THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
THE PAN-GERMANIC 
 DOCTRINE 
 
 BEING A STUDY OF 
 
 German political Hints an& aspirations 
 
 T\l * 
 
 ' 
 
 
 LONDON AND NEW YORK 
 HARPER y BROTHERS 
 
 45 ALBEMARLE STREET, W. 
 1904 
 

PREFACE 
 
 IN attempting to treat Pan-Germanism as a serious 
 political doctrine, the present writer is aware of the 
 objections his little book is likely to meet with. 
 Some, doubtless, will denounce it as 'sensationalism,' 
 others as * inconclusive/ while calculated to stir up 
 ill-feeling between two great kindred peoples. This 
 latter charge the author desires, before all things, 
 emphatically to repudiate. Nothing lies further from 
 his intentions ; nothing could be more distasteful 
 to him personally.^ Publicity never breeds enmity. 
 The exposure of a man's or a nation's aims and 
 ambitions may temporarily cause vexation to the 
 parties concerned ; it can never cause permanent ill- 
 feeling. On the contrary, the more men individually, 
 the more nations collectively, come to know about one 
 another, the more they learn to understand, and so to 
 esteem, one another. The danger of the Monroe 
 doctrine lies in its indefiniteness. The weakness of 
 diplomacy lies but too often in a false estimate of the 
 force as iiltima ratio behind it. With Pan- Germanism 
 it is the same. Hence the light has been turned on 
 unsparingly. 
 
 Those who, with the present writer, believe that the 
 Pan-Germanic doctrine is a serious one, worthy, if not 
 destined, to develop into a great national movement, 
 will find nothing in the pages of this book of an 
 alarmist or sensational nature. Those, again, who 
 regard it as such will doubtless snuff out the light : 
 
vi PREFACE 
 
 complacently incredulous. In neither case will the 
 least harm have been done. If Germans object, they 
 may be hoist with their own petard ; their own words 
 have been used throughout. The author's personal 
 opinions have been kept so far as possible in the 
 background. It is the professors political, economic, 
 naval, and philological Pan-German writers, political 
 publicists, the press, who are speaking ; the present 
 writer has but acted as their interpreter. As a proof 
 of the author's desire to avoid recriminations of all 
 kinds, practically nothing has been said about Anglo- 
 phobia during the Boer War ; the subject of Anglo- 
 German political relations has been left untouched. 
 Unsubstantiated rumours have not been credited ; on 
 all occasions the German written word has been left 
 to speak for itself. Wittingly, the author has never 
 exaggerated. He claims to have written without 
 bias. 
 
 One word more. In this work Pan-Germanism has 
 been treated on its own merits and demerits. So far 
 as possible German forward policy has been eschewed. 
 Only where German policy seems to have been in- 
 spired or affected by the Pan-German movement has 
 reference to the former been made. Of German 
 policy in the East, of ' Deutschtum,'* or Germanism, 
 in South Africa, in the British colonies, in Russia, or 
 in Morocco, nothing has been said. The issue of the 
 Boer War practically put an end to German preten- 
 sions in British South Africa ; Deutschtum in Russia 
 and in the British colonies seems hardly to call for 
 serious treatment ; and as for China well, despite the 
 Shantung concessions and the Kiao-Chau garrison, 
 not even Pan-Germans have discovered any racial 
 affinity between the blue-eyed Teuton and the yellow 
 Chinese. 
 
 * The word ' Deutschtum ' has been used throughout, as it has no 
 precise equivalent in English. We can translate it by ' Germanism,' 
 but its real meaning is everything connected with Germany and 
 things German, including Pan-Germanism. 
 
PREFACE vii 
 
 The aim of Pan-Germans is to revivify, reclaim, and 
 reunite Deutschtum, distressed and alienated. Pan- 
 Germanism is thus a national movement. Its ideal is 
 national union of 'all the Germans'; its whole object 
 is to teach Germans to think nationally. This book 
 was completed before the outbreak of war between 
 Russia and Japan, and before the consummation of 
 that still more memorable event, the Anglo-French 
 entente. Both events are calculated to change the 
 face of European politics. Already Russia's sea-power 
 has been destroyed, and with it, in great part, her 
 prestige. Though it would be idle to attempt to 
 forecast the end, it is extremely probable that Russia 
 will issue from the struggle crippled in every limb, the 
 diplomatic shadow of her former self. Germany will 
 make every use of that situation to effect a rapproche- 
 ment with the Slav. In any case, Russia's weakness, 
 still more her humiliation, will tend to strengthen the 
 Pan-Germanic idea and the power of Germany in the 
 European Concert. On the other hand, the Anglo- 
 French entente constitutes one of the greatest bars to 
 the realization of the Pan-Germanic idea conceivable. 
 For the moment Germany is ' staggered ' ; it seems to 
 prove the Emperor's whole foreign policy a failure. 
 Germans have an uncomfortable feeling of isolation 
 a feeling that the world is being parcelled up by others, 
 while they are destined to look on with empty hands. 
 It has caused the Pan-German League to petition the 
 Chancellor to obtain the West Coast and hinterland of 
 Morocco as ' compensation ' from France. It will 
 compel the Pan-German League to revise its maps. 
 There are dreamers who think that by eliminating 
 Germany's chances to acquire land peacefully across 
 the seas owing to England's anticipated opposition 
 it will force her to go westwards some day across the 
 Vosges, to satisfy her imperious economic wants. Be 
 that as it may, the Pan-Germanic problem has still to 
 be solved. It is as well, perhaps, to know about it 
 betimes. 
 
viii PREFACE 
 
 In conclusion, the author desires to state that he has 
 endeavoured throughout to avoid wounding German 
 susceptibilities. That, of course, goes without saying. 
 But, as a witty Frenchman said : * Tout ce qui va sans 
 dire, va encore mieux en le disant.' 
 
 The first two pages of the chapter ' Germany and 
 Pan-Germany ' appeared originally in an article, under 
 the same title, published in the Contemporary Review, 
 August, 1903, and are reproduced here with the 
 courteous permission of the editor, Mr. Percy W. 
 Bunting. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 THOSE marked with a * are admittedly Pan-German publications. Those 
 marked with a f are Pan-Germanic in idea, though not admittedly so. 
 
 SCHAFER : ' Was lehrt uns die Geschichte iiber die Bedeutung der 
 Seemacht ?' 
 
 RATZEL : c Das Meer als Quelle der V61kergrosse.'t 
 
 LINDNER: 'Die Deutsche Hanse.' 
 
 WEBER : ' Die Bedeutung der Deutschen Kriegsflotte.' 
 
 VON HALLE: ' Die Bedeutung des Seeverkehrs fur Deutschland. 'f 
 
 FITGER : ' Die Wirthschaftliche und technische Entwicklung der 
 Seeschiffahrt.' 
 
 LIPSIUS : ' Flotte und Volkswohl.' 
 
 LEHR: 'Warum die Deutsche Flotte vergrossert werden muss.'t 
 
 MEYER : c Deutschlands Seegefahren.' 
 
 Nauticus Schriften, vols. i to 8 inclusive. t 
 
 'Beitrage zur Flotten Novelle,' 1900. 
 
 POHLE : ' Deutschland am Scheidewege.' 
 
 KIRCHKOFF : ' Was ist National ?' 
 
 ERNST : ' Die Entwickelung des Nationalen Gedankens.' 
 
 SCHWAT : ' Die Deutsche Nationalverein.' 
 
 DIETZEL : ' Weltwirtschaft und Volkswirtschaft.' 
 
 LUBLINSKI : 'Neu-Deutschland.' 
 
 PROELL: 'Nationale Wehrpflicht.'* 
 
 ROZENRAAD : ' Die Wirtschaftliche Entwicklung Deutschlands.' 
 
 Dix : ' Deutschland auf den Hochstrassen des Weltwirtschafts- 
 verkehrs.'t 
 
 KUTZEN : ' Das Deutsche Land.' 
 
 LEUSCHAN : ' Deutsche Kabellinien.' 
 
 SCHAFER : ' Deutschland zur See.' 
 
 ' Schriften des Vereins fur Sozialepolitik/ 
 
 ROHRBACH : ' Deutschland unter den Weltvolkern.'f 
 
 DENNER : 'Bedeutung und Ziele deutsche Weltpolitik.' 
 
 SUKSDORF : ( Eine Kritische Stunde in der Entwicklungsgeschichte 
 unseres Volkes.' 
 
 MEINHARDT : ' Kann Deutschland Weltpolitik treiben ?' 
 
 SCHUBERT : ' Grundziige einer Deutschen Weltpolitik.' 
 
 ix 
 
N 
 
 x BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 'Handels und Machtpolitik/ 2 vols., 1900.! 
 
 ' Beitrage zur neuesten Handelspolitik Deutschlands,' vols. i and 2, 
 1900. 
 
 ' Jahresbericht des Bundes der Industriellen,' 1901-1902. 
 
 VOSBERG-REKOW : ' Der Grundgedanke der Deutschen Kolonial- 
 politik.' 
 
 SCHARLING : ' Bankpolitik.' 
 
 VON HALLE : ' Volks und Seewirtschaft,' 2 vols.t 
 
 ZIMMERMANN : * Die Handelspolitik des Deutschen Reiches.' 
 
 DEHN : ' Kommende Weltwirtschaftspolitik.' 
 
 WAGNER : ' Vom territorialstaat zur Weltmacht.'f 
 
 LIST : ' Das nationale System der politischen Oekonomie.' 
 
 DEHN : ' Deutschland nach Osten. 7 
 
 HALLE : ' Die Bedeutung Hollands fur die Deutsche Volks- 
 wirtschaft ' (unpublished), f 
 
 FISK : ' Middle European Zollverein.' 
 
 1 Jahrbuch fiir Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung,' etc., edited by Professor 
 Schmoller, vol. 2. 
 
 LAIR: ' L'Imperialisme Allemand,' 1902. 
 
 LEBON : * fitudes sur 1'Allemagne politique.' 
 
 BLONDEL : ' L'Essor industriel et commercial du peuple Allemand,' 
 1900. 
 
 DE LAGARDE : ' Deutsche Schriften.'* 
 
 WEGENER : ' Deutschlands Einigung und Kaiser Wilhelm II.' 
 
 SEPP : ' Deutschland einst und jetzt.'* 
 
 GRELL : c Der Alldeutsche Verband.'^ 
 
 Statutes of the Pan-German League.* 
 
 PROELL : { Halt ! wer da?'* 
 
 WASTIAN : 'Ein Buch Deutscher Art.' 
 
 HEYCK: *Die Geschichtliche Brechtigung des Deutschen National- 
 bewusstseins.'* 
 
 SCHULTHEISS : c Alldeutschland an der Jahrhundertwende.'* 
 
 ' Kundgebungen, Beschliisse, und Forderungen des Alldeutschen 
 Verbandes.'* 
 
 HuBBE-ScHLEiDEN : { Ueberseeische Politik.' 
 
 BASSENGE: c Deutschland's Weltstellung.'* 
 
 BLEY : ' Die Weltstellung des Deutschtums.'* 
 
 * Germania Triumphans ' (anonymous).* 
 
 HASSE : { Deutsche Weltpolitik.'* 
 
 SCHULTHEISS : * Deutschnationales Vereinswesen.'* 
 
 1 Grossdeutschland und Mitteleuropa urn das Jahr 1950'* (anony- 
 mous). 
 
 -LEHMANN-HOHENBERG : ( Bismarck's Erbe Los von Rom.'* 
 
 LENSCHAU : ' Das Weltkabelnetz.' 
 
 PFLEIDERER: 'Das Deutsche Nationalbewusstsein.' 
 
 Du MOULIN-ECKART : l England's Politik und die Machte.'* 
 
 EISENHART : ' Die Abrechnung mit England.'* 
 
 BAUER : ' England und das Deutsche Reich '; ' Our English 
 Friends'; ' Eine Deutsche Antwort auf Englische Unverschamtheiten.' 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY xi 
 
 VON ENZBERG : ' Protest gegen Chamberlain.' 
 
 TEJA MEYER : ' Los von England ' 
 
 VON AMRAN : ' England's Land und Seepolitik.' 
 
 BLEY and GRABEIN : ' Britische und Deutsche Handelspolitik.'* 
 
 HEIDERICH : ' Das Wachstum Englands.' 
 
 VOSBERG-REKOW : ' Das Britische Weltreich.' 
 
 ARNDT : * Die Handelsbeziehungen Deutschlands zu England.' 
 
 UNOLD : ' Das Deutschtum in Chile.'* 
 
 HETTNER : * Das Deutschtum in Siidbrasilien und Siidchile/t 
 
 KRAUEL : ' Deutsche Interessen in Brasilien.'t 
 
 HERMANN MEYER : ' Die Privatkolonien in Rio Grande do Sul.'t 
 
 KUNDL : ' Brasilien.'t 
 
 LEYSER : 'Deutsches Kolonistenleben in Siid-Brasilien.'f 
 
 WINTZER : ' Die Deutschen im tropischen Amerika.'* 
 
 FUNKE : ' Die Besiedlung des ostlichen Siidamerika.' 
 
 GERNHARD : ' Die Rio Grande Nordwest Bahn.' 
 
 VON HALLE : 'Reisebriefe aus Westindien und Venezuela.'t 
 
 ZIEVERS : ' Venezuela und die Deutschen Interessen. 't 
 
 Prospectus issued by the Hanseatic Colonizing Society. 
 
 JANNASCH : * Ratschlage fiir Auswanderer nach Sud-Brasilien.' 
 
 LAMBERG : ' Brazilien.' 
 
 PROWE : ' Deutschlands Vertretung in Central Amerika.' 
 
 FUNKE : ' Deutsche Siedlung iiber See.'* 
 
 GOEBEL : * Das Deutschtum in den Vereinigten Staaten von 
 Nordamerika.'* 
 
 BORGIUS : ' Deutschland und die Vereinigte Staaten.' 
 
 ' German-American Annals. 't 
 
 GOEBEL : ' Ueber die Zukunft unseres Volkes in Amerika.'t 
 
 MACCOLL : * Russia, England, Germany, and South Africa.' 
 
 BYRON : ' Russland oder England.' 
 
 ANTON : ' Ein Zollbiindnis mit den Niederlanden.' 
 
 BLEY : * Die Alldeutsche Bewegung und die Niederlande.'* 
 
 REISMANN-GRONE : ' Die Deutschen Reichsha'fen.'* 
 
 MENNE : ' Die Niederlander als Nation.' 
 
 LEXIS : ' Die Zukunft Hollands ' (Allgemeine Zeitung, Muenchen, 
 1900, No. 51). 
 
 VAN HOUTEN : 'Deutschland und Holland' (Nation, Nos. 35, 36, 
 1900). 
 
 SARTORIUS VON WALTERSHAUSEN : ' Deutschland und die Handels- 
 politik der Vereinigten Staaten.' 
 
 HUNZIKER : c Schweiz.' 
 
 VETTER : ' Die Schweiz eine " Deutsche Provinz " ?'f 
 
 'Bulletin de la Societe Neuchateloise de Geographic,' vol. 13, 
 1901. 
 
 WINTERSTEIN : ' Kleindeutschland, ein Kehrbild.'* 
 
 ELASS : ' Die Bilanz des neuen Kurses.'* 
 
 DIEMER : ' Die Deutsche Frau in der Friedensbewegung.'* 
 
 PROELL : ' Die Totengraber Oesterreichs,'^ ' Deutsche Vermacht- 
 nisse und Versaumnisse,'* ' Die vier letzten Dinge. 1 * 
 
xii BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 HENRY : ' Questions d'Autriche-Hongrie,' 1903. 
 
 VRBA : ' Oesterreichs-Bedranger,' Prague, 1903. 
 
 NABERT : ' Das Deutschtum in Tirol.'* 
 
 HOFMANN VON WELLENHOF : ' Steiermark, Karnten, Krain, und 
 Kiistenland.'* 
 
 ' Unsere Angst Politik 't (anonymous). 
 
 CHERADAME : ' L'Europe et la Question d'Autriche.' 
 
 ROMANCZUK : ' Die Ruthenen und Ihre Gegner in Galizien.' 
 
 TURK : ' Bohmen, Mahren, und Schlesien.'* 
 
 PRADE : ' Die Behandlung der Nationalen Minderheiten in 
 Bohmen.' 
 
 HANGAY OitxAv : c Az Alldeutsch Szovetseg,' 1903. 
 
 HUEBER : ' Kaisertum Ungarn.' 
 
 WASTIAN : * Ungarns Tausendjahrung.'* 
 
 SCHULTHEISS : ' Deutschtum und Magyarisierung.'* 
 
 RAD6 : ' Das Deutschtum in Ungarn.' 
 
 ' Die Press-Prozesse in Siid-Ungarn.' 
 
 KORN : 'Die Deutschenverfolgung in Ungarn.'* 
 
 ZEMMERICH : ' Sprachgrenze und Deutschtum in Bohmen.'* 
 
 SCHWARZENBERG : * Kann sich die Osterreichisch - ungarische 
 Armee den Einfliissen der Nationalitatenkampfe entziehen ?' 
 
 HUNGARICUS : { Das Magyarische Ungarn.' 
 
 ' Osterreich's Zusammenbruch und Wiederaufbau.'* 
 
 LIVONIUS : ' Die Deutsche Nordsee Flotte und die Englische 
 Seemacht' (Deutsche Revue, February, 1902).! 
 
 HECKSCHER : * Eine neue Phase in den hollandisch-deutschen 
 Beziehungen ' (Preussische Jahrbucher, August, 1902). 
 
 BRAUNLICH : * Berichte iiber die Los von Rom Bewegung.'* 
 
 TREITSCHKE : ' Zehn Jahre deutscher Kampfe,' ' Historische und 
 politische Aufsatze,' 'Deutsche Kampfe, neue Folge,' 'Politik.' 
 
 BUSCH : ' Bismarck Some Secret Pages of His History.' 
 
 The Speeches of the Emperor William II. 
 
 Bismarck's Speeches. 
 
 Count von Billow's Speeches. 
 
 Professor Hasse's Speeches.* 
 
 Alldeutsche Blatter, years 1895-1904 inclusive.* 
 
 ' Encyclopaedia Britannica ' (new volumes). 
 
 HASSE : ' Deutsche Weltpolitik,' ' Kolonien und Kolonialpolitik.' 
 
 ' Deutschland's Anspriiche an das Tiirkische Erbe.'* 
 
 GROTHE : ' Die Baghdadbahn.' 
 
 KRAUSS : ' Deutsch-tiirkische Handelsbeziehungen.' 
 
 SCHNEIDER : ' Die Deutsche Baghdad-Bahn.'f 
 
 MENZ : ' Deutsche Arbeit in Kleinasien.' 
 
 VON DER GOLTZ : ' Anatolische Ausfliige.' 
 
 MOLTKE : ' Briefe iiber Zustande in der Turkei.' 
 
 DEHN : * Deutschland und der Orient.' 
 
 EHRENBERG : ' Plamburg und Antwerpen.' 
 
 GOLTZ : ' Das Donaugebiet.' 
 
 RATZEL : ' Politische Geographic.' 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY xiii 
 
 PRESSEL : ' Das anatolische Eisenbahnnetz.' 
 
 VON DER GOLTZ : ' Die Baghdad-Bahn.'t 
 
 HARTMANN : * Die Deutsche Baghdadbahn.' 
 
 VON OPPENHEIM : ' Vom Mittelmeer zum Persischen Golf.' 
 
 VON SCHLAGINTWEIT : ' Die Baghdadbahn ' (in Ueberall, Nos. 
 18, i 9 ).t 
 
 GROTHE : 'Am deutschen Herd in Transkaukasien.' 
 
 VON ELLRICHSHAUSEN : { Erinnerungen an die Pilgerfahrt in den 
 Orient,' 1898. 
 
 SPRENGER : ' Babylonien.'f 
 
 KARGER : ' Kleinasien, ein deutsches Kolonizationsfeld.' 
 
 ROHRBACH : ' Die Wirtschaftliche Bedeutung Westasiens,'t ' Die 
 Baghdad-Bahn,'t ' In Mesopotamien.'f 
 
 BLEY : ' Sud-Africa-niederdeutsch.'* 
 
 JUNG : ' Australien.'* 
 
 WINTZER : ' Mittel-Amerika.'* 
 
 SELLIN : c Brazilien und die La Plata-Staaten.'t 
 
 Vigilans sed jEquus: ' German Ambitions as they affect Britain and 
 the United States.' 
 
 In addition to the above quite imperfect list of books and pamphlets 
 see in the same connection the following magazines and newspapers : 
 
 Deutsche Monatschrift ; Deutsche Erde ; Deutsche Zeitschrift ; 
 Asien ; Alldeutsche Blatter ; Export ; Deutschtum im Auslande; 
 Preussischejahrbucher; Germania, published in Flemish and German ; 
 Ueberall ; Deutsche Revue; Flotte ; Odin; Wartburg ; Deutsch- 
 volkisches Jahrbuch fur das Jahr 1903 ; Deutsch-Evangelisch Zeit- 
 schrift ; Grenzboten ; Unverfdlschte Deutsche Worte ; Os+deutsche 
 Rundschau ; Leipziger Neueste Nachrichten ; Deutsche Tages-Zeitung ; 
 Tdgliche Rundschau ; Rheinische- Westfalische Zeitung. 
 
 Interesting articles on Deutschtum are frequently published in 
 the following well-known German newspapers : 
 
 Koelnische Zeitung ; Frankfurter Zeitung ; National Zeitung ; Der 
 Tag; Muenchener Allgemeim Zeitung; Post; Kolonial Zeitung^ 
 Deutsches Kolonialblatt ; Berliner TageblaK ; Lokalanzeiger. 
 
 See, in regard to German politics and affairs especially, the Times 
 (its Paris and Berlin correspondence), the Morning Post (its Berlin 
 correspondence), the Spectator, the National Review, and numerous 
 excellent articles that have appeared within the last few years in the 
 Contemporary Review, the Fortnightly Review, La Revue des deux 
 Mondes, the North- American Review, and various other English, 
 French, and American newspapers and magazines. 
 
 NOTE. Needless to say, it is essential to read regularly the 
 Alldeutsche Blatter in order to follow the Pan-German movement. 
 Export and Deutschtum im Auslande are also full of information on 
 the subject of Deutschtum. To discriminate between what is Pan- 
 Germanic and what simply Chauvinistic in the German press is often 
 
xiv BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 a matter of considerable difficulty. Experience is necessary. It 
 should always be borne in mind that on questions of foreign policy 
 the German press rarely takes up an independent attitude. It is 
 truly an ' inspired ' press. 
 
 The following is a short list of Pan-German books for boys : 
 
 LIENHARDT : ' Der Raub Strassburgs.' 
 
 CONSCIENCE : ' Der Loewe von Vlaandern.' 
 
 HAHN : * Deutsche Characterkoepfe.' 
 
 SCHALK : ' Die Grossen Heldensagen des deutschen Volkes.' 
 
 OHORN : ' Kaiser Rotbart.' 
 
 WEBER : ' Hans Stock.' 
 
 DOSE : ' Der Trommler von Dueppel.' 
 
 * Deutschlands Ruhmestage zur See,' text by Vice- Admiral Werner, 
 engravings by Professor Petersen, representing Germany's naval 
 deeds, is also recommended by the League. The German Emperor 
 sent a telegram of congratulation to the publisher on the appearance 
 of this work in 1899. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. GERMANY AND PAN-GERMANY - I 
 
 II. THE PAN-GERMAN LEAGUE I ITS ORGANIZATION, ACTIVITY, 
 
 SUCCESSES - 25 
 
 III. ANCILLARY PAN-GERMAN ASSOCIATIONS - 5 2 
 
 IV. PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY - -62 
 V. GERMANY AND HOLLAND - 105 
 
 VI. SCANDINAVIA, BELGIUM, DENMARK, AND DEUTSCHTUM - 141 
 
 VII. DEUTSCHTUM IN SWITZERLAND - -175 
 
 VIII. GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR - .192 
 
 IX. THE NEW WORLD THE GERMAN CASE IN SOUTH AMERICA 22Q 
 
 X. GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA BRAZIL - 264 
 
 XI. GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA AGAIN 
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA - - 2QI 
 
 XII. DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA THE 
 
 MONROE DOCTRINE - -316 
 
 XIII. THE PAN-GERMAN APOTHEOSIS - - - 349 
 
 APPENDIX 364 
 
 XV 
 

 f 
 
 THE 
 
 PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 GERMANY AND PAN-GERMANY 
 
 \f 
 
 LOOKING out at the opening of the twentieth century 
 upon the nations of Europe the enemies of England, 
 as they have been described, and not unfitly it is 
 impossible not to feel that, of all people on the 
 Continent, the Germans are the most vital. Already 
 the characteristic of the new century has been found. 
 As Count Goluchowski has said, it will be the struggle 
 for national existence, fought out on economic political 
 lines. Of a truth Germany will be foremost in the 
 combat, which may be a peaceful one, waged without 
 gunpowder, for all that we can foresee, yet not a whit 
 the less earnest. ' La reflexion/ wrote Madame de 
 Stael in 1810, 'calme les autres peuples ; elle surexcite 
 1'Allemand;' which judgment is as true of the German 
 of to-day as it was in those days of German national 
 abasement, hope, and endeavour between Jena and 
 Waterloo. The impetus which Frederick the Great 
 gave to freedom from the shackles of an effete social 
 and political system was not grasped by the Germans, 
 who left it to the French to fight out. What Baron 
 von Stein, in many respects the founder of modern 
 lany, so passionately wrought for, but, in the rank 
 sphere of reaction, autocracy, and national Philis- 
 
 I 
 
2 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 tinism, failed to call into being, Bismarck gave life and 
 substance to. The history of the Mark Brandenburg, 
 of Prussia, is the history of Germany the German 
 Empire of to-day. Throughout, a continuity of aim is 
 noticeable. From the Silesian wars to Koniggratz, 
 from Rossbach and Waterloo to the ' crowning mercy ' 
 at Sedan, Germans fought for nationality and, without 
 knowing it, for freedom. They won it, as Cromwell 
 said at Worcester, ' at push of pike/ 
 
 And now for thirty-three years Germany, armed to 
 the teeth, has been at peace with Europe. Bismarck 
 gave Europe a new statecraft, a new code of political 
 ethics, at once destructive and constructive ; Moltke 
 showed Europe what the armies of the future would 
 have to be. Since then the German merchant has 
 made Germany a world power, has given her wealth 
 and prestige, and an interest and share in almost 
 every corner of the globe. The reflective, simple 
 German people have become the most militant, the 
 most critical, the most powerful in arms and in aggre- 
 gate brain power on the Continent. The German 
 Emperor has pronounced Germany's future to lie ' on 
 the seas,' and Germans are ready to follow, believing 
 as in some revealed call of destiny. Germany's place 
 in the world is thought by Germans to be controlled 
 by two agencies by geographical position and by 
 the historical part she is destined to perform there. 
 In almost every public political utterance of the 
 Emperor, of his ministers, ambassadors, soldiers, 
 officials, professors, or Pan-German agitators, who, on 
 all national and international questions, vie with one 
 another in pyrotechnical display, the idea of a 
 mission that Germany has to fulfil is illuminated. It 
 is taught in the schools, accepted as a gospel by all 
 save the social democracy. Needless to say, this 
 mission of culture (des Deutschtums) is to weld 
 together and consolidate Germans in Europe and 
 across the seas, ethnologically, economically, and even 
 politically ; so that where the German language is 
 
GERMANY AND PAN-GERMANY 3 
 
 spoken, there, too, may German interests and authority 
 be paramount. It is known as Pan-Germanism. This 
 idea, again, may be divided into two sharply distinct 
 definitions the conception of Germany's mission on 
 Imperialist lines, which may be described as the 
 rational view ; and the Pan-German conception, which 
 is nothing less than a political doctrine of national 
 expansion. 
 
 Economically, Germany is a bold bidder for the 
 hegemony of the world's trade ; politically, she is 
 animated and perfectly naturally so with the desire 
 to rescue Deutschtum from alien absorption, and to 
 reap some of the benefits attaching to this extraneous 
 Germanism, scattered sporadically over the face of the 
 earth, lost to her because the home was too small, too 
 weak to shelter all. When Goethe, whose great mind 
 was international, remarked that the Germans would 
 never free themselves from the yoke of Napoleon, 
 Baron von Stein said: 'Let him alone. He has grown 
 old.' And Stein was right. In those days of princely 
 Cabinet politics the idea of nationality was almost non- 
 existent. Very gradually Germans grew. Fichte, 
 the philosopher, in his ' Appeals ' to the German 
 people, demanded a new race, since the old one had 
 shown a faint heart. Jahn, one of the first exponents 
 of the national idea, wrote boldly of Germanism, 
 which he thought could best be steeled to a sense of 
 its mission by gymnastic exercises, and by hardening 
 the human frame. Arndt, the poet of freedom, in his 
 ' Geist der Zeit,' exposed German frailties, and passion- 
 ately besought Germans to rouse themselves, If 
 Napoleon trampled upon them, it was because Germans 
 were weak and disunited. Kleist, in his ' Hermann- 
 schlacht ' (the ' poet of revenge '), called upon Germans 
 in impassioned verse to unite in arms. The philosopher 
 Frederick List, without whom, once wrote the Pan- 
 German central organ, there could have been no Bis- 
 marck, sought to nerve Germans to a sense of nationality. 
 ' He who has no share on the seas/ he wrote, ' is shut 
 
 I 2 
 
4 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 out from the good things and the honours of this world. 
 He is a stepson of God/ Robertus, Paul de Lagarde, 
 and other writers, elaborated the theme. 
 
 In vain. Even Prussia failed. The dead palsy of 
 public opinion weighed like a blight upon the land. 
 At last a man of action came. Patrice inserviendo 
 consumer was his motto. No man, no king, ever did 
 more for his people. When he quitted the helm of the 
 State, Germany was united ; the Germans were a new- 
 born people. But even Bismarck had his limitations. 
 What he shrank from others were ready to take up. 
 From the Colonial policy of Bismarck, who never fully 
 grasped its possibilities, sprang the idea of Pan-Ger- 
 manism the conception of uniting ' all the Germans ' 
 under one flag. 
 
 Observe. From Brandenburg sprang Prussia, the 
 Great Elector, and Frederick the Great ; from Prussia 
 sprang the German Empire, German policy, which 
 was the work of Bismarck ; from German policy sprang 
 Pan-Germanism, which doctrine is in advance of the 
 times, and may be said to be held by a political sect 
 only. It is, however, interesting to follow the sequence 
 of history, and to trace this movement to its source. 
 And just as modern Germany arose as the result of a 
 national struggle, victorious over Austria and France, 
 so * All ' Germany may likewise be consolidated at 
 some remoter period. The German question was not 
 solved at Koniggratz. Bismarck laid the foundations 
 of an All Germany. Such a Germany may still be 
 founded. Such a Germany is the Pan -German 
 apotheosis. The man that the poet Geibel so passion- 
 ately, but vainly, called for at the beginning of the 
 nineteenth century came about the middle of it. The 
 man that Pan- Germans, who are the protagonists for 
 the old Germanic idea, now await may appear in the 
 twentieth century. As a people, the Germans cannot 
 stand still. They must progress, expand. Bismarck 
 stopped at the sea. The young Hohenzollern 
 Emperor, who took over the direction of the State, 
 
GERMANY AND PAN-GERMANY 5 
 
 saw further, and led Germany over the seas. If 
 Bismarck placed Germany in the saddle, the professors 
 the men of light and leading in Germany have 
 taught Germany to swim. Pan-Germans would teach 
 her to conquer, to expand, to unify all. 
 
 Pan-Germans are inconvenient to the German 
 Government at this juncture ; they are mocked at, 
 treated as illusionists, sciolists, beer politicians, and 
 dabblers in ' metapolitics,' to use a word of Stein's. 
 But the line that divides responsible politicians from 
 rational Pan -Germans is often only proportional. 
 The Pan-Germans anticipate, see Germany through 
 a telescope. The Government uses opera-glasses, 
 sees only the present, the actual, the tangibly 
 possible. Some day the focus may be adjusted for 
 both sights. True, a greater Germany is still but a 
 dream. But when Remus jumped over the wall, Rome 
 was a small place ; so, too, was Merry England in 
 the days of Robin Hood. Germany, Count von Billow 
 has told us, seeks a place * in the sun.' But will this 
 statement bear the light of scrutiny ? The sun is a 
 large spot, and illuminates all that we know of this 
 world. The place Germany aspires to may be a very 
 big one, for all we can say to the contrary. Though the 
 expansion of Germany will not take place so quickly 
 as many Pan-Germans ay, and Germans about the 
 year 1899 expected, it is quite probable that some- 
 thing in the nature of a German Federated Empire 
 may be created. Well, that is the Utopia of the Pan- 
 German League. 
 
 * All Germany* the light of the past, the dream of 
 the future. Is it a fantastic dream, as the German 
 Philistine grumbles, or an end worthy of the sweat 
 of the noble ?' The word All Germany, says Dr. 
 Schultheiss,* reminds one of the ethnographic and 
 political connection of Switzerland and the Netherlands 
 with the former Holy Roman Empire of the German 
 
 * Dr. Schultheiss : ' Alldeutschland an der Jahrhundertwende.' 
 
6 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 nation. History dissolved that bond ; history may 
 also build it together again. 
 
 Unfortunately, Germans do not altogether ' see ' it. 
 They drag themselves slowly along, says Professor 
 Heyck, in the wake of their own history; which national 
 peculiarity has its advantages ; for when things grow 
 complicated and State Government becomes entangled 
 the Germans have time to gather themselves together, 
 and then press on faster and more evenly than before. 
 It can, therefore, surprise no one, reasons Professor 
 Heyck, that in medieval times the Germans evinced 
 no capacity to regard themselves as a nation, but 
 thought of themselves only as so many tribes as 
 Bavarians, Swabians, Franks, and Saxons. They had 
 no national feeling. From the classic period Germans 
 inherited certain possessions : a certain pride in the 
 German name, the feeling of oneness derived from 
 common culture and education, and a vague sense of 
 longing for a strong hand to guide and unite them. 
 The French Revolution, ending in the principle 
 of the guillotine, showed Germans the futility of 
 cosmopolitanism. The first signs of a German national 
 feeling became manifest in the year 1806, when the 
 idea of union dawned gradually upon the people.* 
 The dry mechanism of absolutism was at an end ; the 
 period began when the people were to have a popular 
 representative share in the Government. Fichte 
 spoke to Germans as Germans, * recognising no 
 divisions, no tribal particularism, no difference of aim/ 
 It must be All Germany * Das ganze Deutschland 
 soil es sein,' cried the poet. The cosmopolitanism of 
 Goethe was succeeded by the period of storm and stress, 
 but the feeling of nationality remained dormant ; it 
 was the imperishable work of Bismarck to have called 
 it into being. 
 
 This feeling of nationality, inseparably interwoven 
 with the * Kaiseridee,' or implicit trust in the Emperor, 
 
 * Professor Heyck : ' Berechtigung der deutschen National- 
 bewusstseins.' 
 
 
GERMANY AND PAN-GERMANY 7 
 
 led, logically enough, to the idea of an All Germany 
 to embrace all the German peoples, which itself derived 
 its initiative from the Imperialist Colonial policy upon 
 which Bismarck found himself reluctantly embarked. 
 It is well to bear in mind that Pan-Germanism came 
 directly from this Colonial policy, which the German 
 people, ' in the wake of their own history,' were not 
 then ready for, scarcely understood, and felt not in 
 the least inclined to pay for. But Sedan had done its 
 work. Particularists as Germans remained long after, 
 and as they still are, it was inevitable that a group of 
 men should arise to preach the national word, and that 
 out of the security of national independence political 
 vanity should find expression in a forward policy of 
 expansion and dominion, after the manner of England, 
 and France, and Russia. The decade 1890 to 1900 
 were for Germans years of political intoxication. 
 With the State in the keeping of a young, energetic, 
 and clever ruler, Germans, pardonably buoyant with 
 hope and endeavour, looked around like a giant slowly 
 awakening from sleep. They saw themselves growing 
 rapidly wealthy ; the first armed Power in Europe ; 
 the German name respected ; German industry every- 
 where sought for. They saw England, France, Russia, 
 with their colonies, their sea trade, their ambitions. 
 They thought of Deutschtum in various parts of the 
 world ; and slowly the idea dawned upon them to 
 recover it betimes. They wanted land for colonists, 
 land for new markets, land wherewith to sharpen the 
 minds of the ambitious. But they_had risen too late 
 in the world. They were looked on with suspicion, 
 with a sense of fear. Nobody felt quite sure what the 
 young Emperor would do next. As in all beginnings, 
 a sense of restlessness characterized Germany's move- 
 ments. People asked, 'What next?' In Germany 
 the cry was ' Onward.' In European chanceries 
 diplomatists looked on sagaciously. All eyes were 
 riveted on the young and strenuous Empire. 
 
 Small wonder, then, that things went quickly ; that 
 
8 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Germans grew intolerant, hypersensitive, ambitious, 
 and militant ; that past history was delved into, re- 
 studied, and rewritten, with a view to Germany's new 
 position and to its exigencies; that writers and thinkers 
 somewhat lost their balance ; that prophets arose to 
 direct Germany's course ; that newspaper politicians 
 thought themselves the executive, while philosophers 
 and economic professors became politicians ; that the 
 press, to meet the requirements of the new order of 
 things, became aggressively national, and a portion of 
 it preposterously Chauvinistic ; that as Germanism was 
 in the air, was taught in the schools and paraded in 
 the newspapers, Pan- German ideas should arise and 
 speedily command a hearing. Bismarck's work was 
 finished. Both the great Chancellor and Treitschke 
 belonged to the old school of Prussian thought, and 
 evinced little understanding for a greater Germany 
 across the seas the telos of modern German policy. 
 Germany was in a state of transition. The idea of 
 Germanism began to affect all ; not the Germanism of 
 Bismarck, but the new conception of it, which regarded 
 Germans in foreign parts as reclaimable, as part of 
 integral Deutschtum. ' Full steam ahead !' had said 
 the Emperor, as the old pilot of Germania quitted the 
 helm for ever ; and full steam it was, under the guidance 
 of a young but powerful Hohenzollern brain. Thus 
 Pan-Germanism arose ; arose almost naturally, from 
 excess of national vitality, from the new consciousness 
 of power derived from union. 
 
 Things, however, have not gone quite as fast or 
 quite so favourably as Germans in those days predicted. 
 The millennium of Germanism, which was prophesied 
 to take place about the year 1900, has proved as 
 fallacious as Bebel's great prophecy of the Proletariat's 
 emancipation. To-day Germany, having seen many a 
 hope deferred, is shaking down to prosaic wisdom. 
 Her colonies have not prospered ; and though it is too 
 early to say that Germany made a bad bargain with 
 them, it is perfectly correct to affirm that they have 
 
GERMANY AND PAN-GERMANY 9 
 
 proved a considerable disappointment. She finds it 
 extremely difficult to acquire new colonies, hazardous 
 even to make the attempt. A certain reaction has set 
 in. The United States has arisen in the offing, richer, 
 more powerful, quite as vital and strenuous, threatening 
 to bar Germany's way. Great Britain,* after a futile 
 policy of pin-pricks, sought Germany's friendship in 
 vain. Germanism had in the meantime not been idle. 
 Anglophobia, born of envy and rancour, had rooted 
 itself in the hearts of the German people. England's 
 proffers of friendship were coolly met, while the German 
 people, for the first time giving proof of a spontaneous 
 public opinion, forced the German Government to 
 repel 'perfidious Albion.' The Boer War revealed to 
 the world the extent and the power of Anglophobia. 
 In no country was it more genuine, more entirely 
 unartificial, than in Germany. Here, too, Pan-Germans 
 played a prominent part. It awoke a strident echo. 
 To-day England is ruffled ; the rapprochement with 
 France has been its direct result. 
 
 For the moment, therefore, Pan-Germanism, largely 
 owing to the issue of the Transvaal War which, 
 instead, as was anticipated, of leaving England penniless, 
 weak, with the total loss of her prestige and the loss of 
 her African possessions, has resulted in her issuing 
 from the unparalleled struggle as powerful and as self- 
 conscious as ever may be said to have entered upon 
 a period of quiet. All through the Transvaal War 
 Pan- Germanism had a clear run, and ingratiated itself 
 firmly in the minds of the German people. Had Great 
 Britain lost the two former Boer Republics, Pan- 
 Germanism would most probably now be a reputable 
 German political tenet ; having as its motive force, 
 hostility to England, as its principal object, the wresting 
 of British possessions from English hands, and the 
 destruction of British power. Great Britain, however, 
 has not gone under, while its antithesis Pan-Ger- 
 
 * In which connection even Mr. Chamberlain failed to grasp 
 Germany's attitude. 
 
io THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 manism has. That is to say, instead, as all through 
 the Boer War, of stalking the country, and rattling its 
 sabre in the sheath, vociferating political sophisms, 
 and embarrassing the Government by embarrassing 
 demands, Pan-Germanism is obliged to keep within 
 moderate bounds. Politically, it has suffered a defeat ; 
 and as all who lose are subjected to ridicule, so is it 
 with Pan-Germans, who have played their cards and 
 lost. Politics, too, are quieter. Germany is beginning 
 to recover from her Jingo debauch, and Pan-Germanism 
 is once more relegated to its former position before the 
 Boer War. What with America en vedette, Great 
 Britain in ill humour, and her own internal position 
 shaken by a period of economic depression, Germany 
 is in no mind for fantastic politics ; she has seriously 
 begun to feel the effects of her unbridled Anglophobia, 
 and is desirous above all other things to put her house 
 in order. Pan-Germans, therefore, are once more felt 
 to be a nuisance. The average German does not want 
 to be troubled with political problems, the Government 
 feels that such are at present undesirable. Accepting 
 the situation, Pan-Germans have become silent, and 
 carry on their work underground, as in the old days 
 before the Boer War. But they are not inactive. If 
 somewhat discomfited at the turn of events, they are 
 not in the least disheartened. They are more powerful 
 now than they have ever been. They are abiding 
 their time. To imagine that because their printing- 
 press is somewhat inactive they have nothing to say 
 is an absolute error. Like all minorities, like all men 
 and parties fighting for ideas ahead of the times, for 
 ideals, they must work on in the darkness until a ray 
 of light comes to expose their labours. They have 
 struck root among the people. The foundations they 
 have laid are solid. To step again boldly into the 
 light they need some political disturbance, some popular 
 emotion. When the right moment comes round, they 
 will be found like ants everywhere actively at work, 
 and everyone will be astonished at the work they have 
 
GERMANY AND PAN-GERMANY n 
 
 accomplished in the interval. It is a party en marche. 
 That during a period of political quiet their cries are 
 not heard is no sign of weakness. On the contrary; the 
 tortoise beat the hare. Pan-Germans may yet be 
 foremost in the race. 
 
 It has been thought desirable in this work to treat 
 Pan-Germanism entirely on its own merits, and to 
 dissociate it as far as possible from all other parties. 
 Of course, officially, the German Government has 
 nothing whatever to do with it. The Pan-German 
 party does not go to the poll as such ; it has no fixed 
 Parliamentary representation in Germany, and its 
 members are members of various parties in the Reich- 
 stag. Confined to its own strict limits, it is a singularly 
 small party, absurdly small for the noise it makes ; and 
 many Germans who are really Pan -Germans object 
 to its nomenclature just as many Germans who vote 
 for the social democracy resent being enrolled as 
 socialists. On the other hand, there is no other defini- 
 tion for the new Imperialist following, the foremost 
 representative of which is the German Emperor, who, 
 in a rational sense, is also the foremost exponent of 
 Pan-Germanism. But let there be no misunderstand- 
 ing. The two things must be kept separate. If the 
 Colonial movement, the Navy agitations, the * Thra- 
 sonic ' verbiage of the host of the Colonial, Imperialist, 
 National, Fleet, and economic professors are all closely 
 associated with the Pan-German movement, it is only 
 right to preface anything that may be said here, either 
 about them or about Pan-Germanism, with the monition 
 that Pan-Germanism, as expounded by the League, 
 and German forward policy are not one and the same 
 thing. For this reason German politics will be avoided. 
 The German Government will not be described as 
 benevolently Pan-German. The last we propose to 
 stick to is Pan-Germanism pure and simple. Never- 
 theless, reference will frequently be made to the pro- 
 fessors, about whom a word may here be said. 
 
 Everyone who has lived in Germany for any length 
 
12 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 of time and studied German life is aware what an 
 important part the German professors are called upon 
 to play there ; how nearly every professor of note 
 gathers round him a small circle of admirers, students, 
 and disciples, who, in turn, according to their own ways 
 and means, hold circle, and propagate the central idea. 
 In this way the influence of any one professor is often 
 a powerful one. It is a peculiarity of Germans to look 
 up to certain men for light and leading, who, as such, 
 are patronized by the wealthy, and by courts, as in the 
 old days. When, therefore, these very numerous ex- 
 ponents of German politics all say the same thing, plead 
 for an active policy of expansion, economic and terri- 
 torial acquisition, it would be obviously incorrect to 
 rule their writings out of serious discussion simply 
 because the writers of them occupy chairs at various 
 universities. Their opinions, as a matter of fact, ar.e 
 of the very highest importance to the student of foreign 
 politics. Not only do they contain the sap and bloom 
 of the thought of the most eminent German economists, 
 but they form the foundation upon which German 
 forward policy is established. For the professors, 
 as Defoe said of his wife, are the * stay ' of German 
 affairs. They make the music for the politicians, the 
 philosophy for the people. And although these econo- 
 mistsbuccaneer economists they may well be styled 
 would probably much resent being classified as Pan- 
 Germans, Pan-German in the spirit and to the letter 
 many of them are to such an extent, indeed, that the 
 Pan-German League often has occasion to recommend 
 their writings as * suitable literature ' in the national 
 German sense. In the course of this work the works 
 of these professors will frequently be alluded to 
 unavoidably so, for often they express the Pan-German 
 view more concisely than Pan-Germans do themselves ; 
 and as they have produced works on nearly every con- 
 ceivable topic, it would be folly to pass them over and 
 describe them as pedantic disquisitions. At the same 
 time, they will only be quoted when they seem to 
 
GERMANY AND PAN-GERMANY 13 
 
 supply the hiatus voluntarily or involuntarily left open 
 by Pan- Germans, and only in so far as they tend to 
 develop the theory. Which said, the thread of Pan- 
 Germanism may be picked up again. 
 
 It was in the year 1896 memorable to Englishmen 
 as the year of the Emperor's telegram to President 
 Krtiger that the Emperor gave formal expression to 
 the Pan-Germanic idea, which has ever since been 
 appraised by the Pan-German press as a ' true Pan- 
 German speech,' and certainly seemed to indicate that 
 such was His Majesty's intention. This speech, the 
 opening paragraph of which now adorns Pan-German 
 pamphlets, was as follows : 
 
 ' Out of the German Empire a world Empire has 
 arisen. Everywhere in all parts of the earth thousands 
 of our countrymen reside. German riches, German 
 knowledge, German activity, make their way across 
 the ocean. The value of German possessions on the 
 seas is some thousands of millions. Gentlemen, the 
 serious duty devolves on you to help me to link this 
 greater German Empire close to the home country, by 
 helping me, in complete unity, to fulfil my duty also 
 towards the Germans in foreign parts/ 
 
 These words in the mouth of the German Emperor, 
 which breathe the same spirit animating Mr. Chamber- 
 lain in his endeavour to effect a closer union of Empire, 
 created a great sensation at the time throughout 
 Germany, and were generally interpreted as heralding 
 something in the shape of a Pan-German policy a 
 policy of reclaiming Deutschtum, or Germanism, across 
 the seas. The idea of helping extraneous Deutschtum 
 is precisely what the Pan-German League aims at. 
 To look after the Germans settled in foreign parts, to 
 inculcate into them a sense of Deutschtum, to bring 
 home to them the new power of Germany, and to 
 establish a nexus, economic and intellectual, between 
 them and the home country in a word, to reclaim 
 them, that is the programme of the Pan-German 
 League. It is because the Government fails to safe- 
 
14 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 guard the interests of Germans abroad that Pan- 
 Germans so frequently attack it. Naturally, when 
 Pan-Germans heard these words of their Emperor 
 their joy knew no bounds. They thought they had 
 converted the Emperor. They imagined Deutschtum 
 was at last to be welded together by powerful strokes 
 of the mailed fist. They saw blood, as German army 
 people say. They hailed that speech as the comple- 
 ment to the words pure German words of the Great 
 Elector, whose exhortation to the German people, 
 * Remember, you are Germans,' had for so long been 
 unheard and neglected ; of the Great Elector whose 
 mind was far in advance of his time, and who first gave 
 to Germans a fighting fleet. 
 
 But it was not to be. Pan-Germans even Mr. 
 Kr tiger were to be bitterly disappointed. If the 
 telegram (fallaciously) denoted Germany's friendship for 
 the Boers, the Pan-Germanic speech of the Emperor 
 proved equally deceptive. Years later Mr. Kriiger was 
 repelled at the German frontier ; while Pan-Germans 
 have long ago realized that words even those of 
 Kings are often not what they seem. It was this 
 feeling that led Pan-Germans and, through them largely, 
 Germans so bitterly to oppose the Emperor's policy 
 towards England all through the Boer War, which 
 they termed 'Englanderei,' or undignified subserviency 
 to England. If in the year of the despatch of the 
 telegram the Emperor was the most popular man in 
 Germany, unquestionably he was the most unpopular 
 when he bestowed the Black Eagle upon Lord Roberts. 
 Strange as it may seem, public opinion in Germany 
 had not advanced a step since 1896. In 1900 it was 
 violently pro- Boer, anti- English, and, curiously enough, 
 surprised that the Government was not so too. It was 
 the same with the United States. Violently anti- 
 American at the time of the Cuban War, Germans 
 changed only when it had become evident that official 
 Germany and America were on really excellent terms. 
 Again Pan-Germans writhed. 
 
GERMANY AND PAN-GERMANY 15 
 
 These currents of official and public feeling are 
 mentioned, not from any desire to play upon national 
 antipathies, but rather the better to draw a distinction 
 between Pan-Germanism and the policy of the German 
 Government. They show that the Government has 
 left off even if it ever seriously contemplated 
 dabbling in Pan-Germanic ambitions, and has long 
 since given Pan-Germans clearly to understand that 
 their creed is not suitable to the German official world, 
 which has enough to do with tough realities. At the 
 same time, the Pan-Germanic words of the Emperor 
 should not be overlooked, even if they were uttered 
 eight years ago, when things were not what they are 
 to-day. In the first place, they bear an unmis- 
 takable Pan-German impress ; they show without a 
 doubt that at the time of their utterance the Emperor 
 seriously contemplated reclaiming alienated Deutsch- 
 tum. Secondly, they quicken the Pan-Germanic idea of 
 retrieving Deutschtum with Germany's forward policy 
 the result of Germany having become a ' world 
 Empire.' The two ideas, which in this work it is 
 proposed to treat as two distinct movements, are in the 
 Emperor's speech undoubtedly correlated. The one 
 leads to, and from, the other. Deutschtum is reclaim- 
 able because Germany is strong enough to demand 
 it. ' Imperial power denotes sea power ' is another 
 dictum of the Emperor. * Remember, you are a 
 German,' said the Great Elector. These very com- 
 mendable words are reflected in many of the Emperor's 
 best speeches. Be united, he is always telling them. 
 Be one, that Germans may once more be able to say 
 ' Civis Romanus sum.' This is rational Pan-Germanism. 
 It is an idea that every German has the perfect right 
 to hold. It is an idea that Englishmen and Americans, 
 who are born with a love for their country, with a 
 certain mute sense of their duty towards it, can readily 
 appreciate and even respect. It is an idea that every 
 German should be expected to entertain. Reclaiming 
 Germans across the seas, however, is another matter. 
 
16 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 It is Pan-Germanism. There are Germans, millions of 
 them, in the United States, thousands in South 
 America. In Europe the Germanic race is scattered 
 about in millions in many entirely independent political 
 countries ; to unite all these is indeed a gorgeous dream. 
 It is Pan-Germanism in its literal meaning. It is the 
 telos of Pan -Germanic ambition. It is not even the 
 doctrine of the League. 
 
 Germans, then, are perfectly justified in their con- 
 tention that, having established themselves in the 
 centre of Europe as a world Power, they have the 
 historical right to national unity. Luther (before 
 Bismarck), in his 'Address to the Nobility,' bade 
 Germans rouse themselves, and fear God more than 
 man. Bismarck made them men ; he, too, bade them 
 ' fear God alone.' Pan-Germans bid them unite. 
 It is characteristic of Germans, said an ingenious 
 Frenchman, * that the German idea of freedom from 
 Roman absolutism found expression more easily in x 
 stone i.e., Gothic art than in appropriate language, 
 which Luther was to give them long afterwards.' 
 This linguistic defect has not yet quite been repaired. 
 Heine, spurned by modern Germans because he was 
 a Jew, died cursing his country for the want of it. It 
 was not till long afterwards that Germans collectively 
 came to think of themselves as such. Even to-day 
 the Bavarian speaks of the Prussian with scorn, the 
 Saxon is proud to be a Saxon, the inhabitant of Reuss 
 to have been there born, and so on. The numerous 
 courts throughout Germany have become anachronistic, 
 and serve now chiefly as centres of art and as refuges 
 for the * intellectual.' Thus, Weimar is still a fountain 
 of light ; Potsdam is still what Fritz's father made it, 
 the glorification of pipe-clay. The sense of unity is 
 present, but the sense of nationality is often curiously 
 deficient. It shows itself in the facility with which the 
 German in foreign countries throws off his national 
 self, in his want of historic pride, in his lack of national 
 ideals. 
 
GERMANY AND PAN-GERMANY 17 
 
 These ideals Pan-Germans would give them. They 
 would break with the old fatalistic conception held by 
 Germans of their lot, as a people destined to be the 
 4 culture manure ' of the world, and nothing else. They 
 would give Germans a ' mission.' To rouse them to 
 an adequate sense of its importance, German fatalism, 
 'which found expression in stone,' they would trans- 
 form into a national sense of pulsating Germanism. 
 Language must be dithyrambic to nerve the heart to 
 action. Hence the didactic style favoured by the 
 modern political publicist. 
 
 In all this the foreigner would have little to object 
 to, or even to take note of, were it not that the whole 
 idea of Pan-Germanism, as at present conceived, is 
 tantamount to a direct challenge issued to a large 
 number of European and non- European peoples at 
 present in the enjoyment of national tranquillity. 
 Holland, Belgium, Denmark, Switzerland, the 
 Austro - Hungarian Empire, Scandinavia, Deutsch- 
 tum in the Balkans, even in Russia, in the British 
 colonies, and in South America, where it has obtained 
 its greatest strength and independence all these 
 countries, as it is, sufficient unto themselves, are 
 affected by the cry issued by the Pan-German League : 
 ' Remember you are a German.' Liliputian as the 
 Pan - Germanic following, strictly speaking, is, the 
 doctrine of the League is truly Brobdingnagian in 
 scope and ambitiousness. Had only the League 
 existed about the year 1800 its demand for an 'All 
 Germany ' might ere now be realized. One can 
 imagine Talleyrand exercising his wit upon a Pan- 
 German professor. If only something of the sort had 
 been mooted at the Vienna Congress ; if only Professor 
 Hasse leader of Pan-Germans instead of jerking 
 himself forward, could have jerked himself backward 
 to those times, and pounded Germanism into Goethe 
 and the German Princes of that age, what an Empire 
 of all the Germans there might be to-day in Europe ! 
 
 As it is, their ' historic claim ' has arisen so pre- 
 
 2 
 
i8 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 cipitously, and with such a historic lack of continuity, 
 that it is apt to strike terror where it is intended to 
 bring harmony. The peoples affected rebel at the 
 very idea of the anodyne. Dormant, supposed dead, 
 since the days when Charles V. lay in his coffin and 
 heard Mass said for his death, the idea has been dragged 
 forth from the dust of the past and thrust into the arena 
 of modern history ; it has created a new historic 
 situation. 
 
 Imagine a very prolific cuckoo dropping, during a 
 number of years in succession, one egg into as many 
 different nests in as many different countries as 
 possible. Then imagine that cuckoo, many years 
 later, suddenly enchanted into a dodo, or some gigantic 
 bird, conscious of its power and determined to reclaim 
 its offspring, since grown up, with numerous families 
 scattered all over the globe. What a disturbance 
 there would be in featherland ! How the owls would 
 hoot o' nights ! Well ! but this is the situation pro- 
 duced by the Pan- Germanic doctrine. Forgotten for 
 all these long years, suddenly the Germanic peoples 
 in Holland, in Belgium, in Switzerland, in Scandinavia, 
 are remembered, and in turn bidden to remember their 
 distant cousins of yore. Those who have emigrated 
 and settled in foreign parts are hailed as German 
 pioneers. The whole is reclaimed ; not the Germans 
 only, but the land they inhabit, the interests they 
 represent. It may be quite natural indeed, it is 
 quite natural but it is none the less disquieting. Its 
 very historic justification is a source of uneasiness. 
 Its finiteness at once amuses and appals. 
 
 Has the movement any real political significance ? 
 Is it not like a toy that children play with till they 
 break it or they get another? Is it ever likely to 
 become a great national creed ? Are not its leaders 
 mushroom patriots rather than serious politicians ? 
 Will the whole Pan-Germanic idea not vanish as the 
 young and strenuous German people grow older, more 
 experienced, more slaked in national self-conscious- 
 
GERMANY AND PAN-GERMANY 19 
 
 ness ? Unquestionably, the weakness of the Pan- 
 German position is obvious enough. All political 
 partitions, said Quartrefages de Breau, in his work, 
 4 The Prussian Race Ethnologically Considered,' based 
 on ethnology ' are an absurdity.' Well, this is the 
 central idea of the Pan-German movement. Their 
 ridiculously exaggerated estimate of the potential 
 power of Germany, and their postulate that Germany's 
 political sphere of interest extends over the entire 
 national German diaspora in Europe and across the 
 seas, are purely artificial contentions of an almost 
 grotesque character. A nation, said Renan, is a great 
 community, founded on the conscious desire of the 
 individual willingly to work for the good of the whole. 
 'A nation's existence is dependent on the will of a 
 continual daily Plebiscite.' Without doubt the Pan- 
 German demand for an ethnographic redistribution of 
 peoples is open to serious objection and to legitimate 
 criticism. So absurdly do they over-estimate their own 
 will-power that they completely ignore the same faculty 
 in others, as also the power of patriotism, derived from 
 tradition, of geographical position. They would make 
 a historical sequence where there has long since ceased 
 to be one. Political boundaries they would tear down, 
 and replace by ethnographic boundaries which would 
 comprise all the Germans on the Continent of Europe. 
 Great Britain ? No ! The English are lost to Deutsch- 
 tum for ever. Where the Englishman is, Sir Charles 
 Dilke wrote,* there 'is England.' Against this insular 
 spirit nothing that Deutschtum has to pit can avail. 
 The utter hopelessness of reclaiming 'all' the Germans 
 is candidly admitted. Even in the United States the 
 case is judged to be desperate. America, sighs Pro- 
 fessor Hasse, ' is the grave of Deutschtum.' 
 
 And so it has come to pass that Pan-Germanism is 
 
 of two kinds a peaceful and a militant one. Oddly 
 
 enough, the peaceful theory admits of no impossibility. 
 
 All the Germans, including the Anglo-Saxons, are to 
 
 * ' Problems of Greater Britain.' 
 
 2 2 
 
20 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 be united by culture, by the feeling of common 
 fellowship, by love for one another which is the 
 Pan-Germanism of the writer Bjornsen, to mention 
 but one well-known name. With this the Pan- 
 German League is not in sympathy. It is felt to be 
 a dream. The League is militant. The Anglo- 
 Saxons, it contends, can never form part of the 
 Teutonic Empire. Their spirit of independence is so 
 developed, the insularity of the Englishman so marked, 
 that it would be pure fantasy to hope to effect union. 
 On the contrary, they have become the enemies of the 
 Pan-Germanic idea. Hence the League's hostility to 
 Great Britain, its conviction that some day the Teuton 
 will have to fight the proud Anglo-Saxon. 
 
 Such being the conviction of the League, it is 
 interesting to observe how curiously much of their 
 reasoning tallies with the political tenets advanced by 
 modern political writers in Germany. What else is 
 Anglophobia but the product of similar deductions ? 
 The theory of * satiation ' held in Bismarck's days 
 the idea, that is, that Germany had enough land, 
 enough empire is now quite antiquated. It has 
 changed in consequence of the ' world policy ' of the 
 Emperor William II. Bismarck's work began and 
 ended in Europe. * Our conditions of national exist- 
 ence lie in a world policy,' writes Dr. Rohrbach.* in 
 one of the best expositions of Germany's position and 
 tasks that have appeared. To speak of Germany as 
 * satiated,' he argues, is absurd. Annexation by force 
 is equally so. Germany is propelled forward by 
 economic forces. It is a question of population, of 
 markets a material question of existence. The tasks 
 of ' New Germany/ he admits, are so great that 
 Hercules himself would despair. But in the person- 
 ality of his Emperor he sees a ray of hope. No other 
 man in Germany (Per Jovem ! not even Professor 
 Hasse ! !), he writes, * is so animated with fiery zeal for 
 the principle governing New Germany.' Another ray 
 * ' Deutschland unter den Weltvolkern.' 
 
GERMANY AND PAN-GERMANY 21 
 
 of hope lies in international* convulsions. The South 
 African War was such a one. Some such upheaval 
 may well force the German people to rise to a sense 
 of their own importance to throw themselves into 
 the spirit of the times. How, again, are the eighty 
 million Germans in the year 1925 going to live? On 
 what ? With what ? Are they to emigrate and 
 become lost to Germany ? German foreign policy 
 resolves itself into the plain question, How is Germany 
 to obtain new markets, especially across the seas ? He 
 sums up : ' Germany's present position has undergone 
 a fundamental change since the creation of the Empire 
 at Versailles. Germany must look round and see what 
 she can obtain.' 
 
 And, in fact, this is Germany's present position. 
 She is looking round for new markets, new lands for 
 her surplus population. To realize this aim she has 
 set to work to build a great fleet. She has embarked 
 upon an Imperialist policy. Though the old genera- 
 tion of Germans, who have never shaken off the bane 
 of Philistinism that struck so deeply into the heart 
 of the German nation, is opposed to a policy of 
 expansion, the new one is rapidly being educated to 
 approve the idea. It is a policy which is rapidly 
 becoming a German national movement. The nation 
 looks to the Emperor to lead them across the seas. 
 The bewildering output of publications pointing out 
 the imperative need of a German navy on grounds 
 political, economic, Chauvinistic, sentimental, and 
 aesthetic, which is known as the Fleet literature, attests 
 to the popularity of this forward policy. It is very 
 interesting, and when read and collated with the 
 literature on the Customs tariffs and the publications 
 of the Pan-German League, a clear conception may be 
 obtained of the aspirations and of the policy of the 
 
 * This, of course, refers to Germany's traditional role of the 
 'honest broker.' She is playing this part conspicuously now in 
 regard to Russia. It remains to be seen whether, in this case, she 
 has not placed her money on the wrong horse. 
 
22 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Empire. If the League's outpourings are allegorical, 
 Count von Billow's forward policy is the converse ; 
 put them together, and they form a complete pro- 
 gramme. The most staid and approved economists 
 are as combatant as any Pan-German. The idea 
 underlying them all is that England is now only 
 primus inter pares. In the great settlement which is 
 to come Germany will need a great fleet. Germany's 
 material power must be converted into force. Germans 
 are to bear the * manure of German culture ' over the 
 seas. Looking into the future, they see a huge 
 Russian Empire stretching over the whole of North 
 Asia, barring the entry to German goods ; a self- 
 sufficient American Continent, with unlimited economic 
 possibilities, threatening the European market ; finally, 
 they see a self-contained British Empire, which taxes 
 the foreigner's trade, in efficient occupation of one-fifth 
 of the entire surface of the earth. Behind the trades- 
 man must stand the navy. The house that Bismarck 
 built is not large enough to harbour all. It must 
 be the aim of Germans to find room for them else- 
 where. Europe is called upon to awake out of her 
 hypnotic state and to fight America, the common 
 enemy of all. The European policy of Bismarck 
 has been replaced by the Imperialist policy of the 
 Emperor. 
 
 Much of all this is, of course, fee-faw-fum. The 
 times are not really so out of joint. But it is perilously 
 akin to the Pan-Germanic doctrine. Both the League 
 and the makers and educators of German public 
 opinion have let everyone into their secret musings. 
 Portions of the globe are ear-marked as German 
 spheres. Much had been hoped for in South Africa, 
 and one of the causes of Anglophobia was the fear 
 that so splendid a field for industry and endeavour 
 would in the future be closed to Germany. The 
 European Zollverein is seriously discussed by both 
 Germans and Pan-Germans. At times it is difficult to 
 see where Pan-Germanism begins and Germanism 
 
GERMANY AND PAN-GERMANY 23 
 
 ceases. The two things can scarcely be differentiated 
 without expert guidance. 
 
 Viewed in this light, Pan-Germanism is divested of 
 some of its terrors. We see that Pan-Germanism is 
 an honestly intelligent effort to forecast the future, 
 based upon a study of the economic conditions 
 peculiar to Germany, to which, too, it owes its origin. 
 Stripped of its ethnological flummery, it becomes the 
 policy of the ' forward ' professors. It seeks to assure 
 Germans a comfortable home in the future, and a 
 reasonable share in the good things of life. It wishes 
 to consolidate Deutschtum, and rescue it from the 
 foreigner. ' Our patriotic idiots, the Pan-Germans,' 
 Professor Mommsen styled them shortly before his 
 death ; but that is not how Germans regard them. 
 They share with the advocates of German Imperialism 
 a feeling of hostility to Great Britain. Like them, 
 they desire to crush England's power. Mere prophets 
 to-day, to-morrow Pan-Germans may become the 
 leaders of a great national movement of union. ' All 
 Germany' is in many ways as good a doctrine as 
 Monroe's, or as Britannia's claim to 'rule the waves.' 
 
 * Remember, you are Germans,' said the Great Elector. 
 ' Imperial power is sea power,' the Emperor William 1 1. 
 has responded. Bismarck gave Germans nationality. 
 The Emperor has led them across the seas. The first 
 part of the Pan-German programme has been accom- 
 plished. Germany has broken away from England. 
 
 * Emancipation from England' had long been the cry 
 in Germany. Pan-Germans gave that cry form and 
 substance. The raison d'etre of Germany's navy is 
 to place Germany in the position, if necessary, to meet 
 the English fleet. When an English peace enthusiast 
 recently asked a responsible member of the German 
 Government why Germany need increase her fleet, he 
 was told, to his great discomfort: 'To be able to enforce 
 our rights on the seas ; to be able, if England crosses 
 our path, to dispute the way/ That is what Germany 
 wants her navy for. As Germany's navy grows, so 
 
24 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 will Germans call for emancipation from England. 
 The feeling that prompts that cry is a Pan-German 
 one. 
 
 In considering the Pan-German movement it must 
 never be forgotten that Pan- Germans have successfully 
 broken with the idea that blood is thicker than water, 
 have contributed largely to emancipate Germany from 
 England, and have educated Germans to realize the 
 importance of a great navy. They have consequently 
 accomplished a great deal. Those who maintain that 
 they have no positive results to show are grievously 
 mistaken. Their agitation has had a negative and 
 constructive effect. It has severed the tie of kinship 
 between the German and the Briton. It has built up 
 in its place a national feeling of antagonism national 
 because it is felt that the realization of the Germanic 
 Utopia is impossible so long as Anglo-Saxon naval 
 and economic power is paramount. That it has been 
 able to do this is sufficient proof of its power. The 
 men of the League, it may be, are political theorists, 
 but their doctrine teaches and enforces a great national 
 ideal. Therein lies its true source of strength and 
 development. Pan-Germans have every cause to con- 
 gratulate themselves. Rupture with England and with 
 the old traditional Anglophil policy of Prussia was the 
 a priori condition to the success of their doctrine. 
 This they have succeeded in doing abruptly, perhaps 
 irrevocably. They may yet lead Germans to victory 
 to the union of ' all the Germans.' 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 THE PAN - GERMAN LEAGUE : ITS ORGANIZATION, 
 ACTIVITY, SUCCESSES 
 
 IN the beginning was the Word, or, as Faust emends 
 it, the 'Act.' Oddly enough, the word ' Alldeutsch ' 
 (Anglice, Pan-German) is not of German origin. Pan- 
 Germanism, therefore, was not 'made in Germany,' 
 which is also the worst thing that can be said about it. 
 It was first used by a foreigner the Swedish poet 
 Arndt. From excessive hatred of the French, Arndt 
 had thrown in his lot with the Germans, whom he pas- 
 sionately sang to. And in one of his lyric appeals to 
 Germans in the year 1841, the word 'All Germany' 
 occurs ' All Germany, whose mission it is to extend to 
 the Rhine.' But for years after the word was thought 
 of only as a poetic inspiration, until the Colonial policy 
 of Bismarck stirred the minds of Germans, from which 
 movement Pan-Germanism sprang. 
 
 Its genesis is as follows : In the year 1886 the well- 
 known traveller, Dr. Karl Peters, convened a congress 
 at Berlin, which was to be called the ' General German 
 Congress,' and to which all German national associa- 
 tions were invited. There a so-called 'German League' 
 was founded, in which all the various ' national ' German 
 organizations were amalgamated. But soon they began 
 to quarrel among one another, and when, shortly after- 
 wards, Karl Peters went to Africa, there was nothing 
 left to hold them together, and the League was dis- 
 solved. Bismarck's fall, and the feeling that Germany 
 had been 'done' over the Zanzibar Treaty of 1890, 
 
 2 5 
 
26 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 rekindled the desire among the old members to belong 
 to some national league or other strong enough to 
 influence the policy of the Government, which the 
 people were then somewhat suspicious of. The 
 ' German League ' was therefore reconstituted in the 
 year 1891. Membership was open to all on payment 
 of an annual subscription of one mark. For a year it 
 did well ; but anti-Semitism broke out and infected the 
 League, while Saxony and Bavaria were too particu- 
 larist to have anything in common with a Prussian- 
 German movement. The League contracted debts. 
 From 21,000 members its numbers sank rapidly to 
 5,000. Its dissolution appeared imminent. Then 
 there appeared on the scene the Reichstag deputy for 
 Leipzig, Professor Hasse, who was elected president. 
 He took over the entire management of the society, 
 and set to work to restore order. He issued an appeal 
 for help, which was meagrely responded to. Still, it 
 was enough. In 1894 tne AlUeutscke Blatter, or 
 Pan-German Leaves, was issued for the first time, 
 under the editorship of the late Dr. Lehr, to whom, 
 with Professor Hasse, the chief credit for the success of 
 Pan-Germanism is due. In the same year the German 
 League changed its name again, and has ever since 
 been known as the ' Pan-German League.' 
 
 The League prospered and grew apace. In 1898 it 
 comprised 15,179, in 1903 20,504, paying members. 
 Three events contributed largely to swell the League's 
 following. These were : The Navy agitation, the 
 struggle for distressed Deutschtum in Austria, and, last 
 but not least, Anglophobia, rampant in Germany during 
 the Boer War, which gave a marked fillip to Pan- 
 German agitation. But for the Pan-German agitation 
 the Reichstag might never have passed the Navy Bill ; 
 the Pan-Germans in Austria would never have shown 
 so bold a front ; possibly Anglophobia in Germany 
 might never have assumed such dimensions, almost of 
 a certainty would not have been emphasized in so 
 marked and virulent a manner. 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN LEAGUE 27 
 
 The motto of the League, that of the Great Elector, 
 * Remember, you are a German,' explains all that is 
 comprised in the official programme. The following is 
 the Pan-German League's official circular soliciting 
 membership : 
 
 1 In place of the great enthusiasm of the year 1870, 
 which inspired the German people to heroic deeds, a 
 certain apathy has become manifest. Economic 
 interests and social questions push into the background 
 individual utterances of a marked national feeling. 
 Although the interests of Deutschtum are every year 
 injured in the most shameless fashion, now here, now 
 there, the great mass of the German people remains 
 indifferent and disinterested. While other peoples 
 defend energetically the holy possessions of their race, 
 and everywhere with success, we consume our energies 
 in internal party struggles, and grow apathetic in 
 deceptive self-content. National tasks should not 
 be placed behind social and economic ones. We must 
 strengthen our national feeling, and bring home to the 
 mass of our people the fact that Germany's development 
 did not end in the year 1871. We ought not to forget 
 that beyond the boundary-lines compassed by the black, 
 white, and red flag thousands of Germans reside ; that 
 the German nation is justified and in duty bound, no 
 less than other nations, to take its share as a dominant 
 power in the history of the whole world ; and that, in 
 our progress towards the position of a world power, we 
 only took the first step when the German Empire was 
 founded. That our demands are not unrealizable was 
 demonstrated by the speech of our Emperor, January 18, 
 1896, at the banquet in celebration of the foundation of 
 the German Empire, when the Emperor pointed out 
 that Germany had become a world power, whose sub- 
 jects dwelt in far-off lands, whose interests in the world 
 were estimated at " milliards " of marks, whose duty it 
 had therefore become to protect the many thousands of 
 Germans in foreign parts, and to link this greater 
 German Empire closer to the home country.' 
 
28 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 The above manifesto, which may be described as 
 the prolegomena to the Pan-Germanic doctrine, is 
 mainly interesting for the justification of its thesis, 
 which associates the German Emperor directly with 
 the Pan-Germanic idea. It emphasizes the idea of 
 nationality, it calls upon Germans to unite. Comple- 
 mentary to the above, the four * Statutes ' of the 
 League lay down broadly the main objects of Pan- 
 Germanism. They are as follows : 
 
 1. To quicken the patriotic self-consciousness of 
 Germans, and to offer opposition to all movements 
 antagonistic to national development. 
 
 2. To treat and solve all questions bearing upon the 
 bringing up of children and higher education in the 
 Germanic sense. 
 
 3. To watch over and support all German national 
 movements in all countries where Germans have to 
 sustain a struggle in support of Deutschtum, with the 
 object of embracing and uniting all Germans on the 
 globe. 
 
 4. To promote an active German policy of interests 
 in Europe and across the seas, and especially to further 
 the Colonial movement for practical purposes. 
 
 In explanation of the above four theses, the League 
 issues a manifesto, of which the following is a precis : 
 
 The jumping-off ground or basis for the * world 
 position ' that Germans must aspire to attain to is 
 the German Empire, which the people must become 
 the real ruler of. Before all things the boundaries of 
 the existing Empire must be maintained and securely 
 guarded. For this purpose a conscious, active ethno- 
 graphic policy must be pursued to suppress the enemies 
 of Deutschtum within the German boundaries. Such 
 are the Danes, the Poles, and ' Frenchified ' Germans. 
 
 The German Empire is of great importance to 
 Europe. The fate of the Germans in Austria cannot 
 be a matter of indifference to Germany ; it cannot be 
 a matter of indifference whether the Saxons and the 
 Swabians in Hungary are Magyarized, or the Germans 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN LEAGUE 29 
 
 in Switzerland or the Flemish in Belgium are 
 Gallicized. Without directly interfering in the internal 
 affairs of those countries, Pan-Germans must actively 
 support all movements in those countries in support of 
 Deutschtum. 
 
 Deutschtum across the seas must also be preserved. 
 ' We therefore welcome with joy the reawakening of 
 Germans in the United States, and we hope, above all 
 things, that our Low German brothers in South Africa 
 will preserve their national character, even if, uncon- 
 quered on the field of battle, they have been forced by 
 hunger and brutal measures to lay down their arms.' 
 The enthusiasm felt for the Boers was not only due to 
 their heroic achievements, but largely to reasons of 
 sober interest. The destruction of the Boer Republics 
 has disturbed the balance of power in South Africa. 
 It is therefore of the greatest importance to support 
 the national character and language of the Boers, and 
 to ' prevent the creation of a uniform British South 
 African Empire.' For that reason Pan-Germans will 
 continue to work for the Boers, and help strengthen 
 their economic and national existence. 
 
 Economically, Germany needs more space ; for that 
 reason Pan-Germans will strive to bring about a 
 central European Customs' Union. German emigrants 
 must be saved from denationalization. Instead of capi- 
 talist colonies, genuine people's colonies must be 
 acquired. Pan-Germans must actively support German 
 Consuls and the German schools abroad. All German 
 efforts to play a prominent part, politically and 
 economically, in the world having met with the ' con- 
 tinual displeasure ' of England, who considers herself 
 threatened by Germany's rapid development, it is 
 necessary to place Germany in the position to indulge 
 with impunity in world politics. The instrument of 
 world politics is a powerful fleet ; Germany must, there- 
 fore, build a great navy. Coaling-stations then become 
 imperative. Another imperative need for Germany is 
 f the possession of cables. Already, it is claimed, Pan- 
 
3 o THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Germans have obtained great success in strengthening 
 the ' national feeling ' among Germans. 
 
 ' He, therefore, who feels himself with all his soul to 
 be a son of German soil, he who with all his heart 
 loves his countrymen, he who calls himself a German 
 with pride, he who believes in the great future of the 
 German people, and he who will do something to bring 
 about this great and glorious future, belongs to us.' 
 He can become a member of the Pan-German League. 
 
 In addition to all this, the League has its twelve 
 4 commandments,' of which the first is, ' Remember, 
 you are a German.' The remaining eleven are merely 
 variations of the first, and exasperatingly tautological. 
 In every one the word ' German ' is emphasized; in all 
 Germans are told to be conspicuously German. They 
 will not be given here. 
 
 The central seat of the League is in Berlin. A 
 board of control, consisting of at the most 300 
 members, forms the executive. There is a president 
 (Professor Hasse), a number of secretaries, etc. An 
 important post is the editorship of the party central 
 organ, Alldeutsche Blatter^ of which more anon. The 
 League has a large number of branches. Once every 
 three years the members of the League must meet 
 together in a so-called * Pan-German Congress,' but the 
 tendency is to meet annually. 
 
 The following are some of the names of prominent 
 members of the executive : 
 
 Professor Langhans, well-known map-maker ; Herr 
 Lehmann, well-known publisher at Munich ; Professor 
 Samassa, editor of fat Alldeutsche Blatter; Dr. Arendt, 
 member of Reichstag, bimetallist ; Dr. Bassenge, 
 schoolmaster at Dresden; Fritz Bley, writer; Herr 
 Boie, chief Burgomaster of Potsdam. The following 
 professors : Barthelmess, Baumeister, Calmbach, Claus, 
 Dahn, Von Duhn, Erman, Felix, Feussner, Treye, 
 Grunert, Hassert, Heyck, Koch, Hieber, Kruemmel, 
 Von Liszt, Von Marck, Meltzer, Rohrschneider, 
 Viereck, Regel, Wislicenus, Waldeyer, Count du 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN LEAGUE 31 
 
 Moulin- Eckart, and Professor Hasse, leader of the 
 movement. Liebermann von Sonnenberg, member 
 of the Reichstag ; Dr. Liman, author of a work 
 on Bismarck and journalist; Herr Lucas, director 
 of the German East African Company ; Baron von 
 Seherr - Thoss ; Herr Schauwienold, pastor ; Herr 
 Strauss, publisher, Berlin ; Dr. Tille, author of 
 ' England's Hobbledihoydom,' well-known economist ; 
 Herr Zeiss, celebrated optical instrument maker, and 
 many others. But the few mentioned will suffice to 
 show that all kinds and classes of persons belong 
 officially to the League, for which the professors evince 
 a special weakness. 
 
 At the end of 1903 there were no less than forty-one 
 members of the Reichstag who were also members of 
 the Pan-German League. The following are the 
 names and positions of the most prominent only : 
 
 (i) Dr. Arendt, writer and bimetallist ; (2) Count 
 von Arnim, large landed proprietor ; (3) Bassermann, 
 lawyer, leader of the National Liberal Party (lost his 
 seat in the last elections) ; (4) Count zu Dohnah 
 Schlodien ; (5) Dr. Hahn, director of the Agrarian 
 League (lost his seat in the last elections) ; (6) Baron 
 Heyl zu Herrnsheim, National Liberal ; (7) Von 
 Kardorff, Landrat and leader of the Conservative Party ; 
 
 (8) Baron von Langen, Conservative member ; 
 
 (9) Liebermann von Sonnenberg, Agrarian, Antisemite 
 (lost his seat in the last elections) ; (10) Miiller, National 
 Liberal, factory owner; (n) Count zu Stolbergh 
 Wernigerode, Vice-President of the Reichstag. 
 
 There are four special committees, which deal with 
 the Flemish and Polish movements, with South African 
 affairs, and with the so-called * German south-west 
 boundary lands,' respectively. There are branches 
 established in most large towns throughout Germany, 
 and as many as it is found possible to keep up in 
 foreign countries where Deutschtum is in distress or 
 in the ascendant. Here are some of the places abroad 
 where branches of the League exist : Antwerp, 
 
32 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Asuncion in Paraguay, Bangkock, Blumenau in 
 Brazil, Bukarest, Concepcion in Chile, in Texas, 
 Port Elizabeth in the Cape, Novo Hamburgo in 
 Brazil, Haifa in Syria, Hoboken near Antwerp, Hong- 
 Kong, Huelva in Spain, Jaffa in Palestine, Jerusalem 
 Johannesburg, Joinville in Brazil, Cape Town, Con- 
 stantinople, Constance, Lindau, Lake Constance, 
 Melbourne, Montevideo, New York, Odessa, Osorno 
 in Chile, Porto Alegre in Brazil, Reval, Riga, San 
 Francisco, Santa Leopoldina in Brazil, Serdang in 
 Sumatra, Testo-Cedros in Brazil, Ulm, Zurich, and 
 others. 
 
 The above list does not comprise the Austrian Pan- 
 German branch organizations, and merely represents 
 the branches established by the League in foreign 
 countries under the direct control of Berlin. Notice- 
 able is the number of branches in South America, 
 particularly in Brazil. In addition to these branches, 
 the League, which in some ways is organized on the 
 system, that has proved so successful, of the German 
 Social Democratic party, has a large number of so-called 
 * vertrauensmanner,' or confidential agents, who are 
 scattered all over the world, in places favourable or 
 unfavourable to Deutschtum, and whose duty it is to 
 furnish periodical confidential reports on the situation, 
 the rise and fall of Deutschtum, as the case may be, 
 and to make suggestions as to the best means to help 
 the cause where necessary. The names of these ' con- 
 fidential agents' are, of course, not made public, and 
 naturally they are entitled to the privacy they seek. 
 In this way the central committee at Berlin is informed 
 of Deutschtum all over the globe, and, like a Govern- 
 ment, issues its instructions accordingly. Such agents 
 are not infrequently German schoolmasters, pastors, or 
 men in a position to study the conditions and needs of 
 the community. One of the most important duties of 
 the League is to see that Deutschtum in foreign parts 
 is provided with the proper * intellectual and educational 
 material.' In countries, such as in parts of South 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN LEAGUE 33 
 
 America, in the Austrian Empire, where Deutschtum 
 is already established on a firm basis, this ' educational ' 
 work is of the greatest importance. * Proper ' German 
 schoolmasters with * proper ' ethnographic maps, with 
 ' proper ' history books, and fitted out with a ' proper ' 
 Germanic spirit and curriculum for the young, are care- 
 fully selected for the various posts, and sent out to 
 strengthen or reclaim Deutschtum. In this educational 
 work the pastors, too, play a conspicuous part. Men 
 like Dr. Funke and Dr. Rohrbach have done excellent 
 work in this direction, not only in contributing largely 
 to maintain and fortify Deutschtum, but also as pioneers 
 in sketching the lines of policy to be followed, in setting 
 an example of self-sacrifice, and in imparting to the 
 cause dignity and earnestness of purpose. 
 
 With the care of the young German settler in the 
 hands of a Pan-German pastor and schoolmaster, it is 
 really no matter of surprise if the little exiled settler, 
 saturated in his childhood and youth with Pan-German 
 ideas, grows into manhood a Pan- German. Oddly 
 enough, as often as not he does not, such is the 
 inherent indifference of the German to national ideas, 
 such his aversion, almost incapacity, to take an 
 interest in things political. But, on the other hand, 
 under the ruling eye of the Pan-German schoolmaster, 
 he frequently does grow up in Pan-German ways. If 
 he is bright, and his father a bit well-to-do, frequently 
 he is brought over by the League to study in 
 Germany, whence he returns on the completion of his 
 education, in marrow and bone a Pan-German. Par- 
 ticularly is this the case with the ' Saxon ' Germans in 
 Transylvania, and with the bright sons of settlers in 
 South America. In this way the German settlers 
 abroad are kept German, and the 'panache' of 
 Deutschtum is upheld. 
 
 The great instrument, language, is made the most 
 of. In collusion with the * Language,' but particularly 
 the ' School Association/ which latter mainly devotes 
 its energies to the preservation of Germanism in 
 
 3 
 
34 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Austria- Hungary, the Pan-German League carries on 
 what can only be called a fanatical agitation in favour 
 of the use of pure German words. Here, again, it has 
 unquestionably deserved the gratitude of the German 
 people. The ' Frenchified ' German of Frederick the 
 Great is rapidly disappearing under the spur of Pan- 
 German philologists. The purification of the German 
 language, arduously taken up by Bismarck, has been 
 carried on zealously by Pan-Germans with marked 
 success, and they have succeeded in convincing most 
 Germans of the propriety of saying ' Alldeutsch ' 
 instead of ' Pan-Germane,' as Voltaire's illustrious 
 patron, in his French manner, would probably have 
 said. In the Alldeutsche Blatter a space is reserved 
 for showing up advertisements of an un-German char- 
 acter. Unquestionably, Pan-Germans are doing yeoman 
 service in covering with ridicule the * preciosity ' of the 
 German who delights in using a foreign word on 
 every conceivable occasion, and talks of ' patriotismus ' 
 (patriotism) when he has the beautiful word * vater- 
 landsliebe.' And here, perhaps, the writer may be 
 permitted to make a confession namely, that were he 
 a German he would most certainly either be a Pan- 
 German or a Socialist. In a country where individual 
 freedom is unknown, an Englishman, and equally so 
 an American, could only strive for freedom in two 
 ways by associating himself with the proletariat's 
 struggle for freedom on international lines, or, con- 
 versely, by identifying himself with the extreme form 
 of Nationalism, which is the Pan-Germanic idea. 
 Were he rich, doubtless he would be a Pan-German ; 
 were he poor, doubtless a Socialist. Both Socialism 
 and Pan-Germanism are extreme movements of libera- 
 tion. The one is international, an economic move- 
 ment ; the other intensely national, a political one. 
 The victory of the one is the death of the other. But 
 both lead to freedom. They are the two great 
 problems of the future in Germany. 
 
 Before all things the League is there to agitate. 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN LEAGUE 35 
 
 This is its raison d'etre, and its foremost duty. It 
 sends professional agitators to weak districts to pro- 
 claim the mission of Deutschtum. It issues pamphlets, 
 written in turgid language, descriptive of the deeds of 
 Germans, the position in the world of Germany, her 
 ambitions and her future. It endeavours to imbue 
 Germans with a taste for maritime adventure by a 
 kind of literature (as Germans call it) in imitation of 
 Captain Marryat. It talks of 'jolly tars' in the 
 rollicking manner of Stevenson's hero in ' Treasure 
 Island,' with his ' fifteen men on the dead man's chest, 
 ho! ho! ho! and a bottle of rum.' It would like to 
 ' keel-haul ' the German Philistine, and give him a 
 liking for the brine. It has its own poets, * almost its 
 own style, of a curious dithyrambic type, in which 
 tautology, as in the press (as De Quincey said), is a 
 virtue. It publishes a list of 'suitable' books, pictures, 
 poems, etc., which the public is ardently admonished 
 to buy and study. In all these pictures, pamphlets, 
 poems, etc., Deutschtum and the feats of Germans are 
 brought out in strong relief. The poetry is a pleo- 
 nastic feat in Germanism. The books are Germanic in 
 spirit ad nauseam; the pictures represent gory German 
 victories. Such a picture was the one known as 
 ' Germans to the Front,' representing the Germans 
 being ordered to the front by Admiral Seymour during 
 the Pekin relief expedition. Copies of this picture 
 were presented by the Emperor to hundreds of officers' 
 mess-rooms and public halls. In fact, that picture and 
 Mr. Houston Stewart Chamberlain's work, ' The 
 Foundations of the Nineteenth Century' [a glorification 
 of the Germanic race, which he prophesies is destined 
 to outstrip even the Anglo-Saxon race], were given 
 away as ' gifts ' by the Emperor in thousands of 
 copies. They are, of course, absolutely harmless in 
 themselves ; the only point of interest is that both 
 point to the mission of Germans in the world. A few 
 specimens of Pan-German verse will be found in the 
 * See Appendix. 
 
 32 
 
36 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 appendix in the original. Those who read German 
 may care to look at them. They are untranslatable 
 in English. 
 
 The branches of the League hold meetings where 
 only ' pure German words ' are tolerated. The League 
 has a way of embarrassing the Government in the 
 Reichstag by bringing in interpretations on awkward 
 subjects at awkward times. Where it can it lends an 
 aiding hand. In its central organ, and in the many 
 newspapers more or less inspired by Pan-Germanism, 
 it seeks above all things to strengthen the idea of 
 nationality ; to pound into Germans what they so often 
 seem to forget namely, that they are Germans ; and 
 to make propaganda for the Pan-Germanic idea under 
 the guise of philology, ethnology, education, and 
 culture. In this, too, they have been fairly successful. 
 All the economic and political professors, who are not 
 Pan - Germans, have accepted the term * culture 
 manure,' which, according to them, it is Germany's 
 mission to spread over the earth. A cursory glance 
 through the speeches of the German Emperor reveals 
 plainly the same idea. Indeed, the Emperor has 
 spoken so frequently and eloquently on the theme of 
 nationality, on the ' cultural ' mission of Germans, that 
 no more convincing exponent of the higher ' ethics ' of 
 Pan-Germanism could possibly be found. In all his 
 speeches the true patriotic ring is heard. If the Pan- 
 German ultra- Jingo note is lacking in most of them, in 
 many of them rational Pan-Germanism is illuminated, 
 in a few of them the quintessence of the Pan-Germanic 
 doctrine is revealed. These few the League claims 
 as Pan-Germanic. The idea of * Germans to the 
 front ' is not confined to Pan- German brains. When 
 the new Prussian ' House of Lords 7 was opened at the 
 beginning of 1904, Count von Billow solemnized the 
 occasion with a Pan-German speech. ' Prussia/ he 
 said, ' first in Germany ; Germany first in the world.' 
 More than this no Pan-German demands. Tall talk 
 about Germany's mission, her position, present and 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN LEAGUE 37 
 
 future, has become so common in Germany that to 
 call it merely German would be incorrect ; it is Pan- 
 German, which is largely the product of megalomania, 
 consequent on Germany's extraordinary economic and 
 political flight. 
 
 In another sphere the League displays equal activity. 
 It has to do battle with the ' home enemy ' ; to keep 
 a watchful eye on the Poles, the French of ' Alsace- 
 Lorraine,' the Danes of Schleswig, the Socialists, and 
 other * enemies ' of the national idea. Here, again, 
 it would be difficult to differentiate between the policy 
 advocated by the League in Posen and the German- 
 izing policy of the Government in that province. The 
 Polish movement has undoubtedly increased of late 
 years, and the Government has set to work with feverish 
 haste to beat it down. The revelations of Prussian 
 methods in the schools at Wreschen, the Emperor's 
 violent anti-Polish speech at Konigsberg, and the 
 intrigues connected with this Germanizing policy, are 
 too well known to need explanation here. The royal 
 castle which it is intended to erect in Posen as part of 
 the Germanizing policy has its prototype in the German 
 ' orphanage,' established by Professor Hasse from 
 funds collected for that purpose, at ' Neu-Zedlitz/ for 
 the purpose of saving Deutschtum in Posen ; where 
 the danger to Germanism lies, among other reasons, 
 in the fascination of Polish women, who easily de- 
 nationalize their husbands and bring up their children 
 as Poles. This Pan-German scheme of Professor 
 Hasse's has been imitated by the * Gustav- Adolf ' 
 Association, and by other societies, with more or less 
 success. In this Germanizing policy Professor Hasse 
 and Count von Bulow act in complete harmony. 
 
 In Schleswig Pan -Germans are equally busy. 
 They have established ' loan ' banks to help the 
 Germans, and procured the sale of Danish farms to 
 German peasants. The Government is equally firm. 
 The so-called 'Koller' regime was no Pan-German one, 
 though it enjoyed the support of the Pan-German party. 
 
38 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 The League only demands more ' method ' ; otherwise 
 it and the Government are again in full agreement. 
 
 For years, too, Pan-Germans agitated to procure 
 the repeal of the German emigration laws, which were 
 calculated to destroy Deutschtum across the seas. By 
 these laws the German emigrant who failed to inscribe 
 his name in the Consular books during the space of ten 
 years, dating from his departure from Germany, for- 
 feited his rights of citizenship, and was no longer 
 entitled to call himself a German. As the emigrant 
 had to pay a small sum for thus notifying his desire to 
 remain a German, and this, again, entailed liability to 
 serve in itself a powerful deterrent most settlers 
 preferred to forego the distinction of belonging to a 
 nation that did nothing for them but take their money 
 and put them into a uniform, and swear allegiance to 
 the land that gave them their daily bread. Here, 
 again, Pan - Germans have agitated with marked 
 success. The emigration laws, as a result, have been 
 radically modified, though there is still a good deal to 
 be done in that respect. The notorious Von der Heydt 
 rescript, prohibiting Germans to emigrate to Brazil, 
 was unquestionably one of those strange examples of 
 German official shortsightedness which Pan-Germans 
 have done not a little to remedy. The protection 
 of Germans in foreign parts is perhaps their most 
 important task. It is undoubtedly owing to Pan- 
 Germans that the revival of Germanism in foreign 
 parts, notably in South and even North America, is due. 
 In 1895 Professor Hasse interpellated the Reichstag on 
 German interests in Central America, and asked what 
 the Government intended to do to protect them. They 
 have interpellated the Government for the same reason 
 in connection with the Germans in Palestine and 
 elsewhere, and on the Emperor's refusal to receive 
 President Kriiger. 
 
 In foreign politics Pan-Germans take a very lively 
 interest. They are practically the only body in the 
 Reichstag which endeavours seriously to exercise some 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN LEAGUE 39 
 
 measure of control on the direction of German affairs. 
 Pan-Germans, writes Hugo Grell, in his sketch of the 
 ' Alldeutscher Verband,' have a ' powerful supporter of 
 their foreign policy in the German Emperor/ Of 
 course, the German colonies occupy their attention to 
 a large extent. The League is ever fearful of British 
 intrigues and British aspirations on the German South 
 African colonies, and always raises an alarm at the first 
 sign of an English syndicate appearing in German pos- 
 sessions. The Jameson Raid furnished Pan-Germans 
 with a magnificent opportunity to bring themselves to 
 the fore, and they did not neglect it. In 1897 they 
 requested the Chancellor to offer his aid to the then 
 Boer Republics in the event of any second * predatory ' 
 attempt on the part of Great Britain. And naturally 
 President Krliger and Dr. Leyds were congratulated 
 by cable. In the Samoan question, the gravity of 
 which most people in England never quite realized for 
 Germany was very much in earnest over that matter 
 Pan-Germans again were conspicuous for the manner 
 in which they popularized the idea of a German Pro- 
 tectorate over those islands. After the treaty of 
 Shimonoseki, which led to a general policy of land- 
 grabbing, it was the Pan-Germans who exhorted the 
 Government to secure a naval basis betimes, which 
 advice the Government promptly acted upon. The 
 League has even interpellated the Government in the 
 Reichstag on the subject of distressed Germanism in 
 Austria, and deliberately asked the Government to 
 intervene in its behalf. 
 
 The activity of the League during the Boer War 
 can only be touched upon lightly. It would lead too 
 far to discuss it in detail, and might render the author 
 liable to the accusation of partiality, which it has been 
 his endeavour throughout to avoid. Besides, it is a 
 stale subject. It will suffice to say that Anglophobia 
 was largely fanned by Pan-German agitation, and that 
 the League, during those years of warfare, was guilty 
 of many sins of commission and omission with regard 
 
40 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 to England. The reception Pan-Germans hoped to 
 give President Kriiger in Berlin would most certainly 
 have exceeded that accorded to the ex- President by 
 any other people. It would almost of a certainty have 
 led to an anti-English demonstration. That the 
 President's wish to see the Emperor was frustrated by 
 the intrigues of the Pan-Germans was perhaps the best 
 way out of the dilemma. It is also highly characteristic 
 of Pan-German methods, and illustrates that singular 
 want of tact and political prescience which is the 
 despair of their sincerest supporters. Pan-German 
 manifestations in favour of the Boers are too numerous 
 to be enumerated, but in briefest outline their attitude 
 was as follows : In 1896 they requested the Chancellor 
 to offer the protection of Germany to the ' kindred 
 Boer people,' and followed that up with other manifes- 
 tations in connection with the Emperor's telegram. In 
 1897 the League issued a manifesto maintaining that, 
 as England was aiming at British Sovereignty in South 
 Africa, it was the duty of Germany to oppose Great 
 Britain. The League therefore suggested the organi- 
 zation of Deutschtum in those parts to act in collusion 
 with the Boers. In 1898 Pan-Germans petitioned the 
 Chancellor to take steps to prevent Delagoa Bay from 
 falling into the hands of England, as such was opposed 
 to Germany's interests. In 1899 the League began its 
 series of demonstrations in connection with the war. 
 The blood of the Boers, said Professor Hasse (All- 
 deutsche Blatter, No. 45), 'is German blood.' In 1900 
 the League published a manifesto expressing the 
 certainty that the Boers would sooner or later regain 
 their freedom ; and on December 12 Professor Hasse 
 attacked the Government in the Reichstag for the 
 rebuff administered to President Kriiger. All through 
 1901 the League was occupied in collecting money. 
 In 1902 a manifesto was issued in favour of the 
 captured Germans. Of minor incidents there were no 
 lack. Pan-German indignation at the seizure of 
 German mail steamers was re-echoed throughout the 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN LEAGUE 41 
 
 whole German Empire. The diplomatic notes of 
 protest in connection therewith sent by the German 
 Government to the English Foreign Office quite 
 astonished the late Lord Salisbury. But the flood- 
 gates were opened when Mr. Chamberlain made some 
 perfectly harmless reflections on the German army. 
 Pan-Germans then had a glorious time. Students 
 solemnly burnt the Colonial Minister in effigy, and 
 spittoons representing Mr. Chamberlain were profitably 
 sold in the streets of Berlin. The German ' fimetic ' 
 comic press, the press in general, positively oozed with 
 impotent Anglophobia. 
 
 A further proof of the popularity of the Pan-German 
 agitation was evidenced by the reception accorded to 
 the Boer Generals in Berlin. It was the Pan-Germans 
 who organized the festivities which, had the official 
 world not sulked, would have been of a most imposing 
 national character. As it was, the organizers bungled 
 the whole matter. The attempt to bring the ex- 
 President and the Emperor William together having 
 been rendered abortive by the intrigues of the managers 
 of the Generals' tour : who endeavoured to procure 
 the reception by evading the conditions laid down by 
 the German Government, the Generals found them- 
 selves boycotted by the entire official and military 
 world. The Pan-German attempt to cause a demon- 
 stration in front of the Royal castle by persuading the 
 Generals to deposit wreaths on the memorial statue of 
 the Emperor William I. also failed, owing to the 
 prompt action on the part of the police, who prohibited 
 the whole ceremony. The crowd assembled and 
 waited, but the Generals never left their hotel. 
 
 Of Pan-German intrigues against England in 
 collusion with Dr. Leyds let there be no mention 
 here. Violently Anglophobe as the League is it must 
 not be supposed that Pan-Germans are, therefore, 
 personally hostile to Englishmen. They are not. 
 What they feel is that Englishmen have just that spirit 
 of independence and are endowed with that flair for 
 
42 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 politics which Germans generally are lacking in. They 
 envy Great Britain her power. They wish to make 
 Germans equally self-assertive, politically speaking ; 
 and as a means to that end Anglophobia, which, though 
 Pan-German in character, is no Pan-German product, 
 is felt to be a very useful instrument. Pan-Germans 
 are quite as anti-Russian as they are Anglophobe. 
 To teach Germans that they are Germans, to lead them 
 finally to Pan-German victories, no better weapon 
 could be found than to teach them to emulate England's 
 policy, to imitate the Englishman's patriotism and 
 independence of spirit, and to hate Anglo-Saxondom. 
 In ordinary intercourse the average Englishman and 
 the Pan-German could get on very well together with 
 a little give and take, which, after all, is the secret of 
 sound friendship and reciprocal respect. There is a 
 germ of hope for the future in that reflection. 
 
 During the Spanish-American War Pan-Germans 
 carried on quite as violent a campaign against 
 Americans as they did against the English during the 
 Transvaal War, and for the same reasons ; partly to 
 educate Germans to a sense of national pride, but 
 largely, of course, because America, as England, is felt 
 to be a serious obstacle to the realization of German 
 aspirations. It was the Pan-German spirit that 
 provoked German sympathy for Spain. It was the 
 Pan-German spirit that was responsible for the well- 
 known German- American naval incidents. It is the 
 Pan-German spirit that causes German cruisers to 
 prowl about the coast-line of Venezuela. It is that 
 spirit which has given rise to such suspicion of German 
 intentions in those parts. The visit of Prince Henry 
 to the United States was eminently Pan-German in 
 conception and execution. Not that the German 
 Government seriously believes in the possibility of 
 reclaiming American Deutschtum, but it does believe 
 in the possibility of establishing a German interest, if 
 not a German party, in America, which would be 
 strong enough to act as a drag upon American 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN LEAGUE 43 
 
 Imperialism in so far as it came into clash with 
 German Imperial ambitions. Owing to the mass of 
 Pan-Germanic ' literature ' on South America, few 
 educated Germans are ignorant of the fauna, the 
 climatic and physical conditions of those parts. Few 
 have not heard of Brazil, and of Deutschtum flourish- 
 ing there. 
 
 In stirring up an anti-English and anti-American 
 feeling, Pan-Germans have indeed displayed a most 
 precocious energy. Unfortunately, they have been 
 very successful. As regards America, this hostile 
 feeling has undergone a perceptible change. The fact 
 is, America has advanced so quickly, is so prepos- 
 terously rich and strenuous, that even Pan-Germans 
 have quite failed to keep up with her progress. As a 
 consequence, the violently anti-American feeling has 
 led to a reaction. For it is always unwise needlessly 
 to beard the strong. At the beginning of the Spanish- 
 American War Germans anticipated America's defeat. 
 Her surprisingly easy victory entirely changed the 
 situation. A careful policy of petits soins took the 
 place of vulgar abuse ; which surely reached its apogee 
 when the statue of Frederick the Great was sent as a 
 present to Washington. With this policy of presents 
 and Imperial solicitude which Pan-Germans abomi- 
 nate has arisen the Pan-German idea of driving in a 
 German wedge between England and America, and 
 setting Americans and Britons by the ears. The 
 climax resulting in an anti-climax of this policy was 
 obtained when the German Ambassador endeavoured 
 to discredit Lord Pauncefote. This, on the other hand, 
 was essentially after the heart of Pan-Germans, who 
 are profoundly annoyed at the new policy adopted by 
 Germany towards America. They feel it to be 
 unworthy ; they would like more Bismarckian methods, 
 more braggadocio about Germany's doctrine and less 
 subserviency to Monroe's. Their opposition to Ger- 
 many's official American policy enjoys the sympathy of 
 a considerable portion of the German nation, which is 
 
44 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 getting tired of waiting to hear that * Fritz ' has at last 
 been set up on his pedestal at Washington. During 
 the Venezuelan 'mess/ as an English Minister charac- 
 terized it, Pan-Germans were again very busy. They 
 very much objected to co-operation with England, but 
 were delighted that German gunners had such an 
 excellent opportunity to play upon President Castro's 
 forts. Then for the first time Germans felt the 
 reverberation from across the ocean of their own out- 
 cries against America during the war with Spain. It 
 showed them that shouting about other people's affairs 
 was an expensive luxury, and not the privilege of one 
 people. It cleared the air, and Germans have become 
 better disposed towards Americans ever since. 
 
 With domestic politics the League is not concerned, 
 but in great national agitations such as those that 
 preceded the two shipbuilding programmes Pan- 
 Germans played a very prominent part. They began 
 this agitation in favour of the fleet in 1896, when, in 
 consequence of the Jameson Raid public opinion in 
 Germany was particularly receptive. A * fleet subscrip- 
 tion list ' was started. The money thus collected was 
 not accepted by the Government, but it was turned to 
 excellent account for purposes of agitation. A mass of 
 brochures were issued to prove the necessity of a naval 
 increase. Lectures were given everywhere, and in co- 
 operation with the * Colonial Society/ which also identi- 
 fied itself with the agitation, the public was thoroughly 
 enlightened on the question then agitating Germany. 
 Among other things, the League instituted a festival 
 in celebration of Admiral Brommy, who years before 
 had endeavoured to establish a German fleet. This 
 idea ' caught on.' The branches of the League began 
 to agitate too. And so, through the fleet agitation, 
 Pan-Germanic ideas received a powerful impulse. 
 From lonely German communities in South America, 
 from South Africa, from Constantinople, Jerusalem, 
 and elsewhere, came Pan-German oboles for the fleet. 
 It is a venial boast of the League's that Pan-German 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN LEAGUE 45 
 
 demonstrations in favour of the fleet were organized in 
 every single town abroad where Germans in any 
 numbers reside. Undoubtedly Pan - Germans con- 
 tributed largely to popularize the idea of a German 
 fleet, even if it was not directly owing to their energetic 
 agitation that the Reichstag, which at first was not par- 
 ticularly partial to the Bill, was finally cajoled into pass- 
 ing it. Most probably the Bill of 1900 would not even 
 then have been passed had not the seizure of German 
 mail-ships enabled the Government to come forward 
 with the cogent argument that against a sea power like 
 England Germany was reduced to utter impotency. 
 The force of that argument proved irresistible, and the 
 Emperor got his new ships. 
 
 Pan-Germans excuse this interference in domestic 
 politics on the ground that the Navy movement was 
 a national one, and therefore Pan-Germanic. Their 
 teaching has not been in vain. Nor does the German 
 Emperor present the Reichstag with a table of the 
 respective naval forces of England and Germany, 
 every year, to serve as a mural decorative design. It 
 is intended to act as a reminder that the Power to be 
 built up to is England. When the next Navy Bill is 
 placed before the Reichstag that House will be ready 
 to accept it. 
 
 Another important field for agitation is political 
 economy. Though this is by no means a Pan- 
 German subject, the League is intensely interested in 
 all economic questions, and has always got something 
 to say for or against the economic professors. Every 
 word written for or against the central European 
 Zollverein is eagerly perused. The idea is essentially 
 Pan-Germanic, and is one of the ideals the League 
 most strenuously works for. As long ago as 1841 
 Frederick List insisted on its great importance. To 
 effect its consummation, List pointed out that a policy 
 of railways and canals was imperative. * The future 
 safety and power of Germany/ he wrote in 1846, Mies 
 mainly in the material power, and national feeling of 
 
46 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 the German people.' He advised a regular shipping 
 service, subsidized by the State, the establishment of 
 consulates and agencies to conduct emigration. Pan- 
 Germans to-day agitate for the same policy. Professor 
 Hasse has written an elaborate series of articles laying 
 down the general lines of such an economic policy, in 
 which he insists upon the importance of connecting 
 the Baltic cities with the South, Bohemia with Antwerp, 
 Trieste with Hamburg, and the whole intersected with 
 a system of canals : so that when the question of a 
 European Customs Union assumes practical propor- 
 tions, the a priori conditions to its success should be 
 present. Pan-Germans have fully grasped the situa- 
 tion. In many ways what they plead for is recognised 
 by the Government as just, and in no case is this more 
 evident than in the Pan-German demand for German 
 cables, to free Germany from dependence on England. 
 This matter is regarded as very serious by Pan- 
 Germans, and, it may safely be affirmed, by the entire 
 national-thinking German press. Here, again, the 
 Government is in full agreement with the League, and 
 is doing all it can to acquire cables. The object is, of 
 course, to emancipate Germany from England. Ger- 
 many has every right to lay as many new cables as it 
 may please her to pay for. The point to be noticed is 
 that here again Pan-Germans are in the van, as in so 
 many other questions of an economic political nature. 
 
 According to ' Nauticus,' 1903, Great Britain owns 
 490 cables, amounting to 244,879 kilometres in length, 
 America coming second with 43 cables, with a total 
 length of 62,955 kilometres; Germany is but fifth, 
 after Denmark and France, with 73 cables, with a 
 total length of 14,805 kilometres. The most impor- 
 tant German cable is that from Greetsiel to New York 
 via the Azores, and a second cable is being laid. It is 
 noteworthy, as evidence of the commercial and political 
 importance attributed to the possession of cables, that 
 the bonds issued by the German Atlantic Cable 
 Company for defraying the cost of laying this second 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN LEAGUE 47 
 
 cable were subscribed for fifteen times over by the 
 German public. Three years ago Germany owned 
 not a single cable. To-day Pan- Germans can safely 
 relax their agitation. The Government, as the public, 
 is fully alive to the importance of owning cables. The 
 German press is always pointing out the necessity of 
 freeing Germany from the English press, on which it 
 is still largely dependent, and when Germany owns 
 two cables to America it is intended to turn that 
 political asset to account. By means of this cable 
 policy Pan-Germans hope to obtain direct connection 
 with the Dutch East Indian possessions, by connecting 
 them with a cable line from the terminus of the 
 Baghdad Railway, when completed, on the Persian 
 Gulf. In the ' Angewandte-Geographie ' series, issued 
 by Professor Dove, the cable question has been care- 
 fully gone into, and its importance ably demonstrated 
 by Dr. Leuschau. That Great Britain is in possession 
 of so many cable lines is a continual source of fretful- 
 ness to Germans. Naturally, Pan-Germans do every- 
 thing to stimulate so healthy a desire for more. 
 
 A few words may not be out of place on the central 
 organ of the League. This newspaper (Alldeuische 
 Blatter] has always been well edited : first under the 
 direction of the late Dr. Lehr, and after his death by 
 Professor Samassa. As a rule it contains one or two 
 articles on political questions treated from the Pan- 
 German standpoint, and generally in a rational spirit. 
 Its object is to show up German weaknesses, to 
 strengthen the national idea, to oppose everything of 
 an un-German character, and it is very severe upon 
 Englishmen and Great Britain. Occasionally it is 
 extraordinarily funny. Once, during the halcyon days 
 of Pan-German agitation during the Boer War, it 
 printed a letter received from a wrathful Englishman, 
 who recommended the League to exchange its motto, 
 * Remember, you are a German,' for the more truthful 
 one, ' Remember, you are a mischief-maker.' The 
 Alldeutsche Blatter was very proud of that letter. In 
 
48 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 every number it draws attention to German firms who 
 advertise in French or English. When the late Cecil 
 Rhodes' scholarships were offered to Germans, it 
 expressed the wish that no German would degrade 
 himself by accepting English money. There is 
 nothing quite like it in any other country. It is 
 portentously serious, didactic, and ' fussy.' That it 
 lives at all is evidence enough that it fulfils a want. 
 May all Germans have joy of its existence ! 
 
 To sum up. The Pan-German League is, strictly 
 speaking, a political sect of agitators, consisting of 
 little more than some 20,000 members, with an organ 
 which few Germans who are not members of the 
 League ever think of looking at. People laugh at it ; 
 Professor Mommsen called them 'idiots.' They are 
 likened to schoolboys. Look at the movement closely 
 above all, study it on the spot ; compare what Pan- 
 Germans do and say with what the modern German 
 says and does, and what the Government says and 
 does, and involuntarily the student asks himself, ' In 
 what, forsooth, but in proportion and outward ex- 
 pression does Pan- Germanism differ from the rational 
 Imperialism of modern Germany ?' 
 
 The League wants colonies, cables, a great fleet, 
 and more power so does the German Government. 
 The League wants to reclaim Deutschtum severed 
 from Germany in Europe and over the seas ; to re- 
 Germanize what is not German in it, to Pan-Germanize 
 what is still German so, too, in a rational sense, do 
 most Germans. The League wants to place Germany 
 in the front rank of the Powers, hopes ultimately that 
 Germany will arrogate to herself absolutely the first 
 place. So does the German Government, only, of 
 course, it does not proclaim its intentions quite so 
 overtly or so frequently. The League aims at 
 economic union with Austria- Hungary. So, too, does 
 the German Government. The League desires the for- 
 mation of a central European Customs Union to oppose 
 America and England, and as a means to improve 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN LEAGUE 49 
 
 Germany's economic position. Well ! German econo- 
 mists are always discussing the matter. At the begin- 
 ning of the year 1904 a new society, composed of 
 prominent economists, professors, capitalists, captains 
 of industry and agriculture, has been formed under the 
 Presidency of the Duke of Schleswig-Holstein to re- 
 consider the whole question, and to make practical 
 proposals. The League is intensely national. The 
 new generation of Germans is rapidly becoming so, too. 
 The League is unfortunately intensely Anglophobe. 
 That Germans collectively are amicably disposed 
 towards England it would be idle to contend. The 
 League wants to crush England. So does Vice- 
 Admiral Livonius,* who has seriously discussed the 
 possibility of throwing a couple of German army corps 
 in a night on Great Britain. If the German press 
 reflects truthfully public opinion, Germans must fully 
 share the pugnacious proclivities of German anti- 
 English publicists. A glance through the publications 
 connected with the Navy agitation will reveal the 
 feelings of those naval enthusiasts for Great Britain. 
 The attitude of hostility adopted by the press during 
 the Boer War towards everything English, which 
 continued for over two years without any ' semi- 
 official ' attempt to control or suppress it, is significant, 
 if only in view of the manner in which the entire 
 German press it can only be from inspiration, and of 
 no heavenly kind regularly writes for Russian con- 
 sumption on all occasions in which Russia, or things 
 Russian, are concerned. 
 
 Again, the League wants a policy of push and en- 
 deavour. There are signs that the Government perfectly 
 understands the meaning of those words. ' Remember, 
 you are Germans,' says the League. ' Germany first 
 in the world,' re-echoes the German Chancellor. ' All 
 Germany,' cry Pan-Germans. ' Germans to the Front/ 
 
 * Vide the article by Vice-Admiral Livonius in the Deutsche 
 Revue, February, 1902, on * The German North Sea Fleet and 
 English Sea Power.' 
 
 4 
 
50 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 has been the most popular picture of the last two years. 
 The Pan-Germanic doctrine is styled fantastic ; but 
 Mr. Houston Stewart Chamberlain's glorification of 
 the Teutonic peoples (' Die Grundlagen des XIX. 
 Jahrhunderts ') was the most popular book in Germany 
 two years ago, and met with the special approval of 
 the German Emperor. Germanize the Poles, the 
 Danes, the un-German element ! roars the League. 
 The Government is doing its best in that direction. 
 Emancipate Germany from England ! demands the 
 League. Slowly the Government is doing so. Cables 
 are being laid, ships rapidly constructed ; the German 
 commercial navy is foremost in the world ; there is 
 every sign that Count von Billow desires to dance an 
 extra turn with everyone but Britannia. 
 
 Germans must acquire land, asseverate Pan-German 
 leaders. The economic professors are not one whit 
 less * buccaneer ' in their writings. * Germany's future 
 lies on the seas,' said the Emperor. Germany wants 
 her place ' in the sun,' repeats Count von Blilow some- 
 what more modestly, as becomes the responsible 
 Chancellor of the Empire. ' All hail, Pan-Germania !' 
 ejaculate Pan-Germans. May Germans once more 
 proudly be able to say, * Civis Romanus sum/ is the 
 wish of their Emperor, whom they claim as a Pan- 
 German. ' Help me/ says the Emperor, ' perform 
 my duty towards the Germans in foreign parts/ 
 ' Ships !' cry Pan-Germans, and the Emperor gives 
 Germany a great fleet. As a complement to the Pan- 
 Germanic doctrine of the League, the 'cultural mission' 
 of Germany, as expounded by the professors, by 
 publicists, and officials, is a fitting one. 
 
 After all, what is Pan-Germanism but a national 
 ideal ? Has it not at least the same justification as 
 Monroe's doctrine ? Were Germans politically free, as 
 are Americans ; were they politically educated, as only 
 the peoples of a free country with a free press can be : 
 had they that rough-hewn spirit of independence anc? 
 love for national ideals that characterizes the British 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN LEAGUE 51 
 
 and the Americans, as no other people, Pan-Germanism 
 might well be a true people's national movement a 
 movement, not of robbery under arms, but of expansion 
 on national and economic lines. 
 
 Germans are a long way yet from that, the Pan- 
 German ideal. Before they can think of setting about 
 such a task they must free themselves from their own 
 fetters. Rapidly, under the goad of Socialism, they are 
 making for freedom. When they have a free press, an 
 enlightened public opinion, .and a responsible Govern- 
 ment, the Pan-Germanic doctrine may well become a 
 national people's creed. That it is not now so regarded 
 by Germans and by the world at large is not so much 
 due to any inherent weakness in the doctrine ; rather 
 is it the fault of the Germans themselves, who think 
 patriotically, but not yet nationally. 
 
 42 
 
CHAPTER III 
 ANCILLARY PAN-GERMAN ASSOCIATIONS 
 
 As doubtless most people believe that Pan-German 
 aims and ambitions are confined to the members of the 
 Pan-German League, a list will be given in this chapter 
 of the very numerous other societies and organizations 
 which pursue German national ends, and contribute 
 more or less wittingly to strengthen the Pan-Germanic 
 idea. As, again, it will probably be doubted whether 
 these numerous associations are really Pan-German in 
 character, it may be as well to meet any such objection 
 in advance by stating that the list of the associations 
 here enumerated is taken from the so-called * Pan- 
 German Tract ' issued annually by the League, which 
 classifies them all as ' German associations in support 
 of the national idea,' which, as it has been shown, is 
 the next thing to Pan-Germanism. Many of these 
 associations pursue practically identical aims, while 
 some of them are merely ramifications, and others off- 
 shoots, of the Central Association. But they one and 
 all are active supporters of the League, as the League 
 is of them. And as the League claims them as 
 ancillary, they will be given here as such. 
 
 There are some fifty in all. The following is the list: 
 
 1 . Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, or Colonial Society, 
 under the presidency of Duke Johann Albrecht zu 
 Mecklenburg. 
 
 2. The Central Association for Commercial Geo- 
 graphy, and for furthering German interests abroad. 
 
 5 2 
 
ANCILLARY PAN-GERMAN ASSOCIATIONS 53 
 
 3. The General School Association for the preserva- 
 tion of Deutschtum abroad. 
 
 4. The General German Language Association. 
 
 5. The German Navy League. 
 
 6. The Central Association for the union of Navy 
 Leagues abroad. 
 
 7. The East ' Mark ' Association (for Germanizing 
 the Poles). 
 
 8. The Pan-German Language Association. 
 
 9. The German League. 
 
 10. The Young German League (formerly called 
 the Wartburg). 
 
 11. The League of National German Associations. 
 
 12. The German People's League. 
 
 13. The National German League of Apprentices. 
 
 14. The Educational Association. 
 
 15. The German Health Association. 
 
 1 6. The Central Committee for the purpose of pro- 
 moting German national games (gymnastics and 'kegel,' 
 or ninepins, are the only games that can be called 
 national). 
 
 17. The Association for the dissemination of popular 
 literature. 
 
 1 8. The German Association for North Schleswig. 
 
 19. The Loan and Trust Banking Society of 
 Scherrebek, in Schleswig. 
 
 20. The German Settlers' Association in Schleswig. 
 
 21. The Protestant Association for the care of 
 orphans in Posen. 
 
 22. The German Protestant Association in Kobissau. 
 
 23. The Protestant Orphans' Home of Bethlehem, 
 in West Prussia. 
 
 24. The German Settlers' Association in West 
 Prussia. 
 
 25. The German (Hilfskasse) in East Prussia (Loan 
 Bank). 
 
 26. The German Association for the preservation of 
 the German language in Belgium. 
 
 27. The German School Association of Vienna. 
 
54 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 28. The German League in Bohemia. 
 
 29. The German Bohemian Forest League. 
 
 30. The Germania Association in Trebaitz. 
 
 31. The German People's Bank in Bohemia. 
 
 32. The North 'Mark' Association. 
 
 33. The German League in North Moravia. 
 
 34. The German League in South Moravia. 
 
 35. The South ' Mark' Association. 
 
 36. The South ' Mark ' People's Savings Bank in 
 Graz. 
 
 37. The ' Ulrich ' Miners' League. 
 
 38. The Germanic League in Vienna. 
 
 39. The German National Association in Austria. 
 
 40. The East ' Mark ' Self-help Association. 
 
 41. The German People's Union in South Tyrol. 
 
 42. The Protestant Central Association for German 
 emigrants. 
 
 43. The German Brazilian Emigrants' Association. 
 
 44. The German Colonial School Association. 
 
 45. The Catholic St. Raphael Association. 
 
 46. The Colonial Economic League. 
 
 47. The Central Association of Germans in North 
 America. 
 
 48. The Union of German Associations in Chicago. 
 
 49. The Society for discussing the Central European 
 Customs Union under the presidency of the Duke of 
 Schleswig- H olstein. 
 
 50. The Pan-German League. 
 
 All these associations are Pan-Germanic in kind, 
 and all are actively engaged in strengthening Deutsch- 
 tum by various means and ways. The most important 
 is ' The General School Association for the preserva- 
 tion of Deutschtum abroad,' which arose in this 
 way : 
 
 When in the year 1867 the ' Ausgleich ' or agreement 
 between Austria and Hungary took place, it was 
 anticipated that in Transleithania the Magyars, in 
 Cisleithania the Germans, would be the paramount 
 power. But in the year 1880 language ordinances 
 
ANCILLARY PAN-GERMAN ASSOCIATIONS 55 
 
 were promulgated considerably modifying the use of 
 the German language in Austria, and the Germans 
 began to grow alarmed at the situation. In Hungary 
 the Magyars endeavoured to suppress the German 
 schools, and the Austrian Germans, in retaliation, 
 founded the ' German School League ' in Vienna, 
 which Germans actively supported. In 1881 the 
 German School League in Berlin issued a flaming 
 manifesto in support of Deutschtum in Austria. It 
 described in eloquent language the struggle for 
 Deutschtum carried on by the 2,000,000 Germans in 
 Transleithania, who, in consequence of the systematic 
 manner in which the Magyars had set to work to 
 Magyarize these German settlers, were rapidly losing 
 their language. * It is, therefore, a German duty to 
 help the Germans in Hungary and Transylvania, to 
 assist them in their efforts to maintain German culture ; 
 above all, it is the duty of the 40,000,000 Germans 
 who in Germany enjoy all the blessings of German 
 culture to come to the rescue. . . . May, therefore, 
 the German School Association be able successfully to 
 intercede for Deutschtum wherever modern methods 
 of barbarism dare to trample upon German educa- 
 tion.' 
 
 The wording of this manifesto, it need hardly be 
 pointed out, is eminently Pan-German, and when the 
 Magyars refused to allow the Viennese branch to 
 intervene in Hungary, the Berlin Association set to 
 work in its place. More recently the Hungarians 
 have begun to abolish the German schools everywhere, 
 so that the School Association is obliged to support 
 Deutschtum by subsidizing private German schools. 
 The School Association, which comprises some 34,000 
 members with 281 branches, is modelled on the same 
 lines as the French society ' L' Alliance Frangaise,' for 
 the preservation of the French language. It repudiates 
 all political aims, and ostensibly works solely in the 
 interests of German culture. But as the preservation 
 of Deutschtum in foreign countries, is a purely Pan- 
 
56 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Germanic idea, and implies interference in the internal 
 affairs of these countries, it is mere sophistry for the 
 School Association to fly the white flag and contend, 
 as it always does, that it has no sympathy with Pan- 
 German ideals. The organ of the association, Das 
 Deutschtum im Auslande, is replete with Pan-German- 
 ism, while Pan-German writers are frequent contri- 
 butors. Indeed, there would be no intelligible object 
 in thus working for Deutschtum abroad were it not 
 held to be a German asset of a more or less political 
 nature in the future. A few examples taken at random 
 from the Association's paper and pamphlets will show 
 how things are treated generally, and how Deutschtum 
 is regarded. When the Germans in Rio Grande do 
 Sul (in South Brazil), many of whom are no longer 
 German subjects, were subjected to considerable 
 chicanery by the State Government, which threatened 
 to impose a heavy ground-tax on settlers' land, the 
 School Association (which is only interested in the 
 preservation of the German language) demanded quite 
 as fiercely as the Pan-Germans did that German 
 diplomacy should intervene on behalf of these German 
 interests.* Now, that is surely not a matter for a 
 School Association. When it is taken into considera- 
 tion that these Germans are no longer Germans, it will 
 have to be admitted that such tender care for de- 
 nationalized German settlers is curiously akin to Pan- 
 Germanism. 
 
 Another favourite method of exploiting Deutschtum 
 is when some German cruiser or ship of war puts in at 
 a port where Germans may happen to reside. The 
 German children are then given a lesson in Germanism. 
 Here is an account of such a lesson as given by Das 
 Deutschtum im Atislande, December, 1902 : S.M.S 
 Stein had put in at Barcelona, and the commander of 
 the vessel paid a visit to the German school, and 
 invited the children on board his ship. It was a great 
 occasion. The children were regaled with cakes and 
 * Das Deutschtum im Auslande^ March, 1903. 
 
ANCILLARY PAN-GERMAN ASSOCIATIONS 57 
 
 coffee, and after inspecting the ship sang lustily, 
 ' Deutschland, Deutschland liber alles,' which is very 
 natural and perfectly harmless. The lesson, however, 
 comes at the end. On the way back one of the 
 children presumably bloated with cake and somewhat 
 tired broke out into Spanish, with which language 
 he was more familiar, whereupon the other children 
 gravely but firmly informed him that from that day 
 on ' only German was to be spoken.' That a newspaper 
 printed for adults should write in that strain may 
 surprise many people. Assuredly, there is something 
 ludicrous as well as pathetic in the lesson administered 
 to German children abroad by S.M.S. Stein. In this 
 way Deutschtum is maintained while propaganda is 
 made at home in its support. 
 
 In his * History of the School Association/ Dr. 
 Vormeng says that ' it is due to the German settle- 
 ments in Brazil that Germans have wrested the trade 
 there from the English, and so benefited Germany.' In 
 the future Germany will be ranged at the side of 
 England, America, and Russia, if she only knows how 
 to preserve her Deutschtum in foreign parts. To effect 
 this, good schools must be kept up, good teachers sent 
 out, good books provided, and everything done to 
 stimulate the use of the German language. In 1902 
 Count von Blilow clearly intimated his approval of the 
 association's activity in a statement embodied in a 
 written answer to an inquiry made by the association. 
 ' I have always followed with great sympathy all efforts 
 to preserve the German schools abroad,' he wrote, and 
 1 1 recognise that much has been accomplished by self- 
 sacrificing patriotism.' In 1899 the State subsidy for 
 maintaining the German schools was raised by Count 
 von Blilow from 150,000 to 300,000 marks, and in 
 1903, owing to the agitation of the Pan-German 
 League, to 400,000 marks. At the same time the 
 Chancellor gave a discreet promise that an ' Imperial 
 School Office ' would in time be established to safe- 
 guard these German interests. But more recently the 
 
58 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Chancellor has shown less appreciation of the associa- 
 tion's efforts, and publically identified it with the Pan- 
 German movement. It may be mentioned that the 
 German State subsidy is much less than that given 
 either by France or Russia for the same object. 
 
 In Dr. Kapff s brochure on * The German Schools,' 
 he distinctly says that the Germans in South Brazil had 
 better become Brazilian citizens, as that is the quickest 
 and surest way to ' obtain political power.' The danger 
 to Deutschtum in South America, he urges, comes from 
 North America. It is not only a question of com- 
 mercial interests. Will, he asks, all this Deutschtum in 
 South America become lost to Germany when it shall 
 please America to set about the task of Americanizing 
 that continent ? Already, he urges, Americans have 
 begun to agitate in that direction. Is Germany to 
 stand idly by ? The German element abroad should 
 become the cultural ally of Germany. The Germans 
 in the Union will never allow the most promising lands 
 in the world to fall a prey to ' Celtic atavism ' (sic). 
 Germany must proclaim urbi et orbi that she is deter- 
 mined to maintain her rights in South America. In 
 the annual meeting of the association in June, 1903, 
 Professor Brandl read a report on the League's activity. 
 He said that the association had received 131,148 
 marks that year, and had sent 95,530 marks away in 
 support of the schools. As in former years, the efforts 
 of the association had been mainly concentrated upon 
 the support of Deutschtum in Austria- Hungary. 
 
 With its motto, * Who has the schools rules in the 
 future,' the association is doing excellent work in many 
 parts of the world, keeping German children German, 
 and imbuing them with national ideas. It works with 
 the Colonial Society, and is entirely Pan-Germanic in 
 idea. Its motto proves what importance it attaches to 
 maintaining the German language ; its writers never 
 tire of drawing imaginary pictures of consolidated 
 Deutschtum. The fight it is engaged upon is fought 
 on foreign soil. At Johannesburg, in Australia, in 
 
ANCILLARY PAN-GERMAN ASSOCIATIONS 59 
 
 South America, in North America, in every part of 
 the world where Germans reside, the association is 
 actively at work. It rejoices to hear of any German 
 success. It has no politics, but in every other sense it 
 is a Pan-German movement, and is heartily supported 
 and advertised by the League. 
 
 Turning to the associations for maintaining and 
 spreading Deutschtum across the seas, the ' Central 
 Association for Commercial Geography, etc,,' also 
 plays a prominent part. Its aim is to further Deutsch- 
 tum by establishing close connections between German 
 settlements and the mother country, by paving the way 
 for commerce, and by educating the German public to 
 a proper appreciation of the value of foreign posses- 
 sions. South Brazil is of all other lands the one on 
 which the most buoyant hopes of the society are set. 
 Its organ, Export, carefully writes up anything and 
 everything connected with Deutschtum abroad, points 
 out its weaknesses, where present, and supports 
 German interests generally. Though an economic 
 print in theory, it frequently indulges in Anglophobe 
 utterances, and always writes in the Pan-German 
 spirit. This society, too, has numerous ramifications 
 throughout Germany. 
 
 The ' German Colonial Association ' was, of course, 
 founded in the days of the Colonial movement. Its 
 first president was Prince Hohenlohe-Langenburg. 
 Its primary object was to popularize the idea of 
 colonies, and for this purpose maps, charts, brochures, 
 and diagrams were issued broadcast, while lectures with 
 magic lanterns" 5 ' were given in many towns throughout 
 the Empire. In one year 122 such lectures were given 
 in Germany. It soon was able to exercise an influence 
 upon politics, and rapidly acquired the sympathy of the 
 public. It demanded State subsidies for German mail 
 boats, which the Government granted. It demanded 
 a Colonial Office, which the Government likewise 
 
 * The Navy League provides cinematographic representations for 
 purposes of agitation. 
 
60 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 granted. In 1891 the society passed a resolution 
 advocating a forward policy of German interests to 
 Lake Chad. It also took up the question of emigra- 
 tion, and displayed considerable interest in the German 
 settlements in South America. As its name implies, it 
 endeavours to stimulate everything connected with 
 Colonial enterprise and Deutschtum generally. 
 
 There are two powerful associations which support 
 Deutschtum from the religious side. These are the 
 Gustav-Adolf Association, which supports Protestant 
 Deutschtum in foreign lands, and has done excellent 
 service ; and its counterpart, the St. Raphael Associa- 
 tion, which is Catholic, and has accomplished magnifi- 
 cent work in support of Germanism and the Catholic 
 religion. These two associations have done a great 
 deal to hold extraneous Deutschtum together. 
 
 Of the anti-Semitic associations and other local 
 societies to combat the Danes, the Poles, the ' internal 
 enemy,' the German- Austrian leagues and ramifications, 
 it is not necessary to speak in detail. They one and 
 all agitate in the interests of Deutschtum, and are all 
 more or less saturated with Pan-German ideas. A 
 glance at the list of Pan-German ancillary associations 
 given at the head of this chapter will give a pretty good 
 idea of the various influences making for Pan-German 
 ideals. Nor is it a hyperbole to maintain that these 
 associations could all quite well be merged into one 
 central Pan-German association without detriment to 
 their respective spheres of activity, without even 
 necessitating much alteration in their respective pro- 
 grammes, without horrifying any of their respective 
 members, and probably greatly to the advantage of 
 their several and joint efforts, and of their prestige 
 and influence upon ' the General.' The Navy League 
 is a natural complement to the Colonial Society, which, 
 in turn, is naturally associated with the * language, 
 school and economic ' societies for preserving Deutsch- 
 tum. The Pan-German League is the father of them 
 all. It watches over and stimulates, advises and 
 
ANCILLARY PAN-GERMAN ASSOCIATIONS 61 
 
 advertises them. Their respective prints (they can 
 hardly be called newspapers) carry the Pan-German 
 word everywhere. If Professor Hasse does not control 
 them, his spirit most certainly inspires them. The 
 aim of them all is to preserve, strengthen, and extend 
 Deutschtum in Europe and across the seas. More 
 than that the rational members of the League have 
 never aspired to. 
 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 
 
 * I ASSURE you,' Bismarck once remarked to the corre- 
 spondent of the Daily Telegraph, ' if Upper or Lower 
 Austria were offered me to-morrow, I would refuse 
 the offer. They are too far off. If Vienna were in 
 Prague the case would be different. I should not 
 then say no.' Now, of the great Chancellor it may 
 truly be said that he had *de 1'avenir dans 1'esprit.' 
 And the above citation, antagonistic as it may seem to 
 Pan-German aims, which comprise all Austria, more 
 or less gives the clue to the Austrian Pan-German 
 question as it exists to-day, which is being fought out 
 with the Czechs in Bohemia. Most people have heard 
 of the Pan-German battles in the Reichsrat at Vienna, 
 of the Austrian Pan-German leaders Wolf and Schoe- 
 nerer, of the ' Los von Rom ' movement, of Austria's 
 ' ethnic trouble,' and of the avowed aims of the 
 Austrian Pan-German party to effect a Lutheran 
 Reformation in the Austrian Empire, which is then to 
 be handed over en bloc to the Hohenzollern dynasty. 
 If Taafe's receipt for ruling Austria well, which con- 
 sisted in keeping everybody permanently discontented, 
 is a criterion for that nation's well-being, decidedly 
 Austrians must be in an enviable state of bliss. Nor 
 have Pan-Germans there reason to complain either of 
 a want of hearing or of a want of freedom to carry on 
 their propaganda. They say and do what they please. 
 And, whereas in Germany Pan-Germanism is ' plus 
 
 62 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 63 
 
 roi que le roi lui-meme,' in Austria it is anti-dynastic, 
 anarchic, and anti - national. Its foremost aim in 
 Austria is to Prussianize the Hapsburg dominions, and 
 make them an adjunct of the German Empire. 
 
 High treason in most countries, in Austria Pan- 
 Germanism is a form of party politics, in the arena of 
 which it has come to assume almost a natural place. 
 Ethnically viewed, it may be described as an additional 
 racial problem in the imbroglio, worse than confounded, 
 of Austrian domestic politics. It has divided the 
 German element, and therefore weakened it thrown 
 into violent opposition the stanch Catholic upholders 
 of the ' House of Austria ' and the neo-Protestant 
 Reformation following, who decline to be Austrians 
 any longer, and desire to be Germans. It works, in 
 Bismarck's words, ' for the King of Prussia. 5 It makes 
 for chaos and anarchy. It conceals nothing, and 
 desires nothing better than that the Austrian question 
 should be * posed ' ; that things in Austria may come 
 to such a pass that either dissolution of the Empire 
 must follow, or its consolidation be assured by amal- 
 gamation with Germany. 
 
 In a word, Pan-Germanism rampant is only to be 
 found in its purest culture in Austria. There, and in 
 no other country, Pan-Germans form a political party, 
 and go to the polls as such. In Austria, too, Pan- 
 Germans are confronted with an opposition, racial and 
 linguistic, as formidable as their own. They are placed 
 before facts, and have to fight men, not ideas, as is 
 the case in Germany. They do not wish to expand 
 territorially, as Professor Hasse and his satellites in 
 Germany do, but to evaporate into Germany. They 
 do not so much care what England does, or America, 
 or France, as they have to wage war against Rome, 
 against the Czechs, and the Christian Socialists, who 
 are Catholic Germans. They are traditionally anti- 
 English, perhaps more so than their colleagues in 
 Germany, but that is natural enough, owing to the 
 extremist character of political life in Austria. They 
 
64 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 have little interest in China, in Brazil, in Asia Minor, 
 in South Africa, having to grapple with realities, not 
 with phantoms, as German Pan-Germans do; believing 
 that their existence as a people is at stake if the 
 Slavonic peoples in Austria cannot be suppressed and 
 German hegemony set up in their place. Their 
 political horizon is not across the seas ; it hardly 
 reaches the sea- coast. To rid the country of the 
 priesthood, raze the synagogues to the ground, ham- 
 string the Poles, the Czechs, the Hungarians, and 
 other Slavonic peoples, are questions far more actual 
 to them than the number of bottoms in the navy, the 
 Colonial deficit, or the acquisition of land for new 
 markets and emigrants. They are irredentists, not 
 Chauvinists, Guy Fawkesian plotters, eager to sub- 
 verse the State, rather than Jingo Imperialists, who 
 seek to enlarge it. They have had enough of their 
 own great Empire Tu Felix Austria ! They invoke 
 intercession, and seek to provoke it. They fight 
 deliberately for defeat. Pan-Germans that they are, 
 they are Austrian Pan-Germans. What they desire 
 is the fall of the * House of Austria ' and the German- 
 ization of the Austrian- Hungarian Empire. They 
 want to be Germans under the rule of the Hohen- 
 zollerns. 
 
 It is for this reason the treasonable nature of their 
 programme, and the remarkable methods which they 
 use to promote it that to form a just estimate of Pan- 
 Germanism in Austria is a matter of considerable 
 difficulty. The unwary are apt to overestimate its 
 power, the overwary to underestimate it. Thus, while 
 many writers seem to consider that the movement 
 must lead to the disruption of Austria, to war, and to 
 absorption by Germany, other writers disregard its 
 claims to be a serious agitation at all, and treat it as 
 symptomatic of Austrian political conditions : calculated 
 to harm rather than promote the end it has in view. 
 To regard it in this light as an ethnic trouble, of 
 interest to Austria only is certainly to undervalue its 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 65 
 
 significance in view of the existence of Pan-Germanism 
 in Germany, which actively supports it. To treat it, 
 on the other hand, as M. Cheradame has done, as a 
 European danger, would seem to err on the other side. 
 For, after all, the vast majority of German Austrians 
 are intensely loyal to their ruling Sovereign, and Berlin 
 would never venture upon a coup (Tttat, to settle the 
 question the geographical question of Austria's 
 boundaries ; which, as it would involve the disappear- 
 ance of Austria and the vast aggrandizement of the 
 German Empire, would inevitably become a European 
 interest. To what extent, forsooth, the integrity of 
 Austria is a European interest seems somewhat 
 problematical ; while there is a good deal to be said for 
 the contention that Germany, once extended to her 
 1 natural boundaries ' master of Central Europe, that 
 is, and with three large sea borders would evolve 
 from a military State, always doing sentry-go, alarmed 
 at every step taken by her neighbours, into a peaceful 
 economic centre, where the commanding Generals 
 were men of the desk. Nor is it at all clear that 
 Germany would be materially strengthened by a large 
 increase in her Catholic population, by a Czech 
 infusion, and by incurring the responsibility of repelling 
 the Slav. Union need not necessarily be brought 
 about by blood and iron. And, in the case of Austria, 
 no more fallacious notion could be held than that 
 which ascribes to Germans the intention of descending 
 upon Austria, like the Huns of old, in order to extend 
 by force to the door of the East. Economic union, on 
 the other hand, which would inevitably end in political 
 union, is not in the least a mere Pan-German dream. 
 It is the natural aspiration of Germans, and, because 
 natural, realizable and worthy of a nation's efforts. 
 The Austrian Pan-German movement, racial and 
 turbulent as it is, would vanish like a pricked air-ball 
 the moment economic union between Austria and 
 Germany were effected. It is because such a union 
 does not exist that the Pan-German party prospers. 
 
 5 
 
66 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 The German ' Pan-German League ' has defined its 
 position towards Austria succinctly. It has no objection 
 to the existence of an Austria in Europe, provided that 
 this Austria be effectively under German control. And 
 the League has distinctly said that were economic 
 union between Germany and Austria to be established 
 such a dual entente being made an integral part of 
 the constitution of both countries with a military con- 
 vention, binding the two Powers together in an absolute 
 offensive and defensive alliance,* Pan-Germanism in 
 Austria would have no further reason of being. But it 
 is precisely for this reason that the so-called struggle 
 for Deutschtum in the East Mark (i.e., Austria) 'is a 
 German affair.' To maintain, writes the Alldeutsche 
 Blatter, that Austrian Pan-Germanism is a domestic 
 affair of Austria is completely to misunderstand its 
 meaning ; it is a German concern, an ethnological 
 struggle, a national movement. The Germans in 
 Austria are fighting, not for Austria, but for all 
 Deutschtum. The central organ of the League, there- 
 fore, arrogates to itself the right to ' interest itself in 
 the struggle, to further and support it. It is a 'national 
 duty ' for Germans to help. 
 
 The chief enemy of the Pan-Germans is, of course, 
 the Slav. Austria, say Pan-Germans, and doubtless 
 justly, can never enter into a satisfactory economic union 
 with Germany until the German portion of the nation 
 has obtained complete mastery, and so rendered fusion 
 between the two German peoples a matter of course. 
 'A Slavonic Austria is the Pan-German's foe/ In a word, 
 Austrian Pan-Germanism is an outpost of Deutschtum 
 in a Slavonic centre, for the maintenance and ascen- 
 dancy of which it is doing battle. We Pan-Germans, 
 said Deputy Wolf, in a speech delivered in the 
 Reichsrat (June 5, 1901), 'desire to consolidate and 
 cement together all Germans in Central Europe.' Tfo 
 political amputation of Germany in 1866 cannot bt 
 justified, either historically, ethnically, or linguistically 
 * Alldeutsche Blatter, March 19, 1899. 
 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 67 
 
 Instead, after 1870, as was natural, of joining with 
 Germany, Austria took fright and began to lean upon 
 the Slavs, which policy terminated in the ' fatal ' 
 Badeni language ordinances. As a result the German 
 element lost power, and the Slavs proceeded to grasp 
 it. Pan-Germanism, consequently, arose arose because 
 Deutschtum was threatened, and the only way to 
 uphold it was by making for union with other German 
 peoples. For this reason Pan-Germanism, said Wolf, 
 was the enemy of Pan-Slavism, which it would fight to 
 the death in the Balkans and in the Austrian Empire. 
 The struggle they were engaged on was a ' national ' 
 one, often in opposition to that of the State, which, for 
 reasons of State, was more concerned with the pre- 
 servation of its own integrity than with that of its 
 peoples. In consequence, Austria 'must ' follow in the 
 wake of German policy as dictated from Berlin ; must 
 in Eastern questions follow Bismarck's policy, which, 
 for Austria as a component part of Germany, was ipso 
 facto the best policy, too. 
 
 Pan-Germans, however, are not merely destructive : 
 they are also constructive. And in a little pamphlet, 
 clear and readable, anonymously issued by the League 
 in 1899, Austria, like a house that children build to 
 knock down again, is pulled to pieces and entirely 
 reconstructed. This curious brochure, which bears the 
 title, 'Austria's Break-up and Reconstruction/ was seized 
 shortly after its production by the Austrian police and 
 placed upon the Index. But German Pan-Germans 
 succeeded in giving it a wide circulation, even in 
 Austria, and sold it at popular prices, with a large 
 rebate on big orders for purposes of propaganda. The 
 writer premises the fall of Austria, which one people 
 only can prevent the Germans. The Hapsburgs 
 having failed to Germanize Austria, there is only one 
 alternative to ruin to leave that task to the Hohen- 
 zollerns : ' who can do it.' The end to be worked for is 
 the political consolidation of the Central European 
 German-speaking peoples, and access to the Adriatic 
 
 52 
 
68 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 a German port on the Adriatic, as Paul de Lagarde* 
 often said, being absolutely indispensable. For that 
 reason Trieste was of vital importance to Germany. 
 The writer continues : to accomplish this Hungary 
 must acquire economic independence, Galicia must be 
 ' shed ' from the confederation, as also Bukownia and 
 Dalmatia. This geographical excision, known as the 
 
 1 Sonderstellung,' would entail the loss of over 2 million 
 Germans in Hungary (which view does not seem to 
 prevail in the year 1904), would eliminate some 
 7 million Magyars, 6 million Roumanians and 
 Ruthenians, i million Servians, over 3 million Poles, 
 and 2 million Croats. To the 3^ million non-German 
 speaking peoples in Germany 7^ million would be 
 added, of whom 5^ million alone were Czechs. That 
 would give the Germans a percentage of 84 per cent, 
 in the reconstructed German Empire, instead, as at 
 present, of 93-4 per cent. But Germans, it is thought, 
 could hold their own against the 1 1 million non- 
 Germans, whereas in Austria to-day the Slav element 
 is twice as strong as the German. The Hapsburgs, 
 blandly contends the writer, must make up their minds 
 to disappear or to push towards the East. Austria 
 cannot continue as she is ; she cannot continue even to 
 be a first-class Power. Keep up the historical names 
 by all means. The kingdom of Austria (Pan-Germans 
 prefer the name East Mark) would then consist of 
 Upper and Lower Austria, Bohemia, Silesia, with about 
 12 million inhabitants in all. The 'South Mark' woulc 
 consist of the Tyrol, Vorarlberg, Salzburg, Styria, anc 
 Carinthia, with a population of about 4 millions. Prussia 
 keeps the reins in her hands, and the whole Empire ii 
 reconstructed thus : 
 
 Prussia receives Silesia and Moravia, with som< 
 
 2 million additional Poles, whom she could then set t< 
 work to Prussianize in earnest. Over a million Czech , 
 would be included, but these Prussia ' would have t > 
 trample under.' 
 
 * * Deutsche Schriften.' 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 69 
 
 Saxony receives Bohemia, and would have to 
 Germanize nearly 4 million Czechs. 
 
 Bavaria receives Salzburg and all the Tyrol, which 
 would thus be restored to her. 
 
 The littoral, with the ports Trieste, Pola, Cattaro, 
 and Fiume, would be placed under a military governor, 
 and would form the naval bases for German naval 
 power in the Adriatic and the Mediterranean. 
 
 Upper and Lower Austria, Styria, Carinthia, and 
 Carniola would be called Austria, and would elect a 
 King from one of the German princely houses. 
 
 The Austrian navy is amalgamated in the German ; 
 the two armies are combined. Railways everywhere 
 are placed under State control. Further, the State 
 reserves to itself the right to confiscate land, which 
 prerogative it would make use of to impoverish the 
 Polish and Slav nobility if hostile to Germanism. 
 Economic union would be established progressively. 
 
 Hungary, then, finding herself out in the cold, 
 would be only too eager to enter the German Customs 
 Union. If, perchance, Russia objected to this geo- 
 graphical reconstruction of Austria, she could console 
 herself by taking Galicia and Constantinople. Ger- 
 many's future lies ' between the Adriatic and the 
 Baltic/ To fulfil her * maritime destiny, Germany 
 must first unite Deutschtum in Central Europe. 7 
 
 The above solution of the Austrian imbroglio, as 
 stated, met with a wide circulation, and was prohibited 
 in Austria. It is thoroughly in keeping with Paul de 
 Lagarde's* teaching, who maintained that the only 
 conceivable issue was for Austria to become a province 
 of Germany. What Austria, he maintained, needed 
 was a ruling race : that race was the German. A 
 burden on history, Austria needed Germany's markets 
 and labour, and Germany needed Austria for her 
 people. Austria suffered from her gregarious plebs, 
 Germany from a surfeit of princes. Shuffle them to- 
 gether ; put the German princes, who have nothing 
 * ' Deutsche Schriften. 1 
 
70 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 now to do, to rule over principalities in Austria, and 
 let Austrians come over to Germany. If all Italy 
 rose to fight the Germans, Lagarde once wrote, Trieste 
 must become a German port. And Professor Hasse 
 fully agrees with the father of Pan-Germanism. 1 1 is, says 
 Professor Hasse, the national commercial port towards 
 the East and the Suez Canal. ' It must become German. 7 
 
 Said the Berlin Gegenwart (August, 1902), one 
 feeling animates the Germanic peoples from the 
 Flemish Scheld to Hungarian Deutschtum, from 
 Trieste to the Baltic. Germany ' has therefore every 
 interest in the German struggle against the Slav in 
 Austria, which country she can never permit to become 
 Slav.' One would imagine, writes Dr. Zemmerich,* 
 that every German must be aware that the struggle 
 between German and Czech in Bohemia is not a 
 mere local trouble. Let those who so think take up 
 a map of Europe, and see how Czechish Bohemia 
 inserts itself like a wedge between Silesia and Bavaria, 
 how important traffic routes between the Oder and the 
 Elbe on the one hand, and between the Danube, the 
 Alps, and the Mediterranean on the other, pass 
 through Czech territory, and it is impossible not 
 to see that Bohemia ' must eventually belong to 
 Germany.' Every German village that is lost to 
 Deutschtum in Bohemia adds to the strength of the 
 Slav stronghold. The Germans in Bohemia ' must 
 and will fight for Deutschtum, and, if necessary, make 
 of German Bohemia a second Schleswig-Holstein.' 
 
 And Treitschke, who was no Pan-German, but a 
 very ardent political student, said some thirty years 
 ago : It is inconceivable that any c Austrian Govern- 
 ment could be so far removed from God, and so 
 destitute of common-sense, as not to see that to rule 
 Austria in an anti-German sense must lead to the 
 disruption of the Austrian Empire.' And so Pan- 
 Germans, and the majority of Germans, think to-day. 
 
 The Pan-German agitation is carried on in Austria 
 * ' Sprachgrenze und Deutschtum in Bohmen.' 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 71 
 
 in the most open and public manner conceivable in 
 the universities, on political platforms, in cafes and 
 beerhouses, in the press, in private houses ; no place 
 is safe from Pan - German propaganda. With an 
 organization as good as that of the Social Democracy, 
 the Pan-German party conducts a systematic campaign 
 in support of Deutschtum in all places where the 
 German language is threatened by Pole, or Czech, or 
 Croat, or Italian, or Hungarian, etc. The whole 
 country is reticulated with branches, honeycombed with 
 agents, apportioned out ethnographically into weak and 
 strong districts, whither reinforcements, in the shape of 
 additional agitators, pamphlets, stump-orators, are sent 
 if necessary. Meetings are held, and Pan-German 
 speakers hold forth prophetically, sometimes amid 
 scenes of the wildest enthusiasm. They possess leaders 
 of enormous energy and considerable capacity in 
 Schoenerer, Wolf, Iro, Rittal, Karl Turk, Dr. Eisen- 
 kolb, Schreiner, Schalk, Seidl, and many others. The 
 two best-known leaders are Wolf and Schoenerer. No 
 secret is made of their aims. On November 5, 1898, 
 Schoenerer propounded in Parliament the Pan-German 
 idea. The German Emperor, he said, has offered to 
 protect all who desire it. The time ' must come when 
 German Austrians will seek it.' ' Our Fatherland is 
 not Austria, but Germany/ On March 18, 1902, 
 Schoenerer organized another Pan-German scene in 
 the Reichsrat. Pan-Germans, he said, aim at a German 
 confederation with Austria such as previously existed, 
 and therefore oppose the Austrian Government. He 
 closed an interesting if treasonable speech by calling 
 out ' Hoch!' and * Long live the Hohenzollerns !' In 
 a scientific congress held at Karlsbad, July, 1902, 
 Professor Voiles, of Hamburg, said it was the duty 
 of Germans to support the Germans in Austria, and 
 the Minister of Education, Von Hartel, delivered an 
 address which would have done credit to any Pan- 
 German speaker. The Neue Freie Presse, which 
 favours the German cause, commenting thereon, said 
 
72 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 it was natural that at a congress of scientists politics 
 should be talked about. 
 
 Another form of agitation is for benevolent Germans 
 to send German Christmas-trees to Austria to remind 
 the people of their German nationality. Pictorial 
 postcards, too, play a political part. German Pan- 
 Germans go to Austria to agitate, and Austrian Pan- 
 Germans visit Germany. In 1897 a great Pan- 
 German gathering was held at Leipzig, which Wolf 
 of Vienna, Dr. Funke, and other Austrians attended. 
 A resolution was passed defining the struggle for 
 Deutschtum in Austria as a ' common German cause.' 
 But occasionally the Governments of both countries 
 take action against demonstrations of a too flagrant 
 kind. Thus, in 1897 the Austrian police seized the 
 Alldeutsche Blatter of June 27, for publishing an 
 appeal of unusual vehemence. And in the same year 
 the German police prohibited a Pan-German meeting 
 at Berlin, where Wolf and other Austrian leaders were 
 to have spoken. Later on, Professor Hasse got up in 
 the Reichstag, and coolly asked the House to accept 
 a motion expressing sympathy with the German 
 struggle against the Czechs and Poles in Austria. In 
 1898 the late Dr. Lehr went to Austria and delivered 
 a rousing address at Eger ; and at a Pan-German 
 assembly at Munich the Prince Regent of Bavaria 
 sent a telegram of thanks in return to one despatched 
 by Professor Hasse. In 1899 Wolf spoke at Mainz, 
 and a Czech who cried out, ' You are a traitor to 
 Austria!' was summarily ejected by the police. More 
 recently, however, the German Government has 
 evinced a disposition to be severe. In 1900 the 
 Saxon police refused to permit Schoenerer and Wolf 
 to continue their tour of agitation through Saxony. 
 But when the Pan-German League telegraphed con- 
 gratulations to Admiral Tirpitz in connection with the 
 Navy Bill, the Naval Minister did not hesitate to send a 
 telegraphic reply (May, 1900), in which he thanked the 
 Pan-German branch. Once the Frankfurter Zeitung 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 73 
 
 (December 21, 1899) characterized the League as a 
 ' Government body.' More recently the Austrian 
 police have displayed some irritation at the mission 
 of German Pan-German pastors, who scoured the 
 country in the initial stages of the ' Los von Rom ' 
 movement. The result was that several of these 
 German pastors were arrested and transported across 
 the border. 
 
 The Austrian Pan-German party was founded by 
 Schoenerer twenty-five years ago, when he announced 
 in the Reichsrat (December 18, 1878) that there was a 
 growing desire among German Austrians for union with 
 Germany. And in 1882 what is known as the Linz 
 programme was formulated. This programme, among 
 other things, demanded the excision from Cisleithania 
 of Galicia, Bukownia, and Dalmatia, and the inclusion 
 of Cisleithania in the German Customs Union. But, 
 repelled by Bismarck, who never coquetted with Pan- 
 Germanism, Schoenerer met with indifferent success 
 until the year 1896, when, in co-operation with Professor 
 Hasse, he sent two trusty henchman, Bley and Von 
 Pfister-Schwanghusen, on a mission to establish Pan- 
 German bases in Austria. These two gentlemen, after 
 visiting a number of towns, were very successful, and 
 Pan-German propaganda began to bear fruit. But it 
 was not until after the promulgation of the Badeni 
 language ordinances (which meant the introduction of 
 Czech into the Government offices throughout all 
 Bohemia, and laid down that no one was to occupy a 
 Government post who had not passed an examination 
 in Czech) that Schoenerer and his party began to 
 assume political importance. As the direct result of 
 the language ordinances, the German Nationalists and 
 Radicals immediately resorted to obstruction. What 
 became a national agitation spread rapidly through all 
 Austria and far into Germany. Meetings were held at 
 Eger and Aussig, where treasonable language was 
 used. The cornflower, the favourite flower of the 
 Emperor William I., and symbolic of German nation- 
 
74 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 ality, was worn conspicuously as a cockade. In the 
 * Reichsrat ' free fights took place, disturbances occurred 
 in Vienna and elsewhere, and finally Badeni, who as a 
 Pole had little experience of Western Austria, and no 
 sympathy for Deutschtum, was obliged to resign. All 
 this was grist to the Pan-German mill. It gave them 
 the afflatus needed. Two years later Pan-Germans 
 obtained another triumph in the fall of Thun, who, 
 having expostulated against the expulsion of Austrian 
 subjects from Prussia, which country he threatened 
 with reprisals, had consequently incurred the serious 
 displeasure of Berlin. Pan-German progress was 
 further evidenced at the elections of 1901, which 
 resulted in an increase in the extreme German Nation- 
 alist parties. In consequence, the Schoenerer group, 
 who have become divided owing to personal differences 
 between the party leaders, Schoenerer and Wolf, and 
 to the behaviour of the latter, now number twenty-one 
 seats in the Reichsrat, and were able for the first time 
 to procure the election of one of their party in the 
 Austrian delegations, while the Socialists lost seats : 
 thus showing that even among the working classes the 
 German national agitation is gaining ground. In other 
 words, the German struggle against the Slavs for 
 supremacy on national grounds is growing more intense, 
 which, of course, all accrues to the good of the Pan- 
 German idea. 
 
 With what audacity the Pan-German party goes to 
 work is best illustrated by the ' Los von Rom ' move- 
 ment, which in some ways is very interesting. Ex- 
 trinsically a religious movement, an attempt to effect 
 a reformation in Austria, intrinsically it is a political 
 cry with the object of ' freeing Austria ' from Austria. 
 Its religious character is but the means to the end, 
 and saves its promoters from State interference. 
 Schoenerer, again, was the founder of it. ' Let us 
 break,' he exclaimed at the beginning of the year 1898, 
 ' the chains which tie us to a Church hostile to Ger- 
 manism ' ; and proceeded to organize an anti-Catholic 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 75 
 
 campaign, which at first nobody attached the least im- 
 portance to. In January, 1899, before an assembly of 
 some 800 people, Schoenerer declared his readiness 
 to secede from the Church of Rome, and prophesied that 
 within a short time over 10,000 defections from Rome 
 would follow. As Protestantism in Austria is almost 
 unknown, one of their difficulties was to procure 
 adequate Protestant pastors, the clergy in Austria 
 being, of course, Catholic. But this difficulty was met 
 by the willingness with which German pastors came to 
 the rescue. Meetings of a politico-religious character 
 were held in the open air, particularly in Bohemia, and 
 several German pastors from across the frontier made 
 themselves so conspicuous for their proselytizing zeal 
 that some of them were arrested. But before 
 Schoenerer's campaign in 1897 a number of Austrian 
 students had held a demonstration in the Aula of 
 Vienna University on behalf of Protestantism, when 
 the chief speaker, a student, declared ' they must break 
 with Rome,' whereat the Catholic students created a 
 disturbance, and shouted ' Pereat !' So that the cry 
 ' Emancipation from Rome ' is not wholly a Pan- 
 German invention. This is what the jovial Catholic 
 anti-Semitic Burgomaster of Vienna, Dr. Lueger, said 
 about the movement, October, 1901. To talk as Pan- 
 Germans did of a Catholic clerical danger, he urged, was 
 humbug. Those who do so under the guise of the 
 1 Los von Rom ' agitation ' are committing high 
 treason.' Personally, he was an Austrian, and would 
 fight the traitors to his country to the last. The ' Los 
 von Rom ' movement was engineered solely to create 
 chaos in Austria in order that Germany might be the 
 better able to * digest such a morsel.' In no other 
 State in the world, he declared, would such a move- 
 ment be tolerated. It was notorious that millions of 
 marks were sent into Austria to support the movement, 
 while innumerable German pastors scoured Austria to 
 foment and direct the agitation. The whole business 
 was nothing else than * organized high treason against 
 
76 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 the country.' The Pan-German leaders, he continued, 
 boasted of their influence on the ministers, who were 
 evidently afraid of them. The Christian Socialists 
 (Lueger's Catholic German party) must fight them as 
 enemies to the State. 
 
 From time to time German pastors publish reports 
 of the movement and of the number of conversions, 
 which have fallen far below Schoenerer's expectations. 
 The Magdeburger Zeitung (September, 1901) stated 
 that in 1898 454 Austrian ecclesiastical districts were 
 subsidized by the German ' Odin ' Association, which 
 had contributed 374,492 marks. In all, those districts 
 had received 8,357,000 marks from Germany, or over 
 ,400,000. It was stated by the Protestant League 
 in Brandenburg at the same time that fifty-one German 
 pastors were actively employed in Austria, which 
 significant fact caused the Catholic Koelnische Volks- 
 zeitung to say that without German clerical support 
 probably the whole movement would have collapsed. 
 Naturally, that journal drew the obvious comparison 
 between Germany, who would not tolerate the Jesuits, 
 and Austria, who remained impassive while fifty-one 
 German clergymen carried on an active agitation of a 
 pronounced political nature. The trial of the German 
 pastor, Everling, at Graz in 1899 showed conclusively 
 the political nature of the movement, and that it was 
 supported from Germany. In 1901 (September 4) 
 the Catholic Berlin newspaper Germania raised a 
 vehement protest against the action of the Ministry of 
 the Grand Duchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, which had 
 sanctioned a public collection in the Duchy in aid of 
 the movement. This Catholic journal referred to the 
 words of the Austrian- Hungarian heir to the throne, 
 the Archduke Franz Ferdinand : who (April 1 7), in the 
 same year, had said that the ' Los von Rom ' movement, 
 ' as it was not only anti-Catholic, but also anti-national, 
 could not be too sharply suppressed.' That a German 
 Grand Duchy should openly countenance the support 
 of such a movement, was, in the opinion of that Catholic 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 77 
 
 organ, highly impolitic. So long, said Dr. Eisenkolb 
 once, enraged at the slow progress of the movement, 
 as Austrians remain Catholics, union with Germany is 
 impossible. The movement must be accelerated. The 
 article of the Catholic central organ caused the 
 Koelnische Zeitung to state that if the Mecklenburg 
 Ministry persisted in thus furthering a movement 
 which the Austrian Government viewed with dis- 
 pleasure, it might lead to serious unpleasantness 
 between Austria and Germany. Especially was it 
 injudicious in the case of Mecklenburg, which, with 
 Saxony, enjoyed the distinction of being the only 
 German State where Catholics had good reason to 
 complain of their treatment. A little later the Germania 
 (September 29, 1901), reproducing data published by 
 the Deutsche Tageszeitung, again complained of German 
 support. It showed conclusively how the 4 Protestant 
 League ' had improvised collections ; how Dr. Meyer 
 of Zwickau and Dr. Dibelius of Dresden brought 
 money to Austria, the former some ^500 ; how the 
 Odin Association at Muenchen endeavoured to 
 smuggle 3 million prohibited pamphlets into Austria ; 
 how the Protestant German Gustav Adolph Association 
 had contrived to raise over ^50,000, and all for the 
 purpose of ' catching souls ' ; how the Pan-German 
 deputy Wolf had made quite a good business out of 
 the contributions ; how German newspapers in Bohemia 
 were only kept going by German money ; how Pan- 
 German agitators generally were supported. 
 
 At the fifty-fifth congress of the Protestant Gustav - 
 Adolf Association (held September 25, 1902, in Kassel), 
 which association for the maintenance of German 
 Protestantism devotes itself with special zest to the 
 proselytizing cause in Austria, various speakers read 
 reports of the number of conversions to Protestant- 
 ism in and out of Austria. Since its formation, it 
 was stated, this association had expended 39,590,417 
 marks, of which 11,800,000 had been sent to Austria. 
 In all, some 5,060 German ecclesiastical districts were 
 
78 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 annually supported in various parts of the globe by 
 this institution. 
 
 After the Gustav-Adolf Association, the most 
 important German institution supporting the ' Los von 
 Rom ' agitation is the ' Evangelische ' or Protestant 
 League, which was founded in 1886 with the object of 
 supporting German Protestantism wherever the same 
 was endangered. This League supplements the 
 Gustav-Adolf Association, and naturally the * Los von 
 Rom ' movement enjoys its liveliest sympathy. It 
 was in collusion with this League that the promoters 
 of the anti-Catholic movement in Austria organized 
 their initial campaign. Its duty, writes Rudolf Urba,* 
 is ' to finance the proselytizing press and the political 
 agitators, to keep Austria supplied with German pastors, 
 and to direct the campaign.' This it certainly does 
 effectively. Indeed, there can be little doubt that were 
 it not for German aid the whole anti- Catholic move- 
 ment would ere now have collapsed, and it is certain 
 that the Austrian Pan-German press could never exist 
 without subsidiary pecuniary support. In Bohemia 
 alone some ,3,000 yearly are sent in support of 
 the press. The tracts necessary to the campaign 
 are * made in Germany/ while the Protestant clerical 
 campaign lies wholly under the direction of the German 
 Protestant League. At Munich the politico-religious 
 ' Odin ' Association, which is Pan-German in spirit, 
 devotes itself to the cause of Protestantism in Austria 
 with zealous enthusiasm. Its organ Odin, which is a 
 sort of Pan- German War Cry, occasionally says such 
 violent and treasonable things that its circulation in 
 Austria is prohibited. But things, as life, are taken 
 easy in Austria, and Odin boasts that it can always 
 find the ways and means, not only to enter, but also to 
 circulate through Austria. This association, too, is 
 actively engaged in the fabrication and dissemination 
 of Pan-German postcards as a means of propaganda. 
 The Hapsburg crest is depicted lying crushed in the 
 * * Oesterreich's Bedranger.' 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 79 
 
 claws of the Prussian eagle. Many devices are 
 employed which need not here be enumerated. 
 
 It is interesting to note the difference in method 
 between Berlin and Vienna in dealing with movements 
 conducted by foreigners, such as the Pan-German 
 religious agitation in Austria. Though it is true that 
 Slavophil Ministers, such as Count Thun, did endeav- 
 our to check German clerical enterprise, and keep the 
 agitation, at any rate, confined to Austrian Pan- 
 Germans, on the whole the Austrian Government has 
 displayed remarkable laxity in dealing with its abettors 
 across the boundary. In point of fact, it has taken 
 practically no steps whatever at Berlin. Had repre- 
 sentations been made, the German Government could 
 scarcely have refused to acquiesce in any demand 
 seriously formulated by Austria : who, if she really 
 objected to German support of the movement, has the 
 legitimate right to demand its suppression from the 
 friendly and allied Government of Berlin. Neverthe- 
 less, while it is no secret at all that Austrian Pan- 
 Germanism is engineered and financed from Germany, 
 the Austrian Government seems resigned to a policy 
 of laissez faire. Compare this with the recent ' ser- 
 vices ' rendered by the Prussian Government to Russia 
 in allowing the Russian, and authorizing the Prussian, 
 police to track down Russian subjects in Germany ; 
 open their correspondence, molest, arrest, and trans- 
 port these unfortunates over the frontier. All through 
 the year 1903 the doings of Russian police spies in 
 Germany occupied the serious attention of liberal- 
 minded Germans. And at last the Socialist organ 
 Vorwaerts began to expose these methods of darkness 
 in detail, showing that for no other reason than that of 
 being a ' suspect,' a Russian subject was liable to as 
 much chicanery from the part of the police in Germany 
 as in the dark land of ' all the Russias.' And yet 
 these mostly harmless Russians are not plotting to 
 hand Russia over to Germany, as Pan-Germans are 
 plotting to hand Austria over to Germany. What, it 
 
8o THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 may be questioned, would Prussia say to Austria were 
 the situation reversed, and an inquisitorial cry to go 
 up from Vienna, ' Los von Luther ' ? Methinks the 
 Vienna Foreign Office would be severely talked to. 
 
 As it is, the attitude of the Austrian Government 
 seems rather to let things be than to attempt to better 
 them by interference. That a danger to Catholicism 
 exists is declared by Austrian responsible ministers to 
 be a ' nightmare,' while the matter is not serious 
 enough to run the risk of offending Germany by 
 adopting an anti-German attitude ; which would lead 
 inevitably to the Slavification of Austria and to its 
 disruption, and is therefore as impolitic as it is 
 unnecessary. Indeed, in one sense the German 
 national movement is a convenient counterpoise to the 
 Pan-Slavonic agitation, and enables the Government 
 to coquet with both parties. But that the Austrian 
 Government is alarmed, or even particularly concerned, 
 at the movement, which has several times caused the 
 authorities serious embarrassment, cannot truthfully be 
 maintained. On several occasions the Government 
 has been challenged to show its hand, but has invari- 
 ably adopted a conciliatory attitude. Thus, in 1901 
 the Minister- President, Dr. Koerber, in a speech in 
 the Reichsrat, June 4, refused to suppress the agitation 
 by police measures, as the Catholics had demanded. 
 Catholicism, he said, was not imperilled in the least. 
 The best way was to let the movement burn itself out. 
 At the same time, he disclaimed all sympathy with its 
 political and anti-Austrian character. Austria could 
 not possibly favour one people to the detriment of the 
 others. This speech created considerable sensation at 
 the time, being generally interpreted as a direct mani- 
 festation against the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, 
 who had ostentatiously placed himself at the head of 
 the Catholic School Association, and spoken strongly 
 against ' Los von Rom.' The contrast between the 
 Archduke, who said the movement ' could not be too 
 strongly opposed,' and the Minister, who declined to 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 81 
 
 sanction coercive measures, was obvious, and led to a 
 good deal of talk about the ' favouritism ' of the 
 Government. So much so that in 1902, in the Austrian 
 delegations, the Czech leader, Dr. Kramar, directly 
 impeached the Government of repeatedly favouring 
 the Pan-German reformers, whom, he averred, the 
 Government was evidently unduly in awe of. This 
 attack provoked a speech from Count Goluchowski. 
 If the Gustav- Adolf Association, he contended, assisted 
 the movement with money, that was a private affair in 
 which the State could not interfere. The Govern- 
 ments of Prussia, Bavaria, etc., had maintained an 
 absolutely correct attitude. In Austria the Govern- 
 ment could only interfere in the event of laws being 
 broken, or if disturbances were created. 
 
 Thus, both Dr. Koerber and Count Goluchowski are 
 disposed to be benevolently tolerant, and to give the 
 party movement as much latitude as possible. 
 
 From the religious standpoint the ' Los von Rom ' 
 movement has been a failure. Probably not more 
 than 20,000 persons in all have seceded from the 
 Catholic Church, and many of these were people 
 whose convictions in things religious were of a more 
 or less nebulous kind. At the same time, abortive as 
 the movement has been, it must not be forgotten that 
 these 20,000 defections from Rome will form the 
 nucleus of a Protestant following whose offspring in 
 the next generation will naturally be Protestant. To 
 have wrested even some 20,000 souls from the hands 
 of the Catholic priests is none the less a feat of no 
 mean kind in Catholic Austria, and attests to the 
 vitality of Schoenerer's ' No Popery ' campaign. But 
 if it has failed religiously, the audacity of the scheme 
 has acted like a sensational divorce suit, and advertised 
 the party far better than any number of advertising 
 agents could have done with unlimited posters, ' sky- 
 signs/ transparencies, circulars, etc., or in the press. 
 It has imparted to the Pan-German Separatist move- 
 ment an earnestness which two centuries ago might 
 
 6 
 
82 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 have carried people away, and broken the power of 
 Rome. That is hardly conceivable to-day. But it 
 has enabled Messrs. Wolf and Schoenerer to pose as 
 religious 'reformers, 1 vested them and their cause with 
 a certain glamour of dignity which was sorely needed 
 and tended to accentuate the whole movement by 
 appealing to the religious passions of man. Starting 
 from the principle that the Catholic Church is in need 
 of a reformatio in capite et membris, the movement 
 aims at freeing Austria from Papal authority and 
 from Slav dominion, and reinstating the Germans in 
 full political power. This, it is felt, and doubtless 
 rightly so, will never be so long as the Germans 
 remain Catholic, and so subservient to Rome ; and as 
 Catholics, Federalists, and so strongly inclined to 
 admit the justice of Slav demands. To blast the 
 power of the Slavs, it is necessary first to break with 
 Rome with that Church which holds German and 
 Slav together : is more powerful even than the feeling 
 of nationality ; which can curb political passion and 
 enforce loyalty to the State. If the German element 
 in Austria is ever to regain power and rule, Austria, 
 Pan-Germans feel, must be severed from Rome. 
 Such is the meaning and the whole object of the ' Los 
 von Rom ' movement. 
 
 From the purely German standpoint there can be no 
 question that Pan-Germans have laid the axe at the 
 root of the matter. As it is, the Catholic centre party 
 in Germany is not only the most powerful numerically, 
 but also de facto. In the Reichstag the Catholic party 
 has always to be carefully sounded and nursed by the 
 Government. It may well be doubted whether, in the 
 event of Cisleithania ever being incorporated in the 
 German Empire, the German Government could view 
 with equanimity an addition to the Catholic centre of 
 some 9 million Catholic voters. Bismarck's ' Cultur- 
 Kampf ' is certainly dead, but the Jesuits* have not yet 
 
 * Since this was written Paragraph 2 of the Jesuit Laws enacted 
 in 1872 has been repealed, thereby enabling the Jesuits to return. 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 83 
 
 been permitted to come back to Germany, though the 
 Emperor has always adopted a conciliatory and very 
 diplomatic attitude towards the Catholic party. Any- 
 how, such a Catholic increase would make Germany a 
 Catholic country, and all the more so when it is 
 considered that the Socialists regard religion as the 
 private affair of the individual, and are for the most 
 part tolerant free-thinkers. The power of the priest in 
 Germany would then be assured. At the same time, 
 religious struggles tend to lose in intensity, it can 
 almost be said, annually. On the whole, the Catholics, 
 even if they found themselves, with some additional 9 
 million Austrians, practically masters of the situation, 
 so far as is possible in a State where personal govern- 
 ment is practically paramount, would probably shake 
 down under the exigencies of State reason, and prove 
 very good Germans and perfectly loyal to the Pro- 
 testant House of Hohenzollern. Though Schoenerer's 
 bold scheme to make these Austrians Protestants, as 
 anticipated, has failed, it might some day ' catch on,' in 
 view of the steady progress made by the Slavonic 
 peoples in Austria, who is certainly falling more and 
 more under Slav influence. In any case the movement 
 is interesting, No greater mistake could be made 
 than to pooh-pooh its significance because thousands of 
 conversions have not been registered. It is worthy of 
 study, if only because it is the first time that a religious 
 movement has been artificially worked up directly to 
 further a political one, and has obtained some success. 
 ' Catching souls ' is not the precarious game it was in 
 the days of the Inquisition. Schoenerer can at 
 any rate claim for himself the merit of having enforced 
 the lesson of that truism. 
 
 In addition to the associations already mentioned 
 that support Deutschtum in Austria, there are the 
 Austrian and the German School Associations, which 
 latter, situated at Berlin, subsidizes the Germans 
 resident in weak German districts in Austria- Hungary. 
 Help of this kind is particularly rendered in Bohemia 
 
 62 
 
 
$4 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 and Transylvania in Hungary. Other societies in 
 Germany which favour, if not directly the ' Los von 
 Rom ' agitation, most unquestionably the Pan-German 
 movement, are : The Colonial Society, of which the 
 Grand Duke of Mecklenburg is president ; the 
 Central Association for Commercial Geography ; the 
 Navy League ; the various Protestant associations ; the 
 General Language Association ; the Wartburg League ; 
 the East Mark Association ; and others, with loan 
 banks, newspapers, etc., at their disposition. Of Berlin 
 newspapers, the popular Tdgliche Rundschau, the 
 Deutsche Zeitung ; in Munich the Muenchener 
 Neueste Nachrichten, and the Neueste Nachrichten of 
 Leipzig to cite only a few are pronouncedly Pan- 
 German in tendency and expression. And, of course, 
 the Alldeutsche Blatter and Professor Hasse, who 
 thinks the time has come for Germany to wield the 
 hammer instead of being the anvil.* In the body of 
 Austria, complains a Czech writer,t Prussian outposts 
 are thus ensconced, ' whose aim it is to undermine the 
 main structure/ 
 
 Nor must it be forgotten that in 1897 tne ^ ate 
 Professor Mommsen raised his voice in violent abuse 
 of the Czechs, and said that as ' German Austrians 
 looked towards Germany, so did Germans look towards 
 Austria.' At the conclusion of the ceremony in cele- 
 bration of the completion of the Roman castle at 
 Saalburg, the Emperor, as * Emperor of the Germans/ 
 sent a telegram to Mommsen, whom he styled the 
 ' incomparable student of Roman antiquities/ to which 
 the learned Professor replied, and addressed His Majesty 
 as the ' foremost German/ These telegraphic compli- 
 ments, forsooth, mean little enough ; and, strange tc 
 relate, Mommsen shortly before his death fell intc 
 something almost approaching official disgrace, or 
 account of his earnest appeal to German Liberals befon 
 the elections of 1903 to vote for the social democracy 
 The incident, however, may be mentioned, as th< 
 
 * Speech in the Reichstag, December 15, 1899. 
 t ' Oesterreich's Bedranger.' 
 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 85 
 
 Emperor has on various occasions spoken of Germans 
 in the wider Pan-German sense. In 1898 he spoke of 
 'unity and the co-operation of all the German tribes.' 
 And in 1899 tne Alldeutsche Blatter was so delighted 
 with the Emperor that it wrote, ' out of the German 
 Emperor an Emperor of the Germans will arise.' 
 When in 1900 the Emperor laid the first stone of the 
 Saalburg Castle, he concluded a notable speech with 
 the wish that Germans might unite and grow so 
 powerful that once more, as in bygone times, the German 
 might be able to say, 4 Civis Romanus sum.' 
 
 Politically, the Pan-German Austrian party has not 
 been without its triumphs, and perhaps the greatest of 
 these, apart from their success at the last elections, was 
 the fall of Count Thun : who favoured the Magyars 
 and Czechs at the expense of Deutschtum, and en- 
 deavoured to rule Austria by half-measures, which, as 
 the poet Grillparzer once wrote in doggerel, was the 
 ' curse of Austria/ But to us Count Thun's fall is 
 interesting in another sense. It was Count Thun who 
 brought about a certain coolness between Berlin and 
 Vienna by a speech in the Reichsrat, in which he 
 threatened reprisals if Prussia, who had expelled a 
 number of Austrian subjects on the ground that they 
 were ' objectionable characters,' continued this policy 
 which statement from the mouth of an Austrian 
 Minister created a bit of a flutter in Berlin. Then, too, 
 he had endeavoured to suppress the Pan-German 
 agitation. He caused Pan-German postcards to be 
 seized by the Austrian police at the frontier, had 
 several meetings dissolved, and a German pastor 
 arrested and searched. In Prague the Students' Asso- 
 ciation ' Teutonia ' was suppressed owing to its anti- 
 Austrian character, and various coercive measures of a 
 similar kind took place during his tenure of office. 
 Little wonder, then, that Thun's fall shortly afterwards 
 was openly ascribed at the time largely to the intrigues 
 of the German Ambassador to Vienna, Count von 
 Eulenburg, who had, it was said, long been working 
 subterraneously to remove this pro-Slav Minister. Be 
 
86 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 that as it may, Pan-Germans made no secret of their 
 glee at his fall, which dissipated the cloud between 
 Berlin and Vienna. The venerable Emperor Joseph, 
 who had not visited Berlin since 1889, shortly after- 
 wards came in state on a visit to the Emperor William, 
 and was royally received. And from that date onward 
 Germany and Austria have been on the best of terms. 
 But even before the Emperor Joseph's visit Austria 
 had an opportunity to show that she had no desire to 
 beard Berlin. This time (in 1899), a number of Slavs 
 having been expelled from Germany, the Government 
 was interpellated in the Reichsrat by the Slavs and 
 Poles. It was much noticed that on this occasion 
 Count Goluchowski, who answered the interpellation, 
 avoided all mention of reprisals, stating that his repre- 
 sentations at Berlin had always been politely received 
 and politely responded to. It was evident Austria had 
 no wish to have a round with Germany. Thun's fall 
 was a Pan-German victory. 
 
 The Austrian Government, it must be frankly 
 admitted, is in an almost desperate position. What 
 with the Poles, the Socialists, the Croatians, the Italians 
 with their irridentist tendencies ; the Roumanians ; the 
 Magyars with their national strivings ; the Czechs, who 
 are becoming more powerful, more exigent, more bold, 
 more determined ; the Catholic Germans with their 
 anti-Semitism ; the Pan-Germans, who in Austria are 
 Anarchists the Government must endeavour to keep 
 the golden mean. The Czech national movement in 
 Bohemia has made the situation more critical than ever, 
 and imparted to Pan-Germanism the character of an 
 almost ethnic virtue. The question is, Shall Austria, 
 'that mosaic of peoples,' be Slav or German? Is 
 Federalism or German centralization to triumph ? Or 
 is the Pan-German ' theory of dislocation' (as M. Henry 5 * 
 calls it) the only conceivable solution ? Is it true, as 
 the historian Palatsky has it, that if Austria did not 
 exist some such State would have to be invented? 
 * ' Questions d'Autriche-Hongrie.' 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 87 
 
 Does the Separatist movement, as championed by the 
 Pan-Germans, which comprises the Italians, the Ser- 
 vians, the Roumanians, some Magyars, perhaps in all 
 some 9 million irridentists with no common interests, 
 common language, ideas, or customs, constitute a danger 
 to the integrity of Austria or to the peace of Europe ; 
 seeing that against these 9 million Separatists, of 
 whom only the 3 million Germans may be spoken of 
 as really ' dangerous/ there are arrayed some 46 
 millions, who are Federalists, and desire to maintain the 
 boundaries of the Empire ? Is the whole stronger 
 than its parts, the central interest of the State stronger 
 than the centrifugal units that compose it? Is para- 
 graph 14, after all, the palladium of the Empire, or is 
 Schoenerer's nostrum the true therapeutic remedy ? 
 Fortunately, no attempt need be made to answer those 
 questions here. We are concerned with the Separatist 
 movement only, and that, again, in so far only as it 
 applies to Pan-Germanism. 
 
 The whole Austrian question the whole German 
 question would be enormously simplified if the 
 Germans, like other peoples, contrived to act in 
 common. This, however, is precisely what they seem 
 wholly unable to do. It is this that Pan-Germans are 
 endeavouring to teach them. Instead of being before 
 all things German, they fret about trifles, quarrel 
 among themselves, form parties and caves, and waste 
 their energies in abuse of one another. Added to 
 which in Austria there is the religious question, which 
 has come to be a political plank, and has successfully 
 divided the Germans into violently antagonistic sides. 
 Thus, the 9 millions of Germans in Austria are fighting 
 among themselves quite as much as against the 
 common enemy, the Slav : who meanwhile grows 
 apace. While moderate Catholic Germans are pro- 
 nouncedly pro-Slav, and Dr. Lueger and his * Christian 
 Socialists ' are carrying on a medieval anti-Semitic 
 campaign, are loyalists and Slavophil, Schoenerer and 
 his Pan-German group, are shouting ' No Popery !' 
 
88 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 refuse even the name of German to the Catholics, fly 
 the German flag, render homage to Bismarck, and 
 seek to quicken the feeling for German nationality by 
 dragging in the Church. The result has been that in 
 the elections of 1901 the Extremists or German Nation- 
 alists won, the clerical anti-Semites lost, seats. The 
 situation will be best understood by the following table 
 showing the different nationalities in the Austrian- 
 Hungarian Empire : 
 
 Germans ... ... ... ... ... 11,000,000 
 
 Magyars 8,610,000 
 
 Czechs 7,920,000 
 
 Ruthenians 3>93,oo 
 
 Croats and Servians ... ... ... 5,250,000 
 
 Roumanians ... ... ... ... 3,020,000 
 
 Italians ... ... ... ... ... 820,000 
 
 Slovenians 1,275,000 
 
 Poles 4,230,000 
 
 To these must be added Jews, Armenians, Tsiganes 
 or Gipsies, Albanians, Bulgarians, Greeks, French, etc. 
 Of the 1 1 odd million Germans, there are in Austria 
 proper 9^ millions, the rest being in Hungary, where, 
 too, a great struggle for Deutschtum is going on ; so 
 that while the German population in Austria amounts 
 to 9^ millions, that of the Slavs is 22^- millions : who, 
 however, are not, ethnically, a whole, but rather a con- 
 geries of peoples. 
 
 Politically, the Germans are split up into a number 
 of groups. The following table shows their respective 
 strengths as the result of the elections in 1901 : 
 
 Constitutional Landed Proprietors ... ... 28 
 
 German Radicals ... ... ... ... ... 41 
 
 German Popular Party ... ... ... ... 51 
 
 Schoenerer (Pan-German) Group . ... 21 
 
 Conservative Clerical Popular Party 
 Dr. Lueger's Christian Socialists . . . 
 Federalist Great Proprietors 
 Social Democrats (international) ... 
 
 37 
 23 
 16 
 10 
 
 Roughly speaking, these 9 million Germans may 
 be divided into three main groups : 3 millions who 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 89 
 
 are not opposed to ' Federalism ' ; 3 millions who aim 
 at German centralization, and are loyal Austrians 
 and violently opposed to amalgamation with Germany ; 
 and, lastly, 3 millions who, as the sworn enemy of 
 the Slavs, are prepared to go to the last extreme, and, 
 sooner than yield to the Czech, would dislocate the 
 State, and, to assure German supremacy, hand over 
 the torso of the Empire to Germany. 
 
 The only other German party which supports 
 Schoenerer's Pan - German group is the German 
 popular party, which shows signs of becoming the 
 Pan-German's right arm. All other Austrian-Germans 
 are intensely loyal to Austria, and are Catholics, those 
 who are Federalists being strongly, those who are 
 German Centralists moderately, Slavophil ; so that the ./ 
 Pan-German cause the Pan- German conception that ^ 
 Austria is for the Germans is not upheld by more 
 than one-third of the German- speaking peoples of 
 Austria, which are thus arrayed against each other in 
 three distinct main groups. Against these thrice- 
 divided Germans, battling with one another, are ranged 
 more than twice as many Slavs, whose birth-rate is 
 greater, and who are becoming more and more 
 conscious of their own power. Looking at the situation 
 in this way, involuntarily one is reminded of the picture 
 of the frog in the fable blowing himself out (the frog 
 being the Pan-German minority), while the bull (the 
 Slav majority) looks on in wonderment. Nor must it 
 be supposed for a moment that the undoubted increase 
 of the Pan-German Separatist party necessarily implies 
 that all who voted for that party are therefore 
 Separatists. Many are Separatists, but many, again, 
 only gave their votes for Schoenerer owing to the 
 general discontent at the Slavophil Governments of 
 former years, and from the desire to record their 
 displeasure in an emphatic manner. But violently 
 opposed to them are the German Conservative Feder- 
 alists, who are Slavophil, and Dr. Lueger's anti-Semites, 
 who have no desire to be ruled from Berlin. Still, the 
 
90 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Pan-German party has grown, and now commands 
 respect. If he is now only a frog, to keep up the 
 simile, in 1891 he was a newt with only two seats in 
 the Reichsrat. To-day, with twenty-one seats, he is 
 fighting literally all Austria : fighting Pan-Slavism, 
 Catholicism, Magyar c audacity,' the Government, the 
 Germans, the Poles, the Jews and, since the Wolf 
 family affair, fighting his own party. For the Pan- 
 Germans have split in true German fashion, and 
 Wolfs group, which is now the smaller of the two, sits 
 apart from Schoenerer and his men, who have become 
 the leaders. 
 
 The Pan-German centre of activity is in Bohemia 
 and Moravia, where the Germans occupy a broad belt 
 of the western and northern border adjoining Bavaria 
 and Saxony, while the Czechs are congregrated in the 
 centre and southern districts. The Czechs form 62*8 
 per cent, of the population, the Germans only 37*2 per 
 cent. There Germania irredenta wages war against 
 the Czech element, which the State saw fit to encourage 
 and strengthen, until now the Czechs have become all- 
 powerful in the administration of Bohemia and Moravia. 
 The struggle between the Czechs and the Germans 
 has been accompanied at times by loss of life and 
 property, by repeated suspensions of constitutional 
 rights, and once all but destroyed the Austrian Parlia- 
 mentary system. The obstruction made by the 
 Germans in consequence of the Language Ordinances, 
 was followed by that of the Czechs, who during the 
 period of State encouragement grew and developed in 
 a most remarkable fashion. It is in Bohemia, too, that 
 the Pan-Germans, with their 'Los von Rom' agitation, 
 have obtained the greatest success. While the Czechs, 
 with their be'se'das (or places of union), their sokols 
 (gymnastic clubs), and school associations, fight Ger- 
 manism successfully with all the hatred and intensity 
 of their old hero Hus, whose famous motto ' Nothing 
 German ' has again come to be the Czech device, the 
 Germans, under the Pan-Germans, sell photographs of 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 91 
 
 Bismarck, fly the German, and once burnt the 
 Austrian, flag, celebrate the anniversary of Sedan, and 
 carry on the fight with so-called ' protective societies,' 
 such as the ' League of Germans in Bohemia,' the 
 German League in North Moravia, in West Bohemia, 
 in East Bohemia, in North- West Bohemia, in the 
 district of Eger, and by the ' German Bohemian Forest 
 League '; by means of the press subsidized from 
 Germany, with the aid of German clergymen, Pan- 
 German agitators, and, of course, schoolmasters, whose 
 role in this struggle for distressed Deutschtum is no 
 mean one. 
 
 Against the Czechs in Bohemia, Pan-Germans, it 
 would seem, are engaged in an almost hopeless con- 
 test. The Czechs are in a numerical majority of two 
 to one, and there can be no question as to the justice 
 of their demands i.e., that Article XIX. of the Con- 
 stitution, which gives them administrative autonomy, 
 should be applied. Against that legitimate claim Pan- 
 Germans can adduce no more cogent argument than 
 that, having been previously in power in Bohemia, 
 they should therefore, for some unexplained reason, be 
 so again. The most enlightened opinion in Austria 
 unquestionably decides against them. The struggle 
 for Deutschtum in Bohemia is in truth a national one. 
 On Pan-Germans the fate of Germanism there lies. 
 They bear the brunt of the fight. But for their efforts 
 Slav influence and the Czech language in Bohemia 
 would probably now be paramount. Here, too, Pan- 
 Germanism is a grim reality. To Pan-Germans credit 
 will have to be given if Deutschtum there is saved 
 from final submersion. 
 
 But since Catholicism has come to be synonymous 
 with the taunt of being un-German, Pan-Germans have 
 attacked Dr. Lueger's party with vitriolic bitterness, 
 while that party, which has whetted its appetite for 
 abusive repartee in anti-Semetic persecution, retaliates 
 with equal animosity. Never had any political party 
 before so many foes, never was any party so entirely 
 
92 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 pugnacious. Of course, this is not a sign of strength, 
 and it seems certain that the split in the Pan-German 
 party consequent on Deputy Wolfs behaviour (or 
 misbehaviour) will tend to weaken the Pan-German 
 movement seriously in Bohemia ; where at the next 
 elections Pan-Germans will be fighting against each 
 other, and, unless a truce or compromise be arrived at, 
 will put up two antagonistic German candidates a 
 Wolf and a Schoenerer candidate against one Czech, 
 which cannot fail to weaken sensibly the Pan- German 
 position there. Wolf's affair, which in England would 
 have made him * impossible ' as a leader, beyond dis- 
 crediting him, has not yet seriously damaged the 
 party, despite the split which followed. Splits in 
 parties, and even in what are called fractions, are so 
 common in German countries that it would be a great 
 mistake to conclude that the Pan-German split will 
 lead to the disruption of the party. The German 
 Pan-German press was at great pains at the time of 
 Wolfs trial to point out that if he had sinned against 
 the seventh commandment, he was still a ' gentleman,' 
 and in every way fitted to lead the party. But the 
 most interesting feature in the trial consisted in the 
 conclusive proofs it furnished that Wolf had been in 
 habitual receipt of money from Germany. The Pan- 
 German Deputy, Stein, having accused Wolf of 
 embezzling some of this money, Wolf excitedly declared 
 that such was not the case. The money had been 
 used in the interests of the party. Which admission 
 is sufficient unto itself. After the trial Wolf was 
 conducted back to his hotel by a large crowd, who 
 accorded him an ovation, and sang ' Die Wacht am 
 Rhein.' But, despite the party's attempts to whitewash 
 Wolf, the majority of the party split and went over to 
 Schoenerer, who was dubbed by the followers of Wolf 
 a ' gray-haired scoundrel.' While Wolf formed the 
 ' Ostdeutsche Vereinigung,' consisting of himself and 
 some four or five faithful henchmen, Schoenerer 
 burgeoned out into the ' Alldeutsche (Pan-German) 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 93 
 
 Vereinigung,' or Union. Wolf retains his newspaper, 
 the Ostdeiitsche Rundschau, of Vienna, while Schoenerer 
 proclaims to the world through his organ Unver- 
 jalschte Deutsche Worte. To divide and subdivide, 
 split again and reorganize, is so common a feature in 
 German politics that nobody in Austria felt the slightest 
 astonishment that Schoenerer and Wolf could no longer 
 ' pull ' together. Divide et impera, as the traditional 
 motto and principle of Austrian central government, is 
 no mere figure of speech. What boots it if to the 
 maze of Austrian domestic politics another political 
 fraction is added at war with its greater half! Pan- 
 Germanism will not thereby necessarily be the weaker, 
 though it is difficult to see how the two groups can 
 avoid collision, and to the Anglo-Saxon mind doubtless 
 difficult to understand that a party, split into two rival 
 groups on no question of principle or policy, but 
 merely as a result of personal jealousy between the 
 leaders, can expect to make headway against two such 
 formidable obstacles as nationality and Rome. Still, 
 it is so, as Germans would say complacently, and the 
 fact cannot be altered. 
 
 Verily, Pan-Germanism in Austria is fighting an 
 almost desperate cause. It is not so much a Pan- 
 German as a German fight, for in Austria the German 
 element is largely reconciled to Federalism and to Slav 
 rule. Anima Teutonica naturaliter evangelica, as Pan- 
 Germans say, may in truth be the reason why the 
 Germans of Austria, who are Catholics, fail to support 
 the Pan-German cause : fail to appreciate the cacophony 
 introduced by Wolf and Schoenerer in the Reichsrat, 
 fail to understand why, as a German-speaking people, 
 they should necessarily be ruled from Berlin. 
 
 We will now glance at the Pan-German struggle in 
 Hungary, which is particularly characteristic of the 
 unreasonableness of Pan-Germanism. This movement, 
 which Germans follow with the keenest interest, and 
 support so far as possible without compromising the 
 Government, has been ably treated by Ferencz Herczeg 
 
94 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 in an article that appeared in the National Review 
 (September, 1903), in which the writer speaks of a 
 Pan-German movement as 'non-existent/ He, how- 
 ever, goes on to say that the ' Pan-German propaganda 
 is a more or less instinctive, but at the same time a 
 thoroughly brutal, attempt in the direction of the 
 establishment of a systematic German world-policy/ 
 
 According to the official statistics of 1901, which are 
 open to legitimate criticism, there were in Hungary 
 proper : 
 
 Magyars 8,588,834 
 
 Germans 1,988,589 
 
 Slovaks 1,991,402 
 
 Roumanians 2,784,726 
 
 Ruthenians ... ... ... ... 423,159 
 
 Croatians ... ... ... ... ... 188,552 
 
 Servians ... ... ... ... ... 434,641 
 
 Others 329,837 
 
 Germans, however, contend that there are over 
 2 million Germans in Hungary, settled in three dis- 
 tinct geographical oases. The so-called 'Saxons' in 
 Transylvania (Siebenbiirgen, as Germans call it), who 
 have been there since the twelfth century ; the Germans 
 in the district of Zips, in Northern Hungary ; and the 
 so-called 'Swabians' in South Hungary, who are 
 Catholic whereas the Saxon Germans are Protestant 
 and have been settlers on the land ever since the time 
 of Maria Theresa, who originally invited them. These 
 Germans have taken an honourable part in Hungarian 
 battles, and in 1848-1849 the Germans of Zips and the 
 Southern Swabians fought side by side with the 
 Hungarians against the Austrians, the Swabians being 
 absolutely the last to lay down their arms. The 
 Saxons in Transylvania, numbering now some 220,000 
 souls, for years enjoyed many privileges, and till the 
 establishment of the Hungarian Constitution had an 
 autonomy of their own, and formed a State within a 
 State. The repeal of this autonomy, however, irritated 
 the Saxons, who thereupon formed a ' Green Saxon ' 
 

 PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 95 
 
 party of protest. In this way an opening was made 
 for Pan-German propaganda. Now, these Germans in 
 Hungary are in no way connected with one another 
 geographically, and have till quite recently been loyal 
 supporters of the State. But in the last few years Pan- 
 German agitators have been very active among these 
 Germans in South Hungary, and the German Associa- 
 tion for German schools, which organization always 
 repudiates the stigma attaching (foolishly enough) to 
 Pan-Germanism, has made the maintenance of the 
 Saxons in Transylvania one of its foremost endeavours, 
 and carries on a lively agitation (of a purely Pan- 
 German kind) on their behalf. In South Hungary 
 Pan-Germans have met with considerable success. In 
 their pamphlets, newspapers, and speeches everything 
 Hungarian is besmirched and ridiculed. On one occa- 
 sion they deeply offended the Magyars by contending 
 that Germans could take no part in a movement to 
 erect a statue to the poet Lenan, as the money for its 
 erection had been subscribed for by Magyars. They 
 have established loan banks in Transylvania, they 
 subsidize German schools, send out 'proper' German 
 schoolmasters, disseminate broadcast Pan - German 
 pamphlets, and on the platform and in the press conduct 
 a * national ' campaign. The result of this has been 
 that the Magyars, like the worm, have at last turned 
 upon their assailants, and subjected them to not a little 
 persecution. 
 
 In the year 1902 a prosecution of the Pan-German 
 press was inaugurated. Pan-German editors were 
 arrested, fined, and imprisoned. In particular one 
 Arthur Korn, editor of the Gross- Kikindaer Zeitung, 
 owing to the zeal with which he endeavoured to bring 
 home to Germans that they were * Germans,' was 
 singled out and made an example of. In 1901 he was 
 twice arrested and sentenced to short terms of 
 imprisonment. In vain. In 1902 Korn published a 
 poem with the Pan-German motto as his title, ' Re- 
 member, you are a German/ for which he was again 
 
96 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 arrested, and sentenced to six months' imprisonment. 
 How passionately the Magyars felt is evinced by an 
 article of the Szeged ds Vidike (June 16), which directly 
 called upon the jury to sentence Korn ' on national 
 grounds/ Korn responded with another poem entitled 
 ' Incitement,' for which he was again sentenced to six 
 months. A number of other journalists shortly after- 
 wards met the same fate. To clinch matters Korn 
 and another editor were expelled from the country. 
 Korodi, the leader of the 'Saxons,' was shortly after- 
 wards sentenced to one year's imprisonment and 
 heavily fined for an article which appeared in his paper, 
 but for which he was shown not to have been respon- 
 sible. In this way the Magyarization of Hungary has 
 progressed, while Deutschtum is really in distress. The 
 Magyar feels himself master in his own house, and the 
 Pan-German agitation has only served to strengthen 
 the idea of Magyar independence. 
 
 Now, all this is very interesting to Germany, and, 
 as above mentioned, is a cause of great concern to 
 Pan-Germans, and to the German School Association, 
 which actively supports the German cause with money. 
 Though Count von Btilow stated publicly that Germany 
 could not interfere in Hungary, the denationaliza- 
 tion and obliteration of these Germans in Hungary, 
 who form, as it were, an important stepping-stone to 
 the Near East, cannot be a matter of indifference 
 to Germany. And, indeed, when in the spring of 
 1903 Professor Hasse attacked Count von Btilow in 
 the Reichstag for his apathy towards distressed 
 Deutschtum in Hungary, the Chancellor in reply gave 
 Hungarian politicians clearly to understand that their 
 anti-German policy (' local pettifogging,' he called it) 
 had created a most unpleasant feeling in Berlin, and 
 that the Hungarians made a great mistake in thus 
 severing themselves from German culture. However, 
 the real fact is that the Pan-German agitation in 
 Hungary has defeated its own object. The retaliatory 
 measures it provoked no doubt led to a good deal o 
 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 97 
 
 unnecessary chicanery and unwise persecution. But 
 Pan-German leaders and agitators have been ham- 
 stringed, and for the moment Pan-Germans have to 
 pay the bill for the windows their press broke in the 
 initial stages of the campaign. Pan-German inter- 
 ference has (in Ferencz Herczeg's opinion) 'weakened 
 the consciousness of German nationality among the 
 Germans of Hungary.' Conversely, it may be said 
 to have strengthened the consciousness of Magyar 
 nationalism, and bred a general deep-set mistrust of 
 Germany and her aims. 
 
 The Hungarian Government has on various occa- 
 sions been interpellated on the Pan-German question, 
 and it may therefore be of interest to see what the 
 Minister, President Szell, said about it in 1903. * I 
 consider the Pan-German agitation in Hungary,' he 
 said, ' to be an absurd, inexcusable, and dangerous 
 movement, which I will oppose with all my power/ 
 The Government, he continued, could not make it a 
 diplomatic question, but must combat it by administra- 
 tive means. In their opposition to Pan-Germanism, 
 the Magyars, he continued, would stand shoulder to 
 shoulder. He would pledge his word that he would 
 oppose and suppress the Pan - German agitation 
 wherever it affected the peace of the country, the 
 national character of the Magyars, or the national aims 
 of the State. They must not accuse the German 
 Government of abetting the movement. He was 
 convinced that no German statesman identified himself 
 with Pan-Germans. 
 
 Naturally, a good many books and pamphlets have 
 been written in the Magyar language to show up the 
 methods of Pan-German agitators. In one of these, 
 entitled 'Germanism in Hungary,' by Dr. S. Rado, a 
 temperate account is given of the movement, and the 
 author refrains from sensational generalizations. While 
 absolving the German Government from all com- 
 plicity, he none the less regards Gevmania rediviva in 
 Hungary with no little concern. Were the Pan- 
 
 7 
 
98 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 German idea to get firm hold of Germans the idea 
 that Germany is to be Europe it might, he considers, 
 develop into an extremely dangerous doctrine. The 
 mind is easily susceptible to grandiose expansionist 
 schemes. It might well be that some day Germans 
 should decide to follow Pan-Germans, and proclaim the 
 right of suzerainty over all Central Europe. Hungary, 
 he opines, must and will fulfil her destiny and establish 
 herself firmly on a solid basis. She has no desire to 
 form part of the Triple Alliance from the consciousness 
 of weakness. On the contrary, the more she grows 
 the greater her value to her allies, the greater her own 
 independence. But German irredentists can never be 
 tolerated. There can be no peace if some 2 million 
 Germans are plotting for disruption. The Magyars 
 must be their own masters. ' There can be no peace, 
 no parleying with Pan-Germanism. Against the Pan- 
 German agitation all the Magyars will stand in union.' 
 Another work on Pan-Germanism (' Az Alldeutsch 
 Szovetseg ') is from the pen of Professor Hangay. 
 
 This writer, well known in Hungary, gives a graphic 
 account of Pan-German aspirations, which he describes 
 as revolutionary and dangerous to the State, quite as 
 much as are those of the Social Democracy. His work, 
 which deals with the movement generally, is on the 
 same lines as that of the French writer, M. Cheradame, 
 who also takes an alarmist view of the agitation, and 
 treats it accordingly. But alarmist views are generally 
 exaggerated, and in Hungary to say that the German 
 element can now ever aspire to obtain the master) 
 over the Magyars, or hope to form a German State 
 within Hungary, is surely an exaggeration. At the 
 same time, not only Pan-Germans, but rational Pan 
 Germans, or Germans who aim at the preservation 
 where existent, of Deutschtum, do actively support th( 
 Pan- German agitation in Hungary, where, as ii 
 Cisleithania, without German money and activ< 
 support, the whole movement would collapse. Th< 
 idea is that the more Hungary severs herself fror 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 99 
 
 Western contact, the more ' Asiatic ' she becomes, the 
 nearer she draws to Russia, and the further she secedes 
 from Germany. In this way Austria's 'drang' or 
 push towards the sea, Germany's * drang ' towards the 
 East, could be impeded. Then, of course, there is the 
 danger connected with the army. What use would 
 the Hungarian army be to Germany, as part of the 
 Triple Alliance, if Magyar was the spoken language, 
 and the whole was inspired with an anti-German 
 feeling ? Finally, there is the danger of a Magyar 
 rapprochement with Russia. 
 
 On someone Hungary must lean for support. 
 Were it ever on Russia, German policy in the Near 
 East would be checkmated. The weakness of the 
 Triple Alliance is now the Austro- Russian entente, 
 which has considerably modified Germany's role in 
 the condominium. For Austria the German Alliance 
 is no longer necessary as a prop against the Slavs 
 within, and the Russian Slavs without, and as a means 
 to hold down her ' subjected ' nations. Bismarck 
 always strongly insisted on the importance to Hungary 
 of Germany, and the Emperor William II. has 
 sedulously adopted a friendly policy towards the 
 Magyar State. Pan-Germanism has done not a little 
 to defeat an enlightened German policy. It has led 
 the Magyars to believe more than ever in their plea 
 that outside Hungary non est vita. It has created an 
 anti-German feeling in Hungary, which any traveller 
 in Hungary can attest to, and led Hungary further 
 than ever away from the consolidating policy initiated 
 by Maria Theresa. The recent Czech and Magyar 
 demonstrations for the French, those of the Southern 
 Slavs for Russia, are not matters that Berlin can affect 
 to view with equanimity. To Pan-Germans they are 
 gall. In the long-run, writes Dr. Schultheiss,* the 
 Germans will not put up with Magyar ' insults ' (which 
 refers to a vulgar term of abuse in the text of a 
 Magyar anti-German topical song) at public festivals. 
 * ' Deutschtum und Magyarisierung.' 
 
 72 
 
ioo THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 However much German national feeling in Hungary 
 lies dormant, the appeal of the Great Elector will 
 rouse them * Remember, you are Germans.' 
 
 Is Pan-Germanism in Cisleithania a danger ? Is 
 Berlin waiting for the moment to operate : to sever 
 Galicia, Bukowina, and Dalmatia from Austria, and 
 to establish a Greater Germany, with Trieste as pendant 
 to Hamburg ? Is Germany prepared to grapple with 
 an ethnic problem; to take over some n million 
 German Catholics ; to Prussianize and crush the Czechs 
 of Bohemia, the Poles and other Slavonic peoples, and 
 to make peace with the 8 million Magyars ? Is the 
 Near East, Deutschtum in the Balkans, once so 
 flourishing as Bismarck said not worth the bones 
 of a grenadier ? What is the true attitude of Berlin 
 towards the Austrian national or Pan-German 
 question ? 
 
 Probably, now that Pan-Slavism in Austria-Hungary 
 has become so powerful, Berlin would be very loth to 
 pocket Austria, even as a gift. In the Austrian 
 delegations (January n, 1904) the Czech Deputy 
 Kramarcz spoke some very plain words about the 
 value of the Triple Alliance. ' God be thanked/ he 
 said, ' we no longer stand under the ban of hostility tc 
 Russia, and the idea that German officers should be 
 grafted into the Austrian army, in order to study the 
 sister army and Austrian topography, may be according 
 to Berlin taste, but it does not appeal to us. Despite the 
 chaos of affairs within, without the Austrian monarch) 
 is far stronger since it emancipated itself from Berlin 
 and it would be difficult to find anyone who desired t( 
 return to the old state of things.' The Triple Alliance 
 he contended, was a mere diplomatic anachronism 
 Dr. Kramarcz, of course, spoke from the Czech stand 
 point, but his words are certainly significant. The; 
 show that Pan-Slavism in Austria can no longer b 
 trampled upon ; they mean that Austria is slowl 
 drifting away from Germany into the arms of Russic 
 This is the reason, too, of the Austrian Government' ; 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 101 
 
 official position as satellite of Berlin, for Russia is un- 
 questionably the most dangerous neighbour of Austria. 
 As years go on, it is difficult to believe that the struggle 
 between Slav and Teuton in the dual monarchy, which 
 Pan-Germans have fostered, will grow less acute. The 
 indications all point to the contrary. Then there is 
 the Eastern question, which, though it is the habit of 
 German statesmen to dismiss as ' of no interest to 
 Germany,' cannot possibly be a matter of indifference 
 to Berlin. It, too, concerns Deutschtum, as well as 
 German interests. German influence and civilization, 
 once so marked in the Balkan provinces, has been 
 slowly retreating before the greater assimilative power 
 of the Slav renascence. According to a computation 
 made by Bismarck, there were once over 3 million 
 German inhabitants with their descendants in the 
 Balkans ; but all German hopes there have been 
 shattered. The Germans have been absorbed by 
 Russia. 
 
 Then there is Trieste, which, as Paul de Lagarde 
 said, ' is a vital question for Germany.' There is 
 Germany's way to the East and to the Mediterranean 
 Sea. There is the mouth of the Danube the main 
 artery of Austria which lies in alien hands. There is 
 Germany in Turkey, in Asia Minor, to care for 
 Turkey whom Germany is so desirous to befriend, to 
 strengthen, to fortify as a buffer against Russian in- 
 trusions. There is Asia Minor, where, with tact, and 
 energy, and capital, and determination, she may 
 conceivably establish the long-sought-for Eldorado. 
 There is Austria, with her geographical elasticity, 
 her ethnic landslides, her strictly finite possibilities, 
 gravitating towards the south-east. Over all the Slav 
 mirage casts a shadow. It is for this reason that 
 Germany can never risk offending Russia ; for this 
 reason that the idea, till quite recently widely enter- 
 tained in England, of an Anglo- German entente aimed 
 against Russia, is purely fantastic. Hence Germany's 
 extreme Russophil policy ; her readiness to comply 
 
102 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 with Muscovite demands and desires on all occasions ; 
 the complacency which Berlin displayed in declaring 
 that the passage of Russian torpedo craft through the 
 Dardanelles was a ' local ' question ; the indifference of 
 the Berlin press towards Armenian massacres, 
 ' Pogroms/ and Macedonian atrocities ; the Russian 
 'game'* the German press invariably plays. And all 
 this, not from love, but from fear of her friendly Eastern 
 neighbour. 
 
 The Germanization of Austria, wrote Lagarde,t 
 quite apart from the question of the political use of 
 Austria as a German colony, is, from the standpoint of 
 the Foreign Office, a 'vital question.' It has become 
 far more difficult since the Magyar national movement 
 arose ; but * it is possible ' ' it must be possible if 
 Germany is to exist/ To rouse Germans in Austria 
 and Germany to a sense of the Teutonic mission in 
 Central Europe, to unite them in league against the 
 encroachments of the Slav, to link the Austrian and 
 German Empires together politically and economically, 
 is the great endeavour of the Pan-German League. 
 In Austria the Pan- Germans have succeeded not only 
 in posing the question of nationality, but in going to 
 the country on it with success. The noticeable feature 
 of the last Austrian elections was this Pan-German 
 increase. In Germany their efforts are watched 
 naturally enough with widespread sympathy and 
 interest, while German Pan-Germans and ancillary 
 organizations have contributed, by their pecuniary and 
 moral support, largely to bring about this result. 
 While German politicians carefully abstain from all 
 association with this movement, and the German 
 Government, even if called upon, would probably decline 
 to interfere in Austrian affairs, there can be no doubl 
 that economic union between Germany and Austria ir 
 
 * Vide the attitude of obsequious deference to Russia adopted b} 
 the German press before the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War 
 and its treatment of the Manchurian question. 
 
 f ' Deutsche Schriften.' 
 
PAN-GERMANISM IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 103 
 
 the shape of a ' Zollverein ' is a matter which has been 
 seriously considered at Berlin, and may quite well some 
 day be realized. Pan-Germans have always emphasized 
 the economic aspect of the question : while the keener 
 competition in the world grows, the greater Germany's 
 need for new markets becomes. The Central European 
 Customs Union may at any moment assume a practical 
 form, and that it lies in the root interests of Germany 
 to effect such a union is obvious enough. 
 
 To sum up : Deutschtum in the dual monarchy is in 
 distress ; in some places it is in danger of complete 
 obliteration. Like some monster hydra, Pan-Germanism 
 has arisen to combat Pan-Slavism, and to crush it. 
 When the German Government some years ago showed 
 signs of restlessness, of a desire to embark on an 
 Imperialist policy of expansion across the seas, Pan- 
 Germans, true to their tenets, fastened on the heart of 
 Austria. Germany's future, they contend, may lie ' on 
 the seas,' but before any great Colonial policy is pos- 
 sible the foundations of greatness must be laid in 
 Europe. For this reason Deutschtum, where prevalent, 
 must be maintained ; where weak, strengthened ; where 
 strong, fortified. Their worst fears have been partly 
 realized. For Germanism is losing ground in Austria, 
 who is now on good terms with France, and has 
 effected an entente with Russia. The maintenance of 
 Austria the corner-stone of Europe is now a French 
 interest. Who will affirm that the dissolution or par- 
 tition of the dual monarchy may not bring about one 
 of those territorial revolutions likely to soak all Europe 
 in blood ? Yet Pan-Germans are making for this dis- 
 solution, for the consummation of their aims with blood 
 and iron. Their ambitions are a menace to the inde- 
 pendence of the Balkan peoples, and are a source of 
 unrest to the centre of Europe. Outnumbered in 
 Austria, they are prepared to stake all for all, and 
 make it a fighting issue. Austria, they hold, is doomed. 
 To precipitate the * debacle ' is the avowed aim of the 
 party. 
 
io 4 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Conceivably they may be victorious. The best 
 opinion in Austria is strangely fatalistic. Things, it is 
 declared, will drift on for many a decade yet ; the 
 balance of power will shift ; Austria's days are not yet 
 numbered. It may be so. The Pan-Germans, as 
 they grow in power (and they probably will grow in 
 proportion as Slavonic influence increases), may con- 
 ceivably effect a compromise with the Magyars on the 
 present dualistic basis, and hold down the Slavs 
 together. Though at present the Germans and the 
 Magyars are at loggerheads, it was not always so; and 
 when both peoples are stronger, in self-interest they 
 may combine. The Austrian question would be then 
 solved in a satisfactory way to Germany. But such a 
 solution is far from probable. Failing this, the only 
 solution would seem to be by the arbitrament of war- 
 between the Teuton and the Slav. Will Pan-Germans 
 be able to enforce their doctrine upon the Germans of 
 Austria, at present so divided, and unite Austria with 
 Germany on some great field of Aceldama ? Will, 
 again, the German Government, if, and when, called 
 upon by distressed Deutschtum, respond to the appeal ? 
 Has, finally, Europe sufficient interest in the main- 
 tenance of the ' House of Austria ' to prevent, if neces- 
 sary by force, its disruption ? Or was the wisdom of 
 the Emperor Frederick III. (called the Wise), the true 
 one when he wrote on parchment, Austria erit in orbe 
 ultima f Quien sabe ! 
 
CHAPTER V 
 GERMANY AND HOLLAND 
 
 IT was a political axiom of Fichte's that every State 
 not wishing to live in ' natural ' conditions of warfare 
 must extend to its natural confines ; since the a priori 
 condition for a State's successful economic development 
 lay in its natural geographical position ' in a State's 
 necessary retrocession or expansion/ as the case might 
 be, to its ' natural ' boundaries. Germany without 
 Holland, wrote Frederick List, father of Pan-Ger- 
 manism, and, to a large extent, of modern German 
 reason of State, may be likened to a house the front- 
 door of which belongs to a stranger. And, indeed, it 
 is hard upon Germany, as well as being something of 
 a geographical anomaly, that the mouths of Germany's 
 two great rivers, the Rhine and the Danube the 
 former of which, besides being her national river of 
 tradition, her ' Father Rhine/ as dear to Germans as 
 was the Tiber to the Romans, is also her central 
 artery of traffic should be in the hands of the 
 stranger, with a number of important ports necessary 
 to Germany's commercial policy. As Professor von 
 Halle calls it : from an economic standpoint it is a 
 monstrosity ( Unding] ; and just as it was the historic 
 mission of Germany in the latter half of the Middle 
 Ages to drive back the Slavs towards the East, so is 
 it Germany's modern mission to wrest the mouth of 
 the Danube from the Slavs, and set up a barrier to 
 their further encroachment in Central Europe ; and in 
 
 I0 5 
 
ro6 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 the North-West to obtain the mouth of the Rhine, and 
 weld together the peoples of the ' United Netherlands/ 
 ethnographically, economically, and so politically, in 
 union with the great future Teutonic confederation 
 under the sway of the Hohenzollerns. So, at any 
 rate, thinks Professor von Halle, who is no Pan- 
 German, and whose elaborate essay on the ' mon- 
 strosity ' of Holland's detached position, and on the 
 means and ways to put things straight, is quite the 
 most frank and authoritative of the many disquisitions 
 on that subject. 
 
 The historical relations between Germany and 
 Holland have not been particularly happy or warm 
 since the days when Belgium and Holland ceased to 
 form part of the old Roman-Germanic Empire. In 
 1787 Prussia was practically in possession of Holland, 
 but, being in those days unconscious of her historical 
 mission, she naively restored the House of Orange. 
 After the Napoleonic wars Prussia was unpopular 
 among the Dutch : who developed strong nationalist 
 tendencies, instead of allying themselves, [as they 
 ought to have done, had they been wise,*] with Prussia. 
 In 1831 the Rhenish Shipping Convention was signed, 
 throwing open the Rhine to the traffic of all nations ; 
 but Holland declined to join the Zollverein on * moral, 
 intellectual, and political ' grounds. Tariff troubles 
 ensued. 'Mynheer,' wrote List in 1843, triumphs, 
 and John Bull controls the German rivers far into the 
 interior, while 2 J million Dutchmen ' coolly dictate ' 
 their mercantile laws to 12 million Germans. An 
 anonymous pamphlet was then published on the Dutch 
 side showing that Germans had the advantage over 
 Holland in commercial arrangements ; but Germans 
 did not think so, and Minister Hausemann, in a 
 private letter to a friend, declared Germany to be little 
 better than Holland's * milch cow' and so the trouble 
 continued, till Holland, in 1850, went over to Free 
 Trade. But no improvement in the relations betweer 
 * Zimmermann, ' Preussisch-Deutsche Handelspolitik.' 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 107 
 
 Germany and Holland followed, and when the Franco- 
 German War broke out, the Dutch were profoundly 
 suspicious of German political aims, and evinced 
 marked hostility to the German Empire. Then, in 
 1878, a dynastic marriage helped matters, and when in 
 1891 the German Emperor visited Holland he was 
 greeted with the strains of ' Wo die Alsette durch die 
 Wiesen zieht,' instead, as formerly, with the anti- 
 Prussian refrain, * Mer welle bleiwe, wat mer sin.'~* 
 The subsequent marriage of Queen Wilhelmina with 
 a German Prince of the Realm contributed once more 
 to improve the relations ; while in Germany it is now 
 generally thought that Holland's sympathies for France 
 have greatly cooled since the Dreyfus affair, and that 
 since the Boer War the Dutch have definitively broken 
 with England. 
 
 Who would venture to say what would have been 
 the fate of the Transvaal had Holland years ago 
 realized that her natural place lay within the German 
 Zollverein ? writes Professor von Halle :f who sees in 
 the weakness of Holland, as a buffer State, a source 
 of danger to Germany, and in the Dutch possession of 
 the mouth of the Rhine one of the reasons that have 
 retarded Germany's progress and the development of 
 her shipping. At the present moment the relations 
 between the two countries are cordial. But Holland 
 still cherishes her national traditions, her history, and 
 love of freedom, and betrays no desire to embrace the 
 German view namely, that Holland belongs to 
 Germany ; ethnologically, by right ; economically, from 
 common interest ; politically, of necessity, if only from 
 the growing consciousness of political weakness, which 
 leads weak nations, as weak peoples, to cling for 
 succour to the strong. 
 
 In dealing with the Pan-German claims upon Holland 
 it is well to bear in mind that they are threefold in 
 kind, which explains the various methods of pressure 
 
 * ' We will remain what we are.' 
 
 t Professor von Halle : ' Volks- und Seewirtschaft,' vol. ii. 
 
io8 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 brought to bear upon Holland, to induce her to 
 mend her ways and lean upon Germany. It may 
 be said, without hesitation, that political or military 
 union is at present the most remote from realization ; 
 the ethnological side of the question seems highly 
 doubtful, whereas the economic side, which is also by 
 far the most important, is likewise the most advanced 
 and the most feasible. But before inquiring into the 
 methods, the German case must be stated. And this has 
 been done admirably by two able German writers : by 
 Professor von Halle (' Volks- und Seewirtschaft,' 
 vol. ii.), and an anonymous but evidently ' semi- 
 official ' writer in the Grenzboten in the year 1901. 
 
 The most obvious basis for Germany's claim is, of 
 course, the question of the Rhine. Between the Swiss 
 frontier and Rotterdam its length is 827 kilometres, of 
 which no less than 697 kilometres are in Germany. 
 With its tributaries and canals, the total navigable 
 length of the Rhine is 2,855 kilometres; while 58*1 
 per cent, of all goods transported by water in Germany 
 travel upon its waters. Since 1870 traffic has doubled, 
 and the German shipping interest admittedly now far 
 exceeds that of the Dutch. A great grievance to 
 Germany till quite recent years was the fishing piracy 
 committed by Dutchmen, who thus monopolized the 
 fishing industry. As Canning said, ' In matters of 
 commerce the fault of the Dutch is giving too little 
 and asking too much.' 
 
 And Treitschke, commenting upon this, wrote in 
 his history : ' The Dutch regard the Rhine as open to 
 Dutchmen, to the French and Swiss, but not to 
 Germans.' However, this has since been remedied. 
 The moment has come, wrote the anonymous writer 
 in the Grenzboten in 1901, when Germans must 
 consider whether they can any longer put up with the 
 insult to national feeling constituted by the fact of the 
 mouth of the Rhine being in foreign hands. Germans 
 need not resort to force, he added, but the Dutch may 
 be certain that Germany will do all she can to remedy 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 109 
 
 this evil, which is in a high degree prejudicial to 
 Germany's economic development. The cry for a 
 German mouth of the Rhine is an old and bitter one. 
 In 1899 the Chamber of Commerce of Altona de- 
 manded the creation of a German mouth of the Rhine. 
 It proposed the construction of a great canal from 
 Ruhrort on the Rhine to Haunkenfahr on the Ems, 
 which would give the Rhine a German mouth, and 
 enable Ems to compete with Rotterdam. Practical 
 effect has been given to this side of the question ; and 
 since 1885 what have been called 'winning' freight 
 rates have been instituted, giving preferential treatment 
 to the transport of goods from Bavaria, from Elterfeld, 
 Cologne, and Hanover to North German, instead of 
 to Belgian and Rhenish ports. Preferential railway 
 rates have also been granted to South German exports 
 to the Levant, Asia, and Australia, if shipped at Ham- 
 burg. This railway traffic policy facilitates the German 
 power of production, exportation, and competition ; 
 promotes German shipping and the well-being of 
 German North Sea towns ; while it is calculated to 
 bring home to the Dutch Government the advisability 
 of a Dutch ' economic ' alliance with Germany an 
 argument of a practical kind which, it is hoped, will 
 carry more weight in proportion as Dutch ports lose 
 their German trade, and German ports in consequence 
 grow busy and prosperous. In this connection the 
 Emperor's favourite 'Grand Midland Canal' scheme 
 must be mentioned; as the result of joining the 
 Dortmund- Ems Canal to the Rhine Canal System 
 would be to give that river a German outlet at the 
 German port of Emden, whereas at present its only 
 egress is through Dutch ports. The chances of 
 bringing pressure to bear upon Holland by means of 
 this traffic policy are likely to be greatly enhanced in 
 the future, as the whole subject is very scientifically 
 thought out in Germany, and there is absolutely 
 nothing to prevent Germany from carrying it out. 
 Three parts of it is, of course, dictated by purely 
 
no THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 economic interests, but the other part is aimed at the 
 ' monstrosity ' above mentioned. 
 
 Professor von Halle, in his close-packed economic 
 essay, demands three things a Naval convention with 
 Holland, a Customs arrangement, and an understanding 
 facilitating traffic. Sooner or later, he reasons, Holland 
 must approach Germany ; and this is the easier as 
 Luxemburg has set the example and already entered 
 the German Zollverein, while remaining politically 
 independent. By the introduction of conscription 
 Holland has removed the main obstacle to an alliance 
 with Germany, although, on the other hand, she is 
 still a believer in Free Trade, in a social policy of the 
 Manchester School type, in an independent banking 
 system, postal arrangements, and in her old Colonial 
 institutions. But in time, the Professor hopes, Holland 
 will come to see the material advantages of a uniform 
 postal service with Germany, and likewise of a uniform 
 system of banking. Germany will agree to protect 
 Holland, if Holland in turn will throw open her ports 
 to Germany at any rate, in time of war. The more 
 Great Britain advances towards economic union with 
 her colonies, the more ' must efforts be made to extend 
 the German- Dutch Zollverein to the colonies of both 
 Powers.' The present position of Holland 'is a 
 permanently open wound.' The main point for the 
 Dutch to grasp is that Germany ' cannot stand by while 
 Holland, as a military Power, shrinks and grows 
 weaker.' The advantages to Holland accruing from 
 amalgamation with Germany are many ; the Dutch 
 Hinterland would be greatly opened up and would 
 prosper exceedingly, while 5 million Dutchmen would 
 suddenly become the brothers, and so under the pro- 
 tection of, some 60 million Germans in arms. 
 
 Holland, said the Grenzboten* is to-day in the 
 position of the beggar contenting himself with the 
 crumbs that fall from the rich man's table. The 
 
 * Three anonymous articles published in the Grenzboten^ July 25, 
 August i, August 8, 1901. 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND in 
 
 tendency of Great Britain, France, and Russia to 
 become self-supporting Powers must gradually im- 
 poverish Holland, and in time drive her into the arms 
 of Germany, or expose her to the rapaciousness of 
 Imperialist empires. Holland is no longer desirable 
 as a military ally, having nothing to offer in return. 
 The more Germany develops her canal system, the 
 more the Dutch ports will lose their trade. But 
 Germany ' is in the position ' to dictate terms, and 
 to force Holland, economically, to seek union and 
 absorption. Holland can form an alliance with Ger- 
 many of a precisely opposite nature to the ill-fated 
 alliance she formerly contracted with Spain. Of course, 
 Germany would have the casting-vote in things 
 political, but otherwise Holland could retain a large 
 amount of independence. Germany must aim at an 
 economic rapprochement \ but she can afford to wait, 
 and need be in no hurry to precipitate matters. In 
 case of war Germany ' could not be expected ' to 
 regard the Dutch ports as ' neutral,' and refrain from 
 making use of them. Holland must be aware of that, 
 as also of the martial spirit that has distinguished the 
 Hohenzollerns from the days when their gun called 
 Lazy Peg' (faule Crete) battered down the old fastness 
 of Friesack. Germany, to make a long story short, if 
 put to it, * Fara da se ': Holland must eventually be 
 amalgamated with Germany, as both countries stand 
 and fall together; the same language, ideals, and ideas 
 distinguish both peoples, who must be one. In the 
 opinion, too, of Eduard von Hartmann, Germany's 
 task (to form a self-sufficing Empire) can only be 
 realized by a central European Zollverein, in which 
 Holland must join. Holland * must ' approach Ger- 
 many and enter into an arrangement with her similar 
 to that contracted by the South German States in 1868- 
 1870 with the North German Confederation. Ger- 
 many, wrote Von Hartmann (in Die Gegenwart, 1900), 
 will do nothing to force Holland until the idea of union 
 enters the minds of the Dutch naturally. This 
 
ii2 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 article was reproduced in the strictly semi-official 
 North-German Gazette shortly afterwards, and men- 
 tioned in the Berlin correspondence of the Times. 
 The Niewe Rotterdamsche Courant thereupon replied 
 as follows : ' The Times offers to protect Holland if 
 her independence is threatened. But we cannot afford 
 to trust ourselves to England. Holland needs and 
 must acquire support against England in order to be 
 able to protect her colonies in the future/ But Hart- 
 mann's article provoked a good deal of discussion at 
 the time, and the German Weser Zeitung published an 
 ' inspired ' repudiation of what it called Pan-German 
 agitation, 'which did nothing but discredit Germany 
 before Europe.' 
 
 Another interesting, because temperate, statement 
 of opinion appeared from the pen of Professor Lexis 
 in the Muenchener Allgemeine Zeitung in the year 
 1900. Holland and her colonies, he wrote, were of 
 great interest to Germany ; in the first place because 
 Holland could not hope permanently to be able to 
 protect them, and in the second place because England 
 might some day desire to acquire them, especially as 
 the Dutch Indian colonies form a natural stepping- 
 stone to Australia. The only Power who would go to 
 war to oppose England would be Germany, who 
 would certainly fight for her kindred people in distress. 
 In time Holland must come to see that the only way 
 to assure safety both to herself and to her colonies is 
 by amalgamation with Germany, whose fleet is every 
 year growing stronger, and with whom England woulc 
 scarcely light-heartedly pick a quarrel. These con- 
 siderations will eventually prevail in Holland, whc 
 ' must come over to Germany/ Holland need noi 
 commit herself further than by entering the Germar 
 Zollverein and allying herself economically with hei 
 great eastern neighbour. Moreover, France woulc 
 not object on the basis of the Treaty of Frankfurt 
 The Dutch colonies would be invaluable to Germany 
 who would develop them, would thus acquire nava 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 113 
 
 bases and additional oversea trade routes. But nothing 
 is likely to be done until Germany is in the possession 
 of a really powerful navy. ' Germany, therefore, can 
 wait quietly until the moral influence which Germany's 
 future great fleet, when complete, will exercise begins 
 to take effect upon the Dutch.' 
 
 Of equal weight is the judgment of Karl Lamprecht 
 in his recent history (' Zur Jlingsten Deutschen Ver- 
 gangenheit '). In that thoughtful and suggestive work 
 the learned Professor roams over nearly the whole 
 field comprised by Deutschtum, dilating upon its past, 
 present, and future. It is not strange, he argues, to 
 find some 50,000 Germans permanently settled in 
 Holland, some 30,000 in Belgium, seeing that 
 Germany's great artery of trade, the Rhine, has its 
 starting-point in the North and South Netherlands. 
 In commerce Germany is very important to Holland, 
 while England tends to grow less so. In 1900, 52 
 per cent, in value of Holland's entire exports went 
 to Germany, who sent her in return more than she did 
 to France, and more than three times as much as she 
 exported to Italy. The postal intercommunication 
 has also increased enormously, and obtained prodigious 
 dimensions. In this matter of traffic and postal com- 
 munication, Lamprecht sees the means of arriving at 
 some practical arrangement. Holland has only to join 
 the German-Austrian Postal Convention, and the first 
 step will have been made. Every year, in point of 
 fact, some progress in this direction can be registered. 
 The Dutch, says Lamprecht, have lost faith in England. 
 They have seen how America brutally overthrew 
 Spain, Great Britain the Boers, with the result that 
 they lean now upon Germany. Already a discussion 
 as to the advisability and possibility of such a rap- 
 prochement has been opened in Holland. For it is 
 obvious that the Dutch colonial power must wither 
 unless it can find some rock of support. There are 
 only three Powers Holland can lean upon England, 
 France, or Germany. Germans can only hope that 
 
 8 
 
114 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 the Dutch will choose rightly in their own interests, 
 and before they run the risk of losing their national 
 Low German character. 
 
 Here is another opinion from the German stand- 
 point. Says Kurd von Strautz in the Deutsche Zeit- 
 sckmft (September, 1902) : only quite recently has the 
 consciousness of racial affinity with other German 
 peoples arisen in Germany. This seeking to reclaim and 
 unite the Germanic peoples is no so-called Pan-German 
 scheme. It is impossible that 'outposts of Germanism 
 like the Netherlands, Switzerland, and Austria should 
 remain permanently outside the boundaries of Ger- 
 many/ Holland's growing economic dependence on 
 the increasingly rich hinterland, and 'her natural desire 
 to be able to protect her colonies against English 
 cupidity, are the main factors which will impel Holland 
 to seek union with Germany, who, having hitherto 
 invariably thrown away her opportunities, has at last 
 awakened to the sense of her mission in the world. 
 
 Now, none of these writers whose opinions have 
 briefly been summarized can be called Pan-Germans, 
 and probably not one of them, at the time of writing, 
 intended to create a sensation or to be privy to Pan- 
 German agitation. As writers of considerable weight, 
 they merely voice the belief held by most Germans 
 viz., that Holland must sooner or later come over tc 
 Germany, who, as an elder brother, awaits the long 
 lost one with open arms. Notable is the anti-Englist 
 spirit pervading their reasoning, and the importance 
 attached to the political side of the question, which ii 
 really a military one. It concerns the blockade danger,^ 
 which played a great part in the Naval agitations ii 
 Germany, and about which Germans are somewha 
 nervous. The length of Germany's North Sea coast 
 line is 270 kilometres, which could be easily blockaded 
 The more Germany develops her canal systems an< 
 establishes outlets to the sea, the greater the blockading 
 line would have to be, and the greater, therefore, th 
 * Vide an article in Beitrage zur Flotten-Novelle, 1900. 
 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 115 
 
 difficulty of a blockade. And this, it may be mentioned, 
 was one of the objects of the Great Midland Canal 
 scheme, to give the Rhine a German mouth, which the 
 Prussian Diet rejected. It is obvious that if the 
 jagged Dutch coast-line belonged to Germany the 
 difficulties connected with an effective blockade would 
 be well-nigh insuperable. All this is perfectly reason- 
 able, and it was for this reason that the establishment 
 of a naval base at Knok, near Wilhelmshafen, was 
 contemplated some years ago, the mere idea of which 
 caused a flutter in Holland, who objected to a German 
 naval port in such close proximity to her own shores. 
 
 Then there is the fear that the Dutch colonies might 
 some day be acquired by England, or that England 
 might assume the role of colonial sponsor, or that in 
 times of war the Dutch harbours might be declared 
 neutral, or even placed at the disposition of Germany's 
 foe. These purely military reasons, and the political 
 consideration of enhanced prestige (from union with 
 Holland), go to form what may be called Germany's 
 'first-line' claims upon Holland : who, however, is still 
 unable to 'see' it. How, indeed, could she be 
 expected to with the memory of the most glorious 
 struggle ever wrought against medieval tyranny em- 
 blazoned on her history, heightened by the most 
 gallant defence of modern times offered by her descen- 
 dants. But, none the less, the future of Holland's 
 colonies does seem to offer matter for reflection ; and 
 there can be little doubt that if they would be profit- 
 able to Germany, so would they be to England and 
 for the self- same reasons, too. Here, again, should 
 the Dutch colonial possessions ever be placed on the 
 market, it is probable that British and German 
 4 interests ' will be found to be singularly antagonistic. 
 Nobody in England dreams of acquiring the Dutch 
 colonies. Germans intend to see that we never do 
 get them. But the political aspects of the question 
 need not be insisted upon, as they are based on 
 hypotheses, and refer to probably very remote con- 
 
 82 
 
n6 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 tingencies. Germans, too, admit that political union 
 with Holland is still a pious wish, which the Dutch 
 themselves show little inclination to cherish. Though 
 political union is the telos of Pan-German ambitions, 
 and is Germany's most important claim upon Holland, 
 it is also the most problematical, and at the present 
 moment the most remote from realization. 
 
 We now turn to Germany's ' second-line ' claims. 
 The ethnological and linguistic side of the question is 
 the most harmless, and the one, too, in which Pan- 
 German writers excel. This claim originated publicly 
 in 1897, when Fritz Bley published a brochure on the 
 subject, occupying 72 pages, which gives a luminous 
 survey of the Pan-German view, and seeks to show 
 conclusively that Flemish, Dutch, and Low German 
 are one and the same form of speech. This brochure, 
 like all Pan-German publications, is fiery in tone and 
 flowery in language. The writer opens with the 
 premise that, if ever France should declare war again 
 upon Germany, peace would not be declared until the 
 French portion of Flanders had been assigned to 
 Belgium, and all Luetzelburg to Germany. He thinks 
 it strange that both Germans and Dutch fail to 
 perceive how Dutch Berlin is how that its architec- 
 ture reveals a Dutch and German style, while its 
 central avenue, ' Unter den Linden,' owes its beauty 
 to the young Dutch lime-trees engrafted from Holland 
 during the reign of the Great Elector. Near Berlin 
 too, Dutch settlements and names are to be found, anc 
 numerous are the traces of Dutch influence in the Marl 
 Brandenburg. Well ! there are numerous remains o 
 Roman civilization in England, but he would be ; 
 bold man who would infer therefrom that Englanc 
 belonged to Italy. However, that is another story 
 The famous German song, ' Die Wacht arn Rhein 
 continues Bley, has lost all meaning, since Dutcl 
 are Germans, Germans Dutch, and the Rhine is fathe 
 to them both. From France, he continues, the Dutc 
 can expect no good. A strange folk, these Dutchmer 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 117 
 
 who 'squint with the left eye at French civilization, 
 and with the right at German plans of invasion ' ! Up 
 to the beginning of the nineteenth century the Dutch 
 language went by the name of ' Dietsch,' so that it is 
 really High German which has seceded from the good 
 old language and caused all the trouble. The material 
 for the German navy is recruited largely from the 
 north coasts, where Low German is spoken. Many of 
 these sailors find it difficult to understand Luther's 
 language. Why, therefore, teach it to them ? In the 
 Netherlands and (former) Boer Republics, Bley com- 
 putes, Dutch Flemish is spoken by 10 millions ; in 
 Europe about 12 millions speak Low German in all 
 22 millions speaking practically the same language. 
 Reckoning the inhabitants of the Dutch colonies, and 
 the Dutch and Low German speaking peoples in 
 America, Bley estimates the number of white people 
 speaking Low German at 62 millions Q.E.D. It 
 must be the aim of Pan-Germans, he continues, to 
 encourage the knowledge of Low German in Germany 
 and of High German in Holland. It should become a 
 moral duty for Germans to work in this sense. Finally, 
 Bley proposes a uniform 'alldietsche,' or ' Low German* 
 form of writing ; the introduction of High German for 
 scientific purposes in the entire Germanic world, 
 including Scandinavia ; and the purification of modern 
 spoken German by carefully sifting the scoriae from it 
 in the shape of all foreign words. ' Dutch wisdom of 
 State is German wisdom of State.' Here is Bley's 
 Pan-German peroration : * The German spring does not 
 announce itself with gentle caressing winds. The sea 
 is running high. It will be stormy weather. Fetch 
 oil-skins and "sou'-westers." There is work to be done. 
 The stormy petrel flies hither and thither, shrieking. 
 It is the spirit of the " Gueux " fallen upon the Dutch 
 of to-day. The future is theirs, for theirs is the sea.' 
 
 One almost needs a * sou'-wester ' to weather such a 
 ' spate of style/ and it is a relief to find a quiet dis- 
 quisition on the subject in ' Die Deutsche Erde/ 1902, 
 
n8 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 from the pen of Otto Bremer. This writer admits 
 that the Dutch written language constitutes a dam 
 against Deutschtum. But it was not always so. 
 Formerly in Germany there were various ways of 
 writing German, and had the Netherlands remained a 
 German province, the Dutch, as other Germans did, 
 would have adopted High German. As it is, the 
 artificial political boundary constituted an artificial 
 linguistic boundary. But Low German is still the 
 vernacular of North- West Germany, High German 
 beginning at Aachen. The Frisian speech is more 
 connected with English than German, but all other 
 forms of Low German are Dutch in character. The 
 political boundary between Holland and Belgium is 
 not a linguistic one. The language spoken in the 
 Dutch and Belgian province of Limburg resembles 
 the German spoken at Cologne. Within Holland and 
 Dutch Belgium there are really only two main groups 
 of dialects the Low German or Low Saxon ; and, 
 secondly, a dialect that covers all others spoken in the 
 northern parts of the Rhine provinces, which may be 
 called ' Prankish/ and falls into groups of its own. 
 These two dialects, the Low Saxon and ' Prankish, 1 
 emanate from the Saxons and Franks, who settled in 
 those parts. Bremer considers that the Dutch belong 
 historically to Germans, and that both languages are 
 of the same family. As the Franks under Clodwig 
 and Charles the Great founded an independent Germar 
 Empire, so did their descendants in the twelfth anc 
 thirteenth centuries establish a ' new Deutschtum ' ir 
 the East, which grew to be Prussia : who finally con 
 solidated the German Empire. That to-day, conclude: 
 Herr Bremer, the German Empire is not composed o ' 
 a number of separate small States such as Holland 
 Belgium, or Switzerland, is due to the Particularis 
 tendencies of the Franks. 
 
 This ' affinity ' of language on the principle, as th 
 Dutch would say, that ' het hemd is naher dan d 
 rok,' or, as we should say, ' Blood is thicker tha 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 119 
 
 water/ has led to the formation of a General Dutch 
 League (Algemeen Nederlandsch Verbond) about the 
 year 1898, with a programme in scope something like 
 that of the Pan-German League. It directs its main 
 attention to the maintenance of the Dutch language in 
 South Africa, and naturally carried on an active agita- 
 tion against England during the Boer War. It is a 
 Pan- Dutch organization, and its sympathies were all 
 for the Boers. The Pan-German League, of course, 
 supports this Pan- Dutch League, and at the annual 
 meeting of the Pan-German League, in 1900, one of 
 its members (Ammon) said that Germany's interests 
 were severely injured in South Africa (owing to the 
 war.) A portion of Low German territory was lost to 
 Germany ; an important outpost of Deutschtum in 
 which great hopes were placed was on the point of 
 being wrested from Germans. Anglo-Saxon dominion 
 in South Africa was a source of danger to Germany's 
 possessions there. 
 
 In the Alldeutsche Blatter, March 23, 1901, a 
 member of the Pan- Dutch League appealed to Ger- 
 mans for help, and wrote : ' If the mere fact that the 
 Emperor's telegram to President Kriiger in 1896 
 stirred the hearts of millions in the Netherlands to lay 
 wreaths on the tomb of De Ruyter, how far greater an 
 impression would it make on Dutch and Flemish were 
 Germany now to take action and intervene in South 
 Africa!' And in the same year the late Pan-German 
 Professor Lehr, in his report to the Pan-German 
 League, spoke of the progress the League had made 
 in propagating and popularizing the idea of nationality 
 among the Low Germans in Holland and Belgium. 
 Lehr counselled Pan-Germans to confine their agita- 
 tion to the economic idea of union, and to avoid all 
 betrayal of any excessive desire to force things, * for in 
 time the Dutch would come to see the expediency of 
 union.' In the same year an ambulatory exhibition of 
 Flemish pictures was instituted through the Rhine 
 provinces in order to remind the people of their 
 
120 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Flemish kinsmanship. At the same time, too, a 
 German- Flemish organ, Germania, was started, edited 
 by the Pan-German Dr. Reismann-Grone, and written 
 in both the German and Flemish languages, with the 
 object of encouraging Deutschtum in Belgium, and 
 Flemish in Germany, and so popularizing the idea of 
 amalgamation with Germany. 
 
 That Low German, Flemish, and Low Dutch, and 
 various dialects spoken by the inhabitants of the Rhine 
 provinces, are of the same linguistic family is no doubt 
 true ; but it is equally true that English belongs to the 
 same group. The Low Dutch of the Continent, says 
 Professor Freeman in the * Norman Conquest,' is 
 closely cognate with ' our own tongue,' and is the 
 natural speech of the whole region from Flanders to 
 Holstein, and has been carried by conquest over a 
 large region originally Slavonic to the Farther East. 
 English, again, is almost intelligible to a Frisian ; but 
 Pan-Germans would use very strong language if Great 
 Britain were to claim the Frisian Islands on that 
 ground. Some people, notably English schoolboys, 
 are wont to find a perplexing similarity between the 
 German language and Chinese, but that would scarcely 
 explain Germany's Chinese policy. And when Prince 
 Tchun visited Germany on a memorable expiatory 
 mission, he certainly forgot to put forward a claim of 
 brotherhood with the Berliners : who, on that occasion, 
 heard for the first time the expression ' Kow-tow/ 
 though they never felt quite sure which party, whether 
 Germany or China, had performed it. But no matter. 
 The linguistic tie is felt by Pan-Germans to constitute 
 a strong argument, and the most is made of such an 
 opportunity to spread the * manure of Germanism ' 
 over the Netherlands. 
 
 Once more the importance of language is insisted 
 upon ; and, in fact, the outcry raised by Pan-Germans 
 against England during the Boer War was due quite 
 as much to the feeling that with the loss of Boer 
 independence an outpost of Germanism would be lost 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 121 
 
 as to any sentimental reasons of politics, which 
 Bismarck and all German political teachers and 
 prophets have taught are healthy only when materially 
 selfish. A quaint incident will show the tenacity with 
 which Pan-Germans pursue their ends. At a concert 
 given in the summer of 1902 at Cambridge the pro- 
 gramme bore the title ' German National Music,' the 
 second piece on the list being entitled ' A Song of the 
 Netherlands of William the Silent's Time.' This was 
 deemed to be of such importance that the Alldeutsche 
 Blatter subsequently published the fact, with the 
 remark that the English thus admitted that Dutch and 
 German were the same language, and a flattering 
 allusion was made (well-nigh for the first time) to 
 English ' fair play.' Before leaving this part of the 
 subject, which is a fascinating one, it may be mentioned 
 that the political side of the discussion about union 
 with Holland is chiefly carried on by anonymous 
 writers, whereas Pan-Germans devote their principal 
 attention to the linguistic side. But as this is not a 
 Pan-German chapter it is undesirable to linger any 
 longer with our Pan-German friends in linguistic 
 research. It is time to move on, bearing always in 
 mind, as Fritz Bley says, that the spirit of the * Gueux ; 
 has descended upon them. 
 
 The ' imponderabilia,' to use a Bismarckian phrase, 
 militating against economic union between Germany 
 and Holland, great as they unquestionably are, do not 
 offer insuperable difficulties, and already considerable 
 progress along such lines has been made, about which 
 something will be said presently. Economic union, 
 of course, means that Holland should enter the German 
 Zollverein, and so, economically, become part and 
 parcel of the German Empire. It is a subject about 
 which much has been written, both from the Dutch 
 and German point of view, so that no difficulty exists 
 in stating the case, which for Germany is a strong 
 one. The Pan-German argument has been stated by 
 Dr. Reismann-Grone in his brochure, ' Die Deutschen 
 
122 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Reichshafen und das Zollbundnismitden Niederlanden,' 
 which is a reprint of an address delivered by him 
 before the Pan-German League in the year 1899, 
 when discussion on the matter raged fast and furious. 
 
 He naturally begins with the supposition that the 
 people of the Netherlands belong to the Germanic race, 
 being akin to Germans in blood, manners, and speech. 
 Moreover, the percentage of Catholics in Holland is 
 about similar to that in Germany, so that racial and 
 spiritual difficulties do not arise. Dr. Reismann-Grone 
 continues : Both Holland and Belgium are deeply 
 interested in German commerce, and are vitally con- 
 cerned in the cheap transit through Holland of German 
 exports and imports, which explains the Dutch Free 
 Trade proclivities. This fact, too, at first sight, seem< 
 to weigh heavily against union with Germany. Abou 
 9 million tons of German goods annually pass through 
 Holland, who has a special trade of 5,4o6,ooo,ooc 
 marks ; while Germany, with tenfold as many inhabi 
 tants, has a special trade of only 8 milliards of marks 
 Belgium has a special trade of 3,831,000,000 francs 
 So that both Holland and Belgium are in a high degre< 
 interested in the export and import traffic to and fron 
 Germany. This, however, is Germany's strong point 
 for Germany really pays for this transit of goods. J : 
 is this economic feature that renders both Holland an . 
 Belgium dependent on Germany. Neither of thes : 
 countries can afford to neglect this transit trade, an I 
 since this transit trade leads to and from Germany, : 
 follows that Germany's position is a very powerful on< . 
 Further, the value of the special trade of Holland an 1 
 Belgium with Germany is 2,415,000,000 marks. Th s 
 alone compels these countries to stand on friend! j 
 terms with Germany ; in the first place, because the / 
 send to Germany double as much as Germany does 1 3 
 them ; and, secondly, because a large portion of the< ^ 
 imports to Germany, passing through Holland ar i 
 Belgium, are not indispensable Dutch or Belgic i 
 products, but in the greater part foreign manufacture ;, 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 123 
 
 which Holland and Belgium pass on to their eastern 
 neighbour, who, if she chose to, could quite well take 
 over the r61e of carrier, and import the same goods via 
 German ports. As this highly-developed transit trade 
 with Germany compels Dutch ' shipping and forward- 
 ing agents, skippers, and railway authorities to look 
 favourably upon Germany, so does Holland's special 
 trade with Germany force Dutch merchants, capitalists, 
 and industrialists to adopt a similar view.' In turn, he 
 thinks that Holland and Belgium are by no means 
 compelled to ' hold to Free Trade/ What they have to 
 secure for themselves is free trade with Germany, 
 whose trade is of paramount importance to both 
 countries. The Dutch should clearly understand that 
 Germany could retain all the profit derived from transit 
 rates if she were so inclined. And this fact is one of 
 Germany's great trump-cards. Germans need not 
 attempt to throw this card ; but Germany holds it in 
 reserve, and has full right to make use of it. What 
 would Rotterdam, Antwerp, or Amsterdam be if the 
 mouth of the Rhine did not lie in the Netherlands ? 
 Germans must make it their duty to see that in the 
 future German goods are transported by German ships 
 to and from German harbours. ' And if these German 
 harbours that is, at any rate, economically speaking, 
 German harbours are not to be called Antwerp, 
 Amsterdam, and Rotterdam, then their names must be 
 Emden, Bremen, and Hamburg.' 
 
 When, therefore, as in 1900, Holland showed signs 
 of raising her Customs duties, great was the joy in the 
 Pan-German camp ; for every step forward taken by 
 Holland towards Protection renders an economic 
 entente with Germany the more feasible. It has the 
 additional advantage of exposing Holland to the 
 danger of reprisals on the part of Germany, who, by 
 the skilful employment of a vexatious traffic policy, 
 veterinary policy (such as employed against America), 
 etc., would be able to inflict serious damage upon 
 Holland. For of the two countries Holland's economic 
 
124 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 position is the weaker. If Holland were to go over 
 to Protection, she would be practically obliged to grant 
 Germany special favoured treatment in order to main- 
 tain the status quo in her commercial relations. And 
 once she entered into a special economic compact with 
 Germany she could never recede, and the basis for 
 complete union would be established. For it is obvious 
 that so long as Holland adheres to Free Trade there 
 is little likelihood of an economic rapprochement with 
 Germany, whose Protectionist proclivities are growing 
 yearly more marked. Convergence, therefore, can 
 only be stimulated by similarity in the fiscal policies 
 of both countries. In this connection it is worth 
 noting that Germans are not without hope that 
 England's proposed abandonment of Free Trade will 
 exercise a sobering effect upon the Dutch, and lead 
 them to safeguard their own interests by a similar 
 departure, which would, of course, bring Holland ap- 
 preciably nearer to Germany. 
 
 Now, the economic side of the question has been 
 dealt with exhaustively by two German professors 
 not Pan-Germans, nor in any way associated with the 
 Pan-German League. If Professor von Halle's essay 
 was too Chauvinistic, the Grenzboten lucubrations were 
 offensive : to Germans, owing to their needlessly 
 hostile spirit, and to the Dutch, because they simpl) 
 implied, ' Embrasse moi ou je t'ecrase,' so that the 
 Dutch neglected the one and spurned the other. Twc 
 little contributions to the theme, however, excitec 
 lively interest among the Dutch ; and one of thes( 
 essays is still regarded as the best criticism, said in th< 
 clearest way, that has yet appeared. 
 
 The first but least interesting of these two was ar 
 essay by Professor Sartorius von Waltershausen, con 
 tributed to the Zeitschrift filr Socialwissenschaft 
 vol. iii., in the year 1900. The professor, well knowi 
 for his militant opinion as to the best way to meet th< 
 * American danger/ expresses the opinion that German- 
 must take the initiative, and undertake to protect an< 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 125 
 
 uphold the Dutch colonial possessions, to maintain 
 Holland's transit trade to and from Germany, and 
 guarantee that German ports shall not be developed 
 at the expense of the Dutch. The Dutch would be 
 fully compensated for any increase in the price of food 
 resulting from Holland's entry in the German Zoll- 
 verein by the benefits accruing to agriculture and 
 industry from the vast additional hinterland territory 
 thrown open to them at a time when all nations were 
 tending to raise a barrier to foreign imports. Further, 
 Holland would benefit financially from the Zollverein, 
 while alone she could scarcely venture to abandon 
 Free Trade. The professor is also of the opinion that 
 foodstuffs would be cheaper in Holland when the 
 Zollverein is perfected. The following is a list of 
 advantages which the professor thinks would result 
 from economic union between Germany and Holland : 
 
 1. The vexatious veterinary examination of live- 
 stock entering the German frontier would cease, in 
 order to promote joint agricultural interests. 
 
 2. A number of unemployed would find employ- 
 ment. 
 
 3. Practical patent laws could be established be- 
 tween the two countries, to the common benefit of 
 both. 
 
 4. Germany and Holland would be freed from de- 
 pendence on English cable communication provided 
 Germany is able to build her railway through Asia 
 Minor (Baghdad) to the Persian Gulf, and from that 
 littoral lay a cable to Sumatra. 
 
 5. The Dutch Consulates would be protected by 
 Germany, who would also protect Dutch interests. 
 
 6. Young Dutchmen would have the benefit of 
 German technical education. 
 
 7. A common rational social policy Holland to 
 adopt the German factory legislation and workmen's 
 insurance system. 
 
 8. A common system of coinage. 
 
 9. A common railway tariff policy. 
 
126 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 10. Dredging and exploitation of the Dollart. 
 
 11. A German-Dutch Postal Union on the model of 
 the German-Austrian Convention. 
 
 The advantages of economic union, thinks Von 
 Waltershausen, are all on Holland's side. The ad- 
 vantage to Germany would be mainly one of prestige. 
 Economically, German industry would be the better 
 off by 5 million additional buyers, although these 
 might enter into competition with Germans, and even 
 beat them. Germany would give fresh life and 
 economic stimulus to the Dutch colonies. At the same 
 time, he does not demand differential tariffs with the 
 Dutch possessions in favour of German products unless 
 ' Great Britain becomes really economically united with 
 her colonies, and manages to bring about intercolonial 
 Free Trade.' But the professor is counting without 
 his host there, for according to the Treaty of 182 = 
 between England and Holland favoured treatmem 
 with the Dutch colonies is assured to Great Britair 
 for ever, and England is hardly likely to renounce he! 
 treaty rights because it may suit Holland to ente 
 into partnership with Germany. Besides whicl 
 Germany, as it is, imposes duties on her colonia 
 products for financial purposes, so that a family Dutch 
 German union enjoying Free Trade is highly im 
 probable. The professor quite overlooks that. How 
 ever, he candidly admits that the Dutch are averse t 
 such a union. Nevertheless, the Dutch will learn thei 
 lesson from England, he opines, who may some da ' 
 seek to acquire the Dutch Indies. Again, the professc * 
 underestimates or overlooks the obstacles to such i 
 union bound up by treaty in the Peace of Frankfur , 
 when favoured treatment was established betwee t 
 France and Germany for ever. This clause (Article II., 
 he thinks, would not be applicable to a Zollvereii . 
 But whether in the event of a German-Dutch Zol - 
 verein France would be willing to resign her claim t ) 
 favoured treatment seems highly problematical eve i 
 to Pan-Germans, who, as before said, are practic 1 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 127 
 
 politicians, and often show far more political prescience 
 than do National Liberal professors, with whom 
 politics is but too often a profession. Consequently, 
 it is one of the aims of Pan-Germans to bring about 
 the cancellation of Article II. in order to facilitate the 
 creation of this much-desired Zollverein. And this, 
 it is felt, is the more possible in that the article in 
 question was practically enforced upon France as one 
 of the prices of peace at the conclusion of a hateful 
 war. Finally, Von Waltershausen maintains that a 
 Zollverein is only obtainable on three conditions : 
 That Holland should exercise no influence on German 
 commercial policy ; that Holland should be represented 
 in a Customs Parliament ; that the common Customs 
 tariffs should be arranged between Dutch and German 
 representatives. There are obvious objections to these 
 conditions. To the first condition, because Holland 
 would hardly be willing to accept the position of 
 Luxemburg ; to the second, because Germany would 
 not agree to a common Parliament ; and to the third, 
 because if Dutch and Germans together had to draw 
 up the Customs tariffs they would very probably never 
 come to an agreement at all, and the old muddle of 
 the Zollverein would only be repeated. In a word, 
 Von Waltershausen's proposals, arguments, and theories 
 are not practical ; and this the Dutch felt, and replied 
 accordingly. 
 
 Far the most able exposition of the case is the essay 
 by Professor Anton,* of Jena University, which ap- 
 peared in 1902. The professor is frank, and conscious 
 of the difficulties besetting his plea for union, which 
 he proceeds to develop with skill and succinctness. 
 He considers that Holland's unwillingness to pursue 
 the matter further (after the favourable opening of the 
 discussion in Holland in 1897, ^99, and 1900) is due 
 to the revulsion (sic) in German policy towards 
 England after the telegram of 1896; which led the 
 Dutch to believe that Germany, as the Standaard 
 * Ein Zollbundniss mit den Niederlanden^ 1902. 
 
128 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 (Dr. Kuyper's organ) said at the time, would ' bite as 
 well as bark.' Politically, he thinks, the Dutch could 
 retain a considerable amount of independence, though 
 he admits that economic union generally leads to 
 political union. First there are international con- 
 siderations of policy, but these call for no comment ; 
 for the Powers would hardly seek to prevent Holland 
 allying herself with Germany. Technically, such a 
 union is feasible. The decrease in the Customs receipts 
 of Holland would be neutralized by the increase in 
 Germany's receipts, owing to the extension of her 
 Customs territory. Excise duties and taxation need 
 not be uniform any more than is the case between 
 Prussia and Bavaria. It has been estimated that the 
 Zollverein would result in a yearly increase of 2 
 million marks to Holland. This would, of course 
 conjure up the Free Trade question, which cannot b( 
 solved so easily as it was with Luxemburg. Anton 
 therefore, thinks that the only solution is for Hollanc 
 to abandon Free Trade. 
 
 The advantages of a Zollverein to Holland woul< 
 be great. She would have an additional market c :" 
 56 millions, which could hardly fail to benefit Dutc i 
 industries. The increase in the price of food woul I 
 prove a boon to Dutch agriculture, and at the sam ; 
 time not injure her industries. Nor would Holland > 
 trade suffer. On the contrary, her source of prof t 
 from the transit trade would be the same as heretofon . 
 Disadvantages there are, too, not a few. Food woul 1 
 doubtless become dearer. But, on the other han< , 
 such a stimulus would be given to the productrv * 
 capacity of Dutch industries, and so great would I z 
 the opportunities of economic development, that tl e 
 general prosperity of the country would material y 
 increase, and dearer food would not be felt as a burde i. 
 Holland, too, might well object to hand over her ri< h 
 colonial possessions to Germany, who would certain y 
 largely develop and enrich them. Undoubtedly tl isi 
 would entail a sacrifice on the part of Holland, wJ o 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 129 
 
 probably would not consent to it unless satisfied that 
 Germany would protect her colonies and maintain their 
 integrity. But even then, Anton remarks, with a dry 
 touch of humour, what is to prevent Germany from 
 appropriating these colonies ? Then the Dutch, 
 continues Anton, dislike the German military and 
 police system, the Prussian pipeclay regime and State 
 supervision of society. Still, he continues, such things 
 ( would be endurable ' if industry and agriculture were 
 really benefited and national prosperity was assured. 
 
 The advantages to Germany from union with 
 Holland are, in the first place, the possession of the 
 Rhine, the stimulus thereby given to German shipping, 
 traffic, and employment, the extension of Germany's 
 North Sea coast-line, which from a military point of 
 view is of great importance, the guarantee that German 
 shipping would be accorded friendly treatment by the 
 Dutch, and the impetus given to traffic between the 
 two countries. Rotterdam would probably become 
 the greatest emporium of trade in Europe, and would 
 even surpass Hamburg in wealth and shipping. Once 
 Holland joined Germany, a German mouth of the 
 Rhine would be indispensable. But the only port 
 which could be developed instead of Rotterdam is 
 Emden ; and this, again, has its disadvantages, as it 
 would deflect traffic from the Rhine, and so prove 
 harmful to the well-being of the Rhine provinces. 
 Summing up, Professor Anton maintains that union is 
 * possible and desirable for both countries/ Were 
 Germany a free- trading country, the basis of union 
 would be present. As it is, Holland, as the weaker 
 Power, must yield and go over to Protection. Economic 
 union would render it impossible for Holland in time 
 of war to remain neutral, and this point should be 
 clearly understood. The future, opines Anton, is not 
 without hope. The more the Germans and the 
 Dutch learn about one another, the nearer union will 
 approach. 
 
 On its appearance, Professor Anton's essay was 
 
 9 
 
i 3 o THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 much commented on in Holland, where it met with a 
 mixed reception. But it had this advantage over most 
 other attempts to foster the idea of union in that it was 
 sensible and temperate throughout. No dithyrambic 
 note was struck ; it was attuned in a scholarly fashion 
 to Dutch ears. The Dutch journals Het Vaderland 
 and Utrechtsche Dagblad accepted its logic, though the 
 former newspaper rejected its conclusions. The 
 defence, wrote Dr. Heckscher (in Professor Delbrlick's 
 Preussische Jahrbilcher, August, 1902), of the Dutch 
 colonies against the lust of foreign Powers is also a 
 vital interest to Germany and to the safety of her own 
 possessions. Any foreign acquisition of the Dutch 
 possessions denotes a serious menace to German 
 colonial power. But economic union with Holland, 
 says Dr. Heckscher, will not be effected by any states- 
 man. It will take place of itself, organically. The 
 certainty of this constitutes a guarantee for the con- 
 tinuance of friendly relations between Holland anc 
 Germany. 
 
 The Powers, it may be interpolated here, representec 
 by Germans as * threatening ' the Dutch colonies an 
 England and America, and even Japan, which latte 
 Power is described in Pan-German organs as approach 
 ing significantly near to the Dutch Indies. Among th< 
 cogent reasons, therefore, making for union witi 
 Germany are these two menaces to Holland's integrity 
 the political (and apocryphal) one being the colonic 
 lust of the three Powers above mentioned, and th \ 
 economic one the fear that Germany may deflect th i 
 transit of her exports and imports from Dutch t ) 
 German ports, and send and receive her goods via th i 
 Weser and the Elbe instead of using the Rhin< . 
 Professor Francke, in his essay on the ' Europea i 
 Zollverein Movement,' published in Beitrdge 21* r 
 Neuesten Handelspolitik, 1900, appears to agree wit i 
 the view that the importance of Germany to Hollar I 
 compels Holland to accord favoured treatment to tl ^ 
 German Empire. Were Germany, he wrote, to cea: ^ 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 131 
 
 to be the hinterland to Holland, whose economic well- 
 being is dependent on German trade, Dutch merchants 
 would lose not only all their important contract orders, 
 but all their best customers. Such a loss would be 
 severely felt in Germany, too, but for Holland the 
 blow would prove irreparable. Professor Francke, 
 none the less, is not very hopeful, and cautiously 
 places his opinion on record that union is * not within 
 sight.' This pessimistic view, however, was not 
 shared by Professor Samassa, editor of the Alldeutsche 
 Blatter, for two years after the appearance of Professor 
 Francke's essay he expressed the opinion that Holland 
 and Germany were 'converging.' It goes slowly, he 
 confessed, but it can hardly be otherwise after the rude 
 blow delivered by Germany to Holland by her pusil- 
 lanimous pro- English (sic) attitude during the Boer 
 War. 
 
 One other expression of German opinion may be 
 given, that of Dix, now editor of the National 
 Zeitung. Germany's economic development, he con- 
 tends,* is inseparably connected with the mouth of the 
 Rhine. The Dortmund- Ems Canal is but an artificial 
 artery of traffic. Whole work (gauze Arbeit) can 
 only be made by means of a close economic connection 
 with Holland. Germans must wait patiently to see 
 whether the Dutch will not come to understand that 
 their colonies are in jeopardy unless placed under the 
 guardianship of Germany. But, once the two coun- 
 tries are bound together, then Germany can regard 
 the mouth of the Rhine as hers, and can look forward 
 into the future with confidence. German shipping 
 would then receive a fresh impulse, and German trade 
 would be established on a thoroughly safe foundation. 
 Germany would then be able to dispense entirely with 
 foreign middle-men and carriers, and could maintain 
 herself above-board alone. 
 
 A few words may now be said about ways and 
 
 means ; and it is only right to preface any remark 
 
 * ' Deutschland auf den Hochstrassen des Weltwirtschaftsverkehrs.' 
 
 92 
 
1 32 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 about German 'pressure' on Holland with the frank 
 admission that the attitude of official Germany towards 
 Holland is a perfectly correct one, and that nothing in 
 the shape of what Bismarck once called a 'pourboire ' 
 policy is officially countenanced. The Pan-Germans, 
 of course, carry on an active ' pourboire ' agitation, so 
 far as their means permit, and, with the aid of ethno- 
 graphic maps, conduct the campaign assiduously. 
 This was notably the case in 1900, the year of the 
 Great Fleet agitation, when the late Professor Lehr, 
 whose field of activity lay specially in Holland and 
 Flemish Belgium, went on a kind of Pan-German 
 stump mission to those countries, and gave a series oi 
 lectures on ' the importance of Germany's fleet, botr 
 to Germany and Holland.' He spoke at Antwerp 
 Brussels, Hoboken, and Rotterdam, visited the Pan 
 German branch associations, and put things general!} 
 in order. The German residents attended his lecture 
 in great numbers, and it is worth while taking not< 
 that the lecture in Rotterdam was engineered by th< : 
 German Naval League, while that given in Amster 
 dam and Hoboken was arranged by the * Germa . 
 Veterans' Associations ' : which associations (of ol i 
 soldiers) have nothing to do with politics or Par 
 Germanism. A kind of official cachet was imparte I 
 to Professor Lehr's mission : at Antwerp by th i 
 appearance of the German Consul- General ; and i i 
 Brussels by the attendance of the military attache an 1 
 another junior member of the German Embassy, i\ z 
 Ambassador having at the eleventh hour apologized f( r 
 his inability, 'owing to a Court function,' to atten* I 
 After the lectures, resolutions were sent to Admir il 
 Tirpitz, the German Naval Minister, imploring hi n 
 not to consent to a stiver being struck off the propose d 
 Naval expenditure then agitating the Reichstag, o 
 which Admiral Tirpitz naturally replied, thanking tl e 
 Pan-German Association for their ' kind wishe ;.' 
 The Matin of Antwerp and the ' German organ f >r 
 Belgium ' were full of eulogies the next mornir , 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 133 
 
 and the Pan-Germans were able to congratulate them- 
 selves on a very pretty success. Eugen Richter's 
 organ in Berlin, however, the Freisinnige Zeititng, 
 grumbled somewhat at this new departure, and said 
 that the Pan -Germans were 'conniving at the annexa- 
 tion of Holland and Belgium ' : which was really 
 unkind. But then, Eugen Richter is notorious for his 
 franchise brutale. 
 
 On May 30, 1901, on the occasion of the visit of 
 the newly-married Queen of the Netherlands to the 
 Emperor at Potsdam, speeches were exchanged which, 
 as they seem to rise above the ordinary level of polite- 
 ness customary in royal toasts, will therefore here be 
 summarized. The German Emperor welcomed the 
 royal bride at the side of her ' dear husband of a pure 
 German stock ' as the great-grand-daughter of Louise 
 Henrietta, the * rose of the House of Orange.' How 
 could the Queen of the Netherlands, His Majesty 
 continued, be otherwise greeted on the soil of 
 Brandenburg, as she is a member of the family of that 
 house with whom the Hohenzollerns have for centuries 
 remained in the closest relations? The House of 
 Orange taught much to the Hohenzollerns. He 
 drank to the health of the Queen, with the hope that 
 the ' love and friendship of Brandenburg- Prussia for 
 the House of Orange and the Netherlands would never 
 die out in the hearts of the members of my house and of 
 my people.' Whereupon the young Queen replied that 
 she, too, hoped that ' the old and approved relations 
 between our kindred houses may continue for ever, to 
 the good of both peoples/ These words, if we are 
 not mistaken, seem to have a ring of old time about 
 them, evoking the memory of the days when the two 
 Netherlands, under Charles the Bold, belonged to 
 Germany as part of the Duchy of Burgundy. 
 
 But what, it will be asked, has been accomplished 
 what actual results are there to show that any advance 
 has been made towards union ? Well, one thing has 
 been accomplished, and the initial step taken towards 
 
134 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 the consummation of another act of union. 
 accompli is the laying of a joint German- Dutch cable 
 to the Dutch Indian possessions, which arrangement, 
 after a long period of negotiations, the Dutch Chamber 
 finally accepted. The advantages to Germany of such 
 a cable are : emancipation from English cables (always 
 one of Germany's ambitions) and the amalgamation of 
 Dutch and German interests. When the Baghdad 
 Railway is completed and now that an agreement 
 has been come to it probably will be completed it is 
 hoped to lay a further cable from some railway 
 terminus on the Persian Gulf to the Dutch colonies, 
 which would further strengthen Germany's position, 
 and constitute a fresh link in the chain of economic 
 union with Holland. The second and more important 
 step is the postal union with Germany. This is still 
 in its initial stages. But in 1902 the matter had 
 advanced sufficiently to enable a joint Commission of 
 Dutch and German Chambers of Commerce to meet 
 at Utrecht to consider the question, and to report on 
 its desirability. In 1903 nothing had been settled, 
 but on September 30 it was announced in the Deutscht 
 Wochenzeitung that the Dutch Post and Telegraph 
 Director, Pop, had stated that an inquiry was being 
 made, and that the German Government had kindl) 
 furnished Holland with all available material necessar) 
 to the investigation. Whether Holland will get ovei 
 her objections to the Postal Convention still remain.' 
 to be seen. It would appear somewhat doubtful, ai 
 many of the Dutch Chambers of Commerce oppose 
 such a union, and the fear is generally entertained ii 
 Holland that the matter is not quite so innocent as i 
 looks. In the Alldeiitsche Blatter, March i, 1902 
 Professor Samassa distinctly says that a Postal Con 
 vention would be the first step towards a Custom 
 union. And in a pamphlet on the pros and cons c " 
 the question, an anonymous but evidently very we 
 informed writer conceives postal intercommunicatio 
 to be an important economic link between the tw > 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 135 
 
 countries, and to be inseparably connected with the 
 preliminary stages of a Customs union. He maintains 
 that 45 per cent, of all letters and packages sent out 
 from Holland go to Germany, while out of 16,586 
 abonnements to foreign newspapers in Holland no 
 less than 85 per cent, are to German newspapers. 
 Were Holland to enter into a Postal Convention with 
 Germany on the lines of the German-Austrian Con- 
 vention, it would be impossible, argues this anonymous 
 writer, to pretend that such a union would not carry 
 with it political significance. Probably Holland would 
 at first be the loser financially, but not when the 
 agreement was in full working order. Dr. Karl 
 Meune, too, in his study on the * Dutch as a Nation ; 
 in the series of monographs on ' Applied Geography,' 
 edited by Professor Dove, says bluntly that the merest 
 expression of desire on the part of the Dutch to enter 
 into a postal union with Germany would practically 
 entail the loss of their independence as a nation, to 
 which he believes they still tenaciously cling. He is 
 therefore little hopeful of success, for as long as the 
 Dutch cling to national independence ' they are obliged 
 to refuse all proposals of economic alliance.' 
 
 It now only remains to say something about Dutch 
 opinion on union, and to sum up. The discussion on the 
 question really emanated from the Dutch, who, after 
 the Emperor's telegram to President Krliger in 1896, 
 fell into the erroneous belief that Germany was going 
 to fight Dutch battles, and began to consider whether 
 Germany would not turn out to be a highly desirable 
 companion. There was nothing new about such a 
 discussion. On the formation of the German Zoll- 
 verein the Dutch betrayed a tendency to enter the 
 union, but never got beyond the stage of coquetting 
 with the Alliance, although Luxemburg, in personal 
 union with Holland, actually crossed the line. After 
 the telegram to President Kriiger the discussion was 
 renewed, but flagged until 1899, when a lively contro- 
 versy arose, which was continued till the fall of 1900, 
 
136 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 began 
 
 when the ebb set in. In 1902 the controversy beg; 
 again. A short account of the 1902 controversy was 
 given in a letter published in the Spectator, and subse- 
 quently reproduced in the appendix to the pithy work 
 by Vigilans sed Aequus on ' German Aims and Ambi- 
 tions.' The Utrecht sche Dagblad pleaded for political 
 union with Germany, while the Haagsche Courant 
 supported economic union on the basis of a Zollverein. 
 The controversy, however, has been restricted to the 
 newspapers, and it is not proposed here to enter 
 further into the matter and reproduce press opinion. 
 Those who are interested in the subject will find an 
 able epitome of the Dutch view upon the Zollverein 
 in a brochure written by Den Beer Portugael, member 
 of the State Council, who has lucidly condensed all 
 that has been written on the Dutch side, and comes to 
 the opinion that the Dutch 'are not ready for union, 
 and that no useful object can be served by labouring 
 the question.' Economic partnership with Germany, 
 he argues, would mean that Holland would have no 
 voice whatever in questions of commercial policy, and 
 would receive in return ' friendly hints ' from her big 
 partner to strengthen her naval armaments. 
 
 One other temperate expression of opinion, however, 
 from a Dutch pen deserves attention, and will here be 
 summarized. It appeared in Die Nation (June 2, 1900). 
 The writer, Van Houten, of the Hague (not of cocoa 
 fame), maintains that no vestige of reason exists for 
 any alliance between Germany and Holland, and that 
 never at any time in history was Holland politically 
 so divided from Germany as at the present moment. 
 Dutch merchants, he declares, would oppose any 
 economic union with Germany. Old Holland belongs 
 to history, but New Holland is strong and prosperous. 
 Anything in the shape of a Pan- Dutch movement 
 would provoke quite as powerful an irredentist agita- 
 tion, and is wholly impolitic. New Holland was called 
 into being by England in 1813, who restored to her 
 some of her former colonies. The two evils of that 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 137 
 
 time Calvinism and the want of central organization 
 were then abolished for ever. A new State was 
 founded upon a new and thoroughly healthy ' national 
 basis.' Nobility has no longer any class privileges. 
 Dutch officials are free to vote according to conviction, 
 and may belong to the Social Democratic party, if they 
 choose, openly. The Dutch press is de jure and de 
 facto free, and may attack Ministers with impunity, 
 while neither journalists nor Members of Parliament 
 find it necessary to protect their honour by duels, 
 duellists being simply laughed at. He admits that 
 officers fight occasionally, but duels are comparatively 
 rare, and the tendency in the army is to ridicule the 
 system. Then the Free Trade policy of Holland makes 
 it impossible for her to join a highly Protectionist 
 country. Dearer food would result, with no satisfactory 
 equivalents. In short, the people would not suffer it. 
 Finally, there is the sacrifice entailed by union with 
 Germany of 'intellectual freedom/ In Holland the 
 Church is free from all State supervision, as are the 
 schools ; and if Socialist schools were founded, the State 
 not only has no power to suppress them, but would 
 even be obliged to contribute towards their mainte- 
 nance. In a word, Holland has nothing to gain from 
 union with Germany, who herself might feel embar- 
 rassed by such a connection. It is perhaps as well for 
 Germany, concludes Van Houten, to leave Holland to 
 work out her own destiny. Let Germany reap such 
 benefits as she may from her proximity to a country 
 where every man, 'whether Jew, artist, priest, or 
 workman/ is free. 
 
 In all questions of German policy it is always wise 
 to refer to Bismarck, and see what the maker of the 
 German Empire had to say about the particular point 
 in question. Naturally, the probabilities of union with 
 Holland did not escape his vigilant mind, and naturally, 
 too, he spoke plainly, as was his wont, about the 
 matter. He has left us two important utterances, 
 which are to be found in Poschinger's 'Tischgesprache/ 
 
138 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 vol. i. On one occasion Bismarck said : * And if the 
 five million inhabitants of the Netherlands were to beg 
 on their knees for annexation, Prussia could not, and 
 would not, accept the offer. The Dutch must look 
 after their own colonies, and protect them as they can/ 
 And on another occasion the Iron Chancellor was even 
 more explicit : ' We do not dream of annexing Holland. 
 The Dutch are not Germans, and we Germans aim 
 at German union. No German would ever think of 
 annexing Holland/ 
 
 Now this, no doubt, was then .strictly true. But 
 much that was axiomatic in Bismarck's time is now so 
 much gray theory, and no longer applicable to modern 
 conditions. In turning to Bismarck for guidance it 
 must always be borne in mind that the position of 
 Germany in 1890 was entirely different to her present 
 Imperial position in the year 1 904. Many a Bismarckian 
 apothegm, sound enough at the date of its enunciation, 
 has lost its point, or has been discredited by events. 
 Moreover, Bismarck never seemed quite to foresee the 
 possibilities of economic interests, or to realize theii 
 potential power as a factor in linking nations together 
 Indeed, it was one of his axioms that economic unior 
 between two peoples carried with it no political joim 
 responsibility. He thought, perhaps, too highly o 
 the sword, too slightly of the economic power ii 
 politics and in peoples. Little as political unioi 
 between Germany and Holland seems probable, o 
 even possible, there are unmistakable signs tha 
 economic union which is the initial step to politics 
 union is not beyond the limits of practical politics 
 Unquestionably the trend of the two countries is t< > 
 converge. It has been credibly stated in diplomati : 
 quarters that one of Germany's serious objections t > 
 disarmament and to the Hague Court of Arbitratio . 
 is that such a permanent institution would contribut ; 
 to the neutralization, as it is called, of Holland : whicl: , 
 as Pan -Germans are ever proclaiming, might su : 
 England very well, might even suit Holland, but woul I 
 
GERMANY AND HOLLAND 139 
 
 not at all lie in the interests of Germany. Note, again, 
 the parental solicitude displayed by Germany towards 
 Holland during the great Dutch strikes; how seriously 
 any economic unrest in Holland reacts upon Germany, 
 and lames her industrial activity ; with what tender 
 care Germany endeavours to promote the idea of 
 economic union. And what, finally, is to prevent 
 Germany, when she has built her great navy, from 
 offering it to the Dutch in case of need, or, for that 
 matter, to prevent the Dutch from accepting it ? That 
 Germany needs Holland has been stated time after 
 time by responsible and irresponsible publicists. That 
 economic union is in one sense desirable for both 
 countries is likewise indisputable. Annexation, as 
 Bismarck said, is, of course, ridiculous. But is economic 
 amalgamation so inconceivable ? We think not. 
 Germany is a growing world power, Holland a de- 
 clining one. Turgot's dictum that colonies, like fruit, 
 fall off when they ripen may not be quite true ; but 
 it is so if the home country or main trunk withers. 
 In the role of protector and patron of the Dutch foreign 
 possessions there may lie the source of political trouble 
 in the future.* 
 
 Bismarck knew nothing about Pan- Germans, who 
 have founded a new policy more ambitious than was 
 his. They claim the Dutch as their own. It would 
 be idle to forecast the future and indulge in vaticina- 
 tions as to the eventual fate of the Dutch. Somehow, 
 too, it seems difficult to believe that the two peoples 
 have much in common ; that the polders and dams 
 and locks and canals of the Netherlands are the work 
 of the same race that, across the frontier, still counte- 
 nances Russian police methods, a privileged aristocratic 
 and military class, and which knows not the feeling of 
 freedom ; or to detect much similarity : of thought, 
 between the descendants of the ' Beggars ' and Pan- 
 Germans ; of feeling, as expressed by the silks and 
 satins of a De Mieris or a Metzu, and the gaudy 
 * Vide Appendix, note on German policy. 
 
140 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 extravagance of Hohenzollern art ; between the 
 tranquil spirit of modern Holland and the fierce 
 arbitrariness of victorious Prussia. But Pan-Germans 
 may be right. Some day the Dutch may conceivably 
 determine to share the fortunes of the Germans, who 
 will never cease from troubling as long as the mouth 
 of the Rhine the fountain of German poetic inspira- 
 tion lies in alien lands. 
 
 Some great political upheaval may eventually decide 
 the point. As it is, one is loth to believe that Holland 
 will go over to Germany. One welcomes the brave 
 words of Den Beer Portugael at the close of his little 
 work : ' We Dutch are big and strong enough, if we 
 so wish it, to remain what we are free and inde- 
 pendent.' And, verily, why should it not be so ? It 
 is all very well for the Grenzboten to speak of Holland 
 as decadent, unable to maintain her position against 
 modern competition, and fated to remain at a stand- 
 still, which means to decay ; all very well, too, for 
 Pan-Germans to raise the bogey of English, American. 
 or Japanese greed ; and easy enough, forsooth, for the 
 professors to threaten Holland with the loss of hei 
 carrying trade and shipping industry, and to represent 
 the Dutch as a kindred people German in manners 
 usage, language, and ideals, and Dutch only frorr 
 circumstance and geographical position. The fac 
 remains, clear to all who will see it, that the Dutcl 
 of to-day are worthy descendants of that hardy stocl 
 that drove Alva's soldiers into the sea, and that the) 
 wish to remain Dutch. Whether they so remain o 
 not, of the Dutch people it may truly be said that thei 
 fame will live though a^ons roll by. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 SCANDINAVIA, BELGIUM, DENMARK, AND 
 DEUTSCHTUM 
 
 IN the year 1901 the celebrated Norwegian writer, 
 Bjornsen, delivered an address in Berlin spoke of the 
 civilizing influence of German culture, of union in the 
 future among all Germanic peoples, and referred to 
 himself as a Pan-German. This perfectly voluntary 
 confession of faith led Pan-Germans to believe that 
 Scandinavia was coming round to the good cause, and 
 led certain German newspapers to speak of the author 
 as an * Alldeutscher,' which is the German for Pan- 
 German. But when subsequently Bjornsen's attention 
 was drawn to the appellative Alldeutscher he would 
 have none of it, and wrote to the newspapers, begging 
 them not to confuse him a Pan -German in the 
 peaceful sense of the word, which he used ethnologi- 
 cally in reference to Germanic culture only with 
 Pan- Germanism as interpreted by the League : which 
 ' pursued political aims, desired new lands, and was 
 an aggressive organization ' with which he, as a ' Pan- 
 Germane,' had nothing in common. To the Anglo- 
 Saxon mind such subtleties of nomenclature may seem 
 somewhat perplexing until the explanation be forth- 
 coming namely, that in German both words, ' Pan- 
 Germane ' (our word Pan-German) and ' Alldeutscher,' 
 are permissible, both words having the same signifi- 
 cation, though now used to convey different ideas. 
 Bjornsen certainly never intended to make a pun ; and 
 when he used the word ' Pan-Germane ' he meant to 
 
 141 
 
142 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 draw a distinction between the political Pan-German and 
 the Pan-German who, as himself, believed in German 
 culture, and desired to further it. Whether Bjornsen 
 was justified in seeking to create such a sharp dis- 
 tinction seems questionable. To promote German 
 culture * culture-manure/ in Pan-German phraseology 
 is also the aim of the League, which makes the 
 most of language as an instrument of agitation, and 
 has accomplished meritorious work in re-Germanizing 
 the German language, and restoring it to part of its 
 former purity. In fact, the pioneer work of Pan- 
 Germans consists in this : To sharpen the feeling for 
 Deutschtum among Germanic peoples ; to sift foreign 
 words from the Low German dialects, and to bring 
 them as near to High German as possible ; to build 
 up a feeling of attachment to the German Empire ; 
 and to establish, as it were, a lien upon all * German 
 outlands.' 
 
 True Pan-Germanism, however, aims not only at 
 countries inhabited by Germanic peoples, but at such 
 countries as may be useful to Germany and to the 
 future Pan-Germanic Confederation. Such outlands 
 are Scandinavia and Denmark, and, of course, with 
 Holland, Belgium. 
 
 The use of the word ' outland ' in application to 
 Scandinavia is convenient in a work of this kind, which 
 treats of Pan-German aims and ideals, and must there- 
 fore adapt itself to, and adopt, Pan-German phraseology. 
 And the word 'outland/ as used by Germans, seems 
 permissible : on the score of correctness from the 
 German standpoint, and of directness from the English 
 standpoint ; though, of course, on similar reasoning a 
 large portion of England is a ' Germanic outland,' 
 which pretension, however, need not concern us much 
 so long as we take care that England never becomes 
 an 'outland' of Germany, other than in name. Now, 
 of all countries in Europe, Sweden and Norway arc 
 the two where the German personally is the least liked, 
 and the Englishman, perhaps, the most popular. Any 
 
MAP OF GERMANIC AND SLAVONIC RACES OFTME BALTIC 
 
 SCALE OP MJL.F.S 
 
144 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Englishman who has travelled in those countries has 
 observed that ; observed, too, that the moment he 
 begins to speak English he finds a willing ear, which 
 with the German language is by no means the case. 
 None the less, voices have been raised in Scandinavia 
 pleading for a rapprochement with Germany ; and it 
 would be puerile to dispute that Scandinavian literature 
 and culture is not largely permeated with German, or to 
 deny that an entente between Scandinavia and Germany 
 is, in certain circumstances, an inconceivable idea. 
 Conceivable politically on the part of Scandinavia 
 as a means to ward off Slavonic 'penetration,' to 
 preserve Sweden from the fate of Finland ; economi- 
 cally, from pressure and the sense of growing weakness. 
 As a matter of fact, neither politically nor economically 
 has Scandinavia betrayed the smallest desire to approach 
 Germany ; and the question, which has been mooted 
 at various times in Scandinavia, has never assumed 
 even modest dimensions, or at any time been other 
 than a purely academic theme. At the same time, 
 some of these pro-German voices from Scandinavia 
 are worth listening to, and one of them from the pen 
 of an anonymous * politician ' which appeared in the 
 Goteborgs Aftonblad in the year 1902 develops the 
 subject in the following fashion. He contends that 
 the Germanic peoples were never one, but between 
 them there never was, nor is, any intellectual barrier, 
 such as divides the Germans from the Slavs. For 
 half a century the task has fallen on Sweden to oppose 
 the march of the Slavs towards the West, which role 
 Germany and the Austro - Hungarian Empire in- 
 herited. Sweden, Germany, and Austria- Hungary 
 form a bar to Russia's advance, and are, in consequence, 
 more or less amicably disposed towards one another. 
 Sweden ' must form an alliance with Germany against 
 Russia.' This would mean Sweden's rupture with 
 England, who would never help the Swedes against 
 Russia. 
 
 This, of course, may or may not have been written 
 
SCANDINAVIA AND DEUTSCHTUM 145 
 
 by a Pan-German. At any rate, the independence of 
 Scandinavia is unquestionably a German interest. 
 Were Scandinavia ever to fall under Russian influence 
 Germany's naval position in the Baltic would be 
 seriously imperilled, and in self-interest she could never 
 tolerate such a dislocation of the present balance of 
 power. Similar reasons militate against the neutraliza- 
 tion of Scandinavia, for in time of war sentiment always 
 plays havoc with State philosophy, and Germans might 
 well be the combatant side with whom the Scandinavians 
 were not in sympathy. Professor Samassa (Alldeutsche 
 Blatter, August 12, 1902) maintains that already the 
 German peoples are in occupation of most of the land 
 decreed to them by fate. The struggle between them 
 for final possession has begun, as it did between Briton 
 and Boer. In the future the struggle will be between 
 Germans and Britons and Americans. Germany must 
 prepare for the combat, and weld 'her outlands' to- 
 gether. Scandinavia will converge towards Germany 
 the more Germany grows in power. It is, therefore, 
 a German interest to preserve the independence of 
 Sweden. 
 
 Among other opinions, here is one from a Pan-German 
 Swede in America. He, too, thinks that some day the 
 Germanic peoples will be called to arms to defend their 
 unity. A Swedish-German alliance is highly de- 
 sirable ; when Russia is satiated with China and 
 Finland, she will stretch out an arm upon Sweden. 
 This Slavonic arm Germans and Swedes together must 
 cut off. 
 
 Early in the year 1902 the question of neutralizing 
 Scandinavia and of forming an alliance of a defensive 
 nature with Germany was actually discussed in the 
 Swedish Parliament, on a motion moved by the Socialist 
 Deputy, Hedin. And in reply the Minister President, 
 Baron Lagerheim, rejected the idea of alliance with 
 Germany, as also that of neutralization, which he held 
 to be entirely unnecessary. Oddly enough, it is not 
 so much the Pan-German of the League that talks 
 
 10 
 
146 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 * big ' about Scandinavia, but rather the Pan-German 
 of the type that Bjornsen had in mind. In one sense 
 these linguistic or polyglot Pan-Germans go much 
 further than do rational Pan-Germans, who frankly 
 admit that the union of all the Germanic peoples, which 
 would embrace a large portion of England, is not a 
 practical programme. Hence Scandinavia, though 
 ear-marked as a future Germanic State, is not chalked 
 on the League's blackboard as a sphere for Pan-German 
 agitation ; nor has political propaganda of a pro- German 
 kind, so far as the present writer is aware, as yet been 
 started there. The theory held by the League and 
 the League is, pace the polyglot Pan-German Associa- 
 tion, after all, the main thing, the most serious, powerful, 
 and popular is that in the case of Scandinavia no 
 immediate object can be obtained by pro-German 
 agitation, while every year, by natural telepathic 
 process, the Swedish and German peoples tend to 
 approach ever nearer to each other. In one sense 
 this is true. There can be no doubt that England has 
 forfeited not a little sympathy in Norway and Sweden 
 in connection with the Boer War. And naturally part 
 of this sympathy is now directed towards Germany.* 
 Pan-Germans have not been slow to make the most 
 of this. But on the whole their attitude towards 
 Scandinavia is a rational one. What they want is, of 
 course, the country to round off the Germanic Empire, 
 and the approach to two seas. What they hope is that 
 the Norwegians and Swedes may come to see the folly 
 of patriotic pride and unite nationally, which woulc 
 bring the Germanic idea appreciably nearer to its goal 
 For once let the Scandinavian peoples realize that the) 
 belong to the Germanic race, there should be nothing 
 in the way of common union. The Pan-German plai 
 is, therefore, to let the Scandinavians discover tha 
 they are a Germanic people alone ; when, finding tha 
 they are Germans, doubtless they will throw open thei 
 
 * The generous action of the German Emperor in connection wit 
 the Aalsund disaster cannot but serve to strengthen this feeling. 
 
SCANDINAVIA AND DEUTSCHTUM 147 
 
 fjords to German cruisers, and light sunny Stockholm 
 with the lamps of Deutschtum. 
 
 But next to the outland in England, the Scandinavian 
 part of the Pan-German programme would seem the 
 least likely of realization. Here, again, economic forces 
 may enter, some day, largely into the question. At 
 present it is difficult to imagine that the Norwegians and 
 Swedes, who maintain a hard and fast geographical and 
 political boundary-line separating the two peoples from 
 one another, are at all likely to merge into one people 
 in order to be submerged by a greater Power even if 
 that power be Kindred, or Great, or * Greater' Germany. 
 
 The case is the same with Denmark. But here, 
 again, not even the wildest oracle presiding at the 
 wildest of political beer clubs in Germany can pre- 
 tend that Deutschtum in Denmark is a tangible asset 
 to Germany, or that the Danes show the smallest 
 inclination to come over to the German camp, speak 
 German in preference to their own language, and 
 render homage to the Hohenzollern dynasty. The 
 contrary is, of course, the case. Indeed, the history 
 of Denmark in the last sixty years has been nothing 
 more than the struggle of a small people for national 
 existence, in which pronounced hostility to Prussia 
 has played a prominent part. As long ago as 1860 a 
 German demand was raised for the Duchies of Hoi- 
 stein and Schleswig ; for harbours in the Baltic Sea, 
 without which Germany would be unable * effectively 
 to protect her coasts.' And in those days of German 
 hopes and endeavour German Liberals freely stated 
 that Germany must obtain possession of the North 
 German Peninsula. The historians Sybel, Mommsen, 
 Treitschke, and numerous politicians and publicists, 
 wrote and spoke in similar strains ; while Lord 
 Palmerston ever memorable to Germans, who have 
 never forgotten his playful remark that he would not be 
 able to recognise the German naval flag if he saw it 
 observed bluntly that the German desire to connect 
 Schleswig with Holstein was dictated by the determina- 
 
 10 2 
 
148 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 tion to have a German fleet, and to obtain Kiel as a 
 seaport. 
 
 Palmerston was right. In 1863 Holstein was 
 granted independent institutions, and a special con- 
 stitution was promulgated : which aroused deep in- 
 dignation in Prussia, whose advance to the sea was 
 thus seemingly impeded. Then Bismarck appeared, 
 and rapidly the scene changed. In 1862, while 
 professing sympathy with the Danes, Bismarck began 
 to mature his plans for acquiring Schleswig. Public 
 feeling in Prussia was ripe for a military expedition ; 
 it was too lax in the rest of Europe to offer any 
 opposition. England, thought by all to be the friend 
 of Denmark, refused to follow Palmerston, who would 
 have supported the Danes. Russia was at the time 
 busy with her Poles. Napoleon, as usual, quite failed 
 to grasp the situation, and was completely hoodwinked 
 by Bismarck's blandishments ; while Austria went in 
 blindfolded at the beck and call of Prussia, and having 
 jointly defeated the enemy, quarrelled with her ally over 
 the spoil : was herself defeated, and withdrew in dis- 
 gust, to become finally entangled in the campaign of 
 1866, leading to Koniggratz, from which she emerged 
 stricken in every limb, and has ever since remained 
 so. Austria's fall heralded the fall of Napoleon, and 
 paved the way for the foundation of the German 
 Empire. 
 
 But to go back to Denmark. In 1864 Prussia and 
 Austria presented a joint ultimatum to Denmark, who 
 gallantly rejected it. War immediately followed, and 
 Denmark lost her two Duchies, which were then in- 
 corporated in the kingdom of Prussia. ' This triumph/ 
 observes Sir Roland Blennerhasset,* 'heralded the 
 reign of lawless force in Europe. It secured for 
 Germany the harbours of the Cimbrian Peninsula, and 
 placed her in a position to construct a German navy.' 
 Since that date the Danes and the Germans have been 
 anything but friends. The Danes have been occupied 
 * ' The Spoliation of Denmark ': National Review, August, 1903. 
 
DENMARK AND DEUTSCHTUM 149 
 
 in more or less fruitless efforts to preserve their 
 language in German Schleswig ; the Prussians in 
 stamping it out, and engrafting Deutschtum in its 
 place. 
 
 Prussian methods of coercion are never tortuous, 
 being direct, like those of the drill-sergeant ; and in 
 Schleswig no exception has been made. Anyone who 
 has ever watched a Prussian driving a horse has 
 observed that he only seems to be aware of two ways 
 to direct the animal the whip and the break. He 
 regards the reins with apparent contempt. If he 
 desires to stop he applies the break ; if to move on, 
 the lash. This lash and break method is characteristic 
 of the Prussian system. Under the Governor Herr 
 von Roller what soon became known as the ' Roller 
 regime' was instituted in Schleswig, and the Danes 
 began to feel the hand of the ' strong man,' as he was 
 admiringly called by the Conservative press. Ex- 
 pulsions became frequent. A number of Danish farm- 
 hands, male and female, for no greater reason than 
 that they were suspected of fostering Danish, were 
 sent over the frontier. The editor of the Danish 
 organ, the Flensborg Avis, was sentenced to two 
 periods of imprisonment, amounting in all to twenty- 
 one months, for anti-German agitation. Of course, the 
 German language was made everywhere official. Petty 
 prosecutions and fines were the order of the day, and 
 still are, though now in lesser degree. The Danes 
 endeavour to foster their language by the Danish 
 Language Society, the School Society, and the Lecture 
 Society, and, of course, through the press, which, how- 
 ever, has to be extremely careful not to give offence. 
 On the other hand, the German newspaper, Schles- 
 wigische Grenzpost, receives a subsidy of ^"400 an- 
 nually, and may say what it pleases. A few years ago 
 Professor Delbrlick, of the University of Berlin, raised 
 his voice against the expulsion of Danish farm-girls, 
 but well-nigh lost his post for his pains, was subjected 
 to disciplinary punishment, and mulcted for insulting 
 
150 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 the system ; while the object of his attack, the Minister 
 of State, Herr von Koller, was rewarded with the 
 Grand Cross of the Red Eagle. Even to-day, north 
 of Flensborg, the Danish language is everywhere 
 prevalent, and it cannot be denied that the Danes 
 have done all they can to maintain their language and 
 prevent the Germanization of the province. Progress 
 has consequently been very slow ; but the system is 
 continued by Von Roller's successor, and on the 
 very day that the Emperor visited Copenhagen 
 (April 2, 1903) two Danes were marched across the 
 frontier, so that there can be no question of any 
 immediate change either in the policy of Germany 
 or in the relations between Danes and Germans as 
 a result of that visit. An interesting account of the 
 Prussian denationalizing system has been given in 
 English by W. Hartmann,* but it is not necessary to 
 enter further into details here. What would seem 
 more to the purpose is to take stock of the Pan- 
 German attitude towards the situation. Now, it may 
 cause some surprise to hear that Pan-Germans are 
 the most ardent supporters of the Koller regime : 
 despite their national claim on the Danes as a Germanic 
 people, despite their desire to effect a reconciliation 
 and a union of interest and race, and despite their 
 deliberate conviction that the Danes must come over 
 to Germany, and become members of the future 
 Germanic Confederation. Said Professor Lehr in the 
 Reichstag, February 18, 1899, in the course of a 
 debate on an interpellation in connection with the 
 expulsions : This Danish agitation is ' disloyal, wicked, 
 deliberate, and systematic.' The Danes, he urged, 
 pursued a system when they sent their children, after 
 confirmation, to Danish high schools, when they 
 welcomed Danish soldiers ' as Danes ' at the expiry 
 of their term of service in the German army, and when 
 Danish women threw the portraits of the German 
 Emperor into the dustbin. ' The language spoken by 
 * Nineteenth Century and After ; July, 1903. 
 
DENMARK AND DEUTSCHTUM 151 
 
 the Danes of Schleswig resembles more the Frisian 
 dialect than Danish, which is not their speech at all. 
 What must be stopped, however, is not so much the 
 language as Danish anti-German agitation. The Danes 
 in Schleswig must learn to behave themselves in their 
 German homes.' 
 
 In 1899 the Pan-German branch association at 
 Hamburg passed a resolution congratulating Von 
 Koller on his ' firm attitude,' while Professor Macke 
 delivered a stirring address, in which he vindicated the 
 policy of the Government, as it would strengthen 
 Deutschtum and eliminate pernicious elements. The 
 Danes, wrote Professor Samassa (Alldeutsche B latter > 
 October 26, 1901), are a true Germanic people, and 
 Germans have no reason to stamp out Danish agita- 
 tion by sheer force. In time the Danes will come to 
 see how hopeless their efforts are. But precisely for 
 that reason, ' because in the true Danish element there 
 lies no danger to Germany, this hopeless Danish 
 political agitation must be suppressed, for it drives a 
 wedge between the Germans and the Danes.' Thus 
 Pan-Germans, who transport all over the world their 
 ethnographic maps, ' proper ' German teachers, German 
 pamphlets, newspapers, poems, and ideas : attack the 
 home Government for not contributing more money to 
 support German schools in alien lands, and carry on a 
 restless, noisy agitation in favour of Deutschtum in 
 North and South America, in the British colonies, in 
 Europe and in Asia, find it necessary, and presumably 
 profitable, to stir up an agitation in favour of Russian 
 police methods to preserve to Deutschtum a small 
 province which they have wrested from the Danes : 
 who naturally wish, at any rate, to speak their own 
 tongue and retain their national traits. Either 
 Deutschtum must be in parlous state, or Pan-Germans 
 must be very inconsequent. For they regard the 
 Danes as a Germanic people, in much the same light, 
 say, as Mr. Stead regards the Boers. Place Mr. Stead 
 in Lord Milner's place, and the Boers would have every 
 
152 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 reason to rejoice. But Pan-Germans, though always 
 waxing sentimental on the score of brotherhood with a 
 large portion of the human race, are only so in theory. 
 In practice they favour Russian denationalizing methods, 
 and instead of seeking to render Deutschtum palatable 
 to the Danes, aim rather at ramming it down their 
 throats, lock, stock, and barrel, as if the average Dane 
 were an Indian sword-swallower, or could stomach 
 anything, like an ostrich, with impunity. 
 
 When Americans begin to grow curious about Pan- 
 German methods in Brazil, all Germany puts on white 
 robes of innocence. But in Schleswig, or, as it is now 
 called, the North Mark, the case is different. There 
 the high-priest of Germanism can say and ordain what 
 he chooses, and the little Danish servant girl has to 
 obey implicitly. What boots it, too, if Denmark 
 complains ? But it is none the less strange ; and in 
 one's contemplative moods one is inclined to take a 
 pessimistic view of Deutschtum, and to wonder whether 
 the lash methods of Prussia will not defeat their own 
 object, and in the end fashion the congeries of Germanic 
 peoples into one, in arms against Deutschtum itself. 
 Conciliatory methods in Schleswig, an intelligent 
 policy of penetration, a little kindness shown by Pan- 
 Germans, would have done more to bring the Danes 
 over to Germany than any amount of expulsions, or 
 new German schools and churches, or fines imposed on 
 editors, or grandiloquent talk on the part of the 
 German press. Pan-Germans had a great opportunity 
 in Schleswig, which they wilfully neglected. A little 
 rough pioneer work, and they might have shown them- 
 selves competent judges of human nature, brothers of 
 the Danes, not only in theory, but in practice, and true 
 missionaries of German culture, to the good of Dane 
 and German alike. That they endorsed Von Roller's 
 methods seems to mark them as immature prophets, 
 likely for a long time to come to preach vainly in the 
 wilderness. 
 
 Nevertheless, in spite of the Germanizing process in 
 
DENMARK AND DEUTSCHTUM 153 
 
 Schleswig, the official relations between Denmark and 
 Germany have undergone a distinct improvement, 
 which was clearly shown when the German Emperor 
 visited King Christian on his eighty-fifth birthday, 
 on April 2, 1903. The visit of the Danish Crown 
 Prince to Berlin a short time before had paved 
 the way for a return visit, which the Emperor duly 
 performed. This visit he carried out with consum- 
 mate tact. Moreover, the Emperor was well received 
 by the Danish press, even before he set foot on land, 
 and the Socialist organ, Socialdemokraten, welcomed 
 him as the representative of ' the great nation which in 
 culture is related to Denmark.' On the eve of the 
 Emperor's departure for Copenhagen, the Berlin 
 Lokalanzeiger, which is often used as a semi-official 
 medium, pointed out that no political significance 
 attached to the, visit, it being in accord with the 
 chivalrous disposition of the Emperor to bring birth- 
 day congratulations in person to the Nestor of European 
 crowned heads. The Lokalanzeiger then continued : 
 ' The indispensable condition (of an entente) is that 
 the Danish people should finally reconcile itself to 
 accomplished facts. We regret that in some isolated 
 circles an alteration of our northern frontier should 
 still be considered possible. The German Empire as 
 it stands after three glorious wars forms an indivisible 
 and self-contained whole, each of whose separate parts 
 is indispensable to the safety and permanence of the 
 German Federated State. Every attempt to cast 
 doubt upon this unalterable fact is an illusion. The 
 Emperor's visit has not the remotest connection with 
 any such possibility. It is, however, closely inter- 
 woven with the Emperor's policy of peace, and with 
 genuine goodwill towards the Danish nation, which 
 our Emperor and the whole German people cherish. 7 
 
 The German Emperor arrived at Copenhagen, 
 April 2, on board the Hohenzollern, escorted by the 
 Nympke and a torpedo-boat. The fashionable pro- 
 menade ' Langelinie ' was crowded with people, who 
 
154 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 accorded the Emperor a genuine ovation. On landing, 
 the Emperor was received by the Mayor, who is a 
 Socialist, and the meeting between the two Sovereigns 
 was warm and unaffected. The Emperor was appointed 
 Admiral of the Danish fleet, and royal toasts were of 
 course exchanged. The Emperor's speech made an 
 excellent impression. He expressed the wish that the 
 aged monarch might ' long stand before the banner of 
 his country, enveloped in its folds.' In a word, the 
 Emperor was said at the time to have won the hearts 
 of all, including that of Princess Valdemar, ' Denmark's 
 French Princess,' which latter fact was alluded to at 
 the time as * not without political interest/ Comment- 
 ing on the exchange of royal speeches, the North 
 German Gazette* said that they would awaken a lively 
 echo in Germany. The Emperor had expressed the 
 feelings of Germans towards the venerable Danish 
 monarch. ' Corresponding to the genuine reverence 
 for the Sovereign of the neighbouring country in the 
 North with which the Emperor is inspired is the 
 ready recognition which he, and Germany with him, is 
 prepared to accord to the high level of civilization to 
 which the Danish people has raised itself by its own 
 virtues. . . . The German people thankfully adopts 
 every fruitful germ which enriches civilized life, and is 
 well aware of the manifold suggestions which it has 
 received from kindred peoples of the earth. Both 
 nations can but reap advantage, not only in their 
 political relations, but also in their ideal pursuits, if the 
 existing ties of a common civilization are continually 
 drawn closer. It is our most sincere wish that the 
 visit of the Emperor may help to knit these bonds 
 more firmly and in closer friendship/ 
 
 The Emperor went everywhere, and surpassed 
 even himself. He chatted gaily with the Socialist 
 Burgomaster, visited Thorwaldsen's Museum which 
 inspired him to deliver a small speech on that master's 
 
 * Vide the Berlin and Copenhagen correspondence of the Times, 
 April 3 onwards. 
 
DENMARK AND DEUTSCHTUM 155 
 
 art ; he bought a large silver statuette of a Danish 
 sailor, telling the man that he would have it placed on 
 board the Hohenzollern to serve as a constant 
 reminder to German sailors ' of a nation for which he 
 felt the warmest regards, and to which he would 
 henceforward be closely linked by his appointment to 
 the position of Admiral in the Danish navy/ He 
 visited Dr. Finsen's well-known light-cure institute, 
 and remarked that Finsen ought to have a statue 
 erected to his honour during his lifetime ; he ex- 
 pressed his keen appreciation of Danish acting, and 
 invited Copenhagen's celebrated actress, Mrs. Hen- 
 nings, to play in Berlin. But if his entry was success- 
 ful, his exit was brilliant. In a letter of farewell to 
 King Christian, the Emperor expressed his thanks 
 and pleasure at the journey, and said that he would 
 henceforth consider himself a ' son of the Danish 
 House.' No happier remark could have been made. 
 As the Hohenzollern moved from her moorings, the 
 Danes stood wistfully gazing at her beautiful white 
 line receding ever fainter on the horizon, and wondered 
 how fifteen years previously they could have been 
 discourteous enough to hiss so suave and benign a 
 monarch. 
 
 The Scandinavian press, too, were equally enthusi- 
 astic about the visit of ' good augury.' The news- 
 paper Tidningen, of Stockholm, welcomed it, saying 
 that nowhere was the Emperor's tact more appreciated 
 than in Scandinavia, where people had the clearest 
 and most deliberate understanding for union among 
 the neighbouring peoples of the North and South 
 Germanic race. For a long time, continued that 
 organ, Denmark had turned her eyes towards the 
 East, but in vain, for the prestige and actual power of 
 Russia was not what it was. Every year must bring 
 home the lesson to the Danes that Russia would never 
 help them in the hour of danger, and doubtless this 
 had contributed towards the gratifying change in 
 Denmark's attitude towards Germany. But, apart 
 
156 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 from international aspects, the national advantages of 
 friendship with Germany were obvious, for they paved 
 the way for an inter-Scandinavian entente. Moreover, 
 Germany knew that the way to Scandinavia lay 
 through Denmark, and that the more Denmark 
 approached Germany, the more stable the whole 
 situation in Northern Europe became. 
 
 In Germany, of course, the visit was watched with 
 the liveliest interest, and pronounced to be a gratifying 
 success. Pan-Germans rubbed their hands with glee, 
 and wrote that the way to Scandinavia lay through 
 Denmark : who, once conciliated and drawn towards 
 Germany, would constitute a golden bridge over which 
 Deutschtum could stalk into Norway and Sweden, 
 and unite the peoples of the North together. Professor 
 Liesegang, in Germania, wrote that all Germans 
 would hear the glad tidings from Copenhagen with 
 joy in their hearts, such as one feels when, after a long 
 period of absence, the long-lost friend reappears, and 
 one clasps his hand affectionately. The Mttnckencr 
 Neueste Nachrichten pointed out the cleverness of the 
 Emperor in praising the Danish navy, which, though 
 alone of little value, would with an ally be a factor to 
 be reckoned with. Were not the Danes a seafaring 
 folk, proud of their naval exploits ? To flatter their 
 navy was to probe the weakness of their hearts. The 
 importance of the visit, asseverated other organs, lay 
 not so much in any visible result as in the welcome 
 demonstration it afforded that Denmark had broken 
 with the old policy of exclusive reliance upon Russia, 
 and was now open to overtures from others. Hopes 
 were expressed that Denmark and Holland both naval 
 peoples with a naval history, and now both in similar 
 circumstances would soon come to look upon Ger- 
 many as a friend, and recognise the importance of her 
 friendship ; for they must be aware that in any sort 
 of alliance with either of them, Germany would neces- 
 sarily have to give more than she received. 
 
 This, it may be remarked, is not Bismarckian 
 
DENMARK AND DEUTSCHTUM 157 
 
 wisdom, and is obviously incorrect, as the mouth of 
 the Rhine alone is of more value to Germany than 
 anything Germany could offer Holland in return, not 
 to speak of the strategic importance of the Danish sea- 
 coast to Germany in time of war, in return for which 
 the aegis of the German navy, with loss of inde- 
 pendence, would be a poor equivalent to Denmark. 
 And, as might have been expected, the naval side of 
 the question came in for a good deal of discussion in 
 Germany.* Articles in the Berliner Tageblatt, in 
 Ueberall, and elsewhere, pointed out the great im- 
 portance to Germany of the harbours of Denmark, 
 and the imperative necessity of securing the benevolent 
 neutrality of Denmark in case of war, if a defensive 
 alliance proved impracticable. Denmark, it was said, 
 should be given to understand that, in the event of 
 war between the Triple and the Dual Alliance, it would 
 be impossible for Germany to regard Denmark as 
 neutral. As it is, said Count Reventlow retired 
 naval officer who writes a good deal on naval questions, 
 and who, when Admiral Dewey once abused the 
 German navy, repaid that Admiral in similar coin 
 Denmark, by closing the Belt, could hold the passage 
 to and from the Baltic. ' The importance of Denmark 
 to Germany cannot be overestimated.' In a naval 
 article in Ueberall the view was put forward that the 
 importance of Denmark to Germany had been doubly 
 enhanced by the creation of a new English naval base 
 at St. Margaret's Hope, opposite the Skaw ; which 
 enormously increased Great Britain's fighting power 
 and the rapidity of her attack, and would give her 
 marked advantage in any war with Russia, whom she 
 would thus be able to strike at with increased mobility. 
 The new English base, he urged, detracted largely from 
 the strategic strength of the German North Sea fleet. 
 More important still, Germany had no guarantee that, 
 in the event of war, Denmark would not close her ports 
 
 ' r Vide the Berlin correspondence of the Morning Post, April 5 
 onwards. 
 
158 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 to German ships, and even prohibit the use of her over- 
 land telegraphy an act of neutrality which would 
 greatly hamper the German command, and render it 
 dependent for information on wireless telegraphy, which 
 is admittedly interceptible. It was therefore impera- 
 tive to come to some arrangement with Denmark 
 whereby, in time of war, Germany could at any rate 
 use Danish ports. 
 
 Naturally, pens were not wanting to proclaim that such 
 an agreement had been effected, and that in the event 
 of war between the Dual and Triple Alliance Denmark 
 would be found on the side of Germany. But these 
 canards were promptly denied from Copenhagen, 
 and there is no doubt whatever that no such 
 arrangement was arrived at or even talked about. 
 For excellent as was the impression created by 
 the Emperor, the Danes are still smarting under a 
 sense of * injustice,' and still maintain that not the 
 slightest reason exists why they should enter into an 
 alliance with Germany. On the other hand, the 
 merest glance at the map reveals the strategic im- 
 portance of Denmark to Germany. With the mouth 
 of the Rhine, the Dutch harbours and fleet, the 
 sea-line of Denmark and the Danish fleet in her 
 possession, Germany's position as master of the Baltic 
 would be indisputable. Naturally, she is fully aware 
 of that, and will do all that lies in her power to bring 
 about its consummation, for which too nobody can 
 blame her. 
 
 Looking at the matter broadly, it would seem to be 
 here in Europe, rather than in South America or else- 
 where across the seas, that the expansion of Germany 
 is both natural and conceivable. There is nothing 
 wholly unreasonable in the idea that Germany may 
 become connected with Holland and Denmark economi- 
 cally, which would mean politically. There is nothing, 
 too, unreasonable in the Pan-German idea as conceived 
 by Bjornsen, who would educate the Germanic peoples 
 to a sense of unison, and Germanize what is not German, 
 
DENMARK AND DEUTSCHTUM 159 
 
 as America Americanizes what is not American. As 
 Russia extends towards the east, Germany will tend 
 to develop westwards. It is in the highest degree 
 improbable that Germany will endeavour to march 
 towards the western coast with drums and colours 
 flying. The process will be a peaceful, insinuating 
 one, in which philological professors will play a not 
 inconsiderable part. Probably few, even among the 
 directly interested, will be aware of its approach until, 
 like a shell, Deutschtum explodes in their midst, and 
 scatters itself broadcast among them. It is admitted 
 by Pan-Germans that language alone is not sufficient 
 to bring about such a transformation. In the assimi- 
 lative process language is felt to be a power only in so 
 far as it is a ' Kultursprache ' that is, in so far as the 
 Germanic peoples, extra fores, recognise German as 
 the common tongue for the educated, and German 
 comes to be the literary language of all Germanic 
 peoples. But in the case of Denmark that day would 
 seem still to be a long way off. If Germans are not 
 liked by the Dutch, they are even less so by the 
 Danes. Both in Holland and Denmark life, institu- 
 tions, habits, methods, ideas, and ideals are so utterly 
 different from those in Germany that it is difficult for 
 anyone who knows those three wholly different peoples 
 to conceive that they are destined to amalgamate and 
 make common cause ; even if the early Dutch poets 
 did write in German, and the modern Danes find no 
 difficulty in learning German. 
 
 Of course, there is the role of protector which 
 Germany can assume towards Denmark, as she can 
 towards Holland. The protection of the Danish over- 
 sea dependencies, as those of Holland, is always a 
 role which Germany can assume, and once she had 
 extended her aegis over Denmark or Holland, those 
 countries might find it difficult to shake off their big 
 partner. The constable of the Danish colonies might 
 prove refractory. Germany has at various times 
 sought to acquire the Danish West Indian Islands, 
 
160 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 and is, on her own showing, in part responsible for the 
 failure of the negotiations between America and 
 Denmark for their purchase. This has been dealt 
 with in the chapter on ' Deutschtum in the United 
 States,' and need not here be repeated. So long as 
 the islands remain in Denmark's possession Germany 
 is satisfied, for she is now aware that America would 
 never permit her to buy them. The role of protector 
 would suit her even better, and need not lead to 
 friction with Denmark. It is for the Danes to decide 
 whether Germany is ever to be entrusted with their 
 protection. And recently it would seem as if the 
 Danes were beginning seriously to consider the 
 question of a rapprochement. During the year 1903 
 the Danish politician, Dr. Oestrup, paid a visit to 
 Germany for the express purpose of sounding German 
 politicians on the subject, whose views he subse- 
 quently made public. He saw the Agrarian leader, 
 Count Kanitz, the well-known Conservative Deputy, 
 Count Limburg-Stirum, Professors Schmoller and 
 Kuno Francke, and the Socialist Bavarian leader, Von 
 Vollmar. These responsible politicians expressed 
 themselves diplomatically, and gave Dr. Oestrup to 
 understand that the initiative must emanate from the 
 Danes. When one considers, continues Dr. Oestrup, 
 that the national safety of Denmark is largely depen- 
 dent on Germany's attitude towards Denmark, it would 
 be ' unpardonable ' for the Danes to neglect the oppor- 
 tunity for making overtures. He therefore admonished 
 his countrymen to inaugurate a far-seeing policy by 
 showing friendship for Germany. The first step, he 
 contended, would be a shipping agreement between 
 the two countries, which might lead to a Customs 
 Union, which, in turn, would lead to an ' Ausgleich/or 
 political understanding. Moreover, German agrarians 
 would have no objection to union with Denmark on 
 the score of Danish agricultural competition, as Ger- 
 many is a corn-producing country, and so would not 
 fear Denmark's live-stock exports. Nevertheless, 
 
DENMARK AND DEUTSCHTUM 161 
 
 Dr. Oestrup sees difficulties in the way of any military 
 convention, and makes the somewhat singular proposal 
 that the boundary question should be settled by means 
 of a ' purchase ' on the part of Germany. Another 
 Danish politician, A. J. West, recently spoke in similar 
 tones. Speaking before an academical society on the 
 question of national defence, he maintained that no 
 plan of national defence should be thought of until 
 Germany had been consulted. All defensive plans 
 directed against Germany were futile and provocative. 
 Before Denmark thinks about reorganizing her army 
 she must eliminate Germany from the list of possible 
 enemies. Denmark's army can only be remodelled 
 satisfactorily on German lines and in agreement with 
 Germany, for Germany could have no objection to a 
 military convention with Denmark, whose strategic 
 position was of paramount importance to her. At the 
 same time, the Danes would have to give some equiva- 
 lent, and such an equivalent could be provided in a 
 system of land and coast fortifications, to be erected in 
 accordance with German military dispositions. For 
 the only way to assure Denmark's safety ' is by 
 entrusting Germany with the means of protection/ 
 The Schleswig question could be settled on that basis, 
 and the way paved for a rapprochement between Den- 
 mark and Scandinavia, which way, as the Dane 
 Oldenbourg said in 1881, lay 'alone through Den- 
 mark. 7 
 
 This military entente with Germany has an actual 
 interest, for Denmark is still considering the question 
 of national defence, and a secret Commission is sitting. 
 It would seem more than probable that this Commis- 
 sion has entered into negotiations with Germany, and 
 the result of the Commission's labours, which will be 
 made known shortly, will throw some light on the 
 actual relations between the two Powers, as well as 
 determine for some time to come whether the idea of 
 leaning upon Germany for protection has ingratiated 
 itself among the Danes generally as well as in the 
 
 ii 
 
1 62 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 mind of Mr. West. At the present moment the Danes 
 are showing an intelligent interest in the question, and 
 when the report of the Commission is published, doubt- 
 less a good deal will be said about it in the press and 
 elsewhere which will be well worth attending to. 
 Were once Germany to have even the semblance of 
 a military agreement with Denmark, Pan - Germans 
 generally would have good cause to rejoice, and the 
 maritime strength of Germany would be enormously 
 increased. 
 
 But there is nothing rotten in the state of Denmark. 
 To those who have stood upon the platform of Elsi- 
 nore Castle, ' that beetles o'er his base into the sea/ 
 and, lost in wonder at the unique grandeur of the view 
 from that spot, pondered on the history of the Danes, 
 it may be permitted to hope that that rock may remain 
 Danish, and that the Danes may decide to remain 
 Danes. 
 
 Passing to the German claim on Belgium, which is 
 a purely Pan-German one, we find that it is of a some- 
 what nebulous kind, being based on the plea of affinity 
 of race and language between Low Germans and the 
 Flemish peoples. It is also more complicated than is 
 the case with Holland, because Belgium is a French 
 country, where the French language is spoken by the 
 cultured classes, and the people are Catholics. The 
 cult of Deutschtum in Belgium is, therefore, a purely 
 Pan-German affair. What they aim at is not so much 
 the Germanization of the Flemish peoples as to en- 
 courage and strengthen the national movement carried 
 on by the Flemings themselves. In one sense it is a 
 mild form of high treason that they are guilty of in a 
 foreign country by aiding and abetting an anarchic 
 movement. To understand the Pan-German claim 
 and the situation in Belgium generally, a few statistics 
 are inevitable. The last census, in December, 1900, 
 returned the population of Belgium at 6,815,054 souls, 
 of whom 1,303,064 were in the province of Brabant, 
 while in East Flanders there were 1,039,138, and in 
 
BELGIUM AND DEUTSCHTUM 163 
 
 Hainault 1,146,646. In Brabant one quarter of the 
 population, extended over one-fifth of the province, are 
 Walloons ; in Hainault and in Ltittich the Flemish 
 element predominates, so that about 4,200,000 inhabi- 
 tants of Belgium may be reckoned as Flemish- speak- 
 ing, about 2,500,000 as French or Walloons. The 
 Flemings, too, claim Brussels as a Flemish city, 
 despite its eminently French character and even cos- 
 mopolitan aspect. Out of a population of 183,686 
 inhabitants, 39,509 were returned as speaking Flemish 
 only, 87,897 as speaking Flemish and French, and the 
 purely French-speaking population at 42,321. It is 
 therefore claimed that the Flemish-speaking population 
 of Brussels exceeds that of the French, who form one- 
 fourth, while the Flemings form three-quarters of the 
 whole. 
 
 In the year 1302, contends Professor Sabbe,* the 
 Flemish people destroyed the finest French army of 
 knights ever sent into the field by France ; which 
 defeat hindered France from grasping the Netherlands, 
 assured the future of the freed people of Flanders, and 
 laid the basis for a future union of all the Netherlands. 
 The idea failed, but resulted in a political Holland and 
 Belgium. But ever since then the deeds of the 
 Flemish heroes of that campaign are celebrated on 
 June 1 1, and out of this celebration there has grown a 
 feeling of nationality. A Flemish renascence began. 
 Conscience and Willens revivified Flemish literature ; 
 the Flemish school of painting and sculpture arose ; 
 Renoit founded a national school of music ; and even 
 architecture left the classic forms, and returned to the 
 old Flemish style. Now there is a Flemish feeling of 
 nationality, and a Flemish, pronouncedly anti- French, 
 movement. 
 
 On this movement Pan-Germans pin their hopes. 
 
 They see in it the means to oppose the French 
 
 element, to bring the Low German peoples together, 
 
 and to bring Belgium nearer to Germany. They 
 
 * Alldeutsche Blatter. 
 
 II 2 
 
164 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 attend Flemish festivals, write in the party press 
 about Flemish men of note as if they were Germans, 
 and endeavour to popularize the movement in Ger- 
 many as well as aid it in Belgium, so far as their 
 limited means permit them. The Alldeutsche Blatter 
 conscientiously publishes every item of interest in con- 
 nection with the movement, and about five years ago 
 a German- Flemish organ, written in both languages, 
 with the significant title Germania, was founded to 
 encourage the Flemish agitation in Belgium and Ger- 
 many. In the Alldeutsche Blatter, August 13, 1899, 
 a Flemish agitator blamed Germans for their love of 
 talking French in Belgium, which was not a French 
 country. Germans, he argued, should make it a point 
 of honour to speak German with the Flemings. * For 
 a great struggle is going on silently between a true 
 German stock and a Frenchified race of Walloons/ 
 
 Suppressed by Louis XIV., who made the French 
 language in the ' old Netherlands ' in courts of justice 
 obligatory ' a peine de nullite et de desobeissance/ the 
 Flemish language dates its revival from the year 1853, 
 when the Flemish society ' Maatschappy van Vlaamsche 
 Letterkunde,' or ' Society for the Study of the Flemish 
 Language/ was founded at Dunkirk, and a little later 
 the ' Comite* Flamand de France/ Then the journal 
 Ons and Vlaamsch was started, with the old Flemish 
 motto ' My dunckt dat Vlaminghen seyndt/ or, ' It 
 appears to me that we are Flemish/ Other societies 
 of a more or less scientific nature followed. To-day a 
 Flemish national movement, however hopeless, exists. 
 As an example of how the movement is fostered, the fol- 
 lowing may be found interesting. It is the pith of a letter 
 written by the Flemish Professor Sabbe (Alldeutsche 
 Blatter, August 17, 1901), in which he speaks of the 
 movement, and rejoices to find at 'Blankenberghe'-on- 
 Sea, where he is staying, that German is spoken 
 everywhere. He expresses no astonishment that so 
 many Germans visit Blankenberghe, for everything 
 there is German, in contradistinction to the extrava- 
 
BELGIUM AND DEUTSCHTUM 165 
 
 gance and millinery affectation at French Ostend. 
 This harmony between the homely German and the 
 simple, unaffected Fleming has its deeper side, though 
 the German thinks that Belgium is a French country, 
 and is generally oblivious to the fact that the Fleming 
 is nothing less than his own cousin. The Flemish 
 national movement, he writes, is not merely concerned 
 with language, but aims at an intellectual renascence 
 generally. Look at Renoit, enthusiastically exclaims 
 the Professor. He did for Flanders what Weber did 
 for Germany gave his country a national form of 
 music. But the cosmopolitan, pleasure-loving, pluto- 
 cratic seaside visitors never call for Renoit's music at 
 the casino or on the beach. They want Massenet or 
 something French. He therefore appealed to all 
 good Germans visiting Blankenberghe to be mindful 
 of the Flemish movement, and to ask for Renoit's 
 music, and see that they get it. ' Don't be afraid of 
 vexing the conductor,' he concludes. ' You will only 
 be claiming your rights, and at the same time doing 
 the Flemish movement good service. That will be 
 the beginning of your co-operation in our good cause 
 for the Pan- Germanic idea.' 
 
 Of course, it is no concern of outsiders if the 
 Flemings have a National League (Verbond), and 
 desire to suppress the French language and establish 
 their own in its place. Between Dutch and Flemish 
 there is very little difference, and neither language 
 presents the slightest difficulty to a German, who 
 regards Flemish as a quaint dialect. What concerns 
 us is the sequence of ideas emanating from the 
 similarity between Dutch, Flemish, and German, and 
 the fact that Pan-Germans, mindful of the gain to 
 their cause by a rapprochement between the Dutch and 
 the Flemings, have set to work stokers' work to 
 fan the flames, and have reason to regard their labours 
 with satisfaction. But here, again, there would seem 
 to be a certain contradiction between their theory and 
 action. In Holland they are at pains to prove that 
 
166 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Dutch is German, to foster the knowledge of German 
 in Holland, and to induce Dutch poets and literary 
 people to return to the old German language and 
 write in German. In Belgium the contrary is the 
 case. There everything is done to stimulate the 
 Flemish language and encourage its use both in Belgium 
 and Germany. But in reality Pan - Germans are 
 perfectly right. The only way to make their Dutch 
 cousins appreciate absorption by Germany is by en- 
 couraging Deutschtum in Holland ; while the only 
 way to win over their Flemish cousins is by popu- 
 larizing the Flemish language in contradistinction to 
 French, and creating a sense of Flemish nationality in 
 Belgium powerful enough to stem French influence, 
 and even make headway against it. An intellectual 
 renascence of all the Netherlands would denote a 
 
 S'eat advance towards the realization of the All 
 ermanic idea. Foreigners were surprised to find 
 what a gay folk the Dutch were when they witnessed 
 the exuberance and exhilaration displayed by that 
 people at the coronation of their young Queen. But 
 those who know the Dutch are well aware that they, 
 too, have something of the French joie de vivre ; and 
 that they once were very gay and full of life is 
 an established fact. Even to-day in Spain, when 
 Spaniards want to describe anyone as ' gay and 
 debonair/ they say flamenco; which word originally 
 meant ' like a Fleming,' and is evidently a relic of 
 the times of the Spanish occupation of the Nether- 
 lands. To make all the Dutch flamenco again is the 
 ambition of the League. Have they accomplished 
 anything ? the incredulous will object. To which it 
 may be replied confidently that they have. 
 
 When Pan-Germans first took up the Flemish cause 
 some six or seven years ago the Belgians viewed this 
 alien intrusion with undisguised suspicion and dislike. 
 The aims of Pan-Germans were held to be political, 
 and the result was that when the League established 
 branches in the Flemish provinces this alien Pan- 
 
BELGIUM AND DEUTSCHTUM 167 
 
 German interference met with considerable opposition. 
 To overcome this and demonstrate the harmless 
 character of their aims, the Pan - German League 
 established, in 1898, the Low Dutch-German monthly 
 Germania, which opened its columns to German and 
 Flemish writers, and, on the whole, has met with 
 gratifying success in Belgium, though less than was 
 anticipated in Germany. In 1897 the Pan-German 
 branch at Antwerp had to be dissolved ; but early in 
 1 898 it was re-formed, and has ever since prospered. 
 At Hoboken the League struck from the first upon 
 good ground, and, indeed, at one time that branch was 
 the only one existent in Belgium. These branches 
 organize lectures, and Pan -German orators deliver 
 rousing addresses on things German. Sometimes the 
 German Consul looks in, or an Attache from the 
 Embassy, having a night 'off/ puts in an appearance, 
 and can always count on a cordial reception. On one 
 occasion (in 1900) the German Consul- General at 
 Antwerp, Herr Pelldram, shortly before his departure 
 to Haiti, whither he had been transferred, admonished 
 the branch to be more careful with their * storm and 
 stress efforts/' as their agitation might lead to trouble. 
 But Pan-Germans indignantly repudiated that gentle- 
 man's advice, and the Cologne Gazette, in view of the 
 interest excited thereby at the time, saw fit to vindicate 
 the Consul's action, which that organ described as 
 * correct.' As, however, Herr Pelldram had for a long 
 time previously been a member of the branch and 
 attended its lectures, it may be questioned whether he 
 was altogether in earnest. At any rate, his philippic, 
 as Pan-Germans called it, had no effect, and the 
 League continues its agitation as before. The Boer 
 War helped them. In 1899 the Allgemeiner Nieder- 
 landischer Verbond at Antwerp published an appeal, 
 addressed to * the German people/ in aid of the Boers, 
 calling on the kindred Germanic races to unite for 
 ' equal rights among all Germans/ and prevent England 
 from destroying the Boer nation. 
 
i68 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 All through that war Pan-Germans were able to 
 make the most of Anglophobia, to pose as a kindred 
 injured folk, and so fraternize with the Dutch peoples, 
 to play the part of * agent provocateur,' and stir up the 
 embers of national passions ; while pointing out that the 
 Germanic peoples were not safe from Anglo-Saxon 
 greed unless safely ensconced under the aegis of 
 Germany. It was a great time for the League, and 
 they used it profitably. Now that the war is over 
 little is heard about Germanic brotherhood, and the 
 League does not talk quite so much as before, and is 
 in consequence much less talked about. But no greater 
 mistake could be made than to imagine that because, 
 now that Great Britain is no longer fettered in South 
 Africa, Pan- Germans are silent, their agitation is of no 
 importance. Their comparative silence is simply dic- 
 tated by policy. They could not declaim now without 
 arousing an echo in England, which is neither thought 
 desirable nor politic. Like the mole, they do their 
 work now silently, underground, and, like that in- 
 dustrious animal, throw up mounds outposts of 
 Deutschtum on the surface, which, if no gardener is 
 there to remove them, will grow and increase until 
 a great earthwork or Pan-German fortification is 
 formed. The simile may even be carried further, for 
 both Pan-Germans and the mole are reputed blind. 
 Yet that little burrowing animal does very well with its 
 eyes shut, and the same may be said of Pan- Germans. 
 That they have not a greater following in the Reich- 
 stag is not due so much to their own blindness as to 
 the inability of the German to see : to his want of 
 interest in politics, to the congenital philistinism which 
 hampers his general outlook, and is still a national 
 characteristic. His interest in, or his flair for, politics 
 seems to be deficient. This idiosyncrasy is evidenced 
 by the want of support given to the Flemish-German 
 organ Germania> which, oddly enough, in Germany 
 has created little interest, whereas in Belgium it seems 
 to have quite established itself so much so, indeed, 
 
BELGIUM AND DEUTSCHTUM 169 
 
 that at one time there would appear to have been some 
 danger of that organ becoming entirely Flemish, and 
 so defeating its own object. This evil, however, has 
 since been partly remedied, owing to the efforts of 
 Pan-Germans to popularize it ; but it is none the less 
 significantly illustrative of German political inertia. 
 
 Of course, the other side has its societies and 
 language committees as well. But despite the ' Asso- 
 ciation Flamande,' which aims at popularizing French, 
 the Flemings manage to hold their own. Still, in 
 spite of Pan-German support of the Flemish move- 
 ment, it cannot be said truthfully that Germans are 
 liked by Flemings, or that the Flemish national move- 
 ment has as yet evinced any disposition to make 
 common cause with Pan-Germans in an external 
 political sense. So long as the Boer War lasted a 
 great deal of hair-splitting political sentiment was 
 indulged in by both Dutch and German peoples. But 
 there is nothing to show that the Flemings would for 
 a moment entertain the idea of union with Germany 
 on the ground that they are of kindred nationality, 
 though they have nothing to say against Pan-German 
 participation in their national festivals. When their 
 first living poet, Pol de Mont, was nominated * Knight 
 of the Order of Leopold/ and the Flemings gave a 
 banquet in his honour, they were doubtless flattered to 
 find Pan-Germans sitting down at the same table on 
 the pretext of common nationality. They would 
 doubtless be delighted if Germans would converse with 
 them in Flemish, and assist them materially to main- 
 tain their language. But beyond this there are no 
 reasons for assuming that any political union with 
 Germany is contemplated, though, of course, such an 
 idea might easily be conceived once any genuine 
 movement of union among all the Dutch peoples were 
 to manifest itself. 
 
 On the other hand, Pan- Germans have already 
 renamed Belgium, calling it the ' West Mark,' as 
 Schleswig is called the ' North Mark/ When Baron 
 
i;o THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 von Ziegesar, the founder of the Pan-German Society 
 in Belgium, ' Germania,' died in 1901, the League 
 deposited a wreath upon his tomb, with the inscription, 
 ' To the Brave Pioneer in the West Mark.' The 
 persistency of the word 'Mark' in Pan-German nomen- 
 clature is due to the Prussian reverence for the Mark 
 Brandenburg, since out of that originally small 
 province under the Hohenzollern dynasty sprang 
 Prussia, and finally the German Empire. Hence the 
 ' men of the Mark,' and the Mark itself, are terms of 
 pious memory. 
 
 Turning to practical politics, it is interesting to 
 observe how the Pan-German idea would appear to 
 have affected, if not influenced, the policy of Germany 
 towards the Congo question, which, indeed, in some 
 respects resembles the state of things prevailing in 
 Macedonia, In both these spheres of atrocities, 
 murder, rapine, and anarchy, no Power likes to inter- 
 fere : though all Powers agree that interference is very 
 desirable. In Macedonia, forsooth, Germany has 
 cogent reasons for pleading * neutrality,' seeing that it 
 is one of the cardinal principles of her policy to main- 
 tain good relations with the Sultan, if only because 
 Germany's trade and connections with the Orient are 
 largely dependent on the maintenance of the status 
 quo in Macedonia. Consequently it is a matter of 
 little concern to her whether the sick man ever 
 becomes convalescent or not. So she conveniently 
 closes an eye on the flagitious Ottoman rule there, for 
 her way to the Levant lies along the Danube, the 
 mouth of which river she hopes some day to possess. 
 And, just as she bolsters up the Sultan, so is she 
 disinclined to be privy to any alteration in the status quo 
 in the Congo. Her main reason for this can only be to 
 prevent England from taking the initiative in the matter. 
 Atrocities rather than allow England to increase her 
 power seems to be her motive, so that nobody need be 
 astonished that the German press represents Macedonian 
 atrocities as ' English inventions/ and the admittedly 
 
BELGIUM AND DEUTSCHTUM 171 
 
 barbarous state of things in the Congo as ' English press 
 machinations.' England's latest efforts to establish Free 
 Trade in the Congo seem, therefore, likely to fail. 
 Certainly Germany has done nothing to further the 
 cause of humanity in that unfortunate State. It will 
 be said : What does that prove ? There is no Turkey 
 in the Congo. Quite so. But there is Belgium, with 
 whom Germany wishes to keep on friendly terms, 
 and there is the Flemish Pan-German idea. Observe. 
 In an article, December i, 1903, on England and the 
 Congo question, the widely-read newspaper Rheinische 
 Westphalische Zeitung maintained that Germany had 
 not ' the slightest interest in supporting England's 
 would-be interference in the Congo.' From the 
 national political standpoint, Germans must bear in 
 mind that the Flemish movement in Belgium was 
 yearly growing in importance, while the Flemings 
 increased far more rapidly than did the Walloons, and 
 were consequently likely to become the ruling people. 
 Again, the French Walloon element inclined to 
 French ideas and republican form of Government, 
 while the Flemings leaned towards the monarchic 
 idea, so that the Belgian reigning house would be 
 * compelled ' to lean for support more and more upon 
 the Flemings. When the nephew of King Leopold 
 ascended the throne he would ' favour the Flemings/ 
 and not the Walloons, as the present King did. ' At 
 any rate, we have no interest to hand over to other 
 Powers a territory belonging to a nation which with 
 certainty in the near future will assume a marked 
 Low-German character.' Put a stop to the atrocities, 
 by all means, pleasantly concludes the article, so that 
 ' England shall not have a further opportunity for 
 fishing in troubled waters.'* 
 
 * The visit of the King of the Belgians to the Court of Berlin 
 (January, 1904) was evidently in order to gain German support 
 against England. In this King Leopold seems to have failed, 
 doubtless owing to Germany's aversion to compromise herself in 
 view of the Eastern crisis. 
 
174 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Of all peoples in Europe, with the exception of the 
 Anglo-Saxon, the Teuton is the most hardy, the most 
 strenuous, the most vital. The German Empire is 
 still, so to speak, in its infancy, from which it is rapidly 
 issuing ; while the spirit of the old generation still acts 
 like a drag upon the new. The economic flight of 
 Germany may well be succeeded by a political one, 
 which, following on a sound economic basis, may be a 
 permanent one. When the dead palsy of German 
 public opinion has been aroused to a sense of the 
 mission so eloquently defined by Pan-Germans, there 
 is no reason why those political theorists, at present 
 regarded as sciolists, should not take the lead, and 
 restore the Germanic Empire to a part, at any rate, of 
 its former dimensions. If the Dutch peoples be then 
 willing, who will venture to proclaim that the Hague, 
 Brussels, Copenhagen, and even Stockholm may not 
 some day be a German interest, not only in posse but 
 in esse ? 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 DEUTSCHTUM IN SWITZERLAND 
 
 To anyone who has ever enjoyed the luxury of a cold 
 lunch on the summit of a Swiss mountain, and ex- 
 perienced that unequalled sensation of freedom, akin 
 to ecstasy, which the ice and the snow and the rocks 
 and the air of the Alps impart, the notion that Switzer- 
 land can ever be anything else than what it is a free 
 country must seem in the highest degree incon- 
 gruous. And probably nobody would ever have 
 thought of the future of Switzerland in any other 
 sense had not a Swiss Pan-German professor sent a 
 blast of discord through his country by speaking of 
 Switzerland as a ' German province/ Till that moment 
 the Pan -German movement had not been treated 
 seriously by the Swiss, who are somewhat slow in 
 grasping new situations, and feel about them all the 
 more deeply. The professor's cry penetrated through 
 glade and dell. * The Bear of Berne,' wrote 
 Professor Mommsen at the time, ' is roused ' ; and 
 indeed it was so. The professor was subjected to the 
 Continental form of ' ragging/ in the shape of a tin- 
 kettle serenade by the Bernese students : suffered in 
 consequence considerable annoyance, and well-nigh 
 lost his chair at the University. Of course, the whole 
 incident was artificially 'got up.' It was only a matter 
 of words misconstrued words Professor Vetter after- 
 wards explained ; but the professor, who doubtless 
 knows his Goethe, should have remembered, how 
 
176 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Mephistopheles informed the inquiring student, that 
 1 with words great disputes are made/ For the first 
 time people began to talk of Deutschtum in Switzer- 
 land, of Pan-German aims and ambitions there, and 
 the * Vetter' case rose into notoriety. It is forgotten 
 now ; but had it never been, to discover the Pan- 
 German movement in Switzerland would be almost as 
 hopeless as the search for the philosopher's stone has 
 proved to be, and this chapter, which is a Pan-German 
 one, had never been written. As it is, the case called 
 forth expressions of opinion from both sides, and the 
 German Court poet, Ernst von Wildenbruch, con- 
 gratulated the professor in verse, as did in prose 
 Professor Mommsen and the whole of the Pan-German, 
 and a large portion of the German, press. 
 
 It need hardly be said that official Germany was in 
 no way implicated in this business, which was a wholly 
 Pan-German affair, and that the attitude of Germany 
 towards Switzerland has always been a thoroughly 
 correct one. Nor can official Germany be made 
 responsible for these occasional outbreaks of Pan- 
 German zeal, which invariably embarrass the Govern- 
 ment, who regard the League as an enfant terrible. 
 The whole matter must be considered from the Pan- 
 German standpoint, with which, of course, many 
 Germans, not necessarily Pan-Germans, are fully in 
 sympathy. 
 
 The German claim on Switzerland is based on 
 similar arguments to those militating for Deutschtum 
 in the Netherlands. Switzerland, argue Pan-Germans, 
 from a Roman became a German province, and once 
 belonged to the old German Empire. The greater 
 proportion of the people are Germans, speaking the 
 German language, with German usages, manners, 
 ideas, and ideals. The intellectual influence of German 
 culture is widespread all over Switzerland ; which to 
 all intents and purposes is a German country, politi- 
 cally detached from Germany, but inseparably con- 
 nected by the tie of common sympathy, language, and 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN SWITZERLAND 177 
 
 intellect, and which some day or other must come to 
 see the national absurdity of remaining outside the 
 Germanic Union, and seek alliance with Germany. 
 Then there is the political aspect, about which Pan- 
 Germans have a great deal to say. How comes it, 
 they ask, that so many of these Germanic countries, 
 such as Holland, Flemish Belgium, and Switzerland 
 in reality * German outlands ' are so-called 'neutral* 
 countries ? What other reason can there be for the 
 neutralization of these Germanic (sic) countries than 
 thereby to render them all ' Kampfunfahig,' that is, 
 to deprive them of the right to fight for the German 
 cause ? Is it chance, they ask, that these neutral 
 countries should all happen to be Germanic ? Is not 
 the most cogent reason for this ' coincidence ' to be 
 found in British policy? in the idea that the 'neutrali- 
 zation ' of these ' German outlands ' within the 
 Germanic world denotes a source of weakness to 
 Germany, and of strength to Anglo-Saxondom ? Why 
 in the world, if the French population in Belgium feel 
 themselves to be French, should not the Low Germans 
 in Holland and the * Schwitzer' in Switzerland regard 
 themselves as Germans ? Why should Switzerland be 
 neutralized any more than Ireland, or Holland any 
 more than Ceylon ? Could Swiss soldiers look on 
 because their country had artificially been declared 
 * neutral ' were the German Empire ever hard pressed 
 by the enemy or in danger of disruption ? 
 
 These and similar reflections exercise the minds of 
 our Pan-German friends when they think of Switzerland 
 and all that might have been had Pan-German secular 
 pursuits, instead of Papal and spiritual ones, occupied 
 the attention of Kaisers, Popes, Dukes, and Margraves 
 in bygone times. But unfortunately for the Pan- 
 German idea it was not so, and the Swiss are proud 
 to be Swiss. When a Swiss maidservant, narrates 
 Professor Vetter, was shown a fine oak in the garden 
 and told it was a * beautiful German oak/ she smiled 
 and said : ' You mean a Swiss oak/ ' We call it German 
 
 12 
 
176 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Mephistopheles informed the inquiring student, that 
 1 with words great disputes are made/ For the first 
 time people began to talk of Deutschtum in Switzer- 
 land, of Pan-German aims and ambitions there, and 
 the ' Vetter' case rose into notoriety. It is forgotten 
 now ; but had it never been, to discover the Pan- 
 German movement in Switzerland would be almost as 
 hopeless as the search for the philosopher's stone has 
 proved to be, and this chapter, which is a Pan-German 
 one, had never been written. As it is, the case called 
 forth expressions of opinion from both sides, and the 
 German Court poet, Ernst von Wildenbruch, con- 
 gratulated the professor in verse, as did in prose 
 Professor Mommsen and the whole of the Pan-German, 
 and a large portion of the German, press. 
 
 It need hardly be said that official Germany was in 
 no way implicated in this business, which was a wholly 
 Pan-German affair, and that the attitude of Germany 
 towards Switzerland has always been a thoroughly 
 correct one. Nor can official Germany be made 
 responsible for these occasional outbreaks of Pan- 
 German zeal, which invariably embarrass the Govern- 
 ment, who regard the League as an enfant terrible. 
 The whole matter must be considered from the Pan- 
 German standpoint, with which, of course, many 
 Germans, not necessarily Pan-Germans, are fully in 
 sympathy. 
 
 The German claim on Switzerland is based on 
 similar arguments to those militating for Deutschtum 
 in the Netherlands. Switzerland, argue Pan-Germans, 
 from a Roman became a German province, and once 
 belonged to the old German Empire. The greater 
 proportion of the people are Germans, speaking the 
 German language, with German usages, manners, 
 ideas, and ideals. The intellectual influence of German 
 culture is widespread all over Switzerland ; which to 
 all intents and purposes is a German country, politi- 
 cally detached from Germany, but inseparably con- 
 nected by the tie of common sympathy, language, and 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN SWITZERLAND 177 
 
 intellect, and which some day or other must come to 
 see the national absurdity of remaining outside the 
 Germanic Union, and seek alliance with Germany. 
 Then there is the political aspect, about which Pan- 
 Germans have a great deal to say. How comes it, 
 they ask, that so many of these Germanic countries, 
 such as Holland, Flemish Belgium, and Switzerland 
 in reality * German outlands ' are so-called ' neutral ' 
 countries ? What other reason can there be for the 
 neutralization of these Germanic (sic) countries than 
 thereby to render them all ' Kampfunfahig,' that is, 
 to deprive them of the right to fight for the German 
 cause ? Is it chance, they ask, that these neutral 
 countries should all happen to be Germanic ? Is not 
 the most cogent reason for this ' coincidence ' to be 
 found in British policy? in the idea that the 'neutrali- 
 zation ' of these ' German outlands ' within the 
 Germanic world denotes a source of weakness to 
 Germany, and of strength to Anglo-Saxondom ? Why 
 in the world, if the French population in Belgium feel 
 themselves to be French, should not the Low Germans 
 in Holland and the ' Schwitzer' in Switzerland regard 
 themselves as Germans ? Why should Switzerland be 
 neutralized any more than Ireland, or Holland any 
 more than Ceylon ? Could Swiss soldiers look on 
 because their country had artificially been declared 
 ' neutral ' were the German Empire ever hard pressed 
 by the enemy or in danger of disruption ? 
 
 These and similar reflections exercise the minds of 
 our Pan-German friends when they think of Switzerland 
 and all that might have been had Pan- German secular 
 pursuits, instead of Papal and spiritual ones, occupied 
 the attention of Kaisers, Popes, Dukes, and Margraves 
 in bygone times. But unfortunately for the Pan- 
 German idea it was not so, and the Swiss are proud 
 to be Swiss. When a Swiss maidservant, narrates 
 Professor Vetter, was shown a fine oak in the garden 
 and told it was a ' beautiful German oak,' she smiled 
 and said : ' You mean a Swiss oak/ ' We call it German 
 
 12 
 
178 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 in our country,' observed the Pan-German, nettled ; to 
 which the maid responded in her peculiar Swiss brogue, 
 
 * Wir Schwizer sin aber Kaini Diitsche ' * We Swiss 
 are no Germans.' 
 
 And so it would seem. To call Switzerland a 
 German province is a Pan-German conceit. If the 
 tobacco in one's pipe is damp and a strong wind blow- 
 ing, all the ' Pan-German matches '* ever issued under 
 that name by the League will not serve to light it ; and 
 to kindle the fire of Pan- Germanism in Switzerland 
 many a train of Pan-German gunpowder must be 
 laid and many a fusee spent before even a moderate 
 explosion can be produced or any appreciable success 
 registered. To this fact the answer of the Swiss maid- 
 servant bears eloquent testimony. English tourists in 
 Switzerland during the summer months are apt to 
 think sometimes that Switzerland is an * English pro- 
 vince,' and behave accordingly. But in recent years 
 the German element tends more and more to outnumber 
 the English and quite to outdo them in eccentricities, 
 from the wearing of patent-leather boots on glaciers to 
 the sack-shaped green-coloured garments worn by the 
 ' Hoch tourist' of both sexes, who literally swarm the 
 country. The Swiss guide, too, would prefer an 
 Englishman to a German any day on a dangerous 
 cornice. And blow as hard as he may, the * trumpeter 
 of Sackingen ' cannot blow that fact out of existence, 
 nor can all Gottfried von Keller's rhapsodies upon the 
 German Fatherland persuade the Swiss that they are 
 
 * Diitsche,' and not ' Schwizer.' 
 
 Where, indeed, Pan-German philosophy fails is pre- 
 cisely in this matter of estimating patriotism, whether 
 local or national : which it quite undervalues and often 
 completely disregards. It is inexcusable in the case of 
 the Swiss, for was not one of Schiller's finest dramatic 
 efforts the story of William Tell, which every schoolboy 
 in Germany has some time or other had to know some- 
 
 * Among other things, there are so-called Pan-German match- 
 boxes. 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN SWITZERLAND 179 
 
 thing about? Nevertheless, it would be wrong to treat 
 the Pan-German movement in Switzerland flippantly, 
 or to dismiss their claim to kinship with the Swiss 
 people as absurd. It has its serious side, and, from 
 the German standpoint, its justification : which even an 
 Anglo-Saxon can appreciate. Method and means of 
 furthering Deutschtum in Switzerland are the same 
 as in other ' German outlands ' language and the 
 ' Zollverein.' And as is the case with Holland, it is 
 the economic aspect of the question which seems 
 destined (if there ever is to be union) to draw Switzer- 
 land and Germany together, rather than the sentimental 
 bond of racial kinship and of common language. The 
 mistake Professor Vetter made was in emphasizing the 
 sentimental tie. Had he spoken of the ' Zollverein ' 
 and the economic necessity of union, he would probably 
 never have been serenaded, and the Vetter case had 
 never existed. 
 
 It was on June 15, 1902, that he made his memor- 
 able speech in the name of the Swiss delegates at a 
 banquet given at Nlirnberg in celebration of the ' Ger- 
 manic Museum' there. He alleged that the Swiss 
 people ' of German origin ' were not always mindful 
 how closely connected the Swiss schools were with the 
 German and with German intellect how the history of 
 Switzerland was the history of Germany. The Swiss 
 were too apt to think of history as beginning with 
 William Tell, some 4,000 feet above the level of the 
 sea. He then continued : ' We Swiss are once more 
 reminded that Swiss and Germans have always belonged 
 to one another, that Charles the Great belongs to 
 us. But (although for that reason we won't suffer our 
 mountains and lakes to be taken from us), we are fully 
 conscious that the modest dimensions of our Swiss 
 houses, our Swiss castles and cloisters, are an important 
 and indissociable part of the history of art and culture 
 of the whole German race. . . . Therefore we wish to 
 be, and remain, a German province in an intellectual 
 sense, although preserving very distinct rights. 
 
 12 2 
 
i8o THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 are glad here to feel ... as Germans among Germans, 
 as the countrymen of Goethe and Schiller, of Erwin 
 von Steinbach and Albrecht Diirer ; we are glad as 
 was Gottfried von Keller when he at last found a 
 quiet spot on the Rhine where he could live in peace 
 and be at once " a Swiss and a German " at this 
 celebration to be able to feel ourselves, and to hope to 
 remain, German Swiss Germans in thought and in- 
 tellect. . . . Hail, Nurnberg, jewelled city of the old 
 Empire. . . . Hail, Germanic Museum, which, stretch- 
 ing far beyond the boundaries of the German Empire, 
 is for us Swiss, too, in an intellectual sense, " for all 
 time a means for increasing the Empire." 
 
 No adverse criticism was raised against this speech 
 until June 19, when the Revue de Lausanne reproduced 
 it in extenso, called it une manifestation singuliere, and 
 spoke of it as ' a humiliating declaration,' after which 
 excitement rose high. It was styled in French-Swiss 
 organs un discours impardonnable ; the professor was 
 branded as courtisan malhabile. Other newspapers 
 thought the professor was in his cups at the time, and 
 said that all those who heard his address laughed 
 ' behind their napkins/ Then German-Swiss organs 
 began to disapprove. Finally, the students at Berne 
 serenaded Professor Vetter at night-time. But he 
 took the demonstration in good part, looking on, as 
 the Revue de Lausanne said, ' silhouette, immobile, 
 tres digne / and the police violently dispersed the 
 offenders. The professor's subsequent tender of 
 resignation was not accepted, and after a time the 
 whole affair was forgotten. In a letter shortly after- 
 wards published in Die Nation, Professor Mommsen 
 said that * in an intellectual sense ' Switzerland was 
 quite as much a German province as was Bavaria or 
 Schleswig-Holstein. He contended that no stronger 
 political tie between peoples existed than that of 
 common language ; that Switzerland as an independent 
 nation existed at all with its three distinct spoken 
 languages was, humanly speaking, a remarkable 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN SWITZERLAND 181 
 
 achievement, which Germans fully appreciated. Ger- 
 mans, therefore, could afford to pass over in silence 
 the ' growling of the bear of Berne/ That, and in 
 what way, we, belong to one another, the Swiss know 
 as well as we do. 
 
 In his explanatory brochure subsequently published, 
 Professor Vetter maintained that as a * nation ' the 
 Swiss were in greater part Germans. German nation- 
 ality embraced all those who wrote in Goethe's 
 language, consequently he had said nothing new, or 
 that could be offensive to Swiss ears. And, indeed, 
 two well-known Swiss literary men have pronounced 
 judgment in the same sense. In Ferdinand Meyer's 
 f Huttens Letzte Tage ' the lines appear : ' Patience ; 
 the day will come when one tent will be erected over 
 the whole German land/ And on another occasion 
 Meyer wrote in a letter that he was convinced that 
 union with the great German people was a matter of 
 course for the Swiss ; that it was one of the strong 
 points of the Swiss that they were intellectually con- 
 nected with Germans, and not, as the Dutch, engaged 
 in pursuing particularist ideas. And the poet Gott- 
 fried von Keller said in 1872 : ' When the Germans 
 are united under one constitution, the time will come 
 when the Swiss can return to the Kaiser and Empire/ 
 This, he thought, they could most easily do by enter- 
 ing the German future economic league. 
 
 The ' Vetter case ' provoked much controversy in 
 Switzerland, and among notable expressions of opinion 
 was one from a Swiss-German, which appeared in the 
 Leipziger Tageblatt, of Germany. The writer thought 
 the serenade was the result more of the professor's 
 personal unpopularity than due to anything that he 
 had said against the Swiss : who were growing every 
 year more Germanophil, and felt more and more that 
 the future of their country was inseparably bound up 
 with that of Germany. He referred to the opinion 
 expressed by a number of Swiss officers that in the 
 event of a European war Switzerland would have to 
 
182 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 join Germany ; which statement met with a favourable 
 reception in the Swiss press, and was much discussed 
 at the time. Of course, the Pan-German organs were 
 full of encomiums, and naturally the professor was 
 heralded as * champion of Deutschtum.' Professor 
 Samassa (Alldeutsche Blatter, August 30, 1902) ex- 
 pressed the hope that Professor Vetter, who had 
 worked for the cause at Berne for twenty-six years, 
 might be granted a long span of life to continue his 
 activity, for he had evidently his work cut out for him, 
 * necessary and commendable work of elucidation ' : 
 which is undoubtedly true. But although the whole 
 affair was a gigantic advertisement for Professor Vetter 
 and for Deutschtum, it was none the less a mistake, 
 aggravated by the professor's own actions on his 
 return to Switzerland after the memorable banquet ; 
 which set in sharp contrast the aims of Pan-Germans 
 and the thoughts of the German-Swiss people, who 
 decline to be ' Dlitsche.' It was what Carlyle's 
 delightful sartorial professor called the ' didactico- 
 philosophical ' aspect that the Swiss resented ; for 
 they, too, desire to work out their own destiny as best 
 they can. Nor has the case tended to strengthen the 
 love in Switzerland for Germans, who are not at all 
 the popular kindred people they ought to be. As all 
 public demonstrations that are not based on popular 
 feeling invariably result in fiascos, so did Professor 
 Vetter's : which proved to be a hideous gaffe. Instead 
 of bringing the Swiss nearer to Germans, it tended to 
 alienate them : render the Swiss suspicious of German 
 designs, anxious to assert their own nationality, and 
 prone to resent German attempts at reconciliation. 
 And even now the Vetter case is still talked about in 
 Switzerland, while ever since that day Professor 
 Vetter has thought it advisable to hide his light under 
 a bushel. 
 
 The economic side of the question of union with 
 Germany has for some years past occupied the atten- 
 tion of Swiss thinkers and writers, and at one period 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN SWITZERLAND 183 
 
 nearly became a topical subject in the press. But 
 material for basing any definite opinion upon is so 
 scarce and insufficient that nothing more can be said 
 than that the idea of economic union with Germany or 
 some other country (France) has from time to time 
 been mooted and discussed without any definite result, 
 and without any serious attempt to solve the question 
 or treat it otherwise than academically. The idea 
 arose among the Swiss themselves from the fear that 
 Switzerland might become isolated and unable to 
 compete against the great Protectionist countries. 
 When Germany went over to Protection, the Swiss 
 talked vaguely for a time of entering into a Customs 
 Union with France, who, however, became more and 
 more Protectionist, and instead of receiving Swiss 
 overtures graciously, entered into a tariff war with 
 Switzerland. Swiss exports increased in consequence 
 to Great Britain, while remaining stationary to Pro- 
 tectionist countries in proportion as the latter raised 
 their tariffs. The Allgemeine Schweizer Zeitung then 
 became nervous, and proposed an economic union 
 with the United States. Other newspapers proposed 
 England as a partner. Later, voices were raised for 
 union with the Triple Alliance, and several serious 
 pamphlets were written to demonstrate its advisability. 
 But the Swiss press remained obdurate, and would not 
 hear of any union with Germany, largely from the fear 
 that economic union with Germany would undermine 
 Switzerland's independence as a nation, and reduce 
 her to the position of a German province. In a word, 
 public opinion was against economic union. Nor did 
 German publicists at that time evince any enthusiasm 
 for economic rapprochement with Switzerland, presum- 
 ably because they deemed it impracticable and scarcely 
 worth serious attention. But in 1899 the German 
 organ Export gravely discussed the whole matter. It 
 descried material advantages to both countries in such 
 a union. German industries would find new markets, 
 and Swiss industries would benefit by the great 
 
1 84 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 economic field opened up to them. There should be no 
 difficulty, that journal said, in effecting such a union or 
 coming to an agreement about the Customs tariffs, as 
 Switzerland was practically a German country, where 
 the same standard of life existed as in Germany. But 
 Export's overtures met with no sympathy in Switzer- 
 land, and the subject was again dropped. 
 
 Of a certain interest in this connection is an article 
 on the Swiss rejection of German economic overtures 
 published in the Alldeutsche Blatter, October T, 1899. 
 The writer expresses no surprise that the Swiss 
 rejected the offer on political grounds, as they had not 
 the same cogent reasons for union that the Dutch 
 have namely, as the Swiss have no colonial posses- 
 sions ' threatened by England and America ' to safe- 
 guard. Switzerland would gain many advantages by 
 union with Germany. She was economically dependent 
 on Germany, as a proof of which it could be shown 
 that a number of Swiss industries spinning and 
 weaving mills, dyeing and paper factories have been 
 established in Germany owing to the harmful effect on 
 these industries caused by the hostile tariffs of other 
 countries. Pan- America, Pan- England, continues the 
 writer, will some day drive European States into a 
 corner, unless they amalgamate and fight these economic 
 monsters together. But, difficult as such a union is, 
 with Switzerland it is thoroughly practical. Although 
 union with France would be more to the advantage of 
 Switzerland, there are no signs that such a thing is 
 possible, and Switzerland's next best partner is 
 Germany. The writer welcomes the renewal of the 
 discussion, and trusts it may lead to economic union, 
 which is perfectly compatible with political indepen- 
 dence. 
 
 Then there is the question of a postal convention : 
 which has been treated by the same postal official who 
 wrote on the same subject in connection with Holland. 
 He pleads for a postal convention because, according 
 to official statistics, half of all the postal business done 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN SWITZERLAND 185 
 
 in Switzerland is with Germany, and the tendency is 
 to increase. Moreover, there would be no difficulty 
 about language and geographical position. 
 
 Nothing, however, has been done, and economic 
 union with Germany is still nothing more than an 
 imaginary torso, which neither side quite likes to 
 handle, and which only Pan-Germans feel able to give 
 breath to. But, none the less, the idea is always, so 
 to speak, in the air. At any moment, as the result of 
 a bad year, of economic depression, or unsatisfactory 
 trade returns, the question may become acute : when 
 the Swiss may seriously consider the feasibility of 
 economic union. If ever they do so, there can be no 
 doubt that their overtures will be well received by 
 Germans, and that a workable arrangement will 
 probably be found to suit both parties. But once they 
 have crossed the Rubicon, even in an economic sense, 
 retreat will be cut off, and Helvetia will be reduced to 
 the position of a German province an annex of the 
 German Empire. For, without doubt, historically the 
 Swiss Confederation is a German-speaking State. 
 The non-German speaking lands had no political 
 rights till after the French Revolution. If the Swiss 
 Confederation entered into an economic alliance with 
 Germany, it would be only natural that the German 
 element, which is greatly in the majority, should assert 
 itself. On which side it would lean is a foregone 
 conclusion. There can be no doubt that Germany 
 would be greatly strengthened, politically, economi- 
 cally, and strategically, by union with Switzerland, and 
 still more with Holland, while it is quite conceivable 
 that Switzerland may some day come to the conclusion 
 that she could better meet foreign economic competi- 
 tion by entering the German Customs Union. The 
 more Protectionist great Powers like England, America, 
 and Russia grow, the more the smaller European 
 States have reason to consider their positions and the 
 general outlook in the future, and the more will they 
 be prone to look to the great economic Power in the 
 
186 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 centre of Europe for help and advice. That help and 
 advice Germany will always be ready to proffer. In 
 the case of Holland it is the German navy which is 
 offered to protect Holland's colonial possessions. In 
 the case of Switzerland it is the economic advantages 
 accruing from the security afforded by union with 
 Germany which is dangled before the eyes of vacillating 
 Swiss economists. Hitherto, like the fox in the fable, 
 they have thought those German grapes decidedly 
 sour. But they may quite well alter their minds. 
 Necessity is a hard teacher. It may prove so with the 
 Swiss. 
 
 The claim on Switzerland from affinity of language, 
 always a Pan-German plank, has been admirably dealt 
 with by Professor Hunziker in his brochure, issued by 
 the Pan-German League, wherein the whole subject 
 is analyzed and rational conclusions are drawn. He 
 contends that the French language is advancing, the 
 German receding. The German Swiss who settle in 
 French Switzerland tend to abandon their language ; 
 while their children especially those born of French- 
 speaking mothers generally speak French, whereas 
 the French Swiss hold tenaciously to French. Then 
 the French language is greatly supported by the 
 ' Alliance Francaise,' founded in Paris in the year 
 1883 for the purpose of maintaining the French 
 language, which association extends also to Switzer- 
 land, and does excellent work. The great evil for 
 Deutschtum in French Switzerland is the want of 
 German schools. These, he urges, must be estab- 
 lished ; the School Association in Berne should take 
 the matter up, and found and endow German schools. 
 The German language is apt to be neglected, and the 
 only way to strengthen and propagate it is by erecting 
 schools and encouraging the teaching of the German 
 language. On the other hand, another authority 
 Professor Zemmerich takes an optimistic view. He 
 holds that the German language has maintained itself 
 alongside of the French, and that German influence is 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN SWITZERLAND 187 
 
 increasing. Against this opinion may be set that of 
 Felix Regnault, who accuses the German-Swiss resi- 
 dents in French Switzerland of ' being ashamed ' of 
 their language, and only too anxious to speak a 
 'detestably bad' French. In Freiburg, some years 
 ago quite German, French is now the common 
 spoken tongue. The newspaper Valais Romand, 
 commenting upon this fact, said that at the end of the 
 twentieth century c our descendants will speak French 
 from the Leman to the Furka, and that will be our 
 definitive revenge for the former overthrow of the 
 Romanic Low Valais element by that of the German 
 Upper Valais/ Another authority is Professor Morf, 
 who thinks there is no reason to speak of a ' German 
 decrease/ though he admits that former German out- 
 posts, such as Wallis, Siders, and Sitten, have become 
 French. Morf considers that language is not such an 
 important factor in the making of a nation. Ideas and 
 ideals, he considers, are of far greater moment. He 
 wrote, ' We (Swiss) are not only a Germanized, but we 
 are a German people. 7 Which admission caused the 
 Alldeutsche Blatter to express a desire to shake the 
 professor cordially by the hand ; * for such a man,' did 
 he reside in Germany, would become a ' keen member 
 of the Pan-German League.' Again, Professor Zim- 
 merli, one of the most impartial and best informed of 
 all the writers on the language question in Switzer- 
 land, deplores that the Jura-Simplon Railway Company 
 should send French employe's to the * Haut- Valais,' 
 though he finds it perfectly natural that the same 
 company should place Germans at Delemont to in- 
 crease the German-speaking population of that city. 
 Zimmerli's work, * Verbreitung und Bewegung der 
 Deutschen in der Franzosischen Schweiz ' (with map), 
 is apt to give a false impression, for his map shows a 
 number of German colonies in Romanic Switzerland 
 which is hardly the case. Otherwise the work is 
 excellent, and perhaps the best that has yet appeared. 
 Now the demand for German schools in French 
 
1 88 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Switzerland is not at all appreciated by the French 
 Swiss, who are very contented with their own language, 
 and decline to hear of such a proposal. There is no 
 necessity for them, they maintain, and their establish- 
 ment might become a source of danger. If the German- 
 speaking Swiss established in Romanic Switzerland 
 chose to take unto themselves French-speaking wives, 
 or as bachelors to speak French, no harm is done ; 
 but to provoke a linguistic battle, fought out in the 
 schoolroom, is as undesirable as it is unreasonable. 
 Further, were the German schools to have any success, 
 the homogeneity of Romanic Switzerland would be 
 endangered. This would lead to linguistic conflicts 
 and possibly racial animosity between the French and 
 German Swiss. Switzerland is not composed of one 
 people, but is a congeries of people. Let the French 
 Swiss teach as many German Swiss as possible to 
 speak French, and the German-speaking population do 
 likewise with the French Swiss. There is room for 
 both, and the one should support the other, and not seek 
 to establish a uniform language, which is not wanted. 
 
 And this seems reasonable enough, in particular 
 when it is taken into consideration that the Italian 
 language is progressing perceptibly, and has in some 
 places driven back German. The latest linguistic 
 census taken (1900) in Switzerland shows that, deter- 
 mined by the spoken language, 2,319,105 individuals 
 spoke German ; 73,220, French ; 222,247, Italian ; 
 38,677, Romansch ; and 14,087, other languages. 
 During the twelve years lapsing from the previous 
 census, Germans had increased 226,575, or 10 per 
 cent. ; French, 95,248, or 14 per cent. ; Italians, 65,641, 
 or 42 per cent. Whereas in French Switzerland about 
 90,000 Germans were permanent residents, in German 
 Switzerland the number of French Swiss was 27,000. 
 Of these 27,000 French, two-thirds lived in the district 
 of Berne. Notable is the increase of the Italian-speak- 
 ing population. Of the whole number, 152,000 live in 
 Ticino and Grisons. 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN SWITZERLAND 189 
 
 It is somewhat strange, and not particularly pro- 
 mising for the future of Deutschtum, to find the same 
 peculiarities among the German Swiss as are notice- 
 able in other German communities in alien lands. Even 
 in Switzerland the German language is not considered 
 ' elegant ' enough, and the moment the German Swiss 
 finds himself in a French milieu he begins to drop his 
 own language and take to French, or to garnish his 
 own language with numerous French words and 
 phrases. This is the more curious as in German 
 Switzerland a number of old German words, now obso- 
 lete in Germany proper, have been preserved, and are 
 in current use. Thus the word * restauration ' for 
 'restaurant' is common all through German Switzerland, 
 and once caused a French traveller to inquire whether 
 it was usual for the German Swiss always to write 
 their 'political programmes on the exteriors of their 
 restaurants.' He was thinking, of course, of German 
 hegemony and of a * German restoration/ But, alas 
 for Pan-Germanism ! it is no such thing, being only an 
 old German word, recalling the past. Still, it must be 
 confessed, it is hard upon the Germans. The French 
 Swiss are careful to endow French schools in German 
 Switzerland, where the loss of the French language is 
 quite exceptional. At Biel, in the heart of German 
 Switzerland, the French have established several 
 schools, but in French Switzerland there are very few 
 German schools. Sometimes the Germans in French 
 Switzerland object to their children 'declining' to 
 speak German, and vigorous efforts are made to start 
 a German private school. It was so at Boll, in the 
 province of Freiburg, in 1900, when a number of 
 German parents, indignant that their children could no 
 longer speak German, did actually establish a German 
 school, towards the maintenance of which the German 
 School Association contributed a small sum of money. 
 But such instances are comparatively rare, and so the 
 German language hardly progresses as it might do. 
 Pan-Germans will have to work very diligently to 
 
THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 carry German across the linguistic frontier, before they 
 can hope to Germanize Romanic Switzerland and 
 make it a German-speaking province. On the whole, 
 though opinions differ considerably, Deutschtum would 
 appear to be stationary from the linguistic standpoint, 
 while there are no signs whatever that French is 
 receding, and Italian is distinctly progressing. 
 
 Free, independent, neutral, as Switzerland is politi- 
 cally, intellectually the Swiss, hardy patriots that they 
 are, cannot be said, in the true sense of the word, to 
 possess a distinct national literature or art : which in 
 Switzerland is impregnated with German thought and 
 influence, under the ban of which Swiss writers, poets, 
 painters, and sculptors all more or less stand. Thus 
 Bocklin, though a Swiss, was acclaimed by Germans 
 as a German painter, and many people on the Con- 
 tinent always believed that he was a German. In 
 literature, the influence of German thought, the very 
 influence of Germanism, upon such writers as Gottfried 
 von Keller and Ferdinand Meyer, is so apparent that it 
 would be idle to dispute the point. The written lan- 
 guage is the same. The spirit of the verse, the 
 sentiment, is German throughout : it may almost be 
 styled Germanic. Turning to French- Swiss writers, 
 who will affirm that Rousseau was not French, or, to 
 take a modern author, that the novels of M. Rod are 
 not as Parisian as can be ? Professor Vetter was right. 
 The French Swiss are French in their literature, 
 thought, and art; the German- Swiss, German. In this 
 sense Switzerland may truthfully be called a ' German 
 province.' This is what Ferdinand Meyer* once wrote 
 about 'Swiss Deutschtum': * You cannot imagine how 
 eagerly we Swiss follow every movement in Germany. 
 We feel that, intellectually, we belong to the Germans. 
 After all, Germany is our Fatherland in an intellectual 
 sense ; we hang on Germany's intellectual life receive 
 our impulses, our ideas from that centre. What would 
 happen to us German Swiss with our Deutschtum in 
 * Published in Die Rheinlande. 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN SWITZERLAND 191 
 
 many-tongued Switzerland if we could not lean upon 
 Germany ? We should lose our Deutschtum. Our 
 feelings are with Germany ; of course we love our own 
 country with our hearts, but we love Germany with 
 our intellects.' Precisely , what Professor Vetter said, 
 and the noise was all about. 
 
 Well ! N ietzschke once said that the German Empire 
 would kill the German intellect, while Mr. (or Herr) 
 Houston Stewart Chamberlain has placed his opinion 
 on record that Germans can rest assured that German 
 art, science, and philosophy are of more value to Ger- 
 many than are all the British colonies to Great Britain 
 together. Both judgments are perhaps true. What 
 joins Switzerland to Germany is German culture, not 
 German Imperialism. What may some day bring the 
 Swiss and German peoples together is the magnetic 
 influence exercised by common language, customs, 
 manners, and economic interests rather than considera- 
 tions of policy or the idea of nationality : which, as De 
 Quincey said, is ' mean, ungenerous, mendacious/ As 
 it is, the Swiss have no desire to become part of the 
 great German ' sociocracy,' or to abandon their freedom 
 and independence to help round off the German 
 Empire and complete its hegemony. True, they have 
 much in common with Germans, whose virtues they 
 have inherited. Standing at the Rhine frontier at 
 Schaffhausen, the Pan-German may well be pardoned 
 if, as his eyes wander across the flowing stream, so 
 dear to his sight, towards the snow-peaked mountain 
 country opening up before him, involuntarily he sighs 
 as he thinks of the Kerndeutsche^ or true German stock, 
 that was once, and might still be, his. But from the 
 wooden chalet opposite there steps a Swiss serving- 
 girl, dainty and debonair : who, as she catches sight of 
 the Pan-German professor gesticulating, pauses, and 
 calls back in tones audible across the foaming waters : 
 ' We Swiss are no Diitsche f 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 
 
 ONE of the publications issued by the League bears 
 the quaint title, ' Germany's Claims to the Heirship of 
 Turkey ' ; which modest title seems to afford sufficient 
 justification for the inclusion in a work on Pan-Ger- 
 manism of a chapter on Germany and Turkey in 
 which Pan-Germanism proper figures somewhat in the 
 background. For Pan-Germans are concerned with 
 the Germanization and absorption of lands inhabited 
 by Germanic peoples : such as Holland, Belgium, 
 Scandinavia, Denmark, Switzerland, and the Austrian 
 Empire, rather than with the new Imperialist policy of 
 Germany, which is the business of the Government. So 
 that in this chapter, which tells of Germany's relations 
 with Turkey, her ambitions there, of German methods 
 and policy, Pan- Germanism must be conceived as 
 present in the spirit, if seemingly absent from the 
 scene : the chief players of which are the, Government, 
 capitalists, bankers, merchants, and engineers : the 
 subject of the play being a political one, and the 
 author, stage-manager, and souffleur no less a person 
 than His Majesty the German Emperor. The role of 
 Pan-Germans may be likened to that of the claque, 
 applauding vociferously the doings of the players, and 
 inspiring them to fresh endeavours. For Turkey is 
 not a Pan-German 'sphere/ though a sphere wherein 
 Germany has managed firmly to establish herself. 
 And just as claque and players are indissociable, so, 
 
 192 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 193 
 
 too, are Pan-Germans and German Imperialists. Did 
 not the Emperor himself, the founder and leader of 
 the rational Pan-German idea, on the twenty-fifth anni- 
 versary of the foundation of the German Empire in 
 1896, proclaim from the royal castle at Berlin that 
 1 the German Empire has become a world power, the 
 inhabitants of which dwell in all quarters of the globe, 
 bearing with them everywhere German knowledge, 
 German culture, and that now the time has arrived to 
 link this greater German Empire close to the home 
 country ' ? Which words breathe the spirit of rational 
 Pan-Germanism. Nor was it until after these words 
 had been uttered that the Pan-German pamphlet 
 already referred to animadverted on the partition of 
 Turkey, and asked whether Germany could not obtain 
 her share in the spoil. For it is certain, said that 
 pamphlet, that neither the people of Anatolia nor the 
 nomad Arab tribes of Mesopotamia or Syria would 
 oppose a German occupation of their lands if ' it were 
 made clear to them that their country would largely 
 benefit thereby/ Having effected an occupation, the 
 Germans could restore those lands to their former 
 prosperity, and Mesopotamia would become ' Ger- 
 many's India.' Moreover, the other Powers were 
 disinterested in Asia Minor, the heirship of which 
 should fall legitimately to Germany. It was the duty 
 of Germans, beati possidentes, to see that those rich 
 Turkish lands did not fall into the hands of others. 
 Germany had only to show the necessary determination 
 and the prize was hers. 
 
 The idea of colonizing Asia Minor and effecting a 
 peaceful penetration of the Sultan's dominions did not 
 emanate from the League, but is of much earlier date, 
 and has frequently been written about by well-known 
 German economists and geographical writers. When 
 Moltke, the great 'thinker of battles,' after four years' 
 service with the Turkish army, returned to Germany he 
 became an ardent believer in the part Germany was 
 destined to play in Turkey. Writing in the Augs* 
 
194 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 burger Zeitung in 1841, he spoke of the inevitable 
 break-up of Turkey, and urged Germany to make her 
 influence felt there. It was strange, he reasoned, that 
 Austria had nothing to say there ; for the sword of Austria 
 alone would be able to decide Turkey's fate. German 
 emigrants would find a splendid field for industry in 
 Asia Minor, and would remain German. He hoped 
 that Austria would preserve the rights and future 
 integrity of the lands of the Danube, and ' that Germany 
 would finally free the mouths of her great rivers/ 
 Turkey must wither, he contended, and so must 
 Palestine, Syria, Arabia and Kurdistan, Rumelia, 
 Bosnia, and the Principalities on the Danube. The 
 great prize of all was Constantinople. And in another 
 article on * Germany and Palestine,' Moltke maintained 
 that the Sultan ' could not defend ' Palestine ; it was, 
 therefore, the duty of some ' Christian ' Power to 
 protect it. He suggested the appointment of a 
 German Prince to rule over a Christian Palestine 
 German preferably because Germany was not a sea 
 Power (times have changed since that was written), 
 because the natural way to the East lay along the 
 Danube, and because only a German Prince, accus- 
 tomed to rule with sovereign power, could do any good 
 in a semi-barbarian country. 
 
 Here we have the Pan- German idea again the 
 idea of the Danube belonging to Germany, while 
 Austria is regarded as part and parcel of Germany. 
 Other eminent writers at that time wrote similarly. 
 William Roscher said, in 1848, that the heirship of 
 Asia Minor should fall to Germany. Frederick List, 
 Lassalle, and Rodbertus agreed. Even in those days 
 Roscher advised the Government to direct the stream 
 of German emigration to Asia Minor instead of to 
 America. Again, in 1886, the Orientalist Professor 
 Sprenger wrote that Asia Minor was the best colonizing 
 land in the world, and if Germany seized her oppor- 
 tunity she could obtain that country. ' The German 
 Emperor,' he alleged, ' held the fate of that part of the 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 195 
 
 globe in his hands/ Someone would certainly step in 
 if Germany failed to. Syria and Assyria were the 
 most promising lands conceivable. Opinion in Germany 
 should be educated to grasp their importance to 
 emigrants and to Germany. And the well-known 
 writer, Dr. Karger, in his pamphlet, ' Asia Minor a 
 German Field of Colonization,' pointed out the natural 
 riches of those parts. The Anatolian Railways Com- 
 pany should direct colonization, and Germany should 
 obtain grants of lands for colonizing purposes. It was 
 of great importance for Germany to have possession 
 of those parts ; for their occupation by England or 
 Russia would greatly weaken the position of Germany 
 in Europe. Economically, too, Germany would receive 
 an enormous impulse from their acquisition. The 
 engineers, William Pressel and Von Suedenhorst, 
 were equally enthusiastic. Said Von Suedenhorst, 
 a ' railway across Anatolia and the lands of the 
 Euphrates would, in German hands, restore the 
 economic balance of power in Central Europe, and 
 form an adequate equipoise to Russia's lines through 
 Siberia, and England's control of the Suez Canal.' 
 Finally, Paul de Lagarde Pan- German saint! con- 
 sidered that the Germanic peoples should co-operate 
 in order to colonize Asia Minor. In 1853 he declared 
 * common colonization ' of those parts to be the most 
 important task of German policy. In this task of 
 common that is, in which all Germanic peoples parti- 
 cipate colonization a work was given to Germans 
 calculated more than any other to link them together 
 and make them one. 
 
 From the above excerpts it will be seen that Turkey 
 is no newly-discovered Eldorado, but has long been 
 regarded by Germans as a land of promise : the Germans 
 themselves being its chosen people. What List and 
 the old philosophers left as a heritage has been taken 
 up by the present generation, who have sinned rather 
 from excess of zeal than from the want of it. To-day 
 the schemes for colonizing Asia Minor, turning Syria 
 
 132 
 
196 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 and Mesopotamia into a huge German corn granary, 
 and growing cotton there to liberate Germany from 
 America, are all centred round the Baghdad railway 
 scheme, which gave all these plans a practical raison 
 cTdtre, and without which the opening up of the 
 country would seem impracticable. The idea of 
 colonizing those parts is not new, and arose in this way. 
 In 1854 an energetic German named Hofmann, with 
 a few other determined spirits, formed a committee for 
 re-establishing the Society of the Knights Templars 
 in Jerusalem. Some four years later a commission 
 was sent out to Palestine to study the ground, and a 
 favourable report was made. But although the Prussian 
 Government was opposed to the scheme, Hofmann was 
 not to be disheartened by official opposition. And in 
 1869 he, his wife and belongings, with a few others 
 like the inhabitants of the ark landed in Haifa, where 
 they proceeded to build themselves dwelling-houses 
 and cultivate the land. The colony grew apace, and 
 prospered up to the year 1878. But out of the 5,000 
 members of the Society of Templars in Germany some 
 1,500 had emigrated to the colony, which, in conse- 
 quence, had outgrown its dimensions ; and as the 
 Sultan refused to sell more land, newcomers had to 
 be forbidden to settle. Nevertheless, these small 
 colonies did very well, and the value of their entire 
 estate is now estimated at about 9 million francs, of which 
 about nine-tenths is invested in the land. They have 
 since scattered, and are now domiciled in Jerusalem, 
 Jaffa, Sarona, and Haifa, numbering in all about 
 1,500. When the Emperor visited Palestine these 
 Templars, who earn a good living as drivers and job- 
 masters, were much in evidence. 
 
 But apart from the Templars, and before the 
 Baghdad railway was planned, the well - known 
 geographer, Ritter, had pointed to Anatolia as the 
 best colonizing ground for Germans ; and in 1850 Ross 
 advised Germans to cultivate those parts, while in 
 1 86 1 Gustav Oppert admonished German emigrants 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 19? 
 
 to establish themselves in Syria. But all these ideas 
 fell upon unreceptive ears, and, with the exception of 
 the Templars, no one did anything. The Baghdad 
 railway scheme, however, immediately revived all the 
 long-forgotten plans, and * ideologues ' such as Karger, 
 Naumann, Menz, Oehlmann, Goltz (Pasha), Marcker, 
 Zimmerer, Von Diest, Kannenberg, Fitzner, Grothe, 
 Schlagintweit, became enthusiastic believers in the 
 scheme of colonizing Asia Minor. But capital was 
 lacking, and all these suggestions failed to crystallize 
 into anything of a practical nature. Then the idea 
 arose that the Anatolian Railways Company was to be 
 entrusted with the colonizing scheme, and till quite 
 recently it was widely believed in Germany that 
 colonization formed quite as much part of the com- 
 pany's programme as did the construction of the lines. 
 It is now known that no such idea is contemplated, 
 and that the company obtained its concessions from 
 the Sultan on the strict understanding that colonization 
 along the tract of the Baghdad line was not to form 
 part of their scheme. Still, German colonization and 
 the opening up of Asia Minor have been so much 
 talked about that it may be as well to take stock of 
 what some of these colonizing enthusiasts have to say 
 about it. Professor Sprenger is one of these. In his 
 work, * Babylonia : the Richest Land of Olden Times, 
 and the most promising Colonizing Field of To-day,' 
 he gives an elaborate description of the climate and 
 soil in Syria and Mesopotamia, which he maintains is 
 better suited for colonization than any other lands 
 known to him. There, in that glorious climate, 
 Germans would ' not degenerate.' There alone no 
 European nation has seized land. It is the finest 
 colonizing field to be found anywhere, and if Germany 
 does not lose her opportunity before the Cossacks 
 overrun it, * she can obtain ' there one of the most 
 splendid portions of earth on the globe. Moreover, 
 the entire German race, whether rich or poor, would 
 benefit by such a colonization. The German Emperor 
 
i 9 8 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 and the Sultan together could, with some 100,000 
 armed and drilled German settlers, defend the integrity 
 of Turkey against all invaders. Together they would 
 be the mainstay of peace for all Asia. The merchant, 
 the man of business, the capitalist, would find unlimited 
 opportunities for acquiring wealth, and those who 
 have nothing could settle there, and within a short 
 space of time become well-to-do farmers. Babylon 
 and Assyria lie, uncultivated, awaiting the tiller. Let 
 Germans go in and bring nourishment to the barren 
 soil. In Mesopotamia a ' new world ' awaits Germans 
 not across the seas, or in tropical climes, or in the 
 monsoon zones, but near at hand, separated from 
 Germany by ' a mere bridge/ There Germans would 
 have no virgin forests to combat with, no tropical 
 diseases to face. Theirs would be the land which 
 would give them all. In no other land has Nature 
 been so lavish in her products. In Mesopotamia 
 everything grows, ' from the vine to the date-palm/ 
 according to an Oriental and, in this case, truthful 
 saying. 
 
 No people, affirms Professor Sachan, are so popular 
 in Turkey as the Germans, whose deeds in the war of 
 1870 are engraven in the minds of Turks. The 
 German officer, engineer, or traveller even the mer- 
 chant can always count on a ' warm welcome ' from 
 the Turk. An Ottoman picked army, commanded by 
 German officers, is the dream of all Turks from 
 Stamboul to Baghdad. All they want are 100,000 
 Turkish regulars with German officers to lead them 
 against the Russians that is the dream of all Turkish 
 politicians as they enjoy their coffee from Erzerum to 
 Damascus. 
 
 Professor Fitzner* is likewise a firm believer in the 
 German future in Asia Minor. He counsels the 
 formation of companies to exploit the land and pene- 
 trate the country. For no other land ' outside Europe 
 is so tangibly near to Germany/ nowhere is the Ger- 
 * Asien, October, 1901. 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 199 
 
 man qua German so welcome. He maintains that the 
 only way is to go to work systematically to grow 
 cotton, wine, cultivate silkworms, breed Angora goats, 
 etc. The question for Germany is whether she will 
 use her opportunity and turn to account her favourable 
 position in Turkey in order to play a leading part in 
 the opening up of Asia Minor, and obtain for herself 
 her full share in the profits. For Germany is better 
 situated than any other Power to take the initiative. 
 Moreover, Turkey would be strengthened, so that 
 both Germany and Turkey would benefit. Gotel* 
 thinks the best way to colonize Syria is par la voie 
 d? in filtration. It must be the task of diplomatists to 
 help colonists to acquire land from the Turk, and 
 capitalists must not be chary with their money. In 
 his opinion capital would be well invested in Asia 
 Minor, and colonization would be cheap. Germany 
 must have fresh markets, and no policy could be better 
 than one which aimed at establishing close commercial 
 connections with Syria and Mesopotamia. Russia has 
 no special interest south of the Taurus. And Ger- 
 many has the advantage of being in closer proximity 
 to Asia Minor than any other Power. May Germans, 
 he concludes, take up the work handed down to them 
 by the Hohenstaufen Emperor, Henry VI. the idea 
 of the ' German intellectual conquest of the East.' 
 
 Then there is the Pan-German, Dr. Grothe. He 
 begins exultingly the Anatolian lands, as the Baghdad 
 railway, must belong to Germany ; for in some place 
 or other Germany must set down her foot firmly. He 
 considers the tract of the Baghdad railway a good 
 one, affording good opportunities for colonization. A 
 shipping line from Hamburg to the Persian Gulf 
 would be a blow to England's supremacy there. By 
 means of a branch line (Basra, Baghdad, Chanekin) 
 Germany could invade the Persian market; while from a 
 political point of view a coaling-station in Koweit, with 
 a German cable thence to her East Asiatic possessions 
 * Preussische Jahrbiicher, May, 1899. 
 
200 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 in communication with the Baghdad telegraph line, 
 would be of inestimable value to Germany. Then the 
 emigration question would be solved, and instead of 
 becoming citizens of other countries, German emigrants 
 would remain German. Open up and Germanize 
 Asia Minor, which of all others ' is the place for the 
 German emigrant.' Moreover, the peoples of Turkey 
 are of manifold race, religion, and tongue. Why 
 should not Germans go in and grow up peacefully 
 among the Jews, Armenians, Syrians, Arabs, Kurds, 
 Tartars, Jakuts, and Kirghiz, and form a German 
 milet of their own ? He hopes the German plough 
 and spade will soon be at work, that corn will be 
 grown in the lands of Aleppo, Ursa, Mardin, and 
 Nisibin as rich as any in South Russia, and that in 
 Palestine and Caucasia German vineyards will flourish 
 to the good of German and Turk alike. Professor 
 Sachan, Baron von Oppenheim, General von der 
 Goltz, and the former pastor, but now official adviser 
 to the Government, Dr. Rohrbach, are equally positive 
 as to the possibility of restoring agriculture in the 
 provinces, watered by the Euphrates and Tigris, to its 
 former prosperity some thousands of years ago. 
 
 Very important to Germany is the culture of cotton, 
 which is a speciality of Mesopotamia and also of the 
 neighbouring regions of Syria. In the plain of Adana 
 and in Syrian Mesopotamia on either side of the 
 Euphrates, from its rise in the Taurus Mountains to 
 the great curve which it finally makes towards the 
 south-east, the most favourable natural conditions 
 exist for cotton culture as in bygone times. More- 
 over, from Urfa or Harran to Alexandretta a caravan 
 journey of from seven to eight days only is necessary, 
 and from that place the way is shorter to Bremen or 
 Hamburg than it is from Charlestown, Savannah, or 
 New Orleans. Further, the costs of production in 
 Mesopotamia, owing to the cheapness of arable land 
 and the low standard of life among the natives, are far 
 lower than on the Nile or in the Southern States of 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 201 
 
 America. Even without a Baghdad railway the possi- 
 bilities of growing excellent cotton for export purposes 
 in that part of the world have been proved. Land 
 need not be bought. On the contrary, it is thought 
 that cotton could be grown in the same way as the 
 Russians have done, in analogous conditions, in 
 Turkestan after the completion of the Transcaspian 
 railway, by using native labour and training the natives 
 to till the land. And as in Turkestan most of the 
 cotton is grown by small farmers, so in Mesopotamia 
 it is contended that German companies could obtain 
 from the Sultan vast districts of land on the condition 
 that the land should be parcelled out and sub-let to 
 petty farmers, who would necessarily be supplied by 
 Germans with the latest technical requirements. By 
 raising the native population, who would grow rich, 
 and consequently become better buyers, an equivalent 
 for their cotton would be found in German industrial 
 products, provided Germany had a proper understand- 
 ing with Turkey and set about the matter in the right 
 way. In the year 1900 Germany spent ^15,000,000 
 on foreign cotton and wool. It must be Germany's 
 aim, says Dr. Rohrbach,* to draw a large portion of 
 this cotton out of the Baghdad railway territories, and 
 in return to send her manufactures to pay for it. The 
 main thing, continues this official colonial adviser, is to 
 grasp the situation and to be ' the first on the spot,' for 
 in the East the man who starts first generally turns 
 out the winner. At the present moment Germany is 
 the Turk's best friend, and Germany's chances in an 
 economic sense are greater than those of any other 
 Power, because Germany alone seeks no land, no 
 naval station, no guarantees. 
 
 Next in importance to cotton is wool, which in 
 Mesopotamia is of excellent quality. Here again 
 writers urge Germans to take the business up. The 
 wool trade could easily be greatly increased, and 
 German exports would pay for it. 
 
 * ' Deutschland unter den Weltvolkern.' 
 
202 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 The prospects, too, of turning Asia Minor into a 
 vast corn granary are equally fascinating. It is con- 
 tended that when the irrigation and land companies 
 have done their work, a vast corn-growing industry 
 can be established in Anatolia, North Syria, Mesopo- 
 tamia, and Irak, in quantity and quality equal to the 
 entire corn exports of Russia. ' For the sum of from 
 i to i^ million pounds,' says Dr. Dillon in the 
 Contemporary Review, May, 1903, 'the necessary 
 canalization could be accomplished, whereupon the 
 misery-stricken i^ million inhabitants of to-day would 
 increase and multiply till they equalled in numbers the 
 6 millions who lived under Haroun-al-Raschid, and 
 would far surpass them in material well-being.' There 
 is no need to add that Germany's future corn-supply is 
 a question that has vexed most economic writers, and 
 that if in South America or Asia Minor a granary 
 could be established capable of covering Germany's 
 demands in corn one of her greatest economic problems 
 would be solved. 
 
 Another great attraction is naphtha. Glowing 
 accounts have been given by various authors of this 
 valuable oil, stretching in a zone from the Iranian 
 mountain chain to the Arabian Desert. ' It oozes 
 from the soil spontaneously pure dark naphtha.'* 
 But the danger is, says that authority Dr. Rohrbach, 
 ' that the stranger will come in with his foreign money 
 and extort from the Sultan preferential rights to 
 exploit the naphtha zone before the Germans have 
 managed to exclude the foreigner by means of an 
 agreement with the Turkish Government.' The fact 
 is, says Dr. Rohrbach, that Germany's future is 
 largely bound up with the valleys of the Euphrates 
 and Tigris. Never again will such a rich soil, 
 neglected and uninhabited, be offered Germans. But 
 if Germans put their hands in their pockets until the 
 completion of the Baghdad line, this unequalled 
 opportunity it sounds like the Encyclopaedia adver- 
 * Preussische Jahrbucher^ vol. cv. 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 203 
 
 tisements will be lost. Germans must begin at once 
 to open up the country, which can be accomplished 
 without a railway, for on German pioneer work now 
 will depend largely whether that line is to remain 
 'German,' or merely turn out to be an international 
 banking enterprise. 
 
 From what has been said, it is obvious that German 
 aims and ambitions in the dominions of the Sultan are 
 mainly of an economic nature. More than anywhere 
 else, the German sees in Turkey a field for endeavour, 
 which he partly regards as his by right. There is the 
 future German corn granary, the wool industry, the 
 naphtha industry, the colonizing question, the ' new 
 markets ' for German industrial products, the fresh 
 impulse to shipping, the opening up of the lands of 
 
 * Babel and the Bible/ the great railway line, which is, 
 
 * despite its commercial aspect and ostentatious lack of 
 political background, neither more nor less than a 
 deliberate attempt to divide the Ottoman Empire into 
 two spheres of interest, which are destined to be 
 economic spheres so long as the Turk holds sway 
 there, and to be converted into political spheres the 
 moment the Empire finally breaks up, and in neither 
 case to become British or even international spheres ;'* 
 there is the Pan-German idea of Austria, and so 
 Germany, gravitating naturally towards the East, and 
 acquiring such an economic hold over the Turk that 
 the three countries, Germany, Austria, and Turkey, 
 come to form a trinity, visible and indivisible ; there 
 is the idea of Germany and the Turk swaying the 
 East ; there is the ever-present desire of emancipation 
 from England, and the attraction of Oriental colour 
 and display, and the hope that in Turkey Germany's 
 Nirvana has been found all these ideas, hopes, and 
 reflections have at various times passed in kaleido- 
 scopic vision through the German brain, and some of 
 them have actually come to pass, while others seem 
 near to completion. But many of these aspirations 
 
 * Dr. Dillon, Contemporary Review^ May, 1903. 
 
204 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 are now known to be vain dreams, and, now that the 
 Turkophil intoxication following on the Emperor's visit 
 to Jerusalem has passed off, a more sober view obtains. 
 The idea of colonizing Asia Minor, extorting whole 
 provinces from the Sultan, and carrying on the 
 Baghdad railway to Koweit, and establishing there a 
 German coaling-station, is slightly 'out of date.' It is 
 not quite so easy as it all originally seemed, and 
 Germans now are aware of it aware, too, that the 
 Persian Gulf part of the Baghdad line scheme will 
 probably have to be abandoned long before the line 
 ever reaches the sea-coast, or capital enough to build 
 it has been raised. 
 
 But the most elaborate, authoritative, and recent 
 exposition of Germany's aims on Turkey in Asia 
 what she can, and must, do there has been given 
 by Dr. Rohrbach, who, as he is now in the service of the 
 Government, must be held to be an entirely responsible 
 person. When the Baghdad railway scheme first 
 attracted general notice he, too, was an English fire- 
 eater, and frankly contended that if the line could not 
 be extended to the Persian Gulf and a naval station 
 acquired there, he did not care a brass farthing for the 
 whole thing. But since then he has greatly modified 
 his opinions at least, coram populo ; for, as he himself 
 says, nothing could do the Baghdad scheme more 
 harm than irresponsible talk about its advantages to 
 Germany. In no case is silence so imperative as in 
 regard to that scheme. Now, in his work, * Deutschland 
 unter den Weltvolkern/ he raises the question, Where 
 can Germany obtain fresh markets and new fields for 
 economic enterprise ? No sane German, he maintains, 
 thinks about obtaining land by conquest, or that 
 Germany will ever have the opportunity to grab land 
 with impunity, or fall into the acquisition of such by 
 chance. At the same time, it is imperative for Germany 
 to 'seek territories which are rich and capable of 
 development,' no matter whether they are politically 
 attached to Germany or not. What England has ac- 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 205 
 
 complished in Persia, Germans must accomplish else- 
 where. * Anatolia, Mesopotamia, Babylon in a word, 
 the future territory to be traversed by the Baghdad 
 railway, but especially the lands watered by the 
 Euphrates and Tigris,' offer a field for German enter- 
 prise more promising to Germany than even Persia is 
 to England. The Baghdad railway will contribute 
 towards this end ; but the chief thing is for Germans 
 to establish themselves firmly in those territories 
 * before the line is built.' Germans must imitate the 
 English, and invade those lands par voie infiltration. 
 What Germany can obtain there, he says, is no 
 colonizing territory in Turkish Asia, but ' she can 
 create a great German commercial centre in the 
 Baghdad railway regions.' It would be extremely 
 difficult, he admits, to acquire political supremacy, but 
 comparatively easy to obtain economic preponderance 
 there. If the Baghdad lands are ever to become an 
 ' economic substitute ' for the want of a ' German 
 Canada and Australia/ they can only become so 
 through German enterprise and the immediate ex- 
 ploitation of the country by German capitalists. The 
 reason, he argues, why England finally withdrew from 
 the Baghdad scheme was a political one. Egypt is 
 becoming increasingly important to England, and 
 British policy now aims at establishing a British- 
 Indian sphere of influence from the Persian Gulf to 
 Baghdad. This Imperialistic aim of England's ' we 
 Germans must seek to foil ' by our Baghdad railway 
 scheme. ' When the line reaches Baghdad we may 
 hope though, in contradistinction to Great Britain, 
 we aim at no territorial acquisition between the 
 Persian Gulf and the Anatolian plains, to obtain 
 compensation, seeing that it is not permitted to us to 
 acquire oversea possessions.' 
 
 With time Dr. Rohrbach has learnt wisdom. The 
 colonization of Asia Minor, he continues, ' is not to be 
 thought of.' The Templars in Jerusalem have pros- 
 pered as have the Swabian colonies in Trans- Caucasia, 
 
206 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 but political reasons militate against any attempt to 
 settle Germans in those parts. In the first place, 
 the question would immediately arise whether they 
 were to remain Germans or become Turks ; which 
 latter alternative is out of the question, and the former 
 wholly undesirable from the Turkish point of view. 
 If they were to become Turkish subjects Germany 
 would no longer have any right to protect their 
 interests. The only way to colonize there would be 
 by means of mass settlements, which in time might 
 easily become highly embarrassing to the Turk. So 
 long as Turkey remains an independent State, the 
 Sultan, however much he favoured Germany, could 
 never permit German colonization on any large scale. 
 Then there would be the question of religion ; there 
 might be German ' pogroms ' more the Armenian 
 massacres. And if the Sultan did express to Baron 
 von der Goltz his willingness that Germans should 
 settle in his dominions, he could only have done so 
 out of politeness, or, tentatively, to see how his overtures 
 would be received: Pan -Germans, exclaims Dr. 
 Rohrbach, * keep your peace ' ; talking about it will 
 not improve Germany's chances. But, economically, 
 Germans can accomplish much. The whole land 
 south of the Taurus, the Arabian Desert, and the 
 Persian Gulf, have not changed since the Persian, 
 Parthian, and Arabic epochs. If in those days artificial 
 irrigation was unnecessary, it is not necessary to-day. 
 In the Baghdad (railway) territories there are two 
 quite distinct soils : the one in which artificial irrigation 
 would be necessary for agriculture, the other in which 
 nothing but the ploughshare and labour are needed. 
 This labour Germans could furnish ; these lands 
 Germans could fructify. The question is, Have 
 Germans the necessary initiative, capital, and boldness 
 of heart to set about the task ? 
 
 Such is the economic aspect of Germany's claim to 
 the heirship of Asia Minor, in itself largely explaining 
 Germany's friendship for the ' Sick Man.' But 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 207 
 
 there are other reasons for this, at the first sight, 
 unnatural friendship, which may here be lightly 
 outlined. 
 
 Shortly after the Berlin Congress in 1878 Lord 
 Houghton vouched for the accuracy of the statement 
 then circulating, namely, that a prominent Austrian 
 statesman had expressed indifference to a Russian 
 occupation of Constantinople, ' provided Saloniki be- 
 came an Austrian port/ In those days, when Bismarck 
 said, ' I do not read the Constantinople Courier, and 
 declared that Bulgaria was not worth the bones of a 
 ' Pomeranian musketeer/ probably Germany would 
 have assented grimly to such an arrangement, ' pro- 
 vided Trieste was declared a German port/ It is 
 almost certain that even to-day Germany would not 
 think it worth while to oppose a Russian seizure of 
 Constantinople, provided that Turkey in Europe and 
 Asia, but particularly in Asia, did not thereupon cease 
 to be an independent Power, which, however, in all 
 probability, would be the case. For the maintenance 
 of the Turkish Empire, in view of the great economic 
 future anticipated by Germans in Asia Minor, of which 
 they possess the ' open sesame/ is the pith and root 
 of German policy, quite as determinative as the prin- 
 ciple laid down by Prince Bismarck of the importance 
 of good relations with Russia : whose interests now lie 
 in the Far East rather than in Europe, and whose 
 whilom expectations as heir to the Sultan's dominions 
 tend to become more shadowy the more she extends 
 towards the East, and the more Germany is able to 
 take over the Russian role of guardian, political and 
 military adviser to the Sultan. Russia's interests, or, 
 more correctly speaking, Russia's power, in the Balkan 
 Peninsula, therefore, tend to decrease the more she 
 becomes involved in East Asiatic affairs, though 
 the key to her position in Europe the gate of the 
 Bosphorus is as important as ever to her. And 
 despite the Berlin Treaty, Germany has now quite 
 made up her mind to treat that part of the question 
 
208 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 relating to the Black Sea as a local one, outside the 
 sphere of German interests ; as she characteristically 
 exemplified when she recently gave Great Britain to 
 understand that the passage of Russian torpedo craft 
 naked bodies, as they were called through the 
 Dardanelles was no matter of concern to her. 
 
 Now, though Germany is prepared to accede to 
 Russia every right to make her interest paramount on 
 the Bosphorus, she is perfectly aware that it is pre- 
 cisely on that spot that the political centre of Turkey 
 is situated, and that it lies very much in Germany's 
 own interests to make that centre as powerful as 
 possible. For it is felt that Germany and the 
 Ottoman Empire, however great a contrast there may 
 be between the two countries and peoples, however 
 distant from one another they may seem, are none the 
 less in their own interests singled out by circumstances 
 to act together in the Near East ; Turkey, because 
 she is surrounded by foes eagerly awaiting the cata- 
 clysm so frequently prophesied in order to step in and 
 seize what they can ; the prospect of which forces her 
 to lean for assistance upon some Power not desirous 
 of dismembering the Empire, which Power can only 
 be Germany, who in any partition of Turkey would 
 of a certainty have the worst of the bargain, besides 
 running the risk of seeing the Slav uncomfortably 
 near to her own doors ; Germany, on the other hand, 
 because, were the cataclysm to take place resulting in 
 the partition of Turkey, all German hopes of opening 
 up Asia Minor, exploiting all the good things, and 
 establishing an economic sphere of interest there, 
 would be shattered for ever. Moreover, Germany is 
 better situated than any other Power to exercise 
 pressure upon Turkey, while at the same time ex- 
 tremely unlikely to embark upon any predatory 
 expedition of expansion at the Turks' expense. 
 Germans, therefore, feel that just as it is Austria's 
 manifest destiny to extend south-eastwards, so is it 
 the destiny of the Turk to establish himself firmly 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 209 
 
 in his Asiatic dominions rather than to seek to 
 hold sway in Europe. Once let the Turk fortify 
 himself in Asia Minor, and with German aid restore 
 those parts to their former prosperity, then the parti- 
 tion of his dominions would not so much matter : for 
 that rich region would then necessarily fall to Germany. 
 It would not then matter to Germany if Russia in- 
 sisted upon seizing the Armenian Highlands and 
 extending her empire to the Taurus chain. Nor 
 would it matter to it would be very much to the 
 advantage of Germany were Austria then to extend 
 by way of Saloniki to the ^Egean Sea, and so fulfil 
 her destiny, which is inextricably interwoven with that 
 of Germany. 
 
 The idea of fortifying the Turk in his Eastern 
 dominions has been ventilated by no less an authority 
 than the well-known Orientalist, General von der 
 Goltz, who deliberately advised Turkey to abandon 
 her European, African, and Asiatic possessions, and 
 establish herself firmly in Anatolia, with Mesopotamia 
 as a background. Doubtless the Turk would be far 
 stronger were he to follow this friendly advice, and 
 so, too, would Germany, who would see with parental 
 solicitude that the Turk put his Armenian house in 
 order in proper fashion, and with due deference 
 to German wishes. In Turkish Asia, says Dr. 
 Rohrbach,* there conceivably lies a great part of 
 Germany's future (' ein grosses Stuck deutscher 
 Zukunft '). Germany, in contradistinction to all other 
 Powers, he continues, seeks no territory in Turkey ; 
 she merely desires to establish in Asiatic Turkey new 
 markets and new fields for the production of raw 
 materials, so that all that Germany demands is the 
 strict observance of the ' open door.' Whether the 
 expectations in connection with the Baghdad railway 
 are fulfilled or not, no doubt can exist that Asiatic 
 Turkey will be opened up ; and Germans, says Dr. 
 Rohrbach, could make no greater mistake than to 
 * * Deutschland unter den Weltvolkern.' 
 
 14 
 
210 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 stand idly by while the process of development was 
 going on, instead of taking as active a share as 
 possible in the economic and political strengthening 
 of Turkey, and securing their share in the profits. 
 
 Turning to the European side of the question, we 
 find Germany's attitude in great part determined by 
 that of Austria, which brings us to the Pan- German 
 idea again. It has been said that Russia's preoccupa- 
 tion in the Far East has weakened her power of 
 control in the Near East. And so much so is this the 
 case that, whereas before the Crimean War it was 
 Russia who desired the dismemberment of European 
 Turkey, it is now the Western Powers who, in the 
 higher interests of humanity, threaten Turkey with the 
 long-expected dislocation : while Russia, conscious of 
 the weakness of her position, owing to pressing engage- 
 ments elsewhere, desires now to preserve the status 
 quo in the Balkans ; for, above all things, what she 
 most seeks to avoid is the emancipation of Bulgaria by 
 England, and the creation by that act of a Macedonian 
 confederation. As Germany is just as much interested 
 as Turkey herself in the preservation of the Sultan's 
 supremacy in the Balkans, she naturally, in Turkey's 
 own interests, supported the Russian and Austrian 
 reforms as drawn up in the Mlirzsteg programme, 
 while exercising as much diplomatic pressure as was 
 considered politic upon the Sultan to induce him to 
 carry them through. For, great as Germany's friend- 
 ship for Turkey is, if the Sultan remains obdurate, and 
 persists in his tortuous ways, Germany could not help 
 him, and could not possibly put herself in opposition 
 to Russia for the beaux yeux of the Sultan. It is, 
 therefore, fully seen at Berlin that the only way to 
 avert the catastrophe is for Turkey to accept the 
 reforms, and remain on as good terms with Russia as 
 possible. Otherwise events may be precipitated, and all 
 German hopes in the Orient deferred for many a long 
 day. In no case is the Balkan question worth the 
 bones of a German musketeer ; but the question is 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 211 
 
 none the less of great importance for Germany, and 
 nothing could be more inopportune, or prove more 
 embarrassing to German diplomacy, now and for the 
 next decade, than for the Macedonian question to 
 assume such acute dimensions that amputation of the 
 Turkish limb or some other surgical operation should 
 become necessary. 
 
 Observe the Pan- German view. Germany, thought- 
 ful Pan-Germans maintain, has as yet no natural raison 
 d'etre for her pro-Turkish policy, which is not dictated 
 by natural geographical position, as is that of Austria 
 or Russia ; or by the display of sea power in the 
 Mediterranean, as is that of France ; or by the posses- 
 sion of naval bases such as England has in Gibraltar, 
 Malta, and Egypt. In times of war her whole com- 
 merce with the East might be jeopardized. Her only 
 natural way to Turkey lies along the Danube. It is 
 for this reason that Pan- Germans are sceptical about 
 Germany's chances in Turkey, feeling that until the 
 ethnic trouble in Austria has been settled, and Ger- 
 mans have definitively asserted their authority there, 
 Germany's Turkish policy has been initiated on a too 
 flimsy foundation. Here the League shows a timidity 
 which is not at all shared by the Government. The 
 League wants to prepare the way first, for the way 
 from Berlin to Constantinople 'leads via Prague.' 
 For this reason the only policy for Germany, argue 
 Pan-Germans, is to uphold the power of Turkey so 
 long as possible. For that reason, too, everything 
 must be done to increase Austria's influence in the 
 Balkans and in Turkey. Even were Germany to 
 inherit Austria's role in the Near East, such an 
 increase of political power and prestige is held to be 
 undesirable, as it would inevitably tend to differences 
 with Russia, and to render Germany's position in the 
 centre of Europe more onerous and more precarious. 
 Not until Austria has solved her racial problem, and 
 political and economic hegemony has been restored 
 among the German and Austrian peoples, will Ger- 
 
 142 
 
212 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 many be strong enough to embark upon a healthy, 
 selfish Oriental policy in her own interests, and not, as 
 at present, partly in the interests of Prague banking- 
 houses and international combines. The natural basis 
 for Germany's Oriental policy lies in the possession of 
 the mouth of the Danube ; its natural European 
 railway terminals are Saloniki and Trieste. 
 
 Such being the Pan-German view, which differs 
 from that of the Government in one important point 
 only namely, that Pan-Germans consider a firm basis, 
 or jumping-off point, imperative for successful opera- 
 tions, whereas the Government has no such basis it 
 is difficult to see in what way they differ from the con- 
 siderations governing the official pro-Turkish policy of 
 Germany. If the ulterior and main motive for the 
 preservation of the Turk in Europe is the idea of 
 Germany's future in Asia Minor, the Pan-German 
 conception of its consummation through and by means 
 of Austria is also its legitimate corollary. With the 
 exception of the Magyars, who could not stand alone, 
 the Galician Poles alone of the peoples of the Austrian 
 Empire would seem to have fundamental reasons for 
 permanently maintaining the Austrian monarchy in its 
 present form. All other nationalities in Austria tend 
 to gravitate in centrifugal rather than in a centripetal 
 sense, which is the cause of the inherent weakness of 
 the Austrian Empire. The danger to Germany of a 
 cataclysm in Austria and redistribution of peoples is, 
 on the face of it, obvious enough ; for the Austro- 
 Hungarian Empire acts as a bar to Slav encroach- 
 ments, and relieves Germany of all responsibility for 
 repelling her Russian neighbour : who, sick within, is 
 forced to pursue an active policy abroad, if only to 
 distract attention from the canker consuming her. 
 Against this Russian danger, says Dr. Rohrbach,* 
 there are only two courses for Germany to pursue : 
 either to expand from the North Sea to the ^gean, so 
 as to be able to bar the Russian advance unaided, or 
 * c Deutschland unter den Weltvolkern.' 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 213 
 
 to weld together the lands of the Danube to a political 
 whole on the model of the Austrian Empire, so as to 
 constitute a German - Danubian State bristling with 
 bayonets towards the east. But Dr. Rohrbach sees 
 further than Pan-Germans. To the ethnic ' matter ' 
 of Austria he does not desire to add a further congeries 
 of peoples from the Balkans. It would be impossible, 
 he argues, to form a political whole out of Hungary, 
 Croatia, Bosnia, Galicia, etc., so that with regard to 
 Austria Germany can only pursue one policy to 
 establish as close a political and economic bond as 
 possible with her in conjunction with active support of 
 Austria's natural tendency to expand in the direction 
 of the south-east, from which direction alone Austria 
 can draw real strength. 
 
 This idea of Austria's expansion towards the south- 
 east was frequently ventilated by Bismarck, who once 
 said that Austria could very well exchange Galicia for 
 the Rumanian and Southern Slavonic peoples, and set 
 up a Polish Empire under some German Archduke. 
 He was ever of opinion that Austria was sorely tempted 
 to round off her Empire by cutting off a slice from 
 the Balkans, and gravitating towards the sea. At the 
 same time, he carefully warned his countrymen that 
 Germany could never run the risk of a war with Russia, 
 however important and however natural it might be for 
 Austria to seek to expand to her ' natural ' boundaries. 
 Such an expansion might comprise Rumania and 
 Servia. For Germany it is obvious that a zollverein 
 and military convention between Germany, Austria- 
 Hungary, and the Balkan States, Rumania and Servia, 
 with conceivably Bulgaria thrown in, would be of vast 
 importance, and would probably be more stable than and 
 quite as practical as the Pan-German idea of fusion of 
 those polyglot peoples under the sway of Berlin : 
 which might prove a dangerous experiment. The ex- 
 pansion of Austria leads to the idea the perfectly 
 serious and sane idea of an additional increase in 
 strength in the shape of Turkey the concatenation of 
 
2i 4 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 ideas in the so-called * Drang nach Osten,' or push 
 towards the East, being : Germany forcing Austria, 
 who, in turn, pushes towards the Balkans and estab- 
 lishes an economic federation, which Turkey finally 
 joins. In this way Berlin, Vienna, Prague, and Con- 
 stantinople would all be within the same postal union ; 
 the Slav would be kept in durance, and Germany 
 would be in effective possession of the best part of 
 Europe. Says Dr. Rohrbach, this is not likely to take 
 place within our lifetime, but it is * the greatest political 
 end which the present or the next generation can 
 work for.'* 
 
 What Germany, writes Dix,*) 1 seeks and expects to 
 find in Turkey is, not land, but economic strength, new 
 markets, possibly, too, colonization in Asia Minor, and 
 the creation of a direct independent route to the Far 
 East. He admits that when Germans look on the 
 map and follow with their eyes the Danube flowing 
 through chaos to the East, many wishes of a national 
 political nature rise up ; but as a responsible editor (of 
 the National Zeitung] he counsels caution. Germans 
 had better keep to the economic idea, and leave the 
 political aspect, except in its connection with the 
 Baghdad railway, which will give to Germany an inde- 
 pendent route to the East. It is no use endangering 
 the whole scheme by colonizing plans which already 
 have begun to excite suspicion. At the same time, he 
 contends that the Baghdad railway without a German 
 basis in the Persian Gulf would be a poor concern ; 
 but, with such a basis, a very important one : leading 
 Germany via the Danube, Haidar-Pasha, Bazra, and 
 Ormuz, to the Straits of Malacca, and so to the East 
 Indies. 
 
 It is interesting to see how, in 1883, a French writer, 
 M. de Caix de Saint-Antoine,| sketched the Pan-Ger- 
 man idea in connection with Austria and Turkey. 
 
 * ' Deutschland unter den Weltvolkern.' 
 
 t ' Deutschland auf den Hochstrassen des Weltwirtschaftsverkehrs.' 
 
 \ * Les Pays sud-slaves de 1'Austro-Hongrie.' 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 215 
 
 Austria, he premised, was but a German outpost, a basis 
 for the German march towards the East. Germans 
 believe the present form of the Hapsburg monarchy to 
 be provisionary, to be upheld until Germans are ready 
 to push towards the Danube. The great game will be 
 played at Vienna and Buda-Pesth, Germany pushing 
 Austria towards the Bosphorus. First step : Austria, 
 extended towards the gate of the East, becomes part 
 of Germany. Second step : Exhausted by vain attempts 
 to keep in order her vast polyglot Empire, Austria 
 leaves the task to Germany, who finally Germanizes 
 the whole region from Berlin to the ^gean. The only 
 thing which stops Germany is Austria, who was de- 
 scribed by Conrad in his work, ' Zur Heimkehr des 
 Kaisers,' as 'a sack placed before the gate hitherto 
 considered an empty sack, but which is now seen to be 
 a dangerous sack of powder/ 
 
 This is how M. Cheradame, in his voluminous work 
 on Austria and the Pan-German idea, sums up the 
 situation :* ' Hungary is Germany's client, Rumania 
 her satellite, Bulgaria a broken barrier, Bosnia and 
 Herzegovina the gates to the East, whence Germany 
 will proceed over the Bosphorus to Asia Minor. One 
 rail will then connect Hamburg with the Persian Gulf.' 
 This is why, as M. Loiseauf said, the German Empire 
 tends to become more and more 'the diplomatic adviser, 
 the financial broker, and military educator of the Otto- 
 man Empire. This is why, during the Transvaal 
 War, German Consuls were entrusted with Turkish 
 interests in the former Boer republics ; why the Ger- 
 man Emperor in his speech at Damascus assured the 
 300 million Mohammedans that the German Emperor 
 was their ' friend for ever/ German interests, said the 
 Alldeutsche Blatter, December 8, 1895, demand as a 
 minimum that Asiatic Turkey should be placed under 
 a German suzerainty. The most advantageous way 
 would be to connect Mesopotamia and Syria, and place 
 
 * ' L'Europe et la Question d'Autriche.' 
 f Balkan Slave.' 
 
216 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 the whole of the Sultan's dominions under German 
 protection, while granting the inhabitants full autonomy. 
 For, as List said twenty-five years ago, it would not 
 be impossible for Germany ' through ' Austria to over- 
 come the Sultan's aversion to foreign colonization and 
 effect a peaceful penetration in Asia Minor. 
 
 French writers seem to think that Germany's Turkish 
 policy is directly opposed to that of Russia, who * is 
 becoming increasingly alarmed and irritated at the 
 rapid progress made by the Germans.' Thus Rene 
 Henry* says : 'Germany has buffeted Russia by regen- 
 erating Turkey, and continues boldly to advance 
 further towards the East, using the Baghdad railway 
 as an instrument, while, at the same time, seeking to 
 strengthen Turkey.' But this is hardly correct. The 
 entire tract of the Baghdad line was planned care- 
 fully to avoid coming into contact with what, in the 
 event of a Turko- Russian war, might be called the 
 natural theatre of hostilities. Moreover, writers on 
 the line, including Dr. Rohrbach, hint darkly that an 
 arrangement with Russia has been arrived at, whereby 
 Russia may claim the northern half of the peninsula 
 with the Armenian highlands as ' her sphere of interest/ 
 leaving the southern half to the Baghdad railway 
 promoters. What Russia wants, and what Germans 
 expect she will obtain, is a naval and coaling station 
 hard by the Suez Canal, which is what France and 
 Germany desire too. Germans regard it as a matter 
 of time only whether Russia occupies the island of 
 Rhodes, or the Southern Sporades, or the Cyclades. 
 It is maintained by Germans that Russia has abandoned 
 all idea of securing ports on the southern littoral of 
 Asia Minor. Of paramount importance to Russia, on 
 the other hand, is the control of the passage into the 
 Black Sea, and of the northern portion of Asia Minor : 
 to prevent any foreign Power from using that region 
 as a basis of attack. The only objection Russia can 
 have to the Baghdad railway lies in her aversion to 
 * * Questions d'Autriche-Hongrie et Questions d'Orient.' 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 217 
 
 the great quickening of industry and life it would give 
 to those parts, and to the consequent strengthening of 
 the military power of Turkey, which is what Germany 
 primarily desires. Russia, of course, objects to the 
 scheme, as she objects to any project likely to bring 
 light into realms of darkness. She naturally objects 
 to find another rival in the East, and would prefer to 
 be physician to the Sultan alone. But as in Manchuria 
 Germany all through gave Russia a free hand, and 
 repeatedly announced her indifference to Russian 
 action there, so in Turkey German aims are compatible 
 with Russian aims, and German policy in Turkey is 
 always framed so as to avoid running counter to 
 Russian schemes. Indeed, for every advantage gained 
 by Germany the German press invariably offers 
 Russia two equivalents at the expense of England. 
 Thus, if Germany tops the Baghdad project with a 
 coaling-station at Koweit, Russia is bidden to compen- 
 sate herself lower down the littoral, and occupy 
 Bushire or Bender-Abbas, or some other spot of 
 like strategic value.* To maintain that Germany is 
 pursuing an anti-Russian policy in Turkey is to mis- 
 understand the situation, for Germany keeps Russia 
 confidentially informed of all her movements, and 
 would hand over the whole of the northern portion of 
 Asia Minor to Russia to-morrow did she feel strong 
 enough herself to occupy the lower half. The military 
 strengthening of Turkey, too, aimed as it is for the 
 present against Russia, is only so temporarily. It 
 serves to maintain the integrity of Turkey while the 
 process of penetration is going on. When that pene- 
 tration is completed, the Sultan may whistle for his 
 legions if he wants to go to war with Russia Russia's 
 demands would then be substantiated by German 
 demands, and Asia Minor would become a Russo- 
 German sphere of interest. 
 
 To sum up : Germany's friendship for Turkey is no 
 sentimental one, but a healthy, selfish interest which 
 * Dr. Rohrbach : < Die Baghdadbahn.' 
 
218 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 lies in the heart of Asia Minor. In the revivified 
 cultivation of Mesopotamia, Syria, and Babylonia, 
 held by the greatest living authority, Sir W. Willcocks, 
 to be possible, Germany sees, in great part, the 
 solution of the vital question of feeding the ever- 
 increasing millions of Germans at home. She is 
 forced to the ' Drang towards the East' by her natural 
 position, her connection with Austria, her demand for 
 new markets, and lack of space to house her surplus 
 population. Whole work can only be accomplished 
 with and through Austria, which Power tends to 
 gravitate towards the south-east. Imperialist in form 
 and method, the Turkish policy of Germany is Pan- 
 German in substance and conception, and must neces- 
 sarily be so in its execution. The central point to 
 notice is its economic aspect, which is at once its 
 motive force and its justification. For mere territory, 
 as the Germans have often said, is not what is wanted. 
 It is, moreover, an intelligible policy, which most 
 Englishmen, were they Germans, would perhaps 
 approve and support. It is in many ways analogous 
 to British policy in South Africa, and will be fought 
 out with railways, by engineers, irrigation experts, 
 bankers, syndicates, and business promoters. It is 
 indissolubly associated with the fate of Austria, who, 
 can she fulfil her destiny, will materially support and 
 expedite it. If Austria fails, probably Germany in 
 Turkey will fail too. Primarily economic, secondarily 
 ethnographic, it is politically important in so far only 
 as it is successful. If Austria cannot effect the long- 
 talked-of ethnic landslip towards the south-east, its 
 ultimate success would seem somewhat doubtful. In 
 this sense only is it Pan-German, and in this sense 
 only a permanent source of danger to the peace of 
 Europe. 
 
 The first sign of the influence of Berlin upon Turkey 
 was in 1882, when a number of German officers were 
 entrusted with the reorganization of the Sultan's army. 
 Among these officers was Baron von der Goltz, to 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 219 
 
 whom more than to anyone else the success obtained 
 by Germany in Turkey is due. He initiated the rail- 
 way policy, and henceforth Germany became the arsenal 
 of the Ottoman Empire. On the morrow of the 
 Armenian massacres the German Emperor sent his 
 portrait to Abdul- H amid. In the war with Greece the 
 Turks showed that they had profited by German drill 
 and instruction. Germany then protests against the 
 appointment of Prince George of Greece as ruler of 
 Crete, and withdraws from the blockade and the con- 
 dominium of the Powers. Between Yldiz- Kiosk and 
 Berlin an entente cordiale seems to exist. German 
 exports to Turkey go up with a bound. New shipping 
 lines to the Levant follow. The railway policy is de- 
 veloped, and the Deutsche Bank begins its activity. 
 To crown all, the German Emperor, accompanied by 
 a brilliant suite of soldiers, courtiers, journalists, and 
 financiers, sets out upon a pilgrimage of grace to 
 Palestine. It was immediately after the Emperor had 
 spoken the remarkable but since much-abused words, 
 * Our future lies on the sea.' The official reason given 
 for the visit to Palestine was the consecration of the 
 Protestant Church of the Redeemer at Palestine, which 
 had been built upon a piece of land presented to Prussia 
 by the Sultan. The Emperor's visit was a great 
 triumph. On October 29, 1898, the Emperor, clad in 
 a suitable tropical uniform, and mounted on a superb 
 white charger, entered the Holy City with Oriental 
 pomp and circumstance. He consecrated the Protestant 
 Church, and won the affections of Catholics by pre- 
 senting them with the plot of land known as 'La Dormi- 
 tion de la Sainte Vierge/ which he had bought for that 
 purpose from the Sultan, and which Catholics had for 
 years vainly sought to acquire. Thus the Catholics, 
 though inwardly chafing, were appeased, and the 
 Emperor passed on triumphantly to Bethlehem. There 
 he spoke. He deplored the schism in the Christian 
 Church, the state of things which made it possible 
 for Mohammedans to look down on Christians. The 
 
220 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 German Empire and the German name, continued 
 the Emperor, have now acquired an unprecedented 
 prestige. ' Germans must show what the Christian 
 religion really is. They must win over the Moham- 
 medans, not by dogma or by attempts at conversion, 
 but by example.' 
 
 The following day the Emperor made another re- 
 markable speech, visited the ' tomb of David/ the sights 
 of the Holy City, and proceeded to Damascus. There 
 he visited the grave of Saladin, and addressed the 
 Mohammedans as 'his friends.' On November 12 he 
 set out for home, arriving finally on December i before 
 the Brandenburg gateway, through which he passed in 
 triumphal procession. Meanwhile, his prolonged ab- 
 sence from Germany had stirred up a Reichsverdros- 
 senheit (malaise) or general discontent, which threw a 
 cloud over the magnificence of his visit, though not in 
 the least detracting from its success. 
 
 This success was most marked.* The voyage, said 
 the Berliner Tageblatt, * has been a triumph of German 
 policy, which for the next ten years will be paramount 
 in the Levant.' The Arabs, said the Protestant 
 Reichsbote, if questioned about their illustrious guests, 
 reply, * They are not kings, they are angels.' ' It was 
 as if I had seen the Prophet,' a Turkish soldier is 
 recorded to have said. The German Emperor, said the 
 irrepressible Dr. Rohrbach, has spoken to 300 million 
 Mussulmans, and told them that he was their friend. 
 Nor was it a mere coincidence that the consecration of 
 the Lutheran Church at Jerusalem was solemnized upon 
 the three hundred and eighty-first anniversary to a day 
 of the nailing by Luther of his ninety-five theses to the 
 door of the church of Wittenberg. Nor was it a mere 
 coincidence that the Emperor terminated his address 
 in the Church of the Redeemer with Luther's words : 
 * Das feld muss er behalten ' * this field he must 
 maintain.' This act, wrote Holtzheuer,*)* follows natur- 
 
 * Vide Fortnightly Review, October, 1898: 'The German 
 Emperor and Palestine.' 
 
 f Evangelische Kirchenzeitung, No. 48. 
 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 221 
 
 ally on that of Luther's. 'On October 31, 1517, the 
 poor monk nails his theses to the church door ; and on 
 October 31, 1898, the Hohenzollern Emperor renders 
 homage to the Son of God both men using the same 
 words.' 
 
 But this modern crusade in the name of Protestantism 
 has, after all, left few permanent traces in a religious 
 sense behind it. The desert, if 'monotheistic,' as 
 Renan said, is old and barren. Though for some time 
 after that visit regarded by Orientals as the first repre- 
 sentative of Christianity, of ' Caesarian Papism,' the 
 German Emperor has already sunk from his position 
 as the ' Pope of Wittenberg '; nor is there anything to 
 show that Islam has capitulated to Luther. In this 
 sense the strictly religious sense the Emperor's 
 pilgrimage was a failure ; because it failed as a religious 
 crusade to create a permanent impression upon Moham- 
 medans failed, too, to create among the Christians 
 in Islam a Protestant monopoly under the House of 
 Hohenzollern. 
 
 But if in its spiritual aspect it left nothing abiding, 
 from the secular standpoint it was entirely successful. 
 Apart from the purely political value of such a coup 
 de theatre^ economically much was achieved. After 
 the Emperor, the most important personage in the 
 pilgrimage, was the late Dr. Siemens, Director of 
 the Deutsche Bank, inspirer and manager of the 
 Baghdad railway scheme ; to whose initiative, circum- 
 spection, and far-seeing policy the success of that 
 great line when it is built will be due. While in 
 Turkey he, or the Emperor, obtained from the Sultan 
 the concession of the port of Haidar- Pasha on the 
 Bosphorus for the Anatolian Railways Company ; 
 then in December, 1899, Dr. Siemens signed the 
 Baghdad Convention with the Porte ; and in August, 
 1900, the definitive tracd of the line was agreed upon, 
 both the Emperor and the Sultan exchanging cordial 
 telegrams to celebrate the event. Dr. Siemens, who 
 always had expressed the opinion that he would not 
 
222 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 live to see the line completed, died somewhat suddenly 
 a few years later ; but he left the scheme on a sound 
 foundation, and Dr. Gwinner, who has taken his 
 place, will doubtless live to see that great scheme 
 carried out. 
 
 This is not the place to enter into an exhaustive 
 account of that line, which, as everybody will re- 
 member, the British Government, in the spring of 
 1903, was inclined to favour, but subsequently, owing 
 to the outcry raised against British participation by 
 organs such as the Spectator, the Times, the Morning 
 Post, the Daily Mail, the National Review, the Con- 
 temporary Review, and many others, declined to stand 
 patron to ; thereby bringing the whole plan to a 
 standstill until the end of 1903, when the capital was 
 raised in France and elsewhere, and the Company 
 re-formed, British participation being conspicuously 
 absent. Whether Great Britain acted rightly is a 
 moot point, particularly now that the construction of 
 the line is a foregone conclusion, and that now 
 German influence and control will be practically un- 
 disputed. History, however, occasionally repeats 
 itself, and just as Lord Palmerston, for strategic and 
 political reasons, opposed the Suez Canal, so to-day 
 England has decided against the Baghdad line. This 
 much is certain : sooner or later that line will give 
 England matter for reflection. Its admittedly natural 
 terminal is on the littoral of the Persian Gulf at 
 Koweit. When the line reaches Baghdad and it 
 will reach that city an entirely new political and 
 military situation will have been created, and English- 
 men will have to decide whether the line from Baghdad 
 where Turkey's interest in its construction practi- 
 cally ceases to Koweit is to be under German control 
 or under British control. If England then decides to 
 build that part of the line, her interests will be safe- 
 guarded, but scarcely otherwise ; for the whole idea of 
 that railway is conceived in a true Imperialist spirit, 
 and aims at nothing more or less than the economic 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 223 
 
 control by Germany of those regions through which 
 it traverses. Englishmen may some day find Germany 
 gravitating more and more towards Russia, and the 
 line can always be used against England as a * swop ' 
 to Russia lord of a flourishing industry in Asia 
 Minor, in control of the nearest way to India, and in 
 command of a great strategic land position, which at 
 any moment she could hand over to our enemies, or 
 use as a weapon against us. 
 
 The anomaly of the thing, too, is that the whole 
 scheme was originally an English one, academically 
 discussed by a Select Committee of the House of 
 Commons in 1872. Sir Bartle Frere then expressed 
 the opinion that Mesopotamia would be invaluable to 
 India in times of famine, having the most natural 
 grain granaries in the world, and would be of great 
 value as a means to open up new markets for British 
 manufacturers in Syria, Mesopotamia, and Persia. 
 The following are the names of the more important 
 witnesses who supported the policy of incurring the 
 cost or risk of a national guarantee : Viscount Stratford 
 de RedclifTe, Lord Strathnairn, Sir H. Bartle Frere, 
 Sir Donald MacLeod, Mr. Lang, Colonel Sir H. 
 Green, Colonel Malcolm Green, Captain Tyler, and 
 Mr. W. Palgrave. But the Committee found the 
 scheme impracticable, and it was left to the enter- 
 prising spirit of the modern Germans to revivify and 
 carry through that originally English plan. It has 
 already been pointed out that the whole tract of the 
 line has been carefully selected with a view to avoid 
 running counter to Russian interests, and that its 
 political aspect is a military one, in that it serves to 
 strengthen Turkey while at the same time lying out- 
 side the Northern, or Russian, sphere [as Germans 
 frankly call it] ; so that in the event of war between 
 Turkey and Russia all territory south of the Taurus 
 (presumably the German sphere) would remain un- 
 affected thereby, and if the northern half fell to Russia, 
 then the south would fall to Germany. In spite 
 
224 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 of its being a i purely private undertaking,' says Dr. 
 Dillon,* ' it has for years contributed to shape an 
 Empire's policy, and without swerving from its com- 
 mercial character has provoked official action on the 
 part of the Russian and British Governments. The 
 chief fruits of the enterprise will be reaped by Germany 
 alone. For the shortest overland route to India is 
 said by competent Frenchmen t to be certain to prove 
 highly detrimental to the interests of their country, by 
 Englishmen J to be a disturbing element in their political 
 sphere of interest, and by Russia to be a blow aimed 
 at her prestige and commerce.' 
 
 Needless to say, Pan-Germans from the first were 
 exultant. The Russian newspaper Nowosti, April 20, 
 1899, accused Pan-Germans of openly preaching the 
 necessity for union between Germany and Asia Minor ; 
 and the Nowoje Wremja, July 9, 1899, m an article 
 on * Germany in Mesopotamia,' informed Germany 
 that Russia would acknowledge no ' new rights, but 
 would regard them as res nullius! The line, said the 
 Alldeutsche Blatter, December 17, 1899, can subse- 
 quently become of ' vast political importance ' to Ger- 
 many. It is worth noticing that in those days, when 
 Germans were still under the delusion that the 
 Emperor's visit had won for them Asia Minor, Ger- 
 man writers such as Dix, Rohrbach, Schneider, and 
 naturally Pan-Germans, frankly contended that with- 
 out a naval or coaling station on the Persian littoral 
 the whole Baghdad scheme was worthless. Without 
 Koweit, said the Alldeutsche Blatter, ' a fig for the 
 scheme.' Koweit, said Rohrbach, 'must be kept in 
 the hands of the Turks.' But this view has since 
 become modified, and now that that prolific writer, 
 
 * Contemporary Review, May, 1903. 
 
 t For the French standpoint, vide Cheradame. 
 
 I For the English standpoint, vide the Time? letters, and leading 
 articles, from April 10 to May, 1903 ; the Spectator, the Daily Mail, 
 the Morning Post, the Daily Telegraph, the National Review, the 
 Contemporary Review, etc., from January to June, 1903. 
 
 Dr. Rohrbach : * Die Baghdadbahn.' 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 225 
 
 Dr. Rohrbach, has entered the service of the State, 
 less is heard than formerly of the necessity of obtaining 
 Koweit. 
 
 Authoritative writers such as Baron General von 
 der Goltz have pointed out the strategic importance 
 of the railway to Turkey how the line will shorten the 
 route from Bombay to Europe by three and two-thirds 
 days ; how it will tend to strengthen Turkey inwardly, 
 and inevitably make her, in an economic sense, more 
 and more dependent on Germany ; what a future there 
 lies in store for Germans in Asia Minor; what a 
 future when the ' second Suez Canal ' is opened, and 
 the way from Germany to India and East Asia thus 
 liberated from English lines of connection. If it be 
 added that the North German Gazette* rejoiced that 
 ' an undertaking so vast and so momentous for the 
 world's traffic has been taken up by Germans under 
 the direction of German brains,' it may be seen that 
 the Baghdad line is essentially a German concern. 
 The head section of the line, from the Bosphorus to 
 Konia i.e. 9 the Anatolian line belongs exclusively 
 to Germans, who, as the British Vice-Consul at Con- 
 stantinople, Mr. Waugh, pointed out,f could easily 
 manage to handicap British exports to Asia Minor by 
 a system of quay tariffs at Haidar- Pasha. The only 
 way, in fact, by which Great Britain can hope to 
 neutralize the great impulse that line, when completed, 
 will give to German commerce, prestige, and industry 
 is by building the last section, from Baghdad to 
 Koweit, without which the line will remain a torso, 
 or by securing effective control, by the right of pre- 
 emption, of that section, and making it clearly under- 
 stood that if Koweit is to be the terminal, then, as the 
 head of the line is in German, its end must be in 
 English hands. 
 
 The only fears entertained by the German pro- 
 moters are not that Russia will seek to oppose 
 German economic policy in Turkey, but that England 
 * March 29, 1903. f Times, April 13, 1903. 
 
 15 
 
226 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 may suddenly begin to pursue a firm policy in the 
 Persian Gulf before the line has reached Baghdad ; 
 and may herself set about the fascinating task of 
 restoring life and prosperity to the valleys of the 
 Tigris, peopling Chaldea, exploiting naphtha, growing 
 cotton, and opening up corn granaries in Mesopotamia, 
 Syria, Babylonia, Arabia, and Asia Minor. Indeed, 
 Rohrbach* has admitted that England has the right 
 man for the job in Sir William Willcocks, whose 
 address before the * Khedivial Geographical Society ' 
 on 'The Restoration of the Ancient Irrigation Works 
 on the Tigris,' or 'the Re-creation of Chaldea/ was 
 nowhere more eagerly read than in German politico- 
 railway promoting circles, where it is felt that some- 
 thing of that kind will eventually be done, and feared 
 that some enterprising English company may devote 
 itself to that occupation. It is for that reason that the 
 Baghdad line might be a Chinese form of puzzle, for 
 all the German public hears about it. For the 
 inspired watchword, enjoining silence, has gone forth, 
 in order that the work may proceed in silence and 
 safety. It is unquestionably a great scheme, and does 
 credit to German enterprise. Goethe once expressed 
 the wish that he might live to see England in posses- 
 sion of the Suez Canal. Were he now living he 
 might reasonably hope to see the 'second Suez Canal ' 
 in the possession of his own countrymen. The Ger- 
 man Emperor did not go to Palestine to do penance. 
 He went there to develop far-reaching, if quite 
 legitimate, designs ; to establish German interests in 
 Asia Minor. Great Britain must meet him at 
 Baghdad. 
 
 In the meanwhile, the Pan-German branch at 
 Constantinople is doing what it can for Deutschtum. 
 There is a ' Teutonia ' Association there, choral, 
 gymnastic, and excursionist German societies exist, 
 and even an embryonic German Navy League. Their 
 business, as that of the German School Association, is 
 * Preussische Jahrbucher^ May, 1903. 
 
GERMANY IN TURKEY AND ASIA MINOR 227 
 
 to uphold Deutschtum there and in the Levant. 
 They are doing useful work. The German language 
 is becoming more prevalent in Turkey. In the 
 military schools German is eagerly learnt. In the 
 new medicinal school, the energetic pioneer of Deutsch- 
 tum, Rieder (Pasha) has introduced German, which is 
 now as important as French. The numerous Turkish 
 officers who have served in the German army, and the 
 many Turkish doctors who have studied in Germany, 
 all contribute, when they return to Turkey, to spread 
 the German language, which in well-to-do Turkish 
 families it is becoming the fashion to have some 
 knowledge of. This is especially the case in regard 
 to Turkish children. In Constantinople, in the year 
 1892, the German school was attended by 338 German 
 children ; in 1902 there were 559 children, of whom 
 only 268 were of German parentage. 
 
 German shipping and commerce are growing in 
 extent and importance. In 1890 the German Levant 
 line carried 14,161,000 kilogrammes to Turkey; in 
 1899 no less than 88,555,000. In 1889 Hamburg 
 exports to Turkey amounted to 641,000 marks ; in 
 1898 they were valued at 10,405,000 marks. Turkish 
 exports to Hamburg were in 1887 only 633,000 marks; 
 in 1898 they exceeded 13,200,000 marks. Since the 
 visit of the Emperor, German influence has been 
 steadily increasing. Some fifty-three German institu- 
 tions, such as schools, hospitals, etc., have been 
 * neutralized ' by the Sultan and placed under the pro- 
 tection of Germany, and now enjoy freedom from taxa- 
 tion ; while the land is inscribed as German property. 
 
 German policy in Turkey aims not so much at land, 
 but at economic power. It is modelled on British 
 methods, and has, so far, been distinguished by 
 remarkable perspicacity. If German policy in con- 
 nection with Turkey sometimes seems unsympathetic, 
 it must be remembered that it is a policy of interest, 
 not on behalf of the Sultan, but of the German 
 Empire. This interest postulates the maintenance 
 
 152 
 
228 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 of the Sultan's dominions. German prescriptions to 
 the * Sick Man ' must, therefore, necessarily be of a 
 sedative nature. Russia she can reasonably aspire to 
 satisfy by administering douceurs elsewhere ; by giving 
 her a free hand in Manchuria, in the Bosphorus, in the 
 Balkans, in the East generally ; and, at home, by giving 
 the Russian police spy permission and every facility to 
 hunt down his victim. Vigilance and an active policy 
 on the part of Great Britain would seem imperative if 
 British interests in Asiatic Turkey are to be adequately 
 protected, and German interests and influence, at 
 the cost of England, are not to become paramount 
 there. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 THE NEW WORLD THE GERMAN CASE IN SOUTH 
 
 AMERICA 
 
 SCHOPENHAUER once reproached Germans for seeking 
 in the clouds what lay at their feet to possess. In 
 thinking of the New World involuntarily the same 
 thought arises, and one asks one's self how it has come 
 to pass that one of the greatest Powers that the world 
 has ever seen has grown up in the northern half of the 
 American continent, while remaining indifferent, if not 
 positively oblivious, to the vast southern half lying at 
 its base, which, for four centuries, has dwelt in the 
 night of anarchy and chaos, and at this moment 
 contains the largest and most promising undeveloped 
 areas in the world. The reasons for this, of course, 
 have been, and still are, almost entirely political, and 
 offer interesting matter for study for those who believe 
 in the superiority of the Anglo-Saxon and Teutonic 
 races over the Romanic, to whom it was the fate of 
 South America to fall. While for a hundred to a 
 hundred and fifty years after its discovery North 
 America remained practically neglected, South America 
 became the hunting-ground for the Spanish and Portu- 
 guese races in their lust for auri sacra fames> and the 
 theatre of many a hecatomb. 
 
 Having discovered the New Continent, the Spaniards 
 and Portuguese set to work to prevent the opening up 
 of the country, all progress, all development, and to 
 keep foreign peoples out while keeping the natives and 
 settlers in the country in a permanent state of social 
 
 229 
 
230 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 and economic stagnation. Their methods were those 
 of the Inquisition, and were eminently successful. 
 The land was not even allowed to be cultivated. 
 Laws were enacted prohibiting the cultivation of vines 
 and of olives ; a white race was to be created capable 
 of holding in subjection and expropriating an inferior 
 race of hybrids. In their efforts to keep foreign 
 nations out, too, the Spaniards and Portuguese met 
 with equal success. And so the northern and more 
 strenuous peoples came to regard South America as 
 unsuitable for colonization, and the vast South 
 American continent, with its area of 6,500,000 square 
 miles, was left to the mercy of the Romanic nations : 
 who tapped its riches for a space, ruled and neglected 
 it, and still occupy and govern it after their own crude 
 fashions. 
 
 The might of Portugal has vanished. The Spanish- 
 American War struck the death-blow to Spanish rule 
 in Cuba, which, since its discovery in 1492, had been 
 at once the glory and the ruin of Castille. When the 
 bones of Columbus, restless and errant as was his 
 spirit, five centuries after their interment in the soil 
 of Havanna, were borne across the Atlantic in search 
 of another resting-place, the grandeur of old Spain 
 departed. A new chapter in history opened. The 
 New World had arisen to redress the wrongs of the 
 Old. Nor is it an exaggeration to say that the economic 
 opening up of South America is one of the greatest 
 problems of the twentieth century. 
 
 And so we find South America to-day with an area 
 twice that of Europe, with a population hardly one- 
 tenth as great, and a soil 75 per cent, of which is 
 cultivable, as is the case in Europe. About three- 
 quarters of its inhabitants toil not, neither do they 
 spin, and are, economically viewed, unproductive. In 
 many of the states corruption and political anarchy 
 reign ; governments and rulers come and go fitfully, 
 and are generally irresponsible. Revolutions are as 
 frequent as cyclonic disturbances ; State debts are not 
 
THE NEW WORLD 231 
 
 recognised ; and an endemic inertia eats up the vitality 
 of the people, who, like crocodiles, love best to bask in 
 the generous sun in blissful far niente. While Govern- 
 ments have scrambled for slices of Europe, Asia, 
 Africa, and China, South America has been left com- 
 paratively undisturbed save by a few bankers, colonists, 
 skippers, and merchants who have gone thither in 
 their own interests and at their own risks. Meanwhile, 
 North America, wrapped in enigmatical silence, has 
 looked on from afar, and is only now beginning to be 
 cognizant of the possibilities of the great continent 
 at her base, with its virgin forests and soil and vast 
 subterranean riches. What wonder, then, that other 
 nations, less generously endowed by Nature, should 
 cast a roving eye at 'the prize, and take thought how 
 best to fructify that virgin land and obtain for them- 
 selves the first-fruits thereof! 
 
 In a word, the present position of South America is 
 an anomalous one, rendered the more so by the 
 Damocles sword held over the actions of foreign nations 
 in the shape of the Monroe doctrine ; which, if still 
 calling for a precise definition, has been definite enough 
 hitherto to ward off foreign invasion, and preserve that 
 continent from sharing the ignoble fate of China and 
 South Africa. Now nowhere has this been so acutely 
 felt as in Germany, who, with her growing population, 
 which she is increasingly less able to harbour and find 
 work for ; with her rising industry, her wealth, vitality, 
 ambition, and inexhaustible spirit of enterprise, looks 
 wistfully across the seas at this waste continent of 
 South America, to the economic development of which 
 she has contributed, and still contributes in no mean 
 part, and the future of which she would fain control. 
 But, alas ! a fate has hung over Germany as unkind as 
 any that now hangs over South America, for German 
 colonial enterprise has from the earliest times been 
 pursued by misfortune and disaster. In centuries past 
 the Guelphs, the Fuggers, and the Ehingers established 
 trade centres in South European capitals, founded 
 
232 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 plantations in the Canary Islands and the West Indies, 
 and lavishly laid out capital which accrued finally to 
 the good not of Germans, but of the English, the 
 Spaniards, the French, and the Danes. The Fuggers 
 endeavoured to settle Germans in Chile, the Guelphs 
 to colonize Venezuela and promote German trade there. 
 But all to little purpose. The Thirty Years' War sapped 
 the life-blood of German enterprise, and destroyed 
 everything. Colonization ceased. Frederick the Great 
 would have none of it. Efforts made between 1821 
 and 1840 to colonize Mexico failed, and in 1852 the 
 German fleet came under the hammer. Bismarck, 
 even Treitschke, belonged to the old and narrow 
 school of Prussian thought, and thought rather of 
 Germany in Europe than of a greater Germany across 
 the seas. Prussian legislation, notably the Von der 
 . Heydt rescript prohibiting German emigration to Brazil, 
 I! effectively stopped all organized colonization, and 
 | rendered nugatory the efforts of the few Germans who 
 at the time could see ahead to found a German colony 
 in South America. The opportunity one of the 
 greatest opportunities Germany ever had was allowed 
 to slip by, and the German settlers in South America 
 were left to eke out their own destiny. 
 
 The awakening was sudden and rude. The great 
 sea Emperor, William II., saw early and clearly into 
 the future, and taught his subjects to see, too. Review- 
 ing the past, Germans admit with many a qualm of 
 conscience the faults so blindly committed. In truth 
 their position to-day is hard, and the German case in 
 South America is a strong one. The star of America 
 has risen as rapidly and more glorious than even 
 Germany's, and Germans have contributed with their 
 own blood towards its ascension. The most pressing 
 need of Germany is for new markets, new land for 
 capital and endeavour. South America lies before 
 them. They have growing and prosperous colonies 
 there, much capital invested in State loans, railways, 
 and other enterprises ; a large share of the shipping 
 
THE NEW WORLD 233 
 
 trade is in their hands, and German emigrants maintain 
 their nationality and German language, and seldom 
 intermarry with the natives. Is all this life to be lost 
 to Germany ? Are these Germans building up great 
 communities in Brazil, in Argentina, in Chile, in 
 Venezuela and elsewhere, merely doing pioneer work 
 for others who have been idle onlookers of their pro- 
 gress ? Are broken bonds not to be avenged, the 
 rights of Germans there not to be upheld by the nation 
 from which they sprung? When the land of a German 
 colonist is arbitrarily subjected to extortion by one of 
 the State Governments, is he to be disqualified from 
 applying for redress from the Emperor to whom he 
 acknowledges allegiance ? Are his goods and chattels 
 not German, and is the German flag, because he lives 
 in South America, not to protect him ? In fine, is all 
 this great German life in South America pulsating in 
 vain for the benefit of a mongrel people, or to lie at the 
 mercy of a Jingo cry from Washington ? This is the 
 problem, bitter, but none the less earnest, confronting 
 German politicians at the beginning of the twentieth 
 century. 
 
 ' The more Germany is condemned to an attitude of 
 passive resistance towards the United States, the more 
 emphatically must she defend her interests in Central 
 and South America, where she to-day occupies an 
 authoritative position. Now, in matters of equity and 
 respect for the law the Romanic peoples in America 
 cannot be judged according to European standards ; 
 and in certain circumstances Germany will be con- 
 strained all the more to employ coercive political 
 measures in proportion as the amount of German 
 capital invested (in State loans, railways, plantations) 
 in those parts increases. For this purpose we need a 
 fleet capable not only of coping with the miserable 
 forces of South American States, but powerful enough, 
 if the need should arise, to cause Americans to think 
 twice before making any attempt to apply the Monroe 
 doctrine in South America. 
 
234 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 * The defence of South America is a vital interest 
 for Germany.' 
 
 Thus wrote Professor von Schulze-Gaevernitz in 
 Die Nation, March 5, 1898, in a series of articles on 
 * Commercial Policy and the Fleet ' in the halcyon days 
 of Germany's great Fleet agitation. Since those words, 
 throwing down the gauntlet to Monroe, were written 
 five years have elapsed ; during which period Germany's 
 interests and aspirations in South America have been 
 discussed from every conceivable standpoint : at scien- 
 tific meetings, in the press, in political and economic 
 essays, and in books both large and small. This liter- 
 .ature is very interesting, and when read in connection 
 with the ' Fleet literature ' and the publications of the 
 Pan-German League a clear conception may be obtained, 
 if not of the policy of Germany in those parts, at any 
 rate of her interests and ambitions, both immediate and 
 prospective, there. What Germany five years ago 
 proclaimed orbi et urbe has not been forgotten, and 
 to-day opinion in the United States, in England, and 
 in Europe generally, is exercised to no small extent as 
 to what Germany's policy in South America is in 
 reality going to be, since her aims and ambitions have 
 so clearly, so persistently, and so publicly been pro- 
 pounded. During the last year a great deal has been 
 written and said about it ; in fact, a controversy on the 
 subject has arisen. Some write of German plans of 
 annexation by force or by peaceful economic absorp- 
 tion, or, as diplomacy now calls it, by pacific penetra- 
 tion ; while others hold that the whole idea of a German 
 invasion of South America, pacific or otherwise, is a 
 wind-egg hatched by yellow journalists and necessi- 
 tous scandalmongers, whose object it is artificially to 
 stir up bad feeling between Americans and Germans, 
 and to discredit Germany's policy there as elsewhere. 
 As usual, both extremes are wrong. Germany is not 
 going to hoist the German flag in Rio, as she did at 
 Kiao-Chau, or authorize Carl Peters to grab what he 
 can in Chile, Venezuela, or Brazil ; or offer purchase- 
 
THE NEW WORLD 235 
 
 money for Bolivia or Ecuador: or offer defiance to the 
 North- American Union, and try conclusions with guns. 
 No actively aggressive policy in South America is 
 contemplated by Germans ; no, not even by the most 
 strenuous of Pan-Germans, whose policy, it should be 
 understood, is neither foolhardy nor insane. The 
 Monroe doctrine, 'pretentious and objectionable' as 
 most Germans deem it to be, is not to be defied in that 
 way. The idea that Germans seriously contemplate 
 an assault and battery upon the doctrine may be dis- 
 missed as puerile. In their heart of hearts they 
 respect it. It is what of all things, in the same cir- 
 cumstances, they would themselves proclaim and be 
 ready to die for. Neither is any military occupation 
 of South American soil planned by Pan-Germans, or 
 by the German Emperor, or his Chancellor, or by the 
 most militant political professor in his secret conjectural 
 musings on the world policy of Germany. The 
 American fleet, which is, and is to be, the Monroe 
 doctrine, and the ocean swell of public opinion which 
 is behind it, form an obstacle in the way of any buc- 
 caneering adventure ; it would seem insurmountable. 
 
 Those, again, who maintain that Germany has no 
 interests, political or economic, in South America that 
 are worth the bones of a Pomeranian grenadier ; or 
 that, if challenged, she would not in certain circum- 
 stances be prepared to assert her rights with character- 
 istic force and determination, are either strangely 
 ignorant of German avowed aims and ambitions, of 
 German politics and of the motive forces that sway 
 them, or have other ends to serve which have nothing 
 to do with the reality. What Professor von Schulze- 
 Gaevernitz wrote in 1898 is truer than ever to-day: 
 c The defence of South America is a vital interest for 
 Germany.' 
 
 The word to be noted is * defence/ He raises no 
 question of attack. What he says is simply this : that 
 in South America Germany is compelled to observe 
 an attitude of passivity towards the United States, but 
 
236 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 she has vital interests to protect there, therefore she 
 must prepare, and be prepared, if necessary, to defend 
 them. In other words, Germany must build a fleet 
 strong enough confidently to engage the American one 
 if the day should ever come when German interests 
 are endangered. This is not necessarily an aggressive 
 policy, or, for the matter of that, an unfriendly one. 
 It is simply the application of Treitschke's apothegm 
 that ' power is the principle of a State, as faith is of 
 the Church, love of the family.' It is Bismarck's 
 principle, and the principle, moreover, of all modern 
 reason of State. 
 
 Before inquiring into Germany's interests, and see- 
 ing to what extent German enterprise in South 
 America has gone, it would seem fitting to say here 
 something about the official policy of Germany towards 
 South America as defined by Count von Billow in 
 contradiction to a whole crop of rumours circulated in 
 the last two years in the North American, South 
 American, and English press ; which at last reached 
 such a pitch of persistency as to provoke an official 
 dementi from the mouth of the German Chancellor. 
 On March 19, 1903, Count von Bulow in the Reichstag 
 denied explicitly any intention on the part of Germany 
 to annex any portion of South American soil. Such 
 rumours were nothing less, he observed, than a 
 * calumny/ This dementi, however, met with little 
 success. Oddly enough, as some may think, at 
 that same moment the Berliner Tageblatt sent out a 
 special correspondent, Dr. Vallentin, to travel through 
 South America with the express object of studying its 
 economic and physical conditions, in order to enlighter 
 public opinion in Germany as to the prospects o 
 German trade and the Arcadia that awaits the trades 
 man there. At the time the Berliner Tageblat, 
 explained that France and Italy were making th< 
 greatest efforts to oust German trade, and that i 
 Germany did not brace herself up to further effort 
 she would lose the paramount economic position sb 
 
THE NEW WORLD 237 
 
 now held there. It was therefore of great importance 
 to direct German emigration to South America. Now, 
 the Jornal do Commercio in Rio took exception to 
 this visit, and, despite Count von Blilow's denial, 
 raised the whole question of Germany's intentions, 
 which it discussed with no little acerbity. Whereupon 
 the German Chancellor consented to an interview. 
 He denied emphatically that Germany officially en- 
 couraged emigration to South America. Germany 
 had no predatory intentions whatever upon the South 
 American States. But powerful German colonies, he 
 admitted, had for a long time existed in Brazil, which 
 had arisen under the aegis of former Brazilian Govern- 
 ments, who had actively encouraged emigration. It 
 was therefore perfectly natural that relatives and 
 friends of those prosperous colonists should be enticed 
 out to try their luck in similar fashion, as was the case 
 in the United States. Germany had no intention to 
 form a State within a State in Brazil, and when Prince 
 Henry visited the United States he expressed a wish 
 that the Germans should become good citizens of their 
 new State. * It is,' concluded the Chancellor, 'correct 
 that we hope the Germans in Brazil and elsewhere 
 will not forget their mother tongue or abandon their 
 attachment (Ankanglichkeit) to the old country.' But 
 Germany had no political aspirations. As a nation 
 with a highly developed industry, she desired to have 
 as great a share as possible in South American trade. 
 Peace and mutual trust were the best means to 
 promote commercial relations between nations, and he 
 hoped the people in South America would be mindful 
 of that factor and not allow themselves to be prejudiced 
 against Germans by crediting rumours emanating from 
 sources hostile to Germany which latter remark was 
 a sly hit at the English press. 
 
 Such was Count von Billow's denial. It was more 
 interesting than most denials, because it admitted 
 directly Germany's interest in the German colonists in 
 South America, who, unlike German emigrants to the 
 
238 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 United States, to the British colonies, and elsewhere, 
 have to a large extent preserved their nationality, 
 their language, their German ways of life, and, in 
 many ways, too, their interest in the mother country. 
 Indirectly, too, Count von Billow confirmed Professor 
 von Gaevernitz's statement of fact, that the economic 
 development of South America was a very real interest 
 to Germany was, in fact, a ' vital ' interest, as the 
 professor calls it, which Germany cannot afford to 
 neglect. Thus the assertion of the professor in 1898 
 tallies in the main with that of the German Chancellor 
 five years later, the only difference being that, while 
 the one was a diplomatic utterance made for the 
 express purpose of allaying suspicion, the other was 
 an outspoken contention made with all the aplomb of 
 an irresponsible publicist. It is well to bear this in 
 mind, because it is continually being assumed that the 
 professors in Germany are wholly unpractical people, 
 and not in touch with the Government, which they 
 rather embarrass than otherwise with their excursions 
 into politics. For this, no doubt, Carlyle is largely 
 to blame. It should, however, be remembered that 
 a complete transformation has taken place in Germany 
 since Carlyle wrote his exquisite disquisition on Pro- 
 fessor Teufelsdrockh : who, were he now alive, instead 
 of philosophizing on clothes, would doubtless write O; 
 khaki, leggings, and qualities of serge and various 
 shades of drab and invisible greens. The professon 
 and the universities have always played an importan 1 
 part in German politics from the days of Baron vor 
 Stein onwards. To assume that they are all ' dry-as 
 dusts ' unlearned in the art of politics is completely tc 
 misunderstand that highly intellectual body of mer 
 who shape not only in no mean degree opinion ir 
 public affairs, but are used, in a manner unknown ii 
 England, by the Government to solve political am 
 economic questions requiring technical and exper 
 knowledge. During the Navy agitations the professor 
 came forward in a body to plead from every conceivabl 
 
THE NEW WORLD 239 
 
 standpoint for a powerful German fleet. In dealing 
 with the Polish question, professorial advice is solicited, 
 and so, too, in tariff questions, in social legislation, in 
 most economic questions, and in the moulding of 
 public opinion. To a large extent they preserve 
 their independence, which only makes their voices 
 the more articulate. At the head of the Pan- 
 German movement stands a professor ; another pro- 
 fessor was for a long time president of the Association 
 for Preserving the German Language in Foreign 
 Lands. No greater mistake could be made than to 
 think that the professors as a class are so rooted to 
 their lasts as not to have leisure for the study of 
 politics, and not to have facilities for making them- 
 selves thoroughly acquainted with the policy of the 
 Wilhelmstrasse. Far more than is the case in 
 England, in France, or in America, the professors in 
 Germany are expected to inform themselves of current 
 events, and to express themselves thereon audibly and 
 fearlessly. What they then say may be rejected or 
 not by the public and by the authorities, but their 
 judgments always attract attention, and very often stir 
 up a controversy in the press, as has often been the 
 case with Professors Delbrlick, Brentano, Halle, and 
 Mommsen, who frequently express their convictions 
 on public matters. It is quite impossible to ignore 
 them. And to their authority must be ranged the 
 whole class of publicists, many of them men of high 
 education, and not professionally journalists, who con- 
 tribute largely in the press and in the popular 
 pamphlet form to discussions on the topics of the 
 hour ; and their name is legion. 
 
 But to return. We have seen the professor and 
 Count von Billow in agreement as to the reality of 
 German interests in South America. This is the 
 official or rational attitude of Germany towards the 
 question. It is now time to look into the view of 
 German writers, not necessarily connected with the 
 Government, on the subject ; to see what the Pan- 
 
2 4 o THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Germans say about it ; and to gather some definite 
 information as to what German aims and ambitions in 
 the southern hemisphere of the New World are. It 
 may be as well to state here once more that nothing 
 but the written word will be adduced to support the 
 argument, and that in no case will our authority be 
 withheld, or any innuendo read into the case that 
 cannot be supported by the text. 
 
 To begin with the forward view, as expressed by 
 the well-known Professor Schmoller. He is writing 
 in the first volume of ' Handels und Machtpolitik ' on 
 power, without which no ' great economic, commercial, 
 and colonial development of a State is possible.' ' We 
 must desire,' he writes, ' that at all costs a German 
 country containing some 20 to 30 million Germans 
 may grow up in the twentieth century in South Brazil 
 and that, no matter whether it remains a portion o; 
 Brazil, or becomes a self-containing State, or enten 
 into close relations with our Empire. Unless oui 
 connection with Brazil is always secured by ships o 
 war, and unless Germany is able to exercise pressun 
 there, our development is threatened.' This statemen 
 has often been quoted, and needs no comment. I 
 will suffice to say that Professor Schmoller has neve 
 been censured by the Government, as was the cas< 
 with Professor Delbruck when he expostulated agains 
 the expulsion of Danish farm girls from Schleswig 
 Holstein under the Roller regime, and that no reaso 
 has ever been forthcoming to show that what Professo 
 Schmoller then wrote is not entirely endorsed by th : 
 majority of German politicians to-day. This motivt , 
 so to speak, was carried much further in an unusuall T 
 plain-spoken anonymous article in Die Grenzbotei , 
 March, 1903, in the days of the Venezuelan imbroglic . 
 As this article is singularly frank, it will be her * 
 subjected to close scrutiny, and a synospsis of it wi 1 
 be given. 
 
 The Monroe doctrine, complains the author, is tf 2 
 greatest danger to our world policy that exists. Th t 
 
THE NEW WORLD 241 
 
 the Anglo-Saxon and Protestant North Americans 
 should claim the natural right of guardianship over the 
 Latin and Catholic peoples of South America may 
 appear a Utopian point of view, but it is none the less 
 a fact ; and Germany must therefore come to a decision 
 either to abandon all idea of a colonial policy in South 
 America, or, by means of a firm policy which would 
 not quake before the chances of war, to compel the 
 Americans to restrict the application of the Monroe 
 doctrine to certain parts of South America only, and to 
 guarantee not to make any opposition to Germany 
 should she seek to draw such parts of that continent 
 into her sphere of interest as may appear useful and 
 necessary. The Imperialist policy of the United States, 
 continues the writer, will soon turn to the absorption 
 of South America, which alone can offer little resistance, 
 although signs are not wanting to show that the South 
 American States, aware of the danger threatening them 
 from the North, are seeking to draw together and 
 unite South America in one political State. But 
 their interests clash, strategic railways are completely 
 lacking ; they have no fleet. Germans should not blink 
 the fact that if South America cannot range herself in 
 one force against the United States her independence 
 is only a matter of time. The question, therefore, 
 arises : Can Germany, as a great world power, look on 
 peacefully while North America absorbs the South 
 American States one by one, politically and econo- 
 mically ? To pose, he contends, is to answer the 
 question. For no proof is needful to show that the 
 complete exclusion of Germany from South America 
 would denote, ' not only her economic, but also her 
 political death/ ' We cannot, and will not, allow our- 
 selves to be shut out from the only portion of the globe 
 still left to us/ while Russia is absorbing Asia, and Great 
 Britain Africa. Germany, therefore, must decide either 
 to renounce all idea of remaining a Great Power, or 
 brace every nerve to gain for herself a position in the 
 world comparable with that of America, England, and 
 
 16 
 
242 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Russia. To this end a great fleet is imperative. In 
 the great struggle which ' is to be ' with England and 
 the United States, the author thinks that German crews 
 will prove the superior. But ships must be built 
 rapidly, and many more of them. With this fleet Ger- 
 many will be able peacefully to secure for herself the 
 future which should be hers in South America. In the 
 meanwhile, he advocates the concentration of German 
 efforts upon the three States, Porto Alegre, Parana, 
 and Santa Catharina, in Brazil, where German colonists 
 are most numerous and most flourishing. The German 
 Consulates recently established at Curitiba, Desterro, 
 Porto Alegre, and Rio Grande do Sul, are a proof that 
 Germany ' is preparing the way.' Emigration must 
 be encouraged and directed to South America. As 
 soon as Germany has drawn South Brazil within her 
 sphere of interest, she can offer to emigrants an absolute 
 guarantee that their interests will be duly safeguarded. 
 A colonial army should be organized among the settlers, 
 so that they need not return to Germany to perform 
 their military service. Then in a few years a young 
 German colonial empire 'will grow up there as mighty, 
 if not mightier, than any other that ever emanated 
 from Europe/ 
 
 Now, this effusion is not what the Germans call 
 1 beer polities': it is what the writer in sober earnest 
 thinks. If he spoke so plainly, it was doubtless because 
 of the ' mess ' at the time with President Castro, and 
 because he felt piqued at the outbreak of feeling aroused 
 in America by Germany's bombardment of that Presi- 
 dent's forts ; which he rightly opined to be due to public 
 nervousness in connection with the Monroe doctrine. 
 Consequently, he describes that doctrine as the 'greatest 
 danger to German power that exists.' In common 
 parlance, the writer was ' drawn/ But it is extremely 
 interesting, if not significant, to find a journal of the 
 status of Die Grenzboten well known to readers of 
 Busch's secret pages of the history of Bismarck 
 giving its imprimatur to an article of so advanced a 
 
 
THE NEW WORLD 243 
 
 kind. For this journal still entertains very good con- 
 nections with the Wilhelmstrasse, as it used to do 
 when Bismarck made it a vehicle for thundering forth 
 his journalistic bolts. But whether the editor was con- 
 sulted or not, the article created no little stir in the 
 political world at the time, and other and more cautious 
 editors thought fit to cast scorn and ridicule upon it; 
 for it was generally felt to be a faux pas. Thus Ex- 
 port stigmatized it as yellow, and expressed the fear 
 that the American press would open an anti-German 
 campaign in retaliation. ' We ' are not yet there, 
 parenthetically remarked Export, and to talk about a 
 German occupation of Brazil as z.jait accompli is dis- 
 tinctly ridiculous. Which, of course, it is. But politics 
 is a game of chance, or, as Bismarck called it, the 
 * doctrine of the possible '; and plain-speaking some- 
 times proves a kinder method in the end than the more 
 tortuous ways of the old diplomacy. To know what 
 both sides want is already a great deal, and contributes 
 largely to the maintenance of peace. 
 
 Now, years ago List, the parent of Pan- Germanism, 
 saw the possibilities of a German Empire in South 
 America, and counselled the direction of emigration to 
 those parts. And the case to-day is very clearly put 
 by Dr. Paul Rohrbach, who has recently been sent 
 out by the Government on a mission to German South- 
 West Africa to study and report on economic conditions 
 there. His writings are always interesting, and should 
 be studied. What the United States, he writes (in 
 ' Deutschland unter den Weltvolkern '), can possibly 
 prevent is the acquirement of South American territory 
 by an European nation ; but what it 'cannot prevent,' 
 in any circumstances, is the creation of ' peaceful, non- 
 political, economic relations between South America 
 and Germany/ Germany must not expect her emi- 
 grants to remain German subjects ; politically, they 
 must acknowledge allegiance to the State in which 
 they settle. That premised, the development of 
 German interests in South America is, he thinks, 
 
 1 6 2 
 
244 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 assured. But Germany must exert herself to establish 
 specially close economic relations with her sons in 
 these parts in such a way that the home country may 
 be able to favour the products of German South 
 American settlers, and the settlers in turn cover their 
 needs from goods made in Germany. Relations of this 
 kind he deems to be possible only on the assumption 
 that the political bond is not made a sine qua non ; the 
 object being to create dependencies standing on a similar 
 footing with the home country, as is the case with the 
 British colonies and Great Britain. Emigration, he 
 contends, must be organized ; for it is no impossible 
 task, by means of an organized emigration, to raise the 
 number of German colonists in South Brazil (at present 
 about 400,000) in a few generations to a million. That 
 would mean that the German element there would 
 economically ' rule the roost ' (das Heft in die Hcinde 
 bekommf). A million white settlers, economically 
 ruling over a few millions of other peoples, in every 
 way their inferior and dependent for existence upon 
 them, would represent such an economic power that 
 its influence could not fail to make itself felt in 
 Germany, whose economic prosperity would in conse- 
 quence be highly increased. ' What can, what must, 
 be done,' he exclaims, to gather in the harvest so 
 promising to Germany, and to render useful to Germany 
 these Germans in Brazil ? Every German that goes 
 out furthers the cause. Of course, Americans and 
 Englishmen will endeavour to oppose the realization 
 of this plan. What boots it ? Propaganda must be 
 made in Germany to popularize the idea and encourage 
 State-organized colonization. The Government must 
 aid. Every good German must assist in the work, foi 
 ' a promising future for Germany lies in her Braziliar 
 colonies.' Schools and churches must 'be built there 
 the German language must be maintained. And thi< 
 must be done, not only in Brazil, but in Uruguay 
 Paraguay, Chile, and Argentina too. Taking it al 
 together, South America may prove of greater im 
 
 
THE NEW WORLD 245 
 
 portance to Germany, and for her export trade, than 
 any other known land or markets. Germans must not 
 impede the work by Jingo agitation, or expect to further 
 it by cramming their mouths full with Pan-German 
 political sophisms. They must work quietly, jointly, 
 but firmly, for the attainment of the great end. To 
 quote Professor Wolf, South America ' is in more than 
 one point of view the land of the future. There is 
 more to be gained there than in Africa. I would 
 welcome with pleasure a colonial and foreign policy 
 which looked with a more careful eye upon that 
 continent/ 
 
 Another writer, Herr Suksdorf, has written with 
 equal fervour on the subject in his critical study of the 
 ' Historical Development of our People.' Whole States, 
 he contends, in the United States, whole provinces in 
 South Brazil or Australia, would now be as German 
 as are Baden or Pomerania, even if they remained 
 loyal to the Union Jack, the Stars and Stripes, or the 
 Brazilian flag, had only, in days gone by, the German 
 Government done something for her German emigrants. 
 Now it is too late. Germany can seize no more land. 
 The best to be hoped for is that emigration to favour- 
 able parts may be directed in such a way that a new 
 Germany may arise in these settlements, which, if 
 separated from the mother country politically, economi- 
 cally, and intellectually, may remain in close connection 
 with her, and become a powerful bulwark of Germanism 
 across the seas. No more favourable land can be 
 found, he opines, than South America. If German 
 capitalists will assist organized emigration to those 
 parts, then great things may be seen in the near future. 
 If between 1840 and 1880 German capitalists had only 
 grasped the opportunity, to-day Germany would be in 
 a very different position, with a great oversea colonial 
 State in South America. Nevertheless, all hope is not 
 lost, though there is a great danger ahead the growing 
 friendship between Britons and Americans, ' who every 
 year are getting to understand each other better, and 
 
246 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 every year draw closer together.' It is the manifest 
 destiny, he thinks, of South America to be absorbed 
 by the Anglo-Saxon races, and South America can 
 only hope to escape from this fate by encouraging 
 Germans to settle in the land, and so forming from the 
 hardy, industrious German stock a race of men capable 
 of founding a great State and of defending it at need. It 
 is conceivable, he reasons, that the settlers from 
 Europe may unite together and found a great South 
 American Republic in which one language will be 
 spoken. Already South American statesmen are placed 
 before the alternative either to allocate a portion of 
 their country to Germans and so preserve their own 
 Romanic half, or to lose all to the Anglo-Saxons. He 
 hopes statesmen in South America will choose rightly 
 and welcome German immigration, for the Germans 
 alone can save them. In that way the opportunity will 
 be given Germany to found in South America a new 
 Germany, ' which shall prove a blessing to the old 
 country, and stand as a model to the whole world.' 
 
 Here, again, we find the * manifest destiny ' of South 
 America admitted without reserve, and the plain, out- 
 spoken wish that Germans may be called upon to 
 thwart it. Once more we find it written that Anglo- 
 Saxon interests are not Teuton interests, and that the 
 closer the American and the English peoples draw 
 together the greater grows the gulf dividing them from 
 Germans, whose destiny directs them in other directions. 
 The mission of Germany is to establish a great South 
 American republic, which can bid defiance to the 
 union and needs no Monroe doctrine to protect it. 
 There is still time. It is for statesmen in South 
 America to decide. The economic interests of Germany 
 in South Brazil, writes Dr. Hermann Meyer (founder 
 of the German colony in Rio Grande do Sul) in the 
 Deutsche Monatschrift, April, 1902, ' must be preserved, 
 and the work of hundreds of thousands of Germans 
 who are working for the honour of Germany and for 
 the promotion of her trade and industry must not be 
 
THE NEW WORLD 247 
 
 thrown away.' For a hundred years German settlers 
 have been working silently in South Brazil, and now a 
 great German colony has arisen. But there is still 
 much to do. 
 
 The importance, writes Meyer, to Germany of a 
 territory economically secured to her, where her over- 
 flow population can safely hope to find work and 
 fortune, is obvious to everyone. Africa has proved 
 useless. But in South Brazil in a very short time a 
 German colony might arise of inestimable importance 
 to home industry and trade. If all the cries for help 
 emanating from Germans in South America within the 
 last few years pass unheeded in Germany, it can only 
 be from fear of the Monroe doctrine. But that doc- 
 trine, he opines, tends to lose its power in an economic 
 sense the more the United States acknowledges the 
 principle of the open door, which offers no opposition 
 to immigration or the entry of foreign capital. He is, 
 therefore, inclined to think that nothing need be feared 
 on that score. An honest economic fight Germany 
 need not fear. That the German Government has recog- 
 nised the importance of the economic opening up of 
 South Brazil is, he contends, evident from the fact 
 that an Emigration Information Office has recently 
 been created under the direction of the former German 
 Consul in Rio Grande, Dr. Koser. 
 
 It is high time, exclaims this successful organizer of 
 German colonies in South Brazil, that * Germany 
 should publicly intercede on behalf of her lawful 
 interests there.' In South Brazil there lies a virgin 
 field for German activity, and North America will only 
 promote her own civilizing work by encouraging 
 German influence. At the same time, the Government 
 cannot do everything ; capitalists should form syndicates 
 to buy up the land. If German banks continue to 
 fight shy of risking their money in South America, then 
 may they alone ( in God's name be held responsible ' 
 if South Brazil is lost to German trade, and foreign 
 nations build railways, and exploit the mines, and oust 
 
248 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 
 German interests. ' German people,' he apostrophizes 
 his countrymen, 'choose.' 
 
 In the same monthly review, September, 1903, an 
 eminent authority, Dr. Alfred Funke, the author of 
 numerous brochures on Brazil, bids Germans, equally 
 emphatically, come to a decision as to their colonial 
 policy. The scheme of the Hamburg Syndicate 
 Sieveking to colonize the Chatham Islands, the efforts 
 of Prince Solms-Braunfels to found German colonies 
 in Texas, the endeavour of Herr Keber, of Konigs- 
 berg, to settle Germans on the Mosquito coast all 
 proved failures. Before the Treaty of Frankfurt a 
 movement in Germany arose to demand Cochin China 
 from France, while Bismarck had an eye on Pondi- 
 cherry. But with the foundation of the German 
 Empire the demand for colonies became imperious. 
 To-day South Brazil, says Funke, is without doubt the 
 most suitable spot for colonization. Dr. Julio de 
 Castilhos, the powerful head of the South Brazilian 
 States, knows far too well, confidently asserts Dr. Funke, 
 what a mistake he would make were he to oppress the 
 Germans there, and he is far too clever to quarrel with 
 the German Government, which ' in the hour of need 
 may perhaps some day stand him in good stead.' For 
 the present German emigration must be directed to 
 South Brazil, and colonization must be conducted on 
 the model of Dr. Hermann Meyer's colony, which has 
 achieved remarkable results. These colonies, contends 
 Dr. Funke, should become important outposts of 
 German transmaritime policy, and for that reason 
 every increase in these German settlements must be 
 welcomed with joy, for every increase denotes a fresh 
 step forward in the ' silent but earnest fight, of which 
 everyone knows the prize.' Every German must pay 
 tribute to Dr. Hermann Meyer's colonizing efforts to 
 maintain and extend German life and interests 
 (Deutschtum) across the seas, for 'it is an honest 
 German work.' 
 
 In another article published in the journal Das 
 
THE NEW WORLD 249 
 
 Deiitschtum im Auslande, April, 1903, Dr. Funke 
 develops the idea thus : It was no mere chance, he 
 thinks, that Count von Billow saw fit to deny the 
 allegations as to German schemes of annexation. His 
 very denial furnished the proof that German power in 
 Brazil ' is a recognised fact in Europe/ What South 
 Brazil now was it owed entirely to German efforts. 
 Germany must regard these settlements as outposts 
 which she ' cannot afford to lose, and which she must 
 strengthen ' by instilling into the minds of the colonists 
 the consciousness that they belong to her, and that 
 with her they ' stand or fall.' No one could be blind 
 to the future importance of South Brazil to Germany, 
 whose trade and shipping would be materially in- 
 creased the greater German influence became there. 
 The support of Deutschtum in South Brazil was a 
 work of German idealism, and sprang from the 
 feeling that bound Germans together in the bond of 
 blood, language, and customs a bond which Americans 
 ' know not, being hide-bound in crass egoism,' and 
 having no pure racial blood to build upon. What 
 this * crass egoism ' means, continues Dr. Funke, the 
 German peasants in South America will begin to feel 
 when Americans come among them. The battle will 
 be no ethical one, but a struggle for a ' prize greater 
 than most people now dream of.' 
 
 In a lecture given by Dr. Jannasch in 1902 before 
 the German Colonial Congress, under the presidency 
 of the Duke Albrecht of Mecklenburg, Brazil and the 
 question of organized emigration formed the subject 
 for debate. Dr. Jannasch pointed out that South 
 America offered the best field for German industry in 
 the future. If 5,000 German emigrants a year could 
 be diverted from North to South America, in twenty 
 years a population of 100,000 Germans would be 
 created. Each one would probably buy $ worth of 
 German goods annually, which would make an export 
 value of ,500,000 to those parts. Nowhere could a 
 great German colony be founded so easily or so 
 
250 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 rapidly as in South America. And the greater the 
 German settlements grew there, the greater would 
 become Germany's interest in that continent. South 
 America would seek Germany's trade and capital, and 
 would be willing to accord her preferential treatment. 
 This economic aspect should guide German policy. 
 It would render Germany to a large extent inde- 
 pendent of European and North American markets. 
 But there must be no talk of political annexation ; 
 Germany could never obtain as much in South 
 America politically as she might lose there from the 
 1 political - commercial ' standpoint. To consolidate 
 South America and contribute towards her indepen- 
 dence lies in Germany's interests as against those of 
 the United States. Organized emigration and com- 
 mercial policy must go hand in hand, and must be the 
 key to German policy in South America and towards 
 the Union. 
 
 At the conclusion of this lecture, the Colonial Con- 
 gress unanimously passed a resolution to the effect 
 that it ' lies in the interests of German emigrants, of 
 German trade, and of German industry to direct 
 emigration to South America, and especially to South 
 Brazil, and that therefore German capital, industry, 
 and commercial policy must actively support such 
 emigration.' 
 
 Well, there is nothing politically aggressive about 
 this decision, nothing to raise alarmist suspicions. As 
 well take exception to a Pan-German pictorial post- 
 card. But what Germans call politico -commercial 
 interests are precisely those which, in the present 
 century, tend to become increasingly political in in- 
 terest : most troublesome to Cabinet Ministers, and to 
 diplomatists who know little about them. The two 
 things can no longer be separated. The characteristic 
 of the twentieth century, Count Goluchowski has said, 
 will be the struggle for national existence, fought out 
 on political-economic lines. And nowhere is this more 
 fully recognised than in Germany, who has long since 
 
THE NEW WORLD 251 
 
 discarded as antiquated Bismarck's once celebrated 
 dictum as to the separability of the two interests, and 
 is now a firm political supporter of the interests of the 
 merchant. To found a great German colony in South 
 America, on the model, say, of Australia, would neces- 
 sitate some sort of protection, which would naturally 
 be that of Germany : who never for a moment would 
 assume sponsorship while being compelled at any 
 moment to have to say to her Germanico-Brazilian 
 Minister : ' No, we cannot help you if the United 
 States should wish to annex you, or a Dr. Jameson 
 plan a raid.' As the London Morning Post pointed out 
 at the time, 'the direction of German emigration to 
 one particular spot, coupled with the proposal to 
 ignore the strict observance of the law of nationaliza- 
 tion in Brazil, must bring Germany sooner or later, and 
 probably sooner than later, in conflict with the United 
 States, as, according to the Munroe doctrine, the South 
 American States are not to be regarded as a sphere 
 for colonization by any European Power.' And that 
 this must be so there can be little doubt. The whole 
 position of Germany, once said Treitschke, depends 
 upon how many millions of people speak German in 
 the future. Nor can there be any doubt that if the 
 German language is spoken in half Brazil German 
 interests will be there paramount, and these interests 
 will be Germany's interests, which the home country 
 will have quite as great an interest in protecting as has 
 England in safeguarding her subjects on the Nile, or 
 Russia in protecting her Siberian railway, or France in 
 protecting her colony in Algeria. 
 
 Nowhere, writes Dr. Leyser in his preface to * Ger- 
 man Colonial Life in South Brazil ' (1902), in the 
 world is such a future offered to Deutschtum as in 
 South Brazil, 30 per cent, of the population of which is 
 of German origin, which hopes to found there a new 
 and greater home. The future of that portion of the 
 globe ' belongs to the people who firmly plant their 
 feet there.' In no other spot does such a splendid 
 
252 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 future lie open to German enterprise. In time, he 
 thinks, the Lusobrazilians, as they are called, will come 
 to recognise the importance of the Germans, but ' not 
 until Deutschtum in those parts has obtained official 
 recognition of its rights of existence there will Germans 
 be able to say that a new fatherland has been found. 
 May the Hanseatic Colonial Association continue its 
 activity in this direction, and ever progress in this 
 national sense.' 
 
 Our chances in Brazil, writes Arthur Dix (' Deutsch- 
 land auf den Hochstrassen des Weltwirtschaftsverkehrs,' 
 1901), now editor of the National Zeitung, are not yet 
 lost, in view of the spirit of solidarity animating German 
 settlers there, in contradistinction to the national flabbi- 
 ness of the Romanic peoples. Germany, he urges, 
 must above all things keep an eye on the markets of 
 Central and South America, which may become of 
 enormous importance to Germany in the future. The 
 efforts of America to oust European trade are not so 
 certain of success as many would seem to think, for the 
 Latin races in South America are growing increasingly 
 hostile to the North. As Germany's economic rela- 
 tions with South America grow, so, too, will her interest 
 in, and care for, this Deutschtum in Brazil. What 
 Germany seeks there is to promote her economic and 
 intellectual (geistig) relations with that country. On 
 the other hand, it is ' a matter of course that German 
 subjects there have the full right to claim protection 
 from the mother country if their interests are en- 
 dangered '; beyond that, political relations need not 
 extend. Germany's commercial relations with South 
 America are not all couleur de rose, he admits, but the 
 cloud hanging over them vanishes at the ' thought that 
 in South Brazil German settlers retain their nationality/ 
 that the country is capable of as intense an economic 
 development as North America, and that this land 
 may be ' preserved for Germany if only she knows how 
 to maintain her place there against the keen competi- 
 tion of other alien peoples.' 
 
THE NEW WORLD 253 
 
 In Professor Schmoller's 'Jahrbtich ftir Gesetzgebung, 
 Verwaltung und Volkswirthschaft,' 1899, Karl Ballod 
 contributed an interesting paper on 'The Importance 
 of South Brazil for German Colonization/ In this 
 expose of German interests the writer, in temperate 
 language, gives a lucid account of the economic condi- 
 tions of that country, and furnishes a number of sugges- 
 tions as to the best course for Germany to pursue in 
 colonizing the land. He recommends the formation of 
 capitalist syndicates to buy up the land, which could 
 then be sold on easy terms to German settlers. It 
 would be, he writes, of great economic value to Ger- 
 many in a political-national sense if Germany's demand 
 for coffee could be produced by German peasants in 
 Brazil, who, in turn, would consume a considerable 
 amount of home products. For the expenditure of 
 ,5,000,000, 50,000 families could be settled in Brazil ; 
 and this capital would not be lost, but could eventually 
 be realized with certainty. Railways must be built, 
 and land concessions obtained for establishing colonies 
 and opening up the country. 
 
 Of economic essays of this kind, pointing out the 
 value of the country to Germany, there is no want, and 
 one of the most recent of these, by Walter Kundt 
 (Brasilien, 1903), deserves attention, because the author 
 is a practical man of business, has a thorough know- 
 ledge of the country he writes about, and does not 
 hesitate to come forward with a series of practical 
 suggestions on the theory, which is also his motto, that 
 ' vouloir c'est pouvoir.' Germany, he tells us, ' needs 
 lands, and must invest capital abroad ; she needs raw 
 materials of all kinds.' Instead of buying them from 
 foreign countries she would do much better to acquire 
 land where these raw materials could be produced. 
 Such land is still to be found in South America, for 
 it * is a wretched state of things ' that the fifth greatest 
 country in the world should be governed by a ' de- 
 generate people.' Germany's interests lie mainly in 
 Central and South Brazil. Herr Kundt's close-packed 
 
254 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 essay then gives an elaborate description of trade and 
 industry in the various States in Brazil, and examines 
 with a good deal of care the various proposals made 
 such as favourable commercial treaties, chambers of 
 commerce, reform of the Consular system to further 
 German interests there. Are Germans, he asks, to 
 relinquish this promising land to the Anglo-Saxons ? 
 No, never, he replies : * we dare not, we cannot draw 
 back from the path history has assigned to us to follow 
 in.' The Germans must emulate English energy and 
 determination, for Germany could, if she set about it in 
 the proper fashion, establish close economic relations 
 with South America which would be of inestimable 
 value to her. Cotton plantations should be grown, 
 concessions obtained to run German steamers on the 
 tributaries of the Amazon to carry down indiarubber 
 to German export firms established on the coast, who 
 could then ship them to be sold in Europe. With a 
 powerfully capitalized German export syndicate, with 
 warehouses established at Rio, Bahia, Pernambuco, 
 Sao Paulo, Para, and Porto Alegre, the Brazilian market 
 could be practically secured for German industry. In the 
 towns, German universal stores should be established, 
 selling German products only. If the Germans could 
 obtain a monopoly of trade in Brazil the home market 
 would be largely benefited. Commercial travellers 
 should scour the country, while with the syndicate system 
 great results would be obtained. Germany's demand 
 for cotton could be largely covered from these parts ; 
 in Brazil, especially, the greater part of Germany's 
 demand for raw materials could be produced, and both 
 the production and the cost of production could be 
 adapted to suit German industry. 
 
 All this in the land where ' industry is taxed and 
 laziness protected ' means, of course, the outlay of 
 considerable capital, and here the question of its pro- 
 tection arises. But Herr Kundt is for no half- 
 measures. If great industrial companies are subjected 
 to extortion on the part of the State, the ' German 
 
THE NEW WORLD 255 
 
 Empire must intervene on behalf of its subjects.' 
 Political parties in Germany must work together to 
 give the Government the necessary authority to use 
 armed force. For since it is one of Germany's most 
 important tasks to obtain control over the production 
 of the raw materials needed, she must set to work in a 
 systematic fashion to capitalize and exploit Brazil. 
 Cotton, wood, electricity, should lie in her hands. The 
 iron and copper mines at Minas Geraes should be 
 reopened. Indiarubber is, ' unfortunately,' in English 
 hands, but efforts should be made to obtain control of 
 the cocoa trade. If Germany does not desire to lose 
 her emigrants she must support this German coloniza- 
 tion of South Brazil with all the means at her disposal. 
 The home Government ' must be ready ' to protect 
 German interests and to promote them ; it need not 
 create them. The United States, observes Kundt, 
 ' has little interest ' in South America, and the Monroe 
 doctrine will probably be superseded in time by a less 
 ' aggressive proclamation ' of foreign policy. The 
 economic conquest of Turkey and China by West 
 European peoples has already begun, and Germany 
 has her due share in the spoil. ' May she have her 
 due share, too, in South America.' Germany's future 
 lies on the seas. * Go,' he bids Germans in his perora- 
 tion, 'across the seas, and do not cease toiling until 
 you have found the land where German enterprise can 
 strike root and prove profitable/ 
 
 Germany's interests in South America, writes 
 Nauticus, 1903, in a careful examination of the Ger- 
 man position there, are far more prospective than 
 actual. Admitting that Germany entertains no 
 thoughts of annexation, it is none the less obvious that 
 the three Southern States of Brazil, equal in area to 
 that of the German Empire, are of such importance to 
 her that she could not ' afford, at any price,' to see her 
 economic relations with those provinces 'weakened.' 
 Moreover, there is reasonable hope to believe that 
 Germany's interests there will increase. It is an 
 
256 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 economic ' fight/ ' It may some day be of vital 
 interest to Germany to have her man at the post at 
 the right moment.' 
 
 Nowhere in the world, wrote Stephen Boncal in 
 the North American Review ', are the conditions for 
 the creation of a Greater Germany so favourable as in 
 Brazil, and were it not for the Monroe doctrine North 
 Americans should have no reason to look askance 
 upon German efforts. At the Congress at Rio, 
 October, 1902, Senhor Barbosa Lima maintained that 
 the Southern States of Brazil were becoming more and 
 more denationalized, and that the German settlers 
 there, although by law Brazilians, regarded Germany 
 as their true fatherland, and celebrated zealously 
 national fete days. That the United States is now 
 alive to this growing state of things, and is taking 
 some steps to inform itself as to the position, would 
 seem evident from the fact that Mr. Seeger, Consul- 
 General to the United States of America at Rio, 
 travelled through the Southern provinces in 1902 with 
 the object of establishing American consulates there. 
 In the same year Page Bryan, U.S.A. Minister to 
 Brazil, visited Santa Catharina, and described the 
 harbour of Sao Francisco do Sul as an * excellent 
 harbour for American ships.' And in October of the 
 same year the United States cruiser Atlanta made a 
 topographical survey of the coast. Nor were these 
 movements unheeded in Germany. On March 3, 1903, 
 the Cologne Gazette expressed a fear that the fifty 
 years' work of German settlers would be neutralized 
 by the inroad of the American dollar, and chided 
 Michael for neglecting his kinsmen across the seas. 
 ' The average German,' wrote the Rhenish organ, 
 * considers the investment of capital in foreign parts, 
 even when it is calculated materially to assist German 
 efforts to preserve national characteristics abroad, to be 
 unprofitable unless it affords him immediate prospects 
 of producing mountains of gold.' As if Cohen of 
 Berlin, or Goldberg of Frankfurt, cared about national 
 
THE NEW WORLD 257 
 
 characteristics when making investments ! And at a 
 subsequent date (July 17) the same well-informed 
 organ expressed satisfaction at the reforms introduced 
 by the Imperial Government of Brazil, whereby some 
 of the onerous restrictions laid upon German settlers 
 who retained their nationality were to be removed. 
 This was the more important, pointed out the Rhenish 
 organ, because a more educated class of emigrants 
 settled in Brazil now, and vexatious regulations caused 
 such men to abandon their nationality, whereas if the 
 Germans could settle and still retain their nationality 
 on easy terms the opportunity was given them to 
 remain German. 
 
 Apart from any ambition of territorial annexation, 
 wrote the Berlin National Zeitung, April 10, 1903, in 
 an article on ' German Work of Civilization in South 
 America,' ' we must be prepared adequately to defend 
 our economic interests ' in those parts. A German 
 cruiser, proudly continued that semi-official organ, was 
 the first to penetrate up the Amazon, and the com- 
 mercial navy now ' follows in its furrows.' At the same 
 time, the job is no light one. Germany will need all 
 her energy to prevent herself from being driven out of 
 the South American market. It lies in the interests 
 of South America to encourage the German civilizing 
 work, which is of a peaceful (penetrating ?), economic 
 nature. German pioneers have already accomplished 
 much. No one * can object if Germany finally gathers 
 in the harvest, and if her labours, which it has cost so 
 much to perform, are crowned with success.' 
 
 Dr. Gernhard, Professor Hettner of Heidelberg, 
 Dr. Krauel, former German Ambassador, Professor 
 Hasse, Drs. Prowe, Giesebrecht, Konigswald, and 
 Dr. Hermann Meyer and many others have all written 
 pamphlets dealing with German interests in South 
 America in the endeavour to popularize at home the 
 idea of a future Greater Germany in that continent ; 
 while from time to time the press dwells upon its 
 physical and economic features, and seeks to dispel 
 
 17 
 
258 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 the vulgar notion that South America is the landflar 
 excellence of yellow-jack and plagues, boa constrictors, 
 pumas, seismic, cyclonic and political upheavals, wholly 
 unsuited to colonization, and ravaged by beasts and 
 disease. The Pan-German press publishes periodical 
 letters from those parts, pleads for money and more 
 help. Though Count von Blilow officially repudiated 
 all idea that emigration to South America was encour- 
 aged, the Cologne Gazette, which maintains excellent 
 relations with the Chancellor, thought it worth while 
 early in 1903 to publish a long article pointing out 
 how best emigration could be encouraged and become 
 a ' welcome fact/ by reforming the existing topo- 
 graphical methods of parcelling out and apportioning 
 the lots of land sold to settlers in South America, who, 
 under the present system, were placed at a great dis- 
 advantage, and could turn the land to little account. 
 Emigrants, to be sure, are queer people, and have a 
 knack, once they have determined to quit the home 
 country, of kicking its dust from off their feet, and 
 going whither they list. And not even the Prussian 
 police system can compel them to take a ticket for 
 South America once they get it into their heads that 
 in the North lies the better chance. Still, there are 
 plenty of opportunities for them to acquire information. 
 Besides the official emigration office, there are eight 
 private information offices situated in various towns of 
 Germany, all of which do their best to direct emigrants 
 to suitable lands, with more or less success. A good 
 deal in this way is done to direct emigrants to South 
 America. We find, writes M. Maurice Lair in his 
 work ' L'Imperialisme Allemand,' the Pan-German 
 Association and the Society for Maintaining German 
 Schools Abroad working together in South America, as 
 in Austria- Hungary, towards the same end the main- 
 tenance of ' Deutschtum.' If the German work of 
 penetration continues for some years more, he thinks 
 the hope of Professor Schmoller will be realized, and 
 the provinces of South Brazil will become, if not 
 
THE NEW WORLD 259 
 
 * German colonies,' then ' colonies of Germans.' 
 Another French author, M. Georges Blondel, in his 
 interesting work, ' L'essor industriel et commercial du 
 peuple Allemand,' 1900, dealt in masterly fashion with 
 Germany's economic rise in the world, and pointed to 
 South America as the * German land of promise.' 
 
 The German land of promise ; after all, why not ? If 
 no one anticipates them there is no reason why 
 Germans should not colonize, capitalize, and eventually 
 hold Brazil, just as Great Britain holds Egypt or 
 Russia Manchuria.* Germans are toiling in South 
 Brazil and slowly building up a great German community 
 with infinite possibilities, and the future all roseate 
 before them. And this is no * metapolitical' as Baron 
 von Stein would say vista conjured up in the brain 
 of some Pan-German professor or nautical enthusiast 
 far from it. It is a situation which has arisen from the 
 odd chance that in years gone by German emigrants 
 happened to settle in those parts, and to keep their 
 panache flying. These colonists, for the most part 
 sturdy industrious German peasants, are increasing 
 and doing excellent work : opening up the country, 
 tilling the land, and introducing the general principles 
 of civilization where all before was barren, rude, and 
 uncivilized. The question for Germany is, How will 
 it end ? Are these men and their labours to become 
 lost to Germany ? Is Germany, in the course of a few 
 decades, to witness the absorption of these German 
 settlements by other nations, and to lose the economic 
 advantages of colonial trade, and a land where Germany 
 could control the means of production of most of the 
 raw materials she now buys from others ? Such is the 
 problem as it presents itself to thoughtful Germans 
 to-day. 
 
 Enough has been said to show that German ambi- 
 tions in South America are founded upon real interests, 
 
 * These words were written before the outbreak of war between 
 Japan and Russia. As far as Russia is concerned, they would seem 
 already to have lost their point. 
 
 172 
 
2 6o THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 and that it is of vital importance for Germany to 
 protect them. Before inquiring more fully into these 
 interests which will be examined in a subsequent 
 chapter a few words may be said about the Pan- 
 German attitude towards the question, since the mass 
 of opinion hitherto adduced is not of Pan-German 
 origin, though unmistakably tainted with Pan-German 
 ideas. Oddly enough, in all the literature on the 
 subject little can be ascribed to the true Pan-German 
 hand, for assuredly neither would Professor Schmoller, 
 nor the ex-pastor, Dr. Funke, nor any other of our 
 authorities, admit the charge of being Pan-Germans. 
 Indeed, the Pan-Germans, knowing how important the 
 matter is, have maintained signal reserve in dealing 
 with South America, thereby showing considerable 
 political acumen, which other German writers would 
 doubtless do well to emulate. Instead of writing 
 pamphlets, the Pan-German League has kept com- 
 mendable silence, being occupied all the more earnestly 
 in active propagation of their ideas at home and on the 
 spot. Little by little they are seeking to honeycomb 
 those parts of South America favourable to Deutsch- 
 tum with branch leagues, and to reticulate those 
 regions with confidential agents ( Vertrauensmanner) 
 on the Socialist model, who report to the Central 
 Association from time to time, and carry on the work 
 under the guise of philological and ethnological in- 
 struction : which is the shield behind which Pan- 
 Germanism lies entrenched. In this they have been 
 tolerably, though nof remarkably, successful. Lack of 
 material support has retarded their efforts, and they 
 have also had to contend with considerable opposition 
 from the native South American inhabitants, who have 
 come to regard them as ' suspects ' (suspeitos], and are 
 wont to regard the whole German population with 
 suspicion, and hence dislike. So much so that as 
 recently as last year Count von Blilow saw fit in the 
 Reichstag officially to brand the ' Association for 
 Maintaining German Schools Abroad ' as a Pan-German 
 
THE NEW WORLD 261 
 
 movement a statement which that body, pursuing 
 ' purely philological aims/ felt highly indignant at, and 
 vehemently repudiated. The Pan-German ideal to 
 spread ' the manure of German culture ' over the world 
 has, in South America, found so many worthy non- 
 Pan-German supporters that Pan-Germans feel it to 
 be a wholly unnecessary task needlessly to bring 
 matters to an issue by reckless and importunate 
 clamour. Hence the movement is conducted silently, 
 and Pan-Germans keep their peace. 
 
 What does it all come to ? We have seen from the 
 writings of all sorts and conditions of Germans that 
 South America is regarded as a ' land of promise'; not 
 necessarily as a land that will be ' German ' in the 
 future, but as a land where, in certain circumstances, a 
 ' Greater Germany ' might conceivably arise, which 
 would render Germany economically independent of 
 other countries: would receive her overflow population, 
 would free ' German cotton from the yoke binding her 
 to ' Dixie,' would provide her with raw materials, and 
 secure her position as a great world power. Despite 
 the manifest destiny of the South American States, 
 the Monroe doctrine, and the growth of the American 
 navy, Germany has not yet abandoned all hopes of 
 seeing her ideal in South America realized along 
 peaceful evolutionary lines. She is prepared to defend 
 her legitimate rights, and has shown, during the 
 Venezuela imbroglio, that she can strike for them. 
 She has ' officially ' disclaimed all intention to annex 
 land, and there is no reason to question the sincerity 
 of that assertion. The economic side of the question, 
 however, is a very different matter. Her interests in 
 South America are of such a kind that nothing but 
 absolute necessity could compel her to abandon, or 
 shrink from protecting, them. In these industrious 
 and growing German colonies, the members of which 
 have remained German, unquestionably the nucleus of 
 a German State within a State has been formed of 
 what potential development it is as yet impossible to 
 
262 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 foreshadow. These settlers, again, though German in 
 speech and thought, are mostly Brazilian subjects, 
 thereby raising the question : Who, in the event of 
 danger, has the legitimate right to protect them? If 
 Germany, in that eventuality, is to forego that right, 
 her future in those parts is for ever shattered. Col- 
 laterally, do these German settlers, who, though still 
 German, have drunk in the air of freedom, desire 
 German protection, German sovereignty, German 
 institutions ? Are the Germans reckoning without 
 their host in claiming these ' German ' settlers ? Are 
 they building upon sand which some day the Monroe 
 doctrine will sweep away on some great tidal wave of 
 public opinion? It is idle, perhaps, to speculate. 
 Much is hoped for in Germany from the so-called 
 c renascence of Germanism ' in North America, which, 
 it is confidently hoped, will tend to sway American 
 opinion in favour of Germany. Conceivably it may. 
 
 Whether Germany's aim is obtainable or compatible 
 with a policy of neutrality, which is not disinterested, 
 and whether this economic evolution will be effected 
 without friction or jars, the future can alone decide. It 
 may be. The future of South America must depend 
 largely on the Monroe doctrine and on the navy 
 which is behind it. There will come a time, not so 
 remote in the future, when the economic penetration 
 of Brazil and other South American States by the 
 Germans may lead to political supremacy, which, if 
 questioned, must be abandoned or contended for. If 
 at such a juncture the German navy is strong enough 
 confidently to engage the American fleet, then con- 
 ceivably the issue will be a fighting one. Only the 
 other day a number of German professors and 
 publicists expressed open hostility to the Monroe 
 doctrine, which they described as an ' empty preten- 
 sion/ But, rave against it as the German professors 
 may, the Monroe doctrine is destined to bar Ger- 
 many's way. Already there are unmistakable signs 
 that Americans have become cognizant of Pan- German 
 
THE NEW WORLD 263 
 
 aims and ambitions in South America, while quite 
 recently the General Staff of the army sent a number 
 of agents to South America to study the military 
 conditions there as preparation for any war involving 
 the United States for the maintenance of the Monroe 
 doctrine on that continent. The German, or Pan- 
 German, conception of a Greater Germany, with or 
 without political dependency, in South America is 
 destined to fail, for Americans would never tolerate it. 
 The great fleets which the two Powers, watchful of 
 each other's growth, are building, may one day decide 
 the issue, but the probabilities are that they will not. 
 German power has risen too late in the world to out- 
 strip America. On the creation of a great American 
 fleet the fate of South America depends. South 
 America is for the Americans, and Americans should 
 be aware of it aware, too, that in proportion as their 
 fleet grows Germany's hopes are blasted, and that in 
 its existence lies one of the greatest possible securities 
 for the maintenance of Anglo-American power. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA BRAZIL 
 
 IN this and the following chapter it is proposed to 
 inquire into the nature of Germany's interests in South 
 America, and to give some idea of their approximate 
 value, to see what her shipping interest is, her trade ; 
 what money she has invested and how she employs it ; 
 what the German colonies actually are ; what Germans 
 have done and are doing in a word, what there is of 
 such vital importance for Germany to protect there. 
 To begin with shipping, which is a far greater interest 
 than a cursory glance at shipping statistics would 
 seem to suggest. 
 
 We find, as Nauticus points out, that the whole of 
 the West Coast of South America is not visited either 
 by French or American ships, while on the East 
 Coast, to Brazil and Argentina, the German shipping 
 traffic is greater than that of either France or the 
 United States. In fact, English shipping alone is 
 for the moment hors competition, being about double 
 that of the German. Putting aside the coasting 
 service, which, owing to recent legislation, has now to 
 be carried on by ships flying the Brazilian flag, about 
 one-third of the entire South American oceanic trade 
 is borne by ships belonging to Germany. The British 
 shipping traffic alone is greater than Germany's, while 
 France and Italy have long ago been outstripped, and 
 the Union mostly employs foreign bottoms. The 
 
 264 
 
BRAZILIAN 
 
 SOUTH STATES 
 
 O 40 60 60 100 . 
 
 German C7vu^ches O 
 
 German, Steamship ifues- 
 
266 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 protection of this shipping trade is obviously an im- 
 portant affair for Germany, and all the more so as 
 the receipts derived from the freight rates of German 
 ships go a long way to pay for the deficit in the 
 balance of trade between Germany and South America, 
 Germany's imports from South America amounting 
 to almost treble the amount of her exports to that 
 country. 
 
 The ruinous competition which for a time existed 
 between the Hamburg South American and the De 
 Freitas lines, and between the Kosmos and the 
 Hamburg- Pacific lines ended amicably in a general 
 amalgamation. After entering into close relations 
 with the Hamburg South American Steamship 
 Company, the Hamburg American Packet Company 
 obtained the leading position in the German shipping 
 traffic to South America by buying up in 1900 the 
 De Freitas line, by the establishment of a new North 
 Brazilian line, running via Para up the Amazon to 
 Manaos, and by the conclusion of an agreement with 
 the Kosmos Company, whereby a considerable share 
 in the shipping trade on the West Coast was assured 
 to her with steamers belonging to the Hamburg 
 South American Steamship Company. This com- 
 pany runs three services : two weekly, the one via 
 Bahia or Pernambuco to Rio de Janeiro ; the other 
 to the La Plata States, as well as a fortnightly service 
 to South Brazil ; and in conjunction with the Kosmos 
 Company a line to Chile ; and a frequent service, with 
 her own ships, to the West Indies and Mexico ; and 
 a monthly line to Para and Manaos. The Hamburg 
 South American Steamship Company and the Kosmos 
 lines pay good dividends, and even in bad years gave 
 from 2\ to 4 per cent, while the average dividend 
 between 1890-1900 was about n per cent. The 
 shareholders' capital of these two companies amounts 
 to over half a million pounds, and the companies are 
 continually increasing their fleet. These two lines 
 maintain a service of boats running four times a 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 267 
 
 month to Brazil, six times to Montevideo and Buenos 
 Ayres, three times to North Brazil, another service 
 twice monthly to South Brazil in short, a service of 
 fifteen boats a month to the West Coast of South 
 America. The North German Lloyd runs a service 
 every two weeks from Bremen to Brazil, and a similar 
 service to Montevideo and Buenos Ayres. On the 
 East Coast England maintains a service of fifteen 
 boats a month, while Germany runs nineteen, with 
 this difference, that of the two the English boats are 
 considerably the faster. 
 
 In the coffee-carrying trade, too, of Brazil German 
 ships play a very important part. According to 
 statistics published by the Deutsche Zeitung in Porto 
 Alegre, 1901, in all 15*01 million sacks of coffee (each 
 sack weighing 60 kilogrammes) were shipped, of which 
 more than a third went straight to New York, and 
 were naturally conveyed by the New York Brazilian 
 Steamship Companies, while 2*18 million sacks went 
 to Hamburg. Of this grand total of 15*01 million 
 sacks, German ships carried 4*66 millions, or over 
 3 1 per cent, of the entire Brazilian coffee export trade ; 
 so that it is no exaggeration to say that, in ordinary 
 conditions, the Brazilian coffee traffic alone is a profit- 
 able business for German shipping, and especially 
 when it is taken into consideration that the freight 
 rates for coffee cannot be cut down, as is the case with 
 corn and other valuable products, owing to the care 
 necessary in the packing and transporting of coffee. 
 Thus German ships carry more coffee to other countries 
 than they bear to Germany. 
 
 That this shipping interest of Germany's is of minor 
 importance no one who studies the facts would venture 
 to suggest. It forces Germany as a great sea power 
 to enter into the troubled waters of world politics, from 
 which she cannot now retreat. The increase, says 
 Nauticus, of German trade with South America ' can, 
 and must, be made to compensate Germany for the 
 decreasing returns derived from interest on her capital 
 
268 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 investments in North America/ who has now begun to 
 repay her debts. And whereas in 1897 South America 
 was of the same importance to German capital as 
 North America, the reverse is now the case, and South 
 America is of the two continents the more valuable, 
 and will become increasingly so the more German 
 capital pours into the land, and the more German 
 merchants, financiers, and enterprising capitalists enter 
 into the economic struggle there, and public opinion in 
 Germany becomes enlightened as to the importance of 
 their efforts and learns to support them. It is an 
 interest which Germany must be in a position to 
 protect, lest State reason should at any time fail and 
 expose this valuable asset to the hazards of war, 
 which, as Clausevitz put it, is but ' the continuation of 
 diplomacy.' 
 
 Formerly, too, the coasting and inland river traffic 
 of Brazil was largely in German hands, but the recent 
 enforcement of the laws regarding ' cabotage/ com- 
 pelling coasting vessels to fly the Brazilian flag, has 
 excluded the German pennon from that class of craft. 
 The Hamburg lines, however, maintain an extensive 
 system of lighters, tugs, and barges for harbour and 
 loading work at all ports, while, according to state- 
 ments which have appeared from time to time in the 
 German financial press, the Hamburg-America line 
 will soon acquire the ' Brasiliero Lloyd/ which is the 
 great Amazon River line, and completely controls 
 inland shipping. In addition to this, negotiations are, 
 or have been, in progress for the consolidatiorT^whh 
 the German companies of the Booth Steamship line, 
 the only service seriously competing with German 
 transoceanic traffic to Brazil, and should this scheme 
 prove successful, the influence of Germany upon 
 Brazilian shipping, external and internal, will be incon- 
 testable. 
 
 Let us now glance at German trade with South 
 America. 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 269 
 VOLUME OF TRADE WITH SOUTH AMERICA.* 
 
 
 Imports from South America to 
 
 Exports to South America from 
 
 
 Germany. 
 
 England. 
 
 U.S.A. 
 
 France. 
 
 . 
 Germany. 
 
 England. 
 
 U.S.A. 
 
 France. 
 
 1890 
 
 300-1 
 
 268-3 
 
 355-3 
 
 334-0 
 
 I39-I 
 
 5I7-3 
 
 147-8 
 
 236-6 
 
 1891 
 
 374'S 
 
 274'8 
 
 473'4 
 
 325-6 
 
 122 9 
 
 407H 
 
 1297 
 
 I92-0 
 
 1892 
 
 334'i 
 
 298-3 
 
 6l2'0 
 
 296-7 
 
 153-4 
 
 450-9 
 
 126-0 
 
 I56-4 
 
 1893 
 
 349 '8 
 
 3206 
 
 403-1 
 
 271-7 
 
 164-8 
 
 428-1 
 
 124-0 
 
 163-6 
 
 1894 
 
 332'S 
 
 328-5 
 
 398-2 
 
 273-4 
 
 133-0 
 
 387-0 
 
 125-6 
 
 I40-0 
 
 1895 
 
 353-8 
 
 378-9 
 
 45 6 "9 
 
 3I7-0 
 
 
 429-8 
 
 130-1 
 
 I37-3 
 
 1896 
 
 328-0 
 
 388-0 
 
 438-0 
 
 350-3 
 
 I7J-9 
 
 440-8 
 
 139-9 
 
 I52-6 
 
 1897 
 
 327-8 
 
 3097 
 
 430-9 
 
 312-3 
 
 !43"5 
 
 346-I 
 
 129-3 
 
 I34'I 
 
 1898 
 
 362-4 
 
 385-6 
 
 367-4 
 
 359-1 
 
 138-2 
 
 366-7 
 
 131-1 
 
 II7-4 
 
 1899 
 
 423'4 
 
 438-2 
 
 341-5 
 
 397'4 
 
 1 60- 1 
 
 376-4 
 
 139-0 
 
 129-1 
 
 1900 
 
 489-6 
 
 5347 
 
 3717 
 
 396-9 
 
 188-3 
 
 433'9 
 
 152-4 
 
 104-3 
 
 1901 
 
 468-5 
 
 508-6 
 
 437-1 
 
 352-3 
 
 162-9 
 
 389-0 
 
 174-7 
 
 108-2 
 
 The above table, taken from Nauticus, 1903, shows 
 that South American exports to Germany have out- 
 stripped those into France and the United States, and 
 nearly equal those into England, while Germany's 
 exports now exceed those of France, and are scarcely 
 behind those of the Union. At the same time, it is 
 contended that the above table hardly represents the 
 true volume of the German export and import trade, 
 while it exaggerates the British ; a considerable portion 
 of German goods passing via Holland and Belgium, 
 where they are inscribed as Dutch and Belgian goods. 
 A large portion of the industries exported from the 
 Rhine district are said to pass via Dutch, Belgian, 
 and French ports, and are not therefore identified as 
 of German origin. The great superiority of British 
 exports over German exports to South America 
 Nauticus ascribes to the natural tendency of industrial 
 concerns capitalized with English money, notably the 
 railways, to select British goods in preference to 
 foreign. This evil Germans confidently hope to 
 rectify once German capitalists have come to under- 
 stand the future importance of South America for 
 Germany, and cease to fear investing their capital in 
 concerns which may not turn out immediately profit- 
 
 * In millions of marks. One million marks =^"5 0,000. 
 
270 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 able, and have learnt the lesson from English capi- 
 talists to speculate in ' a national sense,' instead, as at 
 present, of only risking their money from motives of 
 purely personal gain. But, none the less, a large 
 amount of German capital is invested in South 
 America, and, difficult as it is to estimate it at its true 
 value, sufficient data is available to form an approxi- 
 mate estimate upon ; for among the reasons put 
 forward by the German Government three years ago 
 for the necessity of increasing the navy was this very 
 question of German capital abroad. Statistics then 
 submitted to the Reichstag gave the amount of 
 German capital invested abroad in the year 1897-1898 
 as follows : In South America, "100,000,000 ; in 
 Central America, ,37,500,000; in the United States, 
 and Canada, over "50,000,000 ; in Turkey, about 
 25,000,000 ; in India, over ^5 5 ooo,ooo ; in East Asia, 
 about "15,000,000; in Africa, about ,50,000,000; 
 in Australia, about .37,500,000; or in all about 
 ,370,000,000, bringing a total sum in interest into 
 Germany of something like "20,000,000 annually. 
 
 From this it will be seen that Germany six years 
 ago had more capital invested in South America than 
 anywhere else. Of this sum of "100,000,000, some 
 "26,000,000 are invested in Brazil, and although the 
 amount of French capital* there has been estimated 
 at about "28,000,000, it may be assumed that the 
 French capital interests will tend to decrease,~owing to 
 the lack of security in the future economic relations 
 between France and Brazil there being few French 
 colonists while German capital will increase pro- 
 portionately with the increase in the number of Germans 
 who settle there. But German capital investments in 
 Brazil are still far outdistanced by the English. None 
 the less, Nauticus does not despair, there being ' no 
 English agricultural colonies ' in Brazil, and but very 
 few 'English planters'; which are factors, he considers, 
 that, in the future, cannot fail to be of great moment in 
 * Journal Officiel, September 25, 1902. 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 271 
 
 determining the balance of foreign interests. In short, 
 it is obvious from the above outline of German interests 
 in South America that they are of a very real nature, 
 and that no one has the right to throw stones at 
 Germany for seeking to protect them. Her trade with 
 that continent is considerable and is increasing ; she 
 has a great deal of money locked up there, some of it 
 bearing interest and some of it not ; her ships have a 
 large share in the carrying trade to and from South 
 America, and in some parts have obtained almost a 
 monopoly of the shipping traffic ; while large and 
 flourishing German colonies, piquades or communities, 
 and commercial emporiums have grown up all in a 
 state of development calling for care and protection 
 on the part of the home Government. 
 
 The increasing share, too, which German industry 
 and capital arrogate to themselves in the meritorious 
 work of opening up the country, developing trade, and 
 turning the natural products of the land to account, all go 
 to make it an imperious duty for Germany to watch over, 
 and defend, if necessary, these pioneers of culture, this 
 
 rowing trade, this shipping interest, and this German 
 fe there pulsating with hope and endeavour, and to 
 see that in the whirl of international competition, and 
 the uncertainty, political and economic, prevailing 
 owing to the chronic chaotic state of affairs in the 
 South American States, her diplomacy does not fall 
 short. In Peru, in one of the richest districts of which 
 two German firms control two-thirds of the entire 
 business transacted ; in Argentina, in Bolivia, Uruguay, 
 and Patagonia, to say nothing of Venezuela, Chile, or 
 Brazil, German industry is advancing with giant strides ; 
 while the Teutonic element, although numerically far 
 inferior to the Latin, is vastly its superior in vitality, 
 tenacity, and intelligence. And South America is the 
 better for it, and thrives accordingly. 
 
 But to glance at statistics is not sufficient. To 
 understand fully what German interests in South 
 America are it is necessary to know something about 
 
272 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 the German colonies, and to see what Germans are 
 there doing. It is therefore proposed to take the 
 States separately, seriatim, and to give, as it were, an 
 aper$u into these German communities, to describe 
 the life, to show what is being done, and, from 
 German sources, to describe German interests there. 
 Now, of all the States in South America none seems 
 so full of promise to Germans as Brazil, and 
 particularly its three Southern States, which form, as 
 it were, a geographical whole, and which, with an 
 area equal to that of all Germany, have only some 
 \\ million inhabitants, being as sparsely populated as 
 Germany was in the days of Tacitus. In these three 
 South Brazilian States, named Santa Catharina, Parana, 
 and Rio Grande do Sul, a nation of Germans has arisen. 
 Some 8,000 square miles of land are owned by German 
 colonizing concerns, or an area larger than Yorkshire 
 and about the size of Saxony. It is the Object of these 
 colonizing syndicates to people this land with Germans 
 willing to remain German, who will thus lay the 
 foundations of Deutschtum in those parts, to be 
 perpetuated through all time. Germany's own colonies, 
 it is already largely admitted by Germans, have proved 
 a failure ; emigrants to North America and to the 
 British dominions become denationalized, and so lost 
 to Germany. But in Brazil it is otherwise ; there 
 Germans remain German. 
 
 German emigration to Brazil dates from_the year 
 1825, when colonies were founded in the Southern 
 States of Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catharina. 
 In 1849 the Hamburg Colonization Association founded 
 a German colony in Donna Francisca, on the north 
 boundary of Santa Catharina ; and a few years later 
 the colony Blumenau, so called after its founder, Dr. 
 Blumenau of Brunswick, came into existence. About 
 1870 a rough estimate put the number of Germans in 
 South Brazil at 2db,ooo souls. This colonizing move- 
 ment was initiated by the Brazilian Government, which 
 hoped thus to people the land with industrious denizens, 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 273 
 
 and so bring prosperity to the country. To obtain 
 this end the Government paid immigrants' passages, 
 transported them on arrival far into the country, and 
 provided them for the first year with a certain sum of 
 money on account, to be paid back when their first 
 harvest had been gathered in : little, and often no, 
 interest on the loan being demanded. Up to 1890 the 
 Brazilian Government had expended for colonizing the 
 country about ,5,000,000. At the same time, it viewed 
 favourably private colonizing concerns. The Brazilian 
 Civil War, 1893-1895, however, put an end to further 
 colonizing projects, and since that date emigrants have 
 had to pay their own passages, and are in receipt of no 
 subsidy whatever from the Government. Had Germany 
 then grasped the situation unique in its' way there 
 can be little doubt that by means of organized emigra- 
 tion South Brazil would now be peopled by some 
 millions of well-to-do German farmers. But instead 
 Germany allowed all her emigrants to settle in the 
 United States, while positively establishing a bar to 
 German emigration to Brazil. By an incredible stroke 
 of official folly, during the precious years 1859-1896 
 Germans were prohibited to emigrate to Brazil by the 
 Von der Heydt rescript ; which piece of short-sighted 
 agrarian legislation, while closing 1 South America to 
 German settlers, had no other effect than to direct the 
 stream of emigration to North America, where Ger- 
 mans cast off their nationality as rapidly as their old 
 clothes, and became irrevocably lost to Germany. So 
 that when, in 1874, the Brazilian Government actually 
 applied to Germany to direct emigrants to Brazil Ger- 
 many refused, while Italy eagerly accepted the offer, 
 and sent thousands of Italians to settle there. When, 
 finally, inl 896, the Von der Heydt rescript was repealed, 
 it was at once seen what a gigantic blunder had been 
 committed, and efforts were made to make good the 
 mistake. 
 
 In the year 1897 the Hanseatic Colonial Society 
 took over the business of the former Hamburg Colonial 
 
 18 
 
274 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Association, then insolvent, which, since its formation 
 in 1850, had for its object the organized colonization 
 of Germans in Brazil. This society has a nominal 
 working capital of ,70,000, comprises 3,500 members, 
 and publishes an organ of its own. Though in no 
 sense a Government enterprise, it is favourably viewed 
 by the German Government, which granted it, on 
 November 13, 1898, a 'patent,' or the right to direct 
 colonization to those parts. The company, whose 
 head offices are at Hamburg, with branches all over 
 the German Empire, took over some 657,255 hectares 
 of land, or a property about the size of Delaware or 
 Northumberland (2,053 square miles), in the State of 
 Santa Catharina, having obtained the land from the 
 State on the condition that it should be colonized in 
 twenty years' time, with permission to settle on the 
 land as many as 6,000 immigrants yearly. Since then 
 the two old-established and adjacent colonies, Donna 
 Francisca to the north and Blumenau to the south oi 
 it have been incorporated, and the whole colony is 
 now called ( the Hansa.' Statistics as to its area are ' 
 unavailable, but it may be taken to be about the size 
 of Yorkshire. In the capital, Desterro, in the port oi 
 Sao Francisco, and in the towns of Joinville, Blu- 
 menau, Itajahy, and Brusque, German influence is 
 paramount, while of the entire population of the State 
 of Santa Catharina one-fifth are Germans. This colon) 
 now forms a complete State within a State, and i: 
 divided into administrative districts, or municipios 
 under a system of German self-go vernmerk. In th( 
 German districts of Joinville, Blumenau, and Sau 
 Bento, there are German schools, churches, beerhouses 
 theatres, concert-halls, gymnasia, choral societies, etc. 
 and life there is much the same as in the Fatherland 
 Road surveying, irrigation, and public utilities are unde 
 German supervision, and a system of taxation has bee: 
 established for the maintenance of German schools an< 
 churches. The German settler enjoys the same civi 
 rights as the Brazilian native, with whom he stands 01 
 a state of full equality. 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 275 
 
 In 1889 the Government enacted a law granting the 
 right of nationality to all who at that time had settled 
 on the land, and thousands availed themselves of the 
 opportunity, and became naturalized Brazilian subjects. 
 Since then the right of naturalization can be acquired 
 after two years' residence. One of the most influential 
 politicians in the State is a German, Dr. Lauro Mliller, 
 while his predecessor, who was also a * Governador,' 
 was likewise a German immigrant, named Schmidt. 
 Economically, the German element is paramount. 
 Business, trade, industry, with the exception of the 
 tea trade, is in German hands. In the streets of the 
 Hansa colony the Brazilian is regarded as an alien. 
 The political influence of the Germans, too, grows from 
 year to year, especially after the enactment of the law 
 requiring that every voter should be able to read and 
 write ; which many Brazilians are unable to do. The 
 old feeling of indifference to home and to politics is 
 gradually giving way to a virile consciousness of 
 power. As yet Germans have accomplished little in 
 the shape of political organization, a former attempt to 
 found a ' German party ' having collapsed, owing to the 
 hostility evinced towards it by the Brazilians. As a 
 result, a conference was held at Blumenau, and it was 
 determined to transform the party into a German 
 peoples' party, membership being open to all Brazilian 
 subjects without regard to their original nationality. 
 But, as a matter of fact, few native Brazilians have 
 joined the party, which remains as heretofore a German 
 political party. Most of the Germans, too, are no 
 longer German subjects, owing to their unwillingness 
 to inscribe their names in the consular books, which 
 entails liability to serve, in itself a powerful deterrent. 
 But recently a good deal has been done by Germany to 
 modify the tiresome formalities pressing upon German 
 emigrants desirous to retain their German nationality, 
 and German naval doctors are now authorized to 
 examine Germans offering themselves for service, thus 
 relieving German settlers from the necessity of return- 
 
 18 2 
 
276 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 ing for the army medical inspection to the home 
 country. But in all other respects they are German 
 to the core. Want of affinity with the exotic Latin 
 type has kept them from intermarriage, and with the 
 natives they have nothing in common. In 1901 a 
 rough estimate puts the Germans in Santa Catharina 
 at 80,000 to 100,000. 
 
 This Hansa colony, which is unique of its kind, is 
 managed by the Hanseatic Colonizing Society, which 
 sends emigrants out by the North German Lloyd 
 steamers and by the Hamburg South American 
 Company's boats. It sells land to the emigrants in 
 parcels on an average of about 100 acres apiece, at 
 three different prices, according to the quality of the 
 soil ; the choice of ground being decided by lot. 
 Credit is granted for seven years, and a 10 per cent, 
 rebate accorded for ready payment for the land, some 
 of which is exceedingly rich, as an example of which it 
 will suffice to mention that the cotton grown in the 
 Blumenau district obtained a first prize at the Paris 
 Exhibition of 1900. 
 
 Here Deutschtum, with all that is comprised therein, 
 flourishes, and may be seen in a pure culture and in 
 the most favourable conditions. Here the brawny 
 German settler, with wife and bairns, swings of a 
 Sunday afternoon into his favourite tavern, and 
 empties many a pot of beer to his German Fatherland. 
 Here, too, the German pastor, who is generally a 
 Pan-German, ministers to his flock, and teaches them 
 that the German is superior to a ' Lusobrazilian,' and 
 seeks to inculcate in them the consciousness that 
 they are Germans before God and man, and that they 
 must remain so. Here, too, the German school- 
 master, carefully selected for the post by the Pan- 
 German Association in Germany, unrolls his ethno- 
 graphic maps, and inspires the youthful generation 
 with a love of the German language, talks to them of 
 the ' old home ' and of German prowess in the world, 
 and exhorts them to honour the German flag. 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 277 
 
 Fresh blood pours in ; the settlers are healthy, and 
 blessed with large families. Little by little this com- 
 munity of Germans has grown until now it has become 
 a flourishing settlement a veritable State within a 
 State. Of course mistakes have been made. The 
 soil of Donna Francisca is poor, and the colonies have 
 been planted too far inland, so that the settlers have 
 to contend with difficulties of communication. But in 
 time this drawback will be remedied. Railways and 
 mule tracks are being constructed, and when enough 
 settlers have been found to make clearings in the vast 
 expanse of virgin forest belonging to the company's 
 property, a great future unquestionably lies before the 
 ' Hansa,' which is a true German settlement. A 
 ' Blumenau Colonizing Society ' has been founded 
 within the last year in Berlin, supported by a number 
 of prominent Germans, for the purpose of supporting 
 the colony by enriching the schools, supplying them 
 with suitable maps and lesson books, sending out 
 proper German teachers furnished with the curriculum 
 necessary to encourage Deutschtum, collecting money, 
 providing help where required, directing emigrants to 
 those parts, and popularizing the idea generally at 
 home. No more insidious an organization exists than 
 this self-named * scientific ' branch of the School 
 Association, to support the German language abroad 
 on philological grounds while disclaiming all ulterior 
 motives. Its motto belies its scientific aspect ' The 
 future belongs to those who own the schools.' The 
 importance of maintaining these German schools is 
 always being impressed upon Germans, and an active 
 propaganda is carried on by the German Association 
 for Supporting Schools Abroad, which has an organ of 
 its own, and has done a great deal to popularize the 
 idea. ' Emperor and Empire, Princes and nobility, 
 officials, merchants, capitalists, and industrialists,' writes 
 one of these philologists, Albert Bernard, * must all 
 help. Germans in Brazil will not be ousted by the 
 Romanic peoples. The danger to Deutschtum comes 
 
278 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 from North America, who has already begun to send 
 her pastors and dollars to supplant German influence. 
 If Germany is to maintain her position, she must 
 support actively these German schools.' 
 
 Well, the Government does support them : at first 
 with a subsidy of ,15,000, which in 1903, owing to 
 Pan-German pressure, was raised to ,20,000. 
 
 In the adjoining Southern State of Rio Grande do 
 Sul, Deutschtum is even more pronounced than in 
 Santa Catharina. Out of a total population of 897,000 
 a full quarter are Germans. They have entered every 
 field of economic activity, and German interest is 
 predominant. This province is far better suited for 
 the creation of a German State than is Santa Catharina, 
 for its soil is richer, its climate more temperate, and 
 German capital is largely invested in railways, mines, 
 and similar enterprises, in electricity and business. 
 Here again a magnificent German colony has arisen, 
 thanks to the untiring efforts of Dr. Hermann Meyer, 
 who six years ago acquired territory to the extent of 
 51,600 acres, and founded the colonies of Neu Wuert- 
 emberg and Zingu. In the town of Porto Alegre 
 there are sixteen German commercial houses, with a 
 capital of ,750,000, working with credit amounting to 
 about double that sum. Forty-five other German 
 business houses exist, so that in Rio Grande the 
 principal share of trade is in the hands of firms of 
 German origin. The Germans settled in Rio Grande 
 have, for the most part, abandoned their nationality, 
 but they are none the less Germans in speech and 
 ideas, and maintain relations with the home country. 
 A good deal of trouble has been experienced in con- 
 nection with the purchase and holding of land. Many 
 of the German settlers who had legitimately bought 
 land were subjected to much annoyance, owing to the 
 bickering of the State Government, which demanded 
 fresh payment for the land, on the ground that it had 
 been bought from the wrong owners, the lawful owner 
 being the State. Naturally, great excitement pre- 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 279 
 
 vailed among the settlers at the time, and even in 
 Germany a good deal of heat was evinced, so much 
 so that the German Government was petitioned to 
 intercede. This, however, it did not do, as these 
 outraged * Germans ' in question were no longer Ger- 
 man subjects. But, in a friendly way, representations 
 were made, and finally the State President of Rio 
 Grande do Sul repealed the obnoxious decree, and the 
 litigious point was settled. With reference to this 
 incident, it is instructive to find the organ Das 
 Deutschtum im Auslande, which represents itself as 
 standing outside politics in the pursuance of purely 
 philological interests, demanding a revision of the 
 German emigration laws, especially those bearing 
 upon the retention of nationality, in order to render it 
 easier for German settlers to remain German ; so that 
 they might never again be compelled, in similar 
 circumstances, to find themselves ' the victims of an 
 act of grace on the part of an alien Government, 
 instead of receiving due protection from the home 
 Government/ 
 
 What may be called the bulwark of Deutschtum in 
 Brazil is unquestionably to be found in this colony in 
 Rio Grande do Sul, whither, at the instigation of Pan- 
 Germans, a number of Boers and Germans expelled 
 from South Africa have been transported at the 
 expense of the League : to help swell the German 
 strength. The economic position of the Germans is 
 stronger there than elsewhere, and they have come to 
 assume the leading ' ethical ' role among their colleagues 
 in South Brazil. They thrived there, not only because 
 the State, which was rich, was desirous of attracting 
 labour and did a good deal in the early years for the 
 settlers, but also because the valleys of the rivers 
 where they settled were easily cultivated, the land was 
 fertile, and splendid pasture was at hand, while no 
 native opposition an important factor was encoun- 
 tered. And of all the colonies in Rio Grande the most 
 interesting and thoroughly German are those founded 
 
280 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 by Dr. Hermann Meyer, who, seven years ago, deter- 
 mined to found a colony of Germans on somewhat 
 original lines : his chief object being to keep the settlers 
 German, and to establish there a true German commu- 
 nity. In these efforts he has been remarkably successful. 
 Their economic prosperity, says the pastor, Dr. Funke, 
 in a glowing account of these colonies, ' is now estab- 
 lished beyond all doubt.' But far more important than 
 that is the ' national gain ' which accrues to Deutschtum 
 in Rio Grande from their existence. Dr. Meyer has 
 steadily opposed the entry into his colonies of Poles or 
 Italians or other peoples from purely national motives, 
 for he is determined to have nothing but Germans. 
 In the north-west of the State Deutschtum will thus 
 be established on a firm basis, which is lacking in the 
 colonies of Itajahy, Commandahy, and Guarany, founded 
 on the mixed nations principle by the State Govern- 
 ment. In time, says Dr. Funke, these German colonies 
 will become 'important bases for German trans- 
 maritime policy/ Nowhere are German settlers over 
 the seas to be found so absolutely German as in Rio 
 Grande. Every German ' should honour and second 
 these efforts of Dr. Meyer, whereby Germany's 
 national position in the promising land of Rio Grande 
 has been assured.' 
 
 In his monograph on his own Rio Grande colonies, 
 Dr. Meyer, who knows the country better than anyone 
 else, prophesies that Rio Grande, with its temperate 
 climate, is bound to play an important part some day 
 in the solution of the social question. Flourishing 
 towns New Hamburg, Sao Leopoldo, Hamburger 
 Berg, Santa Cruz have risen in the German colonies. 
 Porto Alegre, with 100,000 inhabitants, is a prosperous 
 city where Germans predominate. Some 30,000 
 Germans are employed there in business as artisans 
 and workmen. If the German gets tired of town life 
 he can easily begin a new career as woodsman in these 
 colonies, and within a short time become a well-to-do 
 farmer. The Jesuitic influence, which formerly reigned 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 281 
 
 supreme, has been gradually undermined ; the natives 
 have receded before the German invasion ; now 
 Germans are occupied in opening up the vast virgin 
 forest and laying the foundations for a future State. ' The 
 day,' says Dr. Meyer hopefully, ' is not far off. It lies in 
 the power of Germany to establish there a great colony, 
 and to lay the foundations of a new economic order of 
 life, the importance of which cannot now be gauged.' 
 The present director of Dr. Meyer's colonies is Dr. 
 Hoffmann, who is at the same time Consul for the 
 German and Austro- Hungarian Empires. 
 
 Of great importance, too, is the immense territorial 
 land concession obtained by the German Rio Grande 
 North-West Railway Colonizing Company, a Dresden 
 corporation, which holds a grant for a trunk line along 
 the Uruguay River some 700 miles in length, with 
 permission to establish colonies seven miles in width 
 to either side of it. This concession resembles in 
 general characteristics the Shantung mining concession, 
 which gives Germany such a paramount influence in 
 South China. As yet little has been done to colonize 
 the land along the tract of the line, as the railway 
 company has been unable to raise the necessary funds. 
 The State has imposed the injunction that only one 
 German to every two settlers of other nationalities 
 may be settled in the land ; but this restriction can 
 easily be obviated by the greater assimilative power of 
 Germans in South America, who remain tenaciously 
 German in spite of Jacobism and the seductive graces 
 of the Latin womenkind. The soil and climate is 
 admirably adapted to cattle-rearing, resembling the 
 La Plata States. In this State a great field for German 
 industry lies open, and it is well-nigh inconceivable that 
 capital to construct the railway should be lacking. In 
 this connection Dr. Krauel* considers that Belgian 
 capital could be used and turned to advantage, as the 
 chief deterrent to Belgian capital investments is the 
 risk involved owing to the fact that Belgium possesses 
 * ' Deutsche Interessen in Brasilien.' 
 
282 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 no navy strong enough, if necessary, to exercise 
 pressure. If Germany would undertake to extend her 
 segis over Belgian capitalists in South America these 
 two Powers could co-operate, and the German navy 
 would protect both. This scheme, though very astute, 
 seems scarcely likely to be realized. 
 
 Very important, again, is the question of Consular 
 representation. And here again the German Govern- 
 ment has risen to the occasion and increased the 
 number of Consulates in Brazil, and in particular in 
 places where the Consuls may have occasion to come 
 in contact with German colonies, the interests of which 
 they can then the better promote. In this respect it 
 is interesting to note that Consulates have recently 
 been established at Parand and Santa Catharina, these 
 posts being evidently established by the home Govern- 
 ment in order that the important interests of the Ger- 
 man communities there may be better looked after. 
 
 In the State of Parana, too, though few German 
 colonies exist, three-quarters of the import trade is in 
 German hands. A large number of German indus- 
 trial establishments exist, notably sawmills, worked 
 by German capital, which pay high dividends. Here, 
 too, Germans are employed as watcnmakers, shoe- 
 makers, hatmakers, in soap and candle works, in furni- 
 ture factories, and stand at the head of the tanning 
 industry, own breweries and other lucrative businesses. 
 
 The only constructed German railway in Brazil is 
 the Oeste de Minas line, which has caused the share- 
 holders many a bad quarter of an hour. This line 
 was financed by the Disconto Gesellschaft Bank of 
 Berlin to the extent of ; 1,150,000; but the interest 
 on the investment, guaranteed by the State of Minas 
 Geraes, has been in default since 1898, and the 
 company has for years been engaged in litigation 
 with the State, which refused to pay, and finally 
 threatened to sell the railway by auction : which would 
 have entailed the loss of all the shareholders' money. 
 On various occasions pressure from the German 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 283 
 
 Government prevented the threatened sale, and at 
 one time it looked as if the Disconto Bank's claims 
 were about to create a diplomatic ' incident ' on the 
 Venezuela pattern ; but doubtless Germany had ex- 
 perienced enough of that kind of thing, so the share- 
 holders eventually agreed to a compromise, though 
 they lost a full half of their money. But what was 
 Germany to do ? The Brazilian State Government 
 remained obdurate, and as there were no English 
 interests involved, no alternative course was left open 
 to Germany but to attempt to enforce payment alone, 
 or to patch up a one-sided compromise ; which latter 
 alternative the German Government, mindful of the 
 lesson taught by the Venezuelan affair, where three 
 Powers were acting together, wisely adopted. But 
 doubtless, had there been any English capital in- 
 volved, the German Government would have cajoled 
 Great Britain into participating in some joint naval 
 demonstration, in which the odium would have fallen 
 upon England and the gain to Germany. Fortunately, 
 however, England was not ( in it,' so that on this 
 occasion the Disconto Bank's losses did not form a 
 second or even third line claim, and powdery action 
 was not resorted to. 
 
 In Central Brazil German interest is chiefly con- 
 nected with the coffee trade. In Rio de Janeiro 
 German houses do a good business, while in Santos 
 and in Sao Paulo a large amount of German capital is 
 employed. The working capital of the German Brazilian 
 Bank is ,50,000. In Sao Paulo some 40,000 acres 
 of coffee plantations are owned by Germans. 
 
 In North Brazil the rubber trade is of considerable 
 importance to Germany, who imports alone some 
 ^50,000 worth annually. Manaos, Para, Bahia, are 
 important centres of German commerce. 
 
 Very interesting, too, is the part played by German^ 
 banks in establishing German influence in Brazil. 
 
 * These facts were originally published in the Contemporary 
 Review^ August, 1903. ' 
 
284 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 The Brazilian Bank was organized in 1897, w ^h a 
 capital of half a million pounds, and has done mag- 
 nificent work in developing German trade, besides 
 paying handsome dividends. This bank is owned by 
 the Disconto Banking Company of Berlin and the 
 North German Bank of Hamburg, where it has its 
 head offices, with branches at Rio, Sao Paulo, Santos, 
 and the rising town of Porto Alegre. Its object is 
 to help German concerns in Brazil, and last, but not 
 least, to emancipate German merchants from de- 
 pendence upon the London money market. It dis- 
 counts bills against Brazilian purchasers of German 
 products, thus enabling German exporters to do 
 business upon the long credit basis peculiar to South 
 America. The Disconto Bank of Berlin and the 
 great Deutsche Bank have, moreover, come to an 
 agreement among themselves with regard to South 
 America. To facilitate trade and promote German 
 interests, the two banks in question have divided 
 South America into spheres of interest. The 
 Deutsche Bank take Peru, Chile, and Argentina, 
 while the Disconto Bank is concerned with Venezuela 
 and Brazil. They have agreed liotK to establish 
 branches in each other's 'spheres.' But, generally, 
 the German banks have for some time been working 
 South America, while at the head of the movement 
 stands the Disconto Bank, whose little difficulty with 
 Venezuela recently formed the second -line claims 
 put forward by the German Government. These 
 banks are powerful instruments in the development of 
 German trade, and it is due to them that Germans 
 have obtained such a commanding position in Brazil, 
 Chile, and Argentina. The German banker is a 
 genuine money-lender, writes Blondel (' L'essor com- 
 mercial et industriel ; ). He is a merchant, an inter- 
 mediary between capitalists anxious to invest their 
 capital and business people anxious to obtain capital. 
 He 'is the connecting-link between the supply and 
 the demand of capital. His most important field of 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 285 
 
 operations is credit.' German bankers have rendered 
 enormous services to German capitalists. Certainly, 
 in South America German influence would be nowhere 
 were it not for the great aid rendered by German 
 bankers to German railway and business concerns of 
 all descriptions. It is contended, too, that one-third 
 of Brazil's foreign debt is owing to Germans. 
 
 From the above outline it will be seen that Germany 
 has considerable interests in Brazil to protect, and that 
 these are growing in volume from year to year. We 
 find in South Brazil some 400,000 prosperous German 
 settlers, who, though many are Brazilian subjects, 
 remain German in every other sense. Some hundreds 
 of German schools exist to educate the youth and train 
 them to German habits and to a love of Germany. 
 Emigration is conducted by three great colonizing 
 associations, who possess their own private colonies, a 
 vast extent of land, much of which is still unsurveyed, 
 and carry on an active propaganda at home, in the 
 press, by means of lectures, pamphlets, etc., to popu- 
 larize the idea. Behind the merchant stand the banks, 
 and behind the banks lies the influence of the German 
 Government. The Gustav Adolph Association, the 
 Catholic St. Raphael's Association, the Colonial Society, 
 the Hanseatic Colonizing Association, the Brazilian 
 Emigrants Office, the Imperial Emigrants Office, under 
 the direction of the former Consul-General, Dr. Koser, 
 and numerous other associations for organizing and 
 directing emigration all do excellent work in this 
 direction. The ' Schulverein/ or school association for 
 purifying and preserving the German language, is in- 
 defatigable in the support of Deutschtum abroad. 
 This society, which is nothing else than a Pan- German 
 ancillary movement, sends out Pan-German school- 
 teachers to Brazil, and displays great activity in the 
 collection of funds to support Deutschtum there. ' Let 
 us help,' is the concluding sentence of one of their 
 brochures,* ' our comrades in their struggle against the 
 * Brochure by Dr. Spies. 
 
286 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 overgrowth of the weedy Romanic element ; let us 
 be up and doing, that the German spirit may maintain 
 itself victoriously in South Brazil the German emi- 
 grant's land of the future.' 
 
 These societies are endeavouring to move the Ger- 
 man Government to obtain commercial and shipping 
 treaties with Brazil, tariff facilities, and a Consular Con- 
 vention the latter to promote emigration for the 
 purpose of promoting German influence ; but as yet little 
 in that direction has been attempted, owing to the sus- 
 picion with which the Brazilian Government views 
 German aspirations. What Germany ought to do has 
 been temperately and concisely defined by Dr. Krauel,* 
 a former German Ambassador, whose opinion as an 
 ex-official personage is worthy of attention. He sug- 
 gests for North Brazil the extension of German steam- 
 ship connections with the river Amazon, and the 
 establishment of a bank at Pard ; for Central Brazil, 
 the gradual introduction of a faster and better steam- 
 ship service, concentration of German capital in indus- 
 trial and railway concerns, and in^particular the estab- 
 lishment of a German syndicate to take over and control 
 the central railways ; in South Brazil, active support 
 of the Hanseatic Colonizing Society, and of the Rio 
 Grande North- West Railway and Colonizing Society. 
 
 The cry * Brazil for the Brazilians,' raised by a 
 group of Brazilian politicians styling themselves 
 4 Nativistas ' or Nationalists, who have opened a 
 campaign against the exploitation of Brazil by 
 foreigners, has been answered from the German side 
 by a 'German Mutual Protection Association,' open to 
 all nationalities, founded for the purpose of protecting 
 its members against the abuse of power by the State 
 authorities, and of providing a remedy for the present 
 imperfect administration of the law. This association 
 is to become the bed-rock of German influence in 
 Brazil, contributing to cement the Germanic element 
 now scattered about the Republic, and to foster a 
 * ' Deutsche Interessen in Brasilien.' 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 287 
 
 feeling of unity among Germans : who may thus be 
 induced to co-operate in asserting their rights against 
 local tyranny and protecting their common interests in 
 visible form. But not much danger exists from the 
 side of the ' Nativistas/ though they have achieved 
 some success, and it was owing to their efforts that the 
 law compelling ships engaged in the coasting trade 
 to fly the Brazilian flag was enforced. What these 
 ' Nativists,' of course, object to is the avowed intention 
 on the part of Germans to remain German after they 
 have become nationalized Brazilians. If we Germans, 
 writes a Pan-German in the Alldeutsche B latter > do 
 not rouse ourselves to save Deutschtum in South 
 Brazil and to strengthen it with all the means at our 
 disposal, the ' Nativists ' will gradually undermine this 
 German stronghold; but, above all, the North- American 
 dollar flood will overrun and swamp all the promising 
 foundations of a great German community there. The 
 Pan-German delights in mixed metaphor of this sort, 
 and, of course, he represents his case as pessimistically 
 as possible. As a matter of fact, Germans are not 
 much afraid of the * Nativists,' for as long as German 
 Brazilians are reasonably careful in their utterances, 
 the Brazilian Jingo movement is not likely to cause 
 them much annoyance. What they do fear is the 
 American dollar, and the danger that American 
 influence may assert itself in Brazil before the Germans 
 have had time to establish themselves firmly in the 
 land and the German stronghold has become impreg- 
 nable. ' Quousque tandem ?' ask three different peoples 
 in Brazil (the Germans, the Brazilians, and Americans), 
 all somewhat perplexed as to the aspirations of the 
 other ; and of the three, the Germans are the most in 
 earnest. An improvement, says Dix (' Deutschland 
 auf den Hochstrassen '), in financial affairs there would 
 4 prove a spring-board ' from which German trade 
 could take a great leap forward in Brazil. ' The 
 necessary factors are there : the Brazilian bank for 
 Germany is ready to extend its circle of business (i.e., 
 
288 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 credit), the shipping lines are capable of developing 
 neglected routes and starting fresh ones, so that 
 Germans can face the future with great expectations.' 
 
 Says a Pan-German on the future of Germany in 
 Brazil (Alldeutsche Blatter, March 8, 1902), Germans 
 must endeavour to impart to German settlers ' a 
 certain sense of virile independence ' which would be 
 capable of asserting itself. The question is, Is it 
 better to develop these colonies ' in a Pan-German 
 sense/ or leave them to develop in a German- 
 American sense ? And he counsels Germans to refrain 
 from any co-operation with the Romanic element, and 
 to establish higher grade German schools to educate 
 Germans to a sense of their national mission. He 
 thinks that if the Fatherland does not come to their 
 aid, Germans had better lean towards the United 
 States, a policy of spheres of interest in South America 
 being destined to fail. Far better, he exclaims, would 
 be a ' deliberate annexation of land !' The future, 
 writes Dr. Hotzsch, in the same organ, of South 
 America certainly belongs to the Germanic races. 
 England's influence is purely commercial, and she has 
 no chance, for South America * will eventually fall to 
 the Power which has the greatest colonizing interests.' 
 What North America ' fears is that she will not be 
 able to find the necessary colonists,' whereas Germany 
 certainly can. The time has now arrived for Germany 
 * to help these settlers, to encourage emigration, to 
 support the German schools, and to reform the 
 emigration laws in regard to nationalization.' The 
 question now is, Who ' is to become the leader ' of 
 these new colonies ? for alone they cannot help them- 
 selves, and most of the settlers are lamentably illiterate. 
 If Germany ' declines' to become the leader in South 
 America, North America ' will jump in.' But the 
 struggle 'still continues.' The decision has ' not yet' 
 been given. Should in the end the decision go against 
 Germany, then 'she will have to renounce her claim 
 to be a world power. There is no other territory in 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 289 
 
 the world, with the possible exception of Asia Minor, 
 where a German world power can be established, for 
 without bases of support export trade and a navy are 
 no guarantees for a nation's welfare. 1 
 
 There are eighteen pure German newspapers in 
 Brazil, conducted in a thoroughly German spirit, of 
 which the Urwaldbote, in the colony of Blumenau, and 
 the Nachrichten, of Petropolis, are the most powerful. 
 Some three German organs are of no pronounced 
 character, while four German journals, published in 
 German, oppose the German movement, as do two 
 published in the German and Portuguese languages. 
 About five other more or less German publications 
 are run on impartial lines. 
 
 The following towns in Brazil have German con- 
 sulates : Bahia, Blumenau, Itajahy, Ceara, Carityba, 
 Paranagua\ Florianopolis, Desterro, Joinville, Macci6, 
 Mandos, Para, Pernambuco, Porto Alegre, Rio Grande 
 do Sul, Rio de Janeiro, Juiz de Fora, Ouro Preto, 
 Victoria, S. Luiz de Maranhao, Santos, and Sao Paulo. 
 
 In Professor Dove's series of publications on * Applied 
 Geography,' Dr. Funke, who was entrusted with the 
 work on South America, ends his book thus : ' Rio 
 Grande do Sul must become a domain for German 
 capital and German emigration. We have an historic 
 right to demand that, and also the power (to enforce it) ; 
 and no one in that State will oppose us so long as we 
 are not tempted to arrogate to ourselves political 
 ambitions of a kind not called for.' 
 
 And in Dr. Siever's work on ' South America and 
 German Interests,' Germans are exhorted to support 
 Deutschtum in the subtropical parts of that continent, 
 to enable the German colonies to develop and prosper. 
 
 If German or Pan-German policy in Brazil is to be 
 defined, it may be delineated as something of this 
 nature : To establish a workable understanding with 
 the ' Nativists,' and lay the ghost of ' Teutonic 
 invasion ' ; to support the German schools, the settlers 
 and their interests ; to further trade, stimulate banking, 
 
 19 
 
2 9 o THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 shipping, capital investments, and railway enterprises 
 in a word, to effect a peaceful penetration of the country, 
 and to wait until the native fly shall have been entangled 
 hopelessly in the net which is being drawn slowly 
 across the country, before any attempt is made to 
 descend upon the prey and suck its blood. This done, 
 the * manifest destiny/ so much talked about, may be 
 averted, and Brazil may, in truth, turn out to be the 
 land of promise, the land of New Germany. 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA AGAIN- 
 CENTRAL AMERICA 
 
 IF Brazil is the land of promise for German colonists, 
 Venezuela may with equal right be described as 
 * promising,' for German capital has been lavishly sunk 
 there. Glancing back upon the history of that State 
 which can boast of as many revolutions as Solomon 
 had wives it is a strange reflection, illustrative of the 
 vicissitude of things, to recall that only twenty-nine 
 years after its discovery by Columbus in 1489 the town 
 of Coro, with its hinterland, came into the possession 
 of the Guelphs : who obtained it from the Emperor 
 Charles V. in pledge for a loan lent him by the Augs- 
 burg banking-house, and ruled or misruled it, partly 
 under the lawless adventurer Dalfinger, for seventeen 
 years (from 1528-1545), until the natives rose up in 
 rebellion and drove the gold-seeking adventurers into 
 the sea. With their departure German influence 
 waned, and for some centuries after little was heard of 
 German enterprise in Venezuela. But to-day fortune 
 has swung round again, and the economic position of 
 the Germans there is now of the very first importance 
 to the country, many branches of its trade being exclu- 
 sively in German hands. Indeed, Venezuela may now 
 be held to be of considerable importance to Germany. 
 The economic position of the Germans there is the 
 more remarkable, as they hardly number over 1,200 in 
 all, and are far weaker numerically than the Spanish, 
 Italian, or English-speaking races. 
 
 29 1 19 2 
 
292 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 German tradesmen are now settled in most of the 
 towns, and are engaged in selling manufactured goods 
 which are almost exclusively German imports. Vene- 
 zuela's entire demand for porcelain, glass, wood, iron, 
 tools, and utensils of all kinds is covered from abroad, 
 and two-thirds of all manufactured articles are in 
 German hands ; for although the United States exports 
 more to Venezuela than Germany does, a great part of 
 the former's exports are brought into the country by 
 German middlemen, while Germans find profitable 
 employment in the interior as commission, packing, 
 and transport agents. In Caracas there are some 
 8 German industrial establishments ; in Valencia, 
 6 ; in Puerto Cabello, 5 ; in Maracaibo, 6 ; in La 
 Guayra, 4 ; in Barcelona, 3 ; in Ciudad Bolivar, 
 5 ; in La Victoria, 2 ; in Carupano, i ; or about 38 
 German business houses in all. About ; 1,000,000 
 of German capital are sunk in German land pos- 
 sessions, mostly in coffee plantations owned by private 
 planters. Some years ago a Hamburg * Plantation 
 Company ' bought a large territory for the same pur- 
 pose. In the damp districts, too, Germans own large 
 cocoa plantations, while tobacco, sugar-cane, cotton, 
 indigo, dye-woods, and balsam are grown and largely 
 exported. These undertakings bring in a profit of 
 from 10 to 20 per cent. 
 
 The Venezuelan export trade to Germany, which 
 Germans conduct, is larger than that to any other 
 country, coffee being the chief article of export. Gold 
 and silver ore, skins, cattle, sheep, and goats are also 
 stable exports. In the mining industries Germans are 
 not actively engaged, although a good deal of the 
 mining shares are held by Germans. There are large 
 flourishing German breweries, German hat fac- 
 tories, coffee-machine factories, and in Caracas a 
 Hamburg company recently built a slaughter-house at 
 a cost of ; 100,000. Besides this, a number of Ger- 
 mans find employment as artisans and engineers, etc. 
 The only agricultural German colony that exists is that 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 293 
 
 of Tovas, near La Victoria, about a day's journey from 
 Caracas. This settlement was acquired from the 
 Venezuelan family Tovas in the year 1843, who sold 
 it to a number of emigrants from Baden. But the 
 settlement has not proved very successful, owing to its 
 distance from a town. These German settlers have 
 mostly become Venezuelan subjects, but still remain 
 German in speech and habits. After the consolidation 
 of the German Empire in 1870 these settlers wished 
 to regain their nationality and claim protection from 
 the home country, but as they had not inscribed their 
 names for ten years in the consular books their appeal, 
 owing to German official punctiliousness, was not 
 allowed. 
 
 The most flourishing German community is in 
 Caracas, where Germans have a club, a newspaper, and 
 a school. For the most part they are tradesmen, or 
 engaged as clerks and apprentices. They occupy a 
 prominent position in commerce, and until the recent 
 Venezuelan imbroglio were generally popular. The 
 firm of Blohm in particular is a well-known house. In 
 La Guayra, Puerto Cabello, and Maracaibo, German 
 business firms are prominent. In Valencia and the 
 towns on the German railway line German influence is 
 rapidly increasing. They have clubs, and maintain 
 their Deutschtum in every way. About ^10,000,000 
 of German capital in all are invested in business in the 
 country. 
 
 The most important German asset is, of course, the 
 great Venezuela railway between Caracas and Valencia, 
 running through the most fertile belt in the country, 
 which was completed in 1894 at a cost of nearly 
 62 million marks, or over 3 millions sterling. This 
 line was constructed by the Disconto Bank of Berlin, 
 which almost exclusively employed German capital, 
 German plans, engineers, rolling-stock, and labour. 
 The difficulty in constructing the line was enormous. 
 In all, 86 tunnels and 182 bridges and viaducts had 
 to be built, and so great was the risk incurred that 
 
294 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 an English company desirous of building a rival line 
 between Capua and Valencia abandoned the scheme in 
 consequence. The ' Disconto Gesellschaft ' maintains 
 that the working of the line swallows up 60 per cent, 
 of the receipts. This line was hardly completed when 
 a revolution interrupted the payments of the Vene- 
 zuelan Government, which had guaranteed 60 per cent, 
 interest on the capital sunk. In 1896 a new arrange- 
 ment was made whereby a Venezuelan 5 per cent, 
 redeemable gold loan of 30 million bolivares was 
 handed over to the railway company in place of the 
 7 per cent, guarantee. Since the end of 1898 the 
 coupons and redeemable scrip which had fallen in were 
 not paid. Then a provisional compromise for payment 
 of 50 per cent, of current interest was tried, but proved 
 a failure, as the Government shortly afterwards com- 
 pletely ceased its payments. There followed as a 
 result the Venezuelan imbroglio, the Disconto Bank's 
 claims forming the second-line claims put forward by 
 the German Government. 
 
 To recapitulate the main incidents of that 'mess': on 
 March 8 and June 16, 1901, the German Government 
 made representations to Venezuela, and suggested that 
 the claims of the Disconto Bank should be referred 
 for arbitration to the Hague tribunal. But nothing 
 came of this proposal, and in December, 1901, Ger- 
 many presented a bill for .68,752 6s. to Venezuela, 
 and receiving no answer, penned a sharply-worded 
 note, which was handed in on February 13, 1902. This 
 also produced no effect, but the German Government, 
 for reasons best known to themselves, lay low, like the 
 tar baby when Brer Rabbit began to punch him. At 
 the end of the year 1902 the Emperor visited King 
 Edward in England, and a few months later a joint 
 ultimatum from England and Germany was presented 
 to President Castro, and the Venezuelan imbroglio 
 began with England in collusion with Germany to 
 enforce payment of arrear debts of a more or less 
 nebulous nature. Then ensued the blockade a trois y 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 295 
 
 feats executed by the German cruiser Panther, the 
 bombardment of President Castro's forts, sundry un- 
 pleasant incidents, much ado in the English and 
 American press, which could not understand the Anglo- 
 German mesalliance, and, finally, peace. It was indeed 
 a 'mess,' as a British Minister ingenuously styled it. 
 But being of such recent occurrence, no more need be 
 said about it here. Suffice it to say that it provoked 
 an explosion of public indignation both in England and 
 in America, that it completely discredited the British 
 Cabinet, and completely defeated the expectations of 
 the German Government, who had hoped that the 
 alliance would dissipate the natural resentment engen- 
 dered in England against Germany by the hostility 
 evinced by Germans towards everything English 
 during the Boer War. When it is taken into con- 
 sideration that the British Government was ignorant 
 for some time of the precise amount and nature of the 
 German claims, that only a short time previously the 
 German Government had endeavoured in the most 
 barefaced fashion to discredit Lord Pauncefote in the 
 eyes of Americans, that Germany had always shown 
 avowed hostility to the Monroe doctrine, while the 
 best of England's authorities had acknowledged it, 
 and that the German press all through the war had 
 never tired of vilifying and calumniating the King and 
 the British army, it must be admitted that the public 
 on both sides of the Atlantic showed themselves 
 superior in national dignity to the Ministers of the two 
 Governments who contracted the alliance. However, 
 all parties finally muddled through, and the only 
 tangible result of the affair has been to enlighten 
 Americans as to Germany's interests in South America, 
 and Germans as to British opinion towards them ; while 
 it has seriously damaged Germany's economic position 
 in Venezuela, causing many of the great Hamburg 
 houses to suffer considerable losses in consequence. 
 The work of penetration there has thus been retarded. 
 However, the affair brought forth some remarkable 
 
296 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 treatises on the Monroe doctrine (notably by Captain 
 Marian in the National Review), showed the world that 
 the British public would not hear of an alliance with 
 Germany, and showed Germany that the collection of 
 debts in South America was a task fraught with mani- 
 fold difficulties, and that all her efforts to disarm 
 American suspicions as to her ultimate ends at the 
 expense of Great Britain had proved a failure. The 
 result was that Dr. Holleben, who after the Frederick 
 the Great statue proposal had become more than 
 de trop, was recalled, and a younger man, noted for his 
 democratic ways, put into his place : who, with his 
 American wife and charming manners, would, it was 
 hoped, prove more successful. 
 
 If, had written the Pan-German, Dr. Wintzer,* 
 some time previously, political affairs in Venezuela do 
 not become more settled, the ' permanent occupation 
 of a port by Germany ' could, ' despite the Americans,' 
 be effected, and might 'prove to be a necessity.' In 
 the interests of Germany it may become a necessity 
 for her to seize some port in Venezuela and hold it 
 indefinitely, wrote another German (Schielbach) in 
 that organ, pursuing ' purely philological ' aims, 
 Das Deutschtum im Auslande^ April, 1902 ; while 
 all through the imbroglio repeated and open hostility 
 was evinced towards the Monroe doctrine, which a 
 number of professors and publicists denounced senten- 
 tiously as an * impertinent invention.' 
 
 Looking into the future of Venezuela, opines Dr. 
 Wintzer,t one cannot help thinking that a more 
 strenuous people will some day come in and open up 
 that country. It is all very well for the so-called 
 Venezuelan Caesar, Zumeta, to counsel his countrymen 
 to build ships and arm to repel the United States 
 Colossus and Europeans generally : the question rather 
 is, ' Will Venezuela have the power ' to set her house 
 in order and ' protect ' it in the long-run ? and to this 
 question Dr. Wintzer replies in eloquent silence. 
 * ' Die Deutschen im tropischen Amerika.' t Ibid. 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 297 
 
 It has often been said that Germany is seeking to 
 obtain possession of the island of Margerita, and 
 without doubt she would like to have that island, just 
 as she covets the Danish West Indian Islands, for naval 
 bases are imperative to her world policy, and are what 
 she is sorely in need of. At the same time, she is 
 scarcely likely to attempt any forcible occupation, even 
 if her ships have been prowling round that part of the 
 coast for some years, ostensibly engaged in manoeuvres 
 and topographical surveys of that littoral. Of course, 
 could she purchase it, doubtless she would. But it 
 would be difficult to accuse her of any fell intention 
 upon that island ; and as long as public opinion in the 
 United States believes in the Monroe doctrine, Ger- 
 many is not likely to put its application to the test by 
 any unlawful acquisition of territory. The Venezuelan 
 affair taught its lesson, and it may reasonably be con- 
 tended that Pan-German advice will not be followed 
 by the responsible Chancellor of the German Empire. 
 
 Turning to Chile, which is also a ' respectable 
 German interest,' we find that here, too, in the six- 
 teenth century the Fuggers first planted the German 
 flag. But, as in Venezuela, they soon lost foothold, 
 and in the great colonizing era from 1550 to 1810 
 nothing is heard of German enterprise there. In the 
 forties a few energetic German colonists settled in 
 the country and established colonies, which to-day 
 are still thriving, and now about 20,000 Germans 
 are permanently settled in Chile. The land is 
 divided into three zones, Germans being mostly 
 found in the southern agricultural belts, where the 
 colonies of Valdivia, Osomo, Llanquihue, and Puerto 
 Mont have arisen. Flourishing German breweries 
 exist, and Germans are lucratively employed as 
 bakers, tailors, shoemakers, in flour-mills, saw-mills, 
 as restaurant and hotel keepers, as tradesmen, shop- 
 keepers and chemists la Botica, or apothecary, as 
 in all Spanish countries, occupying an important posi- 
 tion, being a sort of rendezvous where the news of 
 
298 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 rViprl 
 
 the day is discussed and political coups are hatched. 
 As teachers, too, Germans have obtained a good deal 
 of authority, and German doctors have no difficulty in 
 finding patients. The education of schoolmasters is 
 modelled after the German pattern, and Germans were 
 entrusted with the organization of the State educa- 
 tional system. In things military all is copied from 
 Germany, and German military instructors have taken 
 a prominent part in the recent reorganization of the 
 State army. 
 
 German capital interest in Chile is considerable, 
 and exceeds in volume that of the French. In 
 Santiago French houses have a working capital of 
 8 1 million francs ; while, taking 1 20 purely German 
 houses only in the same town, their working capital 
 amounts to 100 million marks, and 150 houses worked 
 by Germans and Chilians together possess capital 
 amounting to 20 millions of marks, excluding some 
 100 million marks lent on credit. The German banks 
 there work with a nominal capital of 30 million marks, 
 while some 10 million marks are sunk in German 
 industrial enterprises. In Valdivia and Puerto Mont, 
 where the German colonies are, about 3^ million 
 marks are invested in trade, 7 millions in breweries, 
 4 millions in tanning industries, 4 millions in alcoholic 
 distilleries, some 3 millions in other businesses, and 
 about 12 millions in properties owned by Germans. 
 In the important saltpetre industry very important to 
 Germany, who in 1902 imported five times as much 
 from Chile as Great Britain did, and three times as 
 much as the United States Germans are not so 
 actively employed as they might be. 
 
 In the Southern province of Valdivia the German 
 agricultural colony is more numerous than that in 
 Argentina, most of the settlers having come into the 
 country about the year 1850, when the land was 
 covered with virgin forest and totally uncultivated. 
 To-day some 8,000 inhabitants live there, of whom 
 over one-third are Germans, representing a trade value 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 299 
 
 of about 20 million marks. These colonies, however, 
 though larger, are not so important as those in Argen- 
 tina, where the soil is richer and the settlers 
 individually own larger properties. But when the 
 mines are more exploited these settlers will become a 
 valuable asset ; and Chile has a great future in her 
 mining products, quite as promising as are the agricul- 
 tural products of Argentina. The copper mines in Chile 
 are growing in importance, and about 3 \ million marks 
 of German money are invested in that industry. At 
 the present moment Chile furnishes about one-tenth of 
 the entire copper output in the world. The total 
 value of German land possessions in the country is 
 about equal to that of the French namely, 3,200,000 
 pounds sterling. 
 
 Dr. Unold, in his Pan-German brochure,* describes 
 the German colonies in South Brazil as a 'smaller 
 Germany/ He expresses his delight at the successes 
 achieved by the German cognac distilleries on the 
 island of Tejas ; by Rudloff and Sons, well known in 
 the tanning trade ; by the great breweries, distilleries, 
 flour-mills, soap-works, and factories of various kinds ; 
 and by the great attraction, the pride of the province 
 the German school, in the quadrangle of which 
 there grows a ' German oak.' German poems, he 
 says, songs and history strike their roots in the heart 
 of the young ; the German tongue links the colony 
 together. The * German association,' the choirs, the 
 German games of ninepins (Kegel), etc., strengthen 
 this love for Germany. The Germans occupy the 
 most prominent position in South Chile. They * main- 
 tain their German language, and seldom intermarry/ 
 
 In the Chilian organ, La Nacidn, a Spanish writer 
 once depicted this budding Deutschtum. In South 
 Chile, he wrote, everything is German ; the officials, 
 post-office clerks, the better class workmen, all are 
 Germans all, he complains, eat kompot or stewed 
 fruit with their meat at dinner. In Puerto Mont 
 * ' Das Deutschtum in Chile.' 
 
300 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 trade is in German hands, while everywhere ' one 
 meets well-to-do Germans.' 
 
 In Puerto Varas, on the shores of Lake Llanquihue, 
 there is a colony of Germans, who, though attired in 
 Chilian costume, would be ' most indignant to be 
 taken for such.' The children play German games, 
 and oaths are of German origin ; wherever one goes, 
 says this Spaniard, ' one meets Germans.' 'Tis 
 strange, he reflects, that these men are at once good 
 Chilians and good Germans. They will not allow 
 their daughters to marry an Indian, for they regard 
 themselves as superior beings, and yet they are loyal 
 Chilian subjects, and willing at any moment to take 
 up arms in defence of the country. When the 
 National Guard is summoned to arms, not a man of all 
 these Chilian Germans fails to take his place. In fact, 
 Chile is their home and their country. These 
 Germans, the Spaniard admits, are in truth superior 
 to the native, and so the stronger race predominates. 
 A ' German danger' is not to be apprehended, he 
 thinks, so long as the schools can train these alien 
 settlers to love their new country. Once let the 
 German schools train them to look to Germany for 
 help, and ' a German danger exists.' 
 
 Well, that is precisely what the Association for the 
 Preservation of the German Language Abroad has for 
 its object to educate the Germans settled abroad to 
 a higher sense of Deutschtum, which means to give 
 them the consciousness that they are Germans, and 
 that Germany is their true Fatherland. If, says Dr. 
 Unold, Germany fails in this mission, Spanish and 
 Portuguese America will fall into the hands of North 
 America. The Germans alone are capable of fortify- 
 ing the race, and placing the country in a position tc 
 avert this fate. Once let the Americans get into 
 South America and * Deutschtum is inevitably and 
 irrevocably lost.'* 
 
 In Argentina, too, the German interest is a ver> 
 * ' Das Deutschtum in Chile.' 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 301 
 
 real one, and tends rapidly to increase. After the great 
 crisis of 1891, which ended in State bankruptcy, and 
 the fall of the house of Baring Brothers, a great 
 economic change came over the land. Before 1890 
 the exports consisted almost entirely of live stock, corn 
 and flax being but slightly cultivated. But after the 
 first effects of the crash had passed away, attention was 
 directed towards the cultivation of the land ; corn and 
 flax were grown, and since then have become great 
 export products, equal in value to the exports of wool 
 and skins. As a wheat-producing country Argentina 
 now ranks third in the world, being alone behind 
 Russia and the United States. There seems to be no 
 reason why it should not continue to develop, and 
 ultimately become the chief wheat-growing country in 
 the world. Comparing the wheat-growing area of the 
 United States with that of Argentina, Professor Sering* 
 estimates that the wheat-growing area of the Union 
 could be extended to comprise some 90 million acres, 
 producing 33 to 36 million tons of wheat annually, 
 whereas Argentina, according to another competent 
 judge (Karl Kaerger), could eventually produce about 
 87 million tons of maize and 33 million tons of wheat 
 annually, having in that respect as promising a future 
 as North America. When it is further considered that 
 North America has already a population of 80 millions, 
 while Argentina has only 5 millions, and that in pro- 
 portion as the population of the United States grows 
 its wheat-exporting power diminishes, while that of 
 Argentina will only obtain its full wheat-producing 
 power when the country is more thickly peopled, it 
 may well be argued that some day or other Argentina 
 will become the first corn-exporting land in the world. 
 Indeed, German authorities have estimated that, were 
 all the cultivable, but now uncultivated, land of Baby- 
 lonia, Syria, Persia, and Asia Minor used by man to 
 grow corn upon, their total production would not equal 
 that of Argentina. Nor is Russia likely to maintain 
 * 'Handels und Machtpolitik,' Vol. I. 
 
302 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 her position as a wheat-exporting country, having as 
 it is no real surplus, which she creates artificially by 
 imposing heavy taxes upon the peasants. And in point 
 of fact the maize exports of Argentina have already 
 outstripped those of Russia, while her sheep-raising 
 industry has outstripped that of Australia. In a word, 
 German economic writers and thinkers look with 
 covetous eyes upon this great agricultural land, which, 
 did it belong to Germany, would settle many a serious 
 economic problem, and enable Germany to satisfy her 
 demand for food-supplies, and so render her indepen- 
 dent, self-sufficing, and self-contained. 
 
 In the fifties German settlers began to play a 
 prominent part in Argentina, but, as in Brazil, the Von 
 der Heydt rescript put an end to further emigration to 
 that State, and the advantage already gained by 
 Germans was thus speedily lost in proportion as settlers 
 from the Romanic races poured into the land. Little 
 German capital was invested in economic under- 
 takings, although a good deal was sunk in State bonds. 
 Recently, however, Germans have endeavoured to 
 make up for lost time. From 1897 to 1901 alone, 
 about i ,000,000 of German capital have been invested 
 in economic undertakings in Buenos Ayres. In the 
 province of Cordoba some 200,000 acres of land have 
 been bought by Germans, estimated at a value of about 
 ,200,000, while in Santa F6 Germans possess about 
 100,000 acres, at Bahia Blanca about 80,000 acres, and 
 at Puerto Gallegos some 430,000 acres ; so that 
 German capital interest now exceeds that of the 
 French, and is second to that of England only, which 
 it tends more and more to overhaul and become the 
 rival of. 
 
 In Argentina, however, the German colonies are few 
 and relatively small, while upwards of i million 
 Italians have come into the country during the last two 
 decades. These Italians live as cheaply as possible, 
 and are willing to work at low wages, which latter fact 
 explains the unwillingness of the German emigrant to 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 303 
 
 settle there. It is of the greatest importance, says 
 Nauticus, 1903, that German capital should be largely 
 invested in economic concerns, as Argentina is destined 
 to become the most important agricultural exporting 
 country in the world. 
 
 As in Brazil, so in Argentina, a German school 
 league has been created, with its centre in Buenos 
 Ayres. According to its statutes, it must be the ' main 
 object of the league to maintain Deutschtum by pre- 
 serving the use of the German language, and promoting 
 German education and the German spirit/ This league 
 aims at effecting a ' solidarity of interest ' among the 
 Germans in South America, establishing a school- 
 master's pension fund, and keeping Germans German. 
 More recently this association has joined hands with 
 the association for the same purpose in Brazil, and 
 naturally the ' School Association ' in Berlin has taken 
 the matter up, and supports the movement with every 
 means at its disposal. Looking at the matter retrospec- 
 tively, we find once more that German legislation has 
 proved a stumbling-block to Germany's own develop- 
 ment. Had there been no Von der Heydt rescript, 
 Argentina, as Brazil, would almost of a certainty 
 now practically be a German dependency, with a large 
 German population, and German capital interest pre- 
 dominant. As it is, the work is uphill and must be 
 fought against time. 
 
 In Uruguay German capital interests are also con- 
 siderable, though both English and French capital 
 investments are far more important. In Monte Video 
 some ,400,000 of German capital are invested in 
 business, while, in all, German capital employed there 
 amounts to about 40 million marks, that of the French 
 being only 19 million francs. On the other hand, 
 about 40,000 Frenchmen are in possession of land 
 valued at about 109 million francs, bringing in interest 
 at from 3 to 6 per cent., besides which French capital 
 is largely invested in banks, industrial undertakings, 
 and harbour works, whereas Germans have only about 
 
3 o 4 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 15 million marks invested in land, about 10 million in 
 industrial concerns, and some 20 millions in loans. 
 
 In Paraguay about 12 million marks of German 
 capital have been sunk, and Germans possess about 
 6,572 square kilometres ofland, some 70,000 heads of 
 beasts, and some building properties ; in trade and 
 manufactories, shipping and properties, about half a 
 million sterling. There are not more than 1,300 
 Germans in that State. 
 
 In Columbia Germans are likewise active. They 
 have built the first and most important railway, and on 
 the river Magdalena the steamship service is mainly in 
 their hands, the value of the boats being about ,30,000, 
 although, according to law, they fly the Columbian 
 flag. Trade at Basanquilla, the steamship terminus, is 
 thus almost entirely controlled by Germans. In in- 
 dustry, too, Germans are profitably engaged. In 
 Bogota there exists a large German brewery, and 
 recently a German glass factory. In Basanquilla, 
 which is practically a German colony, Germans conduct 
 the whole of the large export trade which passes through 
 there, while some 10 million marks of German capital 
 are employed in business. There are also a German 
 saw-mill and a German factory for purifying cotton. 
 One-third of the entire trade of Columbia is in German 
 hands. Germany sends to Columbia almost all that 
 country's demand for iron, paper, glass, and other 
 manufactured goods, while German houses established 
 in England do a good trade with the country. In 
 Bogotasome 50 million marks are sunk ; there are con- 
 siderable German capital interests, too, in Bucaramanga, 
 Santander, Ciicuta, Ocafia, Call, Cauca, and Palmyra. 
 In Bogota there are 7 German firms, in Bucaramanga 
 6, in Basanquilla 7, in Panama 6, in Colon 3, in Buena- 
 ventura 2, in Ciicuta 4, in Call 2, in Cartagena 5, in 
 Chiquinquara 2, in Facativa 3, in Honda 3, in Medel- 
 lin 3, in Neiva 2, in Ocafia 3, in Palmyra 4, in Pamp- 
 lona 2, in Popayan 2, in Pasto i, in Sabanilla 3, in Rio 
 Hacha 2, in Sta Marta 3, etc. or, in all, about 80 pros- 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 305 
 
 perous German establishments. About 5 millions 
 sterling of German money are invested in the country. 
 A great future lies before Germans there, says Dr. 
 Wintzer. * Every effort to extend Germany's ex- 
 change of commodities across the seas, and especially 
 to rescue uncultivated foreign lands and bring them 
 under German influence, helps to strengthen the fibre 
 of Deutschtum, and to enlarge the mental horizon of 
 Germans settled in foreign parts and to draw them 
 nearer together, ' which is of vital importance to 
 Germany/ To abandon all idea of 'extending' German 
 trade and increasing the fleet is to place the * seal 
 upon Germany's future existence.' 
 
 Owing to the long-credit system prevailing, Germans 
 have come to play the part of money-lenders, and have 
 in this way obtained possession of a good deal of land, 
 which has escheated to them from mortgages. In the 
 carrying trade, too, Germans play a considerable role. 
 This is carried on chiefly by Germans by means of a 
 regular service of pack-mules, and as the Germans 
 are punctual and trustworthy, the mail and parcels post 
 service has also fallen largely into their hands. They 
 have also engaged profitably in tobacco growing. A 
 small German colony settled near Panama grows and 
 exports quantities of bananas, which are subsequently 
 sold in New York. 
 
 When the Panama Canal is built, thinks Dr. Wintzer, 
 it will be the natural route for Germany to her South 
 Sea possessions. Germany has, therefore, a material 
 interest to see that the passage through the canal be 
 kept open. 
 
 In Peru and Ecuador, in both of which States 
 English capital is predominant, Germany has a few 
 interests too. In Ecuador about 9 million marks are 
 employed by the seven German business houses in Quito 
 and Guayaquil, the two houses in Esmeraldas, and the 
 one firm in Jipijapa. Germans are engaged in the 
 culture of coffee, sugar-cane, cotton, cocoa, rice, maize, 
 * * Die Deutschen im tropischen Amerika.' 
 
 20 
 
306 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 and cattle fodder, but most of them are cocoa- 
 planters. 
 
 In Peru from 25 to 50 millions of marks are em- 
 ployed. There are about 1,500 Germans settled in 
 the country, as against 7,000 Italians and 50,000 
 Chinese, who work in the mines. In Lima there are 
 about 600 Germans and eight German houses, and, of 
 course, a German school. In 1900 the Germans there 
 established a branch Navy League, which contributes 
 about 100 annually to the Central Association in 
 Germany. Germans are scattered about in most of 
 the towns as tradesmen, and there are various small 
 sporadic German colonies of some twenty to forty 
 families. There are in all fifty-six German business 
 houses in Peru. There are likewise German breweries, 
 soap-works, and furniture factories. Between the 
 coasts of Peru, Ecuador, and Central America some 
 twenty-one steamers of the Kosmos line and fourteen 
 steamers of the Hamburg-Pacific line maintain a 
 regular service. 
 
 In the centre of the country there is a colony of 
 about 600 Germans, who grow coffee, cocoa, tobacco, 
 cotton, maize, sugar-cane, and raise live stock. These 
 Germans are by law no longer German subjects, but 
 in language and customs they have fully maintained 
 their Germanism. 
 
 In Bolivia, which has no sea border, about 30 
 million marks are invested, and about 200 Germans 
 have settled there ; but beyond a few breweries 
 Germans own little property. The country is little 
 opened up. 
 
 Turning to Central America, we find that in Guate- 
 mala Germans have acquired a good deal of plantation 
 land, estimated at about 3 millions sterling. What 
 they produce they export to the Fatherland. Some 
 of these German plantations mostly in the hands of 
 companies have an area of 540 square kilometres. 
 In all, German planters own about 2,725 square kilo- 
 metres. Coffee, sugar-cane, and timber form their 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 307 
 
 main articles of export. In commerce, too, Germans 
 are largely interested. In Guatemala twelve German 
 houses are engaged in the coffee export trade, ten of 
 these doing a good business as agents for selling 
 German imports, while two of these are banking 
 houses as well. Steel from Solingen, manufactured 
 goods from the Rhine district and Saxony, drugs and 
 chemical wares from Baden, Berlin, and Saxony, toys 
 from Thliringen, beer from Munich, etc. all are im- 
 ported and sold profitably by these German houses, 
 who advertise them as ' importados directamente de 
 Alemania ' which ' takes ' over there. 
 
 There are about fifty German firms established in 
 Guatemala, with some eighteen branches, representing 
 about ,1,250,000. Germans have lent about 2 millions 
 sterling to various necessitous people in the State. 
 German capital is also sunk in railways, and the well- 
 known firm of Siemens and Halske furnished the 
 capital with its electric-light plant and works, while 
 the business is mainly run by Germans. In all, about 
 9^ millions sterling of German money are invested in 
 this small republic, so that here, too, Germans have 
 a material interest at stake, almost as great as in 
 Venezuela. 
 
 German doctors, engineers, artisans, and school- 
 masters are scattered about the State, and find profit- 
 able employment. The German school and the in- 
 creasing influence of the Germans there have led the 
 natives to look somewhat askance at this German 
 invasion of their country, in which connection Dr. 
 Wintzer thinks the only way to keep native Jingoism 
 in check is for German ships of war to appear in the 
 ports from time to time, and * show these enthusiasts 
 what German power denotes.' But, in all, there are 
 not much over 1,000 Germans in the whole country. 
 They have founded a German Mutual Aid Society for 
 the purpose of helping impecunious fellow-countrymen, 
 and starting newcomers with a little money in hand. 
 
 In Honduras German influence has been gradually 
 
 20 2 
 
3o8 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 rising, and there are now six German industrial estab- 
 lishments engaged in selling goods of various kinds. 
 Germans are also engaged to a small extent in coffee- 
 growing. In Salvador four German firms exist, and 
 Germans grow coffee and sugar. In the capital, San 
 Salvador, and in Santa Una German tradespeople do 
 good business. There are not more than thirty 
 Germans there, but they contribute about ^50 annually 
 to the Navy League. 
 
 In Nicaragua Germans own about one-third of the 
 entire coffee estates, while about four-fifths of the 
 entire coffee export goes to Germany. Two large 
 Haziendas, or grazing homesteads, belong to Ger- 
 mans. Here, too, Germans have lent money lavishly ; 
 and it is creditably computed that native property, 
 estimated at over half a million sterling, has been 
 hypothecated to German capitalists as security for 
 loans. There are eight German establishments en- 
 gaged in the import trade, with a working capital of 
 about . 1 00,000. These houses own a certain amount 
 of State property, and have lent over ,50,000 to local 
 tradespeople. Germany's capital interest in Nicaragua 
 is estimated at about ; 1,000,000. 
 
 In Costa Rica there are quite twenty-seven German 
 houses. Here, again, about i million sterling has been 
 lent to the natives. Germans number about 400. 
 About ,2,000,000 of German capital are invested in 
 this small State. In the capital, San Jose, a flourish- 
 ing German colony exists, with a school, and the 
 Germans have remained German in every respect. 
 
 From the above imperfect outline of German 
 interests in South and Central America, it may be 
 clearly seen that not only has Germany a considerable 
 amount of money locked up in those parts, but that 
 German merchants and pioneers of Deutschtum 
 are actively at work steadily increasing these interests, 
 and adding to Germany's prestige both there and at 
 home. In addition, large and small German colonies 
 exist, some of them far from all German influence, yet 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 309 
 
 still essentially German, while others are rising, 
 prosperous, and important settlements : which are 
 becoming, all of them, increasingly conscious of the 
 power of the German Empire, and are growing more 
 accustomed to look across the seas to the Fatherland 
 for aid and protection. To keep this feeling of 
 Deutschtum alive, suggests Dr. Wintzer, frequent 
 visits of German warships to those parts are necessary. 
 And this idea has been put into verse by the Pan- 
 German teacher, Kramer of Valparaiso, who during 
 the visit of a German cruiser to that port composed a 
 poem, the last lines of each verse running as follows : 
 
 * Gute Nacht ! 
 Der Deutsche Kaiser halt heute bei dir Wacht.'* 
 
 The next most important task is to maintain the 
 German schools, increase their number, and raise the 
 standard of teaching ; and, of hardly less importance, 
 to effect a reform of the German emigration laws, 
 according to which nationality is lost if after the lapse 
 of ten years the German emigrant has not registered 
 his name in the consular books, paid his fee, and 
 fulfilled other vexatious formalities. A few years ago 
 the Pan-German leader, Professor Hasse, and others, 
 including Count Arnim, endeavoured to induce the 
 Reichstag to repeal the emigration paragraph in 
 question ; but the House refused, partly for military 
 reasons and partly because of the general aversion of 
 that assembly to a declaration of policy which, in 
 some quarters, might be viewed with suspicion. But 
 something-, as has already been explained, has been 
 done in this direction, and it is now easier for settlers 
 to preserve their nationality. Then comes the question 
 of organized emigration. 
 
 Are Germans, petulantly exclaims Dr. Wintzer,f to 
 look quietly on while what has taken place in North 
 
 * 'Good-night! 
 To-day the German Emperor protects us with his might.' 
 
 t ' Die Deutschen im tropischen Amerika.' 
 
310 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 is being repeated in South America ? Mexico and 
 Central America, he is ready to admit, must inevitably 
 fall under American influence some day. South 
 America alone remains to Germans, who would make 
 a profound mistake to despair of the future because of 
 the Monroe doctrine, the pith and root of which was 
 extracted when President McKinley 'annexed the 
 Philippine Islands.' 
 
 That act, he contends, deprived the doctrine of its 
 raison dtre, and so of its power of application, and 
 it will be for Germans to * accustom Americans to that 
 view/ What Germans must aim at is to effect closer 
 economic relations with South America, which is 
 becoming of increasing value to Germany as buyer 
 and seller, while decreasingly so to the United States. 
 Germany, with her 60 million inhabitants, needs a 
 country like South America exactly fourteen times as 
 much as does the United States, with its 80 million in- 
 habitants and vast elbow-room. Moreover, Germany 
 could economically acquire South America as easily as 
 the Americans inevitably will, if Germany permits them 
 to. It is therefore essential, continues Dr. Wintzer, that 
 the German Government should insist upon ' fair treat- 
 ment ' with South America, and if necessary should be 
 prepared to enforce it. Argentina, Chile, and Brazil 
 have begun to take certain steps towards political 
 union, and are approaching one another 'the more 
 they see the danger that threatens them from the 
 North/ Below Nicaragua 'all is neutral ground,' and 
 any attempt by the Americans to obtain possessions 
 below that line would ' provoke the liveliest hostility 
 in South America and Europe.' It is an economic 
 fight ; and just as Germans have done not a little tc 
 raise the Union to its present position, so in South 
 America they will accomplish great things. But noi 
 until the question has been answered whether German) 
 is prepared to say to Americans ' Hands off!' car 
 emigration to South America be conducted on syste 
 matic lines. 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 311 
 
 * He who believes in the future of the German race 
 must regard it as his duty to pursue a policy of expan- 
 sion, and obtain for Germany a land where German 
 energy and industry can operate to the good of all 
 mankind.' 
 
 The Germans, opines the Pan-German, Dr. Unold,* 
 are called upon to become the teachers and leaders of 
 the Romanic peoples in South America, whose lan- 
 guage they easily acquire, and with whom they are more 
 popular than the ' English or Americans, who never 
 can learn a language, and are proverbially arrogant.' 
 Germans * have a mission ' to perform there, but to 
 fulfil this task they must show the Romanic races that 
 they are morally and intellectually superior, and so 
 destined to rule over them. The sons of German 
 settlers should be sent to Germany to be educated in 
 'a fitting German spirit/ and sent back to propagate 
 the German Geist. If they fail in this mission 
 nothing can save South America from falling into the 
 clutches of the Americans, 'who since the Spanish War 
 have become ardent Jingo enthusiasts.' The time, 
 naively writes Dr. Unold, ' will assuredly soon come 
 when Germany, during the confusion caused by some 
 international conflagration, will have the opportunity to 
 acquire some colonial territory/ which is so necessary 
 to her future existence. The schools must teach the 
 German settlers that they are Germans, the Reichstag 
 must give up its Philistine outlook upon affairs, 
 Germans must work and harden themselves, and keep 
 the Eagle flying across the seas only then can Germans 
 hope to be ' more than onlookers ' at German industry 
 wasted in foreign parts, and come to ' take a responsible 
 share ' in the interests and hopes of these settlers in 
 * Smaller Germany on the Pacific Ocean/ 
 
 The question, says Dr. Hotzsch (Alldeutsche Blatter^ 
 
 August 1 6, 1902) succinctly is : Who is to become the 
 
 leader of these ' Creole ' peoples in South America ? 
 
 If Germany fails to lead them, the Americans will. 
 
 * Das Deutschtum in Chile.' 
 
312 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Germany's failure to do so will denote that she cannot 
 become a world power, for without naval bases her 
 position as a great sea nation is doomed. Such is the 
 undiluted Pan-German view of the question. But 
 Treitschke, who was no Pan-German, adumbrated 
 the same policy in the following words : ' Colonial 
 expansion is of enormous importance. On the acquisi- 
 tion of colonies will depend in what measure a nation 
 rules. It is conceivable that a nation, however power- 
 ful, may some day be no longer recognised as a 
 European Power if it has no colonies. It is a healthy 
 and normal state of things (Erscheinung) for a people 
 to embark upon a colonial policy from stress of over- 
 population. The whole development of modern State 
 wisdom tends to crush smaller States, and in this sense 
 Germany has very severe tasks to face, for in the 
 parcelling up and distribution of land outside of 
 Europe Germany has always fallen short. And our 
 very existence as a great nation depends on the 
 question whether we can become a power across the 
 seas/ 
 
 Looking at the matter impartially, it is impossible 
 not to feel some sympathy with the Pan-German view 
 that South America is neutral ground, is sparsely 
 populated, and is already a very real German interest; 
 while Germany, being seriously in need of colonies, 
 of coaling-stations, and naval bases, and independent 
 markets, sees in South America a land where all these 
 desires could be gratified. There need be no question 
 of territorial acquisition or political dependencies. 
 The history has well said the very shrewd and well- 
 informed Paris correspondent of the Times, February 26, 
 1903 ' of German influence in Turkey during the past 
 decade shows that the role of protector and military 
 counsellor can, quite apart from the realization of 
 territorial aspirations, which it is likewise calculated to 
 promote, be made highly profitable from a purely 
 commercial and financial standpoint.' That is the 
 quintessence of Germany's policy towards South 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 313 
 
 America. It is not that she is unduly rapacious, but 
 simply this. She needs colonies, new markets, and 
 lands to grow the foodstuffs upon she now has to 
 import and pay for. As a power she has arisen some- 
 what late in the world, with the mailed fist as her 
 device, which she is henceforth determined rigidly to 
 live up to. She is pledged to a world policy, which 
 means an oversea policy backed up by a first-class 
 fighting fleet. Some of these things she already has. 
 She has the mailed fist, and a very effective navy, 
 albeit still in its infancy. She has material interests 
 in South America to protect, and the only way to 
 defend them is to increase the strength of her navy, 
 and possess the courage to use it. The South 
 American States are unquestionably evincing a dis- 
 position to unite and consolidate under one flag. In 
 this endeavour the assistance of Germans will not be 
 lacking. President Castro has been taught a lesson 
 which should be exemplary to would - be imitators, 
 while only the other day State Secretary Hay plainly 
 gave the Argentine Republic to understand that 
 America could not put the machinery of the Monroe 
 doctrine in motion in cases of the enforcement by 
 creditor Governments of the payment of debts. Mr. 
 Hay referred the Argentine States to the President's 
 first message to Congress, which said : * We do not 
 guarantee any State against punishment if it miscon- 
 ducts itself, provided such punishment does not take 
 the form of the acquisition of territory by any non- 
 American Power. 1 
 
 This is a clear statement of policy, and is of great 
 importance to all Powers who have interests to protect 
 in South America, for it shows that the Monroe 
 doctrine does not mean ' hands off' all South American 
 peoples, but rather hands off the land, which is ours 
 by right. Hence, though such a declaration is calcu- 
 lated to render the value of military operations 
 exceedingly problematic in cases of temporary occupa- 
 tion of forts, strategic points, and destruction of 
 
314 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 property, etc., it smooths the way for the politician, 
 who may desire to divert the light from his course. 
 Thus, it enables official Germany to shout upon the 
 housetops that she has no intention whatever of 
 annexing land, while giving a mandate, so to speak, 
 to unofficial Germany, to the Pan-Germans, to con- 
 tinue the work of penetration, and implant Deutsch- 
 tum in the land. There would be nv primd facie case 
 against this engrafting of Deutschtum in South 
 America were it to become absorbed, as is the case in 
 the United States which is precisely what it does 
 not do, and what its organizers and supporters intend 
 to see that it never shall. Herein there may lie a 
 source of trouble in the future ; for Americans, as 
 Germans, are human beings with human passions and 
 foibles, and American traditions and German commer- 
 cial enterprise may some day clash together and create 
 an impossible situation, from which the only outlet 
 would be by an appeal to force. It would be then for 
 the Power that had neglected its naval armaments to 
 rue the day. With this eventuality in prospect it is 
 well to provide for the future, as a matter of common 
 prudence. For mark. It is the object of Pan-Germans 
 to avert the ' manifest destiny ' of South America by 
 creating there a race of Germans who may be strong 
 enough some day to establish a German economic 
 preponderance. If this mission fails, Germany, in 
 their opinion, will be ruined. Be that as it may, 
 Deutschtum in South America is a living force which 
 is acting unmistakably for that country's welfare, and 
 may some day become economically paramount. As 
 the population problem in Germany grows more acute, 
 the importance to her of the ' waste ' lands of South 
 America will become increasingly obvious. If America 
 persists in her present policy of protection without 
 responsibility, and German interests in South America 
 grow to the point when to abandon them would be 
 nothing less than an act of folly or weakness and 
 such a point has nearly been obtained it is difficult 
 
GERMAN INTERESTS IN SOUTH AMERICA 315 
 
 to believe that trouble in connection with that conti- 
 nent will not some day arise. As Mr. Somers 
 Somerset* has put it : ' Equatorial America must 
 be to the twentieth century what Africa was to the 
 nineteenth.' Great Britain, most assuredly, will never 
 cross swords with America over South America ; Italy 
 is scarcely likely to be able to. There remains 
 Germany. She, too, will do her best to avoid a 
 fighting issue. But it is only fair to admit that she has 
 a * case ' in South America, which some day she may 
 be sorely tempted to bring up for judgment before the 
 bar of Fate. It is for those who claim the right of 
 protection to take counsel betimes, and to make sure 
 that before they cry ' Hands off!' they have the power 
 which in this case would be naval power requisite 
 to support their words. 
 
 * 'Europe and South America': The Nineteenth Century and 
 After ) April, 1903. 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 
 THE MONROE DOCTRINE 
 
 To write seriously of Deutschtum in the United States 
 is, it must be admitted, a thankless task, bordering, 
 too, on the ridiculous. For probably few Americans 
 would admit that such a thing exists there, or, if it did, 
 that it could thrive otherwise than in a purely American 
 spirit. Which is doubtless true. But as the object 
 of this little work is to depict Deutschtum in all its 
 aspects and in all places accessible to it, Germanism in 
 America cannot be omitted, if only because the subject 
 is a disputable one in the minds of Pan-Germans : who 
 have never ceased to deplore the loss of the 6,000,000 
 odd Germans who emigrated to that continent, and 
 are now making serious efforts, if not to reclaim them, 
 at any rate to consolidate and weld them together in a 
 common bond of racial interest, and to establish, as it 
 were, an intellectual nexus between them and their 
 forbears and kinsmen in the mother country. 
 
 Hope of turning to account in a national sense the 
 German element in America has been abandoned, and 
 no longer forms a creed of the Pan-German party, 
 which pursues practical ends, and never wastes its 
 time in chasing shadows. Still, a good deal has been, 
 and is being, written about the subject ; and the idea 
 that the Germans in America may contribute towards 
 the maintenance of good relations between the two 
 countries, and might even in certain circumstances 
 turn out to be not such a bad political investment after 
 
 316 
 
A PAN-GERMANIC MAP 
 
 OF THE 
 
 NEW WORLD 
 
318 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 all, is entertained in wide circles in Germany, and was 
 signally illuminated and strengthened by the recent 
 panoramic passage of Prince Henry through the 
 United States : who on that occasion was sent, not as 
 the Imperial emblem of the mailed fist, but in white 
 kid gloves, with a message of peace. That august 
 mission he accomplished satisfactorily, and from that 
 date a new era in the relations between America and 
 Germany opened ; or, to be quite accurate, a new 
 policy on the part of the German Emperor was 
 inaugurated. 
 
 This was a policy of petits solus, a sort of degenerate 
 modern adaptation of Napoleon's policy of ' indemnities ' 
 alas ! to-day no longer feasible about which more 
 will be said anon. For the present it will suffice to 
 point out that the ' new ' policy originated largely from 
 Teuton Anglophobia generated during the Boer War, 
 and is characterized chiefly by an anti- English bias : 
 its main object being, apart from the improvement of 
 political relations, the emancipation of America from 
 England, of the American from the English press, 
 and the deletion of the traditional friendly relations 
 between the peoples of England and America. Note- 
 worthy success has not accompanied this policy 
 hitherto ; partly because Germany's good offices were 
 laboured and overdone, and partly because Americans 
 neither like nor understand that kind of thing, and are 
 in no hurry to exchange an old and approved friendship 
 for a new and doubtful one, however speciously 
 wrapped up, and, abhorring lickspittling themselves, 
 naturally look with suspicion upon those who practise 
 it. Nevertheless, though the statue of Frederick the 
 Great has not yet been set up at Washington, some 
 measure of success has been achieved. Notably, the 
 peoples of both nations have come to understand each 
 other better, though not in the sense anticipated by 
 some Germans, while reparation has been made for 
 the hostility shown by Germany towards America 
 during the Spanish War. 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 319 
 
 In that sense the new era has begun well, and 
 Germany may be congratulated. Amicable relations 
 now exist, and the German people, taking the mot 
 d'ordre from above, have begun to show an intelligent 
 interest in American people and methods ; partly, no 
 doubt, owing to the danger anticipated from that 
 quarter : and partly from some notional belief that a 
 bond of brotherhood may be established between the 
 two peoples, in arms against the much-hated Briton, 
 whom Germans largely believe to be as much hated in 
 America as he is in Germany. 
 
 To return to Deutschtum, which organically exists in 
 America as nowhere else, though lacking in fibre ; 
 being for all practical purposes nationally non-existent. 
 About the future of Deutschtum in the States conflict- 
 ing opinions are held. The Pan - Germans have 
 gradually come to the conclusion that the German 
 element is irrevocably lost, and that little object can be 
 gained by wasting time and money in the endeavour 
 to save it. Others, again, more or less saturated with 
 Pan-German ideals, contend that Deutschtum is by no 
 means lost there ; that, on the contrary, the racial 
 problem in America is but beginning, and that the 
 struggle for power between the German and the 
 Anglo-Saxon peoples will eventually end in the 
 supremacy of the former. One of the most outspoken 
 of this optimistic school is Professor Hlibbe-Schleiden, 
 well known as statistician and writer on economics. 
 Writing in the Pan-German central organ (January, < 
 1903), he maintains, in contradistinction to the Pan-] 
 German leader, Professor Hasse, that the future of the \ 
 Germans in the States depends, not on their quantity, I 
 but on their ' quality.' Far more important than mere/ 
 numbers, he avers, is the intellectual standard of 
 Germans, their national and ethical capacity to raise 
 themselves into prominent positions. It will be a 
 1 question of language.' Unfortunately, he writes, 
 English seems likely to be the universal language of 
 the future in America. What lover of languages, he 
 
320 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 continues, will maintain that this prospect is not highly 
 deplorable ? Despite Shakespeare, Milton, Byron, 
 and Macaulay, the English language is the 'lowest' 
 aesthetically that exists, but, being a conglomeration of 
 other languages, it is eminently adapted for an inter- 
 national people. For poetry the English language is 
 'impossible.' Shakespeare 'improves' in German 
 translations, while Goethe and Lessing in English are 
 ' absurd.' English, laments the professor, is wholly 
 inadequate : in expressions for philosophical abstract 
 thought, in concise scientific terms, in words to convey 
 delicate psychical conditions, and for song. It is there- 
 fore the duty, continues the professor who is no dry- 
 asdust, and whose views on the English language, it 
 may be remarked, are widely entertained by Germans, 
 to whom the poetry of Keats, Shelley, Burns, and the 
 prose of Hooker, Ruskin, Swift, Lamb, Goldsmith, 
 appeal not of everyone who loves languages to see 
 that the future language spoken in America ' shall be 
 German.' It is of the highest importance to keep up 
 the German language in America, to establish German 
 Universities, improve the schools, introduce German 
 newspapers, and to see that at American Universities 
 German professors are more capable than their English- 
 speaking colleagues, and make their influence felt un- 
 mistakably on thought, science, art, and literature. If 
 Germans bear this in mind, and help accordingly, the 
 professor feels confident that the goal will eventually 
 be reached. At the present moment, he admits, the 
 centre of German intellectual activity is in Germany ; 
 in the remote future it ' will be in America.' The 
 Germans there are the pioneers of a greater German 
 culture, which * we ' may regard as ours in the future. 
 He advises the Germans to compose themselves into 
 an aristocracy of talent, which is the most effective 
 way nowadays to obtain political power. Germans 
 only need to grasp the situation and the ' future is 
 theirs.' Let them show that they mean to maintain 
 Deutschtum, and then emigration may be directed tc 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 321 
 
 America with impunity as Professor Waentig once 
 recommended it in the Grenzboten (vol. iii., 1902). 
 Germans should emulate the Greeks and spread their 
 'culture abroad.' That 'is our historical mission in 
 the world/ 
 
 Another optimist is Dr. Wirth, who, in a survey of 
 the situation (Alldeutsche Blatter, February 3, 1903), 
 considers the future of Germanism in America is not 
 to be despaired of. This view he bases on the 
 ' growing deterioration ' of the Anglo-Saxon element, 
 the growing importance of Germany, and the growing 
 possibility of creating an economic and intellectual 
 nexus between the Teutonic races in America and 
 Germany. 
 
 With regard to the first contention, Mr. Weston* 
 has pointed to this deterioration of the old American 
 element, which he described as the ' weakest spot of 
 North America.' While the children, argued Weston, 
 of the foreign element increase at a ratio of 6*098 
 per family, those of the old American population 
 increase at 2*408 only. Whereas in the first generation 
 an American family consisted of ten to twelve children 
 on an average, in the sixth generation the family consists 
 often of only one child, while the foreign element 
 continues to produce large families. The older the 
 American family, the fewer the children born. The 
 Anglo-Saxon element, says Mr. Weston, is diminishing; 
 that of the Italian, the Slavs, and others increasing. 
 In 1 88 1 there entered into America 154,000 Britons, 
 251,000 Germans, and but 50,000 Italians, Russians, 
 and Austrians. But in 1902 things were reversed, 
 and there entered into America 45,000 Britons, 28,000 
 Germans, 48,000 Scandinavians, 178,000 Italians, 
 107,000 Russians, 172,000 Austrians and Hungarians. 
 If immigration in this proportion continues, the Ger- 
 manic element will be pushed back in favour of the 
 Latin and Slav races, added to which the negro 
 question is becoming yearly more acute. The future, 
 * Nineteenth Century and After , December, 1902. 
 
 21 
 
322 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 argues Dr. Wirth, is for nationalities the Pan-Slavic, 
 Pan-German, Pan-Latin, etc. and all this lies in 
 Germany's favour. The German element has more 
 chances to preserve itself than its ' arch enemy, the 
 Anglo-Saxon race.' Language, he contends, is not 
 quite all. Did not Palacky write the first volume 
 of his great history in German ? And in America 
 Germans are now joining together. 
 
 First of all, our Pan-German enthusiast maintains, 
 Germany's colonial expansion policy awakened a 
 patriotic echo in the hearts of American Germans 
 then came the enthusiasm for the navy. The Germar 
 in America began to feel proud of his old country, anc 
 when the Samoan trouble occurred many a Germai 
 American was on Germany's side. Finally, the Boe 
 War * joined all the German American element to 
 gether/ and Germans co-operated in making repre 
 sentations to the Government at Washington agains : 
 England, and, for the first time, gave political ex 
 pression to their opinions. The German Veterans ' 
 Associations in America, which since 1898 had lost a I 
 importance, were revivified, and ' are now living inst - 
 tutions ' once more. The climax was reached whe i 
 Prince Henry visited the States. All these manifol I 
 German associations were immediately galvanized int > 
 being, and Germanism since that event has becom i 
 a self-conscious power, which is ' likely to increase 
 Efforts to suppress the German language served bi t 
 to increase the enthusiasm of Germans to remai i 
 German, and now the Fatherland has at last turned i s 
 eyes upon them, while the Pan-German agitation s 
 propagating its ideas and finds acceptance in Germe i 
 eyes. 
 
 Freemasonry leagues contribute to cement th s 
 German feeling ; there is a German synod to whic h 
 some 900 Protestant parishes are attached, whic h 
 maintain the German language. Even the Sociali ;t 
 and Anarchist organizations ' contribute towards th it 
 end,' to say nothing of Jewish synagogues ai d 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 323 
 
 societies. To effect closer union, concludes Dr. Wirth, 
 Pan-Germans must organize a German national agita- 
 tion ; and just as the patriotic lectures of Professor 
 Heyck were epoch-making for the maintenance of 
 Germanism in Brazil, so in America a lecturing tour 
 in that spirit could not fail to ' bear fruit/ 
 
 Less optimistic is Professor Hasse,*the Pan-German 
 leader, who estimates the Germans in America at over 
 10 millions. The only way to maintain Deutschtum, 
 he opines, is to keep up the stream of German im- 
 migration. The future depends on whether the 
 United States ceases to be an Anglo-Saxon national 
 power or not. This it will not do ' unless the German 
 element there can be organized and so educated that 
 political power finally falls into its lap/ He thinks 
 Germans could obtain a commanding position in 
 municipal affairs and in the Government, in the 
 Church and in education, and establish pure German 
 communities, like the Boers have done in South Africa. 
 But he anticipates little results unless Germans abandon 
 all attempts to take sides on democratic and republican 
 matters. The only way to obtain power is for the 
 Germans to form themselves into a ' national political ' 
 body, after the fashion of the Poles in Germany or the 
 Czechs and Poles in Austria. 
 
 Dr. Otto Hotzsch, of Berlin, on the other hand, is 
 an optimist. From the foundation of the German- 
 American National League at Philadelphia, October 6, 
 1901, he expects much. Its most important plank is 
 the demand that German should be taught in the 
 schools, and the emancipation of the schools from 
 political influences. This institution 'can accomplish 
 good and permanent work.' Robert Thiem, of New 
 York, shares this view, and in a letter to the All- 
 deutsche Blatter (September 20, 1902), he speaks of 
 the Germanization of Americans who are not yet 
 aware 'how German in the spirit they have become/ 
 In 100 years (sic) Americans will be conquered by the , 
 * Vide numerous articles in the Alldeutsche Blatter. 
 
 21 2 
 
324 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 German Geist, and the German Emperor will perhaps 
 transfer his residence (in Roman fashion) to New York. 
 The prospects of a German- American Empire, he 
 contends, are hopeful. 
 
 Now, as before said, true Pan-Germans are less 
 confident. They remember what importance the 
 Boers attach to the power of language, and the main- 
 tenance of German as a spoken tongue is what they 
 most despair of. America, as Professor Hasse once 
 said in the Reichstag, is 'the grave of Germanism.' 
 Bocklin, of Chicago, however, assures Pan-Germans 
 that it is not so. During the Spanish War, he writes 
 (Alldeutsche Blatter, May 22, 1902), when the Jingoes 
 were storming against Germany, German-American 
 papers energetically protested on behalf of the * beloved 
 home of millions of German Americans.' Germans 
 then joined together and denounced * these English 
 machinations,' and sent a resolution of protestation to 
 President McKinley. It was a veritable furor Teu- 
 tonicus, quaintly asseverates this chronicler. Pan- 
 Germans, he continues, can do good work by providing 
 Germans in America with suitable reading-books and 
 by agitating at home. Experience teaches that every 
 step forward taken by the German Empire electrifies 
 Germans in America with hope, and cements them 
 together. Germans in the Fatherland ' should do 
 more ' to keep up and strengthen the connecting-link. 
 
 Once the New York Staatszeitung seemed also to 
 regard the future of Deutschtum optimistically. Pan- 
 German ideas, it maintained (October, 1902) were 
 growing in influence, not only in South, but also in 
 North America. In the Mississippi and Missouri 
 valleys the German language had ousted the French, 
 and in New York was steadily increasing. These 
 facts ' lead to the inference ' that Germanism ' is grow- 
 ing in power,' and may some day drive back Anglo- 
 Saxondom, and finally reign over land and sea. But, 
 despite the ratiocinative gifts of the New York Staats- 
 zeitung, opinions are very varied. And Paul Dehm. 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 325 
 
 who writes a good deal on Deutschtum in various 
 organs, notably in the Deiitsche Monatschrift, com- 
 plains bitterly that in St. Louis, one of the most 
 German of all towns in America, the Germans are so 
 wanting in backbone that they passively submitted to 
 the abolition of the German language in the schools, 
 and stood * inertly ' by while some fifty German schools 
 went bankrupt owing to want of support, although 
 Germans form two-fifths of the population of the city. 
 Such a degenerate Germanism as that of St. Louis, 
 he exclaims, may reckon upon the applause of ' the 
 yellow press and anti-German London newspapers !' 
 
 To labour the point further would be useless. The 
 above excerpts show that American Deutschtum does 
 exist in the minds of many a good commoner in Ger- 
 many and America ; and that the future predominance 
 of Germanism there, however nebulous an hypothesis 
 it may appear to most Americans, exercises the brains 
 of many a German publicist, some of whom believe its 
 realization to be possible. It is wiser to take the 
 golden mean, and note that the movement is en 
 marche ; that if Germanism in America only a few 
 years ago appeared to be a forlorn hope, now a fresh 
 stimulus has been imparted to it ; while the German 
 element is growing, and becoming more and more 
 conscious of its existence, in contradistinction to the 
 Anglo-Saxon element, which is its most formidable 
 rival. 
 
 The causes of this rejuvenation of Germanism in 
 America are perfectly clear to all who have followed 
 the history of Germany in the last decade, and bear in 
 mind that German-speaking peoples, as indeed most 
 Continental peoples, have become saturated with Anglo- 
 phobia, which has tended to unite the Teutonic races 
 together, and has now become a potential factor in 
 politics. In addition to which, of course, the rapid 
 rise of Germany to the position of one of the world 
 powers, the Emperor's sea policy, and the aureole of 
 majesty and power which he has imparted to Ger- 
 
326 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 many's flight over the seas, have all contributed not a 
 little to remind Germans in far-off lands that their 
 Fatherland, which they once quitted without a tear or 
 sigh, has since become one of the foremost Powers in 
 the world, whose flag everyone respects, and about 
 whose vitality as a nation no sort of a doubt is admis- 
 sible. The Germans abroad had begun to see and 
 feel all this, in a dumb, inarticulate way, some years 
 ago ; but the Pan-Germans did not look after them, 
 and so they fell an easy prey to the assimilative power 
 of the Americans, among whom they found freedom 
 and prosperity. When Germans, during the American- 
 Spanish War, poured brimstone upon Americans, the 
 Germans in America suddenly became conscious of 
 their Germanism, and gave public expression to their 
 indignation at American reprisals, which, in the case 
 of America, they called Jingoism, and put down to 
 English machinations. Then came the Boer War, 
 and the same operation was repeated. If, then, Ger- 
 many became a wilderness of unbridled Anglophobia, 
 the Germans in America were not one whit the less 
 Anglophobe. They massed together, endeavoured to 
 stir up a political agitation in favour of the Boers, and 
 showed that their feelings towards England were not 
 American : but German. As in the Spanish War, it 
 was once more the Teutonic element pitted against 
 the Anglo-Saxon, the only difference being that 
 England could be abused with impunity. Then came 
 the visit of Prince Henry, which clinched the situation, 
 and drew the attention of Germany to Germans in 
 America. But before entering into the political 
 aspect of that visit, it may be as well to say something 
 about the German-American League founded at Phila- 
 delphia in 1901, and its attitude towards Pan- 
 Germanism. 
 
 This League has for its object the union of Germans 
 in America. "*Three years before its foundation a 
 Professor Muensterberg had upset the apple-cart, 
 humanly speaking, by proclaiming that the Germans 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 327 
 
 desired to form a political party a State within a 
 State which statement created considerable sensation 
 in America at the time. Mindful of this episode, the 
 League now dissociates itself from all semblance of 
 connection with the Pan-German party, as it fully 
 realizes that to act in collusion with Pan-Germans 
 would defeat its main object, which is to strengthen 
 Germanism by maintaining the German language, and 
 inspiring German Americans with the German national 
 spirit. Individual members of the League are at 
 liberty to become Pan-Germans if they please, but 
 there official connection ends. The centre root, 
 explained Professor Ferren to the League, of our 
 movement is ' our mother tongue, its perpetuation, and 
 the maintenance of German customs and usages.' He 
 appealed to them to introduce among Americans other 
 influences than Anglo-Saxon. The German who 
 shouts for the Stars and Stripes the moment he lands 
 in America is a * worthless creature/ The Pan- 
 German League, on the other hand, fully recognises 
 the difficulty of active co-operation, and accepts the 
 situation. Practically, however, the objects of both 
 Leagues are identical. In the statutes of the German- 
 American League all desire to intervene in party 
 politics is disclaimed. Members are exhorted to vote 
 according to conscience, and to be true to the country 
 of their adoption. But in discussing the work of this 
 League, Professor Goebel^ frankly contends that, 
 despite the non-political clause, the League will be 
 compelled, sooner or later, to ' take an active part in 
 politics.' He recommends the appointment of a con- 
 fidential agent ( Vertra^lensmann)^ to reside at Wash- 
 ington, who may keep in touch with the Government, 
 and so influence it as the Jews did in connection with 
 the Kitchinef massacres. This League may develop ; 
 at the present moment it seems active enough. Its 
 ultimate success it is idle to forecast. 
 
 Another recent German institution is the Germanic 
 * ' Deutschtum in den Vereinigten Staaten.' 
 
328 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 museum at Harvard University, about which Professor 
 Kuno Francke writes (Das Deutscktum im Auslande, 
 March, 1902) that it is destined to become an 'out- 
 post ' in an Anglo-Saxon centre note how Deutsch- 
 tum is always pitted against Anglo-Saxondom of 
 Germanism, and to make propaganda for German 
 intelligence and art at America's leading University. 
 It should become, he thinks, a means of bringing 
 together leading German men of thought and literature 
 in Germany and America. The Hohenzollerns, it 
 may be remarked, have given their patronage to this 
 institution, and when Prince Henry visited the States 
 he presented the museum with a number of valuable 
 objects of art as a present from the Emperor. Public 
 subscriptions in Germany have since led to a further 
 collection of objects of German art and industry, 
 which will be sent to the museum about the beginning 
 of 1904. 
 
 In addition to the above, a former German 
 ' publication fund/ started to promote the intellectual 
 ties between Germans in Germany and America, was 
 amalgamated, during or after Prince Henry's visit, 
 into the ' German Historical Society,' founded in 
 Philadelphia in 1901, as annex to the German- 
 American League. This society covers the same 
 ground as the former ' Publication Fund/ and is a 
 record office for the archives of Germanism in North 
 and South America. Its organ is the Americana 
 Germanica, now named German American Annals, its 
 object being to maintain Deutschtum in America. 
 After Prince Henry's visit, too, German Americans in 
 New York founded a society called ' Vereinigte 
 Deutsche Gesellschaften von Gross New York/ with 
 the object of strengthening the feeling of solidarity 
 among Germans in America, supporting the German 
 language and culture, and introducing German schools 
 in places where German was not taught. When this 
 society met together at a banquet, in celebration of 
 the anniversary of Schiller's birthday, Professor Kuno 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 329 
 
 Francke said that the Germans in New York were 
 now determined to bury their own personal differences 
 and work together, and that the German Emperor in 
 1902 had told him that he (His Majesty) regarded the 
 union of Germans in New York which had taken 
 place as a result of Prince Henry's visit to be its 
 * greatest success and justification.' 
 
 Of course, no one would pretend for an instant that 
 there is any harm in such institutions, or that Germans 
 have not the fullest right to form themselves into 
 societies and leagues (as they so love doing) ; or, 
 indeed, that German culture is not a benefit to the 
 country. What is significant is the way every effort 
 of the Germans in America to assert themselves, so to 
 speak, is heralded in Pan-German and ancillary organs 
 as a fresh nail driven into the coffin of Anglo-Saxondom, 
 and a fresh girder built in support of Deutschtum. As 
 illustrative of this feeling the visit of Prince Henry 
 offers classic examples. He went, as will be remem- 
 bered, at a somewhat critical moment, just after an 
 official attempt had been made by Germany to dis- 
 credit the late Lord Pauncefote, and at a time when 
 German relations with America were not, on the whole, 
 satisfactory. As the Pan-German organs said at the 
 time, it would be touch and go, and its success would 
 depend on the influence he was able personally to exer- 
 cise on German Americans in order to sever them 
 from American Imperialistic ideas, and break their 
 adhesion to Monroe's doctrine. Professor Hasse, in 
 the Reichstag, openly said that the chief success of the 
 visit would be to blast the English influence, and bring 
 German Americans nearer to Germany. Well ! the 
 Prince was well received everywhere, and Pan-Ger- 
 mans were satisfied. German Americans, they said, 
 will now feel a sense of union never experienced before, 
 and will throw the weight of their influence in favour 
 of Germany, and against that of the Jingoes. All sorts 
 of incidents and episodes at the time were published 
 in the German press, and greatly appreciated by Ger- 
 
330 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 mans. Thus, once in Cleveland, when Prince Henry 
 was introduced to a German who, twenty years pre- 
 viously, had been a sailor on the same ship, and the 
 man began to speak English, the Prince said sharply : 
 ' Come, speak German ; I know you can.' And on 
 another occasion, at St. Louis, Prince Henry asked an 
 old German veteran whether he thought sometimes of 
 the Fatherland ; whether he brought up his children in 
 German ways, and sent them to a German school ; 
 whether he remembered his (the Prince's) father 
 (the Emperor Frederick) ; whether he had married 
 a German lady ; and expressed a hope that he still 
 loved the old country. ' Would to God,' wrote the 
 Alldeutsche Blatter, in reporting this incident, ' that 
 Prince Henry could so stir the conscience of every 
 German American !' that would indeed be an unpre- 
 cedented German missionary work. 
 
 All this is harmless enough, though at the same time 
 symptomatic of the Teutonic movement : whether it be 
 regarded from a Pan-German standpoint or in a purely 
 sentimental spirit. The point is rather to note that 
 for the first time the home country took official notice 
 of Germans in America, and that a general renascence 
 of Germanism has been the result. In this sense the 
 visit was a political success, and was so welcomed by 
 Germans. It established good relations between Ger- 
 many and America, contributed to soften the memories 
 of various unpleasant episodes such as the Dewe) 
 incident at Manila to consolidate German Americans 
 and to show the world that Germany was alsc 
 ' America's friend.' Underlying it all was the virus o 
 Anglophobia, which prompted its inception and contri 
 buted to its success. No other moral need be pointed 
 It was the beginning of a new policy, and to pronouna 
 upon its final success would be premature. But fron 
 the German standpoint it may be described as having 
 begun well. When the Emperor presents a Germai 
 banner to the German veterans at St. Louis with th< 
 inscription on it, ' With God for Emperor and Em 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 331 
 
 pire,' and the German Consul makes a speech on the 
 occasion, and bids them ' remember the Fatherland,' 
 and maintain the German language, and ' be true unto 
 themselves/ official recognition is thus given to the 
 efforts of the ' School Association ' and other ancillary 
 Pan-German societies for promoting Deutschtum 
 abroad and in America, which half a decade ago would 
 have been deemed a highly dangerous experiment. 
 That nobody now endeavours to treat such symptoms 
 of progressive Deutschum as political incidents is due 
 mainly to Prince Henry's visit : which paved the way 
 for a gentle flirtation between Emperor and emigrant, 
 and made it a perfectly natural thing for the German 
 at home to commune with his Americanized cousin, 
 and remind him of the colours of the old flag, and the 
 motto under which the German army rallies. 
 
 Prince Henry's visit was an important landmark 
 in the history of America and Germany, because it 
 initiated one of those revulsions of policy which an 
 intelligent ruler feels justified in making from time to 
 time when new conditions have arisen, and adaptation 
 to the new order of things is not to be confounded 
 with inconsistency. Up to that time Germany had 
 been inclined to adopt an aggressive policy towards 
 America, partly from a fear of the so-called American 
 danger, and partly because Germany's interests in 
 some portions of the New World were felt to be likely 
 to clash with Monroe's doctrine, which Germans held 
 to be an impertinent personal declaration, not binding 
 upon Europe, who, indeed, had every reason to flout 
 it. In a word, Germany dreaded America, and this 
 feeling has on more than one occasion been given 
 expression to by the German Emperor. What Ger- 
 many thought about America was indicated at President 
 Faure's funeral in 1899, when the German Ambas- 
 sador, Prince Radziwill, said : ' There is another country 
 (besides England) against which the Continental Powers 
 should come to an understanding for the purpose of 
 organizing their economic defence. This is the United 
 
332 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 States, whose pretensions and riches are becoming a 
 danger for us all.' 
 
 Then, during the Spanish-American War, the Con- 
 tinental agitation (which Germany encouraged) to 
 organize an alliance against America was foiled chiefly 
 by the determined attitude taken up by England, who 
 refused to listen to such a scheme. At that time the 
 German press began to talk loudly of acquiring coaling- 
 stations, and, in particular, the Marine Politische Cor- 
 respondenz harped persistently on the idea that Spain 
 had offered Germany a coaling-station in the Philip- 
 pines. Whether this was so or not, there ensued out 
 of that idea the ' Manila incident,' and once more it 
 was owing to the firm attitude of the British officer 
 in command at the station (Captain Chichester) that 
 serious trouble between Germans and Americans was 
 avoided. As will be remembered, matters reached 
 such a pitch that the German flag was fired upon, and 
 a German launch narrowly escaped being sunk ; but 
 America had, by this time, won several great battles 
 in the Caribbean, and it was wisely thought inoppor- 
 tune at Berlin to push matters further. 
 
 The attitude of the German Emperor at that time 
 was portrayed by a conversation which M. de Segus 
 had with His Majesty on board the Hohenzollern in 
 Norwegian waters, and which he subsequently published 
 in the Revue de Paris, November i, 1901. According 
 to M. S6gus, the Emperor spoke principally about 
 America, for which country he expressed slight 
 sympathy. He foresaw a future menace in those 
 colossal Trusts. Suppose, he said, that a Morgan 
 combine ' collects under his flag several of the ocean 
 lines. He occupies no official position in his own 
 country. No one could treat with him, and neither 
 could his Government be approached. To provide 
 against this danger, an European " Zollverein " must be 
 formed, a Customs League against the United States, 
 like that which Napoleon attempted against England, 
 to safeguard the interests and assure the liberty of 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 333 
 
 Continental commerce at the expense of American de- 
 velopment/ Without any circumlocution, the Emperor 
 declared that in that case England would be put in the 
 position of 'choosing between two diametrically opposed 
 policies either to adhere to the new B locus, and 
 range herself on the side of Europe against the United 
 States, or to ally herself with them against the 
 Continental Powers/ 
 
 This was the attitude of Germany in 1901 ; and it 
 is instructive to note that in the report of the ' Industrial 
 League' in Germany, 1901-1902, it is clearly stated 
 that the League had approached the ' Industrialist 
 Club ' of Austria- Hungary with a view to forming such 
 a Customs Union, and that the Austrian Club was in 
 full sympathy with the proposal. A committee was 
 formed to take further steps, but in view of the visit of 
 Prince Henry to America the entire scheme for the 
 moment was shelved. 
 
 It is impossible here to enter into the economic side 
 of the question, and the proposed European Customs 
 Union against America and England which, though 
 supported by the League, is not specifically a Pan- 
 German suggestion. The point to observe is that, 
 whereas till about 1901 the authorities that be in 
 Germany were anything but amicably disposed towards 
 the United States, in or about that date Germany's 
 attitude underwent a rapid change. The idea once 
 held and freely expressed during the time of the first 
 Naval agitation that Germany 'had the start of 
 America, could outbuild her in ships, and so afford to 
 play a bold game was suddenly abandoned. With 
 true political prescience the Emperor quickly grasped 
 the situation, realized the danger of an aggressive 
 anti-American policy, and altered the ship's course. 
 Not that the economic danger from America was, or 
 is now, considered to have grown less serious, or that 
 Monroe's message was deemed to have less significance 
 than in former years, but rather because it was realized 
 that America could not be outstripped, was richer than 
 
334 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Germany, and that many a difficulty could be overcome 
 with the use of a little savoir faire, and diplomatic 
 persuasion. And so the German Emperor, who never 
 does things by halves, immediately put about the helm 
 and proceeded to tack. 
 
 This policy of ' tacking,' though not Bismarckian, has 
 been justified by events/"" The first perceptible sign 
 of a change took place in 1901, when the Emperor 
 bought the famous Kentucky horse, King Rudolph 
 Clasen, and telegraphed to the Boston Young Men's 
 Christian Association in June of the same year : ' May 
 the American associations in future train for their 
 Great Fatherland citizens sound in body and soul, with 
 earnest convictions of right standing on the only im- 
 movable foundation of the name of Christ, whose name 
 is above every other.' The Emperor next placed the 
 order for his new yacht in America ; sent messages of 
 condolence to Mrs. McKinley ; cablegrams to Pre- 
 sident Roosevelt ; instructed the German Ambassador, 
 Dr. Holleben, to repudiate the rumours of German 
 aims and intentions to acquire coaling-stations in the 
 Caribbean as * malicious libels ' ; and finally lit upon 
 the really happy idea of sending Prince Henry to the 
 United States. This mission Prince Henry, who has 
 a keen sense of humour, besides being a man of the 
 world and a sailor, carried out to the letter. He used 
 the word 'cinch/ guessed 'we shall have to hustle,' 
 and drunk to George Washington, winning the hearts 
 of all ; while the Emperor 'ascribed to American 
 journalists the rank of ' Commanding Generals.' 
 
 Then Miss Alice Roosevelt was invited to represent 
 the Kaiser at the launch of his new yacht, christened 
 with her name. Finally, after Dr. Holleben had 
 endeavoured to discredit Lord Pauncefote, who never 
 got over that ' unkindest cut of all/ a statue of Frederick 
 the Great was sent over as a gift to Washington. In 
 December, 1902, on the occasion of the opening of the 
 new German Atlantic cable, the Emperor expressed 
 
 * Vide article, 'The Kaisers,' National Review ', March, 1903. 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 335 
 
 the hope that it would ' contribute towards strengthen- 
 ing more and more the good relations between Germany 
 and the United States'; and when, as the result of the 
 discreditable Pauncefote incident, Baron Speck von 
 Sternburg succeeded Dr. Holleben, that newcomer 
 proceeded to out- Herod his Imperial master in ex- 
 pressions of goodwill and diplomatic pyrotechnics. 
 The Emperor, telegraphed the New York corre- 
 spondent of the Times, has addressed a message to 
 the American people, with a whole bouquet of compli- 
 ments on 'their capabilities, their fair and brilliant 
 women, their liveliness of disposition, the ease with 
 which they do immense things, and their loyalty to high 
 aims. . . .' The Emperor complains that during the 
 Spanish-American War it was the German papers, and 
 not the German Government, which offended the 
 American people, and, finally, he expressed the highest 
 respect for American journalists. The representatives 
 of the leading journals, although nearly always young 
 and uncommonly energetic, ' are trustworthy men/ 
 Their keen intelligence, their excellent professional 
 training and clear judgment, ' have always charmed 
 me in the highest degree.' Numerous other examples * 
 of similar adulation might be advanced ; but as they 
 are all of recent date and in everybody's recollection, 
 no object could be served in rehearsing them. To be 
 noted, finally, is the remark of Baron Speck von 
 Sternburg, when he begun his mission, that he would 
 establish friendly relations between America and the 
 United States such that 'all Europe would be amazed 
 at.' The Venezuelan affair somewhat clouded his 
 prospects at first, but otherwise he is probably the 
 right man for the post, and it is to be hoped, for his 
 own sake, that the results may be as big as his words. 
 In all this philandering with the Stars and Stripes, 
 
 * One of the more recent of these was the Emperor's endeavour 
 to establish a Transatlantic yacht race, for which he offered a cup. 
 This, however, fell through, owing to New York Yachting Club 
 4 differences.' 
 
336 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 this systematic policy of petits soins and little gifts, 
 this keenness to curry favour with Washington, there 
 is method rather than madness, and no one under- 
 stands what it all means better than the Americans, 
 whose understanding is uncommonly shrewd. When 
 German efforts were made to prove to the world, as 
 prelude to Prince Henry's visit, that England had 
 endeavoured to thwart America's action in Cuba, 
 Americans only smiled, for they knew their man. 
 They knew, whatever documents Germany cared to 
 bring forth to prove the contrary, that it was England 
 who prevented the Powers from formally requesting 
 the tlnited States not to interfere in Cuba, which 
 would have meant war. Europe knows that now, but 
 she did not at that time, and England prevented 
 Europe from putting it to the test. But Americans 
 also knew that Lord Pauncefote was incapable of 
 double-dealing. Unfortunately, the blow proved too 
 much for him, and it is no exaggeration to say that 
 it drove him into an early grave. His rival, Dr. 
 Holleben, it would seem from inexperience rather 
 than out of malice, committed a serious mistake, was 
 recalled, and fell precipitately into neglected obscurity, 
 without a passing note of recognition. And when the 
 question as to Lord Pauncefote's successor arose in 
 England, it was solved by President Roosevelt : who 
 requested as a personal favour that his 'old friend,' 
 the late Sir Michael Herbert, might be sent to 
 carry on Lord Pauncefote's work. Unfortunately, his 
 career, too, has been prematurely cut short. 
 
 In sum, the new policy is the outcome of circum- 
 stances, and denotes the determination on the part of 
 Germany to take up an independent attitude towards 
 America, since on almost every occasion in which 
 she has acted or endeavoured to act in collusion with 
 Great Britain she has always been the loser, and 
 rarely seen any single one of her wishes fulfilled. 
 Thus in 1889-1890 it was England who refused to be 
 part of the European Customs Union against America, 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 337 
 
 so foiling the entire plan. It was England who during 
 the American -Spanish War defeated the European 
 anti- American coalition ; it was England, again, who 
 in Samoa sided with America against Germany. 
 Lastly, it was England who first accepted the Monroe 
 doctrine. It is through England, too, that most 
 American news trickles into Germany, and this is felt 
 to be an intolerable situation by Germans, whose general 
 knowledge of America is as deficient as is the average 
 E nglishman's of Germany. Since the change of method, 
 however, an improvement in this respect is noticeable. 
 A new German cable to America has been laid, and 
 the press of both America and Germany are becoming 
 increasingly independent of English sources, which 
 in itself is an excellent thing. Emancipation from 
 England is the watchword of the new policy, which, 
 unfortunately, is also tainted with Anglophobia. This 
 is its true significance, and in this sense it should be 
 watched by the Anglo-Saxon peoples, whether in 
 Great Britain or the United States. 
 
 The idea of the Zollverein against America has not 
 been abandoned because of the new policy, and many 
 are the eminent authorities, among the most pug- 
 nacious of whom is Professor von Waltershausen, who 
 could be quoted to prove its necessity. But to re- 
 capitulate German opinion on the American danger 
 does not fall within the scope of this little work, which 
 is concerned with Deutschtum, and not at all with the 
 economic side of the question, for which a special 
 volume would be required. The new policy has been 
 analyzed by that prolific writer, Dr. Rohrbach, who 
 has been entrusted by the Government with the task 
 of reporting on economic affairs in German South- 
 West Africa. In ' Deutschland unter den Weltvolkern ' 
 he maintains that Germany is forced to pursue this 
 tacking policy towards America, if only because of her 
 position in the constellation of the Powers, her present 
 indifferent relations with England, and in view of the 
 tasks she has to accomplish in other portions of the 
 
 22 
 
338 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 globe, for a war with America would be an 'enormous 
 danger.' Anyone, he contends, who realizes Germany's 
 situation must agree that no other attitude is 'pos- 
 sible.' Do, he exclaims, German Chauvinists and 
 political force men think ' that Germany likes saying 
 all these nice things to America, or that they are the 
 outpourings of a loving heart ' ? Germany, he argues, 
 has to eradicate the suspicion with which Americans 
 regard her policy. In this Germany can be successful 
 if patient and tactful. It is conceivable, he reasons, 
 that the racial problem in America may turn out to 
 Germany's advantage, but unlikely, at any rate for a 
 long time to come, that the Teutonic element in the 
 States will be able to exercise appreciable influence on 
 American politics, or form any appreciable check to 
 Anglo-Saxon power, with its trend towards Im- 
 perialism ; which ' is a perpetual source of danger to 
 Germany,' who also has a trend towards Imperialism, 
 and is haunted by the idea that the Imperalism of 
 Anglo-Saxons is antagonistic to that of the Teutons. 
 
 Again, the bogey of Deutschtum versus Anglo- 
 Saxondom is always conjured up by Germans. As 
 before said, Deutschtum in America is practically a 
 negative quantity. But none the less it does assert 
 itself in a national sense from time to time, and always 
 in an anti-English, and thus anti- Anglo-Saxon, spirit. 
 To cite one example, taken at hazard during the 
 Samoan affair, which is typical of Deutschtum and its 
 methods. It was just after the German flag had been 
 fired upon in connection with that episode, and feeling 
 in America was running dangerously high. Nearly 
 200 German organizations of the city of Chicago mel 
 in the Schiller building, and, with hochs for Father- 
 land and cheers for the country of their adoption 
 banded themselves together for the perpetuation o: 
 American ideals and resistance to alliances witf 
 ' foreign nations ' ; the foreign nation, in this instance 
 being England, who at the time was siding wit! 
 America against Germany. 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 339 
 
 The editor of the Illinois Staats Zeitung presided, 
 and a resolution was adopted as follows : * The 
 federation of German American citizens of Chicago and 
 vicinity is organized to uphold the peace and welfare 
 of our glorious Republic. Its cardinal principle, there- 
 fore, is based on unswerving opposition to anything 
 calculated to disturb the relations of the United States 
 with other Powers, and it pledges itself to resist with 
 every means at its demand all attempts to involve this 
 nation in an alliance with another nation, by which we 
 might be compelled to fight for the interests of a 
 foreign Power. We believe it to be not only in the 
 interests of our descendants, but in the interests of the 
 Republic as well, to foster the German language and 
 traits of German character which we brought to these 
 shores. We favour the coalition of all German 
 organizations for the promotion of social peace and 
 citizenship. We are opposed to anything that savours 
 of German " baiting," and the attempts to provoke 
 anti-German sentiment in recent international com- 
 plications of the American Government command 
 only our deepest scorn. The committee on permanent 
 organization, to be here appointed, is charged with the 
 formulation of such a plan as shall contemplate the 
 realization of these principles.'* 
 
 Mr. Rapp, who presided at the meeting, declared 
 that it ' was a disgrace to German Americans to think 
 that an American Admiral of German extraction 
 allowed American sailors to shoot in Samoa at the 
 command of an English Lieutenant,' which contention 
 provoked loud applause from the assembly, which all 
 through displayed a pronounced anti- British bias. 
 Similar meetings, at the time, were held in Kansas 
 City and Toledo, and it was generally anticipated that 
 this German movement would have world-wide effect. 
 Of course, it did not, and the whole thing was somewhat 
 in the nature of a soap-bubble, which nobody thought 
 it worth while to prick, because of the certainty that 
 * Vide the Chicago Daily News' report at the time. 
 
 22 2 
 
340 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 sooner or later it would evaporate. But such meetings 
 were frequent during the Boer War, when they assumed 
 far more important dimensions, while the leit motive 
 inspiring them all was German sentiment versus Anglo- 
 Saxondom ; or, in plain words, Deutschtum making 
 for a rapprochement with German aims and ideas. 
 
 The theme of Deutschtum in America, even if tire- 
 some and absurd, may well be worth reflection in view 
 of the unquestionable deterioration in the propagation 
 of the original Anglo-Saxon stock a sufficiently 
 ominous sign for the future, which President Roosevelt 
 has referred to as ' race suicide/ and about which Mr. 
 Stead made some very pertinent remarks in his sug- 
 gestive little work, ' The Americanization of the 
 World.' The fact that Germans claim President 
 Lincoln to be of German descent, and maintain that 
 his real name was Linkhorn, is just one of those indi- 
 cations, trivial enough it may be, that Deutschtum 
 exists in self-conscious state; while it is precisely to the 
 maintenance of, and adherence to, national traditions, 
 customs, language, and racial idiosyncrasies that the 
 Pan-Germans attach such importance, as the Boers 
 do, and the Poles, the Czechs, the Hungarians, the 
 Flemish, and all other peoples who are fighting for 
 nationality. It is far from the purpose of the writer 
 to cast aspersions upon Germans either in America or 
 elsewhere, or to indulge in what Germans style Anglo- 
 Saxon German ' baiting,' or to seek to proscribe, in 
 any way or by any means, the efforts of German 
 scholars and students to maintain, perpetuate, or dis- 
 seminate in the world either German culture, language, 
 customs, or traditions. 
 
 On the contrary, the world is the richer for German 
 culture, and German customs and traditions are whole- 
 some and elevating. Ich dien (' I serve ') was the 
 motto of blind old Johann, King of Bohemia, in whom 
 Carlyle delighted ; and this sense of humility and love 
 of work are characteristic of Germany to-day. It is 
 only when Deutschtum is used as a vehicle for dis- 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 341 
 
 seminating Anglophobe traditions that its existence 
 may become a source of menace to the peaceful evolu- 
 tion of peoples ; and if (as it would seem) it is the aim 
 of Germans to use, or rather abuse, the Teutonic ele- 
 ment in America, no harm can be done by calling 
 attention to that fact. One of the most recent publica- 
 tions of the Pan-German League is concerned with 
 4 Deutschtum in the United States/ and is from the pen 
 of Professor Qoebel. The consciousness of Deutsch- 
 tum animates " the~~writer, who occasionally speaks out 
 boldly. What is the use, he writes, of ' convulsive 
 English attempts' (the Rhodes scholarships) 'to decoy 
 American education from German ideals ? Has not 
 every thinking citizen in America decided which of the 
 two systems is the better ? Then he writes : It is not 
 to England that the task of promoting culture in the 
 future ' is decreed, but to that nation, bound to Ameri- 
 cans by the tie of blood, and by the common striving 
 after ideals/ The guardians of this most holy bond of 
 friendship are the ' Germans in America.' ' Woe to 
 the statesman who frivolously seeks to tear them apart 
 or make war against them !' 
 
 In this little passage Deutschtum reveals itself 
 nakedly. The Germans are to be the guardians of 
 friendship between Germany and America, and to take 
 care that no statesman ventures to oppose them. 
 Further than this Pan-Germans do not go. What 
 they hope, what the German Government, too, hopes, 
 to accomplish is to strengthen the feeling of Deutschtum 
 among German Americans, to establish close relations 
 between them and the mother country, to give buoy- 
 ancy and national vitality to what is German in 
 America, and so eventually to create an American 
 German following or party : German in speech and 
 thought, who may form a counterpoise to the Anglo- 
 Saxon element, and, politically, be of such numerical 
 weight that, just as between England and America war 
 is almost inconceivable, so in the future between 
 Germans and Americans peace and goodwill may 
 
342 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 reign. What Germans feel is that by utilizing the 
 German element in America, Germany could stand on 
 the same footing towards America as Great Britain 
 does. The one essential thing is unity among the 
 Germans ; and unity is Deutschtum, which, ever since 
 the creation of the German Empire, has been anti- 
 English in the spirit. To foster Deutschtum in the 
 Union is now the avowed aim of German politicians ; 
 not that much in a political sense is anticipated there- 
 from, but because it is felt that the Germans in 
 America may reasonably be expected to keep in touch 
 with things German and with the Fatherland, and, as 
 Germans, use their influence on behalf of Germany. 
 In this opinion Pan-Germans concur. It is very 
 difficult to imagine German Americans constituting a 
 pronounced pro-German party in the States, or being 
 other than what they now are good American citizens. 
 At the same time, it is conceivable that the line dividing 
 Anglo-Saxondom from Deutschtum may become so 
 marked that two antagonistic parties may arise. It is 
 in the highest degree unlikely. But as German power 
 grows, German Americans may, pari passu, grow con- 
 scious of their influence, and make use of it in a sense 
 favourable to Germany, which would of a certainty be 
 then hostile to England. But, after all, why speculate ? 
 Deutschtum in the States may never be. In the free 
 air of America its culture seems highly doubtful. 
 
 Among the many rumours that have been circulated 
 from time to time concerning German aims and ambi- 
 tions, one of the most persistent has been in connection 
 with the Danish West Indian Isles, about the value of 
 which to Germany much has been written in German 
 books which stand outside the pale of Pan-Germanism, 
 and cannot be placed on the index relegating the 
 writings of those ' obscurantists ' to oblivion and the 
 paper-basket. Thus Dix,* editor of the moderate and 
 
 * well-informed ' National Zeitung^ writes of the 
 
 * powerful impulse to German trade and shipping 
 
 * ' Deutschland auf den Hochstrassen.' 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 343 
 
 accruing from the possession of a port in the West 
 Indies.' They are valueless to Denmark, he continues, 
 and St. Thomas is kept going chiefly by the Hamburg 
 line. * Formerly Germany might have obtained them 
 from the United States in exchange for her abandon- 
 ment of Tutuila in the final settlement of the Samoan 
 question/ So much for the wish ; what, now, are the 
 facts ? Well, it has been credibly stated that Germany 
 used her influence at Copenhagen to prevent the 
 Danes from selling their West Indian colonies to the 
 United States ; and be that as it may, it is affirmed on 
 the authority of Export (July 24, 1902) that the 
 Hamburg - American line promised to double the 
 tonnage of its ships to the West Indies, reorganize its 
 service to Central and South America, and establish a 
 new emporium for goods destined for Europe/ and 
 a graving and repairing yard at St. Thomas, on condi- 
 tion that Denmark did not sell the islands to America. 
 It will be interesting to see, was the editorial comment 
 on this scheme, whether these * magnificent plans ' of 
 the Hamburg- American line will suffice to induce 
 Denmark to retain the islands, for it is clear that 
 St. Thomas in Danish hands that is, in the possession 
 of a neutral Power is of more value to German 
 shipping and provides greater safety for a central 
 depot in time of war than would be the case * even 
 were that island a German possession.' 
 
 This is plain enough, and seems to bear out the 
 contention made by the Spectator (February 21, 1903) 
 that German influence in this connection was brought 
 to bear upon the Danes. At any rate, the Danish 
 Commission appointed to report on the islands has 
 pronounced in their favour,* and for the present they 
 will remain Danish. But whether the ' magnificent 
 plans' of the Hamburg- American line affected this 
 decision or not, that Germans should interpret the 
 action of those enterprising Hamburg skippers as a 
 deliberate effort to prevent the sale for German national 
 * Vide the Times, September 9, 1903. 
 
344 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 ends is in itself sufficient evidence that the interests of 
 Germany do not run on parallel lines with those 
 of the United States, and that it is precisely with 
 reference to the future possession of islands, land, 
 property, and interests now covered by the Monroe 
 doctrine that German policy in the New World 
 should be estimated. In the great conflicts of the 
 future, wrote Professor von Halle (See Und Volks- 
 wirthschaff), Germany ' will need all her fighting and 
 economic powers to maintain herself above board.' 
 Despite the gratifying results of Prince Henry's visit, 
 said Dr. Hotzsch (Alldeutsche Blatter, August 23, 
 1902), Germany's great enemy in the twentieth century 
 will be America. Oddly enough, on the authority of 
 the Socialist economist Calwer, America would be the 
 loser in a tariff war with Germany; but Dr. Hotzsch 
 is less confident. He thinks nothing can avail except 
 a Great European economic campaign against the 
 Union. Germany has also to take the lead in South 
 America against American ' Jingoism,' and establish 
 herself firmly in East Asia, or the great duel between 
 Germany and the Anglo-Saxon races will end in favour 
 of the latter, and Germany * will, politically, sink to the 
 level of Holland.' 
 
 This question of acquiring the Danish West Indies 
 seems to call for some remarks on the Monroe doctrine 
 and Germany's attitude towards it. Officially, the 
 German Government has never thought fit to define 
 the position of Germany towards it, no doubt because 
 the doctrine itself is felt to be in need of a positive 
 definition, and that no European Power is called upon 
 to acclaim an expression of personal opinion as con- 
 stituting a point of international law, or to regard the 
 same as binding upon Europe generally. No utter- 
 ance by any German Minister can be adduced, there- 
 fore, to show what Germany's attitude towards it is, or 
 what her attitude would be in any attempt to enforce 
 its application in regions where Germany is concerned. 
 Germany, consequently, stands in sharp contra- 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 345 
 
 distinction to England, who has officially, publicly, and 
 repeatedly accepted the doctrine, so far as it goes, with 
 the principle of which she is likewise in sympathy. 
 Not so Germany. For, although official Germany 
 has never repudiated it, unofficial Germany, or, if it be 
 preferred, semi-official Germany, has on more than one 
 occasion pronounced emphatically against, while the 
 Pan-German party has flatly defied, it. The late 
 Professor Mommsen once described it as an ' untenable 
 proclamation,' while a number of German professors, 
 publicists, and eminent writers conjointly expressed 
 open hostility to the doctrine, which, in a sort of 
 journalistic round-robin, they dismissed as an * empty 
 pretension/ This is what one of the most serious 
 American newspapers, the Journal of Commerce, said 
 in reply : ' The last German professor to fall foul of the 
 Monroe doctrine seems to show the usual Teutonic 
 incapacity to understand what it means. He assumes 
 that this " empty pretension " on the part of the United 
 States is to control the destiny of the South American 
 countries, and to keep Europeans out of them. 
 Professor Wagner is anxious to maintain the Romanic 
 element as a complement to " Germanic culture," and 
 thinks the predominance of the United States in South 
 America would not help the case. He cannot see that 
 the United States seeks no predominance, but only 
 objects to such European predominance as might 
 suppress the Romanic element. The German mind 
 fails to see that our policy is to leave South 
 American countries independent, to develop on their 
 own lines ; and all we ask of Europe is that it shall 
 leave them independent, and not undertake to appro- 
 priate their territory or suppress their sovereignty. 
 Professor Wagner's bluster and Professor Hartmann's 
 science are both predicated on the assumption that the 
 United States seeks to control in South America instead 
 of merely insisting that Europe shall not control. It 
 wishes South America to do its own controlling/ 
 Neither Professors Wagner nor Hartmann, nor the 
 
346 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 late eminent historian, Mommsen, were Pan-Germans, 
 or had anything to do with that party, yet their views 
 on Monroe's message are identical, and are shared by 
 the vast majority of Germans : who see in the doctrine 
 a check to their own development, and resent it as a 
 piece of Anglo-Saxon arrogance. This feeling was 
 freely expressed in the German press during the 
 Venezuelan affair, and gave rise to the round-robin on 
 the Monroe doctrine, referred to above. In its way it 
 represented very fairly what Germans think about the 
 matter. 
 
 The doctrine, wrote Johannes Vollert (Alldeutsche 
 Blatter, January 17, 1903), is indefensible. It is 
 nothing less than what Europeans commonly pro- 
 nounce it to be namely, an impertinence, and all the 
 more so as America is lacking in the means to enforce 
 its application. Were a war in South America to 
 break out between a South American State and a 
 powerful European Power, the probabilities are that 
 America ' would not fight,' and if she did the issue 
 might be serious to her. The Spanish War was 
 America's ' Boer War.' The Anglo-Saxon kinship 
 showed itself plainly then. On another occasion 
 (July n, 1903) the Pan-German central organ pub- 
 lished a national programme, which demanded, inter 
 alia, colonies, and proposed German expropriation of 
 the financial difficulties of Spain and Portugal, and the 
 acquisition of their territories, ' no matter how much 
 Britons objected ' ; the acquisition of coaling stations ; 
 and energetic support, official and private, of emigra- 
 tion to South Russia, Galicia, Hungary, and South 
 Brazil ; the creation of a European Zollverein ; and a 
 sphere of influence in Siam, besides participation in 
 the ' pending partition of Morocco.' This bold 
 buccaneering programme need not be taken too 
 seriously, but as it seems to run somewhat counter to 
 Monroe's doctrine, it is worth reproducing, as also on 
 account of its pretentious character. Of more interest 
 is the official attitude of Pan-Germans towards the 
 
DEUTSCHTUM IN THE UNITED STATES 347 
 
 doctrine as defined in the Alldeutsche Blatter, January 3, 
 1903. The doctrine, said that organ, was based on a 
 1 telegram,' and was long ago stigmatized by Prince 
 Bismarck as an ' incredible piece of impertinence/ 
 Since then it has grown, and now covers the whole of 
 South America, being on a par with the English cry 
 of ' Africa English from the Cape to the Nile/ 
 America has never ' ventured ' to submit the doctrine 
 to the Powers as an addition to international law, for 
 if she had the Powers would have ' responded with a 
 counter doctrine/ excluding Americans from China, 
 Morocco, Constantinople, and elsewhere. British 
 Ministers, continues this perfectly serious document, 
 have not felt ' ashamed ' openly to recognise the doc- 
 trine, and it almost appears as if the German Govern- 
 ment was ' thinking ' of doing likewise. Modern 
 European statesmen 'are the epigoni of their fathers/ 
 In order to obtain a momentary advantage the ' whole 
 future is sacrificed. It is the duty of the press to 
 protest against this policy, 7 
 
 No more is necessary. Sifting the scoriae from this 
 typical Pan-German proclamation, it will be found to 
 be simply the Pan-German way of expressing dissatis- 
 faction, and simply means that Pan- Germans regard 
 the doctrine with disfavour. Indeed, of this there can 
 be no doubt whatever, and, curiously enough, among 
 the many causes that have contributed to generate 
 Anglophobia in Germany, the fact that England could 
 never be induced to oppose the doctrine has not been 
 the least. It was the knowledge of this fact that lent 
 such piquancy to the Anglo-German alliance against 
 President Castro, and almost induced Americans to 
 believe that England had embraced the German view. 
 The doctrine is felt by Germans to savour of Anglo- 
 Saxondom, and Germans have never forgiven English- 
 men for ' not feeling ashamed ' openly to recognise it. 
 It is somewhat curious, too. For England has no 
 reason to object to the doctrine, and still less so to act 
 as ' dummy ' to Germany in order to give her a trump 
 
348 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 hand. Why Germans should abuse England for her 
 attitude towards this question is one of those political 
 conundrums that seem to defy elucidation, and portend 
 no good in the future. Germany, of course, could not 
 accept the doctrine until she has made up her mind to 
 sacrifice her future in South America, and probably 
 this is the most plausible reason for her grounds in 
 maintaining silence. The doctrine is dependent for 
 its application and justification on the force that lies 
 behind it, and Germans are apt to feel that the 
 instrument of its execution is inadequate. It will 
 grow, as a former American President said, ' as we 
 grow '; and German opinion will probably grow too, 
 and become reconciled. But if the doctrine is to be 
 anything more in the future than an historical expres- 
 sion of opinion on the part of a nation, it must be 
 supported. If the instrument which alone justifies 
 the existence of the doctrine be always at hand, and 
 equal to the exigency of the moment, then Monroe 
 can sleep in peace, for his doctrine will live after him. 
 The doctrine, as Mr. Moody recently said, means 
 nothing without a fleet. On the building of that fleet 
 much in the future will depend. In this, and perhaps 
 in this way alone, can Pan-German ambitions be 
 effectively balked, and, what is of equal importance, 
 the relations between America and Germany be 
 established upon a permanently sound and peaceful 
 basis. 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 THE PAN-GERMAN APOTHEOSIS 
 
 THROUGHOUT this work the Pan-Germanic doctrine 
 has been treated from an impartial standpoint, as a 
 rational political movement, which, though still in its 
 infancy, it is well to take stock of. In short, it is a 
 German national doctrine, which a few ardent patriots 
 have in perfect good faith formulated for the good, as 
 they think, of their Fatherland. In contradistinction 
 to Monroe's, which is a negative doctrine, that of Pan- 
 Germans is aggressive, and so necessarily falls into 
 extremes. Where expansion is the object, there is 
 certain to be considerable difference of opinion as to 
 the best means of action. The timid waver, the 
 rational counsel caution, the political force men cry 
 forward. And such has been the case, and still is so, 
 with Germany. Seven years ago the position was 
 this : The people, to whom the idea of ' world politics ' 
 was strange, were timid ; the Government cautiously 
 progressive ; Pan-Germans rampageous and exultingly 
 aggressive. To-day it is rather the Government which 
 is timid, the people who demand progress ; while Pan- 
 Germans, though still rampageous and exultant, have, 
 for strategic reasons, somewhat shifted their ground. 
 They lead, but not as before like the Pied Piper of 
 Hamelin. Their tenets are known to all. Their 
 initial work is done. They have inoculated the 
 public. They lie now on the heights awaiting the 
 result. 
 
 349 
 
350 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Rational Pan-Germanism, then, aims, as a first step, 
 at an economic alliance with all, countries in Europe 
 inhabited by Germanic peoples. Such are Austria, 
 Switzerland, Holland, Belgium, Luxemburg. This 
 economic alliance, it is confidently hoped, will lead 
 to political union for defensive and offensive purposes. 
 To effect this economic alliance a thorough economic 
 policy must be pursued, such as the construction of 
 railway lines connecting the North with the South, 
 connecting Hamburg with Trieste, which will then 
 again become a German port. The Maine, the Elbe, 
 and the Oder will be joined to the Danube by a 
 system of canals. This is the first step. The second 
 is the formation of a Central European Customs Union, 
 aimed primarily against England and the United States, 
 and secondarily against Russia. The third and last 
 step, which the League admits to be far off, though 
 within the region of possibilities, is the union of all the 
 Germanic peoples Low and High Germans in one 
 central Germanic federation. As part of this policy, 
 Deutschtum across the seas is to be reclaimed. Out 
 of trans-maritime Deutschtum a Greater Germany is 
 to arise. 
 
 Such a fascinating theme has naturally tempted 
 various Pan-German writers to exhibit their proleptic 
 wisdom in vaticinations as to the geographical circum- 
 ference of ' Great ' and ' Greater Germany ' at various 
 future periods in the twentieth century. There are 
 quite a number of such works, seriously written by 
 serious people, in which Germany's destiny is elabo- 
 rately worked out and the apotheosis of Germanism is 
 depicted. Some of these are, of course, purely futile 
 attempts to create sensation ; others are so grotesque 
 that it is difficult to believe their authors intended them 
 for adult consumption. A few of these works, however, 
 deserve to be known outside Germany, not because 
 they contain any original idea, but rather because 
 they indicate the state of mind of a certain class oi 
 publicists in a period of national transition. It is 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN APOTHEOSIS 351 
 
 noteworthy, too, that the more extravagant of these 
 prospective vistas of * Great Germany ' those particu- 
 larly in which Deutschtum is welded together by force, 
 and those, again, which draw up the transformation 
 curtain after a wild scene of storm, when the whole 
 British fleet is sunk or captured are not by Pan-Ger- 
 man writers at all, though strongly infected with Pan- 
 German ideas. It is therefore proposed to divide 
 Germany's apotheosis into two parts : the Pan- 
 Germanic, which again falls into two divisions, the 
 rational and the Utopian ; and the Chauvinistic, which 
 is generally delightfully fantastic, pugnacious, and irre- 
 sponsible. The Pan-German apotheosis naturally has 
 the prior claim. Here is in merest outline what one 
 of these visionaries lays down as the condition of things 
 about the year 1950, and how it comes about.* 
 
 Things about the year 1950, begins the writer, 
 have begun to cause great uneasiness. The German 
 Empire is neither 'a German' Empire, nor is it the 
 German Empire. Germans have begun seriously to 
 consider the question of Germany's ' natural ' boun- 
 daries. At last all the Germans are united. 
 
 Holland belongs as much to Germany as Brittany 
 and Normandy form part of France. As a Power, 
 Holland is growing weaker and weaker. She is 
 growing continually less able to protect her colonial 
 possessions. As Frederick List wrote fifty-seven 
 years ago, * Holland can only hope to regain part 
 of her former prosperity by union with Germany.' 
 About the year 1920 the Dutch begin to see the 
 justice of List's arguments. Holland enters the 
 German economic Union ; the Rhine becomes a 
 German river to its mouth ; the German fleet protects 
 the Dutch possessions. Sic transit gloria mundi ! 
 
 In Belgium the Flemings grow in power. The 
 French element, however, causes increasing trouble. 
 Finally, Germany is obliged to intervene. If France, 
 
 * ' Grossdeutschland und Mitteleuropa um das Jahr 1950' 
 (anonymous). 
 
352 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 then, objects to total absorption, the French Walloon 
 territory falls to France, the Flemish portion to 
 Germany. Maybe the French fight, in which case 
 probably all Belgium will be annexed and incorporated 
 in the German League. Antwerp is connected with 
 Berlin by a direct railway-line. The Congo State is 
 governed by the Flemings, who, as they have no 
 proper justification for possessing so large a colony, 
 finally consent to the amalgamation of Belgium with 
 Holland. 
 
 Luxemburg becomes a German fortified centre. 
 
 France : Here the case is more doubtful, and the 
 writer feels he is on weak ground. Possibly France 
 might be induced to forget Alsace Lorraine if the 
 Germans assist the French in turning the English out 
 of Egypt. (This, however, was written before the 
 recent Anglo-French entente.} 
 
 Switzerland can be left to work out her own destiny. 
 At any moment she could enter the German Economic 
 League, keeping a large amount of autonomous 
 government. The development will be a natural one. 
 Some day she will approach Germany, who, of course, 
 will meet her half-way. 
 
 With Italy a peaceful issue is improbable. German) 
 must have Trieste. Will Italy consent ? If not 
 Avanti, Pomeranian grenadiers ! 
 
 The Austrian question is a serious one. German) 
 cannot exist without Austria. If the Magyars anc 
 the Czechs are able to obtain the upper hand, blooc 
 will probably flow. But Germany can never abandor 
 her just claim to Carinthia and Trieste, and the swore 
 will decide the issue if peaceful means fail. The 
 Germans must see that the Slav element is crushed. 
 
 The Balkans : Here, too, political convulsions an 
 inevitable. Turkey in Europe must be maintained i 
 possible. Germany must endeavour to colonize Asi; 
 Minor, and obtain a footing in the Black Sea 
 Germany's interest in the Balkans is a negative one 
 It is to prevent Russia from acquiring paramount in 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN APOTHEOSIS 353 
 
 fluence there. For Germany has an interest in the 
 Black Sea, and has no reason to insist on its remaining 
 a mare clausum. She would like an open Black Sea, 
 where Germany, Austria, and Turkey blessed tri- 
 partite condominium ! can acquire naval stations. 
 Austria must acquire Saloniki. Germany's interest 
 in the Balkan peoples is chiefly concentrated on 
 Rumania, which must be made a buffer State to bar 
 the passage of the Russian Slavs to the Slavs of the 
 Balkans. Rumania must therefore be strengthened 
 and enlarged, by detaching the Rumanians in 
 Hungary, those in Bukowina and Bessarabia, and 
 making thereof an ethnographic Rumanian State. At 
 the mouth of the Danube, German warships keep 
 watch over the Black Sea. 
 
 Russia : By all means avoid war with Russia, if 
 possible. 
 
 Apotheosis : The Great German League comprises : 
 
 1. Present Germany with Luxemburg. 
 
 2. The Netherlands (Holland and Belgium). 
 
 3. Switzerland. 
 
 4. The Austrian Empire. 
 
 The Great German Customs Union comprises : 
 
 1. The Great German League. 
 
 2. The Baltic Principality. 
 
 3. The kingdom of Poland. 
 
 4. Rumania. 
 
 5. Ruthenia. 
 
 6. Great Servia. 
 
 In the year 1950 Great Germany will possess in all 
 a population of 200 millions, at the head of whom 
 stands the Emperor of 'all the Germans.' In the 
 navy Low German or Dutch (to give the Dutch a chance) 
 is to be spoken, in the army High German. 
 
 The New German League is therefore a German 
 State comprising the majority of Germans living in 
 
 23 
 
354 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Europe, not exclusively inhabited, but governed abso- 
 lutely, by Germans. It forms a self-supporting, inde- 
 pendent whole. Within its confines all are happy, 
 because ' all the Germans ' are united. 
 
 So prophesies this anonymous rational Pan-German 
 editor. Mr. Chamberlain's plans are puny compared 
 with these. The chief mistake made by the writer 
 lies obviously in fixing a hard and fast date for so great 
 a transformation. Only forty-six years more ! Well, 
 the Austrian Empire may be dissolved within that 
 space of time. Who but a Pan-German will venture 
 to ' pierce the shades of dim futurity ' ? 
 
 Another anonymous Pan-German prophet reaches 
 his apotheosis in the year 1915.^ Like Rip van Winkle, 
 he has a long sleep, and wakes up about the year 1915 
 to behold marvellous changes. Though written in 
 1895, the writer prophesied that about the year 1900 
 a strong movement against Free Trade would take 
 place in England, which finally forced Central Europe 
 to unite in retaliation. If all his prophecies prove so 
 accurate, his work should certainly be studied. This 
 is what he says : 
 
 Little by little, he writes, England throws off Free 
 Trade, until about the year 1900 'a huge British 
 Empire, self-supporting and shutting out the foreigner'^ 
 goods,' is created. Europe, the whole world, trembles 
 Two great States take action in self-defence, Ameria 
 and Russia. America proclaims aloud the doctrine o 
 * Pan- America '; Russia concludes Customs treatie: 
 with Turkey, Persia, and China, and rounds off he 
 Pan-Slavonic Empire satisfactorily. Europe, in conse 
 quence, trembles all the more. Great Britain, Pan 
 America, and the Pan-Slavonic Russian Colossus 
 threaten to overwhelm the sixteen States of Europe 
 At this juncture Germany rises to the occasion. Th : 
 Germans grow enthusiastic, and their Emperor, wh 
 has realized the danger, sets to work to prepare th : 
 army and navy for the coming struggle. 
 * 'Germania Triumphans, 1 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN APOTHEOSIS 355 
 
 War breaks out. Turkey, Italy, and Austria- 
 Hungary join Germany; England, as usual, pens diplo- 
 matic notes. France and Russia are Germany's 
 opponents. Cause of war, destiny. France is rapidly 
 overthrown, and concludes peace with Germany. In 
 Russia the German Emperor is everywhere victorious. 
 In the Baltic Sea the German fleet captures or sinks 
 every hostile bottom. In conjunction with the Turkish 
 army, the Russian forces are annihilated by the vic- 
 torious Germans in South Russia. In short, the 
 Russian forces are rolled up by cavalry charges (pre- 
 sumably), and the unequal contest ends in the world's 
 peace at St. Petersburg. 
 
 Germany obtained a large portion of South Russia, 
 as did Turkey. Austria obtained the whole Balkan 
 Peninsula, many of the States being reconstructed, with 
 a certain amount of autonomous Government under 
 German Princes. The German and the Austro- 
 Hungarian- Balkan Empires thereupon unite. German 
 is everywhere spoken ; the army is one. German 
 Princes are hurried off everywhere to rule. The chief 
 occupation of the Government hereafter consists in 
 Germanizing the conquered provinces. Naturally, 
 these conquered provinces are placed under a dictator- 
 ship for the space of twelve years. Instead of money 
 as a war indemnity, Germany simply expropriated the 
 properties of the Slavonic nobility in the captured 
 territories, and put the impoverished German nobility 
 in their place. In this way the Germanization of 
 those lands proceeded apace. 
 
 Peace having been declared, representatives from 
 Germany, Austria, Turkey, Italy, and France, met 
 together in Berlin to form a Central European Customs 
 Union. An All European Customs Union was the 
 result, which Spain reluctantly joined ; Persia joined ; 
 Afghanistan joined. Railways connected Berlin with 
 Cabul, and the Baghdad line reached the Persian Gulf. 
 England grumbled at this Franco-German-Austrian- 
 Turkish capitalization of the East, but did nothing. 
 
 232 
 
356 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Singapore was connected with Ostende by a direct 
 railway-line. It became fashionable to try both sea- 
 side resorts. 
 
 On Turkey expressing a wish to ' round off' her 
 possessions by the acquisition of Egypt, the Great 
 German Empire, backed up by France, Spain, Turkey, 
 and Italy, informed England that Egypt must be 
 handed over to Turkey. England obeyed, being 
 afraid to measure her fleet against the navies of United 
 Europe. Out of gratitude for this service, Turkey 
 threw open Asia Minor to German colonists, whc 
 swarmed in. A period of calm and domestic happiness 
 ensued. Socialism is killed, because the proletariat 
 grows so rich. The Junkers roll in money. The 
 iron and steel men roll in money, because Germany 
 continues steadily to increase her fleet. But this 
 German idyll was not to last. 
 
 Meanwhile, Pan- America had become a source o 
 grave uneasiness to the ' Wilhelmstrasse.' * Deutsch 
 turn ' in South America was threatened. ' Be Yankees, 
 said the Americans. ' We won't,' retorted the Ger 
 mans in Brazil, in Chile, in Argentina, and in Centra 
 America, and appealed to ' Great Germany ' for help 
 As America declined to give way, the German, French 
 and Italian navies were mobilized, and sailed fo 
 America about the year 1912. The American nav; 
 was destroyed. On land, German, French, and Italiai 
 troops made short work of the undisciplined America] 
 mercenaries. Bloody battles were fought in variou . 
 parts of South America. This was too much fo * 
 England, who then plunged into the fray to preven : 
 the total conquest and partition of North and Sout i 
 America. It became a * world war.' Simply every 
 body was fighting. Russia invaded India to create t 
 diversion.* 
 
 Under the brilliant generalship of the Germa i 
 Emperor the Germans were everywhere victoriou . 
 
 * Our Pan -German friend had not then reckoned with tl * 
 Japanese. 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN APOTHEOSIS 357 
 
 On sea the German ships, guns, and men showed 
 their great superiority over the English, who were 
 regularly defeated. German discipline, courage, and 
 skill made the German navy invincible. The British 
 navy was destroyed. Invaded, the English offered 
 but a half-hearted resistance. The German and French 
 soldiers seized London. England and America were 
 defeated. Peace was concluded. 
 
 Germany took from America Mexico, Guatemala, 
 British Honduras, all Brazil south of the Amazon, 
 Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia, Peru, and Northern 
 Chile. 
 
 France took from America Brazil north of the 
 Amazon, British Guiana, Venezuela, Columbia, 
 Ecuador. 
 
 Italy took what was left of South America. 
 
 The West Indies were divided between Germany 
 and France. In Asia Russia took Afghanistan ; Ger- 
 many Borneo and Hong-Kong; France large portions 
 of India. 
 
 In Africa England was permitted to keep the Cape 
 Colony ; all the rest went to Germany. The Boers 
 were reinstated in large portions of their former 
 territories. 
 
 In North Africa the Morocco coast-line was declared 
 neutral for ever. All the hinterland went to France. 
 
 Gibraltar was restored to Spain, Malta given to 
 Italy, Cyprus to Turkey, as were Aden and Perim. 
 
 The English had to pay an enormous war indemnity. 
 There was great discontent in England, because the 
 entire British navy was held by Germans as a 
 guarantee for payment. All England's Suez Canal 
 shares were taken from her, and distributed among the 
 victorious Powers. Various other British capitalist 
 companies were similarly treated. The Kimberley 
 Diamond Mines were seized by Germany, and all 
 English capital sunk in Brazil and South America was 
 transferred to German hands. All the British cables 
 were taken away and given to German companies. 
 
358 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 
 All English colonists in the newly-acquired possessions 
 were ordered to leave the country within twelve 
 months, and no Englishman was permitted to settle in 
 any of those countries ever again. England was 
 forced to introduce the metric system. In a word, 
 England was humbled, and became the vassal of 
 Great Germany and Central Europe. The rule of 
 the mailed fist was secured. When at the end of 
 1915 the first Reichstag of 'Great and Greater Ger- 
 many ' met in Berlin, all the Federal Princes were 
 assembled to take part in the opening ceremony. 
 There they solemnly celebrated the fifth centenary oi 
 the rule of the Hohenzollerns in the Mark Branden- 
 burg. It was the apotheosis of Deutschtum and o: 
 the Hohenzollerns. The simple ' Burgrave ' of Niirn- 
 berg had come to be Elector of Brandenburg, Kinc 
 of Prussia, German Emperor, and at last ' Emperor o 
 all the Germans, ruler of the German World Empire.' 
 
 Such is the Pan-German apotheosis number two 
 Thrilling reading indeed, though of a somewhat painfu 
 kind to an Englishman and an American, who may b( 
 pardoned if they look forward towards the yea 
 1915 with feelings of fear and trembling. Agains 
 such a furor Teutonicus, what could avail ? Admira 
 Fisher, Admiral Dewey, Field-Marshal Roberts, Lor< 
 Kitchener, General Corbin, General Chaffee wha 
 use, in truth, are they ? Fortunately, Englishmen ar : 
 addicted to the habit of smoking pipes. They may d 
 well, perhaps, in some moment of leisure, to stop th ; 
 bowl of their pipes with * Germania Triumphans,' an- 1 
 smoke it in clouds of reflection. 
 
 Third and last apotheosis not a Pan-German on i 
 this, but very sanguinary and ferocious, taken fror i 
 one of the various anti- English publications at th \ 
 time of the last Navy 'boom' in 1900, when Greet 
 Britain was generally considered to be in very desperat i 
 straits. As usual the author, Dr. Eisenhart (Anglic* , 
 1 Hard Heart,' like Fenimore Cooper's Red India i 
 hero), obtains his apotheosis at England's expens . 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN APOTHEOSIS 359 
 
 His curious work, entitled 'The Settlement with Eng- 
 land/ though not to be regarded as a serious political 
 contribution, reflects very well the state of mind of 
 Germans generally at that time towards Great Britain : 
 which is its only justification. The author has fallen 
 asleep and dreams. The work is divided into two 
 portions : the first depicts England and America's 
 sins, the second Germany's revenge which latter, 
 however, is but a dream. England and America's 
 ' sins ' will be recapitulated briefly. 
 
 ' America's brutal and England's perfidious policy ' 
 in Samoa had created a most unpleasant feeling in 
 Germany. Germans had lost all independence, since 
 they admired Kipling, and steeped themselves in Ibsen, 
 Tolstoi, and Guy de Manpassant. When the Emperor 
 sent a telegram of sympathy to Mr. Kipling, at the 
 time on a sick-bed, German humiliation sank to its 
 nadir. The * Coghlan affair ' made Germans groan. 
 No satisfaction was demanded for the * impertinences' 
 committed by Dewey, Kantz and Sturdee, Chamber- 
 lain, and Mr. Maxse, editor of the National Review. 
 When the Emperor telegraphed to Mr. McKinley, in 
 English, the President responded in English. Could 
 provocation go further ? . . . Then follows an account 
 of American corruption, which may be omitted. Speech- 
 less with impotent rage, the author falls back into his 
 armchair. He seizes a newspaper and reads : ' The 
 German Pacific Squadron is about to sail for Australia 
 to visit that German continent, whence it will proceed 
 to the German East Indian Islands, New Guinea, the 
 Fiji Islands, etc.' He thought he was dreaming (as 
 indeed he was and is still, though quite unaware of the 
 fact). This is what he dreamt : 
 
 The Boer War was over. England had issued 
 victorious (here our author dreamt accurately). Ger- 
 many and Japan are engaged in war. (Japanese power 
 in the East is not agreeable to Germany.) Germany, 
 of course, defeats Japan, but England and America 
 refuse to allow Germany to humble Japan and grab 
 
360 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 too much land. (Precisely what Germany did to Japan 
 after her war with China.) Suddenly America begins 
 to establish coaling-stations on the Caroline and 
 Marianne Islands. An American * ex-convict' engaged 
 in this work is seized by Germans, and without further 
 ado strung up on the mast-head. Americans demand 
 satisfaction. War becomes inevitable. England begins 
 to intrigue with America. Reuter's Telegram Agency 
 astounds the world one morning with the announce- 
 ment that England and America have concluded a 
 treaty parcelling up the East Indian Islands between 
 them. Germany was deprived in this way of all hope 
 of obtaining a footing in any of the Pacific Islands. 
 The Times, the Standard, and other newspapers pro- 
 claim to the world England and America's power. 
 Germany writhes, but continues feverishly strengthen- 
 ing her fleet. England next endeavours to effect a 
 rapprochement with Germany. In answer, the German 
 Emperor sets out on a sea-voyage to Norway, Am- 
 sterdam, Cherbourg, Lisbon, Cadiz, Genoa, Palermo, 
 and Trieste. (Significant symptom that, of a Pan- 
 German nature !) 
 
 Meanwhile, Australia was slowly freeing herself from 
 England, whom she hated. The Chinese rose to turn 
 out the odious English. The Boers rose to do like- 
 wise. France had so perfected her submarine torpedo- 
 boats that she, too, demanded revenge for Fashoda. 
 Russia egged her on to fight. 
 
 The Boers were everywhere victorious ; but Russia, 
 who was * engaged ' in Eastern affairs, declined to help 
 France, who thus found herself in a dilemma. At this 
 juncture the German merchant vessel Capella was 
 seized on suspicion of carrying contraband goods by 
 an English cruiser, which, in turn, was saluted and 
 stopped by a German man-of-war. The English and 
 German captains met on board the Capella to arrange 
 matters. * I am very sorry,' said the Englishman ; 
 4 I have to obey orders.' ' So have I,' curtly retorted 
 the German captain, and thereupon returned to his 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN APOTHEOSIS 361 
 
 ship. Both ships cleared for action. In a short time, 
 owing to the absurdly antiquated English methods, 
 the German sailors, who never missed, would have 
 sunk the English cruiser with all hands had not help 
 arrived. The odds were then too great, and, after a 
 desperate resistance, the German ship sunk. The 
 English press suppressed the news. Downing Street 
 became very nervous. The German Emperor came 
 into the Reichstag and broke the news of the battle. 
 As he spoke of the German ship sinking he burst into 
 tears. Sir F. Lascelles was given his passport. This 
 brought the Triple Alliance into the fray. 
 
 Russia began to mobilize. In a naval battle off 
 Ouessant the British navy defeated the French, but 
 suffered irreparable losses. Lord Goschen had to 
 come before Parliament and confess that the German 
 fleet had inflicted various severe defeats upon the 
 English navy in the North Sea. Whereupon the 
 French became jealous of German successes, and 
 began to coquet with England. Suddenly a Bavarian 
 engineer perfected an old invention of his, and in a 
 few weeks the German navy discarded its boilers and 
 put in their place an electro-motor machine, which 
 enabled the German ships to cover fifty miles an hour. 
 It was the world death engine, the ' electrophor.' 
 England, now highly alarmed, endeavoured to obtain 
 an armistice. But Count von Billow gave so curt a 
 refusal that ' Lord Mucklebarrow, celebrated "even in 
 England " for his imperturbable self-composure,' could 
 only articulate, c Well, I never !' and gave in. Peace 
 was patched up. But shortly afterwards Lord Muckle- 
 barrow recanted, and war broke out again. This time 
 the German ships, darting in and out of the lumbering 
 English ships, worked murderous havoc. ' Off Shar- 
 horn ' the entire English fleet was attacked and 
 destroyed. Mr. Chamberlain placed an orchid in his 
 button-hole and called a Cabinet Council, ' which sat 
 from 8 a.m. to 2 p.m.' Peace was again concluded. 
 England lost Gibraltar, a large part of South Africa, 
 
r 
 
 362 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 the British portion of New Guinea, and many other 
 places. In order to prove his magnanimity, the 
 Emperor presented England with Goa, which was 
 a sly hit in return for Heligoland. Australia separated 
 from the home country, now literally insularized and 
 humbled. 
 
 The time had arrived for Germany to settle with 
 America. 
 
 Some seizures of islands on the part of Germany 
 provoked an American note of protest, whereupon 
 Germany mobilized. America then yielded to all 
 Germany's demands without striking a blow. At this 
 moment * Hard Heart ' awakens. ' Unfortunately,' it 
 had all been a dream. 
 
 A queer man this ' Hard Heart,' yet not wholly 
 unsympathetic. One can imagine him holding forth 
 to a select circle of friends on British perfidy and 
 American impertinence, while the friends listen in 
 silent ecstasy. It may be 'beer politics,' or what you 
 please. But it is what many a German, who is no 
 Hard Heart, hopes, and, to a certain extent, believes 
 in. Let those who doubt read ' England's Politik und 
 die Machte/ by Professor Count du Moulin-Eckart ; 
 ' Los von England/ by Teja Meyer ; ' Protest against 
 Chamberlain/ an extraordinary publication illustrative 
 of Anglophobia on the part of responsible people in 
 connection with the ex-Colonial Minister's reference to 
 the German army in 1901 ; ' Our English Friends : 
 Being a German Answer to English Impertinences/ 
 by Erwin Bauer ; and many others, to say nothing of 
 similar lucubrations in numerous German newspapers. 
 
 Without doubt this kind of apotheosis is more per- 
 nicious than the true Pan-Germanic doctrine, because it 
 cultivates national hatred, whereas the League culti- 
 vates national ideals. Both are given here, because 
 they in part supplement each other. 
 
 Observe the moral. The apotheosis of Deutschtum 
 presupposes the fall of England, the humiliation o 1 . 
 America. Under the soothing influence of time the 
 
THE PAN-GERMAN APOTHEOSIS 363 
 
 Pan- Germanic doctrine may assume an entirely different 
 shape. It is too early to predict. On the other hand, 
 the doctrine may quite well become a national ideal, 
 and kindle a very dangerous spirit. For Anglo- 
 Saxondom the lesson it teaches is obvious. * Readi- 
 ness is all.' I Let England, let America, be prepared 
 at all times successfully to meet the Teutonic onrush, 
 if ever it should come. When the ' rash humour ' is 
 upon the Germans we can bear with it. Politically 
 Germany has nothing to give us. We can give her 
 all. Her fate lies largely in our destiny. \ 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 A FEW EXAMPLES OF PAN-GERMAN POETRY. 
 
 AN JOSEPH II. 
 
 ALLDEUTSCHLAND im Vereine ! 
 
 Heisst unser Losungswort ! 
 Von Niemen bis zum Rheine 
 
 Und welter tont es fort ! 
 Und an der Donau schallt es 
 
 Wie heller Siegesklang ! 
 Und bis zur Wolga hallt es 
 
 Wie ferner Schlactgesang ! 
 
 Einst wird der Tag erscheinen 
 
 Du deutscher Volkerschar 
 Dann wird uns all' vereinen 
 
 Germaniens Kaiseraar ! 
 Er hebt die weiten Schwingen 
 
 Von Pola bis zum Belt 
 Dann wird man jauchzend singen 
 
 Vom Herrenwolk der Welt. ^ 
 
 The above poem from the pen of Heinrich Gutherleb is pub 
 lished in * Kampflieder.' 
 
 The following examples are taken from ' Halt ! Wer Da ?' : 
 
 MEIN DEUTSCHLAND. 
 
 Ich griisse dich, mein deutsches Land, 
 Dich Deutschland nur allein, 
 Das reichet von der Wasserkant' 
 Zum Bodensee und Rhein, 
 Und dehnet weiter sich dann aus 
 Bis zu der Alpen Gletscherhaus, 
 
 Zum Karst, Quarnero, auch Triest. 
 
 Nicht kleiner, nicht kleiner 
 
 Soil sein mein deutsches Nest. 
 
 364 
 
APPENDIX 365 
 
 DEM DEUTSCHEN SCHULVEREIN IN OESTERREICH. 
 
 (1897.) 
 
 Vorwarts ! Neues, frisches Wagen ! 
 Ob die Kugeln sie zerfetzt 
 Miiszt doch stolz die Fahne tragen, 
 Ja, das Deutschtum siegt zuletzt. 
 
 Vorwarts ! Unmut kann nichts niitzen ; 
 Hadern mag der feige Wicht. 
 Seinen deutschen Herd zu schiitzen, 
 1st des Mannes hochste Pflicht. 
 
 Vorwarts ! Lasst im Staub ersticken 
 Eigensinn und Eigennutz ! 
 Und mit kampfesfrohen Blicken 
 Bietet alien Gegnern Trutz ! 
 
 Vorwarts ! Achtet nicht der Wunden ! 
 Denkt der Zukunft nur allein ! 
 So bewahrt in Priifungsstunden 
 Sich der ' deutsche Schulverein.' 
 
 DER ALTE MAHNER. 
 
 Es gliiht und spriiht, 
 
 Es schwirrt und klirrt, 
 
 Der Ambos drohnt, 
 
 Der Blasbalg stohnt. 
 Der Volkerschmied mit Feuerbart 
 Nach seiner langst gewohnten Art 
 Ruft : ' Deutsche ! Deutsche werdet hart ! 
 Nichts hilft das Hoffen, Zagen, Warten. 
 Vorwarts ihr deutschen Feldstandarten !' 
 
 AN DER BAYERISCH-OSTERREICHISCHEN GRENZE. 
 
 Ein armer Schlucker, Traumer, 
 Das Wunder sich erdenkt, 
 Dass wo sein Tier der Saumer 
 Auf steilem Pfad gelenkt, 
 Ein Geisterross hinjage 
 Durch wiiste Felsenklamm 
 Und helle Funken schlage 
 Vom weissen Gletscherkamm. 
 
366 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Das Wunder ist vollzogen, 
 Nie miid' das Dampfross eilt, 
 Hat Hohen iiberflogen, 
 Wo nur der Adler weilt. 
 Und du, o deutsche Seele, 
 Am Grenspfahl zauderst bang ? 
 Den deutschen Willen stable ! 
 Gehorch' dem deutschen Drang ! 
 
 DER OSTERREICHISCHE GEGENKAISER, 
 
 Das Mittelalter spinnt sich weiter 
 In Oesterreich, historisch heiter. 
 Die Dunkelkammer fixiert ein Bild, 
 Das Vielen als ein Scherzspiel gilt. 
 
 In einem Gesichte man sieht gesellt 
 Die Stirne, die einstens zeigte der Welt 
 Rudolf von Habsburg, der deutsche Mann, 
 Mit fmstren Ziigen Ottokars von Bohmen, 
 Der sich zur Huldigung nicht mocht' bequemen, 
 Und seine Konigskron' hat verthan, 
 
 Wer dieses Wunder will erfassen, 
 Muss der Zeitgeschichte aufpassen, 
 Dann wird sein Scharfsinn entdecken 
 Mit Verwunderung oder mit Schrecken, 
 Dass in Oesterreich wurde zu einer Person 
 
 Kaiser und Gegenkaiser. 
 Klare Wahrheit ist das, kein Hohn. 
 Griible dariiber, Weiser ! 
 
 The above are all by Karl Proell. It may be doubted whethe 
 Goethe would have approved of them from the literary standpoint. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 367 
 
 STATISTICAL TABLE OF 'GERMANS' IN THE WORLD, 
 TAKEN FROM 'THE PAN-GERMAN ATLAS,' 1903. 
 
 E = estimated ; C = census. 
 
 Germany 
 
 1900, E. 
 
 Austria... 
 
 1900, E. 
 
 Hungary 
 
 1900, C. 
 
 Bosnia and Herzegovina . . . 
 
 1895, E. 
 
 Liechtenstein 
 
 1900, C. 
 
 Switzerland 
 
 1900, C. 
 
 Luxemburg 
 
 1900, E. 
 
 Belgium 
 
 1900, E. 
 
 (Neutral) Moresnet 
 
 1900, E. 
 
 Netherlands 
 
 1900, E. 
 
 France ... 
 
 1901, E. 
 
 Denmark 
 
 1901, E. 
 
 Sweden 
 
 1900, E. 
 
 Norway 
 
 1900, E. 
 
 Great Britain 
 
 1901, E. 
 
 Russia ... 
 
 1897, E. 
 
 Finland ... 
 
 1900, E. 
 
 Rumania 
 
 1901, E. 
 
 Servia ... ... ... 
 
 1895, C. 
 
 Bulgaria ... ... 
 
 1900, C. 
 
 Turkey in Europe 
 
 1890, E. 
 
 Greece ... 
 
 1896, E. 
 
 Italy 
 
 1901, E. 
 
 Spain .., 
 
 1900, E. 
 
 Portugal 
 
 
 
 In Europe 
 
 
 North America ... 
 
 1900, E. 
 
 Canada 
 
 1901, E. 
 
 Mexico 
 
 1900, E. 
 
 Central America 
 
 
 
 West Indian Islands 
 
 1890, E. 
 
 South America ... 
 
 1900, E. 
 
 Asia 
 
 E. 
 
 Africa ... 
 
 E. 
 
 Australia 
 
 E. 
 
 Other places 
 
 E. 
 
 Total of ' Germans ' in the world 
 
 52,113,000 
 
 9,371,000 
 
 2,135,000 
 
 30,000 
 
 9>5 
 1,319,000 
 
 221,000 
 3,586,000 
 
 3>4o 
 
 5,095,000 
 
 500,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 5,000 
 
 2,000 
 
 100,000 
 
 2,000,000 
 
 1,900 
 
 50,000 
 
 6,400 
 
 3,5 
 15,000 
 
 J,OOO 
 
 50,000 
 3,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 77,672,000 
 
 10,000,000 
 
 500,000 
 
 5,000 
 
 8,000 
 
 10,000 
 
 540,000* 
 
 90,000 
 577,000! 
 110,000 
 3,000 
 
 89,517,000! 
 
 * Of whom 440,000 are in Brazil. 
 
 f Of whom 556,000 are in British South Africa, only 4,600 Germans residing 
 in their own South African possessions. 
 
 I Of whom about 30,000,000 are Low Germans, 
 
368 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 
 THE GERMAN 'GOLDEN BOOK' AT THE ST. LOUIS 
 EXHIBITION. 
 
 This ' Golden Book,' of gigantic dimensions, is to be set out at the 
 St. Louis World's Fair in order that all German visitors to the 
 Exhibition may sign their names therein, and so be reminded of the 
 old country. A number of German princes, statesmen, poets, etc., 
 have inscribed their names and added a few appropriate remarks 
 which is supposed to give the book a special cachet. Thus, the 
 Grand-Duke of Baden has written, ' Deutschland iiber alles ' (Ger 
 many before everything), and Count Ballestrem, President of the 
 Reichstag, has written some patriotic remarks, etc. 
 
 At the close of the Fair the book is to be presented to th< 
 Germanic Museum at Harvard College. 
 
 The point to be noted is not the presence in the Fair of i 
 German ' Golden Book ' (though why should there be one any mor< 
 than an Anglo-Saxon 'Red Book' or an Italian 'White Book'?), bu 
 the object of its presence to remind Germans of the old home 
 Though perfectly innocent and harmless in itself, this ' Golden Book ' 
 is part of the policy of Deutschtum a policy of harmless penetratioi . 
 and rejuvenation. It is approved by Pan-Germans. 
 
 NOTE ON GERMAN POLICY. 
 
 Copy of a telegram published in the Times> January 20, 1904, ser ; 
 by its well-informed Paris correspondent. It throws an instructiv : 
 light on German methods where Great Britain is concerned : 
 
 1 With reference to the insinuations of certain German newspapei ; 
 that the rising in German South-West Africa is to be attributed t > 
 the attitude of the English during the Boer War, it may be of intere: ; 
 to know to what extent the attitude of Germany has in the pa; ; 
 contributed to foment colonial trouble. According to trustworth / 
 authority, it was the German Government that thwarted the peacefi I 
 settlement between Holland and Achin before the outbreak of tt ; 
 Achin War, which proved so disastrous to Holland. In 1872, whe i 
 negotiations between Holland and Achin had failed and war w; 3 
 imminent, the British Government proposed to the late Count c 3 
 Bylandt, then Dutch Minister in London, to lend their good offio 3 
 with a view to inducing Achin to accept the Dutch terms. Th s 
 kindly offer of the British Government would probably have bee i 
 accepted, and very possibly war might have been then avoided, bu , 
 unfortunately, it soon came to the ears of the German Ambassad- r 
 in London. The German Government thereupon protested again t 
 this contemplated mediation of the British Government, on tl e 
 
 
APPENDIX 369 
 
 ground that it would justify intervention on the part of other 
 Governments, which Germany might feel called upon to oppose. 
 War between Holland and Achin thus became inevitable, and the 
 world knows what the struggle cost Holland. 
 
 ' The more recent instance of the encouragement secretly received 
 from Germany by the Transvaal Government before the recent 
 South African War is still fresh in the world's memory. The late 
 Mr. Rhodes is understood to have been in possession of full evidence 
 of this fact.' 
 
INDEX 
 
 AACHEN, 118 
 
 Aalsund, 146 
 
 Abdul Hamid. See Sultan 
 
 Achin, war of, Appendix, 368 
 
 ^gean Sea, 209, 212, 213, 215 
 
 Africa, South, 22, 119 
 
 Alexandretta, 200 
 
 Alldeutsche Blatter quoted, 34, 47, 
 66, 72, 84, 85, 119, 121, 131, 134, 
 145, 151, 163, 164, 182, 187,215, 
 226, 287, 288, 311, 319, 321, 323, 
 324, 330, 344, 346 
 
 * L' Alliance Franchise,' 55, 186 
 
 Alps, 175 
 
 Altona Chamber of Commerce, 109 
 
 Alva, Duke of, 143 
 
 Amazon River, 254, 266 
 
 America, 9, 10, 14, 16, 32, 113, 123, 
 160, 241 ; immigration in, 321 ; 
 Imperialism of, 43, 241 
 
 America, Central, 306-308 
 
 America, South, 16, 17, 158, 229- 
 231, 233-235, 241-243, 245, 246, 
 249,250,252, 255, 258, 261-264, 
 268, 281, 310,312-315, 356 
 
 American danger, 124 
 
 Amsterdam, 123, 132 
 
 Anatolia, 193, 199, 209 
 
 Anatolian Railways Company, 194, 
 
 197,221^25 
 (Anglophobia^ 9, 20, 22, 39, 41, 49, 
 
 ^ 168,318,^4, 330, 337, 347 
 
 Anglo-Saxons, 20, 24, 119, 177,229, 
 246, 254, 319, 321, 324-326, 328, 
 329, 337, 338, 340-342, 346, 347, 
 363 
 
 Anti-Semitism, Dr. Lueger's, 89 
 
 Anton, Professor, 127, 129 
 
 Antwerp, 46, 123, 132, 167 
 
 Arabia, 226 
 
 Arabian Desert, 206 
 
 Archduke Ferdinand, 76, 80 
 
 Arendt, Dr., 30, 31 
 
 Argentina, 233, 244, 271, 298, 300- 
 303 
 
 Armenian highlands, 209 ; mas- 
 sacres, 102 
 
 Army corps, German, 49 
 
 Arndt, 3, 24 
 
 Arnim, Count, 309 
 
 Asia, 109 
 
 Asia Minor, 101, 173, 193-195, 197, 
 199, 200, 202, 207, 209, 212, 217, 
 226, 289, 301 
 
 Asien quoted, 198 
 
 'Association Flamande,' 169 
 
 Australia, 109, 302 
 
 Austria, Pan-Germanism in, 62- 
 104 ; political parties in, 88-90, 
 352, 353 ; 'House of,' 63, 64, 104 
 
 Azores, 46 
 
 Babel, lands of, 203 
 
 Babylonia, 197, 226 
 
 Baden, 245 
 
 Badeni, 74 ; language, ordinance 
 
 of, 67, 73, 90 
 Baghdad, 197, 205, 226 ; railway 
 
 47, 134, 195, 197, 199, 201, 203 
 
 205, 214, 216, 217, 221-225, 355 
 Bahia, 254, 283 
 Balkans, 210-214, 228, 352 
 Bailed, Karl, 253 
 Baltic, Germany's position in, 145 
 
 147, 158 
 
 Baring Brothers, 304 
 Bartholomew, 30 
 Basanquilla, 304 
 Bassenge, Dr., 30 
 Bassermann, 31 
 
 370 
 
INDEX 
 
 371 
 
 Bebel, Herr, 8 
 
 'Beggars,' the, 139 
 
 Belgium and Germanism, 162-174, 
 
 35 1 
 
 Bender- Abbas, 217 
 Berlin, 116, 153 ; Treaty of, 172, 
 
 207 ; Congress of, 207 
 Berliner Tageblatt quoted, 159, 220, 
 
 236 
 
 Berne, 181 
 Bethlehem, 219 
 Bismarck, limitations of, 4; work 
 
 of, 5, 8, 16, 22, 23, 34 ; policy of, 
 
 7, 20, 67, 73, 99, 121, 134, 139, 
 
 148, 207, 236, 243, 248 ; quoted, 
 
 2, 62, 63, 100, 101, 138, 207, 213 ; 
 
 Pan-German homage to, 88 ; fall 
 
 of, 24 ; wisdom of, 157, 232 
 Bjornsen on Pan-Germanism, 20 ; 
 
 as Pan-German, 141, 142, 146, 
 
 158 
 
 Black Sea, 207, 216, 353 
 Blennerhasset, Sir Roland, quoted, 
 
 148 
 
 Bley, 30, 73, 116, 117, 121 
 Blockade, danger of, 114, 115 
 Blondel, M. Georges, quoted, 259, 
 
 284, 285 
 Blumenau, colony of, 272, 274, 289; 
 
 colonizing society, 277 
 Bocklin, 190 
 Boer War, 9, 10, 39, 107, 119, 120, 
 
 146, 167, 169, 322, 326, 340 
 Boers, the, 113, 151, 279, 324, 360 ; 
 
 Generals, 41 
 Bogota, 304 
 Bohemia, 90, 91 
 Bolivia, 271, 306 
 Bombay, 225 
 
 Boncal, Stephen, quoted, 256 
 Booth Steamship Line, 268 
 Bosnia, 215 
 
 Bosphorus, 207, 208, 215, 228 
 Brandenburg, Mark, 2, 4, 116, 170 
 Brandl, Professor, 58 
 Brazil, 232, 237, 240, 242-244, 246- 
 
 250, 252, 253, 256, 257, 264, 266, 
 
 270, 274, 275, 283-285 
 Bremen, 123 
 Brentano, Professor, 239 
 British Empire, 22, 354 ; colonies, 
 
 244 
 
 Brommy, Admiral, 44 
 Brussels, 132, 163, 174 
 Bryan Page, 256 
 
 Buenos Ayres, 267, 302 
 
 Bukownia, 68, 73 
 
 Biilow, Count von, quoted, 5, 249, 
 258, 260, 261, 361 ; forward 
 policy of, 22 ; as Pan-German, 
 36, 37 ; Anglophobia of, 50 ; on 
 Hungary, 96; policy of, 50, 57, 
 58, 236-238, 258, 260, 261 
 
 Burgundy, Duchy of, 133 
 
 Busch, 242 
 
 Bushire, 217 
 
 Byron, Lord, 320 
 
 Cabul, 355 
 
 Calvinism, 137 
 
 Cambridge, 121 
 
 Canal, Dortmund-Ems, 131 ; Grand 
 
 Midland, 109, 115 
 Canary Islands, 231 
 Canning quoted, 108 
 Caracas, 292, 293 
 Carinthia, 68, 69 
 Carlyle quoted, 182, 238, 340 
 Carniola, 69 
 
 Castilhos, Senhor de, quoted, 248 
 Castro, President, 44, 242, 294, 
 
 295, 313 
 Cattaro, 69 
 Chad Lake, 60 
 Chaffee, General, 358 
 Chaldea, 226 
 Chamberlain, Joseph, 9, 13 ; on 
 
 German army, 41, 354, 359, 361 
 Chamberlain, Houston Stewart, 35, 
 
 50, 191 
 Charles V., 18, 291 ; the Bold, 133 ; 
 
 Charlemagne, 118 
 Charlestown, 200 
 Chatham Islands, 248 
 Cheradame, M., quoted, 65, 98, 
 
 215 
 Chicago, 238 ; Daily News quoted, 
 
 339 
 
 Chile, 233, 244, 266, 297-299 
 China, 231 ; Cochin, 248 
 Christian, King, 153-155 
 Christian Socialists, 76, 87 
 Clausevitz quoted, 268 
 Clcdwig, 118 
 Coffee trade, Brazil, 267 
 Cologne, 109, 118; Gazette. See 
 
 Koelnische Zeitung 
 Colonial Association or Society, 44, 
 
 52, 59, 84, 285 ; Congress, 249, 
 
 250 ; Office, 59 
 
 242 
 
372 
 
 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Colonies, Danish, 159, 342-344 ; 
 
 Dutch, 112, 115, 126, 130, 131 
 Columbus, 230 
 Confession of author, 34 
 Congo, 352; question, 170-172 
 Constantinople, 69, 194, 207, 211, 
 
 226 
 Contemporary Review quoted, 202, 
 
 203, 222, 224 
 
 Copenhagen, 150, 153, 158, 174 
 Corbin, General, 358 
 Correspondent, Paris, of the Times, 
 
 312 ; Appendix, 368 ; New York, 
 
 335 
 
 Costa Rica, 308 
 Crete, 219 
 Crimean War, 210 
 Cromwell quoted, 2 
 Cuba, 230, 336; war in. See 
 
 Spanish-American War 
 ' Cultur-Kampf,' 82 
 Culture manure, 17, 36, 142, 261 ; 
 
 mission of, 50 
 Cyclades, 216 
 Czechs, the, 62, 64, 68 
 
 Daily Mail quoted, 222 
 
 Daily Telegraph quoted, 55, 62 
 
 Dalmatia, 198, 220 
 
 Damascus, 198, 220 
 
 Danish agitation, 149, 150 ; Crown 
 
 Prince, 153; farm girls, 149 
 Danube River, 70, 101, 105, 170, 
 
 194, 211,212,214 
 Dardanelles, 102, 172, 207 
 Defoe quoted, 12 
 Delagoa Bay, 40 
 
 Delbriick, Professor, 130, 149, 240 
 Denmark, Deutschtum in, 147-162 
 Deutsche Bank, 219, 284 
 Deutschtum im Auslande quoted, 
 
 56, 248, 279, 296 
 
 Dewey, Admiral, 358 ; incident, 320 
 Dilke, Sir Charles, quoted, 9, 19. 
 Dillon, Dr., quoted, 202, 203, 224 
 Disconto Gessellschaft, 282, 283, 
 
 284, 293, 294 
 Dix, Herr, quoted, 131, 214, 224, 
 
 252, 287, 342 
 Dollart, the, 126 
 
 Donna Francisca colony, 272, 277 
 Dove, Professor, 47, 135, 289 
 Dreyfus affair, 107 
 Dual Alliance, 157, 158 
 
 Ecuador, 305 
 
 Egypt, 205, 211, 251 
 
 Eisenhart, Dr., 358, 359 
 
 Eisenkolb, Dr., 71 
 
 Elbe, 70, 130 
 
 Elector, the Great, quoted, 14, I 
 23, 100, 116 
 
 Elsinore, 162 
 
 Emancipation from England, 23, 2: 
 46, 50, 134, 337 
 
 Emden, 109, 123, 129 
 
 Emigration to Brazil, 272, 273, 285 ; 
 laws, 38 ; Office, 247, 285 
 
 Emperor, German. See German 
 
 Emperor Joseph, 86 
 
 Ems River, 109 
 
 England. See Great Britain 
 
 ' Englanderei,' 14 
 
 England's ' Hobbledihoydom,' 31 
 
 English Foreign Office, 41 ; ship- 
 ping, 264 
 
 Erzerum, 198 
 
 Eulenburg, Count, 85 
 
 Euphrates River, 200, 202 
 
 Export quoted, 9, 59, 183, 343 
 
 Faust quoted, 25 
 
 Fichte quoted, 3, 105 
 
 Fiji Islands, 359 
 
 Finland, Gate of, 144 
 
 Finsen light cure, institute of, 155 
 
 Fisher, Admiral, 358 
 
 Fitzner quoted, 197, 198 
 
 Fiume, 69 
 
 Flanders, 116, 120, 163 ; East, 162 
 
 Flemings, 162, 163 
 
 Flemish language, 116, 120, 162 : 
 
 movement, 163-166, 169; pictures, 
 
 119 ; renascence, 163 
 France, 7, 46, 251, 352, 357 ; and 
 
 England, 9 
 Francke, Professor, quoted, 130, 
 
 328, 329 
 
 Frankfurt, Treaty of, 112, 126, 248 
 Frankfurter Zeitung quoted, 72 
 Frankish dialect, 118 
 Franks, the, 118 
 Frederick the Great, i, 4, 34 ; statue 
 
 of, 43, 44, 232, 296, 318, 334 
 Frederick III., Emperor, quoted. 
 
 104 
 
 Freeman, Professor, quoted, 120 
 Freitas, De, line, 266 
 Frere, Sir Bartle, 220 
 Frisian dialect, 118 ; islands, 120 
 
INDEX 
 
 373 
 
 Fuggers, the, 231, 232, 297 
 Funke, Dr., quoted, 33, 248, 249, 
 
 260, 280, 281, 289 
 Furka Pass, 187 
 
 Galicia, 68, 69, 73 
 
 Gegeniuart quoted, 70, 1 1 1 
 
 Geibel quoted, 4 
 
 George, Prince of Greece, 219 
 
 German American Annals^ 328 
 
 German American League, 326, 327 ; 
 banks, 283-285 ; capital invest- 
 ments, 270 ; colonists, 244 ; colo- 
 nies, 8, 9, 251, 272 ; consulates in 
 Brazil, 289 ; Historical Society, 
 328 ; trade with South America, 
 269 
 
 German Emperor, William II., 
 quoted, 2, 8, 13, 15, 23, 193; 
 work of, 4, 7 ; as Pan-German, 
 11,28, 35, 36, 39, 40, 50, 71,84, 
 154, 192, 193, 334, 335, 359, 360 ; 
 policy of, 14, 20, 22, 41, 45, 82, 
 99, 146, 219, 226, 232, 330-333 ; 
 speeches of, 36, 37, 85, 154, 215, 
 219; visits Denmark, 153-155; 
 visits England, 294 ; visits Hol- 
 land, 107 ; visits Palestine, 196, 
 219-221 ; Kruger telegram of, 13, 
 14, 119 ; as General, 356 
 
 German, 'High,' 117, 120, 140; 
 ' Low,' 116-120, 142, 171 
 
 German South-West Africa, 243 
 
 Germania quoted, 76, 77, 156, 164, 
 167, 1 68 
 
 ' Germania Triumphans ' quoted, 
 354-35.8 
 
 Germanic Museum, 328 
 
 Germany, position of, 1-5, 21 ; 
 national feeling in, 6-9 ; Pan-Ger- 
 manism in, 9-24 ; ' Greater,' 261- 
 263, 350, 35i, 355 5 cables of, 9, 
 46, 47, 50, 125, 134 
 
 Gibraltar, 211, 357 
 
 Goa, 362 
 
 Goebel, Professor, quoted, 327, 341 
 
 Goethe quoted, 3, 6, 17, 226, 320 
 
 1 Golden Book,' Appendix, 368 
 
 Goldsmith, Oliver, 320 
 
 Goltz, von der, General, 197, 200, 
 206, 209, 218, 225 
 
 Goluchowski, Count, quoted, i, 81, 
 86, 250 
 
 Goschen, Lord, 361 
 
 Gotel, 199 
 
 Great Britain, 9, 10, 17, 19, 22, 23, 
 29, no, in, 113, 115, 126, 1 68, 
 225, 241, 242, 244, 259, 283, 298, 
 3i5> 336, 359 
 
 4 Green ' Saxon party, 94 
 
 Greetsiel, 46 
 
 Grenzboten quoted, 108, no, 140, 
 240, 242, 321 
 
 Grillparzer quoted, 85 
 
 Grothe quoted, 197, 199 
 
 Guatemala, 306, 307 
 
 Guelphs, the, 231, 291, 320 
 
 ' Gueux,' the, 117, 121 
 
 Gustav-Adolf Association, 37, 60 ; 
 activity of, 77-81, 285 
 
 Gwinner, Dr., 222 
 
 Hague, the, 174; Court of Arbitra- 
 tion, 138 
 
 Hahn, Dr., 31 
 
 Haida Pasha, 214, 225 
 
 Haifa, 196 
 
 Halle, Professor, quoted, 105-108, 
 1 10, 344 
 
 Hamburg, 46, 109, 123, 129, 199, 
 200 ; America line, 343 ; South 
 American line, 266, 268 
 
 Hangay, Professor, quoted, 98 
 
 Hanover, 109 
 
 ' Hansa,' the colony of, 274-277 ; 
 Hanseatic Colonial Society, 252, 
 273, 274, 285, 286 
 
 Hapsburgs, the, 67, 68 
 
 Harran, 200 
 
 Hartmann, Professor, quoted, in 
 
 Hasse, Professor, 17, 20, 26, 31, 37, 
 38, 40, 46, 61, 63; quoted, 19, 
 70, 72, 73, 84, 257, 309, 323, 324, 
 
 329 
 
 Havanna, 230 
 Hay, Mr., quoted, 313 
 Heine, quoted, 16 
 Helvetia, 185 
 Hennings, Mrs., 155 
 Henry, M., quoted, 9, 86, 216 
 Henry, Prince, as Pan-German, 42, 
 
 237, 3i8, 326, 328-331* 334 
 Herbert, Sir Michael, 336 
 Herezeg, quoted, 93, 97 
 Hettner, Professor, quoted, 257 
 Het Vaderland, quoted, 130 
 Heyck, 30 
 Heydt, Von der, rescript, 38, 232, 
 
 273, 302, 303 
 Hoboken, 133, 167 
 
374 
 
 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Hofmann, 196 
 
 Hohenstaufen Emperor, Henry VI., 
 
 199 
 Hohenzollern art, 140; yacht, 153- 
 
 155, 332 
 Holland and Germany, 105-140, 
 
 35i 
 
 Holleben, Dr., 296, 334, 336 
 Holy Roman Empire, 5 
 Honduras, 307, 308 
 Hood, Robin, 5 
 Hooker, 320 
 Hotzsch, Dr., quoted, 288,311,323, 
 
 344 
 
 Houghton, Lord, quoted, 207 
 
 Houten, Van, quoted, 136, 137 
 
 Hiibbe-Schleiden, Professor, 
 quoted, 31 
 
 Hungary, Magyar agitation in, 95- 
 98 ; nationalities in, 94 : Pan- 
 Germanism in, 93-101 
 
 Huns, the, 65 
 
 Hunziker, Professor, quoted, 186 
 
 Hus, 90 
 
 Inquisition, the, 83, 230 
 
 Irak, 202 
 
 Iro, Herr, 71 
 
 Islam, 221 
 
 Italy, 113, 116, 280, 352 
 
 Jaffa, 196 
 
 ameson, Dr., 25J ; Raid, 39, 44 
 
 annasch, Dr., quoted, 249 
 
 apan, 130, 359 
 
 apanese greed, 140, 360 
 
 ena, Battle of, I 
 
 erusalem, 196, 220 
 
 esuits, 82 
 
 ohannesburg, 58 
 
 oinville, 274 
 
 Jornal do Commerczo quoted, 237 
 Jura-Simplon Railway, 187 
 
 Kaerger, Dr., quoted, 195, 301 
 
 * Kaiseridee,' 6 
 
 Kanitz, Von, 160 
 
 Kansas City, 339 
 
 Kapff, Dr., quoted, 50 
 
 Kardoff, Von, 31 
 
 Keats, 320 
 
 Keller, Gottfried von, quoted, 178, 
 
 181, 190 
 Kiao-chau 234 
 Kiel, 148 
 
 Kimberley diamond mines, 357 
 Kipling, 359 
 Kitchener, Lord, 358 
 Kitchinef massacres, 327 
 Koelnische Volkszeitung quoted, 76 
 Koelnische Zeitung quoted, 77, 256, 
 
 258 
 
 Koerber, Dr., 80, 81 
 Koller regime, 37, 149, 150, 151, 
 
 55? 
 
 Koniggratz, 2, 4, 248 
 
 Korn, Arthur, 95, 96 
 
 Korodi, 96 
 
 Koser, Dr., quoted, 247, 285 
 
 Kosmps Company, 266, 306 
 
 Koweit, 199, 204, 217, 222, 224, 
 
 225 
 
 Kramarcz, Dr., 81 ; quoted, 100 
 Krauel, Dr., quoted, 257, 281, 286 
 Kundt, Walter, quoted, 253, 254, 
 
 255 
 Kuyper, De, 128 
 
 Lagarde, De, 4, 102, 195 ; quoted, 
 68-70, 101 
 
 Lagerheim, Baron, quoted, 145 
 
 Lais, Maurice M., quoted, 250 
 
 Lamb, 320 
 
 Lamprecht, Professor, quoted, 113 
 
 Langen, Von, 31 
 
 La Plata States, 281 
 
 Lascelles, Sir Frank, 361 
 
 Lassalle, quoted, 194 
 
 1 Lazy Peg,' in 
 
 League, German, 25, 26 
 
 League, German School, 53-55, 58 ; 
 manifesto of, 54 ; formation of, 
 54 ; organ of, 56 
 
 League, Pan-German, Preface vii, 
 13 ; agitation of, 32, 33, 36-38, 44, 
 45, 52, 60, 72, 119, 146, 170,260; 
 Anglophobia of, 39-43 ; attitude 
 towards the Government, 48, 49, 
 2 n; branches of, 31, 32; cir- 
 cular of, 227 ; conviction of, 22 ; 
 formation of, 30 ; manifestoes of, 
 40 ; motto of, 17, 27 ; national 
 idea of, 50, 51 ; organ of, 47, 48, 
 and see Alldetttsche Blatter; 
 origin of, 26 ; programme of, 29, 
 30 ; Utopia of, 5 
 
 Lehr, Dr., 26, 47, 72, 119, 132, 150 
 
 Lehmann, 30 
 
 Leipzig, 70 
 
 Leipziger Neueste Nachrichten^ 84 
 
INDEX 
 
 375 
 
 Leopold, King, 171 
 
 Lessing, 320 
 
 Levant, the, 109 
 
 Leyds, Dr., 39, 44 
 
 Leyser, Dr., quoted, 251 
 
 Liebermann von Sonnenburg, 31 
 
 Lima, 306 ; Senhor, 256 
 
 Liman, Dr., 31 
 
 Linz programme, 73 
 
 List quoted, 3, 45, 105, 106, 194, 
 
 195, 215, 243, 351 
 Livonius, Admiral, 49 
 Llanquihue, 297, 300 
 Loiseau, M., quoted, 215 
 Lokalanzeiger quoted, 153 
 'Los von Rom' movement, 62, 73 ; 
 
 character of, 75-81 ; object of, 
 
 82 ; origin of, 74 ; religious side 
 
 of, 8 1, 83 
 Louis XIV., 164 
 Louis, St., 325, 330; Appendix, 
 
 368 
 
 Lueger, Dr., 75, 87, 89, 91 
 Lusobrazilians, 252, 278 
 Luther, Martin, 16, 221 
 Luxemburg, no, 127, 128, 135 
 
 Macaulay, 320 
 
 Macedonia, 170 ; question, 173, 211 
 
 Magdeburger Zeitung quoted, 76 
 
 McKinley, President, 310, 324, 359 
 
 Mahan, Captain, quoted* 296 
 
 Mailship, State subsidies of, 59 
 
 Malacca, Straits of, 214 
 
 Malta, 2ii 
 
 Manchester School, 1 10 
 
 Manchuria, 173, 217, 228 
 
 Manila, incident at, 332 
 
 Maracaibo, 292, 293 
 
 Margerita, Island of, 297 
 
 Mark, South, 68 ; North, 152, 169 ; 
 
 West, 169, 170 ; East, 66, 68 
 Maria Theresa, 94, 99 
 Marryat, Captain, 35 
 Massanet, 165 
 Maupassant, Guy de, 359 
 Maxse, Mr., 359 
 Mecklenburg, Duke Albrecht of, 
 
 249 
 Mecklenburg - Schwerin, Grand 
 
 Duchy of, 76 
 Mediterranean, 70 
 * Merry England,' 5 
 Mesopotamia, 193, 195, 196, 197, 
 
 198, 200-202, 215, 216, 223, 226 
 
 Metzu, 139 
 
 Meyer, Ferdinand, quoted, 181, 190 
 
 Meyer, Hermann, Dr., 246, 257, 
 
 278 ; colony of, 248, 280, 281 
 Mexico, 266 
 Mieris, De, 139 
 Milner, Lord, 151 
 Milton, 320 
 Minas Geraes, mines at, 255, 282, 
 
 283 
 
 Mission, Germany's, 105 
 Moltke, 2, 9, 193, 194 
 Mommsen, Professor, 147, 172, 175, 
 
 176, 1 80 ; on Pan-Germans, 23, 
 
 48 ; on Czechs, 84 ; on Monroe 
 
 doctrine, 345 
 Monroe doctrine, 23, 43, 50, 231, 
 
 233-235, 240-242, 255, 261, 262, 
 
 296, 297, 310, 313-315, 321, 344- 
 
 348 
 
 Montevideo, 266 
 Moody, Mr., quoted, 348 
 Moravia, 68 
 Morning Post quoted, 222, 224, 
 
 251 
 Morocco, Preface, vi, vii, 173, 346, 
 
 357 
 
 Mosquito coast, 248 
 Moulin-Eckart, du, Professor, 31, 
 
 362 
 Munchener Allgemeine Zeitung 
 
 quoted, 112 ; Neueste Nachrichten 
 
 quoted, 84, 156 
 Miirzsteg programme, 210 
 
 Navy, German, the, 21, 22, 23 
 Navy Agitation, 11, 44, 45, 49; 
 
 Bill, 45 ; League, 53, 59, 60, 84 ; 
 
 professors, n ; Napoleon I., 3, 
 
 318, 332 ; Napoleon III., 148 
 National Review quoted, 94, 148, 
 
 222, 224, 296, 359 
 National Zeitung quoted, 131, 214, 
 
 257, 342 
 
 Nation, Die^ quoted, 234 
 ' Nativistas,' 286, 287, 289 
 'Nauticus' quoted, 46, 255, 267, 
 
 269, 270, 303 
 Netherlands, the, 119, 120, 121, 
 
 122; a German province, 113, 
 
 118, 138, 353; 'all the,' 173 
 Neue Freie Presse quoted, 71 
 Neu Wuertemberg, 278 
 New Germany, 20, 246, 290 
 New Hamburg, 280 
 
376 
 
 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 New Holland, 136 
 
 New World, the, 229, 230 
 
 New York, 305 
 
 New Zedlitz, 37 
 
 Nicaragua, 308, 310 
 
 Nietzschke quoted, 191 
 
 Niewe Rotterdamsche Courant 
 
 quoted, 112 
 Nile River, 200, 251 
 Nineteenth Century and After 
 
 quoted, 150, 315, 321 
 'No Popery,' 81, 87 
 North American Review quoted, 
 
 256 
 North German Gazette quoted, 
 
 112, 154, 225 
 
 North German Lloyd, 267 
 
 Oder River, 70 
 
 'Odin' Association, 76, 77, 78 
 
 Oestrup, Dr., quoted, 160, 161 
 
 Orange, House of, 106, 133 
 
 Orleans, New, 200 
 
 Ostende, 356 
 
 ' Ostdeutsche Vereinigung,' 92 
 
 Ostdeutsche Rundschau quoted, 93 
 
 Ottoman Empire, 219 ; rule, 170 
 
 Ouessant, 361 
 
 Outlands, German, 142, 147, 177, 
 
 179 
 Outposts, German, 114 
 
 Palatsky, 86 
 
 Palestine, 38, 194, 200, 219, 220, 
 
 226 
 
 Palmerston, Lord, 147, 148, 222 
 Pan-German tract, 52 
 Para", 254, 266, 283 
 Paraguay, 244, 304 
 Parana, 242, 272, 282 
 Patagonia, 271 
 Pauncefote, Lord, 43, 295, 329, 334, 
 
 336 
 
 Pernambuco, 254 
 Persia, 301 
 Persian Gulf, 125, 134, 199, 204- 
 
 206, 214, 226 
 Peru, 271, 305, 306 
 Peters, Karl, 24, 234 
 Philippine Islands, 310, 322 
 Pola, 69 
 Poles, 37, 148 ; Polish movement, 
 
 37 ; nobility, 69, Empire, 213 
 Pomerania, 245 
 
 Porto Alegre, 242, 254, 267, 278, 
 
 280, 284 
 Portugael, Den Beer, quoted, 136, 
 
 140 
 
 Portugal, 230 
 Poschinger's ' Tischgesprache ' 
 
 quoted, 137, 138 
 Posen, 37 
 
 Postal Convention, German-Aus- 
 trian, 113 
 Postal Union, Dutch-German, 126, 
 
 134, 135 ; Swiss-German, 184, 
 
 185 
 
 Potsdam, 16, 133 
 Prague, 62 
 Press, German, 49 
 Pressel, William, quoted, 195 
 Professors, German, 5, 23, 140 ; 
 
 importance of, u, 12, 238, 239 
 Protestant League, 77, 78 
 Prussia, 2, 4, 24, 36, 68, 8 1, 1 06 
 Prussian Diet, 115; House of 
 
 Lords, 36 ; methods, 37, 39, 149, 
 
 150-152, 258 
 
 Puerto Cabello, 292, 293 
 Puerto Mont, 297 
 
 Quatrefages de Bre'au quoted, 19 
 Quincey, De, quoted, 35, 191 
 
 Radziwill, Prince, 321, 322 
 Raphael, St., Association, 60, 285 
 Reichsrat, 62, 66, 71, 73, 74, 80, 85. 
 
 93 
 Reichstag, n, 39, 62, 150, 168. 
 
 236, 270, 309, 311, 329, 351: 
 
 Pan-German members of, 31 
 Reismann-Grone, Dr., 120, 121 
 Remus, 5 
 
 Renan quoted, 19, 221 
 Renoit, 165 
 
 Reuter's Telegram Agency, 360 
 Reventlow, Count, quoted, 157 
 Revolution, French, 6, 185 
 Revue de Part's, 332 
 Rheinische Westfalische Zeitung 
 
 171 
 
 Rhenish Shipping Convention, icx 
 Rhine River, 25, 105-109, 113, 115 
 
 116, 123, 129, 131, 140, 158 
 
 shipping, 108 ; ' Die Wacht ar 
 
 Rhein,' 116 
 Rhodes, Cecil, 48 ; island of, 216 
 
 scholarships, 341 
 Richter, Eugen, quoted, 133 
 
 
INDEX 
 
 377 
 
 Rieder Pasha, 227 
 
 Rio de Janeiro, 234, 254, 266, 278, 
 
 283 
 Rio Grande do Sul, colony of, 246, 
 
 247, 272, 278, 279, 289 
 Rio Grande North- West Railway, 
 
 281, 282, 286 
 Ritter quoted, 196 
 Roberts, Lord, 14, 358 
 Robertus quoted, 4, 194 
 Rod, M., 190 
 Rohrbach quoted, 20, 201, 202, 
 
 204-206, 209, 210, 212-213, 214, 
 
 216, 220, 224, 243, 337 
 Romanic peoples, 229, 233, 252, 
 
 286,311,345 
 Roosevelt, President, 334, 336, 340 ; 
 
 Miss Alice, 334 
 Roscher, William, quoted, 194 
 Ross quoted, 196 
 Rossbach, Battle of, 2 
 Rotterdam, 108, 123, 129, 132 
 Rousseau, 190 
 Rumania, 353 
 Ruskin, 320 
 Russia, 7, 17, 49, 101, 102, 144, 
 
 148, 155, 159,207,210,211,213, 
 
 216, 217, 223, 228, 241, 251, 259, 
 
 301, 302, 353, 360 
 Russian police methods, 139, 151, 
 
 152, 228 
 Ruyter, De, 119 
 
 Saalburg Castle, 84, 85 
 
 Sachan, Professor, quoted, 198, 200 
 
 Sackingen, trumpeter of, 178 
 
 Saladin, grave of, 220 
 
 Salisbury, Lord, 41 
 
 Saloniki, 207, 209, 212, 353 
 
 Salzburg, 68 
 
 Samassa, Professor, quoted, 47, 131, 
 
 134, 145, 151, 182 
 Samoan question, 39, 322, 337, 338, 
 
 339 
 Santa Catharina, 242, 256, 272, 276, 
 
 282 
 
 Santa Cruz, 280 
 Sao Bento, 270 
 Sao Francisco do Sul, 256 
 Sao Leopoldo, 280 
 Sao Paulo, 354, 283 
 Sarona, 196 
 Saxony, 307 
 Scandinavia, Deutschtum in, 141- 
 
 147 ; press of, 155 
 
 Schaffhausen, 191 
 Schalk, 71 
 Schiller, 178 
 
 Schlagintweit quoted, 197 
 Schleswig-Holstein, 37, 147-149, 
 
 161, 240 ; Duke of, 49 
 Schmoller, Professor, 160,240, 258, 
 
 260 
 Schoenerer, 62, 71, 72-75, 82, 83, 
 
 87, 89, 90, 92 
 School Association, German, 33, 
 
 53-58, 277, 278, 285, 286, 300, 302, 
 
 33i 
 
 Schopenhauer quoted, 229 
 Schreiner, 71 
 Schulze von Gaevernitz quoted, 235, 
 
 236, 238 
 
 Sedan, Battle of, 7 
 Seeger, Mr., 256 
 Segus, M. de, quoted, 332 
 Seidl, 71 
 
 Sering, Professor, quoted, 301 
 Seymour, Admiral, 35 
 Shakespeare, 320 
 Shanghai, 173 
 Shantung concession, 281 
 Shelley, 320 
 
 Shimonoseki, treaty of, 39 
 Siemens, Dr. von, 225 
 Siemens and Halske, 307 
 Silesia, 68 
 Singapore, 356 
 Skaw, the, 157 
 
 Socialism, 32, 34, 37, 51, 71, 356 
 Solingen, 307 
 Solomon, 291 
 
 Somerset, Somers, Mr., quoted, 315 
 * Sonderstellung/ 68 
 Spain, 42, in, 113, 166, 230 
 Spanish-American War, 42-44, 230, 
 
 318, 324, 326, 332, 337 
 Speck von Sternburg, Baron, 335 
 Spectator, the, quoted, 222, 224, 
 
 343 
 Sprenger, Professor, quoted, 194, 
 
 197 
 Staatszeitung, New York, quoted, 
 
 324 
 
 Stael, Madame de, quoted, I 
 Stamboul, 197 
 Standaard quoted, 127 
 Stead, Mr., 154, 340 
 Stein, Baron von, quoted, I, 3, 5, 
 
 259 
 Stein, S.M.S., 56, 57 
 
378 
 
 THE PAN-GERMANIC DOCTRINE 
 
 Stevenson quoted, 35 
 Stockholm, 147, 155, 174 
 Stolbergh-Wernigerode, Count zu, 
 
 31 
 Stratford de Redcliffe, Viscount, 
 
 223 
 
 Strathnairn, Lord, 223 
 Styria, 69 
 Suez Canal, 70, 216, 222, 226 ; 
 
 ' second,' 225 
 Suksdorf quoted, 245 
 Sultan, 170, 206, 207, 210, 219, 220, 
 
 227 
 
 Swabians. See Hungary 
 Sweden, 142 
 Swedish Parliament, 145 
 Swift, 320 
 Swiss -German economic union, 
 
 183-185 
 Switzerland, Deutschtum in, 175- 
 
 191 ; 352, 353 5 census in, 188 
 Sybel, Professor, 147 
 Syria, 194-19?, 215, 216 
 Szell, President, 97 
 
 Taafe, Minister, quoted, 62 
 
 Tacitus, 272 
 
 Tdgliche Rundschau, 84 
 
 Talleyrand, 17 
 
 Taurus Mountains, 200, 209, 213 
 
 Tchun, Prince, 120 
 
 Telegram, Emperor's, to ex-Presi- 
 dent Kriiger, 13, 14, 119, 135 
 
 Tell, William, 178 
 
 Templars, Knights, the, 196, 197 
 
 Teufelsdrockh, Professor, 238 
 
 Thomas, St., Island of, 343 
 
 Thorwaldsen Museum, 154 
 
 Thun, Count, 79 ; fall of, 85, 86 
 
 Tiber River, 105 
 
 Tigris River, 200, 202, 226 
 
 Tille, Dr., 31 
 
 Times, the, quoted, 112, 154, 222, 
 224, 225, 312, 335, 343 ; Appendix, 
 368 
 
 Tirpitz, Admiral, 72, 132 
 
 Tolstoi, 359 
 
 Trade, Free, no, 354; Dutch, 122- 
 126, 137 
 
 Transvaal, gate of, 107 ; War. See 
 Boer War 
 
 Transylvania, 33 
 
 Treitschke, 8, 147, 236, 251 ; quoted, 
 70, 108, 312 
 
 Trieste, 46, 68-70, 101, 207, 212 
 
 Triple Alliance, 100, 157, 158 
 
 Turgot quoted, 139 
 
 Turk, Karl, 71 
 
 Turkestan, 201 
 
 Turkey, Deutschtum in, 192-228 
 
 Tyrol, 68 
 
 United States of America. See 
 
 America 
 
 Unold, Dr., quoted, 299, 300, 311 
 Unverfalschte Deutsche Worte, 93 
 Uruguay, 244, 271, 303 ; river, 281 
 Utrecht, 134 ; Utrechtsche Dagblad 
 
 quoted, 136 
 
 Valais Romand quoted, 1 87 
 
 Valdivia, 297 
 
 Venezuela, 42, 233, 271, 291-293, 
 
 295, 296 ; ' mess,' 44, 261, 283, 
 
 293 294, 295 
 Vetter, Professor, 175, 177, 190; 
 
 case, 176, 179, 180, 181, 182 
 Vienna Congress, 17 
 Vollmar, Von, 160 
 Vorarlberg, 68 
 Vorwaerts quoted, 79 
 Vosges, the, Preface, vii 
 
 Wagner, Professor, quoted, 221 
 Walloons, the, 163, 164, 171 
 Waltershausen, Professor Sartorius 
 
 quoted, 124, 126, 127 
 Wartburg League, 84 
 Washington, George, 334 ; city, 43 
 
 44, 233 
 
 Waterloo, Battle of, I, 2 
 Waugh, Mr., quoted, 225 
 Weber, 165 
 Weimar, 17 
 Weser, 130; WeserZeitung quoted 
 
 112 
 
 West Indies, Danish, 297, 342-344 
 Weston, Mr., quoted, 321 
 Wildenbruch, Von, quoted, 176 
 Wilhelmina, Queen, quoted, 10; 
 
 133 
 
 Wilhelmshafen, 115 
 Willcocks, Sir W., quoted, 218,22 
 William I., Emperor, 41, 73 
 William II. See German En 
 
 peror 
 
 William the Silent, 121 
 Wintzer, Dr., quoted, 296, 305 -3 ic 
 Wislicenus, 30 
 Wittenberg, 220 ; 'Pope of,' 221 
 
INDEX 
 
 Wolf, Deputy, 62, 71, 72, 77, 82, 90, 1 Zimmerer, 197 
 
 379 
 
 92 ; quoted, 66, 67 
 Wreschen, 37 
 
 Yildiz-Kiosk, 219 
 Yorkshire, 272 
 
 Zanzibar, Treaty of, 18, 25 
 Zemmerich, Dr., quoted, 186 
 
 Zirnmerli, Professor, quoted, 187 
 
 Zingu, colony of, 278 
 
 Zipps colony, 99 
 
 Zollverein, European, 22, 29, 45, 46, 
 48. 103, 107, no, in, 112, 121, 
 125, i3> 332, 336, 337, 346, 355 ; 
 German-Dutch, 126, 127, 128, 
 131, 135, 136; Swiss, 179 
 
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