 done under the pretense of securing a fair election; he 
 declared he had weighed this matter well and was alive to 
 that danger, but he felt that it was his duty to support the 
 bill. He was calm and dispassionate I never saw him more 
 so but we could all see that he was greatly distressed by the 
 failure of the measure. He then turned his attention to the 
 Republican Senators who had opposed the bill. He declared 
 that every Senator must act from his own sense of justice, 
 and said there was no reason for harsh words or complaint, 
 adding that he did not want anyone to violate his ideas of 
 
Address of ^fr. Teller, of Colorado 63 
 
 justice. If Senators believed the bill to be bad it was their 
 duty to defeat it by all fair means. 
 
 His speech acted like a charm on the discordant elements 
 of the meeting. The conference dissolved without taking a 
 vote, and that was the death of the so-called "force bill." 
 
 If anything could have induced me to vote for the bill, it 
 was the manner the offending Senators were treated by 
 Senator HOAK. I had known for years that he was great; 
 then I knew he was good. The Senator conceded to his 
 opponents all that he demanded for himself, and that was 
 freedom of thought and the right to follow his conscience, 
 even against the dictates of a caucus. Mr. President, one 
 who can face defeat, see his plans frustrated, when he feels 
 sure they are right, and accept such defeat without bitterness 
 or hate, may well be called great. 
 
 Senator HOAR was a partisan; lie could not be otherwise, for 
 he was a man of positive convictions. He formed his opinion 
 after careful study and deliberate thought, but his partisanship; 
 did not lead him to accept as right whatever had the support of/ 
 his party. He considered and determined for himself, and if 
 his judgment did not approve of a measure he did not hesitate 
 to oppose it, even when prepared and supported by his party. 
 He was opposed to the Spanish treaty made at the close of the 
 Spanish war. He did not hesitate to part with his political 
 friends and oppose ratification, and later, when the policy of 
 his party as to the control and management of the newly 
 acquired islands appeared to him to be wrong, he criticised it 
 in strong terms. While his attitude on that question brought 
 on him severe criticism of his party supporters, he did not 
 waver in his opposition, and his attitude on that question vin- 
 .dicated his life record as the opponent of whatever he l>elieved 
 
64 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 to be wrong. Those who believed with him, and those who did 
 not, realized that his attitude was such as might be expected of 
 him, and could but honor him for it. 
 
 He was a scholar, a constitutional lawyer, a patriot, and a 
 statesman. He was a lover of freedom, not for himself alone 
 or his race alone, but for all mankind. He hated wrong and 
 loved justice, and to the extent of his capacities helped the 
 unfortunate without distinction of race. 
 
 / Massachusetts has sent here some of the most notable mem 
 bers of this body. Some may have attained a greater fame 
 than he, but I am sure none were superior to him in all thoi,e 
 noble qualities that make a great Senator. Massachusetts will 
 suffer through his death, but not alone, for all lovers of a clean, 
 pure life throughout the length of our land will mourn the 
 death of this ideal American Senator. , 
 
Address of Mr. Citllotn, of Illinois 65 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. CULLOM, OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT: This day has l>een set apart that we may 
 pay tribute to the memory of one of the most distinguished 
 men who ever occupied a seat in the Senate of the United 
 States GEORGK FKISBIE HOAR, of Massachusetts. 
 
 Everywhere in this great nation the people are familiar with 
 the name of GEORGE F. HOAR. Beloved by many, respected 
 by all, Senator HOAR, at the time of his death, was one of the 
 marked figures in American public life. 
 
 Full of years and of honors he passed away, and his great 
 public career is well calculated to challenge the admiration and 
 respect of his countrymen. 
 
 There is a lesson to IK- learned from the life of a great man, 
 and it is interesting to know the lesson which Senator HOAR 
 learned from his own life. 
 
 Looking back, seeing in retrospect his long life, extending 
 almost fourscore years, in the twilight of his career, he rejieats 
 these words: 
 
 The lesson which I have learned in life, which is impressed on me daily 
 and more deeply as I grow old, is the lesson of good will and good hope. 
 I l>elieve that to-day is letter than yesterday, and that to-morrow will he 
 better than to-day. I believe that, in spite of so many errors and wrongs 
 and even crimes, my countrymen of all classes desire what is good and not 
 what is evil. 
 
 GEORGE F. HOAR was a religious man; two of the essentials 
 of his religion were "good will, good hope," based on that 
 passage in scripture which, as he says, sums up the whole 
 destiny of man, "and now abideth faith, hope, and charity 
 these three." 
 
 vS. Doc. 201, 58-3 5 
 
66 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 Thirty-six years ago, when we were both young men, I 
 served with Senator HOAR in the House of Representatives of 
 the Congress. For more than twenty-one years I had the honor 
 of occupying a seat near him in the Senate of the United States. 
 For nearly a quarter of a century I knew him somewhat 
 intimately. 
 
 He was a liberal, broad-minded man. He had few, if any, 
 of the common prejudices so often associated with party, reli 
 gion, country, or sectionalism. 
 
 A true Republican from the birth of that party, of which he 
 was an honored member from the beginning of the party until 
 his death, he used the following language: 
 
 I believe our countrymen of the other party, in spite of what we deem 
 their errors, would take the Republic and bear on the flag to liberty and 
 glory. 
 
 Descending from a long line of Protestant ancestors, living in 
 New England, the home of the Puritan, he said: 
 
 I believe if every Protestant were stricken down by a lightning stroke, 
 that our brethren of the Catholic faith would still carry on the Republic 
 in the spirit of true and liberal freedom. 
 
 Aii American, whose grandfather and two great-grandfathers 
 fought in the Revolution, it would not be surprising if he dis 
 trusted men of foreign birth who have come to this country, 
 but he did not. His speeches and writings give absolute evi 
 dence of his faith in the patriotism and love of our country in 
 the hearts of foreigners who come to America and become citi 
 zens of the United States. 
 
 He was a Northerner by birth and by education, in the full 
 vigor of manhood during the terrible struggle between the 
 North and South, intensely loyal to the North, but he still had 
 faith in the South, and believed that "if every man in the North 
 were to die the South would take up the country and bear it on 
 to the achievement of its lofty destiny." 
 
Address of Mr. Cttllom, of Illinois 67 
 
 Senator HOAR was an opponent of stringent immigration^ 
 laws, and particularly was he opposed to our Chinese-exclusion/ 
 policy. He l>elieved that this country was large enough and, 
 great enough to afford a haven of refuge for the oppressed, 
 people of all the world. 
 
 It was these characteristics which so endeared Senator HOAR 
 to the great majority of the people of this nation. 
 
 While Senator HOAR was a literal man, respecting the views 
 of other men and of his party, yet he was too strong intellec 
 tually, too true to his own convictions, to be a follower of any 
 man or class of men. When he had fully made up his mind on 
 any question, no power could move him. The pressure of party 
 and of Administration were useless. He differed with his party 
 on many important questions, but on that account he did not 
 feel it to be his duty to abandon the party with which he had 
 been so long associated. Rather did he remain in the party 
 and endeavor to bring it to his views, and sometimes he suc 
 ceeded in this. 
 
 He opposed with all his power of eloquence and argument 
 the retention of the Philippine Islands and the expansion, 
 policy of his party. But he retained an affectionate regard 
 for the late President McKinley, who fully reciprocated this 
 feeling. 
 
 All the power of party could not induce Senator HOAR to 
 support a policy or cast a vote that his conscience did not 
 fully approve. 
 
 While Senator HOAR was liberal and kindly toward other; 
 men, yet, like all strong-minded men, he had intense "likes" 
 and intense "dislikes" for particular individuals. He never 
 lost his affection for President McKinley, with whom he dif- 
 ft;red on many questions, or his dislike of the late General 
 Butler. 
 
68 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 Senator HOAR was not a politician in the usual sense of that 
 term. He knew little of practical politics and, apparently, 
 cared less. In his case office sought the man. I have been 
 told that he never sought or asked for public office. 
 
 He was an active and prominent Member of the House of 
 Representatives, recognized for his legal ability and rendering 
 important service on committees and on the floor. 
 
 In the Senate he has been recognized as an able lawyer and 
 statesman, interested in all important legislation and taking a 
 prominent part in the discussion and disposition of public 
 questions. His committee service was confined principally to 
 the two law committees of the Senate the Judiciary and 
 Privileges and Elections. Senator HOAR was a thorough law 
 yer, loving his profession, which, it might be said, he inherited, 
 his father being a well-known lawyer in Massachusetts, a State 
 noted for its great lawyers and jurists. His brother was the 
 distinguished Attorney- General in the Cabinet of President 
 Grant. 
 
 There were few more cultivated men in public life than 
 Senator HOAR. He was not a self-made man in the sense 
 that Lincoln was. He had advantages which Lincoln and 
 some of the great men of this country did not have. He was 
 a member of an old and well-known New England family. 
 He received a classical education in the best college in the 
 United States. His early life was spent among highly culti 
 vated people. He knew our greatest poets and men of letters 
 Longfellow, Whittier, Emerson, Thoreau, Lowell, and Haw 
 thorne. 
 
 He was a student all his life, daily adding to his great 
 store of learning. He never seemed to forget his early clas 
 sical training, and was ever ready in debate and in his writ 
 ings with an apt Latin or Greek quotation to illustrate a 
 point. 
 
Address of Afr. Cnllom, of Illinois 69 
 
 Senator HOAR was an able debater an effective and forceful 
 speaker having great command of language. 
 
 Senator HOAR was a splendid writer. Had his time been 
 devoted to literature rather than to law and public office, lie 
 would have been one of the foremost men of letters in this 
 country. His autobiography is a well-written and interesting 
 history of the United States for the past seventy years, 
 written by one who had a prominent part in public affairs 
 since 1869. From a literary standpoint parts of that auto 
 biography have hardly been surpassed. His description of 
 Kdward Everett, the orator, is particularly fine. 
 
 He was very often, in the press of the United States and 
 among the people, descriljed as the " Grand Old Man of 
 America." And in many respects Senator HOAR did resem 
 ble that great British statesman, the "Grand Old Man of 
 England," William Ewart Gladstone, whose long parliamen 
 tary career extended for more than sixty years. Mr. HOAR S 
 public career was not so long as that of Mr. Gladstone, but 
 it was among the longest of our American statesmen. 
 
 Like Mr. Gladstone, Mr. HOAR had all the advantages of 
 a splendid education, and was the man of letters whose nat 
 ural taste would have inclined him to literature rather than 
 jx)litics. Like Mr. Gladstone, he was not bound by the 
 dictates of party, and did not hesitate to do what was deemed 
 to be right in public affairs, regardless of what party policies 
 dictated. Like Mr. Gladstone, he stood for economy and 
 honesty in public office. In religion Mr. HOAR was not as 
 orthodox as Mr. Gladstone, but he had as firm and true a 
 belief in an Overruling Providence, in a hereafter. Like Mr. 
 Gladstone, he was a Christian statesman, a lover of peace, 
 the friend of the oppressed in all lands. 
 
 GEORGE F. HOAR was more nearly the Gladstone of 
 America than any of our statesmen of recent times. 
 
jo Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 William Ewart Gladstone, of Great Britain, and GEORGE 
 FRISBIE HOAR, of the United States, lived during the same 
 period, and died respected and mourned by their countrymen. 
 
 Massachusetts has reason to be proud of her great men. No 
 State in the Union has given to the country a larger number 
 of great statesmen and great jurists or so many famed men of 
 letters. 
 
 Her many famous men of Continental days were followed 
 by such men as Webster, Choate, Sumner, Everett, Gushing, 
 and Wilson. These are men of whom any nation might well 
 be proud. 
 
 GEORGE F. HOAR was of the type of our early American 
 statesmen, of the fathers, the signers of the Constitution, and 
 was the worthy successor in the Senate of the United States of 
 Adams, Webster, Choate, and Sumner. 
 
 Mr. President, while we shall not see again in this Senate 
 his kindly and genial face, yet his example and burning words 
 uttered here and elsewhere on important questions will con 
 tinue to be a living force to guide us in the discharge of our 
 great duties in the interests of the country. 
 
 Mr. President, in concluding I may be permitted to quote 
 the closing paragraph of the eulogy by William H. Seward in 
 memory of Henry Clay. 
 
 His remarks are peculiarly applicable on this occasion. He 
 said: 
 
 His example remains for our instruction. His genius has passed to the 
 realms of life, but his virtues still live here for our emulation. With 
 them there will remain also the protection and favor of the Most High, if 
 by the practice of justice and maintenance of freedom we shall deserve 
 them. L,et, then, the bier pass on. We will follow with sorrow, but not 
 without hope, the reverent form that it bears to its final resting place; and 
 then, when the grave opens at our feet to receive so estimable a treasure, 
 we will invoke the God of our fathers to send us new guides like him that 
 is now withdrawn and give us wisdom to obey their instructions. 
 
Address of Mr, Daniel, of I irginia 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. DANIEL, OF VIRGINIA 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT : A great man has passed. He filled the 
 place once occupied by Webster, by Choate, by Winthrop, by 
 Sumner ; and he stood up in it in full stature. Worthy suc 
 cessors will fill that place, but when the Dictator of Events 
 removed from it forever GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR, the senior 
 Senator from Massachusetts, it seemed rather like the passing 
 of an era than the departure of a man. 
 
 No constituent vote recalled him from his worthy and accept 
 able services. Xo constitutional limit exhausted his term. No 
 design of man and no accident of chance snapped the thread 
 of his existence. In the fullness of years Time wrote "the 
 end to the book of his deeds and his thoughts. 
 
 He was well-nigh 80 years of age. He had heard the 
 whispers of the low waves that played on the beach of the 
 mighty ocean that has not known a returning sail. 
 
 A little over a year before his death he spoke of the death of 
 a lifetime friend who had gone before him : The friend of im 
 mature manhood, the friend of my mature age, almost the last 
 of them, has gone to his honored grave. This," said he "is 
 what makes dying to an old man. It is not that you grow 
 blind or deaf or halt or lame ; it is not that you lay down this 
 frail tenement in which we walk. When the rich music of the 
 voices we love is silent, it is well that the ear grows deaf. 
 When the faces that were our delight have disappeared, it is 
 well that the eyes grow blind. It is this losing that is true 
 dying. 
 
72 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 I shall not repeat the details of his long career, which have 
 been better told by others here, but say a few things which 
 struck me concerning him. The people of my State, also 
 their representatives here, had a great respect and liking for 
 him, no matter how much they had differed from him. It was 
 because they saw in him the man of principle and honor, the 
 patriot who put his country first in his affections, and because 
 they also recognized his possession of a benevolent and friendly 
 heart that played like sunshine over the austerities of principle 
 and that lent even to them its charms. 
 
 I have called Senator HOAR a great man. He is entitled 
 to rank in that category. It is only the honest fact that I 
 recite. No man is great save by comparison and contrast 
 with his fellows. If all the intellects of all the great thinkers 
 of the world for all time were put together, they w r ould form 
 but an infinitesimal atom of the infinite wisdom that rules 
 the universe. 
 
 Senator HOAR was a tall and stately, yea, an illustrious, 
 figure among the foremost men of his day and generation, 
 and in many aspects none were his superiors. He was great 
 in his devotion and service to the paramount ideals of his 
 manhood. He was great in his integrity to the principles 
 which he professed.^;- He loved language, the greatest of all 
 instrumentalities for the communication of thought. He loved 
 letters, and the refinements of thought which they alone can 
 give. He was saturated with the most profound reflections 
 and utterances of the greatest speakers, poets, and thinkers. 
 He painted many a picture which enchained the gaze of the 
 lover of the true, the beautiful, and the good. His tongue 
 spoke many a sentence which aroused the spirit of just reflec 
 tion and of action and fixed it in firm resolve and elevated 
 the mind to a higher plane of thinking. He was a great 
 
Address of Afr. Dante/, of I irginia 73 
 
 lawyer; he dealt mostly with the great underlying principles 
 which run their root into natural law; he loved its logic and 
 its philosophies, and the greater the occasion that invoked the 
 play of his faculties the greater would he have appeared in 
 their exercise. 
 
 Whether in current debate or in a more stately and formal 
 occasion, his ability as an orator was always conspicuous. His 
 eloquence was attuned to a high key and found expression 
 in clear and sonorous notes. He left no doubt upon the minds 
 of his hearers as to the earnestness of his convictions, as to 
 the power of his logic, or as to the charm of his speech. He- 
 was, in a long career, the colleague of many of the brightest 
 intellects and most powerful disputants that ever shone in 
 public discussions, and he suffered by comparison with none of 
 them. He drew from poetry and from art, as well as from, 
 history, the fine raiments of his discourses. Some of them, 
 like the armor of great knights who have gone, will be pre 
 served while memory keeps records of battles that will be 
 fought no more. But many of them are more than the obso 
 lete armor of past conflicts and of departed men; they are 
 wellsprings of wisdom and of refreshment, to which passing 
 generations will continually repair for that feast of reason and 
 that flow of soul which are to be found in communion with 
 great minds and great hearts. 
 
 Senator HOAR brought with him to the Senate a keen sense 
 of the exalted station in our Government that a Senator occu 
 pies. That sense was quick in his breast during all of his 
 long ser\*ice. and he preserved it without ever doing anything 
 to lower the dignity of his office. It was once known that he 
 had been offered the appointment by the President as Ambas 
 sador to Great Britain, and in a friendly way I expressed to 
 him courteous personal congratulation. His reply was that a 
 
74 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 Senator from the old historic State of Massachusetts, honoring 
 my own State of Virginia by associating it in the same con 
 nection, could not be promoted by any other office, great as he 
 knew was the one tendered to him, and as much as he appre 
 ciated the honor of having his name so mentioned. The senti 
 ment was worthy of him and of the great State which he 
 loved and served so well. He felt and often expressed his 
 conviction that no Senator should receive in his own person 
 any appointment, employment, or emolument from Executive 
 authority while still exercising the Senatorial office. He con 
 sidered it essential to the dignity and independence of the 
 Senate that a Senator be a Senator only. He believed that a 
 Senator should owe 110 personal obligation to any sources of 
 power saving alone those which gave him the title and place 
 of Senator and that fixed his duties. 
 
 As a member of a great co-ordinate branch of the Congress, 
 as a judge in a great court that has had and may at any time 
 have the President or other high officer at its bar to answer 
 in judgment, and as an executive agent to share with the 
 President himself the power of appointment, he did not believe 
 it compatible with those relations to become the recipient of 
 personal favor from any Executive authority. 
 
 This was, in my humble opinion, a just and true conception 
 of the Senatorial office which he filled so well; and I rejoiced 
 to hear him express a view which I deemed so worthy. l,et 
 me remark, however, upon the gentleness as well as upon the 
 emphasis and clearness of his opinion. He indulged in no 
 animadversion upon men who had differed with him about 
 that matter and had set a different example. In his autobi 
 ography there are some \vise reflections kindred to such as 
 ruled him in opinion as to others on this matter, and his mind 
 upon differences between men of equal honor and conscience. 
 
Address of Mr. Daniel, of \ irginia 75 
 
 It is a remarkable truth 
 He says 
 
 that impresses itself upon me more and more the longer I live, that 
 men who are perfectly sincere and patriotic may differ from each 
 other on what seems the greatest principles of legislation, and yet lx>th 
 sides be conscientious and patriotic. There is hardly a political question 
 among the great questions that have interested the American people 
 for the last few centuries upon which we did not differ from each other. 
 The difference is not only as to the interpretation of the Constitution 
 and the law for the government of the people, but seems to go down 
 to the very roots of the moral law. 
 
 That this is a fact upon which he rested no man can doubt, 
 and it is a fact upon which liberalism may build its temple 
 founded on a rock. That "no pent-up Utica " bound his 
 powers of discrimination and that no sectional line was per 
 mitted to obscure his sense of justice of the worthy and the 
 noble was often exhibited in generous words and actions. 
 Notably did he display his appreciation of great virtue in what 
 he says in his lxx>k of Gen. Edward C. Walthall, of Missis 
 sippi, whom he describes most justly as " a perfect type of the 
 gentleman in character and speech, and as courteous and eager 
 to be of service to his friends or his country," and to him he- 
 pays a tribute which is the badge of true and lasting glory 
 both to him who gave and to him who received. " If," says 
 he, " I were to select the one man of all others with whom I 
 have served in the Senate who seems to me the most perfect 
 example of the quality and character of the American Senator, 
 I think it would be Kdward C. Walthall, of Mississippi." 
 
 Senator HOAR in his service here was a Senator only. He- 
 looked the Senator; he spoke the Senator. His eye was single 
 and it was full of light. Xo man ever said or thought of him 
 that he was the servant of personal ambitions or of private ends. 
 There are many things in heaven and in earth that can not l>e 
 seen by our eyes, or heard by our ears, or touched by our hands, 
 
76 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 or which are within the pale of our senses; more indeed " than 
 are dreamed of in our philosophies." Hence many a noble 
 aim may miss its mark, however clear be the eye that discerns, 
 however firm be the will that directs, however true be the hand 
 that obeys. It is only possible to the human to be right in 
 mind and conscience and to be sincere in heart. So felt the 
 prophet when he said: " Keep thy heart with all diligence; for 
 out of it are the issues of life. So did Senator HOAR keep his 
 heart. He aimed his arrow at wrong wherever he thought he 
 found it. He lifted his shield over the right wherever he 
 thought the right needed reenforcement. It is only in such 
 performance of duty that true glory may be found. 
 
 "The most important thing about a man is his religion," 
 said Thomas Carlyle, for it is true that out of the creed grows 
 the deed. Mr. HOAR had a religion. It was a noble one. If 
 I sought to sum it up I would say it was " God and humanity; 
 over all and in all, God." He was Unitarian in his profession, 
 and at the National Unitarian Conference in this city in 
 October, 1899, he said: "Every Unitarian man or woman, 
 every lover of God or His Son, everyone who in loving his 
 fellow-men loves God and His Son, even without knowing it. is 
 welcome to this company." * * * "No Five Points, no 
 Athanasian creed, no Thirty-nine Articles could separate the 
 men and women of our \vay of thinking from humanity or from 
 Divinity." * * * "We are sometimes told that we can 
 not define Unitarianism. For myself I thank God it is not to 
 be defined. To define is to bound, to inclose, to limit. The 
 great things of the universe are not to be defined. You can 
 not define human soul. You can not define the intellect. You 
 can not define immortality or eternity. You can not define 
 God." 
 
Address of Mr. Daniel, of Virginia 77 
 
 He preached hope, faith, and charity, and finally "that 
 whatever clouds may darken the horizon the world is growing 
 better; that to-day is better than yesterday, and to-morrow will 
 be better than to-day." 
 
 The great career of Isham G. Harris was portrayed by 
 Senator HOAR in an address, which, leaving out a few phrases 
 which identify the speaker, might have been spoken by the 
 neighlx>r and life-long associate of that distinguished Tennes- 
 sean and true American; for it is replete with every note of 
 appreciation of that singularly able, direct, frank, courageous, 
 and manly man. Senator Harris s services here and elsewhere 
 are clothed with reflections such as are in our hearts to-day 
 with respect to his eulogist, but which no one could express so 
 well as did Senator HOAR. 
 
 His influence 
 vSaid Mr. HOAR 
 
 will be felt here for a long time; his striking figure will still be moving 
 about the Senate Chamber, still deliberating and still debating. Mr. 
 President, it is delightful to think that l>etween men who took part in the 
 great conflict of the civil war, at least a greater part of them, the bitter 
 feelings are all gone. Throughout the whole land the word "country 
 men" has at last become a title of endearment. The memory of the 
 soldiers of that great conflict is preserved as gently by both sides. Massa 
 chusetts joins with Tennessee in putting a wreath on the tomb of her great 
 soldier, her great governor, her great Senator. He was faithful to truth 
 as he saw it, to duty as he understood it, to constitutional liberty as he 
 conceived it. 
 
 Not only Virginia, the elder sister of Massachusetts, not 
 only the old thirteen States that founded our fabric of Gov 
 ernment, but all of the forty-five American Commonwealths 
 that to-day constitute the Republic, say this of him, who so 
 nobly applied it to another: "He was faithful to truth as he 
 saw it, to duty as he understood it, to constitutional liberty 
 as he conceived it." He, like Harris, is also dead. Together 
 
78 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 all the States bow their heads beside his tomb. Together 
 they bind their wreaths of honor and affection and lay them 
 encircled there. 
 
 Man sees all things die around him. The bud and the 
 blossom die. The leaf and the tree die. The birds of the 
 air and the fishes of the sea, the creatures of the forest and 
 the field and the desert; alike, the} 7 die. Man in this respect 
 is like them, and we see and feel and know within ourselves, 
 as did our dying brother, that of a truth we die daily. The 
 days die and the nights die. The weeks and the months 
 and the years and the centuries and the aeons die. Time 
 itself, even as \ve call its name and with our every breath, 
 dies away from us. An eternity without beginning lies behind 
 us dead. 
 
 But all things, too, are quickening, pulsing, and springing 
 into life around us out of darkness the light, out of death 
 life again; and creation and re-creation forever reappear 
 through fire and flood, through ice and air, through land and 
 sea, in the skies above the earth and in the waters under the 
 earth, uprising and widespreading their redundant and cease 
 less continuances and reassertions of life, life, life. See we 
 not, therefore, that all things at all times testify to life, to 
 life instant, to life constant, to life impregnable and irre 
 sistible, to life all-conquering; it is scarcely a step to say, to 
 life everlasting. This is what Senator HOAR believed. If 
 these things apply to the material things around us, from 
 which creation is ever evoking newer and higher forms of 
 life, how much more do they seem applicable to the finer and 
 subtler things of spirit; and is it not in the life and character 
 and thought and aspiration and loving kindness of such men 
 as was GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR in that we find indeed the 
 strongest intimations in nature of immortality? 
 
Address of Mr. Gallinger, of New Hampshire 79 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. GALLINGER, OF NEW HAMPSHIRE 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT: Longfellow s poetic allusion to Bayard 
 Taylor may appropriately be applied to the late Senator HOAR: 
 
 Dead he lay amon^ his b<x>ks, 
 The peace of God was in his looks. 
 As the statues in the gloom 
 Watch o er Maximilian s tomb, 
 So those volumes from their shelves 
 Watched him, silent as themselves. 
 
 Genial, lovable, witty, scholarly, and eloquent, loving his 
 books and reveling in intellectual research, GEORGE FRISBIE 
 HOAR was the highest type of the scholar in politics. A 
 profound student, a great jurist, and omnivorous reader, his 
 wonderful mind seemed to retain accurate knowledge on 
 almost every conceivable subject, so much so that his asso 
 ciates in the Senate rarely questioned the authenticity of his 
 utterances. How he illumined every discussion that dealt 
 with historical subjects, and how wonderful and instructive 
 were his speeches on the great questions of the day. It 
 seemed to those of us who were privileged to listen to his 
 words of wisdom and admonition that he must always remain 
 in this body, the great central figure of the arena in which 
 his talents were so conspicuously displayed. But he was 
 mortal, and in the fullness of his years the summons came, 
 and his inspiring presence is with us no more. Loving him 
 as we did, it is fitting that words of eulogy, however inade 
 quate they may lie, should be spoken by his associates, who 
 knew him as one of the greatest Senators that the Republic 
 has produced. 
 
80 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 Of what we shall say here of the late Senator from Massa 
 chusetts little may survive the day of its utterance. Our 
 tributes to his worth may soon be forgotten. Our estimates of 
 his character may add nothing to his fame. Our eulogies may 
 not be necessary to keep in the memory of his countrymen 
 his service to the nation. Yet the opinion of his associates 
 in the field of his public usefulness is but the spontaneous 
 testimony of those who have felt the inspiration and uplifting 
 of his presence. Perhaps the most we can hope is that the 
 judgment of his contemporaries may aid the future historian, 
 free from the prejudice and feeling of the hour in which he 
 writes, to assign to Senator HOAR his place among those who 
 have had a prominent part in the making of the Republic. 
 
 When I entered the Senate in 1891 Senator HOAR had been 
 a member for fourteen years, that being a much longer service 
 than is usual in this body. He had already attained a leader 
 ship in the councils of the nation which gave to his views the 
 earnest consideration of the country. As a product of New 
 England, my own State had pride in him second only to that 
 of Massachusetts. He stood the conspicuous representative of 
 New England thought and New England independence of 
 action. He had become a fixture in this body. If there was 
 thought anywhere entertained of his ceasing to be a Senator 
 from Massachusetts it never found public expression. Differ, 
 as he frequently did, from the people of the East on public 
 questions, there was that weight given to his opinions and that 
 confidence felt in his integrity that any New England State 
 would have returned him term after term, as did the State of 
 Massachusetts. He held a place in the affections of the people 
 of New England second to that of none other in our history. 
 Some of his predecessors in this body have been rebuked 
 or retired for failing to represent the current opinions of a 
 
Address of Mr. Gallingcr, of New Hampshire 81 
 
 majority of their constituents, but Senator HOAR S hold 
 upon the public was such that his commission read: " For life. 
 to act as your conscience dictates." 
 
 Nor was the deference paid to the views of Senator HOAR 
 by the ]>eople of New England greater than that of his associ 
 ates in this body. Whatever the subject under discussion it 
 had not been exhausted, or the last fitting word spoken, it 
 Senator HOAR was yet to address the Senate. Out of his 
 learning and research would come new facts and new thoughts 
 for consideration. Every debate in which he had a part was 
 enriched by his contribution. His knowledge of history and 
 of precedent was profound and accurate, and he gave of his 
 abundant store of information to all matters of legislation. 
 With him no subject was too trivial for thoughtful discussion. 
 He was ever the careful, painstaking, and conscientious public 
 servant. Dissenting often from his opinions, there was always 
 that great respect for his views which is paid only to those who 
 command it from the superiority of their knowledge and the 
 integrity of their purpose. 
 
 Senator HOAR S service in both branches of Congress covered 
 almost a third of the period of the Government since the adop 
 tion of the Federal Constitution. Others have been here as 
 long at different times in our history, but to few has it been 
 given to witness and be a part of so great development and so 
 many changes. At the entrance of his career the fifteenth and 
 last amendment of the Constitution was proposed in Congress, 
 and he therefore participated in making our organic law what 
 it is to-day. Versed in all the facts pertaining to the construc 
 tion and evolution of that document, he could rightly consider 
 himself one of its expounders, and most jealous was he of any 
 departure from its provisions. In all of the important legisla 
 tion since 1869 he had a part in molding it to the needs of the 
 S. Doc. 201, 58-3 6 
 
82 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 country. The impress of his thought is stamped upon the 
 statutes of the nation for a generation. His life may be read 
 in our laws, our policies, and our growth. If no one great 
 measure owes to him its authorship it is because he distributed 
 the genius necessary to such a creation over a multitude of 
 enactments. 
 
 Mr. President, there is little contemporary appreciation of the 
 faithful public servant, his personal sacrifice, and his fidelity to 
 the trust committed to his care. The public sees but the gla 
 mour of power, and notices but the acts that go contrary to its 
 opinion. Senator HOAR S life was the highest type of civic 
 patriotism, for it was dedicated in the loftiest degree to the 
 public service Honor, fame, reward a\vaited him in his pro 
 fession or in the field of literature. Yielding to his inclination 
 and taste, he had ahead of him the comforts of private life, its 
 enjoyments, its freedom from public vexations, its satisfying 
 returns. This enticing picture of the future he put aside when 
 the call came to him to take up the public burden, and he bore 
 his part without complaint. Truly there is a heroism of peace 
 as well as of war, and Senator HOAR was the civic hero of his 
 generation. 
 
 Could anything be more beautiful and inspiring than his life? 
 In the world at large he had also his part in the public weal. 
 Did the cause of philanthropy need an advocate, he was there. 
 Did the oppressed of other nations call for a champion, his voice 
 was raised in their behalf. Was it a moral lesson to teach, he 
 pointed it with a force at once striking and effective. Did the 
 shadow of superstition darken the land, his gospel of faith, 
 hope, and cheer lifted the veil. To his neighbors he was the 
 beloved citizen. To his countrymen he was the statesman 
 without reproach. To the youth of the nation he was the 
 example of true manhood. To us here he was a helper and 
 
Address of Mr. Gallinger, of New Hampshire 83 
 
 friend. To the future we may leave his fame, content that he 
 who writes impartially of that period of the Republic from the 
 close of the war between the States to the incoming twentieth 
 century will place Senator HOAR high among those who loved 
 their country, and gave of the best within them for her better 
 ment. Peace to his ashes. 
 
84 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. BACON, OF GEORGIA 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT: It is too frequently true that the language 
 of eulogy far surpasses the true merit of the object of its praise. 
 The ancient maxim of the Latins, " Speak no evil of the dead," 
 found its inspiration in the same charity which impels the 
 ascription of virtues to one who has gone from the living, far 
 exceeding those which are recognized and accorded to him 
 when in life. It is most rarely true that he who approaches 
 the grateful task of paying tribute to one who was loved and 
 honored in life is freed from the apprehension that he may say 
 more than the record may warrant. 
 
 No such apprehension disturbs me when I come to speak of 
 Senator HOAR. On the contrary, his life was so rich in its 
 great accomplishments, his character so strong and so individ 
 ualistic, his intellectual culture and attainments so high and so 
 varied, and his career so long and so distinguished, in letters, 
 at the bar, and in the national councils, that as I attempt these 
 few words I am oppressed with the consciousness that, even if 
 time permitted, my utterances would be feeble to express the 
 meed of honor and of encomium which he merits and which I 
 would gladly pay to his memory. 
 
 In the ten years I have been associated with him in this 
 Chamber, through eight of which I have served on the Judi 
 ciary Committee under his chairmanship, I have come to know 
 and to admire him as the learned lawyer and as the wise states 
 man; as the patriot with boundless devotion to the country and 
 pride in its institutions and in the imperishable principles of 
 
Address of Mr. Bacon, of Georgia 85 
 
 its Government; as the great orator upon whose words the 
 Senate was wont to hang with conscious pride, and to which 
 the nation lent an ever eager ear. And withal, as time passed 
 and with it was given the opportunity to know him, when 
 measuring him, not in the narrow limitations of the specialist, 
 but in the broad field which must be occupied by the all-round 
 man, facing and j>ersonally dealing with the varied demands 
 and problems and activities, social and political, of his day, I 
 came to regard him as the most scholarly and the most intel 
 lectually cultivated, and the best-equipped man, not only in the 
 Senate, not only in the Congress, but also among all those with 
 whom it has l>een my fortune to come into personal contact and 
 association. Doubtless it is true that in some respects he was 
 excelled by some men, and that in other respects he was 
 excelled by other men, for however it may have been in the 
 earlier day of more contracted scope of intellectual vision, in 
 this day of limitless intellectual development it is impossible 
 that any man can "take all knowledge to lie his province." 
 Hut nevertheless, in the general range of capacity and acquire 
 ment, and taking him as a whole, I have never known the man 
 whom, in general scholarship and intellectual culture and 
 equipment, I have thought to be his superior. 
 
 To such scholarship, to such intellectual culture and attain 
 ment he added great personal industry, intensity of conviction, 
 and unfaltering purpose. 
 
 But, sir, in the brief moment that I may to-day properly 
 occupy it is not for me to speak of him in this larger view. 
 Nevertheless, omitting the general consideration which is now 
 impracticable, I may briefly advert to a few characteristics and 
 recent incidents in his career. 
 
 If there was with him one sentiment deeper and more 
 intense than all others, it was his love of the right of personal 
 
86 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 liberty and his devotion to the right of self-government. 
 Born on the spot where in 1775 was fired the first shot which 
 echoed round the world the proclamation of personal and 
 political freedom, his heart was ever true to these fundamental 
 rights, warmed as it was by the blood which had coursed 
 through the veins of his patriotic sires. To their defense 
 from all assaults, whether from friend or foe, he was ever 
 
 Constant as the northern star, 
 Of whose true-fixed and resting quality 
 There is no fellow in the firmament. 
 
 Striking was the evidence of this devotion which he gave 
 within recent years. He was one of the founders of the 
 political party of which he was a most distinguished member. 
 For near half a century he was its zealous and ardent adherent, 
 and for the greater part of the time he stood in the front rank 
 of its leadership. He was devoted to its principles and proud 
 of its history and of its achievements. He loved it as one 
 loves those of his bone and of his flesh. Nevertheless when 
 that party to whose service he was thus consecrated did those 
 things and advocated those policies which in his opinion 
 violated the right of personal and political liberty, and which 
 in his judgment violated the right of self-government, he, 
 with the loved and venerable Morrill, of Vermont, took issue 
 with his party, and during the years when that controversy 
 raged fiercely here he battled for those rights with a power 
 and eloquence and an untiring pertinacity which have never 
 been surpassed in this Chamber; and those of us who in that 
 fierce controversy thought as he did were honored in being 
 accounted worthy to follow him afar off. 
 
 One thing personal to him, Mr. President, I may not for 
 bear to mention. His political party has been for a generation 
 
Address of Mr. Bacon, of Georgia 
 
 87 
 
 sharply at issue with the policies and the measures predomi 
 nant in the South. Throughout the lengthening years it has 
 naturally resulted that in the heat of political controversy 
 there have been engendered the fires of personal and political 
 antagonism. 
 
 And yet, during these same years, no one has spoken more 
 kindly and in words more laudatory of the South than has 
 Senator HOAR; and both in this Chamber and on the rostrum 
 elsewhere he has repeatedly borne testimony to the high ideals 
 and the nobility of character of the people of the South, and to 
 the integrity and probity of her public men virtues the pos 
 session of which they prize more than political power or the 
 rewards that wait on political supremacy. And, sir, I am glad 
 of this opportunity to thus publicly testify to the great appre 
 ciation of the South of his generous praise and to express the 
 gratitude and honor in which her people will ever hold his 
 memory. 
 
 To this, Mr. President, I wish to add the expression of im 
 personal sorrow for his loss. When he went hence, a great 
 void was made in this Chaml)er, which none other can fill. 
 Wise in council, strong in debate, defiant of wrong, dauntless 
 in the advocacy of the right, ripe in experience, and venerable 
 in years, he spoke when others were silent. 
 
 Proud of the Senate, he was jealous 
 his prompt challengemet__every attem 
 
 theirT Devotedto the system and the spirit of our_Qp.vern- 
 ment, he was ever the fearless and outspoken champion in their 
 defense! Alidsince he has gone from among us, when upon 
 occasion they have seemed to me to be here in jeopardy, I 
 have involuntarily turned to his old familiar seat, and I have 
 longed for the voice that is still. 
 
88 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 Mr. President, Massachusetts has borne a conspicuous part 
 in the history of our country. She was "the cradle in which 
 young Liberty was rocked." The first blood shed in the cause 
 of independence was poured out upon her soil. Since that first 
 shot at Concord great has been the number of her illustrious 
 sons. When she comes to enroll their names, high among 
 those worthy to be chief in her pride and in her affections will 
 be found that of GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR. 
 
Address of Mr. Perkins, of California 89 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. PERKINS, OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT : How great the loss of our country is iu the 
 death of GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR will, perhaps, not be fully 
 realized until time shall have enabled Americans to fully 
 understand and appreciate the loftiness of his character and the 
 power of his intellect. We of this body, of which he was so 
 long one of its most distinguished members, have had a better 
 opportunity to learn what manner of man he was than others 
 of his contemporaries, and I am sure that if we can not now 
 measure the true greatness of the man we are able to ascribe to 
 him a place in public life from which posterity will, at least, 
 not lower him. We who saw him at the close range of every 
 day life, without that perspective which is necessary to show 
 the harmony of parts, recognize him as one of the greatest 
 Americans, whose qualities of heart and mind we believe 
 entitle him to the rank of one of the foremost men of his time 
 and generation. 
 
 Some idea of the man and of his character can be obtained 
 from a mere reading of the brief sketch of his life which 
 appears in Congressional publications. The bare facts there 
 set forth show that from the time he began life until his death 
 he stood upon a high intellectual and moral plane. His 
 associates from youth were with those of elevated character 
 and unusual intellectual attainments, and in this atmosphere 
 he passed a long, a useful, and an unselfish life. As we learn 
 more and more of the work, public and private, in which he 
 was engaged, we acquire a wider and clearer conception of the 
 breadth of his understanding and the wide range of his sym 
 pathies. The movements and institutions with which his name 
 
90 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 is connected form a true index of the bent of his mind and the 
 aim of his efforts. In no position to which his great attain 
 ments called him is there a chance to suspect that selfish 
 ambition had an opportunity to manifest itself. It is true, 
 doubtless, that ambition had a place among the reasons which 
 induced him to accept the positions of honor to which he gave 
 the dignity of his character, but it was an ambition to serve 
 others, not to serve himself. 
 
 The colleagues of Senator HOAR in the Senate of the United 
 States will, without exception, bear witness to the predominat 
 ing characteristic of his work as a public man unselfish desire 
 to promote the public good. In a word, he was a patriot in the 
 highest and strictest meaning of the term. In no word that he 
 uttered, in no act that he performed, was there other than the 
 most sincere desire to effect something for the common good. 
 We who have had the opportunity to know him personally, to 
 study him as affected by the many and various conditions and 
 situations which occur here, have never had reason to suspect 
 that the thought of self ever shaded the meaning of a phrase 
 or gave the motive for an act. Throughout his long public 
 career nothing has been brought out more clearly than that the 
 object of all his efforts was the well-being of the Republic the 
 peace, happiness, and prosperity of its citizens. And I think 
 that the future historian who is able to make an unbiased esti 
 mate of the worth of the public men who have gone will affirm 
 that of the great men who were distinguished for their love of 
 country none stood before GEORGE FRISBIE HOAP. 
 
 It is this characteristic of the great successor of the great 
 men whom Massachusetts has sent to the United States Senate 
 which appeals to me most strongly, and I would that I could 
 impress it upon those who are ambitious to follow in his foot 
 steps in public life. It is a characteristic which was found in 
 
Address of Mr. /V;-/v;/.v, of California 91 
 
 those who founded the Republic, maintained it through all the 
 vicissitudes through which it has passed, and which must exist 
 in the citi/ens of the Republic if the Republic is to endure. 
 
 The patriotism of GKORC.K F. HOAR was that of the men of 
 76, the men of the Revolution, the men of the civil war, to 
 whom self was as naught compared with the public good. And 
 his colleagues in this Chamber will readily recall many in 
 stances in which it was as clear as the sun on an unclouded day 
 that his public act was performed in the knowledge that it 
 exjxxsed him to penalties which none but the strongest and 
 most unselfish men are willing to invite. I think he stands 
 to-day the tyjx- of the American who has made the 1 nited 
 States jx>ssible, and without whom it can not long exist; and I 
 can not jxiint out a more illustrious example for young Ameri 
 cans to follow than the great statesman whose memory we here 
 honor to-day. 
 
 As long as the standard which he set for himself is the 
 standard of the youth of America there need be no fear for the 
 future of our country. Americans with the patriotic ideals of 
 GKOKGK FKISHIK HOAR are an invincible defense against 
 enemies from within or foes from without. 
 
 This unselfish love of country was what made Senator HOAR, 
 with his great abilities and his wide learning, a statesman in 
 the broadest and highest sense. Mere politics had no place in 
 his scheme of public life. While a man loyal to his party, and 
 lending to it the weight of his great intellect and wide expe 
 rience, often following it, as long as there was ground for a 
 reasonable and honest doubt, in paths which did not meet his 
 hearty approval, he was ever ready to rise above party when 
 his conscience was aroused and his reason was convinced. 
 Party ties were then as cobweb shackles to his actions. First 
 with him came the good of our common country. Party 
 
92 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 advantage and party policy were at all times secondary to 
 the welfare of all the people. And such was the knowledge of 
 the man by his immediate constituents, and such the absolute 
 confidence in his honesty of judgment and devotion to the 
 best interests of the Republic, that a resolution was reported in 
 the Massachusetts legislature on the occasion of his strenuous 
 opposition to party policy on the pending treaty relative to 
 the Philippines, declaring that Massachusetts left her Senators 
 untrammeled in the exercise of an independent and patriotic 
 judgment upon the momentous questions presented for their 
 consideration." And never was implicit confidence more 
 worthily placed than in GEORGE F. HOAR. In his recently 
 published memoirs he sets forth his attitude as a public man as 
 follows: 
 
 I have throughout my whole public political life acted upon my own 
 judgment. I have done what I thought for the public interest, without 
 much troubling myself about public opinion. * * I account it my 
 
 great good fortune that, although I have never flinched from uttering 
 whatever I thought and acting according to my own conviction of public 
 duty, that as I am approaching fourscore years I have, almost without an 
 exception, the good will of my countrymen. I have never in 
 
 my life cast a vote or done an act in legislation that I did not at the time 
 believe to be right 
 
 What a splendid sentiment! And this action we can follow 
 and imitate with credit to ourselves as individual Senators and 
 with honor to our country. 
 
 I have never in my life cast a vote or done an act in legislation that I 
 did not at the time believe to be right and that I am not now willing to 
 avow and to defend and debate with an}* champion of sufficient impor 
 tance who desires to attack it at any time and in any presence. Whether 
 I am right or wrong in my opinion as to the duty of acting with and 
 adherence to part} 7 , it is the result not of emotion or attachment or 
 excitement, but of as cool, calculating, sober, and deliberate reflection 
 as I am able to give to any question of conduct or duty. Many of the 
 things I have done in this world which have been approved by other men, 
 or have tended to give me any place in the respect of my countrymen, 
 have been done in opposition, at the time, to the party to which I belonged. 
 
Address of Mr. Perkins, of California 93 
 
 In all his long career in the House of Representatives and in 
 the Senate not one act or word of his is recorded that would 
 serve to throw suspicion upon the absolute purity of his 
 motives and his almost religious zeal for the welfare of his 
 country. He was always looking far into the future, which 
 his great knowledge and long experience taught him has many 
 and vital problems yet to be solved, and with the sagacity 
 which makes of a sincere, a patriotic, and an able man a true 
 statesman, he sought to so guide legislation that posterity 
 should find no cause to condemn as errors the acts of the 
 Congress of the United States. 
 
 The ideals of the founders of the Republic were ever before 
 him, and to maintain or attain them he devoted the great work 
 of his active life. And this work was based on a thorough 
 knowledge of the history and laws of his country, which he 
 had made his study throughout his long career. No man 
 here, probably, better understood the basic principles of our 
 system of government, more deeply entered into the spirit 
 which underlies it, or has followed with greater minuteness 
 the development of our institutions. Recognixing that the 
 rock on which the Republic is built is the Constitution, he 
 devoted a lifetime to an effort to prevent that foundation of 
 our republican system from l>eing undermined and the super 
 structure rendered unsafe. 
 
 It was not the mere lawyer, brilliant and learned as he 
 was, that studied the Constitution and worked out its bearings 
 on political policies and suggested legislation; it was the 
 great statesman, who sought to have every act of Govern 
 ment so rest on a sure basis of truth that progress should 
 be along the straight path leading to that condition of 
 universal well-being which was the aim of the founders. 
 
94 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 Thus patriotism and statesmanship made of GEORGE F. 
 HOAR the leading constitutional debater of his time. His 
 knowledge was so minute, so exact, that he was an authority 
 on all constitutional questions, and was so recognized by the 
 Congress of the United States. In the interpretation of the 
 Constitution and important questions as to construction he had 
 important and leading parts, and to his wisdom and legal 
 acumen is in great part due the safe solution of many vexed 
 and vital questions which would have led less competent men 
 into labyrinths where dangers lie on every side. 
 
 But notwithstanding the eminence attained by GEORGE F. 
 HOAR as a public man, his was a character of almost touch 
 ing simplicity. He had no thought of his own po\ver or 
 attainments perhaps did not realize their extent. The key 
 note is found in his own words: 
 
 Down to the time I was admitted to the bar, and indeed for a year later, 
 my dream and highest ambition were to spend my life as what is called 
 an office lawyer, making deeds and giving advice in small transactions. 
 I supposed I was absolutely without capacity for public speaking. I 
 expected never to be married; perhaps to earn twelve or fifteen hundred 
 dollars a year, which would enable me to have a room of my own in some 
 quiet house, and to earn enough to collect rare books that could be had 
 without much cost. 
 
 Surely a simple life is here set forth a life in w r hich vulgar 
 ambition had no part in anticipation, as it had no part in fact. 
 Wealth was not one of the objects which the young man was 
 to strive for, and it was at no time the object of his efforts. 
 That his ideas of life remained unchanged from the simple 
 ones of early manhood was made clear to me when, a few 
 years ago, in intimate private conversation, he stated that he 
 had never had a desire to be rich; that all he wished for was 
 enough to procure for himself and those he loved the neces 
 saries of life, and to provide after his death for those dependent 
 upon him. 
 
Address of Mr. Perkins, of California 95 
 
 This is essentially the same simple personal ambition as that 
 of the young lawyer just entering upon his career. And in 
 the midst of a busy, active, and exacting life he clung to his 
 early ambition as to the possession of l>ooks, and the scholarly 
 instincts which early manifested themselves were developed 
 into literary powers of great brilliancy. The intervals in his 
 active life which gave leisure were passed among the books, 
 which were his friends, his advisers, and his helpers; and from | 
 the great minds of all ages he gathered that store of rich cul-/ 
 ture which gave charm to his speech and loftiness to his views?. 
 That library which he, as a young man, looked forward to as 
 most desirable of possessions was the most valuable part of his 
 es tate when he died. He lived the life which was to him most 
 attractive, a life devoted to high thought, high endeavor, and 
 high attainment, and he has left behind him that which is of 
 more worth than great riches. 
 
 The lesson 
 
 He says in his memoirs 
 
 which I have learned in life, which is impressed on me daily, and more 
 deeply as I grow old, is the lesson of good will and good hope. I believe 
 that to-day is better than yesterday and that to-morrow will be better than 
 to-day. I believe that in spite of so many errors and wrongs and even 
 crimes my countrymen of all classes desire what is good, and not what is 
 evil. 
 
 Well may we say of this noble character: 
 
 The seas are quiet when the winds give o er; 
 
 So calm are we when passions are no more; 
 
 For then we know how vain it was to boast 
 
 Of fleeting things too certain to be lost. 
 
 Clouds of affection from our younger eves, 
 
 Conceal that emptiness which age descries. 
 
 The soul s dark cottage, battered and decayed, 
 
 Lets in new light through chinks that time has made; 
 
 Stronger by weakness, wiser men become, 
 
 As they draw near to their eternal home. 
 
 Leaving the old, both worlds at once they view, 
 
 That stand upon the threshold of the new. 
 
96 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. FAIRBANKS, OF INDIANA 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT: For more than a quarter of a century 
 GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR was one of the most distinguished 
 figures in the United States Senate and one of the best-known 
 men within the limits of the Republic. He honored the 
 Senate and the Senate honored him. He cherished its best 
 traditions and always upheld its dignity and power. He 
 believed it among the wisest provisions of our great scheme 
 of constitutional government. He felt that in the serenity of 
 this Chamber the interests of the American people were secure; 
 that it was one of the most potent safeguards of liberty among 
 men. Its honor was very dear to him. 
 
 He had the utmost respect for the Senatorial office and 
 looked with marked disfavor upon those who seemed to lack 
 in the same high appreciation of its functions and its influence. 
 
 Senator HOAR was of a line of able Senators, men of unusual 
 distinction and acknowledged capacity for public service. He 
 came from a State which has commissioned her most gifted 
 sons, her wisest and ablest statesmen, to represent her here. 
 The roll is a distinguished and honorable one. Among the 
 number were John Quincy Adams, Rufus Choate, Robert C. 
 Winthrop, Daniel Webster, Charles Sumner, and Henry Wil 
 son, men who commanded the nation s respect by the force of 
 their genius; men who were well fitted to make a nation s laws. 
 They were in harmony with the spirit of our institutions. 
 They were profound believers in our system of popular gov 
 ernment. They possessed in full measure the national confi 
 dence and the national admiration. Their lives and their 
 services are a part of the priceless heritage of the Republic. 
 
Address of Mr. Fairbanks, of Indiana 97 
 
 Senator HOAR was fit for the companionship of the greatest 
 of these. The mantle which Massachusetts placed upon his 
 shoulders was worthily worn by him for more than twenty-five 
 years. 
 
 He entered the Senate at an interesting period in our his 
 tory. Grave questions were in debate and great problems 
 were soon to engage the enlightened and considerate judg 
 ment of the American people. He brought hither ample 
 experience as a Member of the National House of Repre 
 sentatives, the reputation of an able lawyer, and the rich 
 accomplishments of a man of letters. He entered this great 
 arena exceptionally well equipped for its manifold duties and 
 responsibilities. 
 
 Throughout his career here he addressed himself to his 
 Senatorial duties with entire singleness of purpose. He 
 brought hither no divided allegiance. Neither fear nor favor 
 swerved him in the discharge of his official functions. He 
 never for a moment lost sight of the vital fact that he was 
 the servant of the people in a republican Government. His 
 ideals were lofty, and he sought to carry them into the dis 
 charge of his public duties. 
 
 Senator HOAR was direct and candid. He had no hos 
 pitality for men who were otherwise. He was a brave and 
 sincere man. He had the courage of his convictions and 
 would maintain them against all comers. He was tenacious 
 of his opinions, which had been wrought out by investigation 
 and mature reflection, but whenever convinced that he was 
 wrong he would yield to the better reason. 
 
 He was one of the founders of the Republican party and 
 
 one of its wisest counselors throughout his long public 
 
 career. He was a firm believer in the virtue of its tenets, 
 
 a powerful supporter of its administration, yet he sometimes 
 
 S. Doc. 201, 58-3 7 
 
98 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 differed with his party associates. His differences never led 
 to their alienation, for they had unbounded faith in the 
 absolute integrity of his purpose, in his entire veracity as a 
 statesman, and in his unquenchable love of country; of his 
 supreme confidence in the beneficence of the part}- to which 
 he gave his early allegiance, and which conferred upon him 
 signal honors. 
 
 When I came to the Senate he was endeavoring to aid in 
 promoting an adjustment of the unfortunate conditions in the 
 island of Cuba so as to avoid an infraction of the international 
 peace. When war became inevitable, he was among the first 
 to raise his voice in vindication of the course upon which we 
 were about to enter. He justified an appeal to the sword in 
 a speech of uncommon power. He supported every measure 
 in that national crisis. When our arms triumphed and the 
 treaty of Paris was laid before the Senate, he was one of the 
 most forceful in opposition to its ratification. His judgment 
 led him to challenge the policy of the President and of his 
 party. He lost no opportunity to make manifest his opposition 
 to the acquisition of the Philippine Islands, for he regarded 
 their possession as violative of the principles of our republican 
 institutions. All his powers were summoned in opposition to 
 a step which, in the opinion of the Administration and his 
 party, was commanded by the imperative voice of national 
 duty. The divergence of views was sharp, yet he did not lose 
 in the confidence or in the affection of those with whom he 
 had so long been in political fellowship. 
 
 This subject was in debate before the American people 
 when he was last elected to the Senate. His attitude upon 
 it was not in harmony with the prevailing view of his party 
 in the venerable Commonwealth he had so long served. 
 Without a dissenting voice the Republicans of Massachusetts 
 
Address of Mr. Fairbanks, of Indiana 99 
 
 returned him to his seat here. He was profoundly touched 
 by this renewed manifestation of the confidence of his State, 
 and especially by the fact that she thereby recognized his 
 right to the exercise of an untrammeled judgment upon a 
 question of great national significance. I know from his lips 
 how deeply touched he was by this evidence of the regard of 
 the Commonwealth whose approval he valued beyond all else. 
 
 During his entire service here there was no abatement of 
 his interest in his Senatorial work. He was a diligent and 
 discriminating student of all questions which engaged our 
 attention, and sought in committee and upon the floor to 
 promote those measures which he regarded most essential in 
 the advancement of the public welfare. He was an investi 
 gator, a searcher after truth. His learning was vast, and he 
 gave to the country the fullest benefit of it. For twenty 
 years he was a member of the Committee on the Judiciary, 
 and at the time of his death its chairman. Xo one during 
 that period was more able and more diligent than he in con 
 sidering the numerous and difficult legal and constitutional 
 questions which engaged its attention. 
 
 Senator HOAR S life was essentially devoted to the public 
 welfare. He entered the National House of Representatives 
 more than a generation before his death. When he entered 
 the public service he practically abandoned the practice of the 
 law. He left his chosen profession after he had become well 
 established in it. He turned from its alluring prospects and 
 its material rewards to the service of the State, with its inade 
 quate pecuniary returns, because he l>elieved it was his patri 
 otic duty to do so. He did not seek the opportunity to serve 
 his countrymen in the wide national theater where he so long 
 wrought. The people sought him. Speaking of his profes 
 sional career, he told me he had accumulated a reasonable 
 
ioo Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 competency, and that during his public sen-ice he had reduced 
 it until only a comparatively small sum remained. He was, 
 nevertheless, eminently satisfied with the course he had pur 
 sued. His reward was the consciousness of service performed 
 for his country and his Commonwealth. He believed that here 
 was the field of his best service in the public interest, and he 
 declined high public honors in other departments of the Gov 
 ernment. Twice he declined the English mission, a position 
 which he would have greatly adorned. There was in his 
 opinion no more honorable place than the Senate arid none 
 better suited to his taste and his talents. 
 
 Senator HOAR was a forceful debater. He frequently par 
 ticipated in the discussions of the committee and the Senate. 
 He was zealous in the espousal of his cause and neither asked 
 nor gave quarter. He brought to the consideration of all 
 questions large experience and wide information. He sought 
 to win the deliberate judgment of men; he cared little for mere 
 applause. He was sober-minded, and addressed himself assid 
 uously to the consciences and judgment of his countrymen. 
 "The men to whom the American people gives its respect, 
 said he, " and whom it is willing to trust in the great places of 
 power are intelligent men of propriety, dignity, and sobriety." 
 
 Our friend died as he would have wished- with the harness 
 on. To the last he was in the full possession of his intellectual 
 faculties. He died full of years, full of honors respected and 
 loved everywhere. No stain rests upon his illustrious name. 
 He awaited death with composure, as the just may do. After 
 he had taken to his bed with an illness he thought temporary, 
 he wrote me. He said the physicians told him that no one 
 died of his ailment. He talked lightly of it, and his letter 
 scintillated with that subtle wit so familiar to us. 
 
Address of Mr. Fairbanks, of Indiana 101 
 
 When all that science and love could do had l>een done, and 
 his recovery was impossible, our friend faced the future with 
 uncomplaining lips. A few days before the end he said, "I 
 lx?lieve I shall die this afternoon. I have done the best I could. 
 I have always loved this town and its people." In the last 
 serious moment his thought was of the people of his home, 
 with whom he had l>een most closely associated and who never 
 faltered in their allegiance to him. 
 
 Scholar, orator, patriot, statesman, colleague, friend, we 
 reverently place upon the records of the Senate the tribute of 
 our affection and admiration. 
 
IO2 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. PETTUS, OF ALABAMA 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT: I desire also to say a few words on this 
 occasion. 
 
 The great Senator from Massachusetts to whose memory we 
 have met to pay tribute was better known to those who have 
 spoken than to myself. They knew him longer; and they 
 knew him and associated with him and learned to honor him 
 as a scholar and as a lawyer. I have only known him here 
 in the Senate as an earnest, eminent statesman; and here 
 learned, in some degree, to appreciate his devotion to the great 
 work he was selected to perform. 
 
 My first association with Senator HOAR commenced only 
 eight years ago, when I was made a member of the Judiciary 
 Committee, of which he was the chairman. And his great 
 ability and extraordinary experience in Congress most natu 
 rally gave him the capacity as well as an inclination to govern. 
 
 He came of a family more distinguished for the number of 
 great men than almost any other American stock; and it was 
 impossible for him not to appreciate the fact of his descent 
 from Roger Sherman, and his near connection with so many 
 distinguished men descended from the same eminent patriot 
 of the Revolution. 
 
 It sometimes happens in republics like ours that men affect 
 to care nothing for their own ancestry, and even ridicule others 
 who are not of the same disposition. But the American does 
 not live who would not be proud of the fact if he could truth 
 fully state that his ancestor was a signer of our Declaration 
 of Independence, or served his country faithfully in our Revo 
 lutionary war. And such pride should be cultivated. It makes 
 
Address of Mr, Pet (us, of Alabama 103 
 
 patriots and heroes by stirring the ambition of young men to 
 serve their country with all their power in peace or war, .ml 
 to work so as to l>ecome well qualified for such service. It 
 creates that spirit of high and heroic daring displayed by 
 England s great admiral at Trafalgar, when he exclaimed: 
 "Victory or Westminster Abl>ey!" and gained the greatest 
 naval victory and a most honored place in Westminster Abbey 
 on the same day. 
 
 You have in this Capitol a noble chamber, filling and to be 
 filled with bron/e and marble statues of great Americans. 
 Why did you dedicate it to that use? To honor the dead, 
 surely, but not merely to that end; it was also to fire the souls 
 of generations living and to come, and to teach them that 
 
 Honest toil is holy service; 
 Faithful work is prayer and praise; 
 
 and that no labor is too great, no danger too imminent, no 
 endurance too long in the service of their country, if they aim 
 to be among those honored for wise and faithful counsel or 
 for brave and noble deeds. 
 The poet has said: 
 
 Princes and lords may flourish or may fade; 
 
 A breath can make them, as a breath has made. 
 
 But this is not true in our country. Here the real nobleman 
 is made not by the breath of a king, but by his own work. 
 
 Senator HOAR no doubt inherited strong brain power, and 
 he improved that power by constant, diligent work, and the 
 two combined made him the eminent statesman he was. His 
 brain power and work made him known to the ]>eople of his 
 State when he was a young man, and they gave him full 
 opportunity for obtaining distinction among the statesmen of 
 the Union. 
 
 He was of the highest type of New England statesmen; and 
 
104 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 he served his State faithfully and honestly in the National 
 Legislature for nearly forty years, first in the House of Rep 
 resentatives and afterwards in the Senate, and continuously. 
 For at each recurring election the people of Massachusetts 
 said to him, "Well done, good and faithful servant!" 
 
 They knew him to be what has been called "the noblest 
 work" of God," and they knew his inherited brain force and 
 his almost unequaled work, and they loved and honored him 
 and were proud of him. And he loved them, and served 
 them with a devotion and diligence never surpassed. 
 
Address of Mr. Gorman, of Maryland 105 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. GORMAN, OF MARYLAND 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT: Again, within a week, \ve gather to pay 
 tribute to one of the nation s great men gone to rest. This 
 one differed in many respects from him whose memory we 
 celebrated on last Saturday. He was more tolerant, more 
 optimistic. His sympathies were wider and less deliberate. 
 With learning carefully and richly stored, with philosophies 
 mellowed by observation, with judgments shaped by charity 
 and love, he was at once wise and kind, enlightened and 
 indulgent, firm yet eager to excuse. His beliefs were builded 
 on the rock of deep conviction. His standards were the 
 growth of prayerful and conscientious analysis. 
 
 Equipped with a keen and jxnietrating intellect, he could 
 make allowances for those less gifted. 
 
 A man of pure and stainless life, he could feel for the 
 victims of temptation. Fixed in his own creed, he was ever 
 ready to recognize the sincerity of those who preached a 
 different faith. 
 
 It was GEORGE F. HOAR who said: 
 
 If I were to select the man of all others with whom I have served in the 
 Senate who seemed to me the most perfect example of the quality and 
 character of the American Senator, I think it would t>e Edward C. Walthall, 
 of Mississippi. 
 
 There is the nature and the measure of the man. 
 
 What a wonderful career was his! He saw the American 
 Union grow from infancy to its perfected power and propor 
 tions. Almost the whole procession of its tragedies and 
 tumults passed beneath his eye. Born before Andrew Jackson 
 became President, he was a contemporary of, and a participant 
 
106 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 in, all the great national crises which followed the Missouri 
 Compromise of 1850. 
 
 Of every evolution that influenced the country s destiny he 
 was a witness. In each of its most important dramas he was 
 an actor. During his lifetime the gigantic problems, born 
 with the Republic and for half a century threatening its 
 very existence, were carried, if often through blood and 
 terror and calamity, to permanent solutions. 
 
 He was a factor in those colossal equations which reconciled 
 the incompatabilities of the States rights and the Federal 
 philosophies. He took part in the supreme perils of the 
 slaver} agitation, the stupendous civil war in which it culmi 
 nated, and the crowning anxieties of that transition from 
 chaos to ordered harmony which we familiarly describe as 
 the period of reconstruction. 
 
 It may be said of him that he saw the nation emerge from 
 its swaddling clothes and grow to the full measure of the 
 raiment of maturity and empire. He lived to hail the reali 
 zation of his patriotic dream of the only passion he ever 
 harbored in his loyal heart the definite rehabilitation of 
 our political and social structure. 
 
 He was throughout it all a man of infinite compassion, of 
 comprehensive sympathies, of noble and unselfish impulse. 
 He W 7 as a partisan without rancor, an antagonist without 
 bitterness, a friend without reservations and conditions, a 
 conqueror without vengeance, a loser without resentment. 
 He passed with clean hands and unstained honor through 
 temptations that shook the souls of smaller men. He gazed 
 with pure, unclouded brow on carnivals of profligacy in which 
 proud reputations were swept away and long lives of right 
 eousness went out in degradation. His was a heart where 
 charity abode always. He recognized the virtue of his 
 
Address of Mr. Gorman, of Maryland 107 
 
 opponents; he never claimed perfection for himself or his 
 coadjutors. He thought first of his country, of his patriotic 
 obligations, and next of his party and his private welfare. 
 
 And his is a career, Mr. President, which the American 
 youth may study in a spirit of reverence and emulation. It 
 is the record of a brilliant and a noble life. It constitutes 
 another of those glorious and l>eautiful traditions in which 
 the Republic is already so fabulously rich. As long as men 
 admire courage, self-sacrifice, devotion, high sense of duty, 
 and patriotism attuned to martyrdom, so long will the memory 
 of GKORGK F. HOAR be held in honor and affection. 
 
io8 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. DEPEW, OF NEW YORX 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT : It is asserted by many writers that the 
 Senate has seen its best days. They claim that the statesmen 
 who made this body famous in the earlier periods of our history 
 have not had any successors of equal merit or genius. The 
 Senate does not change, but the questions which it must discuss 
 and decide are new with each generation. There is a broad 
 distinction between the elucidation and solving of problems 
 which relate to the foundations and upbuilding of institutions, 
 which are vital to their preservation and perpetuity, and the 
 materialistic issues of finance, commercialism, and industrial 
 ism. The one arouses in the orator every faculty of his mind, 
 every possibility of his imagination, every aspiration of his 
 soul, and every emotion of his heart, while the others demand 
 mainly the aptitude and experience of the college professor or 
 the expert or student on subjects which affect the fortunes of 
 the factory, the mill, the furnace, and the farm. 
 
 Webster could command the attention of listening Senates 
 and of an anxious and expectant country with orations which 
 have become part of our best literature and educate the youth 
 of our schools on interpretations of the Constitution of the 
 United States upon which depend the life or death of liberty. 
 But Webster could hold only temporary interest and a narrow 
 audience on tariff schedules upon wool or lumber, upon iron or 
 cotton fabrics, or upon bimetallism , or the single standard. 
 Hamilton and Jefferson and their antagonistic schools were 
 creating with little precedent to guide them a form of govern 
 ment in which liberty and law would give the largest protection 
 
Address of Mr. Dcpcin\ oj New York 109 
 
 to the individual citizen and maintain order and promote the 
 greatest happiness of the mass. The one believed these results 
 could best l>e obtained by centralized power, the other by its 
 distribution among the States. There was then brought into 
 play the loftiest creative and constructive genius which the 
 world has known. 
 
 Webster, Clay, and Calhoun, the Senatorial triumvirate, 
 who attained the zenith of Senatorial fame, made their repu 
 tations and that of this body upon the discussion of implied 
 powers in the Constitution, affecting not only the nation s 
 life but the destruction or per]>etuity of human slavery. 
 Webster, in that immortal speech, which educated millions of 
 our youth to rush to arms when the Republic was in danger, 
 preached from the text of "Liberty and union, now and for 
 ever, one and inseparable." Calhoun saw clearly the extinc 
 tion of slavery with the growth of the country, and brought 
 to the defense of the system resources, intellectual and log 
 ical, never equaled ; while Clay postponed the inevitable 
 through compromises, which were adopted because of his 
 passionate pleas of marvelous eloquence for peace and unity. 
 So in the acute stage of the controversy, which resulted in 
 the civil war and ended in the enfranchisement of the slaves, 
 Seward here and Lincoln on the platform, were appealing to 
 that higher law ot conscience, which uplifts the orator and 
 audience to a spiritual contemplation of things material. 
 
 Happily the work of the founders in one age and the 
 saviors in another has left to us mainly the development upon 
 industrial lines of our country s resources and capabilities. 
 We produced no heroes in over half a century, and yet when 
 the war drums called the nation to arms, Grant, from the 
 tannery, and Lee, from a humble position in the Army, rose 
 to rank among the great captains of all the ages. Had the 
 
no Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 civil war never occurred, Grant would have lived a peaceful 
 and modest mercantile life in a country town of Illinois, and 
 Lee would have passed the evening of his days in equal 
 obscurity upon the retired list of the United States Army. 
 Better, if the contest can be honorably averted, that a hero 
 should never be known than that his discovery should be 
 brought about by the calamities of war, the sacrifice of hun 
 dreds of thousands of lives, and the distress, demoralization, 
 and devastation of civil strife. 
 
 We pa> r our tribute to-day to one who in any of these great 
 periods would have stood beside the most famous; to one who, 
 having the experience of a longer continuous term in Congress 
 than any other citizen of Massachusetts ever enjo) 7 ed, testified 
 on all occasions to the increasing power, growth, and benefi 
 cent influence of this body, and to the ever-advancing purity of 
 American public life. His education and opportunities, his 
 singularly intimate connection with the glorious past and the 
 activities of the present, made him a unique and in a measure 
 an isolated figure. He was educated under conditions and in 
 surroundings which developed for the public service conscience, 
 heart, and imagination. A lawyer of the first rank by heredity, 
 study, and practice, he nevertheless approached public ques 
 tions, not from the standpoint of the pleader, but the orator; 
 not as an advocate with a brief, but as a patriot with a mission. 
 He cast his first vote in 1847, when all the fire of his youth 
 had been aroused by the slavery agitation. He came actively 
 into politics the year after, when the Democratic party had 
 divided into the Free Soil and slavery men, and the Whig 
 party was split between the adherents of conscience or cotton. 
 He began his career upon the platform and his preparation for 
 the public service as a conscience Whig. 
 
Address of Mr. Dcpcw, of New York \ 1 1 
 
 He saw the preparation, through the American or Know- 
 Xothing party, in which Whigs and Democrats were acting 
 together, of an organization upon broader lines. Xo one 
 worked harder or more intelligently for the fusion of men of 
 opposite creeds on industrial questions, but of one mind in 
 opposition to slavery, into a National Constitutional Anti- 
 slavery party. When that party came into existence in 1856 
 with a Presidential candidate and platform it had no more 
 ardent sponsor for its faith and its future than Senator HOAR. 
 A party whose fundamental creed was liberty for all men of 
 every race and color appealed to the poetic and sentimental 
 side of our friend and to the revolutionary ideas with which 
 he was saturated. He came to l>elieve that the worst which 
 the Republican party might do would be more beneficial to 
 the country than the best which its opponent was capable of. 
 Though often differing from his party associates, his combat 
 was to accomplish his purposes within the lines. He bowed 
 to the will of the majority in his action, without surrender 
 ing his individual convictions as to the wisdom of the policy. 
 He claimed, and with much reason, that the party had come 
 after repeated trials, in many instances, to his way of think 
 ing, and if those who went outside of the breastworks and 
 lost all influence had remained with him his ideas would 
 sooner have been adopted. We have here the explanation 
 of the only criticism which has ever l>een passed upon his 
 public acts. As in the Philippine and Panama questions, 
 where his eloquence gave comfort to the opposition and 
 grieved his friends, his votes supported the position of the 
 majority and the policies of the Administration. 
 
 It was a high privilege to be a member of the Judiciary Com 
 mittee of the Senate under his chairmanship. It was a couit 
 
ii2 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 presided over by a great lawyer. With courteous deference to 
 the members, bills were sent to subcommittees, but when the 
 subcommittee made its report they found that the questions 
 had been exhaustively examined before by the chairman. The 
 subcommittee which had perfunctorily done its work received, 
 in the form of a polite statement and exposition of the case, the 
 report which, if they had attended to their duties, they ought 
 to have made. This work required not only vast legal knowl 
 edge and accurate judgment, but prodigious industry. It was 
 that rare condition of mind where work becomes a habit, and 
 with Senator HOAR, when the committee or the Senate or law 
 or literature failed to give him occupation he would pass the 
 idle hours in translating Thucydides or some other Greek author 
 into English. 
 
 In the examination at the close of the last session, before the 
 Committee on Privileges and Elections, of the president and 
 apostles of the Mormon Church, himself a close student of all 
 theologies and an eminent Unitarian, he was aroused by the 
 claim of divine inspiration for the words and acts of the Mormon 
 apostles. He drew from President Smith the statement that 
 the action of his predecessor, President Woodruff, in reversing 
 the doctrine of polygamy, heretofore held by the church, was 
 directly inspired by God, and then made him testify that, 
 though living under the inspiration of the presidency of the 
 church, he was also living in direct violation of that revelation 
 by remaining a polygamist. In the course of a long cross- 
 examination he drew from Apostle Lyman statements of 
 doctrine and beliefs, and subsequently contradictions of these 
 positions, and then forced the apostle to swear that both the 
 assertion and the contradiction were inspired by God. 
 
 At the age of 43 he was at the crossroads of his career. 
 He had reached a position at the bar which placed within 
 
Address of Mr. Depcw, of Neiv York 1 1 3 
 
 his grasp the highest rewards of the profession of the law. 
 The country was entering upon an era of speculation, of 
 railroad building, the bankruptcy and reorganization of com 
 binations of capital in the creation and consolidation of 
 corporations, which called for the highest talents and the 
 best equipment of lawyers. Questions as to the power of the 
 General Government over corporations created by States and 
 the powers of the States as to limitations and confiscations 
 of corporations engaged in interstate commerce interested 
 capital and labor, shippers and investors. The largest fees 
 and fortunes ever known in the history of the practice of 
 the law came to those who demonstrated their ability during 
 these wonderful years. On the threshold of this temple of 
 fortune and fame at the bar Mr. HOAR was elected to the 
 United States Senate. He knew that he lived in a State 
 whose traditions were to keep its public men who merited 
 its confidence continuously in Congress. He felt that in the 
 great questions still unsolved which had grown out of the 
 civil war and the marvelous development of the country he 
 could perform signal public sen-ice. His decision was made. 
 The courts lost a great lawyer, the Senate gained a great 
 statesman, and he lived and died a poor man. 
 
 I spent a memorable night with Mr. Gladstone when in a 
 reminiscent mood, and with a masterful discrimination and 
 eloquence he conversed upon the traditions of the House of 
 Commons during the sixty years of his membership. As the 
 stately procession of historic men and measures came into 
 view, they were inspired by the speaker with all the charac 
 teristics and methods of their period. The changes which 
 had occurred were detailed by a master who loved and revered 
 the Commons. Senator HOAR would do this for the thirty- 
 seven years of his activities in Congress, but with a wit and 
 S. Doc. 201, 5-H-3 8 
 
114 Life and Character of George F, Hoar 
 
 humor which Gladstone lacked. He remembered the sarcasm, 
 or the ridicule, or the epigram, or the witticism, or the illus 
 tration which had not only illumed but ended the debate, and 
 the opposing debater. 
 
 We read with wonder of the nights when Samuel Johnson 
 gathered about him Goldsmith and Burke and Reynolds and 
 Garrick ; and Boswell could make immortal volumes of their 
 conversations, especially at this time when conversation is 
 becoming a lost art, because the shop has invaded the drawing- 
 room and the dinner table, and cards have captured society. 
 
 But Senator HOAR knew his favorites among the Greek and 
 Roman classics, and the Bible and Shakespeare by heart. He 
 could quote with a familiarity of frequent reading and retentive 
 memory from the literature of the period of Queen Elizabeth 
 and of Queen Anne, as well as the best of modern authors, and 
 he was a member of that coterie which met weekly at Parker s, 
 in Boston, where Longfellow, Hawthorne, Whittier, and others 
 reproduced for our day, and in better form, the traditions of 
 the Johnsonian Parliament, and where the Senator and his 
 brother were the quickest and the wittiest of the crowd. 
 
 Whether in conversation or debate there never has been in 
 the American Congress a man so richly cultured and with all 
 his culture so completely at command. 
 
 The statesmen of the Revolution were with Senator HOAR 
 living realities. The men of the present \vere passing figures, 
 fading into obscurity, compared with these immortals. In a 
 remarkable speech he said of the signers of the Declaration: 
 "We, not they, are the shadows." On his father s side, his 
 grandfather, two great-grandfathers, and three uncles were in 
 Lincoln s company at Concord Bridge, and his mother was a 
 daughter of Roger Sherman, whom he thought the wisest and 
 ablest of the members of the Continental Congress. He was 
 
Address of Mr. Dcpew, of New York 115 
 
 the only person who signed all four of the great state papers 
 to which the signatures of the Delegates of the different 
 Colonies were attached: The Association of 1774, the Articles 
 of Confederation, the Declaration of Independence, and the 
 Constitution of the United States. 
 
 His mother rememl>ered, as a little girl, sitting on Washing 
 ton s knee and hearing him talk, and her sister, the mother 
 of William M. Evarts, when a child of 11, opened the door 
 for General Washington as he was leaving the house after his 
 visit to her father, Roger Sherman. The General, with his 
 stately courtesy, "put his hand on her head and said, My 
 little lady, I wish you a better office. She dropped a courtesy 
 and answered, quick as lightning, Yes, sir; to let you in. 
 He lived all his life in this atmosphere of his youth. The 
 marvelous results of the working of the principles of the 
 charter framed in the cabin of the Mayflou cr for "just and 
 equal laws," and of the Declaration of Independence in the 
 development of orderly liberty for his countrymen, convinced 
 him that the same rights and privileges would end as happily, 
 after trial, with the negroes of the South and the people of the 
 Philippine Islands and of the Russian Kmpire. It was a matter 
 with him, not of pride or boastf illness, but of sustaining power 
 under the responsibilities that in every Congress from the 
 beginning had been a representative of the Sherman clan. I 
 was distantly related to him by the same tie, and he exhibited 
 an elder brotherly and almost fatherly watchfulness and care 
 for me when I entered the Senate. 
 
 His cousins, William M. Kvarts and Roger Minot Sherman, 
 were the foremost advocates of their periods, his father 
 eminent at the bar, and his brother Attorney-General of the 
 United States, and yet he would have been the equal of 
 either as a lawyer if he had climbed for its leadership. It 
 
ii 6 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 has been the high privilege of his colleagues here to meet, 
 converse, work, and debate with a Mayflower Puritan, 
 possessed of all the culture and learning of the twentieth 
 century, but with the virtues, the prejudices, the likes and 
 dislikes, the vigor and courage of the Pilgrim Fathers, 
 neither softened nor weakened by the looseness of creeds nor 
 the luxury of living of to-day. As our friend the Senator 
 from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] said in his most discrimi 
 nating and eloquent eulogy the best, I think, I have ever 
 heard as a tribute of an associate and friend Senator HOAR 
 would have died like a martyr for his principles. In 1850 
 he delivered a speech in Mechanics Hall, at Worcester, upon 
 the evils of slavery and the crime of its extension into the 
 Territories, which attracted general attention and was widely 
 published. Fifty-four years afterwards he was again before 
 an audience in Mechanics Hall, composed of the children 
 and grandchildren of the first. 
 
 The dread summons had then come to him, and he had 
 but few days to live. The old warrior spoke with the fire 
 of his early manhood, but his message to his neighbors and 
 countrymen, after a half century, was not of war, as before, 
 but of peace, love, and triumph. The progress and develop 
 ment of the Republic during these fifty years of liberty was 
 his theme. He looked joyously upon the past and present 
 and was full of hope and confidence for the future. He had 
 finished his work and performed a great part in great events 
 of great moment for his country and humanity, and he left 
 to his contemporaries and posterity the brilliant example of 
 a life nobly lived. 
 
Address of Mr. McComas, of Maryland 1 1 7 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. MCCOMAS, OF MARYLAND 
 
 Mr. PKKSIDKNT: The Senate dedicated this day to the 
 memory of a great Senator. Massachusetts sent the younger 
 Adams, Webster, Choate, and Simmer, and later sent OKORGE 
 KKISKIK HOAR to the greatest legislative body in the \vo:ld. 
 Those great names belong to the whole country, and Senator 
 HOAR S fame forever associates his name with that illustrious 
 company. He, too, has become an historic figure. His death 
 robs Massachusetts of her foremost citizen and takes away 
 from the nation its highest examplar of the scholar and 
 statesman. Without distinction of party, creed, or color, the 
 whole people lament their great loss. 
 
 This Senate Chamber was the place of his achievement and 
 renown during a third of a century. In the last year of his 
 life he wrote: "I had an infinite longing for my home and 
 my profession and my library. Hut the fates sent me to the 
 Senate, and have kept me there, until I am now the man 
 longest in continuous legislative .service in this country, and 
 have served in the United States Senate longer than any 
 other man who has represented Massachusetts. " He came to 
 the House in 1869. He was promoted to the Senate eight 
 years later, and served until his death in 1904. At the cen 
 tennial celebration of the establishment of the seat of govern 
 ment at Washington, which occurred in the first year of this 
 new century, he spoke eloquently of the leading statesmen of 
 the last century, and especially of those who were his con 
 temporaries; and his closing words proved personally prophetic. 
 "Their work, " he said, "is almost done. Thev seem to 
 
ii8 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 survive for a brief period only that the new century may clasp 
 hands with the old, and that they may bring to the future the 
 benediction of the past." 
 
 After a period all too brief he, too, passed away, a veteran 
 statesman whose life work was done. 
 
 In those last years, unmindful of his age, with unfailing 
 vigor, with unrivaled brilliancy of speech, inspired by a love 
 of liberty which was inbred, he waged continuous warfare 
 upon the Administration s Philippine policy, which has been 
 approved by the country, and, as I believe, by its results. 
 Those of us who differed with Senator HOAR about that., 
 great issue were compelled to admire his lofty eloquence, his/ 
 keen wit and repartee, his learning, his resourcefulness, his, 
 high ideals, his courage, and his loyalty to his convictions. 
 He obeyed his conscience in scorn of consequence. 
 
 A popular and long-trusted leader of his part}- in the 
 Senate, he suffered with fortitude the pain of separation from 
 the associates of a lifetime, because he believed his party 
 had departed from the path of Simmer and Lincoln. 
 
 It may be there is something in the New England envi 
 ronment to account for the unbroken line of New England 
 statesmen, now gone, who have successively in each genera 
 tion opposed every expansion of the territory of the Republic. 
 It is fortunate for the country, as I believe, that the most 
 eminent living statesmen of New England have been in 
 sympathy with the whole country in its latest territorial 
 expansions, have been potential in its beginnings, its devel 
 opment, and its successes. 
 
 Senator HOAR was the last of the conspicuous leaders who 
 joined in the great movement that abolished slavery. To 
 him the Republican party was the last child of freedom. In 
 one of the most valuable and most charming autobiographies 
 
Address of Mr. Me Comas, of Maryland 119 
 
 of modern times, he tells us, "I became of age at just 
 about the time when the Free Soil party, which was the 
 Republican party in another form, was born. In a very 
 humble capacity I stood by its cradle. It awakened in my 
 heart in early youth all the enthusiasm of which my nature 
 was capable, an enthusiasm which from that day to this has 
 never grown cold. No ]x>litical party in history was ever 
 formed for objects so great and noble. And no political 
 party in history was ever so great in its accomplishment for 
 liberty, progress, and law." 
 
 The Senator voices thus the Puritan sentiment of his great 
 State. He loved the Puritans and he loved his State. His 
 family name through seven generations belongs to the list of 
 Massachusetts worthies. Some of his ancestors were illustrious 
 Americans. Said he: "I am descended from the early 
 Puritans of Massachusetts in every line of descent." It is not 
 strange that the sense of justice and of liberty in Senator HOAR 
 instinctively opposed in a material age the selfishness of com 
 mercialism. Again and again he offered moral and poetic 
 protest against the materialistic standards of our day. 
 
 He defended the right of asylum of the Chinese upon our^ 
 soil. He espoused the cause of the insurgent Filipinos because 
 of his concern for their liberties and because he feared our 
 possession of the Philippine Archipelago meant its commercial 
 exploitation. He was at all times solicitous for the welfare of 
 our Indian wards. He was the ever-ready champion o f the 
 colored race, their sure friend in their helplessness, their 
 sympathizer in their advancement. It seemed to me that 
 Senator HOAR was incapable of prejudice against man or 
 woman, race or creed. 
 
 The product of Concord and of Harvard, the friend of 
 Emerson, the great Senator was essentially a liberal in faith 
 
1 20 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 and opinion. He fought religious prejudice. He urged his 
 Protestant countrymen not to forget that the religious perse 
 cution of which they cherished the bitter memory was the 
 result of the spirit of the age, and not of one form of religious 
 faith. A year ago in the Senate, in the speech to which the 
 distinguished Senator from New York [Mr. Depew] has so 
 recently and so eloquently made reference, he spoke of Charles 
 Carroll, the last of the signers. Said Senator HOAR: "Charles 
 Carroll was a devoted Catholic. He belonged to that church 
 which preserved for mankind religion, learning, literature, and 
 law through the gloom}- centuries known as the Dark Ages. 
 Yet it is the only denomination of Christians against which 
 anything of theological bitterness or bigotry seems to have sur 
 vived amid the liberality of our enlightened day." 
 
 To weigh the career of a great Senator by the statutes 
 associated with his name is to weigh his merits by the 
 apothecary s scales. We may not recall Senator HOAR S 
 paternity of the Presidential succession act or his part in 
 fashioning the bankruptcy law, or the antitrust law, or his 
 share in framing or amending a hundred important measures. 
 \Ye can never forget his love of country, which was a passion, 
 the many laborious inspiring years he devoted to his country s 
 service, his great intellectual powers, his learning, his culture, 
 his profound knowledge of his country s history, his oratory, 
 his lofty character, his pure and noble life. 
 
 Senator HOAR was the best example of the scholar in public 
 life. He was the most scholarly statesman; he loved learning; 
 he loved books. His long experience in great affairs, his keen 
 habit of observation, saved him from overestimating the value 
 of books, yet it was ever a delight to hear him talk about 
 books. When he tells us of days spent in London in exam 
 ining precious old books and rare editions, he adds: "The 
 
Address of Mr. Me Comas, of Mary land 121 
 
 ex]>erience was like having in my hands the costliest rubies 
 and diamonds. 
 
 Machiavelli, of such sinister renown, and our great American 
 Senator, of such high mind and stainless life, were as wide 
 apart as the centuries which separate tkeir careers. Hut 
 Senator HOAR at Worcester might have written a letter to a 
 friend very like that in which Machiavelli gives a friend of his 
 a picture of himself and of his daily life at San Casciano: 
 "Hut when evening falls I go home and enter my writing 
 room. On the threshold I put off my country habit, and 
 array myself in royal courtly garments. Thus worthily attired 
 I make my entrance into the ancient courts of the men of old, 
 where they receive me with love, and where I feed upon that 
 food which only is my own and for which I was born. I feel 
 no shame in conversing with them and asking them the reason 
 of their actions. They, moved by their humanity, make 
 answer; for four hours space I feel no annoyance, forget all 
 care; poverty can not frighten nor death appall me. I am 
 carried away to their society." 
 
 In like glorious company during his long and lalx>rious life 
 Senator HOAR found solace and delight. He shared that 
 ecstasy. It was therefore a characteristic utterance when he 
 said: "If one were now to place in my hands, as a gift, a 
 million of dollars, I doubt whether it would produce in me 
 any unusual emotion." 
 
 I have carefully observed the Senate for twenty -odd years. 
 It is my belief that there are usually comparatively few rich 
 men among its members, and those often work hardest. If 
 they are rich they do not forget to toil terribly. Most of its 
 members are usually men of modest income, who might have 
 gained riches in private station. Some are poor men. It is 
 well with the Republic while this remains true of this Senate. 
 
122 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 It is well that near the close of his long career Senator HOAR, 
 in proud humility, wrote, "during all this time I have never 
 been able to hire a house in Washington. My wife and I 
 have experienced the varying fortune of Washington board 
 ing houses, sometimes very comfortable, and a good deal of 
 the time living in a fashion to which no mechanic earning 
 two dollars a day would subject his household." The con 
 solations he sorely needed he found in higher things. 
 
 In this material age, when the pursuit of money is so 
 eager, so general, and so often successful, the memory of 
 the life of our great Senator, as we now look back upon it, 
 comes upon a people struggling for great accumulation, with 
 that "unrest which men miscall delight," like a benediction. 
 " Tenui musam meditamur avena." 
 
 That noble life has ended, and when we sum up what he 
 has done, when we see how important, how useful, how 
 varied, has been the work of his life, we exult while we 
 lament. Scholar, statesman, patriot, poor in worldly fortune, 
 he accepted and fulfilled a vow of poverty, to give the best 
 years of his life to his country, and yet he died one of the 
 richest of men in treasures that are priceless. 
 
of J/r. Crane, of Massachusetts 123 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. CRANE, OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Mr. PRESIDENT: I can not hope to add anything to the 
 eloquent and heartfelt tributes which have just been paid to 
 the memory of the Hon. OKORGK FRISBIK HOAR by those 
 who have l>een so long ass(x:iated with him in public lite. 
 Such long and intimate association has enabled them to speak 
 truthfully and convincingly of his great ability, his ripe schol 
 arship, his exalted patriotism, his broad statesmanship, and 
 the great value of his services in the Congress of the United 
 States. When it l>ecame known that his life was ended the 
 people of his State were touched by the messages of love and 
 sympathy which came from all sections of our country, and they 
 will deeply appreciate the words of sincere affection, respect, 
 and admiration spoken here to-day by his fellow-Senators. 
 
 The people of Massachusetts -had faith in Senator HOAR. 
 They knew that his ideals were high, that he was always 
 actuated by a sense of duty, that his sole aim was to do what 
 he l>elieved to l>e right. He always served them with absolute 
 fidelity. Not for one moment during his long career did he 
 lose their confidence. They never questioned his devotion to 
 principle. 
 
 It has l>een truthfully said that no man was nearer to th$ 
 great lieart of Massachusetts than Senator HOAR. Throughout 
 our Commonwealth there is a deep sense of personal loss. 
 The sorrow is genuine. Grief at his death, however, is not at 
 all restricted to party or State. You all know how he loved 
 his home and his State, with what pride and affection he 
 
124 I-tf c an( t Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 always referred to his beloved Massachusetts, but he believed 
 that the man who loves his household and his kindred and his 
 town and his State best will love his country best, and his life 
 was given not to his home and his State alone, but to his 
 country. 
 
 One of the characteristics which made Senator HOAR so 
 much respected and beloved was his freedom from race or creed 
 prejudice. With all his might he hated bigotry and intoler 
 ance. Narrowness and petty prejudice were abhorrent to 
 him, and he never hesitated to denounce them. It is not sur 
 prising, therefore, that his death has been recognized by all 
 citizens, regardless of race or religion or politics, as a national 
 calamity. 
 
 Senator HOAR had not only a great brain but a great heart. 
 His sympathies were world- wide, and he was recognized as 
 a friend of the oppressed, not only in his own country -but 
 throughout the world. Injustice and tyranny wherever found 
 excited his deepest indignation, and his heart went out to all 
 peoples struggling for libertyand independence. 
 
 To-day there is mourning, deep and sincere, but we can even 
 now rejoice because of the record he has made. It is without 
 stain. He wat> one of those who served his fellow-men, and the 
 world is happier and better because he has lived in it. We 
 rejoice because during all of his long life he was true to the 
 highest standards. We are thankful for his brave, pure, and 
 noble life, for it will be an inspiration to his countrymen during 
 all the years that are to come. 
 
 Mr. President, I ask for the adoption of the resolution I send 
 to the desk. 
 
 The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The resolution submitted by 
 the junior Senator from Massachusetts will be read. 
 
Address of Mr. Crane, of Massachusetts 125 
 
 The Secretary read the resolution, as follows: 
 
 Resolred, That as a further mark of resjxrct to the deceased the Senate 
 do now adjourn. 
 
 The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The question is on agreeing 
 to the resolution. 
 
 The resolution was unaninously agreed to; and the Senate 
 (at 4 o clock and 30 minutes p. in. ) adjourned until Monday, 
 January 30, 1905, at 12 o clock meridian. 
 
PROCEEDINGS IN THE HOUSE 
 
 DECEMBER 5, 1904. 
 
 MESSAGE FROM THE SENATE. 
 
 A message from the Senate, by Mr. Parkinson, its reading 
 clerk, announced that the Senate had passed the following 
 resolutions: 
 
 A eso/i eif , That the Senate has heard with profound sorrow of the death 
 of the Hon. dEORGK F. HOAR, late a Senator from the State of Massa 
 chusetts. 
 
 A t so/Z cd, That the Secretary communicate a copy of these resolutions 
 to the House of Representatives. 
 
 A t solivd, That as a further mark of respect to the memory of the two 
 Senators whose deaths have just been announced the Senate do now 
 adjourn. 
 
 DEATH OF SENATOR HOAR. 
 
 Mr. GiiXETT, of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, it is my pain 
 ful duty, representing the Massachusetts delegation, to make 
 official announcement to the House of the death of Senator 
 GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR, at his home in Worcester, Mass., on 
 the 3Oth of September last. 
 
 The details of his long illness were doubtless familiar to you 
 all, and I have no doubt that in all parts of the country you 
 sympathized with the }>eople of Massachusetts in the loss of 
 their distinguished lawyer, scholar, orator, statesman, patriot, 
 and philanthropist. Precedent does not permit now any 
 attempt to express our feelings of sorrow at his death or pride 
 in his life, but at a fitting time we shall ask that the House set 
 aside a day for the consideration of his character and his public 
 
 127 
 
128 Proceedings in the House 
 
 services. I move the adoption now of the resolution which I 
 send to the Clerk s desk. 
 The Clerk read as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That the House has heard with profound sorrow of the death 
 of the Hon. GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR, a vSenator of the United States from 
 the State of Massachusetts. 
 
 Resolved, That as a further mark of respect to the memories of the late 
 Senators QUAY and HOAR the House do now adjourn. 
 
 Resolved, That the Clerk communicate these resolutions to the Senate 
 and transmit a copy thereof to the families of the deceased Senators. 
 
 The resolution was agreed to; and accordingly (at 12 o clock 
 and 52 minutes) the House adjourned until to-morrow at 12 
 o clock noon. 
 
 JANUARY 30, 1905. 
 
 MEMORIAL ADDRESSES OX THE LATE SENATOR GEORGE 
 FRISBIE HOAR. 
 
 Mr. LOVE RING. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that 
 Sunday, February 12, at 12 o clock, be set apart for paying 
 tribute- to the Hon. GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR, late United States 
 Senator from Massachusetts. 
 
 The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Massachusetts asks 
 unanimous consent that Sunday, the i2th of February, at 12 
 o clock, be set apart for memorial services to the late Senator 
 HOAR of Massachusetts. Is there objection? [After a pause.] 
 The Chair hears none. Of course, by unanimous consent the 
 House meets on Sunday; that is implied in the request. 
 
MEMORIAL ADDRESSES 
 
 Sl XDAV, 1 cbrnarv /2, 
 
 The House met at u o clock in. 
 
 Mr. William J. Browning. Chief Clerk, announced that the 
 Shaker had designated Hon. George P. Lawrence as Speaker 
 pro tempore for this day. 
 
 The Chaplain, the Rev. Henry X. Coiulen, I). I)., offered 
 the following prayer: 
 
 Eternal Spirit, God, our heavenly Father, in response to a 
 beautiful and long-established custom, we are assembled here 
 to-day in memory of one who served his country long and 
 well in txrth branches of the National Congress, and who, 
 though dead, still lives in the hearts of his countrymen: 
 whose lips, though hushed, still speak in eloquence for the 
 downtrodden and oppressed; whose heart, though still, yet 
 throbs in the life of his nation. A scholar, a patriot, a 
 statesman, broad in his conceptions, firm in his convictions, 
 with unbounded faith in God and man. We honor him for 
 what he did, and yet more for what he was. Gentle, sweet, 
 tender in his home, revered by his friends, beloved by his 
 neightxjrs. honored by his fellow-citi/ens. We are not here to 
 mourn, though he will be missed by those near and dear to 
 him, by his friends, and in the councils of the nation; but 
 rather let us rejoice that he lived and wrought and left l>ehind 
 him the memory of a character worthy of all emulation. Peace 
 to his ashes and youth to his soul, which we dare to hope 
 sweeps on in unbroken continuity to larger conquests and 
 greater victories in the realms of eternal day. 
 
 S. Doc. 201, 58-3 9 129 
 
130 Memorial Addresses 
 
 Inspire the minds and hearts of those who shall speak here 
 to-day of his deeds and character, and God grant that, depart 
 ing, we shall leave the world a little better that we have lived 
 and wrought; and everlasting praise be Thine, through Jesus 
 Christ, our Lord. Amen. 
 
 The Journal of the proceedings of yesterday was read and 
 approved. 
 
 Mr. L,OVERIXG. Mr. Speaker, I offer the following resolu 
 tions. 
 
 The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Massa 
 chusetts offers the following resolutions, which the Clerk will 
 report. 
 
 The Clerk read as follows: 
 
 Resolved, That, in pursuance of the special order heretofore adopted, 
 the House proceed to pay tribute to the memory of Hon. GEORGE FRISBIE 
 HOAR, late a Senator from the State of Massachusetts. 
 
 Resolved, That as a particular mark of respect to the memory of the 
 deceased, and in recognition of his eminent abilities as a faithful and 
 distinguished public servant, the House, at the conclusion of the hiemo- 
 rial proceedings of this day, shall stand adjourned. 
 
 Resolved, That the Clerk communicate these resolutions to the Senate. 
 
 Resoli ed, That the Clerk be, and is hereby, instructed to send a copy 
 of these resolutions to the family of the deceased. 
 
 The question was taken; and the resolutions were unani 
 mously agreed to. 
 
Address of Mr. Loi cring, of Massachusetts 131 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. LOVERING, OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Mr. SPKAKKV: Some men there are who have reached a great 
 age and yet have lived but half lives. Senator OKOKGK FKIS- 
 HIE HOAK lived a full and complete life in the best sense. 
 
 He touched the world at all points, and drew inspiration 
 from every worthy source. 
 
 Kvery waking hour found him occupied, if not in absorbing 
 the riches of all knowledge, then in working out the great 
 problems of civil government. 
 
 Great men make a great nation, and no nation is greater 
 than the men who make it. 
 
 No one realized this better than Senator HOAR, and so, while 
 modestly filling his own niche, he points with peculiar acumen 
 and appreciation to the great men and statesmen who have con 
 trolled the destinies of nations, and especially of our own. 
 
 The men and women whom he met were all the world to 
 him. He cherished them for the good that was in them. 
 That they played so important a part in his life is shown 
 by the fact that in his autobiography he mentioned not less 
 than a thousand men and women whom he had either met 
 and known or whose lives he had studied and admired. 
 
 American liberty was dear to him, and he would have 
 everyone enjoy it. 
 
 He abhorred manacles, whether upon himself or his fellow- 
 men; whether they fettered his limbs or his conscience, his 
 body or his soul. 
 
 He could not have lived in Russia. He might have died 
 in Siberia. At all events, had his lot been cast in a country 
 
132 Life and CJmracter of George F. Hoar 
 
 without a constitution, his life would have been given to 
 bringing the people to the enjoyment of a free government. 
 
 Mr. HOAR was a master of language. Words were his 
 willing slaves and fell into line at his command, whether to 
 overthrow an opponent in debate, to point an argument in 
 court, or to illuminate a beautiful page in history. 
 
 If occasion required, he could lash with sarcasm. It 
 smarted for a time, but it never blistered. 
 
 To see Senator HOAR among his books in his own library 
 was to see him at his best and in his happiest frame of 
 mind. His books were precious to him, and while he valued 
 them for their contents he would almost caress them like 
 children in his fondness for them. 
 
 Mr. HOAR was an enthusiastic and intelligent traveler. 
 Historical places had for him an infinite charm, and he 
 sought them out with a direct and unerring instinct. 
 
 I remember meeting him once in the old part of London. 
 Not in Temple Bar, not in Westminster, nor the Tower, 
 where American travelers are wont to frequent, but down 
 in the narrow lanes by Crosby House and in the old haunts 
 of the early kings. 
 
 For hours we wandered about in out-of-the-way places. 
 He was entirely at home, and pointed out to me spots of 
 historical and literary interest of which I had never dreamed. 
 He found his way about through the byways and obscure 
 passages like a professional cicerone. 
 
 Senator HOAR was early at the cradle of the Republican 
 party. He stood as one of its sponsors and never forgot his 
 vow to bring it to a full and complete confirmation. 
 
 The party did not always follow his lead; it did not always 
 do as he would have it do; but he never forsook it, and this 
 is all the more remarkable because he was a man of such 
 
Address ofMr, Lovering, of Massachusetts 133 
 
 intense feelings and strong convictions. He was the best 
 exponent \ve have ever seen of a party man. 
 
 I could easily fall into a ]>ersonal and reminiscent vein, for 
 I knew Senator HOAK a large part of my life. It was he 
 who first suggested to me the idea of becoming a Member of 
 this House, and all through my term of service he has been 
 most encouraging and helpful. 
 
 I have not always agreed with him, but so considerate 
 was he that in differing from him I did not forfeit his respect 
 nor lose his friendship. 
 
 Probably one of the most trying periods in his public life 
 was during the debate and ratification of the Spanish treaty. 
 
 The treaty was ratified by the Senate February 6, 1X99, 
 late in the afternoon, and it so happened that I went over 
 to the Senate next morning to ask Senator HOAR to get 
 the appropriation in the river and harbor bill increased for 
 Plymouth Harbor. 
 
 A great storm had washed away a mile of breakwater, 
 and I said to him that there wa* danger of Plymouth Rock 
 being washed away. He replied very seriously, and almost 
 with tears in his eyes, " Mr. Levering, Plymouth Rock was 
 washed away yesterday afternoon at 4 o clock." 
 
 I would not refer to this chapter in his history were it 
 not that while differing from him I had the utmost respect 
 for his attitude upon the question, and as it was the subject 
 of a brief correspondence between us at the time and that 
 his letter may l>e on record, I take this occasion to read 
 two letters that passed between us. 
 
 HorsK OK REPRESENTATIVES, 
 Washington, D. C., February 3, /^99- 
 
 Mv DKAR SENATOR : I trust that you are alive to the great responsi 
 bility you are taking upon yourself in defeating the treaty. 
 
134 IJfe an d Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 If a single drop of American blood is shed, will it not bring the bitter 
 execration of the American people upon your head, to say nothing of the 
 misery that will follow an inevitable business panic? 
 
 Can it be that you, and almost you alone, of all the Republicans in the 
 Senate are right and they are wrong? Can it be that the spirit of patriot 
 ism has gone out of two-thirds of your peers and rests only in one-third, 
 and that third made up of the enemies of the Administration and the 
 party of your life? 
 
 You do not deplore the situation in the Philippines more than I do. 
 I am opposed to imperialism, I am opposed to expansion, but believe that 
 greater troubles and greater sorrows await our country from the defeat of 
 the treaty than from its ratification. 
 
 Nothing but my lifelong admiration for you, amounting almost to 
 idolatry, gives me the right to speak to you like this. 
 
 It may be said that the question is greater than any party, but is it 
 greater than the people? I believe that the people throughout the coun 
 try would, by an overwhelming majority, vote to ratify the treaty. 
 I remain, yours, very sincerely, 
 
 WM. C. LOVERING. 
 
 Hon. GEORGE F. HOAR, 
 
 United States Senate, Washington, J). C. 
 
 COMMITTEE ox THE JUDICIARY, 
 
 UNITED STATES SENATE, 
 Washington, D. C., February j, 1899. 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: I feel deeply the responsibility that rests upon me. 
 But I must do my duty as God gives me to see it. He never gave me to 
 see anything more clearly since I stood with the little band of Free Soilers 
 in nij" youth, and again with the little band of men who resisted the 
 Know-Nothing craze in 1854, than I see my duty in this matter. I do not 
 think you know how many good and brave men in Massachusetts, earnest 
 Republicans, zealous party workers, young men and old, are with me on 
 this question. I know, too, how many men in the Senate who feel con 
 strained by mere party fidelity or a desire to stand by the President to 
 vote for the treaty loathe and abhor it as much as I do. But my course 
 was taken without knowing who would stand by me or who would differ 
 from me, and I must pursue it; and it does not depend in the least upon 
 majorities or minorities, but upon justice and righteousness. 
 
 This treaty undertakes to buy the sovereignty over 10,000,000 human 
 beings and pay for it in money. I have in my veins the blood of a revered 
 ancestor who was one of the five men who presented the immortal Decla 
 ration of Independence to the assembly which adopted it. I will not 
 consent to disgrace my lineage by trampling upon it now. I think peace 
 will come to us sooner if the treaty be rejected than if it be ratified. 
 But better years of business depression, better even years of bloodshed, 
 than the infamv of such a transaction. 
 
Address of J/r. Lorering^ of Massachusetts 135 
 
 You ask me if the question is greater than the people. Yolir question 
 is exactly that which some of our worthy hut timid business men used to 
 put to Charles Simmer before the war. Perhaps you can answer it for 
 yourself by first answering the questions 
 
 Whether righteousness l>e greater than the people. 
 
 Whether truth be greater than the people. 
 
 Whether justice IK* greater than the people. 
 
 Whether freedom be greater than the people. 
 
 It is certainly greater than any one party, or any one generation. 
 
 Now, my friend, I would like to ask you to consider a question: You 
 and I have taken a solemn oath to support the Constitution. The Con 
 stitution provides that no treaty shall be adopted without the approval, 
 or, to use the precise phrase of the Constitution, the "advice and con 
 sent of the Senate." In this advice the consent of two-thirds of the 
 Senate must concur. Now, do you think that I ought, when considerably 
 more than two-thirds of the Senate do not concur, and contrary to my 
 sense of what is for the public interest, to vote for the treaty because of 
 my party, or because the majority of the people approve it? I do not, in 
 fact, believe that a majority of the American people approve it, and I do 
 not think that a majority of my own party will a great while. But that 
 is not material to this particular question. Am I bound by the Constitu 
 tion and my oath to vote upon the merits of the question as I see it, or 
 have I a right, violating my oath and violating the Constitution, to 
 surrender my opinion to that of a majority of the party, and act against 
 it? When you cast a vote in the House of Representatives under such 
 a constraint you will be a very different man from the Mr. hovering I 
 have so long known and honored. 
 
 I am, with high regard, faithfully yours, 
 
 GEO. I- . I [OAK. 
 
 Hon. WII.I.IAM C. LOVKRINT,. 
 
 This letter is submitted without comment, excepting to say 
 that as it gives a true insight into the character of a great 
 man it should l>e published. It is entirely to his credit and 
 in keeping with a perfectly consistent life. 
 
 When next Massachusetts shall be asked to place a statue 
 of one of her distinguished men in the National Capitol she 
 can not pay a higher tribute to herself than by selecting the 
 late Senator HOAR for that honor. 
 
136 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. GILLETT, OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 MR. SPEAKER: It was appropriate that the historical ora 
 tion upon the events and achievements of Mr. HOAR S life 
 should have been delivered in the Senate, the scene of his 
 most conspicuous public service and the body with which 
 his name and fame will ever be associated ; but he was also 
 a prominent and useful Member of this House in his earlier 
 manhood, and it is appropriate that we, too, should express 
 our appreciation and our sorrow, although the superb eulogy 
 by Senator Lodge has portrayed his characteristics and achieve 
 ments with a fidelity and beauty and completeness that makes 
 further speech superfluous. 
 
 Yet I feel that I must add a word testifying to my per 
 sonal admiration and affection. With us of a younger gen 
 eration his intercourse was so kindly and helpful, he was so 
 free from assumption or arrogance, and his conversation was 
 always so entertaining and instructive, abounding in remin 
 iscences of great men and great events, that our personal loss 
 is irreparable. 
 
 When a great man dies our natural query is, Wherein lay 
 his greatness, where was the hiding of his power? I think 
 \ve will all agree that Mr. HOAR S success was no result of 
 chance; that it was not any accident that wafted him to 
 eminence. In whatever sphere of life he had been born he 
 would have made himself a man of mark. He was endowed 
 with that restless, questioning, indomitable energy which 
 examines and investigates everything, which would l>e an 
 engine powerful enough to drive any man to .some success, 
 and which when applied as motive force behind his clear, 
 
Address of Mr. Gillctt, of Massachusetts 137 
 
 strong, penetrating intellect propelled it unerringly through 
 all obstacles and attained great results. 
 
 The over-modest statement of Daniel \Vebster that he was 
 conscious of no genius except a genius for hard work was 
 more tine of Mr. HOAK. Without great natural endowments 
 he could never have won his brilliant triumphs, but he spared 
 no toil in arriving at his conclusions or defending them, and 
 so in his later years his mind was an arsenal full of rich 
 s]K)ils from which he could draw on any occasion. His life 
 well illustrates the verse 
 
 The heights by great men reached and kept 
 
 Were not attained by sudden flight, 
 Hut they while their companions slept 
 
 Were toiling upward in the night. 
 
 Every opinion he formed was the result of thorough reflec 
 tion and research. To satisfy his own Yankee inquisitiveness 
 he must go to the lx>ttom of every question, and it is charac 
 teristic that he should have said near the close of his life that 
 he was ready to debate and defend any position he had ever 
 taken with any opponent of sufficient importance. Such thor 
 oughness, combined with such intellectual power, would be 
 sure to make him a leader of men, and so it is natural that we 
 find him prominent even in his short service in this House. 
 
 One of his most attractive characteristics was the JUT of cul- 
 ture and scholarship which pervaded all his thought and work. 
 We liear much discussion in these days of the value of a col 
 lege education, whether a practical business experience is not 
 better, whether the scholar in politics is not a failure. We 
 hear the boast for men high in public service that they are net 
 pedants or theorists; that they are men of the people, practical 
 politicians, good workers if not good speakers, able to accom 
 plish results if not to convince or please an audience. All 
 
138 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 honor to the men who by their own training and force have 
 made their way to power. But I do not doubt that a broad 
 culture would have made them more useful. Certainly Mr. 
 HOAR S career singularly illustrated the assistance education 
 may give. His retentive memoiy held ever at hand stores of 
 material on which he could draw not only to illustrate his 
 speeches and fill them with classical allusions which so charm 
 and stimulate the appreciative hearer, but which also enabled 
 him to repel assaults and discomfit opponents. Culture tends, 
 perhaps, to make a man more theoretical and less practical, 
 because it teaches him to search out fundamental principles 
 and base his action not on momentary popularity but eternal 
 right. It lifts the compass by which he guides his life out of 
 the conflicting currents raging about him into a serener and 
 clearer atmosphere; but if it makes him at times at odds 
 with the world, he is more sure in the long run to be con 
 sistent, to be right, and to be approved, as was Senator HOAR. 
 In the high literary finish which marked his work in the 
 Senate Mr. HOAR was but following Massachusetts precedents. 
 From the first the men who have represented our State and 
 greatly influenced our national history, the men we look back 
 upon with pride and gratitude, have exemplified culture as well 
 as force. As you look through the long line of distinguished 
 men who have established the standard for a Massachusetts 
 Senator, from Adams down through Webster, Choate, and 
 Everett and Sunnier to HOAR and Lodge, you can but feel a 
 thrill of pride in their achievement and recognize admiringly 
 not only the native power, but the scholarship, the assiduous 
 art and labor, which has made their works American classics; 
 and you can but wonder whether the practical statesman of 
 to-day, with all his astuteness and skill in producing results, 
 
Address of Mr. Gillctt^ of Massachusetts 139 
 
 does not l>elong to a lesser tyjx. and measure up to a lower 
 standard than those giants of the past. 
 
 At all events, \ve can rest assured that Senator HOAR 
 felt the inspiration of his great predecessors; that he strove 
 nobly on their exalted plane: that he condescended to nothing 
 of which they would l>e ashamed; that he, t<x>, left models of 
 clear thought and glowing eloquence, and Massachusetts may 
 well feel content that he. her latest son, has kept alive her 
 old traditions of power and importance, has held high her old 
 standards of character and ability and scholarship and elo 
 quence, and has added another to that long list of illustrious 
 statesmen who. by their bearing in the Senate Chamber, have 
 brought glory and influence to their proud Commonwealth and 
 have affected the current of the nation s historv. 
 
140 Life and Character of George P. If oar 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. LAWRENCE, OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Mr. SPEAKER: Senator HOAR has gone. His great work 
 here is finished. With no thought of self he gave the best 
 that was in him to the State. During a long life there had 
 been but one thought to serve his country with all his 
 strength and with all his ability. His was in very truth a 
 consecrated service. And that life of self-sacrifice is appreci 
 ated. With one voice the American people are saying, Well 
 done, good and faithful servant." On every hand there is sin 
 cere expression of a sense of personal loss. Men of every 
 political faith are bearing testimony to his great abilities, to 
 the purity of his life and the nobility of his character. 
 
 Others have sketched in detail the story of his life. They 
 have told of his ancestry; of his boyhood at Concord and his 
 life at Harvard; of his success at the bar; of the part he bore 
 in the great battle against human slavery; of his service in 
 the House of Representatives, and of his great career in the 
 Senate. They have spoken of his unselfish and untiring indus 
 try, his profound learning, his eloquence, and his remarkable 
 influence in shaping legislation and in the solution of the diffi 
 cult problems which have confronted the American people. 
 As I listened to the words of his associates in the Senate I was 
 impressed, as all must have been, with their absolute sincerity. 
 They loved and respected Senator HOAR because daily service 
 with him had shown them that he was always loyal, always 
 true to the highest ideals, always striving for the welfare of 
 his count ry. 
 
 He was one of the founders of the Republican party. He 
 has said that no political party in history was ever formed for 
 
of Mr. Lawrence, of Massachusetts 141 
 
 objects so great and noble, and that no jM>litical party in 
 history was ever so great in its accomplishment for liberty, 
 progress, and law. But notwithstanding his loyalty to party 
 ( a loyalty which lasted until the end ) he was true to his own 
 convictions of right and wrong, and when he l>elieved his 
 party to be wrong opposed it with all his energy and ability. 
 Never did he oppose any policy with greater force and 
 eloquence than that of his party with reference to the Phil 
 ippine Islands. That in taking this ]x>sition he was following 
 the dictates of his conscience was never questioned by the 
 Republicans of Massachusetts. He would not have been the 
 Senator whom they trusted so long and implicitly had he ever 
 favored a party policy which he believed to be wrong. There 
 was no reason to fear that they would desert him for his 
 devotion to principle. Genuine and honest independence 
 never lost him their support. 
 
 His love of country has been spoken of as a passion, as an 
 intense and mastering emotion. Indeed, he once defined love 
 of country to be the highest and purest of human affections, 
 the master passion of the loftiest natures. A man of intense 
 convictions, of undoubted loyalty to his party and his State, 
 his object was ever his whole country. He sought the progress 
 and development of every State, and was never moved by petty 
 sectionalism. 
 
 This nation is a composite 
 
 He said- 
 It is made up of many streams. The quality, hope, and destiny of our 
 land are expressed in the phrase of our fathers, K pluribus unum of 
 many, one; of many States, one nation; of many races, one people; of 
 many creeds, one faith; of many bended knees, one family of God. 
 
 He was very happy in the thought that the bitter feeling 
 growing out of the great conflict of the civil war was passing 
 
142 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 away, that the sections were again being bound together by 
 the ties of citizenship. He tried to teach the lesson that the 
 North and the South are indispensable to each other; that it is 
 only through a genuine and indissoluble union that the United 
 States can fulfill its mighty destiny and become a power for 
 good among the nations of the earth. He had an abiding faith 
 that however separated the .States had become by differences 
 they would at last surely be drawn together by a common love 
 of liberty and a common faith in God. Each passing year is 
 proving that such faith was justified. He had a strong sense 
 of justice, and did not permit his own positive convictions to 
 blind him to the honest and worthy motives which actuated 
 those who differed with him. To be faithful to the truth as he 
 saw it was his motive, and he freely conceded to opponents 
 equal honesty of purpose. And from none have come more 
 generous words of appreciation and affection for GEORGE FRIS- 
 BIE HOAR than have been spoken by those who fought for the 
 lost cause. He is mourned to-day not alone by the people of 
 the North. In the eloquent words of Senator Daniel, of 
 Virginia, "All the States bow their heads beside his tomb. 
 Together they bind their wreaths of honor and affection and 
 lay them encircled there." 
 
 A sincere Christian, he loved to teach peace, good will, 
 brotherly kindness, and charity to all men. He w r as one of 
 those who are ever striving to bring in the Kingdom of God. 
 That the power which created this world of ours is conscious 
 and beneficent was to him a supreme certainty, and upon that 
 foundation rested his hope of immortality. To his mind things 
 about which Christians differ are in the main nonessential. He 
 could, therefore, as he said, have "no patience with the spirit 
 which would excite religious strife. It is as much out of place 
 
Address of J/r. Lawrence, of Massachusetts 143 
 
 as the witchcraft delusion or the fires of Smithfield." How 
 ever devoted men might l>e to a sect or denomination, he would 
 have them work together in the fellowship of the church 
 universal. 
 
 I can not close without referring to his unfailing kindness, 
 courtesy, and helpfulness to the younger men who were associ 
 ated with him. To them he was a personal friend, and their 
 loss is a personal one. They were always sure of a pleasant 
 smile and a kindly greeting from him. An indefatigable 
 worker, he was never too busy to aid them in any way that he 
 could, to give them the benefit of his long exj>erience, and to 
 help them over the rough places by wise suggestions. His 
 counsel was encouraging and inspiring. Companionship with 
 him brought good cheer. The world seemed brighter and life 
 had more of promise and hope. 
 
 Senator HOAR never sought office. His ambition was to 
 continue his successful career at the bar. He loved his home 
 and his books and his profession. He preferred the comforts 
 and opportunities of private life to any distinction which might 
 come from public life. But the people called him, and a 
 request from them was a command. His long service involved 
 personal sacrifice, but he had an ample and satisfying reward 
 in the consciousness of work well done and in the unbounded 
 confidence of an appreciative constituency. 
 
 A great man has passed away, but the results of his work 
 will live. Memories of him will bring good cheer and encour 
 agement to all who love their country and seek to be of service 
 to their fellow-citizens. We should not think of him as dead. 
 Indeed 
 
 There are no dead; we fall asleep, 
 To waken where they never weep. 
 We close our eyes to pain and sin, 
 Our breath ebbs out, but life flows in. 
 
144 Ltf e ana> Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 Mr. GILLETT, of Massachusetts. Mr. Speaker, my colleague, 
 Mr. McCall, has been confined to his home by illness for 
 several days and has asked me to express to the House his 
 extreme regret at not being present to-day to pay his tribute 
 to the memory of Senator HOAR, for whom he cherished a 
 deep friendship, admiration, and affection. 
 
Address of Mr. Thayer, of Massachusetts 145 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. THAYER, OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 MR SPEAKKK: In the death of Senator HOAR the nation 
 has lost one of its greatest statesmen and Massachusetts one 
 of her first citizens. He was spared to a ripe old age, 
 retaining his faculties and activities unimpaired till near the 
 end. On the 3oth day of September, 1904, he passed away 
 at his home in Worcester, surrounded by his family and 
 friends. He had been in failing health but a short time 
 before his death. He remained in attendance upon his duties 
 in the Senate until the close of the second session of the 
 Fifty-eighth Congress. Reconciled and with serene com 
 posure, awaiting the final dissolution, he became the center 
 of a nation s love, and received, as he justly merited, the 
 benedictions of a grateful people. With Christian resignation 
 he bowed to the divine decree. 
 
 The announcement of his death caused general mourning 
 by all the citi/.ens of his beloved State, of all parties, classes, 
 and conditions of men. The habiliments of mourning were 
 displayed from every home where thoughtful and grateful 
 people dwell. Messages of sympathy, condolence, and sorrow 
 came from across the continent. 
 
 Few public men were better loved when living, or more 
 deeply mourned when dead. Great as he was in life, he is 
 surpassing great in death. Time will not allow, upon an 
 occasion like this, for one to speak of but a few of the 
 marked characteristics of this great and good man, charac 
 teristics and attributes which made him the great exemplar 
 S. Doc. 201. 58-3 iu 
 
146 Life and Character of George F, Hoar 
 
 to those who come after him the great national figure he 
 was. 
 
 He was faithful to truth as he saw it, to duty as he under 
 stood it, to constitutional liberty as he conceived it. A man 
 is great only in comparison w r ith his fellow-men. Measured 
 by this standard Senator HOAR holds high station among the 
 first men of his age. He exemplified his greatness in his 
 devotion and service to the paramount ideals of his manhood; 
 he was constant and devoted in his integrity to the principles 
 he professed. 
 
 He loved liberty with an intensity shared by few. This 
 seemed to be his controlling passion through a long and hon 
 ored life. It compelled him to defend the right of asylum 
 for the Chinese upon our soil. He was always solicitous for 
 the welfare of our Indian wards. He was the constant cham 
 pion of the cause of the colored race; their sure friend in the 
 time of their extremity. His love of liberty for all people 
 fitted to secure and enjoy it led him to espouse the cause of 
 the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands. He repelled the 
 suggestion of their being held subjects of an independent 
 republic. With his ideas of the eternal fitness of things, he 
 could not conceive how a people loving liberty, and securing 
 it through blood, carnage, and war, should deny liberty to 
 others seeking and demanding it. He had no sympathy with 
 the popular acclaim of empire and expansion when these were 
 to be secured at the cost of liberty. He could not conceive 
 how, upon any principle of justice or righteousness, the liberty 
 and independence of a people could be bartered away for sor 
 did commercial exploitation. 
 
 When his party denied liberty to their fellow-men and 
 strayed from the path of justice and righteousness and aban 
 doned the high ideals for which he believed his party should 
 
Address of ^fr, Thaycr^ of Massachusetts 147 
 
 stand, he broke away from his fellow-leaders in his party 
 and threw himself into the breach, battling valiantly and 
 ably for the rights and liberties of the Philippine people. It 
 must have been a great trial and disappointment for him, 
 the long-trusted leader of his party, to part company with 
 his associates of a lifetime, his friends, and his Administra 
 tion. But he heard the call to duty and the cry of the 
 oppressed, the entreaties and prayers of a people seeking 
 liberty. He could not turn a deaf ear to their supplications. 
 His history and the history of his l>eloved country were 
 behind him. He never had faltered under like conditions; 
 he could not now. There was no doubt or uncertainty cloud 
 ing his vision. He needed no time for reflection or decision. 
 His course of action was as clear to him as the noonday 
 sun. He never did and could not now compromise with dis 
 honor and injustice. And when the future historian, removed 
 from the strife, the clamor, and the prejudice of the present, 
 impartially writes the history of this period, it will be made 
 to appear that the position taken upon the Philippine ques 
 tion by Senator HOAR was the just, patriotic, and correct 
 one, and the honor his name will then secure will more than 
 compensate for the great sacrifices he made, for all he 
 suffered and endured for conscience sake; and it should never 
 be forgotten that in his course on the Philippine question 
 he followed not only the dictates of his conscience and his 
 mature and wise judgment, but he departed not from the 
 path that Phillips, Sunnier, and Lincoln trod. 
 
 In the great debates which attended the Administration 
 policy toward the Philippines, which policy Senator HOAR 
 constantly criticised and denounced, there was no more potent 
 factor, no more popular acclaim, than was found in the 
 sentiment contained in the phrase, "Who will haul down 
 
148 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 the flag?" I have yet to learn of a clearer or more correct 
 exposition and complete answer to that inquiry than is con 
 tained in the language of Senator HOAR in his great speech 
 on April 17, 1900, when he said: 
 
 Certainly the flag should never be lowered from any moral field over 
 which it has once waved. To follow the flag is to follow the principles of 
 freedom and humanity for which it stands. To claim that we must follow 
 it when it stands for injustice or oppression is like claiming that we must 
 take the nostrums of the quack doctor who stamps it on his wares, or fol 
 low every scheme of wickedness or fraud, if only the flag be put at the 
 head of the prospectus. 
 
 No one loved the flag and what it stands for more than did 
 Senator HOAR, and few men have stated more correctly when 
 and where it should be supported and defended than did he 
 in the language above quoted. 
 
 Senator HOAR was not permitted to live long enough to 
 see his great efforts, the greatest of his later life, in behalf 
 of the Philippine people crowned with success and the results 
 and accomplishments they so richly deserved, nor to witness 
 what the outcome and lasting effect of the policy of his part} , 
 which he opposed, toward the Philippines is really to be. 
 
 To his loved land he gave, without a stain, 
 
 Courage and faith, vain faith, and courage vain. 
 
 He, subtile, strong, and stubborn, gave his life 
 To a lost cause, and knew the gift was vain. 
 
 Later shall rise a people sane and great, 
 
 Forged in strong fires, by equal war made one, 
 
 Telling old battles over without hate, 
 
 Noble, his name shall pass from sire to son. 
 
 Senator HOAR died, as he lived, in the firm conviction 
 that the policy he advocated toward the Philippines was 
 the correct and true policy, and that the policy which the 
 Administration of his o\vn part} had adopted w T ould in the 
 end prove dangerous and subversive to the best interests 
 and good name of the American people. 
 
Address of Mr. Thayer, of Massachusetts 149 
 
 He felt that the die was cast and that nothing but the 
 sobering influences of time and effect could eradicate the 
 error and right the wrong; and in the closing sentences 
 of his great speech of April 17 he accepts the inevitable, 
 recanting nothing and reaffirming all that he had said and 
 done in the cause of liberty, humanity, and righteousness. 
 These are his last parting words to his associates and the 
 American people on this subject : 
 
 I know how feeble is a single voice amid this din and tempest, this 
 delirium of empire. It may l>e that the battle for this day is lost, but I 
 have an assured faith in the future. I have an assured faith in justice 
 and the love of lil>erty of the American j>eople. The stars in their courses 
 fight for freedom. The Ruler of the heavens is on that side. If tin- 
 battle to-day go against it, I appeal to another day, not distant and sure to 
 come. I appeal from the clapping of hands and the stamping of feet and 
 the brawling and shouting to the quiet chamber where the fathers gath 
 ered in Philadelphia. I apj>eal from the empire to the Republic. I 
 appeal from the millionaire and the boss and the wire-puller and the 
 manager to the statesman of the elder time, in whose eyes a guinea never 
 glistened, who lived and died poor, and who left to his children and his 
 countrymen a good name, far better than riches. I appeal from the 
 present, bloated with material prosperity, drunk with the lust of empire, 
 to another and a better age. I appeal from the present to the future and 
 to the past. 
 
 Senator HOAR had the courage of his convictions in a pre 
 eminent degree. I know of no man in m<xleru times who 
 excelled him in courage to declare his convictions in civil and 
 political matters and to accept the consequences. He seemed 
 to be perfectly oblivious to the injurious effect any declara 
 tion of his might have upon himself, politically or otherwise. 
 When others, through discretion or temerity, halted, he boldly 
 stepped to the front and led the charge, regardless of how the 
 result of the contest might affect himself. One noted example 
 of this is found in his argument before the Senate in the 
 Belknap impeachment trial, and I reproduce it here as charac 
 teristic of him during his whole political career. I l>elieve that 
 
150 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 few men just entering, as he was, upon their political careers 
 would have had the courage, had they been possessed of the 
 information and occupying the position he did, to arraign his 
 party associates and men in official positions as he did upon 
 that occasion. 
 
 Hear his masterly denunciation of corruption in high 
 places and bribery in office: 
 
 My own public life has been a very brief and insignificant one, extend 
 ing a little beyond the duration of a single term of Senatorial office; but 
 in that brief period I have seen five judges of a high court of the United 
 States driven from office by threats of impeachment for maladministration. 
 I have heard the taunt from the friendliest lips that when the United States 
 presented herself in the East to take part with the civilized world in gen 
 erous competition in the arts of life the only product of her institutions in 
 which she surpassed all others beyond question was her corruption. I 
 have seen, in the State of the Union foremost in power and wealth, four 
 judges of her courts impeached for corruption and the political adminis 
 tration of her chief city become a disgrace and a byword throughout the 
 world. I have seen the chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs in 
 the House, now a distinguished member of this court, rise in his place 
 and demand the expulsion of four of his associates for making sale of 
 their official privilege of selecting the youths to be educated at our great 
 military school. When the greatest railroad in the world, binding 
 together the continent and uniting two great seas which wash our shores, 
 was finished, I have seen our national triumph and exultation turned to 
 bitterness and shame by the unanimous reports of three committees of 
 Congress two of the House and one here that every step of that mighty 
 enterprise was taken in fraud. I have heard in highest places the shame 
 less doctrine avowed by men grown old in public office that the true way 
 by which power should be gained in the Republic is to bribe the people 
 with the offices created for their service, and the true end for which it 
 should be used when gained is the promotion of selfish ambition and the 
 gratification of personal revenge. I have heard that suspicion haunts the 
 footsteps of the trusted companions of the President. 
 
Address of Mr. Su/liz an, of Massachusetts 151 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. SULLIVAN, OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Mr. SPEAKKK: The eulogies of GEORGE FRISBIK HOAR con 
 tain such an able and exhaustive discussion of his life and his 
 services to our country that additional addresses must seem 
 like supererogation. 
 
 I rise simply in appreciation of the value of his work, not 
 only to the country, but to our public men. For his life is 
 full of lessons, which if pondered will surely raise the ideals of 
 our public officials. 
 
 He died, after a life of nearly fourscore years, full of honors, 
 but with little of this world s riches. Public service of nearly 
 half a century had left him a comparatively poor man. But 
 he carried to his grave and it will last while men have mem 
 ory that which is better than riches, the undying love of the 
 people of the United States for his lifelong battle against every 
 form of corruption that threatened the purity of our public 
 service and the permanence of our institutions. It is pleasant 
 indeed to see that though in his lifetime, when moved by 
 righteous indignation, he dealt powerful blows to that system 
 which was subversive of human liberty, to-day the voice of 
 the South is raised to pay tribute to the great man whom once 
 they did not understand, but whom they learned to love. 
 
 He was a constant foe to every form of race hatred and 
 religious intolerence. An American of Americans himself, he 
 refused to stand with those who would shut the nation s doors 
 against the poor and the oppressed of the world, for his broad 
 mind would not permit him to regard one set of God s 
 creatures as so inferior to ourselves that we should denv them 
 
152 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 the opportunity to breathe with us His air and enjoy with us 
 His sunshine. 
 
 Though a Protestant whose faith was strong and uncompro 
 mising, he saw the seas of Know-Nothingism and A. P. A. -ism 
 sweep over our country, carrying with them a flood of bitter 
 animosities, hateful discriminations, and foul wrongs, and 
 he manfully withstood the current, buffeting its waves with 
 the same vigor with which he would have repelled an attack 
 upon the religion of his fathers. He lived to see the men 
 whom he defended against the first of these prescriptive 
 movements march with those of his own race and faith to 
 battle for the preservation of the Union when its integrity 
 was menaced. He saw them settle down to the pursuits of 
 peace, saw them helping in every field of industry to build up 
 the country s greatness, saw them educate their children to 
 love the flag their fathers had fought to defend, and saw them 
 again attacked by a new set of religious bigots marshaled 
 under the old banner of hate, though under a new name. 
 Then again, aided by the prestige of long and faithful service 
 to his country, he struck down \vith a single blow the enemies 
 of fraternal love and religious freedom, and the hearts of 
 millions swelled with gratefulness, while a prayer to God to 
 bless GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR rose to every Catholic s lips. 
 
 Through all the stormy conflicts between religion and 
 science, during which many of the brightest minds were 
 attracted by the philosophy of atheism and agnosticism, he 
 preserved in its integrity his religious faith even to the end 
 of life. Would that his example might lend inspiration to 
 the wavering to cling to their faith in a Supreme Being 
 through all the vicissitudes of existence ! 
 
 That love of liberty and equality which made him one of 
 the great forces that ultimately freed the slave could not fail 
 
ss of Mr. Snlliraii, of Massachusetts 153 
 
 to compel him to raise his voice against the stifling of the 
 aspirations for freedom of the people of the Philippine 
 Islands. Stronger than all constitutional questions that were 
 urged, mightier than all economic objections which were 
 raised, was his hatred of a system that was built upon the 
 theory of the inequality of men. He had witnessed the 
 cause of human liberty triumph often in foreign lands over 
 the forces of despotism, he had witnessed the shackles fall 
 from millions in his own land, and having an abiding faith 
 in the justness of his countrymen, he could not be brought 
 to believe that they would sanction the government of an 
 alien people against their will until the tyranny, as it seemed 
 to him, was actually accomplished. His passionate appeal to 
 his party to let these people govern themselves in their own 
 way was but the voice of his ancestry that had defied the 
 might of kings when it usurped the rights of men. 
 
 And now this man has passed out of our vision, but not 
 out of our memory. He will be remembered as a great man, 
 but, what is better, he will be loved as a good man. When 
 the deeds of men the glitter of whose lives was as the cold 
 brilliancy of the diamond are forgotten, the life of GEORGR 
 FRISBIK HOAR will l>e recalled as one that shone like the 
 blood-red ruby, combining the warmth of a grand soul with 
 the effulgence of a great mind. 
 
154 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. GREENE, OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Mr. SPEAKER: I accept the duty which devolves upon me 
 as representing in part the great Commonwealth of Massachu 
 setts in paying tribute to the memory of the late Senator 
 GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR, realizing my inability adequately to 
 express the just appreciation with which the constituents I 
 have the honor especially to represent held this most mar 
 velous and distinguished man during his long and eminently 
 successful life. 
 
 The city in which I have lived from my youth the city 
 of Fall River is one of the most cosmopolitan cities in the 
 country, having within its limits possibly ever)- nationality on 
 the face of the earth, more than 80 per cent of its popula 
 tion being of foreign birth or being by direct descent from 
 those born on foreign soil. His tender sympathy with the 
 oppressed and the downtrodden, his courage and fortitude in 
 defending freedom of thought and freedom of action in both 
 religious and secular affairs, found a ready response among 
 a people who had emigrated from other lands to seek an 
 asylum where the rights of men would be respected and 
 the privileges of religious freedom would be guaranteed. 
 
 To them Senator HOAR represented the highest type of 
 American citizenship, and the people of that community 
 rejoiced whenever he came among them. They read with 
 satisfaction his vigorous criticisms of those who tried to 
 confine him within the narrow limits of religious prejudice 
 in determining the worth or qualification for public service 
 of his fellow-men. 
 
Address of Mr. Greene^ of Massachusetts 155 
 
 My earliest recollections of him l>egan with the agitation 
 for the destruction of the great curse of human slavery. 
 The arrest of Anthony Burns and his return by the Com 
 monwealth in obedience to law as an escaped fugitive slave 
 awakened the conscience and determination of the people of 
 Massachusetts to prevent future repetitions of this appalling 
 and unwelcome exhibition of holding human beings in per 
 petual bondage. 
 
 Senator HOAR never faltered in his belief that slavery was 
 wrong, and, regardless of political associations which had 
 endeared him to his friends and made him prominent in the 
 political councils of the Whig party, he forsook them all and 
 became one of the most prominent leaders in the Free Soil 
 party, a party which had for its avowed purpose the destruc 
 tion of human slavery as a blot and curse long endured by 
 a people who had endeavored to found a nation devoted to 
 the principles of human freedom and the maintenance of 
 equality and human rights. 
 
 The revelations of history of the last half century demon 
 strate beyond dispute that had his preeminent abilities been 
 devoted to the pursuit of wealth or of distinction in the line 
 of his chosen profession he would have ranked among the 
 greatest of his time and generation, and have been showered 
 with abundant remuneration as a reward for the service 
 which his natural abilities, retentive memory, and legal 
 training would have enabled him to render to the individuals 
 and corporations who would have been gratified to have 
 commanded his services. 
 
 He turned from the great opportunities which were within 
 his grasp and yielded to the demand of his countrymen that 
 he should engage in the conflicts and accept the sacrifices 
 which a public career exacts from, a faithful public servant. 
 
156 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 He tried to retire from the public service and take up the 
 duties of his chosen profession, for he was a lover of books 
 and an earnest student of literature. The harder problems 
 involved in legal procedure only awakened within him greater 
 zeal and determination successfully to solve them, thereby 
 achieving the distinction and rewards which a successful and 
 honored legal career would certainly have afforded him. 
 
 But as he retired from one degree of the public service he 
 was called to other and higher distinctions. 
 
 My personal acquaintance with Mr. HOAR began in the 
 year 1876. That year, as chairman of the Republican city 
 committee of Fall River, I received him as the opening 
 speaker of that eventful political campaign. The gentleman 
 who presided on that occasion was the Hon. Robert T. Davis, 
 who still survives, one of my predecessors in the House of 
 Representatives and one of the pioneers of the antislavery 
 movement and a lifelong friend and active coworker with 
 Senator HOAR, although three years his senior. They were 
 both members of the constitutional convention of Massachu 
 setts. I seldom met the Senator in after life that he did not 
 refer to their association and friendship and their compan 
 ionship in Congress. In his address in my home city I was 
 charmed by the eloquence and logic of Mr. HOAR, and ever 
 afterwards followed his public career with keener appreciation 
 and interest. 
 
 The result of the election of 1876 was a matter of doubt for 
 many months, and there was finally evolved a scheme of settle 
 ment which resulted in the establishment of an Electoral Com 
 mission, which by act of the Congress was empowered to 
 determine all questions of controversy arising from said 
 election. Senator HOAR was appointed by the Speaker 
 of the House a member of the Electoral Commission, and 
 
Address of Mr. Greene, of Massachusetts 157 
 
 contributed by his ability and conservatism to the peaceful and 
 orderly determination of what seemed to many anxious and 
 patriotic citi/.ens one of the most alarming periods of the 
 nation s history. 
 
 It is not necessary that I should recount his eminent service 
 in this body. Let the student of history examine the record 
 of his acts, his eminent wisdom, and his expressions upon 
 many of the important questions which demanded solution in 
 that period of the nation s life so closely following the civil war, 
 and he will find abundant evidence of his marked ability and 
 industry. 
 
 In the year 1880 I was selected an alternate delegate to the 
 Republican national convention which resulted in the nomina 
 tion of President Oarfield. I was granted the privilege of 
 meeting with the Massachusetts delegation in all its delibera 
 tions. Senator HOAR was chairman of the State delegation, 
 and also was chosen temporary chairman of the convention. 
 In all the stormy conflicts which the contests between the 
 great leaders of the party seeking for supremacy aroused, 
 Senator HOAR remained calm and undisturbed. The late 
 James A. Garfield, the nominee of the convention, then United 
 States Senator, and late Senators Roscoe Conkling and John A. 
 Logan, and ex-Senator William K. Chandler, and the present 
 Senators William P. Frye, Kugene Hale, Chauncey M. Depew, 
 Julius C. Burrows, William B. Allison, Shelby M. Cullom, and 
 Henry Cabot Lodge, and Chester A. Arthur, the nominee of 
 the convention for Vice- President, and others prominent in 
 party councils, were participants in the work of that conven 
 tion. Between the friends of the two principal candidates, 
 General Grant and Senator Blaine, there was a great struggle 
 to secure the permanent chairmanship of the convention, and 
 finally the differences were adjusted by the unanimous request 
 
158 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 that Senator HOAR should occupy the position, and he became 
 the permanent presiding officer. His work, though extremely 
 difficult, met the approval of the entire assemblage. 
 
 At the meetings of the State delegation his counsel and 
 direction were of the highest order. He was so highly 
 regarded as a safe and judicious leader by the Republican 
 party as a whole throughout the State that he was always 
 a prominent figure in their campaigns, and he presided at 
 the State conventions in 1871, 1877, 1882, and 1885, and 
 was a delegate at large to the national conventions of 1876, 
 1880, 1884, and 1888. 
 
 His greatest field of activity, however, was in the United 
 States Senate. He was a member of that distinguished body 
 for more than twenty-seven years. The tributes of his 
 associates are the greatest that could possibly be awarded a 
 human being. Estimated in comparison with the reward 
 and triumphs of a private career, the latter would not be 
 entitled to consideration. Senators intimately associated with 
 him in his political career, and in sympathy with his extremest 
 partisan political opinions, could not speak of him more kindly 
 and generously than did those who had been his most bitter 
 political enemies. These tributes of Senators from all parts of 
 the Union show how completely his public career had become 
 interwoven into the entire fabric of the nation s life. He 
 became known to the aspiring youth, and his history seemed 
 familiar to the hoary pilgrim traveling along life s pathway. 
 
 Future generations will ponder over his career, and be 
 better able to solve the problems with which they may be 
 confronted by contemplating the struggles through which he 
 passed and recognizing the great accomplishments which his 
 industry and fidelity had been the means of achieving toward 
 the upbuilding and perpetuating of the life of the nation. 
 
Address of Mr, Greene, of Massachusetts 1 59 
 
 In the intimacy of private conversation and association 
 the extent of his knowledge of the country s progress and 
 development and his familiarity with the work of the earlier 
 figures in national history were made both apparent and 
 interesting. I especially remember on one occasion, when 
 journeying with him from Washington toward his home, he 
 referred to the marked change in the requirements of com 
 munities from the public servants at that time over the 
 requisites during his student life at Harvard College. He 
 said that the late Rufus Choate was announced to deliver a 
 political address in Roxbury, a suburb of Boston, and he, 
 with a number of his fellow-students, attended the meeting. 
 Mr. Choate had a carefully prepared address which he had 
 committed to memory and delivered it to the entire satisfac 
 tion of his auditors. 
 
 A few nights afterwards Mr. Choate was announced to speak 
 in South Boston, and, with his fellow-students, Mr. HOAR 
 attended the meeting, and the same identical speech was deliv 
 ered. Several of the students laughed rather immoderately. 
 
 Again, a few nights later, Mr. Choate was announced to 
 speak in Cambridge, and Mr. HOAR, with his fellow-students, 
 were again among his auditors, and they were regaled again 
 with precisely the same address. Mr. HOAR said that some of 
 the students rudely "guffawed." 
 
 At that time, he said, there were no shorthand reporters, nor 
 was it customary to publish reports of speeches, the usual 
 method being to publish an item stating that the Hon. Rufus 
 Choate had addressed an interested audience upon the issues 
 of the day, while at the present day it is customary for news 
 papers in many instances to publish remarks of public speakers 
 in full, making it incumbent upon them to make extended 
 research and provide very largely new and original matter for 
 
160 Life and Character of George F. If oar 
 
 each public address. This, he said, became an exaction which 
 taxed the abilities of public servants of the present day to an 
 extent which possibly the individual citizen hardly realized. 
 
 Senator HOAR was one of the early founders of the Repub 
 lican part} . His wisdom was displayed very largely in fram 
 ing the national and State platforms in critical periods of the 
 nation s history. 
 
 It was my good fortune frequently to serve with him upon 
 the committee on resolutions at State conventions. The abil 
 ity displayed by him in rapidly characterizing in vigorous and 
 terse language the consensus of opinion of the assembled com 
 mittee was marvelous to contemplate. He seemed to have the 
 proper expression to compass the desired result always at his 
 command. The Republicans of Massachusetts always felt that 
 they owed him a debt of gratitude which they never could 
 repay except by awarding to him their highest honor, and 
 there was no division of sentiment in renewing his commission 
 as United States Senator, and his greatest honor was that the 
 party and the people called him to its sen-ice in that distin 
 guished body for the longest period ever granted to any one of 
 its citizens during the life of the Commonwealth. 
 
 Having been called upon at the time of his decease for a 
 brief expression regarding his life and service, I used the fol 
 lowing language, which I quote in closing the limited address 
 which this occasion has called forth: 
 
 By the death of Senator HOAR the Commonwealth of Massachusetts 
 and the nation have been sadly bereaved. Possibly no man in public life 
 touched the hearts and lives of the people of the entire country so inti 
 mately as he. 
 
 His great works and public acts are interwoven into the nation s history 
 for more than the last half century, and his remarkable record of public 
 service will become an inspiration to the youths of to-day and to future 
 generations, awakening them to higher and holier conceptions of their 
 duties to their country and to their fellow-men. 
 
Address of Mr. Greene, of Massachusetts 161 
 
 Others have eulogized him with words of power and elo 
 quence, but words fail adequately to express the sorrow and 
 affliction which the State and the nation suffer in the removal 
 of this great man from the activities of social and political 
 life. The world has been enriched and humanity has been 
 ennobled because he lived and wrought among us. 
 
 He was a politician in the highest sense, fearless and inde 
 pendent; keen and sharp in his criticisms, but kind in every 
 act and thought. He sacrificed his life and abilities for the 
 public good, thereby exemplifying the highest type of enlight 
 ened Christian citizenship. His words and accomplishments 
 will be preserved and regarded by his fellow-countrymen as 
 among the brightest and noblest pages of our country s 
 history during the last half century. 
 
 It was my privilege to meet him frequently during the 
 sessions of Congress. His companionship seemed almost a 
 Ijenediction. He was always cheerful and interesting, with 
 a remarkable memory* of events and of man}- of the best 
 historical and literary productions. 
 
 I was assigned as a member of the committee from this 
 body to attend his funeral at the city of Worcester, where 
 he resided at the time of his decease. Business was entirely 
 suspended, and as far as possible the entire populace viewed 
 his remains while lying in state at the city hall. 
 
 The following day his body was deposited in the burial 
 ground of his birthplace, in the historic town of Concord, 
 Mass., there to remain among those of his ancestors who 
 were the earlier settlers of the Commonwealth and partici 
 pants in the preliminary struggle of the Revolutionary war 
 at Concord Bridge. 
 
 I gladly add my tribute to the memory of the distinguished 
 scholar, statesman, and patriot, the late Senator HOAR. 
 S. Doc. 201, 58-3 ii 
 
1 62 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. TIRRELL, OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Mr. SPEAKER: GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR was born at Con 
 cord, Mass., August 29, 1826. He died September 30, 1904. 
 He sleeps in his native town again that sleep that knows no 
 waking until the firmament shall be rolled together like a 
 scroll. As this town is in the district I have the honor to 
 represent, it is both a duty and a pleasure to pay a tribute 
 to his memory. Environment had much to do with molding 
 his character. His courage, his persistency, his ambition, his 
 patriotism drew their inspiration from the hills, the valleys, 
 the men, and the history of his native town. 
 
 Hereditary greatness descended to him to a remarkable 
 degree through many generations. His family is one of the 
 few exceptions so few you can almost count them upon your 
 fingers of inherited genius. His genealogy is a history of 
 leaders from the early colonial days. They fled from England 
 when the tyranny of the Stuarts rendered impossible the free 
 exercise of religious and political belief. They are conspicuous 
 in the just administration of law for the Indian as well as for 
 the white inhabitant. They were of the immortal band who 
 fought at Concord and Lexington. They were numbered 
 among those who formulated the Constitution. They defended 
 the negro when ostracism and obloquy were the reward. They 
 severed party connections and cooperated in the organization 
 of a new party allegiance when conscience no longer permitted 
 their adherence to the dominant political creeds. They have 
 been conspicuous within our memory for their virile intellects, 
 their ripe learning, and their widespread political influence 
 
Address of Mr. Tirrell, of Massachusetts 1 63 
 
 throughout the country. All this is well known, but the 
 subtle influence which made the character of Senator HOAR, 
 even in his early clays, from the air he breathed, the fields he 
 roamed, and the men and the institutions they had created, 
 through two hundred years of strenuous effort, has been but 
 slightly touched upon. To that I call attention now. 
 
 Concord was among the first settlements of the Massachusetts 
 Province. Agriculture was the industry of the people. The 
 broad meadows and uplands by the Concord River attracted the 
 emigrant. It was a frontier town. It was settled by Puritans. 
 A theocratic community was organized. The church was the 
 state. The Bible was the rule of faith and action. The minis 
 ter was the leader of the flock. But while his superior educa 
 tion and godly character made him as one apart, his people 
 followed him only so far as their own interpretation of the 
 Scriptures convinced their conscience that he properly inter 
 preted the Inspired Word. It is true, dissenters found no 
 countenance among them. A deviation from established dog 
 mas banished them from the colony. They saw no other way 
 of worshiping God in peace. Now, strange as it may appear, 
 this independence of interpretation of Sacred Writ, and the 
 injunction upon all to study it and follow it according to their 
 conscience, led to a curious result. To this result the Hoar 
 family contributed as active participants in colonial and religious 
 affairs. It explains the anomaly of GKORGK FRISBIK HOAR 
 as a type of what might be denominated a moderni/ed Puritan 
 of the nineteenth century. He was their eulogist a _as_appears 
 in. many a masterly address. He^hHrt~Tluf characteristics him 
 self of those worthies whom he extolled. At the same time he 
 was the antithesis of the Puritan in his tastes, his religious 
 affiliation, and his broad, unsectarian views. This apparent 
 contradiction is inexplicable until the development of the New 
 
164 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 England town is studied and the threads of its religious life are 
 gathered together. 
 
 Take a tour through the old colonial towns near Concord. 
 In all of them, in some central location, generally by the town 
 common which in those days surrounded the church, a white 
 spire ornamenting the most conspicuous church of the village, 
 some of them illustrative of the best architecture of a hundred 
 years ago, will meet your view. It is the church, the old church 
 of the town. It is of the Unitarian faith which he espoused. 
 It is the revolt of the independent, God-fearing, truth-seeking 
 Puritan, who in the progress of generations worked his way 
 through narrowness and bigotry to a broad conception of the 
 relations between God and man, so that in the Puritan district 
 of Massachusetts to-day there is a more liberal, independent, 
 and conscientious religious opinion than in almost any other 
 section of the country. The Puritan reaction swung far, far 
 ther than some of us can follow, but it evolved a manhood 
 which in philosophy, statesmanship, and literature has not had 
 its equal in the history of the American nation. Senator HOAR 
 \v r as a type of the best product of that evolution. 
 
 We know through his autobiography it was not his intention 
 to enter public life. His brief service in the Massachusetts 
 house of representatives and senate \vas not specially attractive 
 to him. His success at the bar w r as so quickly and easily won 
 that he expected and was satisfied with its honors and emolu 
 ments. It absorbed his time and attention. It was only great 
 occasions, then, which brought him into public notice. The 
 analytical cast of his mind, his logical powers, his command of 
 precedent, his grasp of principles, and his ability to marshal 
 facts made him a formidable antagonist in the great causes in 
 which he was engaged. It was not through his seeking that 
 at 43 years of age he again entered political life. For eight 
 
Address of Mr. Tirrell, of Massachusetts \ 65 
 
 years he represented his district in Congress; for twenty-seven 
 years thereafter he was in the Senate of the United States. 
 Thus for thirty-five consecutive years, and until his death, he 
 was in the public service. 
 
 I can think of no better illustration of the basis of his polit 
 ical action throughout this period than by a remark he uttered 
 at a centennial address to which I listened a few years ago. 
 He traced the history of the old town from its early settlement, 
 bringing, as was his wont, the worthies of the early days 
 before us. He told us what they had done to fashion and 
 upbuild the nation, and emphasized the underlying thought of 
 his discourse that their record showed and history proved that 
 righteousness alone could save the nation. Temporary expe 
 dients would fail. Policy would be ineffective. Injustice 
 would defeat its own ends. Equal rights, equal laws, equal 
 privileges, for rich and poor, high and low these were the 
 prerogatives of all. 
 
 How he illustrated this in his long career! He never truckled 
 to public opinion. He was the most independent partisan of 
 our generation. He was at times at variance with his party on 
 vital issues, yet held unshaken its loyalty and support. He 
 was unanimously reelected when he dissented from the almost 
 unanimous attitude of his party on a party issue. The position 
 was unique and puzzling if you did not know the man. It was 
 because he was honest, fearless, conscientious, and righteous in 
 his motives and actions. It was because we knew he could not 
 be otherwise and just to himself. It was because his life, as an 
 open book, was before us, and we believed that the tortures of 
 the Inquisition, aye, the martyr s fate, could not turn that 
 righteous soul. So he won our respect, admiration, and love 
 in his public career as one removed from the limitations of the 
 
1 66 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 politician, and from whom it was not necessary to seek an 
 explanation. 
 
 Of course, these were but incidents in a long and illustrious 
 career. Even he could not have retained party support unless 
 he essentially represented his party s principles. / He was an 
 ardent advocate and supporter of Republican tenets, and in 
 great crises in his party s history one of its most prominent 
 defenders. I remember once at a State convention in Mas 
 sachusetts he was called upon unexpectedly to address the 
 delegates. For half an hour he held them enthralled as he 
 rehearsed his party s history. It was the most remarkable 
 exhibition "of extemporaneous eloquence I ever listened to, 
 not even Phillips or Burlingame or Andrew or Sumner, as I 
 have heard them, equaling that effort. 
 
 He had a felicitous choice of words, a loftiness of thought, 
 an aptness of quotation, a grasp of historical detail, a famil 
 iarity with the best literature, and a knowledge of the great 
 men and deeds of all ages, so that his address, while ornate 
 at times, was so elevating in character, so choice in expression, 
 so abounding in illustration drawn from an unerring memory, 
 that to hear him at his best was part of a liberal education. 
 He had a memory that never failed him in oration or debate. 
 In the campaign of 1900 he opened the canvass in his native 
 town. I sat upon the platform by his side. He held a huge 
 pile of manuscript in his hand containing a speech it was his 
 purpose to deliver. He told me it was his custon to write out 
 and read his first address and afterwards to speak extempo 
 raneously. I remarked that I enjoyed his extemporaneous 
 addresses best. Whether it was my remark or not I can 
 not say, but when it came his turn he placed the manuscript 
 upon the desk and for an hour and a half, without turning a 
 leaf or referring to the manuscript, addressed the audience. 
 
Address of ^fr. Tirrell, of Massachusetts 167 
 
 The next morning the manuscript copy appeared in the daily 
 papers, and in sequence, thought, argument, reference, and 
 words it appeared to be identical with the one delivered. It 
 seemed to me at the time an astonishing feat of memory. 
 His scholarship, memory, industry, and natural gift> made 
 him a leader in great events in his public career, rf 
 
 He was one of the managers in the impeachment case of 
 1876. He was one of the Klectoral Commission of 1877. He 
 was a constructive statesman, as the tenure-of -office act, the 
 Presidential-succession law, the bankruptcy law, and the anti 
 trust enactments attest. He was an indefatigable worker. 
 ^ One watching him in the Senate might think him idly passing 
 away the hour. He was watching and listening. He seemed 
 indifferent to what was going on. But let an error in argu 
 ment be made or a misstatement of fact asserted, or, to him, 
 false conclusions drawn in the course of that debate, and 
 instantly his voice would ring throughout the Chamber. 
 Some might say there was a brusqueness in his manner. His 
 voice was not melodious and honeyed words were not natural 
 to him. He was too sincere to touch even the hem of a 
 hypocrite s garment. He said what he meant, though not 
 intentionally would he wound a friend. He wanted friendship 
 and sympathy, but not if thereby there was to lie a sacrifice of 
 principle^ If he believed a man to be a demagogue or dis 
 honest he was unrelenting in his opposition and vitriolic in his 
 wrath. He did not want his friendship. He courted his 
 opposition.. But for all others was the outstretched hand and 
 kindly heart. He had the sympathy of a great man, ready to 
 aid, when practicable, in trivial as well as important matters. 
 When the light of such a name goes out the shadows for a 
 while appear to gather. But not for long, for his work 
 remaineth in imperishable record in the history of his State 
 
1 68 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 and country. He rests in Sleepy Hollow Cemetery, in Con 
 cord. Near him is the grave of Emerson, the first of American 
 philosophers, the seer of the idealism of American youth. 
 There is also Thoreau, whose spirit yet seems haunting the 
 hills and valleys of Sleepy Hollow or along the shores of Lake 
 Waldon, not far away. There also is Alcott, the American 
 teacher, and his family, so widely kno\vn. There also, only a 
 few feet away, lies the greatest of American romancers, who 
 in the little room at the old Salem custom-house penned the 
 Scarlet Letter, whose conclusion is indeed the life lesson of him 
 of whom we speak, wherein Hawthorne says that he has failed 
 in his purpose unless he has shown in this work he had created 
 that in living and dying we must Be True, Be True. 
 
Address of Mr. Clark, of Missouri I M 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. CLARK, OF MISSOURI 
 
 Mr. SPEAKKR: That Senator GKOKC.K FRISBIK HOAR will 
 hold a high place ami fill a large space in the annals of his time 
 goes without saying. Of Revolutionary stock, a descendant of 
 Roger Sherman, he was American to his heart s core, and he 
 devoted his life to the service of the Republic, which rewarded 
 him with her affection, her confidence, and her admiration. 
 His lines were cast in pleasant places and in a history-making 
 epoch. Though sometimes he was viciously assailed, at others 
 he ran the risk of having applied to him the Scriptural injunc 
 tion, "Woe unto you when all men shall speak well of you," 
 and at last, having almost reached the Psalmist s extreme 
 allotment of fourscore years, he had that 
 
 Which should accompany okl a^e, 
 
 As honor, love, obedience, troops of friends. 
 
 Pleasant as it would be to me to enter into the details of his 
 life, character, and labor, that delightful task must be left to 
 others closer to him and more familiar with those facts which 
 constitute the essentials of biography; but the invitation to 
 speak here and now has suggested to my mind a few thoughts 
 which may or may not be of interest to those who hear and 
 read what is uttered on this occasion. 
 
 Job exclaimed: "Oh, that mine adversary had written a 
 lx>ok ! From that day to this when a man has taken his pen 
 in hand to write a book it has been assumed that he also took 
 his reputation, if not his life, in his hand; but the fact that 
 what the man of Uz considered an extrahazardous performance 
 is not necessarily fatal to the performer is demonstrated by the 
 
170 Life and Character of George P. Hoar 
 
 event of the November election, when Col. Theodore Roose 
 velt, who has written many books, in which he expressed his 
 opinions of persons and things with startling freedom, not to 
 say abandon, was chosen President of this puissant Republic by 
 an overwhelming majority. This seems to signify that the 
 American people admire candid and courageous speaking even 
 in a book. 
 
 However that may be, I rejoice and hail it as a healthy sign 
 of the times that our public men are more and more growing 
 into the habit of writing, in the evening of their lives, books of 
 a more or less reminiscent nature, recording from their stand 
 point their views of the transactions which they witnessed and 
 part of which they were. What they say in that regard may 
 be taken and accepted as part of the res gestae. 
 
 Caesar owes as much of his fame to his Commentaries as to 
 his victories. The fruits of his conquests have long since per 
 ished. The mighty empire which he founded has crumbled 
 into dust. Happily for mankind, the system of government 
 for which his name has become the synonym is in process of 
 ultimate extinction; but by his Commentaries he has helped to 
 form the minds of the youths of every civilized country under 
 heaven, through twenty centuries of man s most interesting 
 history and most stupendous endeavor. So long as education 
 is valued Caesar will exercise imperial sway over the human 
 mind, not by the power of his invincible sword, which is rust, 
 but by his cunning with the pen. Fighting was the serious 
 business of his life. The preparation of his Commentaries 
 was merely a mental recreation in his tent at eventide, amid 
 the clatter of camps and the clangor of arms. Had he 
 been catechised as to his deeds on which would be builded the 
 towering fabric of his fame, he most probably would not have 
 enumerated his Commentaries as even the smallest and hum- 
 
Address of Mr. Clark, of Missouri 1 7 1 
 
 blest of them, but they constitute his clearest, strongest, and 
 most enduring title to the favorable consideration of mankind. 
 Napoleon, the most astounding son of Mars, with clearer 
 vision and a wiser judgment as to the relative value of human 
 achievements, proudly declared that he would descend to pos 
 terity with his Code in his hand, a prophecy which has been 
 amply verified. The crimson glories of Montenotte, Lodi, 
 Arcola, Marengo, the Pyramids, Austerlitz, Him, Jena, and 
 Wagram were dimmed by Leipzig, Waterloo, and the dismal 
 journey to St. Helena; the thrones which he ravished from 
 hostile kings and bestowed upon his brothers, sisters, and 
 stable lx>ys passed again to his royal enemies whom he had 
 despoiled; the imperial crown, bought with so much blood 
 and so much crime for his son, never encircled the brow of 
 that pathetic child of misfortune; but the laws created by the 
 fiat of the Corsican Colossus influence and bless the lives of 
 75,000,000 people, because they were grounded in justice and 
 in wisdom. His career illustrates and enforces the truth con 
 tained in Bulwer-Lytton s famous lines: 
 
 Beneath the rule of men entirely great 
 The pen is mightier than the sword. 
 
 Others have marched as strenuously and fought as bravely 
 as Xenophon and his ten thousand, only to vanish into 
 oblivion; but he and his band are among the immortals 
 because he wrote the Anabasis, which has delighted and 
 instructed millions of ambitious boys and which will delight 
 and instruct succeeding millions till the earth shall perish 
 with fervent heat. 
 
 The triumphal expedition of Gen. Alexander \V. Doniphan 
 and his heroic Missourians into the heart of Mexico by way 
 of Santa Fe, traversing a vast wilderness full of hostile 
 savages; subsisting on the enemy s country; winning numer- 
 
172 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 ous victories over the very flower of the descendants of the 
 knights of Castile and Aragon; never losing a gun, a flag, 
 a prisoner, or a skirmish, though frequently engaging ten 
 times their own number; never drawing from the Govern 
 ment a dollar, a ration, a piece of clothing, or an ounce of 
 ammunition from the moment they left Fort Lea ven worth, 
 Kans. , till, ragged, starving, but invincible, they reported to 
 Gen. Zachary Taylor on the red field of Monterey, having 
 added an empire to the Union, is the most astounding mar 
 tial achievement in the entire history of the human race. 
 In difficulty, in courage, in fortitude, in glory, in results it 
 eclipses utterly the far-famed retreat which Xenophon has 
 embalmed in immortal prose. 
 
 Every schoolboy knows by heart the fascinating story of 
 the Greeks; but few remember the more wonderful perform 
 ance of the Missourians. Mirabile dictu! The glorious name 
 of Doniphan, the conqueror of New Mexico, Arizona, and 
 Chihuahua, does not even appear in some of our most ambi 
 tious encyclopedias. The reason is that General Doniphan, 
 of Missouri, did not emulate the laudable example of General 
 Xenophon, of Greece, by writing a history of his own cam 
 paign; consequently he and the brave Missourians who fol 
 lowed his all-conquering banner are to dumb forgetfulness a 
 prey. " Tis true tis pity; and pity tis tis true." While 
 I am not general counsel for the star actors in the world s 
 drama, I make bold to suggest to them that if they desire 
 a square deal in history they would do well to imitate 
 Caesar and Xenophon and write the histories themselves. 
 
 Who cares a straw what Joseph Addison did or did not 
 do as Secretary of State? But who that has a love of learn 
 ing in his heart would be willing to see the last copy of the 
 Tattler and the Spectator committed to the flames? 
 
Address of Mr. Clark, of Missouri 173 
 
 John Milton wrought much and successfully in the cause 
 of human liberty, but Paradise Lost is his crowning glory. 
 
 Lord Macaulay, the statesman, the lawgiver, the office 
 holder, would have been forgotten years ago, but so long as 
 our vernacular the most elastic and virile ever spoken by 
 the children of men is used the history, the poems, and, 
 al)ove all, the essays of Thomas Babbington Macaulay will 
 inspire the human mind and thrill the human heart. 
 
 Kvery scholar that has lived during three centuries has 
 regretted that Lord Bacon was ever high chancellor of En 
 gland, an office which he disgraced, and in disgracing which 
 he also disgraced the noble profession of the law: but every 
 scholar aye, every lover of our kind in all that long lapse 
 of years has thanked Almighty God that Francis Bacon 
 wrote the Xovum Organum and I)e Augmentis, by which, 
 turning the human mind to utilitarianism, he contributed 
 more to human comfort than was ever contributed by any 
 other of the multitudinous sons of Adam. 
 
 The imperial house of Austria has long 1>een a great 
 factor in European affairs. Henry Fielding, the English 
 novelist, was related to it by ties of blood; but Gibbon, the 
 historian of The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 
 declares that Fielding, by writing Tom Jones, shed more 
 luster upon our race than all the Hapsburgers that ever 
 lived. 
 
 Of what interest to us are the achievements of Bulwer 
 pere in the role of statesman, or of Bulwer fils as governor- 
 general of India? But till the end of time men will read 
 with interest and women with tears Eugene Aram and 
 Lucile. 
 
 Thomas Brackett Reed, that masterful man whose memory 
 we all cherish with infinite pride, was one of the great 
 
174 Life an d Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 Speakers of this House, and accomplished a tremendous revo 
 lution in parliamentary procedure ; but his fame is already a 
 fading tradition. What would not the world give for a book 
 from his trenchant pen expressing his honest opinions as to 
 the men and measures with which he was associated? It 
 would be a fit companion piece for Gulliver and The Letters 
 of Junius. 
 
 Senator Chauncey Mitchell Depew ranks high in the Senate; 
 but the best service he could render his kind would be to devote 
 his days and nights to writing a book of reminiscences. Many 
 New Yorkers would make creditable Senators; but no other 
 living man could write a book of such intense and abiding 
 interest as could Senator Depew. 
 
 There has been much sneering at " the scholar in politics." 
 That manifestation of bad temper and jealousy is easy and 
 cheap. On a memorable occasion an eminent practical Penn 
 sylvania politician referred to an illustrious citizen of Boston 
 who had been named for a high diplomatic post as one of 
 them literary fellows," with a profane adjective which the 
 proprieties forbid me to repeat in this distinguished presence on 
 this historic occasion. Nevertheless and notwithstanding, Col. 
 Thomas Hart Benton, of Missouri, by writing his Thirty Years 
 View did more to make himself a great and indispensable 
 historic figure than he accomplished by his arduous service of 
 six full Roman lustrums in the Senate and two years in the 
 House. As long as government exists on this continent he 
 will be regarded as a standard authority on all matters pertain 
 ing to Congressional legislation. By writing his Twenty Years 
 of Congress James Gillespie Blaine made a most valuable con 
 tribution to our political literature and achieved for himself a 
 more permanent renown than if the supreme ambition of his 
 heart had been gratified by an election to the Presidency. 
 
Address of Mr. Clark, of Missouri 175 
 
 Samuel Sullivan Cox, one of the most brilliant of mortals, a 
 Representative in Congress for many years from both Ohio and 
 New York, as well as minister to the Sublime Porte, and the 
 first man that ever delivered a speech in this Hall, may fade 
 from public memory as a statesman, but The Buckeye Abroad, 
 Why We Laugh, and The Three Decades of Federal Legislation 
 will l^e perused with pleasure by millions yet unborn. 
 
 For thirty-odd years, in House and Senate, GEORGE FRISHIE 
 HOAR was one of the most conspicuous legislators and orators 
 of the times in which he lived. No great statute was placed 
 upon the books which he did not have a hand in shaping. 
 No important question arose which he did not discuss; but 
 long after all that he did and said in this Chamber and the 
 other has passed from the minds of men his Autobiography 
 of Seventy Years will challenge the admiration of his coun 
 trymen. His noblest mental offspring was the last. 
 
 Hin -book has been criticised on two grounds as being too 
 egotistical and as assigning to Xew Englanders in general, 
 and Massachusetts men in particular, too high rank. At 
 first blush I deemed both criticisms well taken, but upon 
 mature reflection I concluded that neither is tenable. An 
 autobiography, whether written by a Harvard man or by a 
 Davy Crockett, is in the very nature of things egotistical, 
 for the ego is the very essence of the theme. "What might 
 be offensive or preposterous in private conversation or in 
 public speech may be appropriate and even pleasing in auto 
 biographical writing. 
 
 When he came to the grateful task of assigning the status 
 of New Englanders and Bay State men he evidently took to 
 heart the precept of St. Paul: 
 
 But if any provide not for his own, and especially for those of his own 
 house, he hath denied the faith, and is worse than an infidel. 
 
176 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 Even if it be conceded that he did overpraise the men of 
 New England and Massachusetts 
 
 His failings leaned to virtue s side. 
 
 For an undue friendliness to one s kindred and neighbors 
 is greatly preferable to jealousy of them, and bears testimony 
 of a nobler soul. 
 
 Indeed, he had much cause to be lavish of paneg) T ric in 
 speaking of the men of Massachusetts. To merely walk the 
 streets of Boston and read the inscriptions on her monuments, 
 her statues, and her buildings is a liberal education in patriot 
 ism. Should an inhabitant of another planet, versed in both 
 Latin and English, descend upon that city, without any prior 
 knowledge of our history, he would naturally conclude that 
 Massachusetts, single - handed and alone, originated and 
 achieved the Revolution, created the Republic, and has sus 
 tained and governed it from the first. If he should read 
 Massachusetts books, which constitute a great multitude which 
 no man can number, he would be confirmed in this erroneous 
 opinion. No complaint can reasonably be made of Massa 
 chusetts or of Senator HOAR for unduly exalting the horn of 
 Massachusetts men. What I do complain of is that the people 
 of the South and West have not pursued the same plan with 
 their own worthies, and have permitted them to be killed off 
 by the inexorable rule of exclusion. Their pioneer statesmen, 
 warriors, orators, and State builders were content to do things, 
 great and glorious things, but were careless of what record was 
 made of their achievements. The incorrigible New England 
 habit of book-making accounts for the fact that her influence 
 in America is large out of all proportion to her area, popu 
 lation, or achievements. Her writers would be destitute of 
 human nature if they were not biased unconsciously, per 
 haps, but biased nevertheless in favor of New England men, 
 
Address of Mr. Clark, of Missouri 177 
 
 New England women, New England performance, New 
 England scenery, New England opinion, and even of New 
 England climate. Of course the ground already lost by 
 the South and West in this regard can never be recovered; 
 but surely it is high time to go resolutely, systematically, and 
 extensively into the lxx)k-making business themselves. This 
 much they owe to their ancesters, to themselves, to their 
 I>osterity, to history, to truth, and to patriotism. 
 
 Thousands of statesmen, orators, soldiers, and lawyers have 
 lived and been forgotten; but it may be safely stated that 
 since Guttenburg invented movable types no man has written 
 a really great book who is not still remembered by intelligent 
 persons. 
 
 Macaulay says: 
 
 One of the most remarkable circumstances in the history of Bacon s 
 mind is the order in which its powers expanded themselves. With him 
 the fruit came first and remained to the last. The blossoms did not appear 
 till late. In general, the development of the fancy is to the development 
 of the judgment what the growth of a girl is to the growth of a bov. The 
 fancy attains at an earlier period to the perfection of its beauty, its power, 
 and its fruitfulness, and, as it is first to ripen, it is also first to fade. It 
 has generally lost something of its bloom and freshness before the sterner 
 faculties have reached maturity, and is commonly withered and barren 
 while those faculties still retain all their energy. It rarely happens that 
 the fancy and the judgment grow together. It happens still more rarely 
 that the judgment grows faster than the fancy. This seems, however, to 
 have been the case with Bacon. His boyhood and youth appear to have 
 l>een singularly sedate. His gigantic scheme of philosophical reform is 
 said by some writers to have been planned before he was 15, and was 
 undoubtedly planned while he was still young. He observed as vigilantly, 
 meditated as deeply, and judged as temperately when he gave his first 
 work to the world as at the close of his long career. But in eloquence, 
 in sweetness, and variety of expression, and in richness of illustration, 
 his later writings are far superior to those of his youth. 
 
 These words may be applied almost literally to Senator 
 HOAR. // From the day he delivered his great philippic against 
 Mr. Secretary Belknap to the hour of his death he spoke as 
 S. Doc. 201, 58-3 12 
 
178 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 frequently perhaps as any other man in public life, and every 
 word that fell from his lips was read with eagerness by the 
 intelligence of America. His style constantly grew richer,-- 
 more imaginative, and more ornate, until some of his later 
 speeches partook largely of the nature of epic poems. The 
 peculiar order of growth which Macaulay notes in Bacon s 
 mind, and which I have just stated to be true with reference 
 to Senator HOAR S, is also true, though in a lesser degree, 
 of the intellects of Grover Cleveland, Benjamin Harrison, and 
 William McKinley. The feature in which their minds and 
 styles seem to have changed most markedly in their advanced 
 years was that of humor. Prior to their induction into the 
 Presidential office it would be difficult to discover even a 
 trace of humor in their writings or their speeches; but after 
 quitting the \Vhite House both Mr. Cleveland and General 
 Harrison developed a rich vein of humor. On his trip to 
 California President McKinley lightened up his speeches with 
 genial humor, which was a grateful surprise to his country 
 men. Even on his deathbed he uttered one delicious mot 
 at the expense of his physicians. I hold it truth that this 
 development of humor in these three illustrious citizens of 
 the Republic was so much clear gain to all our people. 
 
 It may possibly be who knows? that these men were 
 dowered with the humorous faculty at birth, but the occupa 
 tions of their lives had been so serious and so pressing that 
 they never had leisure or inclination to indulge its exercise. 
 
 It is a matter of congratulation that they did develop 
 that faculty, for I believe in Carlyle s dictum that "Humor 
 has justly been regarded as the finest perfection of poetic 
 genius. 
 
 The career of Senator HOAR suggests still another 
 thought that all the world, including Massachusetts, is 
 
Address of ^fr. Clark, of Missouri 179 
 
 growing more liberal and more tolerant. As a matter of 
 fact, Massachusetts has always been liberal and tolerant 
 alx>ve the average in the range of opinion permitted to her 
 public men. Nevertheless, the fact remains that Boston 
 shut the doors of Fanenil Hall in the face of Daniel 
 Webster, the greatest New Knglander who ever saw the 
 light of day, the greatest orator who ever spoke the English 
 tongue, and that the legislature of Massachusetts passed 
 resolutions of censure upon Charles Sunnier, because they 
 had run counter to the public sentiment of their constitu 
 encies. But Senator HOAR S was a happier fate, for, 
 notwithstanding the fact that he ran counter to her public 
 sentiment more frequently and more violently than either 
 Sumner or the godlike Daniel, Massachusetts reelected him 
 in his extreme old age to a fifth full term in the Senate of 
 the United States. With her increasing generosity the Old 
 Bay State would probably have kept him in the Senate a 
 half century had he lived so long. This wiser liberality was 
 not only an honor to Massachusetts and a gratification to 
 Senator HOAR, but is an added glory to the Republic and 
 to the human race. 
 
180 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. DRISCOLL, OF NEW YORK 
 
 Mr. SPEAKER: I came to these memorial exercises to listen 
 to the eulogies on the life and services of Senator HOAR deliv 
 ered by those who knew him best and respected him most 
 highly, by his friends in the Massachusetts delegation, who 
 admired and loved him. The words uttered have been earnest 
 and beautiful and form an appropriate tribute to the memory 
 of the great departed. It is not possible for me to strengthen 
 or embellish what has been said, yet my admiration for the 
 deceased statesman was so intense that I can not let this 
 occasion pass without adding 1113- humble offering of respect 
 and esteem to the memory of this great American, although 
 I can not fittingly state my high regard for him as a man and 
 my appreciation for his services to the people. 
 
 He was indeed a grand and good man. His State and coun 
 try have suffered a great loss. He personified the highest type 
 of the New England citizen, and therefore of the American 
 citizen. He was a native of Massachusetts and a descendant 
 through many generations of Puritan ancestors. The}- were a 
 remarkable people severe, austere, uncharitable, and perhaps 
 bigoted, but they were the result of trying and heroic times 
 and conditions. They feared God and nothing else. They 
 were persecuted in their native land for conscience sake, and 
 bade farewell to their homes and friends, embarked in a frail 
 and unseaworthy craft, braved the dangers of an unexplored 
 ocean, and landed on the frost-bound shores of a hostile wilder 
 ness; and they dared all and endured all for their convictions. 
 
 They fought their way against an inclement climate and 
 
Address of Mr. Driscoll, of New York 181 
 
 sterile soil, savage beasts, and more savage men. They felled 
 the forests and erected churches, schools, and colleges, and 
 established a cradle of liberty in which was bred a remarkable 
 galaxy of poets, historians, scholars, orators, philosophers, 
 statesmen, and patriots. Trial and adversity made them strong 
 and self-reliant. They were frugal, industrious, temperate, 
 honest, capable, and enterprising. 
 
 Senator HOAR was an offspring of that stock and civilization. 
 He inherited their sterling virtues, and by broad scholarship, 
 the liberal spirit of modern Harvard, extensive travel, and 
 .acquaintance with many peoples and customs, and a mind 
 always open and in search of light and truth, he became more 
 mellow, charitable, and lovable than his rigid forefathers. His 
 father was an able lawyer, in easy circumstances, and the son 
 was given the best opportunities for education and culture, 
 which he diligently improved. He graduated from Harvard 
 at 20, commenced the practice of law at 22, and was elected 
 to the Massachusetts house of representatives at 26. From 
 that time on he was almost continuously in public life, in the 
 service of his city, county, State, and nation. He was also a 
 member of and took an active interest in many charitable, 
 literary, and historical associations. He continued the practice 
 of his profession, and by reason of his industry, systematic 
 habits, and remarkable mental equipment he did well every 
 thing he undertook. 
 
 He was a Republican in politics and firmly believed his 
 party the only one competent to properly conduct the affairs 
 of government; yet because he was an independent thinker 
 he sometimes differed with the majority of his party leaders 
 in the Senate, and expressed his views according to his con 
 victions. However, he never lost the respect and confidence 
 of his colleagues in that body on either side of the Chaml>er, 
 
1 82 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 jor while they could not concur with his views they fully 
 believed in his honesty, sincerity, patriotism, and singleness 
 of purpose. And be it said to the credit of Massachusetts that 
 when last returned to the Senate he was in open opposition to 
 the Administration s Philippine policy, with which the Repub 
 lican party of his State was in accord. 
 
 That was the last great political, intellectual, and moral bat 
 tle of his eventful career. To him it was essentially a moral 
 question. He took his stand not from selfishness or through 
 a spirit of antagonism. He was too big, too high-minded, too 
 patriotic for that. He believed that the Administration, in the 
 ratification of the Treaty of Paris, was forgetful of the teach 
 ings of the fathers; that it was drifting away from the tradi 
 tions, ideals, and the fundamental principles of the Republic. 
 That treaty followed close on the victory over Spain. Our 
 people were excited. The fire of battle was in their blood. 
 The greed for more land seemed to have taken possession of 
 them. The spirit of expansion and commercialism was domi 
 nant. The Senators who approved the treaty doubtless believed 
 they were recording the prevailing sentiments of their several 
 constituencies. They yielded to the temporary clamor and 
 appropriated the Philippines. Not so Senator HOAR. He 
 comprehended the situation. He seemed to see the end from 
 the beginning. He had clear and positive views and the cour 
 age to express them. 
 
 In that memorable parliamentary debate he stood almost 
 alone on the Republican side of the Chamber, taxing to the 
 utmost the great powers of his brave heart and resourceful 
 brain, striving to convince his colleagues that the ratification of 
 that treaty would prove to be a grave mistake. Conscious that 
 he was right, he yielded not to the taunts of his enemies or the 
 appeals of his friends, like the letter read by Mr. Levering. 
 
Address of Mr. Driscoll, of New York 183 
 
 He went down to defeat, but he had the consolation of having 
 stood by his convictions and of having remained true to the 
 traditions of his State and the long line of his illustrious 
 ancestors. The logic of events has established the wisdom of 
 some of his arguments. It is a pity that he could not have 
 lived a few years more, that he might witness the vindication 
 of his views and see the pendulum of public opinion swing 
 back to the position of unselfish patriotism and true American 
 ism on which he then stood. 
 
 He was a constructive statesman, and by his thorough inves 
 tigation of facts and precedents, _his analytical mind and intel 
 lectual integrity, he explained and illumined many dry public 
 questions and made them clear and interesting to the ordinary 
 reader. By his _ practical wisdom, force of character, and 
 earnestness of purpose he impressed his personality on our 
 legislation to ~a~ degree seldom equaled. "He did not court 
 notoriety, neither did he avoid responsibility in order to escape 
 criticism. He was a man, of pnre mind, lofty aspirations, and 
 high ideals, and did his duty day by day as he saw it. 
 
 Only a short time ago he completed and published an auto 
 biography. It is a work of unusual merit, written in his sim 
 ple, pure, delightful style. It illustrates his modesty and 
 absence of egotism, for it is a history from personal knowledge 
 of his time rather than of himself and what he did. It is very 
 interesting and instructive, and a source of inspiration to the 
 youth of our country. 
 
 He did not close his books at the end of his college course or 
 think of having completed his education, but continued the 
 enjoyment of reading and study during his long, busy life, and 
 retained the buoyancy and freshness of boyhood, and was one 
 of the youngest old men in the country. Neither did his ener 
 gies seem to abate with advancing years. He died while in 
 
184 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 the full tide of his moral and intellectual activity and at the 
 zenith of his great fame and influence. His general scholar 
 ship and literary attainments were recognized in educational 
 centers, for honorary degrees were conferred upon him by many 
 of our greatest colleges and universities. He was a favored 
 son of the Old Bay State. From boyhood he was the recipient 
 of many social, literary, and political distinctions, which he 
 bore with such simplicity and grace that the people delighted 
 to honor him. He was a grand old man, respected, beloved, 
 revered by all, and to-day Massachusetts mourns the loss of 
 her first citizen. 
 
 In Washington he lived in a plain, temperate, economical 
 manner. His influence was derived not from grand dinners 
 and social functions, but from work and worth. His power 
 was great, and grew with his years of service. His opportunities 
 for gain were many were he pecuniarily inclined, yet it is said 
 he died a comparatively poor man. This needs no commentary 
 in these times. It speaks for itself. 
 
 In the United States Senate, a body composed largely of 
 millionaires, many of whom entered through the financial door 
 way, Senator HOAR stood almost alone. He was not the 
 representative of any trust, combine, or special interest; neither 
 was he engaged in the advancement of his own schemes, using 
 his office as a means to an end. He was a plain, straightfor 
 ward, unassuming gentleman, a profound thinker, an able 
 orator, a fearless advocate of what he believed to be the best, 
 an accomplished statesman, an incorruptible patriot, and an 
 ideal Senator of the American Congress. In his death his 
 State has lost her most worthy and distinguished son and the 
 Republic her most able and accomplished legislator, for, take 
 him all in all, he was the foremost character in our public life. 
 
Address of Mr. Powers, of Massachusetts 185 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. POWERS, OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Mr. SPEAKER : Massachusetts has good reason to be proud 
 of the long line of eminent statesmen which she has given to 
 the legislative service of the nation. The Commonwealth has 
 been fortunate in the existence of political conditions which 
 rendered it possible at all times to select for Congressional 
 service men of the highest character, ability, and devotion to 
 duty. This has been especially true of her representation in 
 the Senate. 
 
 I appreciate how difficult the task of attempting to place a 
 just estimate upon the character and services of a life at its 
 close. The place which Mr. HOAR will take in American his 
 tory can be far better determined a generation hence than now. 
 Great political policies which he espoused or opposed still 
 remain unsettled. Future events must decide the wisdom and 
 value of the opinions which he so earnestly and ably con 
 tended for during the closing years of his life. No one, how 
 ever, will question but that he was one of the great men of 
 the generation in which he lived. He possessed those qualities 
 of character and temperament which rendered him most 
 attractive to the American people. He was aggressive and 
 fearless, and at the same time tolerant and liberal. He 
 possessed intense convictions, which he was ready to defend 
 in any field of intellectual conflict. He worked out his own 
 standards of character and conduct. He was a humanitarian 
 in the broadest sense of the term. He recognized good in all 
 mankind. He understood and sympathized with the tremen 
 dous struggle of the human race to improve its condition, and 
 he was easily moved by sympathetic impulses. 
 
1 86 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 My acquaintance with Mr. HOAR began in 1875. He was 
 then a Representative in Congress from the Worcester district, 
 but he was still in active touch with the practice of his pro 
 fession which he loved so well. He was then 49 years of 
 age. The mellowing influence of years was not then upon 
 him. He was the keen, caustic, aggressive lawyer, the equal 
 if not the superior of any attorney of his years in his own 
 Commonwealth. By inheritance, education, and temperament 
 he was equipped for a great career at the bar. Had he 
 remained out of politics and devoted his life to his chosen 
 profession there can be no doubt he would have achieved 
 great fame as a lawyer and taken a foremost rank at the 
 American bar. 
 
 When Mr. HOAR entered Congress he was 43 years of age. 
 He had already acquired from the practice of his profession 
 what may properly be regarded as a competency for most 
 attorneys. He contemplated after a service of one or two 
 terms in Congress to return to private life and continue the 
 practice of law. But, like nearly all Members of Congress, 
 he yielded to the fascinating influence of a public career. 
 He felt the broadening influence of his surroundings. He 
 was in touch with the great Republic, and felt the ceaseless 
 throb of the pulse of a restless and ambitious nation. The 
 ardent patriotism of six generations of American ancestry 
 was in his veins. His law books were closed, but the his 
 tory of his country was open to him as never before. He 
 reviewed in a new light the great struggle from Plymouth 
 to Yorktown, and from Yorktown to Appomattox, and that 
 other great struggle of legislative conflict beginning with the 
 Declaration of Independence and the Articles of Confedera 
 tion down to the amendments to the Constitution which 
 worked out the reconstruction of the Republic and rendered 
 its future secure. 
 
Address of Mr. Poivers, of Massachusetts 187 
 
 The noted success of his Congressional career during his 
 first two terms in the House made him conscious of his 
 capacity and power in this new field of activity, and he 
 decided to yield to the command of his constituency and 
 devote his life to the public service. For thirty-five years 
 a fu41 generation he gave the best that was in him to the 
 service of his country. During that long period no important 
 question of legislation was under consideration that did not 
 receive his careful thought and attention. Upon most of 
 them is to be seen the impress of his keen and forceful 
 intellect. 
 
 // No man of his time had a more comprehensive knowledge 
 of American history. It was a knowledge always at his 
 command. But few men have lived who knew the literature 
 of the world better than he. The habits of the scholar never 
 deserted him. His library to him was peopled with the great 
 spirits of the past. He loved to commune with the l^est 
 thoughts of all ages. He made a careful study of the English 
 language. His diction was pure and forceful. In the later 
 years of his life he prepared his speeches with the greatest 
 care. He believed, as he had the right to, that they were to 
 live in American history./, 
 
 In the early years of his life he was an intense partisan. 
 He was a member of the Free Soil party, which was pledged 
 to a great reform. But with advancing years he ceased to 
 be a partisan. He was fond of the political party to which 
 he 1>elonged, but his long experience had taught him that 
 even a political party may not always be right. He looked 
 upon political parties as a means to an end. Alx>ve party 
 and party creed was the Republic. Mr. HOAR took exception 
 to several of the policies adopted by the Republican party, 
 and he did not hesitate to criticise and even denounce his 
 
1 88 Life and Character of George F, Hoar 
 
 own party, in the belief that it was his duty to do so. He 
 entertained positive views concerning the acquisition and the 
 government of the Philippines. He was opposed to any policy 
 which did not provide the same form of government for all 
 people living under the American flag. The wisdom of his 
 views upon that question can not yet be determined. No 
 man has the right to say that he was not right and the 
 majority of his party wrong. A generation hence that ques 
 tion can be determined with exact justice to all. No one 
 questions the courage, the patriotism, and the devotion to 
 duty of Mr. HOAR. He reached his conclusions after careful 
 study, and was always prepared to defend them. 
 
 Within a little more than a half century Massachusetts has 
 been called upon to mourn the loss of three great statesmen 
 Webster, Sumner, and HOAR. All represented her in the 
 Congress of the nation. Each achieved his greatness in the 
 Senate Chamber. Each in his time was the idol of her 
 people, and with the close of their earthly careers deep sorrow 
 rested upon the old Commonwealth. But no more profound 
 or lasting sorrow ever filled the hearts of the people of my 
 Commonwealth than did the announcement of the death of 
 Mr. HOAR. He was the friend of all the people ; he had 
 served all with equal fidelity and devotion. He was a product 
 of Massachusetts by birth, education, and citizenship. Mas 
 sachusetts gave this son to the Republic. The service which 
 he rendered must hereafter be a part of the history of the 
 nation. 
 
Address of Mr. Keliher, of Massachusetts 189 
 
 ADDRESS OF MR. KELIHER, OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Mr. SPEAKER: The country has suffered the loss of a great 
 son whose useful, brilliant, and exemplary life was, in the 
 main, devoted to the upliftment of his fellow-men and the 
 elevation of the civic standards of his State and nation. 
 Massachusetts mourns the loss of GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR 
 and the nation shares her sorrow, for lx>th will miss his wise, 
 sound, and patriotic counsel. 
 
 In accordance with a time-honored custom, we consecrate 
 these few hours to the memory of the late Senator, in which 
 we may pay our worded tributes to the distinguished dead 
 and briefly summarize a few of the many of his virtues that 
 earned for him the everlasting love, honor, and respect of 
 the American people. 
 
 Upon occasions of this kind the eulogist is apt to stray 
 beyond the confines of accurate review and trespass the 
 tempting fields of exaggeration and fulsomeness. With a 
 subject so replete with interesting and historic data as the 
 life of GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR there is neither necessity nor 
 excuse for leaving the straight paths of impartially chronicled 
 history of the State he so brilliantly represented and the 
 nation he so loyally and conscientiously served. 
 
 He was a splendid type of Massachusetts citizenship 
 sturdy, virile, cultured, liberal, and intensely patriotic. 
 Embodying the finest traditions of the country he so ardently 
 loved, he was a fine example of the old-school American 
 statesman, fast disappearing more s the pity to whose 
 nigged honesty, consistent conservatism, and marked ability 
 
1 90 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 the present generation should give thanks for the proud 
 position these United States occupy in the world of nations. 
 
 Senator HOAR came of a sturdy stock of ancestors that 
 for generations back contributed liberally to the fame and 
 glory and the material and intellectual wealth of Massachu 
 setts and New England. They were always a public-spirited 
 and patriotic people who were ever conspicuous in agitations 
 and uprisings, moral or physical, that had for their purpose 
 the protesting against an abridgment of the religious freedom 
 of the people or arresting the encroachment of governmental 
 tyrannies. 
 
 All these commendable traits GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR inher 
 ited and effectively brought into play during his active and 
 influential service to his State and country. His grandfather 
 was one of that immortal band of untrained, undisciplined 
 patriots that faced the British regulars on the memorable April 
 day one hundred and thirty years ago and fired that history- 
 making volley the echo of which will ever sound in the hearts 
 of the American people. 
 
 The spirit that rebels against injustice impelled armed resist 
 ance by his grandfather at Concord to the further imposition 
 of unjust taxation by the despotic and doltish George. It 
 incited the vigorous, effective, and impressive battle main 
 tained by Senator HOAR till the final call against the adoption 
 by his party of a policy that he so vigorously denounced as 
 unrighteous and un-American. 
 
 Like his fathers before him, he eagerly took up the cause 
 of the lowly and oppressed and valiantly prosecuted the fight 
 for liberty of the struggling Filipino, parting upon this great 
 issue with the party he so ardently loved and for which he 
 had so untiringly toiled all his life. / A strict constitutionist, 
 he resisted with his profound reasoning, matchless oratory, 
 
Address of Mr. Keliher, of Massachusetts 191 
 
 and indomitable opposition the adoption of the new and radical 
 doctrine of the Republican party that established a republic 
 in Cuba and by force of might denied one to the Filipino, 
 acquiring sovereignty over the Philippines instead. // 
 
 His veneration for the Constitution and unyielding adher 
 ence to a strict construction of its provisions weakened his 
 influence in the Senate, but immeasurably increased the 
 affection the people bore him. The attitude of Senator HOAR 
 ujx>n the Philippine question was consistent with every public 
 act of his life. 
 
 In the earlier days, when the spirit of race and religious 
 bigotry was rampant, when the movement to proscribe the 
 alien was gaining alarming impetus, GEORGE FRISBIK HOAR 
 stood up, a colossal figure, in opposition. For this Christian 
 stand taken by him and men of his kind a tremendous debt 
 of gratitude is owed by the immigrants of fifty years ago, 
 their children and grandchildren. 
 
 The son of an alien myself, I recall with thankfulness my 
 father s frequent and feeling reference to the liberality and 
 broadmindedness of Senator HOAR in those trying times. 
 Like many of his kind, my father sought these friendly 
 shores whose arms were said to be extended in readiness to 
 grasp in friendly embrace those who sought relief from the 
 oppressions and tyrannies of monarchical governments, and 
 whose ambition it was to seize the opportunities in which this 
 country so richly abounded. 
 
 Forced from an unfortunate country whose history is one of 
 never-ending wrong, every page of which makes the heart sick 
 with its record of persecution and annihilation, my expatriated 
 father, with hope unlimited, sought refuge in this country, the 
 Mecca of the oppressed of the world. Imagine his surprise 
 and disappointment to soon find an element in the land he 
 
192 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 had dreamed of as the garden of liberty shrieking their hatred 
 of the foreign born, and demanding their suppression, deporta 
 tion, and ofttimes their destruction. 
 
 When feeling and prejudice ran high, with no fear of 
 political or social effect, Senator HOAR stood up in opposi 
 tion, and did much to bring the American people to a reali 
 zation of the incongruous position they had taken. When 
 again, in my day, this spirit of intolerance and narrowness 
 was revived; when men high in the councils of his party and 
 influential in shaping its policies covertly connived at the 
 unpatriotic work that was going on, or cowardly evaded meet 
 ing the reprehensible issue, Senator HOAR came out into the 
 open and denounced it as vehemently as his intense nature 
 would permit. His denunciation stirred the people so 
 thoroughly that the unholy movement soon died, unwept, 
 dishonored, and soon forgotten. 
 
 Senator HOAR S masterly attributes were a blessed inherit 
 ance. It is not to be wondered that he was scholarly, for his 
 A B C s were taught him by a mother who inherited rare 
 intellectuality which she instilled and imparted to her son, and 
 in his rudimentary studies he was instructed by an exception 
 ally talented father. 
 
 That he was intensely patriotic was due not only to the 
 influence of heredity, for environment contributed as well. 
 Nursed by a mother whose father, Roger Sherman, was a 
 potent factor in shaping the events that led to the Revolu 
 tionary war, and rocked upon the knee of a father whose 
 father stood at Concord Bridge, one of the intrepid few that 
 fired the shot that gave impetus to the war that resulted in 
 the formation of this great nation, he could not be otherwise 
 than patriotic. 
 
Address of Mr, K t /i/ier, of Massachusetts 193 
 
 As a lad he romi>ed upon highways and byways that were 
 rich in historical traditions, and grew into manhood in an 
 atmosphere of patriotism. He imbibed freely of the profound 
 philosophy from the pure wells that were plentiful within the 
 confines of classic Concord from the time he arrived at the 
 age of understanding. The effect upon young HOAR wou d 
 lend credence to the theory that 
 
 Youth, like the softened wax, with ease will take 
 The images that first impressions make. 
 
 Nature gave bountifully when endowing Senator HOAK. 
 She made him industrious, and he applied that industry to 
 the end that his fellows might benefit from it ; she lavished 
 upon him literary attainments, and the result of his efforts in 
 those fields were inspiring and instructive ; she made his 
 nature broad and liberal, and that liberality exercised a 
 potent influence in enlarging the scope of civic rights and 
 religious freedom of the harassed and circumscribed ; she 
 blessed him with rare powers of statesmanship that were all 
 exerted in enhancing the honor and glory of his country. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, Massachusetts has filled the places allotted her 
 in yonder Hall by the nation, where in bron/e and marble the 
 several States may perpetuate their favorite sons. \Yere there 
 another place available the overwhelming sentiment of the peo 
 ple of Massachusetts, without regard to race, religion, or political 
 party, would be voiced in favor of the selection of a statue of 
 him who embodied her ideals of manliness, patriotism, liber 
 ality, learning, and statesmanship GEORGE FRISHIK HOAR. 
 
 Mr. LOVERING. Mr. Speaker, there were several other 
 Members who desired to speak, but who have been unable to 
 be present. I therefore ask unanimous consent that permission 
 be given to those who desire to do so to print in the Record. 
 S. Doc. 201, 58-3 13 
 
194 Life and Character of George F. Hoar 
 
 The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the 
 request of the gentleman from Massachusetts? [After a 
 pause.] The Chair hears none. 
 
 Now, in pursuance to the resolution heretofore adopted, the 
 House stands adjourned. 
 
 Accordingly (at 2 o clock and 37 minutes p. m.) the House 
 adjourned. 
 
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 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY