l«:& m MEMQlilAM John Galen Howard 1364-1931 nt a-T* .^^^L- i/ L .^^- ^ &C.JJ-. /*/ sy? iT: n~, : fi/i tsi i T „ heitc (gnglislj ill en of Cctters EDITED BY JOHN MOELEY SHELLEY BY JOHN ADDIXGTOX SYMONDS NEW YORK HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS FRANKLIN SQUARE 1S79 HEP. GEN. LIB. ACCESS. MO. /■'• GIFT S33 CONTEXTS. CHAPTER I. PAGE Birth and Childhood CHAPTER IL 12 Eton and Oxford CHAPTER IIL Life in London, and First Marriage S9 CHAPTER IV. Second Residence in London, and Separation from Harriet . T2 CHAPTER V. Life at Marlon, and Journey to Italy • 9o CHAPTER XL t> ... 131 Residence at 1l>a • CHAPTER TIL •• 169 Last Days CHAPTER vni. . 183 EriLOGUE M842887 LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 1. The Poetical and Prose Works of Percy Bysshe Shelley, edited by Mrs. Shelley. Moxon, 1840, 1845. 1vol. 2. The Poetical Works, edited by Harry Buxton Forraan. Reeves and Turner, 1S76-7. 4 vols. 3. The Works of Percy Bysshe Shelley, edited by W. M. Rossetti. Moxon, 1870. 2 vols. 4. Hogg's Life of Shelley. Moxon, 1858. 2 vols. 5. Trelawny's Records of Shelley, Byron, and the Author. Pick- ering, 1S78. 2 vols. 6. Shelley Memorials, edited by Lady Shelley. Smith and Elder. 1 vol. 7. Medwin's Life of Shelley. Newby, 1S47. 2 vols. 8. Shelley's Early Life, by D. F. McCarthy. Chatto and Windus. 1 vol. 9. Leigh Hunt's Autobiography. Smith and Elder. 10. W. M. Rossetti's Life of Shelley, included in the edition above cited, Xo. 3. 11. Shelley, a Critical Biography, by G. B. Smith. David Douglas, 1877. 12. Relics of Shelley, edited by Richard Garnett. Moxon, 18G2. 13. Peacock's Articles on Shelley in Frascr's Magazine, 1S58 and 18G0. viii LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 14. Shelley in Pall Mall, by R. Garnett, in Maemillans Magazine, June, 1860. 15. Shelley's Last Days, by R. Garnett, in the Fortnightly Review, June, 1878. 16. Two Lectures on Shelley, by W. M. Rossetti, in the University Magazine, February and March, 1878. SHELLEY. CHAPTER I. BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD. It is worse than useless to deplore the irremediable; yet no man, probably, has failed to mourn the fate of mighty poets, whose, dawning gave the promise of a glorious day, but who passed from earth while yet the light that shone in them was crescent. That the world should know Mar- lowe and Giorgione, Raphael and Mozart, only by the prod- ucts of their early manhood, is indeed a cause for lamenta- tion, when we remember what the long lives of a Bach and Titian a Michelangelo and Goethe, held in reserve for their maturity and age. It is of no use to persuade ourselves, as some have done, that we possess the best work of men untimely slain. Had Sophocles been cut off in his prime, before the composition of (Edipus; had Handel never mer-ed the fame of his forgotten operas in the immortal music of his oratorios; had Milton been known only by the poems of his youth, we might with equal plausibility have laid that flattering unction to our heart And yet how shallow would have been our optimism, how falla- cious our attempt at consolation. There is no denying 1* 2 SHELLEY. [chap. the fact that when a young Marcellns is shown by fate for one brief moment, and withdrawn before his spring- time has brought forth the fruits of summer, we must bow in silence to the law of waste that rules inscrutably in nature. Such reflections are forced upon us by the lives of three great English poets of this century. Byron died when he was thirty-six, Keats when he was twenty-five, and Shelley when he was on the point of completing his thirtieth year. Of the three, Keats enjoyed the briefest space for the de- velopment of his extraordinary powers. His achievement, perfect as it is in some poetic qualities, remains so imma- ture and incomplete that no conjecture can be hazarded about his future. Byron lived longer, and produced more than his brother poets. Yet he was extinguished when Lis genius was still ascendant, when his " swift and fair creations" were issuing like worlds from an archangel's hands. In his case we have perhaps only to deplore the loss of masterpieces that might have equalled, but could scarcely have surpassed, what we possess. Shelley's early death is more to be regretted. Unlike Keats and Byron, he died by a mere accident. His faculties were far more complex, and his aims were more ambitious than theirs. He therefore needed length of years for their co-ordina- tion ; and if a fuller life had been allotted him, we have the certainty that from the discords of his youth he would have wrought a clear and lucid harmonv. These sentences form a somewhat gloomy prelude to a biography. Yet the student of Shelley's life, the sincere admirer of his genius, is almost forced to strike a solemn key-note at the outset. We are not concerned with one whose " little world of man " for good or ill was perfected, but with one whose growth was interrupted just before L , BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD. 3 the synthesis of which his powers were capable had been accomplished. August 4, 1792, is one of the most memorable dates in the history of English literature. On this day Percy Bysshe Shelley was born at Field Place, near Horsham, m the countv of Sussex. His father, named Timothy, was the eldest "son of Bvsshe Shelley, Esquire, of Goring Castle in the same countv. The Shelley family could boast of o-reat antiquity and considerable wealth. Without reck- onincr earlier and semi-legendary honours, it may here be recorded that it is distinguished in the elder branch by one baronetcy dating from 1611, and by a second in the younger dating from 1806. In the latter year the poet s grandfather received this honour through the influence ot his friend the Duke of Norfolk. Mr. Timothy Shelley was born in the year 1753, and in 1791 he married Elizabeth, daughter of Charles Pilf old. Esquire, a lady of great beauty, and endowed with fair intellectual ability, though not of a literary temperament. The first child of this marriage was the poet, named Bvsshe in compliment to his grandfather the then living head of the family, and Percy because of some remote connexion with the ducal house of North- umberland. Pour daughters, Elizabeth, Mary, Hellen, and Margaret, and one son, John, who died in the year 1866, were the subsequent issue of Mr. Timothy Shelley s mar- riage In the vear 1815, upon the death of his father, he succeeded to the baronetcy, which passed, after his own death, to his grandson, the present Sir Percy Florence Shel- ley, as the poet's only surviving son. 'Before quitting, once and for all, the arid region of gen- ealogy it may be worth mentioning that Sir Bysshe Shel- ley by his second marriage with Miss Elizabeth Jane Syd- ney Perry, heiress of Penshurst, became the father of hve 4 ' SHELLEY. [chap. children, the eldest son of whom assumed the name of Shelley-Sidney, received a baronetcy, and left a son, Philip Charles Sidney, who was created Lord De l'lsle and Dud- ley. Such details are not without a certain value, inas- much as they prove that the poet, who won for his ancient and honourable house a fame far more illustrious than ti- tles can confer, was sprung from a man of no small per- sonal force and worldly greatness. Sir Bysshe Shelley owed his position in society, the wealth he accumulated, and the honours he transmitted to two families, wholly and entirely to his own exertions. Though he bore a name already distinguished in the annals of the English landed gentry, he had to make his own fortune under con- ditions of some difficulty. Lie was born in North America, and began life, it is said, as a quack doctor. There is also a legend of his having made a first marriage with a person of obscure birth in America. Yet such was the charm of his address, the beauty of his person, the dignity of his bear- ing, and the vigour of his will, that he succeeded in winning the hands and fortunes of two English heiresses ; and, having begun the world with nothing, he left it at the age of sev- enty-four, bequeathing 300,000/. in the English Funds, to- gether with estates worth 20,000/. a year to his descendants. Percy Bysshe Shelley was therefore born in the purple of the English squirearchy; but never assuredly did the old tale of the swan hatched with the hen's brood of duck- lings receive a more emphatic illustration than in this case. Gifted with the untameable individuality of genius, and bent on piercing to the very truth beneath all shams and fictions woven by society and ancient usage, he was driven by the circumstances of his birth and his surroundings into an exaggerated warfare with the world's opinion. His too frequent tirades against — i.] BIRTH AM) CHILDHOOD. 5 The Queen of Slaves, The hood-winked Angel of the blind and dead, Custom, — owed much of their asperity to the early influences brought to bear upon him by relatives who prized their position in society, their wealth, and the observance of conventional decencies, above all other things. Mr. Timothy Shelley was in no sense of the word a bad man ; but he was everything which, the poet's father ought not to have been. As member for the borough of Shoreham, he voted blindly with Lis party ; and that par- ty looked to nothing beyond the interests of the gentry and the pleasure of the Duke of Xorfolk. His philoso- phy was limited to a superficial imitation of Lord Ches- terfield, whose style he pretended to affect in his familiar correspondence, though his letters show that he lacked the rudiments alike of logic and of grammar. His religious opinions might be summed up in Clough's epigram : — At church on Sunday to attend Will serve to keep the world your friend. His morality in like manner was purely conventional, as may be gathered from his telling his eldest son that he would never pardon a ?ne salt iance, but would provide for as many illegitimate children as he chose to have. For the rest, he appears to have been a fairly good landlord, and a not unkind father, sociable and hospitable, some- what vain and occasionally odd in manner, but qualified for passing muster with the country gentlemen around him. In the capacity to understand a nature which de- viated from the ordinary type so remarkably as Shelley's. he was utterly deficient ; and perhaps we ought to regard it as his misfortune that fate made him the father of a 6 SHELLEY. L CUAP - man who was among the greatest portents of originality and unconventionally that this century has seen. To- ward an ordinary English youth, ready to sow his wild oats at college, and willing to settle at the proper age and take his place upon the bench of magistrates, Sir Timothy Shelley would have shown himself an indulgent father ; and it must be conceded by the poet's biographer that if Percy Bysshe had but displayed tact and consideration on' his side, many of the misfortunes which signalized his re- lations to his father would have been avoided. Shelley passed his childhood at Field Place, and when he was about six years old began to be taught, together with his sisters, by Mr. Edwards, a clergyman who lived at Warnham. What is recorded of these early years we owe to the invaluable communications of his sister Ilcllen. The difference of a^c between her and her brother Bvsshe obliges us to refer her recollections to a somewhat later period — probably to the holidays he spent away from Sion House and Eton. Still, since they introduce us to the domestic life of his then loved home, it may be proper to make quotations from them in this place. Miss Shel- ley tells us that her brother " would frequently come to the nursery, and was full of a peculiar kind of pranks. One piece of mischief, for which he was rebuked, was run- ning a stick through the ceiling of a low passage to find some new chamber, which could be made effective for some flights of his vivid imagination." He was very much attached to his sisters, and used to entertain them with stories, in which " an alchemist, old and grey, with a long beard, 7 ' who was supposed to abide mysteriously in the garret of Field Place, played a prominent part. "An- other favourite theme was the ' Great Tortoise,' that lived in Warnham Pond; and any unwonted noise was account- I.] BIRTH AXD CHILDHOOD. 7 cd for by tlie presence of this great beast, which was made into the fanciful proportions most adapted to excite awe and wonder/' To his friend Hogg, in after -years, Shel- ley often spoke about another reptile, no mere creature of myth or fable, the " Old Snake," who had inhabited the gardens of Field Place for several generations. This ven- erable serpent was accidentally killed by the gardener's scythe ; but he lived long in the poet's memory, and it may reasonably be conjectured that Shelley's peculiar sympathy for snakes was due to the dim recollection of his childhood's favourite. Some of the games he invent- ed to please his sisters were grotesque, and some both per- ilous and terrifying. " We dressed ourselves in strange costumes to personate spirits or fiends, and Bysshe would take a fire-stove and fill it with some inflammable liquid, and carry it flaming into the kitchen and to the back door." Shelley often took his sisters for long country rambles over hedge and fence, carrying them when the difficulties of the ground or their fatigue required it. At this time " his figure was slight and beautiful, — his hands were models, and his feet are treading the earth again in one of his race ; his eyes too have descended in their wild fixed beauty to the same person. As a child, I have heard that his skin was like snow, and bright ringlets covered his head." Here is a little picture which brings the boy vividly before our eyes: "Bysshe ordered clothes accord- ing to his own fancy at Eton, and the beautifully fitting silk pantaloons, as he stood as almost all men and boys do, with their coat-tails near the fire, excited my silent though excessive admiration." When he was ten years of age, Shelley went to school at Sion House, Brentford, an academy kept by Dr. Green- law, and frequented by the sons of London tradesmen, 8 SHELLEY. [chap. who proved but uncongenial companions to his gentle spirit. It is fortunate for posterity that one of his biog- raphers, his second cousin Captain Medwin, was his school- fellow at Sion House ; for to his recollections we owe some details of great value. Medwin tells us that Shelley learned the classic languages almost by intuition, while he seemed to be spending his time in dreaming, now watch- ing the clouds as they sailed across the school-room win- dow, and now scribbling sketches of fir-trees and cedars in memory of Field Place. At this time he was subject to sleep-walking, and, if we may credit this biographer, he often lost himself in reveries not far removed from trance. His favourite amusement was novel-reading; and to the many " blue books " from the Minerva press devoured by him in his boyhood, we may ascribe the style and tone of his first compositions. For physical sports he showed no inclination. " He passed among his school-fellows as a strange and unsocial being; for when a holiday relieved us from our tasks, and the other boys were engaged in such sports as the narrow limits of our prison-court al- lowed, Shelley, who entered into none of them, would pace backwards and forwards — I think I see him now — along the southern wall, indulging in various vague and unde- fined ideas, the chaotic elements, if I may say so, of what afterwards produced so beautiful a world." Two of Shelley's most important biographical compo- sitions undoubtedly refer to this period of his boyhood. The first is the passage in the Prelude to Laon and Cijth- na which describes his suffering among the unsympathetic inmates of a school — Thoughts of great deeds were mine, dear Friend, when first The clouds which wrap this world from youth did pass. ■J BIRTH AXD CHILDHOOD. 9 I do remember well the hour which burst My spirit's sleep : a fresh May-dawn it was, When I walked forth upon the glittering grass, And wept, I knew not why ; until there rose From the near school-room, voices, that, alas ! Were but one echo from a world of woes — The harsh and grating strife of tyrants and of foes. And then I clasped my hands and looked around— —But none was near to mock my streaming eyes, Which poured their warm drops on the sunny ground- So without shame I spake:—" I will be wise, And just, and free, and mild, if in me lies Such power, for I grow weary to behold The selfish and the strong still tyrannize Without reproach or check." I then controlled My tears, my heart grew calm, and I was meek and bold. And from that hour did I with earnest thought Heap knowledge from forbidden mines of lore, Yet nothing that my tyrants knew or taught I cared to learn, but from that secret store Wrought linked armour for my soul, before It might walk forth to war among mankind. Thus°power and hope were strengthened more and more Within me, till there came upon my mind A sense of loneliness, a thirst with which I pined. The second is a fragment on friendship preserved by Hoo-g. After defining that kind of passionate attachment which often precedes love in fervent natures, he proceeds : "I remember forming an attachment of this hind at school. I cannot recall to my memory the precise epoch at which this took place ; but I imagine it must have been at the acre of eleven or twelve. The object of these sentiments was a boy about my own age, of a character eminently generous, brave, and gentle; and the elements 10 SHELLEY. . [chap. of human feeling seemed to Lave been, from his birth, genially compounded within him. There was a delicacv and a simplicity in his manners, inexpressibly attractive. It has never been my fortune to meet with him since my school-boy days ; but cither I confound my present recol- lections with the delusions of past feelings, or he is now a source of honour and utility to every one around him. The tones of his voice were so soft and winning, that every word pierced into my heart ; and their pathos was so deep, that in listening to him the tears have involun- tarily gushed from my eyes. Such was the being for whom I first experienced the sacred sentiments of friend- ship." How profound was the impression made on his imagination and his feelings by this early friendship, may again be gathered from a passage in his note upon the antique group of Bacchus and Ampelus at Florence. " Look, the figures are walking with a sauntering and idle pace, and talking to each other as they walk, as you may have seen a younger and an elder boy at school, walking in some grassy spot of the play-ground with that tender friendship for each other which the age inspires." These extracts prove beyond all question that the first contact with the outer world called into activity two of Shelley's strongest moral qualities — his hatred of tyran- ny and brutal force in any form, and his profound senti- ment of friendship. The admiring love of women, which marked him no less strono-lv, and which made him second only to Shakespere in the sympathetic delineation of a noble feminine ideal, had been already developed by his deep affection for his mother and sisters. It is said that he could not receive a letter from them without mani- fest joy. " Shelley," says Medwin, " was at this time tall for his i] BIRTH AXD CHILDHOOD. 11 age, slightly and delicately built, and rather narrow-chest- ed, with a complexion fair and ruddy, a face rather long than oval. His features, not regularly handsome, were set off by a profusion of silky brown hair, that curled naturally. The expression of his countenance was one of exceeding sweetness and innocence. His blue eyes were very large and prominent. They were at times, when he was abstracted, as he often was in contemplation, dull, and as it were, insensible to external objects ; at oth- ers they flashed with the fire of intelligence. His voice was soft and low, but broken in its tones, — when any- thing much interested him, harsh and immodulated ; and this peculiarity he never lost. He was naturally calm, but when he heard of or read of some flagrant act of injustice, oppression, or cruelty, then indeed the sharp- est marks of horror and indignation were visible in his countenance." Such as the child was, we shall find the man to have remained unaltered through the short space of life allow- ed him. Loving, innocent, sensitive, secluded from the vulgar concerns of his companions, strongly moralized after a peculiar and inborn type of excellence, drawing his inspirations from Nature and from his own soul in solitude, Shelley passed across the stage of this world, attended by a splendid vision which sustained him at a perilous height above the kindly race of men. The pen- alty of this isolation he suffered in many painful episodes. The reward he reaped in a measure of more authentic prophecy, and in a nobler realization of his best self, than could be claimed by any of his immediate contemporaries. CHAPTER II. ETON AND OXFORD. In 1805 Shelley went from Sion House to Eton. At this time Dr. Keate was headmaster, and Shelley's tutor was a Mr. Bethel, " one of the dullest men in the establish- ment." At Eton Shelley was not popular either with his teachers or his elder school-fellows, although the boys of his own age are said to have adored him. " He was all passion," writes Mrs. Shelley; "passionate in his re- sistance to an injury, passionate in his love:" and this vehemence of temperament he displayed by organizing a rebellion against fagging, which no doubt won for him the applause of his juniors and equals. It was not to be expected that a lad intolerant of rule and disregardful of restriction, who neglected punctuality in the performance of his exercises, while he spent his leisure in translating half of Pliny's history, should win the approbation of pedagogues. At the same time the inspired opponent of the fagging system, the scorner of games and muscular amusements, could not hope to find much favour with such martinets of juvenile convention as a public school is wont to breed. At Eton, as elsewhere, Shelley's un- compromising spirit brought him into inconvenient con- tact with a world of vulgar usage, while his lively fancy invested the commonplaces of reality with dark hues ii.] ETOX AXD OXFORD. 13 borrowed from his own imagination. Mrs. Shelley says of him, " Tamed by affection, but nnconquered by blows, what chance was there that Shelley should be happv at a public school F 1 This sentence probably contains the pith of what he afterwards remembered of his own school life, and there is no doubt that a nature like his, at once loving and high-spirited, had much to suffer. It was a mistake, however, to suppose that at Eton there were any serious blows to bear, or to assume that laws of love which might have led a spirit so gentle as Shelley's, were adapt- ed to the common stuff of which the English boy is form- ed. The latter mistake Shelley made continually through- out his youth ; and only the advance of years tempered his passionate enthusiasm into a sober zeal for the im- provement of mankind by rational methods. We may also trace at this early epoch of his life that untamed in- tellectual ambition — that neglect of the immediate and detailed for the transcendental and universal — which was a marked characteristic of his genius, leading him to fly at the highest while he overleaped the facts of ordinary human life. " From his earliest years," says Mrs. Shelley, " all his amusements and occupations were of a daring, and in one sense of the term, lawless nature. He delight- ed to exert his powers, not as a boy, but as a man ; and so with manly powers and childish wit, he dared and achieved attempts that none of his comrades could even have conceived. His understanding and the early devel- opment of imagination never permitted him to mingle in childish plays ; and his natural aversion to tyranny pre- vented him from paying due attention to his school duties. But he was always actively employed ; and although his endeavours were prosecuted with puerile precipitancy, yet his aim and thoughts were constantlv directed to those 14 SHELLEY. [char great objects which have employed the thoughts of the greatest among men ; and though his studies were not followed up according to school discipline, they were not the less diligently applied to." This high-soaring ambi- tion was the source both of his weakness and his strength in art, as well as in his commerce with the world of men. The boy who despised discipline and sought to extort her secrets from nature by magic, was destined to become the philanthropist who dreamed of revolutionizing society by eloquence, and the poet who invented in Prometheus Un- bound forms of grandeur too colossal to be animated with dramatic life. A strong interest in experimental science had been al- ready excited in him at Sion House by the exhibition of an orrery ; aud this interest grew into a passion at Eton. Experiments in chemistry and electricity, of the simpler and more striking kind, gave him intense pleasure — the more so perhaps because they were forbidden. On one occasion he set the trunk of an old tree on fire with a burn- ino--o-lass : on another, while he was amusing himself with a blue flame, his tutor came into the room and received a severe shock from a highly-charged Leyden jar. During the holidays Shelley carried on the same pursuits at Field Place. "His own hands and clothes," says Miss Shelley, " were constantly stained and corroded with acids, and it only seemed too probable that some day the house would be burned down, or some serious mischief happen to him- self or others from the explosion of combustibles." This taste for science Shelley long retained. If we may trust Mr. Hogg's memory, the first conversation which that friend had with him at Oxford consisted almost wholly of an impassioned monologue from Shelley on the revolution to be wrought by science in all realms of thought. His n.] ETOX AXD OXFORD. 15 imagination was fascinated by the boundless vistas opened to the student of chemistry. When lie first discovered that the four elements were not final, it gave him the acutest pleasure : and this is highly characteristic of the genius which was always seeking to transcend and reach the life of life withdrawn from ordinary gaze. On the other hand he seems to have delighted in the toys of sci- ence, playing with a solar microscope, and mixing strangest compounds in his crucibles, without taking the trouble to study any of its branches systematically. In his later years he abandoned these pursuits. But a charming remi- niscence of them occurs in that most delightful of his fa- miliar poems, the Letter to Maria Gisborne. While translating Pliny and dabbling in chemistry, Shelley was not wholly neglectful of Etonian studies. He acquired a fluent, if not a correct, knowledge of both Greek and Latin, and astonished his contemporaries by the facility with which he produced verses in the latter language. His powers of memory were extraordinary, and the rapidity with which he read a book, taking in seven or eight lines at a glance, and seizing the sense upon the hint of leading words, was no less astonishing. Impatient speed and indifference to minutirc were indeed among the cardinal qualities of his intellect. To them we may trace not only the swiftness of his imaginative flight, but also his frequent satisfaction with the some- what less than perfect in artistic execution. That Shelley was not wholly friendless or unhappy at Eton may be gathered from numerous small circumstances. Hogg says that his Oxford rooms were full of handsome leaving books, and that he was frequently visited by old Etonian acquaintances. We are also told that he spent the 40/. gained by his first novel, Zastrozzi, on a farewell 16 SHELLEY. [chap. supper to eight school -boy friends. A few lines, too, might be quoted from his own poem, the Boat on the Serchio, to prove that he did not entertain a merely dis- agreeable memory of his school life. 1 Yet the general experience of Eton must have been painful ; and it is sad to read of this gentle and pure spirit being goaded by his coarser comrades into fury, or coaxed to curse his father and the king for their amusement. It may be worth mentioning that he was called "the Atheist" at Eton; and though Hogg explains this by saying that " the Athe- ist" was an official character among the boys, selected from time to time for his defiance of authority, yet it is not improbable that Shelley's avowed opinions may even then have won for him a title which he proudly claimed in after-life. To allude to his boyish incantations and nocturnal commerce with fiends and phantoms would scarcely be needful, were it not that they seem to have deeply tinged his imagination. AYhile describing the growth of his own genius in the Hymn to Intellectual Beauty, he makes the following reference to circumstances which might otherwise be trivial : — "While yet a boy, I sought for ghosts, and sped Thro' many a listening chamber, cave, and ruin, And starlight wood, with fearful steps pursuing Hopes of high talk with the departed dead. I call'd on poisonous names with which our youth is fed, I was not heard, I saw them not — When, musing deeply on the lot Of life, at that sweet time when winds are wooing All vital things that wake to bring News of birds and blossoming, — Sudden, thy shadow fell on me ; I shrieked, and clasped my hands in ecstasy ! 1 Forman's edition, vol. iv. p. 115. n.] ETON AND OXFORD. 17 Among the Eton tutors was one whose name will al- ways be revered by Shelley's worshippers ; for he alone discerned the rare gifts of the strange and solitary boy, and Shelley loved him. Dr. Lind was an old man, a phy- sician, and a student of chemistry. Shelley spent long hours at his house, conversing with him, and receiving such instruction in philosophy and science as the grey- haired scholar could impart. The affection which united them must have been of no common strength or quality ; for when Shelley lay ill of a fever at Field Place, and had conceived the probably ill-founded notion that his father intended to place him in a mad -house, he man- aged to convey a message to his friend at Eton, on the receipt of which Dr. Lind travelled to Horsham, and by his sympathy and skill restored the sick boy's confidence. It may incidentally be pointed out that this story, credit- ed as true by Lady Shelley in her Memorials, shows how early an estrangement had begun between the poet and his father. We look, moreover, vainly for that mother's influence which might have been so beneficial to the boy in whom " love and life were twins, born at one birth.'" From Dr. Lind Shelley not onlv received encouragement to pursue his chemical studies; but he also acquired the habit of corresponding with persons unknown to him, whose opinions he might be anxious to discover or dis- pute. This habit, as we shall see in the sequel, deter- mined Shelley's fate on two important occasions of his life. In return for the help extended to him at Eton, Shelley conferred undying fame on Dr. Lind; the char- acters of Zonaras in Prince Athana.se, and of the hermit in Laoii and Cythna, are portraits painted by lIic poet of Lis boyhood's friend. The months which elapsed between Eton and Oxford 2 18 SHELLEY. [chap. were an important period in Shelley's life. At this time a boyish liking for his cousin, Harriet Grove, ripened into real attachment; and though there was perhaps no for- mal engagement between them, the parents on both sides looked with approval on their love. What it concerns us to know about this early passion, is given in a letter from a brother of Miss Grove. "Bysshe was at that time (just after leaving Eton) more attached to my sister Harriet than I can express, and I recollect well the moonlight walks we four had at Strode and also at St. Irving' s ; that, I think, was the name of the place, then the Duke of Nor- folk's, at Horsham." For some time after the date men- tioned in this letter, Shelley and Miss Grove kept up an active correspondence; but the views he expressed on speculative subjects soon began to alarm her. She con- sulted her mother and her father, and the engagement was broken off. The final separation does not seem to have taken place until the date of Shelley's expulsion from Oxford; and not the least cruel of the pangs he had to suffer at that period, was the loss of one to whom he had given his whole heart unreservedly. The memory of Miss Grove long continued to haunt his imagination, nor is there much doubt that his first unhappy marriage was contracted while the wound remained unhealed. The name of Harriet Westbrook and something in her face reminded him of Harriet Grove; it is even still uncertain to which Harriet the dedication of Queen Mab is ad- dressed. 1 In his childhood Shelley scribbled verses with fluency by no means unusual in the case of forward boys ; and we have seen that at Sion House he greedily devoured the sentimental novels of the day. His favourite poets at the 1 See Medwin, vol. i. p. 68. „ j ETON AND OXFORD. 19 time of which I am now writing-, were Monk Lewis and Southey ; his favourite books in prose were romances by Mrs. Radcliffe and Godwin. He now began to yearn for fame and publicity. Miss Shelley speaks of a play written by her brother and her sister Elizabeth, which was sent to Matthews the comedian, and courteously returned as unfit for acting. She also mentions a little volume of her own verses, which the boy had printed with the tell-tale name of "H— 11— n Sh— 11— y" on the title-page. Medwin gives a long account of a poem on the story of the Wan- dering Jew, composed by him in concert with Shelley during the winter of 1809—1810. They sent the man- uscript to Thomas Campbell, who returned it with the observation that it contained but two good lines:— It seemed as if an angel's sigh Had breathed the plaintive symphony. Undeterred by this adverse criticism, Shelley subsequent- ly offered The Wandering Jew to two publishers, Messrs. Ballantyne and Co. of Edinburgh, and Mr. Stockdale of Pall Mall ; but it remained in MS. at Edinburgh till 1831, when a portion was printed in Frasers Magazine. Just before leaving Eton he finished his novel of Zastrozzi, which some critics trace to its source in Zofloga the Moor, perused by him at Sion House. The most as- tonishing fact about this incoherent medley of mad senti- ment is that it served to furnish forth the 40/. Eton sup- per already spoken of, that it was duly ushered into the world of letters by Messrs. Wilkie and Robinson on the 5th of June, 1810, and that it was seriously reviewed. The dates of Shelley's publications now come fast and fre- quent. In the late summer of 1810 he introduced him- self to Mr. J. J. Stockdale, the then fashionable publisher 20 SHELLEY. [chap. of poems and romances, at his house of business in Tall Mall. With characteristic impetuosity the young author implored assistance in a difficulty. lie had commissioned a printer in Horsham to strike off the astounding num- ber of 1480 copies of a volume of poems; and he had no money to pay the printer's bill. Would Stockdale help him out of this dilemma, by taking up the quires and duly ushering the book into the world \ Throughout his life Shelley exercised a wonderful fascination over the people with whom he came in contact, and almost always won his way with them as much by personal charm as by de- termined aud impassioned will. Accordingly on this oc- casion Stockdale proved accommodating. The Horsham printer was somehow satisfied ; and on the 17th of Septem- ber, 1810, the little book came out with the title of Original Poetry, by Victor and Cazire. This volume has disappear- ed ; and much fruitless conjecture has been expended upon the question of Shelley's collaborator in his juvenile at- tempt. Cazire stands for some one ; probably it is meant to represent a woman's name, and that woman may have been either Elizabeth Shelley or Harriet Grove. The Orig- inal Poetry had only been launched a week, when Stock- dale discovered on a closer inspection of the book that it contained some verses well known to the world as the pro- duction of M. G. Lewis. He immediately communicated with Shelley, and the whole edition was suppressed — not, however, before about one hundred copies had passed into circulation. To which of the collaborators this daring act* of petty larceny was due, we know not; but we may be sure that Shelley satisfied Stockdale on the point of pira- cv, since the publisher saw no reason to break with him. On the 14th of November in the same year lie issued Shelley's second novel from his press, and entered into n ] ETON AND OXFORD. 21 negotiations with him for the publication of more poetry. The new romance was named St. Irvyne, or the Rosicru- cian. This tale, no less unreadable than Zastrozzi, and even more chaotic in its plan, contained a good deal of poetry, which lias been incorporated in the most recent editions of Shelley's works. A certain interest attaches to it as the first known link between Shelley and William Godwin, for it was composed under the influence of the latter 1 s novel, St. Leon. The title, moreover, carries us back to those moonlight walks with Harriet Grove alluded to above. Shelley's earliest attempts in literature have but little value for the student of poetry, except in so far as they illustrate the psychology of genius and its wayward growth. Their intrinsic merit is almost less than nothing, and no one could predict from their perusal the course which the future poet of The Cenci and Epipsychidion was to take. It might indeed be argued that the defects of his great qualities, the over-ideality, the haste, the inco- herence, and the want of grasp on narrative, are glaringly apparent in these early works. But while this is true, the qualities themselves are absent. A cautious critic will only find food in Zastrozzi and St. Irvyne for wondering how such flowers and fruits of genius could have lain con- cealed within a germ apparently so barren. There is even Jess of the real Shelley discernible in these productions, than of the real Byron in the Hours of Idleness. In the Michaelmas Term of 1810 Shelley was matricu- lated as a Commoner of University College, Oxford ; and very soon after his arrival he made the acquaintance of a man who was destined to play a prominent part in his subsequent history, and to bequeath to posterity the most brilliant, if not in all respects the most trustworthy, record of his marvellous youth. Thomas Jefferson Ilogg was 22 SHELLEY. [chap. unlike Shelley in temperament and tastes. His feet were always planted on the earth, while Shelley flew aloft to heaven with singing robes around him, or the mantle of the prophet on his shoulders. 1 Hogg had much of the cynic in his nature ; he was a shrewd man of the world, and a caustic humorist. Positive and practical, he chose the beaten path of life, rose to eminence as a lawyer, and cherished the Church and State opinions of a staunch Tory. Yet, though he differed so essentially from the divine poet, he understood the greatness of Shelley at a glance, and preserved for us a record of his friend's early days, which is incomparable for the vividness of its por- traiture. The pages which narrate Shelley's course of life at Oxford have all the charm of a romance. No novel in- deed is half so delightful as that picture, at once affection- ate and satirical, tender and humorous, extravagant and delicately shaded, of the student life enjoyed together for a few short months by the inseparable friends. To make extracts from a masterpiece of such consummate work- manship is almost painful. Future biographers of Shelley, writing on a scale adequate to the greatness of their sub- ject, will be content to lay their pens down for a season at this point, and let Hogg tell the tale in his own way- ward but inimitable fashion. I must confine myself to a few quotations and a barren abstract, referring my readers to the ever-memorable pao-es 43 — 2SG of HooV s first vol- nine, for the life that cannot be transferred to these. "At the commencement of Michaelmas term," savs this 1 lie told Trelawny that he had been attracted to Shelley simply by his " rare talents as a scholar ;" and Trelawny has recorded his opinion that Hogg's portrait of their friend was faithful, in spite of a total want of sympathy with his poetic genius. This testimony is extremely valuable. n ] ETON AND OXFORD. 23 biographer, " that is, at the end of October, in the year 1310, I happened one day to sit next to a freshman at dinner; it was his first appearance in hall. His figure was slight, and his aspect remarkably youthful, even at our table, where all were very young. He seemed thought- ful and absent. He ate little, and had no acquaintance with any one/' The two young men began a conversa- tion, which turned upon the respective merits of German and Italian poetry, a subject they neither of them knew anything about. After dinner it was continued in Hogg's rooms, where Shelley soon led the talk to his favourite topic of science. "As I felt, in truth, but a slight inter- est in the subject of his conversation, I had leisure to ex- amine, and I may add, to admire, the appearance of my very extraordinarv guest. It was a sum of many contra- dictions. His figure was slight and fragile, and yet his bones and joints were large and strong. He was tall, but lie stooped so much, that he seemed of a low stature. His clothes were expensive, and made according to the most approved mode of the day ; but they were tumbled, rumpled, unbrushed. His gestures were abrupt, and some- times violent, occasionally even awkward, yet more fre- quently gentle and graceful. His complexion was delicate and almost feminine, of the purest red and white ; yet he was tanned and freckled by exposure to the sun, having passed the autumn, as he said, in shooting. His features, his whole face, and particularly his head, were, in fact, un- usually small ; yet the last ajipeared of a remarkable bulk, for his hair was long and bushy, and in fits of absence, and in the agonies (if I may use the word) of anxious thought, he often rubbed it fiercely with his hands, or passed his finders quickly through his locks unconsciously, so that it was singularly wild and rough. In times when it was the 24 SHELLEY. [chap. mode to imitate stage-coachmen as closely as possible in costume, and when the hair was invariably cropped, like that of our soldiers, this eccentricity was very striking. His features were not symmetrical (the mouth, perhaps, excepted), yet was the effect of the whole extremely pow- erful. They breathed an animation, a fire, an enthusiasm, a vivid and preternatural intelligence, that I never met with in any other countenance. Nor was the moral ex- pression less beautiful than the intellectual ; for there was a softness, a delicacy, a gentleness, and especially (though this will surprise many) that air of profound religious veneration, that characterizes the best works, and chiefly the frescoes (and into these they infused their whole souls), of the great masters of Florence and of Rome. I recognized the very peculiar expression in these wonderful productions long afterwards, and with a satisfaction min- gled with much sorrow, for it was after the decease of him in whose countenance I had first observed it." In another place Hogg gives some details which com- plete the impression of Shelley's personal appearance, and which are fully corroborated by Trelawny's recollections of a later date. " There were many striking contrasts in the character and behaviour of Shelley, and one of the most remarkable was a mixture, or alternation, of awk- wardness with agility — of the clumsy with the graceful. He would stumble in stepping across the floor of a draw- ing-room ; he would trip himself up on a smooth-shaven grass-plot, and he would tumble in the most inconceivable manner in ascending the commodious, facile, and well- carpeted staircase of an elegant mansion, so as to bruise his nose or his lip on the upper steps, or to tread upon his hands, and even occasionally to disturb the composure of a well-bred footman; on the contrary, he would often ii.] ETON AND OXTORD. 25 glide without collision through a crowded assembly, thread with unerring dexterity a most intricate path, or securely and rapidly tread the most arduous and uncertain ways." This word-portrait corresponds in its main details to the descriptions furnished by other biographers, who had the privilege of Shelley's friendship. His eyes were blue, un- fathomably dark and lustrous. His hair was brown ; but very early in life it became grey, while his unwrinkled face retained to the last a look of wonderful youth. It is ad- mitted on all sides that no adequate picture was ever paint- ed of him. Mulready is reported to have said that he was too beautiful to paint. And yet, although so singularly lovely, he owed less of his charm to regularity of feature or to grace of movement, than to an indescribable personal fascination. One further detail Hogg pointedly insists upon. Shelley's voice " was excruciating ; it was intolera- bly shrill, harsh, and discordant." This is strongly stated; but, though the terms are certainly exaggerated, I believe that we must trust this first impression made on Shelley's friend. There is a considerable mass of convergent tes- timony to the fact that Shelley's voice was high pitched, and that when he became excited, he raised it to a scream. The epithets " shrill," " piercing," " penetrating," frequent- ly recur in the descriptions given of it. At the same time its quality seems to have been less dissonant than thrilling ; there is abundance of evidence to prove that he could mod- ulate it exquisitely in the reading of poetry, and its tone proved no obstacle to the persuasive charms of his eloquence* in conversation. Like all finely tempered natures, he vi- brated in harmony with the subjects of his thought. Ex- citement made his utterance shrill and sharp. Deep feel- ing or the sense of beauty lowered its tone to richness ; but the timbre was always acute, in sympathy with his in- 2* 26 SHELLEY. [chap. tense temperament. All was of one piece in Shelley's nat- ure. This peculiar voice, varying from moment to mo- ment, and affecting different sensibilities in divers ways, corresponds to the high-strung passion of his life, his fine- drawn and ethereal fancies, and the clear vibrations of his palpitating verse. Such a voice, far-reaching, penetrating, and unearthly, befitted one who lived in rarest ether on the topmost heights of human thought. The acquaintance begun that October evening soon ri- pened into close friendship. Shelley and Hogg from this time forward spent a large part of their days and nights together in common studies, walks, and conversations. It was their habit to pass the morning, each in his own rooms, absorbed in private reading. At one o'clock they met and lunched, and then started for long rambles in the country. Shelley frequently carried pistols with him upon these occasions, and would stop to fix his father's franks upon convenient trees and shoot at them. The practice of pistol-shooting, adopted so early in his life, was after- wards one of his favourite amusements in the company of Byron. Hogg says that in his use of fire-arms he was ex- traordinarily careless. " How often have I lamented that Xature, which so rarely bestows upon the world a creature endowed with such marvellous talents, ungraciously ren- dered the gift less precious by implanting a fatal taste for perilous recreations, and a thoughtlessness in the pursuit of them, that often caused his existence from one day to another to seem in itself miraculous." On their return from these excursions the two friends, neither of whom cared for dining in the College Hall, drank tea and supped together, Shelley's rooms being generally chosen as the scene of their symposia. These rooms are described as a perfect palace of con- ii.] ETON AND OXTORD. 27 fusion — chaos on chaos heaped of chemical apparatus, books, electrical machines, unfinished manuscripts, and fur- niture worn into holes by acids. It was perilous to use the poet's drinking-vesscls, less perchance a seven-shilling- piece half dissolved in aqua regia should lurk at the bot- tom of the bowl. Handsome razors were used to cut the lids of wooden boxes, and valuable books served to support lamps or crucibles ; for in his vehement precipitation Shel- ley always laid violent hands on what he found convenient to the purpose of the moment. Here the friends talked and read until late in the night. Their chief studies at this time were in Locke and Hume and the French essay- ists. Shelley's bias toward metaphysical speculation was beginning to assert itself. He read the School Logic with avidity, and practised himself without intermission in dia- lectical discussion. Hogg observes, what is confirmed by other testimony, that in reasoning Shelley never lost sight of the essential bearings of the topic in dispute, never con- descended to personal or captious arguments, and was So- craticallv bent on following the dialogue wherever it mi^ht lead, without regard for consequences. Plato was another of their favourite authors ; % but Hogg expressly tells us that they only approached the divine philosopher through the medium of translations. It was not until a later period that Shelley studied his dialogues in the original: but the substance of them, seen through Mdme. Dacier's version, acted powerfully on the poet's sympathetic intellect. ■ In fact, although at this time he had adopted the conclusions of materialism, he was at heart all through his life an ide- alist. Therefore the mixture of the poet and the sage in Plato fascinated. him. The doctrine of anamnesis, which offers so strange a vista to speculative reverie, by its sug- gestion of an earlier existence in which our knowledge was 28 SHELLEY. [chap. acquired, took a strong hold upon Lis imagination ; lie would stop in the streets to gaze wistfully at babies, won- dering whether their newly imprisoned souls were not re- plete with the wisdom stored up in a previous life. In the acquisition of knowledge he was then as ever un- relaxing. "Xo student ever read more assiduously. He was to be found, book in hand, at all hours; reading in season and out of season ; at table, in bed, and especially during a walk; not only in the quiet country, and in re- tired paths ; not only at Oxford, in the public walks, and High Street, but in the most crowded thoroughfares of London. Xor was he less absorbed by the volume that was open before him, in Cheapside, in Cranbourne Alley, or in Bond Street, than in a lonely lane, or a secluded li- brary. Sometimes a vulgar fellow would attempt to insult or annoy the eccentric student in passing. Shelley always avoided the malignant interruption by stepping aside with his vast and quiet agility/' And again : — "I never beheld eyes that devoured the pages more voraciously than his; I am convinced that two-thirds of the period of day and night were often employed in reading. It is no exaggera- tion to affirm, that out of the twenty-four hours, he fre- quently read sixteeu. At Oxford, his diligence in this re- spect was exemplary, but it greatly increased afterwards, and I sometimes thought that he carried it to a pernicious excess : I am sure, at least, that I was unable to keep pace with him.'' With Shelley study was a passion, and the acquisition of knowledge was the entrance into a thrice- hallowed sanctuary. w The irreverent many cannot com- prehend the awe— the careless apathetic worldling cannot imagine the enthusiasm — nor can the tongue that attempts only to speak of things visible to the bodily eye, express the mighty emotion that inwardly agitated him, when he ii.] ETOX AND OXFORD. 29 approached, for tlie first time, a volume which he believed to be replete with the recondite and mystic philosophy of antiquity : his cheeks glowed, his eyes became bright, his whole frame trembled, and his entire attention was imme- diately swallowed up in the depths of contemplation. The rapid and vigorous conversion of his soul to intellect can only be compared with the instantaneous ignition and combustion, which dazzle the sight, when a bundle of dry reeds, or other light inflammable substance, is thrown upon a fire already rich with accumulated heat." As at Eton, so at Oxford, Shelley refused to keep the beaten track of prescribed studies, or to run in ordinary grooves of thought. The mere fact that Aristotle was a duty, seems to have disgusted him with the author of the Organon, from whom, had his works been prohibited to undergraduates, he would probably have been eager to learn much. For mathematics and jurisprudence he evinced a marked distaste. The common business of the English Parliament had no attraction for him, and he read few newspapers. AYhile his mind was keenly interested in great political questions, he could not endure the trivial treatment of them in the daily press, and cared far more for principles than for the incidents of party warfare. Here again he showed that impatience of detail, and that audacity of self-reliant genius, which were the source of both his weakness and his strength. lie used to speak with aversion of a Parliamentary career, and told Hogg that though this had been suggested to him, as befitting his position, by the Duke of Norfolk, he could never bring himself to mix with the rabble of the House. It is none the less true, however, that he entertained some vague no- tion of eventually succeeding to his father's seat. Combined with his eager intellectual activity, there was 30 SHELLEY. [chap. something intermittent and fitful in the working of his mental faculties. Hogg, in particular, mentions one of his habits in a famous passage, which, since it brings the two friends vividly before us, may here be quoted. " I was enabled to continue my studies afterwards in the even- ing, in consequence of a very remarkable peculiarity. My young and energetic friend was then overcome by extreme drowsiness, which speedily and completely vanquished him; he would sleep from two to four hours, often so soundly that his slumbers resembled a deep lethargy ; he lay occasionally upon the sofa, but more commonly stretch- ed upon the rug before a large fire, like a cat ; and his lit- tle round head was exposed to such a fierce heat, that I used to wonder how he was able to bear it. Sometimes I have interposed some shelter, but rarely with any perma- nent effect ; for the. sleeper usually contrived to turn him- self, and to roll again into the spot where the fire glowed the brightest. His torpor was generally profound, but he would sometimes discourse incoherently for a long while in his sleep. At six he would suddenly compose himself, even in the midst of a most animated narrative, or of ear- nest discussion; and he would lie buried in entire forgct- f ulncss, in a sweet and mighty oblivion, until ten, when he would suddenly start up, and, rubbing his eyes with great violence, and passing his fingers swiftly through his long hair, would enter at once into a vehement argument, or begin to recite verses, either of his own composition or from the works of others, with a rapidity and an energy that were often quite painful." Shelley's moral qualities are described with no less en- thusiasm than his intellectual and physical beauty by the friend from whom I have already drawn so largely. Love was the root and basis of his nature: this love, first de- il] ETON AND OXFORD. 31 veloped as domestic affection, next as friendship, then as a youth's passion, now began to shine with steady lustre as an all-embracing devotion to his fellow-men. There is something inevitably chilling in the words " benevolence" and " philanthropy." A disillusioned world is inclined to look with languid approbation on the former, and to dis- believe in the latter. Therefore I will not use them to describe that intense and glowing passion of unselfishness, which throughout his life led Shelley to find his strongest interests in the joys and sorrows of his fellow-creatures, which inflamed his imagination with visions of humanity made perfect, and which filled his days with sweet deeds of unnumbered charities. I will rather collect from the pages of his friend's biography a few passages recording the first impression of his character, the memory of which may be carried by the reader through the following brief record of his singular career : — "His speculations were as wild as the experience of twenty-one years has shown them to be; but the zealous earnestness for the augmentation of knowledge, and the glowing philanthropy and boundless benevolence that marked them, and beamed forth in the whole deportment of that extraordinary boy, are not less astonishing than they would have been if the whole of his glorious antici- pations had been prophetic ; for these high qualities, at least, I have never found a parallel." 11 In no individual perhaps was the moral sense ever more completely developed than in Shelley ; in no be- ing was the perception of right and of wrong more acute." "As his love of intellectual pursuits was vehement, and the vigour of his genius almost celestial, so were the pu- rity and sanctity of his life most conspicuous." 32 SHELLEY. [chap, " I never knew any one so prone to admire as lie was, in whom tbe principle of veneration was so strong." " I have had the happiness to associate with some of the best specimens of gentlemen ; but with all due defer- ence for those admirable persons (may my candour and my preference be pardoned), I can affirm that Shelley was almost the only example I have yet found that was never wanting, even in the most minute particular, of the infi- nite and various observances of pure, entire, and perfect gentility." " Shelley was actually offended, and indeed more indig- nant than would appear to be consistent with the singular mildness of his nature, at a coarse and awkward jest, es- pecially if it were immodest, or uncleanly ;' in the latter case his anger was unbounded, and his uneasiness pre-em- inent; he was, however, sometimes vehemently delighted by exquisite and delicate sallies, particularly with a fanci- ful, and perhaps somewhat fantastical facetiousness — pos- sibly the more because he was himself utterly incapable of pleasantry." " I never could discern in him any more than two fixed principles. The first was a strong irrepressible love of lib- erty ; of liberty in the abstract, and somew 7 hat after the pattern of the ancient republics, without reference to the English constitution, respecting which he knew little and cared nothing, heeding it not at all. The second was an equally ardent love of toleration of all opinions, but more especially of religious opinions; of toleration, complete, entire, universal, unlimited ; and, as a deduction and corol- lary from which latter principle, he felt an intense abhor- rence of persecution of every kind, public or private." The testimony in the foregoing extracts as to Shelley's purity and elevation of moral character is all the stronger, IL ] ETOX AND OXFORD. 33 because it is given by a man not over-inclined to praise, and of a temperament as unlike the poet's as possible. If Ave were to look only upon this side of his portrait, we should indeed be almost forced to use the language of his most enthusiastic worshippers, and call him an archangel. But it must be admitted that, though so pure and gentle and exalted, Shelley's virtues were marred by his eccen- tricity, by something at times approaching madness, which paralyzed his efficiency by placing him in a glaringly false relation to some of the best men in the world around him. He possessed certain good qualities in excess ; for, though it sounds paradoxical, it is none the less true that a man may be too tolerant, too fond of liberty : and it was pre- cisely the extravagance of these virtues in Shelley which drove him into acts and utterances so antagonistic to so- ciety as to be intolerable. Of Shelley's poetical studies we hear but little at this epoch. His genius by a stretch of fancy might be com- pared to one of those double stars which dart blue and red rays of light : for it was governed by two luminaries, poetry and metaphysics ; and at this time the latter seems to have been in the ascendant. It is, however, interesting to learn that he read and re-read Landor's Gebir — stronger meat than either Southey's epics or the ghost -lyrics of Monk Lewis. Hogg found him one day busily engaged in correcting proofs of some original poems. Shelley asked his friend what he thought of them, and Hogg an- swered that it might be possible by a little alteration to turn them into capital burlesques. This idea took the young poet's fancy ; and the friends between them soon effected a metamorphosis in Shelley's serious verses, by which they became unmistakably ridiculous. Having achieved their purpose, they now bethought them of the Si SHELLEY. [chap. proper means of publication. Upon whom should the poems, a medley of tyrannicide and revolutionary raving, be fathered ? Peg Nicholson, a mad washerwoman, had recently attempted George the Third's life with a carving- knife. No more fitting author could be found. They would give their pamphlet to the world as her work, ed- ited by an admiring nephew. The printer appreciated the joke no less than the authors of it. lie provided splendid paper and magnificent type ; and before long the book of nonsense was in the hands of Oxford readers. It sold for the high price of half-a-crown a copy ; and, what is hardly credible, the gownsmen received it as a genuine produc- tion. " It was indeed a kind of fashion to be seen read- ing it in public, as a mark of nice discernment, of a deli- cate and fastidious taste in poetry, and the best criterion of a choice spirit." Such was the genesis of Posthumous Fragments of Margaret Nicholson, edited by John Fitz Victor. The name of the supposititious nephew reminds us of Original Poems by Victor and Cazire, and raises the question whether the poems in that lost volume may not have partly furnished forth this Oxford travesty. Shelley's next publication, or quasi-publication, was nei- ther so innocent in substance nor so pleasant in its con- sequences. After leaving Eton, he continued the habit, learned from Dr. Lind, of corresponding with distinguish- ed persons whom he did not personally know. Thus we find him about this time addressing Miss Felicia Browne (afterwards Mrs. Hemans) and Leigh Hunt. lie plied his correspondents with all kinds of questions; and as the dialectical interest w r as uppermost at Oxford, he now endeavoured to engage them in discussions on philosoph- ical and religious topics. We have seen that his favour- ite authors were Locke, LTume, and the French materialists. n .] ETON AXD OXFORD. 35 With the impulsiveness peculiar to his nature, he adopted the negative conclusions of a shallow nominalistic philos- ophy. It was a fundamental point with him to regard all questions, however sifted and settled by the wise of former ages, as still open ; and in his inordinate thirst for liberty, he rejoiced to be the Deicide of a pernicious the- ological delusion. In other words, he passed at Oxford by one leap from a state of indifferentism with regard to Christianity, into an attitude of vehement antagonism. AVith a view to securing answers to his missives, he printed a short abstract of Hume's and other arguments against the existence of a Deity, presented in a series of propositions, and signed with a mathematically important 11 Q. E. D." This document he forwarded to his proposed antagonists, expressing his inability to answer its argu- ments, and politely requesting them to help him. When it so happened that any incautious correspondents acceded to this appeal, Shelley fell with merciless severity upon their feeble and commonplace reasoning. The little pam- phlet of two pages was entitled The Necessity of Atheism ; and its proposed publication, beyond the limits of private circulation already described, is proved by an advertise- ment (Feb. 9, 1811) in the Oxford. University and City Herald. It was not, however, actually offered for sale. A copy of this syllabus reached a Fellow of another college, who made the Master of University acquainted with the fact. On the morning of March 25, 1811, Shellcv was sent for to the Senior Common Boom, and asked whether he acknowledged himself to be the author of the obnoxious pamphlet. On his refusal to answer this question, he was served with a formal sentence of ex- pulsion duly drawn up and sealed. The college author- ities have been blamed for unfair dealing in this matter. 36 SHELLEY. [chap. It is urged that they ought to have proceeded by the legal method of calling witnesses ; and that the sentence was not only out of all proportion to the offence, but that it ought not to have been executed till persuasion had been tried. With regard to the former indictment, 1 do not think that a young man still in statu pupillari, who refused to purge himself of what he must have known to be a serious charge, had any reason to expect from his tutors the formalities of an English court of law. There is no doubt that the Fellows were satisfied of his being the real author ; else they could not have ventured on so summary a measure as expulsion. Their question was probably intended to give the culprit an occasion for apology, of which they foresaw he would not avail him- self. With regard to the second, it is true that Shel- ley was amenable to kindness, and that gentle and wise treatment from men whom he respected, might possibly have brought him to retract his syllabus. But it must be remembered that he despised the Oxford dons with all his heart ; and they were probably aware of this. He was a dexterous, impassioned reasoner, whom they little cared to encounter in argument on such a topic. During his short period of residence, moreover, he had not shown himself so tractable as to secure the good wishes of supe- riors, who prefer conformity to incommensurable genius. It is likelv that thev were not averse to setting rid of him as a man dangerous to the peace of their society ; and now they had a good occasion. Xor was it to be expected that the champion and apostle of Atheism — and Shelley was certainly both, in spite of Hogg's attempts to tone down the purpose of his document — should be un- molested in his propaganda by the aspirants to fat livings and ecclesiastical dignities. Real blame, however, attaches n.] ETON AND OXFORD. 37 to these men : first, for their dulness to discern Shelley's amiable qualities ; and, secondly, for the prejudgment of the case implied iu the immediate delivery of their sen- tence. Both Hogg and Shelley accused them, besides, of a gross brutality, which was, to say the least, unseemly on so serious an occasion. At the beginning of this century the learning and the manners of the Oxford dons were at a low ebb ; and the Fellows of University College acted harshly but not altogether unjustly, ignorantly but after their own kind, in this matter of Shelley's expulsion. Xon ragionam di lor, ma guarda e j^ssa. Hogg, who stood by his friend manfully at this crisis, and dared the authorities to deal with him as they had dealt with Shellev, adding that they had just as much real proof to act upon in his case, and intimating; his intention of returning the same answer as to the authorship of the pamphlet, was likewise expelled. The two friends left Oxford together by the coach on the morning of the 26th of March. Shelley felt his expulsion acutely. At Oxford he had enjoyed the opportunities of private reading which the University afforded in those days of sleepy studies and innocuous examinations. He delighted in the security of his " oak," and above all things he found pleasure in the society of his one chosen friend. He was now obliged to exchange these good things for the tumult and discomfort of London. His father, after clumsily attempting com- promises, had forbidden his return to Field Place. The whole fabric of his former life was broken up. The last hope of renewing his engagement with his cousin had to be abandoned. His pecuniary position was precarious, and in a short time he was destined to lose the one friend who had so generously shared his fate. Yet the notion of recovering his position as a student in one of our great 38 SIIELLEY. [chap. ii. Universities, of softening Lis father's indignation, or of ameliorating his present circumstances by the least con- cession, never seems to have occurred to him. He had suffered in the cause of truth and liberty, and he willingly accepted his martyrdom for conscience' sake. CHAPTER III. LIFE IN LONDON AND FIRST MARRIAGE. It is of some importance at this point to trace the growth and analyse the substance of Shelley's atheistical opinions. The cardinal characteristic of his nature was an implacable antagonism to shams and conventions, which passed too easily into impatient rejection of established forms as worse than useless. Born in the stronghold of squirearchical prejudices, nursed amid the trivial platitudes that then passed in England for philosophy, his keen spirit flew to the opposite pole of thought with a recoil that carried him at first to inconsiderate negation. His pas- sionate love of liberty, his loathing for intolerance, his im- patience of control for self and others, and his vivid logi- cal sincerity, combined to make him the Quixotic cham- pion of extreme opinions. He was too fearless to be wise, too precipitate to suspend his judgment, too convinced of the paramount importance of iconoclasm, to mature his views in silence. With the unbounded audacity of youth, he hoped to take the fortresses of "Anarch Custom" by storm at the first assault. His favourite ideal was the vi- sion of a youth, Laon or Lionel, whose eloquence had pow- er to break the bonds of despotism, as the sun thaws ice upon an April morning. It was enough, he thought, to hurl the dove of defiance boldlv at the tyrant's face — to 40 SHELLEY. [cuai\ sow the Necessity of Atheism broadcast on the bench of Bishops, and to depict incest in his poetry, not because he wished to defend it, but because society must learn to face the most abhorrent problems with impartiality. Gifted with a touch as unerring as Ithuriel's spear for the un- masking of hypocrisy, he strove to lay bare the very sub- stance of the soul beneath the crust of doo;ma and the froth of traditional beliefs ; nor does it seem to have oc- curred to him that, while lie stripped the rags and patches that conceal the nakedness of ordinary human nature, he might drag away the weft and woof of nobler thought. In his poet -philosopher's imagination there bloomed a wealth of truth and love and beauty so abounding, that behind the mirage lie destroyed, he saw no blank, but a new Eternal City of the Spirit. He never doubted wheth- er his fellow-creatures were certain to be equally fortunate. Shelley had no faculty for compromise, no perception of the blended truths and falsehoods through which the mind of man must gradually win its way from the obscu- rity of myths into the clearness of positive knowledge, for ever toiling and for ever foiled, and forced to content itself with the increasing consciousness of limitations. Brim- ming over with love for men, he was deficient in sympa- thy with the conditions under which they actually think and feel. Could he but dethrone the Anarch Custom, the millennium, he argued, would immediately arrive ; nor did he stop to think how different was the fibre of his own soul from that of the unnumbered multitudes around him. In his adoration of what he recognized as living, he re- tained no reverence for the ossified experience of past ages. The principle of evolution, which forms a saving link between the obsolete and the organically vital, had no place in his logic. The spirit of the French Revolution, m.] LIFE IN LONDON AND FIRST MARRIAGE. 41 uncompromising, shattering, eager to build in a day the structure which long centuries of growth must fashion, was still fresh upon him. We who have survived the en- thusiasms of that epoch, who are exhausted with its pas- sions, and who have suffered from its reactive impulses, can scarcely comprehend the vivid faith and young-eyed joy of aspiration which sustained Shelley in his flight to- ward the region of impossible ideals. For he had a vital faith; and this faith made the ideals he conceived seem possible — faith in the duty and desirability of overthrow- ing idols; faith in the gospel of liberty, fraternity, equal- ity; faith in the divine beauty of nature; faith iu a love that rules the universe; faith in the perfectibility of man; faith in the omnipresent soul, whereof our souls are atoms; faith iu affection as the ruling and co-ordinating substance of morality. The man who lived by this faith was in no vulgar sense of the word an Atheist. AVhen lie pro- claimed himself to be one, he pronounced his hatred of a gloomy religion, which had been the instrument of kings and priests for the enslavement of their fellow-creatures. As he told his friend Trelawny, he used the word Atheism " to express his abhorrence of superstition ; he took it up as a knight took up a gauntlet, in defiance of injustice." But Shelley believed too much to be consistently agnostic. He believed so firmly and intensely in his own religion — a kiud of passionate positivism, a creed which seemed to have no God because it was all God — that he felt con- vinced he only needed to destroy accepted figments, for the light which blazed around him to break through and flood the world with beauty. Shelley can only be called an Atheist, in so far as he maintained the inadequacy of hitherto received conceptions of the Deity, and indignant- ly rejected that Moloch of cruelty who is worshipped in 42 SHELLEY. [chap. the debased forms of Christianity. He was an Agnostic only in so far as be proclaimed the impossibility of solv- ing the insoluble, and knowing the unknowable. His clear and fearless utterances upon these points place him in the rank of intellectual heroes. But his own soul, compact of human faith and love, was far too religious and too san- guine to merit either epithet as vulgarly applied. The negative side of Shelley's creed had the moral value which attaches to all earnest conviction, plain speech, defiance of convention, and enthusiasm for intel- lectual liberty at any cost. It was marred, however, by extravagance, crudity, and presumption. Much that he would fain have destroyed because he found it custom- ary, was solid, true, and beneficial. Much that he thought it desirable to substitute, was visionary, hollow, and per- nicious. He lacked the touchstone of mature philoso- phy, whereby to separate the pinchbeck from the gold of social usage ; and in his intense enthusiasm he lost his hold on common sense, which might have saved him from the puerility of arrogant iconoclasm. The positive side of his creed remains precious, not because it was log- ical, or scientific, or coherent, but because it was an ideal, fervently felt, and penetrated with the whole life -force of an incomparable nature. Such ideals are needed for sustaining man upon his path amid the glooms and shad- ows of impenetrable ignorance. They form the seal and pledge of his spiritual dignity, reminding him that he was not born to live like brutes, or like the brutes to perish without effort. Fatti non foste a viver come bruti, Ma per seguir virtude e conoscenza. These criticisms apply to the speculations of Shelley's earlier life, when his crusade against accepted usage was iil] LIFE IX LONDON AND FIRST MARRIAGE. -13 extravagant, and his confidence in the efficacy of mere eloquence to change the world was overweening. The experience of years, however, taught him wisdom without damping his enthusiasm, refined the crudity of his first fervent speculations, and mellowed his philosophy. Had he lived to a ripe age, there is no saying with what clear and beneficent lustre might have shone that light of as- piration which during his turbid youth burned somewhat luridly, and veiled its radiance in the smoke of mere re- belliousness and contradiction. Hogg and Shelley settled in lodgings at Xo. 15, Toland Street, soon after their arrival in London. The name attracted Shelley : " it reminded him of Thaddeus of War- saw and of freedom." He was further fascinated by a gaudy wall-paper of vine-trellises and grapes, which adorn- ed the parlour; and vowed that he would stay there for ever. " For ever," was a word often upon Shelley's lips in the course of his checquered life ; and yet few men have been subject to so many sudden changes through the bufferings of fortune from without and the ineon- stancv of their own purpose, than he was. His biogra- pher has no little trouble to trace and note with accuracy his perpetual tunings and the names of his innumerable temporarv residences. A month had not elapsed before Ilocru' left him in order to begin his own law studies at York; and Shelley abode " alone in the vine-trellised chamber, where he was to remain, a bright-eyed, restless fox amidst sour grapes, not, as his poetic imagination at first suggested, for ever, but a little while longer.'' The records of this first residence in London are meagre, but not unimportant. We hear of negotiations and interviews with Mr. Timothy Shelley, all of which proved unavailing. Shelley would not recede from the U SHELLEY. [chap. position he had taken up. Nothing would induce him to break off his intimacy with Hogg, or to place himself under the tutor selected for him by his father. For Paley's, or as Mr. Shelley called him " Palley's," Evidences he expressed unbounded contempt. The breach between them gradually widened. Mr. Shelley at last determined to try the effect of cutting off supplies ; but his son only hardened his heart, and sustained himself by a proud consciousness of martyrdom. I agree with Shelley's last and best biographer, Mr. W. M. Rossetti, in his condemna- tion of the poet's behaviour as a son. Shelley did not treat his father with the common consideration due from youth to age ; and the only instances of unpardonable bad taste to be found in his correspondence or the notes of his conversation, are insulting phrases applied to a man who was really more unfortunate than criminal in his relations to this changeling from the realms of faery. It is not too much to say that his dislike of his father amounted to derangement ; and certainly some of his suspicions with regard to him were the hallucinations of a heated fancy. How so just and gentle a nature was brought into so false a moral situation, whether by some sudden break-down of confidence in childhood or by a gradually increasing mistrust, is an interesting but perhaps insoluble problem. We only know that in his early boyhood Shel- ley loved his father so much as to have shown unusual emotion during his illness on one occasion, but that, while at Eton, he had already become possessed by a dark suspicion concerning him. This is proved by the episode of Dr. Land's visit during his fever. Then and ever afterwards he expected monstrous treatment at his hands, although the elder gentleman was nothing worse than a muddle -headed squire. It has more than once nL ] LIFE IX LONDON AND FIRST HAMUAGK 45 occurred to me that tliis fever may Lave been a turning poiut in his history, and that a delusion, engendered by delirium, may have fixed itself upon his mind, owing to some imperfection in the process of recovery. But the theory is too speculative and unsupported by proof to be more than passingly alluded to. \t this time Shellev found it difficult to pay his lodg- ings and buy food, it is said that his sisters saved their pjeket-monev to support him : and we know that he paid them frequent visits at their school on Clapham Common. I: was here that his characteristic hatred of tyranny dis- played itself on two occasions. " One day," writes Miss Hellen Shellev, " his ire was greatly excited at a black markhuno- round one of our throats, as a penalty for some .mall misdemeanour. He expressed great disapprobation, more of the system than that one of his sisters should be ,o punished. " Another time he found me, I think, in an iron collar, which certainly was a dreadful instrument of torture in my opinion. It was not worn as a punishment, but because I poked; but Bysshe declared it would make me -row crooked, and ought to be discontinued immedi- ately " The acquaintance which he now made with one of his sister's school friends was destined to lead to most important results. 1 Harriet Westbrook was a girl of six- teen vears, remarkably good-looking, with a brilliant pink and white complexion, beautiful brown hair, a pleasant voice, and a cheerful temper. She was the daughter of a man who kept a coffee-Louse in Mount Street, nick-named -Jew" Westbrook, because of his appearance. She had an elder sister, called Eliza, dark of complexion, and gaunt of fi-ure, with the abundant hair that plays so prominent a part in Hogg s relentless portrait. Eliza, being nearly ■ It is probable that be sa^v her for the first time in January. 1811. 43 SHELLEY. [chap. twice as old as Harriet, stood in the relation of a mother to her. Both of these young ladies, and the " Jew " their father, welcomed Shelley with distinguished kindness. Though he was penniless for the nonce, exiled from his home, and under the ban of his family's displeasure, he was still the heir to a large landed fortune and a baronetcy. It was not to be expected that the coffee-house people should look upon him with disfavour. Shelley paid Harriet frequent visits both at Mrs. Pen- ning s school and at Mount Street, and soon began a cor- respondence with her, hoping, as he expressly stated in a letter of a later date, by converting her to his theories, to add his sister and her " to the list of the good, the disin- terested, the free." At first she seems to have been horri- fied at the opinions he expressed ; but in this case at least he did not overrate the powers of eloquence. With all the earnestness of an evangelist, he preached his gospel of freethought or atheism, and had the satisfaction of form- ing his young pupil to his views. He docs not seem to have felt any serious inclination for Harriet ; but in the absence of other friends, he gladly availed himself of her society. Gradually she became more interesting to him, when he heard mysterious accounts of suffering at home and tyranny at school. This was enough to rouse in Shel- ley the spirit of Quixotic championship, if not to sow T the seeds of love. What Harriet's ill-treatment really was, no one has been able to discover ; yet she used to affirm that her life at this time was so irksome that she contemplated suicide. During the summer of 1811, Shelley's movements were more than usually erratic, and his mind was in a state of extraordinary restlessness. In the month of May, a kind of accommodation was come to with his father. He re- IIL ] LIFE IX LOXDOX AND FIRST MARRIAGE. 47 ceived permission to revisit Field Place, and Lad an allow- ance made him of 200/. a year. His uncle, Captain Pil- fold of Cuekfield, was instrumental in effecting this partial reconciliation. Shelley spent some time at his uncle's country Louse, oscillating between London, Cuekfield, and Field Place, with characteristic rapidity, and paying one flying visit to his cousin Grove at Cwm Elan, near Rhaya- der, hi North Wales. TLis visit is worth mention, since Le now for the first time saw the scenery of waterfalls and mountains. He was, however, too much preoccupied to take much interest in nature. He was divided between his old affection for Miss Grove- his new but somewhat languid interest in Harriet, and a dearly cherished scheme for bringing about a marriage between his sister Elizabeth and his friend Hogg. The letters written to Hogg at this period (vol. i. pp. 387— 418), are exceedingly important and interesting, revealing as they do the perturbation of his feelings and the almost morbid excitement of his mind. Cut they are unluckily so badly edited, whether designedly or by accident, that it would be dangerous to draw minute conclusions from them. As they stand, they raise injuri- ous suspicions, which can only be set at rest by a proper assignment of dates and explanations. Meanwhile his destiny was shaping itself with a rapidity that plunged him suddenly into decisive and irrevocable action. It is of the greatest moment to ascertain precisely what Lis feelings were during this summer with regard to Harriet. Hogg Las printed two letters in immediate jux- taposition : the first without date, the second with the post-mark of Rhayader. Shelley ends the first epistle thus: "Your jokes' on Harriet Westhrook amuse me : it is a common error for people to fancy others in their own situation, but if I know anything about love, I am not in 48 SHELLEY. [cn AP . love. I have hoard from the Westbrooks, both of whom I highly esteem." lie begins the second with these words : " You will perhaps see me before yon can answer this ; perhaps not ; heaven knows ! I shall certainly come to York, but Harriet Westbrooh will decide whether now or in three weeks. Her father has persecuted her in a most horrible way, by endeavouring to compel her to go to school. She asked my advice : resistance was the answer, at the same time that I essayed to mollify Mr. AY. in vain ! And in consequence of my advice she has thrown herself upon my protection. I set off for London on Monday. How flattering a distinction ! — I am thinking of ten mill- ion things at once. What have I said ? I declare, quite ludicrous. I advised her to resist. She wrote to say that resistance was useless, but that she would fly with me, and threw herself upon my protection. We shall have 200/. a year; when we find it run short, we must live, T suppose, upon love! Gratitude and admiration, all demand that I should love her for ever. AYe shall see you at York. I will hear your arguments for matrimonialism, by which I am now almost convinced. I can get lodgings at York, I suppose. Direct to me at Graham's, 18, Sackvillc Street, Piccadilly." From a letter recently published by Mr. W. M. Kossetti (the University Magazine, Feb., 1878), we further learn that Harriet, having fallen violently in love with her preceptor, had avowed her passion and flung herself into his arms. It is clear from these documents, first, that Shelley was not deeply in love with Harriet when lie eloped with her; secondly, that he was not prepared for the step ; thirdly, that she induced him to take it; and fourthly, that he took it under a strong impression of her having been ill- treated. She had appealed to his most powerful passion, in.] LIFE IX LONDON AND FIRST MARRIAGE. 49 the hatred of tyranny. She had excited his admiration by setting- conventions at defiance, and showing her readiness to be his mistress. Her confidence called forth his grati- tude. Iler choice of him for a protector flattered him : and, moreover, she had acted on his advice to carry resist- ance a ou trance. There were many good Shelley an rea- sons why he should elope with Harriet ; but among them all I do not find that spontaneous and unsophisticated feeling, which is the substance of enduring love. In the same series of letters, so incoherently jumbled together by Hogg's carelessness or caprice, Shelley more than once expresses the utmost horror of matrimony. Yet we now find him upon the verge of contracting marriage with a woman whom he did not passionately love, and who had offered herself unreservedly to him. It is worth pausing to observe that even Shelley, fearless and uncom- promising as he was in conduct, could not at this crisis practise the principles he so eloquently impressed on oth- ers. Yet the point of weakness was honourable. It lay in his respect for women in general, and in his tender chivalry for the one woman who had cast herself upon his generosity. 1 " My unfortunate friend Harriet," he writes under date Aug. 15, 1811, from London, whither he had hurried to arrange the affairs of his elopement, " is yet undecided ; not with respect to me, but to herself. How much, my dear friend, have I to tell you. In my leisure moments for thought, which since I wrote have been few, I have considered the important point on which you reprobated my hasty decision. The ties of love and honour are doubtless of sufficient strength to bind congenial souls — 1 See Shelley's third letter to Godwin (Hogg, ii. p. 03) for another defence of his conduct. " We agreed," &c. 3* 50 SHELLEY. [chap. they are doubtless indissoluble, but by the brutish force of power ; they are delicate and satisfactory. Yet the argu- ments of impracticability, and what is even worse, the dis- proportionate sacrifice which the female is called upon to make — these arguments, which you have urged in a man- ner immediately irresistible, I cannot withstand. Not that I suppose it to be likely that / shall directly be called upon to evince my attachment to either theory. I am be- come a perfect convert to matrimony, not from tempo- rizing, but from your arguments ; nor, much as I wish to emulate your virtues and liken myself to you, do I regret the prejudices of anti-matrimonialism from your example or assertion. Xo. The one argument, which you have urged so often with so much energy ; the sacrifice made by the woman, so disproportioncd to any which the man can give — this alone may exculpate me, were it a fault, from uninquiring submission to your superior 1111011001."" Whether Shelley from his own peculiar point of view was morally justified in twice marrying, is a question of casuistry which has often haunted me. The reasons he alleged in extenuation of his conduct with regard to Har- riet, prove the goodness of his heart, his openness to argu- ment, and the delicacy of his unselfishness. But they do not square with his expressed code of conduct ; nor is it easy to understand how, having found it needful to sub- mit to custom, for his partner's sake, he should have gone on denouncing an institution which he recognized in his own practice. The conclusion seems to be that, though he despised accepted usage, and would fain have fashion- ed the world afresh to suit his heart's desire, the instincts of a loyal gentleman and his practical good sense were stronger than his theories. A letter from Shelley's cousin, Mr. C. H. Grove, gives ni.J LITE IX LONDON AXD FIRST MARRIAGE. 51 the details of Harriet's elopement. " When Bysshe finallv came to town to elope with Miss Westbrook, he came as usual to Lincoln's Inn Fields, and I was his companion on his visits to her, and finally accompanied them earlv one morning — I forget now the month, or the date, but it might have been September — in a hackney coach to the Green Dragon, in Gracechurch Street, where we remained all day, till the hour when the mail-coaches start, when they departed in the northern mail for York." From York the young couple made their way at once to Edin- burgh, where they were married according to the formali- ties of the Scotch law. Shelley had now committed that greatest of social crimes in his father's eyes — a mesalliance. Supplies and communications were at once cut off from the prodL and it appears that Harriet and he were mainly dependent upon the generosity of Captain Pilfold for subsistence. Even Jew Westbrook, much as he may have rejoiced at seeing his daughter wedded to the heir of several thou- sands a year, buttoned up his pockets, either because he thought it well to play the part of an injured parent, or because he was not certain about Shelley's expectations. He afterwards made the Shelleys an allowance of 200/. a year, and early in 1S12 Shelley says that he is in receipt of twice that income. Whence we may conclude that both fathers before long relented to the extent of the sum above mentioned. In spite of temporary impecuniosity, the young people lived happily enough in excellent lodging in George Street. Hogg, who joined them early in September, has drawn a lively picture of their domesticity. Much of the day was spent in reading aloud ; for Harriet, who had a fine voice and excellent lungs, was never happy unless she 52 SHELLEY. [chap. was allowed to read and comment on her favourite authors. Shelley sometimes fell asleep during the performance of these rites ; but when he woke refreshed with slumber, he was no less ready than at Oxford to support philosophi- cal paradoxes with impassioned and persuasive eloquence. lie began to teach Harriet Latin, set her to work upon the translation of a French story by Madame Cottin, and for his own part executed a version of one of Buffon's treatises. The sitting-room was full of books. It was one of Shelley's peculiarities to buy books wherever he went, regardless of their volume or their cost. These he was wont to leave behind, when the moment arrived for a sudden departure from his temporary abode; so that, as Hogg remarks, a fine library might have been formed from the waifs and strays of his collections scattered over the three kingdoms. This quiet course of life was diver- sified by short rambles in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh, and by many episodes related with Hogg's caustic humour. On the whole, the impression left upon the reader's mind is that Shelley and Harriet were very happy together at this period, and that Harriet was a charming and sweet- tempered girl, somewhat too much given to the study of trite ethics, and slightly deficient in sensibilitv, but other- wise a fit and soothing companion for the poet. They were not, however, content to remain in Edin- burgh. Hogg was obliged to leave that city, in order to resume his law studies at York, and Shelley's programme of life at this period imperatively required the society of his chosen comrade. It was therefore decided that the three friends should settle at York, to remain "for ever" in each other's company. They started in a post-chaise, the good Harriet reading aloud novels by the now forgot- ten Holcroft with untiring energy, to charm the tedium in.] LITE IN LONDON AND FIRST MARRIAGE. 53 of the journey. At York more than one cloud obscured their triune felicity. In the first place they were unfort- unate in their choice of lodgings. In the second Shelley found himself obliged to take an expensive journey to London, in the fruitless attempt to come to some terms with his father's lawyer, Mr. Whitton. Mr. Timothy Shel- ley was anxious to bind his erratic son down to a settle- ment of the estates, which, on his own death, would pass into the poet's absolute control. He suggested numerous arrangements; and not long after the date of Shelley's residence in York, he proposed to make him an immediate allowance of 2000/., if Shelley would but consent to entail the land on his heirs male. This offer was indignantly refused. Shelley recognized the truth that property is a trust far more than a possession, and would do nothing to tie up so much command over labour, such incalculable potentialities of social good or evil, for an unborn being of whose opinions he knew nothing. This is only one among many instances of his readiness to sacrifice ease, comfort, nay, the bare necessities of life, for principle. On his return to York, Shelley found a new inmate es- tablished in their lodgings. The incomparable Eliza, who was henceforth doomed to guide his destinies to an ob- scure catastrophe, had arrived from London. Harriet be- lieved her sister to be a paragon of beauty, good sense, and propriety. She obeyed her elder sister like a mother; never questioned her wisdom ; and foolishly allowed her to interpose between herself and her husband. Hogg had been told before her first appearance in the friendly circle that Eliza was "beautiful, exquisitely beautiful; an ele- gant figure, full of grace ; her face was lovely, — dark, bright eves; jet-black hair, glossy; a crop upon which she be- stowed the care it merited,— almost all her time ; and she 54 SHELLEY. [chap. was so sensible, so amiable, so good!'' Xow let us listen to the account he has himself transmitted of this woman, whom certainly he did not love, and to whom poor Shelley had afterwards but little reason to feel gratitude. " She was older than I had expected, and she looked much older than she was. The lovely face was seamed with the small- pox, and of a dead white, as faces so much marked and scarred commonly are ; as white indeed as a mass of boil- ed rice, but of a dingy hue, like rice boiled in dirty water. The eyes were dark, but dull, and without meaning; the hair was black and glossy, but coarse ; and there was the admired crop — a long crop, much like the tail of a horse — a switch tail. The fine figure was meagre, prim, and constrained. The beauty, the grace, and the elegance ex- isted, no doubt, in their utmost perfection, but only in the imagination of her partial young sister. Her father, as Harriet told me, was familiarly called 'Jew W'estbrook,' and Eliza greatly resembled one of the dark-eyed daugh- ters of Judah." This portrait is drawn, no doubt, with an unfriendly hand; and, in Hogg's biography, each of its sarcastic touches is sustained with merciless reiteration, whenever the mention of Eliza's name is necessary. We hear, more- over, how she taught the blooming Harriet to fancy that she was the victim of her nerves, how she checked her favourite studies, and how she ruled the household bv continual reference to a Mrs. Grundy of her earlier expe- rience. " What would Miss TTarne say .'" was as often on her lips, if we may credit Hogg, as the brush and comb were in her hand-. The intrusion of Eliza disturbed the harmony of Shel- ley's circle ; but it is possible that there were deeper rea- sons for the abrupt departure which he made from York m .] LITE IX LONDON AND FIRST MARRIAGE. 53 with his wife and her sister in November, 1811. One of his biographers asserts with categorical precision that Shel- ley ha/good cause to resent Hoggs undue familiarity with Harriet, and refers to a curious composition, published by Hogg as a continuation of Goethe's Werther, but believed by Mr. McCarthy to have been a letter from the poet to his friend, in confirmation of his opinion. 1 However this may be, the precipitation with which the Shelleys quitted York, scarcely giving Hogg notice of their resolution, is in- sufficiently accounted for in his biography. The destination of the travellers was Keswick. Here they engaged lodgings for a time, and then moved into a furnished louse. ° Probably Shelley was attracted to the lake country as much by the celebrated men who lived there, as by the beauty of its scenery, and the cheapness of its accommodation. He had long entertained an ad- miration for Southey's poetry, and was now beginning to study Wordsworth and Coleridge. But if he hoped for much companionship with the literary lions of the lakes, lie was disappointed. Coleridge was absent, and missed making his acquaintance — a circumstance he afterwards regretted, saying that he could have been more useful to the young poet and metaphysician than Southey. De Quincey, though he writes ambiguously upon this point, does not seem to have met Shelley. Wordsworth paid him no attention ; and though he saw a good deal of Southey, this intimacy changed Shelley's early liking for the man and poet into absolute contempt. It was not likely that the cold methodical student, the mechanical versifier, and the political turncoat, who had outlived all his earlier illusions, should retain the good-will of such an Ariel as Shelley, in whose brain Queen Mob was already « McCarthy's Shelley's Early Life, p. 117. 56 SHELLEY. [chap. simmering. Life at Keswick began to be monotonous. It was, however, enlivened by a visit to the Duke of Nor- folk's seat, Greystoke. Shelley spent his last guinea on the trip; but though the ladies of his family enjoyed the honour of some days passed in ducal hospitalities, the visit was not fruitful of results. The Duke at this time kindly did his best, but without success, to bring about a recon- ciliation between his old friend, the member for Horsham, and his rebellious son. Another important incident of the Keswick residence was Shelley's letter to William Godwin, whose work on Political Justice he had studied with unbounded admira- tion. He never spoke of this book without respect in after-life, affirming that the perusal of it had turned his attention from romances to questions of public utility. The earliest letter dated to Godwin from Keswick, January 3, 1812, is in many respects remarkable, and not the least so as a specimen of self-delineation. lie entreats Godwin to become his guide, philosopher, and friend, urging that " if desire for universal happiness has any claim upon your preference," if persecution and injustice suffered in the cause of philanthropy and truth may commend a young man to William Godwin's regard, he is not unworthy of this honour. We who have learned to know the flawless purity of Shelley's aspirations, can refrain from smiling at the big generalities of this epistle. Words which to men made callous by long contact with the world, ring false and wake suspicion, were for Shelley but the natural ex- pression of his most abiding mood. Yet Godwin may be pardoned if he wished to know more in detail of the youth, who sought to cast himself upon his care in all the panoply of phrases about philanthropy and universal hap- piness. Shelley's second letter contains an extraordinary in.] LIFE IX LONDON AND FIRST MARRIAGE. o7 mixture of truth willingly communicated, and of curious romance, illustrating his tendency to colour facts with the hallucinations of an ardent fancy. Of his sincerity there is, I think, no doubt. He really meant what he wrote; and vet we have no reason to believe the statement that he was twice expelled from Eton for disseminating the doctrines of Political Justice, or that his father wished to drive him bv poverty to accept a commission in some dis- tant regiment, in order that he might prosecute the X sity of Atheism in his absence, procure a sentence of out- lawrv, and so convey the family estates to his younger brother. The embroidery of bare fact with a tissue of imagination was a peculiarity of Shelley's mind ; and this letter may be used as a key for the explanation of many strange occurrences in his biography. AA hat he tells God- win about his want of love for his father, and his inabili- ty to learn from the tutors imposed upon him at Eton and Oxford, represents the simple truth. Only from teachers chosen by himself, and recognized as his superiors by his own deliberate judgment, can he receive instruction. To Godwin he resigns himself with the implicit confidence of admiration. Godwin was greatly struck with this letter. Indeed, he must have been "or God or beast," like the insensible man in Aristotle's Ethics, if he could have re- sisted the devotion of so splendid and high-spirited a nature, poured forth in language at once so vehement and so convincingly sincere. He accepted the responsi- ble post of Shelley's Mentor; and thus began a connex- ion which proved not only a source of moral support and intellectual guidance to the poet, but was also destined to end in a closer personal tie between the two illustrious men. In his second letter Shellev told Godwin that he was 53 SHELLEY. [chap. then engaged in writing ''An inquiry into the causes of the failure of the French Revolution to benefit mankind, " adding, "My plan is that of resolving to lose no opportu- nity to disseminate truth and happiness." Godwin sensi- bly replied that Shelley was too young to set himself up as a teacher and apostle : but his pupil did not take the hint. A third letter (Jan. 16, 1812) contains this start- ling announcement : " In a few days we set off to Dublin. I do not know exactly where, but a letter addressed to Keswick will find me. Our journey has been settled some time. We go principally to forward as much as we can the Catholic Emancipation." In a fourth letter (Jan. 28, 1812) he informs Godwin that he has already prepared an address to the Catholics of Ireland, and combats the dis- suasions of his counsellor with ingenious arguments to prove that his contemplated expedition can do no harm, and may be fruitful of great good. It appears that for some time past Shelley had devoted his attention to Irish politics. The persecution of Mr. Peter Finnerty, an Irish journalist and editor of The Press newspaper, who had been sentenced to eighteen months' imprisonment in Lincoln jail (between Feb. 7, 1811, and Aug. 7, 1812) for plain speech about Lord Castlereagh, roused his hottest indignation. He published a poem, as yet unrecovered, for his benefit ; the proceeds of the sale amounting, it is said, to nearly one hundred pounds. 1 The young enthusiast, who was attempting a philosophic study of the French Revolution, whose heart was glowing with universal philanthropy, and who burned to disseminate truth and happiness, judged that Ireland would be a fit- ting field for making a first experiment in practical poli- tics. Armed with the MS. of his Address to the Irish 1 McCarthy, p. 255. in.] LIFE IX LONDON AND FIRST MARRIAGE. 59 Peojile, 1 he set sail with LTarriet and Eliza on the 3rd of February from Whitehaven. Thev touched the Isle of Man ; and after a very stormy passage, which drove them to the north coast of Ireland, and forced them to complete their journey by land, the party reached Dublin travel- worn, hut with unabated spirit, on the 12th. Harriet shared her husband's philanthropical enthusiasm. " My wife," wrote Shelley to Godwin, "is the partner of my thoughts and feelings." Indeed, there is abundant proof in both his letters and hers, about this period, that they felt and worked together. Miss Westbrook, meantime, ruled the household ; " Eliza keeps our common stock of monev for safety in some nook or corner of her dress, but we are not dependent on her, although she gives it out as we want it." This master-touch of unconscious delinea- tion tells us all we need to know about the domestic party now established in 7, Lower Sackville Street. Before a week had passed, the Address to the Irish People had been printed. Shelley and Harriet immediately engaged their whole energies in the task of distribution. It was advertised for sale ; but that alone seemed insufficient. On the 27th of February Shelley wrote to a friend in England : " I have already sent 400 of my Irish pam- phlets into the world, and they have excited a sensation of wonder in Dublin. Eleven hundred yet remain for dis- tribution. Copies have been sent to sixty public-houses. .... Expectation is on the tiptoe. I send a man out ev- ery day to distribute copies, with instructions where and how to give them. His account corresponds with the multitudes of people who possess them. I stand at the balcony of our window and watch till I see a man who looks likely. I throw a book to him." 1 It was published in Dublin. See reprint in McCarthy p. 170. 60 SHELLEY. [ cnAP# A postscript to this letter lets us see the propaganda from Harriet's point of view. "I am sure you would laugh were you to see us give the pamphlets. We throw them out of window, and give them to men that we pass in the streets. For myself, I am ready to die of laughter when it is done, and Percy looks so grave. Yesterday he put one into a woman's hood of a cloak." The purpose of this address was to rouse the Irish peo- ple to a sense of their real misery, to point out that Cath- olic Emancipation and a Repeal of the Union Act were the only radical remedies for their wrongs, and to teach them the spirit in which they should attempt a revolution. On the last point Shelley felt intensely. The whole ad- dress aims at the inculcation of a noble moral temper, tol- erant, peaceful, resolute, rational, and self-denying. Con- sidered as a treatise on the principles which should gov- ern patriots during a great national crisis, the document is admirable : and if the inhabitants of Dublin had been a population of Shelleys, its effect might have been perma- nent and overwhelming. The mistake lay in supposing that a people whom the poet himself described as " of scarcely greater elevation in the scale of intellectual being than the oyster," were qualified to take the remedy of their grievances into their own hands, or were amenable to such sound reasoning as he poured forth. He told God- win that he had " wilfullv vulgarized the lanomao-e of this pamphlet, in order to reduce the remarks it contains to the taste and comprehension of the Irish peasantrv." A few extracts will enable the reader to judge how far he had succeeded in this aim. I select such as seem to me most valuable for the light they throw upon his own opin- ions. "All religions are good which make men good; and the way that a person ought to prove that his method in.] LIFE IX LONDON AND FIRST MARRIAGE. Gl of worshipping God is best, is for himself to be better than all other men.'' "A Protestant is my brother, and a Cath- olic is my brother.*' ''Do not inquire if a man be a her- etic, if he be a Quaker, a Jew, or a heathen ; but if he be a virtuous man, if he loves liberty and truth, if he wish the happiness and peace of human hind. If a man be ever so much a believer and love not these things, he is a heart- less hypocrite, a rascal, and a knave." " It is not a merit to tolerate, but it is a crime to be intolerant." "Anything short of unlimited toleration and complete charity with all men, on which you will recollect that Jesus Christ princi- pally insisted, is wrong." " Be calm, mild, deliberate, pa- tient Think and talk and discuss Be free and be happy, but first be wise and good." Proceeding to rec- ommend the formation of associations, he condemns secret and violent societies ; " Be fair, open, and you will be ter- rible to your enemies." " Habits of Sobriety, Regular- ity, and Thought must be entered into and firmly re- solved upon." Then follow precepts, which Shelley no doubt regarded as practical, for the purification of private morals, and the regulation of public discussion by the masses whom he elsewhere recognized as " thousands hud- dled together, one mass of animated filth." The foregoing extracts show that Shelley was in no sense an inflammatory demagogue ; however visionary may have been the hopes he indulged, he based those hopes upon the still more Utopian foundation of a sudden ethical reform, and preached a revolution without blood- shed. We find in them, moreover, the germs of The Re- volt of Islam, where the hero plays the part successfully in fiction, which the poet had attempted without appre- ciable result in practice at Dublin. The same principles guided Shelley at a still later period. When he wrote his 62 SHELLEY. [chap. Masque of Anarchy, lie bade the people of England to as- semble by thousands, strong in the truth and justice of their cause, invincible in peaceful opposition to force. "While he was sowing- his Address broadcast in the streets of Dublin, Shelley was engaged in printing a sec- ond pamphlet on the subject of Catholic Emancipation. It was entitled Prop>osals for an Association, and advo- cated in serious and temperate phrase the formation of a vast society, binding all the Catholic patriots of Ireland together, for the recovery of their rights. In estimating Shelley's political sagacity, it must be remembered that Catholic Emancipation has since his day been brought about by the very measure he proposed and under the conditions he foresaw. Speaking of the English Govern- ment in his Address, he used these simple phrases : — " It wants altering and mending. It will be mended, and a reform of English Government will produce good to the Irish." These sentences were prophetic ; and perhaps they are destined to be even more so. With a view to presenting at one glance Shelley's posi- tion as a practical politician, I shall anticipate the course of a few years, and compare his Irish pamphlets with an essay published in 1817, under the title of A Proposal for putting Reform to the Vote throughout the Kingdom. He saw that the House of Commons did not represent the country ; and acting upon his principle that govern- ment is the servant of the governed, he sought means for ascertaining the real will of the nation with regard to its Parliament, and for bringing the collective opinion of the population to bear upon its rulers. The plan proposed was that a huge network of committees should be formed, and that by their means every individual man should be canvassed. AVe find here the same method of advancing in.] LIFE IN LONDON AND FIRST MARRIAGE. C3 reform by peaceable associations as in Ireland. How- moderate were his own opinions with regard to the franchise, is proved by the following sentence : — " With respect to Universal Suffrage, I confess I consider its adoption, in the present unprepared state of public knowl- edge and feeling, a measure fraught with peril. I think that none but those who register their names as paying a certain small sum in direct taxes ought at present to send members to Parliament." As in the case of Ireland, so in that of England, subsequent events have shown that Shelley's hopes were not exaggerated. AVhile the Shelleys were in Dublin, a meeting of the Irish Catholics was announced for the evening of Feb. 28. It was held in Fishamble Street Theatre ; and here Shel- ley made his debut as an orator. He spoke for about an hour ; and his speech was, on the whole, well received, though it raised some hisses at the beginning by his remarks upon Roman Catholicism. There is no proof that Shelley, though eloquent in conversation, was a pow- erful public speaker. The somewhat conflicting accounts Ave have received of this, his maiden effort, tend to the impression that he failed to carry his audience with him. The dissemination of his pamphlets had, however, raised considerable interest in his favour ; and he was welcomed by the press as an Englishman of birth and fortune, who wished well to the Irish cause. His youth told somewhat against him. It was difficult to take the strong words of the beardless boy at their real value ; and as though to aggravate this drawback, his Irish servant, Daniel Hill, an efficient agent in the dissemination of the Address, af- firmed that his master was fifteen — four years less than his real age. In Dublin Shelley made acquaintance with Curran, Ci SHELLEY. [chap. whose jokes and dirty stories he could not appreciate, and with a Mr. Lawless, who began a history of the Irish people in concert with the young philosopher. We also obtain, from one of Harriet's letters, a somewhat humor- ous peep at another of their friends, a patriotic Mrs. Nugent, who supported herself by working in a furrier's shop, and who is described as ' ; sitting in the room now, and talking to Percy about Virtue.'' After less than two months' experience of his Irish propaganda, Shelley came T i the conclusion that he " had done all that he could.'' The population of Dublin had not risen to the appeal of their Laon with the rapidity he hoped for; and accord- ingly upon the 7th of April he once more embarked with his family for Holyhead. In after-days he used to hint that the police had given him warning that it would be well for him to leave Dublin ; but, though the danger of a prosecution was nut wholly visionary, this intimation does not seem to have been made. Before he quitted Ireland, however, he despatched a box containing the re- maining copies of his Address and Proposals, together with the recently printed edition of another manifesto, callt-d a Declaration of Rights, to a friend in Sussex. This box was delayed at the Holyhead custom-house, and opened. Its contents gave serious anxiety to the Sur- veyor of Customs, who communicated the astonishing dis- covery through the proper official channels to the govern- ment. After some correspondence, the authorities decided to take no steps against Shelley, and the box was for- warded to its destination. The friend in question was a Miss Eliza Hitchener, of Ilurstpierpoint, who kept a sort of school, and who had attracted Shelley's favourable notice by her advanced po- litical and religious opinions. He does not seem to have in.] LIFE IN LONDON" AND FIRST MARRIAGE. 65 made her personal acquaintance ; but some of Lis most interesting letters from Ireland are addressed to her. How recklessly he entered into serious entanglements with peo- ple whom he had not learned to know, may be gathered from these extracts : — " We will meet you in Wales, and never part again. It will not do. In compliance with Harriet's earnest solicitations, I entreated you instantly to come and join our circle, resign your school, all, everything for us and the Irish cause." " I ought to count myself a favoured mortal with such a wife and such a friend/' Harriet addressed this lady as ' ; Portia ;" and it is an un- doubted fact that soon after their return to England, Miss Hitchener formed one of their permanent family circle. Her entrance into it and her exit from it at no very dis- tant period are, however, both obscure. Before long she acquired another name than Portia in the Shelley house- hold, and now she is better known to fame as the " Brown Demon."' Eliza "Westbrook took a strong dislike to her; Harriet followed suit ; and Shelley himself found that he had liked her better at a distance than in close companion- ship. She had at last to be bought off or bribed to leave. The scene now shifts with bewildering frequency ; nor is it easy to trace the Shelleys in their rapid flight. xVbout the 21st of April, they settled for a short time at Xantgwilt, near Rhayader, in North "Wales. Ere long we find them at Lynmouth, on the Somersetshire coast. Here Shelley continued his political propaganda, by circulating the Declaration of Rights, whereof mention has already been made. It was, as Mr. W. M. Rossetti first pointed out, a manifesto concerning the ends of government and the rio-hts of man, — framed in imitation of two similar French revolutionary documents, issued by the Constit- uent Assembly in August, 1789, and by Robespierre in 4 65 SHELLEY. [chap. April, 1T93. 1 Shelley used to seal this pamphlet in bot- tles and set it afloat upon the sea, hoping perhaps that after this wise it would traverse St. George's Channel and reach the sacred soil of Erin. He also employed his ser- vant, Daniel Hill, to distribute it among the Somersetshire farmers. On the 19th of xVugust this man was arrested in the streets of Barnstaple, and sentenced to six months' imprisonment for uttering a seditious pamphlet ; and the remaining copies of the Declaration of Rights were de- stroved. In strong contrast with the puerility of these proceedings, is the grave and lofty Letter to Lord Ellen- borough, composed at Lynmouth, and printed at Barnsta- ple. 2 A printer, named D. J. Eaton, had recently been sen- tenced to imprisonment by his Lordship for publishing the Third Part of Taine's Age of Reason. Shelley's epis- tle is an eloquent argument in favour of toleration and the freedom of the intellect, carrying the matter beyond the instance of legal tyranny which occasioned its compo- sition, and treating it with philosophic, if impassioned se- riousness. An extract from this composition will serve to show his power of handling weighty English prose, while yet a youth of hardly twenty. I have chosen a passage bearing on his theological opinions : — ■ Moral qualities are such as only a human being can possess. To attribute them to the Spirit of the Universe, or to suppose that it is capable of altering them, is to degrade God into man, and to annex to this incomprehensible Being qualities incompatible with any pos- sible definition of his nature. It may be here objected: Ought not the Creator to possess the 1 Reprinted in McCarthy, p. 324. 2 Reprinted in Lady Shelley's Memorials, p. 29. in.] LIFE IX LONDON AND FIRST MARRIAGE. G7 perfections of the creature ? No. To attribute to God the moral qualities of man, is to suppose him susceptible of passions, which, arising out of corporeal organization, it is plain that a pure spirit cannot possess. . . . But even suppose, with the vulgar, that God is a venerable old man, seated on a throne of clouds, his breast the theatre of various passions, analogous to those of humanity, his will changeable and uncertain as that of an earthly king ; still, goodness and justice are qualities seldom nominally denied him, and it will be admitted that he disapproves of any action incompatible with those qualities. Persecution for opinion is unjust. "With what consistency, then, can the worshippers of a Deity whose benevolence they boast, embitter the existence of their fellow-being, because his ideas of that Deity are different from those which they entertain ? Alas ! there is no consistency in those persecutors who worship a benevolent Dei- ty ; those who worship a demon would alone act consonantly to these principles by imprisoning and torturing in his name. Shelley had more than once urged Godwin and his family to visit him. The sage of Skinner Street thought that now was a convenient season. Accordingly he left London, and travelled by coach to Lynmouth, where he found that the Shelleys had flitted a few days previously without giving any notice. This fruitless journey of the poet's Mentor is humorously described by Hogg, as well as one undertaken by himself in the following year to Dublin with a similar result. The Shelleys were now es- tablished at Tan-yr-allt, near Tremadoc, in North Wales, on an estate belonging to Mr. W. A. Madoeks, M.P. for Boston. This gentleman had reclaimed a considerable extent of marshy ground from the sea, and protected it with an embankment. Shelley, whose interest in the poor people around him was always keen and practical, lost no time in making their acquaintance at Tremadoc. The work of utility carried out by his landlord aroused his enthusiastic admiration ; and when the embankment was emperilled by a heavy sea, he got up a subscription for its GS SHELLEY. [chap. preservation. Heading the list with 500/., Low raised, or whether paid, we know not, he endeavoured to extract similar sums from the neighbouring gentry, and even ran up with Harriet to London to use his influence for the same purpose with the Duke of Norfolk. On this occa-i<>n he made the personal acquaintance of the Godwin family. Life at Tanyrallt was smooth and studious, except for the diversion caused by the peril to the embankment. YYe hear of Harriet continuing her Latin studies, reading Odes of Horace, and projecting an epistle in that language to Hogg. Shelley, as usual, collected many books around him. There are letters extant in which he writes to Lon- don for Spinoza and Kant, Plato, and the works of the chief Greek historians. It appears that at this period, un- der the influence of Godwin, he attempted to conquer a strong natural dislike for history. k ' I am determined to apply myself to a study which is hateful and disgusting to my very soul, but which is above all studies necessary for him who would be lic-tened to as a mender of antiquated abuses, — I mean, that record of crimes and miseries — history." Although he may have made an effort to apply himself to historical reading, he was not successful. His true bias inclined him to metaphysics colored by a glow- ing fancy, and to poetry penetrated with speculative en- thusiasm. In the historic sense he was deficient ; and when he made a serious effort at a later period to com- pose a tragedy upon the death of Charles I., this work was taken up with reluctance, continued with effort, and finally abandoned. In the same letters he speaks about a collection of short poems on which he was engaged, and makes frequent al- lusions to Queen Mob. It appears from his own asser- tion, and from Medwin's biography, that a poem on Queen in.] LIFE IX LOXDOX AXD FIRST MARRIAGE. C9 Mab had been projected and partially written by him at tlie early age of eighteen. But it was not taken seriously in hand until the spring of 1812 ; nor was it finished and printed before 1813. The first impression was a private issue of 250 copies, on fine paper, which Shelley distributed to people whom he wished to influence. It was pirated soon after its appearance, and again in 1821 it was given to the public by a bookseller named Clarke. Against the latter republication Shelley energetically protested, dis- claiming in a letter addressed to The Examiner, from Pisa, June 22, 1821, any interest in a production which he had not even seen for several years. " I doubt not but that it is perfectly worthless in point of literary composition ; and that in all that concerns moral and political specula- tion, as well as in the subtler discriminations of meta- physical and religious doctrine, it is still more crude and immature. I am a devoted enemy to religious, political, and domestic oppression ; and I regret this publication, not so much from literary vanity as because I fear it is better fitted to injure than to serve the sacred cause of freedom.'' This judgment is undoubtedly severe ; but, though exaggerated in its condemnation, it, like all Shel- ley's criticisms on his own works, expresses the truth. We cannot include Queen Mab, in spite of its sonorous rhetoric and fervid declamation, in the canon of his mas- terpieces. It had a succes de scandale on its first appear- ance, and fatally injured Shelley's reputation. As a work of art it lacks maturity and permanent vitality. The Shelleys were suddenly driven away from Tanyr- ailt by a mysterious occurrence, of which no satisfactory explanation has yet been given. According to letters written by himself and Harriet soon after the event, and confirmed by the testimony of Eliza, Shelley was twice 70 SHELLEY. [chap. attacked upon the night of Feb. 24 b} 7 an armed ruffian, with whom he struggled in a hand-to-hand combat. Pis- tols were fired and windows broken, and Shelley's night- gown was shot through : but the assassin made his escape from the house without being recognized. His motive and his personality still remain matters of conjecture. AVhether the whole affair was a figment of Shelly's brain, rendered more than usually susceptible by laudanum taken to assuage intense physical pain ; whether it was a perilous hoax played upon him by the Irish servant, Daniel Hill ; or whether, as he himself surmised, the crime was insti- gated by an unfriendly neighbour, it is impossible to say. Strange adventures of this kind, blending fact and fancy in a now inextricable tangle, are of no unfrequent occur- rence in Shelley's biography. In estimating the relative proportions of the two factors in this case, it must be borne in mind, on the one hand, that no one but Shelley, who was alone in the parlour, and who for some unexplain- ed reason had loaded his pistols on the evening before the alleged assault, professed to have seen the villain ; and, on the other, that the details furnished by Harriet, and con- firmed at a subsequent period by so hostile a witness as Eliza, are too circumstantial to be lightly set aside. On the whole it appears most probable that Shelley on this night was the subject of a powerful hallucination. The theory of his enemies at Tanyrallt, that the story had been invented to facilitate his escape from the neighbour- hood without paying his bills, may be dismissed. But no investigation on the spot could throw any clear light on the circumstance, and Shelley's friends, Hogg, Peacock, find Mr. Madocks, concurred in regarding the affair as a delusion. There was no money in the common purse of the Shel- in.] LIFE IX LOXDOX AXD FIRST MARRIAGE. VI leys at this moment. In their distress they applied to Mr. T. Hookham, a London publisher, who sent them enough to carry them across the Irish Channel. After a short residence in 35, Cuffe Street, Dublin, and a flying visit to Killarney, they returned to London. Eliza, for some rea- son as unexplained as the whole episode of this second visit to Ireland, was left behind for a short season. The flight from Tanyrallt closes the first important period of Shelley's life ; and his settlement in London marks the beginning of another, fruitful of the gravest consequences and decisive of his future. CHAPTER IV. SECOND RESIDENCE IN LONDON, AND SEPARATION FROM HARRIET. Early in May the Shelleys arrived in London, "where they ■were soon joined by Eliza, from -whose increasingly irk- some companionship the poet had recently enjoyed a few ■weeks' respite. After living for a short while in hotels, they took lodgings in Half Moon Street. The house had a projecting window, where the poet loved to sit with book in hand, and catch, according to his custom, the maximum of sunlight granted by a chary English summer. "He wanted," said one of his female admirers, " only a pan of clear water and a fresh turf to look like some young lady's lark, hanging outside for air and song." Accord- ing to Hogg, this period of London life was a pleasant and tranquil episode in Shelley's troubled career. His room was full of books, among which works of German metaphysics occupied a prominent place, though they were not deeply studied. He was now learning Italian, and made his first acquaintance with Tasso, Ariosto, and Pe- trarch. The habits of the household were, to say the least, ir- regular; for Shelley took no thought of sublunary mat- ters, and Harriet was an indifferent housekeeper. Dinner seems to have come to them less by forethought than by iv.j SECOND RESIDENCE IX LOXDOX. 73 the operation of divine chance ; and when there was no meat provided for the entertainment of casual guests, the table was supplied with buns, procured by Shelley from the nearest pastry-cook. He had already abjured animal food and alcohol ; and his favourite diet consisted of pulse or bread, which he ate dry with water, or made into pa- nada. Hogg relates how, when he was walking in the streets and felt hungry, he would dive into a baker's shop and emerge with a loaf tucked under his arm. This he consumed as he went along, very often reading at the same time, and dodging the foot-passengers with the rapidity of movement which distinguished him. He could not com- prehend how any man should waut more than bread. " I have dropped a word, a hint," says Hogg, " about a pud- ding ; a pudding, Bysshe said dogmatically, is a preju- dice." This indifference to diet was highly characteristic of Shelley. During the last years of his life, even when lie was suffering from the frequent attacks of a painful disorder, he took no heed of food ; aud his friend, Tre- lawny, attributes the derangement of his health, in a great measure, to this carelessness. Mrs. Shelley used to send him something to eat into the room where he habitually studied; but the plate frequently remained untouched for hours upon a bookshelf, and at the end of the day he might be heard asking, " Mary, have I dined F 1 His dress was no less simple than his diet. Hogg says that he never saw him in a great coat, and that his collar was unbut- toned to let the air play freely on his throat. "In the street or road he reluctantly wore a hat; but in fields and gardens, his little round head had no other covering than his long, wild, ragged locks.'' Shelley's head, as is well known, was remarkably small and round ; he used to plunge it several times a day in cold water, and expose it 4* 1± SHELLEY. [chap. recklessly to the intensest heat of fire or sun. Mrs. Shel- ley relates that a great part of the Cenci was written on their house-roof near Leghorn, where Shelley lay exposed to the unmitigated ardour of Italian summer heat; and Hogg describes him reading Homer by a blazing fire-light, or roasting his skull upon the hearth-rug by the hour. These personal details cannot be omitted by the biogra- pher of such a man as Shelley. He was an elemental and primeval creature, as little subject to the laws of custom in his habits as in his modes of thought, living literally as the spirit moved him, with a natural nonchalance that has perhaps been never surpassed. To time and place he was equally indifferent, and could not be got to remember his engagements. " He took strange caprices, unfounded frights and dislikes, vain apprehensions and panic terrors, and therefore he absented himself from formal and sa- cred engagements. He was unconscious and oblivious of times, places, persons, and seasons ; and falling into some poetic vision, some day-dream, he quickly and completely forgot all that he had repeatedly and solemnly promised ; or he ran away after some object of imaginary urgency and importance, which suddenly came into his head, set- ting off in vain pursuit of it, he knew not whither. When he was caught, brought up in custody, and turned over to the ladies, with, Behold, your King! to be caressed, court- ed, admired, and flattered, the king of beauty and fancy would too commonly bolt; slip away, steal out, creep off; unobserved and almost magically he vanished; thus mys- teriously depriving his fair subjects of his much-coveted, long looked-for company." If he had been fairly caged and found himself in congenial company, he let time pass unheeded, sitting up all night to talk, and chaining his au- dience by the spell of his unrivalled eloquence ; for won- it.] SECOND RESIDENCE IX LONDON. 73 derful as was Lis poetry, those who enjoyed the privilege of converse with him, judged it even more attractive. k, IIe was commonly most communicative, unreserved, and elo- quent, and enthusiastic, when those around him were in- clining to yield to the influence of sleep, or rather at the hour when they would have been disposed to seek their chambers, but for the bewitching charms of his discourse." From Half Moon Street the Shelleys moved into a house in Pimlico; and it was here, according to Hogg, or at Cooke's Hotel in Dover Street according to other accounts, that Shelley's first child, Ianthe Eliza, was born about the end of June, 1813. Harriet did not take much to her lit- tle girl, and gave her over to a wet-nurse, for whom Shel- ley conceived a great dislike. That a mother should not nurse her own baby was no doubt contrary to his princi- ples ; and the double presence of the servant and Eliza, whom he now most cordially detested, made his home un- comfortable. We have it on excellent authority, that of Mr. Peacock, that he " was extremely fond of it (the child), and would walk up and down a room with it in his arms for a long time together, singing to it a song of his own making, which ran on the repetition of a word of his own coining. His song was Yahmani, Yahmani, Yahmani, Yahmani." To the want of sympathy between the father and the mother in this matter of Ianthe, Mr. Peacock is inclined to attribute the beginning of troubles in the Shel- ley household. There is, indeed, no doubt that the reve- lation of Harriet's maternal coldness must have been ex- tremely painful to her husband ; and how far she carried her insensibility, may be gathered from a story told by Hogg about her conduct during an operation performed upon the child. During this period of his sojourn in London, Shelley 76 SHELLEY. [chap. was again in some pecuniary difficulties. Yet be indulged Harriet's vanity by setting up a carriage, in which they afterwards took a hurried journey to Edinburgh and back. lie narrowly escaped a debtor's prison through this act of extravagance, and by a somewhat ludicrous mistake Hoo-o- was arrested for the debt due to the coach-maker. His ac- quaintances were few and scattered, and he saw nothing of his family. Gradually, however, he seems to have become a kind of prophet in a coterie of learned ladies. The views he had propounded in Queen Mab, his passionate be- lief in the perfectibility of man, his vegetarian doctrines, and his readiness to adopt any new nostrum for the amel- ioration of the race, endeared him to all manners of strange people ; nor was he deterred by aristocratic prejudices from frequenting society which proved extremely uncongenial to Hogg, and of which we have accordingly some caustic sketches from his pen. His chief friends were a Mrs. Boinville, for whom he conceived an enthusiastic admira- tion, and her daughter Cornelia, married to a vegetarian, Mr. Newton. In order to be near them he had moved to Pimlico; and his next move, from London to a cot- tage named High Elms, at Bracknell, in Berkshire, had the same object, With Godwin and his family he was also on terms of familiar intercourse. Under the philosopher's roof in Skinner Street there was now gathered a group of miscellaneous inmates— Fanny Imlay, the daughter of his first wife, Mary AYollstonecraft; Marv, his own dauo-hter by the same marriage ; his second wife, and her two chil- dren, Claire and Charles Clairmont, the offspring of a pre- vious union. From this connexion with the Godwin house- hold events of the gravest importance in the future were destined to arise, and already it appears that Fanny Im- lay had begun to look with perilous approval on the fasci- it.] SECOND RESIDENCE IX LONDON. 11 nating poet. Hogg and Mr. Peacock, the well-known nov- elist, described by Mrs. Xewton as " a cold scholar, who, I think, has neither taste nor feeling," were his only in- timates. Mrs. Xewton's unfair judgment of Mr. Peacock marks a discord between the two chief elements of Shelley's pres- ent society ; and indeed it will appear to a careful student of his biography that Hogg, Peacock, and Harriet, now stood somewhat by themselves and aloof from the inner circle of his associates. If we regard the Shelleys as the centre of an extended line, we shall find the Westbrook family at one end, the Boinville family at the other, with Hogg and Peacock somewhere in the middle. Harriet was naturally drawn to the AVestbrook extremity, and Shel- ley to the Boinville. Peacock had no affinity for either, but a sincere regard for Harriet as well as for her hus- band ; while Hogg was in much the same position, except that he had made friends with Mrs. Xewton. The God- wins, of great importance to Shelley himself, exercised their influence at a distance from the rest. Frequent change from Bracknell to London and back again, varied by the flying journey to Edinburgh, and a last visit paid in strict- est secrecy to his mother and sisters, at Field Place, of which a very interesting record is left in the narrative of Mr. Kennedy, occupied the interval between July, 1813, aud March, 1814. The period was not productive of lit- erary masterpieces. We only hear of a Refutation of Deism, a dialogue between Eusebes and Theosophus, which attacked all forms of Theistic belief. Since we are now approaching the gravest crisis in Shel- ley's life, it behoves us to be more than usually careful in considering his circumstances at this epoch. His home had become cold and dull. Harriet did not love her child, TS SHELLEY. [char ii. and spent Lcr time in a great measure with lier Mount Street relations. Eliza was a source of continual irrita- tion, and the AVestbrook family did its best, by interfer- ence and suggestion, to refrigerate the poet's feelings for his wife. On the other hand he found among the Boin- ville set exactly that high-flown, enthusiastic, sentimental atmosphere which suited his idealizing temper. Two ex- tracts from a letter written to Hogg upon the 16th of March, 1814, speak more eloquently than any analysis, and will place before the reader the antagonism which had sprung up in Shelley's mind between his own home and the circle of his new friends: — "I have been staying with Mrs. B for the last month; I have escaped, in the society of all that philosophy and friendship combine, from the dismaying solitude of myself. They have re- vived in my heart the expiring flame of life. I have felt myself translated to a paradise, which has nothing of mor- tality but its transitoriness ; my heart sickens at the view of that necessit}', which will quickly divide me from the delightful tranquillity of this happy home, — for it has be- come my home. The trees, the bridge, the minutest ob- jects, have already a place in my affections." " Eliza is still with us — not here ! — but will be with me when the infinite malice of destiny forces me to depart. I am now but little inclined to contest this point. I cer- tainly hate her with all my heart and soul. It is a sight which awakens an inexpressible sensation of disgust and horror, to see her caress my poor little Ianthe, in whom I may hereafter find the consolation of sympathy. I some- times feel faint with the fatigue of checking the over- flowings of my unbounded abhorrence for this miserable wretch. But she is no more than a blind and loathsome worm, that cannot see to sting." IT .] SECOND RESIDENCE IN LONDON. T9 While divided in this way between a home which had become distasteful to him, and a house where he found scope for his most romantic outpourings of sensibility, Shellev fell suddenly and passionately in love with God- win's daughter, Mary. Peacock, who lived in close inti- macy with him at this period, must deliver his testimony as to the overwhelming nature of the new attachment: — " Nothing that I ever read in tale or history could pre- sent a more striking image of a sudden, violent, irresistible, uncontrollable passion, than that under which I found him labouring when, at his request, I went up from the country to call on him in London. Between his old feelings to- wards Harriet, from whom he was not then separated, and his new passion for Mary, he showed in his looks, in his gestures, in his speech, the state of a mind ' suffering, like a little kingdom, the nature of an insurrection.' His eyes ^vere bloodshot, his hair and dress disordered. He caught up a bottle of laudanum, and said, ' I never part from this.' " We may therefore affirm, I think, with confidence that in the winter and spring of 1814, Shelley had been be- coming gradually more and more estranged from Harriet, whose commonplace nature was no mate for his, and ^vhom he had never loved with all the depth of his affec- tion ; that his intimacy with the Boinville family had brought into painful prominence whatever was jarring and repugnant to him in his home ; and that in this crisis of his fate he had fallen in love for the first time seriously with Mary Godwin. 1 She was then a girl of sixteen, " fair and fair-haired, pale indeed, and with a piercing look," to quote Hogg's description of her, as she first appeared be- fore hiin on the Sth or 9th of June, 1814. With her 1 The date at which he first made Mary's acquaintance is uncer- tain. Peacock says that it was between April IS and June 8. 80 SHELLEY. [chap. freedom from prejudice, her tense and high-wrought sen- sibility, her acute intellect, enthusiasm for ideas, and vivid imagination, Mary Godwin was naturally a fitter compan- ion for Shelley than the o-ood Harriet, however beautiful. That Shelley early in 1814 had no intention of leaving his wife, is probable ; for he was re-married to her on the 24th of March, eight days after his impassioned letter to Hogg, in St. George's, Hanover Square. Harriet was pregnant, and this ratification of the Scotch marriage was no doubt intended to place the legitimacy of a possible heir beyond all question. Yet it seems, if we may found conjecture on "Stanzas, April, 1814," that in the very month after this new ceremony Shelley found the diffi- culties of his wedded life insuperable, and that he was already making up his mind to part from Harriet. About the middle of June the separation actually occurred — not by mutual consent, so far as any published documents throw light upon the matter, but rather by Shelley's sud- den abandonment of his wife and child. 1 For a short while Harriet was left in ignorance of his abode, and with a very insufficient sum of money at her disposal. She placed herself under the protection of her father, retired to Bath, and about the beginning of July received a letter from Shelley, who was thenceforth solicitous for her wel- fare, keeping up a correspondence with her, supplying her with funds, and by no means shrinking from personal communications. That Shelley must bear the responsibility of this sep- aration seems to me quite clear. His justification is to be found in his avowed opinions on the subject of love 1 Leigh Hunt, Autob. p. 236, and Medwin, however, both assert that it was by mutual consent. The whole question must be studied in Peacock and in Garnett, Relics of Shelley, p. 147. iv.] SEPARATION FROM HARRIET. 81 and marriage — opinions which Harriet knew well and professed to share, and of which he had recently made ample confession in the notes to Queen Afab. The world will still agree with Lord Eldon in regarding those opin- ions as dangerous to society, and a blot upon the poet's character ; but it would be unfair, while condemning them as frankly as he professed them, to blame him also because he did not conform to the opposite code of morals, for which he frequently expressed extreme ab- horrence, and which he stigmatized, however wrongly, as the source of the worst social vices. It must be added that the Shelley family in their memorials of the poet, and through their friend, Mr. Richard Garnett, inform us, without casting any slur on Harriet, that documents are extant which will completely vindicate the poet's conduct in this matter. It is therefore but just to await their publication before pronouncing a decided judgment. Meanwhile there remains no doubt about the fact that forty days after leaving Harriet, Shelley departed from London with Mary Godwin, who had consented to share his fortunes. How he plighted his new troth, and won the hand of her who was destined to be his companion for life, may best be told in Lady Shelley's words : — 11 His anguish, his isolation, his difference from other men, his gifts of genius and eloquent enthusiasm, made a deep impression on Godwin's daughter Mary, now a girl of sixteen, who had been accustomed to hear Shelley spoken of as something rare and strange. To her, as they met one eventful day in St. Pancras Churchyard, by her mother's grave, Bysshe, in burning words, poured forth the tale of his wild past — how he had suffered, how he had been misled, and how, if supported by her love, he hoped in future years to enrol his name with the wise and 82 SHELLEY. [chap. good who Lad done battle for their fellow-inen, and been true through all adverse storms to the cause of humanity. Unhesitatingly, she placed her hand in his, and linked her fortune with his own ; and most truthfully, as the re- maining portions of these Memorials will prove, was the pledge of both redeemed. The theories in which the daughter of the authors of Political Justice, and of the Rights of Woman, had been educated, spared her from any conflict between her duty and her affection. For she was the child of parents whose writings had had for their object to prove that marriage was one among the many institutions which a new era in the history of mankind was about to sweep away. By her father, whom she loved — by the writings of her mother, whom she had been taught to venerate — these doctrines had been rendered familiar to her mind. It was therefore natural that she should listen to the dictates of her own heart, and willing- ly unite her fate with one who was so worthy of her love." Soon after her withdrawal to Bath, Harriet gave birth to Shelley's second child, Charles Bysshe, who died in 1826. She subsequently formed another connexion which proved unhappy; and on the 10th of November, 1816, she committed suicide by drowning herself in the Serpen- tine. The distance of time between June, 1814, and No- vember, 1816, and the new ties formed by Harriet in this interval, prove that there was no immediate connexion be- tween Shelley's abandonment of his wife and her suicide. She had always entertained the thought of self-destruction, as Hogg, who is no adverse witness in her case, has am- ply recorded ; and it may be permitted us to suppose that, rinding herself for the second time unhappy in her love, she reverted to a long-since cherished scheme, and cut the knot of life and all its troubles. it.] SEPARATION FROM HARRIET. 83 So far as tins is possible, I have attempted to narrate the most painful episode in Shelley's life as it occurred, without extenuation and without condemnation. Until the papers, mentioned with such insistence by Lady Shel- ley and Mr. Garnett, are given to the world, it is impos- sible that the poet should not bear the reproach of heart- lessness and inconstancy in this the gravest of all human relations. Such, however, is my belief in the essential goodness of his character, after allowing, as we must do, for the operation of his peculiar principles upon his con- duct, that I for my own part am willing to suspend my judgment till the time arrives for his vindication. The language used by Lady Shelley and Mr. Garnett justify us in expecting that that vindication will be as startling as complete. If it is not, they, as pleading for him, will have overshot the mark of prudence. On the 28th of July Shelley left London with Mary Godwin, who up to this date had remained beneath her fathers roof. There was some secrecy in their departure, because they were accompanied by Miss Clairmont, whose mother disapproved of her forming a third in the party. Having made their way to Dover, they crossed the Chan- nel in an open boat, and went at once to Paris. Here they hired a donkey for their luggage, intending to per- form the journey across France on foot. Shelley, how- ever, sprained his ancle, and a mule-carriage was provided for the party. In this conveyance they reached the Jura, and entered Switzerland at Xeufchatel. Brunnen, on the Lake of Lucerne, was chosen for their residence ; and here Shelley began his romantic tale of The Assassins, a por- tion of which is printed in his prose works. Want of money compelled them soon to think of turning their steps homeward ; and the back journey was performed upon 84 SHELLEY. [chap. the Reuss and Rhine. The) 7 reached Gravesend, after a bad passage, on the 13th of September. Mrs. Shelley's History of a Six Weeks' Tour relates the details of this trip, which was of great importance in forming Shelley's taste, and in supplying him with the scenery of river, rock, and mountain, so splendidly utilized in AJastor. The autumn was a period of more than usual money difficulty; but on the Cth of January, 1815, Sir Bysshe died, Percy became the next heir to the baronetcy and the family estates, and an arrangement was made with his father by right of which he received an allowance of 1000Z, a year. A portion of his income was immediately set apart for Harriet. The winter was passed in London, where Shelley walked a hospital n in order, it is said, to acquire some medical knowledge that might be of service to the poor he visited. His own health at this period was very bad, A physician whom he consulted pronounced that he was rapidly sinking under pulmonary disease, and he suffered frequent attacks of acute pain. The consump- tive symptoms seem to have been so marked that for the next three years he had no doubt that he was destined tc an early death. In 1818, however, all danger of phthisis passed away ; and during the rest of his short life he only suffered from spasms and violent pains in the side, which baffled the physicians, but, though they caused him ex- treme anguish, did not menace any vital organ. To the subject of his health it will be necessary to return at a later period of this biography. For the present it is enough to remember that his physical condition was such as to justify his own expectation of death at no distant time. 1 Fond as ever of wandering, Shelley set out in the early 1 See Letter to Godwin in Shelley's Memorials, p. *78. iv.] SEPARATION FROM HARRIET. . c r. summer for a tour with Mary. They visited Devonshire and Clifton, and then settled in a house on Bishopsgate Heath, near Windsor Forest. The summer was further broken bv a water, excursion up the Thames to its source, in the company of Mr. Peacock and Charles Clairmont. Peacock traces the poet's taste for boating, which af- terwards became a passion with him, to this excursion. About this there is, however, some doubt. Medwin tells us that Shelley while a boy delighted in being on the water, and that he enjoyed the pastime at Eton. On the other hand, Mr. W. S. Halliday, a far better authority than Medwin, asserts positively that he never saw Shelley on the river at Eton, and Hogg relates nothing to prove that he practised rowing at Oxford. It is certain that, though inordinately fond of boats and every kind of water — river, sea, lake, or canal — he never learned to swim. Peacock also notices his habit of floating paper boats, and gives an amusing description of the boredom suffered by Hogg on occasions when Shelley would stop by the side of pond or mere to float a mimic navy. The not altogether apocry- phal story of his having once constructed a boat out of a bank-post-bill, and launched it on the lake in Kensington Gardens, deserves to be alluded to in this connexion. On their return from this river journey, Shelley began the poem of Alastor, haunting the woodland glades and oak groves of Windsor Forest, and drawing from that noble scenery his inspiration. It was printed with a few other poems in one volume the next year. Not only was Alastor the first serious poem published by Shelley; but it was also the first of his compositions which revealed the greatness of his genius. Piarely has blank verse been written with more majesty and music : and while the in- fluence of Milton and Wordsworth may be traced in cer- 86 SHELLEY. [chap. tain passages, the versification, tremulous with lyrical vi- brations, is such as only Shelley could have produced. "Alastor" is the Greek name for a vengeful daemon, driving its victim into desert places ; and Shelley, prompt- ed by Peacock, chose it for the title of a poem which de- scribes the Nemesis of solitary souls. Apart from its in- trinsic merit as a work of art, Alastor has great autobio- graphical value. Mrs. Shelley affirms that it was written under the expectation of speedy death, and under the sense of disappointment, consequent upon the misfortunes of his early life. This accounts for the somewhat un- healthy vein of sentiment which threads the wilderness of its sublime descriptions. All that Shelley had observed of natural beauty — in Wales, at Lynton, in Switzerland, upon the eddies of the Reuss, beneath the oak shades of the forest— is presented to us in a series of pictures pene- trated with profound emotion. But the deeper meaning of Alastor is to be found, not in the thought of death nor in the poet's recent communings with nature, but in the motto from St. Augustine placed upon its title-page, and in the Hymn to Intellectual Beauty, composed about a year later. Enamoured of ideal loveliness, the poet pur- sues his vision through the universe, vainly hoping to as- suage the thirst which has been stimulated in his spirit, and vainly longing for some mortal realization of his love. Alastor, like Epipsychidivn, reveals the mistake which Shelley made in thinking that the idea of beauty could become incarnate for him in any earthly form : while the Hymn to Intellectual Beauty recognizes the truth that such realization of the ideal is impossible. The very last letter written by Shelley sets the misconception in its proper light : " I think one is always in love with some- thing or other; the error, and I confess it is not easy for iv.] SEPARATION FROM HARRIET. 67 spirits cased in flesh and blood to avoid it, consists in seeking in a mortal image the likeness of what is, perhaps, eternal.'' But this Shelley discovered only with ' k the years that bring the philosophic mind," and when he was upon the very verge of his untimely death. The following quotation is a fair specimen of the blank verse of Alastor. It expresses that longing for perfect sympathy in an ideal love, which the sense of divine beau- ty had stirred in the poet's heart : — At length upon the lone Chorasmian shore He paused, a wide and melancholy waste Of putrid marshes. A strong impulse urged His steps to the sea-shore. A swan was there, Beside a sluggish stream among the reeds. It rose as he approached, /. Lis severe strictures on The Tiro Nobli Kinsmen in a letter to Mary (Aug. 20, 1818), and his phrase about Ariosto, '" who is entertaining and graceful, and sometimes a poet," illustrate the application of critical canons whollv at vari- ance with the " art fur art " doctrine. While studying Italian, he continued faithful to Greek. Plato was often in his hands, and the dramatists formed his almost inseparable companions. How deeply he felt the art of the Homeric poems, may be gathered from the following extract : — " I congratulate you on your conquest of the Iliad. You must have been astonished at the per- petually increasing magnificence of the last seven boohs. Homer there truly begins to be himself. The battle of the Scamander, the funeral of Patroclus, and the high and solemn close of the whole bloody tale in tenderness and inexpiable sorrow, are wrought in a manner incomparable with anything of the same kind. The Odyssey is sweet, but there is nothing like this." About this time, prompt- ed by Mrs. Gisborne, he began the study of Spanish, and conceived an ardent admiration for Calderon, whose splen- did and supernatural fancy tallied with his own. " I am bathing myself in the light and odour of the starrv Au- - 3," he writes to Mr. Gisborne in the autumn of 1820. Faust, too, was a favourite. " I .have been reading over and over again Faust, and always with sensations which no other composition excites. It deepens the gloom and augments the rapidity of ideas, and would therefore seem to me an unfit study for any person who is a prey to the reproaches of memory, and the delusions of an imagina- v] ITALY. 113 tion not to be restrained." The profound impression made upon him by Margaret's story is expressed in two letters about Retzsch's illustrations : — " The artist makes one envy his happiness that he can sketch such things with calmness, which I only dared look upon once, and which made my brain swim round only to touch the leaf on the opposite side of which I knew that it was figured/' The fruits of this occupation with Greek, Italian, Span- ish, and German were Shelley's translations from Homer and Euripides, from Dante, from Calderon's Magico Pro- digiosOy and from Faust, translations which have never been surpassed for beauty of form and complete transfu- sion of the spirit of one literature into the language of another. On translation, however, he set but little store, asserting that he only undertook it when he " could do absolutely nothing else," and writing earnestly to dissuade Leigh Hunt from devoting time which might be better spent, to work of subordinate importance. 1 The follow- ing version of a Greek epigram on Plato's spirit will illus- trate his own method of translation : — Eagle ! why soarest thou above that tomb ? To what sublime and star-y-paven home Floatest thou ? I am the image of swift Plato's spirit, Ascending heaven : — Athens does inherit His corpse below. Some time in the year lS20-21,he composed the De- fence of Poetry, stimulated to this undertaking by his friend Peacock's article on poetry, published in the Liter- ary Miscellani/? This essay not only sets forth his theo- ry of his own art, but it also contains some of his finest 1 Letter from Florence, Xov., 1819. 5 See Letter to Oilier, Jan. 20, 1820, Shelley Memorials, p. 135. 6 m SHELLEY. [chap. prose writing, of which the following passage, valuable alike for matter and style, may be cited as a specimen : — The functions of the poetical faculty are two-fold ; by one it cre- ates new materials of knowledge, and power, and pleasure ; by the other it engenders in the mind a desire to reproduce and arrange them according to a certain rhythm and order which may be called the beautiful and the good. The cultivation of poetry is never more to be desired than at periods when, from an excess of the selfish and calculating principle, the accumulation of the materials of external life exceed the quantity of the power of assimilating them to the in- ternal laws of human nature. The body has then become too un- wieldy for that which animates it. Poetry is indeed something divine. It is at once the centre and circumference of knowledge ; it is that which comprehends all sci- ence, and that to which all science must be referred. It is at the same time the root and blossom of all other systems of thought ; it is that from which all spring, and that which adorns all ; and that which, if blighted, denies the fruit and the seed, and withholds from the barren world the nourishment and the succession of the scions of the tree of life. It is the perfect and consummate surface and bloom of all things ; it is as the odour and the colour of the rose to the texture of the elements which compose it, as the form and splendour of unfaded beauty to the secrets of anatomy and corruption. "What were virtue, love, patriotism, friendship — what were the scenery of this beautiful universe which we inhabit — what were our consola- tions on this side of the grave — and what were our aspirations be- yond it, if poetry did not ascend to bring light and fire from those eternal regions where the owl-winged faculty of calculation dare not ever soar ? Poetry is not like reasoning, a power to be exerted ac- cording to the determination of the will. A man cannot say, " I will compose poetry." The greatest poet even cannot say it; for the mind in creation is as a fading coal, which some invisible influ- ence, like an inconstant wind, awakens to transitory brightness ; this power arises from within, like the colour of a flower which fades and changes as it is developed, and the conscious portions of our natures are unprophetic either of its approach or its departure. Could this influence be durable in its original purity and force, it is impossible to predict the greatness of the results ; but when composition begins, v.] ITALY. 113 inspiration is already on the decline, and the most glorious poetry that has ever been communicated to the world is probably a feeble shadow of the original conceptions of the poet. I appeal to the greatest poets of the present day, whether it is not an error to assert that the finest passages of poetry are produced by labour and study. The toil and the delay recommended by critics, can be justly inter- preted to mean no more than a careful observation of the inspired moments, and an artificial connexion of the spaces between their suggestions by the intermixture of conventional expressions ; a ne- cessity only imposed by the limitedness of the poetical faculty itself; for Milton conceived the " Paradise Lost " as a whole before he exe- cuted it in portions. "We have his own authority also for the muse having " dictated " to him the " unpremeditated song." And let this be an answer to those who would allege the fifty-six various read- ings of the first line of the M Orlando Furioso/' Compositions so produced are to poetry what mosaic is to painting. This instinct and intuition of the poetical faculty is still more observable in the plastic and pictorial arts ; a great statue or picture grows under the power of the artist as a child in the mother's womb ; and the very mind which directs the hands in formation is incapable of accounting to itself for the origin, the gradations, or the media of the process. Poetry is the record of the best and happiest moments of the happiest and best minds. "We are aware of evanescent visitations of thought and feeling sometimes associated with place or person, sometimes regarding our own mind alone, and always arising unfore- seen and departing unbidden, but elevating and delightful beyond ail expression: so that even in the desire and the regret they leave, there cannot but be pleasure, participating as it does in the nature of its object. It is as it were the interpenetration of a diviner nature through our own ; but its footsteps are like those of a wind over the sea, which the coming calm erases, and whose traces remain only, as on the wrinkled sand which paves it. These and corresponding con- ditions of being are experienced principally by those of the most del- sensibility and the most enlarged imagination; and the state of mind produced by them is at war with every base desire. The enthusiasm of virtue, love, patriotism, and friendship, is essentially linked with such emotions ; and whilst they last," self appears as what it is, an atom to a universe. Poets are not only subject to these experiences as spirits of the most refined organization, bat 116 SHELLEY. [chap. they can colour all that they combine with the evanescent hues of this ethereal world ; a word, a trait in the representation of a scene or a passion, will touch the enchanted chord, and reanimate, in those who have ever experienced these emotions, the sleeping, the cold, the buried image of the past. Poetry thus makes immortal all that is best and most beautiful in the world ; it arrests the vanishing appa- ritions which haunt the interlunations of life, and veiling them, or in language or in form, sends them forth among mankind, bearing sweet news of kindred joy to those with whom their sisters abide — abide, because there is no portal of expression from the caverns of the spirit which they inhabit into the universe of things. Poetry re- deems from decay the visitations of the divinity in man. In the midst of these aesthetic studies, and while pro- ducing his own greatest works, Shelley was not satisfied that his genius ought to be devoted to poetry. " I con- sider poetry," he wrote to Peacock, January 26th, 1819, " very subordinate to moral and political science, and if I were well, certainly I would aspire to the latter ; for I can conceive a great work, embodying the discoveries of all ages, and harmonizing the contending creeds by which mankind have been ruled. Far from me is such an at- tempt, and I shall be content, by exercising my fancy, to amuse myself, and perhaps some others, and cast what weight I can into the scale of that balance which the Giant of Artbecjall holds." Whether he was right in the conviction that his genius was no less fitted for metaphys- ical speculation or for political science than for poetry, is a question that admits of much debate. 1 We have noth- ing but fragments whereby to form a definite opinion — the unfinished Defence of Poetry, the unfinished Essay on a Future State, the unfinished Essay on Christianity, the unfinished Essay on the Punishment of Death, and the 1 See Mrs. Shelley's note on the Revolt of Islam, and the whole Preface to the Prose "Works. T .] ITALY. 117 scattered Speculations on Metaphysics. None of these compositions justify the belief so confidently expressed by Mrs. Shelley in her Preface to the prose works, that " had not Shelley deserted metaphysics for poetry in his youth. and had he not been lost to us early, so that all his Faster projects were wrecked with him in the waves, he would have presented the world with a complete theory of mind ; a theorv to which Berkeley, Coleridge, and Kant would have contributed; but more simple, unimpugnable, and entire than the systems of these writers." Their incom- pleteness rather tends to confirm what she proceeds to state, that the strain of philosophical composition was too great for his susceptible nerves ; while her further obser- vation that " thought kindled imagination and awoke sen- sation, and rendered him dizzy from too great keenness of emotion," seems to indicate that his nature was primarily that of a poet deeply tinctured with philosophical specula- tion, rather than that of a metaphysician warmed at inter- vals to an imaginative fervour. Another of her remarks confirms us in this opinion. " He considered these phil- osophical views of mind and nature to be instinct with the intensest spirit of poetry." 1 This is the position of the poet rather than the analyst ; and, on the whole, we are probably justified in^ncluding with Mrs. Shelley, that he followed a true instinct when he dedicated himself to poetry, and trained his powers in that direction. 2 To dogmatize upon the topic would be worse than foolish. There was something incalculable, incommensurable, and daemonic in Shelley's genius; and what he might have achieved, had his life been spared and had his health pro- gressively improved, it is of course impossible to say. 1 Xote on Prometheus. - Xote on Revolt of Islam. 118 SHELLEY. [chap. In the spring of 1819 the Shelleys settled in Rome, where the poet proceeded with the composition of Pro- metheus Unbound. He used to write among the ruins of the Baths of Caracalla, not then, as now, despoiled of all their natural beauty, but waving with the Paradise of flowers and shrubs described in his incomparable letter of March the 23rd to Peacock. Rome, however, was not destined to retain them long. On the 7th of June they lost their son William after a short illness. Shelley loved this child intensely, and sat by his bedside for sixty hours without taking rest. He was now practically childless ; and his grief found expression in many of his poems, es- pecially in the fragment headed "Roma, Roma, Roma! non e piu com'' era ])rima." William was buried in the Protestant cemetery, of which Shelley had written a de- scription to Peacock in the previous December. "The English burying-place is a green slope near the walls, un- der the pyramidal tomb of Cestins, and is, I think, the most beautiful and solemn cemetery I ever beheld. To see the sun shining on its bright grass, fresh, when we first visited it, with the autumnal dews, and hear the whis- pering of the wind among the leaves of the trees which have overgrown the tomb of Cestius, and the soil which is stirring in the sun-warm ^frh, and to mark the tombs, mostly of women and young people who were buried there, one might, if one were to die, desire the sleep they seem to sleep. Such is the human mind, and so it peo- ples with its wishes vacancy and oblivion." Escaping from the scene of so much sorrow, they estab- lished themselves at the Villa Valsovano, near Leghorn. Here Shelley began and finished The Cenci at the instance of his wife, who rightly thought that he undervalued his own powers as a dramatic poet. The supposed portrait v.] ITALY. 119 of Beatrice in the Barberini Palace Lad powerfully affect- ed his imagination, and he fancied that her story would form the fitting subject for a tragedy. It is fortunate for English literature that the real facts of that domestic drama, as recently published by Signor Bertolotti, were then involved in a tissue of romance and Wend. During this summer he saw a great deal of the Gisborne family. Mrs. Gisborne's son by a previous marriage, Henry Reve- ley, was an engineer, and Shelley conceived a project of helping him to build a steamer which should ply between Leghorn and Marseilles. He was to supply the funds, and the pecuniary profit was to be shared by the Gisborne family. The scheme eventually fell through, though Shel- ley spent a good deal of money upon it ; and its only im- portance is the additional light it throws upon his pub- lic and private benevolence. From Leghorn the Shelleys removed in the autumn to Florence, where, on the 12th of November, the present Sir Percy Florence Shelley was born. Here Shelley wrote the last act of Prometheus Unbound, which, though the finest portion of that unique drama, seems to have been an afterthought. In the Cas- cine outside Florence he also composed the Ode to the West Wind, the most symmetrically perfect as well as the most impassioned of his minor lyrics. He spent much time in the galleries, made notes upon the principal an- tique statues, and formed a plan of systematic art-study. The climate, however, disagreed with him, and in the month of January, 1820, they took up their abode at Pisa. 1819 was the most important year in Shelley's life, so far as literary production is concerned. Besides The Cen- ci and Prometheus Unbound, of which, it yet remains to speak, this year saw the production of several political and satirical poems — the Masque of Anarchy, suggested by the 120 SHELLEY. [chap. news of the Peterloo massacre, being by far the most im- portant. Shelley attempted the composition of short pop- ular songs which should stir the English people to a sense of what he felt to be their degradation. But he lacked the directness which alone could make such verses forci- ble, and the passionate apostrophe to the Men of England in his Masque of Anarchy marks the highest point of his achievement in this style : — Men of England, Heirs of Glory, Heroes of unwritten story, Nurslings of one mighty mother, Hopes of her, and one another ! Rise, like lions after slumber, In unvanquishable number, Shake your chains to earth like dew, Which in sleep had fall'n on you. Ye are many, they are few. Peter Bell the Third, written in this year, and Swell- foot the Tyrant, composed in the following autumn, are remarkable as showing with what keen interest Shelley watched public affairs in England from his exile home ; but, for my own part, I cannot agree with those critics who esteem their humour at a high rate. The political poems may profitably be compared with his contemporary cor- respondence ; with the letters, for instance, to Leigh Hunt, November 23rd, 1819; and to Mr. John Gisborne, April 10th, 1822; and with an undated fragment published by Mr. Garnett in the Relics of Shelley, page 84. No stu- dent of English political history before the Reform Bill can regard his apprehensions of a great catastrophe as ill- founded. His insio-ht into the real danger to the nation was as penetrating as his suggestion of a remedy was mod- erate. Those who are accustomed to think of the poet as v.] ITALY. 121 a visionary enthusiast, will rub their eves when they read the sober lines in which he warns his friend to be cautious about the security offered by the English Funds. Another letter, dated Lerici, June 29, 1822, illustrates the same prac- tical temper of mind, the same logical application of polit- ical principles to questions of public economy. That Prometheus Unbound and The Cenci should have been composed in one and the same year must be reck- oned among the greatest wonders of literature, not only be- cause of their sublime greatness, but also because of their essential difference. JEschylns, it is well known, had writ- ten a sequel to his Prometheus Bound, in which he showed the final reconciliation between Zeus, the oppressor, and Prometheus, the champion, of humanity. What that rec- onciliation was, we do not know, because the play is lost, and the fragments are too brief for supporting any prob- able hypothesis. But Shelley repudiated the notion of compromise. He could not conceive of the Titan " unsay- ing his high language, and quailing before his successful and perfidious adversary." He, therefore, approached the theme of liberation from a wholly different point of view. Prometheus in his drama is the humane vindicator of love, justice, and liberty, as opposed to Jove, the tyrannical op- pressor, and creator of all evil by his selfish rule. Prome- theus is the mind of man idealized, the spirit of our race, as Shelley thought it made to be. Jove is the incarnation of all that thwarts its free development. Thus counter- posed, the two chief actors represent the fundamental an- titheses of good and evil, liberty and despotism, love and hate. They give the form of personality to Shelley's Ormuzd- Ahriman dualism already expressed in the first canto of Laon and Cythna; but, instead of being repre- sented on the theatre of human life, the strife is now re- *6 122 SHELLEY. [chap. moved into the reign of abstractions, vivified by mytbopo- etry. Prometheus resists Jove to the uttermost, endures all torments, physical and moral, that the tyrant plagues him with, secure in his own strength, and calmly expectant of an hour which shall hurl Jove from heaven, and leave the spirit of good triumphant. That hour arrives ; Jove disappears ; the burdens of the world and men are sud- denly removed ; a new age of peace and freedom and il- limitable energy begins ; the whole universe partakes in the emancipation ; the spirit of the earth no longer groans in pain, but sings alternate love-songs with his sister orb, the moon; Prometheus is re-united in indissoluble bonds to his old love, Asia. Asia, withdrawn from sight during the first act, but spoken of as waiting in her exile for the fated hour, is the true mate of the human spirit. She is the fairest daughter of Earth and Ocean. Like Aphrodite, she rises in the JEgean near the land called by her name ; and in the time of tribulation she dwells in a far Indian vale. She is the Idea of Beauty incarnate, the shadow of the Light of Life which sustains the world and enkindles it with love, the reality of Alastor's vision, the breathing image of the awful loveliness apostrophized in the Hymn to Intellectual Beauty, the reflex of the splendour of which Adonais was a part. At the moment of her triumph she grows so beautiful that lone her sister cannot see her, only feels her influence. The essential thought of Shelley's creed was that the universe is penetrated, vitalized, made real by a spirit, which he sometimes called the spirit of Nature, but which is always conceived as more than Life, as that which gives its actuality to Life, and lastly as Love and Beauty. To adore this spirit, to clasp it with affec- tion, and to blend with it, is, he thought, the true object of man. Therefore, the final union of Ptometheus with v.] ITALY. 123 Asia is tlie consummation of human destinies. Love was the only law Shelley recognized. Unterrified by the grim realities of pain and crime revealed in nature and society, he held fast to the belief that, if we could but pierce to the core of things, if we could but be what we might be, the world and man would both attain to their perfection in eternal love. What resolution through some transcen- dental harmony was expected by Shelley for the palpable discords in the structure of the universe, we hardly know. lie did not give his philosophy systematic form : and his new science of love remains a luminous poetic vision — no- where more brilliantly set forth than in the "sevenfold hallelujahs and harping symphonies " of this, the final tri- umph of his lyrical poetry. In Prometheus, Shelley conceived a colossal work of art, and sketched out the main figures on a scale of sur- passing magnificence. AVhile painting in these figures, he seems to reduce their proportions too much to the level of earthly life. He quits his god-creating, heaven-compelling throne of mythopoeic inspiration, and descends to a love- story of Asia and Prometheus. In other words, he does not sustain the visionary and primeval dignity of these in- carnated abstractions; nor, on the other hand, has he so elaborated their characters in detail as to give them the substantiality of persons. There is therefore something vague and hollow in both figures. Yet in the subordinate passages of the poem, the true mythopoeic faculty— the faculty of finding concrete forms for thought, and of in- vesting emotion with personality — shines forth with ex- traordinary force and clearness. We feel ourselves in the grasp of a primitive myth -maker while we read the de- scription of Oceanus, and the raptures of the Earth and Moon. 124 SHELLEY. [chap. A genuine liking for Prometheus Unbound may be reck- oned the touch-stone of a man's capacity for understand- ing lyric poetry. The world in which the action is sup- posed to move, rings with spirit voices ; and what these spirits sing, is melody more purged of mortal dross than any other poet's ear lias caught, while listening to his own heart's song, or to the rhythms of the world. There are hymns in Prometheus, which seem to realize the miracle of making words, detached from meaning, the substance of a new ethereal music ; and yet, although their verbal harmony is such, they are never devoid of definite sig- nificance for those who understand. Shelley scorned the aesthetics of a school which finds " sense swooning into nonsense " admirable. And if a critic is so dull as to ask what "Life of Life ! thy lips enkindle " means, or to whom it is addressed, none can help him any more than one can help a man whose sense of hearing is too gross for the tenuity of a bat's cry. A voice in the air thus sings the hymn of Asia at the moment of her apotheosis : — Life of Life ! thy lips enkindle "With their love the breath between them ; And thy smiles before they dwindle Make the cold air fire ; then screen them In those looks where whoso gazes Paints, entangled in their mazes. Child of Light ! thy limbs are burning Through the vest which seems to hide them, As the radiant lines of morning Through the clouds, ere they divide them ; And this atmosphere divinest Shrouds thee wheresoe'er thou shinest. Fair are others ; none beholds thee. But thy voice sounds low and tender, v.j ITALY. 125 Like the fairest, for it folds thee From the sight, that liquid splendour, And all feel, yet see thee never, As I feel now, lost for ever ! Lamp of Earth ! where'er thou movest Its dim shapes are clad with brightness, And the souls of -whom thou lovest "Walk upon the winds with lightness, Till they fail, as I am failing, Dizzy, lost, yet unbewailing ! It has been said that Shelley, as a landscape painter, is decidedly Turneresque ; and there is much in Prometheus Unbound to justify this opinion. The scale of colour is light and aerial, and the darker shadows are omitted. An excess of luminousness seems to be continually radiated from the objects at which he loots ; and in this radiation of many -coloured lights, the outline itself is apt to be a little misty. Shelley, moreover, pierced through things to their spiritual essence. The actual world was less for him than that which lies within it and beyond it. " I seek/' he says himself, "in what I see, the manifestation of some- thing beyond the present and tangible object." For him, as for the poet described by one of the spirit voices in Prometheus, the bees in the ivy -bloom are scarcely heed- ed; they become in his mind, — Forms more real than living man, Nurslings of immortality. And yet who could have brought the bees, the lake, the sun, the bloom, more perfectly before us than that picture does F What vignette is more exquisitely coloured and finished than the little study of a pair of halcyons in the 1 Forman, vol. iL p. 181. 12G SIIELLEY. [chap. third act t Blake is perhaps the only artist who could have illustrated this drama. He might have shadowed forth the choirs of spirits, the trailing voices and their thrill- ing songs, phantasmal Demogorgon, and the charioted Hour. Prometheus, too, with his " flowing limbs," has just Blake's fault of impersonation — the touch of unreal- ity in that painter's Adam. Passing to The Cenci, we change at once the moral and artistic atmosphere. The lyrical element, except for one most lovely dirge, is absent. Imagery and description are alike sternly excluded. Instead of soaring to the em- pyrean, our feet are firmly planted on the earth. In ex- change for radiant visions of future perfection, we are brought into the sphere of dreadful passions — all the ag- ony, endurance, and half-maddened action, of which luck- less human innocence is capable. To tell the legend of Beatrice Cenci here, is hardly needed. Her father, a mon- ster of vice and cruelty, was bent upon breaking her spir- it by imprisonment, torture, and nameless outrage. At last her patience ended ; and finding no redress in human jus- tice, no champion of her helplessness in living man, she wrought his death. For this she died upon the scaffold, together with her step-mother and her brothers, who had aided in the execution of the murder. The interest of The Cenci, and it is overwhelmingly great, centres in Be- atrice and her father; from these two chief actors in the drama, all the other characters fall away into greater or less degrees of unsubstantial ity. Perhaps Shelley intend- ed this — as the maker of a bas-relief contrives two or threo planes of figures for the presentation of his ruling group. Yet there appears to my mind a defect of accomplishment, rather than a deliberate intention, in the delineation of Or- 1 Forman, vol. ii. p. 231. v.] ITALY. 127 sino. He seems meant to be the wily, crafty, Machiavel- lian reptile, whose calculating wickedness should form a contrast to the daemonic, reckless, almost maniacal fiend- ishness of old Francesco Cenci. But this conception of him wavers ; his love for Beatrice is too delicately tinted, and he is suffered to break down with an infirmity of con- science alien to such a nature. On the other hand the un- easy vacillations of Giacomo, and the irresolution, born of feminine weakness and want of fibre, in Lucrezia, serve to throw the firm will of Beatrice into prominent relief ; while her innocence, sustained through extraordinary suffering in circumstances of exceptional horror — the innocence of a noble nature thrust by no act of its own but by its wrongs beyond the pale of ordinary womankind — is contrasted with the merely childish guiltlessness of Bernardo. Be- atrice rises to her full height in the fifth act, dilates and grows with the approach of danger, and fills the whole scene with her spirit on the point of death. Her sublime confidence in the justice and essential rightness of her ac- tion, the glance of self-assured purity with which she anni- hilates the cut -throat brought to testify against her, her song in prison, and her tender solicitude for the frailer Lucrezia, are used with wonderful dramatic skill for the fulfilment of a feminine ideal at once delicate and power- ful. Once and once only does she yield to ordinary weak- ness; it is when the thought crosses her mind that she may meet her father in the other world, as once he came to her on earth. Shelley dedicated The Cenci to Leigh Hunt, saying that he had striven in this tragedy to cast aside the subjective manner of his earlier work, and to produce something at once more popular and more concrete, more sober in style, and with a firmer grasp on the realities of life. He was 128 SHELLEY. [chap. very desirous of getting it acted, and wrote to Peacock requesting him to offer it at Covent Garden. Miss O'Xeil, he thought, would play the part of Beatrice admirably. The manager, however, did not take this view ; averring that the subject rendered it incapable of being even sub- mitted to an actress like Miss O'Neil Shelley's self-criti- cism is always so valuable, that it may be well here to collect what he said about the two great dramas of 1819. Concerning The Cenci he wrote to Peacock : — " It is writ- ten without any of the peculiar feelings and opinions which characterize my other compositions; I having attended simply to the impartial development of such characters as it is probable the persons represented really were, together with the greatest degree of popular effect to be produced by such a development.'' " Cenci is written for the mul- titude, and ought to sell well.'' ''I believe it singularly fitted for the stage." " The Cenci is a work of art ; it is not coloured by my feelings, nor obscured by my meta- physics. I don't think much of it. It gave me less trouble than anything I have written of the same length." Prometheus, on the other hand, he tells Oilier, "is my fa- vourite poem; I charge you, therefore, specially to pet him and feed him with fine ink and good paper" — which was duly done. Again : — " For Prometheus, I expect and desire no great sale ; Prometheus was never intend- ed for more than five or six persons ; it is in my judg- ment of a higher character than anything I have yet at- tempted, and is perhaps less an imitation of anything that has gone before it ; it is original, and cost me se- vere mental labour." Shellev was rio-ht in iudo-ino- that The Cenci would be comparatively popular; this was proved by the fact that it went through two editions in his lifetime. The value he set upon Prometheus as the y.] ITALY. 129 higher work, will hardly be disputed. Unique in the history of literature, and displaying the specific qualities of its author at their height, the world could less easily afford to lose this drama than The Cenci, even though that be the greatest tragedy composed in English since the death of Shakespere. For reasons which will be ap- preciated by lovers of dramatic poetry, I refrain from de- taching portions of these two plays. Those who desire to make themselves acquainted with the author's genius, must devote long and patient study to the originals in their entirety. Prometheus Unbound, like the majority of Shelley's works, fell still-born from the press. It furnished punsters with a joke, however, which went the round of several pa- pers ; this poem, they cried, is well named, for who would bind it ? Of criticism that deserves the name, Shelley got absolutely nothing in his lifetime. The stupid but ven- omous reviews which gave him occasional pain, but which he mostly laughed at, need not now be mentioned. It is not much to any purpose to abuse the authors of mere rubbish. The real lesson to be learned from such of them as may possibly have been sincere, as well as from the failure of his contemporaries to appreciate his genius — the sneers of Moore, the stupidity of Campbell, the ignorance of Wordsworth, the priggishness of Southey, or the con- descending tone of Keats — is that nothing is more difli- cult than for lesser men or equals to pay just homage to the greatest in their lifetime. Those who may be inter- ested in studying Shelley's attitude toward his critics, should read a letter addressed to Oilier from Florence, Oc- tober 15, 1819, soon after he had seen the vile attack upon him in the Quarterly, comparing this with the frag- ments of an expostulatory letter to the Editor, and the 130 SHELLEY. [chap. v. preface to Adonais. 1 It is clear that, though he Lore scurrilous abuse with patience, he was prepared if need- ful to give blow for blow. On the 11th of June, 1821, he wrote to Oilier : — " As yet I have laughed ; but woe to those scoundrels if they should once make me lose my temper I" The stanzas on the Quarterly in Adonais, and the invective against Lord Eldon, show what Shelley could have done if he had chosen to castigate the curs. Mean- while the critics achieved what they intended. Shelley, as Trelawny emphatically tells us, was universally shunned, coldly treated by Byron's friends at Pisa, and regarded as a monster by such of the English in Italy as had not made his personal acquaintance. On one occasion he is even said to have been knocked down in a post-office by some big bully, who escaped before he could obtain his name and address ; but this is one of the stories rendered doubt- ful by lack of precise details. 1 Shelley Memorials, p. 121. Garnett's Relics of Shelley, pp. 40, 190. Collected Letters, p. 147, in Moxon's Edition of Works in one vol. 1840. CHAPTER VI. RESIDENCE AT PISA. On- the "6th of January, 1820, the Shelleys established themselves at Pisa. From this date forward to the 7th of July 1822, Shellev's life divides itself into two periods of unequal length; the first spent at Pisa, the baths of ban Giuliano, and Leghorn ; the second at Lerici, on the Lay of Spezia. Without entering into minute particulars ot dates or recording minor changes of residence, it is pos- sible to treat of the first and longer period in general The house he inhabited at Pisa was on the south side of the Arno After a few months he became the neighbour of Lord Byron, who engaged the Palazzo Lanfranchi in order to be' near him ; and here many English and Italian friends gathered round them. Among these must be men- tioned in the first place Captain Medwin, whose recollec- tions of the Pisan residence are of considerable value, and next Captain Trelawny, who has left a record of Shelley . last days onlv equalled in vividness by Hogg's account of the Oxford period, and marked hy signs of more unmis- takable accuracy. Not less important members of th,s private circle were Mr. and Mrs. Edward Elleker V ilhams, villi whom Shelley and his wife lived on terms of the closest friendship. Among Italians, the physician A acca, 132 SHELLEY. [chap. the improvisatore Sgricci, and Rosini, the author of La Monaco, di Monza, have to be recorded. It will be seen from this enumeration that Shelley was no longer solitary ; and indeed it would appear that now, upon the eve of his accidental death, he had begun to enjoy an immunity from many of his previous sufferings. Life expanded before him : his letters show that he was concentrating his pow- ers and preparing for a fresh flight ; and the months, though ever productive of poetic masterpieces, promised a still more magnificent birth in the future. In the summer and autumn of 1820, Shelley produced some of his most genial poems : the Letter to Maria Gis- borne, which might be mentioned as a pendent to Julian and Maddalo for its treatment of familiar things; the Ode to a Skylark, that most popular of all his lyrics ; the Witch of Atlas, unrivalled as an Ariel-flight of fairy fancy; and the Ode to Naples, which, together with the Ode to Liberty, added a new lyric form to English literature. In the winter he wrote the Sensitive Plant, prompted there- to, we are told, by the flowers which crowded Mrs. Shel- ley's drawing-room, and exhaled their sweetness to the temperate Italian sunlight. "Whether we consider the num- ber of these poems or their diverse character, ranging from verse separated by an exquisitely subtle line from simple prose to the most impassioned eloquence and the most ethereal imagination, we shall be equally astonished. Ev- ery chord of the poet's lyre is touched, from the deep bass string that echoes the diurnal speech of such a man as Shelley was, to the fine vibrations of a treble merging its rarity of tone in accents super-sensible to ordinary ears. One passage from the Letter to Maria Gisborne may here be quoted, not for its poetry, but for the light it casts upon the circle of his English friends. TL] RESIDENCE AT EISA. 1-33 Ycu are now la Loudon, that great sea, whose ebb and flow At once is deaf and loud, and on the shore Tomits its wrecks, and still howls on for more. Yet in its depth what treasures ! You will see That which was Godwin— greater none than he Though fallen— and fallen on evil times— to stand Among the spirits of our age and land, Before the dread tribunal of To come The foremost, while Rebuke cowers pale and dumb. You will see Coleridge— he who sits obscure In the exceeding lustre and the pure Intense irradiation of a mind, Which, with its own internal lightning blind, Flags wearily through darkness and despair — A cloud-encircled meteor of the air, A hooded eagle among blinking owls. You will seeHunt ; one of those happy souls Which are the salt of the earth, and without whom This world would smell like what it is— a tomb ; Who is, what others seem. His room no doubt Is still adorned by many a cast from Shout, With graceful flowers tastefully placed about, And coronals of bay from ribbons hung, And brighter wreaths in neat disorder flung ; The gifts of the most learn'd among some dozens Of female friends, sisters-indaw, and cousins. And there is he with his eternal puns, Which beat the dullest brain for smiles, like duns Thundering for money at a poet's door ; Alas 1 it is no use to say, " I'm poor '."— Or oft in graver mood, when he will look Things wiser than were ever read in book, Except in Shakespere's wisest tenderness. You will see Hogg ; and I cannot express His virtues, though I know that they are great, Because he locks, then barricades the gate Within which they inhabit. Of his wit And wisdom, you'll cry out when you are bit. 134 SHELLEY. [chap. He is a pearl within an oyster-shell, One of the richest of the deep. And there Is English Peacock, with his mountain fair, — Turn'd into a Flamingo, that shy bird That gleams in the Indian air. Have you not heard "When a man marries, dies, or turns Hindoo, His best friends hear no more of him. But you Will see him, and will like him too, I hope, With the milk-white Snowdonian antelope Match'd with this camelopard. His fine wit Makes such a wound, the knife is lost in it ; A strain too learned for a shallow age, Too wise for selfish bigots ; let his page Which charms the chosen spirits of the lime, Fold itself up for the serener chme Of years to come, and find its recompense In that just expectation. Wit and sense, Virtue and human knowledge, all that might Make this dull world a business of delight, Are all combined in Horace Smith. And these, With some exceptions, which I need not tease Your patience by descanting on, are all You and I know in London. Captain Medwin, who came late in the autumn of 1820, at his cousin's invitation, to stay with the Shelleys, has re- corded many interesting details of their Pisan life, as well as valuable notes of Shelley's conversation. " It was near- ly seven years since we had parted, but I should have im- mediately recognized him in a crowd. His figure was emaciated, and somewhat bent, owing to near-sightedness, and his being forced to lean over his books, with his eyes almost touching them ; his hair, still profuse, and curling naturally, was partially interspersed with grey ; but his appearance was youthful. There was also a freshness and purity in his complexion that he never lost." Not long after his arrival, Medwin suffered from a severe and tedi- vi.] RESIDENCE AT PISA. 1G3 ous illness. " Shelley tended me like a brother. lie ap- plied my leeches, administered my medicines, and during six weeks that I was confined to my room, was assiduous and unintermitting in his affectionate care of me." The poet's solitude and melancholy at this time impressed his cousin very painfully. Though he was producing a long series of imperishable poems, he did not take much inter- est in his work. " I am disgusted with writing," he once said, " and were it not for an irresistible impulse, that pre- dominates my better reason, should discontinue so doing.'' The brutal treatment he had lately received from the Quarterly Review, the calumnies which pursued him, and the coldness of all but a very few friends, checked his enthusiasm for composition. Of this there is abundant proof in his correspondence. In a letter to Leigh Hunt, dated Jan. 25, 1822, he savs : " My faculties are shaken to 7 7 a y atoms and torpid. I can write nothing ; and if Adonais had no success, and excited no interest, what incentive can I have to write i' J Again : "I write little now. It is im- possible to compose except under the strong excitement of an assurance of finding sympathy in what you write." Lord Byron's company proved now, as before, a check rather than an incentive to production: "I do not write; I have lived too long near Lord Byron, and the sun has extinguished the glow-worm ; for I cannot hope, with St. John, that the light came into the world and the world knew it not. 11 " I despair of rivalling Lord Byron, as well I may, and there is no other with whom it is worth con- tending." To Oilier, in 1S20, he wrote : " I doubt wheth- er I shall write more. I could be content either with the hell or the paradise of poetry ; but the torments of its purgatory vex me, without exciting my powers sufficiently to put an end to the vexation." It was not that his spirit 136 SHELLEY. [chap. was cowed by the Reviews, or that he mistook the sort of audience he had to address. Lie more than once acknowl- edged that, while Byron wrote for the many, his poems were intended for the understanding few. Yet the av- veroi, as he called them, gave him but scanty encourage- ment. The cold phrases of kindly Horace Smith show that he had not comprehended Prometheus Unbound ; and Shelley whimsically complains that even intelligent and sympathetic critics confounded the ideal passion de- scribed in Epipsychidion with the love affairs of "a ser- vant-girl and her sweetheart." This almost incomprehen- sible obtuseness on the part of men who ought to have known better, combined with the coarse abuse of vulgar scribblers, was enough to make a man so sincerely modest as Shelley doubt his powers, or shrink from the severe la- bour of developing them. 1 "The decision of the cause," he wrote to Mr. Gisborne, " whether or no / am a poet, is removed from the present time to the hour when our pos- terity shall assemble ; but the court is a very severe one, and I fear that the verdict will be, guilty — death." Deep down in his own heart he had, however, less doubt : " This I know," he said to Medwin, "that whether in prosing or in versing, there is something in my writings that shall live for ever." And again he writes to Hunt : u I am full of thoughts and plans, and should do something, if the feeble and irritable frame which encloses it was willing to obey the spirit, I fancy that then I should do great things." It seems almost certain that the incompleteness of many longer works designed in the Italian period, the abandonment of the tragedy on Tasso's story, the unfin- ished state of Charles I., and the failure to execute the 1 See Medwin, vol. ii. p. 172, for Shelley's comment on the difficul- ty of the poet's art. tl] RESIDENCE AT PISA. 137 cherished plan of a drama suggested by the Book of Job, were due to the depressing effects of ill-health and exter- nal discouragement. Poetry with Shelley was no light matter. He composed under the pressure of intense ex- citement, and he elaborated his first draughts with minute care and severe self-criticism. These words must not be taken as implying that he followed the Yirgilian precedent of polishing and reducing the volume of his verses by an anxious exercise of calm reflection, or that he observed the Horatian maxim of deferring their publication till the ninth year. The con- trary was notoriously the case with him. Yet it is none the less proved by the state of his manuscripts that his compositions, even as we now possess them, were no mere improvisations. The passage already quoted from his Defence of Poetry shows the high ideal he had conceived of the poet's duty toward his art ; and it may be confi- dently asserted that his whole literary career was one long struggle to emerge from the incoherence of his earlier ef- forts, into the clearness of expression and precision of form that are the index of mastery over style. At the same time it was inconsistent with his most firmly rooted aesthetic principles to attempt composition except under an impulse approaching to inspiration. To imperil his life by the fiery taxing of all his faculties, moral, intel- lectual, and physical, and to undergo the discipline ex- acted by his own fastidious taste, with no other object in view than the frigid compliments of a few friends, was more than even Shelley's enthusiasm could endure. He, therefore, at this period required the powerful stimulus of some highly exciting cause from without to determine his activity. Such external stimulus came to Shellev from three 7 138 SHELLEY. [-hap. quarters early in the year 1821. Among Lis Italian ac- quaintances at Pisa was a clever but disreputable Pro- fessor, of whom Medwin draws a very piquant portrait. This man one day related the sad story of a beautiful and noble ladv, the Contessina Emilia Yiviani, who had been confined by her father in a dismal convent of the suburbs, to await her marriage with a distasteful husband. Shelley, fired as ever by a tale of tyranny, was eager to visit the fair captive. The Professor accompanied him and IMed- win to tho convent -parlour, where they found her more lovely than even the most glowing descriptions had led them to expect. Nor was she only beautiful. Shelley soon discovered that she had " cultivated her mind beyond what I have ever met with in Italian women ;" and a rhap- sody composed by her upon the subject of Uranian Love — II Vero Amore — justifies the belief that she posse>-H 1Ti evenings were passed upon the terrace, listening to Jane's guitar, conversing with Trelawny, or reading Lis favourite poets aloud to the assembled party. In this delightful solitude, this round of simple occu- pations, this uninterrupted communion with nature, Shel- ley's enthusiasms and inspirations revived with their old strength. He began a poem, which, if we may judge of its scale by the fragment we possess, would have been one of the longest, as it certainly is one of the loftiest of his masterpieces. The Triumph of Life is composed m no .train of compliment to the powers of this world, which quell untameable spirits, and enslave the noblest by the operation of blind passions and inordinate ambitions. It is rather a pageant of the spirit dragged in chains, led cap- tive to the world, the flesh, and the devil. The sonorous march and sultrv splendour of the terza nma stanzas, bearing on their tide of song those multitudes of forms, professionally -rand, yet misty with the dust of their own tramplings, and half-shrouded in a lurid robe of light, affect the imagination so powerfully that we are fain to abandon criticism and acknowledge only the demonic fascinations of this solemn mystery. Some have compared the Trtr umph of Life to a Panathenaic pomp: others have found in it a* reflex of the burning summer heat, and blazing sea and onward undulations of interminable waves, which v.ere the cradle of its maker as he wrote. The imagery of Dante plavs a part, and Dante has controlled the struct- ure The genins of the Revolution passes by : Napoleon is there, and Rousseau serves for guide. The great of all ages are arraigned, and the spirit of the world is brought before us, while its heroes pass, unveil their faces for a moment, and are swallowed in the throng that has no end- in* But how Shelley meant to solve the problems he 172 SHELLEY. [chap. has raised, by what sublime philosophy he purposed to resolve the discords of this revelation more soul-shatter- ing than Daniel's Mene, we cannot even guess. The poem, as we have it, breaks abruptly with these words : " Then what is Life ? I cried " — a sentence of profoundest import, when we remember that the questioner was now about to seek its answer in the halls of Death. To separate any single passage from a poem which owes so much of its splendour to the continuity of music and the succession of visionary images, does it cruel wrono\ Yet this must be attempted ; for Shelley is the only Eng- lish poet who has successfully handled that most difficult of metres, terza rima. His power over complicated versi- fication cannot be appreciated except by duly noticing the method he employed in treating a structure alien, perhaps, to the genius of our literature, and even in Italian used with perfect mastery by none but Dante. To select the introduction and part of the first paragraph will inflict less violence upon the Triumph of Life as a whole, than to detach one of its episodes. Swift as a spirit hastening to his task Of glory and of good, the Sun sprang forth Rejoicing in his splendour, and the mask Of darkness fell from the awakened Earth. The smokeless altars of the mountain snows Flamed above crimson clouds, and at the birth Of light, the Ocean's orison arose, To which the birds tempered their matin lay. All flowers in field or forest which unclose Their trembling eyelids to the kiss of day, Swinging their censers in the element, With orient incense lit by the new ray, Til.] LAST DAYS. 1?3 Burned slow and inconsumably, and sent Their odorous sighs up to the smiling air ; And, in succession due, did continent, Isle, ocean, and all things that in them wear The form and character of mortal mould, Rise as the Sun their father rose, to bear » Their portion of the toil, which he of old Took as his own, and then imposed on them. But I, whom thoughts which must remain untold Tlad kept as wakeful as the stars that gem The cone of night, now they were laid asleep, Stretched my faint limbs beneath the hoary stem Which an old chestnut flung athwart the steep Of a green Apenuine. Before me fled The night ; behind me rose the day ; the deep Was at my feet, and HeaTen above my head,— When a strange trance over my fancy grew Which was not slumber, for the shade it spread Was so transparent that the scene came through As clear as, when a veil of light is drawn O'er evening hills, they glimmer ; and I knew That I had felt the freshness of that dawn Bathe in the same cold dew my brow and hair, And sate as thus upon that slope of lawn Under the self-same bough, and heard as there The birds, the fountains, and the ocean, hold Sweet talk in music through the enamoured air. And then a vision on my brain was rolled. Such is the exordium of the poem. It will be noticed that at this poiut one series of the interwoven triplets is concluded. The Triumph of Life itself begins with a new 174 SHELLEY. [chap. series of rhymes, describing the vision for which prepara- tion has been made in the preceding prelude. It is not without perplexity that an ear unaccustomed to the wind- ings of the terza rima, feels its way among them. En- tangled and impeded by the labyrinthine sounds, the reader might be compared to one who, swimming in his dreams, is carried down the course of a swift river clogged with clino-ino; and retarding- water-weeds. He moves ; but not without labour : yet after a while the very obstacles add fascination to his movement. As in that trance of wondrous thought I lay, This was the tenour of my waking dream : — Methought I sate beside a public way Thick strewn with summer dust, and a great stream Of people there was hurrying to and fro, Numerous as gnats upon the evening gleam, All hastening onward, yet none seemed to know Whither he went, or whence he came, or why He made one of the multitude, and so Was borne amid the crowd, as through the sky One of the million leaves of summer's bier ; Old age and youth, manhood and infancy, Mixed in one mighty torrent did appear: Some flying from the thing they feared, and some Seeking the object of another's fear ; And others, as with steps towards the tomb, Pored on the trodden worms that crawled beneath, And others mournfully within the gloom Of their own shadow walked and called it death ; And some fled from it as it were a ghost, Half fainting in the affliction of vain breath. VII -j LAST DAYS. 1W But more, with motions which each other crossed, Pursued or spurned the shadows the clouds threw, Or birds within the noon-day ether lost, Upon that path where flowers never grew— And weary with vain toil and faint for thirst, Heard not the fountains, whose melodious dew Out of their mossy cells for ever burst ; Nor felt the breeze which from the forest told Of grassy paths, and wood-lawn interspersed, With over-arching elms, and caverns cold, And violet banks where sweet dreams brood ;— but they Pursued their serious folly as of old. Here let us break the chain of rhymes that are un- broken in the text, to notice the extraordinary skill with which the rhythm has been woven in one paragraph, sug- gesting by recurrences of sound the passing of a multi- tude, which is presented at the same time to the eye of fancy by accumulated images. The next eleven triplets introduce the presiding genius of the pageant. Students of Petrarch's Trionfi will not fail to note what Shelley owes to that poet, and how he has transmuted the definite imagery of mediaeval symbolism into something meta- physical and mystic. And as I gazed, methought that in the way The throng grew wilder, as the woods of June When the south wind shakes the extinguished day ; And a cold glare, intenser than the noon But icy cold, obscured with blinding light The sun, as he the stars. Like the young moon — When on the sunlit limits of the night Her white shell trembles amid crimson air, And whilst the sleeping tempest gathers might,— 176 SHELLEY. [chap. Doth, as the herald of its coming, bear The ghost of its dead mother, whose dim form Bends in dark ether from her infant's chair; So came a chariot on the silent storm Of its own rushing splendour, and a Shape So sate within, as one whom years deform, Beneath a dusky hood and double cape, Crouching within the shadow of a tomb. And o'er what seemed the head a cloud-like crape "Was bent, a dun and faint ethereal gloom Tempering the light. Upon the chariot beam A Janus-visaged Shadow did assume The guidance of that wonder-winged team ; The shapes which drew it in thick lightnings Were lost : — I heard alone on the air's soft stream The music of their ever-moving wings. All the four faces of that charioteer Had their eyes banded ; little profit brings Speed in the van and blindness in the rear, Nor then avail the beams that quench the sun, Or that with banded eyes could pierce the sphere Of all that is, has been, or will be done. So ill was the car guided — but it past With solemn speed majestically on. The intense stirring of his imagination implied by this supreme poetic effort, the solitude of Villa Magni, and the elemental fervour of Italian heat to which he recklessly- exposed himself, contributed to make Shelley more than usually nervous. His somnambulism returned, and he saw visions. On one occasion he thought that the dead Alle- gra rose from the sea, and clapped her hands, and laughed, and beckoned to him. On another he roused the whole TIL] LAST DAYS - house at night by Lis screams, and remained terror-frozen in the trance produced by an appalling vision. _ This mood he communicated, in some measure, to his friends. One of them saw what she afterwards believed to have been his phantom, and another dreamed that he was dead. They talked much of death, and it is noticeble that the last words written to him by Jane were these :— " Are you goino- to join your friend Plato ! ' The Leigh Hunts at last arrived in Genoa, whence they ao-ain sailed for Leghorn. Shelley heard the news upon the ^oth of Jnne. He immediately prepared to join them • and on the 1st of July set ofi with Williams in the Don Juan for Leghorn, where he rushed into the arms of his old friend. Leigh Hunt, in his autobiography, writes " I will not dwell upon the moment." From Leg- horn he drove with the Hunts to Pisa, and established them in the ground-floor of Byron's Palazzo Lanfranchi, as comfortably as was consistent with his lordship's varia- ble moods. The negotiations which had preceded Hunt s visit to Italy, raised forebodings in Shelley's mind as to the reception he would meet from Byron ; nor were these destined to be unfulfilled. Trelawny tells us how irksome the poet found it to have "a man with a sick wife, and .even disorderly children," established in his palace To Mi-. Hunt he was positively brutal ; nor could he tolerate her self-complacent husband, who, while he had voyaged far and wide in literature, had never wholly cast the ,louo-h of Cocknevism. Hunt was himself hardly power- ful enough to understand the true magnitude of Shelley, thouo-h he loved him; and the tender solicitude of the o-reat; unselfish Shelley, for the smaller, harmlessly con- ceited Hunt, is pathetic. They spent a pleasant day or two together, Shelley showing the Campo Santo and other 178 SHELLEY. [chap. sights of Pisa to his English friend. Hunt thought him somewhat less hopeful than he used to be, but improved in health and strength and spirits. One little touch re- lating to their last conversation, deserves to be recorded : — "He assented warmly to an opinion I expressed in the cathedral at Pisa, while the organ was playing, that a trulv divine religion might yet be established, if charity were really made the principle of it, instead of faith." On the night following that day of rest, Shelley took a postchaise for Leghorn ; and early in the afternoon of the next day he set sail, with Williams, on his return vovaere to Lerici. The sailor-boy, Charles Vivian, was their onlv companion. Trelawny, who was detained on board the Bolivar,m the Leghorn harbour, watched them start. The weather for some time had been unusually hot and dry. "Processions of priests and religiosi have been for several days past praying for rain ;" so runs the last entry in Williams's diary ; "but the gods are either angry or nature too powerful.'' Trelawny's Genoese mate observed, as the Don Juan stood out to sea, that they ought to have start- ed at three a. m. instead of twelve hours later; adding "the devil is brewing mischief.'' Then a sea-fog with- drew the Don Juan from their sight. It was an oppres- sively sultry afternoon. Trelawny went down into his cabin, and slept ; but was soon roused by the noise of the ships' crews in the harbour making all ready for a gale. In a short time the tempest was upon them, with wind, rain, and thunder. It did not last more than twenty min- utes; and at its end Trelawny looked out anxiously for Shelley's boat. She was nowhere to be seen, and nothing could be heard of her. In fact, though Trelawny could not then be absolutely sure of the catastrophe, she had sunk, struck in all probability by the prow of a felucca, til] LAST DAYS. 179 but whether by accident or with the intention of running her down, is still uncertain. On the morning of the third day after the storm, Tre- lawny rode to Pisa, and communicated his fears to Hunt. " I then went upstairs to Byron. "When I told him, his lip quiTered, and his voice faltered as he questioned me." Couriers were despatched to search the sea-coast, and to bring the Bolivar from Leghorn. Trelawny rode in per- son toward Via Reggio, and there found a punt, a water- keg, and some bottles, which had been in Shelley's boat. A week passed, Trelawoy patrolling the shore with the coast-guardsmen, but hearing of no new discovery, until at last two bodies were cast upon the sand. One found near Via Reggio, on the 18th of July, was Shelley's. It had his jacket, " with the Tolume of ^Eschylus in one pocket, and Keats' s poems in the other, doubled back, as if the reader, in the act of reading, had hastily thrust it away." The other, found near the tower of Migliarino, at about four miles' distance, was that of Williams. The sailor-boy, Charles Vivian, though cast up on the same day, the 18th of Julv, near Massa, was not heard of bT Trelaw- ny till the 29th. Nothing now remained but to tell the whole dreadful truth to the two widowed women, who had spent the last days in an agony of alternate despair and hope at Villa Magni. This duty Trelawny discharged faithfully and firmly. " The next day I prevailed on them," he says, " to return with me to Pisa. The misery of that night and the journey of the next day, and of many days and nights that followed, I can neither describe nor forget." It was decided that Shelley should be buried at Rome, near his friend Keats and his son William, and that "Wil- liams's remains should be taken to England. But first 180 SHELLEY. [chap. the bodies had to be burned ; and for permission to do this Trelawny, who all through had taken the lead, ap- plied to the English Embassy at Florence. After some difficulty it was granted. W hat remains to be said concerning the cremation of Shelley's body on the 6th of August, must be told in Trelawny's own words. Williams, it may be stated, had been burned on the preceding day. "Three white wands had been stuck in the sand to mark the poet's grave, but a? they were at some distance from each other, we had to cut a trench thirty yards in length, in the line of the sticks, to ascertain the exact spot, and it was nearly an hour before we came upon the grave. "Li the meantime Byron and Leigh Hunt arrived in the carriage, attended by soldiers, and the Health Officer, as before. The lonely and grand scenery that surrounded us, so exactly harmonized with Shelley's genius, that I could imagine his spirit soaring over us. The sea, with the islands of Gorgona, Capraja, and Elba, was before us ; old battlemented watch-towers stretched along the coa>t, backed by the marble-crested Apennines glistening in the sun, picturesque from their diversified outlines, and not a human dwelling was in sight. "As I thought of the delight Shelley felt in such scenes of loneliness and grandeur whilst living, I felt we were no better than a herd of wolves or a pack of wild dogs, in tearing out his battered and naked body from the pure yellow sand that lay so lightly over it, to drag him back to the light of day ; but the dead have no voice, nor had I power to check the sacrilege — the work went on silentlv in the deep and unresisting sand, not a word was spoken, for the Italiaus have a touch of sentiment, and their feel- ings are easily excited into sympathy. Byron was silent v„.] LAST DAYS. 181 and thoughtful. We were startled and drawn together by a dull, hollow sound that followed the blow of a mat- tock ; the iron had struck a skull, and the body was soon uncovered After the fire was well kindled we re- peated the ceremony of the previous day ; and more wine was poured over Shelley's dead body than he had con- sumed during his life. This with the oil and salt made the yellow flames glisten and quiver. The heat from the sun and fire was so intense that the atmosphere was trem- ulous and wavy The fire was so fierce as to pro- duce a white heat on the iron, and to reduce its contents to grey ashes. The only portions that were not consumed were some fragments of bones, the jaw, and the skull; but what surprised us all was that the heart remained en- tire. In snatching this relic from the fiery furnace, my hand was severely burnt; and had any one seen me do the act, I should have been put into quarantine.'' Shelley's heart was given to Hunt, who subsequently, not without reluctance and unseemly dispute, resigned it to Mrs. Shelley. It is now at Boscombe. His ashes were carried by Trelawny to Rome and buried in the Protes- tant cemetery, so touchingly described by him in his let- ter to Peacock, and afterwards so sublimely in Adonais. The epitaph, composed by Hunt, ran thus : " Percy Bysshe Shelley, Cor Cordium, Xatus iv. Aug. mdccxcii. Obiit vin Jul. mdcccxxii.'' To the Latin words Trelawny, faithfullest and most devoted of friends, added three lines from Ariel's song, much loved in life by Shelley : Nothing of him that doth fade, But doth suffer a sea-ehange Into something rich and strange. " And so," writes Lady Shelley, " the sea and the earth 182 SHELLEY. [chap. tii. closed over one who was great as a poet, and still greater as a philanthropist ; and of whom it may be said, that his wild spiritual character seems to have prepared him for being thus snatched from life under circumstances of min- gled terror and beauty, while his powers were yet in their spring freshness, and age had not come to render the ethereal body decrepit, or to wither the heart which could not be consumed by fire," CHAPTER VIII. EPILOGUE. After some deliberation I decided to give this little ■work on Shelley the narrative rather than the essay form, impelled thereto by one commanding reason. Shelley's life and his poetry are indissolubly connected. He acted what he thought and felt, with a directness rare among his brethren of the poet's craft ; while his verse, with the exception of The Cenci, expressed little but the animating thoughts and aspirations of his life. That life, moreover, was " a miracle of thirty years," so crowded with striking incident and varied experience that, as he said himself, he had already lived longer than his father, and ought to be reckoned with the men of ninety. Through all vicissi- tudes he preserved his youth inviolate, and died, like one whom the gods love, or like a hero of Hellenic story, young, despite grey hairs and suffering. His life has, therefore, to be told, in order that his life-work may be rightly valued: for, great as that was, he, the man, was somehow greater; and noble as it truly is, the memory of himself is nobler. To the world he presented the rare spectacle of a man passionate for truth, and unreservedly obedient to the right as he discerned it. The anomaly which made his practical 184 • SHELLEY. [chap. career a failure, lay just here. The right he followed was too often the antithesis of ordinary morality : in his desire to cast away the false and grasp the true, he overshot the mark of prudence. The blending in him of a pure and earnest purpose with moral and social theories that could not but have proved pernicious to mankind at large, pro- duced at times an almost grotesque mixture in his actions no less than in his verse. We cannot, therefore, wonder that society, while he lived, felt the necessity of asserting itself against him. But now that he has passed into the company of the great dead, and time has softened down the asperities of popular judgment, we are able to learn the real lesson of his life and writings. That is not to be sought in any of his doctrines, but rather in his fearle-s bearing, his resolute loyalty to an unselfish and in the sim- plest sense benevolent ideal. It is this which constitutes his supreme importance for us English at the present time. Ours is an asre in which ideals are rare, and we belong to a race in which men who follow them so single-heartedly are not common. As a poet, Shelley contributed a new quality to English literature — a quality of ideality, freedom, and spiritual au- dacity, which severe critics of other nations think we lack. Byron's daring is in a different region : his elemental worldliness and pungent satire do not liberate our ener- gies, or cheer us with new hopes and splendid vistas. Wordsworth, the very antithesis to Shelley in his reverent accord with institutions, suits our meditative mood, sus- tains us with a sound philosophy, and braces us by healthy contact with the Nature he so dearly loved. But in AVordsworth there is none of Shelley's magnetism. What remains of permanent value in Coleridge's poetry — such work as Ohristabel, the Ancient Mariner, or Kubla Khan Tin.] EriLOGUE. 185 —is a product of pure artistic fancy, tempered by the au- thor's mysticism. Keats, true and sacred poet as he was, loved Nature with a somewhat sensuous devotion. She was for him a mistress rather than a Diotima; nor did he share the prophetic fire which burns in Shelley's verse, quite apart from the direct enunciation of his favourite tenets. In none of Shelley's greatest contemporaries was the lyrical faculty so paramount ; and whether we consid- er his minor songs, his odes, or his more complicated cho- ral dramas, we acknowledge that he was the loftiest and the most spontaneous singer of our language. In range of power he was also conspicuous above the rest. Not only did he write the best lyrics, but the best tragedy, the best translations, and the best familiar poems of his centu- ry. As a satirist and humourist, I cannot place him so high as some of his admirers do ; and the purely polemi- cal portions of his poems, those in which he puts forth his antagonism to tyrants and religions and custom in all its myriad forms, seem to me to degenerate at intervals into poor rhetoric. While his genius was so varied and its flight so unap- proached in swiftness, it would be vain to deny that Shel- ley, as an artist, had faults from which the men with whom I have compared him were more free. The most promi- nent of these are haste, incoherence, verbal carelessness, incompleteness, a want of narrative force, and a weak hold on objective realities. Even his warmest admirers, if they are sincere critics, will concede that his verse, taken alto- gether, is marked by inequality. In his eager self-aban- donment to inspiration, he produced much that is unsatis- fying simply because it is not ripe. There was no defect of power in him, but a defect of patience ; and the final word to be pronounced in estimating the larger bulk of 9 ISO SHELLEY. [chap. Ills poetry is the word immature. Not only was the poet youns; • but the fruit of his young mind had been pluck- ed before it had been duly mellowed by reflection. Again, he did not care enough for common things to present them with artistic fulness. He was intolerant of detail, and thus failed to model with the roundness that we find in Goethe's work. He flew at the grand, the spacious, the sublime ; and did not always succeed in realizing for his readers what he had imagined. A certain want of faith in his own powers, fostered by the extraordinary dis- couragement under which he had to write, prevented him from finishing what he began, or from giving that ulti- mate form of perfection to his longer works which we ad- mire in shorter pieces like the Ode to the West Wind. AVhen a poem was ready, he had it hastily printed, and passed on to fresh creative efforts. If anything occurred to interrupt his energy, he flung the sketch aside. Some of these defects, if we may use this word at all to indicate our sense that Shelley might by care have been made equal to his highest self, were in a great measure the correlative of his chief quality— the ideality, of which I have already spoken. He composed with all his faculties, mental, emo- tional, and physical, at the utmost strain, at a white heat of intense fervour, striving to attain one object, the truest and most passionate investiture for the thoughts which had inflamed his ever - quick imagination. The result is that his finest work has more the stamp of something nat- ural and elemental— the wind, the sea, the depth of air— than of a mere artistic product. Plato would have said : the Muses filled this man with sacred madness, and, when he wrote, he was no longer in his own control. There was, moreover, ever-present in his nature an effort, an as- piration after a better than the best this world can show, vi:l] EPILOGUE. ISl which prompted liim to Uend the choicest products of his thought and fancy with the fairest images borrowed from the earth on which he lived. lie never willingly com- | sed except under the impulse to body forth a vision of the love and light and life which was the spirit of the - wet he worshipped. This persistent upward striving, this earnestness, this passionate intensity, this piety of soul and purity of inspiration, give a quite unique spiritualitv to his poems. But it cannot be expected that the colder perfections of Academic art should be always found in them. They have something of the waywardness and negligence of nature, something of the agymmetreia we ad- mire in the earlier creations of Greek architecture. That Shelley, acute critic and profound student as he was, could conform himself to rule and show himself an artist in the stricter sense, is, however, abundantly proved by The Cen- ci and by Adonais. The reason why he did not always observe this method will be understood bv those who have studied his Defence of Poetry, and learned to sympathize with his impassioned theory of art. Working on this small scale, it is difficult to do barest justice to Shelley's life or poetry. The materials for the former are almost overwhelmingly copious and strancrelv discordant. Those who ought to meet in love over his grave, have spent their time in quarrelling about him, and baffling the most eager seeker for the truth. 1 Through the turbid atmosphere of their recriminations it is impos- sible to discern the whole personality of the man. Bv careful comparison and refined manipulation of the bio- graphical treasures at our disposal, a fair portrait of Shel- 1 See Lady Shelley v. Hogg ; Trelawny 9. the Shelley familv ; Pea- cock v. Lady Shelley ; Garnett v. Peacock ; Garnext v. TrelaTmv ; rthy v. Hogg, &c , &c 188 SHELLEY. [chap. ley might still be set before the reader with the accuracy of a finished picture. That labour of exquisite art and of devoted love still remains to be accomplished, though in the meantime Mr.W. M. Rossetti's Memoir is a most valu- able instalment. Shelley in his lifetime bound those who knew him with a chain of loyal affection, impressing ob- servers so essentially different as Hogg, Byron, Peacock, Leigh Hunt, Trelawny, Medwin, "Williams, with the con- viction that he was the gentlest, purest, bravest, and most spiritual being they had ever met. The same conviction is forced upon his biographer. During his four last years this most loveable of men was becoming gradually riper, wiser, truer to his highest instincts. The imperfections of his youth were being rapidly absorbed. His self-knowl- edo-e was expanding, his character mellowing, and his gen- ius orowino- dailv stronger. "Without losing the fire that burned in him, he had been lessoned by experience into tempering its fervour ; and when he reached the age of twenty-nine, he stood upon the height of his most glori- ous achievement, ready to unfold his wings for a yet sub- limer flight. At that moment, when life at last seemed about to offer him rest, unimpeded activity, and happiness, death robbed the world of his maturity. Posterity has but the product of his cruder years, the assurance that he had already outlived them into something nobler, and the tragedy of his untimely end. If a final word were needed to utter the unutterable sense of waste excited in us by Shelley's premature ab- sorption into the mystery of the unknown, we might find it in the last lines of his own Alastor : — Art and eloquence, And all the shows o' the world, are frail and vain To weep a loss that turns their light to shade. viii.] EPILOGUE. 189 It is a woe " too deep for tears," when all Is reft at once, when some surpassing spirit, Whose light adorned the world around it, leaves Those who remain behind nor sobs nor groans, The passionate tumult of a clinging hope ; But pale despair and cold tranquillity, Nature's vast frame, the web of human things, Birth and the grave, that are not as they were. THE END. ENGLISH MEN OF LETTERS. EDITED BY JOHN MORLEY. These short Books are addressed to the general public, with a view both to stirring and satisfying an interest in literature and its great topics in the minds of those who have to run as they read. 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