".^'yfRSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO 3 1822 02724 5083 3^^ y of California irn Regional ry Facility u *. OVERSIZE r-.n ^. (\^r^ *h A CHRONICLE OF THE REIGN OF CHARLES IX. I'l'iujsiiKR's notp:. St-jY/t liKiidred and c/i^/i/v cvpi'es (if t/:is hivk, ns well as Fifty- /?('(' ropic's on fine Japanese 'vllnni paper, printed Jar England and Anierlea eonihined. Eaeli eopy nund'ered as I'ssned. Type diitribuled. A CHRONICLE OF THE REIGN () F CHARLES IX Bv PROSPHR MHRIMHE ;;■//// (j.v/; //r\D/c/:o .lvd tk.x E.xaR.n'/XGs ox wood J- ROM I)RAir/.\<.;s IIV KPOl'AKn roUDOUZE NEWLY TRANSLAIi:!) INTO K N G L I S H 11 Y GEORGE SAINTSBURY • i-'^"'"— '-"■" i' 'lJ' ' LONDON JOHN C. MM MO 14, King William Street, Stranh M u c c c X c (iiis\\h;k pkkss; — c. wmTTiNOiiAM and ro.. tiioks inrRT. ( IIAN< KKV l.ANK. IXTRoDrcTIoX. PROSl'l'lR MHRIMKK was Ijorn at Paris in the year 1803, hein^; the son of, as 1 suppose, the "Mr. Merrimee" (sic) who served as a kind ot j)atron to HazHtt in his visit to Paris for the purpose of copying pictures in the Louvre. Meriniee received a legal education ; but instead of proceeding either to the bar or to the bench, after the habit of French lawyers, he entered the public service. He was for some time attached to the Ministry of Foreigfii Affairs, then to that of Commerce ; and finallv he obtained the extremely congenial appointment of In- spector of Historic Monuments, in which he did much good work, and in connection with which he took many interesting journeys and produced some valuable mono- graphs. In 1840 he undertook a mission to Spain, in the course of which he made acquaintance with the family of the future Empress Eugenie. This acquaintance had much influence on his future career. In 1844 he be- came a member of the French Academy. At the time of the somewhat famous Libri affair, he defended Libri, who was his friend, from the charge of abstracting public property from libraries, with such warmth, that he was prosecuted and condemned to fine and imprisonment. After the establishment of the Empire he was made a Senator (insisting with rather uncommon disinterestedness on giving u|:) the emoluments of his former appointment), VI /.yjyconccyvox. and became one of the most intimate friends of the Imperial household. He made frequent visits to England, where he had many friends, especially Mr. Ellice of Glenoarry. and Mr. (afterwards Sir Antonin) Panizzi of the British Museum. He had some Ensjflish blood in his veins, and was, as the mottoes of the following book will show, inti- mately acquainted with English literature, as he was also with Spanish, and in the later years of his life with Russian. After middle age his health broke down, and he died at Cannes, in October, 1870, having lived long enough to see the downfall ot the Empire and the misfortunes ot France. It was not till after his death that a new side of his literary talent, which had already been established in various departments for nearly halt a centur\-, w-as revealed — together with a new side of his character — to the public by the successive publication of two large collections of letters; one, " A une Inconnue," and another to his Iriend Panizzi. A third collection, "A une autre Inconnue," has less interest. These letters, besides presenting perhaps the best examples of epistolary style and the most various subjects of interest to be found in any similar books since the early years of the century, throw the fullest light on Merimee's curious nature. He had been regarded in his lifetime as a confirmed cynic, and cynicism was not wanting in these letters ; but they also exhibited .some, at least, of the sterling qualities which underlay this mask. Perhaps the least favourable points in Merimee's character were his ostentatious parade of Freethinking and his disregard of conventional decency ; faults which api)ear to some extent in his writings, but which are said to have been much more marked in his conversation. Tradition assigns part, at least, of the cause of this to some early disappointment or /Xfh'O/H'Cr/OX. vii deception, and a further jiart to the influence of Stendlial (Henri Beyle), who was a friend of Merim^e's youth, and who undoubtedly hatl some ascendancy over him. Merimee's literary work — all of which is distinguished by the presence of what good judges have regarded as the best French prose style of the century, as well as by other remarkable qualities — is both extensive and various. Al- though an extremely careful and accurate worker, a man of many distractions, and somewhat of a man of [pleasure, he found time to producer more than a score of volumes of original and translated work of the highest literary merit. He began rather characteristically with two audacious fabri- cations, intended to catch the taste and tone of the then {1825) young Romantic movement. One was entitled the " Theatre de Clara Gazul," a pretended collection of trans- lated Spanish plays ; and the other was " La Guzla," a prose collection of (equally pretended) translations of lllyrlan folk-songs. Then he tried — in the work which is now presented to the reader, and in " La Jacquerie " — a variety of F"rench romance, based on the novels of .Sir Walter Scott, which he himself soon abandoned, but which was afterwards followed out with immense success b\' Dumas and others. Relinquishing this also, he ct)ntmetl himself for the rest of his life, as far as fiction was con- cerned, to shorter tales, the secret of which he never lost, and which constitute by far the most remarkable collection of the kind in literature. " Colomba," " Carmen," " Arsene (juillot," " La Venus d'llle," " Mateo Falcone," " L'Fnleve- ment de la Redoute," " Lokis," " La Chambre Bleue, ' and others, present the widest diversity of style and subject ; yet every one may be called a masterpiece. No one of Meri- mee's contemporaries and rivals in this art, except Theophile viii IMTRODUCTIOX. ( iautier, could match him in style; while he excelled Gautier in dramatic conception of stor)', in close observation of life, and in particular in the rigid exclusion of anything like unnecessary description or digression of any kind. It is jjossible that he carried this fancy for compression too tar for long stories ; and a severe criticism might desire some expansion in the present instance. But in shorter stories the defect, if defect it be, is naturally not felt, and the astonishing vividness which results from the c]uality is felt without drawback. Although Merimee's love-scenes were almost always tinged with a certain cynicism, which prevented him from attaining the exquisite Romantic beauty of Gautier's " Morte Amoureuse," he is in all other respects unsurpassed. " La Venus d'llle" and " Lokis" in the direc- tion of supernatural horror; " L'Enlevement de la Redoute " in that of vivid yet chastened description of action ; " Co- lomba," " Mateo Falcone," and " Carmen," in the fixing of romantic national character ; " Arsene Guillot " and " La Chambre Bleue," in two different forms — the lighter and more satiric, the more pathetic and sentimental, respec- tively — of the old French contc, or story of dubious morality : all these stand so far above their competitors, that it is difficult to conceive their ever being equalled. Merimee's work in other directions to a great extent conditioned his work in pure literature. He did not attempt very much criticism, strictly so called ; but he was a master of the short biographical and critical notice ; and he was much addicted to historical studies, especially in Roman, Spanish, and Russian history. He also, as has been said, translated not a little; his practice in this respect, no doubt, affecting his wonderfully fiexible and yet wonderfully precise and accurate st\le, which stands at an equal distance /.VTA'O/XCyVO.V. ix from the loose opulence of Roinaiuic colour and the some- what jejune mathematics of Classical proportion. It is very interesting to sec how these qualities appear, even in such early work as the following book, which was written when the author was scarcely five-and-twenty. And it is also interesting to compare it with the work — " La Reine Margot" — of Dumas, written years afterwards "on the same subject, and with pretty distinct indebtedness to this very book. In some respects Merimee's work shows delect. It is doubtful whether he could ever have written a long novel or romance, his very faculty of managing the nouvclle or short story being rather a snare to him in this way. It is open to anyone who likes to say that the earlier chapters of this chroniquc are rather too much isolated studies of par- ticular characteristics of the period, that their very titles stamp them as such, and that sufficient pains are not taken to melt and incorporate these studies — of a duel, ol an intro- duction at Court, of the Renaissance combination ot devotion and libertinage, of the Renaissance fancy for white, and some- times not so very white magic — into a harmonious whole ; that Mergy is too much of the abstract jcniic premier, Diane too little of a distinct and individual figure. Some truth must be allowed to these complaints ; but not too much. It is perfectly true that, with the exception of the pathetic- ironic figure of George de Mergy (one of the innumerable, and it would seem inevitable, instances of the need which the novelist feels of sketching himself), and perhaps of Captain Dietrich Ilornstein, who owes something to Captain Dugald Dalgetty, it is more difficult than it should be to take a direct personal interest in the characters. Only in the great scene between Diane and Mergy, when the massacre has actually broken out, does the heroine become thoroughly b %<^ X IXTRODL'Cr/OX. alive ; but then she is admirable. The portrait, historic rather than fictitious, of La Noue, in the later chapters, is quite masterly ; but Charles himself is rather a shadow, and the Admiral does not by any means stand out from the canvas as he might do. The deathbed scene of George and Beville is unduly prolonged, and shows something of that deliberate and not too well-bred desire to shock orthodox notions of malice prepense, which was one of Merimee's greatest faults. But when deductions for all this are made, how much is left ! The cabaret scene of the opening, with the gracious if naughty figure of Mila for centre, is as well conceiveil as anything in Dumas himself, and far lietter written. In the succeeding chapters something ot a want of sustained interest, something ol the already noticed effect of a succes- sion of " studies," may be noticed ; but the interest gathers as it proceeds. The love-scenes {cxccplis, )'et once more cxcipiawiis) not only attract in themselves, but possess the curious interest of having served as models to thousands of the same kind since, while Merimee had hardly a model before him. And from the moment that the massacre is first seen or felt in the distance, there are few weak pages. The preliminaries — the rescue of Mergy from the mob by the jovial preaching friar, and the fruitless eftbrt of George to keep his troopers' hands free from murder — are excellent ; and even il the actual description of the massacre were not associated with the fine scene between Diane and Mergy already noticed, the power and graphic force (with- out any fine writing or flux of epithets) of the description could not escape notice. The second cabaret scene, that of the two monks, is equal to the first, and the brief Rochelle period is a series of vignettes of the highest excellence, crowned by the more elaborate battle-piece of the capture INTRODUCTION. xi of the mill, which comes not far short of Merimee's own " Capture of the Redoubt," and probably served as model to the one unquestionably good thing that M. Zola has done, "L'Attaque du Moulin." In these scenes, as in the con- cluding one which has been alread)- criticised, the touch of hardness, of a sort of complaisant dallying with horrible detail, which is still more characteristic of the " Jacquerie," and which alwaj's more or less distinguished Merimee as a wricer, may be a little apparent. But it certainly does not appear sufficiently to interfere with the enjoyment of what, if it is not the best historical novel, is probably the best series of historico-fictitious pictures in words that French has to show. Nor should it be omitted that even here, early as the work is, and comparatively imperfect as is the writer's afterwards consummate mastery of his implements, there appears very much of that literary and moral idiosyncrasy which makes Merimee so interesting a figure. There appears also that ironic-pathetic view of life which is from first to last present in his books, but the standpoint of which was never fully revealed till the publication of his letters, including that very interesting selection to Mrs. Senior and others which Count D'Haussonville printed only the other day. Two of the stories, remembered or invented as he wrote for the benefit of his correspondents, which this last selection gives, are so invaluable for providing the reader with spectacles through which to read Merimee, that I may perhaps be pardoned for translating them here. This is the first : — " Once upon a time there was a madman who thought that he possessed the Queen of China (I need not tell jou that she is the loveliest princess in the world) shut up in a bottle. This possession made him very happy, and he was xii INTRODUCTJON. never tired of exerting himself, that the bottle and its inhabitant might have no reason to be ashamed of him. But one day he broke the bottle, and as one cannot hope to hit upon a Princess of China twice in one's lite, he, who had only been mad before, became stupid." And here is the other : — " Well then, when I was young, I was, as I thought, sole master of a remarkably beautiful leg — not a common thing, for reasons which I need not tire you by discussing. 1 had for a long time never seen it except clad in a silk stocking ; but by unwearying instances I obtained the favour ot having this stocking taken ofi". Now the garter had lett a red mark, with patches of blue-black — a mark e.xplicable of course as a symptom of the delicacy of the skin, but still ugly. I never saw the leg afterwards without seeing the mark through the stocking." These two stories should always be remembered, intelli- gently and compassionately, in reading Alerimee. lUit it should be remembered also that he never " posed ' in society as a disappointed or blighted being. His pose, it an}-, was rather the other way. Even in this book, purel)^ his- torical as it is for the most part, there will be found, not Byronism, though it was written in the very high tide and spring-time of that influence, but a sincerity of disillusion and disappointment, of which Byronism was generally a mere travestie. Although few good judges have refused him their admiration, a full and just literary estimate ot Merimee is still to be made ; and the latest competitor, Count D'Haussonville already mentioned, has partly eschewed the task of deliberation, partly shown that he is not ([uite alive to all sides of Merimee's e.xcellence. But we owe him, I think, the best remark \et made on Merimee's character, the INTRO DUCTIOX. xiii remark that at least in later lite he was domiiiated by and occasionally showed " Ic sentiment qu'il etait mal compris, mal juge, mais ([uil etait un pen responsable de cette injustice, et tju'il devait s'en prendre surtout a lui-meme, non seulement si on jiensait (piel([ue mal de lui, mais encore s'il ne valait peut-etre pas tout ce qu'il aurait pu valoir." As an ethical criticism this is, I think, very acute and very just; but on the literary side, Merimee scarcely ««;-«// /iiw valoir more than he does. His variety of interests, his fas- tidiousness of taste, his freedom from any need of working for a living, and his contempt of popular applause and popular estimates, would probably, when taken together, have always prevented him from writing a '' Decline and Fall " or an " Esprit des Lois." But he has done the very best thinos of their kind in more kinds, or more subdivisions of a kind, than one or two, and of how many men is it possible to say that ? In this particular book, if he did not do one of the very best things in its particular kind, he showed a whole nation the way, which was promptly antl profitably followed, and himself turned out work of a rare excellence. Gkorgk Saintsdurv. Note gr Postsckipt. — I believe that an English transla- tion of the '•Chroniqtce de Charles IX." has already appeared some forty years ago ; but / have never seen it, and the demerits of the folloioing version, such as they are, are all my oian. It ivould have been impossible to ehoose a pleasanter relief and variation to the usual inquiry, " What the Szoede intends and zvhat the French," and the other customary occu- pations of journalism ; and I can only hope that the result oj the exercise is not so very much less well performed than it xiv INTKODUCTION. ivas pleasant in the perfoniiancc. Mcnuu^', loJio folloiucc/ Scott pretty closely, hi some zaays, does not appear to have aimed at luuch archaism of style, though he has touches of it here and there. So that if m\ o:oii practice in this respect seems a little inconsistent, I ma v plead the desire [lohich indeed has been my chief desire throiighont) to folloiv my original as closely as possible. The author himself added notes with tolerable liberality, and it seemed unnecessary to increase their number much. Indeed such additions could have served little purpose, except to apologize for the occasional substitution of one idiom for another — an apology usually as superpluous as the substitution itself is necessary. If anyone solemnly and dictionary-in-hand assures me that "a t /vis polls" means " three-piled," and that I have not in its particular place so translated it, I can only admit ivith equal solemnity that he is quite right. s-v ^t CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION . Author's Prkface . Chai'. I. The Rehers 11. The Morrow of a Revel 111. The Young Courtiers I\'. The Convert V. The Sermon VI. .\ Paktv Leai.kr . VII. A Party Leader (continued) \ III. A Conversation between Reade IX. The Glove . X. The Hunt . XI. Thk Raffine and 'ihe Prk-aux-Clerc XII. Whtie Magic Xlll. Slander Xl\'. The .\ssi(;NAiTON . .W. In the Dark XVI. The Confession . X\ II. The Private Audience X\lll. The Caiechumen . C ■> Author r.\>.i-; v r •3 35 45 63 77 87 97 lOI 107 119 '3.? '45 '59 '65 181 '85 '93 COXrE.XTS. Chap. XIX- The Franciscan XX. '1'HE LlC.Hr HOKSK.MKN XXI. .\ I, As I A I IKMIT XXII. The Twkn iv-fourth (if Aucu.st XXII I. Thf Two Moxks XXI\'. 'I'he .SiK.F (iF La R(i( hflle . XXV. 1,A NouK XXVI. The Sai.i.v .... XX\TI. The Hospiiai PACK 2 I I 217 229 273 279 289 297 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. HAD been reading a considerable num- ber of memoirs and pamphlets relating to the end of the sixteenth century. I took a fancy to extract some of the matter of my reading ; and the result of the process is the [present book. Anecdotes are the only part of history that I love ; and among anecdotes I prefer those where it seems to me that I find a true picture of manners and character at a given time. This is not a very dignified taste ; but I confess to my shame that I would willingly give Thucjdides for some authentic memoirs by Aspasia or by a slave of Pericles. For 2 AUTHORS PREFACE. memoirs alone, which are as it were famihar conversations of an author with his reader, furnish those portraits of human beings which amuse and interest me. To form an idea of the Frenchman of the sixteenth century you must go, not to Mezeray, but to MontUic, I)rant6me, D'Aubigne, Tavannes, La None, and their likes. The very style of these contem- porary authors teaches as much as their matter. For instance, I read in L'Estoile this short note : — " The damsel of Chateauneuf, one of the king's favourites before he went to Poland, having married for love a certain I'lorentine officer of the galleys at Marseilles, named Anti- notti, and finding him in the act of infidelity, slew him, manlike, with her own hands." By dint of this anecdote, and ot many others whereof Brantome is full, I can reconstruct a whole character in my mind, and I can bring to lite again a lady ot the Court of Henri III. To my fancy, it is curious to compare these manners with ours, and to note in the latter the decadence of vigorous passions. Hence, no doubt, a gain in quiet living, and per- haps in happiness. But we have still to find out whether we are better men than our ancestors ; and this question is not so easy to settle, for ideas have greatly varied at diffe- rent times on the subject of the same actions. Thus, about 1500, a murder by dagger or poison inspired nothing like the horror that it does now. A gentleman killed his enemy treacherously; he sued for pardon, obtained it, and appeared in society without anyone dreaming ot frowning on him. Sometimes, indeed, when the murderer had a legitimate grievance, men spoke ot him as they speak now of a man of honoiu' who has, in a duel, killed some scouiulrel !))• whom he has been yrievouslv offended. AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 3 Thus it seems to me clear that we must not use our nine- teenth century ideas in judi^ing sixteenth century conduct. What is criminal in a state of advanced civilization is only a bold deed in a state more backward, and in a state of bar- barism may perhaps be a laudable action. It is generally felt that the judgment which is passed on the same action must vary with countries as well as with times, for between nation and nation there is at least as much difference as between century and century.' Mehemet Ali, Avith whom the Mameluke Heys vied for the control of Egypt, one day invites the principal chiefs of this militia to a festival within his palace walls ; when they are inside the gates are shut ; Arnauts shoot them down from behind cover on the top of the courtyard walls, and from that time Mehemet Ali reigns alone in Egypt. Well, we negotiate with Mehemet Ali; Europeans even think very highly of him ; he is held a great man b)' all the newspapers ; they call him Egypt's benefactor. And yet what can be more horrible than to butcher defenceless men in this way .'' As a fact, murderous traps of this kind are sanctioned by the custom of the country, and b)- the impossibility of manao^intr matters otherwise. 'Tis then that the maxim of Figaro, Ma per Dio, r utilita, comes in. It a minister whom I will not name had tound Arnauts ready to shoot at his orders, and if at a state dinner he had despatched the chief members of the Left, the action would have been, as far as actual fact went, the same as that of the Pasha of Egypt, but morall)- it would have been a hundred times more blameworthy. Yet this minister turned into the streets many Liberal electors ' May not this rule be extended to individuals? Is the son of a thief, who himself thieves, as culpable as an educated man who goes through a traudulent bankruiitcy? /! 4 AUTHORS PREFACE. who were small government functionaries, frightened the rest, and made the elections go as he wished. If Mehemet Ali had been a French minister he also would have taken no stronger measures, and in the same way the French minister would doubtless, in Fg)'pt, have been obliged to take to the fusillade, turnings out of office not being calcu- lated to produce a sufficient moral effect on Mamelukes.' The massacre of St. Bartholomew was a great crime even for its own day ; but, I repeat, a massacre as such in the si.\- teenth century was not the same crime as a massacre in the nineteenth. Let us add that the greater part of the nation took a share in it or sympathized with it, and armed in a body to attack the Huguenots, who were held to be strangers and enemies. .St. Bartholomew was, in short, a national up- rising, like that of the Spaniards in 1809 ; and the citizens of Paris, when they cut the throats of tlie heretics, had a firm belief that they were obeying the voice of heaven. It is no part of the business of a teller of tales like myself to give in this volume 2l precis of the historical incidents of 1572, but as I have mentioned St. Bartholomew I cannot refrain from setting forth certain thoughts that have occurred to me as I read this bloody page of our history. Have the causes which brought about the massacre been well under- stood ? Was it long premeditated, or was it not rather the result of a sudden resolve, even of a chance ? No historian supplies me with satisfactory answers to any of these questions. They all admit as evidence mere street rumours and alleged conversations, of very small weight in deciding a historical question of such importance. Some of them represent Charles IX. as a prodigy of dissimulation ; others as a man of hasty, violent, and fantastic temper. If, long ' This pix-tace was written \\\ 1829. AUTHORS PREFACE. 5 before the 24th of August, he broke out into threats against the Protestants, it is a proof that he had long been medi- tating their destruction ; if he paid attentions to them, it is a proof that he was dissembhng. I will quote a single story onlj', one repeated in all the books, and one which shows with what lc\ it\ th(' most improbable rumours are admitted. About a year before St. Bartholomew's Day, it is said, a plan of massacre had Ijeen already arranged ; it was this. There was to be built on the Pre-au.\-Clercs a wooden tower; the Duke of Guise, with a body of Catholic gentry and soldiery, was to be posted therein, and the Admiral with his Protestants was to have made a sham attack, as if to give the King a siege in spectacle. As soon as this kind of tour- nament had begun, the Catholics were, at a signal, to load their jaieces and kill their surprised enemies before they could possibly stand on their guard. To improve the stor\-, it is added that a favourite of Charles IX., named Lignerolles, foolishly revealed the plot by saying to the King, who was using harsh language about the Protestant lords, " Ah ! Sire, wait a little longer; we have a fort which will avenije us of all the heretics " (observe, if you please, that not a stick of this fort was yet in position) ; whereupon the King took care to have the blabber assassinated. The plan, they say, was devised by the Chancellor Birague, in whose mouth, however, a saying is put which points to quite difterent pro- jects — the saying, that in order to deliver the King from his enemies he wanted only a few cooks. This last method was much more practical than the other, which is so wild as to be nearly impossible. How, indeed, could the suspi- cions of the Protestants fail to be aroused by the prepara- tions for this mimic war, where the two parties, open enemies just before, were to be set at one another's throats ^ 6 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. while it was but an awkward way of inakiny the Huguenots an easy prey to brigade them together and put arms in their hands. Clearly, if the idea was to exterminate them then, it would have l)cen much better to attack them in detail and disarmed. But for my part I have a strong conviction that the massacre was not premeditated, and I cannot conceive how the opposite opinion lias been adopted by authors who at the same time concLir in representing Catherine as a very wicked woman no doubt, but also as possessing one of the most statesmanlike heads of the century. Let us put morals aside for a moment, and examine the supposed design from the point of view^ of expediency. Now, I hold that it was not expedient for the Court ; and, moreover, that it was so bung- lingly carried out as to necessitate the supposition that those who devised it were the most reckless of mankind. Let any- one ask himself whether the King's authority had to gain or lose by this execution, and whether it was the King's interest to permit it. France w^as divided into three great parties: that of the Protestants, of which, since the death of Conde.the Admiral was the head ; that of the King (the weakest), and that of the Guises and the ultra-royalists of the day. It is clear that the King, to whom the Guises and the Protestants were equally objects of fear, was bound to seek to uphold his own authority by keeping these two parties at logger- heads. To crush one was to put himself at the mercy of the other. Besides, the see-saw plan was already well known. Louis XL had said, " Divide in order to reign." And now let us see whether Charles IX. was pious ; for excessive piety might have suggested to him steps contrary to his interest. But all evidence goes to show the reverse ; to show that, if he was not a freethinker, he was at the same AUTHOR'S PREFACE. ^ time by no means a fanatic. Besides, his mother, who governed him, would never have hesitated to sacrifice her rehgious scruples, if she had any, to her love of power.' But let us suppose that Charles, or his mother, or if any- one prefers it, his government, hail in the teeth of all the principles of statecraft resolved to destroy the Protestants (,)f !•" ranee. In that case, when the resolve was once formed, it is probable that they would have given mature consideration to the means most proper for assuring success. Now one thing suggests itself at once, as essential to safety, to wit, that the massacre should take place in all the towns of the kingdom at the same time, so that the reformers, everywhere attacked by superior forces," might be every- where unable to defend themselves. A single day would have been enough for their destruction ; and it was thus that Ahasuerus planned the massacre of the Jews. Yet we read that the first royal orders for massacring the Pro- testants are dated August 28th, that is to say, four days a/tej- St. Bartholomew, and when the news of that great butchery must have got the start of the royal despatches and have alarmed all those of " the reliction." Again, it would have been especially necessary to seize the strongholds of the Protestants ; for while they retained ' A snying of Charles IX. has been (]UOted, as an instance of profound dissimulation, which seems to me to be, on the contrary, only the coarse sally of a man quite indifferent to religion. The Pope made a difficulty of giving the necessarv dispensation for the marriage of Marguerite de Valois, sister of Charles IX., with Henri IV^., who was then a Protestant. '• If the Holy Father refuses," said the King, " I will tuck sister Margoton under my arm and take her to be married in full meeting-house." ^ The population of France was about twenty million souls. It was cal- culated that at the time of the second civil war the Protestants were not more than a million and a half strong ; but they were pro]jortioiially stronger in wealth, warriors, and generals. 8 AUTHOR'S PREFACE. control of these tlie royal authority was not assured. Thus, supposing- a regular plot on the part of the Catholics to have existed, it is clear that one of the most important steps would have been to seize Rochelle by the 24th of August, and to have an army simultaneously on foot in the south of France to prevent any combined rising of the reformers.' Nothing of this sort was done ; and I cannot admit that the same men were likely at once to conceive a crime the results of which must have been so momentous, and to execute it so ill. So badly indeed were measures taken, that a few months after St. Bartholomew the war broke out afresh, a war wherein the reformers won all the credit, and from which they even obtained new and solid advantage. Lastly, does not the attempt to assassinate Coligny, which was made two days before St. Bartholomew, put the final touch to the refutation of the supposed general scheme ? Why kill the chief before the general massacre ? Was it not the very way to scare the Huguenots, and to force them to stand on their guard ? I know that some authors attribute this attack on the Admiral's person to Guise alone ; but, not to mention that puljlic opinion accused the King of the deed,'"' and that the would-be assassin received a formal royal recompense, I should draw from the very fact of the outrage an argument against the plot. Had it really existed, the Duke of Guise must have had a hand in it ; and, if so, why not delay his private vengeance for a couple of days, so as to make its success certain ? Why risk the failure of the whole enter- ' During the second civil war the Protestants in a single day surprised more than half the fortresses of France. The Catholics could have done the same. " Maurevel Has surnamed "The King's Butcher." See Branionie. AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 9 prise in the sole ho[)c of hastening his enemy's death by forty-eig-ht hours ? Thus all evidence seems to me to show that this ereat massacre was not the result of a conspiracy on the part of the King- against a section of his people. The massacre of St. Bartholomew appears to me the result of a popular rising which could not be foreseen, and which was in fact improvised ; and I shall now, in all humility, give my own explanation of the riddle. Coligny had thrice negotiated with his sovereign on equal terms, and that was reason enough why the King should hate him. After the death of Jeanne D'Albret, the two young princes (the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde) being too young to exercise any influence, Coligny was, in truth and in fact, the only chief of the reformed party. When he was out of the way the two princes, in their enemy's camp, and quasi-prisoners there, were at the King's mercy. Thus the death of Coligny, and of Coligny only, was important for assuring the authority of Charles, who had perhaps not torgotten the saying of the Duke of Alva, " A salmon's head is worth more than ten thousand frogs." But if the King could get rid at once of the Admiral and of Guise, he would clearly become absolute master. The course therefore that he ought to have taken was this : to get the Admiral assassinated, or, if anyone prefers it, to suggest the assassination to the Duke of Guise, and then to have Guise himself prosecuted as a murderer, making pro- clamation that the Duke was abandoned to the vengeance of the Huguenots. It is known that Guise, whether guilty or not of Maurevel's attempt, quitted Paris in a hurry, and that the reformers, with the apparent sanction of the King, set no lo AUTHORS PREFACE. bounds to their threats against the princes of the House ot Lorraine. Now at this time the populace of Paris was terribly fanatical. The citizens, in their trained bands, formed a kind of national guard, ready to take arms at the first sound of the tocsin. The Huguenots, who had twice besieged the town, were as much hated as the Duke of Guise, for his own merits and his father's memory, was beloved. The kind of favour which the reformers, at the moment of the marriage of the King's sister to a prince of their faith, enjoyed at Court redoubled their own arrogance and the hatred of their enemies. In short, there was but need of a chief to put himself at the head of these fanatics, and cry " Strike ! " to make them rush at the throats of their heretical countr\men. The Duke, too, banished from Court, threatened by the King and by the Protestants, had perforce to seek support from the people. He gathers the train-band chiets, talks to them of a plot of the heretics, bids them exterminate the plotters before their plot is ripe, and then, and then only, the massacre is meditated. As a few hours only passed between plan and execution, the mystery which surrounded the con- spiracy and the keeping of the secret by so large a number of men is easily explained — a matter which otherwise seems very extraordinary, tor "secrets travel last in Paris."' It is not easy to decide what part the King took in the massacre ; but if he did not approve it beforehand, he did not interfere with it. After two days ot murder and outrage he disavowed the whole thing and tried to stop the carnage." But the rage of the people had been let loose, and the ' A saying of Napoleon. ■■^ He attributed the attempt on Coligny and the massacre to the Duke of Guise anil the iirinees of the House of Lorraine. AUTHOR'S PREFACE. ii people's thirst is not slaked with a little blood. More than sixty thousand victims were called for, and the Kin