LIBRARY 
 UNIVERSITY OF
 
 WORKS ISSUED BY 
 
 1bafclut Society. 
 
 THE JOURNAL 
 
 OF 
 
 JOHN JOURDAIN, 
 
 1608 1617. 
 
 SECOND SERIES. 
 No. XVI.
 
 .2/6 
 
 THE JOURNAL 
 
 OF 
 
 JOHN JOURDAIN, 
 
 // / 
 l6o8 - l6l 
 
 DESCRIBING HIS EXPERIENCES IN ARABIA, INDIA, 
 AND THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO 
 
 EDITED BY 
 
 WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A., 
 
 Editor of ' The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Great Mogul' 
 ' Letfers Received by the East India Company, 161517,' etc. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 
 MDCCCCV.
 
 827 
 
 Cambridge : 
 
 PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
 
 COUNCIL 
 
 OF 
 
 THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. 
 
 SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S., President. 
 
 THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD AMHERST OF HACKNEY, Vice-President. 
 
 COLONEL GEORGE EARL CHURCH. 
 
 SIR WILLIAM MARTIN CONWAY, M.A., F.S.A. 
 
 GEORGE WILLIAM FORREST, C.I.E. 
 
 WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A. 
 
 ALBERT GRAY, K.C. 
 
 F. H. H. GUILLEMARD, M.A., M.D. 
 
 THE RIGHT HON. THE LORD HAWKESBURY. 
 
 EDWARD HEAWOOD, M.A. 
 
 JOHN SCOTT KELTIE, LL.D. 
 
 FREDERIC WILLIAM LUCAS. 
 
 ADMIRAL SIR ALBERT HASTINGS MARKHAM, K.C.B. 
 
 COMMR. JOHN FRANKLIN PARRY, R.N. 
 
 ERNEST GEORGE RAVENSTEIN. 
 
 ADMIRAL OF THE FLEET SIR F. W. RICHARDS, G.C.B. 
 
 HENRY WILLIAM TRINDER. 
 
 RICHARD STEPHEN WHITEWAY. 
 
 BASIL H. SOULSBY, B.A., F.S.A., Honorary Secretary.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 PREFACE ix 
 
 INTRODUCTION xiii 
 
 LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL CONTEMPORARY AUTHORITIES . Ixxvii 
 THE JOURNAL: 
 
 The ships depart from the Downs, i. A call at Gran Canaria, 2. 
 And at Maio, 6. They overtake a Portuguese carrack, 8. 
 They anchor in Table Bay, 12. The Ascension loses her 
 consorts, 20. The Comoro Islands visited, 24. Their stay 
 at Pemba, 30. The natives attack the sailors, 38. The 
 ship runs on a sandbank but gets off again, 39. Fight 
 with the crews of some native boats, 41. A visit to the 
 Seychelles, 46. Socotra sighted, 54. They reach Aden, 58. 
 Two merchants sent to Mocha, 69. Description of Aden, 74. 
 The pinnace rejoins, 78. Jourdain and another factor start 
 for San 'a, and the ship departs for Mocha, Si. Jourdain 
 and his companion reach San'a, 88. The city described, 93. 
 Their journey to Mocha, 96. Events there, 98. Descrip- 
 tion of Mocha, 103. The Ascension arrives at Socotra, 107. 
 Her stay at Mhowa, in Kathiawar, 113. She sails for 
 Surat, but is wrecked on a sandbank, 115. The crew reach 
 land in their boats, 122. They are well treated at Gandevi, 
 126. And journey overland to Surat, 127. Arrival there, 
 129. The majority set out for Agra, 133. Events of 
 Jourdain's stay at Surat, 134. His journey to Agra, 141. 
 His proceedings there, 154. Description of Agra and of 
 the court of the Great Mogul, 162. He sets out for Cambay, 
 167. Account of that city and its trade, 173. He reaches 
 Surat, 175. And escapes to Sir Henry Middleton's ships, 
 178. Discovery of the harbour at Swally, 179. Negotia- 
 tions with Mukarrab Khan, 180. Skirmishes with the 
 Portuguese, 184. Permission to establish a factory refused, 
 187. Hawkins arrives from Agra, 189. The territories of 
 the Great Mogul, 189. The fleet sails for Dabhol, 191. 
 Arrives there, 192. The town described, 197. They depart 
 for the Red Sea, 199. And reach the Straits of Bab-el- 
 Mandeb, 204. Capture of Indian ships, 205. Quarrels 
 between Middleton and Saris, 206. Letter from the former 
 to the Great Mogul, 218. Jourdain departs in the Darling 
 for Tiku, 225. Reaches that port, 231. Arrival of Middle- 
 ton, 234. Jourdain sails in the Trade's Increase, but the 
 ship runs on a rock and is forced to return, 236. She
 
 Vlll CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 starts again, 238. And reaches Bantam, 240. Jourdain 
 is made Agent for the Sixth Voyage there, 241. He is sent 
 in the Darling to the Moluccas, 244. Anchors at Hitu, 
 on Amboyna, but is prevented by the Dutch from trading 
 with the natives, 247. He moves over to Luhu, in Ceram, 
 256. Disputes with the Dutch there, 258. Visit to Kambelo, 
 272. Description of Amboyna, etc., 273. The Darling 
 sails for Buton, 274. Arrives there, 285. Buton described, 
 291. Visit to Macassar, 292. Account of the town and 
 district, 294. Jourdain returns to Bantam, 301. The factors 
 refuse to recognize him as Agent, 304. He sails in the 
 Darling for Masulipatam, 309. Puts in at Tiku, where he 
 finds Captain Best, 309. They return together to Bantam, 
 311. Jourdain appointed Agent, 312. Departure of Best 
 and arrival of Saris from Japan, 314. Troubles with the 
 Dutch, 318. Jourdain sails for England in the Clove, 334. 
 He reaches the Cape, 340. And St Helena, 344. His 
 arrival in England, 348. 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 A. WILLIAM REVETT'S ACCOUNT OF THE SEYCHELLES . 349 
 
 B. His NARRATIVE OF EVENTS AT ADEN, HIS VOYAGE TO 
 
 MOCHA, ETC 350 
 
 C. CAPTAIN SHARPEIGH'S ACCOUNT OF EVENTS AT ADEN 
 
 AND MOCHA, OF THE SHIPWRECK, AND OF HIS 
 JOURNEY TO AGRA . . . . . . .356 
 
 D. WILLIAM FINCH'S DESCRIPTION OF MANDU AND GWA- 
 
 LIOR 362 
 
 E. COEN'S NARRATIVE OF THE VISIT OF THE DARLING TO 
 
 AMBOYNA AND CERAM 365 
 
 F. THE FIGHT AT PATANI AND DEATH OF JOURDAIN . 368 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY (BY BASIL H. SOULSBY) 375 
 
 INDEX .385 
 
 MAPS. 
 
 THE YAMAN, SHOWING JOURDAIN'S ROUTES . . To face p. 80 
 
 WESTERN INDIA, SHOWING JOURDAIN'S ROUTES . 140 
 
 THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO . . . . . . 230 
 
 AMBOYNA. BUTON . . . . . . . 246
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 N the spring of 1608 John Jourdain sailed 
 for the East in the good ship Ascension, 
 and it was not until the summer of 1617 
 that he once more set foot on English soil. 
 During the nine intervening years he had 
 travelled many thousands of miles, had visited several 
 places previously unknown to his fellow countrymen, and 
 had had many exciting adventures, both by sea and by land, 
 with more than one narrow escape from a violent death. 
 Of these experiences he kept a careful diary, commenced, 
 no doubt, in obedience to the instructions given by the 
 East India Company to all their servants, and afterwards 
 continued for his own satisfaction and as a repository of 
 information that he might find useful on some future 
 occasion ; and it is this journal which in the ensuing pages 
 is printed for the first time. 
 
 The value of the contribution thus made to geogra- 
 phical literature the reader will assess for himself. But it 
 may be briefly pointed out that, amid much else that is 
 interesting, we have here a record of a hitherto unnoticed 
 visit by a British ship to the Seychelles in 1609; accounts 
 of the first English trading voyage to the Red Sea, and of 
 a pioneer journey through the Yaman from Aden to San'a 
 and thence to Mocha ; some fresh details of the proceed-
 
 X PREFACE 
 
 ings of William Hawkins at Agra and of Sir Henry 
 Middleton at Surat that eventful first chapter in the 
 history of English intercourse with India ; and a lengthy 
 narrative of the voyage of the Darling to Amboyna and 
 Ceram in 1613, concerning which little has hitherto been 
 known except from Dutch sources. When to this has 
 been added that Jourdain describes in detail the principal 
 places he visited, enough has perhaps been said to justify 
 the decision of the Council of the Hakluyt Society to give 
 his graphic and characteristic narrative a place in their 
 series. 
 
 The manuscript made use of for this purpose is No. 858 
 of the Sloane collection at the British Museum. It is not 
 the original diary, but a contemporary copy, the first four 
 folios of which are in a different hand from the rest. 
 In neither case does the writing resemble Jourdain's (of 
 which several examples are preserved at the India Office), 
 and the blunders that occur from time to time show that 
 the copy was not even revised by him ; it is, however, 
 quite possible that we have here a transcript which was 
 made for him while he was in England in 1617, and that 
 he left it behind for record and took the original volume 
 with him on his return to the Indies. It might have 
 been assumed that the copy was made for the East India 
 Company ; but it bears no mark of ever having been 
 among their records, and moreover, had this been the case, 
 so interesting a narrative would scarcely have escaped the 
 notice of the Rev. Samuel Purchas when rummaging their 
 archives for materials for his Pilgrimes. Probably Jourdain 
 left the transcript in the hands of some relative or friend, 
 and after his death its value was not recognized. In any 
 case we know nothing of its history except that, at some 
 date which cannot now be determined, it came into the
 
 PREFACE XI 
 
 possession of Sir Hans Sloane, and so passed into the 
 national collection. In 1862 the late Mr Noel Sainsbury 
 brought it to notice by giving a brief summary of its 
 contents in his valuable Calendar of State Papers, East 
 Indies, 1513 1616; and thirty years later Professor J. K. 
 Laughton, who had made use of it for his article on 
 Jourdain in the Dictionary of National Biography, suggested 
 to the Council of the Hakluyt Society the advisability of 
 publishing it. This they were quite willing to do, but an 
 editor was not at that time forthcoming. 
 
 The Sloane MS. has been copied, for the purposes of 
 the present work, by Miss Alice J. Mayes, whose transcript 
 was then checked throughout by the editor. All contrac- 
 tions have been written out in full ; and it has not 
 been thought necessary to follow the seventeenth century 
 copyist either in his eccentric use of capital letters or 
 in his equally eccentric punctuation. Further, some of 
 Jourdain's entries made at sea, recording merely the course 
 of the vessel, the state of the weather, the direction of the 
 wind, etc., have been omitted, as being of no general 
 interest. 
 
 The original transcription was evidently done in rather 
 a careless manner, and (as already mentioned) mistakes 
 especially in the names of places are frequent. Where 
 these are of importance, attention has been called to the 
 error, either by inserting the right word within brackets or 
 by adding a footnote ; in other cases they have been left 
 unnoted, but the reader is asked to believe that all reason- 
 able care has been exercised and that any obvious blunders 
 he may detect occur in the British Museum manuscript. 
 
 It is of course much to be regretted that the original 
 journal is not at our disposal, but no trace of it can be 
 found. If, as has already been suggested, Jourdain took it
 
 xii PREFACE 
 
 with him on his second voyage to the East, it is probable 
 that after his death at Patani in 1619 it fell with the rest 
 of his papers into the hands of the Dutch. We know that 
 the bulk of the documents thus captured were sent to 
 Holland ; and, on the chance that the diary might still be 
 in that country, the editor addressed an inquiry to Pro- 
 fessor J. E. Heeres of Leiden, whose researches into the 
 history of the Dutch Indies are well known. That gentle- 
 man was good enough to interest himself in the matter, 
 and a search which was kindly undertaken, at his sugges- 
 tion, by Mr De Hullu, Assistant Keeper of the Colonial 
 Records at the Hague, resulted in establishing the fact 
 that the diary was not in the archives there. It is to be 
 feared, therefore, that the original has been lost for ever. 
 
 The editor has received much other friendly assistance 
 in his researches. In most cases acknowledgments have 
 been made either in the introduction or in the notes to 
 the text ; but he must here record his indebtedness to 
 Sir Charles Lyall, K.C.S.I., C.I.E., Mr A. N. Wollaston, 
 C.I.E., Professor Blumhardt, and Sir Clements Markham, 
 K.C.B., for help on various points ; also to Mr Basil H. 
 Soulsby, the Secretary of the Society, for the useful biblio- 
 graphy printed at the end of the volume.
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 r EGARDING the life of John Jourdain prior 
 to his taking service with the East India 
 Company but little is now discoverable. 
 We know, from his father's will and other 
 sources of information, that he was the 
 sixth child and fourth son of John Jourdain, 
 merchant, of Lyme Regis in Dorsetshire, and we may 
 presume that he was born, like his elder brothers and 
 sisters, in that picturesque seaport ; but as regards the 
 date of his birth we must content ourselves with an 
 approximation. It may be taken to have occurred later 
 than August, 1572, when the extant record of baptisms 
 in the parish church for that century come to an abrupt 
 conclusion 1 , for up to that point, though the baptisms of 
 other members of the family are duly noted, we do not 
 find his name. On the other hand we cannot assign 
 a much later date, for he was doubtless of age in 1595, 
 when he was trading on his own account, and moreover 
 we find him describing himself towards the end of 1613 as 
 ' begininge to growe ould ' (p. 3 1 3) a phrase which a man 
 would hardly use about himself unless he were at least 
 forty. On these grounds we are perhaps justified in con- 
 cluding that he was born in the latter half of 1572 or 
 some time in 1573. 
 
 1 This document is in reality only an unfinished transcript from an 
 older register now lost. My thanks are due to the Rev. William 
 Jacob, M.A., Vicar of Lyme Regis, for first giving me information 
 concerning the parish registers and afterwards facilitating my personal 
 examination of them.
 
 XIV INTRODUCTION 
 
 The following table, constructed mainly from family 
 wills, gives the names of his immediate relatives : 
 
 John Jourdain^Thomazin [Jones?] 
 
 William 
 
 Silvester Judith Robert 
 
 "I 
 
 Charles Mary 
 
 (i) John Woodroff= Susan = (2) [Jonas?] Viney JOHN = Susan[ ] 
 
 I I 
 
 i 1 1 ,-J 1 1 John 
 
 John Henry Anthony Jonas Hester Robert 
 
 Of these, as we learn from the church registers, William 
 was baptized on March 9, 1561 ; Susan on December 19, 
 1562 ; Silvester on February 14, 1565 ; Judith on November 
 20, 1566; and Robert on June 22, 1569. William is not 
 mentioned in his father's will, and we may therefore 
 assume that he predeceased him. There is some reason 
 for thinking that both Silvester and Robert were dead by 
 1615 ; and of the whole eight, Susan, Charles and Mary 
 appear to have been the only ones living when their 
 brother John made his will in February, 1618. 
 
 Of John's early years we know absolutely nothing. No 
 doubt with other Lyme Regis boys he played about the 
 Cobb or in the narrow streets that cluster round the rushing 
 Lyme. Sundays would see him at the venerable church of 
 St Michael ; while on weekdays he would attend the school 
 which was held in the little room over the porch. Many 
 a time he must have gone blackberrying or bird's-nesting in 
 the Ware thickets ; and one fancies that he was often on 
 the quay, watching the ships as they entered or quitted the 
 harbour for Lyme was then a port of considerable trade 
 and questioning the sailors about the mysterious world 
 that lay below the horizon. Think, too, of the impression 
 the Armada struggle must have made upon the mind of a 
 boy of fifteen, who may perhaps have actually watched 
 from the cliffs at Pinhay the Spanish fleet standing slowly 
 up the Channel, with Howard and Drake hanging on its
 
 INTRODUCTION XV 
 
 rear. All this, however, is conjecture, and the first clear 
 fact that emerges is the death of Jourdain's father in the 
 autumn of 1588. 
 
 Four years earlier the elder Jourdain had reached the 
 dignity of mayor of his native town (Hutchins' Dorset, 3rd 
 edn., ii. 48) 1 ; and evidently he was in prosperous circum- 
 stances at the time of his death, for he was able to bequeath 
 4OO/. to his wife, and lands and houses to each of his four 
 surviving sons, besides portions for his two unmarried 
 daughters (Will in P.C.C.: Leicester, 7). John's share was 
 the lease of a house, an orchard hard by, and a fourth part 
 of the residuary estate. The father's own residence was 
 left to the youngest son, Charles, subject to the widow's 
 right to live there rent-free until the intended owner was 
 25, and for five years longer on paying him a suitable rent. 
 This was no doubt the house in which John was brought 
 up, and he ever held it in affectionate remembrance ; for in 
 December, 1615, we find him begging the East India 
 Company 'to paye unto my cossens Ignacios or John 
 Jourdain 2 , marchants, dwelling in Exetter, the some of 
 
 1 Possibly we may connect with the attainment of this important 
 post the arms borne by our traveller, as shown on the seal of one of 
 his letters now in the India Office (O.C. 782), viz. a lion passant 
 guardant : underneath, two bars wavy : above, three bezants or plates. 
 Of these the lion and the two bars constitute the arms of Lyme Regis, 
 and may have been adopted by the new mayor. On the other hand, a 
 lion (rampant) appears in the shields of both Dorsetshire and Devon- 
 shire Jourdains of a later date ; while the symbol of running water 
 a punning reference to the river Jordan was a common device in the 
 arms of foreign branches of the family. 
 
 2 These two cousins merit a passing notice. Ignatius (baptized 
 August 17, 1561) was a prominent citizen of Exeter, whither he had 
 migrated as a youth from Lyme Regis. He was sheriff in 1611, mayor 
 in 1617, and twice represented the city in Parliament, where, as a 
 zealous advocate for Puritan principles, he distinguished himself by 
 his endeavours to get bills passed penalising adultery, Sabbath- 
 breaking and swearing. He died July 15, 1640, in his 79th year 
 (Will in P.C.C. : Coventry, 130). His brother John was sheriff of 
 Exeter in 1623 and died in 1627 or 1628 (Will in P.C.C. : Harrington, 
 67). To these two brothers the Dictionary of National Biography 
 adds a third, whose name will be more familiar to the reader, viz. the 
 Silvester Jourdain who was wrecked on the Bermudas with Somers 
 and Gates in 1609, and wrote an account of the islands which is sup- 
 posed to have afforded hints to Shakespeare for his 'Tempest.' The
 
 XVI INTRODUCTION 
 
 150 It. for my use ; to whom I have written order to receive 
 it, and is to release a morgaidge of my fathers dwelling 
 house, which otherwise will fall into a strangers hande' 
 (O.C. 330). In the same letter, by the way, he remits 
 money ' for the use of a pore brother of myne, which [it] 
 hath pleased God to take his sight from him.' Possibly 
 this was his brother Charles, forced by blindness to mort- 
 gage his property. 
 
 Our first definite glimpse of the diarist is in 1595, 
 when he was apparently trading on his own account. 
 In November of that year a Council order permitted 'John 
 Jourden of Lime Regis' to proceed in a small ship, of 
 seventy tons or thereabouts, to the Azores, for the purpose 
 of fetching home goods to the value of 3000 crowns which 
 he had left in the hands of certain Portuguese there 
 (Dasent's Acts of the Privy Council, vol. xxv.). As we 
 know from a passage on p. 27 that he had been in 
 Portugal, and from references in other parts of his diary 
 that he was well acquainted with Portuguese, we may con- 
 clude that his time prior to 1607 was principally spent 
 in trading voyages to that country and its less remote 
 colonies. When we have added that he was married at 
 this time to some one at Lyme Regis with the Christian 
 name of Susan, and had had by her a son named after 
 
 Dictionary goes on to identify this Silvester with a Jourdain of 
 that name who died unmarried in London in 1650, and whose estate 
 was administered by his brother John (P.C.C.: Administration Act 
 Book, 1650, f. 83$). Both stories cannot be correct, for (as stated 
 above) the Exeter John had died long before 1650. Moreover, neither 
 Ignatius nor John refers in his will to a brother Silvester, and the 
 omission is strange if the latter were alive at the time. The conjecture 
 is obvious that the Bermudas voyager may really have been our 
 diarist's elder brother (see the genealogical table), who may have 
 been induced to join the expedition by Sir George Somers, as they 
 were both connected with Lyme Regis. It is true that this supposition 
 cannot be reconciled with the statement of General Lefroy (The 
 Historye of the Bermudaes, Hakluyt Society, 1882, introduction, p. vii) 
 that at the time of the voyage Silvester Jourdain was page to Sir 
 Thomas Gates, for he would have been much too old for such a post ; 
 but after a diligent examination of authorities I can find nothing which 
 bears out the General's assertion, and am inclined to put it down as 
 a guess on his part.
 
 INTRODUCTION XV11 
 
 himself, we have recorded all that we have been able to 
 discover concerning the first thirty-five years of his life. 
 
 Why Jourdain should have abandoned an independent 
 career for the service of the newly-founded East India 
 Company we cannot tell. The most probable hypothesis 
 is that his business was a failing one, and he was attracted 
 by the opportunities for lucrative private trade enjoyed by 
 the company's factors, both within and without the limits 
 set them by their employers. Another surmise is that his 
 relations with his wife were not satisfactory, and that, as 
 others had done before him, he chose exile in the Indies as 
 a means of escaping from domestic unhappiness. The only 
 basis for this supposition, it must be admitted, is the fact 
 that in his will his wife is markedly excluded from the 
 management of his estate, and benefits only to a limited 
 extent. This will, however, was not made till 1618, and 
 even if our suspicions be just as to their relations at that 
 time, we are perhaps not entitled to draw any inference 
 regarding the state of matters eleven years earlier. 
 
 Whatever the reason, towards the end of 1607 we find 
 Jourdain in London seeking a post in the service of the 
 Company. At a court meeting held on November 24 his 
 name was mentioned amongst those ' comended for men 
 out of which choise might be made of a Generall and 
 cheefe factors ' ; and on the 7th of the following month he 
 was engaged in the latter capacity at a salary of 3/. per 
 month, with io/. allowance for outfit. 
 
 The expedition in which Jourdain was now to take part 
 was that known as the Company's Fourth Voyage. The 
 funds, amounting to 33,ooo/., had been provided by 56 
 subscribers, each contributing not less than 55O/., with 
 liberty to take in others as under-adventurers. From these 
 funds two vessels were purchased, viz. the Union, a new 
 ship of 400 tons, which cost 1 250/1, and the Ascension, 
 which had taken part in the First and Second Voyages 
 and was bought from the adventurers in those expeditions 
 for 4857. ijs. 6d. The cost of shipping and victuals is set 
 down as I4,6oo/. ; but this amount evidently includes
 
 XV111 INTRODUCTION 
 
 wages, home disbursements, and a host of miscellaneous 
 items. Goods to the value of 34OO/. were put on board, 
 and a further sum of I5,ooo/. was sent in the form of 
 Spanish pieces of eight rials, the usual currency in Eastern 
 waters 1 . For the ' General ' or commander of the expedi- 
 tion it had been first intended to engage Sir Henry 
 Middleton, the successful leader of the Company's Second 
 Voyage ; but he declined the post and the choice then fell 
 upon Alexander Sharpeigh 2 , who was to hoist his flag in 
 the Ascension, while Richard Rowles, the ' Lieutenant- 
 General/ was to command the Union. It was at first pro- 
 posed that Jourdain should be the chief merchant of the 
 latter vessel, in which case we should probably have had 
 no journal to read ; but before the voyage commenced 
 there was a change of plans, and he was assigned to the 
 other ship. The important post of master of the Ascension 
 was given to Philip Grove or De Grave 3 , a Fleming who 
 had been second pilot in the First and master of the 
 Dragon in the Second Voyage : an unhappy choice, for he 
 was drunken and headstrong, and the loss of the ship was 
 directly due to his recklessness. The other officers and 
 merchants are sufficiently particularised in the list of 
 authorities and the notes to the text. 
 
 The instructions given to the commanders were not to 
 stop at the Cape, but to make first for St Augustine's Bay 
 in Madagascar, there to water and to set up a pinnace, for 
 which they were taking out the materials. If necessary, 
 Zanzibar might next be touched at, but they were warned 
 
 1 These figures are taken from a return in the India Office Records: 
 Home, Miscellaneous, vol. 39. 
 
 2 Sharpeigh had had no previous experience of the Indies. He 
 had, however, been in Turkey, for he mentions that at Aden he found 
 in the Kadi an old Constantinople acquaintance ; see also Brit. Mus. 
 Lansdowne MSS. 241, f. 385, which shows that he was in the Levant 
 in August, 1603. A letter in the same volume dated February' 20, 1608, 
 mentions that ' Mr. Sharpie is presentlie bonde chefe comander to the 
 East Indies, having put in a stocke with the marchants, and hath 
 great alowance of wagis, besides his charges' (f. 187). 
 
 3 He was possibly a native of Grave, in N. Brabant.
 
 INTRODUCTION xix 
 
 against going to Mozambique or the island of Pemba, 
 which were both in the hands of the Portuguese. Then a 
 course was to be shaped for Socotra, where aloes might 
 be bought and information obtained as to the chances of 
 trade at Aden or Mocha. No attempt was to be made to 
 visit either place if by so doing the monsoon for India 
 would be lost ; but it was hoped that this would not be the 
 case, and that it would be possible at these ports to pro- 
 cure lading for one of the vessels, if not for both. Should 
 this be effected, the laden ship or ships were to be 
 despatched direct to England, leaving some merchants 
 behind to establish a regular factory. Failing the pro- 
 vision of cargoes at Aden or Mocha, the vessels were to 
 proceed if possible to Surat ; or, should the latter place be 
 deemed upon inquiry unsafe, owing to its nearness to the 
 Portuguese settlements of Diu and Daman, recourse might 
 be had to the port of Larlbandar, at the mouth of the 
 Indus, which had been particularly recommended to the 
 Company's attention by Sir Edward Michelborne. It was 
 hoped, however, that at Surat Sharpeigh would find a 
 factory already established by the ships of the Third 
 Voyage and a safe commerce inaugurated by virtue of the 
 letter from King James which Captain Hawkins had been 
 commissioned to deliver to the Great Mogul. Should no 
 trade be possible at Indian ports, the ships were to go 
 on to Bantam and the Moluccas, and there fill up with 
 pepper and spices. It seems to have been intended that 
 Jourdain and another factor named Glasscock should be 
 sent home overland either from Aden or from India, and 
 for this purpose royal letters of safe conduct made out in 
 their names were provided. 
 
 The ships left Woolwich on March 14, 1608, and, after 
 some delays in the Downs and at Plymouth, quitted 
 English waters at the beginning of the following month. 
 A call was made at the Canaries, in order to procure water 
 and a few butts of wine ; and a supply of goats was 
 obtained at Maio, one of the Cape Verd Islands. On 
 June 9 they overtook a Portuguese carrack, which the 
 J. b
 
 XX INTRODUCTION 
 
 mariners could hardly be restrained from attacking, in 
 spite of her strength ; and a month later a Dutch pinnace, 
 bound likewise to the Indies, was spoken. By this time 
 the Union was short of water, and many of her crew were 
 down with scurvy. It was resolved therefore, despite the 
 Company's orders, to put in at the Cape, and on July 14 
 both ships came to an anchor in Table Bay. Of their 
 experiences at this place Jourdain gives an interesting 
 account, and it will be noticed that he, like many other of 
 the old voyagers, was struck by the advantages it offered 
 for the establishment of a colony. Had the English East 
 India Company listened to the advice of its servants on 
 this point, the history of South Africa might have been 
 very different. 
 
 In Table Bay the ships remained for more than two 
 months, owing chiefly to the time consumed by the build- 
 ing of their pinnace, which, now that she had to negotiate 
 the stormy waters of the Cape, must be made larger and 
 stouter than had been first intended. At last she was 
 completed and launched, receiving the name of The Good 
 Hope in compliment to the neighbouring promontory. On 
 September 19 the fleet put to sea ; but the following 
 evening, in a high wind and ' an overgrowne sea,' the 
 Ascension lost sight of both her consorts. The pinnace 
 rejoined her at Aden eight months later, the crew having 
 in the meanwhile murdered their master on the coast of 
 Madagascar; but the Union she never saw again 1 . Thus 
 
 1 The Union proceeded first to St Augustine's Bay and then to 
 Zanzibar, the rendezvous agreed upon in case of separation ; but at 
 neither place could she find her consorts. At Zanzibar three of her 
 men were captured by the Portuguese ; and not long after, on the ship 
 putting into a bay on the N.W. corner of Madagascar, the captain, 
 two merchants and three attendants were treacherously seized by the 
 natives, who thereupon made two attacks upon the vessel itself, but 
 were beaten off. Thinking it unsafe to remain longer, the master put 
 to sea and attempted to reach Socotra ; in vain, however, for he missed 
 the island and found himself on the coast of Arabia. As the monsoon 
 would not serve for Surat he made for Achin, which was reached in 
 safety. There and at other Sumatran ports a cargo, chiefly of pepper, 
 was obtained, and the vessel set sail for England, though with a sadly 
 diminished crew. Sir Henry Middleton, coming out with the ships of
 
 INTRODUCTION xxi 
 
 left alone, the Ascension stood on a course which was 
 intended to carry her round the east side of Madagascar ; 
 but it was too late in the year for that, and, finding nothing 
 but baffling winds, Sharpeigh gave orders to bear up for 
 the Mozambique Channel, On November 25 the ship 
 anchored at the principal island of the Comoro group, 
 where some days were spent in obtaining refreshments and 
 firewood. Zanzibar was the next port aimed at, in the 
 hope of meeting there the Union and the pinnace ; but the 
 island actually reached, which was taken to be Zanzibar, 
 proved to be Pemba, some distance to the northwards. 
 The natives at first made great professions of friendliness, 
 but after a few days they suddenly attacked the sailors 
 at the watering-place ; one man was killed, another 
 wounded, and a third, who had been enticed inland, was 
 made prisoner and handed over to the Portuguese. The 
 voyage was now resumed ; but the unlucky vessel escaped 
 one danger only to encounter another, for at midnight she 
 ran full sail on a sandbank, and, but for a lucky puff of 
 wind, which blew her off again without any damage, she 
 might there have ended her voyage. The next day 
 brought an adventure of a different character. Three 
 native vessels, bound from Mombasa to Pemba, were over- 
 hauled, and about forty of the principal men were brought 
 on board the Ascension. On being told of the attack made 
 by their fellow-countrymen upon the English, they became 
 
 the Sixth Voyage, found her at St Augustine's Bay in much distress for 
 provisions (Sept. 1610), and relieved her wants as far as he was able. 
 The voyage was then continued in safety until the vessel was almost 
 in the English Channel, when, for want of hands (having only four 
 men on board and those sick) she drifted on to the rocks of Audierne, 
 in Brittany (Feb. 1611). The local fishermen got her into port, but 
 she proved to be quite unserviceable. Part of her cargo was recovered, 
 but much had been embezzled before the arrival of anyone authorised 
 to take charge. The loss of both ships made the Fourth Voyage the 
 most unfortunate venture in the early history of the Company. It is 
 not, however, a fact, as stated by most writers, that the shareholders 
 recovered absolutely nothing. At least one dividend (of y. 6d. in the 
 pound) was declared, and in November, 1613, the stock in the Indies 
 (no doubt left by the Union) was valued at 28,000 rials (Court Minute 
 Book, no. 2 A).
 
 XX11 INTRODUCTION 
 
 alarmed ; and when the master attempted to disarm one 
 of their number whom he had invited into his cabin, they 
 suddenly drew their knives and assailed everyone near 
 them. Sharpeigh and his men defended themselves with 
 such weapons as came handy. At the first attack the 
 master, the preacher, and one of the factors were wounded, 
 though not dangerously ; but after a short conflict the 
 natives were all killed or driven overboard. Two of the 
 boats were captured and rifled ; the third made good its 
 escape. This, as Jourdain notes, was ' the end of three 
 greate dangers passed . by us within three daies.' 
 
 Now came a time of beating to and fro, endeavouring 
 vainly to make headway against the N.E. monsoon. At 
 last they determined to stretch away to the E.S.E., in 
 hopes of finding more favourable winds in that region ; 
 with the result that on January 19, 1609, they came across 
 a cluster of islands which they took to be the Amirantes. 
 It is clear, however, that they were in reality the group 
 now known as the Seychelles ; and we have here a hitherto 
 unnoticed British visit to those islands. They were then 
 unpeopled, and the wearied mariners were glad to spend 
 ten days in security and comfort at so delightful a spot, 
 where fresh water, fish, fowl and fruits of every kind 
 abounded. In the enthusiastic words of the boatswain, 
 'these ilands seemed to us an earthly Paradise 1 .' 
 
 At the beginning of February, 1609, a fresh start was 
 made; and on March 30 more than a year after the 
 commencement of the voyage the Ascension anchored in 
 a bay on the western side of Socotra. Here they found 
 a ship from Gujarat bound for the Red Sea, the captain 
 of which, not liking the neighbourhood of a European 
 vessel, slipped away in the night and by dawn was three 
 leagues away. Sharpeigh deemed it important to have, 
 if possible, a guide in the unknown sea they were about 
 
 1 Thus unconsciously forestalling the late General Gordon, who 
 seriously maintained that the Garden of Eden was situated in the 
 Seychelles and that the coco-de-mer was the forbidden fruit.
 
 INTRODUCTION xxiii 
 
 to traverse ; and as moreover there was little wind, and 
 the current rendered it almost impossible to beat along 
 the coast of the island as far as Tamrida (where alone 
 refreshing was to be had), it was unanimously decided to 
 stand after the Gujarat ship. She was quickly overhauled, 
 and her officers, making a virtue of necessity, agreed with 
 apparent cordiality to the proposal of the English that 
 they should proceed in company. Thus piloted, no diffi- 
 culty was experienced in making Aden, and on the 
 evening of April 7, 1609, the Ascension anchored before 
 that fortress the first English ship to visit a place that was 
 destined to become an important outpost of the British- 
 Indian Empire. 
 
 This ' famous and stronge place,' of which Jourdain 
 gives a striking description, was at that time in the hands 
 of the Turks, who had conquered it some seventy years 
 before. Of old it had been the secure haven where ships 
 from India exchanged their commodities for the European 
 and other goods brought by sea from Suez or by caravans 
 overland. Gradually, however, Mocha which was equally 
 convenient for the Indian ships and far safer for those that 
 came from Suez, besides being easier of access by land 
 had risen into favour, and Aden was in consequence 
 declining in importance 1 . Michelborne had told the 
 Company that ' much perill and small hope of trade may 
 be expected at Aden, yt being a garrison towne of souldiers 
 rather then of marchauntes; yett neare toAden,aboute some 
 ten miles of, there is a towne. . .called Moccha, governed with 
 marchauntes onelie and a place of spetiall trade ' {First 
 Letter Book, 247) ; and the event showed how correct his 
 information was. 
 
 The Governor of Aden at this time was a Greek rene- 
 gade named Rajab, who in the following year, as Governor 
 of Mocha, treacherously seized Sir Henry Middleton and 
 
 1 Since Aden has been under British administration it has more 
 than recovered its position and Mocha has lost practically all its 
 trade.
 
 xxiv INTRODUCTION 
 
 murdered a number of his companions. To this greedy 
 and unscrupulous individual the appearance of an infidel 
 vessel of no great force and unprotected by the only 
 European flag yet known in those waters must have 
 seemed a heavensent gift, and he at once set to work to 
 draw both ship and goods into his net. Sharpeigh was 
 welcomed with effusion, 'entertayned with tabour and 
 pipe and other heathen musicke/ given a robe of honour 
 and conducted to ' a faire howse ' specially provided for his 
 accommodation ; he was assured of a ready sale for all 
 his commodities, and his stipulations regarding customs 
 duties were assented to without demur. Soon, however, 
 the iron hand appeared under the velvet glove, for when 
 Sharpeigh intimated his intention of returning to his ship, 
 he found that the Governor could not think of parting with 
 him so quickly. He was told that intelligence of his 
 arrival had been sent to San'a, the residence of the Pasha 
 of the province, and that until an answer was received it 
 was impossible to permit him to leave ; while to emphasise 
 the refusal a guard of soldiers was placed at his door. In 
 the interim of waiting, the crafty Governor did all he could 
 to induce the English General to have his vessel brought 
 nearer the shore and her cargo landed. Those in charge, 
 however, were far too shrewd to bring their ship under the 
 guns of the fort ; and although a few goods were brought 
 on land, ' the Generall made noe greate haste to unlade ; 
 onely, for fashion sake, a little every day in our owne 
 boate, to delaye the time.' 
 
 Towards the end of the month the Pasha's reply was 
 received. The Governor told Sharpeigh that it gave him 
 permission to entertain the English, and an order to 
 purchase from them on the Pasha's account a good quantity 
 of cloth and all their lead. The General now made a fresh 
 attempt to get on board, but was told that he must first 
 land the rest of his cargo. However, guile was answered 
 with guile. Under pretext of choosing the cloth for the 
 Pasha, the Governor's principal man and two other Turks 
 were enticed on board and were then held as hostages for
 
 INTRODUCTION XXV 
 
 the General's return. Thus outmanoeuvred, the Governor 
 surrendered his prey, though not without using ' some vile 
 words ' to relieve his feelings. Jourdain and another factor 
 named Revett were now sent on shore to settle accounts ; 
 and upon their report and a promise of immediate pay- 
 ment the whole of the cloth asked for, together with all the 
 steel in the ship, was delivered to the Governor. Irfthe 
 meantime the latter, anxious to raise the customs payable 
 to as high a figure as possible, informed Sharpeigh that an 
 Indian ship had brought a large quantity of indigo to 
 Mocha, and suggested that a factor should be sent thither to 
 buy a stock and bring it to Aden. Two merchants were 
 thereupon despatched to Mocha in a native boat, and 
 within ten days a letter was received from them confirming 
 the news and urging that the Ascension should come round 
 to that port, ' comendinge the place to be farre better 
 then Aden.' Sharpeigh decided to follow this advice, and 
 accordingly sent word to Jourdain to return all the unsold 
 goods and to settle accounts with the Governor, from 
 whom, after deducting the customs agreed upon, about 
 26o/. remained due. The latter, however, much disap- 
 pointed at losing the opportunity of further extortion, 
 claimed double customs on all the goods landed, whether 
 sold or unsold, though he magnanimously offered to accept 
 the 26o/. in full satisfaction of all demands. If the English 
 General would not agree to this, he added, he should be 
 obliged to send the two factors who were ashore Jourdain 
 and Glasscock to the Pasha at San'a to explain matters 
 and settle with him the amount of customs to be paid. 
 Jourdain answered with much spirit that he was quite 
 ready to visit the Pasha, feeling sure that 'soe honorable 
 a person would deale well with stranngers and take nothinge 
 butt what was his due ' ; and as Sharpeigh was determined 
 not to agree to the Governor's unconscionable demand, 
 the two Englishmen had to resign themselves to a journey 
 into an unknown region, with a lively apprehension of 
 having their throats cut on the road to save further 
 trouble.
 
 XXVI INTRODUCTION 
 
 On May 26, 1609, the ship set sail for Mocha ; and on 
 the evening of the same day Jourdain and Glasscock, with 
 the Governor's secretary and two European renegades who 
 acted as interpreters, set out on the road to San'a. Re- 
 garding Jourdain's account of this, the first journey ever 
 made by Englishmen in the interior of the Yaman, nothing 
 need here be said, beyond noting that the hold of the 
 Turks upon the province was evidently quite as unstable ' 
 then as in the present year of grace. They held little 
 more than the towns and principal roads, and those only 
 at the price of incessant warfare with the hardy moun- 
 taineers. At San'a the Pasha received the two merchants 
 with courtesy, and evinced much displeasure at their being 
 brought up to him, declaring that he would at once 
 arrange for their return. It was soon, however, evident 
 that his complaisance did not extend so far as to entertain 
 any demand for the money due, nor would he give per- 
 mission for the establishment of an English factory at 
 Mocha. The utmost that he would concede was that 
 they should sell there what goods had been brought on 
 the present occasion, but he warned them not to return 
 except with express licence from Constantinople. 
 
 Having secured the Pasha's letter to this effect, 
 Jourdain and his companion quitted San'a on June 17, 
 1609, and reached Mocha in safety on the last day of 
 the month. There they found their countrymen well 
 treated indeed so confident of the Turks' fair dealing 
 that they had relaxed all precautions against treachery, and 
 went ashore with a carelessness that to Jourdain appeared 
 reprehensible. ' Butt it is a generall rule with the English 
 that if they have but a parcell of faire words given, that 
 there neede noe more feare.' Sharpeigh, however, found 
 little demand for his commodities, though, according to 
 our diarist, he might have sold all his iron had he been 
 more reasonable; and towards the end of July he prepared 
 to depart. The Governor made attempts, first to intimi- 
 date and then to cajole him into payment of anchorage 
 dues, in spite of the fact that the Pasha's licence freed the
 
 INTRODUCTION XXV11 
 
 English from all such claims ; but he was afraid to drive 
 matters to extremity, lest Sharpeigh should revenge him- 
 self on the Indian ships which were also preparing for 
 departure, and after a little delay all the men and goods 
 were got safely on board. 
 
 The Ascension and her pinnace quitted Mocha Roads on 
 July 26, and on the 8th of the following month they once 
 again sighted Socotra. In a gale of wind the unlucky pinnace 
 was blown away from the island and forced to continue her 
 course towards India, much to the discomfort of those on 
 board, who were in want of water and fresh provisions. After 
 obtaining a stock of these and purchasing some aloes, the 
 Ascension hastened after her consort, and on August 30 
 reached the Indian coast. Their landfall was near Mahuwa, 
 on the S.E. coast of Kathiawar, and there three days 
 were spent in making inquiries and buying provisions. At 
 this place they were fully warned of the dangers that lay 
 ahead of them, and were advised to procure a pilot to take 
 them through the shoals and currents of the Gulf of 
 Cambay ; but the proposal was distasteful to the master, 
 who 'stormed very much, that he had brought the shipp 
 soe farre and now must have a pilott to carry him 
 20 leagues'; and Sharpeigh weakly gave way to his 
 headstrong subordinate. 
 
 He was soon to rue this decision. In the afternoon 
 of September 2, 1609, the Ascension set sail for Surat, 
 steering a course which was almost certain to set her on 
 the Malacca Banks. Before long she was close to their 
 western edge ; but the danger was discovered in time, and 
 going quickly about the ship stood away again into deeper 
 water. Grove next steered due south, and then, having as 
 he thought cleared the shoals, once more turned her head 
 to the eastwards. With criminal recklessness he ran on, 
 in spite of the rapid shoaling of the water, until the vessel 
 struck heavily on a sandbank 1 , and with the shock lost 
 her rudder. The sails were at once furled and their only 
 
 1 Apparently the tail of what is now known as the Western Bank.
 
 XXV111 INTRODUCTION 
 
 remaining anchor (which had but one fluke) was put out. 
 With the rising tide the vessel floated off; but as the 
 rudder was gone, and they seemed to be surrounded by 
 shoals, it was judged expedient to remain where they were 
 until some repairs could be effected. They had only two 
 boats, and of these the skiff had been badly crushed against 
 the side of the ship, while the long boat was quite insuffi- 
 cient to carry the whole of the crew ; so the carpenters 
 were set to work to mend the one and enlarge the other, 
 in case matters should come to the worst. On the evening 
 of the 3rd their imperfect anchor gave way and the tide 
 drove the vessel once more upon the shoals, with the result 
 that she began to leak badly and all hope of saving her 
 had to be abandoned. Without any serious disorder, those 
 on board were squeezed into the two boats ; and in the 
 early morning they pushed off, ' singinge of psalmes to the 
 praise of God, leavinge the shipp as yet standing, with her 
 yards acrosse and the flagg atopp, to our greate griefes.' 
 Jourdain, by the way, in attempting to get into the long 
 boat, was forced into the water and had an extremely 
 narrow escape of being drowned. 
 
 They were now by their reckoning fifteen leagues at 
 least from the coast of India, and tightly packed in two 
 crazy boats, with the water coming up to within a few 
 inches of the gunwales. Luckily the weather was fine, 
 the sea smooth, and the wind just strong enough to carry 
 them along at a good rate. Fortune was equally kind to 
 them in other respects. In the first place, they made the 
 mouth of the Ambika river in lieu of the Tapti, at which 
 they were aiming, but which, unknown to them, was beset 
 by Portuguese frigates ; and in the second, they succeeded 
 in entering the river without being discovered by some 
 other frigates which had been sent from Daman to fetch 
 away the English pinnace. This unfortunate vessel, ten 
 days before, had been run ashore there and deserted by 
 her crew, who had made their way in safety overland to 
 Surat. 
 
 It is pleasant to note that Sharpeigh and his com-
 
 INTRODUCTION XXIX 
 
 panions were everywhere treated with great kindness by 
 the natives. They were at once guided up the river to the 
 town of Gandevi, where the Governor received them with 
 the utmost sympathy, gave them such food as he had at 
 his disposal, and after a night's rest set them on their way 
 to Surat. Two days later they reached the environs of 
 that city and were met by William Finch, an English 
 factor resident there. He was unable to procure per- 
 mission for them to enter the town, as the inhabitants 
 were afraid of reprisals by the Portuguese if they gave 
 any assistance to the English; and they were obliged, 
 therefore, to make themselves as comfortable as they 
 could, first in the neighbourhood of the Gopi tank, and 
 then at a village some distance off, to which they removed 
 at the request of the Governor. 
 
 To understand clearly Jourdain's narrative of his stay 
 in India it is necessary to look back for a moment to the 
 commencement of the attempt that was now being made 
 to secure a footing for English trade in the dominions of 
 the Great Mogul. In the spring of 1607 a year before 
 the despatch of the Ascension and Union the ships of the 
 East India Company's Third Voyage sailed on what was 
 destined to be an epoch-making expedition. For reasons 
 which need not here be considered, the two previous fleets 
 had made no attempt to touch at any port on the Indian 
 littoral ; but the instructions given to William Keeling, the 
 General of the Third Voyage, included the opening-up of 
 trade not only in the Red Sea (if this could be effected 
 without undue delay) but also at Surat; and William 
 Hawkins, the captain of one of the ships 1 , was directed, 
 
 1 It has been too generally assumed that because Hawkins was in 
 command of a vessel he was merely a sailor ' a bluff sea-captain,' as 
 a recent writer terms him. As a matter of fact a knowledge of sea- 
 manship was only a part of the qualifications required for such a post, 
 as the responsibility of navigating the vessel rested not on the captain 
 but on the master and his mates. The East India Company in 1614 
 described the ideal 'General' as 'partlie a navigator, partelie a mer- 
 chaunt (to have knowledge to lade a shipp), and partlie a man of 
 fashion and good respect ' ; and in the case of Hawkins (who was
 
 XXX INTRODUCTION 
 
 in the event of his vessel reaching that port, to land and 
 proceed to the court with presents and a letter from the 
 English king, requesting on behalf of his subjects the 
 grant of ' such libertie of traffique and priviledges as shall 
 be resonable, both for their securitie and proffitt, and that 
 they may for the better handling of their trade settle a 
 factorie there, like as we willdoe to yours yf att any tyme 
 yt shall be requested of us.' In obedience to these orders, 
 Hawkins' ship, the Hector, anchored at the Bar of Surat on 
 August 24, 1608, having parted with her consort, the 
 Dragon, at the island of Socotra. Hawkins landed and 
 (at once exceeding his instructions) announced himself as 
 an 'ambassador' from the English king. 'At my comming 
 on shore,' he says, 'after their barbarous manner I was 
 kindly received, and multitudes of people following me, all 
 desirous to see a new come people, much nominated but 
 never came in their parts 1 .' A number of Portuguese 
 frigates beset the river mouth, and captured a few men ; 
 but though they blustered a great deal, they did not 
 venture to attack the vessel itself. With the assent of 
 the Surat officials, a stock of goods was landed ; and 
 then, early in October, the Hector resumed her voyage for 
 Bantam, leaving behind Hawkins and the William Finch 
 already mentioned, together with two English servants. 
 Placing Finch in charge of the goods, Hawkins set out 
 from Surat at the beginning of February, and reached 
 Agra on April 16, 1609. There he received a warm 
 welcome from the Emperor Jahanglr, to whom his coming 
 meant an opportunity of hearing from someone other than 
 
 ' Lieutenant-General ' of the voyage) we have no evidence that he was 
 in any sense a naval expert. He had evidently spent a considerable 
 time in Turkey or the Levant, probably as a merchant ; and his 
 acquaintance with the Turkish language and with the usages of 
 Muhammadan countries had pointed him out as a suitable person to 
 take a leading part in opening up trade in the Red Sea and on the 
 coast of India. 
 
 1 This and (unless otherwise indicated) all the subsequent quotations 
 relating to Hawkins' experiences in India are from his own account in 
 Ptirchas (see List of Authorities).
 
 INTRODUCTION xxxi 
 
 the Catholic missionaries of the wonders of the distant 
 West, and what the novelty-loving monarch prized still 
 more highly the hope of obtaining by the aid of the new- 
 comer rare and curious presents from Europe. The English 
 ' ambassador ' was quite ready to gratify him in both 
 respects, so far as lay in his power, and he quickly found 
 himself in high favour. His knowledge of Turkish enabled 
 him to dispense with that bar to intimate conversation, an 
 interpreter, and for a time, according to his own account, 
 he ' had daily conference with the King. Both night and 
 day his delight was very much to talke with mee, both 
 of the affaires of England and other countries, as also 
 many demands of the West Indies, whereof hee had notice 
 long before, being in doubt if there were any such place 
 till he had spoken with me, who had beene in the countrey.' 
 Jahanglr was so pleased with his visitor that he pressed 
 him to remain at least until another ambassador should 
 arrive from England ; and in order to induce him to stop 
 he not only gave him a mansab of 400 horse, with promise 
 of early preferment, but also found him a Christian wife 
 in the person of an Armenian maiden. Nothing loth, 
 Hawkins accepted both wife and salary, and prepared to 
 settle down for a time in India, in the expectation (as he 
 told the Company) that ' after halfe a doozen yeeres your 
 Worships would send another man of sort in my place. 
 In the meane time I should feather my neast, and doe 
 you service.' 
 
 This prosperity, however, proved to be ephemeral. The 
 Portuguese were 'like madde dogges' to see an English- 
 man treated with such favour at court, and their threats 
 of reprisal on the native shipping induced the GujaratI 
 merchants to petition for his speedy dismissal. The con- 
 sideration with which he was treated was also an offence 
 to the courtiers, especially the more fanatical among them, 
 for ' it went against their hearts that a Christian should be 
 so great and neere the King.' For a time, however, 
 Jahanglr showed no signs of withdrawing his patronage. 
 On the news that the Ascension was making for the Indian
 
 xxxil INTRODUCTION 
 
 coast, he granted Hawkins a farmdn ' under his great 
 scale with golden letters... so firmely for our good and so 
 free as heart can wish ' ; and even when on the heels of the 
 first report came the intelligence that the ship had been 
 wrecked, the Emperor gave him ' another commaundement 
 for their good usage, and meanes to be wrought to save the 
 goods if it were possible.' Still, the disappearance of all 
 hope of a fresh supply of curiosities must have lessened 
 the interest felt by Jahangir in his new vassal ; while the 
 remonstrances of the Jesuits, letters from the Portuguese 
 Viceroy, the representations both of the Wazlr Abul Hasan 
 (whose enmity Hawkins had unfortunately incurred) and 
 of Mukarrab Khan, who was then in charge of the ports 
 of Gujarat, all shook his resolution. The arrival at Agra 
 of a number of disorderly sailors from the wrecked vessel, 
 and some faults in Hawkins' own conduct, further wearied 
 the capricious monarch, and after a time the Englishman 
 found himself neglected and his petitions, both on his own 
 behalf and that of his countrymen, put on one side or 
 refused. 
 
 Meanwhile Jourdain was living quietly at Surat with 
 Finch. About three weeks after their arrival, the bulk 
 of the Ascension's crew started for Agra to join Hawkins, 
 much to the relief of the native officials, whose patience 
 had been sorely tried by the discreditable behaviour of the 
 rougher members. Sharpeigh, whom the men had refused 
 to regard as their leader any longer, accompanied them as 
 far as Burhanpur, where he fell ill. On recovery he 
 resumed his journey and reached the court in safety, 
 though with the loss of all his money and King James's 
 letters, which were stolen from him on the way. The 
 master of the ship, Grove, betook himself to Cambay, 
 where he told Mukarrab Khan that the English at Surat 
 were his servants and their goods his property, and 
 requested him to send for them. This impudent claim 
 was quickly exposed by Jourdain, with the result that 
 Grove lost the Governor's favour. Failing to get a passage 
 from Broach to Achin in a native vessel, he returned to
 
 INTRODUCTION XXXJil 
 
 Surat and thence started overland for Masulipatam ; but 
 when within eight stages of his destination, he fell ill and 
 died, making ' a desperate end,' according to our diarist. 
 
 In the middle of January, 1610, Finch departed for 
 Agra at the summons of Hawkins, leaving Jourdain to 
 dispose of the small stock remaining. In October came 
 a letter from Hawkins directing him in turn to get rid 
 of the goods at any price and bring the proceeds to Agra. 
 Accordingly on December 15 Jourdain quitted Surat and 
 journeyed up by way of Burhanpur and Mandu to the 
 capital, where he arrived two months later and took up his 
 quarters in the English house. There he found Sharpeigh, 
 and some of the Ascensions company. Finch, however, 
 was absent, having been despatched to Lahore to dispose 
 of some indigo he had bought at Biana. At Agra Jourdain 
 remained about five months and a half. It is unfortunate 
 that his account of the events of this period is so scanty ; 
 but we must be grateful for the glimpses he gives us of the 
 imperial city, of the court, and of the Emperor himself, at 
 whose entry into his capital, preparatory to the Nauroz 
 festivities, the little band of Englishmen dutifully attended. 
 Hawkins' favour at court had now almost vanished. The 
 adverse influences had strengthened rather than diminished, 
 and his own indiscretion in disregarding the Emperor's 
 order 'that none of his nobles that came to the court 
 should drinke any stronge drinke before there cominge' 
 (p. 156) provided his enemies with an excuse for excluding 
 him from his favoured position 'within the red rayles, 
 which is a place of honour, where all my time I was placed 
 very neere unto the King ; in which place there were but 
 five men in the kingdome before me.' 
 
 The prospect appeared now so hopeless that all the 
 Englishmen began to consider their best means of quitting 
 the country. Finch, who was still at Lahore and had fallen 
 out with Hawkins on very reasonable grounds, announced his 
 intention of returning to Europe overland. He invited Jour- 
 dain to join him, but luckily the latter refused, or he might 
 have shared his fate, which was to die at Bagdad with most
 
 XXXIV INTRODUCTION 
 
 of his companions. Hawkins, on his part, thought it best 
 to 'currie favoure with the Jesuites' whom he had so 
 persistently reviled, and to beg them to procure for him 
 passes from the Portuguese Viceroy to proceed to Lisbon 
 by way of Cambay and Goa ; and he too tried to induce 
 our diarist to join him. The latter, however, had no taste 
 for Hawkins' company and no faith in Portuguese promises ; 
 and as it was rumoured that a fresh English fleet (Sir 
 Henry Middleton's) had reached the Red Sea and was 
 coming to Surat, he and Sharpeigh decided to return to 
 that port, to await the arrival of those ships, or, failing 
 that, to journey from thence overland to Masulipatam. 
 They accordingly applied for a farewell audience. Intro- 
 duced by Khwaja Jahan, they presented to the Emperor 
 ' a peece of gould of our Kings quoyne, which he looked 
 earnestlie upon and putt itt in his pockett'(p. 166), and 
 solicited His Majesty to grant them a passport and 
 exemption of their goods from tolls on their way down 1 . 
 ' He awnswered that his passe to travaile was needlesse, 
 because his countrie was a free country for all men ; 
 notwithstandinge, wee should have his passe as wee 
 desired.' Furnished with this document, Jourdain and 
 Sharpeigh, with two other Englishmen, quitted the capital 
 on July 28, 1611, and journeyed by way of Ajmer and 
 Jodhpur to Ahmadabad, reaching that city on September 8. 
 They appear to have travelled at a slow rate and by 
 a devious route ; apparently because they had with them a 
 quantity of ' private trade/ regarding which Jourdain 
 preserves a tactful silence. From Ahmadabad the latter 
 posted in advance to Cambay, where Sharpeigh joined him 
 
 1 Covert, the steward of the Ascension, who had quitted Agra in 
 January, 1610, bound homewards overland, tells us that ' every stranger 
 must present the King with some present, bee it never so small, which 
 hee will not refuse. And I gave him for a present a small whistle of 
 gold, waighing almost an ounce, set with sparks of rubies, which hee 
 tooke and whistleled therewith almost an houre. Also I gave him the 
 picture of St. Johns head cut in amber and gold, which hee also 
 received very gratipusly. The whistle hee gave to one of his great 
 women, and the picture to Sultan Caroone [Khurram], his yongest 
 sonne.'
 
 INTRODUCTION XXXV 
 
 again towards the end of the month. At that port 
 Mukarrab Khan, the Governor, gave them the glad news 
 that Middleton had actually reached the Bar of Surat and 
 was inquiring for his countrymen. Evidently the Governor 
 was looking forward to some pickings on his own account, 
 besides the opportunity of securing presents for use at court, 
 for he ' seemed to bee very joyfull of their comeinge ' and 
 was profuse in his attentions to Jourdain's party. He gave 
 them a letter to his brother, who was acting as his deputy 
 at Surat, and provided them with guards and pdlkls for 
 their journey. Travelling in this comfortable fashion they 
 in a few days arrived at their destination. 
 
 It was one thing, however, to get to Surat, and quite 
 another to reach the English ships, although the latter 
 were only a few miles distant. The Portuguese had been 
 warned of the approach of the fleet, and Middleton on his 
 arrival (September 26, 1611) found the mouth of the 
 Tapti occupied by a squadron of light frigates from Daman 
 and Diu, which effectually prevented him from sending his 
 boats up the river, while the sands and shoals along the 
 coast rendered it impossible for his large ships to anchor 
 near the land. Had there been a strong government on 
 shore, matters would have been on a different footing ; 
 but the natives were afraid to interfere, and allowed the 
 Portuguese to occupy the littoral and post their soldiers 
 (of which they had a large number) wherever they pleased. 
 The situation was embarrassing, and as time wore on it 
 grew serious. ' Our water and other provisions fast wasted ; 
 our people daily, for want of comfortable refreshing, fell 
 generally into sicknesse ; which made our estate doubtfull, 
 not knowing where or by what meanes to get refreshing, 
 we being so garded by these our enemies that none could 
 come to us, neither could we goe from our ships ' (Downton). 
 Still Middleton clung doggedly to his position. The 
 cargoes he had brought had been chosen chiefly for the 
 Surat market, and he was unwilling to go elsewhere unless 
 absolutely obliged. Moreover, he had learned from letters 
 smuggled through from Nicholas Bangham, the only 
 j. c
 
 XXXvi INTRODUCTION 
 
 Englishman then at Surat, that Jourdain and his com- 
 panions were on their way to the coast, and he was 
 determined to rescue them if possible. Some corre- 
 spondence took place between Middleton and the 
 Portuguese commander ; but the latter insisted on his 
 right to prevent our countrymen from trading in Indian 
 waters without the written consent of his King or of the 
 Viceroy of Goa ; while as for the Englishmen on shore, 
 he sarcastically offered to transport them to Goa himself. 
 The native authorities professed their inability to help the 
 new-comers in view of the hostility of the Portuguese, and 
 advised Sir Henry to take his fleet to Gogha, where he 
 could anchor close to the shore and trade without hindrance. 
 Middleton, however, had no intention of quitting Surat 
 waters until absolutely convinced that his prospects were 
 hopeless. 
 
 One morning in the middle of October, as the English 
 General was standing along the coast in a frigate captured 
 from the Portuguese, the waving of a turban-cloth from 
 behind a sand-hill attracted attention. A boat was 
 despatched to the shore ; and as it drew near the sailors 
 saw a European in native costume spring from his hiding- 
 place and wade into the water to meet them. It was 
 Jourdain, who, thus disguised and accompanied by a 
 native broker, had slipped through the Portuguese guards 
 and made his way to the beach. Soon he was on board 
 the Peppercorn, narrating to Middleton and Downton all 
 that had happened and explaining the posture of affairs at 
 Surat. One important piece of intelligence he had to give 
 them, namely, that there was a little to the northwards 
 a haven in which the ships could ride securely close to the 
 shore. The information about this place, with 'tokens 
 uppon the land howe to finde itt,' had been imparted to 
 him by Khwaja Nizam, the Governor of Surat, who was 
 evidently desirous of trading with the English. Middleton, 
 however, seems to have doubted its truth, for he took no 
 immediate steps to verify the statement. A careful look- 
 out was kept for further fugitives; and within about a
 
 INTRODUCTION XXXvii 
 
 week of Jourdain's arrival four more Englishmen were 
 safely embarked. On October 24 Sharpeigh himself, with 
 a guard of native horsemen to protect the goods he was 
 bringing down, reached the ships ; and a little later 
 Middleton had two interviews on shore with the Governor 
 of Surat, who again pressed him to take his fleet to Gogha. 
 This time the General appeared to fall in with the sugges- 
 tion, and on October 29 his ships put out to sea. But 
 this was merely a blind. Middleton hoped that the Portu- 
 guese, seeing him depart, would also withdraw and leave 
 the port open ; but, finding that on the contrary they 
 continued to dog him, he soon returned to his former 
 anchorage. 
 
 He now determined to test the truth of Jourdain's 
 story of the haven to the northward, and on November 3 
 Giles Thornton was sent in the pinnace to look for it. 
 He quickly returned, declaring that there was no such 
 place ; but fortunately the General persevered, and de- 
 spatched the master of the Darling to renew the search, 
 ' who there found a bard place, whereunto not only all our 
 smaller ships might at high water goe, but also the Trades 
 Increase, being a little lightned, might also safely goe over 
 the barr, and there ride within calliver shott of the shore ' 
 (p. 179 .). The following day (November 6) the ships 
 entered the newly-discovered haven, which was to be for 
 many a year to come the regular anchorage of the English 
 fleets the famous ' Swally hole.' Water was soon found 
 close at hand, and under the protection of the ships' guns 
 the natives flocked down to the shore to sell sheep and 
 goats and fruit ' for reliefe of our out-tired weake 
 people 1 .' 
 
 The plans of the Portuguese were now completely 
 upset. They could no longer prevent the English from 
 
 1 Jourdain's share in this welcome discovery is not referred to by 
 Middleton (at least in the mutilated version of his journal given by 
 Purchas) or by Downton ; while Hawkins (who evidently reciprocated 
 Jourdain's dislike) says that the place was ' miraculously found out by 
 Sir Henry Middleton and never knowne to any of the countrey.'
 
 xxxvill INTRODUCTION 
 
 communicating freely with the natives and obtaining all 
 the supplies they required. A policy of ambushes and 
 feints of attacks upon English parties on shore was now 
 adopted ; but on one of these occasions an opportune 
 broadside from the ships inflicted some loss upon them, 
 and soon they fell back upon their old plan of cajoling and 
 intimidating the local officials into expelling the intruders. 
 For a time, however, all their attempts came to nothing. 
 On November 24 Mukarrab Khan himself came down in 
 state, and not only had a long interview with Sir Henry 
 on shore, but spent the night on board the Trade's Increase. 
 There he bought eagerly 'all such fantasticall toyes that 
 might fit his turne to please the toyish humour of the 
 great King his master,' and begged a ' bever hat,' a ' per- 
 fumed jerkin ' and a ' spaniell dogge ' from Middleton 
 himself; but he eluded all discussion regarding the establish- 
 ment of an English factory at Surat. Upon his departure 
 Khwaja Nizam and others made some show of dealing 
 with the English for their commodities ; but little actual 
 business resulted, and shortly after doubtless in order to 
 pacify the Portuguese the country people were restrained 
 by proclamation from supplying provisions to the fleet. 
 On December 8 Mukarrab Khan again appeared, bringing 
 a quantity of calicoes, and on that and the following day 
 some progress was made towards an exchange of goods. 
 The proceedings, however, were dramatically interrupted 
 by a letter from the Great Mogul, acquainting Mukarrab 
 Khan with his dismissal from his post at Cambay, though 
 he was still left in charge of the customs at Surat. ' Hee 
 was very pleasant before he received and perused it,' says 
 Middleton, ' but afterwards became very sad. Hee sate 
 a good pretie while musing, and upon a sudden riseth up 
 and so goeth his way without once looking towards or 
 speaking to me, I being seated hard by him.' Soon, 
 however, he bethought himself and made apology, telling 
 Sir Henry that he must depart at once, but would leave 
 Khwaja Nizam to carry out the contract for the mutual 
 exchange of commodities. Accordingly on the loth that
 
 INTRODUCTION XXXIX 
 
 functionary commenced to weigh up the lead which the 
 English had brought ashore on the strength of the agree- 
 ment. It was soon discovered that he expected to have it 
 by the 'great maund,' whereas the English price was for 
 the usual maund of Surat ; and, finding himself opposed in 
 this, he ' in great rage begann to lade away the goods 
 which he had brought downe for us.' But in this he 
 reckoned without his host ; for Middleton, who had been 
 fetched by Jourdain to the scene of the dispute, promptly 
 seized the recalcitrant and carried him on board the Pepper- 
 corn, where the Shahbandar, who happened to be visiting 
 her, had already been detained on the first intimation of 
 the quarrel. Khwaja Nizam lay all night on the deck 
 of the ship ' in such a rage thatt wee thought hee would 
 have killed himselfe'; but in the morning he was persuaded 
 to go on board the Trades Increase, where he was 
 pacified and released on giving hostages for the due 
 performance of his bargain. This strong action secured 
 the immediate end Middleton had in view, and possibly 
 increased the respect entertained for the English by the 
 natives in general ; but the wisdom of offering such an 
 indignity to an influential official merely for doing 
 what, according to local custom, he was fully entitled to 
 do may well be doubted. 
 
 While the factors were busy negotiating for further 
 sales of their goods, intelligence arrived that Captain 
 Hawkins had reached Cambay on his way to Goa. For 
 a time his prospects at court had brightened, and it had 
 seemed as though he might after all remain at Agra with 
 advantage. The marriage of the Emperor to Mehr-un- 
 Nisa (who was thereupon given the title of Nur Mahal, 
 and later that of Nur Jahan Begam) had been followed by 
 the promotion of her father to be Wazlr. This not only 
 removed Hawkins' special enemy, Khwaja Abul Hasan, 
 but put in his place one who had always shown himself 
 well-disposed towards the English. Moreover, ' this Vizirs 
 sonne and myselfe,' writes Hawkins, ' were great friends, 
 he having beene often at my house, and was now exalted
 
 xl INTRODUCTION 
 
 to high dignities by the King 1 .' These changes and the 
 news of the arrival of Middleton's fleet distinctly improved 
 the position of the British representative. Encouraged by 
 the new Wazlr, and provided with a ruby ring as a 
 suitable offering, he repaired to court and once more 
 solicited a farmdn for the furtherance of his countrymen's 
 trade. His petition was read, and Jahanglr 'presently 
 granted mee the establishing of our factorie and that the 
 English come and freely trade for Surat, willing the Vizir 
 that with all expedition my commandement be made.' 
 But once again his hopes were dashed to the ground at 
 the very moment when success seemed assured. 'A great 
 nobleman and neerest favourite of the King' intervened 
 and represented to the monarch that ' the granting of this 
 would be the utter overthrow of his sea coasts and people/ 
 and that ' it stood not with His Majesties honour to con- 
 tradict that which he had granted to his ancient friends 
 the Portugals....Upon the speech of this nobleman my 
 businesse once againe was quite overthrowne and all my 
 time and presents lost ; the King answering that, for 
 my nation, hee would not grant trade at the sea ports, 
 for the inconvenience that divers times had beene scanned 
 upon ; but for myselfe, if I would remayne in his service 
 he would command that what he had allowed me should 
 be given me to my content ; which I denyed, unlesse the 
 English should come unto his ports according to promise; 
 and as for my particular maintenance, my King would 
 not see me want.' Thus rebuffed, Hawkins quitted Agra 
 on November 2, 1611, and reached Cambay towards the 
 end of December. There he received letters from Middle- 
 ton urging him to abandon his intention of proceeding to 
 Goa and to come to Surat instead. This course, after 
 
 1 He was made Khansaman (steward) of the royal household and 
 given the_ title of Itikad Khan, which was changed two years later for 
 that of Asaf Khan. Under the latter appellation he is familiar to 
 readers of The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe. For a note on his eager 
 search for novelties to please the King which was doubtless his main 
 object in cultivating Hawkins' acquaintance see Letters Received, 
 iii. 309.
 
 INTRODUCTION xli 
 
 some hesitation, he decided to adopt ; and on January 26, 
 1612, he reached the ships in safety, bringing with him his 
 Indian wife and a quantity of goods. 
 
 A day later Mukarrab Khan told Jourdain, who was 
 then at Surat, ' that our marchandizing was nowe ended, 
 that wee might departe, and the sooner the better.' On 
 being reminded of his promise that the English should be 
 allowed to leave a factory, ' hee annswered we should have 
 none, denieing all his former promises and speeches unto 
 us, bidding and commanding us instantly withowt any 
 delay to avoyd the country and town and nott to come 
 there any more' (p. 188 #.). Thus after having long deluded 
 the English with promises, the Mogul authorities finally 
 refused to allow them any footing in the country. The 
 reason is plain enough ; and we need not, with Jourdain, 
 put the blame on the shoulders of Captain Hawkins. 
 There is no sign that the native merchants or officials had 
 any objection to the coming of the English ships or the 
 establishment of an English factory ; on the contrary, the 
 opening of the port to their commerce meant more customs 
 for the officials and more customers for the merchants. 
 But it was impossible for them to disregard the arguments 
 and threats of the Portuguese. The commerce between 
 Goa and the ports of Gujarat was a long-standing and 
 a lucrative one ; to hazard this for the sake of the new- 
 comers, who might or might not follow up the trade they 
 had begun, may well have seemed unwise. More cogent 
 still was the menace of hostile action on the part of the 
 Portuguese. The Governor of Chaul had already detained 
 a valuable cargo belonging to Mukarrab Khan ' bycawse he 
 gave entertainement and trade to Englishmenn' (p. iS/w.); 
 while, according to Downton, ' at the instant of there con- 
 ference whither fitt for them to permitt us to leave a 
 factorye to vent the rest of our goods brought for that 
 place there or noe, was delivered unto the hands of 
 Muccrob Chaun a letter from Dangee, a Benian in Cam- 
 baia, by the instigation of the Jesuits there, advising them 
 that if they gave place to the English in Suratt the
 
 xlii INTRODUCTION 
 
 Portugalls would come with force and burne all there 
 sea townes and make spoile of all the ships they should 
 send abroad ; the contents whereof was applauded of 
 most, all soone agreing it to be there best course ; and 
 thereuppon presently dismist our people as aforesaid.' On 
 learning this decision, Middleton wasted no further time 
 in argument, but at once sent orders to the English at 
 Surat to repair aboard. Accordingly Jourdain and his 
 companions quitted the city and embarked in the fleet 
 (February 6, 1612); and thus ended the first attempt of 
 the East India Company's servants to establish themselves 
 in the dominions of the Great Mogul. 
 
 The ships sailed on February n, and proceeded in the 
 first instance southwards to Dabhol, the chief port of the 
 Bfjapur kingdom. At that place fear of their guns pro- 
 cured them a respectful reception, and a small amount of 
 business resulted. A council was now held to determine 
 their future action. Three courses were put before the 
 assemblage. The first was to sail to the bar of Goa and 
 demand satisfaction from the Viceroy for the wrongs he 
 and his subordinates had done to the English. This was 
 set aside as unlikely to yield any result commensurate with 
 the loss of time it would involve. The second to proceed 
 in their voyage to Priaman and Bantam was also ruled 
 out, for various reasons ; and finally the third proposal was 
 adopted, namely, to return to the Red Sea and there lie in 
 wait for the Indian ships bound for Mocha a course the 
 more attractive, in that any injury inflicted on those vessels 
 would fall partly on the port they were bound for, where 
 Middleton had been so cruelly treated fifteen months 
 before. The subjects of the Mogul had refused the English 
 the common right of peaceable trade, after making them 
 lose valuable time by promising to grant it ; and they had 
 done this at the instance of another European power which 
 was ostensibly on amicable terms with Great Britain. 
 Middleton was determined to teach them that his country- 
 men were not to be trifled with, and that they were as well 
 able as the Portuguese to use force in defence of their
 
 INTRODUCTION xliii 
 
 interests. ' For that they would not deale with us at their 
 owne doores,' he writes (Purchas, i. 272), ' wee having come 
 so farre with commodities fitting their countrie, no where 
 else in India [i.e., in the Indies] vendable, I thought wee 
 should doe ourselves some right, and them no wrong, to 
 cause them barter with us, wee to take their indicoes and 
 other goods of theirs, as they were worth, and they to take 
 ours in Hew thereof. All mens opinions were for the Red- 
 sea, for divers reasons ; as first, the putting off our English 
 goods, and having others in place thereof fitting our 
 countrey ; secondly, to take some revenge of the great 
 and unsufferable wrongs and injuries done me by the 
 Turkes there; and the third and last (but not the least), 
 to save that ship [Saris's], men and goods, which (by 
 way of Massulipatan) wee heard was bound for those 
 parts ; which we held unpossible to escape betraying.' 
 
 Accordingly, on April 4 the Trades Increase anchored 
 between Perim and the Arabian shore, while the Darling 
 guarded the wider, but less used, strait between the island 
 and the African coast. Down ton, with the Peppercorn, had 
 been left off Aden to drive into the net any Indian traders 
 that might be making for that port. During the next 
 three weeks ship after ship fell into Middleton's hands ; 
 and on April 24, finding that he had secured as many as 
 he could well manage, he shepherded them into Asab Bay, 
 where he was joined on May 14 by Downton with a further 
 prize. In the meantime complications had arisen owing to 
 the presence in the Red Sea of another English fleet, viz. 
 the three vessels of the Eighth Voyage under John Saris. 
 At the moment when Middleton reached the Straits, Saris 
 was lying off Mocha. The local officials had given him a 
 good reception ; and as he was provided with a farmdn 
 specially obtained from Constantinople, authorising him to 
 trade in ' Yemen, Aden and Moha,' he ' reckoned himselfe 
 sure of trade,' and had 'great hope we might leave a 
 factorye.' The news of Middleton's arrival and of his 
 capture of several Indian ships naturally put a stop to 
 the negotiations, and left Saris no option but to join his
 
 xliv INTRODUCTION 
 
 countrymen at Babelmandeb. The two Generals met in 
 no cordial mood ; for while Saris was annoyed at being 
 disturbed in his trade, Middleton on his part was no less 
 vexed at the prospect of having to share his booty with 
 a rival. On the latter point Saris soon made his intentions 
 clear ; he was working on behalf of a distinct group of 
 adventurers, and was determined to lose no chance of 
 making a lucrative voyage. Owing to Middleton's action, 
 he found himself excluded from trade not only at Mocha 
 but also at Surat, and he had made up his mind, therefore, 
 to have his portion of whatever was to be exacted from the 
 Indian ships. Middleton, whose temper had been sorely 
 tried by the ill-success of his voyage, and who was rather 
 disposed to take a high tone with one who had formerly 
 been his subordinate at Bantam, strongly resented this 
 demand. The squabbles that ensued are related at some 
 length in the text, and it is only necessary to record that 
 in the end it was agreed to force the Indians to exchange 
 their commodities for English goods, and to divide the 
 former in the proportion of two-thirds to the ships of the 
 Sixth Voyage and one-third to those of the Eighth. The 
 English merchants thereupon helped themselves to all the 
 calico, indigo, etc. that they wanted, and gave in exchange 
 their own broadcloth, kerseys, lead, iron and tin, the rates 
 fixed for the latter being roughly those at which they were 
 sold at Surat. Then a further dispute arose. Middleton 
 had demanded a large sum from the Mocha officials as 
 further compensation for the wrongs done him the previous 
 year, and had threatened, in case of refusal, to prevent 
 the Indian vessels from proceeding to that port. As the 
 Turkish authorities made no sign of yielding to this 
 demand, he assembled the Indian captains and informed 
 them that he intended to take their ships with him out of 
 the Red Sea, in order to prevent their dealing with his 
 enemies. The captains, who had still the remnants of their 
 cargoes to dispose of, as well as the goods which had been 
 forced upon them, were alarmed at the prospect of losing 
 their monsoon, and reluctantly consented to pay a sum of
 
 INTRODUCTION xlv 
 
 money in satisfaction of his claims, each ship to be rated in 
 proportion to the value of her cargo 1 . As the payment was 
 nominally made in lieu of compensation due from the 
 Turks to Middleton, the latter thought that he alone had 
 a right to it ; but the alert Saris declared that he too 
 must be satisfied or he would take strong measures with 
 the Indians when Sir Henry had finished with them ; 
 whereupon the latter, not daring to drive matters to 
 extremity for fear of incurring the displeasure of his 
 employers, agreed, after a fierce explosion of anger, to give 
 Saris one-fourth of the amount received as ransom, leaving 
 the Company to settle whether a larger proportion should 
 be paid. Then came the task of assessing each vessel 
 ' a most troublesome and hart-relenting busines,' says 
 Downton, ' in regard of the outcries of the pore people and 
 the dificultie (according to our hast) for them to gatt the 
 mony ; and that which they had from the Turkes was hired 
 at a most excessive ratt' At last it was ended, the five 
 ships being forced to pay 32,000 rials of eight. 
 
 Jourdain did not stay to see the end of these question- 
 able proceedings. Middleton had decided to send the 
 Darling ahead of him to Sumatra, ' to provide pepper 
 against his comeinge,' and incidentally to forestall Saris as 
 much as possible ; whereupon Jourdain, ' beinge weary to 
 see and heare dailie such controversies betweene the two 
 Generalls,' begged to be allowed to go in charge of that 
 vessel. To this request Sir Henry, though loth to lose 
 Jourdain's services, assented; and on May 19 the Darling 
 quitted the fleet and stood away to the eastwards. Saris, 
 determined not to be outdone, four days later despatched 
 the Thomas in the same direction. 
 
 Tiku, then one of the chief pepper ports of Sumatra, 
 was reached on July 7. Owing to the master having been 
 given wrong directions, the Darling, when going in, struck 
 
 1 See Downton's narrative in Letters Received, \. 185. It may be 
 noted that this ransom was only extorted from the ships of Surat and 
 Uiu (five in all).
 
 xlvi INTRODUCTION 
 
 a coral reef; but fortunately a strong breeze was blowing, 
 and she lifted over the obstacle without damage. A month 
 was now spent in endeavours to come to terms with the 
 local officials, who thoroughly understood the value of pro- 
 crastination when a buyer is both eager to purchase and 
 limited in the time he can wait. At last an arrangement 
 was concluded, and a small quantity of pepper procured 
 and stowed upon a little island in the harbour. The 
 probability of getting it to Bantam seemed, however, slight, 
 for their worm-eaten vessel was as leaky as a sieve and most 
 of the crew were sick. Hearing of this, the Thomas, which 
 had been refused trade at Tiku and was now endeavour- 
 ing, with scant success, to purchase pepper at the neigh- 
 bouring port of Priaman, set sail to join the Darling, hoping 
 to induce Jourdain to sell the little stock he had managed 
 to scrape together 1 . But on the very day (October 19) on 
 which she approached the roadstead, Sir Henry Middleton 
 made his appearance from the Red Sea with the Trade's 
 Increase and Peppercorn ' to our greate comforts,' writes the 
 relieved Jourdain. Middleton, however, made but a short 
 stay. Finding the prospects of trade so poor, he decided 
 to go on at once to Bantam ; and with this object in view 
 he changed ships with Downton, leaving him in the Trade's 
 Increase to ship the pepper already purchased and procure 
 more if possible, and in the meanwhile to search for a leak 
 which had rendered that ship almost unseaworthy. 
 
 In these duties and in patching up the Dar/ing a. month 
 passed away ; and then on the night of the 2Oth November 
 the two vessels set sail in company for Bantam, Jourdain 
 being now in the Trade's Increase. But before they had 
 gone more than three leagues that unlucky ship in the 
 darkness ran on a rock and stuck fast for three hours, with 
 the result that when with much trouble she was got off, she 
 was found to be leaking worse than ever, and was forced to 
 return to Tiku Road. There the greater part of her cargo 
 
 1 Towerson, the captain of the Hector, which had also reached 
 Priaman, had already made overtures to the same effect and had been 
 refused.
 
 INTRODUCTION xlvii 
 
 was landed, and the leak was discovered and stopped. On 
 December 8 they once more put to sea. This time they 
 got safely away from the dangerous coast, and three days 
 before Christmas they anchored at the island of Panjang, 
 in the Bay of Bantam, where they found Middleton busily 
 superintending the repair of the Peppercorn. In Bantam 
 Road were Captain Saris's three ships, in one of which, the 
 Clove, he was preparing to start on his memorable voyage 
 to Japan ; the other two, the Hector and the Thomas, were 
 lading pepper with a view to an early departure for 
 England, whither was also bound the Solomon, another of 
 the Company's ships 1 . 
 
 Jourdain, too, must have felt tempted to take the 
 opportunity of returning to his native land. But a strong 
 friendship had sprung up between him and Middleton 
 'Mr. Jurdaine,' wrote Captain Downton a little later (O.C. 
 1 06), ' in Capt. Sharpeigh his absence is his [Middleton's] 
 greatest help ' and now that all the chief merchants who 
 had come out with the latter were dead, Sir Henry per- 
 suaded him to accept the post of head factor at Bantam 
 for the Sixth Voyage. Middleton's own intentions were, 
 after sending Downton home with the Trade's Increase, to 
 go himself in the Peppercorn to Amboyna, the Bandas, and 
 Borneo, in the hope of procuring sufficient cargo to return 
 to England with some amount of credit. His plans, how- 
 ever, were upset by the discovery that the former vessel 
 was too worm-eaten to be sent to sea without being first 
 careened and sheathed ; and he thereupon decided to let 
 Downton take home the Peppercorn, which had already 
 been repaired. As it was obvious that his own ship could 
 not be ready in time to save the monsoon for the east- 
 wards, he next resolved to send the little Darling in her 
 place, under the command of William Pemberton. But 
 here again his plans seemed to be on the point of frustra- 
 
 1 Captain Hawkins embarked in the Thomas with his Indian wife, 
 but only to 'dye on the Irish shoare in his returne homewards' (Pur- 
 chas His Pilgrimage, ed. 1626, p. 521). His widow thereupon married 
 the captain of the Hector, Gabriel Towerson.
 
 xlviii INTRODUCTION 
 
 tion, for the sudden death of Giles Thornton, the master of 
 the Trades Increase, made it imperatively necessary to 
 retain Pemberton at Bantam to superintend the repair of 
 that vessel. In this emergency Jourdain came forward 
 with an offer of his services to command the Darling in 
 the proposed expedition an offer which Middleton, though 
 unwilling to lose his assistance at Bantam, was only too glad 
 to accept ; and accordingly in the middle of February, 1613, 
 we find our diarist setting sail from Pulo Panjang, bound 
 for Amboyna. 
 
 This voyage opened a new and important chapter in 
 Jourdain's life, for it made him the protagonist on the 
 English side in the struggle that was commencing between 
 the two chief Protestant nations for the trade of the Spice 
 Islands. He had already been a witness of the efforts 
 which the Portuguese were making to exclude all but 
 themselves from commerce in Indian waters ; he was now 
 to be brought into contact with a somewhat similar state 
 of things in the Far East, with the difference an all- 
 important one that there our opponents were the Dutch, 
 who, having already driven out the Portuguese, were 
 endeavouring to establish an equally exclusive dominion 
 in their place. Their aim, which was being pursued with 
 all the energy and clear-sighted thoroughness of their race, 
 was to establish an absolute monopoly of the trade of the 
 Spice Islands, including not only the Moluccas proper, but 
 also Amboyna, the neighbouring coast of Ceram, and the 
 Bandas in short, all the regions producing the cloves and 
 nutmegs which were so much in demand in the markets 
 both of Europe and Asia. The war between the United 
 Provinces and their former overlord, the King of Spain 
 and Portugal, had supplied a justification for the despatch 
 of fleets and soldiers and the expulsion of the Portuguese 
 garrisons from most of the islands; and these measures 
 had caused a vast expenditure, for the recoupment of which 
 the desired monopoly appeared to offer the surest and 
 speediest means. The plan of action was a simple one. 
 No attempt was made to conquer the islands or to destroy
 
 INTRODUCTION xlix 
 
 the native governments. On the contrary, the Dutch 
 posed as the deliverers of the latter from the oppression of 
 the Portuguese. An alliance was concluded with the 
 Sultan of Ternate (whose rival of Tidore was forced in 
 consequence to fall back upon Spanish assistance), and this 
 gave them not only a footing in the Moluccas but a pre- 
 dominant position in the other islands, all of which in 
 a greater or less degree recognised the suzerainty of that 
 monarch. The next step was to negotiate a series of 
 treaties with the local chiefs, by which the Dutch bound 
 themselves to defend the natives against the attacks of the 
 Portuguese or other enemies, and in return were given the 
 sole right of purchasing cloves or nutmegs. These agree- 
 ments having been concluded, and fortresses and factories 
 established in suitable localities, it may well have seemed 
 that the Dutch domination was practically complete, and 
 that the time was approaching when they would have 
 nothing to do but to receive the spices in due season and 
 despatch them to Europe to a market wholly controlled by 
 themselves and yielding therefore a handsome profit. 
 
 We may easily imagine the alarm and indignation with 
 which the English watched the development of their rivals' 
 plans. The first moves, it is true, were regarded with in- 
 difference, perhaps with some satisfaction to see the Dutch 
 entangled in hostilities with both the Portuguese and 
 Spaniards (who under the spirited guidance of the Viceroy 
 of the Philippines had come to the assistance of their 
 fellow-subjects) and spending their money in building forti- 
 fications and maintaining ships of war. Moreover, there 
 was a certain feeling of security, arising from the intimate 
 relations subsisting in Europe between the two peoples. 
 To Englishmen of that generation it was natural to 
 regard the Dutch as being in a measure dependent upon 
 the British crown ; and it took time for them to realise that 
 Holland had stepped definitively into the circle of nations, 
 and that her gratitude for the help doled out so grudgingly 
 by Elizabeth and her successor had its limits. When, 
 however, Captain Keeling in 1609 and David Middleton
 
 1 INTRODUCTION 
 
 in the following year were roughly ordered away from the 
 Bandas, it was evident that matters were growing serious. 
 In the autumn of 1611 the Company petitioned the Lord 
 Treasurer for protection against 'these injuryous courses' 
 (First Letter Book, p. 429) ; with the result that King 
 James's ambassador at the Hague was instructed to re- 
 monstrate with the States General. This he did, and was 
 assured that representations would be made to the Dutch 
 Company in accordance with his wishes. He doubted, 
 however, whether this intervention would do any good, for 
 that Company was 'a body by themselves, powerful and 
 mighty, and will not acknowledge the authority of the 
 States General more than shall be for their private profit ' 
 (Calendar of State Papers, East Indies, 1513 1616, p. 234). 
 A little later he mentions a suggestion for a union between 
 the two Companies, ' which is here taken to be the surest 
 course both to live together in good amity and to be 
 master over the Portugal in those islands' (ibid., p. 236); 
 and in March, 1613 at the very time when Jourdain was 
 disputing with the Hollanders at Hitu three representa- 
 tives of the Dutch Company, accompanied by the cele- 
 brated Grotius, arrived in London to discuss proposals for 
 a settlement of the differences. For nearly a month they 
 debated the matter, but no progress was made. The Dutch 
 stood firmly on the rights given them by their treaties with 
 the natives, and complained of the unreasonableness of the 
 English in expecting to share free of cost in a commerce 
 which had been snatched from the Portuguese by force of 
 arms and at a vast expense, and was being safeguarded by 
 the same means. The English, on the other hand, argued 
 that they had traded with the islanders before the Dutch 
 had appeared in those seas, and that the war between 
 Holland and Spain ought not to be made a pretext for 
 limiting the commerce of another nation ; they were 
 entitled by natural right to free and unrestricted trade, and 
 none but a declared enemy could debar them of this. Co- 
 operation, financial or otherwise, in the struggle with Philip 
 they would not hear of, nor would they recognise any
 
 INTRODUCTION H 
 
 obligation to contribute towards the expenditure already 
 incurred with this object. As neither side would give way, 
 the negotiations fell through. It was agreed, however, that 
 they should be renewed later by English representatives to 
 be sent to the Hague for that purpose ; and King James 
 accordingly despatched commissioners thither early in 
 1615. Their efforts, however, were entirely fruitless and 
 they returned in May without having come to an agree- 
 ment upon any of the points in dispute 1 . 
 
 Meanwhile in the East the servants of both Companies 
 were zealously bent on doing what they conceived to be 
 best for the interests of their employers the Dutch to 
 maintain as strict a monopoly as possible, the English to 
 obtain a firm footing in the disputed territories ere it 
 should prove too late. In this endeavour the latter were 
 much hampered by the system of Separate Voyages, which 
 made the commercial success of his particular fleet the 
 paramount concern of each General and thus prevented 
 united action or any continuity of policy. At last, how- 
 ever, the necessity of a change had been recognised, and it 
 is significant that at each of the places he visited Hitu, 
 Luhu and Kambelo we find Jourdain pressing the natives 
 for permission to establish a permanent factory. That once 
 effected, it would obviously be impossible for the Dutch to 
 prevent the English from obtaining a supply of spices. Of 
 course, had the islanders stood scrupulously by the con- 
 tracts made by their chiefs, there would have been no- 
 opening for any such trade. But the Dutch policy towards 
 the natives was the reverse of generous. Having consti- 
 tuted themselves the sole market for spices, they sought to 
 beat down the price to the lowest possible figure. The 
 contracts either said nothing at all on this important point, 
 or left it to be determined by the Sultan of Ternate, who 
 
 1 See the Calendar of State Papers, E. Indies, 1513 1616, 
 pp. 251 2; Letters Received, iii. introduction, p. xxxv. ; Hague 
 Transcripts at I.O., ist series, vol. 2, no. 42; Report of Hist. MSS. 
 Commission (1899) on Duke of Buccleuch's collection, vol. i. p. 166, 
 and on Mr G. W. Digby's papers, Tenth Report, p. 601. 
 
 J. d
 
 Ill INTRODUCTION 
 
 was completely under their influence. As the result, the 
 amount paid to the producers if the story told to Jourdain 
 at Luhu (p. 264) be accepted was gradually brought down 
 from 95 to 50 rials of eight the bahar. Further, in order to 
 strengthen their hold on the coming crops, and assist in 
 excluding foreign commerce, the Dutch had established 
 a system of advances (chiefly in cotton cloth) to be 
 deducted later from the payments to be made on the 
 delivery of the spices. Consequently the amount actually 
 received by the cultivators contrasted very unfavourably 
 with what they had obtained in former days ; and this 
 unexpected result of the Dutch alliance created a feeling of 
 deep resentment among the natives, which was not lessened 
 by the bitter consciousness that they were practically 
 powerless. It was no wonder, therefore, that Coen denounced 
 the people of Ceram as faithless and treacherous 1 ; or that 
 Jourdain found himself welcomed wherever he touched. 
 
 The Darling reached Hitu, a town on the northern 
 coast of the island of Amboyna, on March 21, 1613. The 
 following day Steven Coteels, the Dutch Resident, came 
 on board and with a show of friendliness begged Jourdain 
 not to attempt to buy any cloves from the natives ; he had 
 written, he said, to his superior at Amboyna for permission 
 to sell to the English any quantity they might require for 
 their little vessel and thus obviate any disagreement. To 
 this Jourdain, who had already discovered that the native 
 Captain of Hitu was away on a warlike expedition, replied 
 that he would wait a couple of days for the answer to 
 Coteels' letter. When, however, three days passed without 
 any word from the Dutch merchants, he took advantage 
 of the return of the Captain to demand trade and per- 
 mission to settle a factory. The latter professed a willing- 
 ness to negotiate, but deferred the business till he could 
 consult the other chiefs. On March 27 Coteels appeared 
 with the reply of the Governor of Amboyna. It was a 
 peremptory refusal to allow the English any trade in the 
 
 1 Bouwstqffen, i. 44.
 
 INTRODUCTION liii 
 
 island, ' advisinge us nott to deale with the countrye people 
 for any cloves ; which if wee did the[y] would seeke there 
 uttermost to prevent us, they beeinge protectours of the 
 countrye and people, and [the latter being] bound to them 
 not to sell any cloves to any other nation ; alledgeinge 
 farther that they had bene at an extreame charge in 
 buildinge and mainetayneing castles to defend them against 
 their enemyes and wee to come to reape the fruite of their 
 labours.' To this the English captain returned a defiant 
 message. The country, he declared, was one 'free for all 
 men, they not beeinge in any subjection to the Dutch, but 
 onelie as marchannts to trade with them ' ; he knew of no 
 contracts with the natives, nor, if any such existed, did they 
 concern him ; the islanders were not vassals of the Dutch, 
 and if they were willing to sell he saw no reason why 
 he should refrain from buying. Thereupon he renewed his 
 negotiations with the Hitu chiefs ; but while they pro- 
 fessed their eagerness to deal with him, the threats of the 
 Hollanders 'made them soe fearfull that they durst not give 
 us any enterteynement.' On the last day of March, therefore, 
 Jourdain gave up the attempt in despair and sailed across 
 to Luhu, on the coast of Ceram, the chief of which had twice 
 sent over to invite him to buy the cloves of that district. 
 
 The position of the Dutch in Ceram was much less 
 secure than in Amboyna. The latter island is not much larger 
 than the Isle of Man, and the strong castle (Fort Victoria) 
 which Steven van der Haghen had captured from the 
 Portuguese in 1605 was favourably situated for keeping 
 the natives under control. In Ceram, on the other hand, 
 the Dutch had no forts, but merely two factories at Luhu 
 and Kambelo respectively ; the people were warlike and 
 the country mountainous and difficult. It was true that 
 the chiefs of the principal clove-producing districts had in 
 1609 entered into the usual agreement to sell spices to the 
 Dutch alone 1 ; but such engagements sat lightly on the 
 
 1 Valentyn's Oud en Nieuiv Oost Indien, volume 2 : Ambonsche 
 Zaaken, p. 33.
 
 liv INTRODUCTION 
 
 natives, especially when they considered that the other 
 side was taking an undue advantage of the bargain. Had 
 there been no interference from Amboyna Jourdain would 
 no doubt have procured a lading and established a factory 
 without difficulty ; but the Dutch were much too shrewd 
 to leave the natives to themselves, and he was immediately 
 followed by 'our persecutors the Hollanders... who att 
 their arrivall had private conference with the Governor/ 
 The result was seen in a message from the latter ' that hee 
 could not permitt us to settle a factory, because the 
 countrye did belonge to the Kinge of Turnatto, with 
 whom the Dutch had greate league ; whoe would not give 
 consent to enterteyne us, threatninge them to build a 
 castle if they did trade with us, and they durst not to 
 displease them without order from the Kinge of Turnatto ; 
 but if wee could procure a letter from the Kinge, they 
 would with all their harts give us as kinde enterteynement 
 as might bee.' Some chiefs who boarded the Darling 
 assured Jourdain that their people would be only too glad 
 to deal with him were it not for the menaces of the Dutch, 
 and offered that if he would land ' they would speake soe 
 much before their faces.' Accordingly next morning he 
 went on shore, repairing first, by special request, to the 
 Dutch factory. There he found himself face to face with 
 a young man who was afterwards to be the most striking 
 figure in that quarter of the globe the future Governor- 
 General Jan Pieterszoon Coen. For six years to come 
 these two were to be determined opponents, and we are 
 glad to have this dramatic account of their first meeting. 
 Coen was as downright as Jourdain himself, and at once 
 ' in a chollericke manner ' upbraided him for interfering 
 ' in the countries that were under their proteccion, as itt 
 were in dispight of them...afn*rmeinge that whoe soe ever 
 bought any cloves in these countries without their consent, 
 it was soe much stolne from them ; and therefore they 
 would prevent itt, if by any meanes they might.' The 
 Englishman replied in no less aggressive tones, reiterating 
 that 'the countrye was as free for us as for them, if the
 
 INTRODUCTION Iv 
 
 people of the countrye would deale with us ; which they 
 were willinge to doe were it not for the Dutch threatnings.' 
 On Coen denying that the natives were willing to have 
 commerce with the English, Jourdain challenged him to 
 summon the chiefs and put the question : he would abide 
 by their decision and if it were unfavourable would sail the 
 next morning. To this, however, the Dutch, knowing the 
 probable outcome, refused to agree; whereupon Jourdain 
 quitted the factory and proceeded to the place where the 
 natives were assembled. To them he related what had 
 passed ; 'in awns were of which they all with one accord 
 stoode up, sayinge : Our onelie desire is to deale with the 
 English, butt wee are daylie threatned by the Hollanders, 
 as wee have formerlie told, soe that wee dare not almost to 
 speake with you for feare of their forces which are neere.' 
 Growing excited, the assembly insisted on the attendance 
 of the Dutch, who, after making some difficulty, put in 
 an appearance, ' the comander in greate collar.' In their 
 presence the natives solemnly declared their desire to 
 trade with the new-comers, and protested that they were 
 only deterred by the threats of the Hollanders. The latter, 
 however, maintained an obstinate silence, ' awnsvveringe 
 neither yea nor naye,' in spite of all appeals ; whereupon, 
 says Jourdain, ' I tould the countrye people that I sawe 
 their willingnes and perceived that the Hollanders were 
 the cause that they did not enterteyne us, as they desired. 
 And soe I departed.' 
 
 The next day the English interpreter was told by the 
 Governor that he and the other chiefs had decided to write 
 to the Sultan of Ternate for permission to deal with the 
 English ; that they hoped the latter would not fail to 
 return next monsoon ; and that in the meantime what 
 cloves were available would be sold to them in secret. 
 Accordingly a price was agreed upon, and for some days, 
 with the connivance of one of the leading chiefs, the 
 weighing and purchasing of cloves went on merrily at a spot 
 'out of sight of the Hollenders.' Before long, however, 
 the latter discovered what was happening and sent to
 
 Ivi INTRODUCTION 
 
 Amboyna for two ships ' to scare us,' at the same time 
 delivering to the English captain a written protest, which 
 he refused to receive on the ground that he could not 
 understand Dutch. Their threatening attitude towards the 
 natives, and particularly towards the chief who had been 
 prominent in assisting the sale, produced more effect, and 
 Jourdain found it useless to hope for any more cloves. 
 On April 12 a fresh protest was sent to him this time in 
 Portuguese 'to notifie mee to departe the countrie' or 
 take the consequences ; and seeing that no further business 
 was likely, the English captain moved to a harbour about 
 a mile off, where he procured wood and water and bought 
 a few more cloves. While there he received a message 
 from Kambelo, on the western coast of the peninsula, 
 inviting him to bring his ship round to that side ; and with 
 this intention the Darling set sail on April 20, after a 
 farewell interview with some of the Luhu chiefs, ' desiringe 
 us to come the next yeare with more force ; then they 
 would pay the Hollanders what they owed them, and 
 there would remayne cloves enoughe to lade two such 
 shipps as ours was, all which we should have if wee 
 brought two shipps to countenance the matter.' An 
 attempt was first made to fetch Hitu, in the hope of 
 getting there a parcel of cloves which had been promised ; 
 but the wind falling light, the current frustrated their 
 intention. One of the factors was sent in a boat to the 
 town, but only to be met with excuses and a promise of 
 cloves the next year. The trip was not, however, entirely 
 fruitless, for an English sailor on board a Dutch ship lying 
 in the roads handed over a letter from William Adams 
 which he had brought from Japan (p. 271). On April 24 
 the ship anchored off Kambelo. Here a few cloves were 
 bought ; but Coen and his party had been there before them 
 and had so terrified the chief that he would not grant 
 permission for a factory to be established. Jourdain re- 
 solved therefore to postpone further action till the following 
 year; and on May 3 the Darling sailed on her return 
 voyage to Bantam.
 
 INTRODUCTION Ivii 
 
 It was proposed to call at Buton, an island off the S.E. 
 of Celebes, partly to see whether any of their remaining' 
 goods could be disposed of at that place, and partly in 
 order to consult Richard Welden, an Englishman there 
 resident, who was well acquainted with the Bandas and the 
 Spice Islands in general. Owing, however, to the stupidity 
 of the pilot, who failed to recognise the entrance to the 
 straits, the ship was allowed to get too far to the westward. 
 Return in the face of the monsoon was impossible ; but, 
 animated by Jourdain, the crew managed to work the ship 
 round the north of Kabaena, amidst rocks and shoals that 
 are still but imperfectly known ; and the King of Buton, 
 hearing of their difficulties, sent a number of boats to their 
 aid. After a long struggle the northern end of the straits 
 was reached in safety, and on July 3 they had the satis- 
 faction of anchoring off the town of Buton. The King 
 welcomed them with effusion and pressed hard for the 
 establishment of a factory perhaps as a counterpoise to 
 the Hollanders, who had already got a footing in the 
 island ; but to Jourdain's shrewd eye there appeared to be 
 little or no prospect of profitable trade, and so he made 
 the excuse that he could not spare any men for the present, 
 at the same time holding out hopes of a future compliance 
 with the King's wishes. Some interesting information is 
 given regarding the Dutch establishments in the island ; 
 and Jourdain also tells the tragic fate of an Italian who, 
 having dosed the King's eldest son with fatal results, atoned 
 with his life for the ill-success of his medicines. 
 
 Macassar was the next port reached by the Darling 
 (July 11). There a convenient site for a permanent 
 factory was obtained from the King and a start made with 
 the erection of a suitable building. George Cokayne was 
 left in charge, with three or four others to help him ; and 
 then on August 3 the ship resumed her voyage, accom- 
 panied by a junk which a couple of Englishmen had 
 brought over from Patani with a cargo of goods belonging 
 to the Seventh Voyage. 
 
 Jourdain had intended to call at Sukadana, on the
 
 Iviii INTRODUCTION 
 
 western side of Borneo ; but his pilot again proved incom- 
 petent and it was discovered, when too late, that they had 
 got too far to the westward to be able to make that port. 
 The only course now open to them was to go straight on, 
 and without further incident they reached Bantam on 
 August 1 8, just about six months after they had quitted it. 
 
 A fishing-boat which they met while going in gave 
 them the sad intelligence that Sir Henry Middleton was 
 dead. His was indeed a melancholy ending. Three years 
 before, he had sailed from home in command of the largest 
 and finest merchant ship that had ever been turned out of 
 an English dockyard, and King James himself had given 
 her a name which it was hoped would prove prophetic of 
 a rich and successful voyage. Instead of that, disappoint- 
 ment and disaster had awaited him everywhere. Imprisoned 
 and ill-treated at Mocha, repulsed at Surat, his hopes of 
 cargo frustrated at Tiku, he had reached Bantam with 
 his ships half-laden and almost unseaworthy. Although 
 he had managed to send home the Peppercorn, she had 
 started in such a state that it was doubtful whether she 
 would ever see the English coast ; while all hope of taking 
 back his own vessel had gradually vanished. The mortality 
 amongst his men was frightful, and the natives and Chinese 
 hired to repair the vessel died faster still. With much 
 trouble she was moved from Pulo Panjang to Bantam 
 Roads ; and there at length the task was abandoned as 
 hopeless and the vessel was left to rot in the mud. Her 
 commander, worn out by privations and fatigue, and struck 
 to the heart by the failure of his voyage, sank into the grave 
 towards the end of May, 1613, his last hours, it would 
 seem, being troubled by the intrigues of the resident factors 
 to oust the absent Jourdain from the post to which Middle- 
 ton had appointed him. 
 
 Jourdain gives a dramatic description of his arrival 
 at Bantam. The first object that met his gaze was the 
 unfortunate Trade 's Increase, lying aground in the harbour. 
 No sign of life could be perceived on board of her, nor were 
 the English colours flying from any of the buildings on
 
 INTRODUCTION lix 
 
 shore. The flag on the Dutch factory was hoisted and 
 struck twice; and Jourdain, thinking this to be a friendly 
 warning of some treachery intended by the natives, cast 
 loose his ordnance and called the crew to arms. At length 
 a boat crept out from shore, and four Englishmen, ' all of 
 them like ghostes or men fraighted,' climbed feebly on 
 board. They had a sorrowful tale to tell : ' I could not 
 name any man of noate but was dead, to the number of 
 140 persons ; and the rest which were remayneinge, as 
 well aland and aboard the Trade, weare all sicke, these 
 four persons beinge the strongest of them, whoe were 
 scarce able to goe on their leggs.' Sickness, however, had 
 not tamed the rancour of faction. The two sets of mer- 
 chants those of the Sixth and those of the Eighth Voyage 
 were at open enmity; and Jourdain, on going ashore, 
 unwittingly gave great offence to the 'upper house' by 
 visiting the ' lower house ' on his way. By virtue of 
 Middleton's appointment, he was entitled to resume his 
 place as head of the factory of the Sixth Voyage ; but 
 Robert Larkin, who had succeeded temporarily to that 
 post, flatly refused to give way, and was supported in this 
 by the other merchants. Jourdain made a protest and 
 then withdrew to his ship to await developments ; with the 
 result that two days later overtures were made for a recon- 
 ciliation. Larkin and his associates, ' with greate pro- 
 testacions of love and freindshipp,' requested his advice as 
 to the disposal of the Darling, ' for they cared not whether 
 [whither], nor what they gave mee, soe I would not staie in 
 Bantam to trouble them.' Jourdain was equally willing to 
 be gone, and at once suggested that he should take the 
 ship to Masulipatam, to sell the cloves which were already 
 on board, together with a stock of Chinese goods from the 
 Bantam warehouse. To this proposal a ready assent was 
 given ; the ship was provisioned, the remainder of her 
 cargo was hurried on board, and on September 20 Jourdain 
 put once more to sea. 
 
 A month was spent in beating up the coast of Sumatra, 
 and at last on October 22 the Darling was forced by want
 
 Ix INTRODUCTION 
 
 of water to put into Tiku Roads. There she found Thomas 
 Best, the General of the Tenth Voyage, who had re- 
 established the English factories at Surat and Achin, and 
 was now on his way to Bantam with his two ships, the 
 Dragon and the Hosiander. On learning their plans, he 
 strongly urged the merchants of the Darling to abandon 
 their voyage and return to Bantam in his company. As 
 the main reason he adduced, viz. that it was the wrong 
 season to go to Masulipatam, was proved to be incorrect, 
 it is possible that his real motive was (as our diarist in- 
 sinuates) to get the cloves the Darling was carrying trans- 
 ferred to his own Voyage at a valuation. This did not at 
 all suit Jourdain's designs, and he did his best to prevent 
 the change of plan. However, upon a general consultation 
 being called, the point was carried against him, and he had 
 no alternative but to submit. 
 
 Accordingly, on November 1 1 the Dragon and Darling 
 anchored in Bantam Roads. A few days later a consultation 
 of all the English merchants was held. Best had ample 
 powers as General, and he was determined to put an end 
 to the scandal of having the factors of different Voyages 
 working against one another in the same place. Until the 
 system of separate voyages was abolished (as was done 
 shortly after) it was necessary to keep the accounts apart ; 
 but this need not prevent all the merchants being placed 
 under one strong and capable Agent, who would do his best 
 impartially for the benefit of the various sections, with 
 a careful eye to the good of the Company as a whole. 
 To this course, strangely enough, no opposition was raised 
 by the merchants chiefly concerned ; though possibly this 
 was due rather to a consciousness that resistance would be 
 useless than to any real desire for such an alteration. The 
 next question was who should fill this important post ; and 
 the unanimous choice of the assembly fell upon Jourdain. 
 In vain he represented his desire to resume his voyage to 
 Masulipatam, and then to return to England: that his 
 term of service was nearly out and that he himself was 
 growing old. No other man was so acceptable to the
 
 INTRODUCTION Ixi 
 
 majority of the factors ; and being pressed by the General 
 he unwillingly consented to accept the post until the arrival 
 of a suitable successor. 
 
 This was on November 14, 1613. A month later Best 
 departed for England in the Dragon ; and on the day 
 following Newport arrived from England with \heExpedition. 
 With Jourdain's aid the ship was quickly filled with pepper 
 and despatched homewards again. As she went out of the 
 Roads Captain Saris came in, returning from his memor- 
 able voyage to Japan. At first he showed some annoyance 
 at finding Jourdain in the post of Agent ; but he was soon 
 mollified and acquiesced in the arrangement. Jourdain 
 assisted him in procuring a cargo of pepper, and in February, 
 1614, the Clove too spread her sails for England. 
 
 From this point till Jourdain's own departure in De- 
 cember, 1616, the journal is extremely scanty, containing 
 in fact little more than an enumeration of the various 
 wrongs done by the Dutch to the English during this 
 period, and the disputes that arose in consequence. Of 
 these only a brief sketch can here be given, the reader 
 being referred for details to the introductions to the Letters 
 Received by the East India Company, vols. ii. vi. The 
 main cause of quarrel was the persistent endeavour of the 
 English to obtain a footing in the Spice Islands, an object 
 which Jourdain kept steadily in view. He was hampered 
 by many difficulties, especially by restricted authority and 
 utterly inadequate means ; and the weak and halting 
 policy of the English at this time must not be laid to his 
 charge. The monsoon of 1614 passed away without any 
 attempt being made at Bantam to redeem the promises 
 given to the people of Amboyna and Ceram. Jourdain 
 laments the omission (O. C. 128) without assigning any 
 cause ; but apparently it was due in part to General Best's 
 unwillingness to go so far afield and postpone his departure 
 for England. At the end of February, it is true, Cokayne 
 at Macassar despatched a junk to the Bandas, the in- 
 habitants of which were appealing to the English for aid in 
 maintaining their independence against the Hollanders ;
 
 Ixii INTRODUCTION 
 
 but the monsoon changed at an earlier date than usual, 
 and the vessel got no further than Buton. At last, however, 
 in January, 1615, the Concord, accompanied by a small 
 pinnace named the Speedwell, sailed under Ball and 
 Cokayne for the Bandas and Ceram. In spite of the angry 
 protests and threats of the Dutch, a few men were left 
 with the pinnace at Pulo Ai, while the Concord, passing on 
 to Amboyna, visited in. turn Hitu, Luhu, and Kambelo. 
 At the second of these places she was joined by another 
 English ship, the Thomasin, which had been despatched 
 from Bantam to her assistance. The natives of Ceram 
 welcomed them eagerly, and offered sites for factories both 
 at Luhu and Kambelo ; but the English were too weak to 
 effect anything, and although they actually exchanged 
 shots with the Dutch at the latter place, they were forced 
 to withdraw their men and return to Bantam, leaving the 
 unfortunate natives to settle accounts with the Hollanders 
 as best they might. The arrival, in June, 1615, of General 
 Downton's fleet, bringing Thomas Elkington to be the 
 Agent at Bantam, set Jourdain free, and he determined to 
 lead the next expedition in person ; but early in August 
 the death of Downton placed Elkington in command of 
 the fleet, and Jourdain found himself obliged to resume his 
 former post (Letters Received, iii. 171,272). George Ball 
 was thereupon put in charge of a small squadron, consisting 
 of the Thomas, Concord and Speedwell. Just as they were 
 about to start, however, two fresh ships, the Clove and 
 Defence, arrived from England under the command of 
 Samuel Castleton, the erstwhile interloper whom Jourdain 
 had met at Priaman in 1612 (p. 233). He seems to have 
 been sent by the Company for the express purpose of 
 making a voyage to the Spice Islands, and it was deemed 
 necessary, therefore, to place under his orders the vessels 
 already prepared. The fleet thus formed sailed earl}- in 
 the new year, its first destination being Pulo Ai, in the 
 Banda group. That island was reached at the beginning of 
 March ; but before anything could be effected, Castleton 
 found himself confronted by a strong Dutch fleet of ten
 
 INTRODUCTION Ixiii 
 
 ships, with a large force of soldiers, sent to renew the 
 attack on Pulo Ai which had failed the preceding year. 
 At first the English were disposed to give battle, in spite of 
 the disparity of numbers; but soon they recognised that 
 their position was hopeless, and negotiations were opened 
 with the Dutch commander. On Castleton making a 
 declaration that he had in no way assisted the natives, the 
 Dutch undertook, should they conquer the island, to permit 
 the English merchants to withdraw unmolested with their 
 goods. Thereupon Castleton departed with his ships, and 
 the Dutch landed their forces. The unhappy islanders in 
 desperation hoisted the British flag and formally made 
 over their country and the neighbouring island of Pulo Run 
 to King James, Richard Hunt, the factor left behind by 
 Castleton, acting for the nonce as English representative. 
 This expedient, however, availed them nothing. The 
 Hollanders shot down the English colours, and forced the 
 inhabitants either to make their submission or escape to 
 Pulo Run. Hunt fled also to that island, and from thence 
 after many adventures managed to get back to Bantam, to 
 report the loss of Pulo Ai and urge that an attempt should 
 be made to secure Pulo Run before it shared the same fate. 
 Jourdain and his colleagues at once saw that no time should 
 be lost in getting a footing in the Bandas, especially as 
 the surrender of the island to the British crown would 
 render a Dutch attack upon it difficult to justify in Europe. 
 Only two ships were now available, the Swan and the 
 Defence, but these were despatched at the end of October, 
 1616, under Nathaniel Courthope, with instructions to 
 obtain a confirmation of the former surrenders and then 
 to hoist the British flag on Pulo Run, resisting if necessary 
 by force of arms any attempt of the Hollanders to take 
 possession of the island. 
 
 Before Courthope had reached the spot which his de- 
 fence was to make famous, Jourdain was on his way to 
 England. In the latter part of September General Keeling 
 had reached Bantam with the fleet which had carried to 
 India Sir Thomas Roe. It had been the Company's
 
 Ixiv INTRODUCTION 
 
 intention that the General should remain in the East for 
 five years in absolute control (subject to the advice of a 
 council) of their ships and factories. But, as in the case of 
 Best, Reeling's sole anxiety was to get back to England 
 as speedily as possible, and he had subsequently wrung 
 from his employers a reluctant assent to his return. On 
 October 8, 1616, a consultation was held at Bantam, in 
 which it was decided that he should take home the Dragon 
 as soon as her lading could be completed : that Jourdain, 
 who was also anxious to be released, should follow in the 
 Clove: and that George Berkeley, the chief factor of the 
 fleet, should succeed him as Agent at Bantam (Peyton's 
 journal, Brit. Mus. Addl. MSS. 19276, p. 75). 
 
 In accordance with these arrangements, on December 16, 
 1616, Jourdain had at last the satisfaction of setting sail 
 for his native country. The voyage, as detailed in the 
 diary, was uneventful. After obtaining an interesting 
 glimpse of the Keeling Islands, nothing noteworthy 
 happened until February 19, 1617, when they sighted 
 the coast of Africa. Six days later they anchored in 
 Table Bay. Since Jourdain's previous visit in the autumn 
 of 1608, the natives had made sufficient advance in civilisa- 
 tion to cook their meat instead of eating it raw, and had 
 got over their dread of European firearms. Their pro- 
 gress in other directions, and especially in their knowledge 
 of the exchange value of their cattle, by no means pleased 
 him ; but he still adhered to his opinion regarding the 
 advisability of making a settlement at the Cape, as 'a good 
 refuge for all shippinge that travell the East Indias, 
 beinge a fruitfull and healthfull countrye.' After spending 
 nearly three weeks at this spot, the voyage was resumed. 
 On the last day of March St Helena was reached, and 
 there they stayed five days, hunting goats and filling their 
 water casks. Quitting the island on April 5, they passed 
 the Azores two months later, saw the Lizard on June 17, 
 and on the I9th anchored in Dover Road. 
 
 At this point the journal comes to an end, and so 
 perhaps should this introduction. But the reader will
 
 INTRODUCTION Ixv 
 
 probably desire to hear the rest of the story, which is 
 both brief and tragic. The Court Minutes of the East 
 India Company between November, 1615, and September, 
 1617, are unfortunately missing, and we are consequently 
 without information as to the events immediately following 
 the arrival of the Clove. When they commence again, we 
 quickly hear news of Jourdain (who may possibly have 
 spent part of the intervening period in visiting his family 
 at Lyme Regis). On September 25 we find a special 
 Committee sitting, presided over by the Governor, Sir 
 Thomas Smythe, at which 
 
 ' A direccion was red of Mr Jourdaines drawne by him as his 
 opinion concerninge the contynueinge and prosecutinge of trade in 
 the Indies and dissolvinge some unnecessarye and unprofitable fac- 
 toryes, which beeinge conceyved to have bene perfourmed with good 
 judgment and experyence, it was thought fitt to be further considered 
 of hereafter, and were of opinion that hee himselfe were a fitt person 
 to undertake and prosecute thatt place which was intended for 
 Captaine Keelinge, to remayne at Bantam to comand the factours 
 thether, to examine, establishe and dissolve factoryes, as occasion 
 shalbee, with the advise and councell of two more to bee joyned with 
 him ; and did nowe appointe Tuesdaie next in the afternoone to 
 proceede in further consideracion of these thinges.' 
 
 Accordingly on the 3Oth Jourdain himself attended 
 the Committee, when the situation in the East and the 
 measures necessary to secure the Company's interests 
 against the encroachments of the Dutch were fully de- 
 bated. 'All concurd to have a sufficyent force to saufe- 
 guard their buysines at Bantam and attempt trade att 
 Banda and the Molluccaes,' and it was proposed to pre- 
 pare for this purpose a fleet of six ships for the following 
 season. The idea that any serious hostilities would result 
 was scouted by Jourdain, who gave it as his opinion that 
 "the Flemings either dare not or will not sett upon the 
 English'; and although some of the assembly suggested 
 that it would be safer to come to some agreement with the 
 Dutch Company, the majority were evidently in favour of 
 standing stoutly on their rights. The next few meetings 
 were largely occupied by discussions as to the person to 
 whom should be entrusted the command of the fleet. The 
 impression made upon the Committee by Jourdain's frank
 
 Ixvi INTRODUCTION 
 
 and sturdy bearing is shown in a suggestion that he should 
 be appointed to that post, ' in reguard he is of a good 
 couradge, one whoe advised to the buysines, and that the 
 marryners will subject themselves unto'; but the nomina- 
 tion was at once set aside on the ground that ' hee is unex- 
 peryenct in maryne causes, and for sea fights upon occasion, 
 which is an espetiall thinge to be reguarded.' Other can- 
 didates proposed were Sir Richard Hawkins, Capt. Parker 
 and Sir Thomas Dale (of Virginia fame) ; but in the end 
 the Committee could find no one so suitable as Thomas 
 Best, albeit he was pronounced to be ' ungratefull, covetous 
 and prowde'; and it was decided to sound him on the 
 subject. 
 
 Meanwhile Jourdain had some personal business to 
 settle with the Company. On the minutes for October 21, 
 1617, we find the following entry : 
 
 ' Captaine Jourdaine desiringe to have his wages and an end of his 
 buysines, it was awnswerd by the audi tours that nothinge can bee 
 done as yett for his 1500 rials of eight which he delivered unto the 
 Companie *, butt the bookes stand open and he remaynes creditor for 
 them to the accompts untill they shall heare from thence. It was 
 remembred that noe excepcions have come against him, nor any 
 goods brought home upon his accompt in private trade ; and haveinge 
 an entent to employe him againe, they were of opinion that it is fitt to 
 give encouradgment unto the good, as they will endevour to punnishe 
 the yll, and therefore to consider him with some gratificacion, haveinge 
 bene longe employed in the Companies service. In reguard whereof, 
 as alsoe for nott puttinge into the West Countrye 2 , they bestowed 
 upon him the some of one hundred pounds as a gratificacion, and 
 ordered to have itt paid unto him, desiringe Mr. Governor and Mr. 
 Deputy to conferre with him upon a newe enterteynement.' 
 
 A fortnight later (November 6), 
 
 ' Captaine Jourdaine delivered up a note of certaine demandes for 
 wages, as by the particuler appereth, whereof there were 17 months 
 and 1 8 daies upon the accompt of the Fourth Voyage, amountinge to 
 52//. i6s. But awnswere was made thatt that voyage beinge a voyage 
 of losse, he must share with the rest and suffer as all other the adven- 
 turers did. And perticularizinge the rest of his time, from the 7th of 
 
 1 Evidently he had paid this sum into the Company's treasury at 
 Bantam. 
 
 2 The Company were very sensitive about their ships putting into 
 Falmouth or Plymouth, as that was made an excuse for landing private 
 trade at those ports or even embezzling part of the cargo.
 
 INTRODUCTION Ixvii 
 
 September 1609 to the i8th of June 1617, there appeared to be due 
 unto him upon one accompt 72/2'. i6.y. ; and expected an enlargment 
 of sallarie, accordinge to Sir Henry Middletons promise, as well for 
 his service for the Sixth Voyage as the hazard he ranne into to give 
 him intelligence of the Portugall, with the danger of his life passinge 
 amongst the Portugalls in Mogolls habitt, swymminge over a river, to 
 advise him of the porte of Swalley, and for many other services sett 
 downe in perticuler. They therefore, approveinge his care and good 
 sen-ice, did bestowe upon him for the same the some of one hundred 
 poundes, besides the 72/2. i6s. due as before. Butt he desiringe to 
 have all made up the full some of 200/2., in reguard of his former 
 losses, and promises made unto him by Sir Henry, they were contented 
 to grannte him the same as a full conclusion for all forepassed ser- 
 vices ; and ordered to have the said 200/2'. paid unto him upon the 
 accompte of the Sixth Voyage, which (as was said) would afford 
 meanes out of the remaynder.' 
 
 The remuneration due for Jourdain's past services 
 having thus been settled to the satisfaction of both sides, 
 the re-engagement already foreshadowed was taken in 
 hand. It may seem strange that, having now (as we 
 know from his will) sufficient means to live comfortably 
 in England, he should have been willing to face once more 
 the hazards and hardships of the Far East ; but he was 
 still a comparatively young man, the post offered was an 
 honourable one, and its acceptance may well have appeared 
 to him in the light of a patriotic duty. On November 5, 
 1617, he signed an agreement to serve for a fresh period of 
 five years, to date from his departure, at a salary of 35O/. 
 per annum, of which 5<D/. was to be paid yearly in England 
 to his assignees, and the rest to himself on his return ; 
 while, should he die, his salary to the date of death was to be 
 paid to his representatives. He was to leave in the hands 
 of the Company a sum of Soo/. 1 , on the understanding that 
 on his return after completing his full term of office, they 
 would pay him three times the amount ; while in the event 
 of his death during the five years they would at the end of 
 that time make over I2OO/. to his assignees. Finally, he 
 agreed to enter into a bond ' to forbeare all private trade f 
 
 1 This amount or at least the greater part of it probably repre- 
 sents the 1500 rials of eight which (as already noted) Jourdain had 
 paid into the Bantam treasury before his departure. It seems to have 
 been usual to allow about los. the rial of eight for money thus received 
 (Calendar of State Papers, East Indies, 1622-24, no. 285).
 
 Ixviii INTRODUCTION 
 
 and to follow implicitly any instructions he might receive 
 from the Company. It seems also to have been arranged 
 that two of his nephews should accompany him to the East. 
 One of these, John Jourdain, junior, was made a factor ; the 
 other, Jonas Viney (a son of Jourdain's sister Susan), went 
 out apparently as a personal attendant upon his uncle 
 without salary from the Company. 
 
 Trouble now arose with Best, who, though at first 
 inclined to accept the preferred command, after a while 
 made some trumpery stipulations which displeased the 
 Company and induced them to abandon all thought of 
 employing him. On November 28, 1617, it was decided 
 that Sir Thomas Dale should be the commander of the 
 fleet, with Captain Parker as his vice-admiral, 'and Cap- 
 taine Jourdaine to goe as principall agent, to give direccions 
 to whatt places the shipps shall be employed, and soe to 
 comand and direct as principall agent for marchandizing ; 
 and himselfe to goe in person cheife marchant to the 
 Mulluccaes, and Sir Thomas Dale and Captaine Parker 
 to have the comand of the shipps and men.' Jourdain was 
 thus in effect made the first English President at Bantam, 
 with authority over all the Company's factories in the 
 East except those at Surat and its dependencies, the 
 control of which had been specially entrusted to Sir 
 Thomas Roe, the ambassador at the court of the Great 
 Mogul. Nor should we fail to notice the significant 
 change by which the Company's ships were placed under 
 the control of the President and his council instead of 
 being, as heretofore, at the disposal of the commander of 
 the fleet (Calendar of State Papers, East Indies, 1617-21, 
 No. 644 I.). 
 
 The preparation of the squadron was now pushed 
 forward in all haste. On December 30, 1617, we find a 
 sum of ioo/. given to Jourdain towards his outfit ; and 
 ten days later a special Committee was appointed to draw 
 up his instructions. On the 2Oth of the following month 
 the commissions were read, and we learn that the leaders 
 of the expedition were specially charged ' to seeke trade
 
 INTRODUCTION Ixix 
 
 at the Moluccars, and their to endevour it by all meanes 
 possible, and not to be put by with the threats or attempts 
 of the Dutch.' It had been intended that the fleet should 
 sail about the middle of January ; but Dale's absence in 
 Holland and other causes retarded their departure, and 
 it was late in February before the ships actually got away. 
 The outward voyage was not wanting in incidents, 
 mostly of an unfortunate character. At the Cape both Dale 
 and Jourdain had a narrow escape from drowning, owing 
 to the upsetting of a boat ; a little later a Portuguese 
 carrack was overtaken and forced to pay a large sum as part 
 compensation for losses caused to the Company by the 
 attacks on English shipping at Surat ; in September Capt. 
 Parker, the old and corpulent vice-admiral, died ; and on 
 November 15 the Sun, Dale's flag-ship and the finest in 
 the fleet, was wrecked on the island of Engano with great 
 loss of life. The remaining vessels reached Bantam four 
 days later, in bad condition and with their crews deci- 
 mated by sickness. There news of the most serious kind 
 awaited them. In the Bandas the Dutch and English 
 were openly at war ; Courthope's two ships were in the 
 hands of the enemy and he himself was blockaded in Pulo 
 Run. An attempt had been made to relieve him in March, 
 1618, but the two vessels sent on this errand had been 
 attacked and captured when within sight of their goal. 
 English prisoners had been treated with savage cruelty; 
 their country's flag had been insulted ; a pinnace had been 
 fired on in Bantam harbour, and Englishmen had been 
 assaulted in the streets. These outrages the factors had 
 hitherto been forced to endure as best they could, for want 
 of means to resent them ; but now with Pring's fleet, which 
 was in the roads when Dale arrived, the English were 
 for the moment in a much stronger position than the 
 Hollanders, the bulk of whose forces were far to the east- 
 wards. At a consultation held on November 28, 1618, 
 it was 'with one consent resolved to lay hold upon all 
 occasions to redeeme the disgraces and losses done to our 
 Kinge and countrie' (Hague Transcripts (translations),
 
 Ixx INTRODUCTION 
 
 series i., vol. iii., no. civ.) ; and in pursuance of this deter- 
 mination a Dutch ship, the Black Lion, which came all 
 unsuspecting into the roads with a cargo which had cost 
 about I4,ooo/., was seized and held as a hostage for the 
 satisfaction of English losses and wrongs. Coen (now 
 Governor-General) retaliated by burning the English 
 factory at Jakatra, and the war became general. Just 
 before Christmas a fight took place between the two fleets, 
 in which both sides claimed the victory ; but the Dutch, 
 finding themselves outnumbered and short of powder, 
 deemed it prudent to retire to Amboyna, leaving the 
 garrison of their fort at Jakatra, under Pieter van den 
 Broecke, to defend themselves as best they could. The 
 English thought it unsafe to follow them and attempt the 
 relief of Pulo Run, especially as a Dutch fleet was expected 
 shortly from Europe, which might take them in the rear. 
 They determined, therefore, to assist the natives in besieg- 
 ing the fort at Jakatra, for which purpose some guns were 
 landed from the ships. The garrison, whose leader with some 
 companions had been enticed outside andthere treacherously 
 seized by the Jakatra chief, made overtures for the sur- 
 render of the place to the English ; and after some nego- 
 tiations satisfactory terms of capitulation were arranged. 
 At the last moment, however, the Pangaran of Bantam 
 interposed, banished the local chief, carried off Van den 
 Broecke and the other prisoners to Bantam, and demanded 
 that the fort should be placed in no other hands than his. 
 Dale, unable to carry out the terms of capitulation (which 
 included the release of the prisoners), withdrew his men 
 and guns in disgust ; whereupon the garrison, thus freed from 
 their only dangerous opponent, kept the Pangaran in play for 
 a time with negotiations, and then defied him. By these 
 means they managed to hold out until Coen relieved them. 
 In the meantime anxious debates were being held by 
 the English at Bantam as to their future proceedings. The 
 extortions and double-dealing of the Pangaran had reached 
 an unendurable pitch, and the advisability of bringing him 
 to reason by withdrawing, at least temporarily, found
 
 INTRODUCTION Ixxi 
 
 strong support. Moreover, it was certain that Coen would 
 soon be back with all the force he could muster, and the 
 English ships, short alike of men, munition and stores, 
 were in no condition to meet him. After much discussion 
 it was decided to dissolve the factory and withdraw to the 
 Coromandel coast, there to refit and concert measures for 
 meeting the ships which would be coming on from Surat 
 The united forces might then, it was hoped, face the enemy 
 with some prospect of success. Accordingly on May 22, 
 1619, Dale and Pring with their squadrons departed 
 separately for Masulipatam. 
 
 Jourdain did not accompany them. There had been 
 disputes between him and Dale regarding their respective 
 powers, and there was nothing particular for him to do 
 on the coast of Coromandel. So ' itt was concluded by 
 consultation that the President should with the Samson 
 and the Hounde goe for to new establish both with men 
 and meanes the allmost decayed factories of Jambee, 
 Potania, Siam, Sackadania, etc.' (O. C. 826); and on April 
 24, 1619, he set sail to the northwards on this errand. 
 Jambi was reached on the 4th of the following month, and 
 seventeen days were spent in putting the affairs of that 
 factory in order. On June 2 Jourdain anchored off Patani, 
 a place of considerable trade on the eastern side of the 
 Malay Peninsula, at which an English factory had been 
 established seven years before. Here he found matters in 
 great disorder in fact in so bad a state that he sent 
 the chief merchant on board the ship as a prisoner and 
 appointed another in his place. The factory having been 
 reorganised, and the Queen visited and propitiated with a 
 handsome present, Jourdain prepared to resume his voyage. 
 One of his assistants was told off to take the Hound 
 to Achin, and another to go to Siam in a small Portuguese 
 vessel they had captured on their way. Just, however, as 
 they were about to set sail (July 16), three large ships were 
 seen in the offing, wearing Dutch colours. The implacable 
 Coen had come sweeping back from the eastwards with all 
 the forces he could collect, had relieved Jakatra and had
 
 Ixxii INTRODUCTION 
 
 then pressed on to Bantam, only to find that his prey had 
 escaped him. He did not judge it wise to follow Dale to 
 Masulipatam ; but learning that Jourdain had gone to the 
 northwards with a weak force, he at once despatched a 
 squadron in pursuit under Hendrik Janszoon, who, as the 
 former commander of the Black Lion, was only too eager to 
 avenge himself on the English President. It was his ships, 
 well-armed and full of men, that were now in sight. The 
 English were in no condition to withstand them with any 
 chance of success, and the sailors begged Jourdain to set 
 sail and make a running fight of it. But his answer was 
 that ' it should never be reported that he would runn away 
 from a Fleming ' ; and so the English looked on quietly 
 while their enemies took up their stations, two by the 
 Sampson and one alongside the Hound. At daylight the 
 next morning (July 17, 1619) the battle began. Jourdain 
 had ' animated the shipps companye in the defence of our 
 countryes honnor, with the shipp and goods,' and they 
 responded nobly to his call. Though at a great disad- 
 vantage for not more than five of the Sampsons guns 
 could be brought to bear they fought, as the Dutch 
 acknowledged, with stubborn bravery, and the President 
 himself behaved ' with as much resolution as ever did any 
 commander'; but after the combat had lasted two hours 
 and a half even he was convinced of the futility of further 
 resistance. A flag of truce was hung out, and the master 
 of the Sampson was sent on board the Dutch admiral 
 to negotiate for surrender. What followed is diversely 
 narrated (see Appendix F). The English story is that 
 Jourdain, relying on the white flag that was fluttering 
 above him, stepped out on the deck and was parleying 
 with Janszoon, when 'the Flemmings, espying him, most 
 treacherously and cruelly shot at him with a musket, and 
 shot him into the bodie neere the heart, of which wound 
 hee dyed within halfe an houre after.' The Hollanders on 
 the other hand declared that he was killed by a volley 
 aimed at the Sampson by one of the other Dutch ships in 
 ignorance of the negotiations that were going on. It must
 
 INTRODUCTION Ixxiii 
 
 be confessed that the evidence available seems to support 
 the English version, and there is little doubt that the deed 
 was the deliberate act of some sharpshooter. Jourdain was 
 looked upon by the Dutch as the person chiefly responsible 
 for their troubles, and their hatred of him was intense. 
 In the rough code of the time, such an action would be 
 regarded as a venial one ; and even Coen himself seems 
 to have applauded the murder, for if the statement on 
 p. 374 be correct he gave a hundred pieces of eight to the 
 man who had fired the fatal shot. 
 
 Jourdain was no doubt buried on shore at Patani. 
 with his two nephews as chief mourners ; and we learn 
 from a chance reference in the Court Minutes (March 6, 
 1622) that his funeral 'was done with greate charge and 
 solemnitie.' It is needless to pronounce an elaborate ora- 
 tion over his grave. His journal is his monument ; and in 
 its candid pages we may easily discern the sterling nature 
 of the man. Fearlessness and energy were perhaps his 
 most striking characteristics : while behind them lay a 
 shrewd judgment and a cool resourcefulness in moments 
 of danger that won him alike the confidence of his supe- 
 riors and the respect and affection of his subordinates. 
 Some perchance, reading the story of his death, may blame 
 his rashness in trying conclusions with Janszoon's much 
 superior force ; but, as his successor wrote, his action 
 ' deserves a favorable censure.' Patani was not, as now, a 
 place of slight importance, but a busy trading centre, 
 its waters frequented by ships of all the countries of 
 Southern and Eastern Asia, from Gujarat to Japan. That 
 these should see or hear of British ships tamely flying 
 before the Hollanders revolted Jourdain's patriotism ; and 
 he deliberately chose to risk everything rather than lower 
 the prestige of his country in the eyes of the natives. 
 
 It is a melancholy satisfaction to reflect that at least 
 he was spared the mortification of witnessing the utter 
 discomfiture of his fellow-countrymen and the triumph 
 of his Dutch rival. In August the Star was captured in 
 the Straits of Sunda, and at the beginning of October
 
 Ixxiv INTRODUCTION 
 
 four more English ships were surprised at Tiku and their 
 commander, Robert Bonner, mortally wounded. Reckon- 
 ing the four previously taken in the Bandas, and the 
 Speedwell seized off Bantam, the English had now lost 
 twelve ships, to say nothing of the damage done at their 
 various factories. Their only set-off was the capture of the 
 Black Lion, as already related, and from her they had 
 derived no benefit, for she had been accidentally set on fire 
 by some sailors rummaging for liquor and all her cargo 
 burnt with her. Dale's ships lingered long on the Coro- 
 mandel Coast. Their commander himself, after a lengthy 
 illness, died at Masulipatam on August 9, 1619, and Pring 
 then assumed charge of the fleet ; but he made no move till 
 December, when he proceeded to Tiku to effect a junction 
 with three ships from Surat under John Bickley. In March, 
 1620, the united fleet set out for Bantam, with the intention 
 of trying their fortune against the enemy's forces. On 
 April 8, however, they were met in the Straits of Sunda by 
 an English ship with the news that a peace had been con- 
 cluded at home had in fact been signed on July 7, 1619, 
 ten days before the fight that had proved fatal to Jourdain 
 and that in future the two Companies were to share in certain 
 fixed proportions the trade of the Eastern islands and jointly 
 to bear the cost of defending them against the Spaniards 
 and Portuguese. Three days later the two fleets met, not 
 as enemies but as friends (at least in outward show), and 
 on the following day they anchored in Bantam Roads to 
 exchange congratulations and concert measures for united 
 action in the future. Vain hope ! As well might fire and 
 water commingle as Englishman and Hollander the one 
 smarting under defeat, the other deprived (as he thought) 
 by diplomacy of the legitimate fruits of victory settle 
 down side by side under a system which required mutual 
 forbearance to make it in any degree workable. Whatever 
 might have been the case had the alliance been concluded 
 in 1613, it was hopeless to look for its success after seven 
 years of fighting and intriguing against each other ; and 
 the ' Massacre of Amboyna ' was only the climax of a long
 
 INTRODUCTION Ixxv 
 
 series of quarrels which started almost immediately after 
 the solemn publication of the accord. 
 
 A few words must be said in conclusion about the 
 winding up of Jourdain's affairs. By his will (P.C.C. : 
 Soame, 87), signed at Gravesend on February 16, 1618, 
 his sister, Mrs Susan Viney, was left executrix, and a large 
 part of the estate went to her and her children. We have 
 already alluded to his apparent estrangement from his 
 wife, to whom nothing was directly left, though a sum of 
 money was to be invested and the interest paid to her for 
 the maintenance of their son John, until the time of his 
 marriage, when the principal (5 SO/.) was to be made over 
 to him. This son died some time in 1618, and a letter 
 conveying the sad news was sent to the father from the 
 Cape (Hague Transcripts, series i., vol. iii., no. cix.), though 
 it probably never reached him. The will was proved by 
 Mrs Viney on September 27, 1620, and she seems to have 
 lost no time in applying to the Company for payment of 
 her brother's estate. But accounts were slow in coming 
 from the Indies, and the Committees were suspicious of 
 even their noblest servants. She was put off first with one, 
 and then with a second, hundred pounds, while vague 
 charges were hinted of moneys not accounted for by the 
 deceased. In March, 1622, she petitioned that 'the charge 
 of Capteyne Jurdens funerall... might be borne by the 
 Companie and not brought to the executors accompte ; 
 but shee was forced from that demannd as a thinge un- 
 naturall for her to presse, and danngerous,' for the Company 
 might in that case raise inconvenient counterclaims. Not 
 long after, Mrs Viney died, and on November 13, 1622, her 
 son Jonas, who had returned to England immediately after 
 his uncle's death, took out (as her executor) a commission 
 to administer the remainder of John Jourdain's estate. 
 A year later we find him applying to the Company for 
 looo/., the balance of the I2OO/. due on account of the 
 8oo/. deposited by his uncle, as already mentioned. They 
 objected to pay him the money, on the ground that he was 
 under age and that it was doubtful whether he could give
 
 Ixxvi INTRODUCTION 
 
 a legal discharge ; but finally it was agreed that he should 
 receive 400!. at once and the rest when he reached his 
 majority. Towards the close of 1624, however, a fresh 
 claimant appeared in the person of Jourdain's widow, who 
 disputed and apparently with justice the right of Jonas 
 Viney to act at all in the matter ; and the Company readily 
 agreed to retain the estate until the question was decided. 
 The suit was still going on in April, 1627, when at a 
 meeting of the Committees a petition was read from John 
 Geare 1 and John Hazard, ministers, and Peter Hazard, 
 merchant of London, on behalf of Mrs Jourdain, stating 
 that ' she is in very great misery and beggeth from dore to 
 dore ' and soliciting the Company to allow her ' some 
 competent yearely meanes proporcionable to her birth and 
 breeding.' In reply the Court hinted that by the time 
 their own claims were satisfied there would probably be 
 nothing left for anyone else, but ' in comiseracion of her 
 extreame poverty' a sum of io/. from 'the poores box' 
 was sent for her use. In August another io/. was doled 
 out to her, and the Company's solicitor was directed to 
 help her in the legal proceedings she had taken against 
 Viney. The latter's commission to administer had been 
 revoked in 1625, but there had been an appeal, and it was 
 not until October 22, 1628, that the widow obtained a fresh 
 commission empowering her to deal with the estate. In 
 the meanwhile the Company had dribbled out 5/. and io/. 
 at a time, and by November of that year these advances 
 totalled ioo/. Early in December a final settlement was 
 made, and the balance (amount not stated) was paid over 
 to her. She appears then to have commenced an action 
 against Jonas Viney for recovery of the money wrongfully 
 received by him ; and in July, 1633, the Company's officers 
 were ordered to attend and give evidence on her behalf. 
 With this entry all reference to her and her affairs ceases ; 
 and our story comes at last to a conclusion. 
 
 1 This was the Rev. John Geare, who had been vicar of Lyme 
 Regis from 1608.
 
 LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL CONTEMPORARY 
 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 GENERAL. 
 
 The Minutes of the Courts of Committees of the East 
 India Company {India Office Records). 
 
 Vol. 2. 31 December, 1606 26 January, 1610. 
 
 Vol. 2 A. i March, 1611 4 May, 1620. 
 
 This volume relates exclusively to the Fourth Voyage and is mainly 
 occupied with the measures taken to recover the goods lost in the 
 Union. 
 
 Vol. 3. [ ] December, 1613 10 November, 1615. 
 Vol. 4. 19 September, 1617 4 April, 1620. 
 
 The intermediate volumes are missing. Of the above mentioned, 
 vols. 2, 3 (with the exception of a few entries at the commencement) 
 and 4 have been calendared by Mr Noel Sainsbury in the Calendars 
 of State Papers : East Indies, 151 3 1 6 1 6 and 1 6 1 7 2 1 . 
 
 The Register of Letters, etc., of the East India Com- 
 pany, 1600-19 {India Office Records), 
 
 Printed in 1893 under the title of The First Letter Book of the 
 East India Company, edited by Sir George Birdwood, K.C.I. E., C.S.I., 
 assisted by William Foster. 
 
 This volume contains the royal commission for the Fourth Voyage, 
 the Company's instructions, royal letters, bonds, correspondence, etc. 
 
 Original Correspondence of the East India Company, 
 from 1602 {India Office Records). 
 
 This series has been calendared down to 1634 by Mr Noel Sains- 
 bury in the Calendars described above. The documents it contains 
 have also been printed at full length (to the end of 1617) in Letters 
 Received by the East India Company from its Servants in the East. 
 Vol. i. (1602-13), with introduction by F. C. Danvers; vol. ii. (1613-15), 
 with introduction by William Foster; vols. iii. (1615), iv. (1616), v. 
 and vi. (1617), edited by William Foster.
 
 Ixxviii PRINCIPAL CONTEMPORARY AUTHORITIES 
 
 THE OUTWARD VOYAGE. 
 
 A journal kept in the Fourth Voyage (India Office 
 Marine Records, no. vii.). 
 
 As is proved by internal evidence, this journal was kept by 
 William Revett, one of the factors on board the Ascension, who died 
 in India in the autumn of 1609 (see p. 134). At the end are copies in 
 Revett's handwriting of 25 letters written by Captain Sharpeigh during 
 his detention ashore at Aden, dated between April 10 and May I, 1609. 
 One of these letters, it should be mentioned, is really by Jourdain, 
 with a postscript by Sharpeigh. After Revett's death his journal 
 seems to have passed into the hands of Sharpeigh, who added copies 
 of two letters written by him, the first (see Appendix C) to the East 
 India Company, date and place not given, but evidently sent from 
 Agra about January, 1610, and the second to Captain John Saris from 
 Babelmandel, April 5, i6[2. 
 
 Brief abstracts of Revett's journal and of Sharpeigh's letter to the 
 Company are given in The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, edited by 
 Sir Clements Markham (Hakluyt Society, 1877). The MS. has been 
 freely drawn upon in the notes to the present volume. 
 
 The Report of William Nicols, a Mariner in the 
 Ascention which travelled from Bramport by land to 
 Masulipatam. Written from his mouth at Bantam by 
 Henry Moris, September 12, 1612 [1610?] (Purchas 
 His Pilgrinies, i. 232). 
 
 A Relation of the Fourth Voyage, written by Thomas 
 Jones (Ibid., i. 228). 
 
 Jones was boatswain of the Ascension, and after the loss of that 
 vessel returned to England by way of Goa and Lisbon (see p. 136). 
 
 The unhappie Voyage of the Vice-Admirall, the Union, 
 outward bound, till shee arrived at Priaman. Reported 
 by a Letter which Master Samuel Bradshaw sent from 
 Priaman by Humphry Bidulphe, the eleventh day of 
 March, 1609 [1610]. Written by. ..Henry Moris at Bantam, 
 September the fourteenth, 1610 (Ibid., i. 232). 
 
 A copy of Bradshaw's letter will be found in Letters Received, i. 
 251. The date is there given as Feb. 10, 1612-13, but this is really 
 the date of the copy. 
 
 Two letters and a memorandum regarding the wreck 
 of the Union at Audierne (Ibid., i. 234).
 
 PRINCIPAL CONTEMPORARY AUTHORITIES Ixxix 
 
 A letter from the Secretary of the English Ambassador 
 at Paris, dated March 14, 1611, printed in Winwood's State 
 Papers, iii. 266. 
 
 A letter to the Earl of Rutland, dated March 10, 161 1, 
 describing the loss of the Union (Twelfth Report of the 
 Historical MSS. Commission, Appx. IV. p. 429). 
 
 The Voyage of Francois Pyrard of Laval to the East 
 Indies, etc. (edited by Albert Gray, Hakluyt Society, 1888), 
 i. 45 ., ii. 106, 264. 
 
 A True and Almost Incredible Report of an English- 
 man that (being cast away in the good Ship called the 
 Assention in Cambaya, the farthest Part of the East Indies) 
 travelled by Land thorow many unknowne Kingdomes 
 and great Cities... with a discovery of a great Emperour 
 called the Great Mogull, a Prince not till now knowne 
 to our English Nation. By Captaine Robert Covert. 
 London, 1612. 
 
 Covert was steward on the Ascension, and had apparently no right 
 to the title of captain. He started homewards overland from Agra in 
 January, 1610, accompanied by Salbank and three other Englishmen. 
 Travelling by way of Candahar, Ispahan and Bagdad (where Salbank 
 quitted the party) they reached Aleppo in December, and thence got 
 by sea to England, arriving April, 1611. Covert is last heard of on 
 July 18, 1615, when, 'beinge in extreame want and necessitie, readye 
 to starve for wannte of meanes,' the Court of Committees gave him 
 forty shillings in charity. 
 
 His narrative has been several times reprinted, besides being 
 translated into Latin, Dutch and German. It is full of mistakes, but 
 contains some interesting details, many of which will be found quoted 
 in the notes to the present volume. 
 
 EVENTS IN INDIA. 
 
 Captaine William Hawkins his Relations of the 
 Occurrents which happened in the time of his residence 
 in India, in the country of the Great Mogoll, and of his 
 departure from thence. Written to the Company (Purchas 
 His Pilgrimes, i. 206). 
 
 Reprinted in The Hawkins" Voyages^ Hakluyt Society, 1878), p. 389. 
 In the same volume will be found Hawkins' account of his voyage to 
 Surat. The MS. from which it was taken was purchased by the
 
 Ixxx PRINCIPAL CONTEMPORARY AUTHORITIES 
 
 British Museum in July, 1869, and is now Egerton MS. 2 100 ; but it was 
 evidently at one time the property of the East India Company, as an 
 accompanying transcript is written on paper bearing their watermark 
 and dated 1821. 
 
 Observations of William Finch, Merchant (Ibid., i. 414). 
 
 William Finch, who according to Covert had previously been 
 'servant to Master Johnson in Cheapside,' went out in the Third 
 Voyage with Captain Hawkins and was left by him in charge of some 
 goods at Surat. His subsequent career is described in the text. 
 
 The Voyage of Master Joseph Salbancke through India, 
 Persia, part of Turkie, the Persian Gulfe and Arabia, 1609 
 [1610]. Written unto Sir Thomas Smith (Ibid., i. 235). 
 
 See supra, under 'Covert.' Notes on Salbank's adventurous career 
 will be found in The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe (p. 101). 
 
 The Memoirs of the Emperor Jahanglr (Tuzak-i- 
 Jahdngirt}. 
 
 Extracts are printed in Elliot and Dowson's History of India as 
 told by its own Historians, vol. vi. Use has also been made of the 
 complete MS. translation by Mr Alexander Rogers in the Library of 
 the Royal Asiatic Society, and the versions by Major Price and 
 Francis Gladwin. 
 
 THE ARRIVAL OF MIDDLETON'S FLEET ; EVENTS AT 
 
 SURAT; THE SECOND VISIT TO THE RED SEA; 
 
 AND THE VOYAGE TO BANTAM. 
 
 Sir Henry Middleton's journal of the Sixth Voyage 
 (Purchas His Pilgrimes, i. 247). 
 
 The original is lost, and Purchas's version is unfortunately much 
 curtailed. 
 
 Nicholas Downton's journal of the Sixth Voyage (India 
 Office Marine Records, no. xi.). 
 
 The original is missing, but this is a contemporary copy. Full 
 extracts will be found in Purchas (i. 274) and also in The Voyages of 
 Sir James Lancaster (p. 151 ). Part of the journal is abstracted in India 
 Office Marine Records, no. xvii. Another narrative by Downton 
 of events between April 2 and August 16, 1612, is printed in Letters 
 Received (i. 162). 
 
 A journal kept in the Sixth Voyage, April, 1610, to 
 January, 1611 (India Office Marine Records, no. ix.). 
 
 The writer was on board the Peppercorn. An abstract is given at 
 p. 145 of The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster.
 
 PRINCIPAL CONTEMPORARY AUTHORITIES Ixxxi 
 
 Another journal, kept by Thomas Love, April, 1610, 
 to December, 1611 (Ibid., no. x.). 
 
 Love was a master's mate on the Peppercorn, but on June 18, 1610, 
 was transferred to the Trade's Increase. Downton speaks of him on 
 February 26, 1612, as 'lately dead.' His journal is abstracted in The 
 Voyages of Sir James Lancaster (p. 147). 
 
 Another jourfial, kept by Benjamin Green, November, 
 1610, to December, 1612 (Ibid., no. xii.). 
 
 Green was a factor on the Darling, but in April, 1612, was trans- 
 ferred to the Peppercorn. His death at Bantam is recorded in the 
 present volume (p. 236). A special feature of his journal is the 
 account of Middleton's journey from Mocha to San'a and back, in 
 which Green accompanied him. 
 
 A copy of the journal of the Eighth Voyage, kept by 
 Captain Saris, April, 1611, to Nov., 1613 (Ibid., no. xiv.). 
 
 Saris's narrative was printed in Purchas (i. 334) from a somewhat 
 fuller text. The latter portion, dealing with Saris's voyage to Japan, 
 was published in extenso by the Hakluyt Society under the editorship 
 of Sir Ernest Satow in 1900. 
 
 EVENTS AT AMBOYNA, ETC. 
 
 Extracts from a letter written by Jan Pz. Coen to 
 the Dutch East India Company, dated Bantam, January I, 
 1614, printed in P. A. Tiele's Bouwstoffen voor de Geschie- 
 denis der Nederlanders in den Maleischen Archipel, Part i. 
 p. 42. See Appendix E. 
 
 THE TENTH VOYAGE. 
 
 A Jornal of the Tenth Voyage Written by me, 
 
 Thomas Best, cheiffe Comaunder thereof.... (India Office 
 Marine Records, no. xv.). 
 
 This is either the original MS. or a contemporary copy. Extracts 
 are printed in Purchas (i. 456). 
 
 Another journal of the voyage, kept by Ralph Cross, 
 ending August 29, 1613 (Ibid., no. xvi.). 
 
 Cross was purser of the Hosiander. Extracts from this journal 
 are printed in The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, p. 228. Extracts 
 from another journal kept on the Hosiander from August 31, 1612, to 
 April 12, 1613, will be found in Marine Records, no. xviii.
 
 Ixxxii PRINCIPAL CONTEMPORARY AUTHORITIES 
 
 Certaine Observations written by others employed in 
 the same Voyage, Master Copland, minister, Robert Boner, 
 master, Nicholas Withington, merchant (Purchas His 
 Pilgrimes, i. 466). 
 
 JOURDAIN'S HOMEWARD VOYAGE. 
 
 Journal of John Monden, master's mate of the Clove, 
 February 28, 1614, to June 20, 1617 (India Office Marine 
 Records, no. xx.). 
 
 Monden was mate of the Hector in the outward voyage, but was 
 appointed to the Clove at Bantam just prior to her departure for 
 England in December, 1616. 
 
 Another Journal, kept by John Bardon, master's mate 
 of the Clove, April 20, 1615, to June 19, 1617 (Ibid., 
 no. xxii.).
 
 A JOURNALL kept by JOHN JOURDAIN in a voiage 
 for the EAST INDIES sett fourth by the Honour- 
 able Companie of Merchants trading the same, in 
 Anno 1607 [1608], in two good shipps, namely the 
 ASSENTION and UNION. Wherein goeth Generall 
 Alexander Sharpeigh, and Vice-Admirall Captaine 
 Richard Rolls; Maister, Phillipp Grove. The which 
 voiag God blesse and prosper. Began att the Downes 
 neere SANDWICH the 23 th of March, anno 1607 
 [1608]. With an addition of all my travails after 
 the casting awaie of the Assention untill Anno 1617 
 of any worthy the writtinge. 
 
 JOHN JOURDAIN. 
 
 We departed from the Downes*. 
 
 March 2$th, 1608. Wee sett sayle from the Downes 
 with the winde at N.N.W. 
 
 March 26. We came to ancor betwixt the Needles 
 and Dover. The winde calme. 
 
 March 27, 28. We sette sayle from the Needles with 
 the wind at E. and E.N.E., which contynued untell we 
 came to Plymoth. 
 
 March 29. We came into Plymoth Sounde aboute ten of 
 the clocke in the forenoone, where the Generall, captaine, 
 merchants and maister went aland to buy needfull provision 
 
 1 It appears from Revett's journal (see List of Authorities) that 
 the ships set sail from Woolwich on March 14 and reached the 
 Downs four days later. A week was then spent in getting in pro- 
 visions, etc.
 
 2 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 which was wantinge abord the Union, as fyshes for mastes 
 and tymber to make a halfe decke for the Union &c. 
 
 March 30. The Generall and myselfe, after we had 
 supped, came abord, the wind beinge fayre. We came late 
 to hasten the rest which were aland ; Captaine Roles being 
 gone some six myles out of the towne. 
 
 March 31. In the morning the rest of our companie 
 came abord ; and the same daye aboute three a clock in 
 the after noone we sett sayle with a fayre wind at N.N.W. 
 
 I saye N.N.E. 
 
 i 
 
 Aprill 10. Wee had the sight of one of the ilands 
 called Savages 2 , which lyeth about some 28 leagues from 
 the iland of Teneriffe. Our course S. by W. 
 
 Aprill 1 1. Aboute noone we had sight of the Picke of 
 Teneriffe. And the wind this daye fell calme all the night. 
 
 Aprill 12. We had the wind at S.W.; soe that we 
 could not fetch the iland of Tenerife, but stood close 
 uppon a tacke for the Grand Canaria. The wind being 
 more westerley, thy[s] daye in the eveninge about nine of 
 the clocke we ancored a good distance of the roade of 
 the Grand Canaria before the towne. 
 
 What passed at the Gran Canarias. 
 
 Aprill 13. We shott a peece for a boate, and presently 
 came of a messenger from the Governor to knowe what 
 we were, and what we demaunded. Our Generall willed 
 me to tell them that our comminge was for fresh water, 
 and to buy some wine for our money ; and to the same 
 effect our Generall, understandinge of English marchants 
 which were leigers 3 on land, wrote to them to acquainte 
 the Governor with soe much ; which the Governor under- 
 
 1 The daily entries are omitted when they contain nothing but the 
 course, the direction of the wind, and the state of the weather. 
 
 2 The Salvages group of rocky islets, in lat. 30 N., long. 16 W. 
 
 3 Residents.
 
 1608] JOHN JOURDAIN 3 
 
 standing, sent for Mr. Hassard, an Englishman there 
 resident, to knowe what the letter did import which was 
 sent ; who answered that we demaunded some eight butts 
 of wine for our money and some water for our provision. 
 The Governor, understanding what we desyred, sent pre- 
 sently the sayd Hassarde abord with a letter from the 
 Governor, which was to this effect, vizt. that yf yt 
 pleased our Generall to come nearer into the roade, where 
 all shipps (that are in amitie with the King his maister) 
 doth use to ride, that then he would doe us all the kindnes 
 that in him laye; otherwise he could not graunt us any 
 favour att all. In answer thereof the Generall caused me 
 to write a letter to the Governor in his name ; the con- 
 tents vizt. that our comming thether was not to any evill 
 intent, but only to take a quantety of water and some 
 wyne ; wherein yf he would favour us for our money, we 
 should be behoulding unto him ; yf not, that he would 
 be pleased to send us word to the contrarye, that we might 
 not make any more delay but follow our voyage &c. 
 
 Aprill 14. The sayde Hassard was sent agayne abord 
 to tell the Generall that unlesse he woulde come nearer 
 with our shippinge and send some of our owne company 
 aland, that he could not suffer us to have any thinge 
 from the shore ; for that the cuntry people doubted us 
 to be enymyes, seeing we came noe nearer the roade one 
 [nor?] send our owne boate ashore. Havinge had this 
 answere, the Generall takinge councell what was best to 
 be donne, yt was concluded that two factors, of each 
 shipp one, should goe aland, vizt. William Revet out of 
 the Assention and Geffrye Carliell out of the Union 1 , 
 
 1 For Revett (and his journal) see the List of Authorities. Carlisle 
 had been appointed a factor for the Third Voyage, but withdrew owing 
 to dissatisfaction with the salary offered him. Later he applied again 
 for employment, and was engaged at $os. per month and 20 nobles 
 for outfit. He was one of the party 'betrayed by the countrey people' 
 in Madagascar. 
 
 I 2
 
 4 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 who went presently in company with Mr. Hassard ; our 
 General! wrytinge a letter to the Inquizidor, which he 
 understood bore more swaye in the country then the 
 Governor, being somthing angrye that our Generall should 
 write to the Governor and not to him. Theffect of the 
 letter was, vizt. that we understood that they were doubt- 
 full of us to be enymyes to the Kinge his maister, and 
 not subjectes to the Kinges Majestic of England ; and for 
 justyfying the truth unto His Honor he had sent two of his 
 merchants aland to be examyned by them ; and for his 
 and their better satysfaction, in the morning, God willinge, 
 he pretended 1 to come nearer with his shipps yf wind 
 permitted ; which being once full satisfied of our freind- 
 shipp with the Kinge their maister, that we doubted not 
 but he would vouchsafe us such provision as we wanted 
 for our money. After the merchannts were gone aland, 
 a captaine of the castell came abord ; the Generall being 
 gone abord the Unyon to cause them to goe about to 
 fysh the mast which was cracte, leaving me abord to 
 entertayne the Spanish captaine. 
 
 Aprill 15. Our Generall, accordinge to promise, caused 
 our shipps to sett sayle, and came to anker in fourteen 
 fathom water, betwixt the fort and the cyttye ; and this 
 day Mr. Revet, one of the merchannts, came abord, and 
 brought word that we should have both wyne and water, 
 or anythinge els that wee wanted ; and presently re- 
 tourned aland 2 . 
 
 Aprill 1 6. Mr. Carleill came abord, and brought with 
 him, by order from the Governor, the Sarjeant Major to 
 
 1 Intended. 
 
 2 Revett says that the Governor treated them kindly, but referred 
 them to the Inquisidor. Accordingly on the following morning they 
 repaired to the house of the latter, 'where wee were sworne whether 
 wee were Inglishe men or nott, whether wee were bound, the burthen 
 of our shipps, what store of men wee had, and many other idle 
 questeons ; which were aunswered, and presently a lycence graunted 
 and given us for to goe and buy our necessaryes.'
 
 l6o8] JOHN JOURDAIN 5 
 
 visitt our shipps for the better satysfaction of the people 
 of the countrye, who doubted of us to be Hollanders, who 
 had not longe before sacked their towne. And this daye 
 had from the shore eight pypes of wyne (vizt., four abord 
 the Unyon and four abord the Assention) with a present 
 of our [their?] cuntry fruites to our Generall. 
 
 Aprill 17. In the afternoone William Revett and Gef- 
 frey Carleill came abord and brought all things that we 
 wanted, with many besolos manos 1 to our Generall from the 
 Inquisidor and Governor. 
 
 Aprill 1 8. Aboute six of the clocke in the morninge 
 we sett sayle from the Gran Canada with the wynde at 
 W.N.W., and wee steared our course at S.W. & by S. 
 
 Aprill 19. We were allmost all the daye becalmed 
 untell four of the clocke, at which tyme we had a pretty 
 gale at West and went our course S.W. & by S. 
 
 Aprill 20. We had sight of four carvailes 2 , which we 
 supposed to be bound for Cape Blanco 3 or a fishinge. 
 When they sawe us they altred their course ; and wee 
 stood our course as before at S.W. & by S. And this daye 
 we observed, and were in 26 deg. 40 mi. 
 
 25. ...We demaunded of the maister of the 
 Unyon in what lattitude he founde [himselfe ?] and howe 
 the He of Sally 4 was of him. He answered that yt bare 
 S.W. Westerly, he beinge in i8d. odd minitts, and per 
 observacion [we?] were i/d. 59m. And this night we 
 tooke in our maynsayle, because we would not overshute the 
 He of Boavista, where the Generall determyned to touch, to 
 take in water and other refreshinge for our fyrst spendinge. 
 
 1 Salutations, compliments (Sp. besar las manos, 'to kiss the 
 hands'). 
 
 2 For a .picture of a Portuguese caravel see The First Voyage of 
 Vasco da Gama, 158. 
 
 3 On the African coast, in 20 47' N. lat. 
 
 4 Sal, the northeasternmost of the Cape Verd Islands.
 
 6 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 Aprill 26. We had sight of one of the iles of Cape 
 de Vert, which we tooke to be the He of Sail ; but the 
 maister and captayne of the Unyon, cominge abord, 
 affirmed to our Generall not to be the He of Sail, but 
 another iland called Saint Nicholas. Then yt was con- 
 cluded to stand for the iland of Boavista to take in 
 water, which iland laye by judgment some twelve leagues 
 to the southward, and that the iland of Boavista (sic) was 
 to the eastwarde of us. Soe wee brought tackes a board 
 and steared away E.S.E. and E. & by S. with a fresh gale 
 at [blank] ; and about six in the eveninge we had sight 
 of an iland W.S.W. of us ; soe we slacked sayle all night, 
 and steared as formerly. Some made us this iland to be 
 the He of Mayo 1 ; others sayde naye. Soe that those that 
 will strike a hodgshed in the sea coulde not find a greate 
 iland bigger then a butt 
 
 Aprill 27. We had sight of another iland, which all 
 the doctors made to be the lie of Boavista untill we came 
 soe neare the shore that we might allmost discerne the 
 salt pitts of Mayo ; then they knewe yt to be the same, 
 as soone as they sawe the heapes of salt. Soe about three 
 of the clocke in the afternoone we ankored in \blank\ 
 fathom water, good ground. 
 
 Aprill 28. Our Generall sent our longe boate aland 
 with 20 men, with two marchants to conduct them, with 
 soe many more out of the Unyon. And cominge on land 
 they sawe three or four Negros, and spake to them in 
 Portuges ; who tould them that fourteen 2 sayle of Flem- 
 yngs had been there some two monthes before, bound for 
 the East Indias. Soe they retourned agayne abord, 
 
 1 Maio is 44 m. S.W. of Boavista. 
 
 2 Thirteen, according to Revett. The fleet referred to was that 
 of Pieter Willemsz. Verhoeff. It consisted of nine ships and four 
 pinnaces.
 
 1608] JOHN JOURDAIN 7 
 
 with a company of leane carren goates dryed, but could 
 find noe water. 
 
 Aprill 29. The longe boate retorned aland, and the 
 Generall sent me in her to speake with the Negros to 
 knowe of them where the water was ; but before our 
 cominge they were gone, and would not come to speake 
 with us any more. Soe we retourned abord with some 
 30 more of the leane goates ; with much trouble to gett 
 agayne into the boate, the sea beinge rysen with a greate 
 suffe neare the shore, verye dangerous for landinge. 
 
 Aprill 30. Our Generall called a councell as consern- 
 inge the proseedinge in our voyage without water, havinge 
 suffycient to carry us to the Cape, yf yt please God to 
 send us any resonable passage. The Unyon (who most 
 wanted) had in her some 20 tonnes of water, 20 tonnes 
 of beare, besydes wine and syder in good plentye. In 
 this councell there was a complaint made by the captayne 
 of the Unyon that the maister 1 and some other of his 
 shipp had abused his aucthorytye ; which being examyned 
 was found to be of noe great consequence, and therefore 
 putt of untill our meeting the next daye. 
 
 May i. The captayne and the maister of the Unyon, 
 with the marchaunts, retourned againe abord, where they 
 were made freinds 2 . And in this counsell yt was deter- 
 myned to proseede with what water we had towardes the 
 Cape ; but first to romage in hould some two or three 
 dayes, to bringe all things in order, and soe in the name 
 of God to departe. 
 
 May 2 and 3. We stayed to rumage our shipps, as 
 is formerlye sett downe in court. Of this iland I need 
 not write, because yt is sufficiently knowne to most 
 
 1 Griffin Morris or Maurice. He died at Priaman. 
 
 2 'This day, beinge Sunday, came capten Rowles, marchannts and 
 master, with most part of the pryncepall offycers aboard and hard 
 a sermon and were partakers at the Lords tabell' (Revett).
 
 8 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 of our seamen, who hath at large given informacion of 
 this iland. 
 
 May 4. In the morninge aboute six of the clocke 
 we sett sayle from the iland of Mayo, and stayed to the 
 offinge for the Unyon untill eleven of the clocke ; and 
 then we steared awaye S. & by E., with a fayre gale 
 at N.E. 
 
 May 5. We had the wind at N.E., somtymes calme, 
 and wee stood our course att S.S.E. and S. & by E. 
 amonge. At night yt fell calme, with much raine and 
 thunder and much wind by puffs in the showers. This 
 daye we had sight of a great shipp some two leagues to 
 windward of us, which we judge to be some Portugall 
 bound for Brazill. Having observed, wee were in 1 3 degrees 
 15 minitts of lattitude. 
 
 May 20. The wind as formerlye, and wee stoode awaye 
 at S. and S. & by E. This daye by noone we weare som- 
 thinge to the southward of the Equin[o]ctiall. 
 
 May 22. ...This daye came abord the captayne, mer- 
 chants and maister of the Unyon to dynner, being invited 
 per the General!. 
 
 May 26. ...This daye the Generall, merchants and 
 maister were invited abord the Unyon, where we dyned 
 and supped ; where shootinge a peece for our welcome, 
 the gonners mate not sponginge the peece after the first 
 shott, and another goinge to charge the peece agayne, 
 tooke fyre of the powder and blewe awaye an arme of 
 him that went to loade trie peece, whereof he dyed. 
 
 June 9. ...This daye aboute eight of the clocke we 
 had sight of a taule shipp to the westwards of us, and 
 shee stoode awaye S.E. And aboute five of the clocke 
 in the afternoone wee came upp with her, and knewe her
 
 1608] JOHN JOURDAIN 9 
 
 to be one of the Portingale carricks. And the Unyons 
 skyff being abord of our shipp (the captayne being invited 
 by the Generall this daye), ytt was thought good to send 
 her of to speake with them ; in which boate went William 
 Revett and Geffrey Carleill. And cominge abord, or rather 
 by the shipps syde, they demaunded what they weare 
 and whether they are bound. They answered that they 
 came from Lysborne, bound to the East Indias. They 
 tould them that we weare marchants and Englishmen, 
 their freinds, bound lykewyse for those partes. The 
 captain of the carrick, Donn Christian, came to the shipps 
 syde unto them, and craved pardon that he could not 
 receave them into his shipp, havinge order from the Kinge 
 his maister to the contrarie. The marchants being earnest 
 to knowe for what place of the Indies he was bound, 
 answered and sayd he was of Lysborne and bound 
 whether pleased God. They demaunded for what place 
 we were bound, and the merchants answered him in the 
 same manner : whether pleased God. And with this 
 answere they retorned ; and all this night we kept neare 
 the carricke upon her weather quarter, with a fresh gale 
 all night E. & by N. This daye att noone we weare [in] 
 latt. 22\ d. 
 
 June 10. Captain Rolles with the merchants of the 
 Unyon retourned agayne abord our shippe to conferre 
 concerninge the carricke ; where yt was concluded to 
 write a letter with complements to the captain ; which the 
 Generall caused me to write in his name and carrye yt 
 to him ; which I did accordinglye. And att my cominge 
 abord, the captain of the carricke came to the shipps syde 
 with many courteous complements, and sent his boatson 
 into our boate with wyne, frute and marmylad with other 
 sweete meates. In the meane tyme he wrote an answere 
 to the Generalls letter, which was that he gave him many 
 thankes for his kind message : that he wanted nothinge,
 
 10 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 neither could hee keepe company with any: but yf the 
 Generall would keepe him companye, he intreated that 
 he would keepe farther of from him by night. For that 
 the last night, most of our company havinge itchinge 
 fyngers, came soe neare them that we were lyke to board 
 them ; which was donne onlye to pyke a quarrell with 
 them, to see yf they would shoote att us, that we might 
 have occasion to deale with them ; which in my judgment 
 we should have had a crowe to pull to take her, for she 
 had 300 soldiars, besydes saylors and passengers ; as they 
 tould me that they had 800 persons in her 1 . Soe after 
 that the Generall had receaved his letter, we gave them 
 three peeces to salute them, and soe stood our course 
 E.S.E. ; and the carreck stoode more easterlye. This daye 
 att noone we weare in 23 d. 42 m. 
 
 June 1 6. ...This daye in the morninge we had sight 
 of a sayle to windward of us. We supposed that yt was 
 the carreck which we had formerly spooke with (for she 
 went as well as the Unyon), only shee kept a more 
 easterlye course to free themselves of our companye. This 
 daye lattitude 28 d. 12 m. 
 
 June 27. ...This daye the captain, marchants and 
 maister [of the Unyon?] dyned abord with us.... 
 
 Julye 3. The wind varyable betwixt the S. and the W., 
 styffe gale ; soe that the Unyon spronge her mayne top- 
 mast, that of force we stayed for her with our mayne sayle 
 and mayne topsayle in all daye, keepinge our course E. 
 
 1 Revett states that the carrack was understood to be bound for 
 Malacca and to have left her consorts at the islands of Martin Vaz. 
 Jones says the carrack was named the Nova Palma, that she was 
 bound for India, and that she was cast away on the coast of Sofala, 
 within twelve leagues of Mozambique. He adds that her captain 
 came home as a passenger in the same carrack as he (1610).
 
 l6o8] JOHN JOURDAIN II 
 
 and by N. This daye we sawe weedes called tromboes^ ; 
 and observing weare in 34 d. 20 m. 
 
 Julye 4. ...This daye we sawe a sayle to windward 
 of us, who soone came up with us ; and having a fresh 
 gale wee hailed them, and we understood that yt was 
 a Holland pynnace that was bound with advice to the 
 fleete, beinge three monthes since he came out 2 . In the 
 eveninge, better of sayle then us, he left our companye 
 and stoode his course towardes the Cape. This daye at 
 noone we weare in 34 d. I2m. 
 
 Julye 5. We had the wind as the daye before, and wee 
 stood away E. and E. & by N. amonge, with a styffe gale. 
 This daye at noone we had lattitude 33d. 50 m. And this 
 daye came abord Captain Rolles, the merchants and maister 
 of the Unyon, and tould the Generall he had many men 
 sicke of the scurvie downe and many others infected ; and 
 understandinge that we were not determyned to putt in 
 for the Cape, sayd that yf the Generall putt alonge and 
 touched not att the Cape that they would goe to their 
 cabins and dye, for they knewe that they weare butt dead 
 men. Soe the Generall takeinge informacion howe many 
 men they had sicke, and the necessitie in puttinge in, 
 having caused a counsell to be held, yt was agreed to 
 stoppe there to sett upp our pinnace 3 , considering the 
 
 1 'From these ilandes of Tristan de Cunha to the Cape de bona 
 Speranza, being in this countrie about the eight of June, you shall 
 see driving in the sea certaine weedes called Sargosso and Trombas, 
 like peeces of thicke reedes. Those reedes are short and full of 
 branches, and are not so long as those that are found by the Cape de 
 bona Speranza' (Linschoten, bk. iii. p. 309 of English edn. of 1598). 
 The word appears to be the Port, tromba, a 'trumpet,' etc. 
 
 2 This was the Goede Hoop, which had been despatched from 
 Holland with news that a twelve years' truce with Spain was on the 
 point of being concluded. On reaching Bantam her officers told the 
 English factors there 'of two ships which they met withall to the 
 north of the Cape Bona Speranza in thirtie two degrees. They made 
 them to bee English ships, but whether they were bound they were 
 not certaine; but the smaller shippe [the Ascension} bore the flagge 
 in the maine-top' [as admiral] (Saris's notes in Purchas, i. 388). 
 
 3 The materials for which they had brought with them.
 
 12 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 necessitie of the sicke men, and Mr. Grove affirminge that 
 yt was a farre better place for refreshinge and to sett upp 
 our pinnace then St. Augustine 1 , where we were determyned 
 to stopp. Soe yt was concluded to putt in att Saldana 2 ; 
 our companye of the Assention being all lustye and well, 
 God be thanked. At that tyme we accompted ourselves to 
 be short of Saldana about 120 leagues. 
 
 Jnlye 11. ...We tooke in our sayle to staye for the 
 Unyon, who [was ?] falne asterne. 
 
 Julye 12. Notwithstanding our staying all night for 
 the Unyon, in the morninge she was soe farre asterne 
 as wee could well discrye her uppon the poope. This 
 daye in the afternoone the wind begann to blowe att 
 \blank\ and we steared awaye E. and E. & by S. This 
 eveninge the Unyon came upp with us with a fresh gale, 
 and then we stood awaye as before. This daye we sawe 
 many tromboes or \blank\ ; the maister, judginge us to be 
 neare the land, looking out for yt. This night we had 
 some raine and gusts. 
 
 Julye 13. ...Wee had 33d. 55m., fyndinge by obser- 
 vacion to be dryven to the northward with a currant 
 about 15 leagues, accomptinge to be 25 leagues of the 
 shore. 
 
 Julye 14. We had sight of land E.S.E. of us, by judg- 
 ment about 1 5 leagues short of yt. With the wind at West 
 and W. & by S., we steard awaye East and E. & by S. and 
 E.S.E. amonge, untill five in the afternoone, beinge by 
 judgment in the full lattitude of Saldana, we steared in 
 E.N.E. and E. & by N. ; and about midnight, havinge 
 perfectlye made the Table and other heigh land with the 
 moone light, wee ankored in the baye of Saldana (God be 
 praysed for yt) in eight fathom water, in companye with 
 the Unyon, who ankored in halfe an hower after. 
 
 1 In Madagascar. 2 Table Bay.
 
 l6o8] JOHN JOURDAIN 13 
 
 What passed in the tyme of our beinge att Saldana, 
 with a discription of the cuntrye. 
 
 Havinge mored our shippe, the next daye, beinge the 
 1 5th, our Generall with the merchants and maisters went 
 aland to seeke fresh victualls and a convenyent place to 
 sett upp our pynnace. And cominge aland we found 
 aboute twenty people or more (of the cuntrye) in lyttle 
 symple cottages made with bowes, better to keepe them 
 from the sonne then from the raigne, which this cuntrye 
 doth afford in plentye. To theise people we made signes 
 for cattle and sheepe ; which by our signes they under- 
 stoode us, and makeinge shewe (as wee understoode them) 
 within three dayes ; which was effected att the tyme, we 
 showing them iron hoopes, which is the best money which 
 they doe esteeme. In the interim our Generall caused 
 tents to be sett up for the carpenters, and landed the 
 pinnace which was brought out of England, to sett her 
 upp. And vewing over the stones where the shipps that 
 are bound outward or homeward doe use to sett their 
 names 1 , where we found the names of Captain Keelling, 
 Captain Hawkens, Captain Myddleton and divers others, 
 beinge passed towards the Indies, vizt. Captain Myddleton 
 in July, 1607, an d Captain Keelinge the moneth of December 
 ditto anno 2 . 
 
 1 The early navigators were in the habit of chiselling on the rocks 
 near the watering-place in Table Bay the dates of arrival and 
 departure of their ships, directions for finding letters, etc. Several 
 stones bearing inscriptions of this nature have been dug up in Cape 
 Town during recent years, and are now to be seen at the South 
 African Museum. 
 
 2 'We found here ingraven upon stone the hard suckcesse of a 
 longe passadge the Dragon and Hector had in this your last voyadge, 
 betweene [being?] nine mounethes or thereabouts betwene England 
 and there departure from this place' (Revett). For the voyages of 
 Keeling, Hawkins and David Middleton see Purchas, i. 188, 226, 
 The Hawkins 1 Voyages, 364, and Lancaster's Voyages, 108, 113. 
 Keeling mentions that at the Cape he 'found ashore these words
 
 14 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 The people of the cuntrye seinge us to sett upp our 
 tents, they removed householde and went halfe a myle 
 farther into the woods with their famelye. And yt seemes 
 that they gave notice to the rest of the cuntrye people 
 of our cominge, for that within shorte tyme wee had stoore 
 of sheepe and other cattle brought dayelye to us, which 
 wee bought, vizt. a cowe for a peece of an ould iron hoope 
 of a yard longe, and a sheepe for halfe soe much. And 
 many tymes, havinge sould them to us, yf we looked not 
 the better to them, they would steale them agayne from 
 us and bringe them agayne to sell ; which we were fayne 
 with patience to buy agayne of them, without givinge any 
 foule language, for feare least they would bringe us noe 
 more 1 . As lykewyse yf they stole any thinge, yf yt weare 
 of smale valewe, wee would not meddle with them butt 
 suffer them to carry yt awaye ; which they tooke verye 
 kindly, in soe much that they brought such plentye downe, 
 more then wee were able to tell what to doe withall. Yett 
 we refused noone, for feare lesse in soe doinge they would 
 bringe noe more. 
 
 Now knowinge that our tyme would be somthinge the 
 longer in this place, because that our Generall was deter- 
 myned to make the pinnace bigger and higher then in her 
 first bulke, for the better passinge the Cape and more 
 servisable for busynes, therefore yt was concluded to land 
 four peeces of ordynance, vizt. two faucons 2 out of the 
 
 engraven upon a rocke, viz. The foure and twentieth of July, 1607, 
 Captaine David Middleton in the Consent* (Purchas, i. 190); and 
 Hawkins has an entry to the same effect. 
 
 1 Herbert says that the natives 'traine their cattell to such 
 obedience as with a call or whistle (impossible to be counterfeited) 
 a great heard will follow them like dogges ; and being sold, with a 
 like call will as readily runne after them, to the purchasers costly 
 mirth and admiration ; a deceit so long, so unjustly acted, that now 
 (to prevent them) our men upon delivery of each beast either kill it 
 quickly or fasten their homes with cords to stakes plac'd here of 
 purpose' (ed. 1638, p. 19). 
 
 2 A falcon was a cannon weighing uoo Ibs. and throwing a ball 
 of 2j Ibs. (Smith's Accidence for Yong Sea-men).
 
 1608] JOHN JOURDAIN 15 
 
 Assention and two out of the Unyon, the better to prevent 
 myscheife or assault that might be ofTred by those heathen 
 people ; and to that purpose we made a bulwarke with 
 earth, and in everye corner there was placed a falcon, for 
 feare of assaulte by night to burne our pynnace when she 
 should be ended. But we could not perceave that they 
 gave any such attempt, because we gave them as much 
 content as in us lay. For in the interim of the building 
 our pinnace, our General! sent our boates to an iland called 
 Pe[n]guin Hand 1 , lying at the entrance of the bay, to fetch 
 scales, alias seawolves, to give them content, and partly to 
 renew our store of oyle, which wee had leaked out ; having 
 on this iland such great quantitie of those fishes, that with- 
 in lesse then a day a man might lade a good shipp with 
 them. And having brought our boates laden with these 
 scales, we cutt the fatt from them for oyle, and the rest 
 was throwne a good distannce from the tents because 
 of noysomnes ; upon which fish the Saldanians fed very 
 hartilie on, after it had lyen in a heape 15 daies, that noe 
 Christian could abide to come within a myle of itt. Not- 
 withstandinge the loathsomnes of the smell, these people 
 would eate of it as if it had bene better meate, and would 
 not take of that which laye upon the topp, which were the 
 sweetest, but would search under for those which were most 
 rotten, and laye it on the coales without any ceremonyes of 
 washinge ; and beeinge a little scorched with the fire, would 
 eate it with a good stomacke; in soe much that my opinion 
 is that if without danger they could come to eate mans 
 flesh, they would not make any scruple of it, for that 
 I think the world doth not yeild a more heathenish people 
 and more beastlie. 
 
 Off these kinde of people and there behaviour I neede 
 not to write, because it is sufficientlie knowne to many of 
 
 1 Now known by its Dutch name of Robben (Seals') Island.
 
 16 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 our countrymen ; as alsoe the iland from whence these 
 scales are brought, called Penguin Iland, because there is 
 on that iland a kinde of fowle called by that name, which 
 hath noe feathers, which are soe naturallie simple that you 
 maye drive them as you would doe a flocke of sheepe ; 
 in soe much that I sawe some of our men to drive a good 
 quantitye of them into our boate, haveinge laied a board 
 from the boate to the strand ; which wee carryed to the 
 mayne to give content to the Saldanians, they much re- 
 joysinge at our comeinge, makinge a greate feast amongst 
 themselves for the penguins. On this iland wee found 
 some 20 sheepe which had bene lefte by the Hollanders, 
 as we perceaved by a writeinge lefte in a tyneinge 1 platter ; 
 which sheepe were the fattest that ever I sawe. Wee tooke 
 the sheepe and left at our departure other in leiu of them, 
 with five cowes and a bull to increase 2 . This iland will 
 make the leanest sheepe that wee cann chuse to bee fatt 
 within one monneth, as per experyence of our time of 
 beeinge there wee made profe ; putting sheepe on the iland 
 at our first comeinge, and within the time aforesaid weare 
 very fatt ; which seemed to mee very strange, seeinge that 
 there was noe good feedinge for them, onlie wild hearbs 
 and longe grasse, and noe fresh water. 
 
 Alsoe within a river half a mile distannt from the 
 waterringe place 3 wee tooke much fishe with our saine, 
 att one draught above 300 fishes of i^ foote longe and 
 more, lyke a breame, very good fish ; not any formerlye 
 knowne to bee taken in this river ; which fishe att all 
 
 1 Perhaps = 'tinnen,' 'made of tin.' Cf. Sylvester's trans, of Du 
 Bartas : 'Thy tinnen chariot shod with burning bosses.' 
 
 2 Revett confirms this account, and adds that 'there was found 
 upon the iland the Flemishe jenneralls name wrytten in tynn in the 
 mounethe of Apryll last ; so that wee immagine they had a favorabell 
 and quyck passadge.' 
 
 3 This is the stream known as the Salt River. Mr Sclater informs 
 me that there are no fish in it now.
 
 1608] JOHN JOURDAIN I/ 
 
 tymes when our companie were desirous to eate fishe, wee 
 went and tooke within twoe howers as much as both the 
 ships could eate in a daye. And at the rivers mouth at 
 our comeinge away where wee waterred wee took 3,500 
 mulletts at twoe draughtes, which served us well in our 
 voyage. And in my opinion the reason whie there was 
 much store of fishe at this tyme was because the baye in 
 15 daies before was full of whales playinge on the water, 
 which the fishe did shunne and came neere the shoare, 
 where the whale could not come at them. 
 
 Our time beinge longe at Saldania by reason of settinge 
 upp our pinnace, haveinge little buysines, for recreation my 
 selfe with other of the marchannts would take our walke to 
 the topp of the hill called the Table, which before wee 
 retourned found it to bee a wearysome journey. And 
 beinge on the topp of the Table wee des[c]ryed to the 
 northward as it seemed to us a harbour, and that the sea 
 entred into lande ; which the next daye, haveinge leave 
 of the Generall, my selfe with ten persons more, well 
 armed, went by the rivers side untill wee came to the place 
 supposed to be a harbour ; but when wee came at it wee 
 soone perceaved yt to bee but a standinge poole of two 
 miles or more aboute, not above a fathome water, beinge 
 fresh water which came from the mountaynes when it 
 raigned, the sea comeinge neere it but entered not, but 
 upon a storme 1 . This water out of this poole or pond 
 runneth into the river where wee take our fish, and from 
 thence takes his issue into the sea ; which is the reason 
 that the water of this river is brackish and not salte, not- 
 withstandinge the sea floweth daylie into it, that weare it 
 not for the fresh water which cometh out of the mountaines 
 it would bee as salte as the sea. It is to bee understoode 
 
 1 This 'standing poole' is what is now known as the Riet Vlei, 
 which discharges into Salt River Mouth by a broad, shallow channel 
 running parallel to the coast line.
 
 1 8 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 that this river is a rriile from the place where the ships doe 
 water ; that beinge very fresh and good, proceeding from 
 divers springes, which cometh from the mountaynes. In 
 this jorney up the river wee sawe many estreges and the 
 footinge of elaphaunts, much fish and fowle &c. 
 
 Although I have beene over tedyous aboute this place, 
 which is soe well knowne to dyvers of our nation, yet 
 seeinge it is but my labour to write, and at the readers 
 courtesie to thinke as hee pleases, therefore I will not omitt 
 breiflie to shewe my opinion concerninge this place of 
 Saldania, which I hould to bee very healthfull and co- 
 modious for all that trade the East Indyes 1 . As alsoe 
 if it were manured, I am of opinion that it would beare 
 any thinge that should bee sowen or planted in it, as for 
 all kinde of graine, wheate, barlye &c., besides all kinde of 
 fruite, as orenges, lemons, limes and grapes, &c. Beinge 
 planted and sowne in due time, and kept as it ought to 
 bee, if this countrye were inhabited by a civell nation, 
 haveinge a castle or forte for defence against the outrage 
 of those heathenish people and to withstand any forraine 
 force, in shorte time it might bee brought to some civillitie, 
 and within fewe yeares able of it selfe to furnish all shipps 
 refreshinge, for the countrye at present doth abound with 
 fishe and flesh in greate plentie ; with [while ?] manie 
 kinde of good heaps [of] stonns to build are at hand ; 
 onely timber wilbe somewhat tedious in fetchinge, which 
 is aboute three miles of; but if the cattle of the countrye 
 were used to drawe, as in other countryes (which they 
 may easilie bee brought unto), it would not seeme soe 
 tedious. Nowe howe necessarie this place would bee for 
 
 1 Revett says that their sick men were much benefited by their stay 
 on land, except a 'Peguan' they had on board, who died on August 26 of 
 consumption; 'who beinge borne and brought up a heathen untill his 
 beinge in Ingland, yet departed this world a Chrystean and in lyke 
 sorte was burryed by our preacher; his fervencye in prayer was much 
 to the Almighty God for forgivenes of his synnes.'
 
 l6o8] JOHN JOURDAIN 19 
 
 shippinge to refresh their sicke men, both out and home, 
 I leave it to your better judgments. Though the refresh- 
 inge of shipps travailinge the East Indyes bee very 
 comodious, yet there is other hopes to bee expected out 
 of this mayne countrye in future tyme, viz. first, these 
 people beinge brought to civilitie may likewise in tyme 
 bee brought to knowe God, and understand our language, 
 and wee theirs, and by them learne of other trades which 
 maye bee within the countrye ; this beinge in the middest 
 of two rich countries, as Ginnee and Moseambique, and 
 noe doubt but here are store of elaphaunts teeth within 
 the land, for that wee sawe the footinge of many. If all 
 this faile, yet lampe oyle and hides will bee had and scales 
 skinns, to free some parte of the charge in the meane time. 
 Thus much concerninge this place of Saldania, where wee 
 weare settinge up our pinnace and refreshinge us from the 
 14 of Julie to the i6th (sic) of September: which haveinge 
 lanched the pinnace, and made John Lufkin master and 
 putt into her three monneths victualls with other necessaries, 
 and named her the Good Hope, wee came aboard, makinge 
 us readye to sett saile. 
 
 Sept. 19. Wee sett saile from Saldania Roade in the 
 eveninge. I saie aboute ten in the forenoone turninge out 
 the baye, the winde at N.N.W., and in the eveninge beeinge 
 out of the baye it fell (at night) calme ; and haveinge a 
 greate sea sagginge us to the shoare, wee ankored upon 
 a ledge of the shoare, in 15 fathome fowle grownd, and 
 here wee roade untill two in the morninge, our boates 
 taken in. 
 
 Sept. 20. In the morninge aboute two after midnight, 
 we wayed with a fresh gale at E.S.E., our cable beinge 
 much galled with the rockes ; the pinnace in wayinge 
 brake her anker, and the Union longe in weyinge ; the 
 winde increasinge and veeringe to the S.S.E., and wee 
 steered S.W. & by S. Much winde, that wee tooke in our 
 
 2 2
 
 20 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 toppsailes and bonnetts ; at which tyme the Unyon came 
 up with us and putt out her antient upon the poope, which 
 signe wee knewe not the meaninge, neyther could wee under- 
 stand what they said, but we suspected that it was some 
 maste crackt. This night there blewe soe much winde 
 with an over growne sea that wee were faine to lye a hull 
 with our mizen. The Union staied with her mayne course 
 and the pinnace hard by us ; yet this night wee lost 
 companie of the Union and pinnace. 
 
 Sept, 21. Much winde at S.S.E. And aboute eight in 
 the morninge wee sett our fore course and wee ste[ered 
 a]way at S. & by West and S.S.W. Haveinge lost com- 
 panie of our consortes, wee bare little saile to staie for 
 them, thinkinge that they had bene astarne us. And 
 seeinge them not to come, wee sett more saile, supposinge 
 that they ranne from us of purpose, for that wee kept 
 lightes all the nightes before. And this night the storme 
 beganne againe more then the other night paste, that wee 
 tooke in all saveinge our forecourse. With that wee steered 
 awaie all night S. & by West, the winde at S.E. by S. and 
 S.S.East. Towards the morninge wee had lesse winde and 
 more easterlye. 
 
 Sept. 22. The winde variable betwixt the N.E. to the 
 N.N.W., a stiffe gale, and wee stoode our course betwixt the 
 S.E. and S.S.E., makeinge as much haste as the winde would 
 permitt us, haveinge lingred these twoe daies for our consorts. 
 
 Sept. 23. The winde at N.W., steeringe our course 
 betwixt the S.E. and E.S.E. at noone, at which time wee 
 made accompt to bee to the east of the Cape Bona Espe- 
 ranza. All this night our course at East. 
 
 Sept. 26. ...In the morninge aboute eight wee had 
 sight of land unexpected, supposinge ourselves to bee 
 40 leagues to the eastward of Cape Dagullas 1 . Then wee 
 
 1 C. Das Agulhas.
 
 1608] JOHN JOURDAIN 21 
 
 tacked aboute, and stoode all daye at S.E. and S.E. & by S. 
 A fresh gale, faire weather. 
 
 October I. ...Aboute eleven this daye wee had sight of 
 land aboute seven leagues of us, supposinge it to bee Baya 
 Formosa 1 ; at which time wee tacked aboute and sounded, 
 butt found noe ground ; and then wee steered awaye S. & 
 by West. At six in the eveninge the winde came at 
 E.S.E., a fresh gale, and wee steered away N.E. Raynie 
 weather. 
 
 Oct. 2. In the morninge the winde N.E. and N.E. & 
 by E., and wee stoode our course S.E. & by S. and S.E. 
 This daye wee had sight againe of land, which bare of 
 W.N.W. At noone per observation 33 d. 30 minutes. 
 
 Oct. 3. The winde at N.W. and N.N.W., a stiffe gale. 
 Wee stoode our course North East and by East amonge. 
 This daye wee finde a corrent to the southward. Haveinge 
 observed, weare in 34 d. 50 m. 
 
 Oct. 4. ...This daye at noone wee had againe sight of 
 land, bearinge N. & by East of us. In the afternoone some 
 darke weather and raine. Wee seeinge the land to trend 
 away as wee went N.E. & by E., then wee tacked and 
 stoode S. & by East. Little winde all night. 
 
 Oct. 7. ...Much winde, that wee shortned our saile 
 and tooke of our bonnetts, beinge very foggie weather and 
 raine, in which the winde came northerlie, unconstant and 
 variable ; little winde. 
 
 Oct. 26. Wee had the winde variable betwixt the West 
 and South ; our course E. & by South to double Cape 
 Romania up [upon ?] Saint Lawrence, because our Generall 
 was determined to goe to the southward of itt. This night 
 some raine. 
 
 1 Linschoten's 'Baya Fermosa,' apparently Plettenberg Bay.
 
 22 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 Oct. 27. The winde at S.S.E. In the morninge wee 
 weare faire by the head land of Saint Lawrence, the Cape 
 Romania beeinge E. & by North of us, by judgment 
 25 leagues. The winde tooke us shorte that wee could lye 
 but E.N.E. Wee were thwarte of Cape Saint Sebastian 1 . 
 Wee sawe many fires on the mountaines this night, beinge 
 a lowe land by the waterside, and soe risinge highe towards 
 the mountaynes. 
 
 Oct. 29. Wee had againe sight of Cape St. Sebastian, 
 with the winde at E.S.E. ; and wee stoode east untill nine 
 in the morninge, a stiffe gale. Not beinge able to double 
 Cape Romania, the maister perceiveinge impossibilitie in 
 longe time to passe it, hee tould the Generall thereof; and 
 it was resolved not to lye beatinge too and againe, but lett 
 rise our tackes and beare up betwixt Saint Lawrence and 
 the mayne ; which was at instant effected, and wee steered 
 away at N.W. & by West. Aboute three in the afternoone 
 wee weare thwarte Cape Santa Maria, which is the souther- 
 most head land of the mayne of Saint Lawrence, and lyeth 
 next hand from Cape Sebastian W. & by North and E. & 
 by S. Cape Sebastian riseth with two hummocks, the 
 uttermost higher then the other, with white sand on the 
 topp of it. Cape Romania riseth with two high hills like 
 shugar loaves, which seemeth to be of from the mayne.... 
 
 Oct. 30. ...This daie wee had sight of land, in latt. 
 24 d. 40 m. Wee sounded, but noe ground in 70 fathome. 
 The land wee sawe bore east of us. 
 
 Oct. 31. ...At noone wee observed, and were in 33 2 d. 
 
 1 Linschoten shows 'C. de S. Roman' and 'C. de S. Sebastiano,' 
 the former being apparently the 'Cap Andavaka' and the latter the 
 'Faux Cap' of modern French maps. Davis (Purchas, \. 448) places 
 'the Cape of S. Sebastian' in lat. 25 45', and long. 25 from the Cape 
 of Good Hope. 
 
 2 This must be an error for 23. Revett gives the latitude as 23" 30 .
 
 I6o8] JOHN JOURDAIN 23 
 
 35 m., thwarte Cape Saint Augustine, which is heigh land. 
 In the eveninge the land was N.N.W. of us. 
 
 Nov. 10. The winde in the morninge began to blowe 
 hard betwixt the S. and the S.W., and wee steered E.N.E. 
 Aboute ten in the morninge much thunder, with clowdye 
 weather, little winde ; at which time there arose three 
 spoutes within a myle round aboute us, which made us 
 to take in all our sayles, except our fore saile to steere 
 before it, if any of these spouts chanced to come at us ; 
 but it pleased God that they came by us very neere butt 
 hurte us not. All this daye after wee had the winde 
 variable, and wee steered as the winde would permitt us. 
 These spouts weare at the breakinge up of the westerley 
 monsonne: for in six months after we had never but easterly 
 winde and faire weather. 
 
 Nov. 13. The winde North East, and wee steered away 
 E.S.E. In the eveninge wee sounded, supposinge to bee 
 on the head of the shoalds of Saint Lawrence 1 , but wee 
 found noe ground. By observacion at noone i6d. 8m. 
 
 Nov. 22. Wee had the winde at S.E. and E.S.E. 
 Aboute ten in the forenoone wee had sight of an iland, 
 which was supposed to be the iland of Comora ; but about 
 five in the afternoone wee had sight of annother iland to 
 the northward of us some 12 leagues, verye high land, 
 knowinge it to be Comora by the heigh of itt. The other 
 iland was E.S.E. of us, which wee tooke to bee the iland 
 of Moilla 2 ; but it was nott knowne perfectlie to any of us. 
 By observacion at noone weare in \2\ degrees. 
 
 Nov. 23. The winde variable betwixt the N.W. and 
 N.E., and againe to the E.S.E., and wee stoode our course 
 
 1 The modern Pracel Bank. 2 Mohilla.
 
 24 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 towards the N.E. and by E., for soe the iland of Comora 
 bare of us. In the eveninge weare within three leagues 
 of the iland. We sounded and had noe ground in 100 
 fathome. This daye noone wee observed and weare in 
 ii d. 38m. 
 
 Nov. 24. Beeinge neere unto the shoare of Comora, 
 our Generall caused the skiffe to be manned (the winde 
 beeinge calme, that wee could not gett in with our shipp), 
 sent her towards the shoare, where there weare many 
 people, which made signes to our men to come on land ; 
 butt our men, seeinge canoes a fishinge, went to speake 
 with them, and would have had them come aboard our 
 shipp ; which they refused, but told them that there was 
 noe water to bee had on that iland, there drinke beeinge 
 for the most parte the water of coker nutts. The skiffe 
 returned aboute noone, at which time wee had some rayne, 
 with a little gale at south. Wee stood alonge the iland. 
 Wee found a current settinge S.W. 
 
 Nov. 25. In the morninge wee weare aboute a myle 
 from a baye betwixt twoe mountaines. The skiffe was 
 sent to sound to see whether there weare anchoringe for 
 our shipp within the baye; whoe shortlie retorned with 
 twoe of the countrye people, which they brought against 
 their wills, whoe enformed us that there was little water or 
 good wood on that iland, and for ankoring there was 
 30 fathome within muskett shott of the shoare. These 
 twoe men which were brought aboard our Generall en- 
 treated kindlie, and gave some toyes of little worth and 
 sufferred them to departe in their canoa, tellinge us that 
 aboute annother pointe there was water to bee had. Soe 
 determyninge to have gone thither, the winde fell calme, 
 soe that wee weare not able to gett aboute the pointe ; 
 and, our boate towinge us ahead, wee came to anker within 
 the baye in 20 fathome water, good ground, butt soe neere 
 the shoalds that our shipp had scarcelie scope enough to
 
 1608] JOHN JOURDAIN 25 
 
 wend up 1 , wee ridinge within a mile of the shoare; and 
 many people upon the shoare makinge signes for us to 
 come aland ; which beeinge late we could not effect this 
 night. 
 
 Our enterteynement att the Hand of Comora. 
 
 Nov. 26. The next daye the Generall sent the skiffe 
 againe on land well mande, wherein went the maister, whoe 
 spake with some of the people by the water side out of the 
 boate, but landed not ; but they tould him there was butt 
 little water, but what their countrie did affoard wee should 
 have ; and with that awnsweare the pinnace retourned 
 with the maister. And the same daye the two men that 
 went from the shipp the daie before sent some hens aboard, 
 and some of the people of the countrye brought coquer 
 nutts and some goats to sell, which were bought for 
 pintados 2 . And the same daye, being the 26, the Generall 
 determyned to send the long boate and pinnace both aland 
 with a present for the Kinge; which aboute ten in the 
 forenoone it was effected, the maister, my selfe, and 
 Mr. Glascocke goinge in the pinnace, and the longe boate 
 hard by us, manned with small shott upon any occasion, 
 for wee did hardlye trust their faire words. Butt when 
 wee came to the shoare, those which were desirous to have 
 the creditt to carrie the present, seeinge so manie people 
 armed on the land, had noe greate stomacke to goe aland. 
 Soe wee demanded pledges before any of us would land. 
 Amonge those which came neere the boate there was one 
 that could understand Portugues ; to whome I desired to 
 bring us pledges to staye in the boate, and twoe of us 
 would land. Hee awnswered that he would first acquainte 
 
 1 I.e. to turn with the tide. 
 
 2 'Painted' (Port, pintado] cloths, i.e. Indian chintzes, of which 
 a supply had doubtless been brought for such emergencies.
 
 26 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 the Kinge ; which hee had soone effected, and retorned 
 and brought twoe pledges with him into our boate ; and 
 I went aland alone with the present. Others which were 
 appointed to goe in that buysines made excuses ; whether 
 their harts failed, or seeinge soe many people on the strand, 
 I knowe not ; but I was faine to goe with the present to 
 the Kinges pallace, which was halfe a mile from the place 
 wheare wee landed, a most confused waye to goe unto, 
 beeinge narrowe crooked wayes. Butt in fine I was per- 
 mitted [admitted ?] to the Kinges presence, whoe was 
 sittinge on the ground without the gate of his howse, with 
 a companie of antient old men with their beards as white 
 as snowe. The fellowe that spake a little Portugues gave 
 mee to understand that they weare his noble men and 
 counsellars. I approached neare unto him and offred him 
 the present in the Generalls name ; which he would not 
 vouchsafe to touch with his hand, but cawsed his men to 
 take it ; and therewith offred forth his hand as though he 
 would have mee to kisse it, whereat I bowed my selfe accord- 
 inge to the Turkisse manner. And for the present hee 
 gave noe greate thanks, nether would he vouchsafe to looke 
 on it as longe as I was in presence 1 . He caused mee to 
 sitt downe upon the grasse hard by him, and by his 
 Lnterpretour demanded what our desire was ; whereto I 
 awnswered that our desire was to have wood and water, 
 with some other refreshinge what his countrye did affoard, 
 for our money. Then he demanded what countrye men 
 wee weare ; which when he knewe he bid us welcome into 
 his countrye, and that he was sorrie that there was butt 
 little wood and water neere thereaboute, but such as was 
 wee should make bould with all, or any other thinge whatt- 
 
 1 'The present was a paire of knives, a shash or turbant, and a 
 lookinge glasse with a combe in it, to the value of some 15 shillings 
 in all ; which the King received somewhat scornefully, not scarse 
 looking on it, or at the least thinking it to be but of small value' 
 (Covert).
 
 1608] JOHN JOURDAIN 2? 
 
 soever his country did affoard. He demanded of me for 
 the General!, desiringe to see him. I tould him that the 
 General! would be glad to see him aboard our shipp, 
 whether if it pleased him to goe I would remayne pledge 
 a shoare for him. He seemed willinge, and went as farre 
 as the waters side, wheare our boats weare ; but when he 
 came there his minde was altered by those which weare 
 about him, and entreated to send the boats aboard for the 
 Generall, and he would staie by the waters side with me 
 untill his comeinge ; which I excused as well as I could for 
 that time, and wee parted with many complements. Hee 
 had in his companie aboute fifty grave ould men, which 
 weare his nobles, with a good guard besides ; their weopons 
 greate knives made with a round edge, like the fishermens 
 choppinge knives which they use to cutt fishe in Portugal!, 
 very keene and bright. The Kinge was apparrelled after 
 the Turkish manner, with a tucke 1 upon his heade, and 
 a shorte coate of scarlett cloth. I surmise that the Kinge 
 doth understand Portugues, for that at my first comeinge 
 to him he bid me welcome, sayinge ' Ben vemde, S or2 ' ; 
 but after I could not have one word more from him. He 
 is a man of a middle age of a reasonable stature, and doth 
 stand soe much upon his points after his manner as a 
 greater kinge. At my comeinge aboard I enformed the 
 Generall what passed with the Kinge ; and the same daie, 
 not longe after my comeinge aboard, the Kinge sent a fatt 
 cowe to the Generall by his enterpretour, desiringe him to 
 come aland ; which he promised to doe the next morninge. 
 Soe giveinge them some toyes, they departed. 
 
 And the next daye the Generall, accompanyed with Mr. 
 Rivatt and Mr. Glascocke, went towards the shoare, but 
 
 1 Turban; cp. Purchas, i. 165: 'The apparell of the better sort is 
 a tucke on their heads ' 
 
 2 Bemvindo, Senhor: '(You are) welcome, sir.' Probably the King 
 only knew one or two phrases of this kind, picked up from Portuguese 
 visitors.
 
 28 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 meanlie guarded to goe amonge such faithlesse people; 
 but haveinge bene at the Kings pallace and spoken with 
 him, he retourned aboard in safetie (God be thanked), 
 comendinge greatlie the good behaviour of the people, 
 which to outward shewe was extraordinarie to other which 
 [are ?] almost rude in respect of these ; for whether it bee 
 their ordinary behaviour or noe I doe not knowe 1 ; but 
 they weare soe full of complements that made mee suspect 
 them the more, knowinge that by their freindship with the 
 Portugalls they had learned it of them, and therefore 
 the more to bee doubted. But in the time of our beeinge 
 there, our people went aland and cutt such wood as the 
 countrye did affoard ; butt little or noe water to bee had, 
 for all the people did drinke out of a little well which 
 they had made, which would not yeild a tonne a daie. 
 And the countrie people thought us to bee soe bare of 
 water that the poore would bringe us water to sell in 
 coker shells, notwithstandinge the Kinge gave order that 
 none of the countrie people should not take out any water 
 out of the well but for us ; but [when ?] wee sawe that it 
 would bee tedious to have water wheareas there was not 
 sufficient for the people of the countrye to drink, wee gave 
 them faire words, intendinge to departe the next daie. 
 
 1 Revett gives the natives high praise: 'the humane dysseplyne 
 which is amongst them is worthy memmorye, for that boath others 
 and myselfe, havinge travelled in many forren countreyes, both among 
 Chrystians and heathens, never sawe the lyke, both for curtesye, 
 fydellety and carriadge amongst themselves and converse with 
 straungers.' He notes, by the way, that 'they have three markes 
 burned of their faces whilst they are yonge, to say, one of the each 
 syde of the eye and one upon the forehead betweene the eye browes ; 
 which makes them saye the Moores of the iland of Comora have five 
 eyes. It is a great disfiguringe to ther faces, both of men and 
 women beinge personable and well lymmed.' Covert also commends 
 them: 'They seeme to have a very civill government amongst them, 
 for at their meeting in the morning they will shake hands each with 
 other, and speake one to another, which to us seemed to bee their 
 kinde and friendly salutations one to another. They are verie modest, 
 streight, big limmed, and very comely in gesture, both men and 
 women.'
 
 I6o8] JOHN JOURDAIN 2 
 
 One thinge I sawe amonge these people which I thinke 
 fewe Christians would have done the like ; for one of our 
 men straglinge in the woods had left his sword careleslie 
 and had forgott wheare hee laid it ; which was found by 
 one of the country people and caried to the Kinge ; 
 which when the Kinge sawe, hee thought that the fellowe 
 had stolne it, and therefore apprehended him and sent 
 the sword aboard and demanded whether any of the 
 people had stolne it from us ; which if he had, that the 
 partie from whome it was stolne should come aland to see 
 the partie executed before his face. When the Generall 
 had sent word unto him that it was forgotten in the 
 woods, he sett the man at libertie by our entreatie ; which 
 justice I much admired to bee amongst such heathen 
 people 1 . Whether it were in pollizie to entrapp us in 
 greater matters, it is some thinge doubtfull ; butt howso- 
 ever they did us noe hurte, because they could not ; but 
 wee quietlie bought such refreshinge as the countrye did 
 yeild, as hens and goats, cokers and plantans. The goats 
 are the fayrest that ever I sawe, and very fatt. Wee ac- 
 quaynted not the people of the countrye of our departure, 
 but told them that wee weare to staie for our consorte ; 
 which wee thinke was the reason they used us soe kindlie, 
 expectinge better opportunitie at their leasure. Soe wee 
 departed without takinge our leave. 
 
 Wee sett sayle from Comoro,. 
 
 Nov. 29. Wee sett saile from Comora, haveinge 
 furnished our selves, as is afore said, with wood, oranges, 
 lemons, some hens and goats, coker nutts, &c. With the 
 winde of the shoare we steered our course West and by 
 South untill four in the afternoone ; then the winde tooke 
 us shorte, and we steered awaye (as the winde did favour 
 
 1 Covert tells the same story.
 
 30 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 us) betwixt the N.E. and the N.W., with little winde 
 all night. 
 
 Dec. 3. ...In the morninge wee had sight of the land 1 , 
 which bare S.S.E. of us, aboute 20 leagues of. In the 
 afternoone the winde came up betwixt the N. and the 
 N.N.W., and wee veered [steered ?] betwixt the N.E. 
 and E. 
 
 Dec. 4. The winde variable betwixt the N.W. and 
 N.E., and we tacked too and againe many times, as the 
 winde veered upon us ; and our course towards the east. 
 In the eveninge wee had sight of an little iland called 
 Nattall, aboute [ ] leagues of us N.West 2 . 
 
 Dec. 7. ...This daie wee found a current sett N.N.W. 
 At noone observinge, we weare in 8 d. 15 m. 
 
 Dec. 9. ...This day in the eveninge it was agreed to 
 bare roome for the iland of Zenzabar 3 , and wee steered 
 away all night at N.W. and N.W. & by W. ; fresh gale. 
 
 Dec. 10. Aboute two after midnight wee were within 
 a mile of the land, beinge lowe land, that our men 
 thought it to bee orizon untill wee came soe neere that 
 wee decerned the trees on the shoare, and then suddenlie 
 wee tacked aboute to the offinge untill day. At which 
 time wee stoode alonge the land with a faire gale, sending 
 our boate a head to sownd to finde an anchoringe place ; 
 
 1 'About five of the clocke wee espyed the iland of Comora ageyne' 
 (Revett). 
 
 2 'In the morninge about five of the clocke... wee had syght of 
 Comora ageyne, and bore S.S.E. the easternmost part About six 
 of the clock wee espyed a small iland which boore N.W. of us on our 
 larboard syde. It shewed ragged land' (Revett). The identification 
 with the 'I. do Natal' of Linschoten's map (which is possibly meant 
 for Aldabra I.) is evidently wrong. 
 
 3 In order, Revett says, to obtain water and inquire for their 
 consorts, Zanzibar having been named as a rendezvous in case of 
 separation.
 
 1608] JOHN JOURDAIN 3! 
 
 which goinge aboute a pointe of the land there was a 
 greate baye with broken ilands to the offinge aboute two 
 miles. Neere to those ilands the pinnace laye ; where wee 
 ankored in 14 fathome, good ground, but else where all 
 aboute was nothinge but rocks 1 . 
 
 Dec. ii. The Generall sent the skiffe towards the 
 mayne iland to see if they could have any speech with 
 the countrye people, to demand for wateringe and other 
 refreshinge. And comeinge to the shoare they spake with 
 some of the countrye, but could nott learne any thinge by 
 them ; but returned aboard and tould the Generall that 
 there was a faire river to goe in and 12 fathom water at 
 the entrye, and 4^ and 5 fathome within, and there was 
 one ashore that could understand Portugues but they 
 knewe not what he said. Soe in the afternoone the 
 Generall sent againe the skiffe, sendinge myselfe in her 
 to understand of those which spake Portugues for water 
 and other refreshinge ; but att my comeinge aland I found 
 noe bodie to speake with ; and beeinge towards night wee 
 retourned aboard without any further veiwe of any thinge 
 to bee had. 
 
 Dec. 12. The next daye I retourned againe aland, and 
 went with the pinnace into the river about two miles up, 
 wheare wee sawe some people, which ranne from us ; but 
 at length there came out of the woods some eight persons, 
 and wee made them signes to speake with them, and by 
 signes we understood that they would have one of us to 
 come aland, and that one of them would come to speake 
 with us. Soe beeinge deepe ozie ground that we could 
 not land but must bee above the knee in oze, therefore 
 two of the companie carry ed me aland, and then they 
 made signes that they would have butt twoe of us to staie 
 aland, which I did accordinglie. And as soone as the 
 
 1 Covert gives the latitude of their anchorage as 5 20'. Revett 
 
 says 5 27'.
 
 32 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 rest were retorned into the boate, they came downe two 
 of them without weopons. And there first salutacion was 
 that that iland did belonge to the Portugalls : that if wee 
 weare Portugalls wee should be welcome : if not, that they 
 had nothinge to saie to us. Soe I tould them that wee 
 weare Portugalls and their freinds : that wee onlie desired 
 to have water and fresh victualls for our money 1 . But he 
 could not tell us (or would not) of any water, but that 
 first hee would advise the Kinge of our comeinge, and 
 would be with us againe in the morninge and bringe us 
 awnsweare ; with which wee departed. And rowinge 
 downe the river, wee made towards some which wee sawe 
 fishinge, which before ranne from us but, seeinge us to 
 talke with the others, stood nowe still untill wee came at 
 them. Soe by signes wee demanded for water ; and he 
 tould us that behinde a pointe there was water. Soe 
 I gave drinke, aquavita and some toyes which wee carryed 
 in the boate, and he went with us to shewe us the place, 
 which was aboute two mile from thence, where he brought 
 us to a little springe of fresh water, which came out of 
 a claye ground, not all of the best nor any greate 
 quantitie, but such as it was wee carryed aboard to the 
 Generall to taste it, and tould him that at this place we 
 might fill some two or three tonnes every daie ; which 
 they seemed satisfied. Besides I tould the Generall that 
 the partie had tould us that it was the Portugalls iland : 
 that except wee weare Portugalls they had nothinge to 
 saie to us : and that the iland was called Pemba (which 
 untill this time our Generall, maister, and all tooke to bee 
 Zenzabar). With us wee brought the blacke aboard that 
 shewed us the water, to whome the Generall gave some 
 trifles and sent againe aland, and some of our men to 
 
 1 Covert says : ' Master Jordan told them that although our ship 
 were an English ship, yet he was a Portugall merchant and the goods 
 in the ship were Portugals goods.'
 
 1608] JOHN JOURDAIN 33 
 
 make a hole for the water to raine into, for the better 
 fillinge the barricas 1 &c. While our men weare makinge 
 the wateringe place, there came some of the countrie 
 people dovvne, which seemed of good fashion, and tould 
 our people that further within the woods there was store 
 of water. And they came aboard our shipp to speake 
 with the Generall, leavinge twoe of our men aland as 
 pledges ; whoe when they came aboard told the Generall 
 that hee was the Kinges brother 2 , and that the Kinge had 
 sent him to furnish us with any thinge that the countrye 
 did affoard ; and told him howe the Hollenders had bene 
 at Mozambique 3 , and had taken it. Hee staied all the 
 night aboard, and the Generall had much conference with 
 him ; in soe much that our Generall and maister weare 
 soe confident of them that the next daie all the mar- 
 channts and the cheefe of the shipp were sent ashoare, 
 to accompanie the Kinges brother. It made them soe 
 confident because these men had tould them that the 
 Portugalls weare their enimies and made slaves of them 
 as manie as they could take, and therefore had noe trade 
 with them ; which was contrarie to what the poore men 
 which I spake with at first told mee. Soe some six of us 
 went aland with the supposed Kinges brother, haveinge 
 left pledges for them. At our landing they entreated us 
 
 1 Port, barrica, a water-cask. 
 
 2 ' One of them was the Kings brother, who instantly shewed us 
 a silver ring, whereon was ingraven the number of villages and 
 houses or cottages in the iland, and said he was ruler and governor 
 of all those places' (Covert). 
 
 3 According to Covert the rumour 'that fifteen saile of Hollanders 
 had lately taken Mosembege and put all the Portugals to the sword' 
 was brought from another part of the island by the Ascension's 
 pinnace, which had been sent thither for cattle. The reference is 
 to the second siege of Mozambique (July August, 1608) by the Dutch 
 under Verhoeff. The outer town was sacked and burnt, but the 
 besiegers could make no impression on the fortress itself and were 
 forced to depart without achieving their object. See Mr. Albert Gray's 
 Pyrard de Laval, ii. 225-9, and the authorities there quoted. 
 
 J- 3
 
 34 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 to goe with them a little further into the woods, where 
 the pledges weare, and they should come with us ; besides 
 wee should see if there weare any cattle come dovvne. 
 And for myne owne parte, although loth to trust to there 
 curtesies, yet I went with the rest, as many goe to church 
 for companie rather then for zeale ; yet because I would 
 not bee accompted a coward I said little. But when wee 
 had traveled within the woods halfe a mile wee came to 
 a little cottage where the pledges weare ; and at our 
 entringe into the howse, wee must passe betwixt a lane 
 of armed men, some 50 persons with their darts, swords, 
 bowes and arrowes. But seeinge them wee provided our 
 small force if they had offred anye injurie, although to 
 small purpose in the woods amongst soe manie ; but wee 
 made noe staie, tooke our pledges and departed without 
 any broyle ; which had it not bene that there was one of 
 their companie left aboard our shipp, I thinke that it had 
 bene our last home in this world ; but I made slight of it, 
 because that he that feares danger is accompted a coward. 
 Notwithstanding, at my comeinge aboard, I did not omitt 
 to acquainte the Generall therewith, both in publique and 
 private ; but awnsweare was made that of certaine they 
 were honest men, with as much confidence as before ; in 
 soe much that the same daie our Generall in person, 
 accompanyed with my selfe and divers others, went some 
 twoe miles from the shipp with the Moore which was lefte 
 aboarde, to seeke better water. He carryed us some halfe 
 a mile within the woods to seeke it, but could finde none, 
 onlie some hole which the raine had filled. Soe beeinge 
 a troublesome waye to passe, beinge soe thicke of bushes, 
 our Generall would goe noe further. The fellowe telling 
 us that a little further there was water ; upon which words 
 I told the Generall that if water weare soe farre from the 
 waters side, that it weare in vayne to seeke it, for that 
 when wee had found it wee could not fetch it, beeinge
 
 l6o8] JOHN JOURDAIN 35 
 
 soe farre within the woods, besides the endangeringe of 
 our men amongst the woods in a countrye of such faith- 
 lesse people, with some other speeches ; which the Generall 
 harkned unto and returned to the waters side ; beinge 
 glad when I came and sawe the boate, for I doubted that 
 whiles he drewe us into the woods, that some might steale 
 away our boats and wee remayne in the woods to have 
 our throats cutt ; which was one of the reasons I alledged 
 to the Generall which made him retourne the sooner ; but 
 Gods name be praysed, all this fell out well. In this 
 meane while wee weare seekinge water, Mr. Grove, Mr. 
 Rivett, and some other weare makinge merrye aland 
 amongst the countrye people 1 ; soe that had they sett 
 upon us both wayes, they had slaine most parte of us ; 
 which they pretended 2 to have done if wee had not 
 retorned but followed the fellowe untill he had brought 
 us to the supposed water ; but God provided better for us. 
 His name be alwayes blessed. Amen. 
 
 Wee retourninge to the wateringe, wee tooke in the 
 maister and Mr. Rivett into the skiffe and retourned aboard, 
 leaveinge the boatswaine with the longe boate to take in 
 the water ; at which time the boatswaine went into the 
 woods to the cottage, wheare hee perceived some in Portu- 
 gall apparrell, with rapyers, and many other strangers 
 which had not bene yet scene, which hidd themselves from 
 them ; which he perceiveing made hast to retourn to the 
 boate, and quicklie laded the water and came aboard with 
 this newes to the Generall ; whereupon he mistrusted some 
 treason pretended, and that all of us had scaped a scowr- 
 inge ; whereupon hee determined to make an end in the 
 
 1 This is not borne out by Revett's narrative. He represents 
 himself as standing on his guard, having suspicion that treachery 
 was meant. 
 
 2 Intended. 
 
 32
 
 36 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 morninge to take in what water wee might and a david 1 
 which was made aland neere the wateringe place, and soe 
 to leave them, if wee could gett noe other refreshinge. 
 And with the longe boate it was concluded to send the 
 skiffe with armed men to attend the longe boate while they 
 weare takinge in the water and david ; which was effected 
 the next morninge, being the ipth of December, 1608. 
 
 Dec. 19. In the morninge, as is formerlie concluded, 
 the longe boate and skiffe was sent aland to fetch the rest 
 of the water and david which was there made, and to stand 
 upon ther guard, that rather then to endanger any of our 
 men to leave all behinde. The longe boate puttinge of 
 before the skiffe in the meane tyme while shee was makinge 
 readye, at their comeinge aland there came twoe of the 
 cheefest, well knowne to the boatswaine, came to him, 
 demandinge whether our shipp weare to sett saile, because 
 they sawe our saile abroad a dryinge, haveing rayned that 
 night before. Hee tould them the cause as is aforesaid > 
 and that the Generall, marchannts and maister was come- 
 inge in the skiffe, which was then put of from the shipp ; 
 wherewith they seemed satisfyed and departed hastelie, as 
 wee suspected to advise the rest thereof to performe their 
 exploite which they pretended. The pinnace our skiffe 
 comeinge to the shoare, the people landed with their 
 armour, and kept by the waters side neare the longe boate,. 
 for feare of cuttinge of the boats from them, sendinge one 
 of the say lours 2 who could speake Portugues to the cottage 
 to shewe the Kinges brother that the marchannts were 
 come aland to speake with him from the Generall. He 
 demanded whie the Generall came not aland and the 
 maister, as they had promised yesternight. He awnswered 
 that he knewe not, but the marchannts could satisfie him. 
 
 1 'Which is a piece of wood or timber wherewith we hale up our 
 ancor' (Covert): in modern parlance, a 'davit.' 
 
 2 Covert gives his name as Nicholas White.
 
 1608] JOHN JOURDAIN 37 
 
 And, because he sawe more armed men then formerlie, 
 standinge in some feare, he told them that the maister 
 was at the waters side. He made there but little staie, 
 but came presentlie away and tould us that there were 
 Portugalls or men in Portugall apparrell with their rapiers 1 ; 
 and after him came the Kinges brother, entreatinge us to 
 goe up with him to his cottage. But when he sawe not 
 the maister, as the youth had tould, and our men armed in 
 other manner then in former time, he beganne to alter his 
 countenance, and tould us that there weare cattle brought 
 downe for us, if wee would goe up to fetch them. 
 Awnsweare was made that if it pleased them to bringe 
 the cattle or any thinge else they had to sell to the waters 
 side, that wee weare there readye to receyve it and paye for 
 it. Nowe perceiveinge that wee suspected their trecherie 
 he, lieu of blushinge, he turned from the hewe of a Mulata 
 to bee white ; and presentlie went his waye without more 
 words, seemeing discontent. Not longe after came downe 
 annother of the gentlemen that had bene aboard, dis- 
 conte[nte]d that wee would not goe to fetch the cattle 
 that was brought for us : that the partie that brought the 
 cattle was sicke and could not bringe it downe to us ; 
 therefore entreated to have one of our men to goe up and 
 see the cattle and bringe downe some orenges and lemons 
 that they had provided to send aboard to the Generall for 
 a present, in recompence of his courtesie done them. Upon 
 his earnest entreatie, and haveing one of the companie* 
 
 1 'Six Portugales, in long branched damaske coats lined with blew 
 taffata, and under the same* white callico breeches' (Covert). 
 
 2 'The young man that went was borne in Greenewich, his name 
 being Edward Churchman, who afterward dyed in Mombasa of a 
 bloudy fluxe, as 1 was credibly informed of the Portugals. Also, while 
 wee made our abode at Pemba, the Portugals were about to man 
 a Flemmish hulke, which had wintered in Mombasa, to come to take 
 our shippe ; but hearing of the force of our shippe they altered their 
 minds. The people of this iland of Pemba be very cowardly people 
 and dare doe nothing of themselves without the inciting of the 
 Portugals' (Jones).
 
 38 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 that spake Portugues offringe his service and entreated to 
 goe fetch them, the boatswaine, seeinge his willingnes with- 
 out feare, bid goe quicklie and make noe tarryinge at any 
 hand, and to have an eye of what he might see by the 
 waye. The gentleman went with him. Hee had not bene 
 wantinge aboute halfe an howre before our men weare sett 
 upon at the watring place, which was aboute a butt shott 
 from the waters side, but soe covered with trees and bushes 
 that at the waters side ther could nothinge bee perceived 
 by those which weare the sentrees ; but as soone as they 
 beganne to shoote there arrowes at them, those that weare 
 fillinge there barricos with water came secreetlie thorough 
 the bushes to the water side, stealing one and other, 
 cryinge " Arme, arme, our men are slaine." The doggs, 
 seeinge them to flie from there arrowes, attempted to kill 
 them with their lances, and killed one of our men, beinge 
 first hurte with an arrowe in the head. They gave eleven 
 wounds to annother 1 . The rest of our men came to the 
 waters side without any hurte, God be thanked. As soone 
 as the centrells had the word they lett flye there musketts 
 into the bushes. They fled presentlie. The wounded man 
 was brought aboard ; the other which was slaine wee knewe 
 not what was become of him, untill the next daie that wee 
 retorned aland wee found him in the bushes dead with 
 manie wounds, as well arrowes as swords. 
 
 The next daie wee weent againe aland with our longe 
 boate and skiffe well armed, with a flagge of trewse for a 
 parley with them aboute a man which they had betrayed 
 the daye before ; but none would come to speake with us. 
 They made many bravados out of the woods, not within 
 shott, but would come noe neere to us ; but sawe many 
 
 1 Covert says that the man killed was named John Harrington, 
 'the boatswaines man,' and the one wounded Robert Buckler, 
 'Master Ellanors man.' Jones describes the latter as 'a servant of 
 John Elmors, being one of our masters mates.'
 
 l6o8] JOHN JOURDAIN 39 
 
 of them which issued out of the woods at many places ; 
 which perceiveinge it vayne to loose any more time, wee 
 made a volley of shott into the woods, and went into the 
 wateringe place and brought away the dead man and the 
 david, both lyinge neere together. The man wee burried 
 as wee went aboard, upon one of the ilandes. 
 
 This daie in the afternoone aboute three of the clocke 
 wee sett saile, beinge the fourth daie wee had bene in this 
 unluckye place, haveinge had much discontent for a little 
 stinkinge water. Haveing formerlie agreed to meete the 
 Unyon at Zanzebar, which was in sight of us, not above 
 ten leagues from us, yet wee had never the grace to goe 
 thither, butt wee stoode our course, with a stiffe gale at 
 N.E., at N.N.W. along the coaste. And this night aboute 
 midnight wee came aground with our shipp upon a bancke 
 of sand, with all sailes bearinge and a stiffe gale ; butt 
 God bee thanked, the shipp flatted of againe 1 without any 
 hurte, haveinge stucke faste aboute halfe an hower, the 
 water very smooth, God providinge for us better then wee 
 deserved. His name bee blessed and praysed for ever. 
 This banke or broken iland wheare wee weare aground 
 lyeth betwixt the iland of Pemba and the mayne land 
 of Muylinde, neere to Mombassa, a towne of the Portugalls. 
 But beinge cleare of this danger wee presentlie sounded 
 and had noe ground in 50 fathome ; and wee steered 
 awaye all night E.N.E., sowndinge every twoe glasses, 
 doubtinge to meete with some other sholes before daie ; 
 but God provided otherwise for us. 
 
 Dec. 21. In the morninge wee weare againe faire by 
 the iland of Pemba standinge our course E. & by N. And 
 aboute nine wee perceived the water to bee very white ; 
 wee sownded, and had 19 fathome, beeinge some three 
 
 1 'At that very instant the wind did lander, so that with the 
 backing of our sayles asterne our ship went off, to our no little 
 comfort' (Jones).
 
 40 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 leagues of the shoare ; at which time wee tackt aboute and 
 stoode away N.N.West two glasses ; at which time wee 
 descried three saile which stoode towards the iland of 
 Pemba. Our Generall cawsed the longe boate and skiffe 
 to bee manned, and sent in each boate one of the maister 
 his mates, willinge them to bringe the maister and some of 
 the principall aboard, if they could fetch them up ; which 
 they had soone effected, for as soone as they came within 
 muskett shott of them they strooke their sailes and stayed 
 for them untill the shipp came up with them. At which 
 time wee demanded from whence they weare. They said : 
 Of Pemba. Our Generall willed one of our boats to bringe 
 some of the cheifest aboard and some of our men to staie 
 there untill further order ; which they presentlie did effect, 
 and brought aboard our shipp of mullattoes and negros to 
 the number of 40 persons or there aboute, very lustie men, 
 whereof some of them seemed to bee men of accompt 1 . 
 At their comeinge aboard wee demanded from whence 
 they came and whether bound. They awnswered that 
 they came from Mombassa, and bound home to their 
 dwellinge, which was at Pemba, beeinge marchannts that 
 traded from place to place. Further they tould us that in 
 their pengaos or proas 2 they had some quantitye of Indian 
 comodities, wherewith they traded from place to place, 
 which they bought at Mombassa in barter of rice and 
 other provision which they did usuallie carrie from Pemba 
 thether and to other places on the coaste. Our Generall 
 
 1 Covert says that 'sixe or eight were pale and white, much differing 
 from the colour of the Moores ; yet being asked what they were, they 
 said they were Moores, and shewed us their backes all written with 
 characters ; and when we affirmed them to bee Portugals, they then 
 told us the Portugals were not circumcised.' 
 
 2 Linschoten (p. 10) says: 'These pangaios are made of light 
 planks and sowed together with cords, without any nailes.' See also 
 Lancaster's Voyages, p. 26, where a 'pangaia' is described as 'a vessell 
 like a barge, with one matsaile of coco nut leaves. The barge is 
 sowed together with the rindes of trees, and pinned with wooden pins.' 
 Prao is the Malay prau, 'a boat.'
 
 1608] JOHN JOURDAIN 41 
 
 told them hovve treacherouslie their countrye men of Pemba 
 had dealt with us, betrayinge us, and slaine some of our 
 men; whereat they weare much dismaied, and would seeme 
 to denie what they had formerlie tould us, to bee of Pemba. 
 But our hardie maister, with some others which I omitt, 
 made foolish signes unto them, shewinge the yards arme, 
 that they should there bee hanged ; which putt them in a 
 desperate feare, although there was noe such matter ment ; 
 yet the maister callinge one of the cheefest into his cabin, 
 understandinge that hee had some insight in navigation 
 and understoode the seacard, the fellowe, fearinge that it 
 had bene some other matter, seeinge he had formerlie 
 made such signes unto him, spake to the rest of them that 
 remayned without, as wee conjecture, to provide themselves 
 to dye. Some of the quarter maisters beinge on the decke 
 perceived a knife in his sleeve as he went into the cabin, 
 whoe came and told mee of it, standinge with the Generall 
 talkinge with the rest of the marchannts of Pemba. I ad- 
 vised the Generall and presentlie he sent the boatson to 
 tell the maister thereof, whoe demandinge him for his 
 knife he denyed it. Soe perceiveinge that they knewe 
 that it was in his sleeve, hee made a shewe to draw it and 
 deliver 1 it to them, but suddenlie drewe it and stabd the 
 maister upon the lefte pappe neere the harte, and offerred 
 to doe the like to Mr. Rivett ; and therewith he gave 
 a lowde crye, that his fellowes that weare without hearinge 
 him beganne likewise to stabb those that weare neere 
 unto them, as the preacher, Mr. Tindale 2 , in the side, and 
 
 1 The MS. has 'delivered.' 
 
 2 Simon Tindall, of Queens' College, Cambridge, graduated B.A. 
 in 1596 and M.A. in 1600 (information kindly furnished by Mr J. W. 
 Clark). He was incorporated at Oxford u July, 1606 (Clark's Reg. 
 Univ. Oxon^). ' Sir John Tyndall ' (probably a relative) and others 
 recommended him to the Company as 'a man of some 30 yeares of 
 adge and well quallified with divers good parts,' and he was thereupon 
 'thought fitt to be hired to goe in the voyadge' (Court Minutes, 
 Jan. 29, 1608). As will be seen later, he died at Burhanpur in the 
 autumn of 1609 the first English clergyman to die in India.
 
 42 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 Mr. Glascocke in the necke 1 ; which the boye perceyveing 
 cryed out " Kill, kill, my maister is killed." With which 
 word the Generall and the rest tooke such armes as weare 
 next hand and beganne to kill as faste as they could ; soe 
 that in very shorte time they weare all overboard, either 
 dead or alive, for manie of them lept overboard, which 
 weare slaine in the water by those that weare in our boats, 
 Soe that I thinke not one of them escaped*, except a little 
 boye and a mayde of some eight yeares olde ; one was 
 taken up in the chaines, and the other out of the pengoa 
 or prowe ; which was a girle, which when she sawe her 
 mother drowned, she lept overboard three tymes, that wee 
 had much a doe to save her. This man that first beganne 
 to stabbe the maister three men could not kill him ; his 
 owne knife would not enter his flesh ; but with much adoe 
 three men cutt his throate with annother knife, where little 
 or noe blud came out ; soe they threwe him overboard 
 halfe dead. There weare three of the boats, one of which 
 sett saile with some twoe or three men to carrie newes to 
 Pemba. Had not God the better provided for us they 
 might have slaine the most parte of us, they haveinge all 
 knives aboute them provided for the purpose, and the most 
 parte of our men in the boats and proas, and the rest 
 within board not soe much as a knife aboute him, the 
 maister haveinge a little before given order that none 
 should weare his weopon, seeing that these people came 
 unarmed. I knowe not in what pollicie he did it, but he 
 was the first that was like to paie deere for it ; beinge 
 alwayes soe confident in his owne opinion that noe man 
 must contradict him in any thinge ; being soe farre in the 
 
 1 In the back, according to Covert. These two, and the master, 
 were the only Englishmen hurt ; and they all recovered. 
 
 2 Covert declares that five or six swam to one of their boats and 
 thus escaped to shore. Jones confirms this, and adds that he 'was 
 credibly informed by the Portugals of the great lamentation which 
 was made for these Moores because they were of the cheife gentlemen 
 of all the coast of Melinda, and of the blood royall.'
 
 1608] JOHN JOURDAIN 43 
 
 Generalls bookes that I pray God it end well. This is the 
 end of three greate dangers passed by us within three daies, 
 viz., first at Pemba by treason, secondlie upon the shoales 
 of Mombassa by night, and lastlie by trecherie of these 
 doggs aboard our shipp ; all which the Lord by His mercy- 
 full hand hath miraculouslie preserved us from emynent 
 danngers. His name be blessed for ever more, Amen 1 . 
 
 These pengaoes had in them of Indian comodities 
 aboute 2000 duckatts worth, besides many good thinges 
 which the saylers made pillage of of the best comodities, 
 which did emport more then that was taken for the 
 Companie our employers. Alsoe there was in them some 
 rice and gravances 2 and other provisions, which our Generall 
 
 1 Revett, in his account of the incident, imputes no blame to the 
 master. He says that the latter called one of the Moors into his 
 cabin 'to shewe him his platt, to see yf hee could gather somethinge 
 from him, my selfe bearinge him company, not mynding the least 
 pretence of evyll ageynst him or them, as they imagined wee dyd. 
 By this fellowes divelyshe pretence, as by his enterpryse hee under- 
 tooke, takinge us to bee Flemminges, wee were noe sooner set in the 
 cabbyn but some of our company* cam to us and bad us beware of 
 him, for hee had a knyfe, and wyshed us to take it from him to 
 avoyde a further inconvenience ; the which omyttinge nott, although 
 not affrayd, began to search for it; the which perceivinge, [he] 
 dessembled the matter, sayenge hee had none, and shewed us with 
 his ryght hand beades, keepinge his knyfe under his lefte arme 
 covered with his gyrdell of checker worke callico; the which hee 
 seeinge wee perceived, drewe it with his ryght hand, wee thinking 
 hee would have given it to us. But the Devell being his master and 
 a quyck helpour, unsuspected gave the master a stab with his knyfe 
 so that by imagination hee had given him his deathes wownd, beinge 
 so nye the harte, although (thanckes bee given to God) it proved 
 otherwyse. Upon which enterpryse, by a watchworde given by this 
 notorious vyllen at his comminge downe with us to the rest of his 
 consortes, they began to fall a stabbing of those our men which 
 stood by them, amongst the rest our preacher, Mr. Tyndall, and 
 Mr. Glascocke, who received severall wowndes, though not mortall, 
 and not so bad to passe as the maysters. Upon this occasyon wee 
 made with them shorte worke, and brought most part of them by 
 sundry wayes to their last home ; givinge thanckes to God for this 
 last deliverye, wherein the owld proverbe was verrefyed, that one 
 myscheife comes syldome alone.' 
 
 2 Sometimes written 'garvances' (Sp. garbanzos), a term employed 
 generally for the peas and beans used for food on board ship. Covert 
 speaks of 'garvances or peason (being their country food). 3
 
 44 JOURNAL OF [1608 
 
 was minded to buye of them and let them goe ; but they 
 suspected some hard measure, which caused them to pro- 
 cure their owne destruction, and little benefitt to the 
 Honourable Company. The maister beinge soe danger- 
 ouslie wounded as is aforesaid, Mr. Mellys 1 was to take 
 charge, our surgeon doubtinge very much of the maisters 
 recovery; which beinge thus ordered, he would not venter 
 to goe betwixt the ilands and the mayne, an unknowne 
 waye full of shoales and dangers, but bare roome the way 
 wee came, to the southward of the iland of Pemba 2 . 
 
 Dec. 22. The winde at E.N.E. Steeringe alonge the 
 shoare of Pemba, and aboute noone wee weare thwarte the 
 place where wee roode with our shipp 
 
 Dec. 23. The winde at N.E. and wee steered E.S.E. 
 untill five in the afternoone ; at which time wee tacked 
 aboute and stoode away N.N.West, and N. & by W., and 
 sometimes at N. ; the winde from the E.N.E. to the N.E. 
 
 Dec. 26. The winde variable as before, and wee tacked 
 too and againe divers times, beeinge neere the caster parte 
 of the iland of Pemba ; being a long iland, and the winde 
 hanging contrarie, it was long before we could cleare our 
 selves of it, except wee would goe farre to sea. This day 
 at noone in lattitude 3 d. 55 m. 
 
 Dec. 27. The winde variable betwixt the N.E. and the 
 E.S.E., and wee tacked too and againe to cleare our selves 
 
 1 'Captaine [Richard] Mellis of Plymmoth' was engaged by the 
 Company on Feb. 19, 1608, and assigned to the Ascension as a 
 master's mate. 
 
 2 Jones gives the following account of their course from this point : 
 'We put out of the west end of the iland againe, determining to beate 
 up for the iland of Socotora ; but the winds hanging betweene the 
 E. and E.S.E., and finding small helpe of the current, did altogether 
 frustrate our determination. Then we determined to stand off to the 
 southward some 200 or 300 leagues, thinking to finde the windes at 
 E.S.E. But heere likewise we were frustrate of our hopes ; for in the 
 offing we found the wind to hang at the E.N.E. and at the E.N.E. 
 & by E., that we lay beating in the sea' till they reached the 
 ' Desolate Hands.'
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 45 
 
 of this Hand which was neare unto us. At noone per 
 observacion in lattitude 3 d. 45 m. 
 
 Dec. 28. The winde variable from the E. to the N.E. 
 We tacked too and againe ; sometymes the winde calme ; 
 and wee steered towards the east as the winde would per- 
 mitt us. The dogged iland of Pemba bore of us N.W. At 
 noone lattitude 3d. lom. 1 
 
 Dec. 29. The winde varyable as afore betwixt the N.E. 
 and the E., and wee steered away as neere as the winde 
 would give us leave. These two daies wee have found 
 a current settinge to the \blank*\ with a greate race, with 
 much filth swimming on the water. At noone per obser- 
 vacion 3d. oo m. 
 
 Dec. 30. The winde at E., and wee steered away 
 N.N.E. Aboute noone wee had sight of the mayne land 
 of the coaste of Amylinde 3 , and aboute six in the after- 
 noone wee weare within three leagues of the land ; and 
 wee sownded and had 18 fathome water, hard sandye 
 grownd. Here the land trends awaye N.E. & by E., a 
 faire bould coaste. Wee sownded once more, being four 
 leagues of, and had 60 fathome water. This coast is all 
 alonge the strand white sand, and a lowe land per the 
 waters side, and by judgment is neere to a towne of the 
 Portugalls called Patty. At noone per observacion latti- 
 tude 2 d. 37 m. 4 , and we stered of S.E. and S.E. & by E. 
 
 Jan. i [1609]. Wee had the winde variable betwixt 
 the N.N.E. and the E. Wee tacked too and againe, as 
 the winde would permitt us. At noone by observacion 
 had in lattitude 2 d. 35 minutes 8 . 
 
 1 Revett says 3 30', and the same on the following day. 
 
 2 North-eastwards, according to Revett. 
 
 3 Malindi. 
 
 * Revett gives 2 25'. ' Patty' is the present ' Patta,' in 2 10' S. 
 
 5 Revett says 3.
 
 46 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 Jan. 2. The winde at E. and S. and [by ?] E., and wee 
 stoode away N.N.E. At eleven in the forenoone wee had 
 againe sight of land, the coaste of Melinde, and at even- 
 inge it bore of us N.W. & by N., aboute seven leagues 
 from us. Aboute midnight wee weare neare the land, and 
 wee tacked aboute and steered of S. & by E. 
 
 Jan, 3. The winde betwixt the E.N.E. and the N.E. 
 This daye in the morninge, beinge neere the mayne land 
 of Melynde, we sovvnded and had, some four leagues of 
 the shoare, 60 fathome, faire sand ; and we steered away 
 S.E. & by E. and as the winde would permitt us, deter- 
 myninge to gett farther of the shoare to see if wee could 
 finde a better winde. This daie there was a greate 
 ripplinge of the water, which seemed to bee shold, but we 
 sounded and had 50 fathome. 
 
 Jan. 19. ...Aboute nine in the morninge wee descryed 
 heigh land, which bare of us E. & by S. At three in the 
 afternoone wee sawe other ilands, which wee made to bee 
 four ilands, and in the eveninge they bare of us N. & by 
 East some five leagues of 1 . And wee stoode with a slacke 
 
 1 'The I gth of January wee fell with many strange [ ] east 
 
 from Pemba, named on the plott the ilands Do Almirante. In these 
 ilands [ ] of fresh waiter and cocker nutts ; wher wee stayed 
 
 in a very good road to refresh our selves [ ] waiter untyll the 
 
 first of February, not finding any people on the ilands' (Jourdain's 
 letter in I. O. Records, O.C. 12). 'The 19 day of January wee espied 
 many ilands, which the Portugals call by the name of Almaisant, 
 being to the number of nine ilands, al unpeopled, as the Portugals 
 write and afifirme' (Covert). See also Appendix A. 
 
 The identification of these islands with the Amirante group was 
 natural enough, if the voyagers' ' plot ' was anything like the map 
 given by Linschoten ; but there can be no doubt from Jourdain's 
 description that they were really the Seychelles, which lie to the 
 north-east of the Amirantes. 
 
 The Seychelles, said to have been discovered by Scares in 1506, 
 are shown in i6th century maps under the names of Os Sete Irmanos 
 (The Seven Brothers) or As Sete Irmanas (The Seven Sisters). 
 Under the latter title they appear in Linschoten's map, but far to 
 the eastward of the cluster marked ' Do Almirante.' The group was 
 first examined by an expedition despatched in 1742 by Mahd de la
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 47 
 
 saile all night untill towards the morninge, and then wee 
 stoode in for the land to seeke water and other refresh- 
 inge. At noone per observacion 4 d. 20 m. 1 
 
 Jan. 20. In the morninge, beeinge neere the land, wee 
 slacked our saile and tooke out our skiffe to goe sowndinge 
 before the shipp, and to seeke a good place to anker in. 
 Soe they came to a small iland 2 , beeing neerest unto us, 
 which lyeth aboute twoe leagues to the north of the heigh 
 iland 3 , where they landed in a faire sandy cove, where 
 wee might have ankored very well ; butt because our men 
 made noe signe of any water wee ankored not. Soe the 
 boate retourned and brought soe many land tortells as 
 they could well carrie. Soe wee stoode alonge towards 
 the other ilands. The tortells were good meate, as good 
 as fresh beefe, but after two or three meales our men 
 would not eate them, because they did looke soe uglie 
 before they weare boyled ; and soe greate that eight of 
 them did almost lade our skiffe. Goinge alonge by the 
 ilands we found ten and twelve fathome within a league 
 of the ilands ; and two leagues of wee had twenty and 
 thirty fathome faire shoaldinge. This eveninge we thought 
 to have ankored at an iland which laye E.N.E. of us, which 
 seemed to be a very fruitfull place and likelye of water; 
 
 Bourdonnais, then Governor of Mauritius and Bourbon, in whose 
 honour the islands were for a time known as 'lies de Bourdonnais' 
 and ' lies MaheV Subsequently the present name was bestowed upon 
 them in commemoration of Moreau de Sechelles, who was Controleur- 
 Ge"ne"ral des Finances in France in 1754-6 {Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed., 
 p. 815). The French formed a settlement there about 1770, but sur- 
 rendered it to Commodore Newcome in 1794, and in 1815 the group 
 was formally ceded to England. 
 
 The account given in the text is specially interesting, describing 
 as it does the first visit of a British ship. The late Rear-Admiral 
 Sir William Wharton, K.C.B., formerly Hydrographer of the Navy, 
 who was personally acquainted with the Seychelles, was kind enough 
 to examine both Jourdain's and Revett's (see Appendix A) narratives, 
 and to make the identifications of the various islands given in the 
 notes which follow. 
 
 1 According to Revett, 4 48'. 
 
 2 North Island. 3 Silhouette Island.
 
 48 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 but beinge neere night, and perceyveinge some shoalds 
 and rocks neere the land, and other Hands ahead of us, 
 wee brought our tacks aboard and stoode to the offinge 
 N.E. & by N., hopinge the next daie to finde good 
 ankoringe at the other ilands which wee sawe further to 
 the E.N.E. of us 1 . But in our course there was a small 
 iland 2 which laye aboute two leagues of the shoare, which 
 wee could not double but weare faine to goe betwixt the 
 ilands and it, haveinge faire shoaldinge 15 and 20 fathome. 
 This small iland is noe other then a rocke, alias ilheo. 
 And being passed this rocke, wee stoode upon a tacke 
 untill midnight, and then with a slacke saile wee stoode 
 for the eastermost ilands with a fresh gale. Wee stoode 
 W. & by N. and W.N.W., for soe wee had brought the 
 body of the ilands of us ; haveinge scene this daie above 
 thirty ilands, little and greate, faire shoalding round 
 aboute them, I meane to the northward of them. The 
 distance from the southermost of these ilands to the 
 norther of those wee sawe maye bee neere twenty leagues, 
 close one by annother. 
 
 Jan. 21. In the morninge wee stoode in for the land, 
 sending the skiffe before the shipp to sound, as alsoe to 
 finde a good place to anker in. Soe aboute nine in the 
 forenoone wee came to anker in 15 fathome water, within 
 halfe a mile of the land. But wee found it full of small 
 rocks; wherefore wee wayed and went further in, where we 
 found cleare grownd and better rideinge; where wee 
 found very good water in dyvers places, but noe signe of 
 any people that ever had bene there 3 . It is a very good 
 roade betwixt twoe ilands, aboute a mile and a halfe 
 
 1 Praslin and the neighbouring islands. 
 
 2 Mamelle. 
 
 3 Sir William Wharton concluded that their final anchorage was 
 under St Anne Island, near the present Port Victoria, on the north- 
 east side of Mahe", the principal island of the group.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 49 
 
 distant from iland to iland ; and there lyeth, betwixt the 
 E.S.E. and S.E. & by E., other three Hands 1 aboute three 
 leagues of from the place where wee ankored ; soe that 
 wee weare in a manner land locked, except towards the 
 E.N.E. and E. To knowe the place where wee ankored, 
 there is a small iland 2 which lyeth next hand north from 
 the roade aboute two leagues; and there is a rock or 
 ilheo 3 lyinge betweene the iland where wee ride and the 
 foresaid iland, the roade beinge to the southwards of that. 
 To the W.N.W. there is a very high iland some 10 leagues 
 of, which was the first iland which wee descryed 4 . We 
 ankored in 12 fathome water. The roade is in 4d. lorn 
 to the southward 5 . 
 
 Jan. 22. Finding a rowlinge to sea to come in out of 
 the E.N.E., wee warped in aboute two cables length 
 farther and anchored in 13 fathome water, very good ground 
 and within a pistoll shott of the shoare; where wee ride 
 as in a pond from the 22th to the 3Oth ditto ; in which 
 time wee watred and wooded at our pleasure with much 
 ease ; where wee found many coker nutts 6 , both ripe and 
 greene, of all sorts, and much fishe and fowle and tortells 
 (but our men would not eate any of them, but the tortells 
 wee could kill with staves at our pleasure) and manye 
 scates with other fishe. As alsoe abuute the rivers there 
 are many allagartes 7 ; our men fishinge for scates tooke 
 
 1 Cerf, Long and Mayenne Islands. 
 
 2 Mamelle. 3 The Brisans. 4 Silhouette. 
 
 5 Sharpeigh gives the same latitude. The roadstead indicated 
 above is in 4 35' S. 
 
 6 The curious coco-de-mer, or double coco-nut, is now found only 
 in the Seychelles. 
 
 7 There are no crocodiles in the group nowadays ; but their bones 
 have been found, mixed with those of land-turtles, and that they were 
 common before the advent of colonists is proved by the statement of 
 the Abb Rochon that 'in 1769, when I spent a month here in order 
 to determine its position with the utmost exactness, Secheyles and 
 the adjacent isles were inhabited only by monstrous crocodiles' (Eng. 
 trans., 1792, p. liii.). 
 
 J- 4
 
 5<D JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 one of them and drevve him aland alive with a rope 
 fastened within his gills. On one of these ilands, within 
 two miles where wee roade, there is as good tymber as 
 ever I sawe of length and bignes, and a very firme timber. 
 You shall have many trees of 60 and 70 feete without 
 sprigge except at the topp, very bigge and straight as an 
 arrowe. It is a very good refreshing place for wood, 
 water, coker nutts, fish and fowle, without any feare or 
 danger, except the allagartes ; for you cannot discerne that 
 ever any people had bene there before us 1 . 
 
 Our travells from the dezert ilands to Socatra, 
 vizt : 
 
 Februarie I. This daie, aboute nine in the morninge, 
 wee sett saile with the winde at N., and wee steered away 
 E.N.E. untill three in the afternoone ; at which time it 
 fell calme, with some raine, and the winde was variable 
 in the showers ; soe that wee stoode our course as the 
 winde would give us leave. Wee sounded dyvers tymes, 
 and found 30 fathome and 35 fathome, 10 leagues of. At 
 noone by observacion 3d. 57m. 
 
 Feb. 8. The winde variable with some raine, and 
 calme ; and we stoode our course at N. & by W. and 
 N.N.W. This daye in the morninge wee crossed the line 
 by judgment to the nor ward. At noone per judgment in 
 10 minutes north lattitude. 
 
 1 Jones says they named these 'the Desolate Ilands, because 
 there are not any inhabitants upon them. These ilands are at the 
 least some twelve or thirteene in number, and ought very diligently to 
 be sought of them that shall travaile hereafter, because of the good 
 refreshing that is upon them. Water is there in great abundance, 
 also great store of coco-nuts, great store of fresh fish, and likewise 
 store of turtle-doves, which are so tame that one man may take with 
 his hand twenty dozen in a day; also great store of palmeto-trees. 
 So that these ilands seemed to us an earthly Paradise.'
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 5 I 
 
 Feb. 15. The winde at E. Wee steered at N.N.E. At 
 nine wee sawe the mayne land of Melinde, which bare of 
 us N.W. aboute 10 leagues of. Aboute three in the after- 
 noone wee vveare within a league of the land. Wee 
 sownded and had ten fathome faire grownd. Then wee 
 tacked and stood awaye S.E. & by S. two glasses, and 
 then sounded againe and had 15 fathome, and after noe 
 grownd in 50 fathome. At ten at night wee tacked again 
 towards the land, and stood N.N.E. untill the morninge. 
 At noone per observacion 4 d. 48 m. 
 
 Feb. 1 6. In the morninge wee weare faire by the land, 
 and with a faire gale wee stoode in N.N.E. The land 
 trendeth N.E. half Easterly. At nine wee ankored in 
 ten fathome water, faire ground, within \\ mile from the 
 land. The Generall sent aland the skiffe, and sent mee 
 in her to see if wee could speake with any of the countrye 
 people, to understand what the country did affoard. But 
 comeinge aland there wente soe greate a sufife that wee 
 could not land without endangeringe the boate and our 
 selves. Wee sawe people on the shore ; therefore I cawsed 
 one of the men of the boate, whoe seemed willinge, to 
 swime aland ; and at his comeinge aland there came 
 a man towards him, with sword, bowe and arrowes. We 
 made signes to him to laye downe his weopons ; but he 
 seemed rather to provide him to doe the fellowe aland 
 some mischeife then otherwise, making his bowe readye 
 to shute ; which the fellowe perceaveinge retourned to 
 the water and came swyminge to the boate. And beinge 
 in the boate wee made signes that if he would leave his 
 weopons that wee would come againe aland ; but he 
 would not. Soe seeinge noe good to bee done wee re- 
 turned aboard, and sownded from within pistoll shott of 
 shore ; wheare wee had three fathome, faire grownd, and 
 soe rizinge by degrees to 10 fathome where the shipp 
 roade, faire grownd. At three in the afternoone wee 
 
 42
 
 52 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 wayed againe and sett saile, and stoode away S. & by E., 
 with the winde E. & by S. 
 
 Feb. 17. In the morninge at three wee stoode to the 
 norward, the winde betwixt the E. & by N. and the 
 E.N.E. ; but aboute ten in the forenoone, being not above 
 five leagues of the shoare, wee tacked aboute and steered 
 away betwixt the S.E. and S.S.E. By observacion at 
 noone 4d. lorn. 1 
 
 Feb. 25. ...This day in the morninge we had againe 
 sight of the mayne land, bearinge of us N. & by W., beinge 
 at noone by observacion 5 d. 33m. 
 
 Feb. 26. The winde at E., and wee steered away 
 N.N.E. Aboute six in the morninge wee weare within 
 two leagues of the land, and had 25 fathome water, good 
 ground. Then we tacked againe to the southward, and 
 stood S.S.E. of the land, trendinge awaye N.E. & by E. 
 neerest. At noone per observacion 6d. 32m. 
 
 March II. The winde at E.N.E. And aboute eight 
 in the morninge, contrarie to our expectacion, we had 
 sight of land. At noone, beinge within three leagues of 
 it, wee sownded ; and then findinge 35 fathome, we tacked 
 to the southward, and steered S.E. and S.E. & by S. untill 
 midnight. Then we tacked againe to the northward. 
 This day at noone, when wee tacked aboute, wee weare in 
 lattitude per observacion 5 d. 56 m. 
 
 March 12. Havinge stoode to the northward from 
 midnight, at ten in the morninge wee weare againe within 
 two leagues of the shore, in fifteen fathome water, faire 
 grownd, the winde at north. Wee stoode away E.N.E. 
 for six glasses ; and then wee steered awaye S.E. and 
 S.E. & by S., the winde shrinking on us, with raine and 
 
 1 According to Revett this should be 5 17'. They stood south 
 and south-eastward until the 22nd, when finding themselves in latitude 
 2 15' they tacked about and made to the northward again.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 53 
 
 gustie weather all night. Per observacion at noone 
 6d. 1 2m. 
 
 March 13. The winde betwixt the E.N.E. and the 
 N.E. & by N. And at four in the morninge wee tacked 
 towards the shore untill five in the eveninge, at which 
 time wee weare within a league of the land, in thirteen 
 fathome water. Then we tacked and stoode of S.E. & by 
 S.; the land trendinge N.E. & by E. 
 
 March 15. ...Wee steered awaye to the northward as 
 the winde would permitt. At six in the eveninge wee had 
 sight of land aboute ten leagues of by judgment. At 
 noone per observacion 6d. 20 m. 
 
 March 26. The winde at E.S.E. Our course N.E. and 
 N.E. & by N. At six in the eveninge wee had againe 
 sight of the land, bearinge of us N.W. & by W. Our 
 observacion 1 1 d. oo m. 
 
 March 27. The winde at S.E. & by E. and S.E. Wee 
 steered for the land, which bare of us N.N.E. ; but the 
 winde beinge variable, wee could not seaze this iland, 
 which was Abdelcura 1 , an iland about 20 leagues to the 
 west of Socotora. In the eveninge wee weare aboute six 
 leagues of, and at eight at night wee tooke in our sailes, 
 and tryed all night untill five in the morninge. This iland 
 rizeth like two ilands in twoe partes, by reason of the 
 lowe land, which is a valley, which you cannot perceive 
 until you come neere it. This daye by observation 
 12 d. 6 m. 
 
 March 28. At five in the morninge wee stoode toward 
 the wester parte of the iland ; and, comeinge neere the 
 pointe, wee sawe a small rockye iland, which made the 
 maister to take it for Soccatora. The Generall cawsed 
 the skiffe to bee manned to goe betweene the shipp and 
 
 1 Abd-el-Kuri.
 
 54 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 the shoare, sowndinge, and my selfe in [her?] to see if 
 wee could speake with any people on the shore. But 
 comeinge neere the land, wee perceived it to bee a very 
 barren countrye and noe signe of any inhabitannts on it. 
 Wee had within a quarter of a 'mile of the shore nine and 
 ten fathome ; butt under water, a mile of the shore, there 
 is a rocke, which lyeth a fathome under water. Wee made 
 signes to our shipp to goe farther of, for avoydeinge the 
 danger. Then, perceiveinge [it?] directlie to bee Abdelcura, 
 wee made all the saile wee could, and stoode alongst the 
 shoare a good berth of. The land is aboute seven leagues 
 longe, and all alonge the shore it rizeth in with sharpe 
 rocks and valleys betwixt, with white sand. From the N. 
 to the S. the iland is not aboute [above?] two leagues 
 broad, by judgment. About three in the afternoone wee 
 sawe at the S.E. & by E. very heigh land, and we stoode 
 E.S.E. with the stem. In the eveninge there fell a darke 
 miste on the land, that wee cold not perfectlie make it ; 
 and wee weare at night aboute eight leagues of. Our 
 maister judged it to bee Socotora by the course, distannce 
 and latitude 
 
 March 29. In the morninge wee weare faire by the 
 ilands, beinge two small ilands called the Hermanos, or 
 Sisters 1 , of a greate height, and one soe well like the 
 other that they may well bee called sisters, beinge both 
 flatt at the topp, and three leagues asunder. But at the 
 sunne rizinge wee had sight of Soccatora. The norther 
 parte bore of us E. & by N., and the souther parte E.S.E., 
 and wee steered towards it, with little winde and that 
 shrinkinge upon us. Wee weare aboute four leagues of 
 the land, and wee tooke in our sailes. 
 
 March 30. In the morninge we weare aboute three 
 
 1 Rather the Brothers, which is the present name. Jourdain may, 
 however, be using the older title Duos Irmanas, which he would find 
 in Linschoten's map.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 55 
 
 leagues of the iland of Soccotora ; and the Generall sent 
 of the skiffe, my selfe in her, to see if wee could speake 
 with any of the country people. And descryinge a faire 
 baye wee went in and sounded, and landed, to see if there 
 weare any fresh water or people ; but we found neither 
 people nor water, but signe of many goats and people 
 which had bene latelie there. It is a faire baye and good 
 anchoringe, from twenty fathome to five farther [fathome ?] 
 within a quarter mile of the shore. Soe that at ten before 
 noone the shipp anchored in seven fathome water. After 
 the shipp was ankered the maister went aland to search 
 for water, but could finde none ; but wee sawe twoe men 
 on the topp of a mountayne, but would not come neere 
 us. Soe wee retourned ; and aboute six in the eveninge 
 wee sett saile and stoode alonge the shore. This baye is 
 called Golgotha Baye, named soe by Captaine Keelinge 1 . 
 
 March 31. With little winde wee stoode alonge the 
 shore of Soccotora ; but the current settinge to the 
 westward sett us to leeward of the pointe of Golgotha 
 Baye. Aboute ten in the morninge, the winde freshinge 
 at S.S.W., wee made all the saile wee could to gett aboute 
 annother pointe which was ahead of us ; and the Generall 
 sent of the longe boate and the skiffe, in which I went, 
 to see if wee could have any speech with the people of 
 the country. At which time wee descryed a saile come- 
 inge from the east plyinge into the farther baye ahead us. 
 Wee, going alonge the shore with our boats, came into 
 the bottome of the baye, where the shipp was ankored, 
 being a Guzarat of Dieu, bound for the Red Sea; but 
 wee would not speake with him, because we had noe order 
 from our Generall, for feare of freighting of them. But 
 wee understoode by some of the countrye people that we 
 spake withall that there [theie ?] weare Guzaratts bound 
 
 1 Not recorded in any extant journal of the Third Voyage. The 
 bay referred to seems to be that now known as Gubbet Shoab.
 
 56 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 for the Red Sea ; as alsoe they tould us of Captaiue 
 Keelinge and Captaine Hawkins and of settinge up a 
 pinnace ; and wee tould them what wee weare and what 
 wee desired. He [They ?] tould us that there was not in 
 that place any water, but goats there weare good store, 
 but that they could not sell any untill they had advised 
 the Kinge, which they would doe that night, his towne 
 beeinge aboute a daies jorney from thence ; and the next 
 daie he [they ?] would retourne with awnsweare. Soe with 
 this advise wee sownded all the baye and retorned to the 
 shipp. Wee found very good sholdinge from four fathome 
 within a quarter of a mile of the shore, to twenty fathoms 
 a league of, faire white sand. Butt before we cold come 
 aboard, our shipp was dryven of with the corrent, haveinge 
 little winde, that they could not have ground in 80 
 fathome. Wee had little winde all night. 
 
 Aprill i. At sonne rizinge wee sawe a saile to the 
 westwards of us, aboute three leagues of; and haveinge 
 little winde, and our twoe boats towinge, the shipp could 
 gett nothinge ahead, by reason of the current which setteth 
 into the Red Sea ; wherefore the Generall called us to 
 councell, to knowe our opinions what was best to bee done, 
 to staie beatinge us [up?] for Soccotora against the current, 
 or els to beate up for the Red Sea (whether wee weare 
 bound) and see whether wee could speake with the saile 
 which was to the westward of us, which wee supposed to 
 bee the Guzaratt which was bound for the Red Sea, got 
 alonge betweene the shore and us by night. And pre- 
 sentlie it was concluded to beare upp for the Red Sea, 
 and see if wee could speak with the saile that was in sight. 
 Then wee made all the saile wee could ; soe that at three 
 in the afternoone wee weare within a league of her, and 
 they, seeinge that they could not gett from us, strooke 
 their sailes and staied for us. And the captaine and 
 marchannts came in their boats to us, whoe presentlie
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 57 
 
 tould us that they weare Guzaratts and came from Dieu, 
 and the same shipp that was at anchour in the baye the 
 last night, and for feare of us shee came by night by us 
 betweene the shore and us; alsoe they tould us that aboute 
 six monnethes past there came an English shipp to the 
 barre of Suratt, and was gone for Bantam, but that the 
 captaine of her, with some three marchannts weare lefte at 
 Suratt, and the captaine was gone to the courte of the 
 Create Mogoll with a present, to a place called Agra, 
 aboute three monnethes journey within the land. Wee 
 tould them that wee weare bound for Aden, and from 
 thence to Suratt. They seemed to bee very joyfull, and 
 desired our companye for Aden, whether they weare bound, 
 laden with cotton wooll and some callicoes of all sorts, 
 beinge a shipp of 150 tonns or thereabouts. Wee en- 
 treated them to leave us a pilott to remayne aboard us, 
 to direct us to the port of Aden ; which they willinglie 
 agreed unto, and soe departed aboard their shipp. The 
 winde at S.S.E. 
 
 Aprill 2. The winde at S.S.E., a pretty gale, and 
 wee steered W.N.W. In the afternoone the Generall, 
 marchannts and maister went aboard the Guzaratt ; by 
 whome wee weare at full certified of our countrye mens 
 beeinge at Suratt, and of there enterteinement. And in 
 the eveninge wee retourned aboard ; keepinge our course 
 W.N.W. At noone per observacion I3d. I2m. 
 
 Aprill 3. The winde at S.S.E. Wee stoode our course 
 betweene the West & by North and West & by South. In 
 the afternoone the captaine, marchant and pilott of the 
 Guzaratt shipp came aboard us, to passe the time; and 
 att night retourned. By observacion this daye at noone 
 I2d. 5om. 
 
 Aprill 4. The winde at E.S.E., a fresh gale ; and wee 
 steered awaye N. West, and N.W. & by West. In the 
 eveninge wee had sight of land, on our starrboard side,
 
 58 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 beinge the coaste of Arabia Felix. All this night wee 
 steered W. & by N., and W.N.W. At noone by observacion 
 1 3d. 20m. 1 
 
 Aprill 5. The winde at E.S.E. Our course W.N.W. 
 This morninge the pilott which was to direct us for Aden 
 came and staied aboard our shipp, to carry us to the roade 
 of Aden 2 . At night wee stoode W., and W. & by South. 
 At noone per observacion 13 d. 20 m. 
 
 Aprill 6. The winde at S., and S. & by West ; little 
 wind. Our course W. & by S. and W.S.W. This daie the 
 pilott retorned aboard the shipp, discryinge the land, and 
 knowinge that hee was farther from Aden then he expected, 
 beeinge hazie weather, was deceived of the land which he 
 sawe first. 
 
 Aprill 7. The winde at E.S.E. Our course W.S.W. 
 Aboute noone the captaine and marchannts retourned 
 aboard us to passe the time, havinge perfectlie made the 
 land of Aden 3 . Wee beinge then not above two leagues 
 of the shore, sownded, and had grownd in 27 fathome, 
 good ground. This night aboute ten wee anchored in 
 1 8 fathome water within two leagues of Aden castell, and 
 the Guzaratts shipp went in within the castell. 
 
 Aprill 8. In the morninge wee saluted the castell with 
 five peeces. And aboute ten in the forenoone came off the 
 Guzaratts boate, and brought the Governours Caya 4 and 
 
 1 Revett says 13 10', which is probably the more correct. 
 
 2 'Came ageyne the pylott of the Gooseratt abord of us, and tould 
 us wee should have his brother to carry the shipp into porte ; the 
 which was kyndly accepted' (Revett). 
 
 3 'This foarenoone came the marchannte and pylott abord of us 
 and stayed and heard prayer, the tyme of prayer then presentinge, 
 to which they were very attentive ' (Revett). 
 
 4 The 'Caya' was evidently the Governor's factotum. Middleton 
 refers to the 'Cayha' of the Pasha of Sa'na as being 'the lieftenant 
 generall of the kingdome,' but this was rating him too highly. The 
 word is the Turkish kyaya, a 'steward,' or 'administrator of affairs,' 
 from the Persian kat-khuda, 'headman of a village,' 'head of a 
 house,' etc.
 
 i6ogi] JOHN JOURDAIN 59 
 
 the Sabander 1 of Aden, with the captaine of the Guzaratts 
 shipp and divers others, with many complements of joye 
 from the Caya and Sabander, promising greate matters 
 for the sale of our comodities, as alsoe for our good enter- 
 teynement, with many besalosmanos z from the Governor, 
 sayinge that for our cotton 3 we should paie five per cent. 
 for whatt wee sould, and what wee could not sell wee 
 should paye nothinge, but retourne our goods againe 
 aboard att our pleasure ; with many other faire promises. 
 And beinge entreated by the Caya and Sabendour to land 
 and speake with the Governour, whoe (as he said) was 
 desirous to see the Generall ; soe the Generall, beeinge 
 confident of his words, prepared himselfe to goe aland with 
 the Caya and Sabendour, advisinge mee to prepare my 
 selfe and Phillipp Glascocke to goe with him. Soe pre- 
 sentlie wee departed in our owne boate, and they in their 
 boate went before to advise the Governor of our comeinge ; 
 soe that at our comeinge aland wee had horses provided 
 by the waters side to carrie us to the Governours howse. 
 When wee came neere his howse wee weare entertayned 
 with tabour and pipe and other heathen musicke, and 
 presentlie carryed to the presence of the Governor, whoe 
 saluted us and confirmed by a writeinge under his hand all 
 that the Caya had promised us, with many more comple- 
 ments ; and with the same gave us vests of cloth of gould, 
 and sett us againe on horse backe, to carrye us to a faire 
 howse which he had provided for us, with our former 
 musicke. 
 
 1 Persian Shahbandar, 'lord of the haven,' the official who con- 
 trolled the harbour and saw to the payment of the customs dues. 
 8 See note on p. 5. 
 3 An obvious error. Probably Jourdain wrote 'custom.'
 
 60 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 Of ?v hatt passed after our landinge att Aden, in Arabia: 
 as alsoe in Senan and Moccha, untill our cominge 
 from thence. 
 
 After our enterteynement at landinge and accompanyed 
 with the Governours cheife officers to the howse which he 
 had prepared for us, hee sent us victualls to eate, in very 
 ample manner. And after dinner the Generall, haveinge 
 conferred with divers of the countrye, sent mee to the 
 Agaa 1 or Governour to knowe whether he would command 
 any service aboard the shipp, for that the Generall would 
 repayre aboard and come againe in the morninge. Where- 
 unto the Governor made awnsweare that hee came but 
 then aland, and he had not as yet taken any pleasure in 
 the countrie, and that it was the order of all captaines that 
 came to the countrye to staie aland two or three daies at 
 least before they returned aboard, to refresh themselves ; 
 entreatinge him to have patience, and to send the boate 
 and what people he pleased aboard. Which awnsweare 
 I carried to the Generall, whoe was not a little displeased 
 thereat, but cawsed me to retourne to him againe, to see if 
 hee could have leave ; if not, to demand leave for my selfe 
 to goe aboard in the skiffe ; which he grannted, and sent 
 a soldiar with me to give order to those which kept the 
 gate to lett mee fourth, havinge first given my word to the 
 Generall to retourne againe in the morninge; hee doubt- 
 inge that I would not have returnd, beeinge once aboard. 
 But the Qth in the morninge I retourned in the skiffe 
 aland, havinge setled all thinges in order both for the 
 Generall and my selfe, makinge accompt to make a longe 
 voyage of it aland, doubtinge hard measure, the begininge 
 beeinge distastfull unto us. Soe comeinge aland I found 
 a guard of soldiars at the gate of our howse ; which did 
 
 1 Of whom see p. 77.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 6l 
 
 not well like mee, yet I said little. VVhen I came to the 
 Generall, he was well comforted by the Turks which had 
 kept him companie most parte of the night, that this daie 
 he should have leave to goe aboard. Soe wee passed the 
 tyme untill the eveninge; att which time the Generall and 
 my selfe went to the Agaa, shewinge fhat he had sufficientlie 
 reposed himselfe aland, entreatinge his leave to goe aboard 
 his shipp. To which hee awnswered that he had already 
 sent to advise the Bashaa his maister of our comeinge, and 
 of the Generalls beeinge aland, and before hee had his 
 awnsweare he durst not suffer him to goe aboard ; affirm- 
 inge that within fifteen daies hee hoped to have awnsweare 
 from the Bashaa to his content ; with many protestacions 
 of his good meaninge therein, and that hee had wrytten 
 much in his behalfe to the Bashaa. With this awnsweare 
 wee retourned to our lodginge, noe better then prisonners, 
 being guarded with souldiars, which made us abide with 
 heavie harts. Yet wee wanted nothinge, for hee sent us 
 victuals for two or three daies, untill hee beganne to growe 
 wearye and sent us word that wee should provide for our 
 selves ; being resolved by the Agaa that wee should not 
 goe aboard untill expresse order from the Bashaa, which 
 would bee twentie dayes. 
 
 The Generall, seeinge noe remedye, resolved with 
 patience to abide it, and sent aboard the shipp for such 
 things as was necessarye for victualls and other things ; 
 and sent for Robert Covett 1 to bee our cooke. In this 
 tyme wee repayred divers tymes to the Governor, and 
 weare many times invited thether to dinner ; the Governor 
 beeing many times very earnest with the Generall to come 
 neere 2 the roade with the shipp and land our goods, as the 
 Guzaratts did, to avoyde suspicion of the countrye people, 
 
 1 Covert, for whom see the List of Authorities. 
 
 2 Here, as elsewhere, 'nearer' is intended.
 
 62 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 for some did not lett to saie that wee weare men of warre 
 and not marchannts, because wee would not land our 
 goods, and ride soe farre of with the shipp 1 . To whome 
 the Generall awnswered that for the shipp she could not 
 come soe neere as the juncks, beeinge of a greater draught, 
 and the further shee roade of the more would bee our 
 paine to land our goods, as wee weare purposed to doe 
 if there weare marchannts in the countrye that would buye 
 it. Whereto the Agaa, alias Governor, replyed that hee 
 would procure marchannts to buye all that was in the 
 shipp within eight daies, if it weare once unladen ; upon 
 whose words the Generall cawsed a little iron and tynne to 
 bee landed, every daie a little, to keepe stroake with them 
 untill the messenger retorned from the Bashaa. Whatt 
 tynne wee landed was presentlie sold for 340 rialls per 
 baharre, which is 350 li. suttle 2 or thereabouts. Alsoe the 
 Agaa sent some marchannts to buye aboute eight bahars 
 of iron, ready money, at 22 rialls per bahar. This he did 
 in pollicye onelie to animate the Generall to land the rest 
 of our goods ; but the Generall made noe greate haste to 
 unlade ; onely for fashion sake a little every day in our 
 owne boate, to delaye the time as is aforesaid. Notwith- 
 standinge, wee had landed by little and little aboute ten 
 tuns of iron and eight peeces of broad cloth before the 
 messenger came with awnsweare. 
 
 The 28 of Aprill the messenger returned from the 
 
 1 As mentioned in the List of Authorities, copies of the letters 
 written by Sharpeigh to the ship during his detention ashore are 
 given in /. O. Marine Records, no. vii. From these it appears that on 
 April 10 he ordered the ship to be brought a little nearer in, to satisfy 
 the Governor; but three days later he directed her return to her 
 former anchorage. He was inclined to attribute his imprisonment to 
 the instigation of the GujaratI merchants, and advised those on 
 board, should he be long detained, to sail to the mouth of the Red 
 Sea and seize the Indian ships as hostages for the surrender of him 
 and his goods. 
 
 2 Net. 
 
 3 24th, according to a letter from Sharpeigh.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 63 
 
 Basha ; and presentlie the Governor sent for the Generall, 
 and at our comeinge he shewed greate mirth and beganne 
 to read the Bashas awnsweare concerninge us. Whether 
 true or false I knowe nott, but it was interpreted unto us 
 by one which spake very good Portugues, as followeth : 
 That the Governor should give us good enterteynement, 
 and that wee weare welcome into the countrye ; and that 
 the Basha would buye of us 500 covedos 1 of broad cloth 
 and all our lead. Whereunto our Generall awnswered that 
 it was at his service at any reasonable price. The Governor 
 made greate signes of feigned joie, protestinge nowe that 
 he had order from the Bashaa and would doe us all the 
 best kindnes that might bee. With these faire words wee 
 flattered our selves for the time, and departed without 
 asking any leave to goe aboard, because they should think 
 that wee doubted nothinge thereof, seeing such good newes 
 from the Bashaa. 
 
 The next daie wee returned to the Agaa, because as 
 yet wee perceived that he had not given order for our 
 goinge aboard, to demand of him whether wee might goe 
 aboard : that wee did not demand of him the daie before 
 because wee had thought that upon the receipt of the 
 Bashaas letter that hee had given order for the same. The 
 awnsweare of the Governor was that as yet wee had not 
 landed all our goods : that as soone as it was unladen, that 
 wee might goe and come at our pleasure. The Generall 
 replyed that if himselfe or any marchannt would make 
 price of his goods and buye it, that then hee would pre- 
 sentlie land it: otherwise he sawe noe reason to land goods 
 and carrie it aboard againe, for that if wee could not sell it 
 in Aden wee weare bound for Suratt and other places : 
 
 1 Port, covado, 'an ell.' It was the usual unit for measurement 
 of cloth in India. At Surat the ordinary 'covet' was about 27 inches, 
 but English cloth was bought by a special 'covet,' equivalent to about 
 a yard.
 
 64 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 and that little goods which was landed was not yett sould : 
 and seeinge that wee did owe him onely five per cento 
 of what was sould, accordinge to his owne note, that he 
 would be pleased to suffer him to goe aboard his shipp, 
 and that he would leave me aland to paye all dutyes and 
 for the sale of goods, if any man would buye : and that he 
 neede not feare of his custome, for that there was by much 
 more goods aland then would paye the custome : and that 
 he should assure himselfe that he would not leave his goods 
 and marchannts aland and begone, for that he esteemed 
 one marchannt more then all the goods in the shipp : 
 alledginge alsoe that, seeinge the Bashas letter was come, 
 that if nowe he went not aboard that the marryners would 
 doubt some hard measure and sett saile and begone and 
 leave us all aland. Notwithstandinge all these reasons 
 alledged, he could gett noe other awnsweare of the Agaa 
 but that he must first land all the goods, and then wee 
 might goe and come att our pleasures. With this unreason- 
 able awnsweare wee returned to our howse, alias prizon, 
 the Generall very much discontented, as the Governor well 
 perceived, for presentlie he sent to our howse annother 
 guard of soldiars to keepe us all within the howse and not 
 suffer anie to goe out without a guard with him. And this 
 daie in the eveninge he sent his Caya and his cheife secre- 
 tarie to our howse, shewinge the Generall that hee ment 
 noe harme towards us, onelie he desired to buye 500 covedos 
 of our cloth for the Bashaa for three altons the covedo 
 (every alton is 35. 4d.) ; whereunto the Generall awnswered 
 that he had already 1 50 covedos in his hands of the choise 
 cloth wee had, which he was content he should have for 
 that price ; but for the 500 covedos which he would have 
 more, he should paie three rialls of eight the covedo ; 
 whereunto the secretarye seemed well satisfied, and told 
 the Generall that hee might goe aboard in the morninge, 
 willinge him to send for the skiffe to fetch him, for that the
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 65 
 
 Generall had given order that the boate should not come 
 aland untill he sent for her. Soe that this night he wrote 
 aboard for the boate to come aland in the morninge be- 
 times to fetch him ; which was effected. In the morninge 
 the boate came accordinge to order ; and upon some 
 occasion of buysines the Generall deferred his goinge untill 
 the afternoone, nothinge doubtinge of any denyall ; but 
 before his departure, because he would not bee stopped, 
 he sent his drogoman 1 , alias his enterpreter, which was an 
 Italian benegado [renegado], servannt to the Captaine of 
 the Gallyes of Moucha, which was sent from thence by his 
 maister to entreate the Generall to come thither with the 
 shipp'-. He goinge to the Governor to knowe his pleasure 
 whether he would have any thinge aboard the shipp, he 
 awnswered that before the Generall went aboard he should 
 send aboard for the cloth which he had promised, and that 
 beeinge aland, he should goe aboard, otherwise not ; and 
 that he should send his Caya aboard to chuse the cloth 
 and bringe it aland. With which awnsweare the Generall 
 was amased, and retourned awnsweare that he marvelled 
 very much at such dealinge, havinge made him send for 
 his boate, and to detaine him it would cause his companie 
 aboard to bee in a mutinye, seeinge the Agaa in anie 
 thinge did not accomplish his word, and that he feared 
 that they would depart with the shipp and leave us all 
 aland to shifte for ourselves ; but if this weare his resolu- 
 cion, that he might send his men aboard with the Caya 
 and drogaman to chuse the cloth, but that it was alsoe 
 necessarie that he sent mee with them to deliver the cloth, 
 as alsoe to pacific the companie aboard ; which he pre- 
 sentlie graunted. Soe the Caya, the drogaman, and two 
 
 1 Arabic tarjuman, corrupted by Levantine traders into dragoman 
 and druggerman. 
 
 2 Sharpeigh says that this man had been fetched from Mocha to 
 act as interpreter.
 
 66 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 Turks more goe aboard, my selfe with them, with 
 order from the Generall to keepe them aboard untill 
 further order from him, doubtinge much his personn 
 aland 1 . Soe att our comeinge aboard it was almost 
 night ; soe that it was too late to shewe them anie 
 cloth, butt went to supper, they haveinge brought 
 store of victualls to make merrye. Soe that this 
 night there was shott in healthes above 40 peeces of 
 ordinance, that the people aland wondred at it; butt all 
 was in mirth, they not yet understandinge that wee ment 
 to detayne them. And havinge showed the rest of the 
 marchannts and maister the Generalls order, we deter- 
 myned to sett saile in the morninge to gett without shott 
 of the castle, and there come to anchor untill wee hard 
 farther from the Generall. Soe in the morninge I shewed 
 them the cloth ; and while they were chusinge of itt the 
 shipp sett saile ; which they perceiveinge demanded the 
 reason. Soe wee tooke them into the cabbin and told 
 them that seeing the Governor had falsified his promise 
 soe often with the Generall and detayned him aland, 
 doubtinge much his meaneinge towards us, wee ment to 
 keepe them as pledges untill our Generall came aboard ; 
 and if it pleased them to send a letter aland to the Governor 
 their maister they might ; and wee shewed them 16 chests 
 of rialls of eight, our yron, tynne, steele, and cloth which 
 was aboard, tellinge them wee [were ?] not theeves, as 
 some had reported, but marchannts thatt lived by our 
 trade. Soe they went to write to the Governor and to 
 send yt by a fisher boate which was by the ships side. 
 But soe soone as they sawe our shipp at saile from the 
 land, the Governor sent for the Generall, demandinge him 
 whatt wee ment to sett saile. The Generall made awnswere 
 that he knewe nott the cause. The Governor willed him to 
 
 1 This was on April 27 (Sharpeigh's letters).
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 67 
 
 write aboard and knowe the matter in all hast. Wee see- 
 inge the boate come of, wee stoode againe towards the 
 roade. The boate comeing aboard brought the Generalls 
 letters as is aforesaid. Wee awnswered that the Governor 
 should send our Generall aboard before wee would send 
 his men, for wee would trust to his words noe more, seeinge 
 he had broken it soe often with us ; and wee wrote the 
 Generall to thatt effect. Notwithstanding that it was 
 done by his order, wee wrote him soe much, because the 
 Governor should the lesse mistrust that it was done by his 
 consent. But the Governor haveing this awnsweare, he 
 was much vexed against the Generall, and used him with 
 some vile words 1 . But when his chollar was past, he sent 
 againe for the Generall to entreate the Generall to write 
 aboard to send the drogaman aland to declare the cause 
 of our settinge saile and detayneinge his men ; which letter 
 beinge receyved, wee sent the drogaman aland, whoe tould 
 the Governor our intent and the cawse of all ; in soe much 
 that it was concluded amongst them that the Generall 
 should bee sent aboard the next daie in the morninge 
 in a boate of the towne, and that wee should fetch him 
 in our boate halfe the way and receive the Generall and 
 deliver two of the pledges for him. Soe the next morninge 
 the Generall was sent aboard, and wee received him halfe 
 the way and delivered two of the Turks for him 2 . 
 
 The next daie wee consulted what was best to be done 
 with the Caya, which yet remayned aboard ; whereunto it 
 was agreed that notwithstandinge the Governours order to 
 keepe him aboard untill wee had all things from the shore, 
 that he should bee sent aland, to shewe our selves honest 
 men and not theeves, and our desire to trade with them in 
 
 1 From Sharpeigh's letters it appears that the Governor threatened 
 to send him up to San'a to be dealt with by the Pasha. 
 
 2 Apparently this was effected on the ist or 2nd May. The date is 
 not certain, because Sharpeigh in his letters interpolates a 3ist April 
 between the 3Oth April and the ist May. 
 
 52
 
 68 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 freindlye sorte, and not to detayne there people as the}' 
 had done ours ; that the detayneinge of there men was 
 onelie to have our Generall aboard and not in reguard 
 of our goods, as they might well perceive. Soe the Caya 
 beinge feasted by the Generall this daie, the next morninge 
 was sent aland in our skiffe, my selfe with him. And at 
 our comminge aland, the Governor sittinge in the custome 
 howse and seeing his Caya comeinge, contrarie to his 
 expectacion, seemed very well content, giveinge mee very 
 kinde words, tellinge me that wee might goe and come, 
 buye and sell at our pleasure, with many other comple- 
 ments. Soe in the eveninge I retourned aboard, without 
 any lett or hindrannce. And the next daie I retourned, in 
 companie with William Revett, who had not bene as yet 
 aland ; and presentlie went to the Governours howse, whoe 
 gave us kinde words and willed us to send aboard for the 
 cloath which the Generall promysed him, and that he 
 would paie for it accordinge to promise. Soe upon his 
 faire speeches wee wrote to the Generall, whoe sent aland 
 the cloth which the Caya had chosen aboard, and caried to 
 our howse. The Generall being desirous to retourne aland, 
 sent us worde that if the Governor pleased to send his 
 Caya aboard in pledge he would come aland to conferr 
 with him ; which the Governor grannted and sent the 
 Caya aboard, and the Generall came aland and made 
 agreement with the Governor for the cloth and for all the 
 steele which was in the shipp. The steele was sent for 
 aboard and sent to the Governours howse by the Generalls 
 order. And after two daies the Generall retourned aboard 
 and the Caya came aland that was there in pledge, the 
 Generall leaveing me aland to end accompts with the 
 Governor ; which I effected within two daies after the 
 Generall was gone aboard, verie freindlie and quietlie; 
 which when it was effected I went aboard to advise the 
 Generall thereof, that by his accompt he remayned owinge
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 69 
 
 1573 altons. The General! willed me to staie two or three 
 dales before I demanded the money of him, because to 
 give him noe offence; butt at the time appointed I went 
 to him to demand the money. He putt me off untill the 
 next daie. In this meane time there was a greate shipp 
 of Guzaratt come to Moucha, as the said Governor advised 
 the Generall, willinge the Generall to send a marchannt 
 theather to buye there indico, haveinge brought greate 
 store. The Generall was verie glad of this newes, and the 
 more because the Governor himselfe had made the motion 
 to send thither to buye it. Soe that it was concluded 
 to send Mr. Revett and Mr. Glascocke, in a boate which 
 the Governor had provided, to see whatt might bee done 
 in that matter, and to send back present advise ; in which 
 boate the Governor sent a chouse 1 of his owne, which was 
 one of his cheife men 2 . This boate retourned from Moucha,. 
 with his man and Mr. Glascocke, within tenn daies and 
 brought letters from Mr. Revett, whoe remayned there, 
 by which letters wee understoode that the indico which 
 was there could not be bought for lesse then 80 rials of 
 eight the churle 3 , which was too high a rate for us to buye ; 
 but for sale of our yron, sword blades and peeces there was 
 some hope of sale at a reasonable rate. This was theffect 
 of his letter concerninge the sale of comodities, perswading 
 the Generall to come thether with the shipp, comendinge 
 the place to be farre better then Aden. Soe that the 
 Generall was determyned to goe downe with the shipp as 
 
 1 Turkish chaush, an inferior official, such as a sergeant-at-arms 
 or herald. 
 
 2 William Revett's account of his expedition is given in an 
 appendix. He and Glasscock were the first Englishmen to pass 
 through the Straits of Babelmandeb. 
 
 3 An Indian term for the bundle or package by which indigo was 
 bought and sold. Saris was asked at Mocha ' a hundred rials the 
 churle, which is an hundred, seven and twentie pound or rottalas of 
 Moha, and about a hundred and fiftie pound English' (Purchas, i, 
 349). See also a note on p. 270 of The Embassy of Sir T. Roe,
 
 70 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 soone as hee could end his buysines with the Governor 
 and receive his mony, which untill nowe was putt off from 
 daie to daie with delayes. The Generall wrote unto me to 
 demand the money of the Governour and to send the rest 
 of our comodities aboard, and to enforme the Governor 
 that wee determine to goe for Moucha with the shipp ; 
 with all which I acquainted the Governour accordinge to 
 direccion, whoe seemed much discontented that wee would 
 goe for Moucha with the shipp, butt would have us to send 
 for itt, either by land or sea, any thinge that wee had there 
 bought ; but if wee would needs goe for Moucha, contrarie 
 to his minde, wee should paie the custome of all our goods, 
 and for every alton a chichin 1 of gold, as well for the 
 entrado as the saiedo 2 , which is both in and out, saying 
 that whatt money he owed us was not sufficyent to paye 
 his custome; yet if the Generall would give him what 
 money was in his hands that he would free him of the 
 rest, and might goe whither he pleased, and wee should 
 presentlie send all other goods which was remayninge 
 aboard ; which if the Generall denyed to doe, he would 
 send Phillipp Glascocke and my selfe prisonners to the 
 Bashaa for Senan 3 , to affirme before the Basha what hee 
 had received of us for the custome, because (as he said) 
 the Bashaa was informed that wee had brought much 
 cloth of gould and cloth of silver and silkes, soe that the 
 Bashaa expected much more custome then he had receyved 
 
 1 The Venetian zecchino, from zeccha, 'a mint,' which is derived 
 from the Arabic sikka, ' a coining die.' The latter word, as Sir Henry 
 Yule points out in Hobson-Jobson, is the ancestor of the 'sicca' rupee ; 
 and as the zecchino or sequin also established itself in Indian currency, 
 under the name of chickeen or chick, as the equivalent of four rupees, 
 two words identical in origin were brought together after remark- 
 ably divergent careers. 
 
 Saris in 1612 valued the 'chicquene' at Mocha at five shillings 
 (Purchas, i. 348). Downton (ibid. 282) rates it (under the name of 
 venetiand) at a rial of eight and a half. Here it seems to be taken 
 as equivalent to two altons, z>., 6s. 8d. 
 
 2 Portuguese entrada, 'entrance,' and sahida, 'egress.' 
 
 3 San 'a, the capital of the Yaman.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN /I 
 
 of us ; and bid me thus advise the Generall, and him his 
 awnsweare. I avvnswered him that for my owne parte 
 I was very wi Hinge to see the Bashaa, and that I was 
 perswaded that soe honorable a person would deale well 
 with stranngers and take nothinge butt what was his 
 due, which wee weare willinge to paie ; notwithstandinge 
 I would, if it pleased him, goe aboard to advise the 
 Generall of whatt he had said. But he would not suffer 
 mee to goe, but to send some other, and write him my 
 minde ; the which I forthwith effected, and had present 
 awnswer from him that hee might doe as hee pleased, but 
 he would not consent to give him his demand, for that he 
 was satisfied for his custome with advantage, besides the 
 money which hee ought. Haveinge told the Governor 
 thereof, he bid mee send all our yron and other comodities 
 and our people aboard, except my selfe and Phillipp 
 Glascocke, biddinge us to provide our selves to depart 
 for Senan to the Bashaa within three daies, as horses 
 and all other provision for the journey; which if-wee weare 
 not provided by the time lymitted he would send us on 
 foote. I entreated him to provide us two horses, and wee 
 would paie for them as much as they weare worth; because 
 wee weare stranngers, that none dare to sell us horses 
 without his leave. He awnswered that there weare twoe 
 soldiers present that had horses to sell that wee might 
 buye if wee would ; biddinge them to sell us twoe horses 
 and to make us paie well for them or not to sell them, as 
 afterwards our drogaman tould us he said to the soldiar 
 that had the horses to sell ; and as it appered by his owne 
 words unto us it was trewe, for that he willed us out of 
 hand to buye our horses, for it was in vaine to thinke that 
 wee should hier any in the countrye, and that wee neede 
 not stand upon the price. I awnswered I would give for 
 them what they weare worth, and not willinglie more, 
 entreatinge him to be favorable to us, not to make us paie
 
 72 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 for them twice as much as they weare worth, for I under- 
 stood the horses to bee his owne. But he awnswered that 
 the horses weare the soldiars and he might sell them as he 
 liste : he would not be against his profitt ; sayinge farther 
 that our goinge to Senan should cost us twice as much as 
 the money which he ought us, before the journey was 
 ended ; thinkinge by these threatnings to drawe us to give 
 him the 1573 altons which he owed rather then wee would 
 venture to spend soe much more and in the end goe with- 
 out it, as at last wee did ; for if he could have putt us of 
 from goinge to Senan he would have had it to himselfe, for 
 that the Generall had given him a present for the Bashaa 
 before, besides his custome. But when he sawe that we 
 had bought our horses (which cost us 180 rialls of eight) 
 then he was resolvd that wee determined to goe; and there- 
 fore he sent for mee to his howse, demandinge me when 
 wee would bee readie to depart for Senan. I awnswered 
 that, God willing, at the tyme appointed I would be readye, 
 for that I had some yron and lead to be sent aboard, and 
 as soone as it was laden I was readye, which would be the 
 next daie. Soe he paid a little money which rested owinge 
 for his owne accompt, besides the cloth, and withall he 
 tould out the whole some of money which was owinge 
 unto us, and delivered it before us to his secretarie (whoe 
 was to goe with us) to deliver it to the Bashaa, sayinge wee 
 should see that he kept it not to himselfe but would send 
 it with us, and if it pleased the Bashaa to give it to us, it 
 was nothinge to him. It put us in some comfort that the 
 money went alonge with us, for that we doubted nothinge 
 but that the Bashaa would cause it to bee delivered unto 
 us; but it fell out otherwise. I was glad that he sent the 
 money, because, if he should have caused the money to be 
 given unto us, that I should not have annother journey to 
 Aden for it, but goe directlie for Moucha, accordinge to 
 order, where the ship was to meete us.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 73 
 
 Thus haveinge laden all the rest of the goods which 
 was aland, and sent all our people and stuffe aboard, and 
 our selves readye, the 26th of Maye wee sett forwards 
 towards Senan, accompanied onely with Phillipp Glas- 
 cocke, our drogaman, and annother French man 1 , a 
 benegado [renegade], but could speake little French ; 
 whoe was sent from Senan by the Bashaa, tellinge the 
 Bashaa that he understood both English and French and 
 Italian, whoe had fained an interpretacion of His Majesties 
 letter 2 , sent by the Governor to Senan with a present ; soe 
 the letter being in the Spanish tongue, he understood some 
 words, and made the Bashaa believe that he understood all ; 
 affirminge the letter did entreate of cloth of gold and silver 
 and much silks which was aboard the shipp ; which was 
 the cause the Bashaa sent him downe to affirme soe much 
 to the Governor of Aden. This Governour at the first, 
 notwithstanding our detayneinge aland, did use us very 
 kindlie, and offred the Generall that if he would goe or 
 send any to the Bashaa with the Kings letter, that he 
 would give them horses and all other provision fittinge for 
 the journey ; tellinge him that it was farre better that he 
 should goe himselfe, or send some other of us, with His 
 Majesties letter ; but the Generall would not agree there- 
 unto, although I proferd my service therein, the which 
 could not be permitted ; but the letter was sent by a pion 3 
 or footeman, one of the Governors men ; which was much 
 misliked both of the Governor and of our owne people, 
 in soe much that the Governor, perceiveinge in the Generall 
 therein some weaknes, made not soe much reckoninge of 
 him as in former time. Alsoe the Governor gave the 
 Generall a faire gennett and he sent it backe againe, say- 
 
 1 Probably we should read 'annother a French man,' as on p. 81. 
 
 2 For this document see The First Letter Book of the East India 
 Company, p. 231. 
 
 3 Port, pedo, 'a footman.'
 
 74 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 inge that it was too much charge to keepe a horse for soe 
 little time ; butt the Governor well perceived that it was 
 because he would not give him annother in lieu of it, which 
 he tooke very discontenteous. Which if these causes had 
 not bene, and that the Generall had sent some one with 
 His Majesties letter, there had bene greate hope of trade ; 
 but wee weare soe sparinge that lost us twice as much, 
 besides contempned of the Turks for our miserablenes. 
 
 In the time of our beinge at Aden, the Basha sent the 
 Governor a vest of gold for a favour ; which the Governor 
 receyved aboute two miles out of the towne, in greate state, 
 and entreated me to goe with him, and sent me two horses 
 to take my choise, and likewise desired that I would write 
 to the Generall to shute some ordinance out of the shipp 
 when the castell shott ; which I performed, and went with 
 him out of the towne, and soe to all the castles aboute the 
 towne after he had received the vest of a gentleman that 
 brought it. Hee rode to the castell with the vest on his 
 backe, and when he came to the castles the ordinance was 
 shott which was in them ; soe that in all there were shott 
 above 200 peeces of ordinance within the castles and from 
 the walls, and our shipp shott fourteen peeces, whereat the 
 Governor seemed content; as no doubt he would have bene 
 in all matters, if he had not perceyved such weaknes in our 
 Generall. 
 
 Heare followeth a discripcion of the strength of the cittie 
 of Aden in Arabia^, lyinge in latitude 12 degrees 
 9 minutes'*. Anno 1609. 
 
 This cittie of Aden hath in former time bene a famous 
 and stronge place, but at present is ruinated and destroyed 
 
 1 Cp. Revett's description (in Appendix B). 
 
 2 The latitude is really 12 47' N.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 75 
 
 by the Turks 1 . There hath bene very faire buildings in it, 
 as by the remainders of the faire howses which are lefte 
 may be scene, falling to the grownd for want of repayringe. 
 There are in this cittie yett remayneinge many Arabs of 
 the poorer sorte, which are but as slaves to the Turke. 
 This cittie is walled round with a stone wall, very stronge, 
 and hath in it three very stronge gates, vizt. one on the 
 north side 2 , with yron grates to take up and downe at 
 their pleasure, and within this gate there are twoe other 
 gates, one a prettie distance one within annother ; these 
 two gates are of timber, with greate nayles as thicke as 
 they can stand ; and the reason why this gate is stronger 
 then the other is because this way is the easiest way for 
 any enemie to assault the cittie, havinge noe other good 
 entrance but over rocks or by the sea. Under their castles 
 on the south side there is annother gate ; but this gate is 
 comonlie kept fast, because that way there is noe recourse 
 of people, because it is towards the mountaines, where 
 there is noe travelling. The third gate is toward the sea, 
 which is towards the west, by the castell, which is without 
 the towne, upon the top of the iland 3 . All the gates have 
 a guard kept in them night and daie. The towne is 
 cittuated in a valley envyronned aboute with craggie 
 mountaines, except at the north side, where the three 
 gates are ; and on the mountaines there are castells and 
 watch howses round aboute, with ordinance in them, and 
 watch kept in all of them, although with fewe men, for 
 that they are scituated in such stronge places that one 
 
 1 The Turks conquered Aden in August, 1538. About twelve 
 years later the townsmen revolted and handed over the city to the 
 Portuguese; but it was recaptured in 1551, and the Turks then held 
 it until their evacuation of the Yaman in 1630. 
 
 2 Probably at what is now known as the Main Pass. 
 
 3 The term ' island ' was at one time freely applied to peninsulas 
 (cp. the ' Isle of Portland')- As a matter of fact, at spring tides the 
 Aden isthmus is sometimes all but covered by the sea.
 
 76 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 man may keepe out twenty. All these forts are within 
 falcon shott of the tovvne and doth comand the whole 
 cittie. And for the defence towards the sea there is an 
 iland 1 , very high, within muskett shott of the towne, on 
 which there is a very stronge castell, which seemed in- 
 vincible if they wante not men or victualls, for it is 
 naturallie stronge of itselfe if there weare noe walls aboute 
 it, the mountaine itselfe beeinge as a castell ; but ther are 
 stronge walles and plattformes in it, with good store of 
 ordinance. This castell comandeth both the towne and 
 the roade where shipping useth comonlie to ride, but you 
 may ride out of shott of it if you please. In this castle 
 and the rest of the forts of the cittie there are not above 
 300 soldiars ; yett doe they keepe the people in such awe 
 that they dare not looke a Turke in the face. The Arabs 
 are not suffred to carrie any kinde of armes nor suffred to 
 have any weopons in their howses for there owne defence ; 
 for at our first comeinge we weare comanded to sell noe 
 kinde of armour 2 to the Arabs, and if any of them should 
 presume to buye any in secrett it would cost him noe lesse 
 then his life ; which if the Arabs might buye, our peeces 
 and sword blades would bee a good comoditie in those 
 partes. 
 
 In this ruinated citty there is noe fresh water, but some 
 wells which are as brakishe as the sea ; whereof the comon 
 people drinke, and being used thereunto it doth them noe 
 hurte. It is an uncomfortable cittie ; for within the walls 
 there is not any greene thinge growinge, onelie your de- 
 light must bee in the cragged rocks and decayed howses. 
 It doth seldom or never raine in this cittie, which is the 
 reason that there is nothinge that groweth within it. It 
 
 1 The island of Sirah, now connected with the mainland by a stone 
 causeway. 
 
 2 In Jourdain's time this term covered all kinds of military equip- 
 ment, including weapons.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 77 
 
 was reported unto us that in seven yeares they had scene 
 noe raine within the citty. 
 
 The Governor of this towne is a younge man called 
 Rajeppo 1 Agaa or Governor. He is a Greeke by nation, 
 benegado [renegade] (as hee himselfe tould mee), and soe 
 are the cheifest of all the Turks of this place, and are slaves 
 to the Bashaa. The cittie walls and forts hath by reporte 
 200 peeces of brasse in ytt, which the Turks found in yt 
 when they tooke it from the Arabs ; for it seemeth to have 
 bene a very greate and famous cittie by the ruines thereof, 
 and in times past it hath bene the staple of Arabia ; but 
 nowe there cometh onelie two or three small shipps from 
 India and Muscatt neere Ormus yearlie, for the cheife 
 staple is removed to Giddaa 2 and Moucha within the 
 mouth of the Red Sea. They bringe to this towne onely 
 callicoes and shashes 3 and cotton woll ; and retourne 
 gumarabecke, frankencense and mirre, and an herbe which 
 groweth here called fica 4 or ruua, which they carrie to the 
 Indies to dye red withall ; alsoe some rialls of eight and 
 
 1 Rajab. It was he who, shortly after, as Governor of Mocha, 
 treacherously seized Sir Henry Middleton and his companions. 
 Downton (Purchas, \. 285) says that he was originally ' a servile 
 slave ' of the Pasha of San'a, ' and for that he was a beneficiall knave 
 to his master he was preferred to Moha, a better place.' As_ a result, 
 it would seem, of Middleton's retaliatory measures, Rajab Agha was 
 dismissed from his post (ibid. 341); but while the Royal Anne, under 
 Capt. Shilling, was lying at Mocha in 1618, he once more made his 
 appearance as Governor. He then professed great friendliness for 
 the English, and wrote a very amicable letter to Sir Thomas Roe 
 (O. C. 68 1, and Purchas, i. 625). 
 
 2 Jiddah. 
 
 3 Turban-cloths. ' Their heads are continually covered with a 
 shash or wreath of narrow calico cloth many times wrapt about 
 them (usually for the colour white or red).' Terry's Voyage to 
 E. India, ed. 1777, p. 126. 
 
 4 A copyist's error for 'fua' (cp. p. 95), i.e. madder (Arabic 
 fuwwd). Varthema sailed to Ethiopia 'together with twenty-five 
 
 ships laden with madder to dye clothes ; for every year they lade 
 as many as twenty-five ships in Aden with it. This madder grows in 
 Arabia Felix' (Badger's transln., p. 85). 'Ruua' may be meant for 
 ' ruuna,' i.e., nlnas, the Persian word for madder.
 
 78 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 chickins 1 there are brought by the marchannts which come 
 from Grand Cairo yearlie ; but fewe come to Aden, but 
 staie in Gidda or Moucha. The .Indian shipps come in 
 November, which is the begininge of the easterlie monson, 
 or in Aprill or Maye, which is the end of the same mon- 
 sonn ; and then at the begininge of the westerly monsonn 
 those which came first departe, and those which came last 
 in Aprill departe in August ; and this is their course for 
 their monsonnes continuallie thorough the yeare. But if 
 they chance to be taken shorte with the monsonne, they 
 are faine to gett some place to staie untill the next 
 monsonne, or to retourne backe againe; for the winter 
 in the coast of India beginneth aboute the end of Maye, 
 and lasteth untill September, and then begineth the 
 easterlie monsonne. Aboute the I5th of August departeth 
 all the Indian shipps from Aden, Moucha and Zidda, for 
 that they must have parte of the westerlie monsonn to 
 carrie them home, for feare of beeing taken shorte as is 
 aforesaid ; for aboute the end of the monson ns the winde 
 hath noe greate force, but bloweth little winde ; otherwise 
 the Indian shipps, although they are great, would hardlie 
 be able to brooke the seas, being laden to the very brime 
 of the shipp and haveing noe decks. Thus much concern- 
 inge Aden and the India shipps. 
 
 Of the cominge of our pinnace after the murder of 
 John Lufkin, master of her. 
 
 In the time of our beeinge in Aden, aboute the I5th 
 of Maye, in the night, arrived our pinnace, which sett up 
 at the Cape, beinge eight monnethes since shee departed 
 from [us?] after our departure from the Cape Bona 
 Esperansa. Beinge aland at Aden, in the night I hard 
 
 1 See note on p. 70.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 79 
 
 ordinance out of the roade from our shipp, which made 
 me doubt of some assault to our shipp by the Turks ; 
 but it proved to bee at the arryvall of the said pinnace, 
 although noe greate cause to shute for joye, seeinge they 
 had murthered there maister. Yet as the Divell had 
 tempted them to the evill, soe hee brought them to their 
 end ; for as soone as they came aboard to the Generall, 
 he demandinge for there maister, they tould him very 
 merilie that hee was dead. Demandinge by whatt meanes, 
 they awnswered that they had slaine him ; askinge whoe 
 it was that slewe him, they awnswered : One and all of 
 them ; that it was better for one to dye then all. Soe 
 beganne to tell the whole storie ; howe that hee had 
 driven them off with delayes a longe time that hee would 
 putt with the land of Saint Lawrence to seeke victualls, 
 and had deceived them soe often, thatt they weare almost 
 all famished for wante of water and other refreshinge; 
 and therefore they seeinge him to bee neare the land in 
 the eveninge and stoode to the offinge againe, although hee 
 had promysed that the next daie hee would stand againe 
 with the land to seeke refreshinge, but they not beleevinge 
 any more his promises, as hee was standinge leaneinge 
 over the shipps side, one of them with a mallett strooke 
 his braines out, and had slaine him, and had made one 
 Francis Dryver maister ; whoe presentlie went into his 
 cabbin and tooke possession, beinge very sicke, and there 
 dranke carowses one to the other ; and Clarke, whoe was 
 the man that killed him, was made his mate 1 . They 
 allegd further that hee had good drinke for himselfe, and 
 would drinke it himselfe and give them none, because it 
 was of his owne provision. The Gennerall, haveinge 
 understood the matter att full, beinge sorrowfull of the 
 losse of soe faire a conditioned man, sent for mee in 
 
 1 Jones says that Clarke had previously been the mate of the 
 pinnace and Driver the gunner.
 
 80 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 the morninge to come aboard to conferr aboute the 
 matter ; for as yet they had not emprizoned them, beinge 
 councelled by the maister, Phillipp Grove, to winke at it 
 untill they came home, as I perceived by the Generalls 
 letter written mee. Whereunto I wrote him my minde, 
 because this daie haveinge buysines I could not goe 
 aboard ; but by letter I advised that if he did winke att 
 such a fowle matter the next boute would bee his, with 
 other inconvenyences which I alledged to him. But the next 
 daie, after my comeinge, the parties were re-examined and 
 their examinations sett downe in writeinge ; which beinge 
 examined onelie by one before the Generall, the preacher, 
 the maister, the purser and my selfe, and havinge all of 
 them confessed the matter as at first, there was found 
 accessarie to the fact three of them, and one that ranne 
 from the shipp upon Saint Lawrence the next daie after 
 they had slaine the maister 1 . Soe these three beeinge 
 examined, and confessed the cryme, weare comitted to 
 ward the next morninge ; and presentlie there was a jurie 
 of seamen empanelled, and [they] were found guiltie and 
 condempned to dye 2 . Soe the 23th of Maye Francis 
 Dryver and Clarke, the two principall, weare hanged 
 aboard the pinnace, where they had comitted the crime ; 
 and the drommer, beeinge younge, was repreeved, have- 
 inge some skill in surgerye ; whose name was Andrewe 
 Evens, whoe after dyed of the flixe 3 at Suratt. 
 
 1 Covert gives the name of the fugitive as Edward Hilles, and 
 says that he ' was eaten with Caribs or man-eaters.' Jones says ' they 
 left my servant Edward Hilles behind them, who (as they said) going 
 to cut wood, could not bee heard off.' 
 
 2 By the royal commission for the voyage (First Letter Book of 
 the East India Company, p. 227) Sharpeigh was authorised to use 
 martial law in cases of 'capitall offences, as for wilfull murther...or 
 muteny...the same being trulie and justlie proved against any of the 
 person or personns aforesaid.' 
 
 3 Or ' flux,' i.e., dysentery.
 
 MAP OF THE YAMAN, SHOWING JOURDAIN'S ROUTES 
 
 NA 
 
 GULF OF ADEN 
 
 DEN 
 
 ,00 
 
 flaidiin Society, Second Series, Vol.16.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 8l 
 
 Our journey from Aden to Senan, with the names of 
 the cheife townes ivee passed*. 
 
 The 26th of Maye (as is before mentioned) in the 
 eveninge wee sett forth out of Aden towards Senan ; and 
 the same daie our shipp sett saile for Moucha. In our 
 companies were twoe renegadoes, our drogamon, one 
 Italian, and annother a Frenchman, with the Governors 
 secretary, whoe had the charge of us to deliver us to the 
 Bashaa. This daie wee travelled untill midnight, at which 
 time wee came neere a walled towne of garrison, called 
 Hatch 2 ; butt because wee could not gett into the towne 
 before daie, beinge a towne of garrizon, wee rest upon the 
 plaine untill daie. Soe in the morninge wee came to 
 
 1 The latter portion of the route traversed by Jourdain and his 
 companions presents no difficulty. From Yarim to San'a the road is 
 well-known, and we have as guides (i) Sir Henry Middleton's narra- 
 tive of his journey in 1610-11 (Purchas, i. 254): (2) a MS. account 
 of the same journey by Benjamin Green (/. O. Records, Marine 
 Journals, xii.) [as this is not available" in print it has been quoted 
 freely in the notes which follow] : (3) Pieter van den Broecke's 
 narrative of his visit to San'a in 1616 (Amsterdam, 1648) : (4) Niebuhr's 
 Description de f Arabic and Voyage en Arabie : (5) Mr W. B. Harris's 
 Journey through the Yemen: (6) the Rev. S. M. Z Werner's Arabia: 
 the Cradle of Islam. The first four give also details of the route 
 from San'a to Mocha by way of Ta'izz. For the first part, how- 
 ever, i.e., from Aden to Janad, but little help can be derived from 
 books. Varthema's account of his travels in this region is short and 
 vague. Mr Harris in 1892 took a more easterly route than Jourdain. 
 Two years later Mr Zwemer proceeded from Aden to Ta'izz by way 
 of Mafalees, but his narrative does not afford much assistance. In 
 these circumstances the editor applied to Col. Robert Scallon, C.B., 
 C.I.E., D.S.O., the acting Resident at Aden, who most kindly interested 
 himself in the matter and forwarded information as to the routes likely 
 to have been followed. In his opinion Jourdain's stages from Al-Hauta 
 were probably : first day, through the Subaihi country to Al-Farsha ; 
 second day, to Mafalees ; third day, to As-Selaw ; fourth day to Janad. 
 There is, however, another way by Hirwa and As-Selaw which may 
 have been taken ; and Mr Hamood bin Hasan, headmaster of the 
 Aden Residency Schools, in a memorandum forwarded by Col. Scallon, 
 suggests that our traveller went by way of Musemir, Ad-Dareja and 
 Mawia to Janad. All three routes have been laid down on the map, 
 from a sketch which Col. Scallon has kindly furnished. 
 
 2 Jourdain probably wrote ' Hatch,' i.e., Al-Hauta, the capital of 
 Lahej. The ancient walled town was about a mile from the present 
 city (information from Colonel Scallon).
 
 82 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 the towne, being under the government of the Governor 
 of Aden ; where wee staied all daie, the Governor havinge 
 geven such order, to see whether wee would agree to give 
 him the money ; which putt us in greate feare, seeinge our 
 ship was gone, that he would secreetlie have putt us to 
 death and soe keepe the money to himselfe, as our droga- 
 man did much feare of it too ; but afterward it proved 
 otherwise, for it was to have acquittannce from us that 
 he ought nothinge unto us but the 1573 altons, because 
 he had receyved divers things from us which he had given 
 nothinge for, which was given him for presennts. Soe 
 when wee had signed acquittannce he gave order for us 
 to departe. This cittie hath walles of earth round aboute, 
 made very artificiall, and hath 50 soldiars, Turks hors- 
 men, in itt, which doth governe it under Reejppo, Agaa 
 of Aden. Ft stands in a very plaine and champion 
 countrie, and very firtill of all fruits and graine, havinge 
 divers rivers of waters in many places to water their 
 corne. Alsoe there is in this place much cotton woll. 
 Soe that I take it to be one of the fruitfull places of 
 Arabia; and is some 18 miles from Aden. This towne 
 doth serve Aden with all kinde of victualls and fruite. 
 
 May 28. In the afternoone wee departed out of Hatch, 
 and travelled untill three in the morninge, and then wee 
 rested in the plaine feilds untill three the next daie, neere 
 unto a cohoo howse 1 in the desert ; havinge brought 
 victualls with us from Hatch and water, and eight soldiars 
 to conducte us for feare of theeves, being a wildernes 
 where manie are robbed. 
 
 May 29. Aboute three in the afternoone wee beganne 
 to travayle all night untill three in the morninge, and then 
 wee rested in the feilds untill daie. This night wee passed 
 
 1 f.e. t a travellers' rest-house, where coffee could be procured. 
 Middleton uses both 'coho' and 'coughe' for 'coffee' (Arabic kah-wci). 
 Roe has 'cohu.'
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 83 
 
 a high mountaine full of stones and very dangerous for 
 theeves. The next daie aboute ten wee came to a little 
 village, where wee rested all the daie untill night, but 
 could gett noe victualls but what wee brought with us, 
 other then quinces and some peaches. In the eveninge 
 wee sett forwards and travelled all night. 
 
 May 31. In the forenoone aboute ten we came to 
 a prettie towne called Salmett 1 , which standeth in a plaine 
 countrie and very fertill of all kinde of graine, which doth 
 serve all parts of the barren countrye that wee have 
 passed these two daies. On the topp of a heigh hill 
 neeare the towne is a castle with some ordinance in itt, 
 but of little force. Heare wee stayed all night. 
 
 June i. Two howers before daie wee sett forward out 
 of Salmett, and came to annother prettie towne some 26 
 miles distannt, called Jenetta 2 , this towne alsoe standinge 
 in a fruitfull soile. And betwixt the twoe townes there are 
 manye small villages and very populous and fruitfull, with 
 manie valleyes which yeild all kinde of graine, and very 
 well manured. There are manie howses and little forts on 
 the topp of hills, butt the towne stands in a plaine. Att 
 this towne you might see the great cittie of Tayes 3 , which 
 lyeth in the waye from Moucha to Senan. 
 
 June 2. Wee came neere the cittie of Hippa 4 ; being 
 a walled cittie and a garrison, could not gett in by night, 
 and therefore wee laye aboute five miles short of itt. This 
 daie wee passed many heigh mountaines with paved 
 
 1 Col. Scallon thinks this must be As-Selaw, in which case the 
 castle mentioned by Jourdain would be the fort of Ad-Dumluwah. 
 As-Selaw is in a very fertile district, producing many kinds of grain, 
 fruit and vegetables. 
 
 2 Janad, El-Jenet or Al-Janadiah. Its large and beautiful mosque 
 was a great resort of pilgrims (Kay's Omarah, p. 10). 
 
 3 Ta'izz, which has been often described : see infra, p. 96 ; also 
 Varthema (Hakl. Soc. ed.), p. So; Van den Broecke, p. 32 ; Niebuhr 
 ( Voyage], i. 300 ; Playfair, p. 32 ; Zwemer, p. 62 ; etc. 
 
 4 Ibb.
 
 84 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 wayes 1 made round about them for men to travaile ; 
 otherwise it weare unpossible to goe on horsbacke; and 
 in the middle way of one of the mountaines there is a 
 fountaine of very good water, with a sesterne of lyme and 
 stone to give drinke to beasts that travaile ; otherwise 
 the beasts weare not able to contynue travaile, by reason 
 of the greate heate. 
 
 June 3. Aboute ten wee came to the cittie of Hippa, 
 where wee laye in the middle of the cittie within the 
 sarraye 2 , a howse made of purpose for travellours. Within 
 four miles of this cittie ther is annother cittie, which wee 
 sawe a little out of the waye as wee came, called Gibla 3 , 
 which is a greate cittye but not walled ; but the cittie of 
 Hippa is walled, and standeth on the topp of a hill, and 
 neere it there is a castle on the topp of annother hill, 
 which doth comand the castle. This cittie standeth very 
 pleasannt, and in a firtill soile, and very populous, and 
 the land round aboute very well manured. In this place 
 they doe sowe their corne all times of the yeare, and doth 
 yeild fruite every three months, as it was crediblie reported 
 -to mee, for I have scene some corne sowinge, some reap- 
 inge, some ripe, and some greene all at one time 4 , which 
 maketh mee beleeve it the sooner. This towne hath not 
 above 50 soldiars to keepe it, and yet very populous. 
 
 June 4. The Governour sent mee by his Caia a goate 
 dressed in very good manner, and cawsed his Caia to 
 keepe me companie and eate with mee, because he 
 thought I would feare to eate the meate hee sent mee. 
 
 1 These rough pavements are a feature of the Yaman passes. 
 
 2 Pers. sardi, ' a building.' The proper term is karwansarai, ' a 
 building for the reception of caravans.' A strange perversion of the 
 latter word is to be found in Middleton's narrative, where we read of 
 ' censors, which are built at the cost of the Gran Signior for the reliefe 
 of travellers.' 
 
 3 Jiblah. 
 
 4 Van den Broecke noticed the same thing (p. 33).
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 8$ 
 
 I sent him a sword blade in recompence. Here wee 
 stayed twoe daies, and went to the hott howse to bathe 
 our selves, the Caia keepinge us companie. From Salla- 
 mett 1 to Hippa is aboute 30 miles. 
 
 June 5. Aboute two in the morninge wee putt off from 
 Hippa in hope to have passed the greate mountaine; but 
 aboute midnight wee tooke up our lodginge halfe the 
 waye and laye in the mountaynes, our camells beeing 
 wearie and our selves little better. This mountaine is 
 called Nasmarde 2 , where all the cohoo growes. From this 
 mountaine goeth many rivers of water, that doth water 
 many places in Arabia ; and is fruitfull round aboute it 
 of all kinde of graine and fruite. It is paved, that five 
 men may goe abrest all the waye upp. On the topp [of] 
 this mountaine there are two little castells within faulcon 
 shott one of the other, on twoe little hills. There is noe 
 man can passe from Senan but by licence from the Bashaa 
 but he shall be staied at these castells 3 . Neere unto these 
 
 1 Probably a slip for ' Jenetta.' 
 
 2 Green and Middleton call it 'Naquelsamarr' and ' Nackhilsamar,' 
 i.e., Nakll Sumara, the latter word being the proper name of the 
 mountain, while naktl is a term used in the Yaman for 'a mountain 
 road,' 'a high and difficult pass.' 
 
 3 'Upon the topp of this hill is a great and stronge castell, which 
 the Turkes have and commandeth that passadge, that noe souldier 
 (yf he be a Turk) may escape withowt the espress commande of the 
 Bashaw ; for they live all in such subjecion and feare that they w ould 
 faine departe the country yf they coulde, being for the most parte 
 runnagadoes and suche as have beene taken, when they weare yong, 
 in the warrs of Armenia and Greece.... Heere the Moores and Turkes 
 reporte that St. Allia was invited to a feaste ; and comming to the 
 same, seeing the meat stande before him, said : If any ill poyson or 
 elce be in this meat, then lett the meat and dishes be turned into 
 stones ; but yf nott, lett them remain as they are. Soe the meat 
 being poysoned, meat and dishes and all turned unto stones, and 
 upon the topp of this hill are to be scene at this day. Moreover, 
 heere is upon the topp of this hill a very fair well or fowntaine, of 
 which the Turkes tould us yf we did drinke, we should retorne thether 
 againe ; which half of our companie did, yett (God be thanked) never 
 retornd. Power dayes jorney from hence is a place called Esscates, 
 where is said to be buried a great sainte, who at certaine tymes of the 
 yeare, when as there commeth many pilgrims thether, is houlden in 
 honnor of that profFett a sollem and great feast, to which commeth
 
 86 * JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 castells there is a little village where there is sould cohoo 
 and fruite. The seeds of this cohoo is a greate marchan- 
 dize, for it is carried to Grand Cairo and all other places 
 of Turkey, and to the Indias. And, as it is reported, 
 this seede will growe at noe other place but neere this 
 mountaine 1 , which is one of the highest mountaines in 
 Arabia. It is 24 howers worke to goe to the topp of it ; 
 yet the waye is faire, but steepe that it killeth manie 
 camells and horses before they can gett up with their 
 burthens. 
 
 June 6. Havinge with greate paines passed this 
 mountaine of Nasmarde, wee came to a small towne 2 , 
 scituated in a barren countrie, where wee lodged in the 
 sarraye, where wee found victualls, because it is not 
 aboute [above?] five mile from the foote of this fruitfull 
 mountayne. 
 
 June 7. Wee came to a cittie called Damar 3 . This 
 
 many thowsandes of people, soe that all the hills abowt are partly 
 covered ; at which tyme the goast of the said saint is said to vvalke, 
 and telleth them of many strange things, which they houlde and doe 
 beleeve infallible ; and with these and the like abominable falshoods 
 is theire develish sect maintained '(Green). This 'Esscates,'it appears 
 from a later entry, was a place on the Ta'izz-Mocha road, twelve miles 
 from the former city; it is described as 'sittuated in the middle of 
 a great hie mountain ; yt hath at the nether ende of the towne a 
 great rownd pann full of water, which commeth from owt of the hills.' 
 Middleton, who is made to call it ' Eufras ' (probably a misprint) and 
 gives its distance from Ta'izz as 16 miles, says that 'about the fift 
 of January great multitude of people resorteth hither from farre, 
 where they doe some foolish ceremonies to one of their saints and 
 holy men, which lyeth buried there ; which being done they goe all 
 in company to Mecca on pilgrimage.' 
 
 As regards the story about ' St. Allia,' Sir Charles Lyall thinks 
 that Green (or his interpreter) misunderstood the narrator. The 
 latter probably used the word auliya, ' saints,' and this was taken for 
 a proper name. 
 
 1 This is of course wrong. Coffee grows in many parts of the 
 province. 
 
 2 Most likely Yarlm. Green calls it Erinn ; and probably Middleton 
 used the same spelling, which Purchas has misprinted 'Ermin.' 
 
 3 'We arived at Damar, a confused or despersed cetty in five or six 
 partes, withowt any walls of defence, exept a castle which standeth 
 the south syde therof. This place is distante from Surage 20 miles ; 
 sittuated in the middest of a great plain, where is good store of
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 87 
 
 cittie standeth in a plaine countrie and firtell ; and the 
 towne is devided in four parts, like four severall villages. 
 It is very populous and not walled, but very pleasant, full 
 of gardens ; yet noe water within the towne, onelie what 
 is in wells without the towne ; which water there are men 
 appointed continewallie to drawe with oxen and lett it 
 runne in a gutter every morninge to fill the sesterns 
 which are provided in the cittie for that purpose ; and 
 when the sesternes are full, they carrie the water to there 
 corne and gardens, and soe water dailie both there corne 
 and there gardens. In this cittie there are aboute 200 
 soldiars in garrison, because it is not walled, and a cheape 
 place to laie in. Neere the towne there is a mountaine 
 wher there is found many blud stones, agatts, and catts 
 eyes, and other stones of little value in greate plentie. 
 
 June 8. Wee came to a little towne called Mocadar 1 , 
 which stands in a desert country betweene the mountaines, 
 where wee laye within a sarraye, havinge this daie passed 
 by a very faire sarraye on the topp of a plaine moun- 
 taine, made by the Basha for travellours that come late 
 that waye. 
 
 June 9. Aboute ten in the morninge wee came to 
 
 corne and running streames of water, compassed rownd with hie 
 and asperous mountaines. Heere is good store of all provissions. 
 Also in this place are great store of bloodstones, which the in- 
 habitants cutt and sett in ringes, very curious. The best that are 
 in this country commeth [from ?] Amara, which is a place distant 
 from Damar 20 miles or thereabowts. Heere are a great nomber of 
 Bannean gouldsmithes, who inhabitt in this place and make their living 
 by cutting these and the like stones and putting them in rings to 
 sell against the monnson. They have also heere great store of agatts, 
 christall and such like, which the inhabitants make in beades, for the 
 Torks and Moores never goe to churche butt they carry som beades 
 to say their prayers upon, as the Papists doth' (Green). 
 
 Dhamar is well described by Harris and Zwemer. See also Van 
 den Broecke's account. 
 
 1 Niebuhr's ' Machdar' : the ' Mukhtar' of Playfair's map. The 
 saral they passed was possibly Sirajeh, called by Niebuhr ' Suradsje,' 
 and by Middleton and Green ' Surage.' According to the last named 
 it was 'a little village... sittuated upon the topp of a little hill in the 
 middest of a plaine.'
 
 88 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 a small towne 1 by the side of a barren hill, within a dales 
 journey of Senan ; from whence the Governours secretarie 
 sent to Senan to advise the Basha 2 of our comeinge, de- 
 siringe to knowe his pleasure. 
 
 June 10. Wee proceeded in our waye towards Senan. 
 And aboute eight in the morninge wee mett a messenger 
 sent from the Bashaa, with a letter from the Bashaas 
 secretarie that wee might repayre to the cittie, and there 
 rest our selves two or three daies in a howse that he had 
 provided for us, because the Bashaa was not in the cittie 
 but laie in the countrye aboute six miles off, where hee 
 minded to send for us. Soe that aboute noone wee came 
 into the cittie, and laye at a howse which was provided 
 for us. 
 
 June ii. The Governors secretarie that came with us 
 came to our howse and willed us to make our selves 
 readye to goe to the Bashaa, whoe had given order for 
 our comeinge. And aboute ten in the forenoone wee 
 came to the place where the Basha laye with all his 
 trayne, and presentlie wee weare carried to the Basshas 
 secretaryes tent, hee to take charge of us ; where wee 
 stayed three howers before wee could have admittance 
 to the Basha, hee beeinge asleepe. Aboute one in the 
 afternoone his secretarie went to him to knowe his pleasure 
 when he would admitt us to his presence, whoe presentlie 
 comanded wee should bee brought before him. And 
 comeinge to his presence passed as followeth, vizt. 
 
 1 Probably the 'Siam' of Middleton and Green. The latter 
 describes it as 'a little towne distante from Zenan 16 miles or there- 
 abowts, sittuated upon the syde of an asperous mountaine, which 
 yeildeth scarce any releefe or sustenance for mann ; only the people 
 or inhabitants, being wild and barberous, live upon seedes and rootes, 
 which is their cheefest foode.' It seems to be the Seijan of Niebuhr, 
 and the Seiyan of the Intelligence Department map. 
 
 2 The Pasha of San'a at this time was named Jafar. According to 
 Van den Broecke, who found him still in power in 1616, he was a 
 Hungarian by birth.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 89 
 
 The Basha being sate upon a high stoole laid with crimson 
 velvett, in a faire gallerie under his howse, hee sittinge in 
 the middest of the galerie, and his noble men by degrees 
 standinge on each side with their armes crosse. Soe that 
 as soone as I had done my dutye unto him, I was taken 
 by two of his noble men, on each side one, houlding fast 
 both my armes, and soe carried me towards the Bashaa 
 to kisse his vest ; which beeing done wee retired back- 
 wards a prettye distannce, where they lett me stand in 
 the middle betweene the two rancks of his noblemen. 
 These ceremonies beeinge ended, he demanded me the 
 cause of my comeinge to him. I awnswered that the 
 Agaa of Aden had sent us to His Excellencie ; the cause 
 I knewe not, but the partie which brought us could relate 
 to His Excellencye at large the cause, whoe was there 
 in presence. Whereupon the Basha called to him and 
 demanded the cawse of our cominge, seeminge to bee 
 very angrie, which made the poore man in such a feare 
 that he could not in a prettie space make awnsweare ; 
 butt after comeing againe to himselfe he made a greate 
 oration to the Basha, his talke tendinge most to the 
 excusinge of the Governour of Aden. Which when the 
 Bashaa had heard, hee awnswered that within three daies 
 wee should retourne ; and would have dismissed us pre- 
 sentlie but that I delivered him a letter from our Generall ; 
 whoe demanded in what language it was. I awnswered : 
 In the Portugall tongue, and therewith delivered him the 
 letter ; whoe willed mee to reade it, and the drogaman 
 should enterprett itt to him. The principall articles vizt. 
 First was concerninge the setlinge of a factorye in the 
 country ; whereunto hee awnswered that it could not bee 
 permitted without expresse order from the Greate Turke 
 his maister ; and bringinge his order he would receyve us 
 with all his harte, puttinge it on his head ; and his reason 
 was, for that at his beeinge with the Greate Turke at
 
 90 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 courte there came a Frangay 1 , as he tearmed him (which 
 I take to bee an Italian), whoe desired license to come 
 into the Red Sea with one shipp to trade, which could 
 not be grannted unto him because it was neere their holie 
 howse of Mecca ; and seeinge that he knewe that his 
 maister would not give leave at that tyme, that nowe he 
 could not permitt any factorie without his order ; notwith- 
 standinge, seeinge that he knewe that the English weare 
 freinds to the Create Turke his maister, and traded in 
 his dominions, therefore we might at present sell such 
 goods as wee had landed and take what wee wanted in 
 that countrie and soe departe for this time ; advisinge us 
 to come noe more without order from the Create Turke. 
 I would have shewed him the coppie of the capitulacions 
 betvveene the Turke and us, but he awnswered that hee 
 knewe theffect of them, and therefore needlesse. I tould 
 him that, knowinge this countrie did belonge unto him, 
 as well as Stambull and Aleppo with other places where 
 wee traded, that cawsed us to be bould to come, thinkinge 
 to bee as free as in the other places before mentioned ; 
 butt seeinge it could not bee, we craved his license, as 
 hee had promised, to sell our goods and take what wee 
 wanted and soe to departe. He promised that the next 
 daie it should be delivered mee. Alsoe I shewed him of 
 what agreement was made with the Governour of Aden 
 before wee landed any goods, for the custome of it, that 
 wee should paie five per cent onelye upon the goods which 
 wee sould, and the rest to retourne aboard againe without 
 custome, wherewith I shewed him a note of the Governours 
 to that effect ; notwithstandinge his promise, he had de- 
 tayned 1600 altons in his hands more then his custome, 
 demanding nowe ten per cent, not onelie of whatt was 
 sould, but alsoe of what was retorned aboard the shipp ; 
 
 1 Arabic Firanjf, a Frank or European.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN pi 
 
 all which is contrarie to his promise and writinge extant. 
 The Basha his awnsweare to this was : Reejypo Agaa the 
 Governour was his slave, and that he could doe nothing 
 without his order. His mullao 1 or preist standinge by 
 spake to him in his eare ; whereupon presentlie hee arose, 
 as if hee had bene angrie (as his (sic} was) aboute de- 
 mandinge the money, and spake noe more unto us, but 
 willed his secretarie to carry us to the Caya to decide the 
 matter ; and soe he departed. 
 
 Presentlie wee weare carryed to the Caya his tent, 
 whoe sate in as greate state as the Basha himselfe ; and 
 in the same manner as wee weare carried before the Basha, 
 wee weare presented to the Caya ; onelie we had a little 
 more priviledge to kisse his hand, havinge kissed the skirt 
 of the Bashaas gowne. He bid us welcome, and cawsed 
 us to be carried againe to the secretaries tent untill the 
 eveninge and then he would speake with us ; where we 
 stayed untill it was almost night. Soe that after that wee 
 had eate with the secretarie, he sent us word that wee 
 should retourne to the cittie, and repaire thether againe 
 the next morninge ; and cawsed the Governours man of 
 Aden (whoe was our keeper) to goe with us. Soe wee 
 tooke our leave of the secretarie and departed. 
 
 Nowe in the waye, as wee rid towards Senan, the 
 Governours man our keeper had prattica 2 with our droga- 
 man, and told him that the Basha and the rest of his 
 officers, as the Caia and Secretarie, expected greate 
 presennts from mee, which was the cause I was not dis- 
 patcht this daie ; which although hee had not tould mee, 
 I was minded to carrie a present the next daie, because 
 I had some notice by the Bashas secretarie by signes. 
 Soe that the next daie I carried for the Basha 25 covedos 3 
 
 1 Arabic mania, 'a learned man,' 'a teacher.' 
 
 2 \\.?i\. pratica, 'conversation.' 3 Yards (see p. 63).
 
 92 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 of cloth of several 1 colours for five vests, two barrells of 
 powder, and two faire peeces : to the Caya 1 2 covedos 
 of severall colours and one peece : to the secretarie 1 2 
 covedos of severall colours and one peece. The Basha 
 beinge busie, I could not speake with him, but sent the 
 present before to speake for mee ; but hee seemed not 
 satisfied with the present, or not content, although he had 
 formerlie receyved a greater, by the hands of the Governour 
 of Aden, which the Generall sent him ; and havinge given 
 the secretarie and the Caya there presents, the Caia was 
 content to give us a little audience. First I showed him 
 what was the cause of our comeinge, beinge sent by Rejppo 
 Agaa, Governor of Aden, his order, and therewithall de- 
 livered a certificate from the Caia 1 of Aden, which did 
 testifie all the trueth that did passe at Aden concerninge 
 our buysines ; which when he had read, he said to our 
 drogoman that for his life he should not once open his 
 mouth concerninge any money ; which if he did he should 
 surelie paye for itt ; which made him much dismaide and 
 alter his countenance ; which I well perceived, and there- 
 fore I would not urge him further to speake of it, seeinge 
 that it was in vaine, and rather a hindrance to our other 
 proceedinges. Therefore I gave over that suite, and en- 
 treated to have the Basha his passe which he had promised, 
 to buye and sell what goods was landed and to departe 
 quietlie without payinge any further custome or dutyes ; 
 as alsoe to remember the Basha to write awnsweare to 
 His Majesties letter which he had received, which Rejppo 
 Agaa sent him ; all which he promised to performe very 
 willinglie, and cawsed me to retourne to Senan without 
 our keeper, and that within two daies without faile it 
 should bee readye. Onelie the awnswere of the Kinges, 
 he said that the Basha durst not write letters to any kinge 
 
 1 A copyist's error for 'Cadie' (Kadi, 'a judge') ; see Sharpeigh's 
 letter in Appendix C.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 93 
 
 without acquaintinge the Create Turke his maister ; which 
 if he should doe otherwise it would cost him his head. 
 Soe upon this promise wee tooke our leaves of him, beinge 
 nowe free men, he havinge discharged our keeper of us 
 and lefte us to our selves. Soe every daie we sent our 
 drogaman thether to remember him ; and at the end of the 
 third daie he sent us our passe, very large, signed by the 
 Basha. 
 
 The discription of the cittie of Senan, where the 
 Basshaa keepes his courte 1 . 
 
 This citty of Senan is noe greate cittie, but well seated 
 in a valley, and walled aboute with earth in manner of 
 greate stone squared, very curiouslie made for beeing 
 earth, havinge every fortie paces distannce a watch howse 
 or little tower with battlements. The wall is with battle- 
 ments round aboute, and twelve foote thicke, and to 
 outward shewe is as faire as a stone wall. The cittie is 
 aboute two miles compasse within the walls, and hath 
 within it a very faire and large castle of stone, with some 
 ordinance, but not much. In which castle there are many 
 greate men, Arabs, kept prisonners, which are delivered as 
 pledges of peace of the citties and townes which are under 
 the subjection of the Turke ; and because they shall yearlie 
 paie their tributes, and not rebell, it is an order betweene 
 
 1 'This cettie is in bignes at least two miles in compas ; the 
 buildings of stone and lime. They have very good lime, as good 
 as plaister of Parris, in abundance. Yt is walled rownde with mudd 
 walls, and abowte or neere adjoyning to the cetty gates yt is build 
 with stone ; and likewise in the insyde, of a manns higthe yt is built 
 with lime and stone rownd abowt. Yt is sittuated in a great plaine. 
 Hether is great resorte of people from all parts, viz. Armenians, 
 Greekes, Persians, Jewes and Indians. Allso they have good plenty 
 of all kinds of victualls, which are brought from farr, for the country 
 neere adjoyning is very barren and mountanous. For wante of 
 wood the[y] burne camells dunge' (Green). See also the descrip- 
 tions by Middleton, Van den Broecke, Varthema, Niebuhr (with plan), 
 Harris, Zwemer, etc.
 
 94 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 them that of every countrye, cittie and towne, there bee 
 one cheife man delivered in pledge as is aforesaid 1 . There 
 are divers places in Arabia which are not under the com- 
 mand of the Turke, but doth hold warre against them. 
 Those when the Turke doth take, doth either putt them 
 to death or keepe them perpetuall prisonners if they bee 
 of accompt. At our beeinge in this cittie, they tooke per 
 composition a noble man of the Arabs which held warre 
 with the Create Turke twenty yeares, havinge slaine his 
 father because he would have yeilded up the castle to the 
 Turke ; and nowe beeinge hardlie beseiged and in want 
 of victualls, yeilded himselfe with all his treasure, which 
 was reported to bee fifteen camells ladeing of gold. His 
 condition was to save his life, and send him to the Create 
 Turke. Upon which newes there was greate feastinge in 
 the cittie ; which was partlie the cause that wee could not 
 have more conference with the Basshaa, hee beeing over- 
 joyed with this prize. The buildinge within the citty is of 
 bricke, and many faire howses and churches with fayre 
 towres and many prettye gardens within the towne, the 
 cittie standinge in a very pleasannt plaine ; onelie there is 
 one littell hill neere the towne, upon the topp of which 
 standeth a platforme or bulwarke with some ordinance, 
 and watch kept, because on this mountaine there are found 
 many sorts of stones, as catts eyes, agatts and blud stones 
 
 1 ' Heere all the cheefe Arabes are kept, some in prison, others 
 owt of prison (upon pledges of theire good behaviour), for feare of 
 rebellion, which questionles would soon tak effecte yf the Arrabes 
 had any heades or leaders, for in this country they are tenn Arrabes 
 to one Turke. We weare innformed that in this country are butt 
 tenn thowsande Turkes souldiers and three thowsande Arrabes on 
 the Turkes syde' (Green). Middleton describes 'a spacious yard, 
 wherein a great number of people, for the most part women and 
 children, are kept prisoners or pledges, to keepe their parents, 
 husbands and allies from rebellion. The boyes while they be little 
 goe loose in the yard ; but after they bee come to bignesse they are 
 clapt in irons and carryed to a strong tower, where there bee many 
 more kept in like case. There they remayne during the Bashas 
 pleasure.' Van den Broecke says that the number of hostages was 
 over a thousand.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 95 
 
 in greate number, with other stones amongst of better 
 vale we 1 . 
 
 The trade of this cittye is cheiflie with the Benaianes* 
 of Guzaratt, which bringeth yearly all kinde of comodities, 
 as bastaes 3 , shasses 4 , cotton woll, with other stuffs of their 
 countrye, and lye here as factours for the Banians of Aden, 
 Moucha, Zida 5 , to whom they yeild there accompts ; for in 
 each of those places before mentioned there is one cheife 
 Banane as Consull or such like, which doth all the buysines 
 in each place. With the Banians marchannts I had some 
 conference concerninge their trade and our countrye como- 
 dities, whoe told me that this cittie would vent yearlie 
 aboute 2000 bahars of yron and greate store of tynne, 
 and lead alsoe would sell at a good rate, broad cloth 
 aboute 100 peeces of violett or stamell 6 and Venice redds, 
 with some steele ; this cittye yealdinge little comodities for 
 marchandize, onlie some fua alias Bua 7 , which the Banans 
 doe use to carrie much to the Indies to dye red withall, 
 and make greate proffitt thereby. It is a very firtill cittie 
 for all provision of victuall and fruite, and reasonable 
 cheape. A wholesome and pleasant place to dwell in, and 
 a temperate aire, neither too hott nor too cold ; but upon 
 the waye in the mornings it is as cold as in England. 
 I never felt soe much cold in any place as by the waye in 
 the mornings before sonne rizinge, with a hoare frost on 
 the grownd. Thus having ended our buysines, wee made 
 our selves redye to take our journie towards Moucha, where 
 wee had notice our shipp was come. 
 
 1 This is a hill called Nukomi, from which cornelians and stones 
 like emeralds are still obtained. 
 
 2 Banyans, or Indian traders. Niebuhr found at San'a about 
 125 ' Banians.' 
 
 3 For'baftas,' a general term for Indian cotton piece-goods. 
 
 4 See p. 77. 5 Jiddah. 
 
 A shade of red not far removed from scarlet. 
 7 ' Bua' is probably a slip for ' Rua ' ; see p. 77.
 
 96 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 Of our travaile from Senan to Moucha, vizt. : 
 
 June 17. Wee departed, and went the same way wee 
 came untill wee came to the cittie of Taies 1 , which was 
 the 24th of June ; and therefore I neede not write of these 
 seven daies journy, because it is sett downe in my travayles 
 upward. 
 
 June 24, 25, 26. Wee came to a greate cittie called 
 Tayes, being as bigg or bigger the[n] Senan, and lyeth 
 on the side of a mountaine, with a very faire castell 
 standing on the topp of the mountaine, with much ordi- 
 nance in itt, which comandeth the cittie. Here are many 
 Turks soldiars, being one of the best and strongest citties 
 in Arabia, with manie faire buildings of stone in yt, and 
 much trade with the Banians of Guzaratt, this cittie have- 
 inge much of the red stuffe before mentioned, which cost 
 15 and 1 6 altons the bahar, and will yeild in Moucha 
 (by their reporte) 20 peeces of eight. Here wee stayed 
 three daies within a faire sarraye, because, as our drogaman 
 said, he could gett noe camells to carrye our provision and 
 stuffe ; but I think wee staied rather for his owne pleasure 
 then otherwise, butt here wee wanted noe [a line omitted"*} 
 came to see us daylie, the howse was full, that wee [were?] 
 faine to keepe our selves within the chamber. The people 
 did soe flocke to see us that once that wee went abroad to 
 see the cittie wee could hardlie retourne for presse of 
 people. Butt within the howse passed the tyme with an 
 old blind Portugall renegado witch 2 . As he said himselfe, 
 his trade was noe other thinge but witchcrafte, and was 
 taken here to bee a saint, and many people would come 
 and kisse his hands in my presence and entreate him to 
 pray for them ; which when he retorned from blessinge 
 
 1 See p. 83. 
 
 2 'Witch' (Middle English ivicche) could then be used of either a 
 man or a woman.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 97 
 
 them, he would burst out in laughing to me, sayinge that 
 these foolish infidel people thought him to be a saint, and 
 hee was noe other then a divell, and because he could doe 
 a fewe of the Divells myracles, which he had taught him, 
 that they thought him to bee a saint. This man had 
 licence to begge at the townes end, where he had a little 
 cottage by the side of the waye, and annother howse 
 within, where resorted divers people to knowe many things 
 of him, which hee could tell by aide of the Divell, to whome 
 he had given the blud of his arme, with promise to sacrifice 
 to him every monneth a hen or a kid ; which one time 
 being angrie with his maister the Divell, for killinge, as he 
 said, his twoe sonnes and his daughter, he would not doe 
 any more sacrifice to him ; but the Divell will have his 
 due, and therefore hee came unto him in the same shape 
 as at first when hee made the agreement with him, to witt 
 in the shape of a younge fawne, but dancinge round aboute 
 him, his heate beeing soe extreame that it putt out his 
 eyes, and is at this howre blind. Soe that he was faine to 
 make an other promise to performe his sacrifice as before ; 
 otherwise he saith that he threatned to burne him to coales. 
 Thus with many other tales which he tould me of the 
 Divell, and of his cominge into the countrye and of his 
 marriadge and other histories, wee passed the time these 
 three dayes ; which weere too tedious to sett downe, 
 although pleasannt to heare. 
 
 June 27. Wee departed from Taies, and came to a 
 towne called Buzeria 1 ; which towne standeth on a moun- 
 taine, and hath a castle neere belonginge to it, in the which 
 are 200 soldiars of the Turks, which lie in this towne upon 
 all actions. 
 
 June 28. Wee departed from this towne and laye in a 
 sarraye which standeth in a plaine feild, where travellours 
 use to lodge. 
 
 1 Not identified.
 
 98 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 June 29. Wee departed from the sarraie and came to 
 a towne within five leagues of Moucha, called Musse 1 . 
 This is a greate towne and hath in itt 200 soldiars. In 
 this towne wee rested untill the eveninge, and then wee 
 sett forward, because of the heate. 
 
 June 30. Att two in the morninge we came to Moucha 
 to the English house, where wee found William Revett, 
 Gabriell Brooke 2 and William Mellar the purser, with some 
 of the shipps companie ; the Generall being gone aboard 
 the daie before. 
 
 A discourse of whatt passed at Moucha after my 
 comeinge from Senan. 
 
 Assoone as it was daie Mr. Revett and Mr. Glascocke 
 and my selfe went to the Governor of Moucha, and shewed 
 him the Basshaas pattent or passe ; who made as though 
 he understoode it not, yet he tould us that hee would per- 
 forme all things contayned therein ; with which awnsweare 
 I went aboard the shipp to advertice the Generall what had 
 passed in our journey to Senan. And the next daie, 
 beinge the first of Julie, the Generall went aland and wee 
 went presentlie to the Governours howse, whoe in outward 
 shewe towards us made semblance to bee very glad that 
 wee had brought a pattent from the Basshaa : that he was 
 readie to obey all things that was contayned therein ; and 
 with these complements wee departed. 
 
 No we ten daies before my comeinge to Moucha our 
 pinnace, beinge leake, was hailed aland to be trymd, and 
 most of our men aland at the hallinge up of her, and after 
 for the space of 20 daies not soe little as 20 and 30 men 
 aland ; which if the Turks had pretended 3 anie villanie 
 
 1 Musa. For a picture of this town see Lord Valentia's Travels, 
 ii. 362. 
 
 2 Of whom see note on p. 134. 3 Intended.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 99 
 
 against us, they might at one clapp have taken General!, 
 marchannts and maister, with the carpenters and the 
 cheifest of all the shipp, which were on land all at hailing 
 upp the pinnace ; and haveinge taken 50 of the cheifest, it 
 had bene easie to have taken the shipp ; which I hould to 
 bee very careleslie done, and without discretion, seeinge 
 howe wee had bene dealt withall att Aden and Pemba, 
 and my selfe att Senan sent prisonner, nott as yett knowinge 
 howe matters would passe with us there. Butt it is a 
 generall rule with the English that if they have but a 
 parcell of faire words given, that there neede noe more 
 feare; which the Turks themselves saye : If thou wilt 
 have anie thinge of an Englishman, give him good words 
 and thou shalt bee sure to wynne him. Butt it pleased 
 God that this danger fell out well ; which some in the 
 country did much repent after the pinnace was lanched, as 
 I was secreetlie enformed. 
 
 In the interim of all the buysines aboute lanching and 
 endinge the pinnace, wee did our best to sell some of our 
 comodities ; which by meanes of a Jewe called David, 
 dwelling in Moucha, whoe brought the Consull or cheife 
 of the Banians and offred us for all the yron 19 rials of 
 eight the bahar, and take it all, which seemed to Mr. Revett 
 and my selfe a reasonable price ; notwithstandinge, wee 
 would not make an end of the bargaine before we had 
 advised the Generall thereof. Soe when wee brought the 
 parties before him, thinkinge to have made an end, the 
 Generall burst out in anger, sayinge that they mocked him 
 to offer him soe little ; which the marchannt perceaveinge 
 departed, not sayinge one word, butt after would not buye 
 it at any rate, although it was offred to him for the same 
 price, and some thinge to the Jewe to make the match. 
 Therefore I hould it good to take the first bargaine if it 
 bee with reason ; if not, to give good words, for that all men 
 are to buye as cheape as they can. 
 
 72
 
 100 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 Nowe the pinnace beinge afloate, and wee seeing little 
 to be done, the Generall and marchannts went to the 
 Governor and shewed him that there were noe marchannts 
 that would buye our comodities, that had lyen aland soe 
 longe : therefore that it would please him to licence us to 
 embarke it abourd our shipp, and leave to departe. Where- 
 to the Governour replyed : To what end, said hee, came 
 yee hither, if you are not minded to buy nor sell ? The 
 Generall made awnswere that he was readie to sell any 
 comoditie that was in the shipp, if any marchannts or 
 other would buye them ; and as for any comodities that 
 was in the countrie he sawe not any that was for his 
 turne. The Governor, leaveinge his former pratica 1 aboute 
 merchandizing, made a speech to the Generall, saying that 
 the captaines of all the ships that weare in the roade, 
 beeing neere 40 saile, greate and small, had bene with him 
 and said that if hee did suffer us to departe before them, 
 that they stoode in feare to goe home this monsone, fear- 
 inge least wee should lye in waite for them and take them ; 
 and by way of entreatye desired the Generall that they 
 might departe some four or five daies before us ; and then 
 wee might departe in peace. 
 
 Soe goeinge homewards discontent wee mett some of 
 the saylars, whoe tould us that they were not permitted to 
 goe aboard, but had their oares taken out of the boate. 
 With this newes, before wee went to our owne howse, wee 
 went to the Captaine of the Gallies, advertisinge him whatt 
 passed ; whoe presentlie went to the Governour and gott 
 leave for the boate and the marriners to goe aboard, but 
 the Generall and marchannts must staie aland ; wheare 
 wee weare stayed three daies, debatinge of the matter, 
 some times with the Turks and sometimes with the 
 captaines of the shipps, whoe did denie anie matter in 
 
 1 See note on p. 91.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN IOI 
 
 that kinde that they had moved to the Governour, butt 
 esteemed us as their freinds, and therefore they feared not 
 of us ; and with these words they all joyned togeather and 
 told the Governor to his face that they feared not of us, 
 and therefore desired him to lett us departe att our pleasure ; 
 which if he did staie us perforce, that then they should 
 have cause to feare of us, wee beinge wronged for there 
 cause. Which the Governour perceiveinge, and this beinge 
 required by them of him in a publique audience, the 
 Governor cawsed notice to bee taken of it by the Caia 
 and a scrivano 1 before the Cadee 2 of the towne; which 
 being registred, he gave us leave to departe when wee 
 thought good. Soe that after wee had dined, the Generall 
 and my selfe determined to have gone aboard, leaveinge 
 Mr. Revett aland to send all things aboard the shipp. Soe 
 when wee came to goe into the boate, the guard which was 
 on the key would not suffer mee to goe, but permitted the 
 Generall to departe and staied mee aland. When the 
 Generall was gone aboard, I went to the Captaine of the 
 Gallies, advisinge him thereof; whoe seemed to bee moved 
 at such dealinge, promisinge me to goe instantlie to the 
 Governours, my selfe staieinge at his howse till his re- 
 tourne ; which was not longe before hee brought awnsweare 
 that it was for noe hurte that I was stayed, the cawse was 
 onelie aboute anchorage 3 of the shipp, which the Governor 
 was to have. I awnswered that one marchannt had bene 
 sufficient to have awnswered anie thinge that was due 
 unto him, beeinge freed from all duties by the Bashaas 
 pattent; demanndinge him what the Governor would have. 
 Hee said that he asked 1000 rials of eight, but that he 
 thought that 500 rials would content him, seeinge the 
 Guzaratts shipps paid noe more. I entreated the Captaine 
 
 1 Port, escrivdo, a 'writer,' 'registrar.' 2 Judge (Arabic kadi). 
 
 3 Anchorage dues.
 
 102 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 of the Gallies to write unto the Generall the Governours 
 demand, that he might knowe the Generalls minde therein, 
 and if any thinge weare due unto him noe doubt but hee 
 would paie him. The Captaine havinge written his letter, 
 the next daie, being the 2ith of Julie, I had leave to cary 
 the letter to the Generall in a small canoe of the shore ; 
 in which letter the Captaine wrote to the Generall that 
 hee remayned pledge for the 500 rials due to the Governor 
 for anchorage, intreatinge the Generall to retourne againe 
 ashoare to conferr aboute the matter. But the Generall 
 retourned awnswere that he would neither retourne aland 
 nor give the Governour anie thinge, wondringe that the 
 Captaine would remayne pledge to paie that which was 
 not due, intreatinge the Captaine to shewe the Governor 
 thereof and to send the rest of our people aboard with 
 such stuffe as was remayneinge, otherwise he would gett 
 them and the goods as he might. Whereunto the Captaine 
 retourned awnsweare that they might goe aboard at there 
 pleasure with there goods, not doubting but that the 
 Generall knewe him to be butt a poore man, and that 
 it would be his undoinge to paie 500 rials of eight to the 
 Governor, entreatinge him to consider of itt; butt when 
 he sawe that the Generall would not yeild to any thinge, 
 he entreated for some thinge towards it, as soe much given 
 him for an almes ; butt when hee could gett nothinge, hee 
 desired to have some peeces of timber and wood which 
 was left aland ; which beinge of little valewe weare given 
 him. Soe they proved all meanes to gett somethinge, first 
 by rigour, next by entreatie, and last by begginge ; for 
 these trecherous Turks doe much scorne to begge if they 
 can gett any thinge by rigour or trecherie ; and what is 
 freelie given them they thinke it to bee there due, and 
 that it is given them because we stand in feare of them ; 
 and if they begge they must not bee denyed, for feare 
 of trecherie, persvvadinge them selves that wee are bound
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN IO3 
 
 to give them all they demand. I would wish all Christians 
 to beware of them, for they are full of trecherie, and never 
 hould their words except it be for their owne profitts. 
 
 Havinge had many bickerings aland with Mr. Revett 
 concerninge this ankoradge, at length they permitted him 
 to come aboard with what was remayneinge ; more for that 
 they stood in feare of us, because of the Indian shipps that 
 weare in the roade, then for any good they ment us. The 
 25th of Julie all our people and goods came aboard. And 
 the 20th 1 ditto Phillipp Glascocke, whoe was in companie 
 with mee at Senan, died aboard our shipp of a white flix, 
 which he had taken with the cold comminge downe. 
 
 A discripcion of the cittie of Moucha, with the trade 
 and qualities, 
 
 This cittie of Moucha standeth hard by the waters side 
 in a plaine sandye feild. It hath in it very faire buildings 
 (after their manner) of lime and stone, and very populous, 
 as well of Arabs as strangers merchants, and espetiallie 
 Bananes of Guzaratt, Dabull, Dieu, Chaule, Bazim 2 , Daman, 
 and Sinda 3 , as alsoe of Ormus and Muscatt, with all the 
 coast of Melinda. This yeare there is greate reporte 
 [resorte?] of marchannts and ships, because the staple, 
 which was in former time at Zida 4 , is at present removed 
 (by reason of the warre which is neere that countrie) to 
 Moucha ; soe that this yeare here came from all places 
 aboute 35 saile of ships, greate and small, from the ports 
 before mentioned, bringinge all kinds of comodities made 
 of cotton woll, manye sorts of gums, pretious stones of all 
 
 1 Revett says the 2ist or 22nd (see Appendix B). 
 
 2 Bassein. 
 
 3 Laribandar, the port of Tatta. was also called Diul-Sind to 
 distinguish it from the Diu in Kathiawar. The English termed it 
 Sindee, Scindy, and Lowribander. 
 
 4 Jiddah.
 
 104 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 sorts, store of indicoe ; which yearlie cometh many mar- 
 channts from Grand Cairo, who bringe rialls of eight and 
 chickings 1 of gould in greate aboundance to buye these 
 comodities and transporte them by sea and land to Grand 
 Cairo, and from thence to Aleppo and other places in 
 Turkey. Comonlie every yeare there cometh a shipp or 
 twoe from the bottome of the Red Sea, from a port called 
 Swes 2 , and doth arrive commonlie aboute the end of Maye 
 or the begininge of June. These ships are very ritch 
 of rialls, gould and silks, and they retourne aboute August 
 with all sorts of Indian comodities. All kinds of como- 
 dities are there soe deare that there is noe dealinge for us 
 to buye them for England at the rates which they sell 
 them to the marchannts which comes from Grand Cairo. 
 The Guzaratts and other marchannts of India doe make 
 profitt by their comodities, beinge butt a voyage of 20 daies 
 saileinge from the Indias with the winde in poope and faire 
 weather out and whome. There is one cheife marchant, 
 a Banane, in Moucha which is over all the rest of the 
 marchannts as Consall or Agent ; soe that none can buye 
 nor sell without his order nor shewe any comodities. And 
 for their Jewells they are soe fearfull to shewe them to any, 
 because if the Turke should knowe them to have any 
 Jewell of valewe they must have it by hooke or by crooke 
 for the Basha or Governours. Soe that it is very hard to 
 see any Jewell of value before they are readye to departe ; 
 and the marchannts which buye these Jewells keepe it soe 
 close because, if the Basha should understand of it, he 
 would surelie have it, at his owne price, if he liked it. 
 Alsoe there is brought amber greece, but is kept secrett in 
 the like manner. In this towne there is one Governor, 
 one Cadee or Ovvidor 3 , and the Captain of two gallies, 
 
 1 See note on p. 70. 2 Suez. 
 
 3 Port. Ouvidor, ' a magistrate.'
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN IO5 
 
 which lie neere the Captains howse by the waters side ; 
 one of them not serviceable, the other hath some six peeces 
 of brasse. I could perceive noe defence in the towne, 
 onelie three brasse peeces mounted at the sea side before 
 the Captaine of the Gallies howse. This towne is un- 
 reasonable hotte, by reason that it standeth in sandie 
 grownd and lowe ; soe that the people make howses of 
 caves (sic) on the tops of their howses to take the aire, 
 otherwise there weare noe bidinge within the howse. There 
 are not in the towne above 40 Turks in all, and yet they 
 keepe the countrie in greate subjection. The countrie people 
 generallie very good and honest ; and weare a very pleasant 
 place to bide in, were it not for the Turkes tyrannic. It is 
 very well served with all kinde of victualls, which comes 
 out of the countrye, and cheape. For the water, [it] is some 
 thinge brakish, but not as bad as that at Aden 1 . 
 
 Our Course from MocJta to Socotora. 
 
 July 26. Aboute ten in the morninge wee sett saile 
 from Mocha with a faire gale at N.N.W., and we stood our 
 
 1 With this account of Mocha compare Revett's description in 
 Appendix B ; also the following, which is extracted from Covert's 
 narrative (p. 22): 'It is a place that is never without shipping, for 
 it is a towne of great trade of merchandise and hath caravans or 
 convoies that come from Seena, from Mecha, from Grand Cairo and 
 Alexandria, and all those places. It is a city of great trading for our 
 commodities, as tynne, iron, lead, cloth, swordblades, and all English 
 commodities. It hath a great bussart [bazaar] or market every day 
 in the weeke. There is great store of fruit, as apricocks, quinces, 
 dates, grapes [in] abundance, peaches, limmons, and plantins great 
 store; which I much marvelled at, in regard the people of the 
 countrey told us they had no raine in seven yeeres before, and yet 
 there was very good come, and good store, for eighteene pence a 
 bushell. There are oxen, sheepe and goats [in] abundance ; as an 
 oxe for three dollars, a goat for halfe a dollar, and a sheepe for halfe 
 a dollar ; as much fish for threepence as will suffice ten men to a 
 meale, as dolphines, more-fish, basse, mullets and other good fish. 
 The towne is Arabian, and governed by the Turk ; and if an Arabian 
 offend hee is severely punished by their law; for they have gallies 
 and chaines of purpose, which offenders are put into ; else were they 
 not able to keepe them in awe and subjection.'
 
 IC>6 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 course S.S.E. and S.E. & by S. till the afternoone. Then 
 it fell calme; and in the eveninge a hard gale at S.S.E. 
 And beinge neere the Straicts of Babelmendall, wee lett 
 fall an anchour ; but the cable broke in wendinge up the 
 shipp, and for want of a boye was lost ; butt presentlie wee 
 lett slipp annother, and rid all night. This night died 
 Mathew Baker, the maister his minion. 
 
 July 27. In the morninge we wayed our anchour ; and 
 in wayinge our cable brake, and haveing noe buoye wee 
 lost annother anchor. And the winde beeing at S.S.E. 
 wee laye all daie volting too and againe to passe the 
 straits, butt, the current settinge into the gutt against us, 
 could not doe anie good. Wee anchored at night. 
 
 July 28. The winde variable till noone, and then it 
 came upp at N.N.W. Wee wayed, thinkeinge to passe the 
 straights, butt beinge in the mid way it fell calme ; and, 
 the current against us, were forced to lett fall an anker 
 betwixt the iland and the mayne. This daie wee an- 
 chored twice. 
 
 July 29. The winde at N.N.W. Wee wayed and 
 passed the Straits of Babelmandell, which is aboute two 
 leagues longe and a league from the iland to the mayne. 
 
 July 30. The winde at N.W. We steered our course 
 at E. & by S. and E.S.E. In the eveninge the winde was 
 variable ; then it fell calme. 
 
 July 31. The winde betweene the S.W. and the S.S.W.; 
 and wee stood away E. & by S. In the eveninge wee had 
 sight of Aden. Then the winde came variable, with a little 
 raine. It grewe calme, and soe contynued all night. 
 
 August 5. In the morninge the winde at S., and wee 
 had sight of Cape Guardafewe on the coast of Abex 1 . 
 Then wee steered awaie E.S.E. with little winde.... 
 
 1 Abyssinia. 'Abex' is from the Arabic ' Habash,' through the 
 Portuguese. Middleton uses the form ' Habashe.'
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN IO/ 
 
 Aug. 6. ...This eveninge wee had sight of Abdelcura, 
 and a small iland which lieth to the norward of itt ; and 
 wee went betweene them both, with as much winde as wee 
 could steere under. 
 
 Aug. 8. ...Very darke and misty e weather, that wee 
 could see noe land, beeinge neere the iland of Soccotora. 
 Soe that with a shorte saile wee laye too and againe untill 
 ten in the forenoone, att which time wee sawe the little 
 iland or rocke which lieth to the norward of Soccotora 
 aboute two leagues ; and standing in with it wee sawe the 
 firme iland ; standinge towards the shore with soe much 
 winde that hardlie wee could carrie anie saile to seaze the 
 land 1 . Notwithstanding, aboute eight att night, with much 
 adoe wee anchored some two leagues to the westwards of 
 the small towne neere Socotora or Delishaa 2 . But our 
 pinnace, the Good Hope, was not able to seaze the land, 
 with soe much winde that her sailes blew from the maste. 
 In this place wee rid three daies with very much winde 
 att S.S.W., with such flawes of the land thatt it was im- 
 possible to waye our anchour ; therefore wee rid still, 
 hopinge of faire weather. 
 
 Aug. ii. The winde somethinge dullerd, we went 
 aboute to waye our anchour ; and in wayinge one of the 
 flucks brake of our shifte anchour, this being the third 
 anchour lost since wee came from Moucha. This daie 
 aboute nine in the eveninge wee ankored againe, some 
 thinge neerer to the town of Delisha. 
 
 Aug. 12. Wee had very much winde at S.S.W., thatt 
 wee brooke our ankour ; soe that wee weare forced to sett 
 saile, standinge alonge the shore with our forecourse onely, 
 and came to anchour before the towne where the Kinge 
 
 1 On the prevalence of strong winds at Socotra at this season see 
 Roe's journal, p. 35. 
 
 2 Delaisha.
 
 108 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 dwelt, called Tamarin 1 . And in wending up 2 the shipp 
 our cable brake ; soe thatt wee were faine to lett fall 
 annother, .and rid by. And havinge not rid aboute 
 [above ?] half an houre before there was a flagge putt 
 out on the shore, and shoote a peece. Wee awnswered 
 them with three peeces ; and in the afternoone the winde 
 came some thinge calmer. The Generall sent mee aland 
 in the pinnace, where I found the Kinge by the waters 
 side with 300 armed men, whereof 50 of them had peeces, 
 the rest bowes, arrowes and lances, with three peeces of 
 ordinance planted by the waters side. 
 
 Of whatt passed att Socotora with the Kinge. 
 
 The Generall sendinge mee aland, I found the Kinge 
 by the waters side, with 300 men armed with peeces and 
 lances, as aforesaid. I had a Jewe in my companie, whome 
 wee brought from Moucha, which could speake good Arab, 
 Portugues and other languages very well 3 ; and comeinge 
 to the Kinge wee shewed them [him ?] what wee were and 
 the cause of our cominge. He welcomed us verye kindlie, 
 awnsweringe that any thinge that his country did affoard 
 wee should have ; and next hee demandeth whether I knewe 
 Captaine Keelinge and Captaine Hawkins. I shewed him 
 that wee weare all for one companie, where of he seemed 
 to bee joyfull, and told me that I should not wonder to 
 see soe manie armed men by him ; that the cause was for 
 that he knewe us not to be English, but feared least wee 
 weare Fleemings that had wrongd him the yeare before, 
 and therefore stoode in doubt of them 4 ; but that English- 
 
 1 Tamrida, the chief town of the island. 2 See note on p. 25. 
 
 3 Possibly the Jew mentioned on p. 99. 
 
 4 Revett says that the King stipulated that the English should 
 bring no weapons ashore ; 'haveinge had some troubles some 12 
 monnethes synce with a Flemysh shipp that touched heere, which 
 was the reason hee prohibbited us at this present tyme.'
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 109 
 
 men should be as welcome to his countrie as to their 
 owne howses ; with many other words of complements. 
 Wee departed with a present of five goats, which he sent 
 the Generall. 
 
 Aug. 13. The next daie, being the 1 3th, wee had soe 
 much winde that wee could nott land with our boate untill 
 the afternoone ; at which time with much paine we gott 
 the shoare with our longe boate, carryinge a present with 
 mee to the Kinge from our Generall, vizt. a vest of cloth, 
 a peece and a sword blade ; which he kindlie received, 
 and carryed mee to his howse, where wee dranke cohoo. 
 His howse is three stories high, and keepeth aboute 50 
 soldiars att his outer gate and aboute 30 at the inner 
 gate, with their weopons drawne in their hands ; and at 
 the entrye of his chamber there are ten armed men for 
 the guard of his personn. The order of the Kings apparell 
 is after the Turkish manner, with a vest of crimson velvett 
 and a shash on his head 1 . He had much conference 
 with mee aboute his [our?] enterteynement at Aden and 
 Moucha ; as alsoe aboute our pinnace, which had bene 
 there before they went for Aden ; whome he had kindlie 
 used and refreshed with victualls, sheweinge mee a noate 
 of Francis Drivers (which was hanged at Aden), alledginge 
 his kindenesse shewed them, as alsoe to Captaine Keelinge. 
 I awnswerd that it was not unknowne to the Generall 
 what kindnes he had shewed to the pinnace, as alsoe to 
 Captaine Keelinge, beeinge att full informed in the Red 
 Sea ; which made us the bolder to land without feare. 
 Hee demanded whether wee had any certaine newes of 
 Captaine Hawkins, whoe was bound for Suratt. I tould 
 him whatt newes wee heard by the Guzaratts ; wheareat 
 he shooke his head as doubting it to bee true, demandinge 
 me whoe told us the newes. I told him the shrift 2 of 
 
 1 Cp. Roe's journal, p. 31. 
 
 2 Probably 'shroff' (Arabic sharraf, a 'banker' or 'moneychanger')
 
 IIO JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 Suratt, which was att Moucha, in whose howse the Captaine 
 and marchannts laye at Suratt. Whereunto hee awn- 
 swered that it might well bee, but that he was certainelie 
 enformed that four Portugall friggatts had taken the 
 Hectours longe boate, laden with goods, cominge from 
 Suratt to the shipp, and had likewise taken some of the 
 marchannts, amongst whome there was one whose name 
 was Bucke; all which goods and men was carried to Goa 1 ; 
 Captaine Hawkins, beeinge aland, presentlie embarked 
 himselfe and went in the shipp to the barre of Goa to 
 ransome his men and goodes, but the Portugalls denyed 
 to ransome any of them ; whereupon Captaine Hawkins, 
 meetinge with certaine Fleemish ships, joyned with them 
 and was gone from thence, it was not knowne wheather. 
 This newes he tould us for certaine, as it was reported to 
 him by Guzaratts of good creeditt. Soe after much other 
 conference, wee havinge laden our boate with stones for 
 ballast, and gotten some goats, wee went aboard. 
 
 Aug. 14. The next daie we had all the forenoone 
 much winde at S.E. ; butt in the afternoone beinge reason- 
 able weather, I retourned aland ; and concluded with the 
 Kinge to have of him four goats for a sword blade, and 
 three sword blades for one cowe. Also he tould us that 
 the place where wee rid was not good, wishinge us to goe 
 to Delisha, a league beyond the pointe, where the Dragon 
 and Hectour roade ; that there it was a better roade and 
 lesse winde, that we might doe our buysines at pleasure, 
 and there was both water and stones for ballast, and he 
 would send us both goats and cattle thether and all other 
 things which wee wanted, and would send aboard a pylett 
 to carrye us thether ; intreatinge us to bee gone the 
 
 is meant, the word being used incorrectly for ' merchant.' Hawkins 
 says that at Surat he lodged 'in a merchants house. ..the captaine of 
 that shippe which Sir Edward Michelborne tooke' (Purchas, i. 206). 
 
 1 So far the King's information was correct (see Purchas, i. 207, 
 420) ; the rest was quite wrong.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN III 
 
 sooner, because all the weomen of the towne weare runne 
 awaie for feare of us, and before wee weare gone would 
 not retourne to the towne; therefore he made us make 
 the more haste to bee gone. 
 
 Atig. 15. But the next daie, notwithstandinge that the 
 Kinge had sent a pilott aboard to direct us to Delisha, 
 I was willed to retourne aland, and the long boate to fetch 
 water; whereat the Kinge seemed to be very angrie be- 
 cause wee had not sett saile, sayinge that he had sent 
 thether all provision for us, and we trusted him nott. But 
 I excused the matter as well as I might, promisinge that 
 without faile this night wee would bee gone. 
 
 Aug. 1 6. The next daie aboute ten in the morninge 
 wee sett saile ; and aboute three the same daie wee an- 
 chored beyond the N.E. pointe, where Captaine Hawkins 
 sett up his pinnace. As soone as wee came thether wee 
 landed, where wee mett with the Kinge[s] Caia, a negro 
 Abexim 1 , whoe spake a little Portugues ; whoe shewed us 
 the place where the water was, which is very good water 
 but is soe farre of that wee could not fetch it without 
 endangeringe our men ; which made us suspect some 
 trecherie. 
 
 Aug. 17. But the next daie the Generall sent againe 
 aland, to take in ballast and to agree with the Caia for 
 his slaves to bringe downe water and to paie them for their 
 paines, or elce they to leave pledges aboard the shipp 
 while our men did fetch the water. Whereunto he seemed 
 to be verye angrie, and awnswered that neyther one nor 
 the other would he doe. Butt having advised the Kinge, 
 in the eveninge he sent us awnsweare that for 20 rialls of 
 eight his slaves should bring downe water to lade our 
 longe boate ; the which was granted to him rather then 
 to adventure up our men. 
 
 1 Abyssinian (see p. 106).
 
 112 JOURNAL OF [l6og 
 
 Aug. 1 8. The next daie his slaves beganne to bringe 
 downe water; and we bought of him aboute 14 C 1 of 
 alloes Socatrina, for 20 rialls of eight the 100 waight. 
 
 [Aug. 19.] And the next daie wee paid for our water, 
 and bought a small parcell of Sanguis Draconis at 30 rialls 
 the 100 waight. And having delivered them a writinge for 
 the Generall for the next shipps 2 , wee tooke our leaves and 
 went aboard. Wee made the more hast to begone, because 
 our pinnace was putt of and gone for Suratt, as we sup- 
 posed, with four dayes victualls ; which was a greate 
 greife to us. 
 
 Aug. 20. In the morninge wee sett saile. But there 
 was a signe made on the shore ; soe wee sent the boate 
 aland to knowe the matter. And at there comeinge aland 
 they delivered a letter left by Captaine Keelinge, which 
 was brought aboard and presentlie retorned againe aland 
 to deliver it to some other shipp that should come after. 
 Thefifect of the letter was that they were trecherous people, 
 willinge all men to looke to themselves and stand upon 
 their guard and trust them nott 3 . This daie wee had the 
 winde att S.S.W. Much winde all daie and night. 
 
 Aug. 28. The winde between the N.W. and the 
 VV.N.W. Our course E.N.E. This daie wee sawe many 
 snakes. At noone per observacion igd. I2m. 
 
 Aug. 29. The winde betweene the N.N.W. and the 
 West. Our course E.N.E. untill four in the afternoone ; 
 at which time the sea began to alter, shewing very browne. 
 Then wee sounded and had 21 fathome water. Then wee 
 steered all night at N. & by West and N.N.W., sowndinge 
 
 1 Hundredweight 
 
 2 On the arrival of Middleton's ships they were told that the 
 Ascension had left a letter for them, 'but the Sulltaun of Sacatoria 
 sayd that the letter was loste: that it was guiven to one of his 
 servantes and hee loste it' (/. O. Marine Records, no. ix.). 
 
 3 See Lancaster's Voyages, p. 118.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 113 
 
 every two glasses, and found alwaies from 20 to 22 fathame. 
 At noone per observation 19 d. 4001. 
 
 Aug. 30. The winde at West. Wee steered N.E. & 
 by N. Aboute seven in the morninge wee sounded and 
 had \"]\ fathome ; and standinge the same course till 
 noone wee found nine fathome, and sawe noe land. Then 
 wee steered North till three in the afternoone, in the same 
 depth, from nine to ten fathome, at which time wee had 
 sight of land bearing N.N.E. of us. And wee stoode our 
 course towards it, alwaies in nine fathome, the sea beeinge 
 very white and fowle water. Aboute six at night we 
 ankored within a baye neere the land in five fathome 
 water, within the pointe of land, that did shelter us from 
 the force of the winde, a reasonable good roade. Wee 
 sawe many people on the shore, and a faire greene land, 
 and hard by there is a towne called Mua 1 . 
 
 To knowe this place, it is a reasonable high land, the 
 highest thereabouts. Upon the pointe of the land where 
 we roade there standeth a little c[h]aple or misquita 2 in 
 a faire greene place, and hard by it twoe small hills or 
 hummocks of earth throwne up in manner of a place of 
 defence or bulwarke ; the pointe of the land bearinge west 
 of us, the other pointe E. and by N. 
 
 Of whatt passed after wee anchored in Mua, 
 neere the castelett. 
 
 31. The next daie the boate was sent aland to 
 have speech with the countrye people and to knowe the 
 place, for that our maister made himselfe to be shorte of 
 Dieu. Presently the people told him the name of the 
 
 1 Mahuwa or Mhowa on the S.E. coast of Kathiawar, opposite to 
 the mouth of the Taptl. 
 
 2 A masjtd, or mosque. Jourdain uses the Portuguese form 
 mesquita. 
 
 J. 8
 
 114 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 place, and shewed with their hand that Suratt laye of us 
 E.S.E. and Dieu bare of us N.W. neerest. The boate 
 brought some sheepe and goats, which cost f- riall per 
 peece. In the afternoone we sawe many horsemen. 
 
 Sept. i. The skiffe was sent againe aland with sword 
 blades to buye more sheepe and goats, but the people 
 would have nothing butt money. Soe they gave them 
 money for ten more, and brought them aboard ; and alsoe 
 brought with them a Banane of the countrie, beeinge 
 desirous to goe to Suratt in the shipp. He told us that 
 there was newes of a small pinnace which was anchored 
 three leagues farther within the baye, under the castellett, 
 which wee might see from our shipp the place where the 
 castell stoode on a very lowe pointe trending towards the 
 sea. The Generall, thinkinge it to bee our pinnace, would 
 have the Banian to send a man thether with a letter, and if 
 it were a Christian shipp to deliver it and bringe awnsweare; 
 if not, to returne and bringe us word ; and to that purpose 
 delivered mony to the Banane. But he retourned the next 
 daie, beinge certified that there was none there; but he 
 brought us certaine newes of Captaine Hawkins beeinge 
 at the Mogolls courte and English marchannts at Suratt. 
 Alsoe he tould us of the dangers betweene this place and 
 Suratt; wherefore there was a motion made to have from 
 Goga 1 (which was a daies journie from thence) a pilott ; 
 whereat our master stormed very much, that he had 
 brought the shipp soe farre and nowe must have a pilott 
 to carry him 20 leagues 2 . Soe it was determyned betweene 
 
 1 Gogha, on the Kathiawar side of the Gulf of Cambay, was at this 
 time a place of importance, as the native ships carrying merchandise 
 to or from Cambay mostly laded or unladed at that port, the road- 
 stead at Cambay being shallow and dangerous. 
 
 2 ' One of the countrey people told us that for the value of 
 20 dollars wee might have a pilot to bring us to the bar of Surot ; 
 but our wilfull master refused it and said he would have none' 
 (Covert). Jones confirms this statement, except that he says a pilot 
 might have been had for seven pieces of eight. He, too, blames the
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 115 
 
 the Generall and the master to sett saile for Suratt, and not 
 to staie three daies longer for a pilott. This was done 
 without councell 1 . 
 
 Of our set tinge sayle from Mua and of our cas tinge aw aye 
 upon the sho aides*. 
 
 Sept. 2. The winde beeinge calme, in the morninge 
 our boate was sent aland to buye more sheepe, and the 
 Banane retourned in the boate to goe to Suratt with us. 
 In the afternoone aboute three we sett saile from Mua, and 
 stoode our course at S. & by East. And havinge sayled 
 two glasses, with a pretty gale, wee sownded and had nine 
 fathome. Then wee stoode three glasses more at E.S.E. 
 and E. & by S., and found six fathome, and within falcon 
 shott to leeward of us wee might descerne the sea to breake 
 on the shoales; and goinge to cast aboute, the shipp would 
 nott staie, soe that wee weare forced to beare up toward the 
 shoaldes, and went soe neere them that wee weare within a 
 butt shott of them; but, God be thanked, with greate 
 danger wee gott cleare this first time ; and stood our 
 course N.N.W. towards the land aboute two glasses ; at 
 which time wee tacked aboute againe, and stoode away S. 
 aboute two glasses more; and in standinge this course at 
 S. wee had from nine to fifteen fathome. Then the master 
 comanded (without any consideration of the current) to 
 steere awaie S.E. & by E., and presentlie wee found the 
 water to lessen from fifteen to seven fathome, from seven to 
 five fathome, the master bidding lett runne; said he: The 
 
 master for the refusal. On the other hand Sharpeigh (in Appendix C) 
 says that they were unable to procure a pilot. 
 
 1 /.*?., without assembling the officers and merchants in a con- 
 sultation, which should have been done before taking a decision of 
 this importance. 
 
 2 Compare Sharpeigh's account of the wreck in Appendix C ; also 
 that in Jourdain's letter O. C. 12, printed in Letters Received, i. 35.
 
 Il6 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 Dragon 1 hath bene in lesse. These words were scarce out 
 of his mouth when we felt the shipp to strike; and the 
 second stroke brake of her ruther. Yett the master would 
 not beleive that shee stroke, till they told him that the 
 ruther was gone. Then he beganne to curse the Companye 
 at home, that had not sought better smithes, and the smithes 
 for puttinge such bad iron on the hooks ; but his cursinge 
 could not prevaile. Wee tooke in our sailes as fast as wee 
 could and lett fall the anchour, that had but one flucke ; 
 and beinge upon the tide of flood the shipp rid afloate in 
 3^ fathome, and 4 fathome at full sea. Our shipp wendinge 
 upp 2 with force of the tyde splitt our skiffe by the shipp side; 
 soe that wee weare faine to take her into the shipp to mend 
 her, which with greate travell was effected, for our men weare 
 soe amazed that they knewe not whatt they did. But nowe 
 troubles begin to enter into mens harts, seeinge our ruther 
 gone, our skiffe splitt, wee ridinge in the middest of shoales 
 in 3^ fathome, the shipp sometimes strikinge on the ground, 
 and our long boate not sufficient to save our men, which 
 made us all doubt of our lives. Notwithstanding wee 
 comforted our selves in Gods mercyes; in which wee 
 passed the night untill the morninge. 
 
 Sept. 3. The next daie betimes in the morninge, beinge 
 the 3d dicto, our carpenters begann to goe to worke upon 
 the boate which was splitt, being alsoe determyned to make 
 our longe boate a streake 3 higher, the better to save our 
 selves and the monie if need should bee, the money being 
 taken all out of the hold and laide in the steeridge to that 
 purpose. All hands went to worke aboute providinge our 
 boats this daie till the eveninge, but could not end one of 
 them, before our shipp at a low water and turninge of the 
 tide begann to wend aboute ; and as wee suppose that in 
 wendinge the anchour, haveing but one flucke, cast the 
 
 1 Which was nearly twice the burden of the Ascension. 
 
 2 See p. 25. 3 A line of planking.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 
 
 wrong end downwards, soe that our ship did drive with 
 the tide upon the shoaldes; and aboute five at night she 
 begann to strike very hard with the force of the winde 
 and tyde; and presentlie soundinge the pumpe there was 
 1 1 * [foote] water in the hold. Our men went to the pumpe 
 chearfullie, seeinge noe other remedye to save their lyves; 
 yet all in vaine, for the water came in much faster then 
 they weare able to free itt. Notwithstandinge they did 
 what they could, while other[s] went aboute to see if the 
 skiffe could be ended, to save our lives before the turninge 
 of the tide, for feare least the shipp would over throwe with 
 the tyde, as noe doubt shee did. But by night our car- 
 penters made as much haste as they could to mend the 
 skiffe, having noe hope nowe to make the longe boate 
 heigher, neyther to mend the skiffe as she ought to bee, 
 but for hast nayled on boards in the sides of noe force, 
 and chinked it with okom within side in the seames and 
 with a stronge roape wreathed the boate to keepe the sides 
 together, havinge noe time to doe it otherwise, the shipp 
 being alreadye founded, lookinge still when shee would 
 overthrowe with the seeles* which she made from one side 
 to the other. We kept contynuall pumpinge and balling 
 of water while the skiffe was providinge, to keepe her from 
 fallinge, beeinge once full of water; but all would not serve 
 turne, for they weare faine to putt the skiffe overboard 
 before shee was fitted, that beeing out they could hardlie 
 keepe her above water; yet the carpenters and seven or 
 eight more of our men (all to the number of thirteen 
 persons) went into her with bucketts and shovells to throwe 
 out the water to keepe her till the morninge that they 
 might see better to mend her. 
 
 The skiffe beinge overboard aboute ten at night the 
 
 1 Probably Jourdain wrote ' ii foote.' Covert says ' 24 inches.' 
 
 2 Rolls.
 
 Il8 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 Generall had advise given him that some who shall goe 
 namelesse had consulted to gett into the longe boate and 
 cutt her of, to save themselves and whome they pleased, 
 doubtinge that the boats not [being ?] able to carrie all our 
 men, that there would be a mutinie (as comonly there is 
 att such times) and by that meanes all lose their lives. The 
 Generall advised me of itt, and told me that he would gett 
 in two chests of money into the longe boate, and goe in 
 with it himselfe, to keepe the boate from cuttinge of. And 
 cawsinge the longe boate to be hailed up under the ships 
 starne, brought two chests of money to putt them out of 
 the gallery into the boate ; but the marriners, having notice 
 thereof, stoode on the pumpe with half pikes, swereinge 
 that they would kill the first that should sett hand to putt 
 in any chest of monie; which the Generall perceiveinge, lefte 
 all and went into the ladder out of the gallery into the 
 boate, biddinge me to come with him. Soe I followed him ; 
 but he beinge in the boate, with the sea and tide she was 
 putt astarne the shipp, leavinge mee hanginge by the hands 
 on the ladder; and before she could come up to take mee 
 in, there were soe many on my backe that they had almost 
 throwne mee into the sea, as in the end they did. The 
 next unto me, I remember well, was Robert Covert, soe 
 laden with mony of the Companies that he could not 
 hardlie goe. Hee, I saye, with all his money was on my 
 backe. I entreated him that he would either goe backe, or 
 suffer mee, for I was not able to abide any longer, I hanginge 
 onelie by the hands and he on my backe ; but he awnswered 
 me that nowe there was noe respect of persons, that it 
 was every one for himselfe. Life beeing sweete, with 
 greate paines I hunge by the hands untill the boate came 
 to take mee in. But the sea beeinge highe, and the shipp 
 fetchinge such careers from side to side that the boate dare 
 not to come neare the shipp, for feare of splittinge her ; soe 
 that I, seeinge noe remedye, not able to abide any longer,
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 119 
 
 I gave a springe to gett into the boate. But the gas roape 1 
 that the boate was made faste withall, stroke me overboard ; 
 but I tooke hold of the roape, butt the boate fell againe a 
 starne the shipp. Soe I hanginge by the roape was ducked 
 soe longe under water that my memory 2 began to faile mee. 
 Soe I lett goe the roape, thinkinge to swime to the boate; 
 but the force of the tide and the waight of my cloathes 
 kept mee under water. Butt my memorie not quite gone, 
 I was stirred to shifte for my life; which with all the force 
 I made to gett above water, and beeing cast astarne the 
 shipp with the tide, my head appeared above water at the 
 starne of the longe boate; which the boteson perceived, not 
 thinkinge it had bene my selfe, havinge given mee over for 
 dead, thought it to be some clothes throwne by the board, 
 putt downe his hand and tooke mee by the collar and drewe 
 me in little better then dead ; the Lord alwayes bee 
 praised for it. Had not His omnipotent hand saved mee 
 by His miraculous mercye, I had bene drowned ; the Lord 
 make mee alwaies thankfull for itt. 
 
 Aboute midnight wee were all embarked in the two 
 boats, vizt. in the longe boate 62 3 persons, besides store of 
 luggage, and in the skiffe 13 persons. John Frencham 4 
 was the last man that came out of the shipp, remayninge 
 behinde to give out the Generalls cabinett and other things 
 
 1 Guess-rope or guest-rope, a term of which the etymology is 
 disputed. It is thus explained in The Seaman's Grammar (1627): 
 'The Ghest rope is added to the boat rope when shee is towed at the 
 ships sterne, to keepe her from shearing.' 
 
 2 Or, as we should say, 'senses.' Sir Henry Middleton, describing 
 his capture at Mocha, says that he was stunned by a blow from 
 behind, but the pain caused by his hands being bound 'brought mee 
 to my memorie.' 
 
 3 In O. C. 12 Jourdain says 65, and this is borne out by Sharpeigh's 
 statement in Appendix C. 
 
 4 This must be the 'John Frenchman' mentioned by Finch as 
 going from Agra to the Deccan wars in the service of Azam Khan 
 (Jan. 1611). He had left Agra with Covert a year before, but falling 
 ill had been forced to remain behind at Bukkur, whence no doubt 
 he returned to Agra on recovery.
 
 I2O JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 of noe greate valewe, onelie the Kings letters to the Mogoll; 
 soe that by this tyme the water was above the middle decke, 
 the shipp stickinge on the grownd. The most parte of the 
 marryners brought money with them which was the Wor- 
 shipfull Companyes ; for when the Generall sawe that none 
 could bee saved he cawsed some of the chestes to bee 
 broken open, that every man might take whatt he could 
 convenyentlie carrie, which afterward stoode them in good 
 steede to those that did not lewdlie spend it ; but by judg- 
 ment there was brought out of the shipp aboute 10,000 rialls 
 of eight 1 . Soe that our boate was soe laden that there was 
 not above three inches above water astarne, havinge then 
 to goe fifteen or twenty leagues, for the winde would not 
 serve to goe backe to the place from whence wee came, 
 which was not above eight leagues of, but to the other side 
 the neerest place was fifteen leagues. 
 
 Sept. 4. Aboute two in the morninge, our men being 
 all embarked, wee fitted our selves to sett saile, stowinge 
 our selves in such sorte as wee would contynue untill it 
 pleased God to send us to land, with a saile round aboute 
 the sides of the boate to keepe out the suffe of the sea, and 
 our men sittinge round aboute the boate side with the edge 
 of the canvas under them, with two men provided to take 
 their turnes to bale out the water that came in over the 
 boats side; the rest all stowed one upon annother. In this 
 manner wee putt of from the shipp, singinge of psalmes to 
 the praise of God, leavinge the shipp as yett standing, with 
 
 1 Covert says the amount brought on deck was about io,ooo/. 
 sterling, of which the sailors and others took about 30007. The 
 loss to the Company must have been considerable, for the two 
 ships carried out between them I5,ooo/. in money, of which the 
 greater portion was on board the Ascension. In their instructions 
 to Saris for the Eighth Voyage, the Court reflected severely on 
 Sharpeigh's remissness in the matter, and directed that in any future 
 disaster of this kind, if it were found impossible to take the money in 
 the boats, it should be buoyed in the sea with a view to subsequent 
 recovery (First Letter Book, p. 419).
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 121 
 
 her yards acrosse and the flagg atopp, to our greate greifes. 
 And after that wee weare putt of from the shipp, whereas 
 before there was much winde and a greate sea, it pleased 
 God to send us a faire leadinge gale, and the sea as smooth 
 as in a river. Some said that the reason of the smoothnes 
 of the sea was because it was then a full sea. Havinge 
 hoisted our saile, wee stoode awaye S.E. untill daie ; then 
 wee steered E.S.E., the water very fowle, but wee had noe 
 lead nor line to sound, neyther could any stand to doe itt. 
 Aboute nine the sea was very cleare, wee supposinge as then 
 to be in the channell, and deepe water, and the channell 
 where the shipps did usuallie come in and out from Suratt. 
 This channell was aboute four leagues broad, for wee were 
 three howers passinge of itt, and then wee came into fowle 
 water againe. And aboute two in the afternoone wee sawe 
 high land of Daman, butt could not see the lowe land untill 
 four; att which tyme there fell a shower of raine, with a 
 flawe of winde which broke the thought 1 which stayed the 
 boats maste, blowinge forward the saile on the boats head, 
 that wee weare in greate danger of sinkinge; but noe man 
 durst to move untill the gust was past. And our skyfife, 
 beeinge neere unto us, sawe us in this extremitie, thinkinge 
 wee weare nowe lost men, went further from us, for feare 
 least wee should take hould of theire boate; but, God be 
 thanked, after the gust was paste we righted the saile by 
 little and little as well as wee could ; which the skiffe per- 
 ceiveinge, came towards us. Soe wee held on our course 
 towards the neerest land, S.E., being aboute three leagues 
 of, and yet could scarce discerne the lowe land, onelie the 
 topps of the palmito trees. And approachinge neere the 
 land wee had a greate sea, and the water much troubled, 
 which made us stand in some feare, wee beeinge almost 
 past feare. Beeinge neare the land wee perceived a breach 
 
 1 Thwart.
 
 122 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 and within the breach was smooth watter, and betwixt the 
 breach wee perceyved a smooth, towards the which wee 
 steered and sownded with a pole, and had not lesse then 
 twelve foote on the barre; soe that in half an hower wee 
 weare passed within the shoales over the barre, where wee 
 had as smooth water as in a well, to our greate comforts. 
 Although wee knewe not where wee weare, yet wee purposed 
 to land before night to save our lives. But as soone as wee 
 weare over the barre, wee perceyved a boate at saile over 
 the land in a river; to the mouth of which river wee steered. 
 Which when the Banane that came with us [saw, he?] 
 knewe it to be the river of Gandivee 1 , aboute four leagues 2 
 to the southward of Suratt 3 . There came manie of the 
 countrye people to see us, but wee could speake with 
 none 4 . As likewise we sawe a pinnace on drie land, which 
 was our pinnace, that was come thether ten daies before 
 and for feare of the Portugalls had left the pinnace and 
 gone to Suratt ; and at this time there weare four friggats 
 come from Daman 5 to fetch the pinnace. All of them sawe 
 us to come into the river ; yett it pleased God to alter their 
 counsaile, that they come not to us, some of them sayinge 
 that wee weare boates of the countrye; soe that they fell 
 out with their captaine because he would not see what wee 
 weare, whoe afterward was emprisonned at Daman for the 
 same. Soe saileinge up the river, wee had some speech 
 with some of the countrye, whoe tould us of the pinnace 
 
 1 The Ambika River. 2 Really about thirty miles. 
 
 3 ' But note how the Lord did preserve us. Having, as I said 
 before, delivered us from the danger of the sea, Hee would not now 
 suffer us to fall into the hands of our enemies, I meane the Portugalls ; 
 who lay at that time at the Barre of Surat with five sayle of frigats 
 to take our boates at our comming ashore, for they had intelligence of 
 our ships comming before' (Jones). 
 
 4 'When the country people saw so many men in two boats, they 
 strooke up their drums and were in armes, taking us to be Portugales, 
 and that wee came to take some of their townes ' (Covert). 
 
 5 Then, as now, a Portuguese possession.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 123 
 
 and the Portugalls, wishinge us to bee gone, for if they 
 knewe of us they would bee soone with us. Soe wee rowed 
 up the river till ten at night and then wee went aland to 
 stretch our leggs, beeinge a faire mooneshine, giveinge God 
 thanks for our delivery; but wee had neither meate nor 
 drinke, onlie the water of the river. Butt as soone as I 
 sett foote on the land the water burst out of my nose like 
 a tappe or fosett 1 for the space of a quarter of an hower. 
 Soe that by channce there was one that had a little 
 alligant- in a bottle, which he gave me to drinke; otherwise 
 I thinke I had fainted with the extreame rumbling in my 
 head. But, God be praysed, in shorte time I was well ; but 
 had noe victualls till the next daie at night. Before wee 
 went farre into the river, wee sawe a juncke 3 cominge over 
 the barre. Wee sent our skiffe to her with the Banane, 
 who brought us word of our marrchannts beeing at Suratt, 
 and the men which weare gone out of the pinnace ; for 
 this juncke was come from the barre of Suratt this daie att 
 noone. 
 
 Sept. 5. The next daie in the morninge wee sent the 
 Banane and the Jewe to see if wee could have any speech 
 with the countrye people; but none would come att us 
 untill they had order from the Governour of Gandivee. 
 Notwithstanding, there came a poore man whoe tould us 
 that if wee went not quicklie from that place that the 
 Portugalls would be with us. Wee havinge noe weopons 
 past two or three swords for our defence, kept rovvinge up 
 the river against the tide, butt this poore man brought two 
 or three men more, one of the which could speake Portugues. 
 Wee tould him our distresse, desiring him to direct us to 
 the Governour of Gandivee by land, beeinge that it was soe 
 
 1 Faucet. 2 Wine of Alicante, in Spain. 
 
 3 A native vessel. The term is probably derived from the Malay 
 ajong or Jong, and the restriction of it to Chinese ships is compara- 
 tively modern.
 
 124 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 farre by water; if he pleased not to carrie all of us theather, 
 thatt two or three of us would goe with him to the Governor. 
 He was content to goe with two or three, and soe came into 
 our boate to passe to the other side of the water, from 
 whence he was to take his journey towards Gandivee. Soe 
 Mr. Revett being willinge to goe departed with the man, 
 with one English man more in his companie; and wee 
 remayned with our boats neere the bancks, because it was 
 lowe water and such a stronge tide against us that wee 
 could not rowe aheade. In the meane time that wee were 
 stayinge for the tide there came the Mocadan 1 or constable 
 of that circuite to us, demandinge us what wee weare, 
 havinge with him aboute 20 armed men, amongst the 
 which there was one that could speake Portugues. Wee 
 told him of our mishapp, who seemed to be very sorrowfull 
 of our distresse, and gave us very comfortable words, sayinge 
 that the losse of our goods was nothinge in respect of our 
 lives, which [it had] pleased God to lend us and bringe 
 into a good countrye that wanted nothinge, where wee 
 should finde manie freinds; much wondringe thatt wee had 
 escaped the Portugalls which laie at the barre with the 
 friggatts; counsailinge us to goe further up the river as 
 soone as the tide came, because hee doubted thatt the 
 friggatts, having nevves of us, would come in with the tide 
 to take us, which they might well have done without any 
 resistannce of the countrye people or us. We gave him 
 thanks for his counsell ; and while wee talked with him 
 there was nevves that a Portugall frigatt [was ?] comeing 
 within the barre, which made us make hast to rowe up as 
 farr as wee could, beinge nowe a slacke water. Wee desired 
 this Mocadan to spare us the man thatt could speake Portu- 
 gues, to direct us the waye up the river, because itt hath 
 manie turninges and creeks which goe to other townes. 
 
 1 Headman (Hind, from Arabic mukaddani).
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 125 
 
 But this pilott either knewe not the waye or else was 
 bribed by some, or otherwise to playe the rogue with us, 
 for he would have carryed us in a creeke which went neere 
 unto Daman 1 ; but some which stoode on the bancks called 
 to us to goe the other waie, and come to the bancks and 
 drewe our boats with roapes the right waie ; whereatt our 
 pilott much stormed, and told us that it was not the right 
 waie that they lead us ; soe that wee knewe not which to 
 trust, much doubting some villainie pretended, because 
 they perceyved that wee had money in our boats ; but 
 these men caried us the right waie and our pilott proved 
 the knave. These men brought us to a village where there 
 were many juncks drouen upon the land, and manie people 
 came unto us. 
 
 At this village the Banane, [which] went over land with 
 Mr. Revett to the Governor, mett us, puttinge us in greate 
 feare when wee sawe not Mr. Revett, and the Banane with 
 a countenance very sad. Wee doubted some hard measure, 
 but haveing noe weopons with us wee weare nowe bound 
 to see it howsoever. This Banane made noe haste to 
 bringe us anie newes, before we called to him to come 
 into the boate to speake with him ; whoe presentlie came 
 and told us that Mr. Revett was remayneinge with the 
 Governor, and that the Governor had sent his man to 
 carrie us thether to them. Wee demanded for a letter, 
 wherewith hee drewe out of his turbant a leafe of a table 
 booke, wherein Mr. Revett writte that he was with the 
 Governor, stayinge for us, and that the Governor had sent 
 his man to bringe us thether. Although his letter was 
 not very comfortable, yett it did somethinge lighten our 
 heavye harts, seeinge that he was well, which wee much 
 doubted. But the Governours man came into our boate 
 
 1 Their alarm was needless. Daman was at least twenty miles 
 away, and there was no such creek.
 
 126 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 and, the tide beeinge nowe come, wee sett saile, both 
 vvinde and tide with us, soe that wee weare soone theare, 
 although it be above six leagues from this village. Yet 
 aboute four in the afternoone wee landed att a plaine 
 aboute a mile from the towne of Gandivee 1 . Wee landed 
 all our people and stuffe and went to the towne by land, 
 where wee found Mr. Revett with the Governor, whoe 
 tould us that he had bene very kindlie enterteind by him. 
 The Governor welcomed us in the best manner, entreat- 
 inge us to rest our selves while they made ready such 
 victualls as was to bee had, which was rice with butter 
 and fruite, for the Governor is an Abramane 2 , whoe doth 
 never eate of any live thinke, and therefore he prayed us 
 to pardon him, that it was against his lawe. But it did 
 serve us very well, for this was the third daye that wee 
 had not eate anie thinke ; soe that wee weare very 
 hungrie. 
 
 At this Governors howse there laye a fugitive Portu- 
 gall, whoe made us beleive that we should all bee searched 
 for our money and Jewells as soone as wee came to Suratt ; 
 animating us to leave all such money as wee had with the 
 
 1 Gandevi, 28 miles S.E. of Surat, is the chief town of a patch 
 of Baroda territory to the south of the British sub-division of Jalalpur. 
 'Gandevee...is a very faire haven, and great store of shipping built 
 there, whereof some are of foure or five hundreth tun. It standeth 
 in a good soile, and is governed by the Gentiles' (Covert). 
 
 The date of their arrival at Gandevi is given by Covert as the 
 4th September; but in O. C. 12 Jourdain says that it was the 5th, and 
 this is borne out by the text. Jones makes it the 6th. 
 
 2 Brahman. 'The Governour of this towne of Gandevee is a 
 Bannyan, and one of those kind of people that observe the law of 
 Pythagoras. They hold it a great sinne to eate of any thing that 
 hath life or breath, but live of that which the earth naturally afifbordeth 
 of it selfe. They likewise honour the cow and have her in great 
 estimation among them ; and also observe the ancient custome of 
 burning of their dead. It hath likewise in old time beene a great 
 custome amongst them for the women, so soone as their husbands 
 were dead, to burne themselves alive with him ; but now of late 
 yeares they have learned more wit and doe not use it so commonly. 
 Yet those women that doe it not have their haire cut and ever after 
 are held for no honest women, for that they will not accompany their 
 husbands into the other world, as they say' (Jones).
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN I2/ 
 
 Governor and him untill wee weare seated at Suratt, and 
 then wee might send for it ; all which he did without the 
 Governours knowledge, thinkinge to gett some thinge into 
 his hands. As for the Governor, he used us very kindlie 
 and wold not receyve any thinge of us. Wee presented 
 him with 200 rialls of eight and he would not take it, 
 desiringe us when our shipps came to give him some- 
 thinge from our countrye. Notwithstandinge, the next 
 daie when wee departed wee gave him a sword, a dagger, 
 and a ringe, with many other promises which the Generall 
 made him to send from Suratt, but nothinge performed, 
 although the Generall kept the 200 rialls which hee had 
 gathered amongst the companie, to buye some toyes at 
 Suratt and send him in recompence of the courtesie done 
 us, as alsoe to the pinnasses men, whoe had beene there 
 ten daies before in the same case. As soone as wee 
 came to Gandivee, the Generall sent a man of purpose 
 to carrie a letter to the marchannts at Suratt and to 
 bringe us present awnsweare. Havinge well refreshed 
 our selves this night, the Governour provided some horses 
 and some pallankins for us. After he had made us a 
 breakfast with rice, bread, cakes, and fruits of divers sorts 
 and sweete meats wee departed. 
 
 Whatt passed after our departure from Gandivee towards 
 Suratt ; and att our cominge to Suratt. 
 
 Sept. 6. Aboute nine in the morninge we sett forwards 
 towardes Suratt, accompanied with four of the Governours 
 men to conduct us, with six horses and four pallinkins ; 
 the rest of the shipps companie, some rid on bullocks 1 
 
 1 This was at one time a common practice: see Jordanus (Hakl. 
 Soc. ed., p. 12), the Travels of Nikitin in India in the Fifteenth 
 Century (p. 10), and Tavernier's Travels (Ball's ed., i. 43). Even in 
 the present day it is not entirely extinct.
 
 128 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 and some went on foote. This daie wee passed twoe 
 rivers, in passage boats, the rivers beeinge deepe, and 
 came to lodge in a towne called Nassaria 1 , a greate tovvne 
 aboute 15 miles distannt from Gandivee, where wee lodged 
 all night on the topp of an hill in a ruinated castell. Butt 
 wee came soe suddenlie into the castle that the people 
 which were in itt armed themselves against us ; butt wee 
 havinge retired our selves, and our guides havinge talked 
 with them, they were presentlie satisfied, and used us with 
 greate kindnes. These twoe townes of Gandivee and Nas- 
 saria, espetiallie Nassaria, doe make greate store of baftas, 
 being townes which stand in a very firtill and good 
 countrie. In this towne there are manie of a strange 
 kinde of religion called Parsyes. These people are very 
 tall of stature and white people. There religion is farre 
 different from the Moores or Banians, for they doe adore 
 the fire, and doe coatynualHe keepe their fire burninge 
 for devotion, thinkinge that if the fire should goe out, 
 that the world weare at an end ; and if the fire of their 
 howses bee out, they must not goe [to ?] their neighbours 
 to fetch fire, butt must goe to the holie fire, as they tearme 
 itt. When anie of these people dye, they never burye 
 them, butt sett them upright 2 in a place provided for the 
 purpose, in any open feild ; where the fowles of the ayre 
 eate and consume their flesh, but the doggs nor other 
 beasts cannott come at itt, because it is walled round 
 aboute and open above. 
 
 Sept. 7. Aboute seven in the morninge wee sett for- 
 ward from this towne, where the most parte of our 
 companie gott bullocks to ride on. Butt our people 
 
 1 Nausari, in Baroda territory, on the south bank of the Purna, 
 about twelve miles from the sea. As Jourdain notes, it is largely 
 inhabited by ParsI cotton-weavers, who have a fire temple in the 
 town and Towers of Silence on the river bank. 
 
 2 This is of course a mistake. The ParsI dead are laid at full 
 length on the gratings of the Tower of Silence.
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 129 
 
 havinge bene well refreshed with a kinde of drinke of 
 the pamita tree called taddy 1 , they beganne to bee un- 
 rulie, and espetiallie the steward Covett, whoe told the 
 Generall that hee would noe longer bee comanded by him 
 but would take the horses that weare provided for others 
 to ride on ; giveinge the Generall very unreverent speeches, 
 whoe beeinge moved thereatt strooke him with his fiste 
 and feld him to the grownde ; but all was pacified for 
 that time. This daie wee passed two rivers 2 in boats, 
 beeinge very broad rivers, wherein wee spent a greate 
 time in passinge. But aboute three in the afternoone, 
 beeinge within four miles of Suratt, wee received a letter 
 (by the messenger that was sent from Gandivee) from 
 Mr. Finch 3 , cheife factor at Suratt, in which letter hee 
 advised us thatt our pinnace men had bene at Suratt, 
 and that the townes men would not suffer them to come 
 within the towne, butt sent them to a little village aboute 
 two leagues of Suratt, where they remayned ; therefore he 
 doubted the like to bee ofifred to us, beeinge soe manie of 
 us, promisinge to doe his best. With this could comfort 
 wee went on our journey untill wee came neere the walls 
 of Suratt 4 , neere unto a faire tanke or sestron 5 , of a mile 
 
 1 The familiar 'toddy, 5 the fermented juice of the palmyra or other 
 varieties of palms. 
 
 2 The Purna and Mindhola Rivers. 
 
 3 See note in List of Authorities. 
 
 4 According to the Surat Gazetteer (p. 308) the (inner) wall of 
 Surat was not built until after Sivaji's attack in 1664. Fryer (1675) 
 saw it in course of erection. The reference in the text is, however, 
 explained by a passage in Finch's account, in which he says that, 
 except near the castle, the city 'is ditched and fenced with thicke 
 hedges, having three gates.' Herbert in 1627 found Surat 'circled with 
 a mud wall.' 
 
 5 Cistern. This is the Gopi talao, near the Nausari Gate, described 
 by many of the old travellers (cp. Hoe, i. 112; Delia Valle, i. 33; 
 Herbert, Mandelslo, Fryer, Hamilton, etc.). In Fryer's time (1675) it 
 was already dry, and later the stone parapets and steps were removed. 
 Finch says : ' Hard without Nonsary gate is a faire tank sixteene 
 square, inclosed on all sides with stone steppes, three quarters of an 
 English mile in compasse, with a small house in the middest. On 
 
 J- 9
 
 130 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 aboute, full of water, with manga trees round aboute it 
 very pleasannt. At this ta[n]ke wee weare stayed. Wee 
 had not bene here longe before Mr. Finch came to us 
 and tould us that the Governour would not suffer us to 
 come within the towne ; butt he would demand leave for 
 the Generall and marchannts to goe into the towne, and 
 the rest to remayne untill further order. Butt he could 
 not gett leave for any man to gett into the towne, butt 
 weare faine this night to lye under the greene trees. 
 
 Sept. 8. The next morninge Mr. Finch came to us, 
 tellinge us that there was noe lycence to be grannted to 
 come into the towne ; and therefore by his order wee 
 removed to the other side of the tanke or sestron, where 
 there was a very faire toombe in a very pleasant place 
 full of trees, where wee laye the next night. And the 
 next daie, beinge the pth dicto, came manie of the cheife 
 men of the towne to visitt our Generall, and brought 
 presennts of eatinge thinges, as bread, rice, fruite etc. 
 The same daie aboute noone came the Governor of the 
 towne with his guard, with determination to remove us 
 from thence to a village two miles of, for that they stoode 
 in feare of us to lye soe neere the towne ; where all things 
 should be brought to us to bee sould. There excuse was 
 that it was not for any ill pretended against us, butt to stopp 
 the Portugalls mouthes, whoe threatned them to take their 
 shipps which were cominge out of the Red Sea if they 
 enterteyned us into the towne, and had friggatts lyinge att 
 the barre to that purpose, which would bee an utter un- 
 doinge to a greate manie ; as alsoe they had threatned 
 to burne all the villages aboute the townes (sic), and take 
 the Kings ship which was to come from Moucha, which 
 would bee a greate reproach unto them. For those cawses 
 
 the further side are divers faire tombes, with a goodly paved court 
 pleasant to behold ; behind which groweth a small grove of manga 
 trees, whither the citizens goe forth to banquet.'
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 131 
 
 they entreated us to bee content to goe to the place ap- 
 pointed, which was a very pleasant village, and wee should 
 want nothinge. Butt our unrulie companie beganne to 
 bee in a mutinie amongst themselves ; some weare content 
 to goe, but the most parte would stand upon their guard 
 and would not goe to anie other place to have their 
 throats cutt ; that they had rather dye wheare they weare 
 then to goe to a worse place. But after their coller was 
 a little laied wee perswaded them to patience, seeinge wee 
 weare in a strannge countrye there was noe resistannce 
 against a multitude and in their owne howses. With much 
 adoe they weare perswaded ; and aboute two in the after- 
 noone every man tooke his baggage and departed towards 
 the village, savinge Mr. Revett, my selfe, and the surgeon, 
 whoe had leave to goe into the towne to provide whatt was 
 needfull for our journey towards Agra, where the Generall 
 was determyned to goe with all the men. But when wee 
 came to the gates of Suratt, wee could nott be suffred to 
 goe in untill night ; at which time wee weare carried to 
 a contrarie gate, because none should take any notice of 
 our beeinge in the towne 1 . 
 
 1 Finch's account of these events is as follows: 'In August I 
 received flying newes of an English pinnasse at Gandove, which de- 
 parting thence was againe forced thither by three Portugall frigats. 
 I supposed that it might belong to some of our shipping, which, 
 standing for Socatora, might not be able to fetch in, and so be forced 
 to fall on this coast ; which proved accordingly, it being the Ascensions 
 pinnasse, wanting water, wood and victuall, the master John Elmer, 
 with five men and two boyes. The master and foure of the company 
 came hither on the eight and twentieth, but I had no small adoe with 
 the townsmen of Surat for bringing them into the towne, they taking 
 them from me (pretending we were but allowed trade, indeed fearing 
 the Portugalls) till I should send to the Nobob, foure course off, 
 fearing force ; to which evill was added a worse, of the Portugalls 
 comming into the river with five frigats and carrying away the 
 pinnasse, weighing also the two falcons which they had cast by the 
 boord. And yet a woorse report came the fift of September, of the 
 casting away of the Ascension, the company, about seventie persons, 
 being saved ; which the next day came to Surat, but were forced by 
 the towne to lye without amongst the trees and tombes, I being not 
 able to procure leave for the Generall himselfe (notwithstanding divers 
 letters of recommendation which hee brought from Mocha, besides 
 
 92
 
 132 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 Our shipps companie with the Generall beinge at the 
 village weare very well content, beecause it was a very 
 pleasannt place, and wanted nothinge; but our men, with 
 palmita drinke and reason wine 1 made themselves beasts, 
 and soe fell to lewde weomen, which went thether to that 
 purpose, that in shorte time manie fell sicke, and others 
 in their drinke fell to quarrellinge one with annother. 
 And one of our men in his vallour cutt of a calves tayle, 
 which the Banians doth adore. But a greate complainte 
 was made to the Governour, whoe sent word to our howse 
 that if our people did use such prancks they would soone 
 bee cutt off; wherefore Mr. Finch rid thither to pacific 
 the matter with the Banians, and the fellowe punished 
 before them, untill they entreated for him. And thus the 
 matter was ended for that time' 2 . These Bananes in all 
 the India doe give the Kinge of Mogoll a greate some of 
 money because noe cowes nor any bullocke or calfe should 
 bee killed in the countrie ; wherefore the Kinge com- 
 mandeth this lawe to bee most straightlie kept by his 
 officers in all provinces. The Bananes victualls which 
 they eate is milke, butter, rice and fruite, with sweete 
 meates of all sorts. 
 
 In the time of their beeinge at the village, every man 
 
 letters from the King himselfe) into the towne ; such is their slavish 
 awe of the Portugalls, two Jesuits threatning fire, faggot and utter 
 desolation if they received any more English thither. That which I 
 could doe was to send them refreshing and carry them to the Tanke, 
 where they were conveniently lodged, yet amongst tombes, till the 
 Governor appointed them a more convenient place at a small aldea 
 [village] two course off; and with much adoe got leave for Master 
 Rivet, Master Jordan and the surgion to come hither to provide 
 necessaries for the rest.' 
 
 1 Made by boiling raisins in arrack (see Linschoten, Hakl. Soc. 
 ed., ii. 49). 
 
 2 ' I had other trouble by the disorder and not committed by some 
 of them, especially one Thomas Tucker, which in drinke had killed 
 a calfe (a slaughter more then murther in India) ; which made mee 
 glad of their departure, fifteene staying behind sicke, or unwilling to 
 goe for Agra; and some returned againe' (Finch).
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 133 
 
 provided him selfe with a horse or coatch, as they could 
 convenientlie. But there fell out annother controversie. 
 They would not goe for Agra under the comand of Cap- 
 taine Sharpeigh the Generall, butt would have Mr. Revett 
 or my selfe, or both, to bee their comander. And the 
 Generall, beinge weary of such an unrulye companie, was 
 content that Mr. Revett should be their comander; Mr. 
 Finch beeinge desirous that I should staie with him att 
 Suratt for the Worshipfull Companies service, havinge 
 none of the Companies servannts, with onelie twoe which 
 weare comon men, namelie, Nicholas Bangham 1 , an honest 
 joyner, and Thomas Lucas 2 , an unrulie colte ; with an- 
 nother English man, which had travelled longe time 
 amonge the Portugalls, and was come thether, beinge 
 poore, for releife, as hee said, butt there was greate doubt 
 of his honestie 3 ; for which causes before alledged I was 
 content to staie at Suratt with Mr. Finch for the Worship- 
 full Companies service. Thus all things beeinge provided 
 for their journie towards Agra, they departed from the 
 village the 2ith of September dicto 4 . 
 
 1 Left at Surat by the Hector. He proved himself so intelligent 
 and trustworthy that on his return to England in 1614 he was made 
 a factor and sent out again. He was in charge of the Burhanpur 
 factory till the spring of 1618, when he went home in the Bull. Roe 
 speaks of him as the best linguist in the Company's service in India. 
 
 2 Servant to Finch. He died a short time after these words were 
 written (O. C. 13). 
 
 3 Probably the individual referred to by Finch under date Dec. 1 5, 
 1608: 'This day came to us R. Carelesse, an Englishman who had 
 long lived amongst the Portugals, from whom hee now fledde for 
 feare of punishment for carrying necessaries to the Dutch at Musel- 
 patan, desiring to bee entertayned, which we did with much circum- 
 spection.' 
 
 4 Covert, who was of the company, says that they started Sept. 23, 
 'with our Generall and 52 men, with 21 coaches of our owne and some 
 others being hired, and 19 horses.' They reached Burhanpur Oct. 7, 
 and remained there till Nov. n, when Covert, Salbank and Frencham 
 set out for Agra, accompanied by a native guide. They arrived at 
 their destination on Dec. 8, and the next day were presented to the 
 Great Mogul by Captain Hawkins.
 
 134 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 A breife discourse of whatt passed in Suratt after the 
 departure of our men from [for] Agra. 
 
 After their departure from Suratt towards Agra, every 
 man would comand and doe whatt they liste, for all their 
 newe captaine ; soe that before he was five dayes journey 
 from Suratt he fell sicke with distaste of his newe soldiars, 
 that at the next good towne he staied, with some four 
 or five personns. The rest of them some went one waye 
 and some annother, and some came back againe to Suratt, 
 except some twelve persons whoe kept companie with the 
 Generall untill hee came to Baramporte 1 , aboute fifteen 
 daies journey from Suratt, where Captaine Sharpeigh fell 
 sicke ; and then they all left him, saveinge the surgeon 
 and annother, every one followinge his owne course as 
 longe as the money lasted. Soe that the preacher and 
 many others died att Baramport and neere thereaboute ; 
 Mr. Revett, Gabriell Brooke 2 , and as many as staied with 
 him at Daytta 3 died ; but it pleased God that Captaine 
 Sharpeigh recovered and went to Agra 4 , with divers others 
 of the companie ; butt not above two or three kept com- 
 panie together, for they could not awaye with one an- 
 
 1 Burhanpur (see p. 145). 
 
 2 He had been engaged at 2os. a month as 'a voluntarie man,' to 
 be employed on any work the Company might see fit to allot. 
 Sir Thomas Lowe, whose wife's kinsman he was, recommended him 
 as 'skilfull in the Spanish and Italian tongues, and hath bene a 
 traveller and verie honest' (Court Minutes, Dec. 4, 1607, Feb. 19, 
 1608). 
 
 3 Dhaita, for which see p. 142. 
 
 4 Cp. Sharpeigh's own account (Appendix C). 
 
 The unfinished letter (or copy), dated Oct. 27, 1609, printed 
 in Letters Received, \. 40, without name of writer or addressee, is 
 evidently from Jourdain to Sharpeigh. In it he complains that the 
 latter has authorised Finch to take charge of the estates of the 
 deceased men, 'wherin you have donne mee some descourtisye But 
 it is according to all our proceedinges in this voidge, to have to much 
 trust in those which have nothing to doe with the buyssenes, and those 
 which are apointed for the buissenes to knowe lest.'
 
 1609] JOHN JOURDAIN 135 
 
 nothe[r]s companie. Some which were unwillinge to goe 
 for Agra remayned in Suratt secreetlie for the space of 
 ten or fifteen daies, untill the shipps weare come from 
 Moucha, and then they appeared with the rest which 
 retorned from the companie, to the number of 30 persons. 
 Phillipp Grove, the maister, beinge gone to Cambaia to 
 live by himselfe, had enformed the vizroye Mocrabian 1 
 that all the goodes which was att Agra with Captaine 
 Hawkins and that att Suratt did belonge unto him, and 
 that we weare all his men ; soe Mocrobian willed him to 
 send for us all to Cambaia. Whereupon he wrote a letter 
 to the saillours in generall that if they would repaire to 
 Cambaia, that he would paie for their diett and gett them 
 passage for Achin in a shipp that was bound awaie from 
 Broche. Soe all of them agreed together, except some 
 eight or ten of them which would seeke passage by the 
 waie of Goa, went to Cambaia to Grove, where the Vizroye 
 gave them 100 manuthes 2 towards their charges ; and 
 when that was done they retorned againe to Suratt, curs- 
 inge Grove, that had made them- have a wearie journey 
 to grace him there, makinge his braggs that they weare 
 all his men. The disordered carriage of the most parte 
 of our men at Baramport, Daytta, Cambaia and Suratt, 
 as alsoe by the way as they went, would make a mans 
 eares to tingle to repeate the villanies that was done by 
 
 1 Apparently the copyist has (here and elsewhere) mistaken 
 Jourdain's ' Mocrabcan ' for 'Mocrabian.' The person meant is 
 Mukarrab Khan. Hawkins calls him 'Viceroy of Cambaya and 
 Surat,' adding ' but in Surat hee had no command save onely over 
 the Kings customes.' He seems to have been in charge of the 
 customs, etc., at the two ports, the revenues of which were probably 
 retained by the Emperor in his own hands. Mukarrab Khan was 
 thus able to gratify Jahanglr's passion for curiosities by gifts of 
 European articles obtained from the Portuguese traders. His sub- 
 sequent career is given in The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe. 
 
 2 Mahtnudls. The mahmndt (so named from Sultan Mahmud of 
 Gujarat) was a silver coin extensively current in Western India. Terry 
 calls it 'about twelve pence sterling,' and Peyton says it equalled 
 30 pice, of which 33^ were equivalent to an English shilling.
 
 136 JOURNAL OF [1609 
 
 them, which for shame and tediousnes I omitt. Those 
 which went for Goa, I had letters from them of there 
 kinde usage by the Jesuite which carried them theather, 
 and that they weare bound home in the carricks, as by 
 a letter received from Thomas Joanes the boateson, whoe 
 write that Mr. Mellys was gone in the Saint Andrewe, and 
 that he and the rest weare to goe in the next shipp, whoe 
 was to departe shortlie 1 . 
 
 The 29th of October Captaine Hawkins, hearing of 
 the comeinge of the Assention (Mr. Finch havinge ad- 
 vertised him at the arrivall of our pinnace), sent the 
 Create Mogolls letters pattents to enterteyne us kindlie 
 with our shippinge and goods, as alsoe for the recoveringe 
 of our debts, and to ayde us if neede required against 
 the Portugalls or any other that sought to wronge us ; 
 soe thatt with this firmaie 2 and pattent from the Create 
 Mogoll made us to bee in better esteeme then before 3 . 
 The Kinge grannted this firmae to Captaine Hawkins, 
 hopinge of some strange present in the shipp, his de- 
 light beeing all in strange toyes ; but as soone as he 
 heard that our shipp was cast awaie, the Portugall preists 
 which laye att the courte sollicited him for annother firmae 
 in contrarye of ours, which with presennts and promises 
 was grannted. Butt as longe as Captaine Hawkins was 
 in favour all men did favour the English ; butt after that 
 he grewe in disgrace by his owne folly wee weare not soe 
 well esteemed, as hereafter may appeare. When Captaine 
 
 1 Jones says that at the invitation of a Portuguese priest whose 
 acquaintance they had made at Surat, he, Richard Mellis, John Elmor 
 and Robert Fox left Surat on October 7 and journeyed by way of 
 Daman and Chaul to Goa, where they embarked for Portugal in the 
 fleet which carried also the French traveller Frangois Pyrard (see his 
 narrative, Hakl. Soe. ed., ii. 264 ., 265, 269). Mellis died on the 
 voyage. The rest reached Lisbon in August, 1610, and Jones got 
 back to England on the iyth of the following month. 
 
 2 Farman, 'order.' 
 
 3 See Hawkins' narrative (Purchas, i. 211).
 
 l6lo] JOHN JOURDAIN 137 
 
 Hawkins heard of my beeinge in Suratt to assist Mr. 
 Finch, he presentlie sent downe to have one of us to come 
 for Agra, to ayde him in the Worshipfull Companies 
 buysines. Which letters beeinge receyved, it was deter- 
 mined that Mr. Finch or my selfe should presentlie de- 
 parte ; and Mr. Finch perceiveing that there was not like 
 of any greate affaires att Suratt, hee chose rather to goe 
 then to staie at Suratt with a little lead which was to 
 sell, and that was sould butt easilie. Soe that the i8th 
 of Januarie 1 he sett forward out of Suratt towardes Agra, 
 with Nicholas Bangham, William Hutson*, and one more 
 Englishman, leavinge mee at Suratt with 300 piggs of 
 lead to sell ; all other things, as cloth and money, he 
 carried with him, by order from Captaine Hawkins. 
 
 After the departure of Mr. Finch, Phillipp Grove 
 remayneinge in Cambaia, as is aforesaid, affirmed to the 
 Vizroye Mocrobyan that all the leade which was remayne- 
 inge at Suratt was belonginge to him, and my selfe one of 
 his servannts, entreatinge the Vizeroye by the aucthoritie 
 of his command to send for me and all the leade to Cambaia ; 
 which the Vizroye, thinkinge his wordes to bee true, write 
 to the Governour of Suratt to send all the English with 
 their goods to Cambaia, beeinge soe required by Grove, 
 the owner of the goods. Beeing notyfied by the Governour 
 to prepare to [go to?] Cambaia with all our goods, I 
 awnswered that if there weare any firma from the Kinge 
 I would obey ; otherwise I would nott remove, for that I 
 had order from the Kinge to remayne in Suratt to doe our 
 buysines quietlie, by which order they were bound to assist 
 us, and not to molest us, shewing them the Kings pattent 
 
 1 Finch gives the same date. In O. C. 12 Jourdain says February 16, 
 but this is clearly a mistake. 
 
 2 Hudson got back to Europe by way of Goa (see Cat. State Papers, 
 E. Indies, 1513-1616, no. 574). He was probably the husband of the 
 Mrs. Hudson who went to India in 1617 with Mrs. Towerson (see 
 The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 438 .).
 
 138 JOURNAL OF [l6lO 
 
 and firmae; which when they had scene they rested satisfied, 
 sayinge that they would advise Mocrabian thereof, willinge 
 mee to write unto him the circumstance of the matter ; 
 which I did, certifieinge Mocrobian what Grove was and 
 to whome the goods did appertaine, and that Captaine 
 Hawkins, the directour of theis goodes, was att the Kings 
 courte, as His Excellencye knewe well enough; much 
 marvellinge that he would soe hastelie beleeve such a base 
 drunkard as the pilott, whoe was never maister of a pigge 
 of lead in his life, with many other circumstances of his 
 behaviour. Soe that upon the receipt of my letter, and 
 upon Groves misdemeanour, the Vizeroye told him what 
 hee was, sayinge that I had write him the trueth ; soe that 
 after thatt Grove was out of favour I heard noe more of 
 the matter. 
 
 When Grove sawe himselfe forsaken of all his men, of 
 v/home hee had made his braggs to bee at his comand, and 
 out of favour with the Vizeroye, hee sought meanes to goe 
 for Achin in a juncke which was bound from Broche, as is 
 aforesaid, hee havinge prepared himselfe at the towne of 
 Broche, upon there promises; butt when they were ready 
 to departe they would nott carrye him without order from 
 Hoghanazan 1 , Governour of Suratt; soe the shipp departed 
 without him, and two more Englishmen that should have 
 gone with him. Then hee beganne to raile on mee, sayinge 
 that I was the cause of his staie ; when God knoweth I 
 would have given money to have rid the countrye of such 
 a crooked apostle. But when he sawe noe remedy, and 
 that he was out of favour with Macrobian, the Vizeroye, he 
 repayred to Suratt. Where the first night he was like to 
 bee slaine by one of the Assentions companie called Clas- 
 boocke, whoe gave him a stabb with a knife neere the 
 
 1 One of the principal merchants of Surat, who for a time held the 
 post of Governor. Hawkins calls him ' Hogio Nazam,' which may be 
 either Khwaja Nizam or Khwaja Nazm (Najm), probably the former.
 
 l6lo] JOHN JOURDAIN 139 
 
 harte, that all men thought that he had beene slaine; he 
 strikinge the fellowe in the streete with a staffe, hee made 
 noe more adoe butt stabd him ; and thinking that he had 
 slaine him, fledd; but I cawsed the gates to bee shutt, and 
 tooke him the same night, and kept him within the howse 
 two daies prisonner. But he was such an unrulie fellowe 
 that the house was too little to hould him, soe that I was 
 forced to deliver him to the Cutwall 1 of the towne to keepe 
 him untill I sawe wheather the maister would live or dye; 
 and perceiveing that his wound was not mortall, he was 
 sett att libertie 2 . 
 
 Aboute the end of October I receyved a letter from 
 Captaine Hawkins, sent by his man Nicholas Ufflett 3 , 
 willinge mee to make present sale of all the leade, att what 
 price soever, and bringe the money to Agra with all expe- 
 dicion. But I had not aboute [above ?] 20 piggs to sell ; 
 which I soone made dispatch of, and received in all my 
 debts which I had made, and bought some cloves and 
 baftas of Broche (accordinge to the Captaines order), and 
 
 1 Superintendent of police (Pers. kotwal, a commandant of a 
 fort). 
 
 2 About this time (Sept. 1610) Jourdain wrote the letter of which 
 an unfinished copy is preserved in the O. C. series as no. 12. It has 
 been printed in Letters Received by the E. India Co. (i. 35) but with a 
 wrong date and without the name of the writer. There is no clue to 
 the person to whom it was addressed, but it was perhaps intended for 
 the English factors at Achin or Bantam, to be conveyed thither in 
 some native vessel possibly the one spoken of above as bound for 
 Achin. 
 
 To this period must also belong the following incident, noted 
 by Finch : ' October the twelfth, we were certified by letters of 
 M. Jourdaine from Surat that thirtie frigats of the Portugals were 
 cast away on the barre of Surat, hasting before the winter was broken 
 up to catch more English. Many of the men escaped, and were glad 
 to beg releefe at the English doore.' 
 
 3 Possibly it was on this occasion that Ufflet followed the route 
 described by Finch on p. 434 of Purchas's first volume. 
 
 Ufflet returned to England with Hawkins, but went out again to 
 India in Downton's fleet. In 1617 we find him at Jakatra, in Java, 
 and two years later he died on board one of the vessels of Sir Thomas 
 Dale's fleet.
 
 140 JOURNAL OF [l6lO 
 
 the rest of the money I passed by exchannge to Baramport 
 with some gaine, aboute five pro cent proffitt. But before 
 my departure I thought to have called Phillip Grove to 
 accompt for money which he had taken out of John 
 Johnsons chest. He dicing with eateing opium betwixt 
 Cambaia and Suratt, leavinge his money in his chest at 
 Cambaia, Grove tooke to himselfe to the value of 300 rialls 
 of eight. He havinge some intelligence that I purposed to 
 have it from him to give to other poore men which wanted, 
 he secreetlie went his waie by night, giveinge out that hee 
 was bound for Cambaia; but he went annother waye 
 towards Mollalapottan 1 . But beinge lefte alone amongst 
 stranngers, and his ordinarie drinke failinge him by the 
 waye, fell sicke and died within eight daies journey of 
 Mossolopottan ; and a Portugall benegado [renegado] 
 inherited all that hee had, beinge supposed that he had 
 poysoned him for his monie, as is likelie enough. To sett 
 downe all the villanie done by Grove, both at sea and 
 aland, were shamefull to be found in writeinge 2 . But his 
 end by reporte was very desperate; which shewes that his 
 life was accordinge. 
 
 Oct. I5 3 . This daie in the afternoone, havinge finished 
 all buysines, I went to the Tanke of Suratt with all our 
 provision for the jorney, accompanied with Nicholas Ufflett, 
 Nicholas Bangam, Bartholomew Davye, and Thomas Stiles 4 , 
 Englishmen, havinge [leaving ?] in the howse at Suratt John 
 
 1 Masulipatam is meant. 
 
 2 Covert sums up Grove as being 'a Flemming and an arch- 
 villaine and a' something unmentionable. 
 
 3 There is obviously an error in the date of this and the following 
 entries, for Jourdain has just said that he received Hawkins' letter 
 'aboute the end of October.' It is pretty clear from his itinerary 
 that he really commenced his journey on December 15. 
 
 4 He started for Europe overland with Finch, and after the tatter's 
 death at Bagdad, fled secretly to Aleppo, arriving there early in 
 October, 1613 (see Letters Received, i. 273).
 
 WESTERN INDIA, SHOWING JOURDAIN'S ROUTES 
 
 INDIAN DESERT 
 
 Bikaner 
 
 M A E. W A 
 
 JODHPURf 
 
 fKhandap 
 I Bharwani 
 Jalor 
 
 i \'~* B !r ^-^saa 
 
 -\^s Xs.'^r-A Hindaun,S n , . 
 
 toM VX^X^ 5> "' 
 
 "ToTsot 
 
 I* 
 
 J* 
 
 JMER 
 
 MMUOM 
 
 Antri, 
 
 Chitor 
 
 Sifjri 
 Ka Haras 
 
 Kola 
 
 A I PUR 
 
 khajpur 
 a/ra 
 
 LW 
 
 Hachner-i 
 
 yarangpur 
 
 Sironj 
 
 G UrJ/A R/A T 
 
 /CAMBSnY 
 
 Baroda 
 \Sarod 
 
 Akb 
 
 K H 
 
 * ..rf 
 
 \Jhhar 
 
 ~E>
 
 l6lo] JOHN JOURDAIN 14! 
 
 Winston, Thomas Mosgrowe 1 , Herman Lane 2 , and Thomas 
 Senterell, with soe much money as would suffice for three 
 monnethes diett, with the hovvse rent paid for soe longe; 
 thinkinge by that time to have other order from Captain 
 Hawkins from Agra. But within one monneth these men 
 tooke their journey for Mossapatton, leavinge onelie Thomas 
 Musgrow in the howse. 
 
 Our travaile from Suratt to Agra; our journeys dailie; 
 with the names of the citties and townes where we laye, 
 and what the townes affoard*. 
 
 Oct. [Dec.] 1 6. In the morninge wee sett forward in 
 our journey from the Tanke of Suratt, and came to a 
 village aboute three coses* of, called Cossaria 5 . 
 
 Oct. [Dec.] 17. We parted thence, and came att [an] 
 aldea 6 or village called Mutta 7 , aboute seven coses from 
 Cossaria. It is a greate village, and we laye without the 
 towne in the feild. 
 
 Oct. [Dec.] 1 8. Wee parted from Mutta, and came to 
 a greate towne called Cossod 8 . This towne is a towne of 
 
 1 Master's mate of the Ascension. 
 
 2 Captain Saris found this 'disordered fellowe' in Nov. 1612 at 
 Bantam, where he had been for some time. He and others offered 
 their services to Saris, but drew back when they discovered that he 
 was not willing to pay them their arrears of wages. 
 
 3 The general correspondence of Jourdain's account of his journey 
 with Finch's itinerary suggests that the former wrote up his journal 
 after his arrival in Agra, and used a copy of Finch's notes to refresh 
 his memory. 
 
 4 The kos was about two miles ; but it varied much in different 
 parts of India. For the first part of the present journey it is to be 
 taken as a mile and a half; later, as two miles. 
 
 5 Khumbaria, about four miles east of Surat. 
 
 6 A Portuguese term (of Arabic origin) for a village or an estate. 
 
 7 Mota, about eleven miles in a straight line from Khumbaria, in a 
 patch of land belonging to the British subdivision of Bardoli, but 
 surrounded by Baroda territory. 
 
 8 Karod, on the Tapti, ten miles E.N.E. of Mota, is meant. Finch 
 calls it 'Carode, a great countrey towne, by which on the north
 
 142 JOURNAL OF [l6lO 
 
 garrison of 200 horse, of Rashputts 1 , and hath a castell on 
 the topp of the hill, with water round aboute. These 
 soldiars lye att this place to keepe the countrye quiett 
 from theeves, butt they them selves will not sticke to take 
 a good price 2 . It is seven coses from Mutta. 
 
 Oct. [Dec] 19. I parted from Cossod and came to 
 Birra 3 , seven coses; a prettye towne with a castell; all 
 laboringe people. 
 
 Oct. [Dec.~\ 20. I parted from Birra, and lodged in 
 Corka 4 , twelve coses; a ragged towne and poore. 
 
 Oct. [Dec.'] 21. I parted from Corka and came to Narran- 
 porte 5 , ten cosses ; a pretty towne, governed by a Gentile 
 called Pertabsaa 6 , whoe is named amongst the Gentiles 
 kinge but is tributarie to the Mogoll. This kinge hath 
 many stronge holdes and castells, invincible by report. 
 
 Oct. [Dec.] 22. I departed from Narranporte, and came 
 to Daytta 7 , eight cosses. This towne is greate and belongeth 
 likewise to Pertabshaa, and is his cheifest towne, standinge 
 in a very fertill countrye by a river side very pleasant. 
 
 runneth Surat river. It hath a castle with two hundred horse, Patans, 
 good souldiers.' 
 
 1 Rajputs. 2 Prize. 
 
 3 Viara, in Baroda territory, about 13 miles south-east of Karod. 
 In Finch's account, where the name is misprinted ' Beca,' it is 
 described as 'a castle with a great tanke and a pleasant grove.' 
 
 4 This is evidently Finch's 'Curka' ('a great village with a river on 
 the south side'), but he makes it only five kos from Vlara. Tavernier 
 calls it ' Kerkoa,' fifteen kos west of Navapur. He says that the name 
 had recently been changed to 'the Begum's carvansera,' as a fine 
 building of that nature had been erected there by the Begam-Sahib, 
 daughter of Shah Jahan. The name is not found on modern maps. 
 
 6 Narayanpur, in the Nandurbar subdivision of Khandesh. Finch 
 has ' Nacampore,' but this is doubtless a misprint. 
 
 6 Partab Shah, the ruler of Baglan, a mountainous district of con- 
 siderable extent. Akbar had failed to conquer it; but Jahanglr was 
 subsequently acknowledged as its overlord, and it was finally subdued 
 by Aurangzlb. 
 
 7 Dhaita. 'This towne hath a castle, and is almost encompassed 
 with a river ; seated in a fertile soyle' (Finch). 'This city yeeldes great 
 store of drugs, fine pentathose [pintados] and calico lawnes' (Covert).
 
 l6lo] JOHN JOURDAIN 143 
 
 This towne is of greate trade for baftas and all kinde of 
 handy crafte worke. In this place Mr. Revett, Gabriell 
 Brooke and many other of our men died 1 . 
 
 Oct. [Dec.'] 23. I parted from Daytta and lodged at 
 Badoxe, ten cosses 2 . It is an open towne, with manie rude 
 and ungoverned people, with manye theeves. This towne 
 alsoe belongeth to Pertabshaa, and is the farthest parte of 
 his confines this way. 
 
 Oct. [Dec.] 24. I parted from Badorc 3 and came to 
 Nunderbarr 4 , seven coses. This is a stronge cittie walled, 
 with a castell in itt standinge by a river side. There is 
 made here much clothinge of the finer sorte, as birames 5 
 and serebaffe 6 . 
 
 Oct. [Dec.] 25. I parted from Nunderbarr and came to 
 Lingull 7 , ten coses; a poore towne with a mud wall and 
 castle correspondent. 
 
 1 See p. 134. 
 
 2 'To Badur, ten c[os] ; a filthy towne and full of theeves. Heere 
 is made much wine of a sweete fruit called Mewa [mhowa], but I 
 found it not wholesome, except it be burnt' (Finch). This town may 
 be identified with the modern Bhadwar, which is fifteen miles from 
 Dhaita and ten from Nandurbar. 
 
 3 Jourdain often made his 'r' like 'x' or 're'; hence the many 
 blunders of his copyist. 
 
 4 Nandurbar, which is still a place of considerable importance. 
 'A great city of the Bannians called Netherberry, where is a great 
 basar or market, and all maner of brasen wares to be sold, as pots, 
 kettles, candlesticks, and caldrons of foure foot long, shirts of male, 
 swords and bucklers, lances, horses in armour of arrowe proofe, 
 camels, and all maner of beasts. There is also great store of cotten 
 wools, cotten yarne, pentathoes, callico lawnes, shashes for turbants 
 for their heades, limmons, potatoes [sweet potatoes, or possibly yams], 
 three pound for a penny, and all maner of drugs. And surely cloth 
 would be a very vendible commodity there, for course felt is there 
 extreame deare. Also gold and silver is there very plentifull, and these 
 are very good people to deale withall' (Covert). 
 
 5 Fine cotton cloths of various colours. The name is from the 
 Pers. bairam. 
 
 6 ' Serribaff, a fine slight stuffe or clothe wherof the Mores make 
 their cabaies or clothing' (O. C. n). 
 
 7 ' Lingull, 10 c[os], a beastly towne with theevish inhabitants and 
 a dirtie castle; a deepe sandie way neare the towne' (Finch). The 
 modern name is Nimgul.
 
 144 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 Oct. [Dec.] 26. I parted from Lingull and came to 
 lodge at Sinkerry 1 , ten cosses. This is a very greate 
 village; poore people. 
 
 Oct. [Dec.'] 27. I parted from Sinkerry and came to 
 Talnar 1 , ten cosses; a greate tovvne, with a castle standinge 
 by a river. 
 
 Oct. [Dec.] 28. I parted from Talnar and came to 
 Chuppera 8 , fifteen cosses; a greate walled towne, standinge 
 by a river. 
 
 Oct. [Dec.] 29. I parted from Chuppera and came to a 
 small village called Rawde 4 , six cosses; where wee rest till 
 the third of Januarye to ease our carriadges, as alsoe because 
 wee had some raine and darke weather. 
 
 Januarie 3, 1610 [1611]. I departed from Rawd and 
 came to Bewell 8 , ten cosses; a very greate and stronge 
 towne, with a castell. This towne is of greate trade for 
 pintados of all sorts and many pretty stuffes and shasshes. 
 
 Jan. 4. I departed from Bewell and came to Raure 6 , 
 sixteen cosses; a greate village; all laboringe people. 
 
 Jan. 5. I departed from Rawrre and came to Badorpore 7 , 
 eight coses. This is a greate cittie borderinge upon Decan, 
 and doth make much clothinge and pintados, and is a cittie 
 of greate resorte of people. 
 
 1 Sindkhera, about 24 miles north of Dhulia. Finch calls it 
 ' Sindkerry, a great dirtie towne.' 
 
 2 Thalner, on the north side of the Tapti. Here the road crossed 
 the river. 'Ten c[os] to Taulneere, a theevish way; the towne faire, 
 with a castle and a river, in time of raine not passable without boat' 
 (Finch). 
 
 3 Chopra, on a branch of the Tapti. 
 
 4 Aravad, in Chopra subdivision. 
 
 5 Yaval or Byaval. The fort is in fair preservation. The town is 
 somewhat decayed, but has a population of over 11,000. Finch calls 
 it ' Beawle, a great towne, with a faire castle.' 
 
 6 Finch's ' Ravere,' i.e., Raver, a town about halfway between 
 Savda and Burhanpur. 
 
 7 Bahadurpur, a town about four miles west of Burhanpur. Finch 
 speaks of it as 'a faire city.' It was so called from having been built 
 by Bahadur Khan, the last independent ruler of Khandesh.
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 145 
 
 Jan. 6. I departed from Badorpore and came to 
 Baramporte, ten 1 cosses; where I lodged in the campe 
 without the cittie. Baramporte 14 is a very greate cittie 
 borderinge upon Decan, and is of the kingdome of Hossier 3 
 the cheife cittie, but conquered by the Greate Mogoll 
 Ecabar, this kings father. Here laye a campe of 200,000 
 horse to warre with the Decanines. Within the cittie there 
 is a faire and stronge castell 4 , wher the Mogolls sonne 
 laye, beinge cheife governor of the cittye and campe for 
 his father; his name is Soltan Pervise 5 . The armye laie 
 round aboute the cittie, a mile without the walls, in a very 
 plaine and pleasannt countrye full of trees and rivers. 
 Here I remayned ten daies, as well to rest our beasts as to 
 doe our buysines aboute receiveinge of our money passed 
 from Suratt by exchange; which havinge received I 
 delivered it out againe to bee paid in Agra, at seven pro 
 cento profitt. As alsoe wee staied for a caravan which was 
 to goe. This cittye is never without sicknes, by reason of 
 the greate recourse of people 6 . Here I fell sicke of a flixe 
 and fever; butt havinge ended our buysines I lett not to 
 travaile. Many of the Assentions men died in this towne. 
 Wee laye as secure in the campe as if wee had bene in our 
 owne howses. I never sawe better government then there 
 was in the campe, and plentie of all thinges. This cittie 
 
 1 This is evidently a slip for 'two.' 
 
 2 Burhanpur, on the Tapti, in the Nimar district of the Central 
 Provinces, was for two centuries the capital of the Farukl kings of 
 Khandesh, and after the conquest of that kingdom by Akbar in 1 599 
 became the chief town of the Mogul province of Khandesh. The 
 ruins in the neighbourhood show that at one time the city extended 
 over an area of about five square miles. 
 
 3 Aslr (see p. 146). 
 
 4 The Lai Kila, or Red Fort, built by Akbar. 
 
 5 Sultan Parwlz, the second son of Jahanglr. The reader will 
 remember Sir Thomas Roe's account of an interview with him at this 
 place. 
 
 6 'This citie is very great, but beastly, situate in a low, unholsome 
 aire, a very sickly place, caused especially by the bad water' (Finch). 
 
 T. 10
 
 146 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 doth abound in makeinge of fine baftaies, bairames, sere- 
 bafts, rich turbants and girdles of silke and gould. To this 
 towne there is trade from all places of the India, and the 
 Decanes may freelie come to buye and sell, although at 
 warrs 1 . Here I staied till the i/th of Januarie; then with 
 the carravan wee departed. 
 
 Jan. 17. I departed from Baramport and came to a 
 village called Assier 2 , eight coses. Upon the topp of a 
 mountaine neere this village there is a very greate and 
 strong castell, whereof the kingdome takes his name Assier, 
 because that in times past the kinge of that countrie laye 
 in itt, beeinge almost invincible, and cost the Mogoll kinge 
 Ecabar more trouble to take this castle then all the countrie 
 besides, for it is one of the strongest holdes in the Indies. 
 
 Jan. 1 8. I departed from Assier 3 and came to Magar 
 Ganga 4 , twelve coses; a greate village. 
 
 1 'This cittie is farre bigger then London, and great trade of all 
 sorts of merchandise therein. It is one of the most famous heathen 
 cities that ever I came in, and the citizens are very good and kind 
 people, and very many gallants in the citie. Also fine rivers, ponds, 
 orchards, gardens, pleasant walkes and excellent faire prospects as 
 ever I saw' (Covert). 
 
 2 Aslr, about twelve miles north-east of Burhanpur. For details of 
 the siege by Akbar of the famous fortress of the same name on a 
 neighbouring hill see the Bombay Gazetteer, xii. 579. Finch calls it 
 'the strong and invincible castle of Hassere, seated on the top of a 
 high mountaine, large and strong, able to receive (as is reported) 
 fortie or fiftie thousand horse. And on the top are many faire tankes 
 and good pasture grounds. It hath had in the dayes of Badur Sha, 
 late king thereof, some sixe hundred peeces of ordnance. The Acabar 
 besieged it a long time, circling it on all sides, and at length tooke it 
 by composition ; for it is said that there bred such an innumerable 
 sort of emmets or other small wormes in all the waters that the 
 people swelled and burst with drinking thereof; which mortalitie 
 caused him to compound and deliver it, being by meere humane 
 force invincible.' 
 
 3 There are some discrepancies between Finch's and Jourdain's 
 accounts of the stages on this next section of the road, though their 
 totals are fairly in agreement. The former makes the distance from 
 Burhanpur to ' Magergom ' 27 kos against Jourdain's 20, while from 
 ' Berkul ' to the river he reckons two kos instead of Jourdain's ten. 
 
 4 Possibly the village of Mogargaon, about 33 miles N.W. of 
 Aslr.
 
 JOHN JOURDAIN 147 
 
 Jan. 19. I departed from Mogar Gange and came to 
 Kergange 1 , ten coses; a little village. These ten coses wee 
 had stonye and hillie waves. 
 
 Jan. 20. I departed from Kergang and came to a 
 village called Becull 2 , thirteen coses. 
 
 Jan. 21. I departed from Becull and came to Eccabar- 
 bore 3 , ten cosses; a prettye towne standinge by a faire river, 
 which cometh from Broche, neere Cambaia, and from thence 
 yt falleth into the sea. It is a towne of garrison; soe that 
 noe man of accompt can passe without leave of the governor 
 of the castle; because many greate men leave the warres 
 and goe to their howses ; therefore none can passe towardes 
 Agra without the Prince Pervise his passe. The river is as 
 broad as the Thames. It is verye ill to passe with camells 
 laden, for it is shole but at one place, which is* very full of 
 stones; and therefore the most parte doth passe in boats 
 which are for the purpose; in which wee passed our horses. 
 
 Jan. 22. I departed from Eccabarpore and came to the 
 cittie of Mando 4 , nine coses. This is a very bad way, both 
 steepe and stonye; soe that it is greate travaile for any 
 beast to goe up laden. This cittie hath in times past bene 
 the most famous cittie in all India, and is nowe ruinated 
 and decayed. It hath within the cittie sixteen standing 
 tanks or sestrons of water, because it standeth soe high 
 upon a hill there is noe other water then whatt is of the 
 raine in these sesterns. You may see the ruines of manie 
 
 1 Finch's ' Kergom, a great village.' This may be identified with 
 Khargon, on the Kundi river, 16 miles N.W. of Mogargaon. 
 
 2 Finch calls it ' Berkul,' and it is perhaps Balkhar, 21 miles 
 N.N.W. of Khargon. 
 
 3 Akbarpur, on the Narbada. 
 
 4 Mandu, formerly the capital of Malwa; see a note at p. 391 of 
 The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, and the bibliography there given, 
 to which must now be added two articles by Sir James Campbell and 
 Capt. E. Barnes respectively in the Journal of the Bombay Asiatic 
 Society, xix. 154, and xxi. 339. Finch's account (to which Jourdain is 
 obviously indebted) will be found in Appendix D.
 
 148 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 faire buildings and monuments. This cittie was taken by 
 the ancestors of the Mogoll, by a kinge called Seer Shaselim, 
 and by him ruinated 1 . In his florishinge time it could have 
 made within the cittie 50,000 horse. There was greate 
 store of treasure found hidden by the grandfather of this 
 kinge the Mogoll. By the cituation of this cittie, the walls, 
 castle and gates which yett are to bee scene, it seemeth to 
 [have] beene one of the greatest and strongest cittyes in 
 the world. From the gate which we came in att to the 
 south (over which gate there is a plattforme for ordinance) 
 to the north gate it is aboute six miles, and from the east 
 to the west by reporte it is 20 cose 2 , which is above 25 miles, 
 waled round aboute with bricke ; standinge on the topp on 
 [of] an high mountayne, that the hill it selfe weare a sufficient 
 defence if there weare people within itt. There are yett 
 remayneinge twoe churches or missitts 3 , wherein is buried 
 four kings, laid in very faire and costlie toombs of rich 
 stone. In one of these churches there is a very statelie 
 tower of 170 steps to goe upp, built round aboute with 
 many windowes curiouslie made. This tower hath six 4 
 storyes, and in everye storye chambers for men to lodge 
 in, very pleasantlye contryved, and built all with greene 
 stone like marbell. Att the north gate there are five gates, 
 one within annother, very stronge, because att this side itt 
 is not soe steepe as att other places, but men may easilie 
 come att yt with burdens. By these gates the cittie was 
 served with all kinde of victualls in tyme paste. Heere I 
 
 1 Cp. Finch's statements. 
 
 2 There is evidently a mistake here. Probably the copyist mistook 
 Jourdain's '10' and '15' for '20' and '25.' Finch says four kos from 
 north to south, and ten or twelve kos from east to west. As a matter 
 of fact the extreme limits are 3f miles from north to south and 
 5^ miles from east to west. Malcolm estimates the circuit of the 
 ramparts at 37 miles. 
 
 3 Masid, the softened Indian form of masjid. Concerning these 
 two buildings see the notes to Appendix D. 
 
 4 This should be 'seven.'
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 149 
 
 sawe the breech of a brasse peece the biggest that ever I 
 sawe before. The suboorbs of this cittie without the north 
 gate hath been seven miles longe; soe farr you maye see 
 the ruines of itt. Towards the east gate of this cittye is all 
 pasture and pleasannt land of corne and fruite. There are 
 in the suburbs manie stronge sarrayes built of stone yett 
 standinge for travellours to lodge in. The people of this 
 cittie are Gentiles; and when any greate man of them dye 
 their wives wilbee buryed [burned] with their husbands, 
 and manye of his slaves, to serve him in annother world as 
 they have done in this, and will thinke themselves happie 
 if the master will chuse them before his death to accompanie 
 him in annother world. But if the wife refuse to dye, shee 
 is never more esteemed amonge them. 
 
 Jan. 23. Wee departed from the cittye of Manda and 
 came to Connyhier 1 , a small towne, four cosses. 
 
 Jan. 24. Wee departed from Connihier and came to 
 Dolpore 2 , fourteen cosses; where wee rest the 25th; beinge 
 a prettye towne. 
 
 Jan. 26. Wee departed from Dolpore and came to the 
 cittie of Augen 3 , a greate and antient cittie, where lyeth a 
 vizeroye for the Greate Mogoll, which makes the warres 
 against the kingdome of Rana 4 , that is in rebellion. 
 
 Jan. 27. Wee departed from Augen and came to a 
 ragged towne called Conostia 5 , eleven coses. Here is made 
 much opium, and the best in the Indies, and is worth three 
 ma[hmudls] per ser, which is 24 ounz. 
 
 1 'At 4 c[os] end lyeth Luneheira, a small saray' (Finch). Jourdain 
 (or his copyist) has got the name wrong. It is the present day Lunera, 
 a village eight miles north of Mandu. 
 
 2 Dipalpur, 27 miles S.W. of Ujjain. Finch calls it ' Dupalpore...a 
 small towne.' 
 
 3 Ujjain, the principal city of Malwa. 
 
 4 The Rana of Mewar (Udaipur). 
 
 6 'Conoscia...a little village' (Finch); probably Kanasia, about 
 24 miles E.N.E. of Ujjain, and three miles north of Maksi.
 
 150 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 Jan. 28. Wee departed from Conostia and came to 
 Sunearra 1 , eight coses; a very hillie and stonie waye, and 
 full of theeves. Here wee mett a carravan of pisas 2 , bound 
 for Baramporte to paye the soldiars, with a guard of 100 
 horse for feare of robbinge. 
 
 Jan. 29. Wee departed from Sunearra and came to 
 Pimplgang, ten coses; but beinge a ragged place I went 
 farther four coses, to a cittye called Sarampore 3 , a greate 
 cittie by the rivers side, with a faire castle in itt. Here is 
 greate trade for all sorts of cloathinge which are made. 
 
 Jan. 30. We departed from Sarampore and came to 
 Cuckra 4 , seven coses ; a place that yeilds much graine and 
 opium. 
 
 Jan. 31. We departed from Cuckra and came to Delute, 
 twelve coses ; a great aldea or village. 
 
 Feb. I. Wee departed from Delute and came to Burrou, 
 
 1 Sunera, about six miles N.E. of Shahjahanpur. ' Sunenarra...a 
 small towne, short of which is a great tanke full of wilde fowle ' 
 (Finch). 
 
 2 The small copper or brass coins called paisas (pice). 'The pice 
 are heavy round peeces of brasse ; 30 of them make our shilling ' 
 (Herbert, ed. 1638, p. 38). 
 
 3 Sarangpur, in Dewas State, on the right bank of the Kali Sind 
 river. Finch calls it ' Sarampore, a great towne with a castle on the 
 southwest side, with a faire towne-house. Here are made faire 
 turbants and good linnen.' He makes it only four kos from Sunera 
 Cwhich is about right), on the way to 'Pimpelgom, a ragged aldea' , 
 and Jourdain is clearly wrong in placing it beyond the latter town. 
 ' Pimplgang' or ' Pimpelgom' cannot be identified with certainty; but 
 the Indian Atlas shows a village (gaon) called Piplia in about the 
 position indicated. 
 
 4 ' Seven c[os] to Cuckra, a great countrey towne abounding with 
 all sorts of graine, victuall and Mewa wine ; at 4 c. lyeth Berroul, a 
 great aldea Twelve c. to Delout, a great aldea ; the way for the five 
 last coses theevish, hilly, stony ; the other, pleasant plaines.... Seven c. 
 to Burrow, a small towne, but plentifull of victuall, except flesh, which 
 is scarse all this way; the way dangerous.... Seven c. to Sukesera, a 
 small ragged towne.. ..To Syrange nine c., a very great towne, where 
 are many betele gardens' (Finch). These stages cannot be traced in 
 the Indian Atlas ; but evidently they were on a cross-country route 
 from Sarangpur to Sironj, possibly following much the same line as 
 the present military route, which goes by way of Biaora, Suthalia and 
 Lateri. The road in many parts is still merely a rough cart track.
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 151 
 
 seven coses. This towne yeildeth greate plentye of corne 
 and butter. 
 
 Feb. 2. Wee departed from Burrou and came to 
 Suckerra, seven coses; a ragged village. 
 
 Feb. 3. Wee departed from Suckerra and came to the 
 cittye of Sarrange 1 , nine coses. This cittye is greate, and 
 lyeth att the foote of a high mountayne, with a castell att 
 the topp. It stands in a very fertile soile, and doth yeild 
 very rich pintados 2 of divers sorts and rich shashes 3 with 
 silke and gould, from 5 ma. 4 to 200 ma. a peece. 
 
 Feb. 4. Wee departed from Sarrange and came to 
 Cuchinarque sarraye 5 , where wee laye, the village not 
 beinge past 20 howses. 
 
 Feb. 5. Wee departed from Cuchinarque sarraye and 
 came to Sadura 6 , five coses; a very stonie waie. 
 
 Feb. 6. Wee departed from Sadurra and came to 
 Collybaye 7 , seven coses; a very ragged towne with a 
 ruinated castle. 
 
 Feb. 7. I departed from Collybaye and came to the 
 cittye of Guallier 8 , twelve coses; a pretty walled cittie, in 
 a firtile and pleasant soile. 
 
 Feb. 8. I departed from Gualleer and came to Chipprie* 
 seven coses; a theevish waye. This is a walled towne. 
 
 Feb. 9. From Capprie I came to Nerva 10 , 12 coses. 
 
 1 Sironj, in Tonk State, Rajputana. It was formerly famous for its 
 muslins and chintzes. 
 
 2 See p. 25. 3 See p. 77. * See p. 135, note 2. 
 
 5 'To Cuchenary Saray, 8 c.' (Finch). This is the present Kachner 
 Saral, about 22. miles N. of Sironj. 
 
 6 Shahdaura, 13 miles N. of Kachner Saral. 
 
 7 Kalabag, 17 miles N. of Shahdaura. Finch calls it 'Collebage.' 
 
 8 'Twelve c. to Qualeres, a pretty small towne encompassed with 
 tamarind and manga trees' (Finch). This is Kailaras, about 26 miles 
 N. of Kalabag. 
 
 9 Sipri, 14 miles N. of Kailaras. 'To Cipry...way theevish, stony, 
 full of trees, a desart passage ; a walled towne, faire houses covered 
 with slate' (Finch). 
 
 10 Narwar, 23 miles N.E. of Sipri, on the right bank of the river
 
 152 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 It is a greate walled cittye. And in these twelve coses 
 there are manye sarrayes for travailours to lodge in, because 
 it' is a theevish countrie and noe villages in these twelve 
 coses. There is belonging to this cittie a very statelie 
 castle, a mile longe. It hath bene very famous, butt nowe 
 decayed. 
 
 Feb. 10. Wee departed from Nerva and came to 
 Gullica 1 sarraye, seven cosses. 
 
 Feb. ii. Wee departed from Gullica and came to 
 Autro 2 , twelve coses, a greate towne standinge by the side 
 of a hill. Betwixt these two places is a fayre sarraye for 
 travelours. 
 
 Feb. 12. I departed from Autro and came to a cittye 
 called Gullier 3 , six coses, a stonye and bad waye. In this 
 towne there is a very faire and stronge castell, on the topp 
 of a high mountayne of rocke which is aboute six miles 
 aboute. It is very stronge both of people and ordinance, 
 and verye faire buildings. There is noe water within ytt; 
 onlie what doth rayne, they take itt in four greate tanks or 
 sesterns. Att the gate of the castle, at the entry there is a 
 carved stone made in fashion of an elaphannt curiouslie 
 wrought. Within the castle is the Kings howse, very 
 
 Sind. 'The towne, at the foot of the hill, hath a castle on the top of 
 a stony steep mountaine, with a narrow stone causey leading to the 
 top some mile or better in ascent. In the way stand three gates, 
 very strong, with places for corps du guard. At the top of all is the 
 fourth gate, which leads into the castle, where stands a guard, not 
 permitting any stranger to enter without order from the King. The 
 towne within is faire and great, with a descent thereto, being situate 
 in a valley on the top of a mountaine very strangely. As it is reported, 
 this cliffe is in circle some 5 or 6 c., and walled round with towers and 
 flankers here and there dispersed, without treason invincible. This 
 hath been the gate or border of the kingdome of Mandow, and hath 
 been beautifull, and stored with ordnance, but now is much gone to 
 mine' (Finch). 
 
 1 Finch calls it ' Palacha.' It was probably near the present 
 Bhitarwar. 
 
 2 'Antro' in Finch's account. It is doubtless Antri, 12 miles S. of 
 Gwalior. 
 
 3 Gwalior. Compare Finch's description in Appendix D.
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 153 
 
 faire, the walls of greene and blewe stone, with many 
 towers ritch guilded with gould. All traytours are sent 
 prisonners to this castle, because yt is very stronge ; but 
 whoe soever is committed to this place there is butt little 
 hope ever to come out. The towne is cituated at the foote 
 of the castell, and yeildeth all sorts of cloathinge and 
 opium. 
 
 Feb. 1 3. I departed from Gullier and came to Manda- 
 barr 1 sarraye, nine coses; a poore village joyneinge to itt, 
 neere to two rivers. 
 
 Feb. 14. I departed from Madakarre sarraye, and came 
 to Daulpore 2 , ten coses. This towne is seated on a hill, 
 and hath four gates, one within the other, by a river, where 
 there is a faire bridge of stone for people to passe over. 
 
 Feb. 15. I departed from Daulpore and came to Jarowe 8 , 
 nine cosses, where Captaine Hawkins and Abraham 4 , his 
 wives father-in-lawe, and a Portugall called Miskitto, mett 
 us; where we laye all night. 
 
 Feb. 16. I departed from Jarowe, in companie with 
 Captaine Hawkins and the rest, and aboute noone wee 
 came to Agra to Captaine Hawkins howse, where I found 
 Captaine Sharpeigh and many other English of the Assen- 
 tions companie; Mr. Finch beinge gone for Lahor to sell 
 his indico which hee bought att Bianna for the Worshipfull 
 Companie. 
 
 1 Not on modern maps. Finch calls it 'Mendaker.' 
 
 2 Dholpur, capital of the native state of that name. 'Ten c. to 
 Doulpore. Within two c. of the towne you passe a faire river called 
 Cambere [Chambal], as broad as the Thames, short of which is a 
 narrow passage, with hills on both sides, very dangerous. The castle 
 is strong, ditched round, and hathe foure walls and gates, one within 
 another, all very strong, with steep ascents to each, paved with stone. 
 The citie is inhabited most-what with Gentiles. The castle is three 
 quarters of a mile through, and on the further side hath like gates to 
 be passed againe' (Finch). 
 
 3 Finch has Jaiow, which may be Jaju, where the road crosses the 
 Utangan river. 
 
 4 Abraham de Duyts, concerning whom see a note in The Embassy 
 of Sir Thomas Roe, p. 442. By 'father-in-law' step-father is intended.
 
 154 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 Of whatt passed in Agra in the tyme of my beeinge there, 
 
 viz. 
 
 Att my comeinge to Agra, I was presentlie informed 
 that Captaine Hawkins was in some disgrace with the 
 Kinge for three causes. The first was about Macrobean 1 , 
 he havinge made complainte to the Kinge that he did owe 
 him money and would not paye it him; where upon the 
 Kinge comanded his cheife secretarie, named Abdelasa 2 , 
 to cause Macrobean to paye him out of hand. This Abd- 
 elasah, beeinge a greate freind to Macrobian, advised him 
 presentlie to paye Captaine Hawkins ; which he promised 
 to doe out of hand, butt as greate mens debts are slowest 
 in payinge, soe his was delayed and putt of from daye to 
 daie; but att length the money was ordayned to be paid, 
 butt wanted of Captaine Hawkins demand accordinge to 
 his bill aboute a quarter of the debt, Mocrobian alledging 
 that the cloth which his brother had bought att Suratt was 
 too deare by soe much, and therefore would give noe more 3 ; 
 which Captaine Hawkins refused to receive and departed, 
 advisinge the Kings secretarie of whatt passed. This 
 secretarie entreated Captaine Hawkins to receive his 
 money, and that he would be worth him as much as that 
 came unto and more in his jaguir 4 or land which hee was to 
 have of the Kinge by the hand of Abdelasan the secretarie. 
 
 1 See p. 135. 
 
 2 Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan, whom Hawkins styles 'the Kings chiefe 
 Vizir Abdal Hassan, a man envious to all Christians.' About this 
 time (1610-11) he was transferred to the stibah of the Deccan, being 
 succeeded as Wazlr by Mlrza Ghiasuddln, the father of Nur Mahal 
 and Asaf Khan. Later he returned to court and was made Mir 
 Bakhshi, or Paymaster-General (Elliot and Dowson's History of India, 
 vi-363). Roe, who describes him as 'captaine of all souldiers entertayned 
 at court and treasurer to all armyes,' speaks highly of his character. 
 
 3 Finch corroborates Hawkins regarding Mukarrab Khan's 
 attempts to evade payment for the cloth he had bought, or at least 
 to secure a substantial reduction in the price. 
 
 4 i an assignment of land.
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 155 
 
 Captaine Hawkins refused to receyve the money, sayinge 
 that hee would acquainte the Kinge therewith. He entreated 
 him not to make motion any more unto the Kinge, butt to 
 take his money. Notwithstanding all these entreaties he 
 would not take itt, but againe acquaynted the Kinge. Soe 
 the Kinge seemed to bee verye angrie that it was not paid, 
 willing againe Abdelasan, his secretary, to cause it to bee 
 paid, that hee might heare noe more thereof. Which 
 Abdelasan the same daie performed, sendinge for Captaine 
 Hawkins to his howse and paid him as much as was 
 formerlie offerd him by Macrobian, and noe more would 
 he paye him, and if he would not take it he might chuse; 
 threatning him that it had bene better for him to have 
 taken it before with quietnes. Soe that he was faine to 
 take itt, and yett had both the secretaries ill will and 
 Macrobians, and like to have the Kinges by Abdelasans 
 meanes, who was most in favour of any man in the king- 
 dome 1 . Nowe Captaine Hawkins looks for his land which 
 the Kinge had promised him, and cannot be without the 
 ayde of Abdelasan; which when Captaine Hawkins came 
 to speake to him aboute it, he would hardlie affoard to 
 speake with him, butt att length hee told him that there 
 was nothinge for him; beeinge a marchannt, he might plye 
 his marchandizinge and not looke for any thinge att the 
 Kings hands, alledginge unto him that hee had sent to 
 Biana 2 to buye the indico out of the Queenes Mothers 3 
 
 1 For all this see Hawkins' own narrative (Purchas, i. 211). 
 
 2 Biana, in Bhartpur State, 50 miles S.W. of Agra. It was at this 
 time an important centre of indigo cultivation. Salbank calls it 'the 
 cheifest place for indico in all the East India, where are twelve indico 
 milles. It groweth on small bushes and beareth a seede like a 
 cabbage seed. Being cut downe, it lyeth on heapes for halfe a yeere 
 to rot, and then by oxen it is troden out from the stalkes, and after- 
 ward is ground very fine and then boiled in fornaces, and so sorted 
 out into severall sorts. The best indico is there worth eight pence a 
 pound ' (Purchas, i. 236). See also Finch's account of the place and 
 of its indigo manufacture (ibid., i. 429). 
 
 3 Jahanglr's mother was a daughter of Raja Bihar! Mai Kachhwaha,
 
 156 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 hand, her factour havinge made price for itt; for att the 
 time of Mr. Finch his beeing att Biana aboute buyinge 
 indico, the Queenes Mothers shipp was bound for Moucha, 
 and therefore she sent her servannt to buye a parcell of 
 indico to adventure in the shipp; which he had made price 
 of; which Mr. Finch perceived, went and gave a small 
 matter more then she should have given, and had awaie 
 the indico; whereat her servannt seemed to be very angrie, 
 and wrote Abdelasan that Captaine Hawkins had sent to 
 buye up all the indico, and had taken a parcell that he was 
 in price withall. Of this he advised the Queens Mother, 
 whoe told the Kinge. These were two causes of his dis- 
 grace. The third was that the Kinge was informed that 
 some of his greate men were bibbers of wine, that before 
 they came to the courte daylie they filled their heads with 
 stronge drinke; whereupon the Kinge comanded that upon 
 paine of his displeasure that none of his nobles that came 
 to the court should drinke any stronge drinke before there 
 cominge. Nowe Abdelasan, knowinge thatt Captaine 
 Hawkins was a great drinker, feed the porter to come 
 neere to Captaine Hawkins (as is supposed) to smell if 
 he had drunke any stronge drink, which is easilie discerned 
 by one that is fastinge. Soe the cheife porter findinge 
 that Captaine Hawkins had drunke, hee presentlye carryed 
 him before the Kinge, in presence of the whole courte, 
 where by the mouth of Abdelasan, being secretary, it was 
 tould the Kinge thatt he had drunke stronge drinke. 
 Whereat the Kinge pauzed a little space, and consideringe 
 that he was a stranger, he bid him goe to his howse, and 
 when hee came next he should not drinke. Soe, beeing 
 disgraced in publique, he could not be suffred to come into 
 
 and after her marriage to Akbar received the title of Maryam 
 Uzzama.nl. Extensive trading operations seem to have been carried 
 on by her, or in her name.
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 157 
 
 his accustomed place neere the Kinge 1 ; which was the cause 
 that he went not soe often to courte. These were the first 
 occasions of his disgrace. 
 
 Novve before my comeinge upp, Mr. Finch was gone 
 with the indico which he had bought att Biana to Lahor, 
 which is aboute 20 daies jorney from Agra, to make sale of 
 the indico and soe retourne to Agra 2 . Butt Mr. Finch 
 beinge there, and understandinge that there was good 
 proffitt to be made of itt at Aleppo, where there was att 
 present a caravan bound, as yearlie there is from this cittie 
 to Aleppo, hee wrote to Captaine Hawkins, entreatinge him 
 that, seeinge there was little hope of shippinge to come, 
 that he might departe over land with the caravan, and 
 carrie the indico with him for the Worshipfull Companies 
 accompt, for that att Lahour there was noe proffitt to bee 
 made; that if he would not consent that he might carry 
 the indico for the Companie, that he would paye him his 
 wages, and he would goe overland upon his owne charge. 
 Which letter made Captaine Hawkins very fearfull least he 
 would be gone before he could send thether; butt presentlie 
 Captaine Hawkins went to the Portugall Jesuitts and 
 entreated a letter to there factour that if Mr. Finch should 
 ayme to departe with the carravan, that he would make 
 stale of him and his goodes untill further order; and there 
 withall sent a letter of attorney to the Portugall father 
 there lyinge to that effect; which letter was to bee kept 
 secrett unlesse they sawe him prepare to bee gone. Butt 
 as soone as I came to Agra he acquaynted mee with all 
 the buysines, and said that he would presentlie send 
 
 1 Hawkins mentions that he was excluded, but ascribes it to the 
 order of Abu-1 Hasan. As, however, the latter would not have dared 
 to take such a step without Jahanglr's approval, the reason assigned 
 in the text is probably correct. 
 
 2 'January the ninth I departed from Agra for Lahor to recover 
 debts, and carried twelve carts laden with nil [indigo] in hope of a 
 good price' (Finch).
 
 158 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 downe Nicholas Ufflett to make staie of the goods, and if 
 Mr. Finch would needes goe over land, that he should paie 
 him his wages and goe at his owne pleasure. Soe that 
 within a daie or twoe he dispatched awaie Nicholas Ufflett. 
 Butt when he came to Lahour, he had but poore welcome 
 of Mr. Finch, alledginge that if he had ment to have runne 
 away hee would not have acquaynted Captaine Hawkins, 
 butt, seeinge it was soe, that nowe, whatsoever came of itt, 
 hee would be gone, and would paie himselfe his wages ; of 
 which he wrote to Captaine Hawkins, and by the same he 
 wrote mee a letter to come to Lahour to goe overland 
 together; which I had done, if I had not heard certaine 
 newes of English shipps 1 which weare in the Red Sea; 
 wherefore I made accompt that they would come for 
 Suratt this yeare, and therefore determined with Captaine 
 Sharpeigh to goe for Suratt, to be there in September to 
 meete the shipps; and if they came not this yeare, that 
 then to goe from thence to Mossopotan 2 , which was butt 
 40 daies journey by land; of all which our determination, 
 as likewise of the shipps being in the Red Sea, I wrote 
 Mr. Finch at large, perswadinge him to come for Agra, 
 and wee would goe for Suratt in companie; which he 
 utterlie refused, sayinge thatt wee weare led awaie with 
 fancies and idle words of shipping; that he knewe well the 
 Companie would never send more shipps for Suratt, and 
 therefore would nott lose this oportunitie, exclaymeinge 
 very much on Captaine Hawkins and his disconfidence, 
 sayinge that he would not come to Agra because he would 
 not see the face of him, for that nowe he knewe of the 
 letter of atturney which was sent formerlie to the Portugall 
 father concerninge him 8 . 
 
 1 Sir Henry Middleton's fleet of the Sixth Voyage. 
 
 2 Masulipatam. 
 
 3 Finch started from Lahore in company with Captain Thomas 
 Boys (who had reached the Mogul court overland shortly before
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 159 
 
 Nowe leavinge Mr. Finch with his determinacion, it 
 followeth, vizt. The Kinge all this time was not yet come 
 from his huntinge, but was looked for within shorte time. 
 Soe that wee determined when he came neere the cittie to 
 meete him, which wee did aboute six miles of. Which 
 amongst millions of people wee weare permitted to come 
 where the Kinge might have sight of us, rideinge in the 
 feild on an elaphant; which when the Kinge sawe us and 
 knewe us to bee Christians, he staied his elaphannt till wee 
 came at him, and demanded us if wee would have ought of 
 him. Wee told him noe, but our comeinge was to welcome 
 him to the cittie. Soe noddinge his head he went forward, 
 and wee went to our horses againe. After the Kinges 
 cominge to the cittie, havinge rested himselfe two or three 
 daies, he beganne to sitt abroad, as he was accustomed, 
 four howers every daie to heare all mens cawses, two 
 howers in the forenoone and two howers in the afternoone. 
 The rest of the daie he employeth in seeing elaphannts to 
 fight, and other sports. One of his sports is to bringe 
 forth a wild lyon and lett him loose amonge the people, 
 to see if there be any soe hardie as to stand against the 
 lion; which if there bee, he is a man for him, and will doe 
 him greate favor. As at one time he brought forth a lion 
 amongst the Portugalls to see if anie would resist him, but 
 they all ranne awaie except one; butt the lion cominge 
 towards him, he went to defend himselfe as he might, and 
 struggled a good while with him untill they gate both into 
 the river. Then his weomen, which through a lattis see 
 the sporte, called to the Kinge to take up the lion ; other- 
 wise he would have suffred the lion to kill him, as it is 
 thought, for he did not much affect the cheife man that 
 
 Finch's arrival there), Lawrence Pigot and Thomas Styles. The 
 party got to Bagdad in safety, but there they all died from drinking 
 bad water, with the exception of Styles, who, after being ill-treated by 
 the Pasha, escaped to Aleppo (Letters Received, i. 273, 286).
 
 160 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 was amonge them, vvhoe had longe time waighted at the 
 courte for a reward of the Kinge; which when he sawe 
 this reward provided for him, he came seldome after to the 
 courte. Alsoe there was a greate soldiar, a Pottan, a man 
 of a thousand horse and very well esteemed of the Kinge 
 and nobles for his vallour. He came to the Kinge desiringe 
 His Majestic to bee good unto him; that he was one that 
 had served him longe time in the wars and had done him 
 such services, and paie nothinge augmented, hee being at 
 a greate charge with his contynuall lyinge in the feild, his 
 paye not beinge sufficient to mayntaine his chardge. The 
 Kinge demanded what his paie was. He awnswered : The 
 paie of 1000 horse. And, said the Kinge, is not thatt 
 sufficient to mayntaine one man? Sayinge further: What 
 valour is there in thee more then in other men, that thou 
 shouldest soe bouldlie demand more ? Yee, he awnswered, 
 that there was more in him then in other men ; which if it 
 pleased His Majestic to employe him he should see itt 
 Whie, said he, wilt thou fight with a lyon ? He awnswered 
 that a lion was a beaste that had noe sensible under- 
 standinge, and therfore not fitt to be fought withall. Naye, 
 said the Kinge, thou shalt fight with a lion; and therewith 
 caused a lion to be brought forth and the man must fight 
 with him hand to hand, onlie a gluffe on his hand, and a 
 little trunchion of a foote and a half longe. Soe he fought 
 with the lion a prettie space and overthrewe the lion ; yett 
 it bruised and tore the man soe with his clawes that hee 
 died within a little space 1 . These are some of the Kings 
 sports. But itt hapned that in his last huntinge that his 
 bouldnes had almost slaine him with a lion. For beinge a 
 huntinge he espied a lion lyinge in a bushe as asleepe. He 
 called for a peece, and laid itt on one of his noblemens 
 shoulders and shott the lion. The lion, feelinge himselfe 
 
 1 Hawkins tells the same story, but at rather greater length.
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN l6l 
 
 hurte, came very furiouslie to him. The nobleman seeinge 
 the lion comeinge towardes the Kinge, he stept forwards 
 towards the lion; butt the lion would nott meddle with him, 
 but strove to goe to the Kinge thatt shott the peece; soe 
 that by force this nobleman restrayned the lion untill many 
 horsemen came to releive the Kinge, and killed the lion. 
 This younge nobleman was sore wounded, butt died not. 
 The Kinge made him 1000 horse per yeare, which is as 
 good as iooo/. sterlinge per yeare. But the bruite was 
 blowne abroad that the Kinge was slaine with a lyon; 
 which if hee had, it had bene a just punishment for his 
 sporte 1 . 
 
 Nowe havinge spent two or three monnethes in Agra to 
 little purpose, and knowinge that Captaine Hawkins would 
 nott truste anie man to employe the Companies money to 
 any proffitt, and the time begininge to drawe on to goe for 
 Suratt to meete the shipps, I told him my determinacion 
 was to goe for Suratt, and from thence to Mossopotan if 
 shipps came nott. Hee was very desirous to have mee 
 staye with him to goe for Goa ; that seeinge hee could 
 have noe meanes of the Mogoll, that he would goe for Goa 
 with his wife and familie. I told him if he went for Goa 
 
 1 Finch gives the following account of this incident: 'About the 
 sixt of January [1611], the King, being on hunting, was assailed by a 
 lyon, which hee had wounded with his peece, with such fiercenesse 
 that had not a captaine of his, a Resboot, tutor of the late baptized 
 Princes, interposed himselfe, thrusting his arme into the lions mouth 
 as hee ramped against His Majestic, he had in all likelihood been 
 destroyed. In this strugling Sultan Corom [Khurram], Rajaw 
 Ranidas [Ramdas] and others came in and amongst them slew the 
 lyon, that captaine having first received thirty two wounds ; whom 
 therfore the King tooke up into his owne palanke, with his owne 
 hands also wiped and bound up his wounds, and made him a captaine 
 of five thousand horse in recompence of that his valourous loyaltie.' 
 From the account in the 7'uzak-i-Jahanglri it appears that the Rajput 
 who was so severely mauled was named Anuprai. In recognition of 
 his bravery the Emperor conferred on him the title of Anirai Singh- 
 Dalan [' Lion-Cleaver'], presented him with a sword and increased his 
 inansab, though not, of course, to the figure given by Finch. Roe 
 mentions him twice (Embassy, 282, 293) as being then in charge of 
 the captive Prince Khusru. 
 
 J- "
 
 l62 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 his life would not bee longe, because hee had too much 
 disputed against the Pope and their religion, and was apt 
 to doe the like againe there if he were urged thereunto, 
 which would cost him his life, and the sooner because of 
 his goods. But he awnswered that the Fathers had promised 
 him to gett him a passe from the Vizroye, as alsoe from 
 the Bishopp and preists that he might use his owne con- 
 science. I tould him that the same cause would be his 
 destruction if hee went. Soe he was perswaded to goe 
 that waye, and I was perswaded to goe the other waye 1 , 
 although he urdged mee very farre, promising greate wages; 
 butt his promises weare of little force, for he was very fickle 
 in his resolucion, as alsoe in his religion, for in his howse he 
 used altogether the custome of the Moores or Mahometans, 
 both in his meate and drinke and other customes, and would 
 seeme to bee discontent if all men did not the like. 
 
 Of the Citty of Agra; with the territory es of the Greate 
 MogolL Of his forces and charge. 
 
 This Cittie of Agra is one of the biggest in the world. 
 Itt is by reporte farre greater then Grand Cairo. It is 
 well seated in a very firtill soile and by a river called 
 Jeminy 2 , which river goeth to Bengala, and into the river 
 cometh parte of the river of Ganges, which is three daies 
 journey from Agra. There is yearlie carryed from Agra 
 to Bengala above 10,000 tonns of salte in greate barges of 
 four and five hundred tonns apeece. The marchannts have 
 there tents sett up in the barge as in a feild. These barges 
 are very longe and broad and very well made accordinge 
 to the manner. There are within the cittye manie faire 
 buildinges, butt they stand soe scattered one from annother 
 
 1 This seems to dispose of Downton's story (p. 176 .) that Jourdain 
 had asked the Jesuits at Agra for a safe conduct to Goa. 
 
 2 Jumna.
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 163 
 
 as though they weare afraid one of annother; and the 
 reason is that every greate man must have his howse by 
 himselfe, because round aboute his howse lyeth all his 
 servannts, every one in his ovvne howse, with their horses. 
 Soe that by this meanes the most parte of the cittye is 
 strawe howses, which once or twice a yeare is burnt to the 
 ground, if they take not the better heed. The Kinge lyeth 
 within the castle, which is a very faire and stronge castell, 
 att least two miles aboute. The walls thereof are of very 
 faire red stone, and at least five fathome highe, with battle- 
 ments and towers round aboute. When you are within 
 the castle you are as in a cittie, where all things is to bee 
 sould. Within the castle lyeth the Kinges sonnes, each of 
 them in their howse, and some three or four of the noblemen 
 which are neere the Kinge lodge alsoe within the castle. 
 The Kinge hath every 24 hovvers a fresh guard both of 
 men and woerrfen. Every noble man takes his tourne to 
 bee cheefe of the watch for 24 houres, and every daie aboute 
 five in the afternoone they doe their dutie to the Kinge, 
 and soe departe. The Kings elaphannts doe alsoe keepe 
 watch, and come as dulie to the Kinge to doe their dutye 
 as the men ; for when the Kinge beholds them they all att 
 once putt their truncks over their heads giveinge the salam 
 to the Kinge; then they departe, for they will not be gone 
 before the Kinge looks on them; then they march by 
 degrees with their pages before them and there wives after 
 them. Every elaphannt riall hath two or four younge 
 elaphannts for their pages, and two wives which followe 
 them, alias shee elaphannts. They are very ritchlie trapped 
 with velvett, cloth of gould, and other ritch stuffes 1 . 
 
 There is greate resorte of people to that cittie from all 
 parts of the world, thatt you cannott desire any thinge butt 
 you shall finde itt in this cittye. It is very populous, inso- 
 
 _* Cp. the account of the muster of elephants given in Blochmann's 
 Ain-i-Akbarij i. 213. 
 
 II 2 
 
 V
 
 164 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 much that when you ride alonge in the streets you must 
 have a man or two to goe beefore to thrust aside the people, 
 for they are soe thicke as in a faire in our count rye. The 
 cittie is 12 coses longe by the rivers side 1 , which is above 
 16 miles ; and at the narrowest place yt is three miles 
 broade. It is walled, but the suburbs are joyned to the 
 walls, that weare it not for the gates you could not knovve 
 when you weare within the walls or without. There are 
 many faire sarrayes in this cittie, wrier travailours may 
 lodge for little or nothinge. Every night the sarrayes are 
 shutt, that none can goe in or out except it please the 
 porter. This cittie is of greate trade from all places. 
 Here you maye finde marchannts thatt will passe money 
 to all places of the Indias, Persia, and Aleppo. A man 
 maye bestowe 100,000 rialls in a weeke in diamonds; butt 
 it must be very secreet, for that the Kinge hath comanded 
 on paine of death that none presume to sell any diamond 
 within his dominions that wayeth above five carretts; soe 
 that you shall hardlie gett anie above five caretts except it 
 bee by greate freindshipp and by familiar acquayntance 
 with the brokers, whoe will helpe you from the hands of 
 noblemen, who dare not to have it knowne for their lives. 
 These doe secreetlie sell stones from 10 to 30 carretts, as in 
 my time there weare five or six of that waight to be sold, 
 and of the best sorts, which are growne in the countrye of 
 Delly in the Mogulls dominion* and in the countrye where 
 hee and his ancestours weare borne, the countrye beinge 
 nowe decayed since the courte was brought to Agra, butt 
 the Kinge, for the love that he beareth to his native countrye, 
 comandeth the castell and citties to bee repayred. The 
 Kinge is at greate charge in expence of his howse and for 
 
 1 An over-statement. Finch says: 'The citie lyeth in manner of a 
 half-moone, bellying to the landward some 5 c. in length and as much 
 by the rivers side, upon the bankes whereof are many goodly houses 
 of the nobility pleasantly overlooking Gemini.' 
 
 z This appears to be mythical.
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 165 
 
 his beasts, as horses, camells, dromedaries, coaches, and 
 elaphannts. It was crediblie reported to Captaine Hawkins 
 in my presence by the Kings purveyour for his beasts, that 
 every daie in the yeare he spent in meate for them 70,000* 
 ripeas, which is 35,000 rialls of eight. His wives, there 
 slaves, and his concubines doe spend him an infinite deale 
 of money, incredible to bee believed, and therefore I omitt 
 itt. Hee hath but four principall wives, butt many con- 
 cubines. 
 
 Haveinge passed five monnethes in this cittie, veiwing 
 the strangenes of itt, the winter begininge nowe to end, 
 wee determyned to speake with the Kinge before our 
 departure, to have from him his passe to travayle to Cam- 
 baia and Suratt. We havinge acquaynted Can Juan 2 , 
 father-in-lawe to the Kinge, he appointed us a daie when 
 wee should come to him. Soe at the daie appointed wee 
 went; where as soone as the Kinge came forth and was 
 sett on his throne, he called us to him, demandinge what 
 our desire was. Wee told him that wee had lost our shipp, 
 and that wee weare desirous to travaile to gett home for 
 our countrie by the waye of Cambaia and Suratt; desiringe 
 His Majestic that hee would favour us with his passe, as 
 well for our quiett travellinge as alsoe for the free passinge 
 of our stuffe without custome. He awnswered that his passe 
 to travaile was needlesse, because his countrie was a free 
 country for all men; notwithstandinge, wee should have 
 his passe as wee desired. And being the custome, when he 
 granteth any mans request, to give a reverence unto him 
 
 1 Hawkins says 50,000. Elaborate details of the food, etc., of the 
 various animals are given in the Ain-i-Akbari. 
 
 2 By this is meant Khwaja Jahan, the title given by Jahanglr (who 
 married his daughter) to Dost Muhammad of Kabul, his former 
 bakhshi (Blochmann's Ain-i-Akbari, \. 424, 477). Hawkins calls him 
 ' Hogio Jahan, Lord General of the Kings Palace, the second man in 
 place in the kingdome,' and a mansabdar of 3000. Jahanglr employed 
 him in superintending architectural work at Agra and Lahore, where 
 he died in 1619.
 
 166 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 in this manner, vizt. to laye your hand three times from 
 the ground to your head, and then to kneele and putt your 
 head to the grownd 1 ; which the Kings father-in-lawe 
 caused us to doe before he gave us the Kings awnsweare ; 
 then hee told us the Kinge had grannted our desire, and 
 wee should come to him for itt. Wee gave the Kinge a 
 peece of gould of our Kings quoyne, which he looked 
 earnestlie upon and putt itt in his pockett. There are 
 none that come unto the Kinge aboute anie suite whatso- 
 ever, be the partie never soe poore, but must bringe some 
 thinge for a present, bee it never soe small; so that his 
 daylie presents are worth much. There is accompt kept 
 of every thinge which is given him, and is laid up in the 
 treasurie. Hee delights much in toyes that are rare and 
 hath not bene formerlie scene by him; in soe much that 
 one thinge I will sett downe of his fancyes. The King 
 had sent him from Caya 2 , or by one which came from 
 thence, two China dishes such as he had not formerlie 
 scene, which he esteemed very much; delivered them to a 
 noble man to bee laid upp. The nobleman chanced to 
 breake one of them: which the Kinge understandinge 
 sent for him, caused him to have soe many whipps before 
 him; then he gave him 50,000 ropeas 3 to goe to Cattaya 
 to fetch annother such dish, comandinge him presentlie 
 out of his presence, and that he should come noe more to 
 the courte untill he retourned with the dish. The noble 
 man made speede to be gone, and had travelled some six 
 months journey and was neere Cattaya, and some saie he 
 was att Cattaya; but the Kinge sent post for him to 
 retourne presentlie upon sight of his letter. Soe when hee 
 
 1 A combination of the tashm (salutation) and the sijdah (prostra- 
 tion), on which see notes in The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, pp. 135, 
 295. 
 
 2 Cathaya (China). 
 
 3 Hawkins, who tells the anecdote rather differently, says Rs. 5,000.
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 167 
 
 retourned the Kinge cared not for the breakinge of the 
 dish, nor for his 50,000 ropeas, and the noble man was 
 againe in greate favour; but was nott yett come backe 
 when I came from Agra, butt beinge att Suratt I heard of 
 his retourne. Alsoe there was a greate man of Cambaia 
 that had two very fayre agatt dishes. He gave one of 
 them to the Mogole, the other hee sent to the Kinge of 
 Persia; which when the Kinge understoode, hee imprisonned 
 the man and fined him to paye 200,000 ropeas ; and by the 
 Queenes entreatie, after he had bene one yeare in prison, 
 was cleared for 50,000 ropeas. 
 
 Havinge finished all our buysines, and were to take 
 our leaves of Captaine Hawkins, he out of his liberalitye 
 gave loo ma[hmudls] towards my expence downe, which 
 is four pound sterlinge; which I would have refused butt 
 that I thought itt better to departe in peace then ortherwise. 
 Wee weare determyned not to goe the way wee came, 
 because the winter is [was ?] not yet ended ; therefore wee 
 went by the waye of Amadauar 1 , which is the waye which 
 goeth neere Sinda, as may appeare, vizt. 
 
 Of our travailes from Agra to Cambaia by the way of 
 Amadavar; the names of the cittyes wheare wee laye*. 
 
 July 28. We departed from Agra, beeinge in companie 
 Captaine Sharpeigh, my selfe, Derth. 3 Davye, the carpenter 
 of our shipp, and Thomas Watkins. Captaine Hawkins 
 brought us aboute six miles out of Agra, and he retourned ; 
 and wee came to lodge att Crowley 4 , a prettye towne aboute 
 six coses. 
 
 1 Ahmadabad. 
 
 2 Nicholas Ufflet travelled to Surat by a somewhat similar route, 
 probably on the occasion when he brought down Hawkins' letter 
 (see p. 139). His itinerary is given by Finch in Purc/ias, i. 434. 
 
 3 A slip for Bartholomew] ; see p. 140. 
 
 4 Kiraoli, about 13 miles W.S.W. of Agra.
 
 168 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 July 29. Wee departed from Crowley and came to the 
 cittye of Fettypore 1 , a greate cittye, walled, with a very 
 faire castle. The building within the cittie is much decayed. 
 It hath bene the seate of a kinge in former tyme. The 
 indico is made neere this cittie, att annother towne a 
 side (sic) of, called Biana 2 , where Mr. Finch bought his 
 indico. 
 
 July 30. We departed from Fettypore and came to 
 Primabado 3 , a prettye towne, where there is alsoe made 
 much indico. 
 
 July 31. Wee came from Primabado to Scandra sarraye; 
 a prettye village 4 . 
 
 August i. We departed from Scandra sarraye and 
 came to Hindone 5 . 
 
 Aug. 2. Wee departed from Hindone and came to 
 annother little village. 
 
 Aug. 3. Wee departed from thence and came to 
 Lulsee 6 sarraye. 
 
 Aug. 4. Wee departed from Lulsee sarraye and came 
 to Jampeth 7 , a little towne. 
 
 Aug. 5. Wee departed from Jampeth and came to 
 Churse 8 . 
 
 1 Fatehpur Sikri. Finch gives a good account of this famous 
 mass of ruins. 
 
 2 See p. 155. But Biana is at a considerable distance from 
 Fatehpur Sikri. 
 
 3 Not identified. 
 
 4 Finch's 'Scanderbade' (Sikandarabad), now called Sikandra, a 
 village three miles to the south of Biana. Mundy 'describes it under 
 the name of 'Shecundra.' For an account of it see Gen. Cunningham's 
 Archceological Reports, vi. 74, xx. 79. 
 
 5 Hindaun, in Jaipur territory, about 70 miles S.W. of Agra. 
 
 6 Probably Lalsot, about 45 miles W.S.W. of Hindaun. 
 
 1 This may be Jampda, about ten miles from Lalsot, where the 
 Moril River would be crossed. Possibly it is Ufflet's 'Gamgra.' 
 
 8 Chaksu, about 14 miles further. It is 22 miles south of Jaipur. 
 UfHet calls it 'Charsoot, chiefe seat of Rajaw Manisengo [Man Singh] 
 his prigonies' (parganas).
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 169 
 
 Aug. 6. Wee departed from Churse and came to 
 Luddayna 1 , ten coses. 
 
 Aug. 7. Wee departed from Luddayna and came to 
 Muzaban 2 . 
 
 Aug. 8. Wee departed from Muzaban and came to 
 pitch in the waye, havinge much raine, soe thatt wee could 
 nott avayle. 
 
 Aug. 9. Wee came to Sittill 3 , thirteen coses; a pretty 
 towne. 
 
 Aug. 10. Wee came from Sittill to Asmiere 4 , seven 
 coses. This is a citty where the Kinge hath a howse for 
 his recreation when hee goeth a huntinge 5 . It hath alsoe 
 a castle and is a walled towne, butt not stronge. 
 
 Aug. ii. Wee departed from Asmiere and came to 
 Alsmura 6 . 
 
 Aug. 12. Wee departed from Alsmura and came to 
 Crowe 7 , twelve coses. 
 
 Aug. 13. Wee departed from Crowe and came to 
 Mertta 8 , a pretty towne which doth abound with all sorts 
 of druggs. 
 
 Aug. 14. Wee departed from Mertta and came to 
 Berghee 9 , thirteen cose. 
 
 Aug. 15. Wee departed from Berghee and came to 
 Handolla 10 , thirteen coses. 
 
 1 Ladana, on the Bandi R. 
 
 2 Mozabad, 14 miles from Ladana and about 30 miles east of 
 Kishangarh. 
 
 3 This may be Kuchil, a village about 14 miles N.N.E. of Ajmer. 
 Tavernier calls it 'Coetchiel.' 
 
 4 The well-known city of Ajmer. 
 
 5 The Daulatbagh, or Garden of Splendour, on the lake known 
 as the Ana Sagar. 
 
 6 Not identified. 
 
 7 Probably Garao, 11 miles S.E. of Merta. Ufflet calls it 'Cairo.' 
 
 8 Merta, still a town of some importance, belonging to Jodhpur 
 State. Ufflet says it 'hath a stone castle with many faire turrets, a 
 faire tanke, and three faire pagodes richly wrought with inlayd workes, 
 adorned richly with jewels and maintayned with rich offerings.' 
 
 9 Not identified. 10 Not identified.
 
 I7O JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 Aug. 1 6. Wee departed from Handolla and came to 
 Goodpore 1 , nine coses. 
 
 Aug. 17. Wee departed from Goodpore and came to 
 Donnara 2 , twelve coses. 
 
 Aug. 1 8. Wee departed from Donnara and came to 
 Tundacke, eleven coses. 
 
 Aug. 20. Wee departed from Tundacke and came to 
 Conducke 3 . 
 
 Aug. 21. Wee departed from Conducke and came to 
 Imburrnie 4 , being three coses. 
 
 Aug. 22. Wee departed from Imburnie and came to 
 Gilburd 5 , ten coses. 
 
 Aug. 23. Wee departed from Gilburd and came to 
 Ingebor. 
 
 Aug. 24. Wee departed from Ingebor and came to 
 Meerghee 6 , twelve coses. 
 
 Aug. 25. Wee departed from Meerghee and came to 
 Beerwall 7 , twelve coses. 
 
 Aug. 26. Wee departed from Beerwall and came to 
 Gundawe, fifteen coses. 
 
 Aug. 27. Wee departed from Gundawe and came to 
 Cooga, fifteen coses. 
 
 Aug. 28. Wee departed [from] Cooga and came to 
 Sarrand, fourteen coses. 
 
 1 Jodhpur. 
 
 2 Dundara, on the Luni River, seems to be meant ; though that is 
 30 miles at least from Jodhpur. 
 
 3 Possibly Khandap, about 16 miles S. of Dundara ; Ufflet's 
 ' Canderupe.' 
 
 4 This may be meant for Bharwani, 6 miles S. of Khandap, and 
 16 miles N. of Jalor. 
 
 5 I take this to be Jalor, the well-known town in Jodhpur State. 
 Ufflet gives a fairly long account of its famous fort. 
 
 6 Ufflet's 'Mudre,' i.e., Modra, 16 miles S.W. of Jalor. 
 
 7 Bhlnmal, 16 miles S.W. of Modra. Ufflet calls it 'Billmall.' 
 The next few stages are unrecognizable. They are probably small 
 villages, and detailed maps of the district are not yet published.
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN I/I 
 
 Aug. 29. Wee departed from Sarrand and came to 
 Bonnopp, fifteen coses. 
 
 Aug. 30. Wee departed from Bonnopp and came to 
 Sarompore, eighteen coses. 
 
 Aug. 31. Wee departed from Sarompore and came to 
 Serarpoore. 
 
 Sept. I. Wee departed from Serarpoore and came to 
 Semmee 1 , ten cose. 
 
 Sept. 2. Wee departed from Semmee and came to 
 Semmen. 
 
 Sept. 3. Wee departed from Semmen and came to 
 Scolconpore 2 , twelve cose. 
 
 Sept. 4. Wee departed from Scolconpore and came to 
 Sodde 3 , eighteen cose. 
 
 Sept. 5. Wee departed from Codde and came to 
 Hoghepore 4 , nine cose. 
 
 Sept. 6. Wee departed from Hoghepore and came to 
 Doolpon, nine cose. 
 
 Sept. 7. Where wee stayed one day. 
 
 Sept. 8. Wee departed from Dolpon and came to 
 Amadavar 5 . 
 
 The 8 of September wee came to Amadavar, which is 
 the principall cittye of Guzaratt, where there is a Vizeroy 
 for the Mogoll. This cittie is one of the fairest cittyes in 
 all the Indias, both for buildinge and strength as alsoe for 
 bevvtye, and scituated in a pleasant soile, and hath much 
 trade by reason of much cloathinge which is made within 
 the cittye, as baftas, birames 6 , pintados and all other sorts 
 of cloath. Likewise it is in the harte of the country for 
 
 1 This may be Sami, on the Saraswati River, in Radhanpur State. 
 
 2 Possibly Sankhalpur, about 20 miles S.E. of Sami. 
 
 3 Sadra, 22 miles S.E. of Sankhalpur. 
 
 4 Hajlpur, 14 miles S.E. of Sadra, and about 15 miles N.W. of 
 Ahmadabad. 
 
 5 Ahmadabad. 
 
 6 See notes on pp. 95, 143.
 
 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 indico, beinge neere the tovvne of Serques 1 , where there is 
 much indico made, as alsoe in many other villages neere 
 adjoyneinge, which all goeth under the name of Serques. 
 
 Att our cominge to this cittye I found nott my selfe 
 well. I desired Captaine Sharpeigh to staye to provide 
 cartes to carrye our stuffe to Cambaia 2 , and I would goe 
 before to provide a howse, and take some phisicke in the 
 meane time of his comeinge. Soe that I stayed nott above 
 two daies in Amadavar, where wee paid our carriar for 
 bringinge dovvne our stuffe, and departed for Cambaia, and 
 lefte Captayne Hawkins [Sharpeigh], because wee could 
 not soe soddenlye provide our selves of whatt wee wanted. 
 
 Sept. 14. The I4th of September I came to Cambaia, 
 where I was extreame sicke of a fever and flix 3 ; butt before 
 the cominge of Captaine Sharpeigh I was reasonable well. 
 Soe att his comeinge, the next daie wee went to visitt 
 Macrobian 4 the Vizeroye, whoe seemed to welcome us in 
 good manner, although hee weare angrye with Captaine 
 Hawkins. Hee offered us all kindnes. 
 
 Sept. 30. The Vizeroye sent for us, and att our comeinge 
 hee demanded us wheather wee had any newes of English 
 shipps that weare come to the barre of Suratt. Wee told 
 him that wee had noe newes of any. Then he tould us that 
 there weare three ships and a pinnace come to Suratt 5 ; thatt 
 a friggott which came then to the porte mett with them 
 and spake with them, and [they ?] demanded for the English 
 men att Suratt ; which the Vizeroye seemed to bee very 
 
 1 Sarkhej, about five miles S.W. of Ahmadabad. 
 
 2 Cambay, then the principal port of Gujarat, situated at the head 
 of the Gulf of Cambay, 52 miles S. of Ahmadabad. 
 
 3 See p. 80. 
 
 4 See p. 135. 
 
 5 These were Sir Henry Middleton's ships of the Sixth Voyage, the 
 Trades Increase, Peppercorn, Darling, and a pinnace, named the 
 Release, which they had put together at Mocha. The last-named 
 was broken up at Swally early in December, 1611.
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 173 
 
 joyfull of their comeinge, wished us to provide our selves 
 to bee gone as soone as wee might, and he would write a 
 letter to his brother 1 , which was his deputy att Suratt, to 
 use us with all kindnes; and thatt he would provide two 
 pallakins to carrye us to Suratt, because wee had sould our 
 horses, and hee would send a dozen of his men to conduct 
 us. Which the next daie, being the second of August 
 [October], wee tooke our journey towards Suratt, and 
 departed from Cambaia. 
 
 Although itt be somethinge tedious to sett downe every 
 cittye with the circumstances of the trade of them, yett 
 because this cittye of Cambaia is one of the best cittyes in 
 all India for beautye and trade, I hould itt nott amisse to 
 sett downe the principall traffique of this cittye, beeinge 
 the staple towne where the Portugalls every yeare doe 
 come with many friggotts out of all places, principallie 
 from Goa, to fetch the comodities which are bought by 
 Portugall factours which are leagers 2 in Cambaia, Amadavar, 
 Broche, and other places; all which goods beinge bought 
 in any place of India are brought to Cambaia and there 
 shippd for Goa in friggatts, which come in fleets two or 
 three times from September to December, guarded by the 
 Portugall armatho 3 of friggatts; soe thatt you shall see 200 
 friggatts in a fleete goinge or comeinge from Cambaia to 
 helpe lade the carricks att Goa. Their ladinge which they 
 carrye from Cambaia is all sorts of fine cloath of cotton, 
 much indico (which is brought from all places to bee 
 shipped there as is aforesaid), all kinde of druggs, which 
 are bought in Cambaia and many other places of India 
 and sent hither against the time of the yeare. The countrye 
 where the meaner sorte of indicoe is made is neere to Cam- 
 
 1 Hawkins calls him ' Sheck Abder Rachim ' (Shaikh Abdu'r- 
 rahlm). 
 
 2 See note on p. 2. 
 
 3 Fleet (armada}.
 
 1/4 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 baia, as Barodora 1 and Saroll 2 , as all the [alsoe ?] Serques; 
 soe that there are in this cittie more marchannts that sell 
 indicoe then att Amadavar; for it is to bee understoode 
 thatt the indicoe beinge named Serques is not all made 
 within the towne, butt round aboute the countrye of 
 Amadavar and Cambaia; besides all the indico which is 
 att Barodora and Saroll is the like. All which the most 
 parte cometh to Cambaia to bee sould; as alsoe other 
 thinges thatt are in India att the time of the caffolla 3 
 cometh, as they call them, which is the fleete of friggotts. 
 Soe much for the trade of Cambaia. The strength of this 
 cittie, weare itt in Christians handes, they would not care 
 for a greate force ; for that the walls thereof are very 
 stronge, and at every gate there are two or three gates 
 one within the other. In every streete is a castell, for 
 after you are within the streets you cann see nothinge untill 
 the porter open annother gate, where you must goe in att 
 a little dore ; then shall you see all thinges to bee sould 
 within the cirquite ; and soe is every streete throughout 
 the cittie, that you may goe in the comon streete and 
 scarce see a man before you enter into those little wicketts 4 . 
 Soe that from their howses they may kill a multitude of 
 people, if they are provided for itt. 
 
 October 2,1611. The Vizeroye havinge furnished us with 
 pallankins, and men to conducte us, and given us his letter 
 
 1 Baroda. 
 
 2 Sarod, on the south side of the Mahi estuary, in Broach District. 
 There is a ferry between this place and Dhuwaran, on the northern 
 bank. 
 
 3 Arabic kafila, ' a caravan,' but also applied, as here, to a fleet of 
 small vessels conveying merchandise. 
 
 4 A similar arrangement at Ahmadabad is thus described in the 
 Imperial Gazetteer: 'The peculiarity of the houses of Ahmadabad is 
 that they are generally built in blocks or pol, varying in size from 
 small courts of from five to ten houses, to large quarters of the city 
 containing as many as 10,000 inhabitants. The larger blocks are 
 generally crossed by one main street with a gate at each end, and are 
 subdivided into smaller courts and blocks, each with its separate gate 
 branching off from either side of the chief thoroughfare.'
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 1/5 
 
 to his brother in our favours, as likewise aboute the enter- 
 teynement of our shipps, wee departed from thence towards 
 Suratt. Butt goinge over the river of Cambaia we wett all 
 our stuffe, the water beeinge highe and the streame soe swifte 
 that itt is very dangerous goinge over, because it is att 
 least half a mile over, and deepe to the arme pitts ; soe 
 that the people are faine to hold hand in hand to gett 
 over, otherwise the tyde would carrye them awaie, as itt 
 hath manie, both horses, coatches and men drowned 1 . 
 The reason of wettinge our stuffe made us staie one daye 
 att Saroll, which is att the other side of the water, which is 
 the place from whence the indicoe takes his name. Soe 
 that it was the eighth daie before wee gott to Suratt. 
 Butt beinge neere Suratt the Englishmen, hearinge of 
 [our ?] comeinge, came forth aboute three miles to meete 
 us; whoe advised us of Sir Henrye Middletons beeinge 
 at the barre with three shipps and a pinnace; which did 
 greatlie rejoyse us after our troubles and tedious journeys. 
 
 After our comeinge to Suratt wee presentlie went to 
 the Governour, Macrobean his brother, and delivered his 
 letter; whoe made unto us many promises of freindshipp, 
 and willed us to write unto the Generall that any thinge 
 which laye in him to pleasure us, that hee would to the 
 uttmost performe itt. Soe for this time wee tooke our 
 leaves and went home to write to Sir Henrie Middleton of 
 our aproach, as alsoe of the state of the countrie; which 
 letter was convayed to him by the shipps which rid att 
 the barre 2 , soe that within three daies we had awnsweare 
 from him that if itt weare possible wee should repayre 
 aboard ; if not both, one of us ; and that he would bee 
 ready at the waters side to take us in, if wee did advise 
 him of our comeinge. As alsoe he willed us to buye fresh 
 
 1 Cp. Delia Valle (Hakluyt Soe. ed., i. 63, 118). 
 
 2 These were some native vessels which Middleton had detained.
 
 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 victualls for him and send itt out by a boate of the countrye; 
 and if the Portugalls did take itt, it vveare no matter 1 . Soe 
 wee bought wheate, rice and bread with other provisions, 
 to the valewe of 200 rialls of eight, and sent itt out by the 
 boates of the towne; butt the Portugalls tooke itt from 
 them and mocked att us, bidinge them to will us to send 
 them more refreshinge 2 . Notwithstandinge, our letters 
 weare not taken, wherein wee advised Sir Henry that one 
 of us would venter within two dayes to come to the waters 
 side, intreatinge him to looke out hard for us when wee 
 made a signe on the land, if by night with fire, if by daye 
 with a white cloath 3 . Havinge given this advise, wee went 
 
 1 A squadron of about twenty Portuguese frigates, under the 
 command of Don Francisco de Soto Mayor, lay in the Tapti, thus 
 preventing the English from sending their boats up the river to Surat. 
 Downton says that these frigates ' soe pestered the streames about us 
 that none could nether out of the river nor anye other waye neere us 
 but they would narrowly search and see that they had nether letters 
 nor provisions that might comfort or releive our necessityes.' The 
 letter which Bangham at last managed to smuggle through the cordon 
 was ' conveied in a caine.' 
 
 2 This occurred on Saturday, October 12 (Downton). In Letters 
 Received (\. 138) will be found copies of two letters to Middleton, the 
 first written bySharpeigh and Jourdain on October 12, and the second 
 by Sharpeigh alone on the i6th, together with a note of the provisions 
 sent and their value. 
 
 3 Middleton, despairing of Sharpeigh and his companions evading 
 the Portuguese, wrote to the commander of the latter, ' requiring him 
 that if he could not permitt him to trade heare, yet that he might take 
 in the merchants and others his country men which were heare on 
 shore in this country, and then he would be gone from this place. But 
 the Portugall Captains answere to this was : Noe, for that he could 
 carye them to Goa, and from thence they should be sent home. Also 
 it seemed that John Jurdaine had bin flattering with the fathers both 
 at Agra and Cambaia, and had obtained some commendations to the 
 Viceroye, or request or hope of conduction unto Portugall, knowing 
 at present no better meanes to gett unto his country ; by which 
 Sir H. M. could never expect anye safetye to such as continue firme 
 to our state and countrye. And neare the time of this last letter from 
 Sir H. M. Captaine Sharpeigh, by some piincipall Portugall then on 
 land at Surat, made a motion ether by letter or otherwise to the 
 Captaine Major to give him his segure or safe conduct for his safe 
 passage abord the English ships ; whereuppon the Captaine Major in 
 scoff sent unto the English captaine and his companians his segure 
 for his safecoming abord his galliote, without addition for there de- 
 parture thence, the thing which he required ; and further to shew the 
 base accoumpt he made of our nation, added that if they would take
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 177 
 
 to the Governor and Hoghenazam 1 , desiringe them to ayde 
 us that one of us might gett saufelie to the shipps, and that 
 wee might have some men of theirs to direct us. Soe havinge 
 farther conference with them, they weare desirous to knovve 
 whether the Generall did minde to settle a factorie and 
 land his goods ; which if he did, he would shewe us a place 
 where the shipp might ride within muskett shotte of the 
 shoare, in eight fathome water, and might land their goods 
 att there pleasure without danger. Wee assured them that 
 it was the Generalls onelie desire soe to doe, if he might 
 have a place convenient. Then he tould us the place was 
 called Swallye, aboute a league to the north of the place 
 where nowe the three small shipps weare att anchour; 
 which by sendinge of the small shipps they might easilie 
 finde itt, giveinge us tokens uppon the land howe to finde 
 itt ; promisinge alsoe to conduct mee to the waters side 
 safelie, but thatt I must have on Magoll apparrell. Soe 
 out of hand hee sent for the master of one of his owne 
 shipps, willinge him to goe with mee with all his companie 
 and bringe mee to the waters side neere the ships, and 
 avoyed the Portugalls as much as he could, for their 
 friggatts laye as then the one halfe att the barre and the 
 other att Swallye, a little to the eastward ; soe that by land 
 in an hower they might goe from one place to annother. 
 Soe wee weare to passe betwixt them. Wee departed by 
 night and the next morninge wee came to Swalley, wheare 
 
 there passage along withim to Goa, he would use him and his 
 companye with as much courtosye as he would doe to Turks, 
 Moores and other nations that use these seas' (Downton's journal). 
 The suggestion was made that the English at Surat should proceed 
 overland to Dabul, where Middleton would meet them ; but this idea 
 was given up, partly on account of the trouble the journey would 
 entail, and partly because the war in the Deccan made the ways 
 dangerous. 
 
 1 See p. 138. At this time Khwaja Nizam was the Governor (cp. 
 p. 1 80 and Middleton's narrative), though he was superseded shortly 
 after. Apparently Jourdain here refers to the Governor (' Captain ') 
 of the Castle (cp. p. 183). 
 
 j. 12
 
 178 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 the Portugalls weare washinge of their cloathes. Wee laye 
 in the towne till the eveninge, that they went aboard. 
 They knevve mee not because of my apparrell. After they 
 weare gone aboard wee went by night and got neere the 
 waters side, butt could nott come neere the shipps, because 
 it was high water and there was an arme of a river where 
 the sea flowed thatt wee could nott gett over, beeinge 
 deepe and very oaze ground, that a man could not wade 
 over if itt had bene drie. Butt wee swame over the river 
 and came to the waters side right against the shipps, where 
 behinde a bancke in sight of the shipps I made a weffe 1 
 with my torbant, and presentlie one of the shipps boats 
 putt of; and the frigatt which they had taken two daies 
 before from the Portugalls alsoe came with 50 men and 
 Sir Henrie Middleton in her. The skiffe came neere the 
 shoare, and I waded into her, and from thence to the 
 
 friggott where Sir Henrie Middleton was, 
 October* I whoe kindlie welcomed me and carried me 
 gott aboard aboard the Peppercorne, where wee conferred 
 the Pepper- with Captaine Downton and Mr. Pemberton ; 
 
 where I informed them of the place where 
 shipps might ride att Swalley. The Generall understand inge 
 thereof appointed Mr. Pemberton in the Darlinge to goe 
 the next tide to search out the place, and found itt as 
 
 1 Waft or wave. 
 
 2 'The I4th day, riding at this place within muskett shott of the 
 shore, being two miles to the norwardes of the barr of Surratt, 
 Mr. John Jordaine, merchant of the Assention, came aboorde ' 
 (Green's journal). Downton makes the date the I5th. 'Teusday the 
 1 5th in the morning the Genneral in the frigott went one shore, where 
 presently came downe unto him Mr. John Jurdaine, accompanied 
 with on Jadow [Jadu], a Benian who had sometimes bene Capt. 
 Hawkins broaker. The rest of our countrimen also came furth of 
 Surat with them ; but the Portugals liing in wait in there passage, 
 they esteemed it unpossible for so manye together to escape. Therefor 
 they againe retourned to Suratt ; but John Jurdaine and the broaker 
 continued three nights in the feilds, watching there opertunitye to 
 come downe when the Portugals should be gone who there lay in wait 
 for them' (Downton's journal).
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 179 
 
 Hoghanazan had told me 1 . Soe the Generall knovvinge 
 the place went not presentlie thether with his shipps, butt 
 stayed the cominge of Captaine Sharpeigh, whoe had wrote 
 to Sir Henrie that he would bee with him very shortlie, 
 but he stayed three or four daies longer then promise ; 
 butt att length hee came with the rest of the English men 
 which were aland, all saveinge Nicholas Bangham, whoe 
 remayned 2 . After thatt the Generall had conferred with 
 Captaine Sharpeigh, wee went downe to the barre to the 
 Trade and brought her upp to come to the place where 
 wee weare to land our goods, called Swally. Where the 
 Darlinge and the Release gott first within the barre ; and 
 the Peppercorne going in, the tyde beinge almost spent 
 and the winde calme, came aground upon the bancke of 
 faire sand, wheere shee laye all the ebb, and the Portugalls 
 friggotts hard by her ; yet none durst come neere her. 
 For none of the other shipps could have done any good in 
 rescueinge of her, because the tide was against us; butt, 
 God bee thanked, the next flud without anie harme shee 
 gott of againe and went in over the barre, where there is 
 
 1 According to Downton it was not until Nov. 3 that Middleton 
 sent Mr. Thornton in the Release to the northwards 'to discover out 
 some place where we might bring in our ships to commaund the 
 shore ; but he soone retourned, pleading impossibilityes of what he 
 sought for. Teusday the 5th, Sir Henry Middleton, impatient to 
 receive such an answere uppon so little dilligence therein used, sent 
 Wm. Pemberton, master of the Darling (in whose endeavours he had 
 firme confidence) with his ship, the Release, and frigat againe to 
 discover to the northwards as aforesaid ; who there found a bard 
 place whereunto not only all our smaller ships might at high water 
 goe, but also the Trades Increase, being a little lightned, might also 
 safely goe over the barr, and there ride within calliver shott of the 
 shore.' The ships sailed thither on the following day. Green says the 
 place was discovered on November 3, and the Peppercorn and Darling 
 went over the bar on the 4th. 
 
 2 From Downton's journal it appears that Thomas Watkins got on 
 board on October 19, and was followed three days later by Thomas 
 Musgrave [see p. 141], Bartholomew Davis and William Morgan, 
 bringing with them Jourdain's and Sharpeigh's clothes and some 
 provisions. On the 24th a boat was sent ashore, ' where presently 
 camedoune to them'Capt. Sharpeigh with a hundred horssemen for his 
 gaurd, all armed with bows and arrows and swords.'
 
 ISO JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 att a high water 3^ fathome, butt in the right channell 
 there was 4^ fathome 1 . But the Trade as yett went not in, 
 but rid without the barre in six fathome, aboute two miles 
 from the place where the other shipps rid. 
 
 Novve the Generall perceyveinge this to bee a good 
 place to land our goods and send yt to Suratt, he sent to 
 Nicholas Bangham that if anie would trade with him that 
 hee should advise the Governor thereof; and that if itt 
 pleased him to take the paines to come downe that they 
 might conferre with him, that he doubted not but they 
 should agree upon very good tearmes. Awnswere was 
 retournd that the Vizeroye Macrobian was come from 
 Cambaia, and that within two daies he would come downe 
 to see the Generall and to conferre with him. Soe at the 
 time appointed Hoghanazan came to the waters side. The 
 Generall beeinge advised thereof, landed to speake with 
 him, carryinge him a present. Soe att our landinge there 
 weare manie complements betwixt them, as alsoe aboute 
 landeing and sale of our goods ; but the Governor told 
 the Generall that the Vizeroye would bee with him in 
 the morninge, and then they would conferre aboute that 
 buysines att large ; and soe departed, and sett up his 
 tent a mile from us, stayinge for the Vizeroye. 
 
 The next daie 2 the Vizeroye came with his whole 
 traine and pitched their tents in the plaine hard by the 
 shipps. The Generall, perceiveinge his comeinge, landed 
 and went into his tent, where they had much conference 
 concerninge the sale of our comodities and landinge of our 
 goods. After which the Vizeroye would goe aboard the 
 
 1 Downton does not mention the grounding of the Peppercorn. 
 According to Green, it happened on November 11, when the ships 
 were re-entering the Pool after &oing to the assistance of the Trade s 
 Increase, which was threatened by the Portuguese. 
 
 2 The 24th November; see the accounts given by Middleton and 
 Downton in Purchas (i. 269, 298). Jourdain evidently wrote this 
 portion of his narrative from memory some time after; it is, however, 
 generally correct.
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN l8l 
 
 shipps ; which when he came aboard the Trades Encrease 
 he wondred to see her, affirminge thatt he had bene aboard 
 many Portugall carricks and that they weare nothinge in 
 respect of this ; as afterwards he affirmed the same on land 
 in my presence to many Portugalls. In fine he liked the 
 shipp soe well that he lave aboard her all night, with some 
 dozen of his cheifest men ; where he bought many things, 
 as knives, hatts, lookinge glasses, stronge waters, cases of 
 bottles, and many other things, which he paid well for. 
 If itt weare a thinge that liked him he would have itt 
 whatsoever itt cost. He gave many of the cheifest of the 
 shipp presents of five or ten rialls worth of comodities to 
 each, which he brought for the purpose. Soe the next 
 daie att his departure the Generall gave him a good 
 present, with a good peale of ordinance, and accompanyed 
 him to his tent, where they conferred aboute the prices of 
 goods and the landinge, which was agreed upon, vizt. 
 that they should bringe a muster of every sorte of cloth to 
 shewe us, and haveinge agreed a price wee should bringe 
 our goods to the waters side, where they should take itt 
 att the prices agreed upon, and they would bringe downe 
 their goods to the waters side, where wee should receyve 
 itt accordinge to the musters which remayned in our 
 hands. Soe itt pleased the Generall to send Mr. Fraine 1 , 
 my selfe, and Nicholas Bangham to see the cloath, which 
 was brought neere Swalley; soe wee went upp, and loosed 
 many fardells 2 and tooke musters of each and retourned. 
 And the next daie Hoghanazan and the Sabendar 3 came 
 againe to the waters side to make an end of the prices 
 of the comodities which was agreed upon. Then the 
 Vizeroye departed to the cittie, leaveinge Hoghanazan and 
 
 1 Hugh Frain, a factor of the Sixth Voyage. His death at Bantam 
 is recorded later. 
 
 2 Undid many of the bundles. This was on Nov. 28-29 (Downton). 
 
 3 The Shahbandar (see p. 59) at this time was Khwaja Hasan All.
 
 182 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 the Sabendor to end that buysines 1 , the Vizeroye makinge 
 manie faire promises to the Generall aboute establishinge 
 a factorie nott onelie att Suratt butt att any place of the 
 India, havinge such aucthoritye from his master the Mogoll; 
 which wee knewe to bee true, for att our beeinge in Agra 
 Captaine Hawkins, haveinge newes of the beeing of these 
 shipps in the Red Sea, by our procurement, went to the 
 Mogoll to have his firma for their enterteynement. His 
 awnsweare was that he would not give any more firmaies, 
 but that he would write to Macrobian concerninge us in as 
 ample manner as if he gave his firmae. By these meanes 
 wee knewe that he had order from the Mogoll concern- 
 inge us. 
 
 Nowe Hoghanazan remayneinge aboute the perfourm- 
 inge our agreement, ther was some difference aboute the 
 waight of our lead, which wee weare to deliver him att 
 8^ ma[hmudls] the mane 2 , butt when wee came to waye it 
 he would have the greate mane, wee makinge agreement 
 with him for the same ma[ne] that I had formerlie sold by 
 in Suratt. But he would [not] agree to any thinge ; except 
 he had his desire there was noe dealinge with him ; and in 
 greate rage begann to lade away the goods which he had 
 brought downe for us ; whereof I presentlie went aboard to 
 the Generall and advertized him howe matters past aland, 
 whereatt he was very angrye. Nowe at this instannt there 
 was the Captaine of the Castle and the Sabendour abourd 
 with Sir Henrie Middleton to veiwe the shipp. Sir Henrie 
 
 1 The date of Mukarrab Khan's second visit was December 8. 
 He spent the night in his tents, and departed suddenly the next 
 morning after receiving a letter from the Mogul Emperor (see the 
 introduction). 
 
 2 Maund (man). Later on Jourdain reckons the Surat maund at 
 28 Ibs. Mitford in 1615 says that at Surat the small maund was 
 3of Ibs., and the great maund about 50 Ibs. (O. C. 273). Green states 
 that Khwaja Nizam was aggrieved ' bycause we would nott geeve him 
 46 kintalls for 36.' 
 
 This dispute took place on December 10 ; see the narrative of 
 Middleton and Downton.
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 183 
 
 in his anger tould them howe Hoghanazan had dealt with 
 him, and thatt he would keepe them aboard till the 
 partido 1 made were performed, seeinge one of them was 
 the cheife governor for the Kinge and the other the 
 Sabendor, whoe was presennt at the bargaine makeinge 
 and was interessant in the matter. Butt after hee had 
 pawsed a little, hee cawsed the friggatt to bee mand and 
 the longe boate, and tooke these twoe men into the 
 friggott and carryed them aland, and by violence brought 
 Hoghanazan abourd the Peppercorne, which was neere 
 the shoare, and the Sabandour with him, and sett the 
 Governour at libertie, havinge noe finger in the buysines. 
 The General wilde mee to staye aboard the Peppercorne 
 all night to keepe them companie. Butt Hoghanazan was 
 in such a rage thatt wee thought hee would have killed 
 him selfe ; neyther would hee goe into the cabbin, butt 
 laye all night upon the decke. The next morninge the 
 Generall wrote to me to bringe the Sabendour and Hogha- 
 nazan aboard the Trade. I went to them, entreatinge 
 them to goe aboard ; butt Hoghanazan was in such a rage 
 thatt wee might carrye him dead butt wee should never 
 carry him alive to a man that had taken him prisonner in 
 his owne countrye for standinge upon the buyinge of his 
 comodities ; which awnsweare I sent to the Generall, who 
 sent mee word to come aboard and leave them. Soe as I 
 was goeinge into the boate, the Sabandour sent to mee to 
 staie a little; soe by his perswations Hoghanazan was 
 perswaded to goe aboard the Trade. And when he came 
 aboard and sawe the shipp, and all things in such good 
 order, hee embrased the Generall, and tould him that nowe 
 his harte was merry, thatt he cared not to dwell in such 
 a shipp as that was. Sir Henrie used him very respect- 
 fullie, and tould him thatt whatt he did was to avoyed 
 
 1 Ital. partito, 'a bargain.'
 
 184 JOURNAL OF [l6ll 
 
 farther troubles, for if he should have gone for Suratt his 
 buysines had bene much hindred by itt; therefore en- 
 treated him to take some course that the buysines might 
 goe forward in freindshipp like lovinge freinds ; which 
 Hoghanazan promised should be perfourmed, and to thatt 
 purpose he would leave his two sonnes aboard as pledges. 
 His sonnes beeinge willinge to staye aboard were received 
 by Sir Henry very kindlie, and Hoghanazan and the 
 Generall went aland, after a present given him, to sett 
 forward the buysines ; where Hoghanazan and the Sa- 
 bendour stayed in their tents untill the buysines was 
 almost ended ; his sonnes makinge merry aboard. Some- 
 times one of them by leave would goe home to their wives 
 while the other staied ; and soe retourne againe. 
 
 In the interim of this buysines the Portugalls, per- 
 ceaveinge whatt we did, came by land aboute four or five 
 companies from their frigatts, wherein was the Vizeroye 1 
 his sonne. They thought to intercept our men and goods ; 
 but havinge a good watch they were discried. Butt out 
 of the greatnes of their valour some of them came on the 
 sandes with there head peeces and costletts ; where some 
 of them lost their lives by the barre shott from the shipps. 
 One of them wee tooke up and buryed; the others they 
 dragged awaie, as wee might well discerne 2 . The people 
 
 1 The Viceroy at this time was Ruy Lourengo de Tavora (see 
 his letter on a later page). 
 
 2 ' The 22th day [November], being the day apointed that the 
 great mann Muccrebucan should come unto our shipps, lay in ambush 
 behinde the hills right against our shipps 500 armed Portingalls, 
 besyde slaves ; who in the morning whenas our boates should come 
 ashore and that the boates ging [crew] weare landed, came running 
 towardes our men to entercept them. Butt, God be thanked, we had 
 descried them in such tyme that all our menn gott into theire boates 
 without any mann hurte, although they mad divers shott at them. In 
 meane tym of their hott persut of our menn ashore, we on shippboord 
 for their saveguard shott of divers peeces of great ordinance, which 
 cast shott amongst them ; in which conflict we killed them two menn 
 owtryt and maymed a great manny more, as also we shott downe 
 theire coulours hoyst. Which hott skermish being as unexpected of 
 them, made them fly (as the proverbe is) faster then a parsonne for
 
 l6ll] JOHN JOURDAIN 185 
 
 of the countrye ranne avvaye and lefte all to us. But 
 against the next time of their retourne the Generall 
 determyned to land and meete them with his companie. 
 Within two or three daies after, they came within half a 
 mile of us, and our men landed, aboute 200 men with their 
 musketts ; but the Portugalls would not abide. Our men 
 followed them a prettye way; butt they beeinge come 
 neere their friggotts, our people came backe againe ; the 
 countrye people standinge on the hills to see the fight, 
 which was soone ended. Our people gave a volley of shott 
 to Hoghanazan, whoe was upon his elaphant to see the 
 sporte l . 
 
 Wee havinge received all our comodities accordinge to 
 promise, and our lead and other comodities delivered 
 accordinglie, the Generall would have me to goe to Suratt 
 to see whatt might bee done aboute the elaphannts teeth 
 and broad cloth, which was not in the bargaine; onelie 
 they bought all the leade and quicksilver, red leade and 
 velvett. Soe I went 2 accordinge to order, accompanied 
 with Heugh Fraine and Nicholas Bangham, with com- 
 ission to sell these comodities aforesaid, as alsoe to feele 
 the Vizeroye aboute his willingnes in setlinge a factorye, 
 which he alwaies desired in outward shewe, as I advised 
 
 hast, leaving theire peaces, some theire swoordes, some their shooes 
 and cappes to be gone' (Green's journal). See also Dovvnton's 
 account (Purchas, i. 298). He makes the date November 21. 
 
 1 This happened, not two or three days, but more than three 
 weeks, after the skirmish already related. According to Downton 
 ' Monday the i6th [December], in the morning we saw uppon the hils 
 to the southwards five Portugall cullours displayed ; whereof the 
 Genneral understanding, presently by his commaund were landed 
 some 200 armed men with shot and pikes to meet them ; which 
 they perceiving retired. In which pursuit, being neere unto Swally, 
 we mett with Coja Nazaun and all his troup, who was coming doune 
 with some 20 packs more of India clothes. He informed the Generall 
 that the Portugals were alreadye gotten over the muddy crookes and 
 were neare unto there frigats : wherefor the Genneral gave over his 
 pursuit and retourned abourd.' 
 
 2 Dec. 30, according to Downton.
 
 186 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 Sir Henrie Middleton; as alsoe aboute the sale of the 
 L 1 teeth and cloth, they not cominge to the price which 
 hee demanded ; advisinge him that if his determynation 
 was to settle a factorye, thatt then itt weare not good to 
 sell itt att that rate, for that noe doubt in time it would 
 yeild more profitt ; but if hee determined not to leave any 
 factorie, then our opinion was to take the money that was 
 offred. Sir Henrie his awnsweare was that he purposed 
 to leave a factorie upon conditions, if itt pleased the 
 Vizeroye to take the paynes to retourne once more to the 
 waters side to conferre with him ; which as soone as I had 
 advised Macrobean, hee seemed to be very willinge to goe 
 downe to end that buysines, and appointed a tyme for 
 the same ; of all which I advised the Generall. 
 
 Nowe in the heate of this buysines there hapned two 
 encounters, which was the cause thatt Sir Henrie had nott 
 setled a factory. The one was that Captaine Hawkins 
 was come to Cambaia with his familye, bound for Goa. 
 And the Vizeroye of Amadavar * was come from the wars 
 of Decan, with an overthrowe of 4000 horse, and was come 
 within two daies journey of Suratt to goe to Baramporte, 
 to renewe his armye. Macrobian, being his freind, must 
 ride out in pompe to meete him to bewaile his losse and 
 to comfort him ; soe that att his retourne his minde was 
 altered for goeinge to vizitt him. At his cominge home, 
 hee demanded mee when our shipps would bee gone, 
 sayinge that our marchandizing was nowe ended, that wee 
 might departe, and the sooner the better, because thatt the 
 Queenes shipp, the Beheme 3 , was bound for Moucha, and 
 
 1 Elephants'. 
 
 z Abdala Khan, who had distinguished himself in the war against 
 Udaipur and had (1611) been rewarded with the stibah of Gujarat in 
 succession to the Khan-i-Azam. For his defeat here referred to see 
 Elliot and Dowson's History of India, vi. 332. His subsequent career 
 is given in The Embassy of Sir T. Roe, \ 70. 
 
 3 A mistake for ' Reheme,' i.e., the Rahimi ('The Merciful One's'). 
 According to Saris she was 153 feet long by 42 feet broad, and of at
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 187 
 
 the marchannts would nott lade their goodes aboard untill 
 wee weare gone from the countrie. I avvnswered him thatt 
 the Generall did looke for his companie att the seaside 
 accordinge to promise, to conferre aboute setlinge of a 
 factorie. Whereunto he avvnswered that nowe it Was too 
 late to talke of thatt matter, for thatt Captaine Hawkins 
 was come from the courte, he knewe nott in whatt sorte; 
 therefore he durst not treate of setlinge a factorye untill 
 he had further order from his master the Mogoll ; willinge 
 us to dispatch our buysiness and departe out of the towne 
 with the rest of our comodities that was lefte ; of all which 
 I advised the Generall, and had present awnsweare thatt 
 wee should dispatch and come avvaie 1 . 
 
 least 1 200 tons burden. By 'the Queene' is meant Jahangir's mother, 
 of whom see note on p. 155. 
 
 1 'The seven and twentieth [January] I sent John Williams and 
 one of our factors to Surat upon businesse. This day Mockrib Can 
 came to towne. He had been to meet a great commander which was 
 comming from the warres of Decan and was to passe by Surat. 
 Before his going out of the towne he sent for M. Jourdaine and willed 
 him to commend him to me and to certifie me that he was to goe 
 out of the towne, but would not tarry out above three dayes, and at 
 his returne he would be as good as his word for what he had promised 
 concerning our factory. Now at his returne he sends for him againe, 
 and with a frowning countenance, contrary to his expectation, de- 
 mands of him what he did there and why were we not all gone. He 
 answered that hee staled upon his word and promise that we should 
 leave a factory; otherwise he had not been there. He said againe 
 we should have no factory there, and that the long staying of our 
 shippes there had hindered him in his customes tenne hundred thousand 
 manuveys [mahmudls] ; and therefore in the Kings name charged 
 them to be gone with speed out of the towne, for neither trade nor 
 factorie was there to be had for us The nine and twentieth I sent for 
 the factors at Surat to doe as Mockrib Can commanded ; to hast 
 and come away, for that I would be gone' (Middleton). Green, who 
 was sent with Jourdain on January 13, gives some further details: 
 'The 1 4th day we arived in Surratt, where we went unto Muccre- 
 buccan, who as soone as he saw us asked what we made heere soe 
 longe ; althoughe himselfe with his faire promises was the cawse therof. 
 We annswered that our Gennerall did now only stay the comming 
 of Captain Hawkings The i6th day we weare with Muccrebuccan, 
 who shewed a letter which was sent him from Chaulle from the 
 Shahbendor there, whereby he was geeven to understand that the 
 Captaine of Chaul had embarged of his goodes to the valew of 
 28 thowsand mamodies, which was, as he said, bycawse he gave 
 entertainement and trade to Englishmenn. Wherefore as yett he could
 
 188 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 Butt in the interim of this buysines, while Macrobian 
 was visittinge of the Vizeroye of Amadavar, the Generall, 
 havinge received a letter from Captaine Hawkins from 
 Cambaia, sent Captaine Sharpeigh, Heugh Greete and 
 others to the towne to goe meete Captaine Hawkins and 
 perswade him not to goe to Goa butt to come to the 
 shipps with his wife and familie ; willinge Mr. Fraine to 
 accompanie Captaine Sharpeigh to Cambaia, to see the 
 indico and to buye some store if he might at any reason- 
 able price 1 . Soe that att the retourne of Macrobian, Cap- 
 
 nott resolve us yf we should have any more trade or nott....The 
 1 9th day we advized the Gennerall that for settling of a factory the 
 people of the country weare most willing thereunto, for that as now 
 Muccrebuccan had fermed the Kings letter and made us all the faire 
 
 promises that might be The 27th...comming before Muccrebuccan 
 
 he asked why we weare nott gone, saying that our stay heere soe long 
 had lost him a million of mamodies (butt never would say soe sooner) 
 in his customes. We tould him that now our only stay was to know 
 whether we should settle a factory ther (being we could nott sell our 
 goodes) according as he had promised. Hee annswered we should 
 have none, denieing all his former promises and speeches unto us, 
 bidding and commanding us instantly withowt any delay to avoyd 
 the country and town and nott to come there any more.' 
 
 1 'December 30. ..the Genneral received a letter from Captaine 
 Hawkens at Cambaia, signifiing that his determination was with all 
 his houshold to take his voyage to Goa and from thence to England. 
 ...Thursday, the 2th Januarye, Capt. Sharpeigh and Hugh Greet were 
 sent to Suratt, from thence to take along withem Mr. Frain to 
 Cambay, with letters to Capt. Hawkens to alter his determination 
 of going to Goa, but to come and take his passage with us unto 
 England.... Wensday, the 8th, Nic. Uphlet came doune from Cambaia 
 with letters from Capt. Hawkins to the Genneral, certifiing him that 
 by reason of his former letter he determined to come doune to our 
 ships and take his passage with us. Thirsday the 9th Nic. Uphlett 
 departed againe, with letters from the Genneral to Capt. Hawkens ; also 
 withim went Baly Ball, steward ofihePefiflercorMe, hoping they should 
 there have delt for much indico.... Sonday, the 26th, Capt. Sharpeigh, 
 Mr. Frain, Capt. Hawkins, with all there goods and familye, and the rest 
 (Nic. Uphlett excepted) came downe, whom the Genneral with a troup 
 of some 200 men went some three miles up unto the land to meet and 
 iiuard from [the] Portugals, whose troup was not far of (Downton's 
 journal). According to Hawkins' narrative he quitted Agra on 
 November 2, reached Cambay ' the last of December ' (this is evi- 
 dently inexact ; see above, and Middleton's account), left that place 
 January 18 and reached the ships January 26. 
 
 Green adds that Hawkins stipulated that Middleton should pay 
 him the value of the goods (indigo and fine calicoes) he was bringing 
 down, 'which was by estimacion the valew of 18 hundred powndes...
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 189 
 
 taine Hawkins was come with his wife and familie to 
 Sually, and all his stuffe, with determination to goe for 
 England with his wife ; which was the cheifest cause that 
 Macrobian made such haste for us to bee gone. And the 
 Generall on the other side, beeinge somethinge incensed 
 by Captaine Hawkins against the trade of this countrie, 
 made the more hast to send for us to come aboard; which 
 wee did with as much brevitie as wee could. 
 
 Soe the 5th of February Benjamyn Greene, my selfe 
 and Nicholas Bangham departed from Suratt. The officers 
 of the custome howse at our farewell serched our cabinetts 
 and made us paie the custome of every riall of eight which 
 wee carryed out, and of every thinge els, if the custome 
 came but to one riall of eight. Thus after 15 [29] months 
 beinge in the count rye of India I departed from Suratt, 
 and came to the shipps to Sually the 6th dicto in the 
 morninge earlie. 
 
 The kingdomes belonging to the Create Mogoll ; with the 
 reason of his sodden settinge forth of an armye of 
 400,000 horse. 
 
 Cabull. Casmeir. Candahar. Ballucke. Delly. 
 Cambaia. Sinde. Bengalla. Potann. Mandoa. Gual- 
 lier. Hassier. Amadavar. Part [of] Decan. Pierb is 
 400 cose longe, and hath bene the seate of four kinges 1 . 
 
 and that he might enjoy the same aboord withowt any detaine in the 
 Companies behalf.' To this Middleton agreed. 
 
 1 This list is a very rough one, and necessarily incomplete. By 
 ' Ballucke ' seems to be meant the country of the Baluchls. ' Potann ' 
 may be intended for Patna ; but is more likely to be a reminiscence of 
 Finch's ' Potan [Pathan] kingdome,' which was evidently the district 
 occupied by the Ghakkars on the northern frontier of the Punjab. 
 'Mandoa' [Mandu] stands for Malwa, and 'Hassier' [Asir] for 
 Khandesh. 'Pierb' is the Hind. Piirb, from the Sanskrit Piirba, 
 'the east,' and seems to signify the country east and north of the 
 Ganges, including Oudh, Benares, Jaunpur and part of Bahar. Finch 
 calls Patna ' a great citie in Purrop ' ; and Hawkins speaks of Allahabad 
 as ' the regall seate of a kingdome called Porub?
 
 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 In every of these provinces there is a vizeroye under 
 the Mogoll ; and the least of these hath the paye of 
 6000 horse, and some 12,000. Besides there are many 
 other little countryes where there is onelie governours, 
 men of 3000 horse to 1000 horse. Of these there are 
 many; and haddyes 1 , which are pentioners from the paye 
 of one horse to ten, there are an infinite number. The 
 paie of each horse is worth betweene 40 and 43 ropeas per 
 monneth. All these men which have the paie of soe many 
 horse allowed them are to have their full complement 
 readye att any time that the Kinge comandeth them to 
 goe forth to warrs ; soe that his warrs cost him nothinge, 
 for the paye of these horse is raysed upon the countrye 
 whereof each is governor, accordinge to the number of 
 horse. For it is to be noted that when the Kinge makes 
 a man of 1000 or 2000 horse or the like, he giveth him 
 a countrye that is sufficient for to paye whatt his horse 
 amounts unto, and some times a greate deale more, as the 
 parties are favoured by the distributour of the Kings 
 jaguers 2 or lands, which was Abdelasan, Captaine Haw- 
 kins freind, in my time. This is the greatest office of 
 honnor that is in the kingdome, to distribute the land 
 accordinge to the Kings guifte. And sometime he will 
 keepe the land in his owne hand half a yeare before the 
 partie shall have itt, because he will receive the rents for 
 soe longe himselfe ; and yett the partyes are very well 
 content to receyve itt in the end. Soe that the Kinge 
 within one monneth is able to sett out 400,000 horse 3 , 
 besides elaphannts, if neede should soe require. I speake 
 
 1 Ahadi, a gentleman-trooper or soldier of the body-guard. 
 Numbers of them were attached to the imperial court, and were 
 used to carry messages of importance and for other special services: 
 Hawkins says: 'of horsemen, that receive pay monethly, from sixe 
 horse to one, there be five thousand ; these bee called ffaddus. 1 
 
 2 See p. 1 54. 
 
 3 Hawkins says 300,000.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN ipl 
 
 a greate deale within compasse of whatt I have heard 
 crediblye reported, and some thinge I have scene my 
 selfe. 
 
 Our course from Sually roade to Dabull. 
 
 Feb. 9. The Trades Encrease 1 warped over the barre 
 of Sually, wee havinge stayed two daies for the cominge of 
 Nicholas Ufflett and Jadoo 2 . that was att Cambaia aboute 
 some buysines of Captaine Hawkins 3 . Being without the 
 barre, wee stayed till the nth, fittinge all things pridie 4 
 to sett saile. In the meane time wee mett with a friggott 
 laden with rice and pitch bound to the Queenes shipp the 
 Beheme [Reheme], ridinge att Gogo. Wee tooke such 
 things as wee wanted from them, and Captaine Hawkins 
 passed a bill of exchange upon the deptours att Suratt to 
 paye them for itt. 
 
 Feb. ii. In the morninge wee sett saile from the barre 
 of Sually, and in the eveninge wee anchored at the barre 
 of Suratt, where wee found a shipp of Suratt that was 
 come over the barre to take in her ladinge for the Red Sea. 
 Wee tooke some wood from them; as alsoe this daie wee 
 tooke a boate laden with coale 5 . Wee tooke whatt wee 
 needed, and Captaine Hawkins passed annother bill of 
 exchannge upon his debtours. 
 
 Feb. 12. Wee sett saile from the barre of Suratt, and 
 wee mett with twoe Mallabar shipps laden with coker 
 nutts and racke 6 bound for Suratt. From one of them 
 
 1 Evidently Jourdain was with Middleton on board the flag ship. 
 
 2 See note on p. 178. 
 
 3 From Downton's journal it appears that Hawkins and Sharpeigh 
 'left Nic. Uphlett and Jawdowe the breaker in pawne for money by 
 them taken up at Cambaia for their present use.' 
 
 4 A sailor's term for getting a ship ready to sail. 
 
 5 Charcoal. 
 
 6 Arrack.
 
 192 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 wee tooke a pylott to carry us to Dabull. In the eveninge 
 wee ankored aboute three leagues of the barre, the tyde 
 beeinge soe stronge against us that wee could nott gett 
 ahead. 
 
 Feb. 13. Wee sett saile aboute seven in the morninge, 
 and wee mett with two Mallabar shipps more, laden with 
 coker nutts as the other. Wee spake with them and lett 
 them departe. This daie wee had the winde att N.W., a 
 fresh gale, and wee steered awaye S.W. & by W. and 
 W.S.W. Aboute three in the afternoone wee fell into 
 shoald water from 8 to 6 fathome. Then wee stoode 
 more southerlie a glasse or twoe, and wee had 19 and 20 
 fathome. Then wee steered all night S.W. & by S. Wee 
 had one cast 13 fathome; butt standinge more westerley 
 wee had our ould depth, 19 and 20 fathome. 
 
 Feb. 14. Wee had sight of high land, and wee steered 
 S.S E., the winde att North and N.N.W. Aboute three of 
 the clocke wee sounded and had 13 fathome, beeinge neere 
 the land as wee suppose of Basaim. This day wee mett 
 with three Mallabar shipps bound for Suratt, laden like the 
 former. Wee medled not with them. 
 
 Feb. 15. Wee had calme untill noone; then a fresh 
 gale at N.N.West, and wee stoode away S.S.E. to seaze 
 the shoare. At evening wee weare two leagues shorte of 
 Chaule 1 , havinge all night a fresh gale att North. W T ee 
 steered alonge the shoare. 
 
 Feb. 16. In the morninge wee weare neare the shoare, 
 which our pilott made to bee Dabull, butt after speaking 
 with a fisher boate tould us thatt Dabull was seven leagues 
 further ahead, and thatt wee weare nowe half the waye 
 betweene Chaule and that. Soe wee steered alonge the 
 shoare till eveninge, att which time wee anchored neere 
 Dabull, havinge had a fresh gale at N.N.W. all daie. Wee 
 
 1 Chaul is about 30 miles south of Bombay.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 193 
 
 might discerne the castle on the hill and some howses, butt 
 not the towne 1 . 
 
 Feb. 17. Wee tooke a fisherman, by whome the Generall 
 sent letters which hee had brought from Moucha from a 
 captaine of a shipp to the Governour in the Generalls 
 behalfe; and the same daie the Governor sent to vizitt 
 the Generall, with a present of fresh victualls in greate 
 plentye. The Generall retourned him annother by four of 
 the marchannts, which he sent aland with itt, willinge them 
 to knowe of the Governor if hee would give us trade. Hee 
 awnswered very kindlie thatt himselfe would give money for 
 all our cloath ; with many other promises and complements. 
 
 Feb. 1 8. The Generall havinge receyved these kinde 
 words from the Governor, sent Mr. Fowler and my selfe 
 the 1 8th daie in the morninge to conferre with him aboute 
 our buysines, carryinge with us the musters of cloath ; 
 which when the Governor had scene, hee seemed as though 
 hee cared not for the cloath, onelie he was desirous of our 
 lead, with some of our cloath, which he would chuse by the 
 coulours; butt hee offred such a lowe price for the cloth 
 thatt it shewed noe greate willingnes to buye any. Not- 
 withstandinge, wee lefte him the musters and went aboard 
 to advise the Generall of whatt passed. The Governor 
 had many complements with us, with many comendations 
 to our Generall. 
 
 Feb. 19. The next daie we landed againe to knowe 
 the Governours ultima concerninge our cloath and other 
 comodities; where wee found him sittinge in his state at 
 his howse, with many cheife men of the towne with him. 
 Wee demanded our musters of him, entreatinge to knowe 
 his awnsweare whether he would buye any of our comodities 
 or nott. Butt wee perceyveinge noe greate willingnes in 
 him, wee entreated him to give order thatt wee might buye 
 
 1 Dabhol, 85 miles S. of Bombay, was the principal port of the 
 Bljapur kingdom. 
 
 J- 13
 
 194 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 for our money such thinges as wee wanted and wee would 
 departe ; which he very kindlie granted, and sent one of 
 his men with our purser to see thatt hee paye noe more 
 then ordinarilie itt was sould for in the markett. This 
 daie the winde blewe soe hard thatt wee could nott gett 
 aboard, thatt wee were forced to staie aland all night. 
 Soe wee went to the Governour to entreate him to ordaine 
 us a house to lodge in all night ; which he presentlie gave 
 order for, and told us that he was sorry wee would departe 
 soe soone without sellinge any of our comodities ; sayinge 
 farther that because wee should knowe thatt he was willinge 
 to deale with us, hee would give us four royalls of eight for 
 a covedo of such broade cloath as he liked, and two rialls 
 for a covedo of the kersey, and 38 rialls of eight for 25 
 ma[ns] of leade, which maketh Suratt weight 20 mans 1 . 
 Att thatt price he would take 14 peeces of broad cloath 
 and 8 peeces of kersey (but he would chuse the colours), 
 and he would take all the leade. Wee demanded more of 
 him, puttinge him offuntill wee had acquaynted the Generall. 
 Soe for this time wee tooke our leaves and departed to our 
 lodginge, which was the sarraye of the towne, causinge itt 
 to bee made very cleane and putt out those that lodged in 
 itt. He sent greate store of victualls, and his servannts to 
 attend us untill wee had eaten. 
 
 Feb. 20. The next morninge early wee went aboard 
 and acquaynted the Generall with his offer for our 
 comodities, leaveinge the purser and other aland to pro- 
 vide such provision as was necessary for the shipps. The 
 Generall beinge willinge to sell him the comodities for the 
 price which he had offerred, sent Benjamyn Greene and 
 other the factours to end with him ; which beeinge done 
 Benjamin Greene came aboard for the comodities to deliver 
 him, and brought two pledges of the Governours servannts, 
 
 1 Green states that the local 'covado' was 29 inches, and the local 
 maund 25 Ibs.
 
 I6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 195 
 
 as pledges to remayne aboard untill the mony weare paid ; 
 which the Generall retourned againe aland, sayinge that 
 he doubted nothing of the performance of his word. Soe 
 they carryed all the comodities aland, where they remayned 
 till the 24 dicto, measuringe out the cloath and wayinge 
 the leade ; butt the Governor tooke butt the very choise of 
 the stamell and Venice red. Alsoe he bought the red leade 
 that was in the shipp. Havinge neere done all there 
 buysines aland, the maister went aland in the skiffe and 
 brought aboard the money which they had received of the 
 Governor. And the next daie the marchannts came all 
 aboard ; with whome came some of the Governours men to- 
 buye some more cloath, with manie complements from the 
 Governor to the Generall, that if itt pleased him to leave a 
 factorie in the countrie they should be well entreated. 
 The Generall excused the matter for this time, sayinge he 
 was not provided for itt, but some other voyage it might 
 bee effected. 
 
 Feb. 25. Benjamin Greene and John Williams went 
 againe aland to see if they could sell some more cloath 
 and a parcell of red capps. They beinge aland the 
 Governor refused the red leade, because it had bene wett, 
 and detayned Benjamin Greene untill he had wrote aboard 
 to the Generall to knowe whether he should take itt or 
 nott. Soe the Generall willed them to staie untill farther 
 order ; but the next daie he wrote for them to bringe the 
 red leade with them, if the Governor would not have itt. 
 Soe they came aboard the 2Qth dicto, and brought a present 
 from the Governour to the Generall. 
 
 In the interim of this buysines, wee discryed a saile to 
 the offinge, a good tall shipp 1 ; and beinge calme they 
 
 1 ' The 26th of February was taken a Portingall shipp called the 
 St. Nicholas, who came from Cochinn, bownde for Chaule and from 
 thence for Ormuse, laden with tinn and other groce commodeties ' 
 (Green). Downton adds that she was of about 300 tons burden. 
 
 132
 
 196 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 ankored two leagues of. Soe the Generall caused the 
 Peppercorne and the Darlinge to goe of by night to them 
 to see what they weare, and if they were Portugalls to 
 bringe them into the roade. In the companie of the ship 
 there was a great frigatt laden with rice, bound for Ormus. 
 They tooke both the shipp and the friggott, and brought 
 them to the roade the next daie; at which time the Generall 
 went aboard to search the shipp, and found her to bee laden 
 with coker nutts, except some 52 c[wt] of Lankin 1 silke 
 and some cinamon of Selan 2 ; all which the Generall tooke 
 from them, in satisfaccion of parte of the wronge there 
 countryemen had done him att Suratt ; as alsoe he tooke 
 as much rice out of the frigatt as hee needed, as alsoe 
 other provision; for all which he gave them a noate of his 
 hand, and they gave him annother wherein was sett downe 
 all things which was taken from them. The friggatt was 
 suffred to departe the same daie, and she went into the 
 porte of Dabull, thinkinge themselves well dealt withall. 
 The shipp had likewise leave to departe, butt they would 
 not parte from us for feare of the Mallabars which were some 
 four daies before past towards Chaull, whither this shipp 
 was bound, and came from Cochin in company with the 
 friggatt. Soe the shipp rid still by us untill wee sett saile. 
 From the i6th [26th] of February to the 4th of March 
 wee weare buysied aboute the sale of our goods and aboute 
 the Portugall shipp; which buysines beeinge nowe at an 
 end, the Generall called councell concerninge his farther 
 proceedeinge in his voyage. His demands weare these, vizt. 
 Whether wee thought it meete to goe to the barre of Goa 
 to demand satisfaccion of the Vizeroye for the damage 
 sustayned by him, and to render up the goods taken for 
 [from] the shipp 3 if he gave us any reasonable content; or 
 to proceede in our voyage (accordinge to comission) for 
 
 1 Nanking. - Ceylon. 
 
 3 The Portuguese vessel just captured.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 197 
 
 Bantam ; or else to retourne into the Red Sea from hence 
 directlie, there to staye for the Indian shipps and barter 
 our goods with them in parte of recompence of the wronge 
 offred us att Suratt, as alsoe of the Turks in the Red Sea. 
 The most voyces was to goe directlye to the Red Sea, 
 where wee should be sure to have whatt satisfaccion wee 
 would. Some weare of opinion to followe our voyage for 
 Bantam, accordinge to comission; butt it was resolvd for 
 the Red Sea, and in the morninge to sett saile 1 . 
 
 A discription of Dabull, the towne and porte. 
 
 Dabull standeth in 17 degrees, 34 minutes; variation 
 17 degrees. Itt is a bard harbor, and narrowe att the 
 entrannce of the barre ; there 2^ fathome water att a lowe 
 ebb, and att full sea 4^. The goinge in is at the souther 
 side. You may goe close by the rocks and there is the 
 deeper water. The breadth of the barre att entringe is 
 not above a cabells length, butt presentlie itt goeth broader 
 and broder untill you come to the towne, which is aboute 
 two miles within the barre. When you come before the 
 towne there is a goodlie harbour, where a shipp may ride 
 in eight fathome with a fishinge line for any winde that 
 hurte. 
 
 The towne standeth in a valley environed aboute with 
 highe mountaines; soe that it is very hott to them which 
 are not used to itt. The Governor and greate men have 
 faire houses; the rest are poore cottages, as in all other 
 parts of India, which lives like the fishes in the sea, the 
 greater eate the lesser. The Governor liveth in greate 
 
 1 Green says that the council was held on March 5, and that the 
 chief arguments used against proceeding to Bantam and the Moluccas 
 were the want of provisions and the probability that they would find 
 themselves anticipated by a ship of another Voyage and would be 
 unable to obtain enough pepper to lade their vessels. Middleton 
 gives February 24 as the date of the council, while Downton makes 
 it March 4.
 
 198 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 state. His name is Agaa Mahomett Roza 1 . The kinge 
 of this countrye liveth att Vizapor 2 , in the countrye of 
 Decan; his name is Adelshaa 3 . Vizapor is aboute six 
 daies journey from Dabull. This kinge is the cheife of 
 five kings which maynetaine vvarre with the Mogoll. This 
 countrie is very firtill, and yeildeth store of all sortes of 
 fine cloathinge, as baftas, birams, shasses and many other 
 sortes; as alsoe indico, and diamonds, greate store of the 
 newe rocke, and many other stones of little valewe. From 
 this towne every yeare goeth two or three shipps of greate 
 burthen to the Red Sea, farre richer then those that goe for 
 [from ?] Suratt, beinge supposed that the Portugall[s] are 
 adventurers with them. Their ships are made Christian 
 like, with topps and all their tacklinge accordinglie. Alsoe 
 they send two ships yearlie for Ormus from this towne very 
 ritch. In this towne of Dabull lyeth a factour for the 
 Portugalls contynuallie, who giveth passes by the Vizeroyes 
 aucthoritie to all their shipps which goe for the Red Sea, 
 Ormus, and other places; butt if they bee found carryinge 
 powder, shott or any other munition, or pepper, cinamon, 
 with divers other comodities, it is confiscated ; butt much 
 of these comodityes doe passe with a bribe given to the 
 factour, which is the cheifest of his vailes. This factour 
 hath 2000 pardas 4 of the Kinge of Spaine per yeare, butt 
 his vailes, alias bribes, are greate. Alsoe he hath license 
 that none may sell racke or reason wine within the towne 
 butt himselfe, which is good proffitt to him, butt for his 
 license he giveth the Governour 2000 laruns 5 per yeare. 
 
 1 Agha Muhammad Raza. 
 
 2 Bljapur. 
 
 3 Ibrahim Adil Shah II. 
 
 4 There were two pardaos, one of gold and the other of silver. 
 For a long note on their value, etc., see Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed., 
 p. 672. 
 
 5 A peculiar kind of money much in vogue on the Malabar Coast 
 and in the Persian Gulf. It was made by stamping a small rod
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 199 
 
 It is butt a base factory, for free is no better then the 
 hoste of an alehowse, for he selleth both drinke and meate, 
 as all kindes of fruits which hee hath growinge within his 
 garden. Butt he was much ashamed that wee should 
 knowe that hee sould these thinges, butt the saylours were 
 never out of his house. With these pettye matters it is 
 worth by reporte 15 or 16,000 pardoas per annum. This 
 towne hath of all nations tradinge in itt, and is very 
 populous of itt selfe and greate. It hath a small castell 
 standinge by the waters side within the towne; it hath two 
 small peeces in itt, and is of noe force 1 . 
 
 Our course from Dabull to tJie Red Sea. 
 
 March 5. Wee sett saile from Dabull, with the winde 
 at E. and E.S.E. ; butt in the eveninge, beeinge calme, wee 
 ankored neere the shore within seven leagues of Dabull 
 
 of silver and then doubling it up (see a note by Mr Albert Gray in his 
 edition of Pyrard de Laval, i. 232). Its value at this time was a little 
 under a shilling. 
 
 1 Compare Green's description: 'Dabull hath two miles withowt 
 a barr, upon which we have sownded and fownd at most 15 foote 
 water. The going over the said barr is narrow, yett nottwithstanding 
 they have 9 shipps of great burthen and draughts belonging to this 
 place, the least of them drawing 1 8 or 20 foot, being laden ; and they 
 lade before the towne, and being laden bring theire shippes over this 
 barr upon a spring tide. After you are over the barr, which is 
 halfe a cables lengthe over, you may ryde in 7, 8, 9 or 10 fatham 
 withoutt any commaunde of ordinance Dabull hath only a small 
 rownde forte in the north end of the towne, in which appeereth noe 
 more then 3 or 4 small bases, nor noe other fence for the towne, being 
 very low and small cotteges, the walls of stone and covered with 
 canes. Only the Governer hath a very faire and large howse built of 
 stone on the norward parte of the towne, which showeth more like a fort 
 then a howse. Yt may contain 1000 menn in armes very well. They are 
 good souldiers, and their strengthe lieth in them more then in forti- 
 fications. These shipps yeare[ly] sally owt with very riche com- 
 modeties, as indico of Gulcunda, in Cuttuppshas [Kutb Shah's] 
 countrie, who is king of Muselepatan, and is 15 dayes jorney from 
 Dabull to Gulcunda. The king of this contryes name is Abraham 
 Adelshaw and is residinge at Visapour, 4 dayes jorney from Dabull. 
 And from thence yearely the Portingalls hath to the valew of twenty 
 hundred thowsand rialls of eight in diamondes and other Jewells, of 
 which twyse a yeare [?t]heere is a great mart or faire at the Kings 
 coorte.'
 
 200 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 roade in 7^ fathome. Wee kept neere the shore because 
 the Portugall shipp was afraid of the Mallabars. Wee 
 conducted him neere to his porte, for that wee would not 
 that any should injurye them but ourselves. 
 
 March 6. With little winde of the shoare wee steered 
 alonge in company of the Portugalls shipp untill four in 
 the afternoone. Then the maister went aboard them and 
 tooke leave of them, beinge in sight of Chaulle aboute five 
 leagues off. Then wee stoode our course att West and 
 W. & by S.; the winde at N. and N.N.E. 
 
 March 20. Winde E.N.E. ; our course as before. This 
 daie Captaine Hawkins and Mr. Pemberton came aboard 
 to take their leaves of the Generall, because it was con- 
 cluded that the Darlinge should stopp att Soccatora, to 
 understand of shippinge, if any had bene there. They stayed 
 not longe aboard, butt retourned to make all the sayle they 
 could to gett Soccotora, and meete us againe neere Aden. 
 
 March 24. A pretty gale at East; course W. and by 
 N. Aboute nine in the morninge we had sight of the east 
 parte of Soccatora, bearing off us S.S.W. Then wee steered 
 N.W. till night, and after W. and W. & by N. 
 
 March 25. A faire gale at E.S.E. In the morninge 
 wee weare faire by the iland of Soccatora, the west parte. 
 Then wee steered N.W. And this night we came betwixt 
 the iland of Soccatora and the rocke which lyeth aboute 
 three leagues of. It fell calme; and the current settinge 
 upon the rocke, weare forced to anchour till the morninge 
 in \blank\ fathome half a mile from the rocke. 
 
 March 26. Winde at S.E., a leading gale. Then we 
 sett saile from betweene the rocke and the iland and 
 steered W. & by S. and W.S.W. In the eveninge wee 
 had sight of Abdelcura 1 . 
 
 1 Abd-el-Kuri.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 2OI 
 
 March 27. A fresh gale at S.E. In the morninge wee 
 had the wester parte of Abdelcura E.S.E. of us. Wee 
 steered Weste by S. and W.S.W. Att sonne settinge 
 wee sawe the mayne land of Abex 1 neere Cape Guardefu; 
 and then wee steered all night W. & by N. with a shorte 
 saile, beeing neere the land. 
 
 March 28. In the morninge wee vveare hard aboard 
 the shoare, betweene Cape Guardafu and Cape Felix. 
 Then the Generall cawsed the friggott to be manned, and 
 the skiffe to attend her, and went himselfe in the friggatte, 
 accompanyed with Captaine Sharpeigh and my selfe. The 
 Generall appointed the shipps to come to anchour wheare 
 they sawe us anchour, neere the shoare. Approachinge to 
 the land, wee landed betweene the twoe capes to see if wee 
 could finde water or other refreshing ; where wee spake 
 with some of the countrye people, whoe told us that four 
 Indian shipps were already passed into the Red Sea ; 
 which after wee perceived to bee Generall Sarrys fleete 2 . 
 They tould us that there was not any water at this place, 
 butt att the westward of Mount Felix there was fresh 
 water and other refreshinge ; and they came into the 
 friggatt and went with us to the place. Butt these are a 
 kinde of savage people, for they tooke us to bee Indians 
 and of Mahometts lawe 3 ; otherwise they would not have 
 come neere us. Butt comeinge to the place wee could 
 neither finde water nor any thinge elce, onelie a little hole 
 that was digged in the grownd above a mile up, which was 
 digged for cattle to drinke and was very brackish. Wee 
 had this afternoone soe much winde that the poore friggott 
 could hardlie beare any saile ; therefore wee ankored neere 
 the shoare, and the shipps came to anchour to the offinge 
 
 1 See p. 1 06. 
 
 2 The ships of the Eighth Voyage, under John Saris. 
 
 3 Green says that those who landed told the natives they were 
 ' Mussellmen.'
 
 202 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 of us, in nine fathome water. It seemeth at this place as 
 if there weare a river, butt itt is the arme of the sea that 
 cometh within the land and maketh an iland 1 . There is 
 good shoaldinge all alongst the coaste; a lowe land by the 
 waters side, and white sandy strand. Wheare wee landed 
 is aboute half a league to the westward of Mount Felix. 
 This Mount Felix, or Mount Elaphant 2 , is a pointe of 
 a land very high, in fashion like an elaphant ; therefore it 
 is called Fill, which is the Arab word for elaphant. The 
 Indias called itt Hattee 3 , which is likewise elaphant in their 
 language; and the Portugalls call itt Elaphante. It seemes 
 before you come att itt to bee an iland distant from the 
 mayne, because onelie the pointe is highe land, and the 
 land within itt very lowe. The Generall havinge scene 
 what might there be done, and left a letter to deliver to 
 the next shipp that came, supposinge the Darlinge would 
 come that way, wee departed in the eveninge to the shipps. 
 Captaine Downton beinge nowe come with his pinnace to 
 
 1 Peninsula (see note on p. 75). 
 
 2 Ras Filuk (Ras-al-Fll), the ancient Mons Elephas, a rocky mass 
 800 feet high, about 40 miles west of Cape Guardafui. It is generally 
 called by the natives Ras Belmuk. 'A great hie hummack, which 
 standeth upon a low point upon the sea syde, which our Gennerall called 
 Mount Felix, and is called by the inhabitants Fileack. Right against 
 the water as aforsaid is a small river going in, in which river, butt 
 sault, the boate may enter an arrow shafte; and thether the Indias 
 bring their water by cammells. Butt the river streacheth 4 miles 
 along the shore, and maketh an iland of low white sandy grownde. 
 In this place you cann see noe manner of green thing, butt all white 
 sandy banques ' (Green). Saris, who had anchored in the same place 
 a few weeks earlier, calls the mountain ' Feluke ' and says : ' In this 
 place is great aboundance of severall sortes of gomes verye sweet in 
 burning, wheareof some samples I have, as gume Arrabeck, insence 
 and others which we knowe not. They have allso fine matts well 
 requested at Aden and Moha and in the Indyes ; for ordenaryly the 
 Indya juncks touch heare boath inward and outward to buye thereof 
 and of the gumes for manye uses ; allso victuall, viz. sheepe and 
 butter, which is far better cheape then at Moha, for daylye boates 
 goe over laden with victuall to sell at Aden and Moha. But they will 
 not barter for anye thing but lynin cloath ' (L O. Marine Kecords, 
 no. xiv.). 
 
 3 Hind, hathi.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 2O3 
 
 the General!, wee lefte the friggatt and went aboard in the 
 pinnace. There blewe soe much winde that wee weare 
 like to be oversett goinge aboard, and the friggatt had 
 much adoe to gett aboard. This night the people aland 
 promised us sheepe and goats against the morninge if 
 wee staied ; and because the Darlinge was to come that 
 waye from Soccatora, wee made noe greate haste to bee 
 gone, butt to staie till the morninge to gett some fresh 
 victualls. 
 
 March 29. The skiffe was sent aland for sheepe and 
 goats which were promised, and retourned aboute noone 
 and brought aboard 25 sheepe, which cost a matter of 
 3^ rialls of eight in Indian cloath. And aboute two in the 
 afternoone wee sett saile and steered awaye N.W. ; the 
 winde at E.N.E., a faire gale. 
 
 March 30. The winde at E.S.E. ; course N.W. Little 
 wind till noone; then we had a stiffe gale at E. and E. & 
 by N. After midnight wee went with a slack saile, beinge 
 neere, as wee supposed, the land of Arabia, at the other 
 side. 
 
 March 31. In the morninge wee weare aboute five 
 leagues of the shoare ; the winde East. Wee stoode alonge 
 the shoare all daie and night, keepinge the lead, and had 
 from 20 to 24 fathome aboute three leagues of shore. 
 
 Aprill i. Winde E. and E.S.E. Wee stood alonge 
 the shoare aboute 3^ leagues of, and had betwixt 35 and 
 40 fathome ; a little farther of, noe ground. 
 
 Aprill 2. Att sonne rizinge wee had sight of the 
 Darlinge right ahead us some two leagues, riding att an 
 anchour, aboute six leagues of Aden, in 15 fathome water. 
 As soone as they discryed us they sent of their boate to 
 meete us, wherein came Captaine Hawkins and Mr. Pem- 
 berton, whoe brought the coppie of a letter lefte att 
 Soccotora by Captaine Saris, Generall of three shipps, 
 vizt. the Clove, the Hector and the Thomas, by which
 
 204 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 wee understood that they were gone into the Red Sea 
 before us 1 . 
 
 It was then concluded that the Peppercorne should 
 staie att an anchour in this place, to stale for shipps which 
 were bound for Aden, and suffer none to goe to Aden but 
 putt them of to come to Moucha within the Red Sea, 
 where the Trades Encrease and the Darlinge weare to 
 staie for them at the mouth of the Red Sea, att Babel- 
 mandell. For soe wee in the Trade and the Darlinge 
 steered awaie S.W. & by W. and W.S.W. with a little 
 gale at East, saileinge alonge the shore within half a league 
 of Aden in 20 and 22 fathome. 
 
 Aprill 3. Winde at E.N.E. Wee stood alonge the 
 shoare; by our leade in 18 and 20 fathome. Att one 
 place wee had butt 10 fathome; then edginge of wee had 
 deeper water, and noe ground in 40 fathome. In the 
 eveninge wee had sight of the mouth of the Straicts. 
 Much winde at E.S.E. ; but beeinge night wee ankored 
 aboute two leagues to the eastwards of Babelmendell in 
 20 fathome. 
 
 Aprill 4. Wee wayed and stoode in for the Straicts 
 with the winde at E., a fresh gale. And aboute ten in the 
 forenoone wee passed it, and ancored within the iland neere 
 the mayne, in nine fathome water, half a league of the 
 shore, neare a miskett 2 and village which is on the sea side. 
 Presentlie there came a boate of the shoare with four 
 Turkes, thinkinge that wee had bene the Indian shipps 
 which they expected ; butt when they knewe the shipp 
 they weare in greate feare, because some of them were 
 actours aboute the emprisoninge of our men with Sir 
 Henrie Middleton. But the Generall gave them good 
 enterteynement and sent them aland with letters to the 
 
 1 The letter is given at length in 7. O. Marine Records, no. xiv. 
 
 2 Mosque.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 2O5 
 
 English att Moucha, the[y] promisinge to retourne with 
 awnsweare within three daies. 
 
 A discourse of what passed att Moucha after our 
 arrivall in the Red Sea the second time. 
 
 Aprill 7. The fourth daie after our arryvall att 
 Babelmendell, Richard Wickham 1 , one of the marchannts 
 of Captaine Saris fleete, came to us with letters from 
 Generall Saris. The- drogaman which came with him 
 retourned the same daie by land with awnswer from our 
 Generall to Captaine Saris. This drogamon was an Italian 
 renegado that was with me at Senan 2 . This daie came an 
 Indian shipp from Mangellor, laden with cinamon and rice 
 and other comodities. The 9th of the same monneth came 
 annother Indian shipp from Dieu, laden with Indian 
 comodities, some nill 3 , some cloves and druggs. Their 
 sailes were taken from the yard, and the loth dicto the 
 Generall went aboard and unladed what goods he liked, 
 viz.: cinamon, cloves, indico, olibanum, lignumaliais 4 , 
 turbett 5 and other druggs. And in the eveninge arrived 
 annother small vessell, from Caixen 6 , laden with olibanum 7 . 
 
 1 He had been one of the merchants of the Union, but had been 
 captured by the Portuguese at Zanzibar and sent to Goa. Pyrard 
 de Laval met him there (Voyage, Hakl. Soc. ed., i. 45, ii. 264) and they 
 sailed for Lisbon in the same fleet (1610). On his return to England, 
 Wickham was appointed a factor in Saris's fleet. He was left at 
 Hirado, in Japan, when the factory was established there under 
 Richard Cocks, but in 1618 returned to Bantam, and died at Jakatra 
 not long after. 
 
 The letter brought by Wickham is given at length in Saris's journal 
 (/. O. Marine Records, no. xiv.). 
 
 2 See p. 65. Saris gives his name as 'Mustafa Trudgeman' 
 (Mustapha the dragoman). 
 
 3 Indigo (Hind, nil, 'blue'). 
 
 4 Lignum aloes, or eagle-wood. 
 
 6 Turbith, turpeth, or Indian jalap, the root of a convolvulus found 
 in India and Ceylon, which has cathartic qualities. 
 
 6 Kishin, on the southern coast of Arabia, a little to the west of 
 Ras Fartak. Socotra belonged to the Sultan of Kishin. 
 
 ~ Frankincense.
 
 206 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 And att night came the Cloves skiffe from Moucha and 
 brought letters from Captaine Saris 1 , and the next daie 
 departed with avvnswere, and Richard Wickham in her. 
 Beinge the nth of Aprill arrived the fourth shipp of India, 
 from Sinde, laden with cotton woll and other Indian 
 comodities. This daye wee had soe much winde at N.N.W. 
 that the Indian shipp began to drive, that wee were faine 
 to helpe them from driveinge ashore. And in the eveninge, 
 being the I2th dicto, wee made an end of takinge out the 
 cinamon, which was 373 sacks. 
 
 Aprill 14. Captaine Saris with his three shipps came 
 up to us, and shott 21 peeces of ordinance, salutinge Sir 
 Henry Middleton, and was awnswered by 15 peeces. 
 Captaine Saris and Captaine Towerson 2 with the maister 
 and some of the marchannts came aboard and dined, and 
 staied till night and soe departed. 
 
 Aprill 15. The next daie, beinge the 15 dicto, wee 
 weare invited with the Generall abourd the Clove; where 
 the Generall staied with Captaine Saris conferringe aboute 
 buysines till ten at night, butt they did not well concurre 
 together aboute their affaires 3 . 
 
 1 See his journal, as above. 
 
 2 John Saris requires no introduction to readers of the Hakluyt 
 Society's publications. Gabriel Towerson was the commander of the 
 Hector. He went out in the Company's first voyage, and was chief of 
 the Bantam factory from 1605 to 1608. After Hawkins' death his 
 widow married Towerson and they both went to India (see The 
 Embassy of Sir T. Roe, 438 .). In later years he became head of the 
 English factors at Amboyna, and was there put to death by the Dutch 
 in the so-called 'massacre.' In Saris's journal he calls Towerson 
 his 'brother,' but the actual relationship between them has not been 
 traced. 
 
 3 Saris's account is as follows: ' Dinner ended, I desired to knowe 
 yf he had considered of what we yesterdaye had speech of. He said 
 he had, and would take out of all the Indya shipps which should com 
 in heare what he thought fitting, and then yf I would I might take 
 the rest. I tould him I held that no indifferent course, intreating him 
 to consider better of it ; otherwayes I should be inforsed to take my 
 leave of him. He asked me wheather [whither] I would goe. I tould 
 him to wyndward, and trye my fortunes ; wheareat he swore most 
 deepelye that yf I did take that course he would sinke me and sett fire
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 2O/ 
 
 Aprill 1 6. Came two Indian shipps more, one from 
 Callicut, laden with cotten woli and other comodities, and 
 the other from Achin, laden with pepper, and belonginge 
 to the Governor of Dabull. In the eveninge the shipp of 
 Mangallour was sett att libertie, and went for Moucha. 
 
 Aprill 17. Generall Saris and Captaine Towerson 
 retourned aboard to conferre upon a certaintie whatt parte 
 of the Indian comodities each should have; but they could 
 nott agree. Captaine Sarys desired to give him leave till 
 the next daye to awnsweare Sir Henryes propositions. 
 And the next daie Captaine Towerson and Mr. Cocks 1 , 
 the cape marchannt, came aboard and brought awnsweare 
 from the Generall that he was content to accept of Sir 
 Henries offer to take a third parte of what was received 
 from the Indian shipps, and that the Generall should have 
 two-thirds. And in the eveninge came annother greate 
 Indian shipp, from Cananor, laden with pepper, cinamon 
 and other Indian comodities. 
 
 Aprill 19. Captaine Saris retourned aboard, and made 
 a writeinge betwixt Sir Henrie and himselfe of the 
 agreement made for the one-third parte, and tooke his 
 leave, and departed with the Clove for Moucha 2 . And the 
 
 of all such shipps as traded with me. But, not willing to put flax to 
 fire, I sought by milde speeches to wyn him to rememberance of the 
 love he had borne me and not to faule out with me in this accion, 
 seeking but to advance the bennifitt of the undertakers of my voyage, 
 his unexpected retorne having much impared the same ; and for him- 
 selfe, I honnored him as one that had and shall commaund me ; 
 desiring that as I was com unto him to confer and contrive what 
 shalbe fittest to be done, so that he would be pleased not to be offended 
 yf I shall not assent to unprofitable projects. He tould me I should 
 not meddel with anye shipp that came in heare, nether goe to wynd- 
 ward of him ; and so parted.' 
 
 1 Richard Cocks, whose entertaining diary of his experiences in 
 Japan was edited for the Hakluyt Society by Sir E. Maunde Thompson 
 in 1882. 
 
 2 The agreement related only to future captures, and it was also 
 decided that the 'Graund Signior' should 'have his customs paid.' 
 Thereupon Saris left two of his ships to join in the blockade, while he 
 himself departed for Mocha, in the hope of purchasing a parcel of indigo 
 which had been offered to him there (Saris's journal).
 
 208 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 Hector and Thomas sett saile in the eveninge to goe to 
 the Abex shore to fill water, which they wanted ; as alsoe 
 to staie in the other channell to stopp the [ships that ?] 
 should come thatt waye. And in the eveninge came 
 two greate shipps of Suratt, one of them a newe shipp 1 
 belonginge to Abdelasan, Captaine Hawkins freind, and 
 the other to Hoghanazan, our ould freind the Governor 
 of Suratt ; the biggest of them 600 tonns, thother 200 tonns. 
 Presently came the captaines aboard and many other of 
 our ould acquayntance. These shipps were richlie laden 
 with indico and all other Indian comodities. They brought 
 us newes that the Reheme 2 was comeinge, the Queenes 
 Mothers shipp. 
 
 Aprill 20. Came in annother shipp, laden with pepper, 
 rice and cinamon from Callicutt; and this eveninge went 
 four of the countrye boats for Moucha with passengers 
 which came from Suratt in the twoe shipps. In the biggest 
 shipp came Soo personns, att [that] had bene 38 daies 
 att sea. 
 
 Aprill 21. The Hectours boate came roome from the 
 shipp with 40 men in her and brought a peticion to Sir 
 Henrie Middleton, signed by most of them, in the manner 
 of a circle, because itt should not bee knowne whoe was 
 the principall of the mutiny 3 . The effect of there peticion 
 was to have more victualls, for that they weare almost 
 starved, and some had already perished for wannte of 
 foode; and that rather then they would endure itt any 
 longer they would runne to the Turkes. Presentlie after 
 Captain Towerson sent the skiffe aboard the Trade, with a 
 letter to Sir Henry entreatinge him to come aboard the 
 Hector to pacific the company; which presentlie Sir Henrie 
 perfourmed; and havinge promised them to have redresse 
 
 1 The Hassani. 3 See p. 186. 
 
 2 An early instance of a 'round-robin.'
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 209 
 
 when the Generall came, they rested satisfied on Sir Henries 
 word, entreatinge Captaine Towerson that in the meane 
 time they might have better allowance. And in the 
 eveninge hee retourned aboard with Captaine Towerson. 
 This daie at night came two more Indian shipps, the one 
 from Dabull, the other from Dieu. Beinge night they 
 thought to have past without lett, they discryinge us before 
 night thought wee had not scene them; but at night the 
 Hector sett saile and laye in the mouth of the Straict 
 neere the iland, and our boats went off to the Indian shipps, 
 making falce fires neere her; soe when they sawe noe 
 remedy they ankored by us. These two shipps weare 
 laden with Indian comodities very ritch, with store of indico, 
 pepper, and all other sorts of fine comodities of cotton woll. 
 
 Aprill 22. In the morninge wee had sight of two 
 sailes cominge into the Straicts. One of them anchored 
 by us; the other, thinkinge to passe by the souther 
 channell, was taken by the Darlinge, who rid there for 
 thatt purpose. These two shipps, one of them was of 
 Caixen, belonginge to the Kinge of Soccotora his father 1 , 
 and the other came from Goga and Dieu. The Caixen 
 shipp had olibanum, and the other Indian comodities. 
 
 Aprill 23. In the morninge came in the Reheme, the 
 Queenes Mothers shipp, one of 1000 tonns or more, and 
 came from Goga laden with indico and other Indian 
 comodities in aboundance. We shott three peeces at her 
 before shee would ancour. Shee had in her 1400 persons 2 . 
 This is the shipp which wee soe much expected ; which (sic} 
 the Darlinge, beeing to the offinge, perceived that shee was 
 come, sett saile and came to us to understand Sir Henries 
 farther pleasure. The captaine and cheife of the Reheme 
 came aboard the Trade, where Sir Henrie comforted them 
 as hee might. 
 
 1 See note on p. 205. * Middleton says 1500. 
 
 j. 14
 
 210 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 Aprill 24. Havinge nowe as many shipps as wee could 
 well tell whatt to doe withall, wee sett saile towardes Asabb 1 , 
 a place of refreshinge at the other side on the coast of 
 Abex, the Trade goinge ahead the fleete, and our prizes 
 in the middest, the Hector followinge for convoye; the 
 Thomas and the Darlinge remayneinge to take the rest 
 thatt should come after, and to bringe them to Azabb with 
 the Peppercorne, which was lying att Aden. Some of the 
 Indian shipps which were better of saile then the other 
 would strangle 2 abroad thinkinge to escape, but the 
 Hectour sent three peeces after them and made them 
 keepe together, being in all twelve saile of Indian shipps, 
 besides those which wee had lett goe. We came soe 
 neere the coaste of Abex that we were in five fathome 
 water of a sudden, and i^ leagues of the shore; soe that 
 the captaine of the Reheme cried that his shipp would 
 bee aground. Soe wee made a signe to them to edge 
 farther of, as wee did the like, and had presently 15 
 fathome. This place was onelie a shoale which laye ther. 
 Soe in the eveninge wee all anchored in the Baye of Asab, 
 but somethinge farre of; soe that the next daie, beeinge 
 the 25th dicto, we wayed and went farther in, and moored 
 all our vessells, except a small shipp of Cashen which the 
 General 1 gave leave to departe, not medlinge with any 
 thinge they had in them. They went directlie for 
 Moucha. 
 
 Aprill 27. The Clove came from Moucha att night; 
 and this daie the Generall cawsed the Guzaratt shipp to 
 make waye to have out there indico. 
 
 \Aprill 28.] And the 28th dicto General Saris sent 
 aboard to Sir Henrie, entreatinge him to come aboard the 
 Hectour to helpe pacific their men, whoe were in a mutiny 
 
 1 Asab Bay, an excellent anchorage opposite to Mocha. It is now 
 in Italian Somaliland. 
 
 2 Straggle.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 211 
 
 when the Generall would have punnished some of them, the 
 mayster of the Hectour 1 resistinge the Generall aboute his 
 sonne, which was one of those that had signed the peticion 
 to our Generall. Captaine Sairis would have sent [him] 
 aboard the Clove to have punnished, butt his father would 
 nott lett him goe, and drewe his dagger at Captaine Saris. 
 Soe thatt at the cominge aboard of Sir Henrie, Mr. Fuller 
 was sent for, whoe seemed to excuse himselfe and his 
 sonne; butt Sir Henrie perswaded him to submitt himselfe 
 to his Generall and goe aboard the Clove with his sonne, 
 and the Generall would bee good unto him; where they 
 were comitted to the bilboes, and the rest were pardonned 
 and promised to have all things thatt weare fittinge for 
 them as in other shipps; soe they rested satisfied for that 
 time. Butt the companie generallie exclamed very much 
 on their Generall to deale soe hardlie with men, havinge 
 such plentie of victualls in his shipp that was like to be 
 spoyled for wante of eatinge, and the men starve for wante 
 thereof, beinge forced to eate the tallowe from the tyes a 
 with hunger; with many other tyrannies which I cannott 
 beleive that soe wise a gentleman would doe to Christians ; 
 which I omitt to repeate, because I knowe that there 
 are many bad tongues which will make itt worse then 
 it is. 
 
 Aprill 29. Generall Saris came aboard the Trade and 
 stayed all daie conferringe with Sir Henrie Middleton 
 
 1 Thomas Fuller. His son was one of the boatswain's mates. 
 There is a long account of the affair in Saris's journal. The men 
 complained specially of their not being supplied with fresh meat, as 
 Middleton's crews were ; but Saris declares that he was unable to 
 purchase meat as he had neither rialls of eight nor Indian calicoes to 
 offer in exchange. Later on he protests in his diary (Oct. 24, 1612) 
 that his economy of victuals is only because he fears ' an heareafter 
 scarsitie, which is not pleasing in an homeward bound voyage,' 
 though he knows that the evil-disposed think 'that my sparing is 
 to purchas myselfe a good conceite of the Companye by favoring of 
 there purses.' Fuller was dismissed and sent on board the Thomas. 
 
 2 The runners of thick rope or chain used in hoisting topsails. 
 
 142
 
 212 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 aboute the ships which weare in our custody; that our 
 Generall should not sett any of them att libertie without 
 his consent, affirminge if hee did he would take them into 
 his custodie and take their comodities att his pleasures 
 fittinge for Achin and other places where he was bound, 
 and for England; soe that there passed many unkinde 
 words betweene them, which I omitt 1 . Notwithstanding, 
 they went forward in there buysines all well, in sortinge 
 out the indico and cloathing, thatt each might take his 
 parte accordinge to agreement; while the Guzaratts and 
 other of the Indians stoode by to see their goods parted 
 before their faces, and knewe not whether they should have 
 any thinge for itt or not. 
 
 Maye 3. Came two boates of Moucha called gilbaies 2 , 
 with a present of eatinge comodities to the Generalls and 
 Captaine Sharpeigh, with letters from the Governour and 
 Captaine of the Gallies to entreate of some agreement to 
 deliver the Indian shipps and to trade att Moucha in peace. 
 Captaine Saris beinge aboard the Trade all this daie, and 
 att night went aboard his owne shipp. 
 
 Maye 6. And the 6th dicto he retourned againe aboard 
 to conferre with Sir Henrie Middleton aboute some buysines, 
 where hee dined and staied till night; and after supper 
 
 1 According to Saris, Middleton (who had procured a stock of 
 calicoes at Surat) declared that 'he would meddell with nothing but 
 indico' and would then release the junks; and that Saris should not 
 take any calico from them ' to spoyle his market in places wheare we 
 shall com.' Saris on the other hand claimed his third share of what- 
 ever was on board, and threatened that if Middleton released the 
 ships without satisfying him, he would follow and re-arrest them. 
 Middleton told him that he ' would not suffer it ; againe swearing 
 that he scornd I should doe him that discredit, to come out a 
 yeare after him and be further forward in my lading then himselfe, 
 which had beene out two yeares.' So they parted. On the first 
 of May, however, Middleton so far modified his refusal that he 
 insisted only on taking out the indigo first, hoping that there would be 
 enough of this to make up Saris's proportion ; and on the fifth he at 
 last consented to allow the calicoes to be shared, ' and now was willing 
 to take his two-thirds.' 
 
 2 Jalbas, small boats used in the Red Sea ports.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 213 
 
 there was some discontent betvveene Sir Henrie and 
 Captaine Saris, and very grosse speeches not fittinge for 
 men of their ranke. They were from this time forward 
 soe crosse thone to the other as yf they had bene enymies; 
 yet still they conferd together, but alwaies att square. 
 
 Maye 7. The Thomas and Darlinge came to Asabb, 
 the time which was limitted for their staie beeinge expired. 
 We went contynuallie openinge of packes to choose out 
 the best goods, and sortinge and weyinge the indico. And 
 because Sir Henrie would avoyde troublinge with Captaine 
 Saris, he wild me that his marchannts should chuse whatt 
 comodities they would have, whereof I should take two- 
 thirds parts, and leave them one. Soe wee contynued 
 sendinge of goods aboard the shipps till the I2th dicto, 
 at which time came the Captaine of the Gallyes of Moucha 
 aboard the Trade, to conferre with the Generall aboute the 
 buysines of the Indian shipps. Soe the Captaine of the 
 Gallies made faire promises to the Generall thatt he should 
 have whatt he demanded. Soe the Generall gave him 
 some present; and the next daie, beeing the I3th, he 
 departed for Moucha, to advise the Governor of the 
 Generalls demannds 1 . 
 
 Maye 14. Came the Peppercorne from Aden, the time 
 of staie beinge eight daies past expired. She brought with 
 her a prize, a shipp of Sindee 2 . This daie I was aboard 
 the Clove aboute partinge some Indian clothinge; where 
 Generall Saris tooke mee into his cabbin, tellinge me that 
 Sir Henrie Middleton did not accomplishe his promise with 
 him; to which I awnswered what I knewe and departed. 
 
 1 Saris says that Middleton demanded 100,000 rials of eight from 
 the Turks as ' satisfaction for the losse of his mens lives and for his 
 tyme spent, having lost his monsone to the overthrowe of his voyage.' 
 At the same time Saris intimated that he too must be satisfied before 
 the Indian ships were released. 
 
 2 See note on p. 103.
 
 214 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 And in the eveninge wee had nevves that the kinge of the 
 countrie neere Asabb would come dovvne to the waters 
 side to see the shipps. The Generall sent word thereof to 
 Generall Saris, to knowe whether he would goe aland in 
 the morninge to meete him. Soe they concluded to land 
 in the morninge with as manye men as the shipps could 
 convenientlie spare, with their furniture. 
 
 Maye 15. [Came?] the Kinge of Rahitta 1 and his 
 sonne, with some 200 men with him. As soone as the 
 Generall sawe him comeinge he landed, accompanied with 
 Generall Saris, Captaine Sharpey, Captaine Hawkins, 
 Captaine Downton, and Captaine Towerson, with the 
 maisters and marchannts of all the shipps; soe that wee 
 made in all aboute 200 armed men. Soe the Generall went 
 to him and saluted him, and gave him and his sonne with 
 other of his followers presennts. After much conference 
 he entreated that the Generall would use some meanes 
 that these Indian shipps might give him somethinge as 
 acknowledgment for comminge into his countrye. Our 
 Generall awnswered thatt hee could not comand them to 
 any thinge, but hee would intreate them to bee liberall 
 to him. He used many complements with our Generall, 
 tellinge him that the whole countrye was his and himselfe 
 and all his people at his service, and from hence for wards 
 that he would accompt him as his brother. The Kinge 
 himselfe with his sonne and the rest of these people are 
 very blacke, with curled haire, as the ordinarie neg[r]oes 
 of Guenea. He brought with him four horses for himselfe 
 and his sonne, and two of his nobles, with two camells with 
 provision; the rest were ail on foote with lances. All 
 naked above the girdle, except the Kinge, his sonne, and 
 two more of the principall; these had coates after the 
 
 1 Raheita, the district round Asab Bay. The present Sultan resides 
 at Mergabela.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 215 
 
 Turkish manner 1 . They dranke wine and aquavitee very 
 hard ; yett weare not any thinge moved with itt, that any 
 could saie that they weare drunke. Soe havinge ended 
 their complements, they tooke their leaves of the Kinge 
 of Rahitta, and came aboard the Trade, where Generall 
 Saris and the rest of the captaines supped; and after 
 meate they began to conferre aboute the buysines in hand. 
 Sir Henrie and Captaine Saris disagreed in some matters 
 which was handled aboute the Guzaratts. The cheife 
 matter was that Captaine Saris would receive the goods 
 from the Guzaratts and would paie them att his pleasure, 
 and that Sir Henrie should nott be acquainted therewith, 
 whether he paid them ought or nought, sayinge thatt he 
 would not acquainte any man with his dealings ; whereunto 
 Sir Henrie and all the rest awnswered that seeing they 
 joinctlie tooke their goods from them and weare acquainted 
 with one annothers receats, it was reason alsoe that one 
 should bee acquaynted with the others payment, because the 
 Guzaratts did whollie depend upon Sir Henrie Middleton, 
 whoe had taken the most parte of them. Captaine Saris 
 held his owne opinion to be best; whereupon there were 
 most bitter wordes betweene them, Generall Saris intent 
 beeinge to take a goose and sticke downe a feather, as was 
 understoode by his speeches, that he ment to give them 
 little or nothinge for their goods, puttinge of his goods 
 att unreasonable rates, contrarie to the agreement made 
 betweene Sir Henrie and him ; theffect of which writinge 
 
 1 Saris (Purchas, i. 349) says that the Sultan 'came riding downe 
 upon a cow to visit Sir Henrie and our Generall. He had a turbant 
 on his head ; a piece of a periwinkle shell hanging on his forehead 
 instead of a Jewell ; apparelled like a Moore, all naked saving a 
 pintado about his loines ; attended with an hundred and fiftie men in 
 battaile after their manner, weapond with darts, bowes and arrowes 
 and sword[s] and targets They presented him with divers gifts and 
 (according to his desire) did give him his lading of aquavitae that 
 he was scarce able to stand. They are Mahometanes ; being a blacke 
 hard-favoured people, with curled pates.'
 
 2l6 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 was that nothinge should be done inthisbuysinesconcerninge 
 the Guzaratts without the consent of them both. This 
 contention lasted till midnight, with most vile words 
 betwixt them 1 . Captaine Saris departed; and the next 
 morninge, beinge the i6th of Maye, Sir Henrie Middleton 
 sent aboard his cape marchannte to Captaine Saris with 
 a letter certifieinge him that if he woulde stand to the 
 agreement made betweene them, they woulde proceede 
 forward in the buysines as before; which if hee refused 
 and would bee his owne carvar, contrarie to the agreement 
 betweene them, that then he should have noe parte of their 
 goods more then he had receyved alreadye, for that if the 
 condition weare broken Sir Henry would keepe all to 
 himselfe, and he should have nothinge to doe with what 
 he had taken, the shipps beeinge att his disposinge. 
 Whereunto he awnswered that he would send Captaine 
 Towerson in the afternoone to declare his minde therein 
 and to conferre with Sir Henrie and his marchannts. 
 
 This daie in the afternoone Captaine Saris, accordinge 
 to promise, sent Captaine Towerson and the marchannts 
 of his fleete to conferre aboute the prices of the Indian 
 comodities as alsoe of our English; which prices Sir Henry 
 
 1 Saris says that Middleton 'gave me good cheere but most vild 
 words ; telling me he marveled I would be so sawsie as to stand out 
 with him for the advansing of my voyage ; asking me yf I thought 
 myselfe as good a man as he ; saing that the King of England knew 
 
 me not, etc. ; with manye other strange words in his chollor [I] onely 
 
 answered that what composityon was made or monye paid for the 
 release of these Indya shipps, I would have at least the one third 
 thereof or I would carrye one third of the junckes out of the Redd Sea 
 with me ; to which he swore he would thrust his dager into my throate 
 before.' From Downton's account {Letters Received, i. 166) it appears 
 that the dispute ranged over a variety of topics : whether the sum 
 demanded for compensation might be levied from the Indians if it 
 could not be got from the Turks : at what advance on cost price the 
 English goods were to be rated in bartering for Indian commodities: 
 whether Middleton had a right to control those rates: whether 'our 
 friends of Dabul and Malabar' were to be rummaged as well as the 
 Gujaratis ; and so on. Downton and Jourdain naturally take Middleton's 
 side in these quarrels.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 217 
 
 wild us to goe privatelie together and to sett downe the 
 prises as well of our English as the Guzaratt comodities 1 ; 
 which prizes sett downe by us was as appereth, vizt. 
 
 Indico, the three worst sorts, Serques, Baradora and 
 Scroll 2 : the first att 14, second at 12, third at 8 ropeas the 
 greate man of Agra, containing 55//. English 3 ; allowinge 
 them ten per cent for fraight and charges. 
 
 Indico of Biana, comonlie called Lahor, whereof there 
 is three sorts: the best rated at 36, second 30, and the 
 third sorte 2S 4 ropeas the greate man of 55 /., allowinge 
 them twenty per cent fraight, custome, and bringing from 
 Biana to Suratt. Every ropeas (sic) is 2s. English. 
 
 Broad cloath, one with the other, 20 mamuds (which is 
 five rialls of eight) 5 per covedo of Equabar 6 , which is a just 
 yard; the cloathes beinge from 23 ti. to 13/2. per peece. 
 
 Kersyes at seven mamudes per covedo Equabar. 
 
 Leade at / mamudes per mane of Suratt, which is 28 li 1 . 
 
 Tynne at 120 rialls of eight per bahar of Moucha, which 
 is aboute 380 //. 
 
 For their clothinge, they must be prized accordinglie 
 per the musters. 
 
 These prizes beinge concluded betweene us, his 
 marchannts would nott agree unto before they had 
 acquaynted their Generall. Soe they departed; butt sent 
 noe awnsweare of any thinge not within two daies, for wee 
 weare busie makinge peace betweene the Arabs and the 
 Guzaratts, the Arabs haveinge hurte some of them because 
 they would not agree to give them some acknowledgment 
 
 1 It appears from Saris's journal that these were the prices 
 recently given or obtained at Surat. 
 
 2 See p. 174. 
 
 3 Saris says 'the maunde of 33 lb.' 
 
 4 24, according to Saris. 
 
 6 'Five mamoodyes is a rial of eight' (Saris). 
 6 Akbar. Saris says ' the covido of 35 ynches.' 
 ~ ' The greate maunde, 33 lb.' (Saris).
 
 2l8 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 for beeinge in their countrye. Soe that Sir Henry sent 
 aland for one of the Kinge of Rahittaes men, and sent the 
 maister with him from shipp to shipp to give the Kinge 
 somethinge of each shipp, to which for quietnes sake they 
 agreed unto; soe that after they rested in peace, and weare 
 greate freindes. 
 
 In the interim of this troublesome buysines, Sir Henrie 
 determined to send the Darlinge with a good cargason of 
 cloath to Tecoo and Priaman 1 , to provide pepper against 
 his comeinge, knowinge that this intricate buysines would 
 cost him longe time to end itt in good sorte. Therefore 
 with all secreete and expedicion he hasted awaie the 
 Darlinge. My selfe havinge notice thereof, and beinge 
 weary to see and heare dailie such controversies betweene 
 the two Generalls, I desired Sir Henrie that I might goe 
 in the Darlinge; which, although he weare loth because of 
 buysines in hand [which?] was better knowne to mee for 
 the prises of comodities then to any, yett hee grannted 
 mee, willinge mee to leave a noate of all the sortes and 
 prises of Guzaratt comodities; which I performed accordinge 
 to his order, and fitted my selfe to departe the next night. 
 Butt before my departure he caused me to translate a letter 
 into the Portugall tongue, which he had wrighten to the 
 Greate Mogoll, certifyeinge him the cause of stayinge his 
 shipps; the coppy whereof is viz. 
 
 A Coppy of a Letter written by Sir Henrie Midleton to 
 the Greate Mogoll out of the Red Sea, in the Portugall 
 tongue, vizt. 
 
 Most high and mightie Emperour, itt is well knowne 
 unto your Emperiall Majestic that fewe yeares since the 
 most highe and mightie Kinge of England, Scotland, 
 
 1 Tiku and Priaman, pepper ports on the west coast of Sumatra. 
 The former is now of little importance.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 
 
 Frannce and Ireland sent William Hawkins his servannt 
 as embassadour to entreate with Your Highnes concerninge 
 peace and amitie, and to establish a factorie for the good 
 of both your subjects in Your Majesties dominions; and 
 by Your Majesties admittance the said Hawkins, alias 
 Engrezcan 1 (soe named by Your Highnes), was brought 
 to your presence, havinge bene kindlie received and well 
 enterteyned by Your Majesties subjects at Suratt, where 
 he landed, promisinge him many favours, which they 
 performed as longe as his shipp was remayneinge att the 
 barre of Suratt. But when the shipp was departed, he 
 remayneinge amongst your subjects att Suratt, contrary 
 to Macrobians promise and his expectacion, he could not 
 be master of his owne goods, they takinge it from him 
 perforce by order from Macrobean, takinge them at his 
 owne price as he would himselfe ; in the which there were 
 greate losse received by our marchants in the prises, 
 besides manie other injuries done by the said Macrobean 
 to Captaine Hawkins and with much trouble and vexation. 
 In the end he gave him leave to goe for Agra with the 
 Kings Majesties of Englands letters directed to Your 
 Highnes aboute setling of a factorie to trade in Your 
 Majesties dominions, with determination to complaine 
 to Your Majestic of the affronnts and injustice which 
 he had received at Suratt. And cominge to Your Majesties 
 presence, was much honnored at the receiveinge of His 
 Royall Majestic of Englands letters, beinge much respected 
 by Your Emperiall Majestic, granntinge him althings 
 which the letter did treate of, and gave him all things that 
 his harte could desire, giveinge him a firmaa for peaceable 
 and quiett trade, with a letter to Macrobean advizinge him 
 
 1 Angrez Khan, 'the English lord.' Hawkins says that 'because 
 my name was something hard for his [Jahanglr's] pronuntiation, hee 
 called me by the name of English Chan, that is to say, English 
 Lord.'
 
 220 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 to entreat our nation kindlie and not give us cause to 
 complaine, which in doinge the contrarie he should 
 awnsweare itt to his uttermost perill. 
 
 And after all these favours grannted by Your Majestic, 
 it was your pleasure to detaine Captaine Hawkins in your 
 emperiall service, assuringe him that it was the best course 
 for him to bee neere your Majestic to advise of any injustice 
 that might bee offred to our nation in any place of Your 
 Majesties dominions where wee traded. This beeinge 
 Your Highnes pleasure, the said Engrezcan accepted of 
 Your Majesties favours ; which was presentlie published 
 in all Your Majesties dominions ; as likewise the said 
 Hawkins advised the Kinges Majestic his maister of Your 
 Highnes kinde dealinge with him. Upon which kindnes 
 the said Captaine Hawkins advised into England to send 
 yearly two or three shipps with such goods as the mar- 
 channts of the country should advise to bee most vendible 
 in those parts, accordinge to Your Majesties direction. 
 Upon which advise that was sent, there came first two 
 shipps out of England 1 , one of them beinge cast awaie 
 upon the shoaldes of Cambaia, with all their goods lost ; 
 onelie the captaine and the rest of the people saved them- 
 selves in their boats, and came to Suratt, hopinge to have 
 had good enterteynement after their troubles. But the 
 Governor and the rest would not permitt them to enter 
 within the cittie ; soe that the captaine with his people 
 were forced to come for Agra, where he remayned 20 
 monnethes, beinge promised at his first comminge to the 
 courte many favours, but in the end, when he had spent 
 the most parte of the poore meanes that he had, was forced 
 
 1 The suggestion that Sharpeigh's and Middleton's fleets were 
 despatched in consequence of Jahanglr's promises to Hawkins was of 
 course untrue. The Ascension and Union left England a year before 
 Hawkins reached Agra ; while, as regards Middleton's ships, it is clear 
 that the Company, when drafting his instructions, were not even 
 aware that Hawkins had left Surat (see First Letter Book, 328).
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 221 
 
 to seeke some remedye to gett into his countrye, because 
 it was not accomplished thatt was promised him att his 
 first comeinge. 
 
 Secondlie, the Kings Majestic my maister beeinge 
 pleased to send mee as embassador with three shipps and 
 letters to Your Highnes, with a present of greate emportance 
 from the Kings Majestic my sovereigne, the present beeinge 
 of ballast 1 rubies and other the like which our country of 
 Europe doth affoard, which would have given Your High- 
 nes greate content, beinge things of greate esteeme and 
 rare, fitt for such a monarke ; nowe att my arryvall with 
 the three shipps att the barre of Suratt, beinge laden with 
 ritch comodities of all sortes of Christians, supposinge to 
 have had good and freindlie enterteinement, butt contrarie 
 wise I was nott suffered to land, nor my people to take as 
 much as water and other refreshinge which I expected, 
 havinge beene two yeares att sea since I departed from 
 my countrie, beeinge come upon advise of Captaine 
 Hawkins haveinge sent the coppie of Your Majesties 
 firmaa ; the Governor of Suratt commandinge, upon paine 
 of death, that none should presume to bringe mee any 
 kinde of refreshinge, the which was to mee very strannge, 
 seeinge that Your Majestic had granted by firmaa free 
 trade in all your dominions, and they to esteeme the 
 
 1 Balass. The term is generally supposed to be a corruption 
 of Balakhsht or Badakhshi, ' from Badakhshan,' the source of supply. 
 The presents sent in Middleton's fleet for the Mogul consisted in 
 reality of velvets and gilt plate ; and the statement that the fleet 
 had brought a quantity of rubies was (like the story of Middleton's 
 embassy) a fiction invented for the occasion. It was probably sug- 
 gested by Hawkins, who would remember that one of the baits held 
 out by the Portuguese to secure his dismissal was the story of ' a very 
 faire ballace ruby, weighing 350 rotties.' Jahanglr was so eager to 
 obtain this jewel that he sent Mukarrab Khan to Goa to purchase it; 
 but that cunning individual returned without it, declaring it to be 
 false, though in Hawkins' opinion the real reason was that he feared 
 the Emperor would not approve the price and would force him to pay 
 the excess.
 
 222 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 command of soe greate a monarke of soe little valewe ; by 
 which occasion there doth redound greate losse to many of 
 our English marchannts to vvhome the goodes doth belonge, 
 as likewise itt maye redound to the prejudice of Your 
 Highnes and subjects. The third lose and reason of our 
 complainte is that upon the same advise of Your Highnes 
 firmaa, there came three ships the yeare after, which att 
 present are here att Moucha in my companie ; and this 
 next yeare there are three more to come by vertue of the 
 same firmaa ; soe that in fine there are yearelie to come 
 three shipps which bringeth greate ritches, all which are in 
 danger to lose their voyages, as my selfe and others have, 
 to our greate losse and utter undoinge of many marchannts; 
 and my selfe in particuler have adventured in these shipps 
 my whole estate, soe that itt would bee a greate shame and 
 dishonnour, besides the losse for mee to retourne to my 
 countrie in poore estate, my selfe beeinge in my countrie 
 of good esteeme and creed itt. For these reasons before 
 mentioned and for satisfaccion of parte of the injuries 
 receyved of your subjects, and espetiallie of Macrobean 
 and Hozanazan with manie others, as alsoe for the injuries 
 which Captaine Hawkins hath receyved, beinge come to 
 my ships with desgrace with Your Highnes, havinge 
 formerly soe much honnored him, nowe beeinge glad to 
 escape with his life, complaineinge very much of the unjust 
 dealinge of Abdelasan and Macrobean, they beeinge the 
 cause of his undoinge and disgrace with Your Highnes, 
 they havinge eaten that which Your Majestic bestowed 
 franklie upon him, nott beeinge content therewith butt 
 have likewise taken his goodes which he brought from his 
 countrye, notwithstandinge Your Majesties comand to the 
 contrary, all which they have parted and eaten betweene 
 them, he havinge spent the most parte of his meanes which 
 was lefte in Your Majesties service att courte upon hope of 
 faire promises, and delayes, hee followinge the courte,
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 223 
 
 which cannott bee done without great coste ; soe thatt hee 
 hath spent all or the most parte of the goods which hee 
 landed, and att last thrust out both of courte and Your 
 Majesties favour, att the suite of falce Jesuitts and their 
 deceiptfull promises, with the helpe of Abdelasan, upon 
 hope of a rich Jewell which was said to bee att Goa, which 
 in the end Your Majestic found to bee falce, as are the 
 Jesuitts, for they are like serpents which thrust themselves 
 in princes affaires with their false reportes, thereby to 
 induce them to warre one against annother; wondringe 
 much that Your Highnes, beeinge soe greate a monarke, 
 to live as it weare in slavery to the Portugalls, in such 
 sorte that your subjects shipps cannott make any voyage 
 any where butt they must first paye tribute to the Portugalls ; 
 which if they should doe otherwise, and goe to sea without 
 their passe, or cartax 1 , they confiscate their shipp and goods 
 to there owne uses and ransome the men of the shipp as 
 their slaves ; which is a greate disgrace to the greatnes of 
 your monarchic; much marvellinge that it can be sufferred 
 by Your Highnes, such open injuryes within your owne 
 land. 
 
 Nowe to conclude and make knowne to Your Highnes 
 of a greate injurie done by Your Highnes to the Kinges 
 Majestic of England in disdaineinge to write him awnsweare 
 of his royall letter sent you, sayinge that you did not use 
 to send awnsweare of letters to any except to your equall, 
 deeminge the Kinges Majestic to bee some pettye kinge, 
 he beeinge one of the greatest monarkes of Europe 2 . In 
 this manner he was esteemed by Your Majestic. For 
 
 1 Port, cartaz. 
 
 2 Hawkins says that upon his requesting an answer to King James's 
 letter, 'Abdall Hassan, comming unto me from the King, in a dis- 
 dainfull manner utterly denyed me, saying that it was not the 
 custome of so great a monarch to write in the kind of a letter unto 
 a pettie prince or governour.'
 
 224 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 which cause and for others beforementioned I was forced 
 to take occasion to deale in this manner heare with Your 
 Highnes subjects within the Straicts of Moucha. Butt 
 whatt is done unto them is nothinge in respect of the bad 
 dealinge that I finde in Your Highnes dominions; havinge 
 taken nothinge from them butt whatt I have paid for in 
 other comodities, beeinge in my handes to have taken it 
 for nought. Therefore I thought good at present to adver- 
 tise Your Highnes that if it shall please you to have a care 
 of your subjects and their goods, that you would bee pleased 
 to send to the Kinges Majestic of England to entreate of 
 peace, before hee send his armadas and men of warre to 
 bee revenged of the wronges that to His Majestic and his 
 subjects hath bene offred within your dominions unjustlie. 
 
 From the Straicts of Moucha, in the Red Sea, the i8th 
 of Maye, 1612. 
 
 Henrie Middleton. 
 
 Theffect of this letter was translated into the Pertian 
 tongue and was made up with the other which was in 
 Portugues, and was delivered to the Mogoll, as afterward 
 I understoode for certaine; for when the marchannts of 
 Suratt made their complainte to the Kinge that they weare 
 undone by the Englishmen, hopinge thatt the Kinge would 
 have pittye of them and have given them a meanes to live, 
 he awnswered them that if the English had taken ought 
 from them, thatt itt was their owne faults for dealinge 
 roughlye with them att Suratt, and made peticions to him 
 to putt the English out of the countrye; sayinge farther 
 that the English had used them better then they deserved 
 in giveinge them of their comodities in payment. Soe with 
 this awnsweare they departed with shame, when they per- 
 ceived that the Kinge knewe of the goods that they had 
 received in. recompense of their goods taken.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 22$ 
 
 The coppy of a letter written by the Vizeroye of Goa to the 
 Sabendor of Suratt, in applaudinge him for nott enter- 
 teining of the English, entreatinge him to contynue his 
 constancie. 
 
 By a letter received from the Captaine Major Don 
 Francisco de Souto Major I understand howe you have 
 and doe contynue to this time constant in conserveinge 
 our amitye, in nott consentinge trade and comerce with 
 those English shipps that are there ; hopinge that you will 
 goe forward in your honest proceedinges, that they maye 
 goe resolved not to retourne ; that therby I may remayne 
 the more bound to gratifie you for this and other thatt you 
 have done in our behalfe ; which by this my letter (in the 
 interim) I doe in the behalfe of His Majestic Don Phillipp 
 my maister yeald you manye thankes. And because there 
 is noe other matter of emporte at present I rest, prayinge 
 God to enlighten you with His divine grace, etc. 
 
 From Goa, the 28th of N.ovember, 1611. 
 
 Ruy Lorenca de Tavary 1 . 
 
 This letter was sent unto mee by the Sabendour to 
 reade and enterpreete for him 2 ; whereof I tooke the coppy. 
 
 Maye 18. Havinge bene aboard the Trade to supper 
 and taken our direccions from Sir Henrie Middleton, wee 
 tooke our leaves of him, leaveinge them with their dissention 
 and their prizes together. Aboute midnight wee went 
 aboard the Darlinge, and att three in the morninge wee 
 sett saile and stoode of aboute i^ league. The winde 
 came contrary, and wee anchored. Then the Generall 
 shott of a peece, and the maister 3 and Mr. Fowler 4 went 
 
 1 See note on p. 184. 
 
 2 Middleton states that the Shahbandar showed this letter to him 
 on Dec. 19, 1611 (Purchas, \. 270). 
 
 3 William Pemberton. 
 
 4 John Fowler, a merchant of the Sixth Voyage. He died at Tiku 
 a few months later (p. 235 .). 
 
 J- * 15
 
 226 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 aboard ; and at there cominge they conferred with the 
 pilotts of the Guzaratts which was the best waie to goe, 
 within or without the Maldives. Soe it was concluded 
 that to goe within was the neerer and the better waye. 
 Soe in the eveninge they retourned aboard. 
 
 Maye 20. Wee sett saile and stoode of as the winde 
 would permitt us, beeing easterly. Wee anchored neere 
 Crabb Hand 1 till eleven att night the winde came at N.W., 
 and wee stoode awaye betwene the E. & by N. and E. & 
 by S. till the morninge. Then it fell calme. 
 
 Maye 21. In the morninge aboute nine wee had a 
 fresh gale at N.N.W. Our course E. & by S. and E.S.E. 
 And aboute four in the afternoone wee passed the Straights 
 of Babelmendell. 
 
 Maye 22. In the morninge wee sawe a saile ahead us, 
 standinge as wee did ; and aboute eight wee came neere 
 her and shott a peece ; and presentlie they strooke their 
 sailes and sent their boate aboard us with their nocoda 2 or 
 captaine. Shee was belonging to Shaher 3 and came from 
 Zida 4 . Soe they departed abourd their shipp, and wee 
 stoode our course at E. and E. & by S., with a stiffe gale 
 at W.S.W. till night ; then itt fell calme till midnight. 
 
 Maye 29. ...Wee had sight of Cape Felix, which bare 
 of us S.S.E. With the former calmes wee have been driven 
 by the current into the Red Sea 5 aboute ten leagues 
 
 Maye- 30. ...Very hazye weather, thatt wee passed 
 within three leagues of Abdelcara and could not see itt. 
 
 1 One of the islands on the eastern side of Asab Bay, possibly 
 Jezirat Fatma. Downton speaks of it as 'an iland which, for the 
 abundance of great crabs thereon, wee called Crab Iland ' (Purchas, 
 i. 288). 
 
 2 Nakhuda, 'ship-master.' 
 
 3 Ash-Shehr, on the southern coast of Arabia, about 28 miles east- 
 ward of Makalla. 
 
 4 Jiddah. I.e., towards the Straits.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 22? 
 
 At night soe much winde that wee steered with our fore- 
 course, S.E. and S.E. & by E. Wee had a much growne 
 sea. Att eight att night wee weare aboute twelve leagues 
 to the eastward of Abdelcara. 
 
 Maye 31. Wee had very much winde and darke 
 weather. Our course as before ; and by supposition wee 
 passed within two leagues of Soccotora, butt could nott 
 see itt. Wee had nowe a sett storme, steeringe awaie still 
 with our fore course half maste highe, at S.E. and S.E. 
 & by E. 
 
 June 6. Winde at W. Faire weather. Our course 
 E.S.E. till eight at night; then observinge both the North 
 Starre and Croziars 1 , found the shipp in 8 d. 40 m.; sus- 
 pectinge some corent settinge to the southward, wee steered 
 E. and E. & by N. Note to this daie wee had sight both 
 of the Croziars and North Starre. 
 
 June 7. The winde at West; a pretty gale. Course 
 E. & by N. till eight att night ; then observed the starre, 
 and found her to bee in 9 d. lom. Then wee steered E. 
 & by S. and E.S.E. 
 
 June 8. Winde at W. Faire weather. Course E.S.E. 
 till eight att night. Then wee tooke in our sailes and laye 
 ahull till three in the morninge, supposinge to be amongst 
 the ilands which are laid in the platt betweene the Maldives 
 and Cape Comorin. 
 
 June 9. Att three in the morninge wee sett saile. 
 Winde west. Wee steered E.S.E. with a fresh gale till 
 seven at night ; then wee tooke in our sailes and laye ahull 
 till five in the morninge, because of the fore said ilands, 
 the maister beeinge desirous to see them. 
 
 1 The old name for the Southern Cross ; cp. Fryer, 1 1 : 'the Crosiers, 
 a South constellation, taking its name from the similitude of that 
 pastoral staff.' 
 
 152
 
 228 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 June 12. Aboute five in the morninge wee sett saile, 
 with a faire gale att N.W. Wee steered S.E. This daie 
 wee had some gustes, butt little winde, and some raine. 
 At night by observacion 8 d. 20 m. Then wee steered 
 E.S.E. till midnight ; then wee sounded and could finde 
 noe ground in 100 fathome. Then supposing to be past 
 the ilands, we stoode away our course the rest of the 
 night at E.S.E. 
 
 June 13. Winde W.N.W. Course S.E. and S.S.E. 
 Att five in the morninge wee sounded, but found noe 
 ground in 100 fathome. At eight in the night having 
 observed, weare in 7 degrees. Our course S. and by W. 
 all night, to avoide to come neare Seilan, because of 
 currents. 
 
 June 1 8. Winde at W., with much raine. Course E. 
 & by S. and E.S.E. till eight att night. Wee laye ahull 
 till the morninge, because wee would see the iland Douro 1 , 
 which we supposed to bee neere us. By observation att 
 night 2 d. oo m. 
 
 June 19. Aboute five in the morninge wee sett saile. 
 Winde W., a fresh gale. Course S.E. & by E. till eight at 
 night ; then we lay ahull, because wee would see the iland 
 of Ouco [Ouro ?] ; having much winde and raine att night. 
 
 June 27. ...At night were directlie under the equi- 
 noctiall. 
 
 June 30. Thicke weather and much raine. Winde 
 N.W. Aboute eight in the morninge betweene the showers 
 wee had sight of two small ilands, the one of them S.E. of 
 
 1 In Linschoten's map of the Indian Ocean (Eng. ed., p. 12) three 
 imaginary groups of islands named ' De Ouro ' are shown to the south- 
 wards of Ceylon, between the Maldives and Sumatra. Valentyn's 
 map of the E. Indies (1724) has them in the same position; and they 
 appear (though marked as ' uncertain '), under the name of ' Owra,' as 
 late as 1787 (Dunn's New Directory for the E. Indies).
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 229 
 
 us, thother N. ; but the weather beeing darke wee doubted 
 whether they were ilands or the mayne 1 . Butt we stoode 
 towards the lesser of the twoe ; and aboute three in the 
 afternoone wee came to anchour within half a mile of the 
 shore in 28 fathome. This iland is a smooth land, thicke 
 of coker nutt trees and other. Wee could not land, because 
 our boate was soe leake that wee could not keepe her above 
 water. At the souther parte of this iland there is a shoale 
 which lyeth a league of shore, trendinge from the pointe 
 to the seawards N.N.W. Where wee ankored was good 
 ground, butt neere the shoare were corall rocks. This 
 iland is in 10 minutes South. 
 
 Julye i. This daie wee spent in mendinge our boate; 
 beinge calme and gusty weather, the wind N.N.W. 
 
 Julye 2. Aboute four in the morninge wee sett saile. 
 Winde N.W. Course S.S.E., and sometimes S.E., till 
 noone ; then observinge, weare in 1 5 m. South lattitude, 
 neere aboute the lattitude of Tecoo. Then wee steered E. 
 & by N. and E. In the afternoone gustie weather and 
 raine. At night little winde. 
 
 Julye 3. In the morninge wee weare neere the land in 
 a greate baye amongst many ilands, supposinge itt to have 
 bene the mayne of Sumatra, beinge in the true lattitude of 
 Tecoo ; butt wee soone perceived itt to be an iland of 15 
 leagues longe, with many small ilands aboute itt 2 . Soe 
 wee stoode awaie S.S.W. to double the souther parte of 
 the iland which was S. of us 3 . Winde att N.W. And the 
 pointe was aboute seven leagues of us. The iland stretcheth 
 N. and S. Wee weare in the very codd 4 of the baye neere 
 the land, but could find noe ground. 
 
 1 Apparently they had reached the Batu Islands, on the W. coast 
 of Sumatra. 
 
 2 Tanah Masa, the central island of the Batu group. 
 
 3 Tanah Balah. 
 
 4 Inmost recess.
 
 230 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 Julye 4. In the morninge wee had doubled the souther 
 parte of this Hand ; then wee stoode our course N.E. Wee 
 passed by night betwixt two ilands which wee could not 
 discrye before night. From this iland from whence wee 
 last came there is annother 1 as bigge as thatt, some five 
 leagues distant, bearinge E.S.E. from itt. The souther 
 parte of this iland which we passed lyeth in 40 m. South 
 lattitude. This daie aboute noone wee sodenlie fell into 
 shoald water two leagues of the easter parte of the iland 
 which wee passed. Wee weare in four fathome, and rocks 
 that wee could perceive neere us, the topps of the rockes 
 briminge above water and the current settinge towards 
 them ; butt haveing a little gale wee steered N.E. a good 
 birth of the shoare. And att night itt fell calme ; and 
 because of the corrent settinge on the iland, wee anchored 
 in 60 fathome. 
 
 Julye 5. In the morninge calme till noone. Then wee 
 had a little gale att N. Wee sett saile, and steered E.N.E. 
 Then wee sawe the mayne of Sumatra N.E. of us, very 
 highe land, which wee supposed to bee neere Tecoo. In 
 the afternoone gustie weather, the winde at N.N.W. Wee 
 stood all night N.E. towardes the land ; soe thatt before 
 the morninge wee weare neere the mayne. 
 
 Julye 6. Wee weare neere the mayne of Sumatra, 
 aboute eight leagues to the north of Tecoo. Then itt fell 
 calme till the eveninge. Then wee steered E.N.E. and E. 
 & by N. till ten att night. Then wee anchored in 28 fathome. 
 Wee found faire shoaldinge all alonge the shoare, although 
 there be many rubbs in the way which wee knewe not of 
 till afterwardes. This night much raine. 
 
 Julye 7. In the morninge we sett saile. Winde N.N.W. 
 Wee stoode S.E. alonge the shoare of Sumatra till eight in 
 
 1 Siberut. They passed through the Siberut Strait, between that 
 island and Tanah Balah.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 23! 
 
 the forenoone ; then wee sawe the three ilands of Tecoo, 
 and aboute ten before noone we came in betweene the 
 norther iland ' and the two souther ilands 2 . Wee mistaking 
 the channell, wee came upon a bancke of currall rocks, 
 where our shipp gave two knocks with two dangerous 
 seeles 3 ; butt havinge a stiffe gale, brake thorough the corall, 
 and by Gods providence passed without any hurte ; which 
 after wee went againe to sound with our boate we could 
 hardly finde six foote water where our shipp passed. The 
 direccion which were given Mr. Pemberton weare mistaken, 
 for itt did belonge to the iland [s ?] of Priaman, for wee 
 should have come betwixt the mayne and the norther 
 channell. Neere the iland there is nott lesse then 4^ 
 fathome, which is the comon channell for shipps, for att 
 the place where we came with our shipp there is not 
 passinge for a boate at lowe water. Yett, God bee thanked, 
 wee escaped, and came to anchor aboute eleven in the 
 forenoone in 3^ fathome water hard by the iland ; butt not 
 in the best roade, which is farther in. Att our entringe 
 neere the ilandes wee had sight of twoe ships which came 
 from within the iland. One of them was the Thomas and 
 the other a Guzaratt, which were not granted trade, and 
 sett saile the same morninge, one for Achin, thother for 
 Priaman. For as soone as Generall Saris knewe certeinly 
 thatt the Darlinge was bound for Priaman, he made all the 
 haste might bee to dispatch awaie the Thomas, to hinder 
 our proceedinges at Tecoo as he had done in the Red Sea. 
 Soe that, by reason of our lyinge ahull 4 some five or six 
 nights, shee was gotten to Tecoo before us ; but could not 
 bee enterteyned at Tecoo [and ?] went for Priaman, thinkinge 
 
 1 Pulo Tapies. 
 
 2 Pulo Tenga and Pulo Oujong. 
 
 3 Rolls. 
 
 4 To hull, or lie a-hull, was to furl the sails and simply let the vessel 
 float on the waves.
 
 232 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 to finde us there. Butt although the heads 1 could not 
 agree, yett without them we had correspondencie one to 
 annother from Diamon [Priaman] to Tecoo, because wee 
 would not spoile one annothers markett. What wee did 
 at Tecoo we advised them, and they the like to us. The 
 cape marchannt of the Thomas, Tempest Peacocke 2 , brought 
 a letter from Sir Henry in secreete to us; butt he had taken 
 the paines to open itt, and tooke the coppye and cunninglye 
 sealde itt againe, as wee perceived by his owne speeches. 
 Notwithstandinge wee proceeded in our buysines like 
 loveinge freinds. 
 
 From the 8th of Julie to the 7th of August wee were in 
 Tecoo without any trade, beinge putt of from daie to daie 
 with delayes, the people beinge soe unconstant in their 
 resolutions that one daie they would trade with us, and 
 putt us to three or four daies longer; then wee should have 
 them of annother minde, askinge an extreame price for 
 their pepper, and nothinge for our cloth ; and some times 
 they would have money for their pepper, and within two or 
 three daies cloth was better then money. Thus they led 
 us a monneth before wee could gett one bahar of pepper, 
 beeinge loth to suffer us to departe and afraid to trade 
 with us 3 ; butt att length, with a fewe bribes to the cheefe 
 men, with promise to give them somethinge more then 
 ordinary for there pepper, wee made an end with them 
 at 20 rialls the bahar of pepper, and the price of our cloth 
 agreed upon. But after wee had begunne to trade with 
 
 1 Saris and Middleton. 
 
 2 He went afterwards to Japan with Saris. Later on he was sent 
 from thence in a junk to Cochin China, where he was murdered by the 
 natives. 
 
 Peacock was severely censured by Saris for conveying these letters 
 of Middleton's (Saris's journal, Nov. 23, 1612). 
 
 3 Probably owing to the fact that the English had not obtained a 
 special license at Achin. Both Tiku and Priaman were under the 
 rule of the King of Achin, who kept a tight hand on their trade with 
 Europeans.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 233 
 
 them we had many breakings of, soe thatt a peece of bafta 
 or two for a bribe would bringe us freinds ; butt they are 
 the basest people thatt I have scene (of civill people) in all 
 the Indias. Soe that from the time that wee beganne to 
 deale with them to the igth of October, we gott [blank] 
 bahars of pepper, which wee sent dailie as we brought 
 [bought ?] it to the iland neere the shipp, where wee had 
 made a howse and a tent to keepe itt till the cominge of 
 the rest of the fleete from the Red Sea. Butt in the meane 
 time wee had newes of the arrivall of annother English 
 shipp att Priaman. Therefore I tooke a small proa of the 
 countrye, and went thither to see whatt she was; and 
 comeinge thether I found her to bee the Pearle, not sett 
 out by the Companie, butt a pillaginge shipp, wherein was 
 cheife commander Captaine Samuell Castleton, and master 
 John Totton. They sett up a pinnace upon the ilandes of 
 Priaman, and then they came to Tecoo, and stayed one 
 daie, and departed the 2/th of August, bound I knowe 
 not whether, but they vowed not to doe any injurie to 
 the Worshipfull Companie 1 . Alsoe the James 2 came into 
 Priaman bound for Bantam ; and not longe after came the 
 Hectour 3 , whereof wee had newes att Tecoo. Mr. Pember- 
 ton tooke the boate and went aboard to understand newes 
 of our fleete; but Captaine Towerson, havinge had his 
 Generalls lesson, made him doubt much of the Generalls 4 
 comeinge, sayinge that he heard that hee was to lade 
 pepper and indico at Dabull and to departe for England 
 
 1 The voyage of the interloper Pearl is briefly narrated in Purchas, 
 (i. 328); see also Brit. Mus. Cotton MSS., Otho, E viii. no. 102, and 
 an undated broadsheet in the Guildhall Library entitled The Petition 
 to Parliament of the Adventurers in the Ship called the Pearl. An 
 account of Captain Castleton will be found in the introduction to 
 vol. iv. of Letters Received, p. xvii. 
 
 2 Of the Ninth Voyage (see p. 240). The date of her arrival was 
 September 26. 
 
 3 Another of Saris's ships. She had left Mocha on August 8. 
 
 4 Middleton.
 
 234 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 from thence; urginge him to sell the pepper which he had 
 bought to him, and to goe with our shipp in his companie 
 to Bantam, because our shipp was soe leake, eaten with 
 wormes, thatt wee durst nott adventure to lade her with 
 pepper, beinge very leake betwixt winde and water; which 
 Captaine Towerson understandinge, used this pollicy to 
 gett the pepper from us. Butt wee nothinge doubtinge of 
 the comeinge of one of the shipps, wee tould him that that 
 shifte would not serve his tourne to gett our pepper. But 
 he would not spare us any thinge which wee wanted, 
 although wee stoode in greate neede of many things, as 
 well victualls as other. The Hectour stayed not longe att 
 Priaman, but departed for Bantam in company of the 
 James 1 , leaveinge the Thomas at Priaman, and the 
 Darlinge at Tecoo, very leake, many of our men dead 
 and many remayneinge sicke, with small store of victualls. 
 The Thomas beinge at Priaman, as is before specified, 
 understandinge of our distress, the i8th of October they sett 
 saile from Priaman and came to Tecoo, havinge bought as 
 much pepper as was there to be sould, for thatt all men 
 brought the pepper to Tecoo. Butt the occasion of the 
 cominge of the Thomas was to see in what case wee weare 
 at Tecoo, thinkinge our shipp to be soe leake that wee had 
 not bene able to lade our pepper; which indeede wee could 
 nott untill wee had found our leake, and our men beinge 
 soe weake that they were not able to search for itt. Butt, 
 as some of their marchants tould me, that their cheife 
 cominge was to buye our pepper and to carry us to Bantam, 
 and to leave the shipp, being unserviceable. But it pleased 
 God that before the Thomas came within the ilandes, 
 Sir Henrie Middleton, with the Trade and Peppercorne, 
 weare in sight, being the iQth of October 2 . In the morn- 
 
 1 October 9. 
 
 2 'October 19. At three a clock afternoone we anchored in the 
 roade of Tecoa, where we found the Darling, who had continued
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 235 
 
 inge wee sawe them aboute two leagues of, to our greate 
 comforts ; which the Thomas havinge espied came not 
 to Tecoo, butt went aboard to speake with Sir Henry 
 Middleton, and presentlie departed againe for Priaman. 
 The Trades boate came presentlie to the iland, and from 
 thence came aland to fetch me, and I went aboard to 
 speake with Sir Henrie; and the same daie Sir Henrie 
 came to the iland to comforte the sicke men, the shipps 
 beinge att anchour to the offinge. 
 
 Oct. 21. The next daie, beinge the 2ith dicto, the 
 Generall came aland to conferre with the Governours, and 
 gave presentlie to every of the cheife men a small present. 
 Hee dined aland, and after dinner departed and went 
 aboard to provide himselfe to goe for Bantam in the 
 Peppercorne; whoe departed the same [next?] day att night, 
 leaveinge Captaine Downton in the Trade for the ordayne- 
 inge of the shipps buysines aboute takeinge in the pepper 1 , 
 and my selfe aland aboute buyinge the rest of the pepper 
 which was there in the handes of the Achin marchanntes ; 
 ordayneinge that the Darlinge should spend some ten 
 daies att Passaman 2 to see the countrye and buye whatt 
 pepper was there to bee had; wherein went Benjamin 
 
 there from July (unto our coming in) in a great part of the raines, 
 which is not yet ended ; they having before our coming buried three 
 merchants and three sailers, to witt John Fowler, Francis Glanfeild 
 and William Speed ; also they had most of there men sick, and had 
 gotten but little pepper, which remaineth on the iland ; and little 
 more is heare to be had untill the next season, which wilbe in 
 Aprill and May; but the civill wars is a hindrance to our trade' 
 (Downton's journal in I.O.). 
 
 1 Downton says that Middleton departed the 22nd, leaving him 
 behind in the Trade's Increase, 'partly to stop a great leake in the ship 
 which would require much time in rumaging, landing and relading of 
 goods, also to relade unto the ship such pepper as remaineth on the 
 iland in tents, and what els we should buy from the maine in our time 
 limited; also in the meane time to [send to?] Passaman, nine leagues 
 to the northwards, to try what pepper may there be gotten ; and then 
 with most expedition to follow after him to Bantam.' 
 
 2 Pasaman, a village at the mouth of a river of the same name, 
 a few miles north of the equator.
 
 236 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 Greene and other of the factours, where they bought aboute 
 30 bahars of pepper 1 ; and within the tyme they retourned 
 with manie of their men sicke, soe that within shorte time 
 they all dyed, as many as had layen aland att Passaman. 
 Onely Benjamin Greene remayned sicke untill he came to 
 Bantam, and there died. It is a very contagious place for 
 our men, yet very pleasannt and fruitfull. 
 
 After the departure of the Generall, wee spent a full 
 monneth aboute buyinge a small quantitie of pepper 
 which was remayneinge, and in ladinge the pepper which 
 was on the iland aboard the Trade, with other necessarie 
 buysinesses aboute the repayringe of the Darlinge. And 
 havinge brought all remay[n]ders from the shoare, and taken 
 my leave of the Governours and cheife men of the countrie, 
 I came aboard the Trade to sett saile for Bantam, have- 
 inge bought in all since our first comeinge \blank\ bahars 
 of pepper, with much labour and vexation with these un- 
 seasoned Mahometans. Although they are all bad enough, 
 yet these are the worste that I have scene. 
 
 November 20. This daie aboute eleven att night, with 
 the winde of the shoare, wee sett saile from Tecoo with the 
 Trade and Darlinge. And aboute two in the morninge 
 wee came aground with the Trade upon a rocke, aboute 
 three leagues S.W. and by W. off the iland where wee 
 ridd ; where she stucke fast untill five in the morninge. 
 Then layinge our anchour astarne, beeinge deepe water, 
 the shipp went easilie of; but her foreshipp and starne 
 being afloate and the midshipps aground, she wronge soe 
 much that she was very leake. Wee beeinge aground 
 shott a peece, because the Darlinge was half a mile astarne, 
 where shee anchored when shee perceived us to bee 
 aground. It pleased God that it was very smooth water 
 and little winde, otherwise she had left there her bones ; 
 
 1 'Twenty-eight bahars, or ninety-three hundred weight' 
 (Downton).
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 237 
 
 and at her goinge of from the shoale there came a puffe of 
 winde in a gust off the sea, which was a great helpe in her 
 gettinge of from the danger. But her leake began soe 
 much that our two chaine pumps were hardlie able to free 
 her with contynueall pumpinge ; soe thatt wee were forced 
 to beare roome againe for Tecoo, where in the eveninge 
 shee ancored where the Darlinge was before anchored, 
 hard aboard the iland, in four fathome water, within a 
 butt shott of the norther iland of the three. Soe that the 
 next daie all handes went to worke, some keepinge the 
 pumpe, and others unladinge of the shipp to lighten her, 
 keepinge the pumps goeinge contynuallie daye and night, 
 doubtinge much of her goeinge to Bantam this monsonne 
 except wee could finde where the leake was. Therefore it 
 was determyned forthwith to buye a small juncke thatt 
 was aland, to send to Bantam for provision and to advise 
 Sir Henrie therof; aboute which buysines I was sent aland, 
 as alsoe for provision to make a howse to keepe the indico 
 and other comodities drie; in the meane time there was 
 made a tent with sailes. This small juncke beeinge 
 bought, the carpenters went aboute to fitt her. In the 
 meane tyme of this buysines, most parte of the light goods 
 beeinge landed and the shipps hould beeinge att some 
 places cleare abaft the maste, wee might discerne where 
 the leake was, neere the rimme of the shipp ; which beeinge 
 found, although wee could not come at itt, wee were in some 
 hope of remedy to stopp itt ; which with greate labour the 
 roombes abafte the mast weare cleared, and the seelinge 
 of the shipp broken upp to finde where the water came in, 
 which was neere the garbar streeke l in the starne shuttes. 
 Soe usinge some meanes to thrust in okam without board, 
 itt did stopp out some of the water, soe that they might 
 come to the leake; for nowe, with this little stoppinge out 
 
 1 The garboard-strake or streak is the first range of planks above 
 the keel.
 
 238 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 of the water, the pumps might easilie free itt 1 . Soe in 
 cuttinge awaye a peece of the kilson 2 , wee might easilye 
 free itt, soe in with in board (sic)\ which was with greate 
 dilligence soone effected to all our comforts. Gods name 
 be praised for itt. Soe that the next daie, beinge the 3<Dth 
 of November, wee begunne againe to beginne to lade our 
 goodes againe which was on the land, and to fitt all things 
 to make hast to bee gone, fitting the small juncke with 
 crosse sailes to goe in companie with us. 
 
 In the interim of this buysines, I bought aland aboute 
 100 bahars of pepper more, and brought it aboard, which 
 was a marchannts pepper of Achin, which formerlye he 
 would not sell. I paid some cloath, some money for itt. 
 Soe nowe all things beinge againe aboard, the shipp ready 
 to departe, 
 
 Dec. 8. Aboute five in the morninge (beeinge nowe 
 taught not to worke by night in soe dangerous a place) 
 wee sett saile the second time (the Lord in His mercy guide 
 us), with little winde of the shore at E.N.E., and wee steered 
 W. and W. & by N. Aboute noone it fell calme untill two 
 in the afterward [afternoon] ; then wee had a prettye gale 
 at W.N.W. Wee stood to the offinge upon a tacke S. & 
 by W. and S.S.W. ; and aboute noone there came a fisher- 
 man aboard us and tould us that wee should not keepe 
 much westerlie to the offinge, butt keepe in thatt berth of 
 the shore, and then wee weare aboute three leagues of; for, 
 said hee, that of each side, both a seaboard and to the 
 landward, were many dangers not scene, and that wee 
 should keepe S.S.W. awaie, beinge aboute three leagues off 
 as aforesaid, the norther iland of Tecoo bearinge N.N.E. 
 
 1 Downton gives a long account of their running on the rock, 
 their search for the leak (' being an open seame 6 inches long, and 
 10 inches above the keele on the larboord side ) and their success in 
 stopping it temporarily. 
 
 2 Keelson, or internal keel.
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 239 
 
 of us. This poore fisherman told us that there weare 
 betweene Priaman and Passaman (which is nott above 
 15 leagues distannce) more then 60 sholes, moste parte 
 under water, and some scene. I take this to be the 
 most dangerous place that is in all the Indias. Yet wee 
 went in with the Darlinge without feare, seeinge none of 
 these sholes ; butt after, when the Darlinge went for 
 Passaman, Mr. Pemberton discovered manye, wondringe 
 much howe wee had formerlye passed them and nott scene 
 any untill we came agrownd betwixt the ilandes. 
 
 Dec. 21. Wee fell with the Salt Hills 1 , and wee stoode 
 tovvardes the Straicts of Bantam; but beeinge night before 
 wee could passe them, Thomas Herod 2 tooke upon him to 
 carry the shipps as farre as Palembam Pointe 3 by night. 
 Butt aboute eleven at night wee steered E.S.E. [and?] 
 came into a deepe baye, where wee had butt seven fathome 
 water, and the Darlinge being ahead us, havinge butt four 
 fathome, came to an anchor; so that presentlie we chopt 
 to an anchour all sailes standinge, little winde ; Harwood 
 [Herod] being still very constant that it was the goinge 
 into Bantam. Butt when the morninge came wee per- 
 
 1 The old name for the Krakatoa group in the Sunda Straits ; see 
 marginal note to 'Cracatawe' in Purchas, i. 620 : 'the blackes call the 
 Salt Hill so.' John Davis in his Ruter (Purchas, i. 444) mentions, 
 in his account of the Straits, ' the three Salt Hills, which are three 
 islands that lye south and north one from another... the latitude of the 
 S.E. Salt Hill is sixe degrees, ten minutes; the longitude from the 
 Cape of Good Hope eightie one E., the variation three degrees, 
 twentie minutes. These Salt Hills stand nearer Java then Sumatra 
 by two leagues.' 
 
 2 Thomas Herod was originally a master's mate on the Pepper- 
 corn, but on the outward voyage Middleton transferred him to his 
 own ship. In Sept. 1613 he was made master of the Darling in her 
 abortive voyage to Masulipatam (see later) ; and afterwards was sent 
 with her to Sukadana and Patani. The ship was laid up at the latter 
 place as past repair (June 1615). According to Peyton (Purchas, i. 
 533) ' Herrold the master was reported to have intended to runne 
 away with her to the Portugals ; which being prevented, he yet went 
 himselfe.' 
 
 3 The N.W. point of Java, now called St Nicolas Point.
 
 240 JOURNAL OF [l6l2 
 
 ceyved itt to bee a deepe baye, att least ten leagues of 
 Bantam; soe that wee vveare faine to laye out a warpe of 
 200 fathome to gett out, the winde hanginge in our teeth 
 and wee beeinge within a mile of a lee shore with sholes 
 and rocks within two cables length. Soe the maister, Giles 
 Thornton, named this place Bussards Baye 1 . Butt aboute 
 eight in the morning itt pleased God, before they had made 
 an end of layinge out the warpe, the winde came of the 
 land and caryed us out. And this daie aboute nine att 
 night wee anchored within Palembam Pointe, where wee 
 found three Dutch shipps att anchour bound for Holland. 
 
 Dec. 22*. Wee passed betwixt Pulla Penjange 3 and 
 Pulla Lima 4 ; att which time our Generall, with Captaine 
 Marlowe 8 , came off unto us in the James skiffe, and willed 
 the maister to goe for Pulla Pengan, where the James was 
 att anchour bound for Musapotan, and the Peppercorne 
 on the careene. Captaine Saris with his fleete and the 
 Soloman 6 weare in Bantam Roade ; the Hector, Thomas 
 
 1 The buzzard was an inferior kind of hawk, useless for falconry, 
 and from this the term was transferred to a silly blundering person. 
 Goldsmith in his Natural History says: ' It is common to a proverb 
 to call one who cannot be taught, or continues obstinately ignorant, 
 a buzzard.' The application in the present instance is obvious. 
 
 2 '21 ' in the MS. an evident error. 
 
 3 Pulo Panjang, an island about two miles in diameter, lying 
 in the entrance to Bantam Bay. Here the English usually careened 
 their ships. 
 
 4 Pulo Lima is a little island close to Bantam. 
 
 5 Edmund Marlow, captain of the James in the Ninth Voyage 
 (1612-15). He sailed in her from Bantam, homeward bound, in 
 Jan. 1615, but died on the voyage. John Davis (of Limehouse), who 
 was master of the James and wrote an account of the voyage which 
 is given in Purchas (i. 440), says that Marlow was 'an excellent man in 
 the art of navigation and all the mathematicks.' He seems also 
 to have been a contentious person and a rapacious private trader. 
 
 In the index to the Calendar of State Papers, E. Indies, 1513-1616, 
 Edmund Marlow has been much confused with Anthony Marlow. 
 
 6 The Solomon (Eleventh Voyage) reached Bantam Nov. 4, 1612. 
 She was commanded by Robert Ward, who died on Jan. 28, 1613, 
 just after leaving Bantam for England. Brief accounts of the voyage 
 will be found in Purchas (i. 486) and Letters Received (i. 287).
 
 l6l2] JOHN JOURDAIN 24! 
 
 and Solomon beinge almost laden to goe for England, and 
 the Clove for Japan. Alsoe there weare in Bantam 
 Roade four greate Dutch shipps, which weare taken in 
 their ladinge to goe for Holland, the other three stayinge 
 for them at Palembam Pointe. 
 
 This daye att night Sir Henrie Middleton, Captaine 
 Hawkins and my selfe landed at Bantam, where wee found 
 Heugh Fraine 1 very sicke, and the 27 dicto died. I havinge 
 given Sir Henry my word to staye after his death with 
 him as longe as he stayed in the countrye, by his perswation 
 and Captaine Sharpey his letter which he had lefte with 
 Sir Henrie att his departure for Saccadania 2 , I was content 
 to staie, provided alwaies that I would not be bound to 
 staie in Bantam longer then Sir Henrie stayed himselfe: 
 upon which condition Sir Henry delivered mee the charge 
 of the house and goodes, and presented me to the Kinge 
 of Bantam as cheefe factour, and Mr. Jones 3 as deputy to 
 Captaine Sharpeigh, whoe was elected to staie as Consull 
 or Governor over all the Englishe 4 ; the which the Kinge 
 accepted and tooke notice thereof. 
 
 1 See p. 181. For an account of his death see The Voyages of 
 Sir James Lancaster, p. 218. Both Downton and Saris make the date 
 of his decease Dec. 26. 
 
 2 From Saris's journal it appears that Sharpeigh sailed on Dec. 10, 
 1612, in a small junk for Sukadana, in Borneo. This was a trading 
 venture undertaken at Middleton's request on account of the Sixth 
 Voyage. We hear no more of him except that at Jakatra the Dutch 
 searched his boat (Letters Received, i. 230; Voyage of John Saris to 
 Japan, p. 4); and probably he died either at Sukadana or on the way 
 thither. 
 
 3 He seems to have died shortly after (see later ; also Letters 
 Received, ii. 122). Possibly he was the Thomas Jones whose widow 
 was petitioning the Company in October, 1614. 
 
 4 Saris, in his journal, tells us a little more concerning this in- 
 teresting attempt to establish an English Consul at Bantam : ' The 
 1 3th [Dec.] Sir Henrie caused a meeting at Pooloo Panjang for the 
 displasing of Mr. Camden and plasing a Consull in the howse to 
 command the marchants and marchandies, as well of the Eighth 
 Voyage as of all the rest. But no man was nomynated for the 
 Consull this meeting ; onlye a writing drawne, subscribed by 
 Capt. Ward, Mr. Jones and Capt. Mario, appoynting I2O//. yeare 
 
 J. 16
 
 242 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 Sir Henrye Middleton the most parte of the time 
 of his beeinge remayned att the iland of Pulla Pengange 
 aboute the sheathinge of the shipps. The Peppercorne 
 beeinge ended, the Darlinge was laid in the careene, the 
 Trade beeinge alsoe within the two little ilandes where the 
 shipps weere careeninge, to take her turne when the others 
 were ended; soe that Sir Henrie had much travaile aboute 
 it. Soe nowe the Peppercorne beinge laden with indico 
 and other ritch comodities, Sir Henrie, havinge written his 
 letters, sent them to Palembam Pointe, where the shipp 
 was takinge in of water; which beeinge ended shee departed 
 from thence. 
 
 Feb. 9 [ 1 6 1 3]. Departed the Peppercorne from Palembam 
 Pointe; which God grannte saufelie to arrive in England 1 . 
 And this daie att night Sir Henrie came for Bantam, and 
 brought newes of the departure of the Peppercorne and 
 of the death of Giles Thornton, the maister of the Trade, 
 whoe upon some disgest taken against Captaine Downton 
 
 wages to this unknowne Consull to be paid to him heare, viz. 8o//. 
 out of the Sixth Voyag and 20/2. a pees per yeare of the Solloman 
 and James? A few days later Middleton demanded Saris's con- 
 currence in the scheme, but he refused on the ground that he had 
 already appointed a competent merchant (George Camden) to look 
 after the affairs of the Eighth Voyage and ' had no order to put the 
 Companye to frivilous charge.' Richard Cocks, writing from Bantam 
 to the Governor of the Company on Jan. 12, 1613, says that Middleton 
 was annoyed to find Camden appointed ' and would have had our 
 Generalls ordenance frustrated and Capt. Sharpigh elected Consull 
 to remeane over all in the generall busynes. But our Generall wold 
 not condecend therunto, havinge formerly made a legittimate or 
 rightfull election, as alsoe aleadginge that he helde it not suffitient 
 nor reasonable to frustrate his owne marchants of their due, except 
 Ser Henry or others could prove their insuffitientye. But all this wold 
 not serve ; for (as I understand) Ser Henry hath proceaded accordinge 
 to his owne determenation without advice of our Generall' (O.C. 97). 
 The scheme, however, fell through, owing to the death of all the 
 persons principally concerned ; though (as will be seen later) it was 
 revived by Captain Best, Jourdain then being chosen for the post, 
 though without the title of Consul. 
 
 1 For Downton's account of the homeward voyage see his journal 
 in /. O. Marine Records and Purchas, i. 312; also Letters Receipted, 
 \. 241, 259, 290, and The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, p. 221.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 243 
 
 and Sir Henry checkinge him for itt, died, not beeinge 
 sicke to any mans seeminge. Butt Sir Henry was a very 
 sorrovvfull man for him and knevve not whome to make 
 maister of her, demandinge my opinion whome I thought 
 most fitte. I awnswered him thatt I thought Mr. Pemberton 
 to bee the fittest man for that greate buysines of careeninge 
 the Trade; whereunto Sir Henrie awnswered that hee was 
 to goe for the Molluccas in the Darlinge; which if hee 
 were maister of the Trade, hee had none to send in the 
 Darlinge for comander of that buysines, except I would 
 take it upon mee; to which I awnswered that I was not 
 weded to Bantam; which if it pleased him, and that hee 
 thought I would doe better service in her then at Bantam, 
 I was content to goe at his pleasure to doe the Worshipfull 
 Companie any service. He deferred it till the next daie 
 that hee had talked with Mr. Pemberton ; then hee demanded 
 mee againe whether I was of the same minde as before to 
 goe in the Darlinge to the Mulluccas. I awnswered : Yea, 
 if it pleased him. Soe then he concluded that I should 
 goe in the Darlinge, and Mr. Pemberton to bee maister 
 of the Trade, and himselfe would staie att Bantam untill 
 my retourne from the Mulluccas; willinge mee to provide 
 my selfe to departe within three daies, for that the Darlinge 
 was nowe ended. And he went to Pulla Pengange to make 
 all thinges ready against my comeinge; and caused mee 
 to deliver all thinges to Robert Larkin 1 untill his retourne 
 to Bantam, because Benjamin Greene laye sicke aboard 
 the Trade of his Passaman disease. 
 
 Sir Henry Middleton haveinge in the meane time fitted 
 the shipps and made his comission to mee, haveinge brought 
 him accompt of whatt passed att Bantam in that little time 
 that I had the charge, haveinge appointed for my assistance 
 
 1 Engaged as a factor in January, 1610. He was afterwards chief 
 at Patani, where he died May 12, 1616. 
 
 16 2
 
 244 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 Georg Cockayne 1 , Nicholas Bangham, and a Spaniard as 
 juribasse 2 and our pilott for the countrye, beinge well 
 acquaynted; alsoe Benjamin Farrie, the purser, was 
 appointed one of the assistants. All thinges beeinge 
 ordered, wee sett sayle. 
 
 Feb. 15. Wee sett saile from Pulla Pengan aboute 
 three in the afternoone, Sir Henry, Mr. Pemberton, the 
 preacher, Mr. Adams, beeinge aboard; where Sir Henrie 
 made a speech to the whole companie, and espetiallie to 
 Cornelius Billinge, whoe was appointed maister of the 
 Darlinge; which beeinge ended they departed. 
 
 Novve the daie before my departure the Kinge of 
 Bantam and the Protectour his unckle, with many of his 
 nobles, came to the iland to see the Trade, and brought 
 with them above 50 greate proas or friggotts armed. The 
 Kinge and the Governor came abord the Trade, where he 
 was afraide to staie longe, not beeinge used to see such 
 shipps. The Generall gave him a good present and tooke 
 itt for a greate favour of the Kinge to adventure to come 
 aboard his shipp, knowinge that none can come to talke with 
 him butt whome the Protectour pleaseth. Soe when they 
 departed, they desired the Generall nott to shute before 
 the Kinge was out of sight of the ordinance, for that he 
 was afraid. Soe the Generall gave them all the ordinance 
 of the Trade and the Darlinge, which the Kinge and 
 Protectour tooke very kindlie. And this daie two Dutch 
 captaines and two maisters dined at Pulla Pengan with 
 Sir Henrie Middleton, they beinge two ships newlie come 
 
 1 Engaged as a factor in December, 1609. Jourdain left him at 
 Macassar on the return voyage. He took a prominent part in the 
 voyage of 1615 to the Bandas, and was afterwards chief at Sukadana, 
 in Borneo. He was murdered while on his way from that factory to 
 Bantam about May, 1619. 
 
 2 Malay jurubahasa, 'language-master,' i.e., an interpreter. From 
 a passage on p. 263 it would seem that this Spaniard's name was 
 Philip Badnedge. We hear of him at Macassar in December, 1613, 
 and later as being at Bantam in April, 1619.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 245 
 
 out of Holland. The President 1 was likewise invited; butt 
 beeinge sicklie could not come. 
 
 The 1 5 of February wee sett saile in the Darlinge from 
 the iland of Pulla Pengan neere Bantam, as is before 
 specified. And the same daie in the eveninge wee mett 
 with a greate juncke come from China bound for Bantam, 
 of whome wee bought some gamons of porke and other 
 provision. And we steered avvaye East and by North. 
 
 Feb. 1 6. Wee had little winde W.N.W., and at night 
 of the shoare and calme. 
 
 Feb. 17. Wee had a pretty gale at W., which came 
 aboute noone. Soe steered for Jacatra 2 ; and in the 
 afternoone wee anchored hard by a Dutch shipp that was 
 in the roade, and I sent a booate on the land to provide 
 fish and racke 3 for the shipps provision, and racke to send 
 for Bantam in the juncke which wee bought att Tecoo, for 
 the Trades companie att Bantam, the juncke cominge with 
 us for that purpose. 
 
 Feb. 1 8. I went aland at Jacatra, and in the afternoone 
 wee anchor[ed] hard by a Dutch shipp that was in the 
 roade 4 ; and presented the Kinge with a peece and other 
 trifles, which hee kindlie accepted with many complements; 
 where I provided racke, rice and fish for our provision, 
 as alsoe bought 15 butts to send for Bantam in the little 
 
 juncke, which was to bee delivered within three 
 Feb i Q 
 
 daies. And at night I retourned to the shipp, 
 
 leeveing the ladinge of the racke to [blank'], whoe came 
 purposly for itt. 
 
 Feb. 20. Wee sett saile from Jacatra aboute nine in 
 the morninge; and in the eveninge, fallinge calme, wee 
 
 1 Matthys Coteels was then the Dutch President at Bantam. 
 
 2 The native town on the site of which the Dutch afterwards 
 built the city of Batavia (Nova). It was about fifty miles east of 
 Bantam. 3 Arrack. 
 
 4 Apparently this has been repeated in error from the previous 
 entry.
 
 246 JOURNAL OF 
 
 anchored neere a little iland three leagues of Jacatra, where 
 wee tooke wood for the shipps store. 
 
 The course from Bantam to Ambonia is sufficientlie 
 knowne to most men that travaile this way; therfore I hold 
 itt needles to repeate the particulars. Onelie I will in 
 breife sett downe what passed in our voiage of all things 
 worthie the writinge, vizt. 
 
 Inprimis, Sir Henry Middleton havinge a good opinion 
 of John Darby, one that was lefte of Captaine David 
 Middletons companie, placed him to be pilott in the 
 Darlinge, to goe to Macassar, Ambonia, Lugho and 
 Cambella, and homewardes bound for Benjarmassom 1 and 
 Sacadana, hee haveinge bene at all the places latelie, 
 makinge a shewe of some understandinge in his silence 
 (sic) cariage; for I remember Sir Henrie told me that 
 although he weare a man of fewe wordes, yett he was very 
 sufficient for these places. Butt before we passed the 
 Straicts of Disslein 2 , he was like to cast us awaye upon the 
 shoales neere Macassar; where by night beinge amongst 
 the shoales, I cawsed to lett fall an anchor in ten fathome 
 water, he and the most parte beeinge asleepe, myselfe 
 hearinge a ripplinge of water cawsed to throwe the leade, 
 and findinge shoald water, ankored amonge a world of 
 ilandes and shoaldes, which the next morninge wee might 
 discerne. Soe that beeinge within ten leagues of Macassar 
 he would not take upon him to carrye in the shipp, butt 
 stoode of south untill wee had past all the shoaldes, and 
 then wee stoode directlie for the Strayghtes of Disselin; 
 where wee mett with two Dutch shipps, bound as they said 
 for the Mulluccas to Tomato and Tedore, but entringe the 
 
 1 Banjarmassin, on the southern coast of Borneo. 
 
 2 Deselem or Desolam is an old name for Salayar, an island lying 
 off the south-eastern end of the south-western peninsula of Celebes. 
 The strait between them, which was also called the Strait of Celebes, 
 was the usual highway to and from the Spice Islands.
 
 AMBOYNA 
 
 Track of "Darling" 
 
 BUTON 
 
 : i -'- bm " ' r 
 
 Hailwt Society, Second Series, Vol.16.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 247 
 
 Straicts of Hitto uponn Ambonia, wee sawe them goe into 
 Ambonia Castle or Roade, where wee arryved the 2ith 
 of March and anchored within the straightes att a towne 
 called Hitto 1 , pistoll shott of the shore, where the Dutch 
 hath a factory and a faire howse. Wee weare noe sooner 
 att an ancour but a proa came off to us from the Flemish 
 house, whoe tould us thatt they every day expected ther 
 Generall 2 from Turnatto, supposinge us to bee the shipp 
 that he was to come in. 
 
 March 22. The next daie, being the 22th of March, 
 I sent George Cockaine, Nicholas Bangham and the 
 Spaniard aland to talke with the Governor 3 to provide us 
 a howse; butt the Governor nott beeinge at home, could 
 doe nothinge; and the people of the countrye durst not 
 to bee scene to talke with them. Yett the same daie the 
 Governor [of] Lughu 4 , a place on the iland of Seran, aboute 
 four leagues from Hitto, understandinge of our arrivall att 
 Hitto, sent over a proa to us to knowe whatt wee weare, 
 invitinge us to come over with our shipp and they would 
 sell us cloves. I told him that as soone as wee had done 
 att Hitto wee would, God willinge, come to Lugho, aboute 
 15 daies, or happilie in lesse tyme. Soe he departed to 
 acquainte the Governor of Hitto 5 of what comodities wee 
 had brought, as alsoe to entreate him from mee to provide 
 us a parcell of cloves against our comeinge. And this daie 
 in the afternoone the Dutch factour, whose name is Stephen 
 
 1 Hitu, on the northern side of Amboyna. 
 
 2 Pieter Both, the first Dutch Governor-General of the Indies, was 
 at this time on his way from the Moluccas to Amboyna. 
 
 The account which follows should be compared with Jourdain's 
 further narrative given later on, and also with Coen's version in 
 Appendix E. 
 
 3 The native chief of the place, generally called the Captain of 
 Hitu. According to Valentyn his name was Tepil. 
 
 4 Luhu, on Ceram. Valentyn gives an account of it, with a view, in 
 his Besckryvinge van Amboina. 
 
 5 A slip for ' Lugho.'
 
 248 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 Cottelas 1 , and is cheife factor at Hitto, Lugho, and 
 Cambello 2 , came aboard with the marchannts; where after 
 many complements hee desired that wee would not make 
 any motion to buye cloves of the country people, for 
 raisinge of the price; that if wee would buye any, they 
 would sell them us as good cheape as the countrye people, 
 and that he had already wrote to the Governor of Ambonia 
 Castell 3 to that effect, and that within two daies he should 
 have awnsweere; desiringe to knowe howe many bahars 4 
 wee would buye. I told him that I would bee loth to raise 
 the price; which if they would provide us a parcell of 
 200 bahars or there aboute, wee would not deale with the 
 countrie people for one bahar; and that wee would give 
 them 5 rialls of eight in every bahar more then they paid 
 for them, and that I would staie these two daies for his 
 awnsweare. Hee seemed to bee well satisfied, and wee 
 well content, because that wee could not doe any thinge 
 untill the Captaine of the towne came" whoe was at the 
 warrs at the other side of the iland of Seran 5 , and was 
 looked for dailie, every houre. Soe with this the Fleemings 
 departed, promisinge to send us word as soone as they had 
 awnswere. 
 
 March 25. The Captaine of Hitto came from the 
 warrs, with two greate carracores 6 and two greate proas, 
 and anchored hard by us, betwixt the shoare and us by 
 night. And in the morninge I sent our boate aboard to 
 
 1 Steven Coteels. 
 
 2 Kambelo, on the western coast of Ceram. 
 
 3 Jasper Janssen, Dutch chief at Amboyna, 1611-14. Valentyn 
 gives a short account of his previous career in his section on Ambonsche 
 Zaaken, p. 37. 
 
 4 In O. C. 240 Jourdain defines the bahar as ' 628!!. suttle [net].' 
 Saris makes it 662 Ibs. 8 oz., avoirdupois, also net. 
 
 5 He was at war with the chief of Kambelo. 
 
 6 Cora-coras were large vessels carrying from 50 to 70 men, and 
 propelled with sweeps. They were sometimes fitted with a platform 
 for ordnance (see plate 6 in Corney's Voyage of Sir Henry Middleton).
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 249 
 
 knowe if the Captaine of Hitto were there. And presentlye 
 hee with his sonne and some of the Arancayes 1 came 
 aboard our shipp, where wee enterteyned them in the best 
 manner wee could, and they seemed to be very joyfull of 
 our comeinge to the countrye. I conferd with him con- 
 cerninge trade with them for cloves, acquayntinge him with 
 our sorts of comodities and money to buy them ; whereunto 
 he awnswered that wee might buye and sell att our pleasure, 
 but he would intreate us to have the good will of the 
 Dutch Governor of Ambonia Castell first, that he might 
 the better favour us in our buysines. I awnswered that 
 this country did nott belonge to the Dutch, but to him; 
 which if itt weare soe, whie should I seeke there good will 
 to trade? For, said I, if the countrye did belonge to the 
 Hollanders I would conferre with them aboute ytt, for that 
 wee are freinds with them and they cannot deny us trade 
 in any of their dominions, except they will breake the 
 league which is betwixt us. But if they were free, and not 
 subject to the Dutch, they mighte freelie deale with any 
 that came to their countrye. He awnswered that there 
 weare more of the Arancayes aland, as alsoe the Kinge of 
 the countrye; with whome hee would conferre and give us 
 awnsweare the next daie. Soe I gave him and his followers 
 a small present, and they departed with many complements. 
 March 26. I landed to conferre with the Captaine 
 of Hitto; but I was mett by the Dutch factours, whoe 
 carried mee to their howse. And because I would nott 
 bee scene to have conference with the Captaine of Hitto, 
 I sent Nicholas Banham and the juribassa to speake with 
 him to knowe his awnswere, while I remayned at the 
 Dutch house; whoe haveinge conferred with him, [he] told 
 them that he had according to promise acquainted the rest 
 of the Arancayes aboute our buysines, who awnswered that 
 
 1 Malay orang-kaya, 'a great man,' 'a chief.'
 
 250 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 wee might leave a factory in the countrye and freelie buye 
 and sell att our pleasures, as the Dutch did. The Dutch 
 factours would not leave mee; soe that I could have noe 
 time to conferre with him my selfe, for the Captaine was 
 not willinge that the Dutch should knowe that I had any 
 conference with him concerninge trade or buyinge of cloves; 
 the Dutch still urginge me not to motion any thinge aboute 
 buyinge of any untill hee had awnswere of his letter from 
 Ambonia Castle, assuringe mee that itt would be grannted 
 to sell mee cloves, alleadginge many reasons, cheiflie that 
 if wee should raise the price itt would be more losse unto 
 them then our shipps ladinge of cloves were worth; with 
 many other words, thinkinge to delude me therewith; to 
 all which I gave eare, and awnswered that I should be 
 very sorrye to hinder them in any thinge if I might otherwise 
 chuse, and therefore I would staie one daie longer for their 
 awnswere. Yett I did not lett slipp the kinde offer of the 
 Captaine of Hitto. And soe at night I went aboard. 
 
 [March 27.] The next daie in the eveninge Stephen 
 Cottellas, with others of the Dutch, came aboard and 
 brought awnswere of the letter that he had sent to the 
 Governor of Ambonia Castell, beinge comanded by the 
 Governor to reade itt unto mee. The effect thereof is 
 vizt. The first article of his letter was that he much 
 marvelled that wee would presume to thrust ourselves into 
 a countrye where they had made contracte with the people 
 for all the cloves growinge upon the iland and had paid for 
 them. Secondly, thatt they did nott thrust themselves into 
 any place where wee had to doe, to buye to raise the price 
 of comodities to hinder us ; advisinge us nott to deale with 
 the countrye people for any cloves ; which if wee did 
 the[y] would seeke there uttermost to prevent us, they 
 beeirige protectours of the countrye and people, and 
 bound to them not to sell any cloves to any other nation ; 
 alledginge farther that they had bene at an extreame
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 251 
 
 charge in buildinge and mainetayneing castles to defend 
 them against their enemyes, and wee to come to reape the 
 fruite of their labours. Whereunto I awnswered that wee 
 sought not to breake the contract, for that wee knewe of 
 none they had made with them ; which suppose they had, 
 it was never in their contract with the English that they 
 should not trade in Amboyna, Lugho and Cambello, 
 beeinge a countrye free for all men, they not beeinge in 
 anye subjection to the Dutch, but onelie as marchannts to 
 trade with them ; which if the country people had broken 
 any contract they might take the forfecture of them, and 
 if they had trusted them with a fewe rotten comodities it 
 should be noe cause to restraine us from buyinge and 
 sellinge with them, for that every debtour is not a slave ; 
 therefore might as freelie deale with us as with them. 
 And whereas in a skoffinge manner they alledged that 
 they did nott hinder us of our trade where wee had 
 factories, it is well knowne that wee have noe factorie in 
 the Indies where they have not likewise ; therefore a 
 frivolous question. But putt case wee had factories where 
 they had none, would they thinke themselves well dealt 
 withall in usinge such hard measure towardes them as 
 they doe towards us, rather consentinge that infidells and 
 Moores should trade where they have their factorie then 
 the English, which are Christians of their owne religion 
 and neere neighbours, to whome they have bene much 
 beholdinge ? Notwithstandinge these reasons allegd, if 
 the countrye people will confesse themselves to bee 
 vassalls to the Hollanders, then wee would desire them 
 by waye of entreatie to suffer us to trade ; but if they 
 dare not avouch to their faces that they are their vassalls. 
 and they alledginge to us that they are free, I see noe 
 cause butt that wee may buye and sell with them if they 
 are soe content, as they are. And whereas they saye that 
 wee goe aboute to reape the fruits of their labours, it is
 
 252 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 rather contrarye then as they alledge, for that they seeke 
 to barre us of our libertie to trade in a free countrye, 
 havinge many times traded in these places, and nowe they 
 seeke to defraude us of that wee have soe longe sought 
 for ; and therefore I conclude that they goe aboute to 
 reape the fruits of our labours, and not wee theirs. And 
 for your charge in buildinge and mayntaineinge castles in 
 other countryes where you have little thanke[s] for your 
 proteccion which you alledge, for that with your forces 
 you seeke to bringe these people to bee your subjects 
 against their wills, and [they] would if they could debarre 
 you from buildinge of castles. 
 
 Havinge 1 nowe bene putt of by the Captaine of Hitto 
 for our trade, as alsoe by the Hollanders deluded till they 
 had gotten the moste parte of the cloves into their handes, 
 I determined to knowe of the Captaine of Hitto his 
 ultimo determynation, whether hee would deale with us 
 or nott. Butt in the interim of this buysines came 
 awnswere from the Governour of Lugho, desiringe us to 
 come thither, that wee should have all the cloves of the 
 countrye, although not many, because it was a bad yeare 
 and the Hollanders had already receyved the most parte ; 
 butt for the next yeare wee should have all that was in 
 the countrye ; with many other hopes of good usage, 
 seeminge as if they had beene weary of the Hollanders 
 dealings. As alsoe a Guzaratt that was bidinge att Hitto 
 enformed us att full of the state of the countrye, and that 
 the people were very desirous to deale with us, and 
 that the Hollanders had threatned them to burne their 
 howses if they dealt with us ; as alsoe since our comeinge 
 that they had entred many mens howses perforce and 
 
 1 In the MS. this paragraph is headed 'Aprill 4,' which is obviously 
 wrong. Apparently it is but a continuation of the entry for 
 March 27.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 253 
 
 taken their cloves from them, for feare lesse they should 
 sell them to us. Soe that with the buysines of the Aran- 
 cayes of Lugho, and the hopes of this Guzaratt, made us 
 staie longer then wee would have done in this place ; butt 
 seeinge wee weare nowe heare, I determined to see the 
 event for eight or ten daies longer more or lesse. With 
 this awnsweare I dismised the Arancaye of Lugho, pro- 
 misinge to bee there, God willinge, within ten daies att 
 farthest ; giveinge to each of them a small present, with 
 which they departed. 
 
 [Marc/t] 27 1 . I sent Nicholas Bangham aland with the 
 juribassa to knowe the Governours determynation. And 
 at their comeinge aland havinge conference with the 
 Sabendour 2 , who is a Guzaratt, whoe tould him, as the 
 Governor or Captaine of Hitto had formerlie, that it was 
 concluded to permitt us a howse and factory, butt they 
 did not give us absolute awnswere untill they had newes 
 from Ambonia Castell from the Holland Governor, they 
 havinge sent a man of purpose. And before there 
 comeinge from ashore they had awnsweare (that they 
 should not give us trade nor enterteynement in the 
 countrye) from the Governour of the Hollanders, except 
 we would be bound unto them to defend the countrye 
 from the Portugalls, Spaniards and all other nations ; 
 which if they did give us trade upon any other condition, 
 they would build a castle att Hitto and burne their towne. 
 Soe these threatninges made them soe fearfull that they 
 durst not give us any enterteynement. Notwithstandinge 
 the Captaines sonne and other Arancayes at night came 
 aboard and brought the Kinge of Hitto, who because he is 
 butt a simple man, the whole government is comitted to 
 the Captaine of Hitto. Att their comeinge aboard they 
 desired me not to bee offended with them for puttinge us 
 
 1 This should probably be '28.' 2 See note on p. 59.
 
 254 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 of soe longe ; the cause, said hee, was for that the 
 Hollanders had threatned them, if they enterteyned us 
 but upon these conditions above specified, that they would 
 build a castle instantlye in there towne, soe that they 
 should not bee able to doe us any pleasure, nor wee able 
 to resist their forces, to protect them. Therefore they 
 all desired us to bee content for this time ; and that if 
 wee would goe for Lugho, hee would cause his people 
 secreetly to carry cloves to us thether, and that he had 
 conference with the Arancayes of that place to give us 
 enterteynement. Butt this, I perceived, was butt a shifte 
 of them to gett us gone from hence, as after it proved. 
 Notwithstandinge, he went presentlie to talke with the 
 Arancaye of Lugho, that was there ridinge by us in a small 
 proa, promisinge faithfullie to send at least 100 bahars 
 of cloves theather. I would have agreed a price for his 
 cloves, but he would nott, sayinge that if wee gave more 
 then the Hollanders wee should have them ; which shewed 
 plainely that his desire was onely to have us gone. Yett 
 seeinge noe remedy, we gave him good words, hopinge the 
 best. Butt they expected annother present; butt, doubtinge 
 of their promise, I promised them faire, when they had 
 performed with us ; soe they departed. 
 
 This daie came the Dutch factour againe aboard, 
 tellinge mee that hee had sent my awnswere to the 
 Governor and expected retourne the same eveninge. 
 I tould him of the injuries done us in threatninge the 
 country people and takinge their cloves perforce, because 
 wee should not have them ; all which he denied, on lie 
 that he willed them to remember their contract made 
 with them ; with much other disputacions which is too 
 tedious to sett downe. 
 
 \MarcJi\ 28 1 . This day in the morninge the Captaine 
 
 1 Probably the 29th.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 255 
 
 of Hitto and his sonne (which had bene in Holland 1 and 
 could speake Dutch) retourned aboard againe, assuringe 
 mee they would bee as good as there words if wee would 
 goe for Lugho, affirminge that [they] had taken that 
 course that wee should have all the cloves that were 
 there, besides those which he would send us from Hitto 
 and Mamello 2 , which is annother towne upon Ambonia ; 
 and to animate him to performe his promise I gave him 
 and his sonne a small present, assuringe him that I would 
 sett saile for Lugho the next daie. 
 
 And in the afternoone retourned the Dutch factour 
 Cotellas and tould mee that he had written to the Castle to 
 the Governor to sell us cloves, and he doubtinge nothinge 
 but that the Governor would yeald unto itt ; which if hee 
 did, wee should have all that hee had in the howse, as 
 alsoe those that weare at Lugho and Cambello. But 
 I made little reckoninge of his promise, tellinge him that 
 where I had bene once deceyved I would believe noe 
 more ; shewinge him that hee had nott learned his lyinge 
 tongue att London, butt amongst the Portugalls ; for hee 
 had spent the most parte of his youth in London and in 
 Portagall, and could speake both languages perfectlie. 
 Soe I bid him to keepe his cloves, for I would none of 
 him ; that in the morninge I would sett sayle, God 
 willinge. 
 
 \March~\ 29*. This daye in the morninge the Governor 
 of the Hollanders and the comander of the two shipps 
 which came from Bantam came to Hitto, within two miles 
 of the towne, and Cotellas retourned againe aboard, en- 
 treatinge mee to staye till night till they came to the 
 towne ; assuringe mee that they would deale with mee for 
 
 1 See Valentyn, Ambonsche Zaaken, 32. 
 
 - Mamala, on the coast of Amboyna, a few miles to the N.E. of 
 Hitu. 
 
 3 Read '30.'
 
 256 JOURNAL OF 
 
 some cloves. And at night I understoode by shootinge of 
 some peeces aland that they were come. 
 
 March 31. As wee were settinge saile for Lugho, the 
 Dutch marchant came againe aboard with other mar- 
 channtes, who told us that the comander of the two shipps, 
 which were aland, beinge come to see the countrie, would 
 willinglie speake with mee. I demanded of them aboute 
 whatt buysines. They awnswered that they knewe nott, 
 butt that they were comanded by their superiours to tell 
 us soe much, and alsoe to advise us that if wee went for 
 Lugho they would followe us, to prevent us of trade' ; 
 whereunto I awnswered Cotellas that I had formerlie told 
 him where he had learned his lyinge tongue, in urginge 
 mee so earnestlie to staie, with faithfull promise of sellinge 
 us a parcell of cloves, and now come with this sleeve- 
 lesse awnswere; that hee neede not followe us, that if 
 they pleased I would carrye them in the shipp ; butt 
 without further repetitions they departed, and wee sett 
 saile aboute nine in the morninge, the Dutch threatninge 
 us to bee att Lugho before us, to make our bedds against 
 our comeinge. I bad them doe their worst. 
 
 Aboute three in the afternoone wee anchored att Lugho, 
 in 40 fathom water, within a butt shott of the Flemish howse. 
 Our anchour laye in 60 fathome, faire ground, but soe neere 
 the shore that with the winde of the sea 1 our shipp starne 
 was within a ships length in 2^- fathome ; but a man neede 
 not feare his ankour, because it is very firme ground, and 
 against the hill, that hee cannott come home. And as soone 
 as I ankored I went aland with the marchannts and juri- 
 bassa to conferre with the Governor concerninge our 
 tradinge with them, shewinge him what comodities wee 
 had besides money. Hee seemed to give us a kinde 
 welcome, awnsvveringe in this forme, vizt. That although 
 
 1 I.e. when the ship swung round with the tide.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 257 
 
 hee were cheife and head, there were others alsoe which 
 were the armes and leggs, with whome he would first take 
 advise, and in the morninge give us awnswere. But this 
 same night came our persecutors the Hollanders, vizt. 
 the commander of the two shipps 1 and Cottelas, with two 
 or three more of the principall marchants of India ; whoe 
 att their arrivall had private conference with the Governor, 
 as I understood the next daie by one which I had hired 
 aland for the purpose. 
 
 Aprill i. This day in the morninge from our shipp 
 wee might perceive the Governor and Arancayes to goe 
 into the Dutch house, and from thence he went to the 
 towne house to conferre with the Arancayes ; and present 2 
 us word aboard that he would come aboard in the after- 
 noone to give us awnswere of our demand. But he came 
 not aboard accordinge to promise ; but in the eveninge he 
 came to the waters side to the Sabendours house and sent 
 abourd to have the juribassa come aland to speake with 
 him. Soe I sent him, accompanied with Nicholas Bangham ; 
 whoe gave this awnswere, vizt. That hee could not permitt 
 us to settle a factory, because the countrye did belonge 
 to the Kinge of Turnatto 3 , with whom the Dutch had 
 greate league ; whoe would not give consent to enterteyne 
 us, threatninge them to build a castle if they did trade with 
 us, and they durst not to displease them without order from 
 the Kinge of Turnatto ; but if wee could procure a letter 
 from the Kinge, they would with all their harts give us as 
 kinde enterteynement as might bee. With this awnsweare 
 they retourned aboard ; whome I presently sent aland 
 againe, tellinge them that this was contrarie to the promise 
 
 1 The future Governor-General, Jan Pieterszoon Coen (see Ap- 
 pendix E). 
 
 2 Presently sent ? 
 
 3 The Sultan of Ternate, who was acknowledged as suzerain by 
 the chiefs of Amboyna, Ceram, etc. 
 
 J. 17
 
 JOURNAL OF 
 
 that was made unto mee att Hitto, perswadinge me to 
 come with the shipp, and nowe to putt mee off with this 
 awnsweare ; demandinge them if they would permitt us 
 to take a hovvse for the time thatt the shipp was to staie, 
 to drye some of our goods that were wett and ill con- 
 ditioned ; to all which they awnswered that it was true 
 that they sent us word to come over with our shipp, 
 because they thought that wee had bene freinds with the 
 Hollanders, but nowe they perceived by them that they 
 were rather our enemyes then other, and they durst not 
 displease them, alledginge their greate force of shippinge at 
 Ambonia and Turnattee. And for our howse in the meane 
 tyme to drye our cloth, they would take counsell aboute 
 itt, and in the morninge give us awnswere. And at night 
 there came two of the Dutch factors, of the cheefest of 
 them, which began to wonder that wee would seeme to 
 come to trade where they had to doe, jestinge att our 
 little shipp 1 and tellinge of their greate forces. I awnswered 
 little [to ?] them ; onlie I told them of their followinge us, 
 as the Jewes did Christ, doinge us manie injuries, which 
 one day they might awnswere for betwixt Dover and 
 Callice ; with many other wordes which I omitt. Att the 
 tyme of the Hollanders departure, there came aboard the 
 Sabendour with four more of the cheife Arancayes, as 
 excusinge themselves and the Governor, tellinge us that 
 the Governor was a Turnatan 2 , sett in by order of the 
 Dutch to prevent tradinge with other nations. Notwith- 
 standinge, both he and they were desirous to trade with 
 us ; but the Hollendours had threatned to burne their 
 tovvne and carry the cheife of them prisonners to the 
 Kinge of Turnatto if they enterteyned us ; sayinge 
 further : Whie will you enterteyne the English, that are 
 
 1 The Darling was only 90 tons burthen. 
 
 2 The Kimelaha (chief) Sabadin (according to Tiele).
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 259 
 
 a petty nation that can doe you noe good to defend you 
 from your enemies, they not beeinge able [to] sett out 
 above six shipps ? Notwithstandinge, said they, wee 
 knowe the contrary, by reporte of the Portugalls, that the 
 Dutch have beholdinge to the English, in soe much thatt 
 if the English had not ayded them there had bene noe 
 Hollanders livinge ; therefore they rather desired trade with 
 us then with them. And because wee should not thinke 
 that it were their faults, they would speake soe much 
 before their faces, that they weare willinge to enterteyne 
 us weare it not that they had threatned them ; desiringe 
 mee to come aland and I should heare what they would 
 saye to the Hollanders ; that in the morninge they would 
 call all the cheife of the countrye ; then I might make my 
 demands, and I should see what they would awnswere 
 before the Hollanders. I promysed to bee with them in 
 the morninge ; and att their departure they said that 
 although the Dutch would not consent that wee should 
 have a house, yett they would sell us all the cloves 
 which were to bee had in the countrye ; and soe they 
 departed. 
 
 Aprill 2. This daie in the morninge I landed to 
 conferre with the Arancaies. The Hollanders, perceive- 
 inge mee to land, came to mee, desiringe me to goe 
 to there house ; where I was received by their comander 
 and the rest with a fained welcome, which might by their 
 gesture bee easilie discernd ; where the camander in a 
 chollericke manner beganne to accuse me of misbehavinge 
 myselfe in offringe to buye cloves in the countries that 
 were under their proteccion, as itt were in dispight of 
 them ; which he said was contrarie to comission given 
 by Sir Henrie Middleton ; whereunto I replyed that 
 I wondred much that hee should bee soe well acquainted 
 with my comission ; but seeinge he knewe it soe well, his 
 long beard (for he had none att all) could not teach me to 
 
 172
 
 260 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 followe my comission 1 ; advisinge him to looke well to his 
 owne buysines and comissions, for if I had done otherwise 
 then my comission I was not to yeild accompt thereof to 
 him, but to his betters; and therefore, if hee had noe 
 other thinge to talke of, hee needed not to have sent for 
 mee; but that they had not onelie abused mee butt our 
 whole nation, in disablinge us amonge the countrie people, 
 threatninge them to burne their howses if they gave us 
 any enterteynement, as alsoe in followinge us from place 
 to place, persecutinge us, giveinge us a Judas kisse with 
 faire words when behinde our backes they sell us ; thus it 
 was plaine that they had abused us, which they could not 
 denie ; entreatinge him quietlie to shewe wherin wee had 
 wronged them. Whereunto hee awnswered that the word 
 of persecutinge was not propper to them, for that they 
 were not Judas ; but the matter was that at my first 
 comeinge to Hitto I made out to buye cloves, where they 
 were contracted with the countrye people before for all that 
 groweth yearly in the land, and that I had offred them 
 15 ryalls in a bahar more then they gave, sayinge that 
 I would have cloves althoughe they cost 100 rialls per 
 bahar ; all which I did malitiously to make the countrie 
 people breake their contracte made with them ; affirmeinge 
 that whoe soe ever bought any cloves in these countries 
 without their consent it was soe much stolne from them ; 
 and therefore they would prevent itt, if by any meanes 
 they might Whereunto I replyed that it was true that 
 I came to buye cloves if I might gett them, and had 
 offred money for them ; which I might have had, if I had 
 not given some creditt to Cottelas words, whoe had pro- 
 mised that I should buye of them, entreatinge mee not to 
 offer money for any untill awnswere from the Governor of 
 Ambonia ; by which delayes I had spent 15 [10?] daies 
 
 1 Jourdain was of course jesting at Coen's youth. The latter was 
 only twenty-six at this time.
 
 1613] JOHN JOUKDAIN 26l 
 
 \vithout doinge any thinge, and in the end I had a flopp with 
 a foxetaile, as the old proverbe is 1 . Besides, I offred unto 
 Cottellas (vvhoe is here present) i6 2 rialls of eight in a bahar 
 to you more then you paye to the people of the countrie, 
 because I knowe it would be a hindrance to you if wee 
 raised the price. I was putt of from day to daye to the 
 last hower that I came from Hitto; and when you savve 
 that I would be noe longer delayed you sent mee word 
 that you would pursue mee wheresoever I went ; and 
 therefore accordinge to your owne speeches I might 
 rightlie terme it persecutinge. And as for their contract, 
 I did nott take any notice of their buysines as they did of 
 ours ; butt I understood that the countrye was as free for 
 us as for them, if the people of the countrye would deale 
 with us ; which they were willinge to doe were it not for 
 the Dutch threatnings to burne there townes and build 
 castles and carry them prisonners to Turnattee, if they 
 dealt with us. All which hee denied, sayinge that the 
 countrye people were noe way willinge to deale with us 
 butt would be glad that wee weare gone. Wherewith 
 I concluded that if itt pleased him to send for the 
 Governour and Arancayes, if they said that they will 
 not trade with us, wee will, God willinge, in the morn- 
 inge sett saile and not trouble you anie farther in this 
 place. Tah, said hee, will they come at my sendinge for ? 
 If not, said I, lett mee goe for them ; or lett us goe to the 
 towne howse, where they have promised to bee this after- 
 noone. If you will not goe thether, nor suffer them to 
 come to your howse, I will send for them to your bally 3 
 
 1 For instances of this proverb see the Oxford English Dictionary 
 s.v. 'flop' and 'flap.' The origin is obscure. It seems to have derived 
 from some simile of a fox who not only evades an attempt to capture 
 him but in so doing deals his would-be captor a blow with his tail. 
 
 2 ' Five,' according to p. 248. Perhaps Jourdain had subsequently 
 increased his offer. 
 
 3 Malay balai, an audience-chamber or public meeting-place ; in 
 this case probably a large verandah outside the Dutch factor)'.
 
 262 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 without the dore, where wee will speake with them. To 
 none of these would they consent, sayinge that they had 
 nothinge to doe at present with the Governor and Aran- 
 cayes. 
 
 Seeinge that they would not consent to nether of 
 these, I tooke my leave of them, and went to the place 
 where they had appointed mee to come ; where I found 
 the Governor and the cheifest Arancayes, with manie 
 other. To whome I said that I had bene putt off these 
 many daies by delayes, they alledginge that the Hollanders 
 would not permitt us to trade with them, threatninge to 
 burne their townes and emprison them if they enterteynd 
 us, all which the Dutch denied, sayinge that your selves 
 are not willinge to deale with us ; which if it bee true, I am 
 come to crave your awnswere, that I maye departe with the 
 message to whome sent mee. In awnswere of which they 
 all with one accord stoode up, sayinge : Our onelie desire 
 is to deale with the English, butt wee are daylie threatned 
 by the Hollanders, as wee have formerlie told, soe that 
 wee dare not almost to speake with you for feare of their 
 forces which are neere ; and because you shall see that 
 it is true, wee will send for them, and will saye soe much 
 to their faces. Soe presentlie they sent for the Hollanders 
 to come to the courte ; which they refused. Butt they all 
 with one voyce retourned the messenger to them, sayinge: 
 If you refuse to come to our courte, wee will forthwith 
 ordayne a place for the English to build a howse and 
 trade with them, for that they are our freinds. Att which 
 message they all presentlie came, the comander in greate 
 collar; to whome the Governor and Arancayes said that 
 the English were come to their countrye to trade with 
 them as marchannts ; which they all were willinge to 
 enterteyne, butt they feared their displeasure, whoe had 
 soe often threatned them to burne their towne and to 
 build a castle and emprison them if they enterteined us ;
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 263 
 
 and therefore they had sent for them to the intent to 
 cleare themselves, there [that?] wee might see that they 
 were not in fault of enterteyneinge us. To which words 
 all the countrie people made a greate shoute, sayinge : 
 Wee are willinge to deale with the English; demandinge 
 the Hollanders what they said to itt; whereunto they were 
 silent, awnsweringe neither yea nor naye. The people 
 did the like the second time, requyringe the Dutch to 
 awnswere, butt noe word nor awnswere could be had. Soe 
 then I tould the commander that it was approved to his 
 face that they weare the cause that wee could not bee 
 enterteyned ; thatt nowe they could not denie itt. But he 
 awnswered me with silence, as hee had them. Seeinge I 
 could gett nothinge from him, I tould the countrye people 
 that I sawe their willingnes and perceived that the 
 Hollanders were the cause that they did not enterteyne 
 us, as they desired. And soe I departed, leaveinge the 
 Hollanders with them. What passed after my departure 
 I knowe nott, but they staied not longe after mee. Of 
 all that passed this daie I tooke witnes by our English- 
 men that weare present, vizt. George Cockaine, Nicholas 
 Bangham, Benjamyn Fary, Phillipp Badnedge, juribassa, 
 Abraham the cockson, and other standers by of the 
 shipps companie. 
 
 Aprill 3. This night the Governor sent aboard word 
 to have the juribassa to come in the morninge to him. 
 Soe the next daie I went aland, and sent the juribassa 
 with Nicholas Bangam to the Governours, while I was 
 talkinge with the comander ; for that alwaies att my 
 landinge I had soe many wayters on mee that I could 
 goe noe where but some of them weare at my heeles ; 
 therefore I was content to entertaine the time with them 
 while they went to knowe the Governours minde ; which 
 was to this effect, vizt. that hee and the Arancaies would 
 come aboard at night to conferre with mee ; makinge a
 
 264 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 shewe of greate sorrowe that he could not freelie deale 
 with us, but that hee would with the rest of the Arancaies 
 write to the Kinge of Turnattee concerneinge us, not 
 doubtinge by the next monson to have order from him 
 to enterteyne us in despite of the Hollanders ; willing us 
 not to faile to come the next yeare, which was the greate 
 monsone of cloves 1 ; and in the meane tyme of our 
 beeinge, he would give secrett order to sell us as manie 
 cloves as weare in the countrye. 
 
 Aprill 5. The next daie, beeinge the fifth daie, aboute 
 noone there came two or three Arancaies sent by the 
 Governor [to say?] that they had some 30 bahars of cloves, 
 which they would bringe aboard if wee agreed a price. 
 They demanded 100 rialls of eight per bahar, and would 
 not abate any thinge thereof; for, said they, wee endanger 
 our selves to bee taken prisonners by the Dutch and 
 carried to Turnatto, if they should come to knowe itt, 
 and therefore wee have not reason to sell them to you 
 upon soe greate a hazard except we may have some profitt 
 by them. Soe I offred them 70 rialls per bahar, which 
 was 20 rialls per bahar more then the Dutch gave them, 
 assuringe them that I would give noe more whether I had 
 them or nott, and that if they brought them nott aboard 
 the next daie I would sett saile and begone. 
 
 And this daie the Governor sent againe for our juri- 
 bassa to come aland to talke with the Sabendour, because 
 himselfe would not bee scene to conferre with us. And 
 at there cominge aland, Nicholas Bangham beinge present, 
 the Sabendour began a greate discourse concerninge the 
 Dutch, sayinge that at their first comminge to the countrye 
 they made agreement with them for 95 rialls per bahar 
 
 1 'Theare groweth aboundance of cloves not every yeare, but 
 every third yeare. ..is a greate growth' (' Discription of the Hand of 
 Amboyna ' in The First Letter Book, p. 74). ' Every third yeare is 
 farre more fruitfull then either of the former two, and is called the 
 great monson ' ( Voyage of John Saris, Hakl. Soe. ed., p. 59).
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 265 
 
 of cloves, and every yeare by degrees brought the price 
 lower, untill they had brought them to 50 rialls per bahar, 
 which was the price they nowe paye, which was a greate 
 losse to the countrye people; soe if wee would have cloves 
 wee must give 95 rialls, as they gave at first, and after by 
 degrees to bringe the price downe as they had ; att which 
 price they would sell us the small quantitye they had. 
 Whereunto they replyed that I was resolvd not to give 
 more then 70 rialls, which if itt pleased them to accept, 
 they should send mee word this night, for that in the 
 morninge I was determyned to sett saile. In the eveninge 
 came one of the Arancayes aboard and desired to prove 
 our waightes to see howe they agreed with the Hollanders; 
 which as soone as they had proved, they send [sent] me 
 word that I should have that small quantitie they had at 
 my price of 70 rialls, seeinge I would give noe more. 
 
 Apr ill 6. The next morninge I sent ashore the beame 
 and skale where they had appointed, at the old towne, out 
 of sight of the Hollenders ; where Benjamin Fary and the 
 juribassa stayed till night to weigh them, and at night 
 I sent the boate for them. Soe that from the 6 to the 
 9th wee contynued sendinge aboard cloves by night, 
 which were weighed at an Arancayes house called 
 Gumalla Tecous, which was the cheifest man of the ould 
 towne and greatlie respected amongst the countrye people, 
 in soe much that if hee had butt lifte up his hand against 
 the Dutch they would soone have bene made an end of. 
 In the interim of this buysines I went to the Arancaies 
 house to visitt him, giveinge him hartie thankes for the 
 kinde usage of our people, and carried him a small present; 
 where at my comeinge hee told mee that the Hollanders 
 had threatned them to build a castle in their countrie, to 
 which he awnsvvered that if their owne goods, as cloves, 
 were cause to bringe them into slavery, they would soone 
 cutt downe their trees, or sett fire att them, that the
 
 266 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 Hollanders should have little proffitt by their castle ; that 
 hee and the countrie people could live in the mountaynes 
 better then they should doe in their castell ; and that the 
 Dutch should not keepe them in soe much subjection as 
 not to enterteyne their antient freinds, whoe were subjects 
 to a greate kinge and had offred them greate kindnes ; 
 and that they would sell their owne goods to those that 
 would give most for them ; with many other speeches to 
 the same effect. 
 
 Beinge in this conference with the Arancaye, there was 
 newes brought that all the Hollanders were come from 
 Cambello and had taken a proa to come thither by water. 
 The Arancaye awnswered the messenger that if they come 
 in freindshipp they should be welcome ; if otherwise, he 
 would soone cutt of their heads. But belike the Dutch 
 were otherwise counselled, for they came not thither. Soe 
 aboute noone I went aboard, where presentlie came the 
 Governor to mee with many complements; and amongst 
 the rest told me that there was an iland over against 
 Cambello, called Manippa 1 , a very fruitfull place and a 
 good porte, where there weare yearlie growinge aboute 
 40 bahars of cloves, where the Hollanders had noe factory; 
 which if wee would goe thither and take a house, that wee 
 should not wante store of cloves brought from Hitto, 
 Lugho, and Cambello, and other places. Moreover he 
 said that if nowe wee would goe thether with our shipp 
 to see the place, he would write his letter in our behalfe, 
 the iland beeinge under his jurisdiccion. I awnswerd that 
 happilie before our departure wee would see the place, 
 if he would give us his letter; with many other comple- 
 ments. After a present given him, hee departed. Nowe 
 the Hollanders perceiveinge (notwithstandinge their threat- 
 nings) that wee had bought some cloves, they sent to 
 
 1 Manipa, an island to the west of Ceram.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDATN 267 
 
 Ambonia castell to cause two shipps to come to Hitto 
 in sight of us to scare us, and withall sent abourd our 
 shipp three cheife marchants with a letter to mee in 
 Dutch; butt I would take noe notice of itt, beinge in a 
 language that I could not understand, and they would not 
 enterprette it to mee. Soe I told them that they should 
 sett downe their buysines in Portugues, French, Italian 
 or English 1 and I would awnsweare them; with this they 
 retorned. The commander of the Dutch, as I under- 
 stoode, was very much vext that wee had bought these 
 small quantities of cloves, threatninge the Arancaye Tecoos 
 that hee should loose his head ; soe that perceiveinge the 
 shipps to bee neere, and their threatnings, made him some- 
 thinge abate his former resolution, not suffringe any more 
 cloves to bee weighed in his house. Soe I sent for our 
 people aboard with the beame and skale, and brought this 
 night aboute 20 bahars aboard and came all awaie; the 
 Arancaye tellinge me that the next daie there was a 
 greate counsell to bee held with the Hollenders and 
 Arancayes. 
 
 Aprill 10. In the morninge, while the Hollenders and 
 the Arancayes weare in councell aboute us, I sent aland 
 to the newe towne to waye a parcell of cloves ; where the 
 Arancaye Tecous had appointed to meete me to advise 
 me of the councell held per the Hollanders ; where I had 
 not staied longe ere he came sweeteinge in a greate chafe, 
 sayinge that they had againe threatned to have his head, 
 and that the rest of the Arancayes beganne to take their 
 heades out of the coller, which had formerlie animated him 
 to helpe us and nowe laide all on his necke; wherefore he 
 came from the counsell in a rage, tellinge the Hollanders 
 that if they sought to have his head for enterteyneinge us, 
 he [they?] must likewise seeke all the Arancayes heades 
 
 1 Cokayne knew Italian and Portuguese, and Jourdain was con- 
 versant with the latter language, and probably with French also.
 
 26$ JOURNAL OF 
 
 that weare present, because all of them were of councell 
 aboute us and all consented to what hee had done ; soe 
 that they would not all loose their heades for sellinge their 
 owne goods. Soe hee concluded, sayinge: If you will have 
 any good in this countrye, you must not come with one 
 small shipp; for, said he, the comon people knowe not the 
 difference betweene your kinges, butt looke to the present 
 forces ; soe they perceive that the Dutch are stronger then 
 you, therefore they goe from their words for feare of two 
 ships thatt are att Hitto; and, said hee, if you had butt 
 one shipp more they would not care a poynte for the 
 Hollenders. Farther said he: If you retourne the next 
 yeare with two or three shipps, which is the yeare of the 
 greate monson of cloves, the Hollanders shall not have 
 one pound, for I will ordayne (said he) the matter in such 
 order that the countrye shall paie them what they owe, 
 and then they cannott force us to give them our cloves ; 
 whereas novve there are manye poore men that have taken 
 rotten cloath of them at greate rates for their necessitie, 
 with promise to sell them all their cloves; which is the 
 contract which the Dutch soe much talketh of. This, said 
 hee, is the matter betweene the Dutch and us. 
 
 Aprill ii. The next daie the Governor retourned 
 againe aboard aboute eleven at night and told mee all 
 thatt had passed with the Hollanders in councell ; that 
 their cheifest anger was against the Arancaye Tecoos, for 
 consentinge us to weigh cloves in his house. But, said 
 hee, the Arancaye cared not for there threatnings; sayinge 
 farther, if the Dutch tooke not the better heede the 
 Arancaye will shortlie have all their heades, for that he 
 is honnored amongst the countrye people as kinge, and 
 all stand in feare of him ; which was the cause that the 
 Dutch were soe eager against him. Alsoe he told me 
 that the comander and the cheife factor were to departe 
 the next daie for Hitto.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 269 
 
 Aprill 12. And the next morninge, beeing the I2th, 
 [came] Cottellas with three other of their principall 
 marchannts which the comander had left (he beinge gone 
 this night for Hitto) to bringe this letter aboard translated 
 into Portugues. Theffect was to notifie mee to departe 
 the countrye ; otherwise whatsoever hapned unto mee by 
 their forces they protested not to be culpable of; with any 
 [many ?] other circumstances as by the letter may appeare. 
 To which I awnswered that whatt I had done must bee 
 awnswered, butt not to them ; therefore I, puttinge the 
 letter into my pockett, told them that silence was the 
 awnswere that they should deliver to there comander, 
 which was a lesson learned from himselfe ; and for the 
 rest I referred the matter untill wee mett betwixt Dover 
 and Calice; with which awnswere they departed. 
 
 When wee perceived that the Arancaye Tecoos stoode 
 in feare, and thatt wee had already bought and receyved 
 the most parte of the cloves that were to bee had, wee 
 weighed from thence and rid within a cove farther to the 
 eastward aboute a mile, within pistoll shott of, four fathome 
 water, which is neere the common waye that all the people 
 passeth from out of the countrye ; soe that wee weare 
 enforced [enformed ?] that if wee would goe thether many 
 poore people would bringe us cloves which nowe weare 
 afraide because wee rid soe neere the Hollanders house ; 
 as alsoe this pound or cove is as good as a bad harbor, 
 and neere water and wood, which was one of the cheifest 
 causes that wee removed. Here wee had brought us by 
 night some small parcells of cloves, but not many. But 
 heare the people weare more bold to conferre with us, 
 beinge out of sight of the Hollanders. And in the meane 
 time that wee were fillinge our water and cuttinge of wood, 
 there came two Arancaies of Cambello, sayinge if wee would 
 goe thether with our shipp wee should have aboute 40 bahars 
 of cloves; to whome I made promise to bee there, God
 
 2/0 JOURNAL OF 
 
 willinge, within ten dayes at farthest, they likewise 
 promisinge to keepe their cloves soe longe for us. And 
 the reason whie I sett soe longe time was, because I deter- 
 mined to goe for Hitto and Mamello to challenge the 
 Captaine of Hittoes promise made mee to send me cloves, 
 and had not sent one pound. In this cove or pound I 
 stayed till the 2Oth of Aprill, woodinge and wateringe, 
 and bought some cloves ; in which time passed many 
 accidents betweene the Hollanders and us; but in fine, 
 
 Aprill 20. Wee sett saile in the morninge with little 
 winde of the shore, which carried us aboute a league of, 
 towards Hitto, and then it fell calme. And lyinge becalmed, 
 the Arancaye Tecoos with his proa, with other Arancayes, 
 came aboard with many complements from the Governor 
 and other Arancaies ; doubtinge very much that I went 
 awaye discontented, for which they seemed to bee sorrye, 
 excusinge themselves, sayinge that they had done as much 
 as they durst doe, and more then they knowe well howe to 
 awnswere; sayinge that the Hollanders would make them 
 paye well for itt after our departure; desiringe us to come 
 the next yeare with more force; then they would pay the 
 Hollanders what they owed them, and there would remayne 
 cloves enoughe to lade two such shipps as ours was, all 
 which we should have if wee brought two shipps to coun- 
 tenance the matter. But, said they, when the Hollanders 
 are paid their debts, which wilbee this next yeare, if then 
 they will urge us to sell our cloves to them, they vowed to 
 cutt downe the trees and live in the mountaines; they 
 should have small profitt by ther factorie ; that they would 
 noe longer remayne in such slavery, butt would bee free to 
 sell their goods to him that would give most for them ; 
 with many other speeches 1 . The winde nowe beeinge 
 
 1 According to Coen, Jourdain assured Tikos that the English 
 would return the following year to buy their cloves (Tiele's Bouw- 
 stoffen, i. 48).
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 271 
 
 come at S.E. a pretty gale, they departed, and wee stoode 
 towards Hitto. Butt in the eveninge the winde fallinge 
 calme all night, the corrent had almost sett us out of the 
 straicts before the morninge; soe that with much adoe wee 
 seased the shore of Ambonia, where wee anchored two 
 leagues from Lugho in 50 fathome water; where wee rid 
 all this daye, and tooke in some wood and water. And 
 the next daie, seeinge wee vveare out of hope to gett 
 Mamello, by reason of a stronge corrent which setteth out 
 of the straictes, I sent the boate to Hitto, in the which 
 went Nicholas Bangham to talke with the Captaine con- 
 cerninge his promise; whoe awnswered that he could not 
 doe itt except he should loose his countrye, for that the 
 Hollanders had sett greate penalties on his head if he 
 suffred butt one pound of cloves to bee sould unto us; 
 cravinge pardon untill the next yeare, that then they 
 would paye the Hollanders their debts; then it was free 
 for them to sell there cloves to whome they would ; 
 promisinge if our shipps came the next yeare, which was 
 the greate monson, he would not faile to sell a good 
 quantetie to us ; with many other kinde wordes. They 
 tooke ther leaves of them and went aboard a Holland 
 shipp, which was one of the three which laye att Hitto, 
 
 and was newelie come from Japan 1 ; wherefore 
 Apnll 23. , J 
 
 I caused him to goe aboard to buye some bread 
 
 and fresh porke, they beeinge laden therewith to furnishe 
 their castells; but they neither for love nor money would 
 not spare any. Butt in the shipp there was an English 
 sailer, which had secreetlie brought a letter from Mr. Adams 
 directed to Augustine Spaldinge 2 , in which letter there was 
 
 1 The Leeuiv met Pylen, on board of which Hendrik Brouwer, 
 the Dutch chief at Hirado, had just returned from Japan. 
 
 2 This was the letter of Jan. 12, 1613, sent in duplicate by William 
 Adams to Augustin Spalding at Bantam, which is now in the India 
 Office (O. C. 96). It has been printed in Randall's Memorials of 
 Japan (p. 40) and also in Letters Received (i. 208). In it Adams
 
 2/2 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 a draught by him drawne of the countrye of Japan ; which 
 with much adoe hee gate of him for two rialls of eight 
 which he gave him. And in the eveninge he retourned to 
 the shipp ; and the 24 [23rd ?], aboute two in the afternoone, 
 wee sett saile, havinge broken our cable in weyinge of our 
 anchour, lyinge amongst rockes, soe wee lost our ankor. 
 
 \Aprill 24.] And the 24th wee anchored in Cambello 
 Roade aboute noone in 30 fathome water, good ground. 
 This is a very good roade. You may ride a pretty birth 
 of the shore in 10 and 15 fathome, where three juncks ridd 
 within us. In this towne of Cambello and Lasede 1 , which 
 is annother towne by the seaside within a mile of itt, I 
 bought aboute 1 5 bahars of cloves, which was all that was 
 remayneinge out of the Hollenders hands. Lasede doth 
 yeald more cloves then Cambello, and the people thereof 
 were willinge that wee should leave there a factorye; 
 which I determyned to have done if I could have had the 
 Arancaies of Cambellos consent, butt he was soe fearfull of 
 the Dutch that he durst not consent unto itt; besides the 
 Arancaye of Lughoe came overland unto us and wild us 
 not to trust to the people of Lasede and Cambello, sayinge 
 that they were poore men and weake, that whatsoever they 
 promised us they would not bee able to performe, because 
 they weare of little force; rather, said he, lett it rest till the 
 next yeare; then you may settle a factorie at Lugho and 
 annother at Cambello; for if these at Lugho consent, 
 Cambello will not refuse, because they are as one. In this 
 roade I stayed aboute these fewe daies [cloves ?] and 
 conferringe with the countrie people nine daies; in which 
 time the Dutch factour came divers times aboard, and I 
 went likewise ashore to their house, which standeth very 
 
 mentions that he encloses a 'pattron of Japan.' The sailor who 
 carried the letter was named Thomas Hill (see endorsement). 
 
 1 Lassidi or Lissidi is described by Valentyn as lying \\ (Dutch) 
 miles north of Kambelo.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 273 
 
 pleasantlie, and a very prettye howse, butt built with 
 timber and strawe. In the time of our beeinge in this 
 roade the Dutch Generall 1 landed in a boate which came 
 from Manippa, where he had lefte his shipp, and came from 
 Tornattee, and by reason of the stronge corrent which 
 setteth to the northward she was not able to gett any 
 farther, butt was forced to ankour and send their boate. 
 
 Of the Country of Ambonia, Cambello, LugJio and Lasede. 
 
 This countrye of Ambonia is butt a small iland, where 
 the Hollanders have a very stronge castell; butt the most 
 parte of the people are gone from the place where the 
 castell standeth, and dwell on the topps of hills amongst 
 the woods. Hitto and Mamello are two of the cheefest 
 villages within the straicts, neere which townes are the 
 most parte of the cloves growinge. The -Dutch have a 
 factory onelie at Hitto, and annother at the castle. The 
 iland is subject to the Kinge of Turnattee, whome the 
 Hollanders doe protecte, or rather keepe as a prisonner, for 
 the Kinge doth nothinge butt what the Hollanders please ; 
 soe that I understand that if he could cunninglie gett from 
 them, he would have noe more of their proteccion, because 
 it is little better then slavery. Alsoe Cambello, Lugho and 
 Lasede, with other townes, doe belonge to the same Kinge 
 of Turnattee, with many other ilandes there aboutes ; butt 
 these three places doe yeild store of cloves, as many or 
 more then Ambonia; and the Dutch have twoe factories, 
 vizt. at Cambello and Lugho. This iland is parte of the 
 iland of Seran, and is the westermost, where these townes 
 are at the entringe of the Straightes of Hitto. At this end 
 of the iland there are cloves as aforesaid. Att noe other 
 parte thereof are any, for it is a very greate iland, which 
 trendeth almost as farre as the ilands of Banda. Lugho 
 
 1 Pieter Both (see p. 247). 
 I. 18
 
 274 JOURNAL OF 
 
 lyeth aboute three leagues within the Straightes, over 
 against Hitto; and Cambello and Lasede lye without the 
 Straicts on the wester side. It is by sea from Cambello to 
 Lugho aboute ten leagues, butt by land not above two 
 leagues; and Hitto from Lugho is aboute four leagues. 
 The people of those places are generallye weery of the 
 Hollanders keepinge them in slaverye; soe that they 
 would willinglie bee freed of itt if they knewe howe. At 
 the entringe of these Straicts there are three small ilands 1 , 
 half a mile one from annother, lyirige neere Ambonia side. 
 There goes a great corrent which sett[s] upon them, if you 
 are becalmed ; butt there is noe danger, because there it is 
 steepe too and when you come neere them you may anker. 
 The corrent will not drive directlie upon them, butt close 
 by them; soe that if a man doe not knowe them, it will 
 putt him in greate feare, doubtinge of rocks ; but there is 
 noe danger, as aforesaid. 
 
 Maye 3. Havinge finished our buysines at Cambello, 
 
 we sett saile for Macassar. But by the waye wee were 
 
 minded to stopp att Bouton 2 , to see whatt might bee done 
 
 aboute the sale of our goods, as alsoe to speake with 
 
 Mr. Welden 3 , an Englishman lefte there by Captaine 
 
 David Middleton, whoe could enforme us att large of all 
 
 the countries adjasente. Soe the 8th of Maye 
 
 wee fell with the land of Bouton in the morninge ; 
 
 and havinge a stiffe gale at S.S.E. wee shott faire into a 
 
 1 The Three Brothers. 
 
 2 Buton, a large island at the south-eastern corner of Celebes. 
 
 3 Richard Welden, of whom see a note on p. 308 of Letters 
 Received, vol. iii. Saris, on his way to Japan, found him voyaging to 
 Banda in the service of the King of Buton ( Voyage of John Sari's, p. 
 15). Purchas says 'Master Welding had served him in his warres, 
 and gotten victories for him and honour for himselfe and his nation ' 
 {Pilgrimage, ed. 1626, p. 608). 
 
 David Middleton visited Buton in April, 1608, and again in January, 
 1610.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 2/5 
 
 baye. Wee could not double the pointe of Sampullana 1 , 
 which is the wester pointe of the iland where wee touched 
 outward bound, where there is very good watringe within 
 a baye, where there is a good roade in 12 fathome water. 
 Here wee laye voltinge to and againe to double this pointe; 
 but the winde beeinge scante and the corrent against us, 
 wee were putt leeward; soe that the loth in the morninge 
 wee weare in a deepe baye, as wee supposed, and to the 
 norward of us wee sawe twoe ilands 2 . This which seemed 
 to bee a baye was the entringe of the Straicts of Bouton to 
 the northward ; butt I could not perswade our maister nor 
 pilott thereunto, they affirmeinge it to bee the mayne land 
 of Bouton, because they could not perceive any goinge 
 thorough, because the land of the Sellibis lyeth right in 
 the gutt of the Straicts, soe that itt seemeth to bee all a 
 firme land 3 . I contended with them that it was by our 
 latitude the Straicts of Bouton and noe other, for that the 
 other land which wee sawe to the norward was farther 
 north by 12 leagues then the Straicts of Bouton was laied 
 in ; but by noe meanes they would not be perswaded, 
 sayinge that they would not take upon them to carrye in 
 the shipp to cast her awaie, butt if I would command them 
 to goe in there the danger thereof should lye on my necke; 
 which I would not take upon mee, in reguard that there 
 was a pilott appointed, who had bene there not above ten 
 monnethes since, and made himselfe certayne that the 
 Straicts were farther to the norward. Soe wee stoode 
 alonge to the norther parte of the land which was to the 
 norward of us, sendinge our boate before us sound inge ; 
 
 1 Probably Siumpu Island, which, according to the Admiralty 
 Pilot, when seen from the westward cannot be distinguished from the 
 south part of Buton until close-to. 
 
 2 Possibly Kabaena and Muna. 
 
 3 From this it seems that Jourdain regarded the channel between 
 Muna (which he evidently took to be a portion of Buton) and Kabaena 
 as forming part of the Straits of Buton. 
 
 1 8 2
 
 276 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 and in the eveninge, aboute sonne settinge, wee anchored 
 within the pointe of a land, half a mile of the shore, in 
 35 fathome water; and aboute a league to the eastward of 
 us wee sawe a bigge towne on the topp of a very high 
 mountaine, and att night wee sawe many fishers on the 
 shore with lightes, but none came neere us. 
 
 Maye 11. The next daie wee sent the boate farther to 
 the westward, to seeke for a better place to anchour in, 
 because wee doubted that our anchour laye in fowle 
 ground. Soe aboute ten in the morninge our boate 
 returned and brought us word that a league to the west- 
 ward there was a faire baye and good ground to anchour 
 in, and a river of water hard by. Soe aboute noone wee 
 weyed, and stoode into the baye and anchored in seven 
 fathome water, a very good roade for the easterlie monson. 
 Nowe our pilott came cryinge to mee and said that wee 
 were past the Straicts of Bouton, and that which hee made 
 to bee a baye was the Straicts. Then said I unto him : 
 Are you nowe soe skilfull of the place, and yesterdaye, 
 when wee passed by itt, when I shewed you sundrye 
 reasons that itt was the Straicts, you tooke pepper in the 
 nose 1 because I would seeme to knovve itt better then you 
 that had passed itt two or three times: and nowe howe are 
 you certaine that it was the Straightes ? I knowe it, said 
 hee, because when I passed the Straicts with Captaine 
 Middleton, I remember as soone as he was passed the 
 Straicts they sawe a small iland to the larboard side of 
 them, which is (said hee) that iland which wee see to the 
 northward of us 2 ; and that the land where wee weare nowe 
 anchored was parte of the Sellibis 3 . Howe (said I) can 
 this be parte of the Sellibes, if wee perceive it to bee an 
 
 1 A proverbial phrase for taking offence. 
 
 2 Apparently Kadatua, but that could not have been northward of 
 their position at this time. 
 
 3 Celebes.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 
 
 iland ? To which he could not awnswere. Whereupon I 
 made him bringe his draught, that hee had made by roate, 
 as children reade their lesson. I demanded whie he had 
 not drawne the iland as well as the rest. He awnswered 
 that he had forgotten itt, for that he made not the draught 
 as he passed by itt, but afterwards, when hee was to come 
 in this voyage, he drewe itt by memorye to shewe Sir 
 Henrie Middleton. You are (said I) a fitt pilott to cast a 
 shipp awaie, and wee wise men to venture our lives with 
 such an unskilfull fellowe, whoe had wrongd himselfe and 
 the Honourable Companie, endangeringe both shipp, goods 
 and many mens lives, which would be required at his 
 handes. Butt, said I, what course is nowe to bee taken, 
 whether it bee possible to beate it upp towards the Straicts, 
 or goe to the norward of the Selebes ? He tould me that 
 it was impossible to beate itt upp against winde and tyde, 
 which will runne all this monson against us, this beeinge 
 nowe in the begininge of the monson. Soe I lett it rest 
 untill I knowe farther of the place where wee were 
 anchored, and to that purpose I sent the boate, 
 aboute four in the morninge, well manned, 
 towards the towne with our juribassa to enquire of the 
 place where wee weare, and of the Straicts of Bouton. 
 Arid aboute noone our boate retourned, havinge had 
 speech with three caracores which laye at the place or 
 porte where they usuallye land, whoe had in them above 
 100 men, beinge men of warre, they havinge warrs with 
 some other of the ilands. These people told our men that 
 this iland was called Laboney 1 , belonginge to the Kings of 
 
 1 'Balonye' and 'Babony' later. Jourdain probably used the 
 second of these spellings, the others being errors of his copyist. It 
 seems to be the present island of Kabaena. 
 
 There are many difficulties in the account which follows, but the 
 track laid down on the map shows what appears to be on the whole 
 the most probable course. The channels and islands are only im- 
 perfectly known, and detailed maps are not available.
 
 278 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 Tornattee and Botton. Those carracores were on the 
 backeside of the Selebes, a people called \blank\ They 
 alsoe told them that wee were to leeward of the Straicts, 
 butt that there was annother waye to gett to Bouton, butt 
 itt would be hard gettinge upp, because the windc hanged 
 in our teeth, and the waye dangerous. Soe att their 
 retourne I tould John Derby, our pilott, thatt twice since 
 wee came from Cambello he had lost his head, once aboute 
 the Straicts of Bottone and nowe aboute this iland to be 
 the Selebes. He knevve not what to saie to itt, but 
 streatched [scratched ?] his head like to a bad pilott, he 
 haveinge waged [wagered ?] his head twice aboute these 
 two places before mentioned. 
 
 Maye 13. The next daie, beeing the 13, there came 
 two caracores more by us, bound for the towne, butt 
 would not come to speake with us ; soe wee sent our 
 boate to them, and when they were out of shott of our 
 shipp, they staied to speake with them, and affirmed 
 what the former told us. Soe that these five caracores 
 were all of the Selebis men of warre, soe that wee were 
 fearfull to send our boate any more amongst them ; but 
 with the consent of the maister and pilott with the rest, 
 wee determined to see if wee could beate it upp to 
 windewards as farre as the Straights of Botoune, which 
 was not above 12 leagues; if not, that wee should be 
 able to anker againe in the same place. The next 
 morninge wee sett saile, and voltinge too and againe 
 wee perceived thatt wee were driven to leeward ; soe that 
 makinge towards the place from whence wee sett saile, 
 wee were not able to fetch itt by four miles, 
 butt wee anchored in annother baye to leeward, 
 in as good a place as the first, where weare little cottages 
 which the men of warre had made when they passed that 
 way. Here was alsoe a good river of fresh water, butt 
 good anchoringe.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 279 
 
 Maye 16. Seeinge that there was little hope to gett 
 the Straicts of Bouton to windevvard, I sent the boate 
 to leeward, wherein went the maister, Cornelius Billinge, 
 to search if there were any passage that waye, betweene 
 the Selebes and the iland of Balonye. And the next 
 daie he retourned and brought nevves that there was noe 
 passage that way neere the iland of Babony, for that 
 the sholes laye of att least a league into the sea ; butt 
 that neere the Selebes on the lee shore there might bee 
 a passage, which would bee very dangerous to putt 
 thorough upon a lee shore ; yett did not venter to see 
 whether ther weare any passage or nott ; soe thatt 
 his jorney was to little purpose. The maister beeinge 
 heare [heavie?] with a discoradged minde, seeinge noe 
 remedye but to staye the westerlie monson, fell very 
 sicke. 
 
 Maye 18. In all this time there came noe people 
 unto us ; onelie nowe and then wee should see some 
 proas afishinge, butt would not come neere us. Soe 
 I sent of our boate with a white flagge to speake with 
 one of them. They spake with them, and made as though 
 they would have come aboard ; butt beeinge gotten a 
 little ahead the boate, they made towards the shoare ; 
 soe that our boate makinge after them, they fledd and 
 lefte the proa by the shore, which our men brought 
 aboard ; wherein our pilott, John Darby, desired with 
 three more to venter to the towne to have caracores 
 from the Kinge to tooe us as farre as the Straicts, as 
 alsoe to knowe the certainetie if there were any passage 
 that waye or nott. Soe itt was agreed upon that the 
 next daie he, the juribassa, and one Englishman more 
 and one blacke should the next daie goe finde out Botoune 
 and retourne, and carry a present to the Kinge of 
 Bouton, with a letter to Mr. Welden, whoe was there 
 resident.
 
 280 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 Maye 19. The next daie, beeinge the iQth, aboute 
 two in the morninge the proa with our pilott departed 
 for Bouton, with two Englishmen more and one blacke. 
 And the 28th dicto, our anker beinge fowle, wee wayed 
 with much adoe, and haveinge a slatch of a faire winde 
 wee went to our first roade, because it was better ground ; 
 for if wee should have lost our anker wee should have 
 bene in bad case, because wee had butt one more besides 
 our shifte ancour, which all our men were not able to 
 waye. Beeinge anchored in the first roade, wee purposed 
 to staie till the retourne of our pilott from Bottone, and 
 the maister grewe worse and worse every daie, not 
 knowinge whatt course to take to gett out. Therefore 
 hee sent for to speake with mee, tellinge me that any 
 course that I would ordeyne that hee would followe, 
 and would not weigh anchour without my expresse order, 
 because if any thinge otherwise then well should happen 
 (as God forbid) it should lye on my necke. Whereunto 
 I awnswered that hee could bringe in the shipp contrarie 
 to my will, and nowe would laye all onn my necke to 
 carry her out ; butt beeinge sicke I would not urge him 
 farther, butt heare wee rid stayinge for our men from 
 Botoune. Beinge nowe 14 (sic) daies since they departed, 
 wee concluded to sett saile with the first winde of the shoare, 
 and to stand towards the headland, to seeke a passage 
 that waye, haveinge noe hope to gett windward. Soe 
 this daye in the morning wee sett saile and stoode towards 
 itt, butt wee well perceived it to bee the maine of Selebis. 
 Therefore wee tacked aboute and stoode towardes the 
 souther parte of Babony Hand, because wee might perceive 
 as it weare a passage betweene the Celebes and Babony, 
 although Robert Simonds, the maisters mate, was of 
 opinion that the Straicts were farther to leeward, and 
 was falslie graduated on the platts. Butt when wee 
 approached neere wee might perceyve a suncke iland of
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 28l 
 
 two leagues of the northeast pointe of Babony, that wee 
 could not directly discerne whether there were a passage 
 that waye or not ; and the night comeinge on wee would 
 not venture to passe any farther untill the morninge to 
 have the whole daye before us. Soe wee stoode too and 
 againe and kept upp with a stiffe gale all night. 
 
 June i. This daie in the morninge, our maister 
 beeinge very ill, his mate would not take upon him the 
 charge to carry the shipp that waye, butt would rather 
 retourne and anchour at the roade where wee weare 
 before. I alledged unto him and the rest of the companie 
 that it was noe way for us to retourne thether, for that 
 any winde that would doe us good wee should not be 
 able to gett forth ; and againe, if wee rid in that place 
 there was noe hope of gettinge out untill the next monson, 
 which would be September next, we havinge butt three 
 monnethes victualls in the shipp. As alsoe that monson 
 which would carry us from that place would serve to 
 bringe us noe farther then Boutonne, soe thatt wee should 
 not bee able to gett thorough the Straicts of Deslem till 
 this time twelve monnethes, for that the westerly monson 
 would not serve to carry us to Bantam ; and seeinge it 
 was soe, and the little hope which was to bee expected 
 to gett any victualls of these heathens, havinge had 
 already 25 daies experyence and cannot speake with any 
 of the countrye people, therefore my opinion was that 
 it was better to seeke some remedy at first, while our men 
 stand in health and have victualls, then in the end to be 
 forced therunto for wannte of foode. 
 
 With these perswations they all agreed to prove our 
 fortune to seeke a passage thatt waye. Soe presentlie wee 
 stoode with a slacke saile to the pointe of the sholes which 
 wee had scene the night before ; and when wee came 
 neere wee sent our boate before to sound first on the 
 shoales and to make a signe of the depth, and then to
 
 282 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 goe alonge by the edge of the sholes soundinge and make 
 us a signe. Soe when we came with the pointe of the 
 shoales wee might discerne a stake which was sett for 
 a marke to passe without itt, and annother stake aboute 
 a mile from thatt, sett both upon the very edge of the 
 shoales, soe that our boate found within halfe pistoll shott 
 of the edge of the sholes 17 fathome, and within a cables 
 length noe ground. Soe itt pleased God that aboute 
 noone wee were past the pointe ; and beeinge past itt 
 was as smooth as in a river. And standinge alonge the 
 shore till three in the afternoone wee anchored in 20 
 fathome water, good ground ; where att our men much 
 rejoysed ; and our sillye maisters mate would seeme nowe 
 to take charge, which before hee refused. 
 
 June 4. The next daie, my selfe not beeinge well, 
 I sent Nicholas Bangham and the maister his mate in the 
 boate to sound alonge the shoare towards annother pointe 
 which was aboute two leagues ahead of us, S.S.W. [S.S.E.?] 
 of us ; and aboute ten they retourned, sayinge that they 
 found from 10 to 20 fathome all alonge the shore to the 
 pointe, and beyond it faire sand. The next morninge 
 wee weyed aboute noone and stoode towards the pointe ; 
 butt itt fell calme, soe that before wee could gett the 
 pointe we anchored four times because of the currant 
 against us. And aboute four in the afternoone wee 
 anchored hard by the pointe ; at which time wee had 
 sight of five caracores comeinge towards the pointe from 
 the southward, wherein came John Darby, our pilott, and 
 juribassa, tellinge us that the Kinge of Bouton had kindlie 
 enterteyned them and sent his owne brother and his sonne 
 in lawe with these caracores to tooe us up. And in the 
 eveninge the two cheife men with a Spaniard renegado 
 came aboard and brought their message from the Kinge 
 of Boutonne, with a letter left by Mr. Welden with the 
 Kinge to any English that should come, hee beinge gone
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 283 
 
 for Banda and Ambonia to trade amongst the Hollanders 1 . 
 Theffect of the message and letter was that the Kinge 
 was desirous to trade with the English, and that the Kinge 
 had sent these caracores to doe me any service that laye 
 in them, and to waite on us till wee came to Botonne, 
 with many other complementes : which beeinge done, 
 I gave to each Arancaye a small present, and they de- 
 parted to their caracores, appointinge to come att any 
 time that wee shott of a muskett, to tooe our shipp if the 
 winde were calme ; for otherwise it was impossible, for 
 when the winde blewe it was right in our teethe. 
 
 June 6. This daie in the morninge the caracores came 
 and towed us aboute a league ; and then the winde begane 
 to blowe, and wee anchored. Soe did wee daylie either 
 daie or night, for the space of 18 daies that the caracores 
 stayed with us, in which time they towed us aboute 
 12 leagues, to the wester 2 parte of Babony, where the 
 winde was right against us, but wee had a good place 
 to ankor in, behinde a pointe neere the shore ; soe that 
 wee had not above five leagues over to the iland of 
 Boutone 3 , and with the winde E.S.E. wee should be able 
 to cease itt. But wee feared that when wee had sett 
 saile, that wee should with the current bee sett over 
 upon the Selebes side, which is very dangerous for sholes, 
 for wee made profe two or three times and were alwaies 
 driven to leewardes that wee could not fetch the place 
 where wee were, and yet in danger of many sholes which 
 lie here under water not scene. Wee passed over one 
 or two where wee had not above 12 foote water, and weare 
 faine to anker in the mayne sea, soe that wee lost our 
 anchour, the winde blowinge hard att S.S.E. and S.E. & 
 
 1 See note on p. 274. 
 
 2 Easter? 
 
 3 Muna is probably meant (see note on p. 275).
 
 284 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 by South ; soe that wee were forced to plie too and againe 
 till the morninge, and with carryinge of a presse saile to 
 keepe up we sprunge the head of our mayne mast; soe 
 that if it had not beene towards daie wee had bene in 
 greate danger. But the morninge appearinge wee went 
 to ancour in our old roade, where the carracores laye 
 waytinge to see whether wee could gett over. But they 
 haveinge spent all their victualls and did live nowe by wild 
 rootes, they concluded that seeinge they could not doe 
 us any more good to staye by us, they would repaire home, 
 and to bringe us refreshinge if in the meane tyme wee gott 
 nott over. And in this time Mr. Billinge, our master, died. 
 And the caracores sett saile for Botton the 23 daie aboute 
 two in the afternoone ; by whome I sent our juribassa 
 with a present to the Kinge, to provide us victualls and 
 bringe it us if wee came not to Botonne by the loth of the 
 next monneth. In this time wee haveinge fitted our maste 
 and all things els, watchinge for a slatch of winde at E. or 
 E.S.E. to carrye us over to Boutonne; and within three 
 daies after it pleased God to send us a pretty gale at 
 E.S.E., beinge the 26 in the morninge, and wee sett saile, 
 and itt contynued six houres little winde, and with much 
 adoewee seazed Botonne, where wee ankored in 10 fathome 
 water hard aboard the shore, the sea beeinge as a river 
 invironed round with ilands, for after we had shutt in 
 the mouth of the Straicts wee were landlocked. The place 
 that wee seazed was aboute eight leagues within the mouth 
 of the Straicts, where wee landed and stayed till the tyde 
 came ; and then by night wee stoode alonge by the shoare 
 by our leade in 14 and 15 fathome hard the shore. 
 
 June 27. And the 27 dicto wee ankored at a small 
 towne called Coroney 1 , where wee had hoggs, goats and 
 
 1 Valentyn mentions Coroni as a town on the Buton side of the 
 Straits, three or four Dutch miles from the North Cape.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 285 
 
 hens brought aboard with other refreshinge. The Kings 
 sonne in lawe was signior of this towne, whoe sent us the 
 hogges. From this place wee departed, takinge advantage 
 of every tide; and the 3Oth our pilott of little skill would 
 
 needs double the pointe of a reach on the other 
 
 June 30. . r jn , , ^ , . ,. 
 
 shore, [and] brought our shipp upon a corall 
 
 banke; butt havinge a stiffe gale she broke thorough, and 
 passed without any hurte, God be thanked, beeinge att 
 nine att night. And beinge past this shole, the winde 
 comeinge large, wee ankored on the other side of 
 Bottonne ; and the next daie wee passed annother towne 
 called Lambello 1 , where the Kinges brother is signiour; 
 butt wee passed forward, haveinge winde and tyde with 
 us. At night wee anchored within pistoll shott of the 
 shore, haveinge passed this daie, being the first 
 of Julie, many shoales and small ilandes, beinge 
 a large channell neere Lambello. But nowe wee come 
 to the norwest of the Straicts, which is not above a cables 
 length broade, and att many places lesse, and noe ground 
 to anker, the land seeinge [beinge?] very high on both 
 sides; at the mouth whereof wee anchored neare a small 
 ilarid to staie for the tyde. And aboute ten at night, the 
 force of the tyde beinge come, our anchour came home; 
 soe thatt our shipp did drive thorough the narrowe 
 straightes after \\ a league an hower, for before midnight 
 wee were passed and weare neare Boutoune, where, as 
 soone as wee found ground, wee anchored in 27 fathome. 
 The Kinge haveing understandinge that wee weare come 
 soe neere, not thinkinge wee had past -the narrowe gutt, 
 sent us a pilott to bringe us thoroughe, for Mr. Welden, 
 beinge nowe come from Banda, wrote a letter in the Kinges 
 name that wee should not putt thorough without the pilott, 
 
 1 There is a mountain called Lambolo in about the position indi- 
 cated, but the town seems to have disappeared.
 
 286 JOURNAL OF 
 
 for that there weare many dangers. But it came too late, 
 for wee weare by Gods providence safelie passed in a very 
 darke night, seeinge nothinge butt the high cliffs on both 
 sides 1 , towinge with our boate to keepe the shipps head 
 from thwartinge. 
 
 Julie 3. And the next daie wee ankored before the 
 towne of Botoune, aboute ten in the morninge ; where 
 presentlie the Kinge sent his biggest carracore, called the 
 English caracore 2 , with his brother and many other of 
 his cheifest Arancayes to bid us in the Kinges name 
 welcome to his towne, desiringe mee, when I pleased, to 
 come aland ; I should be hartilie welcome. Soe I 
 promised that the next morninge I would, God willinge, 
 see the Kinge ; with which awnswere they retournd, and 
 presentlie the Kinge sent a present of fresh victualls, as 
 goats and other refreshinge. 
 
 Julie 4. And the next daie .the Kings brother with 
 dyvers Arancayes came to the waters side, stayeinge my 
 landinge to conducte mee to the Kinge; which I per- 
 ceiveinge, made the more hast. And att my landinge they 
 brought me to the towne where the Kinge laye, which is 
 aboute a mile from the waters side on the topp of a hill ; 
 where I stayed not longe before the Kinge came forth 
 with a good guard before him, with their swords and 
 targetts 3 and head peeces marchinge with a drom before 
 them, the Kinge havinge carryed before him a manner 
 of a crowne, many of his Arancayes followinge him, and 
 Mr. Welden came neere to him to grace him before mee. 
 
 1 Cp. Clayborne's notes in Purchas, i. 455 : 'Hee that goeth through 
 [this strait] must take his tyde with him to drive him through, for 
 (lightly) there is never any wind there, the land is so high over the 
 masts on both sides.' 
 
 2 Probably the one described by David Middleton (PurcJias, i. 
 226), manned by 400 soldiers, besides 100 rowers, and armed with six 
 brasse guns. 
 
 3 Shields.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 287 
 
 Where after many complements he tooke me by the hand 
 and led mee to the towne hovvse, where hee had a carpett 
 spred ; where wee conferred aboute our comeinge to his 
 countrye, shewinge himselfe to bee very joyfull that wee 
 were come into his country, sayinge that of longe time 
 hee had desired the freindshipp of the English and nowe 
 hee had his desire to see an English shipp, entreatinge 
 mee to leave some of our people with a factory in his 
 countrye, sayinge that he would build us a faire howse 
 upon his owne charge. Butt I perceiveinge that the 
 leaveinge of a factorie would bee onelie a charge to the 
 Worshipfull Companie, not havinge any trade thatt would 
 countervaile the charge, I excused the matter for this 
 time, promisinge that the next monsone we would, God 
 willinge, be better fitted to leave a factorye ; for at present 
 wee were bound to Macassar, where wee weare to leave 
 a factorye, and we had not men sufficient to leave in both 
 places. Besides, wee were to goe for Benjarmassen and 
 Saccadana, which if wee lefte here a factorye wee were not 
 able to accomplish ; prayinge him to excuse us for this 
 time, butt if itt pleased him to seeke to drawe some trade 
 to his countrye of cloves, mace, sanders wood 1 and such 
 like against the next yeare, there should be a factory lefte 
 as hee desired. Then hee desired to leave two or three 
 men in the country, that he might bee certaine that hee 
 should heare from us againe ; otherwise he much doubted ; 
 sayinge that such yictualls as the countrie did afford 
 should cost them nothinge. I thanked him very kindlie, 
 and I would thinke upon itt; and with this hee arose 
 and carried mee to Mr. Weldens house, wher I gave him 
 a small present. Then hee lefte us and departed to his 
 owne howse, from whence hee sent us store of victualls such 
 as the countrye afforded, as henns, fish, rice and ounes 2 , 
 
 1 Sandal wood. 2 A mistake for 'ombis' (see p. 291).
 
 288 JOURNAL OF 
 
 which is a roote as good or better then turnups, which is 
 their comon bread that they eate, and is better then rice, 
 for our men would rather eate it then rice. And after 
 dinner he retourned to Mr. Weldons howse, where he 
 kindlie tooke his leave of mee, willinge Mr. Welden to 
 bringe us to see his howse before wee went abourd. Soe 
 after I had veiwed his howse and his storehowse where 
 his ordinance laye, which is some 14 small peeces, 
 some brasse, some iron, I repayred towards the waters 
 side, accompanied with the Kings brother and many 
 Arancayes; where I found a great present of ombis and 
 henns which the Kinge had sent. Alsoe I sawe an Italian 
 which the Kinge had enterteyned, whoe had taken upon 
 him to cure the Kinges eldest sonne, whoe had of longe 
 time bene distracted of his witts; to whome I said thatt itt 
 was dangerous to take upon him such a cure, which if he 
 channced to dye under your hand itt will be hard for you 
 to escape with your life. To which he awnswered that he 
 hoped within two daies to see him well, for that this night 
 he was to give him a medicine which would cure him ; 
 otherwise, said hee, I would goe with you to the waters 
 side. I bid him looke well to his patient, for that it stoode 
 him more upon then to goe with mee ; and soe he de- 
 parted. 
 
 Julie 5. And in the morninge I sent the boate to 
 bee trymmed ; and some of our men went upp to see 
 Mr. Welden, where they found the Italian cutt in peeces, 
 for that hee had given the Kinges sonne a potion of 
 opium with wine, that he slept his last ; and in the 
 morninge the Italian was hewen in peeces by the Kinges 
 sonnes 1 ; and our people beeinge present asked leave to 
 burye him, which was grannted ; and this daie in the 
 
 1 Purchas relates this incident briefly in his Pilgrimage (ed. 1626, 
 p. 608), on the authority of Martin Pring. It is not, however, men- 
 tioned in the published journals of the latter.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 289 
 
 eveninge Mr. Welden came aboard with a message from 
 the Kinge ; that was that he could not visitt me with 
 some present because his eldest sonne was poysonned by 
 an Italian, that had taken upon him to cure him of his 
 disease and had pawned life for life ; and therefore his 
 sonnes had slaine him. Wherefore he was very sorrye 
 that itt should soe happen in my time of beeinge there, 
 in reguard that hee was a Christian ; but knowinge that 
 he was none of our nation, he hoped that it was noe 
 offence to mee, for that if hee had not granted his sonnes 
 to have slaine him, he should by them have bene in 
 danger of his owne life for soe little esteeminge of his 
 eldest sonnes life ; and they made the more haste in 
 executinge of -him, because he was brought thether by 
 the Hollanders, with whome the Kinge att present was 
 at varyance aboute hanginge of a negro, beeinge a 
 Moore l . The cause was this, as the Kinge told mee : 
 that this negro had served the Hollanders as a Christian, 
 and after att Banda fled with some 1 2 Hollanders to the 
 Bandoneses and turned all Moores ; soe there was order 
 given by the Generall, wheresoever they mett any of these 
 men they should presentlie hange them. This blackmore 
 by channce came to Boutonne and served the Kinge, butt 
 kept himselfe from the Hollanders sight, the Kinge not 
 knowinge of whatt had formerlie passed. Butt not longe 
 after, the Kinge of Makassar sent an embassadour to the 
 Kinge of Bottonne, and the Kinge in person was to enter- 
 teyne him, and entreated the Hollanders that they would 
 honner him soe much as to send those soldiars that they 
 had with their musketts to give a volley of shotte ; which 
 they grannted. And this negro beinge with the Kinge, 
 some of the Hollanders knewe him, and in presence of the 
 
 1 The King himself was a Muhammadan. Pieter Both describes 
 him as a man of sixty, very good-natured and sensible, and as well 
 versed in ceremony as any European. 
 
 J- 19
 
 290 JOURNAL OF 
 
 Kinge tooke him prisonner. The Kinge entreated that 
 they would forbeare at that time, and if the negro did owe 
 them ought they should at their owne contents have 
 justice. But the more the Kinge entreated the more 
 earnest they were to carrye him awaye to putt him 
 presentlie to death ; whereunto the Kinge said that if they 
 would needs execute him, that they should not doe itt 
 upon his land, but entreated them to carry him aboard 
 there shipp that was in the roade ; which they would nott 
 grannte, but before the Kinges face would presentlie doe 
 justice. Then the Kinge desired that they would lett it 
 rest till the next daie, and not doe it before him at the 
 time of his mirthe. Neither of these would they grannte, 
 butt presentlye sett up a gibbett and hanged him before 
 the Kinges face; whereatt the Kinge with all the Arancaies 
 tooke such distaste against them that none of them durst 
 putt their noses out of their forts ; for soone after the 
 captaine of the Hollanders, goinge to the towne, was like 
 to be slaine, if his horse legges had nott bene better then 
 his. And this was parte of the cause they soe suddenlie 
 executed the Italian, because he came thether with the 
 Hollanders. Butt shortlie after came the Dutch Generall 
 to Boutoune, to whome the Kinge made complainte of the 
 ill carryadge of the Dutch captaine 1 ; and the Generall 
 haveinge had formerlye some thinge against him when he 
 was captaine of the Castle of Bachan, with other matters 
 aboute openinge one of his kinsmans chests which died at 
 Botoune *, and taken out a chaine of gould and kept it to 
 himselfe, he presentlie tooke the captaine and hanged 
 him upon the same gibbett by the negro, which was yett 
 
 1 See the account given by the Governor-General in his letters to 
 the Directors, printed by Tiele in his Bouwstoffen, \. 34, 36. The 
 captain who was hanged was Hendrick van Ray, who had been left 
 behind by Scotte to build forts for the Dutch. 
 
 2 Jacob van der Meyden, the chief of the Dutch factory.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 
 
 standinge ; which did in some sorte satisfie the Kinge of 
 Botoune. Butt the hanginge of the Dutch captaine was 
 soone after my departure, and not while I was there. For 
 after the death of the Kings sonne I could not come any 
 more to talke with him, because they all mourned for him; 
 butt dyvers presents he sent mee daylie of fresh victualls. 
 Soe that I sent him word by Mr. Welden that I was to 
 departe, if he would comand any service. 
 
 Julie 8. Soe the 8th of Julie, in the afternoone, I sett 
 saile from Boutoune, with the winde E.S.E., which carried 
 us cleare from the iland before night. 
 
 Of the Countrye of Boutoune. 
 
 The Hollanders have here in Boutoune two little fortes, 
 where they keepe aboute 30 souldiars, and have in them 
 both aboute five peeces of ordinance. But I knowe not 
 to whatt end they keepe their forts in this place, for it 
 yeildeth nothinge of itt selfe that is worth the speakinge 
 of 1 ; onely, as I could understand by the Dutch captaine, 
 thatt they had greate hopes to make indico on itt, the 
 countrye beeinge apt for itt, and some small quantitie 
 growne upon itt, butt I could see none of itt. The 
 greatest parte of their foode is upon fishe and rootes called 
 ombis 2 , which they eate in lieu of rice and bread, and is 
 good either rost or boyled, and is very good foode ; our 
 men would rather eate them then rice. This roote doth 
 somethinge resemble a pottato roote. The iland of itt 
 selfe is very pleasannt; and many other ilands joyneinge 
 neere itt, where they have warrs. And this is all their 
 trade, to take slaves and sell them, for these of Boutoune 
 
 1 The Dutch garrison was withdrawn before long, partly on this 
 ground and partly because of the difficulty of feeding them. 
 
 2 Umbi is Malay for a root. The yam (Malay ubi or uwt) seems 
 to be here indicated. 
 
 19 2
 
 2p2 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 are thought to bee the best warriars, both by sea and 
 land, that are in all the countrye neere aboute; and the[y] 
 stand in greate feare of the caracores, wherein the Kinge 
 of Boutoune is stronge. 
 
 Of our tedious passadge from Ambonia (sic) to Makassar. 
 
 Julie ii. The nth of Julie, aboute six in the after- 
 noone, wee anchored in the roade of Macassar, within a mile 
 of the towne, where wee found an English juncke, which 
 John Parsons, one of the Seventh Voyage in the Globe, 
 had bought to carrye him to Pottana 1 . There came 
 presentlie of unto us Thomas Britt 2 , his companion, whoe 
 enfourmed us of the estate of the countrye. 
 
 Julie 12. And the next morninge the Kinge sent 
 mee word that he would come aboard; butt because the 
 messenger sawe that I was goinge aland, he came not, 
 butt three or four Portugalls came aboard us. Butt I 
 perceyveinge that the Kinge came not, I made haste 
 aland with the rest of the factours, where I found the 
 Kinge stayinge my comeinge in one of his houses neere 
 the waters side; where he kindlie enterteyned mee. But 
 there weare soe many Portugalls present that I deferred 
 my conferrence untill some other daie, alledginge that I 
 came at present onelie to visitt him and bringe him a 
 small present, which hee kindlie accepted. And soe I 
 went to the English house, where I dined ; and in the 
 eveninge I retourned aboard our shipp. 
 
 Julie 13. And the next morninge the Kinge sent three 
 of his kinsmen and the Sabendour aboard our shipp, 
 tellinge me that the Kinge of Tellowe 3 , his unckle, was 
 
 1 Patani, on the eastern side of the Malay Peninsula. Floris had 
 despatched him from thence to Macassar in Oct., 1612. 
 
 2 Brett. 
 
 3 Tallo, a district to the east of Macassar.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 293 
 
 come to the towne, desiringe mee to come aland to speake 
 with him. This man was the Kinges protectour in his 
 minoritie ; and therefore the Kinge doth much honnour 
 him, and will doe nothinge without his councell. 
 
 Att my comeinge aland I found the Kinge and his 
 unckle both together, with many other Arancayes ; of 
 whome I demanded leave to settle a factorie to trade with 
 them, desiringe alsoe a convenyent place to make a howse 
 to laye our goods in ; which very willinglie they grannted, 
 and the Kinge himselfe appointed the next daie to come 
 to our ould howse, and there to give us 50 fathome square 
 of ground to build a howse in att our pleasure ; but that 
 wee were to observe the customes of the countrye, as the 
 Hollanders and other Christians did ; the which I agreed 
 unto. And as I departed, the Kinge, speakinge some 
 Portugues, requested me to remember his unckle with 
 some thinge in the morninge when I retourned. 
 
 Julie 14. And the next morninge I retourned aland, 
 and carryed a present to the Kinges unckle. And the 
 Kinge went in person, accordinge to promise, to appointe 
 and measure out our ground, and caused the people which 
 dwelt on the ground to remove farther of, because wee 
 should have none neare for feare of fire. Soe the same 
 daye there were above 20 houses taken downe and carryed 
 awaye, except two or three of the best I bought for our 
 present use; as alsoe some of the cokernutt trees which 
 poore people had planted. The Kinge caused me to give 
 them half a riall a peece. There were in this plott of 
 ground aboute 60 cokernutt trees and many other of divers 
 sorts, which were lefte standinge, very pleasant, and two or 
 three wells of very good water within the yard. There was 
 butt a lane or streete betwixt the Dutch house and ours; 
 butt our plott of ground stoode more convenyent. Presentlie 
 I caused banboos or canes to bee bought and began to 
 hedge in our cirquite, because of landinge our goods ;
 
 294 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 which beeing done and our howse prepared as convenyently 
 as wee could in soe shorte a time, I beganne to land such 
 goods as I thought would vent in the countrye or the 
 Mullaccas. Soe that in this buysines aboute setlinge of 
 our howse and people I spent 22 daies, untill the third of 
 August, leavinge cheife factour in this place George 
 Cockaine, with Benjamyn Fary 1 to second him, with two 
 or three attendannts. 
 
 Of tlie Countrye of Macassar. 
 
 This towne of Macassar is the cheife place upon the 
 Selebis, which lieth in 5 degrees south lattitude 2 . It is a 
 very pleasant and fruitfull countrye, and the kindest people 
 in all the Indias to strangers; and would bee a very 
 profitable place for vent of Choramandell and Guzaratt 
 comodities if the Portugall from Malacca did not furnish 
 them ; butt, as itt is, if trade bee contynued in the Mulluccos, 
 it is very necessarie for to furnish our shipps outwards 
 bound with rice and Jore 3 gold in quoine; whereof there 
 is greate store of both and is a good marchandize in the 
 Mulluccas. The countrye of itt selfe doth yeild nothinge 
 but rice; onelie the trade which they have from other 
 places, as the Mulluccas, Banda, and Jore, from whence 
 there is yearlie brought store of cloves, mace, nutmeggs, 
 and sanders wood, which the[y] barter for rice and gould; 
 which commodities they have in former times sould to the 
 Portugalls in trucke of their cloathinge of Choromandell 
 and Guzaratt, which yearlye they use to bringe from 
 Malucca 4 in greate quantitye, for the countrye is greate and 
 
 1 Purser of the Darling (see p. 244). He was afterwards employed 
 at Patani, Macassar and in Siam, where he died in Sept. 1616. A 
 list of documents handed over by Farie to Jourdain on August i, 1613, 
 will be found in Letters Received, i. 272. 
 
 2 More exactly, 5 9' S. 
 
 3 Johor, in the Malay Peninsula. 4 Malacca.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 
 
 populous, and this towne doth serve all the rest of the 
 iland. 
 
 The Kinge is very affable and true harted towards 
 Christians, very severe in justice towards his ovvne nation. 
 Yf any offend and hath deserved death, he is brought 
 before him, and with a truncke the Kinge will shute him 
 with a little poysonned arrowe 1 . If he will have him live 
 halfe an houre, till hee come to his howse, he will shute 
 him in the arme or legge, butt if hee will have him dye 
 presentlie he will shute him in the breast neere the harte, 
 and then he falleth downe presentlie before him. Others 
 are presentlie crised 2 without any farther try all of the 
 cause. The Kinge and manie of his people are very 
 expert with a peece, either muskett or other. Many 
 bricke howses. The towne walled with bricke. 
 
 August 3. This daye in the morninge aboute three 
 wee sett saile from Macassar with a little gale of the land, 
 accompanyed with the little juncke belonginge to the 
 Seventh Voyage of the Clove 3 , whoe before my arryvall at 
 Makassar weare determyned to stopp at Saccadana and 
 Benjermassem, and to that purpose had provided a pilott, 
 as they thought sufficient, to carry them to those places; 
 wherefore I putt in three of our men into the juncke, 
 
 1 The siimpitan, or small arrow blown through a tube, was the 
 chief missile in use before the introduction of firearms. The arrows 
 were often poisoned, and the old travellers tell terrible stories of their 
 deadliness. Herbert, for instance, in his account of Celebes, says : 
 ' The men use long canes or truncks (cald Sempitans), out of which 
 they can (and use it) blow a little pricking quill, which if it draw the 
 lest drop of blood from any part of the body, it makes him (though 
 the strongest man living) die immediately. Some venoms operate 
 in an houre ; others in a moment, the veynes and body (by the 
 virulencie of that poyson) corrupting and rotting presently' (ed. 1638, 
 p. 329). On the other hand Crawfurd (Descr. Diet., 442) states that 
 the most powerful of these vegetable poisons, even when fresh, would 
 not kill a dog under an hour, and that probably few human beings 
 have lost their lives by such means. 
 
 2 Killed with a creese (krts). 
 
 3 An error for ' Globe ' (see p. 292).
 
 296 JOURNAL OF 
 
 because I would have as many English as blacks. And 
 the marchant, John Parsons, beeinge somethinge dis- 
 tracted, and taken divers times with a kinde of fallinge 
 sicknes, he beeinge desirous I tooke him into our shipp, 
 because our surgeon should looke to him, untill it pleased 
 God to send us to Sacadana. 
 
 Att our settinge saile wee stoode awaye W. and W. & 
 by S., to avoide the shoales of the ilands which lieth 
 W.N.W. from Macassar, beinge seaven in nomber 1 , and 
 aboute three and four leagues of, with many sholes and 
 broken grownd aboute them. Wee steered betwixt an 
 iland which lieth to the southward, called Tenakecke 2 , 
 and these seven ilands, yet were wee faine to beare upp 
 for one, and alofe for annother, the juncke goinge before 
 us soundinge ; notwithstandinge wee passed in 2\ and 
 3 fathome water on the pointe of some of the sholes. 
 Thus wee contynued till three in the afternoone, bearinge 
 roome for avoydeinge the shoales, and aluffe for annother; 
 and then wee steered with two ilands that are some 12 
 leagues from Macassar, where wee anchored in 7 fathome 
 water, good sandy ground. These ilands are called Lam- 
 baye, two leagues distant the one from the other, S.E. and 
 N.W. 3 There is noe saileinge by night neer Macassar ; 
 for when wee came to anker wee might perceive many 
 other shoaldes round aboute us. 
 
 Aug. 4. In the morninge aboute six wee sett saile, 
 and steered away N.W. and N.W. & by W. to avoide a 
 shoale which laye betweene the twoe ilandes ; and then 
 wee stoode W.S.W. to avoyde annother shole which wee 
 sawe; and passinge neere itt wee found four and five 
 fathome. Beeinge past this shoale, havinge noe ground 
 in 20 fathome, wee steered west till three in the afternoone, 
 
 1 The southern portion of the Spermonde Archipelago. 
 
 2 Tanah Keke. 
 
 3 Apparently Dewakan and Laars Islands.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 297 
 
 att which time wee had sight of a very dangerous shoale 
 called the Revatta, which are three rocks like shipps, with 
 shole water three or four leagues round aboute them, beinge 
 W.N.W. of us. These sholes lye from the other twoe ilands 
 from \vhenc[e] wee came, 14 leagues West and East ; and 
 to avoide these sholes wee steered away S.W. and S.W. 
 & by W. And aboute sonne settinge wee had sight of 
 annother iland, W. & by S. of us. Then wee steered 
 awaie West till midnight. Then wee sawe annother 
 iland right ahead some four leagues from the other; soe 
 that I conclude that the wester of these two ilands lies 
 aboute 8 leagues from the taile of the shoales called the 
 Revatta. 
 
 Aug. 5. Then our pilott in the juncke steered away 
 N.W. and N.N.W., with a fresh gale at S.E. and E.S.E. 
 Butt wee bare little saile, to lett the juncke keepe ahead 
 us, bearinge a light all night, and wee keepinge our leade 
 goinge every glase. These two ilands which wee passed 
 are called Lusalnua(P). Then the pilott steered awaye 
 W.N.W., thinkinge to see annother iland called Lusaseira : 
 butt haveinge hailed too and againe northerly a course 
 could nott see itt. 
 
 Aug. 6. But the next morninge we had sight of many 
 high ilands which our pilott knewe nott, because he had 
 missed Lusaseira ; soe that nowe he was out of his course, 
 he knewe not where he was. Yet wee steered away W.S.W.; 
 soundinge found 20 fathome, safte grownd. These ilands 
 our pilott John Darbye tooke to bee ilands neere to the 
 coaste of Borneo ; butt keepinge our course as formerlye, 
 in the afternoone wee had sight of three ilands more, aboute 
 six leagues to the southward of us. Butt wee could not 
 weather the southermost of them, which bare of us S.S.W.; 
 therefore wee ankored in 15 fathome water, doubtinge 
 whether there weare a passage betweene the iland or nott, 
 and therefore would have day before us.
 
 298 JOURNAL OF 
 
 Aug. 7. In the morninge wee weighed and sett saile; 
 but our consort stayed still att anker untill ten in the 
 morninge, and wee doubtinge some pretended matter 
 amongst them to leave us, wee tacked aboute towards 
 them ; and then they sett saile and came up to us, sayinge 
 that they had broken their ruther and they stayed to mend 
 itt before they sett saile. Then wee steered S.W. & by S. 
 and W.S.W., to weather an iland that was to leeward of 
 us ; butt haveinge a stiffe gale at S.S.E., the juncke could 
 not beare saile to weather itt, and bare to leeward of all 
 them ilands. Butt wee stoode our course at S.W. & by W. 
 till wee had weathered the ilandes, and then wee steered 
 awaie N.W. to finde againe our consorte ; att which time 
 we had sight of many ilands to the southward of us. 
 And in the eveninge wee talked with our consorte, and 
 agreed to steere away N.W. all night. Butt aboute ten 
 a clocke wee sounded and had but \2\ fathome; sup- 
 posinge to bee neere some iland, wee laye ahull till the 
 morninge. 
 
 Aug. 8. Then wee sett saile and steered awaye N.W. 
 And aboute six wee had but 10 fathome water, and 
 presentlye wee had sight of lowe land, not above four 
 leagues of, trendinge W. and by S. And wee stoode 
 alonge the shore, and had from 8 to 10 fathome till noone; 
 and then comeinge neerer the shore wee had but 6 and 7 
 fathome. This afternoone wee had much winde, that our 
 consort was not able to beare saile to stand upon a tacke, 
 butt was faine to beare roome towards the shore. Soe wee 
 bare roome to speake with them ; butt wee durst not come 
 neere, because shee would not steere, haveinge much winde 
 wee feared of bourdinge of them. Then the night comeinge 
 on, wee tooke in our sailes and laye atrye, and the juncke 
 bare towards the shoare before the sea; which wee per- 
 ceiveinge, aboute eight att night wee sett our forecourse, 
 and stoode awaye South and S.S.W. all night, because wee
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 299 
 
 were neere the mayne land of Borneo. Soe thatt this 
 night wee lost our consorte. 
 
 Aug. 9. And this morninge, haveinge lost our consorts 
 companie, wee stood our course W. till ten in the forenoone, 
 in 10 and 12 fathome water; and then wee steered N.W. 
 towards the land, butt could not see the mayne. Then 
 wee steered North to make the land before night, till wee 
 came in 5 and 4^ fathome, butt could see noe land. There- 
 fore we anchored, with a stiffe gale at E.S.E., in a sandye 
 hard ground. 
 
 Aug. 10. This daie in the morninge we had much 
 winde at S.E., thatt with much paine wee weyed our 
 anchor and steered away West to gett into deeper water; 
 and before noone wee had 10 and 12 fathome. Then wee 
 stoode againe to make the land att N.N.W.; and aboute 
 three in the afternoone wee had againe sight of land, right 
 ahead us aboute five leagues of; and standinge neere it to 
 see if our pilott, John Darbye, knewe itt, in the eveninge 
 wee perceived a deepe baye, the land bearinge of us S.W. 
 & by W. Butt our pilott knewe not wher hee was. Wee 
 had nowe 6 fathome, the sea as thicke as pudle; and 
 beeinge neere night wee came to anchor a league of the 
 shore. Butt the ground beeing very softe our anchor 
 would not hold, havinge a greate corrent settinge into the 
 baye; therefore were faine to shue annother anchour 1 and 
 lett it fall ; where wee rid all night with two anchours 
 ahead. 
 
 Aug. ii. And this daie aboute five in the morninge 
 wee sett saile, and stoode upon a tacke to the offinge S.S.W., 
 to double the pointe of the land. Wee had 1 3 fathome water 
 till eight ; then suddenlie wee fell into 5 and 4 fathome, 
 some four leagues of the land, butt as wee stoode to the 
 
 1 This was done by covering the palms with broad triangular 
 pieces of thick plank, the purpose being to give a greater resisting 
 surface and thus secure a better grip.
 
 3OO JOURNAL OF 
 
 offinge wee had againe 10 and 12 fathom oze ground hard 
 by. Discerninge the land upon the decke, I perceiveinge 
 our maister to bee unwillinge to putt any neerer the land, 
 he tellinge me that the whole company would nott consent 
 to putt any more soe neere soe dangerous a coast ; where- 
 upon I called all of them to knowe if itt weare soe ; which 
 they all denied, sayinge that the maister had made itt of 
 himselfe because he was not willinge to adventure any 
 further, and that they were willinge to doe whatt I would 
 command them. Whereupon I called our pilott.and asked 
 him whatt hee thought of the matter. He awnswered that, 
 God willinge, within two daies wee should finde Sacadana, 
 hee thinkinge that the baye where wee were at anchour 
 was the baye of Benjermassem. Soe itt was concluded to 
 stand with a shorte saile all night, and in the morninge to 
 beare to the land to make it certaine. 
 
 Aug. 12. This daie in the morninge aboute six wee 
 steered towardes the land at N.W. till noone; and when 
 wee came within four leagues of the land, wee had from 
 seven to five fathome. Then wee steered W. & by S. and 
 W.S.W., the wester land that wee could perceive bearinge 
 W.N.W. of us; and when we had brought the pointe of 
 the land north of us, wee sounded and had from eight to 
 ten fathome ; our pilott affirminge that it was not the 
 pointe that goeth into the Baye of Sacadana, sayinge that 
 he knewe that it laye W. and N. from that pointe eight 
 leagues. Butt I bid him looke well on his reckoninge and 
 he should finde that wee had runne the full length; thatt if 
 itt were the pointe of Sacadana, if wee once past it there 
 were noe beatinge up againe to itt. He affirmed that 
 before night wee should see annother pointe, which was 
 the pointe of Sacadana. I would have had him to stand 
 some thinge neerer the shore to take better notice of itt, 
 butt he thought himselfe sure. Soe that wee stoode awaye 
 west till sonne settinge with a stiffe gale, in which time
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 3OI 
 
 wee runne at least ten leagues, butt we could see noe 
 more land to the westwards; which when he perceived he 
 confessed him selfe to bee in an errour; notwithstandinge 
 he would not confesse that the head land that wee had 
 passed was the cape goinge into the Baye of Sacadana; 
 for that, said he, there are secreete markes which I noted 
 that I could not see. Whereto I replied that he could not 
 well discerne any markes except he had gone neerer the 
 shore. But to conclude, he knewe that wee weare past the 
 pointe, and that it was nowe in vaine to beate up against 
 wi[n]de and tide, and our time which was by Sir Henry 
 Middleton limitted was neere expired, and by a generall 
 voyce there was noe hope of gettinge Sacadana in longe 
 time, the maister, pilott, and marriners all unwillinge to 
 beate it upp; which unwillingnes of them, and unskilnes 
 of the pilott, and our time shorte which wee had to staie, 
 all which considered, with a generall consent wee stoode 
 our course towardes Bantam. Then wee brought our tacks 
 aboard and stoode S.S.W. and S.W. & by S. ; which was our 
 course till wee fell with the coast of Java, which was the 
 1 5th of August. Aboute noone wee had sight of the 
 highe land neere Jappara, aboute 50 leagues to the east- 
 wards of Bantam. Soe wee kept our course alonge the 
 shore, in 1 5 and 20 fathome, and when itt fell calme wee 
 anchored. Soe that the i8th, aboute two in the after- 
 noone, wee anchored in the roade of Bantam. And this 
 daie wee mett with a fisher boate whoe tould us that our 
 Generall, Sir Henrie Middleton, was dead 1 . 
 
 Aug. 1 8. I arryved at Bantam from the Mullucas or 
 Ambonia in the Darlinge, not knoweinge any thinge of 
 the layinge up of the Trades Encrease ; onelie wee had an 
 incklinge by a fisher boate of the death of the English 
 
 1 According to Floris (Marine Records, xiii.) Middleton died on 
 May 24, 1613, 'mooste of hartesore.'
 
 302 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 Generall. But approachinge neere to the Roade, wee 
 might discerne the Trade to ride neere the shore, which 
 seemed much for soe greate a shipp; butt cominge to 
 anker within call of them, in 14 foote water, wee might 
 easilie perceive that shee was aground 1 . Wee hailed 
 them, butt could have noe awnsweare; neither could wee 
 perceive any man sterringe hir ordinance (the most parte 
 
 1 On Aug. 25, 1613, Capt. Best at Tiku heard from a Chinese junk 
 which had been at Bantam 'the death of Sir Henry Middleton, with 
 the losse of most of the men of the Trades Increase, and maine mast 
 which brake with forcing her downe to carine her, and that now she 
 was gone from Pulo Panjan to Bantam ; that three hundred Chineses 
 dyed in working on her' (Purchas, i. 465). About a month earlier 
 Floris (vide supra} was- informed that the ship 'lyeth a grounde att 
 Bantam withoute maste, with 33 men, the greateste parte being sicke. 
 The shipp is doubbled on the one syde, butt not on the other. In 
 the sayde shippe are deceased some 200 Englishe men and more 
 Chinesians.' John Milward, on reaching Bantam in February, 1615, 
 learned that ' the Trades-increase beeing brought on ground on Pulo 
 Penjohn, all her men died in the careening of her ; and afterwards it 
 stood them in 500 ryalls of eight a day to hire Javans, of whom 500 
 died in the worke before they could sheath one side ; so that they 
 could hire no more men, and therefore were inforced to leave her 
 imperfect, where shee was sunke in the sea, and after set on fire by 
 the Javans. The Chineses also reported that the Devill appeared on 
 Pulo Penjohn Hand, signifying his offence that the Chineses would 
 undertake such a businesse on his ground and give him nothing (for they 
 were the workemen) ; whereupon one of the chiefe Chinese carpenters 
 came to Sir Henry Middleton and reported it, desiring to have a 
 buffolo for sacrifice ; who denyed, yea, forbad him when hee would 
 have done it at his owne charge, esteeming the want thereof cause of 
 their evills ' (Purchas, i. 526 . As regards her ultimate fate Peyton 
 tells us (ibid., 533) that she ' was fired twice by the Javans and by our 
 people quenched ; but the third time fired in so many places at once 
 that industry could not save her.' This appears to have happened in 
 October or November, 1614, for Jourdain and his colleagues at Bantam, 
 writing on January 2, 1615, give the date as 'aboute 2 monethes past.' 
 They go on to say : ' Shee was fired by night sodenly from stemme 
 to starne, that none could come neere to quench it ; which wee supose 
 was done of purpose by the Javas, because formarly shee hade bene 
 sett on fire twice and by Codes healpe wee quenched it againe ; which 
 nowe was onpossible to doe, because shee was (as wee supose) laid 
 all fore and aft with this country pitch ; otherwise shee could not 
 have so sodenly taken fire ; which wee suspect was done by the better 
 sort of Javas by the instigation of a renegado Spaniard which is 
 turned Moore, putting them in the head that in tyme shee might 
 serve in lieu of a castell. She was burnt in one night close to the 
 waiter ; and what was remayning of her, itt is sould for 1050 rials, 
 as per account maye appeare' (O. C. 226).
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 303 
 
 thereof mounted). I saluted them with three peeces, but 
 noe avvnsvvere, nor signe of English coulours, neither from 
 the shipp nor from the towne. And whereas I had the 
 boate hailed up to have gone presentlie aland, I caused 
 them to forbeare untill I sawe further from the shipp or 
 shore, causinge all our ordinance to be fitted and all thinges 
 in readines, doubtinge thatt the James l (after the death of 
 Sir Henrie Middleton), knowinge of the greate store of 
 wealth thatt was in her, had betrayed their men and taken 
 the shipp, and had secreetlie sett men aboard her to 
 betraye us. And the rather I suspected this treason 
 because I could nott see any signe from the shore from 
 our English men; and the Hollanders flagge abroade 
 hoysed and strooke twice, which I supposed to be a signe 
 made us of some evill pretended by the Javas. Where- 
 upon I shott annother peece for a boate, with determi- 
 nacion nott to goe aland untill I had certaine notice from 
 thence. But within a shorte space I perceived a proa 
 cominge of the shore; wherein came Edward Langley 2 , 
 Christopher Luther 3 , Nathaniel Corthorpe 4 , and Thomas 
 Harwood 5 , all of them like ghostes or men fraighted. I 
 demanded for the Generall and the rest of our freindes in 
 particuler; soe that I could not name any man of noate 
 but was dead, to the number of 140 persons; and the rest 
 which were remayneinge, as well aland and aboard the 
 Trade, weare all sicke, these four persons beinge the 
 strongest of them, whoe were scarce able to goe on their 
 leggs; to whome I awnswered that it seemed they weare 
 
 1 A misreading for 'Javas.' 
 
 2 Factor in the Sixth Voyage. He died at Bantam not long after 
 Jourdain's arrival. 
 
 3 As will be seen later, he accompanied Jourdain in the voyage 
 for Masulipatam. Not long after he sailed for England, but died at 
 the Cape on the way. 
 
 4 The future defender of Pulo Run. 
 
 5 See p. 239.
 
 304 JOURNAL OF 
 
 very weake that they would or could not vouchsafe to 
 shewe noe signe from the land nor shipp. But Luther 
 whispered me in the yeare and told me that they did 1 
 greatelie care for my comeinge aland, and that they weare 
 not determined to receive mee as principall marchannt, 
 notwithstandinge Sir Henrie Middletons order. Where- 
 unto I replyed little, butt made haste aland, well per- 
 ceiveinge that their sicknes was not the onelie cause that 
 they shewed noe coulours. And comeinge aland, George 
 Ball 2 and Richard Wesbie 3 mett me and desired mee to 
 goe into their house, which in courtesie (their howse beinge 
 in the waye) I did, not knowinge of any civill warrs which 
 was betwixt the two houses. But this was displeasinge 
 unto the upper house, whereby they intended a cause to 
 picke a quarrell ; butt heare I staied not longe but went to 
 there upper house, desiringe Mr. Ball and the rest of the 
 marchannts to accompanie me thether, nott makinge them 
 acquainted of any doubt of receyveinge mee as cheife 
 factour; but boldlie comeinge in, I might soone discerne 
 their pretence 4 by my cold enterteynement. Robert Larkin 5 , 
 not able hardlie to stand on his leggs, was there cheife, 
 and in that place presented him selfe; which I well per- 
 ceiveinge, demanded him for Sir Henries will and whatt 
 order he had lefte for the disposinge of the Worshipfull 
 
 1 ' Did not ' is evidently meant. 
 
 2 He had succeeded to the charge of the Bantam factory of the 
 Eighth Voyage on the death of Camden. When at the end of March, 
 1617, George Berkeley (Jourdain's successor) died, the post of chief 
 of the united factories fell to Ball, who held it until relieved by Jour- 
 dain in November, 1618. In 1621 he was recalled on account of his 
 private trading, and an action entered against him in the Star Chamber 
 for 70,0007. The case appears to have been still proceeding at the 
 time of his death, which was about the beginning of 1625. 
 
 3 Richard Westby was also a merchant of the Eighth Voyage. 
 In the autumn of 1615 he established an English factory at Jambi, 
 on the eastern side of Sumatra. There he remained for three years, 
 and was then murdered by the Dutch (O. C. 720, and Purchas, i. 676). 
 
 4 Intention. ~ See p. 243.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 305 
 
 Companies affaires. Whereunto he awnswered thatt Sir 
 Henry made noe will; butt for the buysines, he had lefte 
 it whollie to his disposinge, and that he had a writinge 
 (which he knewe not where it was) which tended to that 
 purpose. Whereunto I replyed that if there [were?] any 
 such signed by him, if itt pleased him to shewe itt me, it 
 would satisfie mee. Hee awnswered that if I would staie 
 to supper he would seeke itt out and shewe it mee. I 
 tould him upon that condition I would staie till night, 
 entreatinge him to seeke for it by that tyme, and in the 
 meane tyme I would walke to see the towne. 
 
 In the eveninge I returned with George Ball and the 
 rest of the factours of the other house, entreatinge them 
 to staie with mee to heare whatt passed; which they weare 
 loth to doe, in reguard that there was greate enmytie 
 betwixt them ever since the death of Sir Henry. Butt att 
 supper Robert Larkin came not, but sent his deputye John 
 Williams 1 , of whome I demanded for the writinge; whoe 
 peremptorilie awnswered, vizt. What hast thou to doe 
 to demand any writinge of us, whoe are the Companies 
 factours, and thou a newter? That Sir Henry had wrongd 
 them and the Companie in placeinge mee and puttinge 
 out those to whome it fell by lott or right, and that they 
 were to call accompt from mee of what was in my hands, 
 and that I had nothinge to doe with them; with manie 
 other fowle wordes, which I could not well brooke, butt 
 gave them the like awnswere; insomuch that growinge 
 into greate wordes, Larkin, haveinge lost his paine and 
 sicknes, came runninge forth like a madman, askinge for the 
 bilboes, threatninge that if I would not begone out of his 
 house (as he tearmed itt) he would sett mee into them. 
 Whereat I laughed to see the world soe much altered; 
 
 1 A merchant of the Sixth Voyage. In the autumn of 1613 he 
 was despatched in a junk to take charge of the factory at Sukadana, 
 but died on the way. 
 
 J. 20
 
 306 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 but to avoide farther inconveniences I departed and went 
 aboard the shipp to pawse better on the matter, with 
 determination to retourne againe the next daye to see if I 
 could finde them in a better humour. 
 
 Aug. 19. The next morninge, accompanied with the 
 rest of the marchannts of the lower house belonginge to 
 the Eighth Voyage, I retourned to the howse, requiringe 
 Robert Larkin and the rest quietlie to delyver up the 
 keyes of the warehouses and mony with account unto mee, 
 accordinge to Sir Henry Middletons order. But they, 
 beeinge armed with guns, halberts and swordes, came out 
 against me as in defiannce, sayinge that they knewe mee 
 not for cheife factour, neither should I have any thinge to 
 doe in thatt buysines; John Williams runninge att mee 
 with his naked sword that I was faine to putt the pointe 
 thereof backe with my hand; which if he had bene stronge, 
 he might have slaine mee. Butt I perceiveinge whereto 
 this matter might growe, and that itt would be a greate 
 scandall to our nation to fall together by the eares, I 
 entreated them that patientlie wee might conferre of the 
 buysines, and that they would laye aside their armes ; 
 which after they were pacified, I desired once againe to 
 see Sir Henries writinge for my owne discharge with the 
 Worshipfull Companie att home; that if itt weare his 
 deede, I had noe more to saye in the matter ; and if 
 they would not shewe itt mee, that they would give mee 
 a discharge under their hands that they had by force putt 
 mee of from the place of cheife factour. If neyther of 
 these they would consent unto, I craved witnes of the 
 standers by to signe to a writeinge which I had drawne 
 to thatt effect. As for the first, he shewed a writeinge 
 framed by his owne hand to the admittinge of Robert 
 Larkin to be cheife, but not signed by Sir Henrie, butt 
 had taken two witnesses of the raskally sorte to signe itt, 
 sayinge that Sir Henry had affirmed itt by sayinge: Lett
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 307 
 
 itt bee soe, not an hower before hee died. But they did 
 not stand much upon this writinge, because they knewe 
 it to bee falce, as the same witnesses affirmed afterwards, 
 sayinge that it was framed before Sir Henrie died, butt hee 
 would not signe itt; therefore they entreated these two 
 parties to sett their hands to itt after Sir Henrie was dead, 
 and had made a scratch for Sir Henries name. Therefore 
 Larkin would not suffer mee as much as looke on itt, 
 sayinge that it was sufficient he had itt to shewe. Neither 
 would they give mee any writeinge that they putt mee 
 from the place per force. Whereupon I entreated George 
 Ball, Richard Wesbye, William Shepperd 1 , Cassarian 
 David 2 , John Beaman 3 , Nicholas Bangham and John 
 Parsons to bee witnes of what hath in trueth passed in 
 this matter; all whose firmes 4 I have to a writeinge to the 
 tenour aforesaid; which beeinge done I departed for this 
 time. 
 
 Within two daies after they sent for mee, desiringe to 
 speake with mee. I awnswered thatt, seeinge they had 
 thruste mee out of the Worshipfull Companies house, I 
 would not retourne thether ; butt if there were any oc- 
 casions which concerned the Companies buysines, I would 
 come to conferre with them att any other house. Soe 
 they appointed to meet mee at a Chinaes howse ; where 
 
 1 Apparently he had come out in the Ninth Voyage. Later he 
 got into trouble with the Company for private trading. 
 
 2 A factor of the Eighth Voyage. He was afterwards sent to 
 Sambas in Borneo, and thence proceeded to Sukadana and Banjar- 
 massin. In the spring of 1618 he was despatched with two ships 
 to relieve the English garrison at Pulo Run, but was attacked by 
 the Dutch and forced to surrender. 
 
 3 This seems to be the John Beamon, Beamond, or Beaumont men- 
 tioned by Saris as being at Bantam in November, 1612. Later on we 
 find him at Achin and Tiku, and then chief of the English factory at 
 Luhu. He was one of those seized and tortured by the Dutch at 
 Amboyna, but was pardoned after being sentenced to death, and got 
 safely back to England. 
 
 4 Signatures.
 
 308 JOURNAL OF [l6l3 
 
 they beganne to seeme very sorrowfull of what passed, 
 desiringe mee to come to the house, protestinge greate 
 kindnes. But to the matter, they desired to knowe the 
 best course whether 1 to send the Darlinge, seeinge they 
 had soe much goods and mony lyinge by them. I awn- 
 swered that Sir Henrie had determyned to send her at her 
 retourne from Ambonia to Massapotan 2 , which I thought 
 was the best course, seeinge shee had alreadye some cloves 
 aboard, which was a principall comoditie for that place ; 
 besides they had much purselane 3 lyinge by them and 
 other comodities which would make up a good cargason ; 
 all which they lyked very well. And the next daie they 
 beganne to trym upp their China comodities, as purselane 
 and silks, to send in her, with greate protestacions of love 
 and freindshipp ; for they cared not whether, nor what 
 they gave mee, soe I would not staie in Bantam to trouble 
 them; and I, as much desirous to be rid of their companie, 
 made as much hast as might bee to fitt our shipp to 
 receive such goods as they would laye into her. Soe 
 that by the iQth of September wee had all things in the 
 shipp except our water, which wee could not fitt our 
 selves well, because the most parte of our caske was rotten, 
 and never a cooper left to tryme itt; soe wee tooke the 
 best of whatt was aboard, as likewise ashore, havinge one 
 which had little skill to trymme itt; but howsoever wee 
 must make a shifte with such as wee had. Soe that we 
 had all things aboard by the 2Oth of September att night, 
 our cargason beinge in all to the value of 2000 rialls of 
 eight, in China comodities, cloves and monnye. 
 
 1 Whither. 
 
 2 Masulipatam, on the Coromandel Coast, where an English 
 factory had been established by the merchants of the Globe (Seventh 
 Voyage) two years before. 
 
 3 Porcelain. Bantam was then the great centre for the purchase 
 of Chinese products.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 309 
 
 Of our voyage from Bantam to Massapotan. 
 
 Sept. 20. Att night we sett saile from Bantam towards 
 Massapotan. And beinge without the Straicts, wee found 
 the winde to hange betweene the N.N.W. and the N.W., 
 soe that wee could not gett alongst the shore of Sumatra ; 
 havinge beate too and againe aboute ten daies, and could 
 not gett two degrees to the northward ; soe that wee deter- 
 mined to gett of to the southward to seeke a winde to 
 carye us alonge. Butt consideringe the badnes of our 
 caske, I caused the maister to make search whatt water 
 wee had lefte before wee putt of from the land to sea; 
 for that if wee once putt of, there was noe hope of water 
 any where untill wee came to Massapotan. The maister 
 havinge dilligently searched and sounded the caske, found 
 most parte of our water leaked out, soe that there was 
 not remayneinge in the shipp above five butts of water ; 
 wherefore wee determined to beate itt upp a little longer 
 to gett Tecoo or Pryaman or Endrapura 1 , to gett water 
 before wee putt of. Soe thatt by the 22th of October 
 wee came into Tecoo Roade, havinge butt two hogges- 
 heads of water lefte ; yett wee had gone to hard allowance, 
 because our caske did leake out more then wee spent. 
 
 Oct. 22. Nowe cominge neere to the ilandes of Tecoo, 
 we might discerne two shipps in the Roade; butt night 
 cominge on, wee could nott gett the Roade, but weare 
 faine to anchour a league to the offinge. And aboute 
 ten att night there came of a boate sent from the Dragon 
 by Generall Best, whoe was come from Achin, with the 
 Dragon and Hosiander 2 . Soe the nexte morninge I went 
 
 1 Indrapura, on the west coast of Sumatra, in 2 S. 
 
 2 ' Oct. 22. This day the Darlinge came into the Roade of Teccoe 
 unto us, bounde for the Coaste of Carrmendell, her captaine Mr. John 
 Jourden, her merchants Christopher Luther, Nicholas Bangam, the 
 master Thomas Herode ; with whome when I had conferred, I called 
 a counsell, and upon divers consideracions changed the purpose of 
 her voyage and concluded her retourne agayne for Bantam ' (Capt. 
 Best's journal in /. O. Marine Records, no. xv.).
 
 3IO JOURNAL OF 
 
 in with the shipp within the ilands, where the other shipps 
 were att anchour; where I understoode thatt since our 
 comeinge from Bantam the Hosiander had bene there to 
 understand the state of the country, and was retournd 
 the same daie wee anchored to the offinge, they haveinge 
 gott itt up hard aboard the shore of Sumatra in 12 daies, 
 and wee beatinge itt up a whole monneth. Amongst 
 other conference with the Generall, hee tould me thatt 
 hee much wondred thatt wee would proceede to Massa- 
 potan att such a time of the yeare; that there was no 
 doings on thatt coast these five monnethes, alledginge 
 thatt he knewe itt for certayne by a Dutch shipp which 
 he mett upon the coaste of Seilan 1 , whoe tould them thatt 
 they were putt of from thence by fowle weather, haveinge 
 lost most parte of their anchours on the Coaste of Chora- 
 mandell, and weare in greate danger. Therefore hee 
 thought itt good that wee should retourne to Bantam in 
 his companie, and there to take some other course con- 
 cerninge the Worshipfull Companies affaires, which was 
 there, as he understood, ill manadged. Whereunto I 
 awnswered that, for the buysines att Bantam, I knewe 
 very well that it was not as well managed as itt ought 
 to bee ; but if itt were onelye aboute that buysines, itt 
 might very well be done without us. And as for the 
 time of the yeare for the Coaste of Choramandell, I told 
 him that the Hollanders had reported falslie unto him, 
 doubtinge that hee had bene bound thether to have 
 hindred them of their trade ; for that I knewe itt to bee 
 the principall time of the yeare for that place, and that 
 the Dutch themselves did usuallie depart from Bantam 
 at that time, as likewise the Globe and the James went 
 neere aboute the same time ; besides, I had sufficient 
 notice from Guzaratts that were att Bantam, that nowe 
 this next monneth was the cheifest time. All these 
 
 1 Ceylon.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 311 
 
 reasons allegd would not suffice, for that our cloves did 
 sticke in his stomocke to have them for his mony upon 
 accompt of his voyage. Therefore he called a counsell 
 the next daie, where it was concluded by his reasons 
 before allegd thatt wee should retourne for Bantam, there 
 to settle the Worshipfull Companies buysines in order, 
 and then after to proceed either in that voyage or some 
 other. To this I awnswerd thatt I could not stand against 
 a whole courte ; butt withall desired that my reasons for 
 the time of the yeare might bee sett downe in writeinge, 
 as alsoe the conclusion of the courte, and that I might 
 have itt under their handes for my discharge ; whereunto 
 they all agreed and the courte ended. Butt the next daie 
 goinge aland with the Generall, I brought him a mallim 1 
 or maister of a Guzaratts shipp, whoe affirmed before him 
 thatt within one monneth would bee the cheefest time for 
 Massapotan, hee beeinge latelie come from thence, and 
 laye att Tecoo aboute the sale of his comodities which 
 he brought from thence. All this could not satisfie the 
 Generall, the cloves smellinge soe sweete that wee must 
 retourne for Bantam in his companie ; and seeinge noe 
 remedy, I was content ; and the rather because of setlinge 
 the buysines there in better forme. The Generall lendinge 
 us his coopers to mend our caske; which being ended 
 we sett saile 2 from Tecoo, leaveing the Hosiander there 
 tradinge with the countrye people for pepper. And the 
 nth of November wee anchored in Bantam Roade with 
 the Dragon and the Darlinge. 
 
 1 Arabic mu'allim, a pilot or sailing-master. See the quotations 
 given in Hobson-Jobson, s.v. ' Malum.' 
 
 2 October 30 (Best's journal). Best notes that during the eleven 
 weeks he spent at Tiku he bought from 115 to 120 tons of pepper and 
 buried twenty-five men, the bulk of whom had contracted disease at 
 Pasaman. He consequently advised that no further attempt should 
 be made to trade at the latter place.
 
 312 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 Of my reestablishinge in Bantam by a Generall Court. 
 
 After our arryvall att Bantam, beinge the nth of 
 November as is aforesaid, the Generall forthwith deter- 
 myned to lade his shipp with the pepper and other 
 comodities that was provided for the Trades Encrease, 
 sendinge for all the English factours aboard his shipp, 
 beeinge Sundaie the 13th 1 , advisinge them thereof, as 
 alsoe that hee determyned the next daye (God willinge) 
 to bee aland to conferre with them in a generall courte 
 of marchannts aboute all necessarie buysines that did con- 
 cerne the Worshipfull Companies affaires ; willinge all of 
 them to thinke of all needfull buysines concerninge the 
 same ; which speech beinge done they departed ; willinge 
 mee to goe aland with them to provide all necessaries for 
 the ladinge of pepper the next daie, and to conferre with 
 the rest of the factours of all needfull matters against his 
 comeinge aland. 
 
 Nov. 14. Soe the next daie in the morninge, haveinge 
 begun to send pepper aboard before the breese came, 
 which was till ten of the clocke before noone, the Generall 
 willinge all the marchannts to come together, hee pro- 
 pounded that he understoode of some disorders and 
 controversie that there was betwixt the factors of the 
 Sixth and Eighth Voyages, as alsoe of the other Voyages 
 formerlie, which was of the remaynder lefte by Mr. Joanes 
 deceased 2 , and other matters which was better knowne 
 to them then hee could repeate, alledginge the greate 
 disgrace it was to our nation and the Honorable Companie 
 our employars to have soe many houses in one place, 
 seperated both in qualitie and freindshipp, beeinge all as 
 itt weare for one Companie ; which was a greate scandall 
 to our nation. Whereunto all replyed that it was very 
 
 1 Best says the I2th. 2 See note on p. 241.
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 313 
 
 necessarie that it should be (by his good discreetion) sett 
 in order, sayinge that they were all ashamed that itt 
 should bee soe ; desiringe him to ordayne it in better 
 manner ; and that it was fittinge there should bee butt 
 one head in the countrye ; butt for accompts, every man 
 might keepe them aparte for their particuler Voyages, as 
 itt was ordayned by the Worshipfull Companie, untill 
 farther order from them. All which liked the General! 
 very well ; sayinge that hee was very glad that they 
 weare all soe conformable to good orders. And for the 
 better confirmation thereof hee desired to have all our 
 sayings sett downe in writeinge, signed by us all, that he 
 might shewe it (God sendinge him well into England) 
 to the Honourable Companie, and thatt he had not done 
 any thinge without a generall consent; which writeinge 
 beeinge made and signed by us all, itt was delivered to 
 him. Whereupon hee demanded of them whoe they would 
 have amongst us all to be their heade ; to which they 
 generallie awnswered that there was no fitter man then 
 my selfe to remaine there to direct the buysines. Where- 
 unto I excused my selfe, sayinge that I was bound in 
 a voyage of importannce, which was likewise in the 
 Companies buysines, and thatt my yeares in servinge the 
 Worshipfull Companye was neere att an end, and my 
 selfe begininge to growe ould, that my determination (by 
 Gods permittance) was to end this voyage and soe to 
 repaire to my countrie. To the which the Generall re- 
 plyed, sayinge that he marvelled much that I would seeme 
 to refuse thatt which I had sett my hand unto, to have 
 a cheife factour chosen, beinge the first man thatt had 
 signed, and nowe I would bee the first that should breake 
 itt, being chosen by a generall consent, and none willinge 
 that any other should have the place butt my selfe ; some 
 of them affirmeinge thatt if I did not accept thereof they 
 would not staie under any other which was present. By
 
 3H JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 which perswations of the Generall and them all, I was 
 content (although against my will) to take the place untill 
 some other of better understandinge were ordayned by 
 the Worshipfull Companie. Soe that Robert Larkin was 
 ordayned to proceede in the voyage for Mussapotan in 
 the Darlinge, the Generall takeinge out the most parte of 
 the -cloves to carry for England, payinge in ready money 
 both for them, the pepper and other comodities belonginge 
 to the Sixth Voyage. 
 
 After my reestablishinge in Bantam by Generall Best 
 and the departure of the Dragon, which was the i6th of 
 December, 1613, there aryved the Expedition, wherein was 
 Captaine Newport 1 . The time of the yeare beeinge almost 
 past, I made the more haste to lade her with pepper ; soe 
 thatt within 20 dayes after her arryvall she was ready to 
 sett saile 2 . Att which time 3 arryved the Clove from Japan, 
 unexpected by the marchants of the Eighth Voyage which 
 laye att Bantam, beeinge George Ball, Richard Wesby, 
 Cassarian David. Butt when Captaine Sayris perceived 
 that his ladinge was not provided, he much stormed att his 
 marchannts ; butt they excused themselves, sayinge that 
 hee gave noe order to provide pepper; they thinkinge 
 thatt he would have spent the monson att the Malaccas 
 aboute buyinge of cloves, because they had hard him saye 
 
 1 This was the Twelfth Voyage, under Christopher Newport. An 
 account of it, written by Walter Peyton, will be found in Purchas 
 (i. 488). 
 
 2 'The seventeenth [December] wee brought our ship to an anchor 
 in Bantam Road ; where wee presently went ashoare to provide her 
 lading. On the nine and twentieth we made an end of lading our 
 whole complement. The second of January we set saile from Bantam 
 for England... Also this day, as we were going out by Pulo Pan Jan, 
 we mett with Generall Saris in the Cloave, come from Japan ; for 
 whose letters, and the delivery of foure chests, the captaine cast 
 anchor againe...We set saile once againe for England on the 
 fourth of this present' (Peyton, ut supra). By the Expedition Jour- 
 dain sent a long letter to the Company, but unfortunately it is no 
 longer extant. 
 
 3 January 3, 1614; see The Voyage of John Saris to Japan, p. 193.
 
 1614] JOHN JOURDAIN 315 
 
 that the Clove should never goe home laden with pepper ; 
 soe that there was nott any pepper ready for his ladinge, 
 nor money to buye itt. Therefore I was faine to helpe 
 them in their neede ; although Captaine Saris thought itt 
 to be my duty soe to doe, butt beeinge then of severall 
 Voyages I was att first in some doubt to laye out any 
 money for them ; butt consideringe that although itt were 
 for severall Voyages, and the necessitie of the tyme, and 
 the little use thatt I had then for money, I was contente to 
 buye some good quantitye of pepper for them. Soe thatt 
 aboute the end of January she was laden. Butt att the 
 first arryvall of Captaine Saris hee seemed to bee very much 
 moved because I was placed cheife by Captaine Best 1 ; 
 and principallye because I had nott come aboard before 
 I knewe whatt shipp itt was, she beinge becalmed three 
 leagues of the Roade of Bantam ; therefore I sente George 
 Balle in a proa, and to send me word whatt shee was. Soe 
 thatt Captaine Saris tooke such excepcions att itt that 
 when I came aboard he would scarse vouchsafe to looke 
 on mee, -threatninge to carrye mee home. To whome I 
 awnswered that I was not there with my will, butt was more 
 willinge to bee att libertie and goe home then to staie there, 
 if his aucthoritie did extend soe farre as to undoe that which 
 was established by annother Generall. Whereatt he was 
 very angrie, askinge whether I would looke into his 
 aucthoritie. Yea, said I, I am bound to see itt for myne 
 owne discharge. Then after his coller was past he began 
 to bee more milder, and embraced mee, biddinge mee 
 welcome. Soe we contynued ever after greate amici 1 *. 
 
 1 He afterwards approved the arrangement and agreed to the 
 concentration of all the merchants in one house, for which the King 
 of Bantam had given a site and promised to erect the building 
 for a present of 1500 rials ; see Saris's journal and Letters Received, 
 ii. 15. 
 
 2 Saris sailed about the loth of February, 1614. By him Jourdain 
 sent a letter to the Company, which is printed in Letters Received
 
 3l6 JOURNAL OF 
 
 In February there came to Bantam four China juncks 
 with silks, druggs and divers other comodities. The Dutch 
 made a shewe as if they would have had a consorteshipp 
 with us aboute the buyinge of their comodities betwixt 
 us ; butt when they perceived our willingnes to joyne with 
 them, they cunninglye went aboute to buye all from us 
 whiles wee weare treatinge aboute the matter ; and in the 
 end broke of from us, each to doe his best 1 . 
 
 Every yeare aboute the end of February there came 
 to Bantam three, four, five and six juncks from China 
 bringinge divers sorts of comodities as is before mentioned. 
 These juncks remayne in Bantam till the end of Maye or 
 June ; then they departe, most parte loden with pepper, 
 beinge shipps aboute 300 tonns or more, which doe carry 
 aboute six, seven, and eight thousand sacks of Bantam 
 pepper, besides divers other comodities, as sanders wood, 
 and much money, which they make of cashas 2 or lead 
 money which they bringe out of China, and carrie rialls 
 of eight out of the countrye for them ; soe that, notwith- 
 standinge soe much money as is brought to Bantam yearlie 
 by us and the Dutch, which wee paye for pepper, there is 
 greate scarcitie of money, by reason that the China junckes 
 carrie itt yearlie for China ; which the Kinge doth suffer 
 because the China marchannts doe bribe him, which hee 
 is content to take although itt be the overthrowe of his 
 commons. 
 
 (ii. 14). In this he lamented that it had proved impossible to send 
 a ship to the Moluccas that monsoon, ' for that they [the natives] did 
 depend much uppon the English this yeare, which nowe they wilbe 
 frustrate of ther hopes... if any shipp had gone this yeare theather 
 ther had bene noe doubt of her lading, and would have kept them in 
 hop[e]s untill better oppurtunytye.' Jourdain, it may be noted, had no 
 control over the various ships, their movements being settled by the 
 respective Generals. 
 
 1 Compare the account given on p. 323 ; also that in Jourdain's 
 letter to the Company dated January 2, 1615 (Letters Received, ii. 276). 
 
 2 On the Chinese coins known as cash see Hobson-Jobson, s.v., 
 and The Journal of John Saris, p. 213.
 
 1614] JOHN JOURDAIN 317 
 
 This Pengran Protectour is uncle to the younge Kinge 
 and doth keepe the Kinge in such awe thatt he is almost 
 afraid to aske money of him for his expence, although 
 hee bee nowe of yeares to governe himselfe, beeinge of 
 22 yeares of age and hath four wives, besides concubines, 
 and six children by his wives ; and the Pengran is soe 
 sparinge thatt he sendeth him 10 rialls of eight att a time, 
 tellinge him that all is for his good and for him, entreatinge 
 him to bee content with a mean expence, and he shall finde 
 the more in his coffers. Thus the Kinge with patience 
 perforce passeth his tyme 1 . This Pangran is very subtile 
 and wise in his owne opinion, takinge noe counsell but of 
 those which must saie and doe as he will ; soe that the 
 cheifest Arancayes in the countrye dare not move him 
 of any thinge that is distastfull to him ; and therefore 
 hee keepeth neere him two or three China slaves, alias 
 China torne coats, beinge become Mahomatans. These, 
 I say, are his cheife councell and doe direct all his 
 buysines under him. He is very fickle of his word ; noe 
 trust to his promise, except itt bee for his profitt ; a good 
 justicer where hee may gett any thinge by itt. If any 
 man speake to him aboute anie matter that he doth nott 
 like, he will make noe awnswere, butt begin some other 
 matter to putt you out of itt; and if you urge him to 
 awnswere, he wilbee very angrie and departe from you. 
 
 Wee have bene troubled manie times with fire ; some 
 yeares, three or four times in a monneth. The houses 
 beeinge of strawe, when itt taketh on fire runneth soe 
 suddenlie from howse to house thatt, if itt bee not pre- 
 vented by pullinge downe the houses before, itt will within 
 one hower burne the whole parishe or China quarter. Wee 
 
 1 Compare what has already been said about the King and the Pan- 
 geran (Prince) on p. 244. Saris speaks of the latter as 'the Governour 
 Pangran Chamarra, who is as Protector to the King, ruling all, the 
 King being as nobody, though of yeares sufficient ' (Purchas, i. 353).
 
 3l8 JOURNAL OF 
 
 have had the upper parte of our warehowses divers tymes 
 burnt and the fire gott within the warehowses, butt by 
 dilligence, after the force of the fire is past, wee have putt 
 itt out without any greate losse, God be thanked. Many 
 times the Javas setts the towne on fire on purpose because 
 they may steale, knowinge itt to be good fishinge in 
 troubled water ; and the comon sorte of Javas are very 
 cunninge theeves. Butt nowe there is nott soe greate feare 
 of fire as there was, because there are many howses made 
 with timber and covered with slate, which wee call their 
 fire free houses, because they are not soe apte to take fire 
 as the other 1 . 
 
 Many other thinges have passed in Bantam in the tyme 
 of my beeinge there, as well concerninge the settinge on 
 fire of the Trades Encrease as alsoe betwixt the Dutch and 
 us, which in breife hereafter followeth. 
 
 A true Relation of The Hollanders abuses offerred to our 
 nation in the East Indias since the yeare 1612 
 [1613], in the tyme of my beeinge in Bantam and the 
 Mullucaes, vizt. 
 
 In Anno 1612 [1613], in the monneth of January, they 
 made a fayned shewe of league and freindshipp with 
 Sir Henry Middleton concerninge the buyinge of China 
 comodities, makinge a shewe of agreement to joyne 
 together, thereby to buye all the best sortes of the goods 
 att reasonable rates, and underhand went aboute to gett yt 
 all into their owne handes. Which Sir Henry Middleton 
 
 1 Cf. Edmund Scot's account of the troubles of the English in 
 1603-05 owing to the frequent fires (Purchas, i. 167, 168, 170, 177). 
 A dangerous outbreak in January, 1614, is mentioned in Saris's 
 Journal (p. 195); and Jourdain, referring to the same incident, says 
 (O. C. 128): 'Wee have bene in great daunger three tymes within 
 ten dayes, the towne beeing burnt ; yet (God be thanked) wee have 
 not received any harme, ownly some smale charge in covering the 
 godongs [warehouses] with strawe.'
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 319 
 
 perceyveinge, sent directlye to knowe their myndes 
 whether they should conclude aboute the fayned agree- 
 ment ; whereunto they replyed that every one was to doe 
 their best for their employers ; they haveinge (in this time 
 of parley) gotten the cheifest and best parte into their 
 handes ; which afterwardes Sir Henrie Middleton could 
 not gett any butt att highe rates, which was the rayseinge 
 of China comodities that yeare. 
 
 In April 1613, my selfe beinge sent by Sir Henry 
 Middleton in the Darlinge for Ambonia 1 , cominge to the 
 towne of Hitto, I was well enterteyned by the countrye 
 people. The Hollanders havinge there a factorye, went sub- 
 tillye aboute to prevent our buyinge of cloves, perswadinge 
 mee not to buye any of the countrye people for raizinge the 
 price, assuringe mee that by their meanes I should buye 
 them better cheape. Butt I, not trustinge their faire 
 wordes, wrought with the people of the countrye to buye 
 their cloves and to settle there a factory accordinge to my 
 comission ; which they faithfullye promised mee, notwith- 
 standinge the Hollanders had threatned them to burne their 
 towne and secreetlie went aboute to gett all the cloves 
 which were in the towne of Hitto into there handes, and 
 those that would nott willinglie delyver them, they brake 
 open their doores and tooke them perforce, sayinge that 
 the English should not trade with them : seeinge they had 
 defended them from their enemyes the Portugalls, they 
 should nott sell their comodities to any butt them. Where- 
 upon the Governor of Hitto, havinge formerlye promised 
 us a parcell of cloves, came aboard with many of his 
 Arancayes, entreatinge us to departe, for that the 
 Hollanders had threatned to bringe thither their shipps 
 and to burne their towne and take them prisonners and 
 build their a castle, if they in any sorte gave us enterteyne- 
 
 1 See above, p. 247.
 
 320 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 ment ; affirminge that if wee would goe over to the other 
 syde, to a place called Lugho, that then they would 
 secreetlie send us whatt cloves they could ; urginge us 
 very earnestlie to bee gone, for if wee stayed any longer 
 the Hollanders had sworne to build a castle and keepe 
 them in such slavery as that they should never after bee 
 able to doe us any freindshipp ; assuringe us that the next 
 yeare they would provide a parcell of cloves for us, in 
 dispight of the Dutch. All this while the Dutch gave us 
 faire wordes and hope of many cloves, and dealinge thus 
 underhand with the countrye people; which I, seeinge noe 
 hope of any good to be done, and to give the people 
 content, I sett sayle for Lugho, which is aboute three 
 leagues oppositt from Hitto. 
 
 Item, I was noe sooner come to Lugho butt five of the 
 cheife comanders of the Hollanders were come in a proa 
 after mee. Butt before their commynge I had bene aland 
 with the Governour, whoe had promised us all kindnes and 
 all the cloves that were in the countrye. Butt as soone as 
 the Hollanders had spoken with him and threatned them 
 as they had done att Hitto, the Governours mynde was 
 soone altered ; which I perceyveinge went againe aland to 
 conferre with him, whoe advised nice of the Hollanders 
 threatninges and of their forces, sayinge that our force was 
 nothinge to defend them from the Dutch whome they soe 
 much feared ; notwithstandinge he would secreetlie cause 
 those which had any cloves to bringe them aboard our 
 shipp by night ; butt to grannte us a factorye he could nott 
 without their good will, which hee knewe they would never 
 grannte. And because wee should see their willingnes to 
 trade with us, hee would send for all the Arancayes or 
 cheife men in the countrye, and they would with one voyce, 
 before the Hollanders faces, avouch that they were the 
 cause, by their threatnings and forces, that wee weare not 
 enterteyned in their countrye, they beeinge all willinge to
 
 1613] JOHN JOURDAIN 321 
 
 trade with us as well as with them ; which the next daye 
 was effected before them in a publique audience, where the 
 Hollanders denied to come at the first callinge, butt when 
 the Governor and Arancayes sent them word the second 
 time that if they came not to awnsweare they would forthwith 
 grannte us trade with them and leave to build a house to 
 our contentes, they presently appeared. Whereupon the 
 Sabendour, by order from the Governor and Arancayes, 
 made a speech unto them. Theffect vizt. These English 
 men are come to trade with us as freinds, and wee all in 
 generall are content to trade with them as wee doe with 
 all other nations, and to that purpose wee have given them 
 our word to buye and sell with them to our best advantage ; 
 butt since your comminge from Ambonia you have charged 
 us not to deale with them on paine of emprisonment, 
 threatninge to burne our towne and build castells in our 
 countrye ; and wee knowinge your forces to bee such as 
 they nor wee can resiste, wee doe att present, notwith- 
 standinge our willingnes, deny to give them enterteyne- 
 ment except you will leave yt to our owne discretion, 
 which all in generall are willinge to yeild them quiett 
 trade and freindlie enterteynement. Which words beeinge 
 ended, they all held up their handes, makinge a lowde 
 shoute three times, sayinge : Wee are all willinge to enter- 
 teyne the English. Which beeinge ended the Governor 
 said unto mee : You see nowe the willingnes of us to 
 enterteyne you ; there wants nothinge butt the Hollanders 
 to saye they will nott molest [us ?] for itt ; which you in 
 your owne language may demand of them. Which after 
 a little pawsinge I said : Sir President 1 , att our laste 
 conference I remember you told mee that you wondred 
 very much that wee would presume to come to a place 
 
 1 By a slip Jourdain here gives Coen a title to which he had not 
 yet attained (see note on p. 323). 
 
 21
 
 322 JOURNAL OF [1613 
 
 which did belonge to you, to trade with a nation that 
 was not willinge to receive us. Whereupon I made this 
 motion to the Governor to knowe the trueth. He haveinge 
 honestlie discharged himselfe in this generall audience, 
 layinge all on your threatnings and forces ; which nowe, 
 if itt bee nott as they saye, you maye awnswere them. 
 Whereunto hee replyed nott a word unto them nor us, but 
 satte mute. Soe seeinge I could gett nothinge from them, 
 and after I had given the countrye people thankes for their 
 good will, I departed. And att my departure the people 
 gave againe three showtes, sayinge : Wee desire to trade 
 with our freinds the English. 
 
 The same night the Sabendor and other of the Aran- 
 cayes came aboard, tellinge us that the Hollanders had 
 tould them thatt our countrye could not afford any ship- 
 pinge for their defence, and that our Kinge was poore and 
 could nott sett forth above six shipps, and such small 
 pinnaces as ours, with many other words of infamye ; and 
 thatt they would send for their shipps att Amboynia, thatt 
 if wee went nott awaye the sooner they would either take us 
 or sinke us. Notwithstandinge all these words, they would 
 sell us all the cloves in the countrye, willinge us to send 
 our beame aland to prove with theirs, haveinge agreed 
 with them at 70 rialls per baharre. Soe the next daie 
 I sent the beame and marchannts a mile without the 
 towne, where they had appointed to bringe the cloves ; 
 which the Hollanders perceyveinge contynued their threat- 
 ninges to the countrye people, as likewise to us, sendinge 
 a notifycation requyringe mee to departe, as by the same 
 maye appeare ; to which I made noe awnsweare, butt went 
 forward in buyinge whatt I could gett ; which in the 
 meane tyme, to put the countrye people and us in feare, 
 they caused two shipps and a pinnace to come to Hitto, 
 threatninge every day to come over to us if wee would not 
 begone. Butt when they perceived thatt wee made little
 
 1614] JOHN JOURDAIN 323 
 
 reckoninge of them, they pacientlie stayed there and came 
 not over to us ; which made the country people see thatt 
 itt was butt their braggs. And havinge gotten as many 
 cloves as were there to bee had, wee went for Cambello, 
 where likewise they sent their embassadours to prevent us, 
 as they had done att Hitto and Lugho. Notwithstandinge 
 wee had as many cloves as were yett unsould ; and soe 
 wee departed and lefte the Hollanders. 
 
 Anno 1613 [1614]. The Dutch Generall, Peter Butt 1 , 
 havinge made complainte as findinge himselfe agreeved 
 thatt the prizes of China comodities weare soe much 
 raysed that there were noe proffitt to bee made by them, 
 alledging itt to bee our owne faults thatt wee did not 
 agree together and buye the China comodities betwixt 
 us, and make one buyer for the whole, intreatinge mee 
 that I would joyne with their President 2 att the comminge. 
 of the China juncks ; which I was content to doe, and att: 
 their arryvall I sent George Ball to talk with the Dutch 
 President to feele him concerninge what was propounded 
 by their Generall Peter Butt ; which att the first motion* 
 the said President seemed to bee content to joyne with, 
 us and make one buyer for the whole, and take onely such 
 comodities as were fittinge for our countrye and leave the 
 trash upon their handes, which would encouradge them 
 ever after to bringe thatt which was good and not such 
 deceiptfull wares as they did usually bringe. Whereupon 
 it was agreed thatt wee should meete in the afternoone att 
 the Dutch house to drawe writinges betwixt us, as well 
 concerninge China comodities as also to conferre aboute 
 the buyinge of pepper. In which conference the Dutch 
 President beganne to digresse from his former speech,, 
 alledginge thatt they were att greate charge with their 
 
 1 See note on p. 247. For the incident itself see above, p. 316. 
 
 2 Coen was made President of Bantam in October, 1613.
 
 324 JOURNAL OF [1614 
 
 soldiars and castells, and that there was noe reason but 
 that they should (in consideracion thereof) have the choise 
 of comodities, seeinge their stocke was greater then ours ; 
 alledginge farther that they were to buye the trashe 
 comodities as well as the good, to furnishe the Mulluccaes. 
 To which I replyed that for their castells and souldiars 
 wee had nothinge to doe in itt, onely the matter was to 
 conclude aboute the buyinge of China comodities, to bee 
 equallye divided betwixt us, wee haveinge money to paye 
 for itt as well as themselves and marchants to employe in 
 the buysines as well as they ; demandinge further of them 
 what quantitye of the trashe comodities they would buye. 
 To which he awnswered that aboute 6000 rialls would serve 
 their turne. To which I awnswered that I would take the 
 one halfe, thatt soe small a matter should nott bee the cause 
 of breakinge our pretended 1 agreement; to the which hee 
 would nott agree, for feare leste wee would send those 
 comodities to the Mulluccaes. Upon which his conclusion 
 was thatt except hee might (in consideracion of their 
 greate charge) have the one-fourth parte of all the Lankin- 
 silke to himselfe and after devide the rest equally, he 
 would doe nothinge. Whereunto I awnswered that I 
 wondred much att his proposicion, seeinge that formerlye 
 he made noe question thereof, and that I thought my 
 selfe disparadged to come to their howse to mocke mee 
 in that manner ; shewinge that our money was as good 
 rialls as theirs, ourselves nothinge inferiour to them in 
 the knowledge of the countrye manner of buyinge and 
 sellinge ; soe that if this were all that he would doe, that 
 each must shifte for himselfe. And soe without many 
 wordes els wee departed. And presently they laied out 
 to gett all into their hands, both good and badd ; which 
 I perceiveinge, and haveinge much money lyinge deade. 
 
 1 Intended. * Nanking.
 
 1614] JOHN JOURDAIN 325 
 
 I presentlie concluded to buye 50,000 rialls of all kindes 
 of silkes, all the Lankin silke included therein ; which 
 was the cause thatt I bought soe much thatt yeare, because 
 [when?] the Chineses sawe the Hollanders to crosse us, 
 they would not sell one without annother. And this yeare 
 the Hollanders bought noe Lankin silke, onely some trashe 
 comodities fittinge for the Molluccaes, and thatt att greate 
 rates ; whereatt they tooke very greate discontent, not- 
 withstandinge itt was their owne faults ; and seekinge 
 to crosse us some other waye, sent for all the China 
 marchannts of the towne of Bantam and offerred to trust 
 them with a parcell of Choromandell comodities to the 
 valewe of 40,000 rialls of eight, vizt. 
 
 The Hollanders, knowinge that wee had store of Choro- 
 mandell comodities, which came in the James, forthwith 
 sent for all the China marchannts, invitinge them to buye 
 their comodities, to bee paid in newe pepper att eight 
 monneths ; thereby to binde all the marchannts of the 
 countrye to them, because they should sell their pepper 
 to noe other. And the better to animate them to take 
 their comodities, they sold better cheape then formerlie 
 itt had bene sold att leaste 50 pro cento ; thinkinge thereby 
 not onely to binde all the marchannts to deliver them 
 pepper att the time of the yeare, but alsoe to hinder us 
 in the sale of our comodityes, beinge of the same nature, 
 therby to prevent or discouradge us any more to trade in 
 the like, seeing that there is little or noe gaine thereby if 
 wee sould at those prises and upon trust to those that 
 there is greate doubt of payment. Soe thatt I conclude 
 that they esteemed nott any losse soe as they might 
 prevent our buyinge of pepper and discouradge us from 
 the hopefull trade of Massopotan 1 ; which by these wyles 
 
 1 ' Thiere is owinge to the Hollanders above 80,000 rials, and they 
 cannot recover one penney this yeare ; which is due to them for cloath 
 which they delivered the last yeare to bee paid in pepper, and sould
 
 326 JOURNAL OF [1615 
 
 they have brought all the people of the Molluccaes 
 subject nott to sell any cloves butt to them, alledging 
 that first they must paye their debts before they will 
 permitt them to sell to any other ; and this they mayne- 
 taine by their force of shippinge, and have sought by all 
 meanes to bringe the like subjection att Bantam ; which 
 they will bringe to passe if itt bee not in tyme prevented. 
 
 Anno 1615 there was sent twoe shipps for Amboyna, 
 vizt. the Concord and the Thomasin ; where meetinge with 
 the Dutch, they sought by all meanes to debarre them of 
 trade, as formerlye they had done 1 . Notwithstandinge 
 our people were very well receyved [at] Cambello and 
 Lugho, where they had a house given them to leave a 
 factory. And att Cambello the castle was given us for a 
 house, the better to live free from the Hollanders. Which 
 when the Hollanders had newes thereof, they repayred 
 thether with their shipps, threatninge the people of the 
 countrye in such wise that they caused our marchannts 
 to gett them out of the countrye and delyver them to 
 the Hollanders ; where comminge aboard there shipp the 
 Generall of the Dutch caused them to bee laid in irons, 
 and kept them there with bread and water untill they 
 came to Cambello, where findinge the Concord they de- 
 livered them. And when they perceyved our coullours to 
 bee sett on the castell, they never lefte shuteinge with 
 their ordinance untill they had throwne itt downe, which 
 
 itt att such a lowe rate only to crose us in the sale of our Cormandel 
 cloath. Knowinge that wee had store of the James goodes and the 
 Globes, they presently gave out goodes to whome would buye. That 
 which formerly worth 10 rials per corge they sould for 5 rials and 
 4 rials ; and I thincke they will neaver be paid for the most parte. 
 This they did in pollozie, thinckinge that, wee seinge shuch smale 
 profitt by that sorte of goodes, wee would venture that way noe more ; 
 which some of them hath not lett to speake that they will beate us 
 out of that trade and make us wearye of itt' (Jourdain to the Company, 
 Dec. 1615: O. C. 330). 
 
 1 For this incident consult the papers in Letters Received, iii., 
 particularly the preface, p. xxxi.
 
 1615] JOHN JOURDAIN 327 
 
 was againe sett up three or four tymes, they alwaies 
 contynueinge shuteinge att itt untill that our men which 
 were in itt, aboute four in number, were inforced to leave 
 itt ; and the countrye people, the best parte of them, for 
 feare of the Dutch ranne into the mountaynes, where they 
 contynued a longe time in enmytie with the Hollanders. 
 And if any of our marchannts went to conferre with any 
 of the countrye, they had alwayes some of the Dutch to 
 dogge them, and would (sic) to listen and heare whatt 
 was spoken ; and demandinge them the reason, they 
 awnswered that they must doe itt, beinge soe comanded 
 by their Generall. Our people, seeinge themselves to bee 
 too weake for them, durst not withstand these inormyties, 
 knowinge that the Dutch did itt onely to picke a quarrell. 
 As alsoe wheresoever our shipps went they sent their 
 shipps after to watch them because they should not con- 
 ferre with the countrye people. 
 
 Alsoe the same yeare haveinge sent a small pinnace 1 
 for Banda, our pinnace was hailed aland. The maister, 
 John Alexander 2 , beeing aboard, the Hollanders came by 
 force and tooke him out of his barke, and carryed him 
 into the mountaynes to shewe them where the Bandoneses 
 weare, carryinge him with his hands bound, with four 
 Japuneses after him with their swords drawne, thatt if 
 hee offerred to goe awaye they should cutt of his head. 
 Thus they carried him into the woods, where the Ban- 
 doneses mett with them and slewe many of the Dutch, 
 and would not meddle nor shute att the maister. Butt 
 the Hollanders, perceiveinge themselves in danger, re- 
 tourned with some losse of men ; and by the way did 
 
 1 The Speedwell, which accompanied the Concord. 
 
 - A master's mate on the Hosiander, but promoted in January, 
 1615, to be master of the Speedwell (Letters Received, ii. 285). For 
 his ill-treatment by the Dutch see ibid., iii. 288, 293, and Peyton's 
 journal (Purchas, i. 533, and Brit. Mus. Addl. MSS. 19276).
 
 328 JOURNAL OF [l6l6 
 
 buffett the maister, and when they came to the waters 
 side they threwe him into their boate bound hand and 
 foote, treadinge on him in their boats hold, havinge taken 
 from him his cloathes from his backe and other things 
 which hee had aboute him. And beinge brought aboard 
 before the Dutch Generall 1 , he made complainte of his 
 hard usage and of his things taken from him ; vvhereunto 
 the Generall replyed sayinge : Itt is well thatt thou haste 
 escaped with thie lyfe. And this was all the recompence 
 thatt he could have, the Generall revilinge him in most 
 outragious manner. 
 
 The yeare followinge, anno 1616, the Dutch peremp- 
 torilie sent a message to our house att Bantam, requiringe 
 us not to presume to send any shipp for Amboyna, Banda 
 or the Molluccoes ; and because wee should the better 
 understand their minds they sent itt in writeinge, as by 
 the same may appeare, requiringe us as aforesaid not to 
 send any shipp to any the said places ; which if wee did 
 they protested to prevent our trade, if all their forces 
 would doe itt ; and if any slaughter of men happened 
 thereupon, they protested likewise nott to bee culpable 
 thereof. To which was awnswered as by the same write- 
 ings may appeare. 
 
 And at the cominge of our four shipps to Banda, viz. 
 the Clove, Defence, Thomas and Concord, they presentlye 
 came with a fleete of eleven saile ; which the Bandaneses 
 perceyveinge, delivered the castell and countrye by a 
 generall consent of all the cheife of the iland to Richard 
 Hunt 2 , alias Potnoll, Your Worships factor there residente, 
 for the use of the English nation, with articles by them 
 
 1 Gerard Reynst, Governor-General, 1614-15. 
 
 2 Nothing is known of Hunt previous to the voyage here mentioned, 
 except that he came out with David Middleton in the Expedition, and 
 presumably accompanied him to the Bandas. Peyton calls him 
 'Richard Pottman' (Brit. Mus. Addl. MSS. 19276, p. 78).
 
 l6l6] JOHN JOURDAIN 329 
 
 dravvne for their liberties. And our colours being spread 
 on the castell walls, the Dutch with all their forces came 
 against itt, and shott downe the colours three or four 
 times ; and the Hollanders haveinge made greate promises 
 to the people of Lantour, which were within the castle to 
 ayde the Bandaneses, caused them to rebel 1 ; which the 
 Bandaneses perceiveinge went forth of the castell and 
 fled ; in whose companie went alsoe the said Hunt, for 
 feare of his life, the Hollanders haveinge sworne to hange 
 him, and did offer greate somes of money for his personn. 
 Butt the said Hunte, with helpe of the Bandaneses, gott 
 a proa and came to Macassar, and from thence to Bantam, 
 bringinge with him the earth of the countrye, sticks and 
 stones, delivered him in signe of possession of the countrye 1 . 
 Hee had not bene longe at Bantam butt the Hollanders 
 sought to picke a quarrell with him, my selfe beeinge at 
 Jacatra, in manner followinge. Richard Hunte passinge 
 in a very narrowe streete, mette with two of the Dutch 
 marchannts, which came abrest towards him and would 
 nott give him way to passe by. Soe Hunte put one of 
 them aside to make waye ; whereupon the[y] fell to blowes. 
 The Dutch beeinge neere their backe dore, called for there 
 slaves, whoe presentlie came, to the number of 20 persons, 
 and fell upon him and beate him very sore, and hailed 
 him through the durte by the haire of the head to there 
 owne howse, and sett him in the boults at their gate in 
 the hott sunne, without hatt, because the countrye people 
 should take notice of what they durst doe unto us. Our 
 people would have fetcht him from thence perforce ; butt 
 John Gurney, beeinge left cheife in my absence 2 , would 
 nott suffer them, but sent by faire meanes to them to 
 
 1 On all this see Letters Received, vol. iv. introduction, p. xvii., 
 and the documents there mentioned. 
 
 2 This fixes the date as July, 1616 (see Letters Received, iv. 146). 
 Jourdain had gone across to Jakatra to negotiate with the chief.
 
 330 JOURNAL OF [l6l6 
 
 delyver him into our owne custodye. Butt they would 
 nott deliver him, butt lett him stand there all the daie in 
 veivve of all the countrye people to our greate disgrace ; 
 which our marchannts perceiveinge, sent a messenger to 
 Jacatra advisinge mee of whatt had passed ; and I pre- 
 sentlye embarqued myselfe and came to Bantam, where 
 I found Hunte emprisonned, butt not att the gate as 
 before, but was kept in irons within their house. 
 
 This injurye beinge thus publiquely done unto us, I 
 thought good not to send to entreate them for his lybertie, 
 as the Hollanders expected, butt gave order to take the 
 best of their marchannts and use him in the same manner 
 in open veiwe of the countrye ; which they perceiveinge, 
 kept house, and complayned to the Kinge. Whereupon 
 the Kinge sent mee word that I should be advised not to 
 fight or make any sturringe in his countrye ; that if I 
 would have any thinge of the Hollanders wee should trye 
 itt att sea. Whereupon I .went to him and told him the 
 whole circumstance of the matter ; which when hee heard, 
 he awnswered that hee nor none of his should meddle 
 neither with thone nor thother of us ; willinge mee to doe 
 as I sawe cause, soe farre forth as I meddled nott with any 
 of the countrye. They Dutch perceiveinge that I had 
 bene with the Kinge, the next daie sent home the said 
 Hunte, with a peremptory sayinge thatt notwithstandinge 
 the abuses by the said Hunte they had sent him home, not 
 doubtinge butt thatt I would punnishe him accordinge to 
 his deserts ; which if they thought I would not perfourme, 
 they would punnishe him themselves. To which I awn- 
 swered vizt. thatt I would not receyve him upon those 
 tearmes, butt that hee should retourne with them againe, 
 and what punnishment they durst laye upon him the like 
 I would doe to the best of their marchannts ; butt if hee 
 [they?] were willinge to give us satisfaccion for the injurie 
 done, not onelie to him butt in generall to our nation, they
 
 l6l6] JOHN JOURDAIN 331 
 
 should send me their cape marchant, that was the cause of 
 all these broyles, thatt I might laye him in irons in pub- 
 lique manner to the veiwe of the countrie people, as they 
 had done to ours ; and when wee had once made equall the 
 injury done, then I would examine the cause, and if he 
 were found in the faulte he should be punnished according- 
 lie ; and the like I expected from them. With this 
 awnswere they retorned, butt the Presedent would not 
 receive him any more into there house, butt thrust him out 
 of dores. But I would not receyve him into the house 
 untill I had better satisfaccion from them, butt secreetly 
 caused him to goe to Jacatra, there to abide untill farther 
 order. Soe thatt before wee could have any convenyent 
 oportunitye to take any of their marchannts (because they 
 went alwaies guarded with many Jappons, and we un- 
 willinge to make any revolte in the towne) Captaine Keel- 
 inge came into the Roade 1 , whoe was informed of the 
 cause; whoe was willinge to wincke at itt, and soe the 
 matter rested ; which soe much imboldned the Flemyngs 
 that shortlie after meetinge with some of our saylers in a 
 racke house, there was some words betwixt them, and a 
 Dutch souldiar drewe his sword upon two of our men ; and 
 they runninge awaye, because they had noe weopons, the 
 souldiars followinge after them with their swords drawne 
 mett with two more of our Englishmen, whoe in peaceable 
 manner perswaded the Flemings to be quiett ; butt they 
 without reguard fell upon them, and cutt three of our men 
 in such manner as thatt all men had thought they had 
 beene slayne, butt were soe sore wounded that they will 
 never bee their owne men againe. The next daie wee sent 
 twoe of our marchannts to complaine of the injurie done 
 us, butt could have noe satisfaccion ; rather the cheife 
 actour, whoe was a lieftenant, came daylie before our dore, 
 
 1 Keeling arrived at Bantam in the latter part of September, 1616.
 
 332 JOURNAL OF [1615 
 
 walkinge in braveinge manner, the more to agravate our 
 greifes. 
 
 These wrongs beinge offerred unto us in open veiwe of 
 the countrie people, without any satisfaccion, doth in parte 
 make them believe all to be true what the Dutch doth 
 reporte in secreete unto them. As first, to the Kinge of 
 Jambee 1 , vizt. The Dutch understandinge thatt wee pre- 
 tended to send a shipp for Jambee, to settle there a factorie, 
 they to encounter us in the action dispatched a pinnace 
 into the Straicts of Malacca, where their Generall was with 
 two shipps. And they, knowinge that the Kinge of Jore 2 
 had married the Kinge of Jambees daughter, procured his 
 letter to the Kinge of Jambee, wherein he wrote by the 
 instigation of the Dutch that hee understood that the 
 English had pretended to settle a factorie in his countrye ; 
 which hee intreated not to grannte, because the English 
 were a poore and base nation, deflowrers of woemen, greate 
 theeves and drunckards ; therefore hee entreated him not to 
 give us any enterteynement in his countrye. Which letter 
 beeinge brought by a Dutchman called Prince 3 in a proa, 
 rowinge alonge the shore against the monson to make the 
 more hast, he arryved at Jambee shortlie after the shipp 
 the Attendante. And having delyvered the Kinge of 
 Jores letter to the Kinge of Jambee, the Kinge sent for 
 Richard Wesby and tould him that he could not grannte 
 him to build any house, butt that he might hire a house, 
 tellinge him whatt the Dutch had reported to the Kinge of 
 Jore ; and therefore he would first see whether wee weare 
 people of that disposition or nott, before he would give 
 leave to builde ; which after hee had seene our behaviour 
 and informed himselfe of the Portugalls there tradinge, he 
 presentlie granted us to builde, although the Flemings 
 
 1 Jambi, on the eastern side of Sumatra. 2 Johor. 
 
 3 Cornelius Prince (Letters Received, iii. 200).
 
 1613-16] JOHN JOURDAIN 333 
 
 contynually wrought against itt ; all which appeareth 
 by Richard Wesbyes letter, and confirmed by Prince and 
 annother Dutch marchant that delivered the letter to the 
 Kinge of Jambee, and confessed it unto mee at Bantam 1 . 
 
 These are the abuses which to my knowledge hath 
 bene done by the Dutch after my comeinge to Bantam 
 with Sir Henrye Middleton, Anno 1612 [1613], which doth 
 tend whollie to the cuttinge us of our trade in the East 
 Indies. Their grounds in breife are these, vizt. Inprimis, 
 in seekinge by subtiltye to hold us underhand with faire 
 words to beate the bushe, while they would cunninglie 
 carrye awaie the birde, if they were not prevented ; as may 
 appeare by their dealinges att Amboyna and Bantam 
 formerly allegd. 
 
 Secondly, when they see that their cunninge dealinge 
 underhand will not serve their purpose, they thinke to 
 discouradge us and eate us out of trade by sellinge cheape ; 
 supposinge thereby that wee will in tyme bee weary of a 
 trade where there is little proffitt; and wee giveinge itt 
 over, the trade of Coramandell shall remayne whollie to 
 themselves. 
 
 Thirdlie, they trust in all countryes where they deale, 
 byndinge the countrye people to sell them all their comodi- 
 ties, as in the Molluccaes ; and doe daily practise the like 
 att Bantam, thinkinge by this meanes to gett all the 
 pepper into there hands. 
 
 Fourthlie, they seeke by secreete and open injuries to 
 drawe the peoples hartes from us ; as by defameinge us 
 secreetly and abusinge us openlye in veiwe of the world ; 
 which wee in bearinge soe much with their insolencye 
 makes us to be thought a weake nation, not able to right 
 
 1 See Letters Received, Hi. 160, 199, 202, 324, etc. This establish- 
 ment of an English factory at Jambi by Richard Westby took place 
 in October, 1615.
 
 334 JOURNAL OF [1616 
 
 ourselves, much lesse to protect annother nation ; as they 
 to many kinges have reported. 
 
 Dec. 12, 1616. This daie, beinge the I2th of December, 
 I came aboard the Clove 1 to fitt my cabbin and muster our 
 companie ; where I remayned till the I4th dicto, and 
 finished my accompts. 
 
 Dec. 14. I retourned aland and tooke my leave of the 
 Kinge, whoe presented mee with a cowe and ten sacks of 
 pepper, which I lefte in Mr. George Barkleys 2 hands, and 
 the same daye retourned aboard. 
 
 Dec. 15. Mr. Barkley came aboard with the marchannts 
 and some of the countrye people, and dined, and retourned 
 aland at eveninge. 
 
 Dec. 1 6. In the morninge aboute six of the clocke wee 
 sett saile from Bantam Roade, and anckored betwixt Pulla 
 Pengan and Palembam Pointe 3 , where wee tooke in woode. 
 
 Dec. 17. Mr. Ball with other marchanntes came off to 
 us and brought their letters, with Mr. Barkleys to the 
 
 Honourable Companie. And soe wee tooke 
 Dec. 1 8. 
 
 our leaves of them ; and after dinner they 
 
 departed, and wee sett saile and wente of. 
 
 Dec. 19. We have[inge?] gott upp as farr as Little 
 Bassy 4 , an iland which doth make the Straicts before you 
 enter into Bantam, some eight leagues from thence, wee 
 weare taken with a W.S.W. winde soe feirce thatt wee 
 were faine to putt roome againe for Palembam Pointe ; 
 
 1 The Clove, after her return to England from the voyage to Japan, 
 had been fitted out again and arrived at Bantam at the end of 1615. 
 Thence she was sent with three other ships to the Bandas and 
 Moluccas under Samuel Castleton, and on her return was careened 
 and got ready for the voyage home. 
 
 2 His successor as Agent. 3 See note on p. 239. 
 
 4 Pulo Sebesi, in the Straits of Sunda, between Verlaten and 
 Sebuku Islands.
 
 l6l6] JOHN JOURDAIN 335 
 
 where wee roode with contrary winds and stormy weather 
 till the 22 dicto, takinge in of wood and water, which wee 
 found nere the pointe. In this time wee were putt backe 
 twice and lost an anchor. 
 
 Dec. 23. Wee sett saile once againe, and gott out on 
 the coaste of Sumatra, where wee ankored in 28 fathome, 
 to stopp a tyde which came very feirclie against us. 
 
 Dec. 24. In the morninge wee sett saile and gott some 
 five leagues ahead alonge the coast of Sumatra, butt could 
 nott finde any place to anker in ; and the tide beeinge 
 comeinge against us, fearinge to be putt againe to leeward, 
 wee bare roome for Pulla Bassy and there ankored betwixt 
 Sumatra and the iland in 35 fathome in fowle ground; 
 havinge lost one anchor neere the same place formerly, 
 and nowe wee onlie galled our cable, beeinge reasonable 
 faire weather. 
 
 Dec. 25. Wee sett saile with the winde at N.W. and 
 N.N.W., and gott of neere the Salte Hills 1 ; butt beeinge 
 becalmed and the current against us, wee anchored in 
 50 fathome, with twoe cables on an end, because wee 
 would not putt backe againe, havinge much adoe to weigh 
 our ankour. 
 
 Dec. 26. In the morninge with much paines wee wayed 
 anchour with the tide, and stoode of att West, the winde 
 beeinge att N.N.W., little winde. And aboute eight of the 
 clocke itt fell calme, butt the current helpinge us, settinge 
 to the offinge. And in the afternoone the winde came att 
 W.S.W., and wee stoode of N.W. and N.W. & by W. ; soe 
 that this daye at night wee had the Salt Hill east of us 
 some four leagues. 
 
 Dec. 27. It was calme untill noone, and then wee had 
 an easie gale att S. and S. & by E. Wee stoode our course 
 
 1 See note on p. 239.
 
 336 JOURNAL OF 
 
 S.W. & by W. In the eveninge wee had much rayne, and 
 the wynde varyable, and calmes. 
 
 Jan. 4 [1617]. ...This daye aboute five of the clocke 
 in the eveninge wee had sight of Keelinge Hand 1 , some six 
 leagues N.N.W. of, the middle parte of the souther parte 
 att N.W. and by N., risinge in four partes like ilands, a 
 lowe land, plaine, with fewe trees, as itt seemed 
 
 Jan. 1 6. ...Att noone per observacion 22 d. 45 m.; 
 and att sonne settinge varriation \blank\ This daye our 
 maister, Richard Dale 2 , fell by the eares with the carpenter, 
 for upholdinge his boye to stricke the boatson. The 
 matter beinge examined, I caused the boye to have 12 
 whips att the capston, and the carpenter in the bilbowes 
 eight howers.... 
 
 Jan. 24. ...Att noone lattitude 28 d. 22 m. These 
 twoe dayes I finde the shipp gone farther to the southward 
 then per judgment I can allowe her, that I thinke some 
 corrent setteth to the southward. This daie aboute nine in 
 the morninge Mr. Bewly, being erased in his wittes, lept 
 overboard, and wee goinge before the winde could nott 
 save him, havinge a stiffe gale, and was drowned before 
 wee could have out our boate... 
 
 1 'This day wee see Keelings eoyland, that boore N.N.W. som 
 5 leages oft ' (Bardon's journal). ' The 4 of this month wee fell with 
 Keelings Hand, which lyeth 190 leages from the Salt Ilands, in the 
 latitude of 12 degrees and 12 minutes south, and hath varyation 
 7 degrees and 10 mynutes to the westward' (Monden's journal). 
 
 The Cocos or Keeling Islands lie about 600 miles S.W. by W. of 
 Java Head, almost in the track of vessels making for the Cape of 
 Good Hope. They were formally annexed by England in 1857, and 
 are now under the government of the Straits Settlements. It is gene- 
 rally accepted that they were discovered in October or November, 
 1609, by Capt. William Keeling on his homeward voyage from 
 Bantam ; but I can find no actual account of the discovery. 
 
 2 He had been first coxswain and then mate of the Clove in her 
 voyage to Japan (see Saris's journal).
 
 1617] JOHN JOURDAIN 337 
 
 Jan. 29. Very much winde att S.S.E. Course West, 
 havinge sayled these 24 howers 40 leagues att W. & by S. ; 
 havinge butt our two courses abroad these 24 howers, and 
 the yards very lowe. This daie wee had a much over- 
 growne sea. Att noone, darke weather ; noe observacion, 
 but by estimation 30 d. 50 m. Aboute four in the after- 
 noone the winde at S.W.; much winde, thatt were faine to 
 lye a trye with a gouse wing 1 of the mayne course, with 
 much winde all night. This is the fourth daye that wee 
 have not scene the sonne. 
 
 Feb. 19. Winde E.S.E. and S.E. & by E. ; little winde 
 this 24 howers ; alwaies a greate sea out of the W.S.W. 
 Att noone per observacion 34 d. 34 m., havinge made these 
 24 howers 15 leagues W.N.W. Westerly. Here wee finde 
 the current to leave us. Att noone wee stand awaye W. 
 and by N., with a little gale at East, untill four in the 
 afternoone ; att which time wee had sight of land 2 bearinge 
 of us the westermost parte N.W. & by W. and the easter 
 parte N. & by W., reasonable highe land risinge in hum- 
 mocks, with one highe mountaine att the easter parte and 
 three hummocks att the wester, one bigger [then ?] the 
 other[s ?], ragged land ; by judgment 12 leagues of. Then 
 wee stoode awaye W.S.W. with a stiffe gale. At night 
 varriation 5 d. 50 m. 
 
 Feb. 20. In the morninge a stiffe gale at N.E. & by E. 
 and E.N.E. ; and from forenoone wee stoode awaye W.N.W. 
 to see the land. Att noone itt fell calme, thatt wee sawe 
 not the land. Per observacion att noone 35 d. u m., and 
 wee steered still W.N.W. untill the morninge, havinge 
 sayled these 24 howers and made a W. & by S. \ Southerly 
 
 1 * Goosewings of a sail, the clues or lower corners of a ship's main- 
 sail or fore-sail, when the middle part is furled or tied up to the yard ' 
 (Falconer's Diet. Marine]. 
 
 2 The African mainland. 
 
 J. 22
 
 338 JOURNAL OF 
 
 35 leagues, besides allowance for the current which setteth 
 with us ; which upon sight of Cape Dagullas will shevve, 
 for thatt by my reckoninge I am 50 leagues to the east- 
 ward of itt and lyeth west northerly. It contynued calme 
 all night, thatt this daie wee sawe noe land. Att sonset- 
 tinge varriation 3 d. 20 m. 
 
 Feb. 21. Little winde in the morninge att S.S.W. 
 Course W.N.W. and N.W. and by W. to make the land, 
 butt itt fell calme till two in the afternoone. Per obser- 
 vacion 34 d. 53m. Att which time wee sounded and had 
 ground in 48 fathome, fayre browne sand ; butt wee could 
 see noe land, beinge very hazie, untill three in the after- 
 noone, W.N.W. of us, lowe land. Wee have sailed these 
 24 howers 14 leagues, W. and by N. | Northerly. Att 
 eveninge itt fell calme. In this tyme wee sounded att 
 [and ?] had 48, 47, 45 and 40 fathome, faire broune sand. 
 Varriation att night 3 d. Otherwise by our soundinge wee 
 should take this land to bee Cape de Gullas, beinge butt 
 lowe land. 
 
 Feb. 22. Beinge calme this last night untill six in the 
 morninge, att which time the wynde came up in a shower 
 at E.S.E. and East, wee sawe the land very plaine, beeinge 
 aboute seven leagues of, lowe land with trees, lyinge N.W. 
 and by N. of us, and the northermost parte lowe land lyinge 
 of us N. and by E. with high land over itt. The wester- 
 most land laye W.N.W., rizinge with two hummocks, one 
 bigger then the other, and wee steered awaye W.S.W. This 
 land seemed to bee Cape de Gullas by the risinge of the 
 land and by our soundinge ; butt by our reckoninge and 
 varriation wee were shorte 30 leagues of itt. Att noone 
 darke weather ; noe observation, butt by judgment 34 d. 
 50 m. ; havinge sayled these 24 howers 16 leagues West 
 Northerly. Att two in the afternoone wee sawe land of us 
 lyinge W. and S., which wee take to be Cape da Gullas. 
 Then wee steered S.W. and by W. and W.S.W. In the
 
 1617] JOHN JOURDAIN 339 
 
 eveninge wee made an other head land lyinge W.N.W. of 
 us, havinge brought Cape Dagullas N.W. Northerly. Wee 
 affirme this land to bee the Cape Dagullas, risinge like the 
 former, and this other land riseth like a gurnetts head, nott 
 much unlike Portland. Noate that you have 30 leagues to 
 the westward of Cape Dagullas from 40 to 60 fathome, 
 and after you passe itt to the eastward noe ground in 
 70 fathome. 
 
 Feb. 23. Much winde att East and E. and by N. And 
 att four in the morninge wee stoode in N. and N. and by 
 W. for the Cape Bona Esperansa; which wee sawe in 
 the morninge aboute 15 leagues N.N.W. of us, and wee 
 stoode with our twoe courses and bonnetts. Much winde. 
 Varriation in the morninge 40 m. Att noone wee weare 
 thwarte Cape Falso, some five leagues of. By observacion 
 att noone 34 d. 27 m., havinge sailed these 24 howers 
 30 leagues West S. West Westerlye and 15 leagues N.N.W. ; 
 haveinge had noe ground after eight at night, beinge to 
 the westward of Cape Dagullas. In the eveninge lesse 
 winde, and wee passed Cape Esperansa, faire by the Baye 
 of Saldanha, that wee might discerne the Table and the 
 Sugar Loafe ; and then, beinge night and the winde scant- 
 inge upon us, wee laye too and againe all night, with little 
 winde. 
 
 Feb. 24. Faire weather and calme untill two in the 
 afternoone, and then in a fogge the winde came att W.S.W. 
 and S.W., butt soe darke wee could not see the ships 
 length ; soe that wee were forced to tacke aboute and lye 
 too and againe all night, the fogge still contynued. Att 
 which time wee tackt aboute wee were within two leagues 
 of the pointe turninge into the baye, and within two 
 leagues of Penguin Hand, bearinge N.E. and by N. of us, 
 and the pointe N.E. and by East. 
 
 Feb. 25. All the day much fogge, that wee could nott 
 see the ships length, much lesse the land, untill two in the 
 
 22 2
 
 340 JOURNAL OF 
 
 afternoone. Then itt cleared up, and wee stood in E. with 
 the winde att S. and by East and S.S.E., a pretty gale, the 
 pointe bearinge of us E.N.E., and some five leagues of us. 
 Wee steered into the roade of Saldania in the night, 
 beeinge faire by itt in the eveninge ; soe wee went in by 
 our leade and ankored in the baye aboute ten of the 
 clocke. And this eveninge before sonne sett, wee had 
 sight of two shipps to the westward of us, neere Penguin 
 Hand, and they stoode into the baye with us ; butt the 
 winde scantinge upon them, could nott fetch itt in this 
 night. 
 
 Feb. 26. Aboute ten in the morninge came in the two 
 shipps which we sawe overnight, and anchored by us, the 
 one beinge 160 tons, the other of no tonnes, the one 
 belonginge to Sir Robert Ritch, wherein was Captaine 
 Samuell Newce, and in the smaller shipp was Captaine 
 Thomas Joanes, belonginge to \blank\ Etalian. These 
 shipps had a lycense onelye from my Lord Admyrall to 
 goe for the coaste of Guinney, as I understood by Captaine 
 Newce ; butt beinge att sea came to the Cape Bona 
 Esperansa to looke for China juncks or for Dieu or 
 Chaule shipps outward or homeward to the Red Sea. Butt 
 I finde them selves to be weared of their voyage, beeinge 
 drawne this waye against there wills by the maryners and 
 Thomas Joanes and Cellyns the chirurgeon. The bigger 
 of the shipps is called the Francis and the other the Lion 1 . 
 
 The same daye I went aland to seeke refreshinge, and 
 wee had some leane calves which wee bought and brought 
 aboard. And on the stones aland 2 wee sawe thatt the 
 Amsterdam and the Greate Selan arryved att Saldania 
 the 2Oth of Februarye, which is the loth dicto per our stile, 
 
 1 For this interloping expedition and its fate see The Voyage of 
 Sir Thomas Roe, 420 n. 
 
 2 See note on p. 13.
 
 1617] JOHN JOURDAIN 34! 
 
 and departed hence the 4th of March, which is the 22th 
 of February ; wherein was cheife comander George Spel- 
 bergem bound home, and are to touch att St Helena 1 . 
 He had as much refreshinge as he desired. Alsoe wee 
 perceived that Captaine Keelinge withe the Dragon and 
 Expedition departed from Saldania the first of February, 
 havinge stayed 29 daies refreshinge them 2 . In the tyme 
 of our beeinge in this roade wee could nott gett any 
 refreshinge after the first daie, although the people came 
 downe with greate store of cattle and sheepe and many 
 people armed, contrarye to their former uses. The 
 next daie after our arrivall they brought downe above 
 5000 head of cattle, which made me to doubt some plott 
 of treason, with aboute 1000 armed men ; but wee weare 
 armed to prevent the worst ; butt of these cattle they 
 would not sell any unlesse wee would goe with our people 
 to Cories house, which is an Indian which was carried for 
 England in the Hectour per Captaine Tovverson 3 . Soe 
 wee agreed, if itt were nott farre, to goe with some 
 60 armed men thether to see the reason ; he tellinge us 
 that his enymies would not suffer them to sell us cattle, 
 and if wee would goe to his house thatt they would all 
 flye ; then wee should have whatt wee would. Butt when 
 wee were come to the toppe of the hill, some four miles 
 from the tents, wee sawe in the valley aboute 10,000 head 
 of cattle, and by judgment aboute 5,000 people, which fled 
 nott for feare of us. Soe Corye goinge with us, would have 
 had us to goe downe into the valley to them and take 
 the cattle ; which I would nott consent unto to endanger 
 our selves amongst soe many beasts. Wee beinge already 
 
 1 This is the great circumnavigatory voyage (1614-17) of Joris 
 van Spilberghen. 
 
 2 He had left Bantam October 10, 1616. 
 
 3 For the curious story of this ' Saldanian ' and his experiences in 
 England see Letters Received, iii. 295.
 
 342 JOURNAL OF [l6l/ 
 
 weary of our journey retourned to our tents, and Corye in 
 our companie, wee promisinge him to goe to our shippe to 
 fetch more men and come againe the next daie ; butt when 
 hee perceived thatt wee pretended noe more to goe in that 
 exploite he departed from us, and never came neere us 
 more, nor any other of them, thinkinge (as wee judge) that 
 wee perceived their treason to drawe us amongst their 
 cattle and the multitude of people, and wee beinge weary 
 and dead for wante of water, there beeinge none, and 
 amongst pushes [bushes?], hills and stony ground, they 
 might easelie have cutt us of; which certaynelie was their 
 plott, which was the reason that they drove awaye all the 
 cattle from thence the next daie ; for had those people 
 bene enymies to Corye and the rest which brought their 
 cattle to our tents, they would not have retourned thither 
 with their cattle soe neere to their enymies forces (they 
 standinge in feare of them, as they made shewe to us), 
 butt would have kept their cattle further of from them, 
 as they have done in former tyme. That dogge Corye 
 is the cause of all this rogerye, for that hee under- 
 standinge our manner hath made them soe bould thatt 
 they doe nott greatlie care for a peece, whereas in 
 former time one peece would have made a multitude of 
 them to flye ; and whereas before they were accustomed 
 to eate rawe stinkinge meate, they are now content to eate 
 the best and boyle itt themselves in potts which they carry 
 with them for that purpose. Soe that here after within 
 fewe yeares there will be noe _yictualls to be had butt att 
 deare rates ; for in my time wee have had a cowe for half 
 a yard of an old yron hoope 1 , which nowe they esteeme 
 nott, nor scarce copper, butt will have shineing brasse, 
 which att present they care nott for, because at first they 
 tooke itt to bee gould, and nowe findinge otherwise they 
 
 1 See p. 14.
 
 1617] JOHN JOURDAIN 343 
 
 esteeme itt nott ; which sheweth thatt not farre within 
 the countrye there are people that sheweth them the 
 difference; and doubtlesse these people are come downe 
 amongst them, hearinge of soe many shipps as comes 
 this waye. Soe thatt I conclude that if there were 
 a castell made in this place itt would be brought in time 
 to civilitie, and bee a good refuge for all shippinge that 
 travell the East Indias, beinge a fruitfull and healthfull 
 countrye. 
 
 The time of our abidinge heare was 18 dales, in which 
 time wee had much winde at E.S.E., that we could nott 
 land to take in our water in four daies together ; and after 
 the winde came att N.N.W. and blewe hard ; soe thatt wee 
 had nott above four daies faire weather. 
 
 Our Course from Saldania to St. Helena. 
 
 March 15. Aboute eight of the clocke att night wee 
 sett saile with the winde of the shore, and went betwixt 
 Penguin Hand and the mayne, the winde shortninge upon 
 us. And wee steered all night (beinge past the iland) West 
 and West & by North. 
 
 March 16. Winde S.S.W., a good gale; and we steered 
 away W.N.W. Att noone the Table of Saldania bare S.E. 
 of us aboute 12 leagues. Att four in the afternoone wee 
 lost sight of the land, with a still [stiff ?] gale att S.S.E. Att 
 noone per judgment lattitude 33 d. 12 m. 
 
 March 31 [30?]. Winde from the E.S.E. to the E. Faire 
 weather, with a prettye gale. Att noone per observacion 
 i6d. 14 m., havinge sayled these 24 howers 36 leagues 
 N.W. Att which time wee steered awaye West ; and at 
 two in the afternoone wee had sight of St. Helena some 
 14 leagues off, bearinge W.N.W. the northermost parte, and
 
 344 JOURNAL OF 
 
 the souther parte W. & by N. And att four in the after- 
 noone wee laye too and againe untill four in the morninge. 
 Varriation att night 6 degrees 35 m. 
 
 March 31. Att four in the morninge, the winde be- 
 twixt the S.E. and E.S.E., wee stoode in with the lande, 
 and att eleven or twelve wee ancored att the Chappell 
 Baye 1 . And after dinner wee landed ; where wee found a 
 letter from Captaine Keelinge, wherein he wrote of his 
 arrivall and departure, which was the 24th of Februarie, 
 havinge taken good store of hoggs, goats and fishe ; give- 
 inge us to understand by his letter that he anchored not at 
 the Chappell butt att the fifth warpe 2 to the westward of 
 the Chappell, which wampt (sic) leadeth to the orenge trees. 
 Soe that this daie aboute four in the afternoone wee wayinge, 
 anchored at the same wampt in 32^ fathome, a mile of the 
 shore. It is aboute two miles from the Chappell, and the 
 5th swampt accomptinge the Chappell for one; where 
 there is better water then att the Chappell, and store of 
 rocke fishe, thatt if a man have small hookes, one man 
 may take upon every rocke as much in a daie as will serve 
 20 men to eate ; and itt is neerer the orenge trees and the 
 goats. For the hoggs, there are very fewe lefte 3 . Captaine 
 
 1 The bay in which Jamestown is now situated. The old name 
 is derived from the little chapel dedicated to St Helena built by the 
 Portuguese there. Herbert (ed. 1638, p. 353) gives a view of the 
 island showing the chapel, the ' Chappell valley,' and the ' Lemon 
 valley.' See also the descriptions in Linschoten (Hakl. Soc.'s edn., 
 ii. 254) and Pyrard de Laval (ii. 296). 
 
 2 An error for 'swamp' (see the extract from Monden). What is 
 really meant is a valley with a rivulet running down it into the sea. 
 
 3 'The 31 [March] wee went into the Rode and anchored in 
 23 fadome half a mile of the shore against the Chapell. But before 
 you come to the Chappell you shall have a sharpe hill, which is 
 some two miles short of the Chappie. But the best watering place 
 is some three miles to the southwestward of the Chappell ; and it is 
 neerer to the lemon trees by at least four miles or better, and better 
 filling of water, and the water far better. And for the better finding 
 of the river, it is the fourth valley or swampe from the Chappell, not 
 reckoning the Chappell valley for one. You shall ride in 28 or 30 
 fadome half a mile of the shore. Yf you would find the lemon trees,
 
 i6i;] JOHN JOURDAIN 345 
 
 Keelinge and the two Holland shipps, whoe departed six 
 dayes before our arrivall, had taken all the hogges ; soe 
 that in five dayes that wee stayed wee could kill butt one 
 hogge and four goates. Soe thatt findinge itt not to bee 
 worth our labours, wee filled our water and washed our 
 lynnen, and departed the 5th of Aprill ; and lefte a letter 
 with Captaine Keelinges and the Dutch shipps, beinge two 
 greate ships of 1000 tonns apeece with 150 persons in each 
 named the Amsterdam and the Greate Selan. And the 
 goates are soe wild that there is greate crafte in catchinge 
 of them, for they presentlie seeinge of people take the 
 rocks, that none can come att them ; butt if there were in a 
 shipp a bastard grayhound or some mastife, there might 
 bee many goats taken, for there is store upon the iland. 
 As for lymons, wee had none butt very small, not worth 
 anythinge. Butt within the land, this iland is a very firtill 
 soile and pleasant place and wholesome aire, and very 
 necessarie for shipps homeward bound. 
 
 Our Course from St. Helena to England, vizt. 
 
 Aprill 5. In the morninge aboute seven or eight wee 
 sett sayle from St. Helena, and att noone it bare S.E. of us, 
 aboute five leagues of. Winde E.N.E. Faire weather. 
 
 keepe the river and sound four miles upp. The trees doe growe in 
 the same river that the shipp doth ride against, and so the river 
 wilbe the best pilott to bring you to the lemon trees. Heere wee 
 stayed some five daies, but had little refreshing, for the lymons were 
 not ripe and the goates to swift a foote for us. Ther ar but fewe 
 hogs ther, and some fishe wee tooke with hookes' (Monden's journal). 
 '[The] 31 daye, being Monday, wee came to a nanker in the second 
 valy affter you be about the poynt wheare the crose did stand. The 
 Chapell stands in this valy. In the afternone wee wayed anker and 
 came to a anker in 32 fadom waiter, and heare wee filled our watter ; 
 and wee went some three milles in this valy and found some lemones. 
 It is verie smove [smooth?] whear wee gethred our lemones. Wee 
 killed some small quantitie of hogs and gootes and some store of fish ' 
 (Bardon's journal). 
 
 The valley off which they anchored is still called ' Lemon Valley.'
 
 346 JOURNAL OF 
 
 Maye 14. Winde E.N.E. and E. and by N. Faire 
 weather. This morninge aboute eight of the clocke we had 
 sight of two sailes to the windeward of us, standinge with 
 our foorefoote 1 . Wee sawe that one of them gott upon us. 
 Wee stroke our topsailes and stayed for her ; butt when 
 they were come within shott of us, they shott of three 
 peeces and would come noe neere, butt bore up to her con- 
 sorte. By their flagge and makinge of their shipp they 
 seemed to bee a Spaniard, as wee suppose bound for the 
 West India 2 . Soe they stoode alonge their course and wee 
 ours. At noone by observacion 19 d. 58m., havinge made 
 these 24 howers 31 leagues N. & by W. \ W. 
 
 Maye 15. Winde N.E. and N.E. and by E. Faire 
 weather. This daie wee passed the zenith. And att noone 
 per judgment 2 id. i6m., having sailed these 24 howers 
 26i leagues N.N.W. \ N. 
 
 June i. . . .Att noone by judgment 36 d. 28 m., havinge 
 made these 24 howers 42 leagues N.E. Easterly. This 
 daie wee were att the end of the weeds in the sea 3 , havinge 
 contynued with us very thicke from the 23 dicto. 
 
 June 5. ...Att noone per observacion 38 d. 28m., 
 havinge sailed these 24 howers 22 leagues N.E. f N. This 
 daie aboute three in the afternoone came up to us a small 
 
 1 For an explanation of this expression see the quotation from 
 Manwayring in the Oxford Eng. Diet., s.v. 
 
 2 Bardon says that one was about eighty tons burden, the other 
 between two and three hundred. 
 
 3 They were of course just emerging from the Sargasso Sea, the 
 northern limit of which is in about 35. 
 
 'The 17 of this month wee saw many weedes driving by the ships 
 side, and great store of theis small things which ar called carvilles ' 
 [the paper nautilus or argonaut]. 'The 18 and igth daies...wee sawe 
 great store of the said weedes, being in the latitude of 24 degrees 
 wher wee saw the thickest of them. The weedes drives in streames, 
 as if it weare a streame leache, and it lyeth north east and south west. 
 The weedes ar full of small berries about the bignes of a pepper- 
 corne when the huske is of (Monden's journal).
 
 1617] JOHN JOURDAIN 347 
 
 French man of warre, and spake with us and came under 
 our starne 1 . The winde beinge a stiffe gale, wee knewe 
 nott well whatt he said. 
 
 June 6. Aboute five in the morninge wee had sight of 
 Flowers and Corne [Corve?] 2 , the southermost bearinge 
 E.N.E. of us. The winde att W.N.W. and after came att 
 W.S.W. a faire gale, butt much sea out of the N.W. Wee 
 lost sight of our consorte, who promised to speake with us 
 in the morninge, butt he lingred staying for his pillage. 
 Att noone per observacion lattitude 39 d. 48 m., havinge 
 sayled these 24 howers 34 leagues N.E. & by N. Att 
 noone the norther parte of Corne [Corve?] was E. of us, 
 some six leagues of ; soe thatt I make the iland to lye in 
 39 d. 48 m. Butt by my reckoninge some northerly corent 
 hath sett us 20 leagues to the eastward, for att noone by 
 my reckoninge wee should have bene 26 leagues west 
 of itt. 
 
 June 16. In the morninge, winde S.S.E. Aboute 
 seven in the morninge we sawe a sayle to leeward, and wee 
 spake with them 3 . They told us that the Lizard was 35 
 leagues betweene the N.E. and N.E. & E. of us, and Siley 4 
 some 12 leagues north 
 
 June 17. Wind W. and W. & by N., a stifle gale. In 
 the morninge wee had sight of the Lizard. Then wee 
 steered E.N.E. and N.E. & by E. This daie wee spake 
 with a fisher boate, whoe told us thatt we were shorte of the 
 Start eight leagues. Att ten in the forenoone, havinge had 
 
 1 'At four of the clocke wee met with a French man of warre 
 some 1 8 leages southwest from Flowers, one of some 60 tonnes, with 
 four gonnes in her. She spake with us and gave us a peice of 
 ordinance, and wee gave him an other, and so parted' (Monden's 
 journal). 
 
 2 Flores and Corvo, the two westernmost islands of the Azores. 
 
 3 ' It was Mr. Gardner of Wappinge' (Bardon's journal). 
 
 4 Scilly.
 
 348 JOURNAL OF JOHN JOURDAIN 
 
 a stiffe gale, our shipp was shott farther ahead then wee 
 expected. Att night wee weare aboute 12 leagues shorte 
 of Portland. 
 
 June 1 8. Att night wee weare shorte of Faire Lee 1 
 aboute six leagues, beinge past Bechee before night. 
 
 June 19. In the morninge aboute seven wee were as 
 high as the Nestes 2 , where the winde tooke us shorte, com- 
 inge up att the E.S.E. and S.E. & by E. 3 
 
 1 Possibly Fairlight, near Hastings. 
 
 2 The Ness, i.e., Dungeness. 
 
 3 At this point Jourdain's journal ceases. His two shipmates, 
 however, continue their entries a little longer. '[June 19.] We came 
 to an anker in Dover Road at four of the clocke in the afternone' 
 (Bardon's journal). 'The 19 at twelve wee anchored in Dover Roade, 
 the wind being at E.S.E. ; at which time wee sent two of our marchants 
 ashore at Dover. The tide being done, wee sett saile for the Downes ; 
 and the 20 in the forenoone wee anchored in the Downes ' (Monden's 
 journal). 
 
 The specimen of Jourdain's signature here given has been photo- 
 graphed from a letter of his to the East India Company preserved at 
 the India Office (O.C. 348).
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 WILLIAM REVETT'S ACCOUNT OF THE 
 SEYCHELLES 1 . 
 
 (India Office Records : Marine Journals, no. vii.) 
 
 January 19 [1609]. About ten of the clocke wee had syght 
 of an iland to leeward. Wee observed, and were in 4 degrees 
 48 mynnutes, when the lande boore E. About two of the clocke 
 wee raysed other ilandes, beinge all of them high landes. Wee 
 steered away with our sheate a lyttell veered betweene the E.N.E. 
 and the E. & by N. 
 
 January 20. In the morninge and all the day wee spent about 
 these ilandes, sendinge our skyf ashoare to sownde, and brought 
 with hir from one of the small ilandes seven great lande turtles, 
 wherof they sayd were great store. Wee had many showldings, 
 beinge, as wee take it, broken lande, but wee were come in lesse 
 then 20 fathomes. This day wee fownde noe place fyttinge to 
 come to an ancor; wherfore wee spent the day and night keepinge 
 our selves to wyndward to beare up the next day, having the 
 wynde all this while north-westerlie. In standinge of these 
 ilandes some five leagues by supposition, wee had but 30 
 fathomes water, and within one league wee had 25 fathomes ; 
 which makes us thinke these ilandes have bene all one fyrme 
 lande. 
 
 January 21. This day in the morninge about nine of the 
 clocke wee came to ancor under one of the ilandes in some 
 13 fathomes waiter, havinge the eastermost part of the iland, beinge 
 a stonny rocke, bearinge next hande E.N.E. on our starboard syde, 
 and another small ilande which boore next hande S. E. & by E. ; 
 
 1 See note on p. 47.
 
 350 APPENDIX A 
 
 having ilandes and rockes in a mannour rownde about us to the 
 noumber of 25 or 30, which made the part wee ryd in a very 
 good roade, not rydinge above a musket shott of the shoare. 
 Here wee ryd to waiter, wood and refreshe our selves untill the 
 primo February; dewringe which tyme noe occurrent happened 
 worthy the relatinge. Only wee fownde heere good store of 
 cocos, some fresh fyshe (wherof most part were skates), lande 
 turtles of so huge a bidgnes which men will thinke incredible; 
 of which our company had small lust to eate of, beinge such huge 
 defourmed creatures and footed with five clawes lyke a beare. 
 Wee kylled also many doves with poles of wood, which was a 
 sygne of the small frequentation of this place; yet for those 
 which are forced and stand in neede of waiter and such things 
 as afforenamed it is an excellent place and comfortabell, in 
 regard of the securety and good wateringe place wee fownd 
 there, facill to bee fetched aboard; as also heere groweth such 
 goodly shipp tymber as the lyke or better cannot bee scene, both 
 for hayght, strayghtnes and bidgnes. Thus much I thought good 
 to wryte touchinge these ilandes. 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 
 WILLIAM REVETT'S NARRATIVE OF EVENTS AT 
 ADEN, HIS VOYAGE TO MOCHA, ETC.' 
 
 (India Office Records : Marine Journals, no. vii.) 
 
 From the day dycto [April 10, 1609] to the 8th of May many 
 occurrents happened, as the comminge in of many shippes from 
 Moya 2 and other places ; the intreadges 3 of our Jennerall, and his 
 comminge aboard ; myne owne goinge ashoare ; with other matters 
 I referre mee to others that I perswade myselfe will wryte therof. 
 Only thus much of the citty 4 . It is a garryson, and consystes 
 
 1 See note on p. 69. 2 Mocha. 
 
 3 Intrigues. 4 Aden.
 
 APPENDIX B 351 
 
 more in souldiers then in marchannts, though frequented by some 
 fewe marchannts in some fashion from India to furnishe the place 
 itselfe and other places adjoyninge therto with the commodetyes 
 that India affoardes, which noe doubt they make great bennefytt 
 therby. It standeth in a valley, and hath upon the northe syde, 
 upon a lyttell ilande or rocke 1 cut out of the mayne, a fayer 
 castell, to see too invynceabell to bee taken but by famyne. 
 This castell commanndes the poarte and holle cittye, which for 
 antycketye is famous, but now for wannt of repayringe is very 
 much ruinated, and fewe good houses standinge therin, a thinge 
 lammentabell to see the ruines of fayer houses in that sorte to bee 
 raced downe to be grownde. Yet have they a great care, for 
 the beautefyenge their citty, to keepe the walles next unto the sea 
 syde in repparation ; which makes the citty shewe owtwardly very 
 fayer. For cittuation and other instructions I referre to former 
 authours, and more espetially to Hugan Linscoten, a Duchman 
 and travillour, who wrytes therof at large 2 . 
 
 May 8. After some conference had with the Governour some 
 two dayes before by the Jennerall, my sellf, and others, con- 
 serninge two shipps laden with indico which were passed by for 
 Mocha, it was agreed that my selfe, W. R., and Phillipp Glascocke 
 should goe for that place, hopinge therby to attayne to our 
 ladinge, and to establish a factory there and so to retourne for 
 Ingland ; for the which end I undertooke the journey, and this 
 day tooke boate from Aden, some two myles of the citty. About 
 eleven of the clocke, with the wynde next hande at E. N.E., wee 
 steered away. When wee were cleere of the southermost poynte 
 of the road of Aden, betweene the S.W. and the S.W. & by S., 
 the land trendinge away S.S.W., with showldes lyeng on the other 
 syde of the poynt wher our shipp ryd some two leagues of the 
 shoare; the which showldes when wee had passed, wee steered 
 away W.S.W., but before next hande at S.W. About three of the 
 clocke wee steered away W. and W. & by N. Northerly, all that 
 day and night with a freshe galle. 
 
 May 9. In the morninge wee had syght of Babarmandell, 
 which is a necke of a lande that lyeth into the sea some league or 
 more from the mayne, and sheweth farre of as it were an iland, but 
 
 1 See p. 76. 
 
 2 See bk. i. p. 14 of the English translation of 1598.
 
 352 APPENDIX B 
 
 is a baye. At this place begynneth the entrannce into the Read 
 Sea, having the Coast of Abex 1 on the larboard syde and the 
 mayne of Arabia on the starboard, some eight leagues dystannce the 
 one from the other. Wee steered now away betweene the W. N. W. 
 and the N.W. & by W. Here lay at the mouthe on the Abex 
 shoare some two or three small ilandes. Babarmandell is a necke 
 of a lande which ryseth lyke mountaynes here and there, as 
 though there were passages through, and that an iland some 
 league and haulfe into the sea ; but when you come nye it, you 
 may perceive it joyneth to the mayne. Into the entrannce of the 
 Read Sea ther lyeth on the starboard syde of us, not above one 
 myle and haulf dystannce, a small ilande 2 , which maketh the 
 mouth of the Read Sea. Heere in former tymes, as I was 
 informed, went a chayne from the mayne to the ilande, so that 
 shipps could not enter without leave. Yet on the west syde of 
 the ilande there is a passadge for shippinge, but very danngerous 
 for that it is full of rockes. We steered in our course N. & by W. 
 and betweene the N. & by W. and the N.N.W., the wynde at 
 E. N. E. At the entrannce the sea cockells in such sorte that you 
 would thinke it were showldes, but is nothinge but a currant that 
 setteth in and out of the strayght. About eleven of the clocke 
 wee entred, the landes bearinge next hande E. and W. This is a 
 place of some 20 or 30 cottages of Arrabbs, with a house of 
 white stone where a proffett is intoumbed, who in his lyfe tyme 
 was in great esteemation, as also synce his death resorted too by 
 pylgrymmes for devotion sake 3 ; but I will let him sleepe with 
 God or the Divell, not knowing whose servannt hee is, and goe 
 onwardes with the Lordes helpe on my way. Here wee cam to 
 ankor about twelve of the clocke, and stayed here, for the 
 master of our barkes pleasure, untill mydnight, and then weyed 
 with a fresh gale of wynde next hande at E.N.E., our course 
 northewesterly, and all night betweene the N. N. W. and the 
 Northe. 
 
 May 10. About nine of the clocke wee lannded at the citty 
 of Mocha, where wee fownde many shippes rydinge, some of 
 
 1 See note on p. 106. 2 Perim. 
 
 3 Lord Valentia (Travels, ii. 15) mentions that at Ras Bab-el-Mandeb 
 'on the beach is the tomb of a Mussulmaun saint, which, though a heap of 
 ruins, is much visited.'
 
 APPENDIX B 353 
 
 Dabull, some of Dieu, some of Chaull, of Surratt, Cocheen and 
 Ormus, which places in jenerall traffycke heather. Here are also 
 two gallees of the Grand Seignours, but are of noe force to hurt 
 us, although [they] keepe the Indean shippes in great awe and 
 feare. At our lanndinge wee were had before the Governour and 
 Capten of the Gallees, from which Capten our Jenerall had letters 
 before our goinge up (by a servannt of his, a Napolitan, which cam 
 downe from Mocha to bee our druggaman 1 ) to the ende wee 
 should goe thither with our shipp, for that hee advertysde that that 
 place was the skalle, where all sortes of peopell cam to buye; 
 which letters wee could hardlye buyld upon, for that hee was a 
 Napollitane borne and turned Turke, not makinge any conscience 
 of his soules healthe ; which made us make accompte hee 
 would make lesse of our boddyes and goodes, beinge now as 
 hee was aultered both from name and nature, could not but bee 
 autered in condishion, which was to wronge that hee was by 
 unsatiabell meanes to mayntayne that which hee is. Wee were 
 boath of [the] Governour and him kyndly treated, with pro- 
 positions of manny matters, to which I gave annswer to content 
 them. Wee were not long with them before wee were dysmyssed, 
 and had free lybberty to take a house wher wee would ; the which 
 wee were not longe adoinge, for that there was in the citty an 
 insynnewatinge wycked Jewe 2 , who, as they are by byrthe borne 
 to bee runnagates, so it was his fortune to bee heere ressydent 
 and in some esteemation, though a talkative, lyenge and covetous 
 fellowe; yet our fortunes, because hee spake the Chrystean tongue 
 and offyshious withall, to bee harboured in a house of his tyll wee 
 could fynde a place more convenient. Where now beinge setled, 
 wee omytted noe tyme for inquesition of that wee came about ; 
 and, in such mannour as wee would not bee suspected (because 
 stranngers, and never any of our nation in the sorte heere before), 
 betweene this day and the i8th wee infourmed our selves of many 
 mattours, both touchinge that wee went for, as also for fewtewrer 
 tymes, which may prove bennefytiall for our countrey and 
 commonwealth. Heere wee were also infourmed for a certaine 
 of Capten Haukins his beeing with the Hector at a place called 
 Surratt, where hee was kyndly entertayned and had beene with 
 
 1 See p. 65. 
 
 2 Possibly the one mentioned on pp. 99, 108. 
 
 J. 2 3
 
 354 APPENDIX B 
 
 the Kyng, who had grannted him to establish a factory in Surratt, 
 to which end hee had sent away his shipp for Bantam but re- 
 mayned him selfe with three more there, where hee had sowld 
 divers goods, espetially of the iron brought out with him, which 
 wee saw apparant to bee trew, for that it was transported to this 
 place to bee sowld by a marchannte of great accompte of the 
 citty of Surratt, and hee where Capten Haukins, as hee sayd, was 
 lodged in his howse, to the great content both of him and them ' ; 
 and the newes not a lyttell joyfull to us, to heare it moare 
 palpably verreyfyed which wee had some light of before. \Yith 
 this newes and others wee had gathered Phillipp Glascock, with 
 letters from me to our Jennerall, and the chowse 2 which the 
 Governour of Aden sent up with us, went downe in the same 
 barke wee came up in, my self remayninge here for a further 
 order. The which tyme of my stey heere alone I imployed in 
 infourminge my selfe of the state of the countrey and trade, with 
 other matters fyttinge to bee knowen, beinge kyndly used by all 
 sortes of men, and sundry tymes invyted to the Governours and 
 Capten[s]. 
 
 June 9. This day I had syght of our shipp, with the pynnas 
 wee had lost company with at our comminge from Cap Bon 
 Esperance. And about three of the clocke in the afternoone 
 tooke boate with the Admyrall of the Sea 3 to goe aboard our 
 shipp to sallute and entertayne our Jennerall ; who bad mee 
 welcome, and after conference went ashoare, accompayned agayne 
 with my selfe and others ; who at his comminge ashoare was en- 
 tertaynd in such sorte as was fittinge for his person and place. . . . 
 
 Thus untill the 24th July wee spent in Mocha, in which tyme 
 many occurrents happened, as the returne of Mr. Jurden and 
 Mr. Glascocke from the Bashaw; the repayringe our pynnas, 
 which was had heere agrownd ; the death of Mr. Glascocke, 
 which was on the 21 or 22th presente 4 , as I heard (beinge 
 ashoare); with the resort of marchannts, to say, Turkes, Moares, 
 
 1 Cp. p. 109. 2 See note on p. 69. 
 
 3 'This night came a boat aboord of us from the towne, with a Turke in 
 
 her This man, as I afterward understood, is called Lord of the Sea, for that 
 
 his office is to go aboord all ships that come thither and to see lighters sent 
 aboord to discharge the ships, and to search that they steale no custome; for 
 which office hee hath diverse duties, which is his onely maintenance' (Middleton 
 in Purchas, i. 250). 
 
 4 Cp. p. 103.
 
 APPENDIX B 355 
 
 Armeneans and others, which cam from Constatinopell, Alleppo, 
 Damascus and Trippolie and other parts unto Swes and Zidda 
 with the carravan, and brought with them clothe, kersyes, tynne, 
 currell and all sorts of sylke stuffes, but pryncipally .reddy 
 monnyes ; which they invest in this citty to marchannts which 
 commeth from Ethiopia and all parts of India. The citty is 
 sittuated in a playne, and consystes in some 6,000 houses, the 
 three parts wherof are of canes covered of straw. The reason 
 is it rayneth very lyttell there. It hath the waiter from wells 
 some myle out of the citty, and brought in by poore pepell upon 
 asses, by which meanes they gett their livinge. It hath neither 
 walles, castell nor fort, nor garde of souldiers. But the cheife 
 manntenannce of it is the trade of marchannts, which with the 
 easterly monsones commeth out of India with the wyndes be- 
 tweene the east and the northeast, and there stayeth all the sayd 
 monsoone, which continneweth some seven monnethes ; the 
 which tyme they have to sell their marchandize unto the mar- 
 channts afforesayd which commeth by barke from Swes and Zidda, 
 to transporte their monnyes and goods with west and southwest 
 wyndes which contenneweth five monnethes in the yeare ; at the 
 latter ende of which wyndes the India shippes depart, which is 
 about the fyne of Agust, our stille, and with that wynde is carryed 
 for India ; and the small barks and shippinge with the fyrst of 
 the east and northeast wynds goeth for Swes and Zidda ; which 
 is an infallabell rule amongst them for their trades. Now by 
 reason of troubles in Zidda and other places in those parts, this 
 citty is the skalle and serveth the marchannts of Constantinopell, 
 Alleppo, Trippolie, Damasco and Grand Cairo of turbandes, 
 callicoes of all sortes, pyntadoes and divers other coullored 
 stuffes, as allso white of great vallew, with all sortes of spyce, 
 cotton wolle and in fyne indico, which goeth by this passadge 
 into most parts of the worlde. They bringe also and serveth 
 this place out of India much iron, which they reape great 
 bennefytt by and are shewer of ther sales dewringe the easterly 
 and most part of the westerly monsoone, which they stay for 
 salles, reservinge a tyme by computation for their retourne. And 
 thus muche for the trade. 
 
 They make noe meanes to fortefy for that the peopell sayeth 
 they have two proffetts, which remayneth in the citty and have 
 each of them their muscito, which is a church or howse of 
 
 232
 
 356 APPENDIX B 
 
 devotion. These proffetts by watch night and day, as they say, 
 doe guard the citty. The one of them is called Shaomer Shadli 1 
 and the other Shechla Amoode 2 . Shaomer Shadli was the fyrst 
 inventour for drynking of coffe, and therfore had in esteemation ; 
 the other for some superstious matters had in honnour. And 
 with this will leave the Turke and Moore to their inclynations, 
 omytting further to wryte of this place ; only in a word will 
 touche the peaceablenes of this peopell, which are very affabell, 
 and degennerate from them in Turky, for that a man may passe 
 heere quyetly all seasons, both day and night, without moles- 
 tation, goodes lyenge continnually upon the key without pylfer- 
 inge or purloyninge ; the which makes mee hope here wilbee 
 good done in fewterer tymes for the bennefytt of our countrey 
 and commonwealthe. 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 CAPTAIN SHARPEIGH'S ACCOUNT OF EVENTS AT 
 ADEN AND MOCHA, OF THE SHIPWRECK, AND 
 OF HIS SUBSEQUENT JOURNEY TO AGRA :) . 
 
 (India Office Records : Marine Journals, no. vii.) 
 
 ...Aboute the 8th of Maye [April, 1609] wee came to Aden, 
 where in words and wryttinge from the Aga of the citty I had what 
 I desiored for the landinge my goods ; but afterwarde he played 
 
 1 Shaikh All bin Omar Shadili, the founder and patron saint of Mocha 
 (which is often called Bandar All in consequence), is reputed to have been the 
 first to introduce into Arabia the drinking of coffee. See the account in Niebuhr 
 (Voyage, i. 349). Another version is that the practice was originated by a 
 certain Kadi of Aden, who had made acquaintance with it on the Abyssinian 
 coast (La Roque's Voyage to Arabia Felix, Eng. transln., 1732, p. 308). 
 Playfair ( Yemen, p. 20) gives both stories. Shaikh All is buried inside the 
 walls of Mocha, in a large and well-built tomb having nine clustered domes. 
 
 2 Shaikh Muhammad bin Sa'id Al-AmudI, a native of Doan in Hadramut, 
 took up his abode in Mocha for the purpose of studying theology and was 
 much venerated by the inhabitants for his learning and sanctity. A festival is 
 still held annually at his tomb, which lies outside the walls, near the Jabbanah, 
 and has a large dome over it. One of the gates of Mocha is named Al-AmudI 
 in honour of the saint. (Information from Mr. Hamud bin Hasan.) 
 
 3 See note under the description of Revett's journal given in the List of 
 Authorities. The first part of the letter is occupied with an account of the 
 voyage, which is omitted as it contains no fresh details of importance.
 
 APPENDIX C 357 
 
 the Turke with me, for he keptt mee in the towne, not sufferinge 
 mee to goe aboorde ; yett ussed mee with greatt kindnes. Within 
 15 dayes the Basha, whos abidinge is 10 dayes jornie into the 
 countrie, having receaved the Kings letter, sentt a commandement 
 for my good ussage, and what favore the Aga could doe mee in 
 sale of my goods or otherwise he should doe for mee to the utter- 
 moste of his powre ; and what cloathe I had he desiored to have 
 it for monny, as muche as any other would give, and the Aga to 
 paye mee ready monie. Spendinge a moneth there, and findinge 
 the Agas pretence to exacte of mee more for custome then wee 
 wer agreed upon, by a slight I gotte aboorde. But wheras by 
 agreementt under wryttinge that I should paye but five per cento 
 of what goods I sould or bought, and for those landed and not 
 sould to relade them without any charge, hee forced mee to paye 
 not only for my goods ashoare (which was not muche besid the 
 cloath) but alsoe for those aboorde ; of which his deallinge falce 
 with mee I tooke certificate from the Cadie 1 , whoe I did knowe 
 in Constantinople. Beinge aborde, within a daye after I under- 
 stoode that att Mocha there was greatt store of indycoe, and noe 
 merchantts to buy it, as alsoe sale for my iron to my likinge; 
 wherupon with a consentt I sentt William Rivett and Philip 
 Glascocke to see what was to be done and pressently to returne or 
 sende mee advice ; which within few days he did, by wryttinge 
 and by Philip Glascocke. Upon his advice I pressenttly resolved 
 to goe thither with the ship and pines, which then in greatt 
 misserie came to us. The Agae understandinge soe muche would 
 not suffer mee to lade my goods, but demmanded cloathe of goulde 
 and cloathe of silver for the Basha. Upon my denyall to have 
 none in my shipe, hee sentt mee worde he would sende my 
 merchantts to ansswer it to the Basha ; as alsoe the monie which 
 he owed mee for the Bashas account, the Basha to dealle with 
 mee for the custom, which I had alowed in account before the 
 Cadie (whoe gave mee certificate alsoe of that). I was very 
 wyllinge to lett them goe, in hope to have had partt of the monie 
 backe which I was forced by his minesters to pay more then by 
 agreementt I should paye ; and for the monie due I made noe 
 double but to have it sentt mee. My goods the Aga sentte 
 
 1 See note on p. 92.
 
 358 APPENDIX C 
 
 aboorde, but John Jordein and Phillip Glascocke he would not 
 permitte to see mee. 
 
 The day they tooke their jornie for to goe to the Bashae wee 
 sett sayle for Mocha ; and after 1 2 dayes wee arrived in the Roade, 
 wher wee founde manie ships, wherof 16 wer of greatt burthens 
 and of the Indies. The Agae and Captain of the Gallis receaved 
 mee with greatt curttessie, and assured of sales, for what I would 
 sell, to my contentt. But I founde itt otherwise ; for iron beinge 
 one cheefe comoditie which sels well there, was then basely soulde, 
 for one of Surratte brin[g]inge thirty tonns of Captain Haukins 
 iron thither cloyed the place for the instante ; and for indico 
 I founde it att 60 and 70 d[ollars]' per churle 2 . In the time of 
 our staye (in hope of sales and exspecttinge our mens retorne from 
 the Basha) wee trimed our pines, without any disturbe of the 
 countrie people. After some 30 dayes our men came from the 
 Basha, brin[g]inge a forcible command for my good ussage, and 
 what goods I should land, sell, or otherwise not to pay any dutties 
 whatsoever; but for monis, not any he would parte from, the 
 Agae havinge bribbed the Bashas Caya and sayinge all was for 
 custome ; and for any wryttings, ether of the Aga or Cadie, the 
 Basha would not reade ; and for buying and sellinge for that time 
 I should have free liberttie, but to leave men there he woulde not 
 agree too without the Great Turke his commands. Ther I coulde 
 sell nothinge but a few swoordblades. The captain of a Surratt 
 ship advissed mee of Captain Hawkins enterteinmentt, and how 
 comodities wer soulde and bought att Surratt, and offered mee 
 his service in any thinge hee was able to doe for me in that place. 
 I intreatted for a pillott only (other pleassure there hee could doe 
 mee little) ; which he promissed mee, and that I beinge ready 
 should send my skife ashoare and he should come aboorde mee ; 
 which when the time came he faylled mee, of which Grove was 
 very glade, scorninge any pillott. 
 
 From thence wee sett sayle in July; and after some 15 dayes 
 wee with fowld weather came to Socotra, wher the pines, by the 
 masters niclygence, was put to leeward of the islande with very 
 muche winde, but good for to carie her to Surratt. There wee 
 stayed, in takinge in waiter and some provitione, some 14 dayes; 
 
 1 Rials (strictly speaking, pieces of eight rials). - See note on p. 69.
 
 APPENDIX C 359 
 
 and then with a fayre winde sett sayle for Surratt. Of the 
 Governore of the island I bought some 13 kinttars of allius 
 Socotrina 1 att 20 d[ollars] per kintare 2 , and a little sanguie 
 dragonie 3 , and coste after 18 d[ollars] 4 the kintare. Between 
 Mocha and the portt wher wee did our bussines att Socotora wee 
 lost two ancors and brake other two, thone in the shanke thother 
 one of the flooks offe; soe that wee had leafte but one ancore 
 sounde, and one with one flooke. After six days sayle we fell into 
 whitt waiter, and sounded and founde 18 fadonie saufte grounde. 
 Keepinge the leade, wee ran in att leaste 30 leauges and never 
 had lesse then 15 fadom till wee wer hard aboord the shoare to 
 the sowthward of Diue some 30 leauges. Abowte a poyntt wee 
 founde a fayre baye and good sholdinge ; heare wee came to an 
 ancore in seven fadome, very good grounde, aboute a leauge from 
 the shoare. There wee stayed four dayes, in which time we tooke 
 in some provitione, which the countrie people sould us very wylj- 
 ingly ; but for a pillott to carie us to Surratt wee could gette non, 
 nor any light from them. Only a Banian, beinge of Surratt, 
 desiored passag in the ship, which I permitted. Settinge sayle 
 from thence, we shaped our coorse for Surratt by what the master 
 had learned from the cheefe pillott of the great shipe of Surratt 
 which we leafte in Moca, as alsoe by a plott or draught of the 
 Bay of Cambay given hime per the sayde pillott ; which made hime 
 to boulde, and before night we came into five fathom watter and 
 lesse. Then we tacked about, fearinge a further dangiore, stand- 
 ing of two glasses. And cominge into deep watter, as 1 5 fathom, 
 we tacked aboute, the master sayinge we must over there. Keep- 
 ing the lead still goeinge, wee came into 10, 9, 8, and att the 
 sudein into 5. The master still resolved to goe over well without 
 dangiore; but att the instant came into 4^ fathom, and upon 
 some knobe the shipe strocke astearne ; and though noe greatt 
 blowe, yett caried away her ruder; which much dismayed us. 
 And beinge aflotte, and in good ground and watter sufitient to 
 rid, we came to an ancore, wher wee rode that night and the nixte 
 
 1 The aloes of Socotra were considered to be the best. 
 
 2 Arabic kintdr. Peyton says the 'kintall' 'contayned by our beame one 
 hundred, three pounds and a halfe.' In the text Jourdain (p. 112) counts it 
 as a hundredweight. 
 
 3 Sanguis Draconis, or Dragon's Blood, a resinous exudation from certain 
 trees, used for staining marble and for similar purposes. 
 
 4 Jourdain says 30 (see p. 112).
 
 360 APPENDIX C 
 
 daye verie quettly and well, att lowe waiter noe lesse then 4^ 
 fathom. There we determined to ride to make provitione to stire 
 the ship. But it pleassed God in the eveninge the ancore gave 
 waye, insoemuch that the ship againe stroke; which caussed us 
 muche to marvell, in regarde shee rode soe well before. The 
 sea goeinge somewhat hye, shee strickinge with greatt force and 
 often, shee begane to be within two howres exstream leake, soe 
 that all hope to save her was tacken awaye. Then we applied 
 our indeavors to save our lives by our boats. The lesser the 
 night before was att the ships stearne splitt, which caused our 
 carpentters muche treble in this exstreametie to fitt her to carie 
 part of the distressed companie ashoare. About midnight, they 
 having in some sortt fitted her, and the ships hould full of waiter, 
 we leaft her, being in the two boatts 78 soules, which looded the 
 boatts that wee could save nothinge out of the ship, noe man 
 thinking to gett to the land. Yett it pleassed God to give us 
 fayre weather and a good winde, that the nixt day we fell with the 
 land, thinking it to be the bar of Surratt. But it fell out to be 
 the bar of Gadavie ; and coming in within the bar we founde a 
 goodly river and manie boatts. Hear we understoode that the 
 pinnas came into that river, and the Porttingalls having intelly- 
 gence of her being there came with their frigotts and caried her 
 away ; but had noe other thing save stones for their purchasse ' ; 
 our men having notice of their coming gott ashoare with what 
 was worthe any thing, and the ordinance heaved overboorde. 
 Some 40 miells up this river 2 is the towne of Gadavie, wher we 
 landed and wer curttesly enterteined by the Governor ; and the 
 nixt day sentt us away, fearing the Porttingalls to come and take 
 us from hime. After two dayes travell we cam to Surratt, wher 
 we founde Will Finche, and three other Inglishmen with hime. 
 Our enterteinment there was suche that the officers of the towne 
 would not sufer us to come into their towne, but confined us to a 
 villag three miles in the countrie, wher we lay about 14 dayes; 
 after which time we sett forward for this place, leaving some of 
 our men in the town, which by stealth gott in, the master being 
 one, and his mattes, with others. After 18 dayes we cam to a 
 cittie called Baramportt 3 , wher the nixt day after our arrivall I fell 
 
 1 Prize. Finch (see p. 131 .) says that the Portuguese fished up the two 
 guns which had been thrown overboard. 
 
 8 Jourdain's estimate (in O. C. \i) ' 11 mylles or more within the rivar' 
 is much nearer the mark. 3 Burhanpur.
 
 APPENDIX C 361 
 
 sicke of a burning feavore, and for almost 50 dayes not able to 
 goe forth of my chamber. In this time divers of the companie 
 leafte me, som returning for Surratt ; others tooke their way for 
 this place, leaving mee some 15 men. Being recovered, and 
 furnished with an honorable passe from Caun Canna 1 , the Kings 
 Jenerall in these parts, I sett forward for this cittie. But suche 
 was my hard hap that the second day after my departure my 
 cabbenett, with His Majesties letters and all that ever I had in 
 monie, was by our men (Moors of the countrie) stolne away att 
 suche a sudein as it was very strange, myselfe every night sleeping 
 upon it and in the day time not out of my sight ; yett suche was 
 my evill forttune that in the morning it was by them tacken away 
 out of my coach, our owne companie rounde aboute it. That 
 being loste, I returned backe with three men for Baramportt to 
 lamentt to the Jenerall, hoping by his means to recover att lest 
 the letters ; but with all the inquirie and searche he could make, 
 nothing could be founde, which muche greved hime; and the 
 favore he could doe me was to wrytt to the Kinge of my greatt 
 losse by sea and the losse of the Kings letters, which himselfe was 
 an eiewitnes that I had suche letters. With this attestation I am 
 come to this place, wher the King att presentt is not, but within 
 these 20 dayes wylbe heare ; untill when I know not how he wyll 
 take the losse of the letters. Heare I finde Captain Hawkins in 
 verie greatt favore with the Kinge and noblls, insoemuche as 
 besides the ample priveledges grantted for free trade, the Kinge 
 hathe bestowed the pay of 400 horsse upon hime, which wyll 
 prove a greatt matter per anno ; and the Kinge hathe promissed 
 within a yeare to increase it to 1000 horsse, which God grantt. 
 For all bussines in these partts I refer to his relation... 2 . 
 
 1 The Khan-khanan, Mlrza Abdurrahlm, of whom see a notice in The 
 Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, 90 n. 
 
 - Sharpeigh goes on to discuss the possibility of trade in the Red Sea. 
 Permission must be obtained from Constantinople, and then one factor might 
 be stationed at Mocha, and another at San'a with the Pasha. Broadcloth, 
 kerseys, satins, damasks, iron, tin and swordblades would prove profitable 
 commodities, and Indian piecegoods, etc., could be procured in exchange. 
 Advice is next given as to the proper season for the voyage and the course 
 to be followed. As regards Surat, a profitable trade is certain, but the ships 
 must come provided with pinnaces to carry goods up the river 'in despitte of 
 the Porttingalls, whoe ordinarily in the somer lye att the Bar with 40 or 50 
 frigatts, that noe boatte can goe in or out without their license.' Sharpeigh 
 goes on to beg the Company to suspend judgment of him until his return. 
 He gives the names of several who have died, and laments the disorders of his
 
 362 APPENDIX D 
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 WILLIAM FINCH'S DESCRIPTION OF MANDU 
 AND GWALIOR 1 . 
 
 (Purchas His Pilgrimes, i. 425, 426.) 
 
 The eight [March, 1610], 5 c[os] to Mandow, 3 c[os] whereof 
 is up a steepe stonie mountaine, having way but for a coach at 
 most. This ridge of mountaines extendeth north-east and south- 
 west. On the top at the edge of the mountaine standeth the gate 2 
 or entrance of the citie, over which is built a faire fort and house 
 of pleasure, the walls extending all along the mountaines side for 
 many coses. On the left hand at the entrance,, some two or three 
 miles distant, on the toppe of a picked 3 mountaine, standeth a 
 strong fort 4 , and in other places dispersed some ten or twelve 
 more. For 2 c[os] or better within this gate the city is ruined 
 all, save only tombes and meskites, which remayne in great 
 numbers to this day, with some tottered walls of great houses. 
 The olde city is from gate to gate 4 c[os] long north and south, 
 but east and west ten or twelve coses 5 ; and yet to the eastward 
 of all lyeth good pasture ground for many courses [coses]. Aloft 
 on this mountaine are some sixteene faire tankes here and there 
 dispersed about the citie. That which is now standing is very 
 faire, but small in comparison of the former, with divers goodly 
 buildings, all of firme stone, and faire high gates, that I suppose 
 the like not to be in all Christendome. At the entrance on the 
 south, within the gate of the city now inhabited, as you passe 
 along on the left hand stands a goodly meskite 6 , and over 
 against it a faire palace 7 , wherein are interred the bodies of 
 
 1 See note on p. 147. 
 
 2 The Tarapur or southern gate. Finch approached the city from the south. 
 
 3 Peaked. 
 
 4 The citadel (on the hill known as Songarh) on the extreme west of the city. 
 
 5 See note on p. 148. 
 
 6 The Jama Masjid, or Great Mosque, built by Hoshang Shah. 
 
 7 This is the building (near the Jama Masjid) in which the tombs of the 
 Khalj! kings have recently been discovered (see Report of the Arcluzological 
 Survey for 1902-03, p. 19).
 
 APPENDIX D 363 
 
 foure kings, with exceeding rich tombes. By the side thereof 
 standeth a high turret 1 of one hundred and seventie steps high, 
 built round with galleries and windowes to every roome, all 
 exceeding for goodly ports 2 , arches, pillars; the walls also all 
 interlayed with a greene stone much beautifying. On the north 
 side, where I came forth, lyeth a piece 3 of a foot and an halfe 
 bore in the mouth, but the breech was in the ground. The gate 4 
 is very strong, with a steepe descent ; and without this sixe other, 
 all very strong, with great walled places for courts of guard 
 betweene gate and gate. On this side is also a small port, but 
 the way thereto is exceeding steepe. All alongst on the side also 
 runneth the wall, with flankers ever here and there among ; and 
 yet is the hill so steepe of itselfe that it is not almost possible for 
 a man to climbe up on all foure to any part of it. So that to 
 mans judgement it is altogether invincible; and yet was taken, 
 partly by force, partly by treason, by Hamawne 5 , this mans 
 grandfather, forcing Seic [Seir] Sha Selim, whose ancestors had 
 
 conquered it from the Indians some 
 
 The first of name that took it foure hundre d yeeres agOC. This 
 was Can John", a Potan, who 
 
 built the turret, and lyeth Sha Selim was a very powerfull 
 buried in the palace adjoyning, Ri f D j and f d 
 
 with three of his successors. " 
 
 This citie was built by an Hamawne to flye into Persia for 
 Indian some thousand yeeres ayde . from whence ret urning with 
 
 Persian forces, he put him againe 
 
 to the worst ; who yet held out against him all his life time, as 
 also a long time of Ecabars raigne, flying from one mountaine to 
 another. Without the wals of the city on this side the suburbs 
 entred [extend?] 4 c[os] long; but all ruinate, save certaine 
 tombes, meskits and goodly seraies, no man remayning in them 7 . 
 
 1 The Tower of Victory, erected by Sultan Mahmud I. in 1443 to 
 commemorate his defeat of Rana Kumbha of Chitor. The stump of it has 
 lately been found close to the building mentioned in the preceding note. 
 
 2 Gates or porches. 3 Cannon. 4 The Delhi Gate. 
 
 5 The Mogul Emperor Humayun took Mandu in 1534 from Bahadur Shah 
 of Gujarat, who had captured it in 1526 from the last of the Khaljl kings. 
 When the successful revolt of Sher Shah forced Humayun to seek refuge in 
 Persia, Mandu passed with the rest of the kingdom under the rule of the rebel; 
 but the latter had no personal connexion with the city. Finch's history is very 
 muddled ; among other things he seems to have mixed up Sher Shah and his 
 son Salim Shah. 
 
 6 Khan Jahan, father of Sultan Mahmud I. Finch has confused the two. 
 
 7 Sir James Campbell, in the essay referred to on p. 147, mentions the 
 description of Mandu given by Sir Thomas Herbert in his Travels, and suggests
 
 364 APPENDIX D 
 
 ...The thirty one [March, 1610] to Gualere 1 , 6 c[os], a pleasant 
 citie with a castle. On the east side is on the top of a steep 
 piked hill a ruinous building where divers great men have been 
 interred. On the west side is the castle, which is a steep craggy 
 cliffe of 6 c[os] compasse at least (divers say eleven), all inclosed 
 with a strong wall. At the going up to the castle adjoyning to 
 the citie is a faire court, enclosed with high walls and shut in 
 with strong gates, where keeps a strong guard, not permitting any 
 to enter without publike order. From hence to the top leads 
 a stone narrow cawsey, walled on both sides; in the way are 
 three gates to be passed, all exceeding strong, with courts of 
 guard to each. At the top of all, at the entrance of the last gate, 
 standeth a mightie elephant of stone very curiously wrought'-'. 
 This gate is also exceeding stately to behold, with a goodly house 
 adjoyning, whose wals are all set with greene and blue stone, 
 with divers gilded turrets on the top 3 . This is the Governours 
 lodging ; where is place to keepe nobles that offend. He 4 is said 
 to have three such noble-prisons or castles ; this, and Rantimore 5 , 
 40 c[os], to which are sent such nobles as he intends to put to 
 death, which commonly is some two moneths after their arrivall, 
 the Governour then bringing them to the top of the wall, and 
 giving them a dish of milke 6 , which having drunke, he is cast 
 downe thence on the rockes ; the third is Rotas 7 , a castle in the 
 kingdome of Bengala, whither are sent those nobles which are 
 condemned to perpetuall imprisonment, from whence very few 
 returne againe. On the top of this mountaine of Gualere is very 
 good ground, with three or foure faire tankes and many other 
 faire buildings. On the towne side are many houses cut out 
 of the maine rocke, for habitation and sale of goods. On the 
 northwest side at the foot of the hill is a spacious meadow, 
 
 that, as Herbert himself did not visit the city, he probably obtained the details 
 from his cousin, the Thomas Herbert who was there with Sir Thomns Roe. 
 This conjecture is ingenious, but unnecessary; for there can be little doubt that 
 Herbert simply took his account from Finch's, which was of course available to 
 him in the pages of Purchas. 
 
 1 See p. 152. * The Hathlya Pol, or Elephant Gate. 
 
 3 The well-known palace of Man Sing. The emperor Babar mentions its 
 cupolas covered with domes of gilt copper. 
 
 4 The Mogul Emperor. 3 Ranthambhor, in Jaipur State. 
 
 6 More correctly, a stupefying decoction of the milky juice of the poppy. 
 
 7 Rohtasgarh, in Shahabad district, Bengal.
 
 APPENDIX D 365 
 
 inclosed with a stone wall, within which are divers gardens and 
 places of pleasure, fit also to keepe horses in time of warre. This 
 castle was the gate or frontier of the kingdome of Dely bordering 
 on Mandow, and is neere a mile of ascent. 
 
 APPENDIX E. 
 
 COEN'S NARRATIVE OF THE VISIT OF 
 THE DARLING TO AMBOYNA AND CERAM 1 . 
 
 (From a Letter to the Dutch Company, dated Bantam, 
 January i, 1614, printed in Tiele's Bouivstoffen voor de 
 Geschiedenis der Nederlanders in den Maleischen Archipel, 
 Part i. p. 42.) 
 
 On the first of April last [1613] an English vessel named the 
 Darling, of from 50 to 60 tons burden and commanded by a 
 certain Mr. Jan Jardyn, arrived and anchored before Hytto. 
 
 This gave us 'no small amount of trouble. Jardyn imme- 
 diately pressed for permission to buy cloves in Hitto, and also 
 for the provision of a house in order that he might leave some 
 persons on shore; to which end he made some presents. He 
 further declared himself willing to give ten rials of eight in the 
 bahar more than we did, even if it cost him a hundred rials of 
 eight the bahar; while if they should refuse to trade with him, 
 he threatened to treat them as enemies, as will appear from the 
 three attestations annexed, in addition to which Your Excellencies 
 will receive from the [Governor] General one given by the 
 Orangkays of Hytto themselves. 
 
 These proceedings having been reported to the Castle by 
 Steven Couteels, then resident at Hytto, I was despatched with 
 certain other persons to forestall the Englishman, that he might 
 
 1 See p. 247. All dates are of course New Style, i.e., ten days in advance 
 of English reckoning. 
 
 The editor has to thank Dr. W. R. Bisschop and Mr. Donald Ferguson 
 for assistance in making this translation.
 
 366 APPENDIX E 
 
 get no footing on land. Visiting in turn Hytto, Luha, Combello 
 and Lucydy, I caused all the Orangkays to be summoned and 
 reminded them in earnest manner of the engagements they had 
 made and the obligations they were under, urging them to fulfil 
 their promises. In so doing I used all the civility and all the 
 persuasions in my power, explaining the matter fully to them ; 
 but at the same time I warned them to consider the consequences 
 which might follow if they took a contrary course and granted 
 the English permission to trade and to leave a factory. At each 
 place the Orangkayas answered that they would in no way violate 
 their contract, but would stand by us and grant the English 
 neither commerce nor factory; 'provided,' added those of 
 Loeho, ' that you are likewise mindful of us and keep the 
 contract on your side.' 
 
 Those of Hitto, although the Captain of Hitto had received 
 many presents from the Englishman 1 , fulfilled their promise and 
 refused Jardyn's overtures, telling him that they were unable 
 to trade with him as they were under contract with the 
 Hollanders ; whereupon the said captain was very angry and 
 used threatening language to them. Quitting this place, he 
 reached Luha a day before us, and made the same overtures 
 and employed the same menaces as at Hitto, Here the said 
 Jardyn gave us much trouble, and I had many disputes with 
 him; for he is a clever fellow and left no means untried which 
 would in any way serve his designs, which were to establish 
 a factory and start trade. We on our side did everything in 
 our power to frustrate his endeavours, for it would have been 
 all up with us there had he succeeded. However, in spite of all 
 his efforts, his demands were totally rejected, principally through 
 Kimmela Sabadyn 2 , who as the representative of the King of 
 Ternate is held in great respect, and was very well disposed 
 towards us. Jardyn could not even obtain permission to erect a 
 hut for the purpose (as he said) of drying some of his goods which 
 had been wetted. Nevertheless, after we had departed from 
 Luha to Combelle and Lucydi in order to forestall him at those 
 places also, presuming that the people of Luha would keep their 
 promises, a certain Orangkay named Ticos, who is a very arro- 
 
 1 In O.C. 240 Jourdain says that he gave to the Captain of Hitto over 
 200 rials in presents. 
 
 2 See note on p. 258.
 
 APPENDIX E 367 
 
 gant man and for some time had been one of our partisans, set 
 up a pair of scales in his quarters and with other persons sold 
 to the English a quantity of cloves. On our return thither, 
 great complaint was made to us concerning his action; where- 
 upon we demanded justice, declared the contract violated and 
 tacitly threatened them that they should feel our power (we 
 having then ready at the Castle 1 no inconsiderable force). In 
 the end, as the townspeople took the responsibility on their own 
 shoulders and excused the Orangkay, it was agreed after much 
 dispute that they should pay a fine of 500 rials of eight and 
 should pledge themselves to have no further dealings with the 
 English; that any individual 'trading with that nation should 
 be punished with death, and that, should the community offend 
 again in like manner, we should be at liberty to destroy their 
 town and build a fort there. On these conditions we declared 
 ourselves ready to grant them commerce and to make a new 
 contract with a fixed price for cloves throughout the district, 
 provided that all the Orangkays should come to the Castle to 
 agree upon the price with the Governor and Council. This we 
 determined upon, not because we imagined that the contract 
 would be the better observed on account of the price being 
 raised, but in order to gain time and stave off worse evils. Had 
 we refused to give more than 50 rials of eight the bahar, the 
 natives would have been at liberty under the contract to obtain 
 an increased price if they could; and should they make an agree- 
 ment with this Englishman and settle a price with him in con- 
 sequence of our refusal, we feared that the Worshipful Mayors 2 
 would lose all chance of procuring cloves from Amboyna. 
 
 Hitherto the Englishman had failed to effect any arrangement; 
 but he was still indefatigable in his efforts, even offering to pay 
 the fine which had been imposed upon the natives on his account. 
 Having carefully considered the proceedings of the aforesaid 
 Jardyn, we came to the conclusion that we were justified in 
 regarding his attitude as hostile and in taking forcible measures 
 to prevent further action on his part. We therefore sent him a 
 summons in writing to desist from his unreasonable proceedings 
 or he would be compelled to do so by force. Nevertheless, we 
 judged it best to take no active measures, but to reserve the 
 
 1 Amboyna Castle. 2 Of the Dutch Company.
 
 368 APPENDIX E 
 
 matter for Your Worships' decision, or await a better opportunity 
 to sell [him cloves] at a higher price; for \ve well knew that he 
 must of necessity depart very shortly, and moreover that the 
 natives had few or no cloves left which they could sell to him. 
 
 In this document we mentioned by name several persons 
 who had dealt with Jan Jardyn, although in a general assembly 
 of the Orangkays of Loeha the said Jardyn had been told that 
 the Orangkays were under contract with the Hollanders and 
 could not trade with the English : that therefore no commerce 
 could be entered into with the latter except with the consent 
 of the Hollanders or by the permission of the King of Tarnate. 
 This they must themselves avow if called upon and forced to 
 declare the truth. 
 
 After this the said Jardyn set sail from Luho to Combello, 
 where he procured a small parcel of cloves. 
 
 APPENDIX F. 
 
 THE FIGHT AT PATANI AND DEATH 
 OF JOURDAIN. 
 
 SWORN DECLARATION OF THOMAS HACKWELL, MASTER OF THE 
 
 Sampson, 25 January, 1622. (Purchas His Pilgrimes, i. 693.) 
 
 To the first of the said articles he saith and deposeth by 
 charge of his oath that in the road of Patany in the East India, 
 upon the seventeenth day of July, 1619, last past, the Samson 
 (whereof this examinant was master) and the Hound, belonging 
 to the English Company, were forceably assaulted by three ships 
 of the Hollanders, viz. the Angell, the Morning Starre and the 
 Burgarboate, whereof Hendricke Johnson was commander, and 
 after five glasses fight (two houres and a halfe) eleven of the said 
 ship the Samson her men beeing slaine outright, five dismembred, 
 and about thirtie otherwise wounded, Captaine Jordane, being 
 then in the said ship the Samson and commander of her, caused 
 a flagge of truce to be hung out, and sent this examinant in the 
 Samsons boate aboord the Flemmings to treate with them for a
 
 APPENDIX F 369 
 
 peace; and at the hanging out of the said flagge of truce, and 
 when this examinant left the said Captaine Jordane to goe aboord 
 the Flemmings, he was well ; but above halfe an houre after the 
 said flagge of truce was so hung out and this examinant was in 
 parlee with the Flemmings about the said peace, Captaine Jordane, 
 not expecting any violence from the Flemmings during the said 
 parlee, shewed himselfe aboord the Samson before the maine 
 mast upon the gratings, where the Flemmings espying him, most 
 treacherously and cruelly shot at him with a musket, and shot 
 him into the bodie neere the heart, of which wound hee dyed 
 within halfe an houre after. And this he saith by charge of his 
 oath. 
 
 JOURNAL OF ARNOLD BROWNE, [MASTER'S MATE?] OF THE 
 Sampson. (Ibid., ii. 1850.) 
 
 June 5, 1619, our ships got into the rode of Patania. Wee were 
 in great danger of driving on a shoald. The President [Jourdain] 
 went to the Queene with a great present. On the 16 [July] wee 
 had sight of foure [three ?] Dutch ships, and fitted our selves to 
 fight. No perswasion could move the President to set saile, but 
 hee abode at an anchor till the Dutch ships anchored by us. 
 The next morning, without speaking any word, they shot, and 
 wee answered, but in short time wee had but few left which could 
 do us any pleasure. The weather was now calme and we could 
 not set saile, as before wee might have done; whereupon the 
 President was willing to come to a parlie. I was shot in two 
 places, and perswaded him to fight it out ; but when I was gone 
 downe hee sent the master aboord the Angell (one of the Dutch 
 ships) to parly about yeelding, and order was presently given to 
 shoot no more ; at which time I was spoiled with powder by a 
 shot from the admirall, our master detained, and the President 
 slaine with a shot thorow the bodie, after the ship was yeelded, as 
 I understand. For the master went aboord to give up the ship, 
 with condition that the company should depart with their goods ; 
 which they promised, but, after possession taken, heathenlike they 
 broke it. For mine owne part, before I understood of any thing 
 the ship was full of Hollanders ; we having at that time eleven 
 men slaine and thirtie three hurt, foure of which were dis- 
 membred. 
 
 J- 2 4
 
 370 APPENDIX F 
 
 GEORGE MUSCHAMP AT JAKATRA TO NATHANIEL COURTHOPE, 
 March 9, 1620. (Ibid., I. 678.) 
 
 ..After all hope was past of comming to you I was 
 appointed chiefe for Siam, and went with the President for 
 Patania, where we fell in the hands of our enemies, and in the 
 defence of our ships and goods performed what we were able. 
 But the elements fought against us ; for, contrary to the common 
 course, we had neither wind nor tyde to thwart the ship to bring 
 our ordnance to beare, and they breathed [berthed?] themselves 
 to our great disadvantage ; which wee might have helped over- 
 night, if the President had not stood too much upon points of 
 honour in the sight of the countrey people ; which in his owne 
 person he endevoured to maintaine, with as much resolution as 
 ever did any commander ; and most part of us seconded with our 
 best endevours as long as were able, untill many of us were 
 killed and hurt. Then the President sounded a parley ; and in 
 talking with Henrike Johnson received his deaths wound with a 
 musket, and they presently surprized our ships, made pillage of 
 all we had, but gave most part of us our libertie by reason of our 
 wounds ; where I continued foure monethes in miserable torture 
 with the losse of my right legge (shot off with a canon) for want 
 of medicines to apply to it 
 
 GEORGE MUSCHAMP AT JAKATRA TO THE EAST INDIA COMPANY, 
 May 3, 1620. (India Office Records: O.C., no. 863.) 
 
 ...[Just as we were] ready uppon the i6th July to sett saill, 
 and the shipps likewise, we discovered three saill of Flemings ; 
 which altered our Presidents purpose and he resolved to remaine 
 three dayes longer in the road, to avoyde the censure of the 
 country people ; whereby they birthed themselves to our great 
 disadvantage, one in our bow, the other in our quarter, and the 
 third faire by the Hound. The master and all of us that were 
 neare unto him alledged the inconveniences and earnestly im- 
 portuned we might sett saill ; which he would not heare, repliing 
 that it should never be reported that he would runn away from a 
 Fleming. Withall he did animate the shipps companye in the 
 defence of our countryes honnor, with the shipp and goods. 
 Whereuppon all things was prepaired with a good resolution ; and
 
 APPENDIX F 371 
 
 the next morning with day they began. We had not [more] then 
 five peeces that would beare with them ; they brought six demy 
 cannon of brass to play uppon the half deck, which kild and hurt 
 most of us that were there ; so that in the continuance of five 
 glasses there was kild in the Sampson 7 English, 5 blacks and 
 about 30 hurt ; which moved the President to a parle, and talking 
 with Henrick Jonson, there commander, received his deathes 
 wound with a muskett under the hart. The Hound had 2 men 
 kild and 16 miserably burnt with poulder ; some affirmeth 
 willingly done by one Domingo, a Portugal, who was the cheif 
 actor in the burning of the Black Lion, whereof he made his 
 vants to the Dutch at Patania; which caused the President to 
 give order to keep him in irons, but Mr. Gur[don], having fewe 
 men, released him in the fight ; and it is reported confessed 
 uppon his death that he did gather 18 cartrages of powlder 
 together and fired them with a lintstock, wherein he suffered for 
 his villanye, and a great manye poore men with him, the greatest 
 part whereof died. . . . 
 
 MARMADUKE STEVINTON AT JAKATRA TO GEORGE BALL AT 
 MASULIPATAM, July 12, 1620. (Ibid., no. 879.) 
 
 ...The next daie [Friday, July 16] betimes wee espied three 
 great shipps, and made all hast to gett everie man aboord ; and 
 came myselfe by two of the clocke in the afternoone, when after 
 speech with our President I departed with Mr. Gourden, our 
 master, whom I repute and esteeme as valiant a proper fellow as 
 ever putt foot in a shipp, notwithstandinge his misfortune the 
 next day; when (in breife) the President nott possiblie per- 
 swadable to sett saile and fight, butt scorninge to boudge an 
 anchor in the face of the towne, after wee hadd suffered them all 
 night to birth themselves with their great brasse peeces treble 
 mannd, in the morninge they begann with us, ridinge att pistol 
 shott. When in fine, after five glasses fight, our noble minded 
 President was slayne in parley with Henrie Johnsen their 
 comaunder (whoe hadd binne formerlie in the Blacke Lion), to 
 our generall greife and my particuler irrecoverable losse. In the 
 Sampson Mr. Boulten, merchant, kild, with ten of the other 
 companie, Mr. Muschampes right legg shott and after dis- 
 membred, with some 30 more wounded. In the Hownd amongst 
 
 24 2
 
 372 APPENDIX F 
 
 our 34 men, wee weare nott idle. Haulfe an hower after the 
 Sampson was taken wee bore out our flagg untill our shipp fire[d] 
 (as itt was said by our men either through the willfullnes or 
 neglegence of Domingoe the Portingall, butt the truth was never 
 knowne) ; 16 of our men burnt, whereof some imediatlie dead 
 and most of the rest shortlie after ; some likewise killed ; soe that 
 their remayne[d] 8 or 9 able men to doe service ; my selfe twise 
 slightlie hurt, butt to noe effect. When they after oppressed us 
 with their forces ; which wee seeinge yielded by force, with 
 promise nott to loose anie thinge, though they intendinge nothinge 
 lesse. Soe thatt the 17 July, 1619, was my fatall losse both of 
 estate, accounts, frends and everie thinge which might produce 
 any hope of good.... 
 
 THOMAS BROCKEDON AND AUGUSTINE SPALDING AT JAKATRA 
 TO GEORGE BALL AT MASULIPATAM, July 12, 1620. (Ibid.^ 
 no. 880.) 
 
 ...The last and worst newes is the loss of the Sampson and 
 Hound and the death of Capt. Jurdaine, surprized by Henrick 
 Jonson, commaunder of three ships, who went to revenge the loss 
 of the Lion ; which he could not have done if the President would 
 have given way to weigh ankor and fought under saile before they 
 birthed themselves; which was the loss of himself and manye 
 others. Howsoever, his resolution pretended the creditt of our 
 nation in the presence of the country people and deserves a 
 favorable censure.... 
 
 THE DUTCH GOVERNOR-GENERAL AND HIS COUNCIL TO THE 
 DUTCH EAST INDIA COMPANY, dated Jakatra, January 22, 
 1620 (N. S.). (Translated from De Jonge's Opkomst van 
 het Nederlandsch Gezag in Oost-Indte, iv. 195.) 
 
 ...We have previously informed Your Worships that we had 
 sent the ships Engel, Bergerboot and Morgensterre to Patana with 
 a good stock for trading there, and with express charge (in 
 accordance with the resolution adopted in consequence of the 
 English designs), if they could attack the English with advantage, 
 to make prize of their ships and goods. These vessels, on reach- 
 ing Patana July 26 [N. S.J, found in the roads the English ships 
 Sampson and Hound, with 137 men and 45 guns, and having in
 
 APPENDIX F 373 
 
 the evening moored close to them, the next morning at dawn 
 made a vigorous attack. The fight was maintained with great 
 resolution on both sides for three glasses, and then the English 
 surrendered, praying vehemently for quarter. They had 39 men 
 killed, including Capt. Jean Jardyn, their President (who is held 
 to be responsible for all these calamities), and about 50 wounded. 
 On our side ten were slain and a few wounded... 
 
 THE DUTCH EAST INDIA COMPANY TO THE ENGLISH EAST 
 INDIA COMPANY, July , 1620. (India Office Records: 
 Java, ii. pt. i 1 .) 
 
 ...Three of our shippes being arryved at Petania the 26 of 
 July 1619 [N. S.] found there two of your shipps, the Sampson 
 and the Hound, with whom (prosecuting former hostilitie) they 
 encountred the space of one hower and a halfe, yours defending 
 themselves well. And after the death of 39 men (amongst 
 others Mr. John Jordans) they yielded to ours, and your men 
 were sett on shore in the cittie of Petania in the factory you 
 have there. Our people have taken notice of all that they have 
 found in the said shipps, so that the restitution may be made 
 in conformitie of the articles of treatie.... 
 
 THE SAME TO THE SAME, September n, i62o 2 . (Ibid. 3 } 
 
 ...Having heretofore understood the reservacion you have 
 had concerning your President Jordane, we have caused the 
 whole story thereof to be related to Mr. Robert Barley 4 , who 
 seemeth to busy himselfe in your affaires in these parts, and do 
 not doubt but he hath by his letters made a true report of yt ; 
 by which you may have understood that as our shipps before 
 Bantam [Patani] were fallen fowle together, and after fyght yt 
 was found good to come to a parley, that your President and 
 
 1 A contemporary translation from the French. 
 
 2 In answer to the English Company's reply to the former, expressing 
 amazement and indignation at the news, 'so much the more because we are 
 infourmed by other letters and reports that our said President receyved his 
 mortall wound by a shott as he stood in parley with your commaunder, 
 Hendrick Jansson, after a flagg of truce was hanged out.' 
 
 3 A contemporary translation from the Dutch. 
 
 4 Robert Barlow, the English Company's intelligencer at Amsterdam.
 
 374 APPENDIX F 
 
 our commaunder being come above the hatches and begining 
 to conferr together, some of our other shippes, which were not, 
 nor could be, advertised of the foresaid parley by reason of the 
 shortnes of the tyme, coming uppon them still in warlike manner, 
 yt happened that out of the shipp called the Morning Starre 
 divers shott, as well of musketts as of cannon, were discharged 
 (among which a great iron bullett went through our owne corn- 
 maunders shipp), and in ignorance of what before had passed 
 betwixt the chiefs of both the fleetes a musket shott was also 
 discharged which hitt your President in the belly, so as he 
 dyed of it, without any speciall ayme at his person, but the 
 mischeife might as well have befallen our commaunder as your 
 President... 
 
 DECLARATION OF CASSARIAN DAVID, BARTHOLOMEW CHURCH- 
 MAN AND GEORGE PETTYS. (Purchas His Pi/grimes, i. 
 696.) 
 
 ...Upon the newes of the taking of our two ships called the 
 Samson and the Hound in Patania Road, Hendricke Janson, 
 the commander of three ships, viz. the Angell, the Morning 
 Starre and the Burger-boat, sent a letter by the upper steresman 
 of the Starre (who had but one arme) to their Generall John 
 Peter Sacone [Jan Pieterszoon Coen], then at Jacatra, of the 
 taking of our two ships. He, the said Sacone, then said : ' You 
 have now, Hendricke Janson, given me good satisfaction, in that 
 Captaine Jordayne is dead'; and at his returne thither gratified 
 him with fourteene hundred gilders in a chaine of gold, putting 
 it himselfe about his necke ; not leaving any one unrewarded 
 that had beene at the taking of our two ships, and one hundred 
 pieces of eight to him that shot him, notwithstanding our flag 
 of truce was hung out. Wee affirme also that the said Generall 
 John Peter Sacone, upon the newes brought him by a ship 
 called the Hart from the Coast of Carmandele of the death 
 of Sir Thomas Dale, then said : ' Dale is dead, and Jordaynes 
 blood I have ; if I had George Cockins [Cokayne's] life to I were 
 then satisfied'...
 
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 discours of Voyages into y e Easte & West Indies. Devided 
 into foure Bookes. Translated out of Dutch into English by 
 W. P. [i.e. William Phillip]. B. L. pp. 462. Maps, and illustra- 
 tions. J. Wolfe: London, 1598. fol. 
 
 [983- g- 13- 212. d. 9. G. 7008.] 
 
 The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East 
 
 Indies. From the old English translation [by Wm. Phillip] of 
 1598. The First Book. Containing his Description of the East. 
 In two volumes. Edited, the First Volume by the late Arthur 
 Coke Burnell, Ph.D., C.I.E., of the Madras Civil Service; the 
 Second Volume by Mr. Pieter Anton Tiele, of Utrecht. 2 vols. 
 i portrait. (Series I. vols. 70, 71.) Hakluyt Society: London, 
 1885. 8. [Ac. 6172/59.] 
 
 Major, Richard Henry, F.S.A. India in the Fifteenth Century. 
 Being a Collection of Narratives of Voyages [of Abd-er-Razzak, 
 Nicolo Conti, Athanasius Nikitin, and Hieronimo di Santo 
 Stefano] to India in the Century preceding the Portuguese Dis- 
 covery of the Cape of Good Hope, from Latin, Persian, Russian, 
 and Italian sources. Now first translated into English. Edited, 
 with an introduction, by R. H. Major, Esq., F.S.A. pp. xc. 49. 39. 
 32. 10. (Series I. vol. 22.) Hakluyt Society : London, 1857. 8. 
 
 [Ac. 6172/20.]
 
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 [10076. cc. 8.]
 
 INDEX. 
 
 [ The letter n. indicates that the reference is to a footnote^ 
 
 Abdala Khan, 186 
 Abdelasan. See Abul Hasan 
 Abd-el-Kuri, 53, 54, 107, 200, 
 
 2OI, 226, 227 
 
 Abdurrahim, Mirza, 361 
 
 Abex. See Abyssinia 
 
 Abraham, coxswain of the Darling, 
 
 263 
 Abul Hasan, Khwaja, notice of, 
 
 i54. ; Hawkins and, xxxii, 154, 
 
 190, 222, 223; superseded, xxxix; 
 
 ship belonging to, 208 
 Abyssinia, 106, 201, 208, 210, 352, 
 
 355 
 Achin, 135, 138, 139 ., 207, 231, 
 
 232 ., 235, 238, 309 
 Adams, William, letter from, 271 
 Adams, Rev. , 244 
 Aden, the Ascension at, 58, 350, 
 
 356; Jourdain's description of, 74; 
 
 Sir Edward Michelborne on, xxiii; 
 
 Shahbandar of, 59 ; Kadi of, 92, 
 
 ioi, 357; Governor of, 58-74, 77, 
 
 35 6 > 357 
 Adil Shah, Ibrahim, King of Bijapur, 
 
 198, 199 n. 
 
 Admiral of the Sea, 354 
 Agate dishes, 167 
 Agra, Jourdain reaches, 153; entry 
 
 of Jahanglr into, 159; description 
 
 of, 162 ; Jourdain leaves, 167 
 Agulhas, C. das, 20, 338, 339 
 Ahmadabad, Jourdain reaches, 171; 
 
 description of, 171; Portuguese at, 
 
 173; viceroy of, 171, 186; province 
 
 of, 189 
 
 A-hull, to lie, 231 
 Ajmer, 169 
 
 J- 
 
 Akbar, the Emperor, 142 ., 145, 
 
 146, 363 
 Akbarpur, 147 
 Aldabra (island), 30 n. 
 Aldea, 132 ., 141, 150, 150 . 
 Aleppo, 104, 157, 355 
 Alexander, John, 327 
 All bin Omar ShadilT, Shaikh, 
 
 356 
 
 Aligant, 123 
 Allia, St, 85 n. 
 Aloes, 112, 359 
 Alsmura, 169 
 Alton, 64, 70 
 Amara, 87 n. 
 Ambika River, 122 
 Amboyna, 326, 365-8; Jourdain's 
 
 account of, 273. See also Hitu 
 
 and Jannsen, Jasper 
 Amirante Islands, 46 n. 
 Amsterdam, the, 340, 345 
 Angel, the, 368-74 
 Antri, 152 
 Anuprai, 161 ;/. 
 Aquavitae, 32, 215 
 Arangkay. See Orangkaya 
 Aravad, 144 
 Armour, 76 
 Arrack, 191, 198, 245 
 Asab Bay, 210, 213, 214, 226 n. 
 Asaf Khan, xl, 154 n. 
 Ascension, the, xvii, 1-120, passim. 
 Aslr, kingdom of, 145; city and 
 
 fortress of, 146; province of, 189 
 Attendant, the, 332 
 Autro, [52 
 
 Azam Khan, 1 19 ., 186 n. 
 Azores, the, 347 
 
 25
 
 386 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Babony. See Kabaena 
 
 Bachian, 290 
 
 Badnedge, Philip, 244, 247, 249, 
 
 253. 256, 263, 265, 277, 279, 
 
 282, 284 
 Badur, 143 
 Baftas, 95, 128, 139, 143, 146, 171, 
 
 198, 233 
 Baglan, 142 n. 
 Bahadur Shah, King of Khandesh, 
 
 144 ., 146 n. 
 Bahadurpur, 144 
 Bahar, 62, 232, 236, 238, 248 
 Bairatn cloths, 143, 146, 171, 198 
 Baker, Matthew, 106 
 Bdlai, 261 
 Balass rubies, 221 
 Balkhar, 147 
 Ball, Bailey, 188 n. 
 Ball, George, Ixii, 304, 305, 307, 
 
 3H. 315. 323. 334, 37L 372 
 
 Ballucke, 189 
 
 Baloney. See Kabaena 
 
 Banda Islands, Ixii, 273, 283, 285, 
 289, 294, 327, 328 
 
 Bangham, Nicholas, notice of, 133; 
 goes to Agra, 137, 140; at Surat, 
 xxxv, 179-89; goes to Amboyna 
 with Jourdain, 244, 247, 249, 253, 
 257, 263, 264, 271, 282, 307; also 
 on the voyage to Masulipatam, 
 309 n. 
 
 Banjarmassin, 246, 287, 295, 
 307 n. 
 
 Bantam, Jourdain lands at, 241 ; 
 he is appointed Agent for the 
 Sixth Voyage at, 241 ; his return 
 to, 301 ; he sails for Masulipatam, 
 309; he returns, 311; he is ap- 
 pointed Chief Agent at, 312; and 
 President, Ixviii; English houses at, 
 241, 304-7, 315 ., 318, 328; fires 
 at, 317; the Dutch at, 303, 318, 
 323-5. 328-30; the Chinese at, 
 307, 316-8, 323, 325; the King 
 of, 241, 244, 315 n., 317, 330, 
 334; the Protector of, 244, 317 
 
 Banyans, 87 n., 93 ., 95, 99, 103, 
 104, 114, 126 ., 132, 359 
 
 Bardon, John, Ixxxii 
 
 Barlow, Robert, 373 
 
 Baroda, 174, 217 
 
 Barrica, 33 
 
 Bassein, 103, 192 
 
 Batu Islands, 229 
 
 Bazaar, 105 ., 143 n. 
 
 Beaman, John, 307 
 
 Bengal, 162, 189 
 
 Berghee, 169 
 
 Berkeley, George, Ixiv, 304, 334 
 
 Besolos manos, 5, 59 
 
 Best, Thomas, Ixvi, Ixviii, Ixxxi; at 
 Tiku, 309-11; his proceedings at 
 Bantam, 312-4 
 
 Betel, 150 
 
 Bewell, 144 
 
 Bewly, Mr, 336 
 
 Bhadwar, 143 
 
 Bharwani, 170 
 
 Bhinmal, 170 
 
 Bhitarwar, 152 n. 
 
 Biana, 153, 155; indigo cultivation 
 at, 155 ., 168 
 
 Bljapur, 198, 199 n. 
 
 Billing, Cornelius, master of the 
 Darling, 244, 275, 279-81, 284 
 
 Birra, 142 
 
 Black Lion, the, Ixx, 371, 372 
 
 Blanco, Cape, 5 
 
 Boavista (island), 5, 6 
 
 Bolton, Adam, 371 
 
 Bona Esperanza. See Cape of 
 Good Hope 
 
 Bonnopp, 171 
 
 Both, Pieter, Dutch Governor- 
 General, 247, 273, 289, 290, 323 
 
 Boys, Captain Thomas, 158 . 
 
 Brahmans, 126 
 
 Brett, Thomas, 292 
 
 Brisans, the, 49 
 
 Broach, 135, 138, 139, 147, 173 
 
 Brockedon, Thomas, 372 
 
 Brooke, Gabriel, 98, 134, 143 
 
 Brothers, the (islands), 54 
 
 Brouwer, Hendrik, 271 n. 
 
 Browne, Arnold, 369 
 
 Buck, Francis, no 
 
 Buckler, Robert, 38 
 
 Bullocks, sacred in India, 126 ., 
 132; riding, 127, 128 
 
 Burgarboat, the, 368-74 
 
 Burhanpur, 133 ., 134, 135, 186, 
 360, 361; described, 145 
 
 Burrou, 150 
 
 Buton, Jourdain's visit to, 274-92; 
 description of, 29 1 ; the Dutch in, 
 289-91; the King of, 278, 279, 
 282, 284-92 ; his brother, 285, 
 286, 288; and his sons, 288, 289, 
 291 
 
 Buton, Straits of, 275-86 
 
 Buzeria, 97 
 
 Buzzard's Bay, 240 
 
 Byaval, 144 
 
 Cairo, 78, 86, 104, 105 n., 162, 
 
 355 
 
 Caixen. See Kishin 
 Calicut, 207, 208 
 Cambay, Philip Grove at, 135, 137;
 
 INDEX 
 
 387 
 
 a great man of, 167; Jourdain's 
 visit to, 172; his description of, 
 173; province of, 189; Portuguese 
 at, 173 
 
 Cambelo. See Kambelo 
 
 Camden, Edmund, 241 ., 304 
 
 Cananore, 207 
 
 Canary Islands, 2 
 
 Cape of Good Hope, the Ascension 
 and Union at, 12-19; engraved 
 stones at, 13, 340; Jourdain 
 touches there on his return voyage, 
 
 340-5 
 
 Cape Verd Islands, 5 
 Careless, R., 133 . 
 Carlisle, Geoffrey, 3, 9; notice of, j 
 
 3 . 
 
 Car/as, 223 
 Carvilles, 346 n. 
 Cashas, 316 
 Castleton, Samuel, Ixii, 233, 328, 
 
 334 
 
 Cathaya, 166 
 Caya, 58, 84, 91, 118, 358 
 Celebes. See Salayer, Buton and 
 
 Macassar 
 Cellyns, , 340 
 Ceram, 273. See also Luhu, Kambelo 
 
 and Lassidi 
 Cerf (island), 49 
 Ceylon, 196, 228, 310 
 Chaksu, 1 68 
 Chambal River, 153 n. 
 Chaul, 103, 136 ., 187 n., 192, 
 
 195 ., 196, 200, 340, 353 
 Chic kin, 70, 78, 104 
 China, 166, 245, 316, 323, 340 
 Chinese, 302 ., 307, 316-8, 323, 325 
 Chipprie, 151 
 Chopra, 144 
 Chouse, 69, 354 
 
 Churchman, Bartholomew, 374 
 Churchman, Edward, 37 
 Churl, 69, 358 
 Churse, 168 
 
 Cinnamon, 196, 198, 205, 207, 208 
 Clarke, , 79, 80 
 Classbuck, , 138 
 Clove, the, Ixii, 203, 206, 207, 213, I 
 
 2 4'> 3*4. 315. 3 2 8, 334, 336 
 Cochin, 195 ., 196, 353 
 Cocks, Richard, 205 n., 207, 242 . i 
 Coco-de-mer, xxii n. , 49 
 Cod, 229 
 Coen, Jan Pieterszoon, at Hitu and 
 
 Luhu, 255-7, 2 59-69, 270 ' 321 ; 
 
 Dutch President at Bantam, 323, 
 
 331; his narrative of Jourdain's 
 
 visit to Amboyna, 365 ; rewards 
 
 the man who slew Jourdain, 374 
 
 Coffee, 82, 85, 86; its introduction 
 
 into Arabia, 356 
 Cokayne, George, Ixi, Ixii, 244, 247, 
 
 263, 267 ., 294, 374; notice of, 
 
 244 //. 
 
 Collybaye, 151 
 Comoro Islands, 23, 24 
 Concord, the, Ixii, 326, 328 
 Conducke, 170 
 Connyhier, 149 
 Conostia, 149 
 
 Consul, English, at Bantam, 241 
 Cooga, 170 
 
 Coracora, 248, 277-9, 282-4, 286 
 Coral, 355 
 Corka, 142 
 Coroni, 284 
 Corvo, 347 
 
 Cory the Saldanian, 341, 342 
 Cossaria, 141 
 Cossod, 141 
 Coteels, Matthys, 245 
 Coteels, Steven, 248, 250, 254, 257, 
 
 260, 261, 269, 365 
 
 Courthope, Nathaniel, Ixiii, Ixix, 303 
 Covado, 63, 64, 194, 217 
 Covert, Robert, steward of the 
 
 Ascension, 61 ; his bad behaviour, 
 
 1 1 8, 129; goes to Agra, 133 n. ; 
 
 his interview with Jahangir, xxxiv ; 
 
 his journey home, 1 19 n. ; his narra- 
 
 tive (quoted passim), Ixxix 
 Cow, sacred in India, 126;;., 132 
 Crab Island, 226 
 Creese, 295 
 Cross, Ralph, Ixxxi 
 Crowe, 169 
 Crowley, 167 
 Croziers, the, 227 
 Cuchinarque, 151 
 Cuckra, 150 
 Cutwall. See Kotwal 
 
 Dabhol, 103, 177 ., 192; Middleton 
 at, 193 ; descriptions of, 197 , 199 n.; 
 ships from, 207, 209, 216 n., 233, 
 
 353 
 
 Dale, Richard, 336 
 Dale, Sir Thomas, Ixvi-lxxiv, 374 
 Daman, 103, 122, 125, 136 n. 
 Damascus, 355 
 Darby, John, 246, 275, 276, 278-80, 
 
 282, 285, 297, 299-301 
 Darling, the, 172 ., 178, 179, 196, 
 
 200, 202-4, 209, 210, 213, 258 .; 
 
 sent to Tiku, 218, 225; her stay 
 
 there, 231-8 ; visit to Pasaman, 235 ; 
 
 at Bantam, 241 ; voyage to the 
 
 Moluccas, 243-301, 319-23,365-8; 
 
 sent to Masulipatam, 308, 314 
 
 253
 
 388 
 
 INDEX 
 
 David, a, 36 
 
 David, a Jew of Mocha, 99, 108, 
 
 123, 353 
 
 David, Cassarian, 307, 314, 374 
 Davis, John, 239 n., 240 n. 
 Davy or Davis, Bartholomew, 140, 
 
 167, 179 . 
 Deccan, province of, 189; war in 
 
 the, 1 86 
 
 Defence, the, Ixii, Ixiii, 328 
 Delaisha, 107, no, in 
 Delhi, 164, 189, 365 
 Delute, 150 
 
 Deselem Straits, 246, 281 
 Devil, the, appears to a witch, 97; 
 
 seen at Pulo Panjang, 302 . 
 Dewakan Island, 296 
 Dhaita, 134, 135, 142 
 Dhamar, 86 
 Dholpur, 153 
 Diamonds at Agra, 164; in the 
 
 Deccan, 198, 199 . 
 Dipalpur, 149 
 Diu, 55, 103, ri3, 205, 209, 340, 
 
 353 
 
 Dolpore, 149 
 
 Domingo, 371, 372 
 
 Donnara, 170 
 
 Doolpon, 171 
 
 Douro Island, 228 
 
 Downton, Nicholas, Ixii, Ixxx, 178, 
 214, 235, 238 ., 242; his story 
 about Jourdain, 162 ., 176 n. 
 
 Dragoman, 65, 205, 353 
 
 Dragon, the, Ixiv, 13 ., no, 116, 
 309-14, 341 
 
 Driver, Francis, 79, 80, 109 
 
 Dumluwah (Ad-), 83 . 
 
 Dundara, 170 
 
 Dutch, the, and the Canary Islands, 
 5; the fleet of 1608, 6; at the 
 Cape, 16; attack Mozambique, 33; 
 do damage at Socotra, 108; their 
 factory at Masulipatam, 133 .; at 
 Bantam, 303, 318, 323-5, 328-30; 
 at But on, 289-91 ; at Macassar, 
 293. See also Hitu, Luhu, Kam- 
 belo, Both, Coen, etc. 
 
 Duyts, Abraham de, 153 
 
 Elephants, 18, 19, 163, 165 
 
 Elephants' teeth, i8c 186 
 
 Elkington, Thomas, Ixii 
 
 Elmor, John, 38 ., 131 ., 136 . 
 
 Entrada, 70 
 
 Ermin, 86 n. 
 
 Esscates, 85 n., 86 . 
 
 Eufras, 86 n. 
 
 Evans, Andrew, 80 
 
 Expedition, the, 314, 328 ., 341 
 
 Falcons (cannon), 14, 131 n. 
 
 Falso, Cape, 339 
 
 Farie, Benjamin, 244, 263, 265, 294 
 
 Farman, 136, 182, 221 
 
 Fatehpur "Sikri, 168 
 
 Fatma, Jezirat, 226 n. 
 
 Felix, Mount, 201, 202 ., 226 
 
 Ft fa, 77 
 
 Finch, William, xxix, xxx, xxxiii ; 
 notice of, Ixxx ; assists the crew of 
 the Ascension, 129-32, 134 ., 360; 
 called to Agra, 137; his itinerary, 
 141 ;/.; buys indigo at Biana, 153, 
 156, 1 68; goes to Lahore, 153, 
 J 57> 158; starts for Aleppo, 158 .; 
 his death, 140**., i59.; his account 
 of Mandu and Gwalior, 362 
 
 Flores, 347 
 
 Flux, 80, 103, 145, 172 
 
 Formosa, Baya, 21 
 
 Fowler, John, 193, 225 ;/., 235 n. 
 
 Fox, Robert, 136 . 
 
 Foxtail, flop with a, 261 
 
 Frain, Hugh, 185, 188; notice of, 
 181 ; his death, 241 
 
 Francis, the, 340 
 
 Frangay, a, 90 
 
 French renegade, 73, 81 
 
 Frencham, John, 119, 133 n. 
 
 Fua, 77, 95, 96 
 
 Fuller, Thomas, 211 
 
 Gandevi, 126-8, 131 ., 360 
 
 Ganges, the, 162 
 
 Garao, 169 
 
 Gardner, , 347 . 
 
 Ghiasuddln, Mlrza, xxxix, 154 n. 
 
 Gilburd, 170 
 
 Glanfield, Francis, 235 n. 
 
 Glascock, Philip, xix, 25, 27, 42, 
 43 n -> 595 sent to Mocha, 69, 351, 
 354, 357 ; accompanies Jourdain to 
 San'a, 71, 73; at Mocha, 98; dies 
 there, 103, 354 
 
 Globe, the, 292, 295, 308 ., 310, 
 326 . 
 
 Goa, 1 10, 135, 136, 137 ., 161, 
 205 n. ; trade between Gujarat and, 
 173; mission of Mukarrab Khan to, 
 221 
 
 Goa, Viceroy of. See Tavora 
 
 Goede Hoope, the, 1 1 
 
 Gogha, 114, 191, 209 
 
 Golconda, 199 n. 
 
 Golgotha Bay, 55 
 
 Good Hope, the, built at the Cape, 
 11, 13, 14, 19; parts company, 
 20; reaches Socotra, 109; rejoins 
 at Aden, 78, 357; her master mur- 
 dered by the crew, 79, 357 ; repaired
 
 INDEX 
 
 389 
 
 at Mocha, 98, 354, 358; blown 
 away from Socotra, 107, 112, 114, 
 358; is run ashore on the coast of 
 India, 122, 123, 129, 131 n.; and 
 carried off by the Portuguese, 122, 
 131 ., 360 
 
 Goose-wing, 337 
 
 GopI talao at Surat, 129 
 
 Gordon, William, 371 
 
 Gourney, John, 329 
 
 Gravances, 43 
 
 Great Ceylon, the, 340, 345 
 
 Green, Benjamin. 189, 194, 195, 
 243 ; his journal (quoted passim}, 
 Ixxxi; his death, 236 
 
 Greet, Hugh, 188 
 
 Grove, Philip, master of the Ascen- 
 sion, xviii, i, 12, 35, 41, 43 ., 80, 
 114, 358; at Cambay, 135, 137; 
 returns to Surat, 138; his death, 
 140; his character, 140 . 
 
 Guallier, 151 
 
 Guardafui, Cape, 106, 201 
 
 Guess-rope, 119 
 
 Gullica, 152 
 
 Gundawe, 170 
 
 Gwalior, 189 ; Jourdain's description 
 of, 1 52; Finch's account of, 364 
 
 Hackwell, Thomas, 368, 369 
 
 Haddyes, 190 
 
 Hajlpur, 171 
 
 Handolla, 169 
 
 Harrington, John, 38 
 
 Hart, the. 374 
 
 Hasan All, Khwaja, 181, 182, 225 
 
 HassanT, the, 208 
 
 Hassard, , 3, 4 
 
 Hauta (A1-), 81, 82 
 
 Hawkins, Sir Richard, Ixvi 
 
 Hawkins, William, his mission, 
 xxix,lxxix; news of, 13, 56, 57, 108, 
 109, in, 114, 353, 358; his pro- 
 ceedings at Agra, xxx, 136, 154-67, 
 182, 361; he starts for Goa, 161 ; 
 at Cambay, 186, 188 n. ; reaches 
 Middleton's ships, i88w. ; accom- 
 panies him to Bantam, 191, 200, 
 203, 2 14, 2 19, 24 1 ; his death, xlvii n.\ 
 his wife, xxxi, xlvii ., 189; and 
 stepfather, 153 
 
 Hector, the, 13 n,, no, 203, 233, 
 234, 240, 341, 353; mutinies on 
 board, 208, 210 
 
 Hermanos, the. See Brothers, the 
 
 Herod, Thomas, 239, 303, 309 ;/. 
 
 Hill, Thomas, 272 . 
 
 Hilles, Edward, 80 
 
 Hindaun, 168 
 
 Hitu, Jourdain at, 247-56, 270, 319, 
 
 320, 365; his description of, 273; 
 
 the King of, 249, 253 ; the Captain 
 
 of, 247-55, 2 7> 2 7' 3'9> 366; 
 
 his son, 253, 255; the Shahbandar 
 
 of, 253 
 
 Hitu, Straits of, 274 
 Hoghanazam. See Nizam, Khwaja 
 Hoghepore, 171 
 
 Hosiander, the, Ixxxi, 309-11, 327 n. 
 Hound, the, Ixxi, Ixxii, 368-74 
 Hudson, William, 137; his wife, 
 
 137 n. 
 
 Humayun, the Emperor, 148, 363 
 Hunt, Richard, Ixiii, 328-30 
 
 Ibb, 83-5 
 
 Imburrnie, 170 
 
 Indigo, 69, 205, 209, 217, 355; 
 made at Biana, 155 ., 168, 217; 
 at Sarkhej and neighbourhood, 
 172, 173, 217; in the Deccan, 
 198, 199 . ; Portuguese trade in, 
 173; experiments in Buton, 291 
 
 Indrapura, 309 
 
 Ingebor, 170 
 
 Iron at Mocha, 69, 99, 355, 357, 
 358, 361 
 
 Island (peninsula), 75, 202 
 
 Italian, an, at Buton, 288 - 90. 
 See also Mustapha 
 
 Jadu, a broker, 178 ;/., 191 
 
 Jaglr, 154, 190 
 
 Jahan, Khan, 363 
 
 Jahan, Khwaja, 165 
 
 Jahanglr, the Emperor, and Haw- 
 kins, xxx-xl, 154, 361 ; Jourdain 
 sees, 159; nearly slain by a lion, 
 160; Jourdain takes leave of, 165; 
 his love of curiosities, xxxiv, xl, 
 1 66 ; his kingdom and forces, 189 ; 
 Middleton's letter to, 218; his 
 mother, 155; his wives, 165 
 
 Jaju, 153 
 
 Jakatra, Ixx, Ixxi, 245, 329-31 
 
 Jalba, 212 
 
 Jalor, 170 
 
 Jambi, Ixxi, 304 ., 332, 333 
 
 James, the, 233, 234, 240, 242 ., 
 3*0, 325, 326 n. 
 
 Jampda, 168 
 
 Janad, 83, 85 n. 
 
 Janssen, Hendrik, Ixxii, 368-74 
 
 Janssen, Jasper, 248-50, 253, 255 
 
 Japan, 241, 271, 314 
 
 Japanese, 327, 331 
 
 Japara, 301 
 
 Jarowe, 153 
 
 Jesuits, 132 ., 136, 157, 162, 223 
 
 Jew, a. See David
 
 390 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Jiblah, 84 
 
 Jiddah, 77, 78, 95, 103, 226, 355 
 
 Jodhpur, 170 
 
 Johnson, John, 140 
 
 Johor, 294, 332 
 
 Jones, Thomas, Ixxviii, 136 
 
 Jones, Thomas, factor, 241, 312 
 
 Jones, Captain Thomas, 340 
 
 Jourdain, Ignatius, xv . 
 
 Jourdain, John, passim ; his family 
 and early career, i ; engaged by 
 the East India Company, xvii ; 
 his second voyage to the East, 
 Ixv ; his death, Ixxii, 368 ; his arms, 
 xv n. ; his sister, Ixxv ; his wife, 
 Ixxv, Ixxvi ; and son, Ixxv 
 
 Jourdain, John, Junior, Ixviii 
 
 Jourdain, John (of Exeter), xv ;/. 
 
 Jourdain, Silvester, xv ;/. 
 
 Jumna, River, 162, 164 it. 
 
 Junks, 62, 123, 212 ., 216 ;/., 237, 
 *45> 292, 316, 323, 340 
 
 Juribassa, 244 
 
 Kabaena Island, 27^, 277, 280, 
 281, 283 
 
 Kabul, 189 
 
 Kachner Sarai, 151 
 
 Kadatua Island, 276 
 
 Kadi, 92, 101, 357 
 
 Jfafila, 1 74 
 
 Kailaras, 151 
 
 Kalabag, 151 
 
 Kambelo, 248, 251, 255, 266, 269, 
 326, 366, 368 ; Jourdain at, 272, 
 323; his account of, 273 
 
 Kanasia, 149 
 
 Kandahar, 189 
 
 Karod, 141 
 
 Kashmir, 189 
 
 Keeling, Captain William, xxix, 13, 
 55, 56, 108, 109, 112 ; arrives at 
 Bantam, Ixiii, 331 ; discovers the 
 Cocos Islands, 336 . ; at the Cape, 
 341 ; at St Helena, 344, 345 
 
 Keeling or Cocos Islands, 336 
 
 Keelson, 238 
 
 Khandap. 170 
 
 Khan-khanan, the, 361 
 
 Khargon, 147 
 
 Khumbaria, 141 
 
 Khurram, Sultan, xxxiv, 161 . 
 
 Kimelaha, 258 ;/., 366 
 
 Kintall, 182 ., 359 
 
 Kiraoli, 167 
 
 Kishin, 205, 209, 210 
 
 Kos, 1 4 1 
 
 Kotwal, 1 39 
 
 Krakatoa, 239 n. 
 
 Kuchil, 169 
 
 Kutb Shah, 199 . 
 
 Laars Island, 296 
 
 Laboney. See Kabaena 
 
 Ladana, 169 
 
 Lahore, 153, 157, 158 
 
 Lalsot, 168 
 
 Lambaya Islands, 296 
 
 Lambello, 285 
 
 Lander, 39 w. 
 
 Lane, Herman, 141 
 
 Langley, Edward, 303 
 
 Lankin silk, 196, 324, 325 
 
 Lantor, 329 
 
 Laribandar, 103 n. See also Sinda 
 
 Larins, 198 
 
 Larkin, Robert, 243, 304-7, 314 
 
 Lassidi, 272, 273, 366 
 
 Leetno met Pylen, the, 271 n. 
 
 Leiger, 2 
 
 Lignum aloes, 205 
 
 Lima, Pulo, 240 
 
 Lingull, 143 
 
 Linschoten, Jan Huyghen van, 351 
 
 Lion, the, 340 
 
 Lions in India, 159, 160 
 
 Love, Thomas, Ixxxi 
 
 Lowe, Sir Thomas, 134 . 
 
 Lucas, Thomas, 133 
 
 Luddayna, 169 
 
 Lufkin, John, 19, 79 
 
 Luhu, 247, 248, 251, 254, 255, 
 2 73' 3 2 6, 366 ; Jourdain at, 256- 
 70, 272, 320-3; Governor of, 247, 
 2 53> 256-66, 320-2; Shahbandar 
 of, 257, 258, 264, 321, 322 
 
 Lulsee, 168 
 
 Lunera, 149 
 
 Lusalnua Islands, 297 
 
 Lusaseira Island, 297 
 
 Luther, Christopher, 303, 304, 
 309 ;/. 
 
 Macassar, 244;;., 246; Jourdain's 
 visit to, 292-5 ; his description of, 
 294; Dutch at, 293; Shahbandar 
 of, 292; King of, 289, 292-5; 
 his uncle, 292, 293 
 
 Madagascar, 21-3 
 
 Madder, 77, 95, 96 
 
 Mafalees, 81 n. 
 
 Mahe (island), 48 n. 
 
 Mahrnudi, 135, 167, 182, 187;;., 217 
 
 Mahuwa, 113-5, 359 
 
 Maio (island), 6 
 
 Malabar ships, 191, 192, 216 //. ; 
 pirates, 196, 200 
 
 Malacca, 294 
 
 Malacca, Straits of, 332 
 
 Maldives, the, 226, 227
 
 INDEX 
 
 391 
 
 Malindi, coast of, 39, 42, 45, 46, 
 Si,. 103 
 
 Mallim, 311 
 
 Mamala, 255, 270, 271, 273 
 
 Mamelle Island, 48, 49 
 
 Man Singh, Raja, 168 n. 
 
 Mandabarr, 153 
 
 Mandu, Jourdain's account of, 147; 
 Kevett's description, 362 ; province 
 of, 189 
 
 Mangalore, 205, 207 
 
 Mango trees, 130, 151 ;/. 
 
 Manipa, 266, 273 
 
 Marlow, Edmund, 240, 241 . 
 
 Martin Vaz (island), 10 
 
 Masjid^ 113, 148;?., 204, 355, 362, 363 
 
 Masulipatam, 133 ., 140, 141, 
 158, 161, 199 ., 240, 308, 314, 325 
 
 Matt nd, 182, 194, 217 
 
 Mayenne (island), 49 
 
 Mecca, 90, 105 ;/. 
 
 Meerghee, 170 
 
 Mellar, William, 80, 98 
 
 Mellis, Richard, 44, 136 
 
 Merta, 169 
 
 Afewa wine, 143 ., 150 n. 
 
 Mhowa. See Mahuwa 
 
 Michelborne, Sir Edward, xix, xxiii 
 
 Middleton, Captain David, 13, 246, 
 274, 274 ;/., 276, 328 . 
 
 Middleton, Sir Henry, xviii, xx n., 
 Ixxx; news of his fleet, 158, 172, 
 175; at Surat, xxxv-xlii, 175-89; 
 visits Dabhol, 191 ; goes to the 
 Red Sea, 199; quarrels with Saris, 
 xliv, 206-18 ; his letter to Jahangir, 
 218; at Tiku, 234-6; at Bantam, 
 240-4, 318; his death, 301, 302 ., 
 
 307 
 
 Miskitto, a Portuguese, 153 
 
 Misquita, 113, 204, 355 
 
 Missitt, 1 48 
 
 Mocha, Revett and Glasscock sent 
 ^to, 69, 351, 357; permission to 
 'establish a factory refused, 89; the 
 Ascension sails for, 81; her stay 
 there, 98-103, 354, 358; Jourdain 
 reaches, 98, 354 ; Sir Henry 
 Middleton and, 212, 213; trade 
 f) 77> 355) 361 n. ; patron saints 
 OI 355 5 Jourdain's description of, 
 103 ; Covert's account of, 105 n. ; 
 Revett's account of, 355 ; Sir 
 Edward Michelborne on the trade 
 of, xxiii; Governor of, 98-104, 
 353. 358; Captain of the Gallies 
 at, 65, 100-2, 212, 213, 353, 358 
 
 Modra, 170 
 
 Mogargaon, 146 
 
 Mogul, the Great. See Jahangir 
 
 Mohilla. See Comoro Islands 
 
 Mombassa, 37 ., 39, 40 
 
 Monden, John, Ixxxii 
 
 Monsoon, the great, of cloves, 264, 
 268, 271 
 
 Monsoons, 78, 355 
 
 Morgan, William, "179 n. 
 
 Morning Star, the, 368-74 
 
 Morris, Griffin, 5-7 
 
 Mota, 141 
 
 Mozabad, 169 
 
 Mozambique, 33 
 
 Muhammad Ra'za, Agha, 198 
 
 Muhammad bin Sa'Id, Al-Amfidi, 
 356 
 
 Mtikaddatn, 124 
 
 Mukarrab Khan, xxxii; notice of 
 135 n. ; Grove and, 135, 137 ; 
 Hawkins and, 154, 219; Jourdain 
 visits him at Cambay, 172; Mid- 
 dleton and, xxxviii, 180-9 > his 
 mission to Goa, 221 . ; his brother, 
 
 J 54, i/5 
 Mukhtar, 87 
 Mullah, 91 
 
 Muna (island), 275, 283 
 Musa, 98 
 Muscat, 77, 103 
 Muschamp, George, 370, 371 
 Musgrave, Thomas, 141, 179 . 
 Mustapha, an Italian renegade at 
 
 Mocha, 65, 353 ; accompanies 
 
 Jourdain to San'a, 73, 81 ; visits 
 
 Middleton, 205 
 Muzaban, 169 
 
 Nakhuda, 226 
 
 Nandurbar, 143 
 
 Nanking silk, 196, 324, 325 
 
 Narayanpur, 142 
 
 Narranport, 142 
 
 Narwar, 151 
 
 Nasmard, 85, 86 
 
 Natal (island), 30 
 
 Nausari, 128 
 
 Nerva, 151 
 
 Newport, Christopher, 314 
 
 Newse. Samuel, 340 
 
 Nichols, William, Ixxviii 
 
 Nimgul, 143 
 
 Nizam, Knwaja, 138, 177, 180-5, 
 
 2O8, 222 
 
 North Island, 47 
 Nova Palm a, the, 10 //. 
 Nur Mahal, xxxix, 154 . 
 
 Olibanum, 205, 209 
 Ombi, 287, 288", 291 
 Opium, 140, 149, 150, 153 
 
 Orangkaya, 249
 
 392 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Ormus, 103, 195 ., 196, 198, 353 | 
 Ostriches, 18 
 Ouvidor, 104 
 
 Pagodas, 169 ;/. 
 
 Paisd, 150 
 
 Palankins, 127, 161 n., 173, 174 
 
 Palembang Point, 239-42, 334 
 
 Pangaio, 40, 42, 43 
 
 Panjang, Pulo, 240-5, 302 ., 
 
 314 ., 334 
 Pardao, 198, 199 
 Parker, Capt., Ixvi-lxix 
 ParsTs, 1 28 
 
 Parsons, John, 292, 296, 307 
 Partab Shah, 142, 143 
 Partido, 183 
 
 Parwlz, Sultan, 145, 147 
 Pasaman, 235, 236, 239, 311 n. 
 Patani, 239 n., 292; the death of 
 
 Jourdain at, Ixxi, 368-74 
 Pathans, 142 n. , 160, 36^ 
 Patta, 45 
 
 Peacock, Tempest, 232 
 Pear/, the, 233 
 Pemba, 30, 39, 40, 44, 45 
 Pemberton, William, xxxvii, 178, 
 
 179 ., 200, 203, 225, 227, 231, 
 
 2 33. 239, 243, 244 
 Penguin Island, 15, 16, 339, 340, 
 
 343 
 
 Penguins, 16 
 Peon, 73 
 Peppercorn, the, 172 ., 178, 179, 
 
 196, 204, 210, 213, 134, 235, 240, 
 
 242 
 
 Persia, the King of, 167 
 Pettys, George, 374 
 Peyton, Walter, 314, 359 . 
 Pierb, 189 
 
 Pigot, Lawrence, 159 n. 
 Pimplgang, 150 
 Pintados, 25, 142 n., 143 n., 144, 
 
 151. i?i 355 
 
 Porcelain, 308 
 
 Portuguese, the, at Pemba, 35, 
 37; at Agra, 159; at Surat, xxxv, 
 122 ., 130, 139 ., 361 n. ; cap- 
 ture the pinnace, 122, 131 ., 
 360; Middleton and, 17685; 
 their trade at Cambay, 173; and 
 at Dabhol, 198, 199 . ; at Macas- 
 sar, 292, 294 ; at Jambi, 332 ; 
 ships, 8, 9, ion., 195; renegades, 
 etc., 96, 126, 140, 153. See also 
 Goa 
 
 Potann, 189 
 
 Potatoes in India, 143 . 
 
 Potnoll. See Hunt 
 
 Pracel Bank, 23 
 
 Praslin Island, 48 
 Pratica, 91, 100 
 
 Pratt, 40, 42, 233, 244, 247, 248, 
 266, 270, 279, 280, 303, 315, 332 
 Priaman, 218, 231-5, 239 
 Pridie, 191 
 Prigonies, 168 n. 
 Primabado, 168 
 Prince, Cornelius, 332, 333 
 Pring, Martin, Ixix-lxxiv, 288 n. 
 Pyrard, Franois, 136 ., 205 n. 
 
 Queen Mother, the, 155. See also 
 Rahlmi 
 
 Raheita, Sultan of, 214, 218 
 
 Rahitnl, the, 156, i86w., 191, 208, 209 
 
 Raisin wine, 132, 198 
 
 Rajab Agha, Governor of Mocha, 
 xxiii, 58-74, 356, 357 ; Jourdain's 
 account of, 77 ; his treachery to 
 Middleton, 77 n. 
 
 Rajputs, 142, 161 . 
 
 Ramdas, Raja, 161 n. 
 
 Ranthambor, 364 
 
 Raver, 144 
 
 Rawd, 144 
 
 Red Sea, the Ascension in the, 
 98105 ; Middleton's fleet in the, 
 205-24 ; Saris's fleet in the, 203-16 
 
 Release, the, 172 n., 179 
 
 Revatta Shoal, 297 
 
 Revett, William, 3, 9, 27, 68, 98, 
 99, 101, 103, 124, 131 ; sent to 
 Mocha, 69, 351, 357; starts for 
 Agra, 133; dies, 134, 143; his 
 journal (quoted passim), Ixxviii ; 
 his account of the Seychelles, 349 ; 
 and of events at Aden, etc., 350 
 
 Reynst, Gerard, 326-8, 332 
 
 Rich, Sir Robert, 340 
 
 Robben Island. See Penguin Island 
 
 Rohtasgarh, 364 
 
 Romania, Cape, 21, 22 
 
 Round robin, a, 208 
 
 Rowles, Richard, captain of the 
 Union, xviii, i, 2, 6, 7, 9, n 
 
 Rupees, 165, 217 
 
 Ruuna, 77, 95, 96 
 
 Sabadin, the Kimelaha, 258, 366 
 
 Sadra, 171 
 
 Sadura, 151 
 
 Sahida, 70 
 
 St Andrew, the, 136 
 
 St Anne Island, 48 n. 
 
 St Augustine (Madagascar), 12, 23 
 
 St Helena, 341, 343-5 
 
 St Nicholas Island, 6 
 
 St Nicholas, the, 195
 
 INDEX 
 
 393 
 
 St Sebastian, Cape, 22 
 
 Sal (island), 5, 6 
 
 Salayar Island, 246 w. 
 
 Salbank, Joseph, Ixxix, Ixxx, I33. 
 
 Saldanha Bay. See Cape of Good 
 Hope 
 
 Salmett, 83, 85 
 
 Salt carried to Bengal, 162 
 
 Salt Hills, the, 239, 335 
 
 Salvages Islands, 2 
 
 Sami, 171 
 
 Sampson, the, Ixxi, Ixxii, 368-74 
 
 Sampullana Point, 275 
 
 San'a, 361 ; Jourdain's journey to, 
 8 1 ; his interview with the Pasha, 
 88 ; his description of, 93 ; Green's 
 account of, 93 . ; Jourdain quits, 95 
 
 Sanderswood, 287, 294, 316 
 
 Sanguis draconis, 112, 359 
 
 Sankhalpur, 171 
 
 Santa Maria, Cape, 22 
 
 Sarai, 84, 149, 152, 164, 194, 363 
 
 Sarampore, 150 
 
 Sarangpur, 150 
 
 Sargosso weeds, 1 1 ;/., 346 
 
 Saris, John, in the Red Sea, 201- 
 18; his quarrels with Middleton, 
 xliv, 20618; sends the Thomas 
 to Tiku, 231, 232 ; and the Hector 
 to Priaman, 233 ; at Bantam, 240, 
 241 . ; returns from Japan, 314; 
 and sails for England, 315 . 
 
 Sarkhej, 172, 174, 217 
 
 Sarod, 174, 175, 217 
 
 Sarompore, 171 
 
 Sarrand, 170 
 
 Sati, 126 ., 149 
 
 Scolconpore, 171 
 
 Scrivano, 101 
 
 Sebesi, Pulo, 334, 335 
 
 Seels, 117 
 
 Seer, 149 
 
 Seiyan, 88 n. 
 
 Selaw (As-), 81, 83 
 
 Semmee, 171 
 
 Semmen, 171 
 
 Senterell, Thomas, 141 
 
 Sequin, 70 
 
 Serarpore, 171 
 
 Serebaff cloths, 143, 146 
 
 Serques. See Sarkhej 
 
 Seychelles, the Ascension at the, 
 xxii, 46, 349 
 
 Shahbandar, 59 
 
 Shahdaura, 151 
 
 Sharpeigh, Alexander, General of 
 the Fourth Voyage, xviii and pas- 
 sim ; his account of events at Aden, 
 356; letters from, Ixxviii, 62 n. ; his 
 journey from Surat to Agra, 134, 
 
 360 ; letter from Jourdain to, 1 34 . ; 
 at Agra, 153, 158 ; starts for Surat, 
 167; at Ahmadabad, 172; escapes 
 to the ships, 1 76, 1 79 ; subsequent 
 notices of, 188, 191 n., 201, 212, 
 214; his death, 241 n. his 
 character, 73, 99 
 
 Shash, 26 n., 77, 95, 109, 143/2., 
 144, 151, 198 
 
 Shehr (Ash-), 226 
 
 Shepherd, William, 307 
 
 Sher Shah, 148, 363 
 
 Shoab, Gubbet, 55 n. 
 
 Shoe an anchor, 299 
 
 Shroff, 109 
 
 Siberut Island, 230 
 
 Sijdali, 166 . 
 
 Sikandra, 168 
 
 Silhouette Island, 47, 49 
 
 Simonds, Robert, 280-2, 300, 301 
 
 Sind, 189 
 
 Sinda, 103, 206, 213 
 
 Sindkhera, 144 
 
 Sipri, 151 
 
 SIrah, 76 
 
 Sirajeh, 86 ., 87 n. 
 
 Sironj, 151 
 
 Sittill, 169 
 
 Siumpu Island," 275 
 
 Socotra, 54, 107, 200, 205, 227, 
 358 ; King of, 108, 209 
 
 Sodde, 171 
 
 Solomon, the, 240, 241, 242 n. 
 
 Soto Mayor, Francisco de, 176, 225 
 
 Spalding, Augustin, 271, 372 
 
 Spaniard, a, at Buton, 282 
 
 Speed, William, 235 n. 
 
 Speedwell, the, Ixii, Ixxiv, 327 
 
 Spilberghen, Joris van, 341 
 
 Stamell, 95, 195 
 
 Star, the, Ixxiii 
 
 Stern-sheets, 237 
 
 Stevinton, Marmaduke, 371 
 
 Stiles, Thomas, 140, 159 n. 
 
 Strake, 116, 237 
 
 Suckerra, 151 
 
 Suez, 104, 355 
 
 Sukadana, 239 ., 241, 244 ., 287, 
 
 2 95. 3i. 35 37 
 
 Sukesera, 150 n. 
 
 Sumpitan, 295 
 
 Sunera, 150 
 
 Surat, Hawkins and Finch at, xxx ; 
 the crew of the Ascension reach, 
 1 29, 131 n. , 360 ; blockaded by 
 the Portuguese, 122 ., 130; Mid- 
 dleton at, 172, 175-91 ; walls of, 
 129. See also Nizam, Khwaja, 
 attd Hasan All, Khwaja 
 
 Suttle, 62
 
 394 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Swally, Jourdain informed of the 
 harbour at, 177 ; discovered, 
 xxxvii, Ixvii, 179 
 , the, Ixiii 
 
 Table Bay. See Cape of Good 
 
 Hope 
 
 Table Mountain, 12, 17, 339, 345 
 Ta'izz, 83 ; described, 96 ; a witch 
 
 at, 96 
 Tallo, 292 
 Tamrida, 108 
 Targets, 286 
 Tasltin, 1 66 n. 
 Tavora, Ruy Lourer^o de, Viceroy 
 
 of Goa, 225 ; his son, 184 
 Tecous, a chief at Luhu, 265, 
 
 267-70, 366, 367 
 Tenakecke, 296 
 Teneriffe, 2 
 Ternate, 246, 247, 258, 261, 264, 
 
 273 ; the Sultan of, 257, 258, 264, 
 
 2 73' 2 78 3 66 - 368 
 Thalner, 144 
 Thomas, the, 203, 208, 210, 213 ; 
 
 at Priaman and Tiku, 231, 234 ; 
 
 at Bantam, 240 ; at the Bandas, 
 
 Ixii, 328 
 
 Thomasin, the, Ixii, 326 
 Thornton, Giles, xxxvii, 179 n. , 
 
 240, 242 
 
 Three Brothers, the, 274 
 Tidore, 246 
 Ties, 2ii 
 Tiku, the Darling sent to, 218; 
 
 Jourdain at, 231-8; his second 
 
 visit, 309-11; Captain Best at, 
 
 309-11 
 Tindall, Rev. Simon, 41, 43 ;/., 
 
 80 ; death of, 41 ., 134 
 Toddy, 129, 131 
 Totton, John, 233 
 Towerson, Gabriel, 206-9, 2I 4> 
 
 216, 233, 234, 341 ; his wife, 
 
 xlvii ., 137 ., 206 . 
 Trade's Increase, the, 172-215 ; at 
 
 Tiku, 234-8 ; at Bantam, 240-4, 
 
 301, 312 ; destruction of, 302, 318 
 
 Tripoli, 355 
 Troinboes, 1 1 , 12 
 Tuck, 27 
 
 Tucker, Thomas, 132 n. 
 Tundacke, 170 
 Turbans, 355 
 Turbith, 205 
 Turtles, 47, 48, 350 
 
 Udaipur, the Rana of, 149 
 
 Ufflet, Nicholas, notice of, 139 n. ; 
 his journey from Agra to Surat, 
 139, 167; accompanies Jourdain 
 to Agra, 140 ; sent to Lahore, 
 158; goes with Hawkins to Surat, 
 1 88 n. ; embarks there, 191 
 
 Ujjain, 149 
 
 Union, the, xvii, 7, 8, 20, 205 n. ; 
 fate of, xx, Ixxviii, Ixxix 
 
 Van den Broecke, Pieter, Ixx 
 Van der Meyden, Jacob, 290 . 
 Van Ray, Hendrik, 290 . 
 Verhoeff, Pieter Willemszoon, 6, 33 
 Viara, 142 
 
 Viney, Jonas, Ixviii, Ixxv, Ixxvi 
 Viney, Mrs, Ixviii, Ixxv 
 
 Ward, Robert, 240 ., 241 n. 
 Watkins, Thomas, 167, 179 n. 
 Welden, Richard, 274, 279, 282, 
 
 285-91 
 Westby, Richard, 304, 307, 314, 
 
 33 2 ' 333 
 
 White, Nicholas, 36 
 Wickham, Richard, 205, 206 
 Williams, John, 187 ., 195, 305, 
 
 306 
 
 Winding up, 25, 116, 256 
 'Winston, John, 141 
 Witch at Ta'izz, 96 
 
 Yams, 143 n., 291 n. 
 Yarim, 81 n., 86 . 
 Yaval, 144 
 
 Zanzibar, 30, 32, 39, 205 n. 
 
 ERRATUM. 
 Page 242, note. For George read Edmund (Camden). 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
 
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 4 
 WORKS ALREADY ISSUED. 
 
 FIRST SERIES. 
 1847-1898. 
 
 l-The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt., 
 
 In his Voyage into the South Sea in 1593. Reprinted from the edition 
 of 1622, and edited by ADMIRAL CHARLES RAMSAY DRINKWATER 
 BETHUNE, C.B. pp. xvi. 246. Index. 
 
 (First Edition out of print. See No. 57. ) Issued for 1847. 
 
 2 Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, 
 
 With Original Documents relating to the Discovery of the New World. Trans- 
 lated and Edited by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F. S.A., Keeper of Maps, 
 British Museum, Sec. R.G. S. pp. xc. 240. Index. 
 
 (First Edition out of print. See JV0. 43. Two copies only were printed on 
 vellum, one of which is in the British Museum, C. 29. k. 14. ) 
 
 Issued for 1847. 
 
 3 The Discovery of the Large, Rich, & Beautiful Empire of Guiana, 
 With a relation of the great and golden City of Manoa (which the Spaniards 
 call El Dorado), &c., performed in the year 1595 by SIR WALTER RALEGH, 
 Knt. . . . Reprinted from the edition of 1596. With some unpublished 
 Documents relative to that country. Edited with copious explanatory Notes 
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 ( Out of print. Second Edition in preparation. ) Issued for 1 848. 
 
 4 Sir Francis Drake his Voyage, 1595, 
 
 By THOMAS MAYNARDE, together with the Spanish Account of Drake's 
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 DESBOROUGH COOLEY. pp. viii. 65. (Out of print.) Issued for 1848. 
 
 5 Narratives of Voyages towards the North-West, 
 
 In search of a Passage to Cathay & India, 1496 to 1631. With selections 
 from the early Records of ... the East India Company and from MSS. 
 in the British Museum. Edited by THOMAS RUNDALL. pp. xx. 259. 2 Maps. 
 
 ( Otit of print. ) Issued for 1 849. 
 
 6 The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia, 
 
 Expressing the Cosmographie and Commodities of the Country, together with 
 the manners and customs of the people, gathered and observed as well by those 
 who went first thither as collected by WILLIAM STRACHEY, Gent, the 
 first Secretary of the Colony. Now first edited from the original MS. in the 
 British Museum by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British 
 Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. xxxvi. 203. I Map. 6 Illus. Glossary. Index. 
 
 ( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 849. 
 
 7 Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America 
 
 And the Islands adjacent, collected and published by RICHARD HAKLUYT, 
 Prebendary of Bristol, in the year 1582. Edited, with notes & an introduction 
 by TOHN WINTER JONES, Principal Librarian of the British Museum. 
 pp. xci. 171. 6. 2 Maps. I Illus. Index. ( Out of print. ) Issued for 1850.
 
 8 Memorials of the Empire of Japon 
 
 In the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. (The Kingdome of Japonia. 
 Harl. MSS. 6249. The Letters of Wm. Adams, 1611 to 1617.) With a 
 Commentary by THOMAS RUNDALL. pp. xxxviii. 186. I Map. 5 Illus. 
 
 ( Out of print. ) Issued for 1 8 50. 
 
 9 The Discovery and Conquest of Terra Florida, 
 
 By Don Ferdinando de Soto, & six hundred Spaniards his followers. Written 
 by a Gentleman of Elvas, employed in all the action, and translated out of 
 Portuguese by RICHARD HAKLUYT. Reprinted from the edition of 1611. 
 Edited with Notes & an Introduction, & a Translation of a Narrative of the 
 Expedition by Luis Hernandez de Biedma, Factor to the same, by WILLIAM 
 BRENCHLEY RYE, Keeper of Printed Books, British Museum, pp. Ixvii. 200. 
 v. I Map. Index. ( Out of print.) Issued for 1851. 
 
 10 Notes upon Russia, 
 
 Being a Translation from the Earliest Account of that Country, entitled Rerum 
 Muscoviticarum Commentarii, by the BARON SIGISMUND VON HERBERSTEIN, 
 Ambassador from the Court of Germany to the Grand Prince Vasiley Ivanovich, 
 in the years 1517 and 1526. Translated and Edited with Notes & an 
 Introduction, by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British 
 Museum, Sec. R.G.S. Vol. I. pp. clxii. 116. 2 Illus. 
 
 (Vol. 2 = No. 12.) ( Out of print.) Issued for 1851. 
 
 11 The Geography of Hudson's Bay, 
 
 Being the Remarks of Captain W. COATS, in many Voyages to that locality, 
 between the years 1727 and 1751. With an Appendix containing Extracts 
 from the Log of Captain Middleton on his Voyage for the Discovery of the 
 North-west Passage, in H. M. S. "Furnace," in 1741-3. Edited by JOHN 
 BARROW, F.R.S., F.S.A. pp. x. 147. Index. Issued '/ori8$2. 
 
 12 Notes upon Russia. 
 (Vol. I. =No. IO. ) Vol. i. pp. iv. 266. 2 Maps. I Illus. Index. 
 
 (Out of print.) Issued for 1852, 
 
 13-A True Description of Three Voyages by the North-East, 
 
 Towards Cathay and China, undertaken by the Dutch in the years 1594, 1595 
 and 1596, with their Discovery of Spitsbergen, their residence often months in 
 Novaya Zemlya, and their safe return in two open boats. By GERRIT DE 
 VEER. Published at Amsterdam in 1598, & in 1609 translated into English 
 by WILLIAM PHILIP. Edited by CHARLES TILSTONE BEKE, Ph.D., 
 F.S.A. pp. cxlii. 291. 4 Maps. 12 Illus. Index. 
 
 ( Out of print. See also No. 54.^ Issued for 1853. 
 
 14-15 The History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China and 
 
 the Situation Thereof. 
 
 Compiled by the Padre JUAN GONZALEZ DE MENDOZA, & now reprinted from 
 the Early Translation of R. Parke. Edited by SIR GEORGE THOMAS 
 STAUNTON, Bart., M.P., F.R.S. With an Introduction by RICHARD 
 HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S., 
 i vols. Index. ( Vol. 14 out of print. ) Issued for 1854. 
 
 16 The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake. 
 
 Being his next Voyage to that to Nombre de Dios. [By SIR FRANCIS 
 DRAKE, the Younger.] Collated with an unpublished Manuscript of Francis 
 Fletcher, Chaplain to the Expedition. With Appendices illustrative of 
 the same Voyage, and Introduction, by WILLIAM SANDYS WRIGHT 
 VAUX, F.R.S., Keeper of Coins, British Museum, pp. xl. 295. i Map. 
 Index. Issued Jor 1855.
 
 17 The History of the Two Tartar Conquerors of China, 
 
 Including the two Journeys into Tartary of Father Ferdinand Verbiest, in the 
 suite of the Emperor Kang-Hi. From the French of Pere PitRRK JOSEPH 
 D'ORLEANS, of the Company of Jesus, 1688. To which is added Father 
 Pereira's Journey into Tartary in the suite of the same Emperor. From the 
 Dutch of Nicolaas Witsen. Translated and Edited by the EAKI. OF 
 F.LLESMERK. With an Introduction by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., 
 Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. xv. vi. 153. Index. 
 
 Issued for 1855. 
 
 18 A Collection of Documents on Spitzbergen and Greenland, 
 Comprising a Translation from F. MARTENS' Voyage to Spitzbergen, 1671 ; a 
 Translation from Isaac de La Peyrere's Histoire du Greenland, 1663, and God's 
 Power and Providence in the Preservation of Eight Men in Greenland Nine 
 Moneths and Twelve Dayes. 1630. Edited by ADAM WHTIE, of the British 
 Museum, pp. xvi. 288. 2 Maps. Index. Issued for 1856. 
 
 19 The Voyage of Sir Henry Middle ton to Bantam and the Maluco Islands, 
 Being the Second Voyage set forth by the Governor and Company of 
 Merchants of London trading into the East Indies. From the (rare) Edition 
 of 1606. Annotated and Edited by BOLTON CORNEY. M.R.S.L. pp. xi. 83. 
 52. viii. 3 Maps. 3 Illus. Bibliography. Index. 
 
 (Out of print}. Issued for 1856. 
 
 20 Russia at the Close of the Sixteenth Century. 
 
 Comprising the Treatise, "The Russe Commonwealth" by Dr. GILES 
 FLETCHER, and the Travels of SIR JEROME HORSEY, Knt., now for the first 
 time printed entire from his own MS. Edited by SIR EDWARD AUGUSTUS 
 BOND, K. C.B., Principal Librarian of the British Museum, pp. cxxxiv. 392. 
 Index. Issued for 1857. 
 
 21 History of the New World. By Girolamo Benzoni, of Milan. 
 Showing his Travels in America, from A.D. 1541 to 1556. with some 
 particulars of the Island of Canary. Now first Translated and Edited by 
 ADMIRAL WILLIAM HENRY SMYTH, K.S.F., F.R.S., D.C.L. pp. iv. 280. 
 19 Illus. Index. Issued Jor 1857. 
 
 22 India in the Fifteenth Century. 
 
 Being a Collection of Narratives of Voyages to India in the century preceding 
 the Portuguese discovery of the Cape of Good Hope ; from Latin, Persian, 
 Russian, and Italian Sources. Now first Translated into English. Edited 
 with an Introduction bv RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of 
 Maps, British Museum, pp. xc. 49. 39. 32. 10. Index. 
 
 (Out of print.) Issued for 1858. 
 
 23 Narrative of a Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico, 
 In the years 1599-1602, with 4 Maps and 5 Illustrations. By SAMUEL 
 CHAMPLAIN. Translated from the original and unpublished Manuscript, 
 with a Biographical Notice and Notes by ALICE WILMERE. Edited by 
 NORTON SHAW. pp. xcix. 48. Issued for 1858. 
 
 24Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons, 1539, 1540, 1639, 
 Containing the Journey of GONZALO PIZARRO, from the Royal Commen- 
 taries of Garcilasso Inca de la Vega ; the Voyage of Francisco de Orellana, 
 from the General History of Herrera ; and the Voyage of Cristoval de Acufia. 
 Translated and Edited by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., 
 ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. Ixiv. 190. I Map. List of Tribes in the Valley of the 
 Amazons. Issued for 1859.
 
 7 
 
 25 Early Voyages to Terra Australis, 
 
 Now called Australia. A Collection of documents, and extracts from early 
 MS. Maps, illustrative of the history of discovery on the coasts of that vast 
 Island, from the beginning of the Sixteenth Century to the time of Captain 
 Cook. Edited with an Introduction by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., 
 Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. cxix. 200. 13. 5 Maps. 
 Index. (Out of print.} Issued for 1859. 
 
 26 Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo to the Court 
 of Timour, at Samarcand, A.D., 1403-6. 
 
 Translated for the first time with Notes, a Preface, & an introductory Life of 
 Timour Beg, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARK HAM, K.C B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. 
 R.G.S. pp. Ivi. 200. I Map. Issued for 1860. 
 
 27 Henry Hudson the Navigator, 1607-13. 
 
 The Original Documents in which his career is recorded. Collected, partly 
 Translated, & annotated with an Introduction by GEORGE MICHAEL 
 ASHER, LL.D. pp. ccxviii. 292. 2 Maps. Bibliography. Index. 
 
 Issued for 1860. 
 
 28 The Expedition of Pedro de Ursua and Lope de Aguirre, 
 
 In search of El Dorado and Omagua, in 1560-61. Translated from Fray 
 PEDRO SIMON'S " Sixth Historical Notice of the Conquest of Tierra Firme," 
 1627, by WILLIAM BOLLAEKT, F. R.G.S. With an Introduction by SIR 
 CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lii. 237. 
 I Map. Issued for 1861. 
 
 29 The Life and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman, 
 
 A Knight of Seville, of the Order of Santiago, A.D. 1518 to 1543. Translated 
 from an original & inedited MS. in the National Library at Madrid. With 
 Notes and an Introduction by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., 
 F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxxv. 168. I Illus. Issued for 186?. 
 
 30 The Discoveries of the World 
 
 From their first original unlo the year of our Lord 1555. By ANTONIO 
 GALVANO, Governor of Ternate. [Edited by F. DE SOUSA TAVARES.] 
 Corrected, quoted, & published in England by RICHARD HAKLUYT, 1601. 
 Now reprinted, with the original Portuguese text (1563), and edited by 
 ADMIRAL CHARLES RAMSAY DRINKWATER BETHUNE,C.B. pp. iv. viiii. 242. 
 
 Issued for 1862. 
 
 31 Mirabilia Descripta. The Wonders of the East. 
 
 By FRIAR JORDANUS, of the Order of Preachers & Bishop of Columbum in 
 India the Greater, circa 1330. Translated from the Latin Original, as published 
 at Paris in 1839, in the Recueil de Voyages et de Me 1 moires, of the Societe de 
 Geographic. With the addition of a Commentary, by COL. SIR HENRY 
 YULE, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. pp. iv. xviii. 68. Index. Issued for 1863. 
 
 32 The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema 
 
 In Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Persia, India, & Ethiopia, A.D. 1503 to 1508. 
 Translated from the original Italian edition of 1510, with a Preface, by 
 JOHN WINTER Joists, F.S. A., Principal Librarian of the British Museum, 
 & Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by the REV. GEORGE PERCY 
 BADGER, pp. cxxi. 321. i Map. Index. Issued for 1863.
 
 8 
 
 33 The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon, A.D. 1532-50, 
 From the Gulf of Darien to the City of La Plata, contained in the first part of 
 his Chronicle of Peru (Antwerp, 1554). Translated & Edited, with Notes 
 & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., 
 ex-Fres. R.G.S. pp. xvi. Ivii. 438. Index. 
 
 (Vol. 2 = No. 68.) Issued for 1864. 
 
 34 Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrarias Davila 
 
 In the Provinces of Tierra Firme or Castilla del Oro, & of the discovery of the 
 South Sea and the Coasts of Peru and Nicaragua. Written by the Adelantado 
 Pascual de Andagoya. Translated and Edited, with Notes & an Introduc- 
 tion, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. 
 pp. xxjx. 88. I Map. Index. Issued for 1865. 
 
 35 A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar 
 In^ the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, by DUARTE BARBOSA, a 
 Portuguese. Translated from an early Spanish manuscript in the Barcelona 
 Library, with Notes & a Preface, by LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. 
 pp. xi. 336. 2 Illus. Index. Issued for 1865. 
 
 36-37 Cathay and the Way Thither. 
 
 Being a Collection of mediaeval notices of China, previous to the Sixteenth 
 Century. Translated and Edited by COLONEL SIR HENRY YULE, K. C.S.I., 
 R.E., C.B. With a preliminary Essay on the intercourse between China & the 
 Western Nations previous to the discovery of the Cape Route. 2 vols. 
 3 Maps. 2 Illus. Bibliography. Index. 
 
 (Out of print. New Edition in preparation.') Issued for 1866. 
 
 38 The Three Voyages of Sir Martin Frobisher, 
 
 In search of a Passage to Cathaia & India by the North-West, A.D. 1576-8. 
 By GEORGE BEST. Reprinted from the First Edition of HAKLUYT'S Voyages. 
 With Selections from MS. Documents in the British Museum & State Paper 
 Office. Edited by ADMIRAL SIR RICHARD COLLINSON, K.C.B. pp. xxvi. 
 376. 2 Maps. I Illus. Index. Issued for 1867. 
 
 39 The Philippine Islands, 
 
 Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China, at the close of the i6th Century. 
 By ANTONIO DE MORGA, 1609. Translated from the Spanish, with Notes & 
 a Preface, and a Letter from Luis Vaez de Torres, describing his Voyage 
 through the Torres Straits, by LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. pp. xxiv. 431. 
 2 Illus. Index. Issued for 1868. 
 
 40 The Fifth Letter of Hernan Cortes 
 
 To the Emperor Charles V., containing an Account of his Expedition to 
 Honduras in 1525-26. Translated from the original Spanish by DON 
 PASCUAL DE GAYANGOS. pp. xvi. 156. Index. Issued for 1868. 
 
 41 The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas. 
 
 By the YNCA GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA. Translated and Edited, with Notes 
 & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B. F.R.S., 
 ex-Pres. R.G.S. Vol. I. (Books I. -IV.) pp. xi. 359. i Map. Index. 
 (Vol. 2. = No. 45. ) Issued for 1869. 
 
 42 The Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama, 
 
 And his Viceroyalty, from the Lendas da India of CASPAR CORREA ; accom- 
 panied by original documents. Translated from the Portuguese, with Notes 
 & an Introduction, by LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. pp. Ixxvii. 430. 
 xxxv. 3 Illus. Index. (Out of print.} Issued for. 1869.
 
 43 Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, 
 
 With other Original Documents relating to his Four Voyages to the New 
 World. Translated and Edited by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., 
 Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. Second Edition, pp. iv. 142. 
 3 Maps. I Illus. Index. 
 
 (First Edition = No. 2.) Issued for 1870. 
 
 44 History of the Imams and Seyyids of 'Oman, 
 
 By SALIL-IBN-RAZIK, from A.D. 661-1856. Translated from the original 
 Arabic, and Edited, with a continuation of the History down to 1870, by the 
 REV. GEORGE PERCY BADGER, F. R.G.S. pp. cxxviii. 435. i Map. Biblio- 
 graphy. Index. Issued for 1870. 
 
 45 The Royal Commentaries of the Yncas. 
 
 By the YNCA GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA. Translated & Edited with Notes, 
 an Introduction, & an Analytical Index, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, 
 K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. Vol. II. (Books V.-IX.) pp. 553. 
 (Vol. I. = No. 41.) h sued for 1871. 
 
 46 The Canarian, 
 
 Or Book of the Conquest and Conversion of the Canarians in the year 1402, 
 by Messire JEAN DE BETHENCOURT, Kt. Composed by Pierre Boutier and 
 Jean le Verrier. Translated and Edited by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., 
 Keeper of Maps, British Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. Iv. 229. I Map. 2 Illus. 
 Index. Issued for 1871. 
 
 47 Reports on the Discovery of Peru. 
 
 I. Report of Francisco de Xeres, Secretary to Francisco Pizarro. II. Report 
 of Miguel de Astete on the Expedition to Pachacamac. III. Letter of 
 Hernando Pizarro to the Royal Audience of Santo Domingo. IV. Report of 
 Pedro Sancho on the Partition of the Ransom of Atahuallpa. Translated and 
 Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, 
 K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxii. 143. I Map. Issued for 1872. 
 
 48 Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas. 
 
 Translated from the original Spanish MSS., & Edited, with Notes and an 
 Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. 
 R.G.S. pp. xx. 220. Index. Issued for 1872. 
 
 49 Travels to Tana and Persia, 
 
 By JOSAFA BARBARO and AMBROGIO CONTARINI. Translated from the 
 Italian by WILLIAM THOMAS, Clerk of the Council to Edward VI., and by 
 S. A. ROY, and Edited, with an Introduction, by LORD STANLEY OF 
 ALDERLEY. pp. xi. 175. Index. A Narrative of Italian Travels in Persia, 
 in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth centuries. Translated and Edited by 
 CHARLES GREY. pp. xvii. 231. Index. Issued for 1873. 
 
 50 The Voyages of the Venetian Brothers, Nicolo & Antonio Zeno, 
 To the Northern Seas in the Fourteenih century. Comprising the latest 
 known accounts of the Lost Colony of Greenland, & of the .Northmen in 
 America before Columbus. Translated & Edited, with Notes and Introduc- 
 tion, by RICHARD HENRY MAJOR, F.S.A., Keeper of Maps, British 
 Museum, Sec. R.G.S. pp. ciii. 64. 2 Maps. Index. Issued for 1873. 
 
 51 -The Captivity of Hans Stade of Hesse in 1547-55, 
 
 Among the Wild Tribes of Eastern Brazil. Translated by ALBERT TOOTAL, 
 of Rio de Janiero, and annotated by SIR RICHARD FRANCIS BURTON, 
 K.C. M.G. pp. xcvi. 169. Bibliography. Issued for 1874.
 
 10 
 
 52 The First Voyage Round the World by Magellan. 1518-1521. 
 Translated from the Accounts of PIGAFETTA and other contemporary writers. 
 Accompanied by original Documents, with Notes & an Introduction, by LORD 
 STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. pp. lx. 257. xx. 2 Maps. 5 Illus. Index. 
 
 Isstttdfor 1874. 
 
 53 The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque, 
 
 Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of 1774. 
 
 and Edited by WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, F.K.S.L., of the British Museum. 
 
 Vol. I. pp. lx. 256. 2 Maps, i Illus. (Index in No. 69.) 
 
 (Vol. 2 = No. 55. Vol. 3 = No. 62. Vol. 4 = No. 69.) Issued for 1875. 
 
 54-The Three Voyages of William Barents to the Arctic Regions, in 1594, 
 
 1595, & 1595. 
 
 By GERRIT DE VEER. Edited, with an Introduction, by Lieut. KOOLEMANS. 
 BEYNEN, of the Royal Netherlands Navy. Second Edition, pp. clxxiv. 289. 
 2 Maps. 12 Illus. Issued for 1876. 
 
 (First Edition^ No. 13.) 
 
 55 The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque, 
 Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of 1774, 
 with Notes and an Introduction, by WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, F.R.S.L., of 
 the British Museum. Vol. 2. pp. cxxxiv. 242. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. (Index in 
 No. 69.) Issued for 1875. 
 
 (Vol. i = No. 53. Vol. 3 No. 62. Vol. 4= No. 69.) 
 
 56 The Voyages of Sir James Lancaster, Knt., to the East Indies, 
 
 With Abstracts of Journals of Voyages to the East Indies, during the Seven- 
 teenth century, preserved in the India Office, & the Voyage of Captain John 
 Knight, 1606, to seek the North- West Passant. Edited by SIR CLEMENTS 
 R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxii. 314. Index. 
 
 Issued for 1877. 
 
 57 The Hawkins' Voyages 
 
 During the reigns of Henry VIII, Queen Elizabeth, and James I. [Second 
 edition of No. i.] Edited by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S.> 
 Pres. R.G.S. pp. Hi. 453. I Illus. Index. Issued for 1877. 
 
 (First Edition No. I). 
 
 58 The Bondage and Travels of Johann Schiltberger, a Native of Bavaria, 
 in Europe, Asia, & Africa. 
 
 From his capture at the battle of Nicopolis in 1396 to his escape and return 
 to Europe in 1427. Translated from the Heidelberg MS., Edited in 1859 by 
 Professor KARL FR. NEUMANN, by Commander JOHN BUCHAN TELFEK, 
 K.N. ; F.S. A. With Notes by Professor B. BRUUN, & a Preface, Introduction, 
 & Notes by the Translator & Editor. pp. xxxii. 263. I Map. Bibliography. 
 Index. Issued for 1878. 
 
 59 -The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator. 
 Kdited by ADMIRAL SIR ALBERT HASTINGS MARKHAM, K.C.B. 
 pp. xcv. 392. 2 Maps. 15 Illus. Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1878. 
 
 The Map ol the World, A.D. 1600. 
 
 Called by Shakspere " The New Map, with the Augmentation of the Indies. " 
 To illustrate the Voyages of John Davis. Issued for 1878.
 
 II 
 
 60-61 -The Natural & Moral History of the Indies. 
 
 By Father JOSEPH DE ACOSTA. Reprinted from the English Translated Edition 
 of Edward Grimston, 1604; and Edited by SIR CLEMENTS R. MAKKHAM, 
 K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. Vol. I, The Natural History Books, I.-IV. 
 Vol. 2, The Moral History Books, V.-VII. pp. xiii. 295-551. Index. 
 
 Issued for 1879. 
 
 Map of Peru. 
 To Illustrate Nos. 33, 41, 45, 60, and 6l. Issued for 1879. 
 
 62 The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque, 
 Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition of I774> 
 with Notes & an Introduction, by WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, F.S.A., of 
 the British Museum. Vol. 3. pp. xliv. 308. 3 Maps. 3 Illus. (Index in 
 No. 69.) Issued for 1880. 
 
 63-The Voyages of William Baffin, 1612-1622. 
 
 Edited, with Notes & an Intoduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, 
 K.C.B., F. R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. lix. 192. 8 Maps, i Illus. Index. 
 
 Issued for 1880. 
 
 64 Narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Abyssinia 
 Daring the years 1520-1527. By Father FRANCISCO ALVAREZ. Translated 
 from the Portuguese & Edited, with Notes & an Introduction, by LORD 
 STANLEY OF ALDERLEY. pp. xxvii. 416. Index. Issued for 1881. 
 
 65 The History of the Bermudas or Summer Islands. 
 Attributed to Captain NATHANIEL BUTLER. Edited from a MS. in the 
 Sloane Collection, British Museum, by General SIR JOHN HENRY LEFROY, 
 R.A., K.C.M.G., C.B., F.R.S. pp. xii. 327. i Map. 3 Illus. Glossary. 
 Index. Issued for 1881. 
 
 66-67 -The Diary of Richard Cocks, 
 
 Cape-Merchant in the English Factory in Japan, 1615-1622, with Corres- 
 pondence (Add. MSS. 31,300-1, British Museum). Edited by SIR EDWARD 
 MAUNDE THOMPSON, K.C.B., Director of the British Museum. Vol. i. 
 pp. liv. 349. Vol. 2, pp. 368. Index. Issued for 1882. 
 
 68 The Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru, 1532-1550, 
 By PEDRO DE CIEZA DE LEON. 1554. Translated and Edited, with Notes 
 & an Introduction, bv SIR CLKMKNTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., 
 ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. Ix. 247. Index. Issued for 1883. 
 
 (Vol. i = No. 33.) 
 
 69 The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque, 
 Second Viceroy of India. Translated from the Portuguese Edition 01 1774, 
 with Notes & an Introduction, by WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, F.S.A., of the 
 British Museum. Vol. 4. pp. xxxv. 324. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Index to the 
 4 vols. Issued for 1 883. 
 
 (Vol. i = No. 53. Vol. 2 = No. 55. Vol. 3=No. 62.) 
 
 70-71 The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies. 
 From the Old English Translation of 1598. The First Book, containing his 
 Description of the East. In Two Volumes, Edited, the First Volume, by 
 the late ARTHUR COKE BURNELL, Ph.D., C.I.E., Madras C. S. ; the 
 Second Volume, by PIETER ANTON TIELE, of Utrecht. Vol i. pp. lii. 307. 
 Vol 2. pp. xv. 341. Index. Issued for 1884.
 
 12 
 
 72-73 Early Voyages and Travels to Russia and Persia, 
 By ANTHONY JENKIXSON and other Englishmen, with some account of the 
 first Intercourse of the English with Russia and Central Asia by way of the 
 Caspian Sea. Edited by EDWARD DELMAR MORGAN, and CHARLKS HENRY 
 COOTE, of the British Museum. Vol. I. pp. clxii. 176. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. 
 Vol. 2. pp. 177-496. 2 Maps. I Illus. Index. Issued for 1885. 
 
 74-75- The Diary of William Hedges, Esq., 
 
 Afterwards Sir William Hedges, during his Agency in Bengal ; as well as on 
 nis Voyage out and Return Overland (1681-1687). Transcribed for the Press, 
 with Introductory Notes, etc., by R. BARLOW, and Illustrated by copious 
 Extracts from Unpublished Records, etc., by Col. Sir HENRY YULE, 
 K. C.S.I., R.E., C.B., LL.D. Vol. I. The Diary, with Index, pp. xii. 265. 
 Vol. 2. Notices regarding Sir William Hedges, Documentary Memoirs of Job 
 Charnock, and other Biographical & Miscellaneous Illustrations of the time in 
 India, pp. ccclx. 287. 18 Illus. Isstiedfor 1886. 
 
 (Vol. 3 = No. 78.) 
 
 76-77 The Voyage of Francois Pyrard, of Laval, to the East Indies, 
 The Maldives, the Moluccas and Brazil. Translated into English from the 
 Third French Edition of 1619, and Edited, with Notes, by ALBERT 
 GRAY, K.C., assisted by HARKY CHARLES PURVIS BELL, Ceylon C. S. 
 Vol I . pp. Iviii. i Map. 1 1 Illus. Vol. 2. Part I. pp. xlvii. 287. 7 Illus. 
 (Vol. 2. Part II. =No. 80.) Issued for 1887. 
 
 78 The Diary of William Hedges, Esq. 
 
 Vol. 3. Documentary Contributions to a Biography of Thomas Pitt, Governor 
 of Fort St. George, with Collections on the Early History of the Company's 
 Settlement in Bengal, & on Early Charts and Topography of the Hiigli River, 
 pp. cclxii. i Map. 8 Illus. Index to Vols. 2, 3. Issued for 1888. 
 
 (Vols. i, 2 = Nos. 74, 75.) 
 
 79 Tractatus de Globis, et eorum usu. 
 
 A Treatise descriptive of the Globes constructed by Emery Molyneux, and 
 Published in 1592. By ROBERT HUES. Edited, with annotated Indices & an 
 Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS k. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. 
 R. G. S. To which is appended, 
 
 Sailing Directions for the Circumnavigation of England, 
 And for a Voyage to the Straits of Gibraltar. From a Fifteenth Century 
 MS. Edited, with an Account of the MS., by JAMES GAIRDNER, of the 
 Public Record Office ; with a Glossary by EDWARD DELMAR MORGAN. 
 pp. 1. 229. 37. i Illus. I Map. Issued for 1888. 
 
 80 The Voyage of Francois Pyrard, of Laval, to the East Indies, the 
 
 Maldives, the Moluccas, and Brazil. 
 
 Translated into English from the Third French Edition of 1619, and Edited, 
 with Notes, by ALBERT GRAY, K.C., assisted by HARRY CHARLES PURVIS 
 BELL, Ceylon Civil Service. Vol 2. Pt. II. pp. xii. 289-572. 2 Maps. Index. 
 (Vol i. Vol. 2. Pt. I.=Nos 76, 77.) Issued for 1889. 
 
 81 The Conquest of La Plata, 1535-1555. 
 
 I. Voyage of ULRICH SCHMIDT to the Rivers La Plata and Paraguai, from 
 the original German edition, 1567. II. The Commentaries of Alvar Nunez 
 Cabeza de Vaca. From the original Spanish Edition, 1555- Translated, 
 with Notes and an Introduction, by H. E. DON Luis L. DOMINGUEZ, 
 Minister Plenipotentiary of the Argentine Republic, pp. xlvi. 282. I Map. 
 Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1889.
 
 13 
 
 82-83-The Voyage of Francois Leguat, of Bresse, 1690-98. 
 To Rodriguez, Mauritius, Java, and the Cape of Good Hope. Transcribed 
 from the First English Edition, 1708. Edited and Annotated by Capt. SAMUEL 
 PASFIELD OLIVER, (late) R.A. Vol i. pp. Ixxxviii. 137. i Illus. 6 Maps. 
 Bibliography. Vol. 2. pp. xviii. 433. 5 Illus. 5 Maps. Index. 
 
 Issued for 1890. 
 
 84-85 The Travels of Pietro della Valle to India. 
 
 From the Old English Translation of 1664, by G. Havers. Edited, with 
 a Life of the Author, an Introduc ion & Notes by EDWARD GREY, late 
 Bengal C. S. Vol. I. pp. Ivi. 192. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Bibliography. Vol. 2. 
 pp. xii. 193-456. Index. 
 
 86 The Journal of Christopher Columbus 
 
 During his First Voyage (1492-93), and Documents relating to the Voyages 
 of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real. Translated, with Notes & an Intro- 
 duction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R G.S. 
 pp. liv. 259. 3 Maps, i Illus. Index. Issued for 1892. 
 
 87 Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant. 
 
 I. The Diary of Master THOMAS DALLAM, 1599-1600. II. Extracts from 
 the Diaries of Dr. JOHN COVEL, 1670-1679. With some Account of the 
 Levant Company of Turkey Merchants. Edited by JAMES THEODORE BENT, 
 F.S.A., F.R.G.S. pp. xlv. 305. Illus. Index. 
 
 Issued for 1892. 
 
 88-89 The Voyages of Captain Luke Foxe, of Hull, and Captain Thomas 
 
 James, of Bristol, 
 
 In Search of a N.-W. Passage, 1631-32 ; with Narratives of the Earlier 
 North-West Voyages of Frobisher, Davis, Weymouth, Hall, Knight, Hudson, 
 Button, Gibbons, Bylot, Baffin, Hawkridge, & others. Edited, with Notes & 
 an Introduction, by ROBERT MILLER CHRISTY, F.L.S. Vol. i. pp. ccxxxi. 
 259. 2 Maps. 2 Illus. Vol. 2. pp. viii. 261-681. 3 Maps. I Illus. Index. 
 
 Issued for 1893. 
 
 90 The Letters of Amerigo Vespucci 
 
 And other Documents illustrative of his Career. Translated, with Notes & 
 an Introduction, by SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. 
 R.G.S. pp. xliv. 121. i Map. Index. 
 
 Issued for 1894. 
 
 91 Narratives of the Voyages of Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa to the 
 
 Straits of Magellan, 1579-80. 
 
 Translated and Edited, with Illustrative Documents and Introduction, by 
 SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B., F.R.S., ex-Pres. R.G.S. pp. xxx. 
 401. I Map. Index. 
 
 Issued for 1894. 
 
 92-93-94 The History and Description of Africa, 
 
 And of the Notable Things Therein Contained. Written by Al-Hassan Ibn- 
 Mohammed Al-Wezaz Al-Fasi, a Moor, baptized as Giovanni Leone, but 
 better known as LEO AFRICANUS. Done into English in the year 1600 by 
 John Pory, and now edited with an Introduction & Notes, by Dr. ROBERT 
 BROWN. In 3 Vols. Vol. I. pp. viii. cxi. 224. 4 Maps. Vol. 2. pp. 225-698. 
 Vol. 3. pp. 699-1119. Index. 
 
 Issued for 1895.
 
 14 
 
 95 The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea. 
 
 Written by GOMES EANNES DE AZURARA. Now first done into English 
 and Edited by CHARLES RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A., F.R.G.S., and EDGAR 
 PRESTAGE, B.A. Vol. i. (Ch. I. xl.) With Introduction on the Life & 
 Writings of the Chronicler, pp. Ixvii. 127. 3 Maps. I Illus. 
 
 (Vol. 2 = No. 100.) Issued for 1896. 
 
 96-97 Danish Arctic Expeditions, 1605 to 1620. In Two Books. 
 
 Book I. The Danish Expeditions to Greenland, 1605-07; to which is added 
 Captain James Hall's Voyage to Greenland in 1612. Edited by CHRISTIAN 
 CARL AUGUST GOSCH. pp. xvi. cxvii. 205. 10 Maps. Index. 
 
 Issued for 1896. 
 
 Book 2. The Expedition of Captain Jens Munk to Hudson's Bay in search 
 of a North- West Passage in 1619-20. Edited by CHRISTIAN CARL AUGUST 
 GOSCH. pp. cxviii. 187. 4 Maps. 2 Illus. Index. Issued for 1897. 
 
 98 The Topographia Christiana of Cosmas Indicopleustes, an 
 Egyptian Monk. 
 
 Translated from the Greek and Edited by JOHN WATSON McCRlNDLE, LL.D. 
 M. R.A.S. pp. xii. xxvii. 398. 4 Illus. Index. Issued for 1897. 
 
 99 A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama, 1497-1499. 
 
 By an unknown writer. Translated from the Portuguese, with an Intro- 
 -duction and Notes, by ERNEST GEORGE RAVENSTEIN, F.R.G.S. pp. xxxvi. 
 250. 8 Maps. 23 Illus. Index. Issued for 1898. 
 
 100 The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea. 
 
 Wriiten by GOMES EANNES DE AZURARA. Now first done into English and 
 Edited by CHARLES RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A., F.R.G.S., and EDGAR 
 PRESTAGE, B.A. Vol. 2. (Ch. xli. xcvii.) With an Introduction on the 
 Early History of African Exploration, Cartography, &c. pp. cl. 362. 3 Maps. 
 2 Ilius. Index. Issziedfor 1898. 
 
 (Vol. l=No. 95.)
 
 WORKS ALREADY ISSUED. 
 
 SECOND SERIES. 
 1899, etc. 
 
 1-2 The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mogul, 
 
 1615-19. 
 
 Edited from Contemporary Records by WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A., of the 
 India Office. 7. vols. Portrait, 2 Maps, & 6 Illus. Index. Issued for 1899. 
 
 3 The Voyage of Sir Robert Dudley to the West Indies and 
 
 Guiana In 1594. 
 
 Edited by GEORGE FREDERIC WARNER, Litt.D., F.S.A., Keeper of 
 Manuscripts, British Museum. pp. Ixvi. 104. Portrait, Map, & i Illus. 
 Index. Issued for 1899. 
 
 4 The Journeys of William of Rubruek and John of Plan de Carpine 
 To Tartary in the I3th century. Translated and Edited by H. E. the Hon. 
 WM. WOODVILLE ROCKHILL. pp. Ivi. 304. Bibliography. Index. 
 
 Issued fur 1900. 
 
 5 The Voyage of Captain John Saris to Japan in 1613. 
 Edited by H. E. SIR ERNEST MASON SATOW, K.C.M.G. pp. Ixxxvii. 242. 
 Map. & 5 Illus. Index. Issued for 1900. 
 
 6 The Strange Adventures of Andrew Battell of Leigh in Essex. 
 Edited by ERNEST GEORGE RAVENSTEIN, F.R.G.S. pp. xx. 210. 2 Maps. 
 Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1900. 
 
 7-8 The Voyage of Mendana to the Solomon Islands in 1568. 
 
 Edited by the LORD AM H ERST OF HACKNEY and BASIL THOMSON. 2 vols. 
 5 Maps. & 33 Illus. Index. Issued for 1901. 
 
 9 The Journey of Pedro Teixeira from India to Italy by land, 1604-05; 
 With his Chronicle of the Kings of Ormus. Translated and Edited by WILLIAM 
 FREDERIC SINCLAIR, late Bombay C. S., with additional notes &c., by 
 DONALD WILLIAM FERGUSON, pp. cvii. 292. Index. Issued for 1901. 
 
 10 The Portuguese Expedition to Abyssinia in 1541, as narrated by 
 CASTANHOSO and BERMUDEZ. Edited by RICHARD STEPHEN WHITMVAY, 
 late I.C.S. With a Bibliography, by BASIL H. SOULSBY, F.S.A., Super- 
 intendent of the Map Department, British Museum, pp. cxxxii. 296. Map, & 
 3 Illus. Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1902. 
 
 11 Early Dutch and English Voyages to Spitzbergen in the Seventeenth 
 
 Century, 
 
 Including Hessel Gerritsz. " Histoire du Pays nomme Spitsl^erghe," 1613, 
 translated into English, for the first time, by BASIL H. SOULSBY, F.S.A., of 
 the British Museum : and Jacob Segersz. van der Brugge, "Journael of Dagh 
 Register," Amsterdam, 1634, translated into English, for the first time, by 
 J. A. J. DE VILLIERS, of the British Museum. Edited, with introductions 
 and notes by SIR MARTIN CONWAY. pp. xvi. 191. 3 Maps, & 3 Illus. 
 Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1902. 
 
 12 The Countries round the Bay of Bengal. 
 
 Edited, from an unpublished MS., 1669-79, by THOMAS BOWREY, by Col. SIR 
 RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, Bart., C.I.E. pp. Ivi. 387. 19 Illus. & i Chart. 
 Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1903.
 
 i6 
 
 13 Four Narratives of Voyages, undertaken by order of the Viceroy 
 
 of Peru, in the Pacific, 
 
 With detailed accounts of Tahiti and Easter Island. i?74- Edited by 
 BOLTON GLANVILL CORNEY, I.S.O., M.D., Chief Medical Officer, Fiji. 
 Vol. I. Illus. Bibliography. Index. To be issued for 1903. 
 
 14, 15 The Voyages of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, 1595 to 1606. 
 Translated and Edited by SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., Pres. R.G.S., 
 President of the Hakluyt Society. With a Note on the Cartography of the 
 Southern Continent, and a Bibliography, by BASIL H. SOULSBY, F.S.A., 
 Superintendent of the Map Department, British Museum. 2 vols 3 Maps. 
 Bibliography. Index. Issued for 1904. 
 
 16 -John Jourdain's Journal of a Voyage to the East Indies, 1608-1617. 
 (Sloane MS. 858, British Museum). Edited by WILLIAM FOSTER, B.A., 
 of the India Office. Illus. Bibliography. Index. To be issued for 1905. 
 
 17 The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and India, 1628-1634. 
 Edited from an unpublished MS. in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, by 
 Lieut. -Col. SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, Bart., C.I.E. Illus. Biblio- 
 graphy. Index. To be issued for 1905. 
 
 EXTRA SERIES. 
 
 The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Trafflques, & Discoveries of the 
 
 English Nation, 
 
 Made by Sea or Over-land to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the 
 earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 yeeres. By RICHARD 
 HAKLUYT, Preacher, and sometime Student of Christ Church in Oxford. 
 With an Index. 12 vols. James MacLehose & Sons : Glasgow, 1903-5. 
 
 . (Out of print.} 
 
 The Texts & Versions of John de Piano Carpini and William de Rubruquis. 
 
 As printed for the first time by HAKLUYT in 1598, together with some shorter 
 pieces. Edited by CHARLES RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A., F.R.G.S. 
 pp. xx. 345. Index. University Press : Cambridge, 1903. (Out of print.) 
 
 Hakluytus Posthumus or Purchas His Pilgrimes. 
 
 Contayning a History of the World in Sea Voyages and Lande Travells by 
 Englishmen and others. By SAMUEL PURCHAS, B.D. 20 vols. Maps & 
 Illus. James MacLehose & Sons : Glasgow, 1905-6.
 
 OTHER WORKS UNDERTAKEN BY EDITORS. 
 
 1. Cathay and the Way Thither. Being a collection of mediaeval notices of 
 
 China, previous to the Sixteenth Century. Translated and edited by 
 the late COLONEL SIR HENRY YULE, K.C.S.I., R.E., C.B. 2 vols. 
 Maps & Illustrations. Bibliography. Index. Second Edition of Nos. 36 & 
 37. Edited by M. HENRI CORDIER, Professeur a 1'Ecole Speciale des 
 Langues Orientales Vivantes, Paris; President de la Societe de Geo- 
 graphic, Paris. To be published in 1906. 
 
 2. Four Narratives of Voyages, undertaken by order of the Viceroy of Peru, 
 
 in the Pacific, with detailed accounts of Tahiti and Easter Island, 1774. 
 4 vols. Edited by BOLTON GLANVILL CORNET, I.S.O., M.D., Chief 
 Medical Officer, Fiji. 
 
 3. The Discover}' of the Large, Rich, and Beautiful Empire of Guiana, with 
 
 a relation of the great and golden City of Manoa (which the Spaniards 
 call El Dorado), etc., performed in the year 1595 by SIR WALTER 
 RALEGH, Knt. . . . Reprinted from the edition of 1 596. With some 
 unpublished Documents relative to that country. Edited (in 1848) 
 with copious explanatory Notes and a biographical Memoir by SIR 
 ROBERT HERMANN SCHOMBURGK, Ph.D. Second Edition (of Ser. I, 
 vol. iii), by H. E. SIR EVERARD FERDINAND IM THURN, K.C.M.G., 
 C.B., F.R.G.S. 
 
 4. The Voyages of Luigi di Cadamosto, the Venetian, along the West Coast 
 
 of Africa, in the years 1455 an ^ X 456. Translated from the earliest 
 Italian text of 1507, in Montalboddo Fracan's Paesi novamente 
 ritrovati, and Edited by HENRY YULE OLDHAM, M.A., F.R.G.S. 
 
 5. The True History of the Conquest of Mexico (Historia verdadera de la 
 
 Conquisla de la Nueva Espana). Translated from the original MS. in 
 Mexico, published by photography in 1904, and edited by ALFRED 
 PERCIVAL MAUDSLAY, F.R.G.S. 
 
 6. The Letters of Pietro Delia Valle from Persia, &c. Translated and 
 
 Edited by H. E. MAJOR SIR MATTHEW NATHAN, K.C.M.G., R.E., 
 F.R.G.S. 
 
 7. A Short Narrative of the Voyage made to the isles of Canada, Hochelage, 
 
 and Saguenay. By JACQUES CARTIER. Published at Paris in 1545. 
 Translated and edited, from Mr. Grenville's copy in the British 
 Museum, by BASIL HARRINGTON SOULSBY, B.A., F.S.A., of the Map 
 Department, British Museum. 
 
 8. An Abstract of and Index to the First Series, vols. i-ioo, of the 
 
 Hakluyt Society's Publications. By WILLIAM FOSTER, B. A., and BASIL 
 HARRINGTON SOULSBY, B.A., F.S.A., F.R.G.S. 
 
 B
 
 i8 
 
 9. An Index and Bibliography to vols. 4, 5, 8, 23, 24, 26, 28, 29, 30, 41, 45, 
 47> 49 5' 54. an< l 79- By BASIL HARRINGTON SOULSBY, B.A., 
 F.S.A., F.R.G.S. These will be supplied, on publication, to any 
 Member, past or present, who sends in his name to the Hon. 
 Secretary. 
 
 10. Journal of a Voyage in Tibet. By Fra Cassiano Beligatti, from the 
 Macerata MS. Translated & Edited by PROF. R. NORTON.
 
 INDEX 
 
 TO THE FIRST AND SECOND SERIES OF THE SOCIETY'S 
 PUBLICATIONS, 1847-1904. 
 
 Abd-er-Razzak, i. 22 
 Abyssinia, i. 32, 64 ; ii. 10 
 Acosta, Joseph de, i. 60, 61 
 Acuna, Cristoval de, i. 24 
 Adams, Will., i. 8, 66, 67 ; ii. 5 
 Africa, i. 21, 58, 82, 83, 92-94, 95, 100 
 Africa, East, i. 32, 35, 64 ; ii. 10 
 Aguirre, Lope de, i. 28 
 Albuquerque, Affonso de, i. 53, 55, 
 
 62, 69 
 
 Alcock. Thomas, i. 72, 73 
 Alessandri, Vincentio d', i. 49 
 Al Hassan Ibn Muhammad. See 
 
 Hasan. 
 
 Alvarez, Francisco, i. 64 
 Alvo, Francisco, i. 52 
 Amapaia, i. 3 
 Amazon, i. 24 
 America, Central, i. 40 
 America, North, i. 2, 4, 6, 7, 9, 11, 
 
 18, 21, 23, 43, 50, 65, 96, 97 
 America, South, i. 3, 21, 24, 28, 33, 
 
 34, 41, 43, 45, 47, 51, 60, 61, 68, 
 
 76, 77, 80, 81, 91 ; ii. 3 
 Amherst of Hackney, Lord, ii. 7, 8 
 Andagoya, Pascual de, i. 34 
 Angiolello, Giovanni Maria, i. 49 
 Angola, ii. 6 
 Aquines, Juan. See Hawkins, Sir 
 
 John. 
 
 Arabia, i. 32 
 Arctic Regions, i. 13, 54, 88, 89, 96, 
 
 97 
 
 Arias, Dr. Juan Luis, i. 25 ; ii. 14, 15 
 Arias d'Avila, Pedro, i. 21, 34 
 Arromaia, i. 3 
 
 Asher, George Michael, i. 27 
 Asia, i. 5, 8, 13-15, 17, 19, 22, 26, 
 
 35-39, 42, 44, 49, 53-55, 58, 62, 66, 
 
 67, 69-78, 80, 82, 83, 87 ; ii. 1, 2, 4, 
 
 5, 12 
 
 Astete, Miguel de, i. 47 
 Atahualpa, i. 47, 68 
 Australasia, i. 25 ; ii. 7, 8, 14, 15 
 Avila, Francisco de, i. 48 
 
 Avila, Pedro Arias d'. See Arias 
 
 d'Avila. 
 Azov, i. 49 
 Azurara, Goines Eannes de. See 
 
 Eannes. 
 
 Badger, George Percy, i. 32, 44 
 
 Baffin, William, i. 5, 63, 88, 89 
 
 Balak, John, i. 13, 54 
 
 Bantam, i. 19 
 
 Barbaro, Giosafat, i. 49 
 
 Barbosa, Duarte, i. 35, 52 
 
 Barcelona MSS., i. 35 
 
 Bardsen, Ivar, i. 50 
 
 Barentsz., William, i. 13, 27, 54 
 
 Barker, Edmund, i. 56 
 
 Barlow, R., i. 74, 75, 78 
 
 Barrow, John, F.R.S., i. 11 
 
 Battell, Andrew, ii. 6 
 
 Beazley, Charles Raymond, i. 95, 100 
 
 Beke, Charles Tilstone, i. 13, 54 
 
 Bell, Harry Charles Purvis, i. 76, 77 r 
 
 80 
 Belmonte y Bermudez, Luis de, ii. 
 
 14, 15 
 
 Bengal, i. 74, 75, 78 ; ii. 12 
 Bent, James Theodore, i. 87 
 Benzoni, Girolamo, i. 21 
 Bermudas, i. 65, 86 
 Bermudez, Joao, ii. 10 
 Beste, George, i. 38 
 Be"thencourt, Jean de, i. 46 
 Bethune, Charles Ramsay Drinkwater, 
 
 i. 1, 30 
 
 Beynen, Koolemans, i. 54 
 Biedma, Luis Hernandez de, i. 9 
 Bilot, Robert, i. 88, 89 
 Birch, Walter de Gray, i. 53, 55, 62, 
 
 69 
 
 Bollaert, William, i. 28 
 Bond, Sir Edward Augustus, K.C.R 
 
 i. 20 
 
 Boty, Tver, i. 13 
 Boutier, Pierre, i. 46 
 Bowrey, Thomas, ii. 12
 
 20 
 
 Bracciolini, Poggio, i. 22 
 
 Brazil, i. 51, 76, 77, 80 
 
 British Museum MSS., i. 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 
 
 16, 20, 25, 38, 52, 53, 55, 62, 65-67, 
 
 69 
 
 Brown, Dr. Robert, i. 92-94 
 Bruun, Philip, i. 58 
 Burnell, Arthur Coke, C.I.B., i. 70, 
 
 71 
 
 Burre, Walter, i. 19 
 Burrough, Christopher, i. 72, 73 
 Burrough, William, i. 72, 73 
 Burton, Sir Richard Francis, 
 
 K.C.M.G.,i. 51 
 Butler, Nathaniel, i. 65, 86 
 Button, Sir Thomas, i. 5, 88, 89 
 Bylot, Robert, i. 5, 63, 88, 89 
 
 Cabeca de Vaca, Alvar Nunez. See 
 
 Nunez Cabe9a de Vaca. 
 Cabot, John, i. 86 
 Cabot, Sebastian, i. 5, 12 
 Cambodia, i. 39 
 Canarian, The, i. 46 
 Canary Islands, i. 21, 46 
 Cape of Good Hope, i. 82, 83 
 Carpino, Joannes, de Piano. See 
 
 Joannes. 
 
 Caspian Sea, i. 72, 73 
 Cassano, Ussan. i. 49 
 Castanhoso, Miguel de, ii. 10 
 Castilla, del Oro, i. 34 
 Cathay, i. 5, 13, 36-38, 54 
 
 Cham plain, Samuel, i. 23 
 Chanca, Dr., i. 2, 43 
 Charles V., Emperor, i. 40 
 fJharnock, Job, i. 74. 75, 78 
 
 Cheinie, Richard, i. 72, 73 
 
 China, i. 5, 13-15, 36, 37, 39, 54 
 
 Christy, Robert Miller, i. 88, 89 
 
 Cieza de Leon, Pedro de, i. 33, 68 
 
 Cinnamon, Land of, i. 24 
 
 Clavigo, Ruy Gonzalez de. See Gon- 
 zalez de Clavigo. 
 
 Cliffe, Edward, i. 16 
 
 Clifford, George, i. 59 
 
 Coats, William, i. 11 
 
 Cocks, Richard, i. 8, 66, 67 
 
 Cogswell, Joseph G., i. 27 
 
 Collinson, Sir Richard, K.C.B., i. 38 
 
 Columbus, Christopher : 
 Journal, i. 86 
 Letters, i. 2, 43 
 
 Congo, ii. 6 
 
 Contarini, Ambrogio, i. 49 
 
 Conti, Nicol6, i. 22 
 
 Con way, Sir William Martin, ii. 11 
 
 Cooley, William Desborough. i. 4 
 
 Coote, Charles Henry, i. 72, 73 
 
 Corner, Bolton, i. 19 
 
 Corney, Bolton Glauvill, I.S.O.,M.D., 
 
 ii. 13 
 
 Correa, Gaspar, i. 42 
 Corte Real. Caspar, i. 86 
 
 brte"s, Hernando, i., 21, 40 
 
 losmas Indicopleustes, i. 98 
 Covel, John, i. 87 
 Crosse, Ralph, i. 56 
 Cumberland, Earl of, i. 59 
 Cuzco, i. 47 
 
 Dalboquerque, Afonso. See Albu- 
 querque. 
 
 Dallam, Thomas, i. 87 
 
 Dalrymple, Alexander, i. 25 ; ii. 14, 15 
 
 Dampier, William, i. 25 
 
 Danish Arctic Expeditions, i. 96, 97 
 
 Dati, Giuliano, i. 2, 43 
 
 Davila, Pedrarias. See Arias d'Avila. 
 
 Davis, John, i. 5, 59, 88, 89 
 
 De Villiers, John Abraham Jacob, 
 ii. 11 
 
 Digges, Sir Dudley, i. 63 
 
 Dominguez, Don Luis L., i. 81 
 
 Donck, Adrian vander, i. 27 
 
 Doughty, Thomas, i. 16 
 
 Downton, Nicholas, i. 56 
 
 Drake, Sir Francis, i. 4, 16 
 
 Drake, Sir Francis, the Younger, i. 16 
 
 Dryandri, Joh., i. 51 
 
 Ducket, Jeffrey, i. 72, 73 
 
 Dudley, Sir Robert, ii. 3 
 
 Dutch Voyages, ii. 11 
 
 East India Company, L 19 
 East Indies. See India. 
 Eannes, Gomes, de Zurara, i. 95, 100 
 El Dorado, i. 3, 28 
 Eden, Richard, i. 12 
 Edwards, Arthur, i. 72, 73 
 Egypt, i. 32 
 Ellesmere, Earl of, i. 17 
 Elvas, Gentleman of, i. 9 
 Emeria, i. 3 
 Engronelanda, i. 50 
 Enriquez de Guzman, Alonzo, i. 29 
 Eslanda, i. 50 
 Estotilanda, i. 50 
 Ethiopia. See Abyssinia. 
 Europe, i. 10, 12, 13, 18, 20, 49. 54 
 58, 64, 72, 73, 79 ; ii. 9, 11 
 
 Ferguson, Donald William, ii. 9 
 Figueroa, Christoval Suarez de. See 
 
 Suarez de Figueroa. 
 Fletcher, Francis, i. 16 
 Fletcher, Giles, i. 20 
 Florida, i. 7, 9 
 Fort St. George, i. 74, 75, 78 
 Foster, William, B.A., ii. 1, 2, 16
 
 21 
 
 Fotherby, Robert, i. 63 
 
 Fox, Luke, i. 5, 88, 89 
 
 Foxe, Luke. See Fox. 
 
 Frislanda, i. 50 
 
 Frobisher, Sir Martin, i. 5, 38, 88, 89 
 
 Gairdner. James, i. 79 
 
 Galvao, Antonio, i. 30 
 
 Gaina, Christovao da, ii. 10 
 
 Gama, Vasco da, i. 42, 99 
 
 Gainboa, Pedro Sarmiento de. See 
 
 Sarmiento de Gamboa. 
 Gastaldi, Jacopo, i. 12 
 Gatonbe, John, i. 63 
 Gayangos, Pascual de, i. 40 
 Gerritsz., Hessel, i. 27, 54 ; ii. 11 
 Gibbons, William, i. 5, 88, 89 
 Gibraltar, Straits of, i. 79 
 Globes, i. 79 
 
 God's Pmcer < Providence, i. 18 
 Gonzalez de Clavijo, Ruy, i. 26 
 Gosch, Christian Carl August, i. 96, 97 
 Gray, Albert, i. 76, 77, 80 
 Great Mogul, ii. 1, 2 
 Greenland, i. 18, 50, 96, 97 
 Grey, Charles, i. 49 
 Grey, Edward, i. 84, 85 
 Grimston, Edward. See Grimstone. 
 Grimstone, Edward, i. 60, 61 
 Guiana, i. 3 ; ii. 3 
 Guinea, i. 95, 100; ii. 6 
 
 Hackit, Thomas, i. 7 
 Hakluyt, Richard : 
 
 Divers Voyages, i. 7 
 
 Galvano, i. 30 
 
 Principall Navigations, i. 16, 20, 
 38, 59 
 
 Terra Florida, i. 9 
 
 Will of, i. 7 
 
 Hall, James, i. 5, 88, 89, 96, 97 
 Hasan Ibn Muhammad, al Wazzan, al 
 
 Fasi, i. 92-94 
 Havers, George, i. 84, 85 
 Hawkins, Sir John, i. 4, 57 
 Hawkins, Sir Richard, i. 1, 57 
 Hawkins, William, i. 57 
 Hawkridge, William, i. 88, 89 
 Hedges, Sir William, i. 74, 75, 78 
 Heidelberg MS., i. 58 
 Herberstein, Sigismund von. i. 10, 12 
 Hernandez de Biedma, Luis, i. 9 
 Herrera, Antonio de, i. 24 
 Honduras, i. 40 
 Horsey, Sir Jerome, i. 20 
 Houtman's Abrolhos, i. 25 
 Hudson, Henry, i. 13, 27, 88, 89 
 Hudson's Bay, i. 11, 96, 97 
 Hues, Robert, i. 79 
 Hugli River, i. 78 
 
 Icaria, i. 50 
 
 Imams and Seyyids of 'Oman i. 44 
 
 India, i. 5, 22, 32, 38, 42, 53, 55, 56, 
 
 69, 62, 70, 71, 74-78, 80, 84, 85 ; ii. 
 
 1, 2, 12 
 
 India Office MSS., i. 5, 56, 66, 67 
 Indian Language, Dictionarie of the, 
 
 i. 6 
 Indies, West, i. 4, 23 ; ii. 3 
 
 James I., i. 19 
 
 James, Thomas, i. 5, 88, 89 
 
 Janes, John, i. 59 
 
 Japan, i. 8, 39, 66, 67 ; ii. 5 
 
 Java, i. 82,83 
 
 Jeannin, P., i. 27 
 
 Jenkinson, Anthony, i. 72, 73 
 
 Joannes, de Piano Carpino, ii. 4 
 
 Jones, John Winter, i. 7, 22, 32 
 
 Jordanus [Catalani], i. 31 
 
 Jovius, Paulus, i. 12 
 
 Juet, Robert, i. 27 
 
 Keeling, William, i. 56 
 Knight, John, i. 5, 56, 88, 89 
 
 Lambrechtsen, i. 27 
 
 Lancaster, Sir James, i. 56 
 
 La Peyrere, Isaac de, i. 18 
 
 La Plata, River, i. 81 
 
 Lasso de La Vega, Garcia, El Inca, 
 
 i. 24, 41, 45 
 Lefroy, Sir John Henry, K.C.M.G., 
 
 i. 65, 86 
 
 Leguat, Francois, i. 82, 83 
 Lendas da India, i. 42 
 Leo Africanus, i. 92-94 
 Leone, Giovanni, i. 92-94 
 Leupe, P. A., i. 25 
 Levant, i. 87 
 Le Verrier, Jean, i. 46 
 Leza, Gaspar Gonzalez de, L 39 ; ii, 
 
 14, 15 
 Linschoten, Jan Huyghen van, L 70, 
 
 71 
 
 McCrindle, John Watson, i. 89 
 
 Madras, i. 74, 75, 78 
 
 Madrid MSS., i. 29 
 
 Magellan, Ferdinand, i. 52 
 
 Magellan, Straits of, i. 91 
 
 Major, Richard Henry, i. 2, 6, 10, 12, 
 
 14, 15, 17, 22, 25, 43, 46, 50 
 Malabar, i. 35 
 
 Maldire Islands, i. 76, 77, 80 
 Maluco Islands. See Molucca Islands. 
 Manoa, i. 3 
 Markham, Sir Albert Hastings, K.C.B., 
 
 i. 59
 
 22 
 
 Markham. Sir Clements Robert, K.C.B., 
 i. 24, 26, 28, 29, 33, 34, 41, 56, 57, 
 60, 61, 63, 68, 79, 86, 90, 91 ; ii. 14, 
 15 
 
 Martens, Friedrich, i. 18 
 
 Mauritius, i. 82, 83 
 
 Maynarde, Thomas, i. 4 
 
 Mendafia de Neyra, Alvaro, i. 25, 39 ; 
 ii. 7, 8, 14, 15 
 
 Mendoza, Juan Gonzalez de, i. 14, 15 
 
 Mexico, i. 23 
 
 Middleton, Christopher, i. 11 
 
 Middleton, Sir Henry, i. 19, 56 
 
 Mirabilia Descripta, i. 31 
 
 Mogul, The Great, ii. 1, 2 
 
 Molucca Islands, i. 19,39, 52, 76, 77, 80 
 
 Molyneux, Emery, i. 79 
 
 Montezuma, i. 61 
 
 Morga, Antonio de, i. 39 ; ii. 14, 15 
 
 Morgan, Henry, i, 59 
 
 Morgan, Edward Delmar, i. 72. 73, 
 79, 83, 86 
 
 Mundy, Peter, ii. 17 
 
 Munk, Jens, i. 96, 97 
 
 Miinster, Sebastian, i. 12 
 
 Muscovy Company, i. 7, 63 ; ii. 11 
 
 Neumann, Karl Friedrich, i. 58 
 
 New Hebrides, ii. 14, 15 
 
 New World, i. 2, 43 
 
 Nicaragua, i. 34 
 
 Nikitin, Athanasius, i. 22 
 
 Norsemen in America, i. 50 
 
 North- West Passage, i. 5, 38, 56, 88, 
 
 89, 96, 97 
 
 Northern Seas, i. 50 
 Nova Zembla, i. 13, 54 
 Nunez Cabeca de Vaca, Alvar, i. 81 
 
 Oliver, Samuel Pasfield, i. 82, 83 
 Omagua, L 28 
 'Oman, i. 44 
 
 Ondegardo, Polo de, i. 48 
 Orellana, Francisco de. i. 24 
 Orleans, Pierre Joseph d', i. 17 
 
 Pachacamac, i. 47 
 
 Paraguay, River, i. 81 
 
 Parke, Robert, i. 14, 15 
 
 Pelsart, Francis, i. 25 
 
 Pellham, Edward, i. 18 
 
 Pereira, Thomas, i. 17 
 
 Persia, i. 32, 49, 72. 73 
 
 Peru, i. 33, 34, 41, 45, 47, 60, 61, 68 
 
 Peru, Chronicle of, i. 33, 68 
 
 Philip, William, i. 13, 54 
 
 Philippine Islands, i. 39 
 
 Pigafetta, Antonio, i. 52 
 
 Pitt Diamond, i. 78 
 
 Pitt, Thomas, i. 74, 75, 78 
 
 Pizarro, Francisco, i. 21 
 
 Pizarro, Gonzalo. i. 21, 24 
 
 Pizarro, Hernando, i. 47 
 
 Pochahontas, i. 6 
 
 Pool, Gerrit Thomasz., i. 25 
 
 Portugal, i. 64 ; ii. 10 
 
 Pory, John.i. 92-94 
 
 Powhatan, i. 6 
 
 Prado y Tovar, Don Diego de, 
 
 ii. 14, 15 
 
 Prestage, Edgar, i. 95, 100 
 Prester John, i. 64 ; ii. 10 
 Pricket Abacuk, i. 27 
 Public Record Office MSS., i. 38 
 Puerto Rico. i. 4 
 Purchas, Samuel, i. 13, 56, 63 
 Pyrard, Frai^ois, i. 76, 77, 80 
 
 Quatremere, i. 22 
 
 Quiros, Pedro Fernandez de, i. 25, 
 39 ; ii. 14, 15 
 
 Raleigh, Sir Walter, i. 3 
 
 Ramusio, Giovanni Battista. i. 49, 52 
 
 Ravenstein, Ernest George, i. 99 ; ii. 6 
 
 ReciieU de Voyages, i. 31 
 
 Ribault, John, i. 7 
 
 Rockhill, William Woodville, ii. 4 
 
 Rodriguez, Island, i. 82, 83 
 
 Roe, Sir Thomas, ii. 1, 2 
 
 Roy, Eugene Armand, i. 49 
 
 Rubruquis, Gulielraus de, ii. 4 
 
 Ruudall, Thomas, i. 5, 8 
 
 Russe Commonwealth, i. 20 
 
 Russia, i. 10, 12, 20, 72, 73 
 
 Rye, William Brenchley, i. 9 
 
 Salil-Ibn-Ruzaik, i. 44 
 
 Samarcand, i. 26 
 
 Sancho, Pedro, i. 47 
 
 Santo-Stefano, Hieronimo di. i. 22 
 
 Saris, John, i. 8 ; ii. 5 
 
 Sarmieuto de Gamboa, Pedro, i. 91 
 
 Schiltberger, Johann, i. 58 
 
 Schmidel, Ulrich, i. 81 
 
 Schmidt. Ulrich. See Schmidel. 
 
 Schomburgk, Sir Robert Hermann, i. 3 
 
 Seaman's Secrets, i. 59 
 
 Segersz., Jacob, ii. 11 
 
 Sellman, Edward, i. 38 
 
 Shakspere's " New Map," i. 59 
 
 Sharpeigh, Alexander, i. 56 
 
 Shaw, Norton, i. 23 
 
 Siaru, i. 39 
 
 Simon, Pedro, i. 28 
 
 Sinclair, W. Frederic, ii. 9 
 
 Sloane MSS.. i. 25, 65 
 
 Smith, Capt. John, i. 65, 86 
 
 Smith, Sir Thomas, i. 19, 63, 65 
 
 Smyth, William Henry, i. 21
 
 Solomon Islands, ii. 7, 8 
 
 Somers, Sir George, i. 65 
 
 Soto, Ferdinando de, i. 9 
 
 Soulsby, Basil Harrington, ii. 10, 11, 
 
 14,15 
 
 Sousa Tavares, Francisco de, i. 30 
 South Sea, i. 1 
 Spanish MSS.,i. 29,48 
 Spitsbergen, i. 13, 18, 54 ; ii. 11. 
 Staden, Johann von, i. 51 
 Stanley of Alderley, Lord, i. 35, 39, 
 
 42, 52 
 Staunton, Sir George Thomas, Bart., 
 
 L 14,15 
 
 Stere, William, L 13 
 Strachey, William, i. 6 
 Suarez de Figueroa, Christoval, i. 57 ; 
 
 ii. 14, 15 
 
 Summer Islands, i. 65, 86 
 Syria, i. 32 
 
 Tamerlane, The Great, i. 26 
 
 Tana (Azov), i. 49 
 
 Tartary,i. 17 ; ii. 4 
 
 Tavares, F. de Sousa. See Sousa 
 
 Tavares, F. de. 
 Teixeira, Pedro, ii. 9 
 Telfer, John Buchan, i. 58 
 Temple, Sir Richard Carnac, Bart., 
 > ii. 12, 17 
 
 Thomas, William, i. 49 
 Thompson, Sir Edward Maunde, 
 
 K.C.B.,i. 66,67 
 Thomson, Basil Home. ii. 7, 8 
 Thorne, Robert, i. 7 
 Tiele, Pieter Anton, i. 70, 71 
 Tierra Firme, i. 28, 34 
 Timour, Great Khan, i. 26 
 Tootal, Albert, i. 51 
 Topographia Christiana, i. 98 
 Torquem&da, Fray Juan de, ii. 14, 15 
 Torres, Luis Vaez de, i. 25, 39 ; ii. 14, 
 
 15 
 
 Toscanelli, Paolo, i. 86 
 Towerson, Gabriel, i. 19 
 Tractatus de Globis, i. 79 
 Transylvanus, Maximilianus, i. 52 
 
 Turbervile, George, i. 10 
 Turkey Merchants, i. 87 
 
 Ursua, Pedro de, i. 28 
 
 Valle, Pietro della, i. 84, 85 
 Varthema, Ludovico di, i. 19, 32 
 Vaux, William Sandys Wright i, 16 
 Vaz, Lopez, i. 16 
 Veer, Gerrit de, i. 13, 54 
 Verarzanus, John, i. 7, 27 
 Verbiest, Ferdinand, i. 17 
 Vespucci. Amerigo, i. 90 
 Virginia Britannia, i. 6 
 Vivero y Velasco, Rodrigo de i. 8 
 Vlamingh, Willem de, i. 25 
 Volkersen, Samuel, L 25 
 
 Warner, George Frederic, Litt.D., 
 
 ii. 3 
 
 Weigates, Straits of, i. 13, 54 
 West Indies. See Indies, West. 
 Weymouth, George, i. 5, 88, 89 
 White, Adam, i. 18 
 Whiteway, Richard Stephen, ii. 10 
 Wielhorsky, i. 22 
 William of Rubruck. See Rubruquis, 
 
 Gulielmus de 
 Wilmere, Alice, i. 23 
 Winter, John, i. 16 
 Witsen, Nicolaas, L 17, 25 
 Wolstenholme, Sir John, i. 63, 88, 89 
 Worlde's Hydrographical Description, 
 
 i. 59 
 Wright, Edward, i. 59 
 
 Xeres, Francisco de, i. 47 
 
 Yncas, Rites and Laws, i. 48 
 Yncas, Royal Commentaries, i. 41, 45 
 Yule, Sir Henry, K.C.S.I., i. 31, 36, 
 37, 74, 75, 78 
 
 Zeno, Antonio, i. 50 
 Zeno, Caterino, i. 49 
 Zeno, Nicolo, i. 50 
 Zychman, 1, 51
 
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 Reg. Rat. Prof. Aug. Wilmanns, Director). 
 Berlin University, Geographical Institute of, Georgenstrasse 34-36, Berlin, 
 
 N.W. 7 (Baron von Richthofen, Director). 
 Birch Dr. Walter de Gray, F.S.A., 19, Bloomsbury Square, W.C.
 
 26 
 
 Birmingham Central Free Library, Ratcliff Place, Birmingham (A. Capel Shaw 
 
 Esq., Chief Librarian). 
 Birmingham Old Library, The, Margaret Street, Birmingham (Charles E. 
 
 Scarse Esq., Librarian). 
 
 Board of Education, South Kensington, S.W. 
 Bodleian Library, Oxford. [COPIES PRESENTED.] 
 
 1894 Bonaparte, H. H. Prince Roland Napoleon, Avenue d'Jena 10, Paris. 
 1847 Boston Athenaeum Library, 10J, Beacon Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 
 
 (Charles Knowles Bolton Esq., Librarian). 
 Boston Public Library, Copley Square, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. (James 
 
 Lynam Whitney Esq., Librarian). 
 
 Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine, U.S.A. (George T. Little Esq.. Librarian). 
 1894 Bower, Lt.-Col. Hamilton, 17th Bengal Lancers, Legation Guard, Peking. 
 1896 Bowring, Thomas B., Esq., F.R.G.S., 7, Palace Gate, Kensington. W. 
 1894 Brewster, Charles 0., Esq., 25, Irving Place, New York City, U.S.A. 
 
 1893 Brighton Public Library, Royal Pavilion, Church Street, Brighton (John 
 
 Minto Esq., Librarian). 
 British Guiana Royal Agricultural and Commercial Society, Georgetown, 
 
 Demerara. 
 1847 British Museum, Department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities (C. H. 
 
 Read Esq., Keeper). 
 1847 British Museum. Department of Printed Books (G. K. Fortescue Esq., Keeper). 
 
 [COPIES PRESENTED.] 
 
 British Museum (Natural History), Cromwell Road, S.W. (B. B. Woodward 
 
 Esq., Librarian). 
 
 1896 Brock, Robert C. H., Esq., 1612, Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. 
 Brooke, Sir Thomas, Bart., F.S.A., Armitage Bridge, Huddersfield. 
 Brookline Public Library, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. (Miss Louisa M. Hooper, 
 
 Librarian). 
 Brooklyn Mercantile Library, 197, Montague Street, Brooklyn, N.Y., U.S.A. 
 
 (Willis A. Bardwell Esq., Librarian). 
 Brown, Arthur William Whateley, Esq., F.R.G.S., 62, Carlisle Mansions, 
 
 Carlisle Place, Victoria Street, S.W. 
 Brown, General John Marshall, 218, Middle Street, Portland, Maine, U.S.A. 
 
 1898 Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island, U.S.A., P.O. Box 109 (Harry 
 
 Lyman Koopman Esq., Librarian). 
 
 1899 Bruce, A. M., Esq., Hong-Kong and Shanghai Bank, Bangkok, Siam. 
 1903 Buckle, Admiral Claude Edward. The Red House, Raithby, Spilsby. 
 
 1896 Buda-Pesth, The Geographical Institute of the University of, Hungary (Prof. 
 
 Loczy Lajos, Librarian). 
 Bunting, W. L., Esq., M.A., F.R.G.S., Royal Naval College, Osborne, Isle of 
 
 Wight. 
 1899 Burdekin, Benjamin Thomas, Esq., The Terrace, Eyam, Sheffield. 
 
 1894 Burgess, James, Esq., C.I.E., LL.D., F.R.G.S., 22, Seton Place, Edinburgh. 
 Burns, Capt. John William, Kilmahew, Cardross, Dumbartonshire. 
 
 1903 California, University of, Berkeley, Gal., U.S.A. (Joseph Cummings Rowell 
 
 Esq., Librarian). 
 1899 Cambray & Co., Messrs. R., 6, Hastings Street, Calcutta. 
 
 Cambridge University Library, Cambridge (Francis John Henry Jenkinsou 
 
 Esq., Librarian). 
 Canada, The Parliament Library, Ottawa (Alfred Duclos De Celles Esq. 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 1896 Cardiff Public Library, Trinity Street, Cardiff (J. Ballinger Esq., Librarian). 
 1899 Carles, William Richard, Esq., C.M.G., F.R.G.S., Silwood, The Park 
 
 Cheltenham. 
 
 Carlisle, The Rt. Hon. the Earl of, Naworth Castle, Bampton, Cumberland. 
 Carlton Club, Pall Mall, S.W. 
 1899 Carnegie Library, Pittsburgh, Pa., U.S.A. (E. H. Anderson Esq., Librarian).
 
 27 
 
 1901 Cator, Ralph Bertie Peter, Esq., (Judge of H.B.M. Supreme Court, Con- 
 
 stantinople), Wateringbury, Kent. 
 
 1894 Chamberlain, Right Hon. Joseph, M.P., F.R.S., 40, Princes Gardens, S.W. 
 1899 Chambers, Commander Bertram Mordaunt,R.N.,F.R.G.S.,H.M.S.'-Resolution," 
 
 River Medway. 
 Chetham's Library, Hunt's Bank, Manchester (Walter F. Browne Esq., 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 Chicago Public Library. Chicago, 111., U.S.A. (Fred. H. Hild Esq., Librarian). 
 1899 Chicago University Library, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. (Mrs. Zella Allen Dixson, 
 
 Librarian). 
 1896 Christ Church, Oxford (F. Haverfield Esq., Librarian). 
 
 Christiania University Library, Christiania, Norway (Dr. A. C. Drolsum, 
 Librarian). 
 
 1894 Church, Col. George Earl, F.R.G.S., 216, Cromwell Road, S.W. 
 Cincinnati Public Library, Ohio, U.S.A. (N. D. C. Hodges Esq., Librarian). 
 Clark, John Willis, Esq., F.S.A., Scroope House, Trumpington Street, 
 
 Cambridge. 
 1903 Clay, John, Esq., University Press, and 3, Harvey Road, Cambridge. 
 
 1895 Colgan, Nathaniel, Esq., 15, Breffin Terrace, Sandycove, co. Dublin. 
 Colonial Office, The, Downing Street, S.W. (C. Atchley Esq., I.S.O , Librarian). 
 
 1899 Columbia University, Library of, New York, U.S.A. (James H. Canfield Esq., 
 
 Librarian). 
 1899 Constable. Archibald, Esq., 14. St. Paul's Road, Camden Town, X. W. 
 
 1896 Conway, Sir William Martin, M.A., F.S.A., The Red House, Hornton 
 
 Street, W. 
 
 1903 Cooke, William Charles, Esq., Vailima, Bishopstown, Cork. 
 
 Copenhagen Royal Library (Det Store Kongelige Bibliothek) Copenhagen 
 
 (Dr. H. 0. Lange, Chief Librarian). 
 1894 Cora, Professor Guido, M.A., Via Goito, 2, Rome. 
 
 Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. (Geo. Wm. Harris Esq., 
 Librarian). 
 
 1904 Corney, Bolton Glanvill, Esq,, I.S.O,, M.D., Suva, Fiji. 
 
 Comin g> H K' E?'} / Messrs - Bi ckers & Son, 1, Leicester Square, W. 
 1894 Cortissoz, Royal. Esq., Editorial Room, New York Tribune, 154, Nassau Street, 
 
 New York City, U.S.A. 
 1893 Cow, John, Esq., Elfinsward, Hayward's Heath Sussex. 
 
 1902 Cox, Alexander G. , Esq., Imperial Railways of North China, Tientsin. 
 
 1904 Croydon Public Libraries, Central Library, Town Hall, Croydon (L. Stanley 
 
 Jast Esq., Chief Librarian). 
 1899 Cunningham, Colonel George Glencairn, C.B., D.S.O., Royal Scots, Junior 
 
 United Service Club, Charles Street, S.W. 
 
 Curtis, Benjamin Robbins, Esq., 63, Wall Street, New York City, U.S.A. 
 1893 Curzon of Kedleston, H.E. the Right Hon. Lord, G.M.S.I., G.M.I.E., 
 
 F.R.G.S., Government House, Calcutta. 
 
 Dalton, Rev. Canon John Neale, C.M.G., C.V.O., F.S.A., 4, The Cloisters, 
 
 Windsor. 
 1899 Dampier, Gerald Robert, Esq., I.C.S., Dehra Dun, N.W.P., India. 
 
 Danish Royal Naval Library (Det Kongelige Danske S^kaart Archiv), Copen- 
 hagen (Dr. G. I. Colm. Librarian). 
 
 Davis, Hon. Nicholas Darnell, C.M.G., Georgetown, Demerara, British 
 
 Guiana. 
 
 1894 De Bertodano, Baldomero Hvacinth, Esq., Cowbridge House, Malmesbury, 
 Wilts. 
 
 Derby, The Right Hon. the Eail of, K.G., c/o Rev. J. Richardson, Knowsley, 
 Prescot. 
 
 Detroit Public Library, Michigan, U.S.A. (Henry M. Utley Esq., Librarian).
 
 28 
 
 1893 Dijon University Library, Rue Monge, Dijon, Cote d'Or, France (M. Balland, 
 
 Librarian). 
 D'Oleire, Herr (Triibner's Buchhandlung), Am Miinster-platz, Strassburg, 
 
 Alsace. 
 
 Doubleday, Henry Arthur, Esq., F.R.G.S., 2, Whitehall Gardens, S.W. 
 Dresden Geographical Society (Verein fur Erdkunde), Kleine Brudergasse 
 
 21n, Dresden A. 1. (Herr Otto Mortzsch, Bibliothekar). 
 
 1902 Dublin, Trinity College Library (Rev. T. K. Abbott, D.D., Librarian). 
 Ducie, The Right Hon. the Earl of, F.R.S., F.R.G.S., Tortworth Court, Falfield. 
 
 1903 Eames, James Bromley, Esq., M.A.,B. C. L., 1 0, King's Bench Walk, Temple, E.G. 
 1899 Ecole Franaise d'Extreme Orient, Saigon, Indo-Chine Frangaise. 
 
 1892 Edinburgh Public Library, George IV. Bridge, Edinburgh (Hew Morrison 
 
 Esq., Librarian). 
 Edinburgh University Library, Edinburgh (Alex. Anderson Esq., Librarian). 
 
 1904 Edmonds, The Rev. Canon Walter John, B.D., The Close, Exeter. 
 Edwards, Francis, Esq., 83, High Street, Marylebone, W. 
 
 Faber, Reginald Stanley, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., 90, Regent's Park Road, N.W. 
 
 1894 Fanshawe, Admiral Sir Edward Gennys, G.C.B., F.R.G.S., 74, Cromwell 
 
 Road, S.W. 
 
 Fellowes Athenaeum, 46, Millmont Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 
 1899 Ferguson, David, Esq., M.I.M.E., F.R.G.S., 140, Hyndland Drive, Kelvinside, 
 
 Glasgow. 
 
 1899 Ferguson, Donald William, Esq., Samanala, 20, Beech House Road, Croydon. 
 1894 Fisher, Arthur, Esq., F.R.G.S., St. Aubyu's, Tiverton, Devon. 
 
 1896 Fitzgerald, Captain Edward Arthur, 5th Dragoon Guards. 
 
 1904 Flanagin, Hugh William, Esq., B.E., B.A., Yorkville, Summer Hill, Cork. 
 Ford, John Walker, Esq., D.L.,F.S.A., En6eld Old Park, Winchmore Hill.N. 
 Foreign Office, The, Downing Street, S.W. (Augustus Henry Oakes Esq., C.B., 
 
 Librarian). 
 Foreign Office of Germany (Auswartiges Amt), Wilhelmstrasse, Berlin, W. 
 
 1893 Forrest, George William, Esq., C.I.E., F.R.G.S., Rose Bank, Iffley, Oxford. 
 1902 Foster, F. Apthorp, Esq., 24, Milk Street. Boston, Mass., U.S A. 
 
 1893 Foster, William, Esq., B.A., F.R.G.S., Registry and Record Department, India 
 
 Office, S.W. 
 1899 Fothergill, M. B., Esq., c/o Imperial Bank of Persia, Bushire, Persian Gulf, 
 
 via Bombay. 
 
 George, Charles William, Esq., 51, Hampton Road, Bristol. 
 Gill, Joseph Withers. Esq., F.R.G.S., 66. West Hill, St. Leonards-on-Sea. 
 1901 Gill, W. Harrison, Esq., c/o Messrs. C. A. H. Nichols, Peninsular House, 
 
 Monument Street, E.G. 
 
 Gladstone Library, National Liberal Club, Whitehall Place, S.W. 
 Glasgow University Library, Glasgow (James Lymburn Esq., Librarian). 
 Godman, Frederick Du Cane, Esq., D.C.L., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., 
 
 10, Chandos Street, Cavendish Square, W. 
 
 1905 Goldie, The Right. Hon. Sir George Taubmau, K.C.M.G., F.R.S., President 
 
 R.G.S., Naval & Military Club, Piccadilly, W. 
 
 1897 Gosch, Christian Carl August, Esq., 21, Stanhope Gardens, S.W. 
 
 1899 Gosling, F. Goodwin, Esq., Hamilton, Bermuda. 
 
 1893 Gosset, General Mathew William Edward, C.B., F.R.G.S., Westgate House, 
 
 Dedham, Essex. 
 
 Gb'ttingen University Library, Gottingen, Germany (Prof. Dr. Richard 
 Pietschmann, Director). 
 
 1900 Graham, Michael, Esq., Glasgow Herald, 69, Buchanan Street, Glasgow. 
 Grant-Duff, The Right Hon. Sir Mountstuart Elphinstone, G.C.S.I., F.R.S., 
 
 11, Chelsea Embankment, S.W.
 
 29 
 
 Gray, Albert, Esq., K.C., F.R.G.S., Catherine Lodge, Trafalgar Square, 
 
 Chelsea, S.W. 
 1894 Gray, Matthew Hamilton, Esq., F.R.G.S., Lessness Park, Abbey Wood, Kent. 
 
 1903 Greenlee, William B., Esq., 95, Buena Avenue, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. 
 
 1898 Greever, C. 0., Esq., 1345, East Ninth Street. Des Moinss, Iowa, U.S.A. 
 
 1899 Griffiths, John G. ,Esq., 21, Palace Court, Kensington Gardens, W. 
 Grosvenor Library, Buffalo, N.Y., U.S.A. (E. P. Van Duzell Esq., Librarian). 
 
 1899 Gruzevski, C. L., Esq., 107, College Street, San Antonio, Texas, U.S.A. 
 
 Guildhall Library, B.C. (Charles Welch Esq., F.S.A., Librarian). 
 1894 Guillemard, Arthur George, Esq., 96, High Street, Eltham, Kent. 
 
 Guillemard, Francis Henry Hill, Esq., M.A., M.D., F.R.G.S., The Old Mill 
 House, Trumpington, Cambridge. 
 
 Hamburg Commerz-Bibliothek, Hamburg, Germany (Dr. Baasch, Librarian). 
 
 1901 Hammersmith Public Libraries, Carnegie (Central) Library, Hammersmith, 
 
 W. (Samuel Martin Esq., Chief Librarian). 
 19(X) Hamilton, Wm. Pierson, Esq., 32, East 36th Street, New York City, U.S.A. 
 
 1898 Hannen, The Hon. Henry Arthur, The Hall, West Farleigh, Kent. 
 
 1893 Harmsworth, Sir Alfred Charles William, Bart., F.R.G.S., Elmwood, 
 
 St. Peter's, Kent 
 
 Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.. U.S.A. (Wm. Coolidge Lane Esq., 
 Chief Librarian). 
 
 1899 Harvie-Brown, John Alexander, Esq., F.R.G.S., Dunipace, Larbert, Stirlingshire. 
 1899 Has well, George Handel, Esq., Ashleigh, Hamstead Road, Handsworth, 
 
 Birmingham. [S.W. 
 
 Hawkesbury, The Rt. Hon. Lord, F.S.A., F.R.G.S., 2, Carlton House Terrace, 
 
 Heawood, Edward, Esq., M.A., F.R.G.S., 3, Underbill Road, Lordship Lane,S.E. 
 
 1899 Heidelberg University Library, Heidelberg (Prof. Karl Zangemeister, Librarian ). 
 
 1904 Henderson, George, Esq., c/o Messrs. Octavius Steel and Co., 14, Old Court 
 
 House Street, Calcutta. 
 
 1903 Henderson, Turner, Esq., F.R.G.S., Studley Priory, Oxford. 
 
 Hervey, Dudley Francis Amelius, Esq.,C. M.G.,F.R.G.S.,Westfields, Aldeburgh, 
 
 Suffolk. 
 Hiersemann, Herr Karl Wilhelm, Konigsstrasse, 3, Leipzig. 
 
 1902 Hippisley, Alfred Edward, Esq., F.R.G.S., I.M. Customs, Shanghai, China. 
 
 1893 Hobhouse. Charles Edward Henry, Esq., M.P., The Ridge, Corsham, Wilts. 
 
 1904 Holdich, Colonel Sir Thomas Hungerford, K.C.M.G., K.C.I.E., C.B., R.E., 
 
 F.R.G.S., 41, Courtfield Road, S.W. 
 1899 Hoover, Herbert C., Esq., 39, Hyde Park Gate, S.W. 
 
 Horner, John Francis Fortescue, Esq., Mells Park, Frome, Somerset. 
 Hoyt Public Library, East Saginaw, Mich., U.S.A. (Miss Ames, Librarian). 
 1896 Hubbard, Hon. Gardiner G., 1328, Connecticut Avenue, Washington, D.C.,U.SA. 
 1899 Hiigel, Baron Anatole A. A. von, F.R.G.S., Curator, Museum of Archaeology 
 and Ethnology, Cambridge. 
 
 1894 Hull Public Libraries, Baker Street, Hull (W. F. Lawton Esq., Librarian). 
 1847 Hull Subscription Library, Albion Street, Hull (William Andrews Esq., 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 1899 Im Thurn, H. E. Sir Everard Ferdinand, Esq., K.C.M.G., C.B., Government 
 
 House, Suva, Fiji, and 1, East India Avenue, E.G. 
 1847 India Office, Downing Street, S.W. (Frederick W. Thomas Esq., Librarian). 
 
 [20 COPIES.] 
 
 1899 Ingle, William Bruncker, Esq., 4, Orchard Road. Blackheath, S.E. 
 1892 Inner Temple, Hon. Society of the, Temple, E.C. (J. E. L. Pickering Esq., 
 
 Librarian). 
 1899 Ireland, Prof. Alleyne, St. Botolph Club, 2, Newbury Street, Boston 
 
 Mass.. U.S.A. 
 
 1903 Irvine, William, Esq., Holliscroft, 49. Castelnau, Barnes, S.W. 
 1899 Jackson, Stewart Douglas, Esq., 61, St. Vincent Street, Glasgow. 
 1898 James, Arthur Curtiss, Esq., 92 Park Avenue, New York City, U.S.A.
 
 30 
 
 1896 James, Walter B., Esq., M.D., 17, West 54th Street, New York City, U.S.A. 
 1847 John Carter Brown Library, 357, Benefit Street, Providence, Rhode Island, 
 
 U.S.A. (George Parker Wiiiship, Esq., Librarian). 
 
 John Ry lands Library, Deansgate, Manchester (H. Guppy Esq., Librarian). 
 Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md., U.S.A. (N. Murray Esq., Librarian) 
 Johnson, General Sir Allen Bayard, K.C.B., 60, Lexham Gardens, Cromwell 
 
 Road, S.W. 
 
 1899 Johnson, Rev. Samuel Jenkins, F.R.A.S., Melplash Vicarage, Bridport. 
 1903 Johnson, W. Morton, Esq., Woodleigh, Altrincham. 
 
 1903 Kansas University Library, Lawrence, Kans., U.S.A. (Miss Carrie M. Watson, 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 Keltie, John Scott, Esq., LL.D., Secretary R.G.S., 1, Savile Row, Burlington 
 Gardens, W. ^ 
 
 Kelvin, The Rt. Hon. Lord, F.R.S., LL.D., Netherhall, Largs, Ayrshire. 
 1899 Kiel, Royal University of, Kiel, Schleswig-Holstein (Geh. Reg. Rath., JEmil 
 Steffenhagen, Director). t~~~ 3 
 
 Kimberley Public Library, Kimberley, Cape Colony (Bertram L. Dyer Esq., 
 Librarian). 
 
 1898 Kinder, Claude William Esq., C.M.G., Imperial Chinese Railways, Tientsin, 
 
 North China, 
 
 King's Inns, The Hon. Society of the, Henrietta Street, Dublin (Joseph J. 
 Carton Esq.; Librarian). 
 
 1899 Kitching, John, Esq., F.R.G.S., Oaklands, Queen's Road, Kingston Hill, S.W. 
 Klincksieck, M. Charles, 11, Rue de Lille, Paris. 
 
 1900 Langtou, J. J. P., Esq., 802, Spruce Street, St. Louis, Mo., U.S.A. 
 
 1900 Larchmont Yacht Club, Larchmont, N.Y., U.S.A. (F. D. Shaw Esq. 
 Chairman of Library Committee). 
 
 1898 Leechman, Carey B., Esq., 10, Earl's Court Gardens, South Kensington, S.W. 
 Leeds Library, 18, Commercial Street, Leeds (D. A. Cruse Esq., Librarian). 
 Lehigh University, South Bethlehem, Pa., U.S.A. (W. H. Chandler Esq., 
 
 Director). 
 
 1893 Leipzig, Library of the University of, Leipzig (Prof. Oskar Leop. v. Gebhardt, 
 Direktor). 
 
 1899 Levy, Judah, Esq., 17, Greville Place, N.W. 
 
 1905 Lincoln, Arthur, Esq., 29, Wall Street, New York City, U.S.A. 
 1902 Linney, Albert G., Esq., Bootham School, 51, Bootham, York. 
 
 Liverpool Free Public Library, William Brown Street, Liverpool (Peter 
 
 Cowell Esq., Librarian) 
 1896 Liverpool Geographical Society 14, Hargreaves Buildings, Chapel Street, 
 
 Liverpool (Capt. E. C. D. Phillips, R.N., Secretary). 
 Loescher, Messrs. J., and Co., Corso Umberto 1, 307, Rome. 
 Logan, William, Esq., Heatheryhaugh, Moffat, Dumfriesshire. 
 1847 London Institution, 11, Finsbury Circus, E.G. (R. W. Frazer Esq., LL.B., 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 1847 London Library,12, St. James's Square, S.W. (C. T. H. Wright Esq., Librarian). 
 1895 Long Island Historical Society, Pierrepont Street, Brooklyn, N.Y.. U.S.A. 
 
 (Miss Emma Toedteberg, Librarian). 
 
 1899 Los Angeles Public Library, Los Angeles, Cal., U.S.A. (Miss Mary L. Jones, 
 1899 Librarian). 
 
 Lowrey, Joseph, Esq., F.R.G.S., The Hermitage, Loughton, Essex. 
 1899 Lubetsky, S. A. S. le Prince Droutskoy, 89, Rue Miromesnil, Paris. 
 
 Lucas, Charles Prestwood, Esq., C.B., Colonial Office, Downing Street, S.W. 
 1895 Lucas, Frederic Wm.,Esq., S. Swithin's, 169, Trinity Road, Upper Tooting, S.W. 
 1905 Luquer, The Rev. Lea, St. Matthew's Rectory, Bedford, N.Y., U.S.A. 
 1898 Lydenberg, H. M. . Esq., New York Public Library, 40, Lafayette Place, New 
 York;City, U.S.A.
 
 Lyons University Library, Lyon, France (M. le Professeur Dreyfus, Chief 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 1899 Lyttleton-Annesley, Lieut. -General Sir Arthur Lytteltou, K.C.V.O., F.R.G.S., 
 Templemere, Oatlands Park, Weybridge. 
 
 1899 MacLehose, James John, Esq., M.A., 7, University Gardens, Glasgow. 
 
 Macmillan and Bowes, Messrs., 1, Trinity Street, Cambridge. 
 1899 Macrae, Charles Colin, Esq., F.R.G.S., 93, Onslow Gardens, S.W. 
 
 1904 Malvern Public Library, Graham Road, Great Malvern (Miss M. Lucy, 
 
 Librarian). 
 Manchester Public Free Libraries, King Street, Manchester (C. W. Sutton 
 
 Esq., Librarian). 
 
 Manierre, George, Esq., 184, La Salle Street, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. 
 1896 Margesson, Commander Wentworth Henry Davies, R.N. (H.M.S. "Good 
 
 Hope," Cruiser Squadron), Findon Place. Findon, Sussex. 
 Markham, Admiral Sir Albert Hastings, K.C.B., F.R.G.S., 73, Cromwell Road, 
 
 S.W. 
 Markham, Sir Clements Robert, K.C.B., F.R.S., F.S.A., 21, Eccleston Square, 
 
 S.W. 
 
 1892 Marquand, Henry, Esq., Whitegates Farm, Bedford, New York, U.S.A. 
 
 1905 Marsden, T. LI., Esq., Norbury, Prestbury, near Macclesfield. 
 
 1899 Martelli, Ernest Wynne, Esq., F.R.G.S., 4, New Square, Lincoln's Inn, W.C. 
 Massachusetts Historical Society, 1154, Boylston Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 
 
 (Samuel A. Green Esq., LL.D., Librarian). 
 1899 Massie, Major Roger Henry, R.A., D.A.Q.M.G., Army Head Quarters, 
 
 Pretoria, South Africa. 
 
 1898 Mathers, Edward Peter, Esq., F.R.G.S., 6, Queen's Gate Terrace, S.W. 
 Maudslay, Alfred Percival, Esq., F.R.G.S., 32, Montpelier Square, Knights- 
 bridge, S.W., and St. James's Club, Piccadilly, W. 
 
 McClurg, Messrs. A. C., & Co., 215-221, Wabash Avenue, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. 
 
 1899 McKerrow, Ronald Bruulees, Esq., 30, Manchester Street, W. 
 
 1896 Mecredy, Jas., Esq., M.A., B.L., F.R.G.S., Wynberg, Blackrock, co. Dublin. 
 
 1901 Merriinan, J. A., Esq., c/o Standard Bank of South Africa, Ltd., Durban, Natal. 
 1899 Michell, Sir Lewis L., c/o The British South Africa Company, 2, London Wall 
 
 Buildings, E.G. 
 
 1893 Michigan, University of. Ann Arbor, Mich., U.S.A. (Raymond C. Davis Esq., 
 
 Librarian). 
 1905 Middletown, Conn., Wesleyan University Library, U.S.A. (William J. James 
 
 Esq., Librarian). 
 
 1904 Mikkelsen, Michael A., Esq., 32 West 123rd Street, New York City, U.S.A. 
 1896 Milwaukee Public Library, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, U.S.A. (Dr. George W. 
 
 Peckham, Librarian). 
 189-5 Minneapolis Athenaeum, Minneapolis, Minn., U.S.A. (Miss Jessie McMillan, 
 
 Librarian). 
 1899 Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, Minnesota, U.S.A. 
 
 Mitchell Library, 21, Miller Street, Glasgow (Francis T. Barrett Esq., 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 1898 Mitchell, Alfred, Esq. , New London, Conn., U.S.A. 
 
 Mitchell, Wm., Esq., c/o Union Bank of Scotland, Holburu Branch, Aberdeen. 
 
 1902 Mombasa Club, Mombasa, East Africa. 
 
 1899 Mon<on, The Right Hon. Lord, C.V.O., Burton Hall, Lincoln. 
 
 1901 Moreno, Dr. Francisco J.,La Plata Museum, La Plata, Argentine Republic. 
 
 Morgan, Edward Delmar, Esq., 15, Roland Gardens, South Kensington, S.W. 
 1893 Morris, Henry Cecil Low, Esq., M.D., F.R.G.S., Gothic Cottage, Bognor, 
 
 Sussex. 
 1896 Morris, Mowbray, Esq., 59A, Brook Street, Grosvenor Square, W. 
 
 1900 Morrison, George Ernest, Esq., M.D., F.R.G.S., Times Correspondent, 
 
 c/o H.B.M. Legation, Peking. 
 1899 Morrisson, James W., Esq., 200-206, Randolph Street, Chicago, 111., U.S.A.
 
 32 
 
 1895 Moxon, Alfred Edward, Esq., F.R.G.S., c/o Mrs. Gough, The Lodge, Souldern, 
 
 near Baubury. 
 1899 Mukhopadhyay, The Hon. Dr. Asutosh, M.A., LL.D., 77, Russa Road North, 
 
 Bhovvauipore, Calcutta. 
 Munich Royal Library (Kgl. Hof-u. Staats-Bibliothek), Munich, Germany 
 
 (Kbnigl. Geheimrath Dr. von Laubmann, Director). 
 
 1901 Murray, Hon. Charles Gideon, Brooks's, St. James's Street, S.W. 
 
 Nathan, H. E. Major Sir Matthew, K.C.M.G., R.E., F.R.G.S., 11, Pembridge 
 
 Square, W., and Government House, Hong Kong. 
 1894 Naval and Military Club, 94, Piccadilly, W. 
 
 Netherlands, Royal Geographical Society of the (Koninklijk Nederlandsch 
 
 Aardrijkskundig Genootschap), Singel 421, Amsterdam (J. Yzermann Esq., 
 
 Bibliothecaris.) 
 Newberry Library, The, Chicago, 111., U.S.A. (John Vance Cheney, Esq., 
 
 Librarian). 
 1847 Newcastle-upon-Tyne Literary and Philosophical Society, Westgate Road, 
 
 Newcastle on-Tyne. 
 Newcastle-upon-Tyne Public Library, New Bridge Street, Newcastle-on-Tyne 
 
 (Basil Auderton Esq., B.A., Chief Librarian). 
 
 1894 New London Public Library, Conn., U.S.A. 
 
 New South Wales, Public Library of, Sydney, N.S.W. (Henry C. L. 
 
 Anderson, M.A., Principal Librarian). 
 
 1899 New York Athletic Club, Central Park, South, New York City, U.S.A. 
 (John C. Gulick Esq., chairman of Library Committee). 
 
 1895 New York Public Library, 40, Lafayette Place, New York City, U.S.A. (Dr. 
 
 John S. Billings, Director). 
 New York State Library, Albany, New York, U.S.A. (Melvil Dewey Esq., 
 
 Director). 
 
 1894 New York Yacht Club (Library Committee), 67, Madison Avenue, New York 
 City, U.S.A. 
 
 1897 New Zealand, The High Commissioner for (Hon. William Pember Reeves), 13, 
 
 Victoria Street, S.W. 
 1905 Nijhoff, M. Martinus, Nobelstrat, 18, The Hague. 
 
 Nichols, George L., Esq., 66 East 56th Street, New York City, U.S.A. 
 
 1896 North Adams Public Library, Massachusetts, U.S.A. 
 Northumberland, His Grace the Duke of, K.G., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., c/o J. C. 
 
 Hodgson Esq., Alnwick Castle. 
 
 1899 Nottingham Public Library, Sherwood Street, Nottingham (J. P. Briscoe Esq., 
 Librarian). 
 
 1898 Omaha Public Library, 19th and Harney Streets, Omaha, Nebraska, U.S.A. 
 
 (Miss Edith Tobit't, Librarian). 
 Oriental Club. Hanover Square, W. 
 
 1902 Otani, Kozui, Esq., F.R.G.S., Nishi Honganji, Horikawa, Kyoto, Japan. 
 Oxford Union Society, Oxford (The Chief Librarian). 
 
 1902 Palmella, His Grace the Duke of, Lisbon. 
 
 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Rue de Richelieu, Paris (M. Marchal, 
 
 Conservateur). 
 Paris, Institut de France, Quai de Conti 23, Paris (M. Rebelliau, Librarian). 
 
 1899 Parish, Frank, Esq., 5, Gloucester Square, Hyde Park, W. 
 
 1900 Parlett, Harold George, Esq., British Legation, Tokio, Japan. 
 
 1902 Parry, Captain John Franklin, R.X., H.M.S. " Egeria," Esquimalt, British 
 
 Columbia. 
 
 Peabody Institute, Baltimore, Md., U.S.A. (Philip Reese Uhler Esq., Librarian). 
 Peckover, Alexander, Esq., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., Bank House, Wisbech.
 
 33 
 
 1896 Peech, W. H., Esq., St. Stephen's Club, Westminster, S.W. 
 
 1893 Peek, Sir Wilfred, Bart., c/o Mr. Grover, Rousdon, Lyme Regis. 
 1904 Peirce, Harold, Esq., 222, Drexel Building, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. 
 1899 Peixoto, Dr. J. Rodrigues, 8, Rue Almte. Comandare', Rio de Janeiro. 
 
 1899 Pequot Library, Southport, Conn., U.S.A. (W. H. Holman Esq., Chief 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 1902 Percival, H. M.. Esq., 14, Park Street, Calcutta. 
 1901 Perthes, Herr Justus, Geographische Anstalt, Gotha, Germany. [COPIES 
 
 PRESENTED.] 
 
 Petherick, Edward Augustus, Esq., F.R.G.S., 85, Hopton Road, Streatham, 
 
 S.W. 
 1895 Philadelphia Free Library, Pa., U.S.A. (John Thomson Esq., Librarian). 
 
 Philadelphia, Library Company of, corner Juniper & Locust Streets, 
 
 Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. (James G. Barnwell Esq., Librarian). 
 1899 Philadelphia, Union League Club, Broad Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. 
 
 (Alfred Lee Esq., Librarian). 
 1899 Philadelphia, University Club, 1510 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. 
 
 (Ewing Jordan Esq., M.D., Librarian). 
 1899 Plymouth Proprietary and Cottonian Library, Cornwall Street, Plymouth 
 
 (John L. C. Woodley Esq., Chief Librarian). 
 
 Poor, Henry William, Esq., 1, Lexington Avenue, New York City, U.S.A. 
 Portico Library, 57, Mosley Street, Manchester (Ernest Marriott Esq., 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 1904 Pratt, John Thomas, Esq., H.B.M. Consular Service, China, Thatched House 
 Club, St. James's Street, S.W. 
 
 1894 Pretoria Government Library, Pretoria, Transvaal, South Africa. 
 
 1894 Quaritch, Bernard Alfred, Esq., F.R.G.S., 15, Piccadilly, W. (12 COPIES). 
 
 1890 Raffles Library and Museum, Singapore (Dr. Richard Hanitsch, Director). 
 
 Raveiistein, Ernest George, Esq., F.R.G.S., 2, York Mansions, Battersea Park, 
 S.W. 
 
 Reform Club, Pall Mall, S.W. (Charles W. Vincent Esq., F.R.S.E., Librarian). 
 1899 Reggio, Andre C., Esq., 43, Tremont Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 
 
 1895 Rhodes, Josiah. Esq.. The Elms, Lytham, Lancashire. 
 
 Richards, Admiral of the Fleet Sir Frederick "William, G.C.B., F.R.G.S., 
 
 34, Hurlingham Court, S.W. 
 Riggs, E. F., Esq., 1311, Mass. Avenue, Washington, D.C., U.S.A. 
 
 1896 Riugwalt, John S., Jun., Esq., Lock Box 147, Mt. Vernon, Knox County, Ohio, 
 
 U.S.A. 
 
 1892 Rittenhouse Club, 1811, Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. (Carroll 
 
 Smythe Esq., Secretary, Library Committee). 
 Rockhill, H.E. the Hon. William Woodville, United States Minister, Peking, 
 
 China. 
 1899 Rodd, H.E. Sir James Rennell, G.C.V.O., K.C.M.G., C.B., F.R.G.S., British 
 
 Embassy, Stockholm. 
 1898 Rohrscheid and Ebbecke, Herrn, Strauss'sche Buchhandlung, Bonn, Germany. 
 
 1893 Royal Artillery Institution, Woolwich. 
 
 Royal Colonial Institute, Northumberland Avenue, W.C. (James R. Boos6 
 Esq., Librarian). 
 
 1896 Royal Cruising Club, 40, Chancery Lane, W.C. 
 Royal Engineers' Institute, Chatham. 
 
 1847 Royal Geographical Society, 1, Savile Row, Burlington Gardens W 
 
 (Edward Heawood Esq., Librarian). [COPIES PRESENTED.] 
 Royal Scottish Geographical Society, Queen Street, Edinburgh (Jas. 
 Burgess Esq., LL.D., C.I.E., Librarian). 
 
 1897 Royal Societies Club, 63, St. James's Street, S.W. (D. Lewis-Poole Esq., Hon. 
 
 Secretary). 
 Royal United Service Institution, Whitehall. S.W. 
 
 C
 
 34 
 
 1899 Runciinan, Walter, Jr., Esq., M.P., West Denton Hall, Scotswood on-Tyne. 
 1904 Ruxton, Captain Upton Fitz Herbert. F.R.G.S., Worcestershire Regiment, 
 
 The Residency, Sokoto, Northern Nigeria. 
 
 1900 Ryley, John Horton, Esq.. 1 Melrose, 22, Woodwarde Road, East Dulwich, 
 1900 Ryley, Mrs. Florence. LL.A., / S.E. 
 
 St. Andrews University, St. Andrews (Jas. Maitlaud Anderson Esq., Librarian). 
 1899 St. Deiniol's Library, Hawarden (Rev. G. C. Joyce, Librarian). 
 
 1893 St. John's, New Brunswick, Free Public Library (J. R. Ruel, Esq. Chairman). 
 St. Louis Mercantile Library, St. Louis, Mo., U.S.A. (William L. R. Gifford 
 
 Esq., Librarian). 
 
 St. Martin's-in-the-Fields Free Public Library, 115, St. Martin's Lane, W.C. 
 St. Petersburg University Library, St. Petersburg (Dr. Alex. Roman. Kreis- 
 
 berg, Librarian). 
 
 1894 St. Wladimir University, Kiew, Russia (Dr. Venjamin Aleks. Kordt, 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 1902 Sanborn, George P., Esq., 29, Wall Street, Drexel Building, New York City, 
 U.S. A. 
 
 1899 Sanford, Charles Henry, Esq., F.R.G.S., 102, Eaton Square, S.W. 
 
 1900 San Francisco Public Library, San Francisco, Cal., U.S.A. (G. T. Clark Esq. 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 Satow, H. E. Sir Ernest Mason, K.C.M.G., F.R.G.S., British Legation, Peking. 
 1896 Saunders, Howard, Esq., F.R.G.S., 7, Radnor Place, Hyde Park, W. 
 1899 Sclater, Dr. William Lutley, South African Museum, Cape Town, S. Africa. 
 1899 Seattle Public Library, Seattle, Washington, U.S.A. (C. Wesley Smith Esq., 
 
 Librarian). 
 1894 Seymour, Admiral of the Fleet Sir Edward Hobart, G.C.B.. O.M., F.R.G.S., 
 
 Queen Anne's Mansions, St. James's Park, S.W. 
 
 1898 Sheffield Free Public Libraries, Surrey Street, Sheffield (Samuel Smith Esq., 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 1899 Shields. Cuthbert, Esq., Corpus Christi College, Oxford. 
 
 Signet Library, 11, Parliament Square, Edinburgh (A. G. Main Esq., 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 Sinclair, Mrs. William Frederic, 102, Cheyne Walk, Chelsea, S.W. 
 1899 Smith, Frederick Alexander, Esq., 10, Cumberland Mansions, Bryanstou 
 
 Square, W. 
 1904 Smith, John Langford, Esq., H. B. M. Consular Service, China, c/o Messrs. 
 
 Henry S. King & Co., 9, Pall Mall, S.W. 
 1896 Smithers, F. Oldershaw, Esq., F.R.G.S., Dashwood House, 9, New Broad 
 
 Street, E.G. 
 
 1899 Sneddon, George T., Esq., 8, Merry Street, Motherwell, Lanarkshire. 
 1899 Societd Geografica Italiana, Via del Plebiscite 102, Rome. 
 
 Socie"te de Geographic, Boulevard St. Germain, 184, Paris (M. le Baron Hulot, 
 
 Secretaire G^n6ral). 
 1899 Soulsby, Basil Harrington, Esq., B.A., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., Map Department, 
 
 British Museum, W.C., and 3, Spring Gardens, S.W. 
 1899 South African Public Library. Cape Town, South Africa. 
 1899 Southam, Herbert Robert Henry, Esq., F.S.A., Innellan, Sutton Road, 
 
 Shrewsbury. 
 1904 Speight, Ernest Edwin, Esq., B.A., F.R.G.S., The Green, Shaldon, Teignmouth, 
 
 Devon. 
 1896 Springfield City Library Association, Mass., U.S.A. (Hiller C. Wellman Esq. 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 1894 Stairs. James W., Esq., c/o Messrs. Stairs, Son and Morrow, Halifax, Nova Scotia. 
 1904 Stan ton, John, Esq., High Street, Chorley, Lancashire. 
 1894 Stephens, Henry Charles, Esq., F.R.G.S., Cholderton Lodge, Choldertou, 
 
 Salisbury. 
 1847 Stevens, Son. and Stiles, Messrs. Henry, 39, Great Russell Street, W.C. 
 
 Stockholm, Royal Library of (Kongl. Biblioteket), Sweden (Dr. Erik Wilhelm 
 Dahlgren Librarian).
 
 35 
 
 1895 Stockton Public Library, Stockton, Cal., U.S.A. (W. F. Clowdsley Esq., 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 Strachey, Lady, 69, Lancaster-gate, Hyde Park, W. 
 1894 Stringer, George Alfred, Esq,, 248, Georgia Street, Buffalo, N.Y., U.S.A. 
 
 Stubbs, Captain Edward, R.N., 13, Greenfield Road, Stoneycroft, Liverpool. 
 1904 Suarez, Colonel Don Pedro (Bolivian Legation), Santa Cruz, 74, Compayne 
 Gardens, N.W. 
 
 1899 Sykes, Major Percy Molesworth, C.M.G.,F.R.G.S., Queen's Bays.H.M.'s Consul 
 
 Kerman, Persia, via Teheran. 
 
 1900 Tanpye, Richard Trevithick Gilbertstone, Esq., LL.B., 1, King's Bench Walk, 
 
 Temple, B.C., and 16, Tite Street, Chelsea, S.W. 
 
 1897 Tate, George Passinain, Esq., F.R.G.S., Survey of India Department, Bombay. 
 1894 Taylor, Captain William Robert, F.R.G.S., 1, Daysbrook Road, Streatham 
 
 Hill, S.W. 
 Temple, Lieut.-Col. Sir Richard Carnac, Bart., C.I.E., F.R.G.S., The Nash 
 
 Worcester, and Naval and Military Club, S.W. 
 1894 Thomson, Basil Home, Esq., Governor's House, H.M.'s Prison, Princetown, 
 
 S. Devon. 
 
 1896 Tighe, Walter Stuart, Esq., Coolmoney, Stratford-on-Slaney, Co. Wicklow. 
 
 1904 Todd, Commander George James, R.N., H.M.S. " Coquette," Mediterranean. 
 1896 Toronto Public Library, Toronto, Ont., Canada (James Bain Esq., Librarian). 
 
 Toronto University, Toronto, Ont., Canada (H. H. Langton Esq.. Librarian). 
 Travellers' Club, 106, Pall Mall, S.W. 
 1900 Trinder, Arnold, Esq., F.R.G.S., The Hollies, Rydens Road, Walton-on- 
 
 Thames. 
 Trinder, Henry William, Esq., F.R.G.S., Northbrook House, Bishops Waltham, 
 
 Hants. 
 
 Trinder, Oliver Jones, Esq., Cedar Grange, Caterham Valley, Surrey. 
 Trinity College, Cambridge. 
 Trinity House, The Hon. Corporation of, Tower Hill, E.G. (H. S. Liesching 
 
 Esq., Librarian). 
 
 1894 Troop, W. H., Esq., c/o Messrs. Black Bros, and Co., Halifax, Nova Scotia. 
 Trotter, Coutts, Esq., F.R.G.S., 10, Randolph Crescent, Edinburgh. 
 Turnbull, Alexander H., Esq., F.R.G.S., Elibank, Wellington, New Zealand, 
 
 and c/o Messrs. A. L. Elder and Co., Ltd., 7, St. Helen's Place, E.G. 
 1902 Tweedy, Arthur H., Esq., Widmore Lodge, Widmore, Bromley, Kent. 
 
 1847 United States Congress, Library of, Washington, D.C., U.S.A. (Herbert 
 Putnam Esq., Librarian). 
 
 1899 United States National Museum (Library of), Washington. D.C. U.S.A. (Cyrus 
 
 Adler Esq., Librarian). 
 United States Naval Academy Library, Annapolis, Md., U.S.A.. (Prof. 
 
 Arthur Newton Brown, Librarian). 
 University of London, Imperial Institute, S.W. 
 Upsala University Library, Upsala, Sweden (Dr. Claes Annerstedt, Librarian). 
 
 1905 Van Norden, Theodore Langdon, Esq., Nochita Farm, South Salem, West- 
 
 chester Co., N.Y., U.S.A. 
 1896 Van Raalte, Charles, Esq., Brownsea Island, Poole, Dorset. 
 
 1900 Vernon, Roland Venables, Esq., B.A., Colonial Office, Downing Street, S.W. 
 Victoria, Public Library, Museums, and National Gallery of, Melbourne, 
 
 Australia (E. La T. Armstrong Esq., Chief Librarian). 
 1847 Vienna Imperial Library (K. K. Hof-Bibliothek), Vienna (Dr. Hofrath Josef 
 
 Karabacek, Chief Librarian). 
 1905 Vienna, K. K. Geographische Gesellschaft, Wollzeile 33, Vienna (Dr. Leo 
 
 Bouchal, Chief Librarian). 
 Vignaud, Henry, Esq., Ambassade des Etats Unis, 18, Avenue Kleber, Paris.
 
 36 
 
 1904 Wagner, Herrn H., and E. Debes, Geographische Anstalt, Briiderstrasse 23, 
 Leipzig. 
 
 1902 War Office, Mobilisation and Intelligence Library, Winchester House, St. 
 
 James's Square, S.W. (F. J. Hudleston Esq., Librarian). 
 
 1894 Warren, William R., Esq., 68, William Street, New York City, U.S. A. 
 Washington, Department of State, D.C., U.S.A. (Andrew Hussey Allen Esq., 
 
 Chief of Bureau of Rolls). 
 Washington, Library of Navy Department, Washington, D.C., U.S.A. 
 
 (Superintendent of Naval War Records). 
 1899 Watanabe, Chiharu, Esq., 4, Shimotakanawamaclii, Shibaku, Tokyo, Japan, 
 
 & c/o the Rev. A. Tanner, St. Anne's Vicarage. Highgate Rise, N. 
 Watkinson Library, Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A. (Frank B. Gay Esq., 
 
 Librarian). 
 
 1892 Webster, Sir Augustus Frederick Walpole Edward, Bart., Battle Abbey, 
 
 Sussex. 
 1899 Weld, Rev. George Francis, Hingham, Mass., U.S.A. 
 
 1903 Wells, Professor David Collins, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N. H., U.S.A. 
 
 1899 Westaway, Engineer Commander Albert Ernest Luscombe, H.M.S. 
 
 " Bulwark," Mediterranean Fleet. 
 1898 Westminster School (Rev. G. H. Nail, M.A., Librarian) Dean's Yard, S.W. 
 
 1904 Whall, William B., Esq., Board of Trade, 11, Linkfield, Musselburgh. 
 
 1898 Wharton, Admiral Sir William James Lloyd, K.C.B., F.R.S., F.R.G.S., 
 
 Florys, Princes Road, Wimbledon Park, S.W. 
 
 1900 White, Dr. Henry, F.R.G.S., English Mission Hospital, Yezd, Persia, vid 
 
 Berlin. 
 
 1893 Whiteway, Richard Stephen, Esq. , Brownscombe, Shottermill, Surrey. 
 
 1896 Wildy, Augustus George, Esq., F.R.G.S., 1, Raymond Buildings, Gray's Inn. 
 W.C. 
 
 1899 Williams, 0. W., Esq., Fort Stockton, Texas, U.S.A. 
 
 1899 Wilmanns, Frederick M., Esq., 89, Oneida Street, Milwaukee, Wise., U.S.A. 
 
 1895 Wisconsin, State Historical Society of, Madison, Wise., U.S.A. (Isaac S. 
 
 Bradley Esq., Librarian). 
 
 1900 Woodford, Charles Morris, Esq., F.R.G.S., Government Residence, Tulagi, 
 
 British Solomon Islands. 
 Worcester, Massachusetts, Free Library, Worcester, Mass., U.S.A. (Samuel 
 
 S. Green Esq., Librarian). 
 1899 Wyndham, The Right Hon. George, M.P., 35, Park Lane, W. 
 
 Yale University, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A. (Addison Van Name Esq., 
 Librarian). 
 
 1894 Young, Alfales, Esq., Salt Lake City, Utah, U.S.A. 
 
 Young, Sir Allen William, C.VO., C.B., F.R.G.S., 18, Grafton Street, Bond 
 
 Street, W. 
 1894 Young & Sons, Messrs. Henry, 12, South Castle Street, Liverpool. 
 
 Zurich, Stadtbibliothek, Zurich, Switzerland (Dr. Hermann Escher, Chief 
 Librarian).
 
 37 
 
 LIST OF MEMBERS' AGENTS. 1905. 
 
 Agents are requested to inform the Hon. Secretary of any 
 Errors in this List. 
 
 Messrs. Edward G. Allen and Son, Ltd., 28, Henrietta Street, Covent 
 Garden, W.C. 
 
 Brooklyn Mercantile Library. 
 Canada, The Parliament Library, Ottawa. 
 Cornell University Library. 
 Johns Hopkins University Library, 
 Peabody Institute, Baltimore. 
 Philadelphia, Library Company of. 
 United States, Congress Library. 
 Yale University Library. 
 
 Messrs. A. Asher and Co., 13, Bedford Street, Covent Garden, W.C., and 
 13, Unter den Linden, Berlin, W. 
 Berlin, The Royal Library. 
 Foreign Office of Germany. 
 Kiel Royal University Library. 
 Gottingen University Library. 
 Munich Royal Library. 
 Vienna Imperial Library. 
 
 Mr. James Bain, 14. Charles Street, Haymarket, S.W. 
 Captain Edward Arthur Fitzgerald. 
 John Walker Ford Esq. 
 John Francis Fortescue Horner Esq. 
 
 Messrs. Thos. Bennett and Sons, Carl Johans-Gade 35, Christiania, c/o Messrs. 
 Cassell and Co., Ltd., La Belle Sauvage, Ludgate Hill, E.G. 
 Christiania University Library. 
 
 Messrs. Bickers and Son, 1, Leicester Square, W. 
 C. R. Corning Esq. 
 H. K. Corning Esq. 
 
 Messrs. Black Bros, and Co., Halifax, Nova Scotia. 
 W. H. Troop Esq. 
 
 The British South Africa Company, 2, London Wall Buildings, E.G. 
 Sir Lewis E. Michell. 
 
 Mr. H. W. Bryant, Librarian, Portland, Maine, U.S.A. 
 James Phinney Baxter Esq. 
 
 Messrs. C. D. Cazenove and Son, 26, Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, W. C. 
 Messrs. A. C. McClurg and Co. 
 Toronto Public Library. 
 Toronto University Library. 
 
 Messrs. Dulau and Co., 37, Soho Square, W. 
 British Museum (Natural History).
 
 38 
 
 Mr. Francis Edwards, 83, High Street, Marylebone, W. 
 Copenhagen Royal Library. 
 Mr. Francis Edwards. 
 
 Messrs. A. L. Elder and Co., Ltd., 7 ; St. Helen's Place E.C. 
 Alexander H. Turnbull Esq. 
 
 Monsieur Henri Georg. 36-38, Passage de 1'Hotel-Dieu Lyon, Rhone, France. 
 Lyons University Library. 
 
 Messrs. Henry Grevel and Co., 33, King Street, Covent Garden, W.C. 
 Los Angeles Public Library. 
 
 Messrs. Grindlay and Co., 54, Parliament Street, S.W. 
 
 Lieut- Col. Hamilton Bower, 17th Bengal Lancers. 
 Gerald Robert Dampier Esq., I.C.S. 
 William Logan Epq. 
 
 Messrs. Jones and Evans, Ltd., 77, Queen Street, Cheapside, E.C. 
 Raffles Library and Museum. 
 
 Messrs. Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibuer and Co., Ltd. Dryden House, 
 43, Gerrard Street, Soho, W. 
 Adelaide Public Library. 
 Boston Athenaeum Library. 
 Boston Public Library. 
 Bowdoin College Library. 
 Herr D'OMre. 
 Fellowes Athenaeum. 
 Heidelberg University Library. 
 M. Charles Klincksieck. 
 Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale. 
 Paris, Institut de France. 
 St. Petersburg University Library. 
 Worcester (Mass.) Free Library. 
 
 Herr W. H. Kiihl, Jiigerstrasse 73, Berlin, W., c/o Mr. David Nutt, 57-59, 
 Long Acre, W C., 
 
 Berlin Geographical Society (Gesellschaft fvir Erdkunde). 
 Berlin University Geographical Institute. 
 
 Herr C. J. Lundstrom, Akademische Buchhandluug, Upsala, Sweden. 
 Upsala University Library. 
 
 Messrs. James MacLehose and Sous, 61, St. Vincent Street. Glasgow. 
 Glasgow University Library. 
 
 Messrs. Melville and Mullen, 12, Ludgate Square, E.C. 
 
 Victoria Public Library, Museums, and National Gallery. 
 
 Mudie's Select Library, Ltd., 30 to 34, New Oxford Street, W.C. 
 Pretoria Government Library. 
 
 Mr. David Nutt, 57, Long Acre, W.C. 
 M. Martinus Nijhoff. 
 
 Mr. Young Johnstone Pent.land, 38, West Smithfield, E.C. 
 Herr Karl Wilhelm Hiersemann.
 
 39 
 
 Mr. Bernard Quaritch, 15, Piccadilly, W. 
 Robert C. H. Brock, Esq. 
 F. Goodwin Gosling Esq. 
 Larchmont Yacht Club. 
 Lehigh University Library. 
 Minnesota Historical Society. 
 H. M. Percival Esq. 
 Mr. Bernard Quaritch. [12 COPIES.] 
 Watkinson Library. 
 
 Messrs. Henry Sotheran and Co., 37, Piccadilly, W., and 140, Strand, W.C. 
 Hoyt Public Library. 
 Kimberley Public Library. 
 Michigan University Library. 
 New Zealand, The High Commissioner for. 
 St. Wladimir University Library. 
 Seattle Public Library. 
 Stockton Public Library, Cal., U.S.A. 
 
 Standard Bank of South Africa, Ltd. Durban, Natal. 
 J. A. Merriman Esq. 
 
 Mr. G. E. Stechert, 2, Star Yard, Carey Street, W.C. (New York : 9, East 
 16th Street ; Paris : 76, Rue de Rennes ; Leipzig : Hospitalstrasse 10.) 
 Carnegie Library, Pittsburgh. 
 Columbia University Library. 
 Kansas University Library. 
 Milwaukee Public Library. 
 Minneapolis Athenaeum. 
 New York State Library. 
 Philadelphia Free Library. 
 St. Louis Mercantile Library. 
 San Francisco Public Library. 
 Prof. Daniel Collins Wells. 
 
 Messrs. B. F. Stevens and Brown, 4, Trafalgar Square, W.C. 
 California, University of. 
 Chicago Public Library. 
 Chicago University Library. 
 George Manierre Esq. 
 Newberry Library. Chicago. 
 New York Public Library. 
 H.E. the Hon. W. W. Rockhill. 
 United States Naval Academy Library. 
 Washington, Department of State Library. 
 Washington, Navy Department Library. 
 
 Mr. James Thin, 54 and 55, South Bridge, Edinburgh. 
 Edinburgh University Library. 
 
 Messrs. Tiffany and Co., 221, Regent Street, W. (New York : Union Square ; 
 Paris : 36 bis, Avenue de 1'Opera.) 
 
 Alfred Mitchell Esq. 
 Messrs. Truslove and Hanson, Ltd., 153, Oxford Street, W. 
 
 Public Library of New South Wales. 
 Union Bank of Scotland, Ltd., Holburn Branch, Aberdeen. 
 
 William Mitchell Esq. 
 
 Monsieur H. Welter, 4, Rue Bernard Palissy, Paris. (Leipzig : Salomon- 
 strasse 16.) c/o Mr. Quaritch, 15, Piccadilly, W. 
 
 Dijon University Library.
 
 40 
 
 Messrs. William Wesley and Son, 28, Essex Street, Strand, W.C. 
 
 Leipzig University Library, c/o Herrn Otto Harrassowitz, Leipzig. 
 United States National Museum Library. 
 
 Messrs. Wyman and Sons, Ltd., 109 Fetter Lane, E.G. and 32, Abingdon 
 Street, S.W. 
 
 Admiralty Library. [2 COPIES.] 
 
 Foreign Office Library. 
 
 War Office, Intelligence Division, Library. 
 
 I'Kl.NTKD AT THK BEDFORD PRESS, 21) AND 21, BEDFORDBl'RY, STRAND, LONDON, W.C
 
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