BY THE SAME EDITOR. Latin Prose Composition. Third Edition. Extra fcap. 8vo. Vol. I. Syntax, Exercises with Notes, $c. 43. 6d. This volume is also issued in two parts, at 2*. 6d. each. Part I contains the Simple Sentence ; Part II the Compound : the Vocabulary is given with both parts. %* A Key to this Volume, price 5*. net. Supplied to Teachers only, on application to the Secretary, Clarendon Press. Vol. II. Passages oj Graduated Difficulty for Translation into m Latin, together with an Introduction on Continuous Prose. Latin Prose Versions Contributed by various Scholars, and edited by Professor GEORGE G. RAMSAY, M.A., LLD., Litt.D. Half-vellum, 21*. net. Ovid: Selections for the Use of Schools. \Vith Introductions and Notes, and an Appendix on the Roman Calendar. By W. RAMSAY, M.A. Edited by G. G. RAMSAY, M.A., Professor of Latin in the University of Glasgow. Extra fcap. 8vo, cloth, 5*. 6d. farenfcon TIBULLUS AND PROPERTIUS RAMS A Y Bonbon HENRY FROWDE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE AMEN CORNER, E.C. MACMILLAN & CO., 66 FIFTH AVENUE SELECTIONS TIBULLUS AND PROPERTIUS WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES GEORGE GILBERT RAMSAY, M.A., LL.D., Lixx.D. PROFESSOR OF LATIN IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW AUTHOR OF 'LATIN PROSE COMPOSITION,' F.DITOR OF 'LATIN VERSIONS' SECOND EDITION, REVISED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1895 PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS BY HORACE HART. PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY PREFACE. THE following selection from Tibullus and Propertius has been prepared specially to meet the wants of the students of this University; but no apology need be offered for any attempt, however imperfect, to rescue from comparative neglect the best portions of two of the most fascinating and suggestive of Latin poets, and to supply such help for their interpretation as may bring them within the range of ordinary classical instruction, whether at Schools or Universities. It is scarcely credit- able that in a country which avowedly places its higher instruction upon a classical basis, the works of two of the most characteristic poets of the best age of Latin poetry should be practically unknown to our schools, and ignored in University examinations. We may grant the tran- scendent merits, for educational purposes, of Virgil and of Horace ; but it is impossible not to regret that the choice of Latin poets should run in so narrow a round, and that no place should be found for the graceful, refined Tibullus, or for that rare poetic genius whom Professor Postgate has justly styled ' the greatest elegiac poet of Rome.' The works of both poets, no doubt, need to be read with discrimination, and lend themselves naturally to vi PREFACE. selection; but there are no poets who at once lose so little, and gain so much, by the process. There is no continuity of thought to be interrupted; the poems are unequal in quality ; they are still more unequal in interest of subject; and there is an iteration of topic which becomes wearisome to the modern reader. It has been the fashion to assert that Cynthia was the maker of the muse of Propertius, and that when she failed him, his poetic gift departed from him. But some of his noblest poetry was written without reference to her ; and I venture to think that if instead of leaving behind him sixty Cynthia elegies, and thirty-one elegies on other subjects, he had devoted but thirty-one elegies to Cynthia and given the sixty to other and nobler topics, his rank as a poet would have been higher than it is. And by dis- carding the less interesting of the Cynthia poems, and bringing into greater prominence the best of the re- mainder, we arrive practically at the same result. The objects aimed at in the present selection have been these: (i) to include nothing that is not first-rate in quality, and up to the highest standard of its author's work ; (2) to include only poems of special interest, whether from the nature of their subject, or from their personal or historical references ; (3) to include nothing that can occasion any difficulty in teaching classes com- posed of the young of either sex. For educational pur- poses, the last condition is indispensable ; more especially in these days, when the classics are entering so largely into PREFACE. vii the higher education of women 1 . If the works of antiquity are to be used for their true educational purpose, to form the taste, and stimulate the imagination, of the young, it is essential that we should present them in their best and purest form, and draw an absolute line of demarcation between the deformities and the beauties of ancient life and literature. Not wholly uncalled-for is the Laureate's denunciation of those who Feed the budding rose of boyhood -with the drainage of your sewer ; Pour the drain into the fountain, lest the stream should issue pure. There are unhappily some modern editors who deem it due to the spirit of research to rake out and illus- trate all the foul corners of antiquity : there are some who seem even to revel in the occupation 2 . Even from a merely literary point of view, it may be doubted whether we shall not more faithfully preserve the spirit of an ancient author by omitting that which is repugnant to modern notions, and which it is impossible for us to judge justly, because we can never perfectly understand the point of view from which it was written, never com- pletely realise the surroundings to which it was addressed. That freedom of speech which ancient taste permitted was natural to a state of life and feeling which has now 1 It is to be regretted that those responsible for setting the subjects for examinations in which women compete do not always sufficiently bear this condition in view. 2 A recent German editor bitterly attacks the mediaeval critics for finding some ancient passages too strong for their stomach. viii PREFACE. wholly passed away ; and to reproduce, in the atmosphere of modern life, everything that an ancient writer held himself free to say, may be to suggest a wholly false and exaggerated view of his life and character 1 . Travellers tell us that when living amongst unclothed savages they are conscious of no sense of indelicacy : yet no sane man would maintain that by discarding clothes we could re- store the simple morality of our first parents. And of all the purposes to which the study of antiquity can be put, none less deserves our sympathy than that which would use it to please the fancy of some prurient pedant, or to reward the patient but foul research of some senile commentator. In compiling the explanatory notes, my object has been to make them sufficient and interesting in themselves, rather than to confine them within the meagre limits prescribed by the prudence of modern publishers, or the supposed requirements of schoolmasters and examiners. So many subjects are now pressed into the curriculum of our higher schools, that it is becoming impossible to give to any of them that time and amplification without which no genuine interest can be stimulated : and our best scholars vie with one another in producing editions of which the main excellence consists in packing into the closest space 'the irreducible minimum' of verbal and grammatical knowledge. But if only a minimum of information 1 See the admirable remarks on this subject of the late H. A. J. Munro, Elucidations of Catullus, p. 75 sqq. PREFACE. ix be provided, only a fraction of that minimum will be retained ; and my experience is that the surest way to interest students in the classics, even in their grammatical difficulties, is to make them feel how rich and varied a field of human interest they present. To make the notes as useful as possible to ordinary students, I have drawn illustrations, wherever possible, from the best-known authors, especially Horace and Virgil, rather than from obscurer sources ; and I have given all the mythological and historical information ne- cessary for the understanding of the text, even though it might be easily obtained from Classical Dictionaries. Not all students possess Classical Dictionaries : nor does their possession ensure that they will be consulted. The critical notes make no pretension to completeness. They exhibit only the more important varieties of the best MSS., special prominence being given to those which bring but the comparative value of the different MSS., or which illustrate the kind of differences, whether as regards orthography or otherwise, which a student should learn to expect in comparing MSS. generally. In con- stituting the text of the selections from Propertius, I have aimed at carrying out the conclusions arrived at by M. Plessis in his most interesting work, * Etudes Critiques sur Properce,' founding mainly on N, giving the most important readings of AFDV, and occasionally those of G, Hb and Per. I have occasionally followed N even in its varieties of orthography; not because such x PREFACE. varieties can be regarded as representing the original text in the passages where they occur, but because it is well to familiarise students with the fact that in certain cases uni- formity of spelling is not to be looked for, even in the best authorities. In two important passages, Prop. 3. 7. 22 and 3. 1 8. 21, 1 have ventured on conjectures of my own ; in a good many more I have approved of readings which I have not ventured to introduce into the text. I have followed Baehrens and Mr. Palmer in returning to the MS. division into four Books, an arrangement which has now met with the approval of Professor Post- gate also. It is to be hoped that the confusion gratui- tously introduced by Lachmann into Propertius references will now finally disappear. I have in my references throughout adopted the numbering of Mr. Palmer. I have made a special feature of the English headings prefixed to each of the paragraphs into which I have divided the poems. A key to the general sense and structure of a poem is often of the greatest assistance to the young student, especially in an author like Pro- pertius, whose train of thought it is often hard to catch. I have endeavoured to reproduce in the style of the head- ings the spirit of the original. I trust further that by exhibiting the connection of thought in the poems as they stand I have presented a strong argument against the many arbitrary transpositions suggested by Lachmann, Baehrens and other editors. In the selections from Tibullus, I have had the advan- PREFACE. xi tage of being able to use an edition of extracts published by the late Professor William Ramsay. Some of the longer notes of that excellent scholar are too valuable to be lost, and I have quoted them in full within inverted commas. In conclusion, I have to express my warm acknowledg- ments to Professor A. Palmer. Not only have I been largely guided by his admirable edition of the text, but he has rendered me substantial service by most kindly look- ing over my proofs, and by offering many valuable sug- gestions, which he has allowed me to incorporate in the notes. I owe much also to the edition of Dr. Postgate, whose selections coincide with those of this edition to the extent of some five hundred lines. His masterly Intro- duction is a most important addition to the fruits of British scholarship ; and if I have ventured to differ from him occasionally in the notes, I have done so with much diffi- dence, and with a full sense of the authority with which he speaks. My best thanks also are due to Professor E. L. Lushington for kindly furnishing me with the materials for the Egyptian note on Tibullus i. 7. 28; to Professor Veitch and the Rev. A. S. Aglen for sug- gesting to me some excellent illustrations ; and to G. S. R. for the compilation of the Index. UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW, Jan. 6, 1887. My especial thanks are due to Mf. E. D. A. MORSHEAD. for his kindness in allowing me to print in this Edition (p. 369) his fine translation of the Cornelia poem, which appeared first in the Journal of Education. Sept. 1894. 1'ihnllns and Proper tins, to face p. xiii PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. IN this edition, the book has been revised throughout ; some important corrections and additions have been made ; and attention has been paid to various friendly criticisms. In particular, an Appendix has been added to the chapter on the MSS. of Propertius (Introd. pp. lix to Ixv) for the purpose of indicating the results arrived at by Professor A. E. Housman and Dr. Postgate in their- recent important contributions to Propertian criticism. All readings discussed by Prof. Housman in passages included in this selection are recorded in the critical notes. G. G. RAMSAY. THE UNIVERSITY, GLASGOW, May i, 1895. CONTENTS. PACE PREFACE v INTRODUCTION TO TIBULLUS xvii MSS. AND EDITIONS OF TIBULLUS . . . xxvii INTRODUCTION TO PROPERTIUS xxxii MSS. AND EDITIONS OF PROPERTIUS .... 1 APPENDIX TO THE SECOND EDITION .... lix TEXT OF TIBULLUS EXTRACTS * i TEXT OF PROPERTIUS EXTRACTS 34 NOTES TO TIBULLUS 105 NOTES TO PROPERTIUS 185 THE PLEA OF CORNELIA 369 INDEX TO NOTES 373 INTRODUCTION TO TIBULLUS. Life of Tibullus. THE following Biography is prefixed to the MSS. of Tibullus, and incorporated in the old Editions : ' Albius Tibullus, eques Romanus, insignis forma cultuque corporis observabilis, ante alios Corvinum Messalam originem (leg. oratorem) dilexit, cuius et contubemalis Aquitanico bello militaribus donis donatus est. Hie multorum iudicio [et maxima Quinctiliani viri in studia [_et] litterarum acerrimae licentiae] principem inter elegiographos obtinet locum. Epistolae qnoque eius amatoriae, quanquam breves, omnino utiles sunt. Obiit adolescens [tempore Vergilii, ut indicat epigramma infra scriptum : Te quoqiie Vergilio comitem, <&.'] Our sources of information for the life of the poet Tibullus are of the most scanty description. Of the little that we know by far the greater part is derived from the incidental notices of himself and his doings which are scattered here and there throughout his writ- ings. The short Biography transcribed above adds but little to what he himself tells us, except the fact that he died young. In addition, we have an Epigram by a contemporary, Marsus Domitius, referred to in the same Biography ; two of the poems of Horace Odes I. 33 and Epistles I. 4 are addressed to a poet Albius, whom the learned have unanimously identified with the poet Tibullus ; while there are frequent references to him in the works of Ovid. Amongst these is the exquisite elegy upon his death, Am. 3. 9. b2 xviii INTRODUCTION The date of the poet's death is fixed by the Epigram of Domitius Marsus, mentioned above : Te quoque Vergilio comitem non aequa, Tibulle, Mors iuvenem compos misit ad Elysios, Ne foret, aut elegis molles qui fleret amores, Aut caneret forti regia bella pede. 'Thee too, in Virgil's company, Tibullus, unkindly Death despatched yet young to the Elysian fields, that there might be none either to sing the tearful elegies of love, or to tell in brave measure of the wars of kings.' Now Virgil died at Brundusium on the 22nd Sept., B.C. 19, and the words of Domitius imply that Tibullus died at the same time, or at least shortly afterwards. We may therefore assume that his death took place at the end of B. c. 19, or the beginning of B. c. 18. As to the date of his birth, however, there is more uncertainty. In the Third Book of the Elegies, there occurs the following passage, 5. 17, 18 Natalem nostri primum videre parentes Quttni cecidit fato consul liter que part, ' My parents saw my first birthday what time the two consuls fell by a common fate.' If this couplet were genuine, it would fix the date of the poet's birth definitely to B.C. 43, when the consuls Hirtius and Pansa fell before the walls of Modena. But almost all scholars are now agreed in regarding the Third Book as not being the work of Tibullus ; and, even were it otherwise, this particular passage must be regarded as an interpolation for the following reasons : (i) The second of the two lines occurs verbatim in Ovid, Trist. 4. 10. 6, who tells us of his own birth : Editus hie ego sum; nee non, ut tempora noris, Cum cecidit fato consul uterque part. ' Here was I born : and that thou may'st know the time, it was when, etc.' TO TIBULLUS. xix Now the Tristia were written fully thirty years after the death of Tibullus, and it is extremely improbable that Ovid would have borrowed so remarkable a line without acknowledgment, or, if he did so, have failed to notice a coincidence so remarkable between his own life and that of Tibullus. (2) But it is no less improbable that Tibullus was born so late as B. c. 43. In B. C. 31 we find him declining an invitation to follow his patron Messalla to the cam- paign which ended in the battle of Actium ; whilst in the year following he took part in his Aquitanian campaign. To suppose that he was only twelve and thirteen years old respectively on these two occasions is out of the question. (3) Ovid himself, Trist. 4. 10. 51-54 a passage which we shall consider further in treating of the life of Propertius states distinctly that disparity of age had prevented him from enjoying the friendship of Tibullus. This remark he further clenches in the next two lines : for arranging the four elegiac poets of his own age in chronological order, he puts Callus first, Tibullus next, and then declares that Propertius was successor to Tibullus, while he himself was successor to Propertius. Now Gallus was born in B. c. 66, and Propertius somewhere between the years 50 and 47 B. c. (see Introduction to Propertius). It is there- fore impossible that Tibullus can have been born so late as B. C. 43, and we must look for some date between B. c. 66 on the one hand, and B. c. 50, or at the latest B. c. 47, on the other. What other clue have we to guide us to a more precise date ? We have seen that Domitius Marsus says he was a youth (iuvenem) at the time of his death in B.C. 19 or B. C. 1 8 : so too says the Biography, while the Life attri- buted to Hieronymus Alexandrinus, and which is, in fact, the same biography expanded, declares that he died inflore iuventutis. The term iuvenis was, however, used techni- xx INTRODUCTION cally in a wide sense at Rome, as it included all citizens liable to be called on for military service up to forty-six years of age. Thus under the constitution of Servius Tullius each Class was divided into an equal number of Senior Centuries and Junior Centuries : all citizens up to the age of forty-six were included in the latter. The language of poetry, however, was not bound to conform to such a use as this ; and we may fairly assume that the fact of an early death would not have been insisted on by Domitius had Tibullus been more than forty when he died. Assuming this point therefore as an extreme limit, we may assign B. C. 59 as the earliest possible date for the poet's birth, whilst it is not possible for various reasons to place it later than B.C. 54. The latter is the date assumed by Lachmann, the former is that adopted by D issen ; and though it is impossible to arrive at a certain conclusion on the sub- ject, Dissen holds that the earlier date fits in best with the poet's biography as a whole. It certainly suits well the. tone of Horace's Epistle, in which he treats Tibullus as an equal to whose criticisms he attaches weight, while at the same time he addresses him in that patronising but kindly tone which he could only have employed to one decidedly younger than himself. Horace was born in B. C. 65. The praenomen of our poet is unknown. He was a Roman egues, and was probably born at Pedum, a Latin town just at the foot of the Apennines, and a few miles north of Praeneste, where his father possessed an ample estate. He had been brought up, he tells us (i. 10. 16), on this estate, and he had looked forward to inheriting a rich patrimony ; but his fortunes came under a cloud, and he lost either the whole or the greater portion of it. The language which he uses upon the subject is not free from ambiguity ; but it is certain that the losses which he sus- tained were connected with his landed estate, and that they were only of a partial character. He still continued TO TIBULLUS. xxi to reside upon it : and though he speaks often of his poverty, it is always of a poverty which is not inconsistent with competency. Thus in i. i. 19-22 he compares his present with his former condition : Vos quoque felicis quondam mine pauperis agri Custodes, fertis munera vestra. Lares : Tune vitida innumeros lustrabat caesa iuvencos, Nunc agna exigui est hostia parva soli. ' Ye, too, my Lares, guardians of an estate once rich, now poor, receive your gifts ; in those days would a calf be slaughtered to purify unnumbered steers, but now for my tiny farm there falls a little lamb.' And when, at the end of the same poem, he resigns to the avaricious the hope of bringing back a fortune from the wars, he adds on his own account : Ego composite securus acervo Despiciam dites despiciamque famem, ' With pile stored up, I shall know no care : I shall envy not the rich, I shall fear not hunger.' Thus his property is reduced, not lost altogether : and his tone throughout his poems is that of a man who pos- sesses a modest competence, and whose aim in life it is to make the most of the simple pleasures which it could afford him. But the standard of wealth at Rome was high in the days of Tibullus ; and that he was still very comfortably off, in spite of his losses, is plain from the words of Horace, Ep. 1.4. 7, who says to him Di tibi divitias dederunt artemque fruendi ; ' The gods have given thee wealth, with the knowledge how to enjoy it.' While again in 1. 10 he says that he has Et mundus victus non deficiente crumena, * A tidy competence, and a purse that fails not.' xxii INTRODUCTION As to the actual cause of his losses, Tibullus preserves a discreet silence ; but it is generally taken for granted that like Horace, Virgil, and Propertius, he was a victim of the confiscations perpetrated by Octavianus and Antony with the view of satisfying the demands of their disbanded soldiery. The confiscation from which Virgil and Horace suffered took place after the battle of Philippi in B. C. 42. There were other confiscations in B. c. 36, and again after Actium in B. c. 31. The probability is that the confiscation took place on the first of these occasions, in B.C. 42 or 41. At that time Tibullus, according to Dissen's chronology, would have been 17 or 1 8 years of age, and therefore just liable for military service. To this date therefore he assigns the loth Elegy of the First Book, which the poet wrote on the occasion of receiving his first summons to arms, and in which he expresses in passionate language his hatred of war and his longing for ease and peace. In this poem there is no mention of any loss of property ; so Dissen conjectures that the confiscation took place after Tibullus had started for the wars, and that he did not return to his reduced estate till B. c. 32, when he would have completed his full period of ten years' service in the cavalry. According to this view, a period of ten years must be placed between the composition of the tenth and the first Elegies of the First Book, for in the latter poem, written in B. c 31 (see Introduction), Tibullus tells us he has completed his term of service, and is determined to live the rest of his days in peace at home. Dean Milman ', however, has pointed out one serious difficulty in the way of this chronology. It is hard to be- lieve that so finished a poem as I. 10 can have been written in boyhood : or that so long a period as ten years ten years too of rough camp-life can have elapsed 1 Article ' Tibullus,' Smith's Classical Dictionary. TO TIBULLUS. xxiii between the composition of elegies 10 and r. The style certainly bears no trace of any such interval. We can hardly help suspecting that, with his strong dislike to arms, Tibullus may have found in the confusions of the time some means of evading or abridging his term of military service. It is hard also to understand how he could have spent ten of the best years of his life in active campaigning without leaving a single indication of the fact in his poems : more especially as he has left us an ample record of his subsequent achievements in the train of his patron Messalla. Of that distinguished man M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus a short account is given in the note to Tib. I. I. 53. Not less distinguished in literature than in politics, he had originally been a warm supporter of the Republican cause, and only passed over to the side of Octavianus about the year 37 or 36 B. c. At what period his friendship for Tibullus began, we know not : but he was doubtless attracted to him through admiration for his poetry, and he became his firm friend and patron through life. In the commencement of the year B.C. 31 (see I. I.) we find him inviting Tibullus to form part of his suite in the campaign which culminated in the battle of Actium. In the autumn of the same year, Messalla was despatched by Octavianus to put down a rebellion amongst the Gauls of Aquitania: Tibullus accompanied him throughout the campaign, and in the seventh Elegy of the First Book has left a vivid account of the tribes and the places which he saw during its progress. Towards the end of B.C. 30, Messalla was invested by Augustus with a general commission to establish the affairs of the East (see Introd. to i. 3) : Tibullus again accompanied him, but falling sick al Corcyra, was left behind, and was unable to rejoin his patron. It was during his illness on this occasion that he composed the despondent but beautiful poem i. 3. From this time onwards the poet led a life xxiv INTRODUCTION of uneventful seclusion on the remains of his estate at Pedum, unconscious, it would seem, of the great revolu- tion taking place around him, and without making any effort beyond cultivating the friendship of Horace to make his way into that brilliant literary circle which was repaying the patronage of the new government by conferring upon it an immortality not its own. The name of Augustus, so prominent, so worshipped, in the pages of Virgil, Horace and Propertius, never once occurs in those of Tibullus : amidst the baseness and the corruptions of the time, it is refreshing to find that there was at least one genius of the first rank who could practise the contentment which Horace preached, and live a life full of unaffected delight in simple rural pleasures, even when ungilded by the flattering consciousness of imperial patronage. The works usually attributed to Tibullus consist of four Books of amatory Elegies. Of these the first two are invariably regarded as genuine, the third book is held by almost all scholars to be spurious, and to be the work of a hand very inferior to that of Tibullus. Mr. Cranston, however, in the Introduction to his excellent translation of our poet into verse (Blackwood, Edin- burgh, 1872) has undertaken the vindication of this book on grounds that deserve consideration. Scholars will scarcely, however, be ready to accept his ingenious substitution of decimum for primum in 3. 5. 17, accord- ing to which the year B.C. 43 would mark his tenth birthday, not his first. The phrase videre parentes is not appropriate to any day except the actual day of his birth. The Fourth Book opens with a dreary panegyric on Messalla in Hexameter verse, of very doubtful genuine- ness ; but the remainder of the elegies of that book, mt)st of which relate to the love of a noble lady Sulpicia for Cerinthus whether a real or imaginary personage is not known have so much of the Tibullian charm about TO TIBULLUS. xxv them that it is hard to believe they can be the work of an unknown poet. Some suppose them to have been written by Sulpicia herself, daughter or granddaughter of Cicero's contemporary, the famous jurist Servius Sulpicius, who was consul B.C. 51. The first six elegies of the First Book are addressed to Delia whose real name would seem to have been Plancia, Plantia, or Plania (Apuleius, Apol. 10) for whom the poet had formed the most ardent and faithful attachment. Throughout the whole of this Book, the dream of his life is to retire with her to his country property, and to pass the rest of his days in the enjoyment of her love, and of the simple pleasures of country life. He nursed her tenderly during an illness which occurred after his return from Corcyra, but not long afterwards she threw him over, and united herself to another and richer lover. The Second Book is devoted mainly to another charmer of the name of Nemesis, of whom it is probable that Horace speaks under the name of Glycera, Od. I. 33. Ovid, at any rate, in his beautiful elegy upon the poet's death, knows only of his having had two loves, Am. 3. 9. 31, 32 Sic A T emesis longum, sic Delia nomen habebunt, Altera cura recens, altera primus amor. 'So will Nemesis, so will Delia, have an everlasting name : the last his first, the first his latter love.' While in line 58 he tells us how both Delia and Nemesis were beside his sick bed, along with his mother and his sister, and that the latter claimed to have held his hand in death : Me tenuit moriens deficients manu. 1 He held me as he died with his failing hand.' A charming picture of the character and person of Tibullus has been left to us by Horace in Epist. I. 4. 1-9 INTRODUCTION Albi, nostrorum sermonum candide iudex, Quid nunc te dicam facere in regione Pedana ? Scribere quod Cassi Parmensis opuscula vincat, An taciturn silvas inter reptare salubres, Curantem quidquid dignum sapiente bonoque est ? Non tu corpus eras sine pectore : di tibi formam, Di tibi divitias dederunt artemque fruendi. Quid voveat dulci nutricula mains alumno, Qui sapere et fari possit quae sentiat, et cut Gratia, fama, valetudo contingat abunde, Et mundus victus, non deficiente crumena? ' What shall I say thou art doing, Albius, in thy region of Pedum, thou kindly critic of my satires ? Art thou writing aught to outdo the trifles of Parmese Cassius, or art thou sauntering silent amongst the healthful woods, with thoughts bent on all that is worthy of one wise and good ? No body without soul art thou : the gods have given to thee beauty, they have given thee wealth and the knowledge how to enjoy it. What more could fond nurse pray for the child she loves, than that he should have good sense, with power to express what he feels, good friends, a good name, abundance of good health, a trim but modest home, and a purse that is never empty ? ' Ovid has frequent references to Tibullus, of whom he speaks in terms of the warmest admiration. Thus Am. I. 15. 27 Donee erunt ignes arcusque Cupidinis arma, Discentur numeri, culte Tibulle, tui. 1 So long as fire and bow shall be Cupid's weapons, so long thy numbers, polished Tibullus, shall be learnt.' Quintilian, Inst. Or. 10. I. 93, says, Elegia quoque Graecos provocamus, cuiits mihi tersus atque elegans maxime videtur auctor Tibullus : sunt qui Propertitim malint : Ovidius utroque lascivior, sicut durior Callus, TO TIBULLUS. xxvii i.e. he gives to Tibullus the palm for grace and polish, though some would assign it to Propertius : Ovid is more free, Gallus is deficient in tenderness. But the most beau- tiful tribute to his merit is the Elegy of Ovid, Am. 3. 9, of which mention has been already made. It is too long to transcribe as a whole, but here are the concluding lines : Si tamen e nobis aliquid nisi nomen et umbra Restat, in Elysia valle Tibullus erit. Obvi^ls h^l^c venias, hedera iuvenilia cinctus Tempora, cum Calvo, docte Catulle, tuo ; Tu quoque, si falsum est temerati crimen amid, Sanguinis atque animae prodige, Galle, luae. His comes umbra tua est. Si qua est modo corporis umbra, Auxisti numeros, culte Tibulle, pios : Ossa qttieta, precor, tufa requiescite in tirna, Et sit humus cineri non onerosa tuo. -These lines have been thus gracefully rendered by Professor Nichol a : Ah ! yet, if any part of us remains But name and shadow, Albitts is not dead ; And thou, Catullus, in Elysian plains With Calvus see the ivy crown his head. Thou, Gallus, prodigal of life and blood, If false the charge of amity betrayed, And aught remains across the Stygian Jlood, Shalt meet him yonder with thy happy shade. Refined Tibullus ! thou art joined to those Living in calm communion with the blest ; In peaceful urn thy quiet bones repose May earth lie lightly where thy ashes rest ! MSS. and Editions of Tibullus, Up ..to a recent period, the best critical edition of Tibullus was that of Lachmann, published in 1829, pre- 1 See the whole of Professor Nichol's translation, given in full in Mr. Cranston's Version. xxviii INTRODUCTION ceded by a few years by that of Huschke, 1819. Lach- mann relied mainly upon five MSS., none of them older than the fifteenth century. These MSS. were all, accord- ing to the fashion of the scholars of that time, much inter- polated ; the interpolations being due not only to the copying of readings from other MSS., but also, in many cases, to sheer invention. Lachmann was also acquainted with the readings noted by J. Scaliger from an old MS. of Extracts from Books I and II, possessed by Vincentius Bellovacensis, a writer of the thirteenth century ; with the readings of the fragment of a MS. which Scaliger received from Cuiaccius ; and with the readings of Franciscus Puccius, many of which were derived from a very old MS. But he was not able to exhibit the true connection between these MSS. ; and the text has been put upon a new foot- ing by the edition of Baehrens (1878), who claims to have discovered two MSS. of the first importance, and to have established the true relationship subsisting between the existing MSS. The following is the account he gives of the various MSS. First in importance is A or Codex Ambrosianus discovered by Baehrens in the Ambrosian Library of Milan in 1876. It is on parch- ment, of quarto shape, contains only Tibullus in forty- eight leaves of twenty-two lines each, the last being blank. At the end, after the ' Vita Tibulli,' are the words, Liber Colycii pyeri Cancellarii Florentini, and, added in a different hand, Liber Cosme Johannis de Medids. It is written in a beautiful hand, and has few mistakes. Its date is probably about 1374, as we know that Colutius Salutatus was hunting up copies of Propertius and Ca- tullus about that time. It has been corrected here and there by a hand some fifty years later. Very like this MS., but inferior, is V or Codex Vaticanus, on paper, folio size, containing Tibullus on leaves 1-37, and also Ovid's Remedia Amoris. It is probably of the end of the thirteenth or beginning of TO TIBULLUS. xxix the fourteenth century. It has been corrected by various hands, but these corrections are all of little or no value. These two MSS. resemble each other so closely, that it is evident they are derived from a common archetype. To this same family belong the various MSS. of the fifteenth century including those relied upon by Lach- mann which departed more and more widely from the original, and suffered much from interpolations by Joannes Aurispa, Thomas Seneca, Jovianus Pontanus, and other scholars of that century. But Baehrens believes that he has lighted upon a MS. which belongs to a different and older family than A.V. Lachmann set great store by certain readings noted in 1 501 by Franciscus Puccius, who professed to have de- rived them from an old MS. This MS. Baehrens believes he has found in & or Codex Guelferbytanus, a folio MS., now at Wolfenbiittel, on parchment, which contains the works of Tibullus on thirty-eight leaves, along with other matter. The writing is an imitation of the Langobardic character of the tenth or eleventh century, but Baehrens holds that it was written about 1425 A.D. It has been corrected by a later hand, not only on the margin, but between the lines, and even in the text itself. These corrections are some- times taken from a MS. of the A. V. family, but are for the most part worthless. The text itself, from its similarity to the readings of Puccius, Baehrens holds to be the very MS. used by him : it seems to be derived from a different original from A. V., but to belong to the same family as the Excerpta Parisina, a book of extracts from various ancient authors, compiled by some learned Frenchman between 1000 and IIOOA. D. This collection contained passages from Tibullus I and II : these were seen byVin- centius Bellovacensis, a writer of the thirteenth century, and other writers of that time : a copy came into the hands of Scaliger, and Meyncke has collected the pas- xxx INTRODUCTION sages from Tibullus which are to be found in two MSS. of the Florilegium now at Paris (Mus. Rhen., vol. 25, p. 369). Many of the readings are corrupt, and entirely bad, but those that are good seem to be derived from a different family from A. V., and to present great similarity to the readings of G. Wherever Par. has a good reading, G. agrees with it; where its reading is bad, it agrees rather with A. V. Hence Baehrens holds that A. and V. were derived from one common parent, while G. and Par. were derived from another and older parent, belong- ing possibly to the tenth or eleventh centuries. These two supposed MSS. however, though unequal in age, were themselves probably derived from a common archetype whose supposed readings, designated by the sign O., are to be ascertained from the consensus of the three MSS. A.V.G., supported by the readings of Par. where available. But this is not all. There were at one time in existence two other MSS. of Tibullus, distinct both from each other and from O. Of one of these MSS. some fragments are preserved in the collection called Excerpta Frisingensia, now at Munich, in a MS. of the eleventh century, and taken apparently from a MS. older and better than O '. Some excellent readings have been preserved in these extracts, especially that adopted in this edition in 1. 1. 25. The other MS. is preserved only in the Fragment called F. This is the ancient fragment which Scaliger received from Jacobus Cuiaccius, on the readings of which Lachmann placed a high value. It began only from 3. 4. 65, and as the MS. itself has dis- appeared, only such of its readings were preserved as Scaliger thought fit to write out on to his own copy of the Plantinian edition of our poet (1560). That copy is now 1 See Lachmann, pref. p. 8, and L. Mueller in Fleckeisen's Jahrbuch 1869, p. 63, as well as in his own edition. TO TIBULLUS. xxxi in the library at Leyden, and has been examined by C. M. Francken and E. Hiller. These readings are marked by the sign Plant, in this edition. What is the relationship subsisting between O. F. and Fris. has not as yet been ascertained. O. itself was corrupt and interpolated, and it must have been experimented on by emendators at a very early age. The text of the present edition has been largely founded upon that given in the excellent critical edition of E. Hiller (1885), compared throughout with that of Baehrens, and with occasional assistance from that of L. Mueller (1880). In every important or doubtful case, the authority is given in the critical notes. The best general commentaries on Tibullus are con- tained in the edition of Heyne, fourth edition, 1817, and in that of Dissen, 1835. In the present edition consider- able use has been made of an edition of Extracts from Tibullus published by the late Professor Ramsay in 1840, and now out of print: the notes transcribed from that edition are marked by inverted commas. For a complete list of editions and works on Tibullus see preface to E. Killer's edition, 1885. INTRODUCTION TO PROPERTIUS. Life of Proper tiiis. OF the life and circumstances of Propertius we know little or nothing except what is recorded by himself, or can be gathered from a careful examination of his poems. Such an examination will tell us much of the poet's cha- racter, and enable us to construct for ourselves a tolerably complete picture of the man, of his temper and his tastes, of the strength and tenderness of his feelings, as well as of the characteristic features and limitations of his genius ; but it will furnish us with a very meagre account of the external incidents of his life. His poems are essentially poems of feeling, not of incident or description ; and they revolve in a round so narrow, so intense, that beyond the special circumstances by which the feeling was called forth, they give little or no clue to the surroundings in which his life was passed. His love and his poetry were his all : and in leaving these behind him, he has left us the best record of his life. His full name, so far as we know it, was Sextus Pro- pertius. The praenomen does not occur in his writings, nor is it given in any MS. : but it is distinctly attributed to him by Donatus in his Life of Virgil. Many MSS. and, until recently, most editions, give him the additional name Aureltus, sometimes before, sometimes after, the Propertius : but apart from the improbability of a double gentile name being borne at so early a date as the time of Propertius, it is likely that a mistake has arisen from a confusion with the name of the poet Prudentius, whose full name was Aurelius Prudentius Clemens. Many MSS. add Nauta to the poet's name, as an agnomen: but this mistake has been shown to arise from a false reading INTRODUCTION TO PROPERTIUS. xxxiii navita dives eras instead of non ita dives eras in 2. 24. 38 \ As to the birthplace of our poet, a lively controversy has been waged. We know from himself that he was an Umbrian, but he does not fix the exact locality of his birth, and there are at least four towns whose claim to the honour have been supported with a good show of reason by different editors. These towns are Asisium (the modern Assisi, famed as the birthplace of St. Francis) ; Mevania (Bevagna) ; Ameria (Amelia) ; and Hispellum (Spello), to which may also be added Perusia (Perugia), though that town is not situated in Umbria at all. Almost all recent editors, however, are agreed in fix- ing upon Asisium : and yet, if the words of Propertius on which they rely be taken in their simple sense, nothing can be more clear than the fact that, while indicating each of the above-named places in connection with his birth, he does not state that he was born in any one of them. On the contrary, his references to the different cities show that his birthplace might be described in connection with them all ; and that he was in all probability born in some country house or village situated in the district which lay between them. The passages which bear on the subject are the following : I. The poem i. 22 is written for the express purpose of answering the inquiries of his friend Tullus as to his home and family : Quatis et uncle genus, qui sint mihi, Tulle, Penates, Quaeris pro nostra semper amicitia. 'Thou art ever asking, Tullus, as an old friend, what and whence my race, what my home.' Propertius answers by referring him to the town of Perusia, and adds, 11. 9, 10 Proximo, subposito contingens Umbria campo Me genttit, terris fertilis uberibus ; See M. Plessis, p. 172. c 2 xxxiv INTRODUCTION ' In the plain below, where the rich fertile land of Umbria comes closest there was I born ; ' 1. e. he was born in the rich plain of Umbria, at the point where it comes closest up to the walls of Perusia. It is impossible that in these words Umbria as a whole can be referred to : he clearly means to specify the par- ticular part of Umbria with which he was connected. 2. In 4. i. 6 1 -66 he proclaims himself to be an Um- brian, and speaks in vague terms of his genius being con- nected with a city or cities set upon a height above the plain : Ennius hirsuta cingat sua dicta corona: Mi folia ex hedera porrige, Bacche, tua, Ut nostris tumefacta superbiat Umbria libris, Umbria Romani patria Callimachi. Scandentes quisquis cernit de vallibus arces Ingenio. muros aestimet ilk meo. ' Let Ennius crown his sayings with rugged wreath : but hand thou to me,, Bacchus, a chaplet of thine own ivy, that Umbria be lifted up and boast her of my lays Um- bria the fatherland of the Callimachus of Rome. Who- ever sees yon heights climbing out of the valley, by my genius let him rate those walls.' There is nothing in these words to show that Pro- pertius had any particular town in view, or that he meant to speak of such town as his birthplace. 3. More definite information is afforded by 4. I. 121- 126 Umbria te notis antiqua Fenaiibus edit: (Mentior ? an patriae tangitur ora tuae T) Qua ncbulosa cavo rorat Mevania campo, Et locus aestivis intepet Umber aquis, Scandentisqtie arcis consurgit vertice murus, Murus ab ingenio notior ille tuo. 1 Thy birthplace is ancient Umbria, in a home well- TO PROPERTIUS. xxxv known : (Speak I false ? or do I truly touch the region of thy fatherland ?) where dank Mevania drips with its sunken plain ; where reek, through summer days, the waters of the Umbrian mere; where rise the walls on the top of yon climbing height, walls that have gathered name from genius of thine.' The MS. reading in 1. 125 is Asz's : but this is almost demonstrably wrong. There is no such name as Asis. Hertzberg in vain attempts to show that it was the name of the mountain behind Asisium, on the slopes of which also lay Hispellum. Hence Lach- mann conjectures Asisi : but it has been shown that the first syllable of that word is long, not short. There is a Greek form of the name 'AiVioi/, used by Strabo ; and Pro- pertius might conceivably have used for his verse a form Aist, genitive of Aisium. But the reading Asis, like Ast'st, has evidently sprung from a desire to connect the poet with Asisium, and the position of that town, which is most re- markable, scarcely suits the words of the line. The modern town occupies the same site as the ancient town, and its peculiarity is that it is not on the top (verttce) of a hill, but actually forms a shelf on the side of a steep straight hill, which rises up no less steeply behind it. No room could be found even for the church of St. Francis, except by building out arcades as a foundation : so too with the great convent beside it. It would be quite im- possible to describe the walls of the town as crowning a height 1 . Hertzberg suggests that verttce might be an ablative of the instrument, as though the wall was actually formed ' by the top of a hill ; ' but this is pre- cisely what it was not. The words describe some town 1 What is here said of Assisi is taken from personal obser- vation. See Murray's Handbook, and the Quarterly Review, No. 208. Dante, Par.' n. 43, describes the site as hanging from the mountain side : Fertile costa cT alto monte fende. xxx vi IN-TRO DUCT ION set on the top of a hill, doubtless the same town as that described in 1. 65 in almost identical words : Scandentes si quis cemet de vallibus arces ; and arcts, not Asis, is the true reading. The town indi- cated is one of the towns in the valley of the Clitumnus, but it was not necessarily Asisium. But even if Asisi were the true reading, the words of Propertius do not indicate more than that he was born in the neighbourhood of that town. It is clear that the poet here specifies a district, not a town. He again gives Um- bria as his birthplace ; patriae ora has reference to what follows, and specifies the particular part of the province with which he was connected. This is then described as the part where the dank Mevania drips with moisture on a plain, where waters steam from the Umbrian lake in summer, and where the walls of a city rise up on a height. No known lake would satisfy the conditions of the locus Umber : so the phrase is generally supposed to refer to a part of the river Clitumnus, which, according to the younger Pliny, 8. 8. 1-3, spreads out into a broad glassy pool not far below its source. The fact then that Propertius describes his Penates as being in a part of Umbria lying close under Perusia, where lay Mevania and the Umbrian lake, and the town set on a hill, is proof that he means to specify no particular town, but only to indicate a spot in the Clitumnus valley within reach of all the places he has named. The phrase ncti Penates no doubt refers to the farm of which Propertius' father was deprived in the con- fiscations of B. C. 42, and implies that it was a property of some importance. It was in all probability situated nearer to Asisium than to the other towns named above, for the names Propertius and Propertia occur on several inscriptions found in or near that city. There is also evi- dence to show that he was claimed as a municeps of that town in the century after his death. For there exists at Assisi a stone with the following inscription : TO PROPERTI-US. xxxvii C. PASSENNO C. F. SERG - PAVLLO ROPERTIO BLAESO. Now Pliny the younger, Epist. 6. 15. i, speaks of a Pas- sennus Paullus as a learned eques and a poet, adding, Genttlicium hoc illi : est enim municeps Proper ti atque etiam inter maiores suos Propertium narrat. There is no evidence that Propertius left any child behind him ; the words of Pliny do not necessarily mean more than that Passennus counted Propertius as belonging to a previous generation of his family ; and even if they do mean more, the claim of Passennus to be descended from Propertius as an ancestor is no more proof of the fact than the similar claim of the emperor Tacitus to be descended from the historian. Nevertheless, the statement of Pliny, taken along with the inscription, raises a strong proba- bility that the Propertii were connected with Asisium, and that Asisium was the nearest important town to the property on which the poet was born. The Propertii, it would appear, were a respectable family in comfortable circumstances, but neither patrician, noble, nor wealthy. Thus, in his childhood, Propertius wore the golden bulla that was the sign of ingenuitas, 4- i. 131 Max ubi India rudi dimissa est aurea collo, Matrix et ante decs libera sumpta toga ; ' Soon, when I laid aside the golden boss from my neck, yet unfledged, and assumed the manly gown before my mother's gods,' i. e. the Penates, so-called because his father was dead. Again, 2. 24. 36, he represents Cynthia as addressing him thus: Certus eras, eheu ! quanrvis nee sanguine avito Nobilis, et quamvis non ita dives eras. xxxviii INTRODUCTION ' Faithful thou wert, ah me ! though not sprung from noble ancestors, nor over rich withal.' So again, 2. 34. 55 A spice me, cui parva domi for tuna relict a est, Nullus et antique Marte triumphus avi. ' See me, to whom but modest home and fortune have been left, and who have no ancestors that gained triumphs in ancient war.' At an early age he lost his father, 4. i. 127-130 Ossaque legisii non ilia aetate legenda Patris, et in tenues cogeris ipse Lares : Nam tua cum multi versarent rura iuvenci, Abstulit excultas perlica tristis opes. ' Thou didst gather thy father's bones at an age that was not meet, and wast thyself reduced to a slender home : full many a steer was wont to plough thy lands, but the accursed measuring-rod (i. e. of confiscation) took that well-tilled wealth away.' The latter lines inform us that soon after his father's death his property was included, either in whole or in part as the words cui parva domi fortuna relicta est seem to imply among those confiscated by the triumvirs in B.C. 41. Dr. Postgate has pointed out that the horror with which the poet speaks of the siege of Perusia in B.C. 41 in the course of which he lost one of his relatives is to be explained by the fact that that event was associated with the lowest period of the family fortunes, and that Propertius himself, as a timid sensitive boy, may have witnessed some of the terrible scenes that attended it. His father dead, his property confiscated, he was brought up under the supervision of his mother, who in all proba- bility took him to Rome for his education, and expended upon him the same loving care that Horace informs us he experienced at the hands of his father. He received, at any rate, the best education which Rome could afford, and in due time, his mother being still alive, he assumed the toga "virilis. TO PROPERTIUS. xxxix Like most well-educated young men of his time, he seems to have been intended for the bar ; but we are not surprised that, with his temperament, like Ovid, he should have found the contentions of the forum intoler- able, 4- I- 133 Turn tibi pauca suo de carmine dictat Apollo, Et vetat insano verba tonare foro. 'Then Apollo taught thee somewhat of his own gift of song, and forbad thee to thunder in the mad contests of the forum.' The date of his birth can only be fixed approximately. Our only certain information on the subject is derived from Ovid, Trist. 4. 10. 41-54. In that passage Ovid gives a list of the poets whom he had known in his youth. Having first named Aemilius Macer of Verona, author of a poem on birds snakes and herbs, he proceeds : Saepe suos solittis recitare Propertitis ignes, lure sodalicii qui mihi iunctus erat. Ponticus heroo, Bassus quoque clarus iambis, Dulria convictus membra fuere met. Detinuit nostras numerosus Horatius attres, Dum ferit Ausonia carmina culta lyra. Vergilium vidi tantum : nee amara Tibullo Tempus amicitiae fata dedere meae. Successor fuit hie tibi, Galle ; Propertius illi ; Quartus ab his serie temporis ipse fui. 1 Oft would Propertius recite to me his loves, close bound to me by bond of comradeship. Ponticus, famed in Epic verse, Bassus too in Iambic, were dearly-loved members of my band. Horace with his tuneful numbers held my ears fast-bound as he struck his polished lays from the lyre of Italy. Virgil I did but see : nor did the unkindly fates give Tibullus time to be my friend. He was thy successor, Callus, and Propertius his : fourth from them was I in order of time.' xl INTRODUCTION In the last four lines of the passage, it is evident that Ovid places the elegiac poets in a chronological order (serie temporis) in relation to each other. What he means to say is that Callus was first in the series, then came Tibullus, then Propertius, whilst he himself closed the list as fourth in order from Gallus. A doubt has in- deed been raised as to this interpretation in consequence of the two pronouns hie and illi being used in reference to the same person, viz. Tibullus : but there is no real difficulty in this, for as the subject of the sentence changes from Tibullus to Propertius, Tibullus is properly referred to as hie in the former clause, as ille in the latter. An exactly parallel instance occurs in Juv. n. 23-5 Ilium ego iure Despiciam qui scit quanta sublimior Atlas Omnibus in Libya sit montibus, hie tamen idem Ignoret quantum ferrata distet ab area Sacculus, i. e. ' That man I should rightly despise who knows the height of Atlas, and who yet does not know,' etc. Here ilium and hie refer to one and the same person, who is spoken of as ilium when object, as hie when sub- ject, to the verb. We thus establish the chronological sequence, (i) Gallus, (2) Tibullus, (3) Propertius, (4) Ovid. Now the poet C. Cornelius Gallus was born either in B.C. 69 or 66 and died B.C. 26; Tibullus was born possibly as early as B.C.. 59, certainly not later than B.C. 54, and died probably B.C. 18 ; Ovid, lastly, was bom B.C. 43, and died A.D. 18. We have thus to find a date for the birth of Propertius between the years B.C. 59 or 54 and B. c. 43. We have already seen that he was a boy in the years B.C. 42 and 41, old enough to be spoken of as the owner of property (4. I. 129), and to be affected by the events of the Perusian war ; but his education was not completed, and an interval must be left, correspond- ing to mox'm 4. 3. 131, for his residence at Rome previous to his assumption of the manly gown in his sixteenth or TO PROPERTIUS. xli seventeenth year. We may thus suppose that he was born not earlier than B.C. 50, nor later than B.C. 47, and that he assumed the manly gown between the years B.C. 34 and 30. In the first flush of youth, Propertius came across his fate in the person of the famous Cynthia, at once his inspiration and his bane. The main work of his life was to record in passionate poetry the various phases of this attachment : and the ups and downs in his relations with her are the chief landmarks in his biography. Out of the total number of ninety-one poems which he has left behind him, no less than sixty have relation to Cynthia : if we can arrange these in chronological order, we have prac- tically the story of his life. The latest of the number are the two last elegies of Book III, in which, with a hardness and cruelty of tone almost amounting to brutality, he renounces his love for her, and finally bids her adieu. In the third line of poem 25, summing up the past, he says Quinque tibi potui servire fideliter annos. ' For five years I was able to serve thee faithfully.' The natural meaning of these words is that his whole attachment for Cynthia had lasted for five years: and though it is possible, as Dr. Postgate thinks, that a tempo- rary reconciliation may have taken place after these words were written, it is certain that these two elegies are the last of which she was the theme. But before the final rupture, there was a previous period of estrangement which occurred in consequence of some quarrel between the lovers, the cause of which does not appear. Propertius puts it thus, 3. 1 6. 9 Peccaram seme!, et totum sum pidsus in annum, 1 Once had I sinned, and I was driven forth for an entire year.' He had thus committed some fault, and she punished him by banishing him from her presence for a year. Now is this year to be counted amongst the five years xlii INTRODUCTION of 3. 25. 2 ? Are the words potui servire fideliter incon- sistent with that hypothesis ? The general opinion has been that they are inconsistent with it ; and this is the view of Lachmann. He holds further that in 3. 15. 7, 8, where the poet speaks of an attachment for Cynthia of at least two years' standing, he must refer to a period previous to the year of separation, so that the whole period of the poet's connection with Cynthia must in that case have extended over at least eight years. But it is evident from the Cynthia elegies that there were frequent quarrels and frequent reconciliations between the lovers : their love was subject to all the vicissitudes of caprice, disappointment, and satiety, which might be expected to arise between two persons of ardent but sensitive temperament, incapable of self-control, and innocent of all restraint from moral or prudential con- siderations. It were idle to look for five years of un- broken calm between such a pair ; and a whole year of interrupted relations might well be overlooked in a rapid and indignant retrospect. Literal exactness is not to be looked for in the protestations of a lover when at the moment of a final rupture he recalls his devotion in the past : and M. Plessis is doubtless right in holding that when Propertius declares he had been for five years the faithful slave of Cynthia, he meant to indicate the whole duration of their attachment. It affords a strong cor- roboration of this view, that the whole series of Cynthia poems, so far as we can put an exact date upon them, covers as nearly as possible a period of five years. None of these elegies can be definitely ascribed to an earlier date than B. c 28 : none can definitely be put later than B. c. 23. There are many, no doubt, to which no date at all can be assigned, and there are difficulties in the way of any chronological scheme that can be constructed : but the fact that some ten or twelve of the elegies, spread over the three first books, can be dated, and that all fall within TO PROPERTIUS. xliii the limits given above, affords a strong presumption which cannot be overthrown by problematical interpretations of particular poems or passages. The elegy 2. 10 which was probably written before the rupture, has been put as late as B.C. 22 : but M. Plessis has shown that Hertzberg is probably correct in assigning it to B. C. 25'. The First Book was written during the earlier and happier period of the poet's attachment : many of the pieces included in it are in his lightest happiest vein, and its publication which was perhaps delayed till B.C. 25 2 at once established the reputation of its author. The book seems to have been known by the name of Cynthia Monobiblos, and is the book referred to by Martial, 14. 189 Cynthia, facundi carmen iuvenile Properti, Accepit faniam, nee minus ifsa dedit* 1 Cynthia, the youthful poem of the eloquent Propertius, has conferred a name not less famous than she has received.' It probably secured for Propertius admission to the circle of Maecenas, who soon began to suggest to him that he should employ his muse in the service of Augustus. The Second Book was begun within a few months of the completion (not necessarily the publication) of the first ; for in 2. 3. 3, after declaring his enslavement to Cynthia, he adds, addressing himself : Vix ttnum fates infelix requiescere mensem, Et turf is de te iam liber alter erit. ' Scarce, hapless one ! canst thou rest one single month, and there will soon, to thy shame, be a second book about thee.' The book opens with an elegy addressed to Maecenas ; the poet is still in the full fervour of his love, and pleads 1 Etudes critiques sur Propera 3 See Postgate's Introduction. Properce, p. 222. xliv INTRODUCTION the impossibility of tearing himself away from it as an excuse for declining the invitation of Maecenas to occupy himself with graver themes. As the book proceeds, the poet is sti.l spell-bound by the fascinations of Cynthia, and there are some poems in the old exuberant key : but he speaks more frequently of her inconstancy and ingrati- tude ; complains of the hardness of her heart ; looks forward to a death brought about by her cruelty, and seems to struggle more resolutely against the slavery which enthralls him. By degrees he turns his attention to other subjects ; declares he must now have done with love and sing of Caesar, and though he shows little alacrity to fulfil the promise, it is clear that Cynthia has a less exclusive hold on his regard than during the period covered by the first book. The poems are of various dates, and written in various moods : the twenty-eighth was written as early as B. C. 28 : the first and tenth were probably written in B.C. 25 or 24. In the Third Book, only thirteen out of twenty-five poems refer to Cynthia. In it are included some of his noblest and most touching poems amongst these the eighteenth, written on the occasion of the death of Marcellus in B.C. 23, and the exquisitely pathetic seventh, on the drowning of Paetus which prove conclusively that Cynthia was by no means the only, or the noblest, inspirer of his muse. It concludes with the bitter and taunting poems in which he abjures his love for her, and finally casts her off. The Fourth Book differs materially from all the rest. It contains but two poems referring to Cynthia. One of these belongs evidently to an early period ; the other the seventh was written after her death. The re- mainder are longer, and more formal in character than the elegies of the earlier books. Five of them are his- torical and antiquarian ; one is a poetical epistle from a TO PROPERTIUS. xlv young wife to her absent husband ; in another the victory of Actium is celebrated, and the book closes with the magnificent Elegy on the noble matron Cor- nelia. Two of the poems of this book, and two only, can be dated. These are the sixth and eleventh, both of which must be referred to the year B.C. 1 6. The former was written to commemorate the celebration of the ludi quinquennales ; the latter, 1. 66, alludes to the con- sulship of P. Cornelius Scipio, both of which events took place in that year. Most editors are agreed in holding that the whole book was published posthumously. Be- yond the year B.C. 16, says Dr. Postgate, 'there is not a shred for conjecture to lay hold of, and the obscurity which wraps so much of the poetry of Propertius sinks, like a pall, upon his life.' It has generally been supposed that the antiquarian poems of the Fourth Book the first, second, fourth, ninth and tenth were written in the poet's first youth, and before the Cynthia period of his life. But there is no proof for this hypothesis ; nor is it supported by any evidence to be extracted from the poems themselves. Alike in sub- ject and in treatment they display a calmness and a continuity altogether foreign to the rapid fervour and exuberant passionateness of the poet's earliest days ; they seem a very fulfilment of the poet's own promise in 3. 5. 19 sqg., that while devoted to Love and Bacchus in his hot youth, he will turn, with advancing age, to graver themes. Now had Propertius turned to antiquarian sub- jects in his youth, we may be certain that he would have gone to the mythology of Greece for his subject. When he began to write, he was saturated with the forms and the spirit of Greek mythology ; he had carried an imagination and an enthusiasm into the study which burst through all the artificial wrappings in which his Alexandrine masters had embedded it ; but there is nothing in his earlier poems to show that he had expended any interest xlvi INTRODUCTION or labour on the early legends of Rome or Italy. The question is not without interest : for by relegating to the poet's earlier days all the poems in Book IV which cannot be dated, it is possible to interpret literally the words of Propertius when he says 2. i. 4 Ingenium nobis ipsa puella facit, ' my love herself is the maker of my Muse,' and to bestow on Cynthia the glory of having been the main, if not the only, inspirer of his genius. Dr. Postgate says, ' Without the stimulus of his love, and without the sympathy and encouragement of his beloved, his genius might never have broken the crust of lethargy which covered it .... With the extinction of his love decayed his poetic activity . . . . " His Muse," as Hertzberg says, " sank to silence with his love." ' There is no doubt that Cynthia's literary taste J did much to stimulate the poet's genius, and to throw his love for her into the imperish- able form in which it has been embodied. No doubt also his rupture with her must have shaken his whole 1 Cynthia's, real name was Hostia, and her grandfather was probably the poet Hostius, who wrote a poem on the Illyrian war of B. c. 1 78, Festus s. v. tesca. Propertius says to her, 4. 20. 8 Splendidaqtte a docto fama refulget avo; he calls her docta, the characteristic epithet of poets in I. 7. n, 13. II and in a moment of anger declares, 2. n. 5-6 Et tua transibit contentnens ossa viator, Nee dicet, Cinis hie docta puella fuit, as though her title to ' learning ' would naturally be acknowledged by everyone. In 2. i. 27-32 he declares the causes of his love for her : Quittn tibi praesertim Phoebus sua carmina donet, Aoniamque libens Calliopea lyram ; Unica nee desit iucundis gratia verbis, Omnia qiiaeque Venus quaeqtie Minerva probat. His tu semper eris nostrae gratissima vitae, Taedia dum miserae sint tibi luxnriae. See too the passage, 2. 3. 9-22. TO PROPERT1US. xlvii nature, at once sensitive and passionate as it was : and the twenty-third and twenty-fourth poems of Book IV show how for a time at least it converted the tenderest of poets into the hardest. When there was no longer a Cynthia, there could no longer be Cynthia poems : but some of the finest, to a modern taste probably the finest, of the poems of Propertius are written on subjects in which Cynthia had no place ; and there is no need to exaggerate the influence which she exercised on his genius, and for that purpose to set aside the presumption afforded by the order of the poems as handed down to us that some of the noblest and most beautiful of his poems were composed after his love for Cynthia was a thing of the past. The fevered dissipation of his first youth no doubt left its effects behind, and the exuberance of his early muse departed from him ; but no dimness of poetic faculty, no seared heart, can be attributed to the poet who wrote the third and the eleventh poems of the Fourth Book ; and the latter, as we have seen, was written not earlier than B. c. 16. Another argument, which is almost conclusive, can be drawn from the development in the structure of the elegiac couplet, and especially of the pentameter, which can be traced in the poems as they stand. In Books I and II Propertius constantly ends his pentameters with words of three, four, and five syllables : the number of such end- ings is far rarer in Book III, and ceases almost entirely in Book IV : in seven out of the eleven poems of that book not one of these endings occur. The following table will show at a glance how the facts stand : Book I. Trisyllabic endings 35 Quadrisyllable endings 88 Quinquesyllabic endings 8 III. I IV. i 4 The above table speaks for itself. It shows that as the books proceed, Propertius eschews more and more all d xlviii INTRODUCTION endings other than the dissyllabic, and that his verse was gradually conforming to the precise laws which became perfect and stereotyped in the verse of Ovid. It is evident that the whole of the poems of Book IV were written during the latest period of his art, and that it is impossible to refer any of them to the earlier period when he systematically revelled in the use of the longer endings. Some valuable observations on the metre of Pro- pertius will be found in Dr. Postgate's Introd., p. cxxvi. One more question has been started : was the rupture with Cynthia which took place in B. C. 23 absolutely final ? We know that she did not long survive the rupture : was the old intimacy ever renewed before her death ? One poem only, 4. 7, alludes to the death of Cynthia. This poem represents a dream in which the spirit of Cynthia appears to Propertius after death, rebukes him for for- getting their love so soon, and reproaches him with not having been present to conduct the ceremonies of her funeral. She then proceeds to give the poet various instructions. Dr. Postgate (Introduction, p. xxv) has made a most interesting analysis of this poem. He holds it to prove that the lovers had been once more reconciled, that she had died leaving to Propertius the disposal of her effects, that in the prostration of grief he had neglected all the 'death duties,' and that he wrote this poem as an expression of contrition. His interpretation is fair and ingenious ; but it would unnecessarily lower Propertius in our estimation. If the quarrel was never made up, and she died while they were still estranged, it was quite natural that he should take no part in her obsequies, and the other arrangements connected with her death. But to suppose that they were friends at the time of her death, and that he proved utterly neglectful of the com- monest offices of friendship to her remains, nay even outraged his former love by conduct showing blank in- difference to her memory, is to suppose that he had lost TO PROPERTIUS. xlix all sensibility, and that Propertius the man was something wholly different from the Propertius disclosed to us in his poems. It is more pleasing to suppose that the quarrel never was healed ; that Cynthia died in estrange- ment, and that Propertius in consequence took no part in her funeral ; but that soon afterwards a feeling of remorse and contrition came over him, to which he gave ex- pression in a poem confessing his coldness, and acknow- ledging the claims which, after all, she still possessed upon his regard. But the poem is not the work of a heart- broken man ; and its tone affords additional confirmation of the view that Propertius' muse was not at once chilled into silence by the death of Cynthia. As might well be supposed, Propertius counted among his friends all, or almost all, of the famous poets of his time. In 3. 26. 31 he pays a noble tribute to Virgil ; Ovid, as we have seen, tells us that Propertius was his intimate friend, and that he himself used often to hear him recite his poems. Ponticus, the epic poet, is ad- dressed in 1.7, Bassus in 1.4, and a tragic poet, Lynceus, is mentioned in 2. 34. But what of Horace, the period of whose best lyrical activity so closely coincided with his own ? He is never named: yet the two must have met on the common ground of literature, and in the house of Maecenas. They were men of very different temper : the easy-going well-bred and self-controlled man of the world may well have sneered at the morbidly sensitive and capricious enthusiast whose key was often one of exaggeration : and the ill-regulated impetuosity of the Umbrian bard may have felt repelled by the serene and critical self-confidence of the Epicurean, whose easy man- ners might be mistaken by the vain self-conscious poet for the airs of 'a superior person.' Neither poet ever names the other: and the careful analysis made by Dr. Postgateof Hor. Ep. 2.87 (Introd., p. xxxiii) leads strongly to the conclusion that that passage is an elaborate attack d 2 1 INTRODUCTION upon Propertius. Be that as it may, it is certain at any rate that no intimacy can have existed between the two poets. Tibullus also is never mentioned through- out the poems. MSS. and Editions of Propertius. The text of Propertius is notoriously in an unsatis- factory condition : amongst the texts of the great Roman poets there is none which presents difficulties so great. The comparative value of the existing MSS. of Pro- pertius, and their mutual relation to each other, have not even yet been settled beyond dispute. Of these the first to be mentioned is K" or Codex Neapolitanus. The superiority of this famous MS. had been established by Lachmann 1 , and accepted as an article of faith by succeeding editors, including Professor A. Palmer, who published his admir- able critical edition of the text in 1880 ; but it has been called in question by L. Mueller, and more recently by A. Baehrens, whose elaborate critical edition (1880) is founded upon a theory which assigns to this MS. only a subordinate position in the constitution of the text. In 1884, however, *iere appeared a French work on Propertius by M. Frederic Plessis a work which in its grasp, lucidity, and critical acumen does honour to French scholarship which controverts the conclusions of Baehrens, and, upon evidence which will probably be accepted by future editors as conclusive, pronounces the Neapolitans to be beyond question the oldest, and, in consequence, the most authoritative, of the MSS. of our poet. In this he agrees with Professor Palmer, 1 Who, however, places it only second in importance, after the Groninganus. TO PROPERTIUS. li who has himself carefully examined the MS. in question. This MS. is now in the ducal library at Wolfenbiittel : it is called Neapolitanns (or N. throughout this edition) because it was inspected at Naples by N. Heinsius; and from the fact that the name Manetti is written in faint letters on its last page, it seems to have once been the property of a scholar of that name who died at Naples in the year 1459. The MS. is on parchment, of large octavo size ; it is composed of seventy-one leaves, and contains no writing but Propertius. At the beginning are the usual words Incipit Propertius : at the end Ex- plicit, Books I and II are not separated : there is an interval between III and IV. There is no title, nor space left for a title, at the beginning of the different poems : but the initial word of each is marked by an illuminated letter. A good many of the leaves are damaged; one leaf, containing 4. n. 17-76, has been lost altogether ; and three different pens or hands can be recognised as having been employed in the transcription. The history of the MS. is not known. Lachmann, followed by Hertzberg, assigned it to the thirteenth cen- tury : L. Mueller puts it at the fourteenth, or more probably the fifteenth, while Baehrens declares it cannot be older than 1430. All agree that the writing presents certain characteristics of an earlier date than this ; but Baehrens explains these away by supposing that the MS. was written in Italy, and that certain archaisms of writing lingered on in that country after they had been exploded elsewhere. M. Plessis has carefully examined the MS. anew ; and backed by the authority of two French palaeo- graphists M. Leopold Delisle and M. Chatelain he declares positively that it cannot be assigned to a later date than the beginning of the thirteenth century. This conclusion he founds upon six distinct peculiarities in the handwriting, the concurrence of which, he asserts, per- mits no doubt as to the date : lii INTRODUCTION 1. The initial letters are frequently illuminated in green : green initial letters disappeared about A. D. 1220. 2. The writing of the diphthong ae by (with a cedilla) as durg for durae I. I. 10, doming for dominae I. I. 21. 3. The placing of dots over double / (as in Partheniis I. i. n) to distinguish them from the letter u, whereas the single i has no dot. 4. The use of the sign & in place of et at the end of a word, as in oportb 4. 2. I, valSc 4. 2. 7, etc. 5. The constant use of the straight letter fin preference to the curved form s. 6. The use of a / written so that the head never rises above the line, as thus, /*. A controversy of this kind can only be decided by experts in palaeography ; but a careful study of the various readings given in this edition will, it is believed, bring out clearly the great superiority, on intrinsic grounds, of the readings of N. as compared with those of any other single MS. In the rank next to N. come four MSS., as to the value of which again Baehrens holds views differing from those of other editors. V. or Codex Ottoboniano-Vaticanus, No. 1514. This MS. is at Rome, in the Vatican Library. Attention was first called to it by Baehrens, who has collated it, and given to it, together with the three other MSS. to be named next, a rank superior even to that of N. It is written on parchment (M. Plessis says on vellum); it is 1 These indications L. Mueller disposes of by supposing that a transcriber in the fifteenth century amused himself by imitating the writing of the thirteenth an argument which might be pushed so as to destroy all evidence of antiquity derived from handwriting ; M. Baehrens by the hypothesis that the form of character in S. Italy was two centuries (1) behind that of N. Europe. See M. Plessis, p. 12 sqq. TO PROPERTIUS. liii in large octavo form ; it contains eighty-three leaves, and contains Propertius only. A series of corrections and erasures have been made in it by a later hand ; these occur not only in the margin and between the lines, but actually in the text itself. The readings of this hand are indicated by the sign V 2 . M. Baehrens assigns the MS. definitely to the end of the fourteenth century, the cor- rections to the fifteenth century. M. Plessis, on the other hand, has had the MS. examined by competent experts, who place it as late as the year 1450. The first letter of the poems, as well as the first letters of the third and fourth books, is illuminated. Almost all the elegies have a coloured title at their head. D. or Codex Daventriensis, so called because it is now at Deventer in the Netherlands, numbered 1792. It is oblong in shape, is on parchment, occupies sixty-eight pages, and contains Propertius only. The first leaf, con- taining up to I. 2. 14, is lost. It is written in a beautiful hand : there are no corrections in the text, but there are a number of various readings by a contemporaneous hand in the margin. Baehrens declares it to be 'unus ex optimis codicibus Propertianis,' and dates it from 1410- 1420. M. Plessis is inclined to assign to it the same date as to V., i. e. about 1450. F. or Codex Laurentianus, so called because now in the Laurentian Library at Florence. It is in quarto, written on parchment, contains seventy-three leaves, and has at the end the words Liber Colucii pyerii, and then, added in another hand, Liber Cosme Johannis de M edicts. There are many corrections, taken from various sources, by a somewhat later hand, some in the margin, some between the lines : the readings of this hand are indicated in the notes by the sign F 2 . Baehrens assigns this MS. to the very beginning of the fifteenth century. A. or Codex Vossianus, now at Leyden, is in large octavo, on parchment ; it has sixteen leaves, and extends liv INTRODUCTION only as far as 2. i. 63. Its style of writing and abbre- viations prove it to belong to the fourteenth century: there are no intervals between the poems, but the initial letters are distinguished, and there are titles on the margin. Baehrens gives 1360 as its date. G. or Codex Groninganus, so called because now at Groningen, is of a small octavo size, and contains forty- six leaves. It was written by an Italian in the fifteenth century, and Professor Palmer, who has examined it, agrees with Baehrens in pronouncing it of no value. It has an importance however in the history of the text from the fact that Lachmann considered it the best of all the MSS. of our poet, assigning to N. only the place next below it. Worthy of mention also is Per. or Codex Perusinus, which is in fact none other than the Codex Cuicianus of Scaliger, and which was re-discovered by Professor Palmer in 1874 in the library of Mr. H. Alan. It was written at Perugia in 1467 by the poet Pacificus Maximus, whence Mr. Palmer has given it the name of Perusinus. He has given a collation of it at the end of his edition, and attaches some value to its readings. One reading at least has been restored from it in this edition. Lastly may be mentioned the Codex Hamburgensis, now at Hamburg, a small quarto, written in Italy at some period of the fifteenth century. It contains Catullus, Tibullus, and Propertius. It has been much corrected, but Hertzberg attaches considerable weight to it, and M. Plessis considers it scarcely inferior to the MSS. of Baehrens. It follows mainly the authority of F., and agrees generally with N. A. and F., though it sometimes agrees with D. and V. It may be considered as one of the best of the fifteenth century MSS. ; Baehrens, while valuing it because tran- scribed from F. though not till after F. had suffered corruption does not distinguish it from the rest of the TO PROPERTIUS. Iv interpolated family which he designates by the sign r ( = Z in this edition). With regard to the relationship of the four MSS., A. F. V. and D., Baehrens has propounded a theory of his own, the grounds for which, such as they are, he has explained in his Prolegomena. He believes that the original MS. of Propertius, which was discovered some time in the four- teenth century and is now lost, was twice copied about the middle of that century : one of these copies, he holds, is represented by the MSS. A. and F., of which the latter is inferior to and later than the former. The other copy is preserved to us in V. and D. Thus A. and F. constitute one family of copies, D. and V. constitute another family ; and the corrections of the second hand in V. and F. (called in this edition V 2 . and F 2 .) are due to the scholars of the fifteenth century, who corrected mistakes in some cases by transferring readings from the. one family to the other, in others by sheer invention. He thus holds that a judicious comparison of the readings of these two families (excluding the corrections in V. and F.) will enable us to reconstruct in great measure the original archetype from which the first two copies were derived. To this supposed archetype he gives the sign of O., a mode of designation which has been adopted for con- venience sake in this edition, although, as will be seen, with a somewhat different meaning. We have now to ask, what weight is to be attached to this ingenious theory? A careful examination of the re- corded readings will show that Baehrens is right in classing A. F. as one family, and D. V. as another : but what of O. and N. ? It is obvious that his view of O. must depend upon his being able to show that N. is a more recent, and a less trustworthy, MS. than the four upon which he chiefly relies : whereas Mr. Ellis, Mr. Palmer, M. Plessis and to a considerable -extent F. LeV agree in holding it to 1 Rheinisches Museum, vol. xxxv, 1880, p. 431. Ivi INTRODUCTION be the oldest and most authoritative of all. Baehrens dates it about 1430 : he regards it therefore as a MS. of the interpolated type, belonging to the same family as A. F., but taking some of its readings for D. V., and dis- figured in some places by Italian conjectures, in others by reproducing the corrections of F 2 . and V 2 . But M. Plessis, as we have seen, upsets Baehrens' dates on palaeographic grounds : he makes JJ. some 200 years older, V. some 50 years younger, than does Baehrens : while he regards A. D. F. as being all about the same age, viz. of the end of the fourteenth century. Further, both Mr. Ellis ' and M. Plessis have pointed out various passages in which A.F.D.V. are all corrupt, while N. alone has preserved the true reading : while both F. Lo and M. Plessis point out that wherever F 2 . and V 2 . agree with N., the reading is correct. In addition, N. is distinctly superior in orthography ; it does not give the false name of Aurelius or Nauta to the poet ; and Mr. Ellis * has in- geniously shown that even in passages where it blunders, it blunders because the copyist preferred faithfully to copy the MS. before him, rather than introduce obvious corrections. Finally, M. Plessis' view as to the date of N. is confirmed by Mr. E. Maunde Thompson, of the British Museum, an authority of the highest mark 2 . From these arguments the conclusion remains that N. is the best existing MS., being the oldest representative of the family A.F. ; that D.V. form another family, equal to A. F. but inferior to N. ; that the corrections of F 2 . and V 2 . have been largely taken from N. or from some equally good MS. ; while G. and H. G. have mixed in an uncer- tain degree the readings of the two families. A careful examination of the readings given in the critical notes 1 American Journal of Philology, vol. i. no. 4. a See Mr. R. Ellis' review of M. Plessis' book in the Amer. Journal of Phil. 1886. TO PROPERTIUS. Ivii will confirm these conclusions, and show that while paramount importance is to be attached to N., the readings of F 2 . and V 2 . are extremely valuable, while the agreement of the three, as M. Plessis says, amounts to a certainty. The important reading natat, 3. 7. 22, comes from F 2 . In this edition the sign O. is used, as by Baehrens, but in a slightly different sense. Baehrens uses it to denote the supposed archetype, the readings of which are to be gathered from a consensus either of all the MSS. or of what he regards as the good MSS., viz. A. D. F. V. in opposition to N. F 2 . V a . In this edition O. is used to denote the consensus of these same MSS. (or, what is the same thing, the archetype of those four MSS.), but to the exclusion of N., the readings of which are stated separately. Baehrens' O. includes N., except- when the contrary is stated ; and as he does not attach much importance to N., he has been less particular in recording its readings. The Editio Princeps of Propertius appeared at Venice in 1472, and from that day to this new editions have been poured forth in a continuous stream. The most important are those of Muretus (1558), of Scaliger (1577), who con- fused the text by endless and arbitrary transpositions, of Dousa (1588), of Passerat (1608), containing a perfect storehouse of illustrations, of G. Barth (1777), of Bur- mann (1780), and the somewhat lumbersome edition of Kinnoel (1805). The first great step to the purification of the text was made by Lachmann in his first edition of 1816 : he was the first to distinguish the comparative value of the leading MSS., in the main correctly : but he has been the author of infinite confusion by re-arranging many of the poems, and by introducing on arbitrary grounds the division into five books against the authority of the MSS. In 1829 he published a second edition, in which, without explanation, he gave up almost all the conjectures of his first edition. The references to Lach- Iviii INTRODUCTION mann in the notes of this edition are to the read- ings of the edition of 1816. In 1835 appeared the very useful French edition published by Lemaire ; and from 1843 to 1845 appeared the great edition of Hertzberg, both critical and explanatory. It is the great standard edition, full of matter of every description, but unequal and ill-arranged, and, like so many learned German works, frequently deficient in taste and judgment. Of Baehrens' work we have already spoken. His critical apparatus is the most complete that has yet been published ; but his text is injured by his predisposition to depreciate N., and disfigured by many wild and tasteless conjectures. Many of these, doubtless, will be abandoned in his next edition, and it may be thought that too many of them have been noticed in this edition. But his authority is great, his edition is quoted as a standard edition, and it is well to show in particular instances what are the taste and judgment of the critic who makes such large demands upon our confidence. The edition of L. Mueller in the Teubner series is less adventuresome, and follows mainly in the lines of Lachmann. In England we have the very full and serviceable commentary of Paley, published in 1853 and 1872 ; and in 1880 Professor Palmer pub- lished his admirable critical edition of the text, which has brought out in a striking way the true value of N. by exhibiting in italics every word, even every letter, in which the reading adopted departs from that MS. The notes are in the best spirit of modern critical scholarship : their only fault is that they are too few. Different alto- gether in scope and aim is the delightful selection of Professor Postgate (1881), which includes about one-fourth of the works of our poet, selected on a principle different from that followed in this edition. The explanatory notes are of first-rate quality ; but the chief value and originality of the book lies in the Introduction, which contains the most complete and thoughtful study that has yet appeared TO PROPERTIUS. lix of the style, the language, the grammar, the temperament and literary position of our poet. Nor can we omit to men- tion the very useful school selections of Schultze (Second Edition, Berlin, 1882), and the scholarlike notes of Mr. Finder contained in his ' Selections from the less-known Latin Poets,' Clarendon Press, 1869. Propertius has been well translated into English Verse by Dr. Cranstoun (1875) and by Mr. C. R. Moore (1870). Jan. 6, 1887. APPENDIX TO THE SECOND EDITION. SINCE the above was written, a new advance has been made in the criticism of Propertius by the appearance of three masterly articles by Professor A. E. Housman in the Journal of Philology, Nos. 41, 42, and 43 (Vols. xxi and xxii). Amid the masses of dull ill-digested learning which are too often put forth under the name of textual criticism, it is refreshing to find a critic who puts life and reality into the discussion of various readings, and applying to his facts sound sense and vigorous logic, shows exactly what conclusions may, or may not, be fairly drawn from them. To see what interest and vitality may be imparted to such a subject, by the mode of treatment, the student must refer to the articles themselves : it is enough here to put before him the conclusions at which Prof. Housman has arrived, and to indicate the kind of reasoning by which he has reached them. His results do not radically alter the view taken above of the general relative value of Ix INTRODUCTION the MSS. of Propertius ; but they put the whole criticism of our author upon a firmer basis by showing exactly, from internal evidence, what contribution each of the principal MSS. has made towards the constitution of the true Pro- pertian text, and by brushing aside exclusive theories unduly favouring one MS. at the expense of the rest His conclusions are as follows. There are seven inde- pendent authorities, every one of which must be employed if we would reconstruct the Propertian archetype. These are (as given above) N. A. F. D. V. F 1 ., and V 2 . No other existing MS. has any independent value. A. F. D. and V. are all the offspring of a lost original O., A. and F. representing one family of descendants, D. and V. another. N. is an independent MS. of great value, containing certain elements not derived from O., but derived from a MS. parallel to O., which he calls Z. This Z. must have been of at least equal authority with O., both of them being descended (through whatever number of links) from the original archetype, to which may be assigned the name of a. But while N. has elements which are independent of the four MSS. A. F. and D. V., nevertheless it has also many elements which are common to them : and the facts seem to show that though the transcriber of N. did not have access to any one of those four MSS., he nevertheless derived some readings from a MS. (not known) belonging to the same family as A. F. and also some readings (fewer in number) from a MS. belonging to the family D. V. Thus N. is derived from three different sources : (1) From a MS. allied to A. F.; (2) From a MS. allied to D. V. ; (3) From a MS. Z., wholly independent of both the above families, and also independent of their common progenitor O. Thus N., valuable as it is, is valuable rather as an edition, drawing from different good sources, than as TO PROPERTIUS. Ixi being itself a MS. of incontestable integrity, claiming superiority as the single and best transmitter of the original text. F 2 . and V 2 . had also access to Z. ; hence their frequent similarity to N. The following propositions give the principal steps in the argument by which the above conclusions are arrived at. Each proposition is founded upon a critical examina- tion of the variants given by the different MSS. in disputed passages. Those who wish to master all the evidence adduced, must refer to the articles themselves; the references given below are solely to passages contained in the present selection. The student can thus look up each passage for himself, examine the various readings given in the notes, and pass his own judgment upon them. (1) The following (amongst many other) passages show that N. has an element superior to O. (O. standing for the four MSS. A. F. D. and V. when in agreement with one another), viz. i. 18. 16 ; 3. 5. 6 ; 3. 7. 49 ; 4. 3. 55. (2) The following show a slight corruption in N., a more advanced corruption in O. : 2. 13. 49; 3. 4. 4; 3- 22. 3. (3) In the following N. is absolutely right, or nearly so while O. is wrong : i. 18. 19 ; 2. 28. 9 ; 3. i. 5 ; 3. i. 27 ; 3.4. 19; 3. 5.34; 3. u. 14; 3.22.27; 4.3. 51; 4-3-59; 4. 4. 30 ; 4. 6. 79. (4) In various cases N. exhibits a superior spelling to O. The inference from the above is that N. contains a genuine element which was not contained in O. (5) But, on the other hand, there are passages in which O. has preserved readings superior to those of N. See 2. 2. i; 3. 1.23; 3. 2. 3; 3.7. 46; 3. 18.24; 3- " 25; 3. 22. 14. (6) In some cases the spelling of O. is superior to that ofN. (7) In some passages N. and O. have both gone wrong, Ixii INTRODUCTION and seem equidistant from the truth (as in 4. 3. n) ; in others, both have good readings, between which it is impossible to decide. See I. 8. 45 ; 2. 13. 58; 3. 7. 25 ; 4- 4- 57- The inference from the above is that O. contains a genuine element not contained in N., and hence that neither can be derived from the other. Their common source must be superior to both. If, again, we examine the two families A. F. and D. V. respectively as representatives of O-, we find that (8) A. F. is sometimes better than D. V. : see I. 8. 26 ; I. 19. 13; 2. 3. 23, 24; 2. 10. ii ; 2. 28. 47 ; 2. 31. 10; 3. 11.44; 4- 6. 25. (9) In other passages, D. V. is better than A. F. : 1. 8. 7 ; I. 8. 19; I. 8. 27 ; 2. 10. 22 ; 2. n. 2 ; 2. 28. 29 ; 3.2.4; 3. 5.24; 3. ii. 51; 4-6. 75- (10) In some passages where A. F. and D. V. differ, they are equidistant from the true reading (as in 3. 2. 22; 4. ii. 60) ; in others they have different, but equally good readings : I. 8. 15 ; 4. 3. 8 ; 4. ii. 26. (11) The spelling is sometimes better in A. F., some- times in D. V. // thus appears that we must use both the families, A. F. and D. V., if we would get at the true reading of O. (12) If again we take these four MSS. singly (A. F. D. and V.), we find that each of them in turn is the sole preserver of a true reading in one or more passages : hence all four deserve attention as representatives ofQ. A. has alone preserved the true spelling of solacia in I. 5. 27 ; F. has a striking superiority over both D. V. and N. in 2. i. 32 (atratus), and in 2. I. 49. D. alone preserves the true reading in seven passages ; V. alone in 3. I. 26 (isse) and in perhaps two or three others. (13) Next comes the question, what is the relation of N. to O. ? When the two families differ, N. more often sides with A. F., but sometimes also with D. V. : and it TO PROPERTIUS. Ixiii generally shows the best reading. But N. did not know O. directly : it seems to have derived its knowledge of O. mainly from a MS. of the A. F. family (it will be noted that A. only extends down to 2. I. 63) but also in part from one of the D. V. family. Thus N. so far as it represents O. is to be regarded as founded mainly on A. .F., but adopting many true and easy readings from D. V. (14) Lastly, what of F 2 . and V 2 .? In many places where N. is better than O., that same better reading is found in F 2 . or V' 2 . ; in some passages, these alone preserve the true reading (see 2. 2. 4 ; 2. 12. 28 ; 4.4. 64). But many of N.'s readings, when they differ from O., are not in V 2 . or F 2 . : and these give many readings not in N. It is clear, therefore, that they are not copied from one another, but that where both have common elements they were taken from some common source. Prof. Housman thus sums up his conclusions : ' It has been demonstrated, against Baehrens, that N. contains a genuine element which A. F. D. V. do not contain, and it has been demonstrated, against Solbisky, Plessis, and Weber, that this genuine element in N. is not derived from the archetype of A. F. D. V., but from an independent source whence F 2 . and V 2 . have also derived a genuine element not possessed by A. F. D. V. It has been further shown that N. contains a second element drawn from a MS. of the family A. F., and a third and smaller element from a MS. of the family D. V. It has been demonstrated, against Mr. Leo, that A. F. D. V. contain a genuine element which N. does not contain, and it has been demonstrated, against Mr. Solbisky, that the two families A. F. and D. V. deserve equal credence as witnesses to their archetype O. It has been shown also that each of the four codices A. F. D. V. preserves fragments of truth peculiar to itself. ' Hence follows as a necessary consequence, that the e Ixiv INTRODUCTION seven authorities N. A. F. D. V. F 2 . V 2 . are independent witnesses and must all be employed if we would re- construct the Propertian archetype. ' Finally it has been shown that the residue of the MSS. exhibit no element of genuine tradition not possessed by one or other of these, whence it follows that they are derived from these, and are therefore to be cast aside.' More recently still, an important contribution to Pro- pertian criticism has been made by Dr. Postgate in the Transactions of the Cambridge Philosophical Society for 1894. In that paper he publishes, inter alia, a collation, with a facsimile, of a MS. now in the Holkham Library, to which he assigns the name of L. This MS., written in 1481, is closely related to F.,and appears to be derived, in the main, from the same source as F. ; it is therefore of value as affording evidence of the readings of the A. F. family from 2. I. 63, the point at which A. fails us. But whilst L. is thus probably derived from the exemplar of F., it contains other elements also, which seem to be derived from the D. V. family, not from N. : and Dr. Postgate concludes that before L. was copied from the exemplar of F., that exemplar had been corrected from a MS. belonging to the family D. V. Dr. Postgate accepts, in the main, the conclusions of Mr. Housman, though he considers that he is disposed to attach too much weight to the testimony of single manuscripts, and that he scarcely does justice to N., either as regards its date or its authority. He holds the view given above as to the early date of N., whereas Mr. Housman is prepared to acquiesce in the later date suggested by Mueller and Baehrens ; and he defends the primacy of N. with no uncertain sound : 'At the end of his paper Mr. Housman puts the question, " Which is the best MS. of Propertius?" and returns himself the answer, " There is no best MS. of Propertius." This denial of supremacy is of course aimed TO PROPERTIUS. Ixv at the " worshipped Neapolitanus," as it is elsewhere invidiously denominated. If it means that there is no codex of Propertius as eminent as the Parisinus of Demosthenes or the Vaticanus of Valerius Flaccus, no one will dispute it. But if it means that N. is notflritttus, or rather facile princeps, inter pares, the judgment will not, I imagine, receive the assent of the critics of the future, who will, unless I am much mistaken, pronounce on the contrary that the Neapolitanus is the best MS. of Propertius best as being the oldest of our witnesses, best again as the one that presents the greatest amount of truth with the smallest amount of falsehood.' THE UNIVERSITY, GLASGOW, May 13, 1895. SIGNS USED TO DESIGNATE THE MSS. 1. TIBULLUS. A = Codex Ambrosianus. V = Codex Vaticanus. G = Codex Guelferbytanus. G* = the second hand of the same MS. O =the consensus of AVG. Par. = Excerpta Parisina. Fris. = Excerpta Frisingensia. Plant. = the readings of the Fragment (F) preserved by Scaliger in his Plantinian Edition. Z = the readings of the more modern and interpolated MSS. 2. PBOPEKTIUS. N = Codex Neapolitans. A = Codex Vossianus. F = Codex Laurentianus D = Codex Daventriensis. V = Codex Ottoboniano- Vaticanus. F 3 V = the second hands of F and V. G = Codex Groninganus. Hb = Codex Hamburgensis. Per = Codex Perusinus. O = the O of Baehrens, except that it does not include N, the readings of which are given separately. Baehrens thus defines his use of the sign O : ' O = archetypus saeculo XIV reptrtus ex consensu sive om- nium codicum sive bonorum A. D. V. m. i V. m. i (oppositis N. F. m. a V. m. 2) restitutus.' Z = the readings of the Italian Scholars in MSS. of the interpolated class. The abbreviation Hous. refers to the articles by Professor A. E. Housman in the Journal of Philology, Vols. xxi and xxii. NOTE. The readings attributed to Lachmann in the notes are taken from his first edition of 1 816. These were practically all given up in the second edition of 1829. In the following cases the readings attributed to Lachmann are only suggested in his notes, but not inserted in his text, viz. unde for omne I. 14. 5 ; dignus amor for digna soror 2. 2. 6 ; Ipsa . . . sorte for Ilia . . .fata 2. 28. 26 ; Ei scelus ! for Et satis 4. 4. 1 7 ; and nuts for malts in 4. 1 1 . 70. TIBULLUS, I. i. 1 6. Let others seek for wealth through war and peril ; be mine a life of poverty and peace at home. DIVITIAS alius fulvo sibi congerat auro Et teneat culti iugera multa soli, Quern labor assiduus vicino terreat hoste, Martia cui somnos classica pulsa fugent : Me mea paupertas vitae traducat inerti, 5 Dum meus assiduo luceat igne focus. f 24. Here "will I plant the vine and apple, and look for in- crease in my fruits, giving service due to every rustic god: nor shall ye, Lares, be forgotten out of my humble store. Ipse seram teneras maturo tempore vites Rusticus et facili grandia poma manu: Nee Spes destituat, sed frugum semper acervos Praebeat et pleno pinguia musta lacu. 10 Nam veneror, seu stipes habet desertus in agris Seu vetus in trivio florida serta lapis : Et quodcumque mihi pomum novus educat annus, Libatum agricolae ponitur ante deo. The parts of this poem have been variously transposed by different editors. Baehrens arranges it thus: w. 1-6, 25-36, 7-24, 37-78. L. Mueller (Teubner edition), following Haase, thus : 1-6, 25-34, 7-12, 15-18, 13, 14, 19-24, 35-78. 2. multa G Par. Fris. Diomedes. magna AVG 2 . 5. vite (= vitae) AV vita G Par. Fris. 7. feram Par. 12. Jlorida O jiorea Z. 13. donum conj. L. Mueller. 14. agricolae . . . dcum O agricolae . . . deo Muretus agricolam-deum Pucci. 2 TIBULLUS, I. I., 15-34. Flava Ceres, tibi sit nostro de rure corona 15 Spicea, quae templi pendeat ante fores: Pomosisque ruber custos ponatur in hortis Terreat ut saeva fake Priapus aves. Vos quoque, felicis quondam, nunc pauperis agri Custodes, fertis munera vestra, Lares. 20 Tune vitula innumeros lustrabat caesa iuvencos : Nunc agna exigui est hostia parva soli. Agna cadet vobis, quam circum rustica pubes Clamet ' io messes et bona vina date.' 25 36. So may I live content by stream and shade, thinking no shame to tend my flock, and honouring Pales for their lam modo iam possim contentus vivere parvo, 25 Nee semper longae deditus esse viae, Sed Canis aestivos ortus vitare sub umbra Arboris ad rivos praetereuntis aquae. Nee tamen interdum pudeat tenuisse bidentem Aut stimulo tardos increpuisse boves; 30 Non agnamve sinu pigeat fetumve capellae Desertum oblita matre referre domum. At vos exiguo pecori, furesque lupique, Parcite : de magno est praeda petenda grege. 15. sit O Jit conj. Lambinus. 17. ponatur O donatur Lam- binus, Baehrens. \Q. felicis OV felices A. 23. cadet O. Bae. conj. cadit. 24. Clamat V Clamet O. 25. Iam modo iam possim Fris. Iam modo non possum O Quippe ego iam possum Par. Iam mihi iam possim Mueller lam modo iam possum Guy Iam modo si possum Lach. Dissen conj. Iam modico possum contentus vivere in agro. 28. rivos O rivum Burmann rivom Bae. 20. bidentem G Par. bidentes V ludentes A. 32. donum V. 34. est O om. by Fris. TIBULLUS, I. I., 35-54. 3 Hie ego pastoremque meum lustrare quot annis 35 Et placidam soleo spargere lacte Palem. 37 48. Spurn not my humble gifts, ye Gods, for I seek not wealth ; enough for me to lie in ease, and hear the wild wind and rain without. Adsitis, divi, nee vos e paupere mensa Dona nee e puris spernite fictilibus. Fictilia antiquus primum sibi fecit agrestis Pocula, de facili composuitque luto. 40 Non ego divitias patrum fructusque requiro, Quos tulit antique condita messis avo: Parva seges satis est, satis est requiescere lecto, Si licet, et solito membra levare toro. Quam iuvat immites ventos audire cubantem, 45 Et dominam tenero detinuisse sinu ! Aut, gelidas hibernus aquas cum fuderit auster, Securum somnos imbre iuvante sequi] 49 56. Seek thou, Messalla, for the spoils of war : I court no glory, if only Delia be mine. Hoc mihi contingat : sit dives hire, furorem Qui maris et tristes ferre potest pluvias. 50 O quantum est auri pereat potiusque smaragdi, Quam fleat ob nostras ulla puella- vias. Te bellare decet terra, Messalla, marique, Ut domus hostiles praeferat exuvias: 37- Vos quoque adeste dei Par. neu O ncc Par. Z. 41. fruc- tusque AV fructusve Or Par. 43. satis est uno Par. 44. Scilicet O Par. 46. detimiisse Z contitmissc O turn tenuisse Bac. 48. imbre G Par. igne AV. 49. sit G Par. si AV iurc O rure Par. 50. et celi nubila ferre potest Par. 51. pereat potiusque O pereat pereantque Bae. 54. hostiles G exiles AV {V ostiles\ B 2 4 TIBULLUS, I. i., 55-78. Me retinent vinctum formosae vincla puellae, 55 Et sedeo duras ianitor ante fores. 57 74. When Death comes, Delia, thou wilt duly weep for me : let us love meanwhile, till sluggish Age steals on. Non ego laudari euro, mea Delia : tecum Dum modo sim, quaeso segnis inersque vocer. Te spectem, suprema mihi cum venerit hora, Te teneam moriens deficiente manu. 60 Flebis et arsuro positum me, Delia, lecto, Tristibus et lacrimis oscula mixta dabis. Flebis : non tua sunt duro praecordia ferro Vincta, nee in tenero stat tibi corde silex. Illo non iuvenis poterit de funere quisquam 65 Lumina, non virgo, sicca referre domum. Tu Manes ne laede meos, sed parce solutis Crinibus et teneris, Delia, parce genis. Interea, dum fata sinunt, iungamus amores: lam veniet tenebris Mors adoperta caput: 70 lam subrepet iners aetas, nee amare decebit, Dicere nee cano blanditias capiti. Nunc levis est tractanda Venus, dum frangere postes Non pudet, et rixas inseruisse iuvat. 75 78. No wars but these be mine, and to despise wealth and penury alike ! Hie ego dux milesque bonus : vos, signa tubaeque, Ite procul, cupidis vulnera ferte viris. 76 59, QQ. Te ...Te Z Et . . . Et O cf. Ovid Am. 3. 9. 58. 63. duro G dura V corr. V 2 . 64. Vincta G Fris. iuncta AV. 67. Tu O turn Haupt. Bae. 72. capiti Z capite O Par. Bae. Hiller. 74. conseruisse Z inseruisse O. TIBULLUS, I. 3., 1-12. Ferte et opes : ego composito securus acervo Despiciam dites despiciamque famem. I- 3- 1 1O. Wliile thou speedest on, Messalla, here must I stay, alone and ill. O spare me, Death ! I have no mother here, no sister, to honour me if I die : no Delia. Ibitis Aegaeas sine me, Messalla, per undas; O utinam memores ipse cohorsque mei ! Me tenet ignotis aegrum Phaeacia terris: Abstineas avidas Mors modo nigra manus. Abstineas, Mors atra, precor : non hie mihi mater, Quae legat in maestos ossa perusta sinus; Non soror, Assyrios cineri quae dedat odores, Et fleat effusis ante sepulcra comis ; Delia non usquam; quae me cum mitteret urbe, Dicitur ante omnes consuluisse decs. 11 32. When Delia sought the omens, all seemed fair for my departure : yet how she wept, how loth 1 ivas to go ! Ah ! let no man ever more go forth against the behests of Love. Ilia sacras pueri sortes ter sustulit : illi Rettulit e triviis omina certa puer. 78. Dites despiciam AV. I. 3. 4. mors modo nigra O mors precor atra G 2 Z. 12. triviis O trinis Muretus, Bae. TIBULLUS, I. 3., 13-34. Cuncta dabant reditus: tamen est deterrita nusquam, Quin fleret nostras respiceretque vias. Ipse ego solator, cum iam mandata dedissem, 15 Quaerebam tardas anxius usque moras. Aut ego sum causatus aves aut omina dira, Saturni aut sacram me tenuisse diem. O quotiens ingressus iter mihi tristia dixi Offensum in porta signa dedisse pedem ! 20 Audeat invito ne quis discedere Amore, . Aut sciat egressum se prohibente deo. 23 34. What now avail me, Delia, thy prayers to his? Oh help me, Goddess ! grant to Delia that she may duly pay her vows to thee, while I do honour to my own Penates. Quid tua nunc Isis mihi, Delia, quid mihi prosunt Ilia tua totiens aera repulsa manu? Nunc, dea, nunc succurre mihi (nam posse mederi Picta docet templis multa tabella tuis), 28 Ut mea votivas persolvens Delia voces Ante sacras lino tecta fores sedeat; 30 Bisque die resoluta comas tibi dicere laudes Insignis turba debeat in Pharia. At mihi contingat patrios celebrare penates Reddereque antique menstrua tura Lari. 13. nusquam Q-V nftquam A nostras Or* hatid deterrita frus- tra est Z. 14. Quin Aldine ed. 1502 Cum O despueretquc Haupt respiceretque O respueretque Z. 17. aut Z dant O omina AG- omnia V owing diro Bae. 18. Saturni sacrain O Saturni aut sacram G 2 Z Satumive Broukh, Mueller, Hiller. 21. nequis Z neuquis O 25. dum O deum A. 29. Ut AV et G- voces O nodes Scaliger, Bae. 34. t/iura O. TIBULLUS, I. 3., 35-52- 7 35 SO. How well it was when Saturn ruled on earth : when men knew nor ships nor voyages, nor sword nor battle ; when was no evil for man nor beast ; no barred door, no stone-marked boundary ; when oaks dropped honey, and flocks brought full udders home untended. Quam bene Saturno vivebant rege, prius quam 35 Tellus in longas est patefacta vias ! Nondum caeruleas pinus contempserat undas, Effusum ventis praebueratque sinum ; Nee vagus ignotis repetens compendia terris Presserat externa navita merce ratem. 40 Illo non validus subiit iuga tempore taurus, Non domito frenos ore momordit equus; Non domus ulla fores habuit, non fixus in agris, Qui regeret certis finibus arva, lapis. Ipsae mella dabant quercus, ultroque ferebant 45 Obvia securis ubera lactis oves. Non acies, non ira fuit, non bella, nee ensem Immiti saevus duxerat arte faber. Nunc love sub domino caedes et vulnera semper, Nunc mare, nunc leti mille repente viae. 50 51 56. O spare me, Father Jove ! for I am pure', but if my days are run, may a stone be set to tell how Tibullus died, how soon, how sadly. Parce, pater, timidum non me periuria terrent, Non dicta in sanctos impia verba deos. 37. contempserat O conscenderat Q- 2 Bae. 47. facinus Bae. rabies Burmann. 50. repente OV 2 reperte AV 1 mill fa reperta via Z Heyne. 8 TIBULLUS, I. 3., 53-72. Quod si fatales iam nunc explevimus annos, Fac lapis inscriptis stet super ossa notis : ' Hie iacet immiti consumptus morte Tibullus, 55 Messallam terra dum sequiturque mari.' 57- 66. Then will Venus lead me to Elysium, to the land of dance and song, where casia and rose grow unbidden, where bands of youths and maidens ever sport with Love. Sed n\e, quod facilis tenero sum semper Amori, Ipsa Venus campos ducet in Elysios. Hie choreae cantusque vigent, passimque vagantes Dulce sonant tenui gutture carmen aves ; 60 Fert casiam non culta seges, totosque per agros Floret odoratis terra benigna rosis ; Ac iuvenum series teneris immixta puellis Ludit, et assidue praelia miscet Amor. Illic est, cuicumque rapax mors venit amanti, 65 Et gerit insigni myrtea serta coma. 67 82. But in the dark profound lies the accursed Tartarus, where rages Tisiphon, and Cerberus ever guards ; where are Ixion and Tityos, Tantalus and the daughters of Danaus. At scelerata iacet sedjs in nocte profunda Abdita, quam circum flumina nigra sonant; Tisiphoneque impexa feros pro crinibus angues Saevit, et hue illuc impia turba fugit: 70 Tune niger in porta serpentum Cerberus ore Stridet et aeratas exciibat ante fores. 54. inscriptis O inscriptus or his scriptus Z Heyne. 63. Ac AQ at V hoc or hie Z. 69. impexa O Par. implexa Frut. Bae. 71. Palmer suggests per centum Cerberus ora. TIBULLUS, I. 3-, 73-94- 9 Illic lunonem temptare Ixionis ausi Versantur celeri noxia membra rota : Porrectusque novem Tityos per iugera terrae 75 Assiduas atro viscere pascit aves. Tantalus est illic, et circum stagna : sed acrem lam iam poturi deserit unda sitim ; Et Danai proles, Veneris quod numina laesit, In cava Lethaeas dolia portat aquas. 80 Illic sit, quicumque meos violavit amores, Optavit lentas et mihi militias. 83 92. But do thou be true, my Delia ; and may the day come when thou mayest fly to meet me when I come back to thee, unannounced, as if sent to thee from the heavens, At tu casta precor maneas, sanctique pudoris Assideat custos sedula semper anus. Haec tibi fabellas referat, positaque lucerna 85 Deducat plena stamina longa colu : Ac circa gravibus pensis affixa puella Paulatim somno fessa remittat opus. Tune veniam subito, nee quisquam nuntiet ante, Sed videar caelo missus adesse tibi. 90 Tune mihi, qualis eris, longos turbata capillos, Obvia nudato, Delia, curre pede. Hoc precor, hunc ilium nobis Aurora nitentem Luciferum roseis Candida portet equis. 73. temptare A tentare OV. 79. quod AV quae G. 83. casta precor coniunx maneas Par. 86. colo O Par. colu Fris. Bae. Hil. Muel. 87. Ac O At Par. Bae. 10 TIBULLUS, I. 7., 1-12. I. 7 . 8. The Fates sang true, Messalla, at thy birth, that the Atax should tremble before thee, and that thou shouldest bear along captive kings in triumph. Hunc cecinere diem Parcae fatalia nentes Stamina, non ulli dissoluenda deo : Hunc fore, Aquitanas posset qui fundere gentes, Quern tremeret forti milite victus Atax. Evenere : novos pubes Romana triumphos 5 Vidit et evinctos brachia capta duces : At te victrices lauros, Messalla, gerentem Portabat niveis currus eburnus equis. -12. I saw thy glory gained : witness too was the Ocean and the Pyrenees, the Arar and the Rhone, the Loire and the Garonne. Non sine me est tibi partus honos : Tarbella Pyrene Testis, et Oceani litora Santonici ; Testis Arar Rhodanusque celer magnusque Garunna, Carnutis et flavi caerula lympha Liger. I. 7. 3. frangere Q- fundere AV. 4. Atur Scaliger. 6. evinctos G- victos A (in added by hand 2) evictos~V . 1. lauros Or lauros AV. 8. niveis Z nitidis O. 9. me est tibi O marte ibi Bae. Tarbella Scaliger tua bella O. 11. Atur Duranusque Scaliger garunna Z garumna O geronna Fris. 12. Carnutis Fris. Carnuti Z Carnoti O caerula A Fris. Garrula Grappe. TIBULLUS, I. 7., 13-30. II 1322. Or shall I tell ofthee, Cydnus, with thy silent stream, or thee, mighty Taurus ? of Syria or of Tyre, or of the wealth-bringing waters of the Nile? An te, Cydne, canam, tacitis qui leniter undis Caeruleus placidis per vada serpis aquis; Quantus et aetherio contingens vertice nubes 15 Frigidus intonsos Taurus alat Cilicas? Quid referam, ut volitet crebras intacta per urbes Alba Palaestino sancta columba Syro; Utque maris vastum prospectet turribus aequor Prima ratem ventis credere docta Tyros; 20 Qualis et, arentes cum findit Sirius agros, Fertilis aestiva Nil us abundet aqua? 2328. where hast thou hid thy head, Father Nile ? 'Tis because of thee that thy land thirsts not for rain : thee the youth worship, with Osiris and with Apis. Nile pater, quanam possim te dicere causa Aut quibus in terris occuluisse caput? Te propter nullos tellus tua postulat imbres, 25 Arida nee Pluvio supplicat herba lovi. Te canit atque suum pubes miratur Osirim Barbara, Memphiten plangere docta bovem. 29 42 . For 'twas Osiris that first tilled the ground, and planted fruit and vine tree : 'twas Osiris first taught the joyous juice to flow that prompts to dance and song, that gladdens the weary husbandman, and loosens the captive's chain. Primus aratra manu sollerti fecit Osiris, Et teneram ferro sollicitavit humum ; 30 13. An Z At O tactis qui leniter ttlvis Lach. 14. Caerulea ad placidas . . . aquas Bae. 15. aerio Z aetherias Bae. 16. arat O. 20. dicta O 2 . 23. possum & possim AV. 12 TIBULLUS, I. 7., 31-50- Primus inexpertae commisit semina terrae Pomaque non notis legit ab arboribus. Hie docuit teneram palis adiungere vitem, Hie viridem dura caedere falce comam; Illi iucundos primum matura sapores 35 Expressa incultis uva dedit pedibus ; Ille liquor docuit voces inflectere cantu, Movit et ad certos nescia membra modos. Bacchus et agricolae magno confecta labore Pectora tristitiae dissoluenda dedit : 40 Bacchus et afflictis requiem mortalibus affert, Crura licet dura compede pulsa sonent. 43 48. Not care and grief are thine, Osiris, but chaunt and dance and love, but flowers and flowing robes, soft flute and sacred chest. Non tibi sunt tristes curae nee luctus, Osiri, Sed chorus et cantus et levis aptus amor; Sed varii flores et frons redimita corymbis, 45 Fusa sed ad teneros lutea palla pedes; Et Tyriae vestes et dulcis tibia cantu, Et levis occultis conscia cista sacris. 49 54. Hither then to honour the Genius of the day with sport and dance, with perfumt and with chaplet ! so will I pay thee thy due. Hue ades et Genium ludo centumque choreis Concelebra et multo tempora funde mero : 50 35. iocundos Fris. 42. compede Q cuspide AVZ. 4?. et O set Bae. dulcis AV dulci Q-. 49. I have ventured on genium ludo centumque centum ludos geniumque O centum ludis Z genium ludo Heyne. TIBULLUS, I. 7., 51-64. 10., 1-2. 13 Illius et nitido stillent unguenta capillo, Et capite et collo mollia serta gerat. Sic venias hodierne : tibi dem turis honores, Liba et Mopsopio dulcia melle feram. 5564. Long live thy race, Mcssalla: long may men tell of thy work, as they pass along the Latin way ; and oft may this day, ever brighter and more bright, return. At tibi succrescat proles, quae facta parentis 55 Augeat et circa stet veneranda senem. Nee taceat monumenta viae, quem Tuscula tellus Candidaque antique detinet Alba Lare. Namque opibus congesta tuis hie glarea dura Sternitur, hie apta iungitur arte silex. 60 Te canit agricola, e magna cum venerit urbe Serus, inoffensum rettuleritque pedem. At tu, Natalis, multos celebrande per annos, Candidior semper candidiorque veni. I. 10. 1 1O. Who was it that first forged the sword, and brought battle and slaughter upon earth ? There were no wars on earth, no towers or ramparts, till men lusted after gold : O had those days been mine ! Quis fuit, horrendos primus qui protulit enses? Quam ferus et vere ferreus ille fuit ! 51. et O e Z. 54. Liba AV Libem G Libaque Z melle GZ mella AV. 56. veneranda O vencrata Z venerande Muel. 57. nee GV ne A quem Z quc A quae GV 58. Candidaque AV Candida quae G Candida quem Bioukh, Bae. 61. e Z, om. by O. 14 TIBULLUS, I. 10., 3-26. Turn caedes hominum generi, turn praelia nata, Turn brevier dirae mortis aperta via est. An nihil ille miser meruit, nos ad mala nostra 5 Vertimus, in saevas quod dedit ille feras? Divitis hoc vitium est auri, nee bella fuerunt, Faginus astabat cum scyphus ante dapes. Non arces, non vallus erat, somnumque petebat Securus varias dux gregis inter oves. 10 Tune mihi vita foret, vulgi nee tristia nossem Arma, nee audissem corde micante tubam. 13 -28. But ncnv 1 am dragged off to war: keep me safe, ye Lares of my fathers : ye have ever been duly honoured, and ye shall be honoured ever. Nunc ad bella trahor, et iam quis forsitan hostis Haesura in nostro tela gerit latere. Sed patrii servate Lares: aluistis et idem, 15 Cursarem vestros cum tener ante pedes. Neu pudeat prisco vos esse e stipite factos: Sic veteris sedes incoluistis avi. Tune melius tenuere fidem, cum paupere cultu Stabat in exigua ligneus aede deus. 20 Hie placatus erat, seu quis libaverat uvam, Seu dederat sanctae spicea serta comae : Atque aliquis voti compos liba ipse ferebat Postque comes purum filia parva favum. At nobis aerata, Lares, depellite tela, 25 Hostiaque e plena rustica porcus hara. I. 10. 5. An AV at G forsan et ille nihil meruit Par. 8. Kptabat Par. For dapes Par ha> merum. 10. saturas Heins. vacuas Broukh sparsas Z. 11. vulgi O dulcis Heins. Z. 12. tremente V. 18. veteris Z veteres O. 23. ipse Z ipsa O. 26. Hostiaque e O Hostia de G a Hostia erit Z mystica G rustica AVG a . T1BULLUS, I. 10., 27-44. 15 Hanc pura cum veste sequar myrtoque canistra Vincta geram, myrto vinctus et ipse caput. 29 34. Not for me to boast of arms and victories : what mad- ness is it to quicken the stealthy foot of Death ! Sic placeam vobis : alius sit fortis in armis, Sternat et adversos Marte favente duces, 30 Ut mihi potanti possit sua dicere facta Miles, et in mensa pingere castra mero. Quis furor est atram bellis arcessere mortem ? Imminet et tacito clam venit ilia pede. 35 42. For below there is no corn, no wine, no calm old age, with family and flocks around, but only Styx, and Cer- berus, and pallid grief-worn shades. Non seges est infra, non vinea culta, sed audax 35 Cerberus et Stygiae navita turpis aquae : Illic perscissisque genis ustoque capillo Errat ad obscuros pallida turba lacus. Quam potius laudandus hie est, quem prole parata Occupat in parva pigra senecta casa ! 40 Ipse suas sectatur oves, at filius agnos, Et calidam fesso comparat uxor aquam. 43 68. Then be it mine to live till age ; to see arms lie rusted, and ploughshares busy ; and to behold field, and vine, and countryman made glad by the fair face of Peace. Sic -ego sim, liceatque caput candescere canis, Temporis et prisci facta referre senem. 30. adversos G-V - adverse AV. 33. arcessere Or Par. V 2 accersere AV. 36. turpis Z puppis O Par. 37. perscissis Par. percussis O perculsis Z exesis Heins. 39. Quatn G- Par. Quin AV 41. at A Par. ac Z ufV aut GK 16 TIBULLUS, I. 10., 45-68. Interea Pax arva colat: Pax Candida primum 45 Duxit araturos sub iuga panda boves ; Pax aluit vites et sucos condidit uvae, Funderet ut nato testa paterna merum ; Pace bidens vomerque nitent, at tristia duri Militis in tenebris occupat arma situs ; 50 Rusticus e lucoque vehit, male sobrius ipse, Uxorem plaustro progeniemque domum. At nobis, Pax alma, veni spicamque teneto, 67 Perfluat et pomis candidus ante sinus. 46. panda G Par. curva AV. 49. bidens G Par. V 2 nitens AV vomerque vigent G vomerque nitet sed Par. vomer viderit AV nitent conj. by Guy. 51. ipse Z ipso O. 68. Per- fluat Z Prefluat AV Profluat G Perpluat Heins. TIBULLUS, II. i. 1 12. Silence, all, "while we purify our fields and flocks ! Hither come, we fray, Bacchus and Ceres ; now rest man and beast ; crowned be every head, and pure be every hand. QUISQUIS adest, faveat : fruges lustramus et agros, Ritus ut a prisco traditus exstat avo. Bacche, veni, dulcisque tuis e cornibus uva Pendeat, et spicis tempora cinge, Ceres. Luce sacra requiescat humus, requiescat arator, 5 Et grave suspense vomere cesset opus. Solvite vincla iugis : nunc ad praesepia debent Plena coronato stare boves capite. Omnia sint operata deo : non audeat ulla Lanificam pensis imposuisse manum. 10 Casta placent superis : pura cum veste venite 1 3 Et manibus puris sumite fontis aquam. 15 24. O gods of our fathers ! as ye see the holy lamb pass on to the altar, drive ill away ! Bring fatness to field and fold, bring store and joy into our homes. Cernite, fulgentes ut eat sacer agnus ad aras 15 Vinctaque post olea Candida turba comas. Di patrii, purgamus agros, purgamus agrestes: Vos mala de nostris pellite limitibus. II. 1. 1. faveat Seal. valeat O ades faveas Dousa, Heyne. 8. vertice stare boves Par. 9. sint GV 2 mnt AV Par. 13. mente Par. 15. ignis Or. 17. Di G Dii AV. 18. tol- lite G. 4, 1 8 TIBULLUS, II. i., 19-39. Neu seges eludat messem fallacibus herbis, Neu timeat celeres tardior agna lupos. 20 Tune nitidus plenis confisus rusticus agris Ingeret ardenti grandia ligna foco, Turbaque vernarum, saturi bona signa coloni, Ludet et ex virgis exstruet ante casas. 25 32. See ye, the signs are good? Forth then with the Chian and Falernian ! let all be merry, and drink with every cup to our Messalla. Eventura precor: viden ut felicibus extis 25 Signified placidos nuntia fibra decs? Nunc mihi fumosos veteris proferte Falernos Consulis, et Chio solvite vincla cado. Vina diem celebrent : non festa luce madere Est rubor, errantes et male ferre pedes. 30 Sed ' bene Messallam ' sua quisque ad pocula dicat, Nomen et absentis singula verba sonent. 33 BO. Come hither, thou conqueror of Aquitania,and help me while I sing of the country, and the country's gods : how they have gifted us with corn, and house, and wine, with fruit and garden, with harvest, wine, and honey. Gentis Aquitanae celeber Messalla triumphis Et magna intonsis gloria victor avis, Hue ades aspiraque mihi, dum carmine nostro 35 Redditur agricolis gratia caelitibus. Rura cano rurisque deos. His vita magistris Desuevit querna pellere glande famem : Illi compositis primum docuere tigillis 22. Ingeret K Ingerat OV. 24. arte Q?Z. 29. celebrent AVG J celebrant G Par. 34. avi s Z Seal. ades O. 38. glande GV grande A V s . TIBULLUS, II. I., 40-60. 19 Exiguam viridi fronde operire domum : 40 Illi etiam tauros primi docuisse feruntur Servitium, et plaustro supposuisse rotam. Turn victus abiere feri, turn consita pomus, Turn bibit irriguas fertilis hortus aquas, Aurea turn presses pedibus dedit uva liquores, 45 Mixtaque secure est sobria lympha mero. Rura ferunt messes, calidi cum sideris aestu Deponit flavas annua terra comas. Rure levis verno flores apis ingerit alveo, Compleat ut dulci sedula melle favos. 50 5158. Thus blessed, the husbandman first beat foot to song, first tuned the pipe, and in honour ofthee, Bacchus, essayed the rustic dance. Agricola assiduo primum satiatus aratro Cantavit certo rustica verba pede, Et satur arenti primum est modulatus avena Carmen, ut ornatos diceret ante decs; Agricola et minio suffusus, Bacche, rubenti 55 Primus inexperta duxit ab arte chores. Huic datus a pleno, memorabile munus, ovili Dux pecoris curtas auxerat hircus opes. 59 66. Here gather we fiowers for our Lares ; here grows the bright wool for maiden's task, with distaff or with loom. Rure puer verno primum de flore coronam Fecit, et antiquis imposuit laribus. 60 41. primi O Par. primum Z. 5. Aurea QrYzr. Antea&N. 49. ingerit G Par. ingerat AV. 50. tit O Par. et AV 1 . 54. diceret GV 2 duceret AV 1 . 58. Probably corrupt, hauxerat A hauserat GV duxerat G Q hirtas duxerat hircus oves Heyne curtas auxerat hircus opes Waardenburg, Muel. Hil. C 2 20 TIBULLUS, II. l., 61-90. Rure etiam teneris curam exhibitura puellis Molle gerit tergo lucida vellus ovis. Hinc et femineus labor est, hinc pensa colusque, Fusus et apposito pollice versat opus : Atque aliqua assidue textrix operata Minervae 65 Cantat, et applauso tela sonat latere. 07 86. Here Love -was born : here first he held the bow, here first pierced young and old. Come thou too to our feast, but come unarmed : so shall all breathe their vows to thee. Ipse interque greges interque armenta Cupido Natus et indomitas dicitur inter equas. Illic indocto primum se exercuit arcu : Ei mihi, quam doctas nunc habet ille manus ! 70 Nee pecudes, velut ante, petit: fixisse puellas Gestit, et audaces perdomuisse viros. Hie iuveni detraxit opes, hie dicere iussit Limen ad iratae verba pudenda senem : Hoc duce custodes furtim transgressa iacentes 75 Ad iuvenem tenebris sola puella venit, Et pedibus praetemptat iter suspensa timore, Explorat caecas cui manus ante vias. A miseri, quos hie graviter deus urget! at ille Felix, cui placidus leniter adflat Amor. 80 Sancte, veni dapibus festis, sed pone sagittas Et procul ardentes hinc precor abde faces. 65. assidue . . . Minervam O assiduae . . . Minervae Z textrix O textis Z. 66. applauso Z appulso O. 67. Ipse interque greges G Ipse quoque inter agros A Ipse quoque inter greges V Ipse agros interque g reges V '* quoque inter apros Klotz. 70. Hei GV. 12. atroces conj. Bae. 73. opes G 2 Z opus O. 78. cui O dum conj. Heyne. TIBULLUS, II. 5., i-io. 21 Vos celebrem cantate deum pecorique vocate Voce : palam pecori, clam sibi quisque vocet. Aut etiam sibi quisque palam : nam turba iocosa 85 Obstrepit, et Phrygio tibia curva sono. 87 9O. Then sport your Jill: Night comes with her starry train : soon Sleep and Dreams will follow. Ludite : iam Nox iungit equos, currumque sequuntur Matris lascivo sidera fulva chore, Postque venit tacitus furvis circumdatus alis Somnus, et incerto somnia nigra pede. 90 II.5. 1 1O. Hither, Phoebus, with thy lyre! thou hast a new priest to-day. Hither, radiant God, with laurel on thy broiv, and in thy festal robe ! Phoebe, fave : novus ingreditur tua templa sacerdos : Hue age cum cithara carminibusque veni. Nunc te vocales impellere pollice chordas, Nunc precor ad laudes flectere verba meas. Ipse triumphali devinctus tempora lauro, 5 Dum cumulant aras, ad tua sacra veni. Sed nitidus pulcherque veni : nunc indue vestem Sepositam, longas nunc bene pecte comas, Quatem te memorant Saturno rege fugato Victori laudes concjnuisse lovi. 10 88. choro G-V thoro A.N 1 . 89. furvis G- fulvis AV Par. fuscis Z Heyne. 90. nigra O Par. vana Z pigra Heyne. II. 5. 3. me Bae. 4. meas O tttas Z mea Lach. tua Wis- ser. 7. Sed O Et Bae. 9. Qualem O Quali Bae. 22 TIBULLUS, II. 5., 11-28. 11 18. All prophecy is thine, through bird, through entrails, and through lot : grant thou to Messalinus to touch the sacred Sibyfs leaves, and truly to unfold her song. Tu procul eventura vides, tibi deditus augur Scit bene quid fati provida cantet avis; Tuque regis sortes, per te praesentit aruspex, Lubrica signavit cum deus exta notis. Te duce Romanes numquam frustrata Sibylla, 15 Abdita quae senis fata canit pedibus. Phoebe, sacras Messalinum sine tangere chartas Vatis, et ipse precor quid canat ilia doce. 19 38. She it was that gave lots to Aeneas when he yet turned his eyes to Ilium, and Romulus had Imilt no wall ; when herds strayed over the Palatium, and the shepherd hung his rude gift to Pan or Pales under the tree ; when maidens ferried over the Velabrurn to meet their lovers. Haec dedit Aeneae sortes, postquam ille parentem Dicitur et raptos sustinuisse lares: 20 Nee fore credebat Romam, cum maestus ab alto Ilion ardentes respiceretque deos. Romulus aeternae nondum formaverat urbis Moenia, consorti non habitanda Remo, Sed tune pascebant herbosa Palatia vaccae, 25 Et stabant humiles in lovis arce casae. Lacte madens illic suberat Pan ilicis umbrae, Et facta agresti lignea falce Pales; 11. debitus O deditus Z. 1?. chartas GV 2 car/as AV 1 . 18. quidZ quos O quod Z canit O canat AV. 19. Bae. thinks 19-22 spurious. Bubendey Quaest. p. 28 thinks the same of 21-38- 20. raptos Z captos O. 22. Bae. suspects domos is the true reading for deos. 23. formaverat O firmaverat Z. TIBULLUS, II. 5., 29-50. 23 Pendebatque vagi pastoris in arbore votum, Garrula silvestri fistula sacra deo, 30 Fistula, cui semper decrescit arundinis ordo: Nam calamus cera iungitur usque minor. At qua Velabri regie patet, ire solebat Exiguus pulsa per vada linter aqua. Ilia saepe gregis diti placitura magistro 35 Ad iuvenem festa est vecta puella die, Cum qua fecundi redierunt munera ruris, Caseus et niveae candidus agnus ovis. 39 54. She sang to him of Laurentum and the Numicius ; how the camp of the Rutulian would burn, how Lavinium and Alba Longa grow ; how Ilia would be loved by Mars. ' Impiger Aenea, volitantis frater Amoris, Troica qui profugis sacra vehis ratibus, 40 lam tibi Laurentes assignat luppiter agros, lam vocat errantes hospita terra Lares. Illic sanctus eris, cum te veneranda Numici Unda deum caelo miserit Indigetem. Ecce super fessas volitat Victoria puppes, 45 Tandem ad Troianos diva superba venit. Ecce mihi lucent Rutulis incendia castris : lam tibi praedico, barbare Turne, necem. Ante oculos Laurens castrum, murusque Lavini est, Albaque ab Ascanio condita longa duce. 50 32. namA-V et Or Bae. dum Heyne. 34. pulla O pulsa Z. 35. illaque AV diti Z ditis A. 38. After 1. 38 a new elegy commences in O. Perhaps a couplet has dropped out. 43. vene- rande Mueller. 49. castrum Z castris O. 24 TIBULLUS, II. 5., 51-68. Te quoque iam video, Marti placitura sacerdos Ilia, Vestales deseruisse focos, Concubitusque tuos furtim, vittasque iacentes, Et cupidi ad ripas arma relicta dei. 55 64. ' Feed on, ye bulls J she said, ' while ye may j here Rome shall stand, and rule from East to West : once more shall Troy be great, and glory in your wanderings? Carpite nunc, tauri, de septem montibus herbas, 55 Dum licet: hie magnae iam locus urbis erit. Roma, tuum nomen terris fatale regendis, Qua sua de caelo prospicit arva Ceres, Quaque patent ortus et qua fluitantibus undis Solis anhelantes abluit amnis equos. 60 Troia quidem tune se mirabitur, et sibi dicet Vos bene tarn longa consuluisse via. Vera cano : sic usque sacras innoxia laurus Vescar, et aeternum sit mihi virginitas.' 65 8O. So sang she, and called on thee, Phoebus: blot out, we pray thee, all omens dire of comet or of stone-shower, of embattled sky or speaking grove, of failing sun or cloud- wrapped year, of voiced ox or weeping God. Haec cecinit vates et te sibi, Phoebe, vocavit, 65 lactavit fusas et caput ante comas. Quidquid Amalthea, quidquid Marpesia dixit Herophile, Phyto Graiaque quod monuit, 53. vittasque Z victasque O. 62. longa . . . via Z Seal. longam . . . viam O. 63. lauros Q-. 64. Vescar ZV 2 Noscar A Noscat QV-. 65-80 Bae. holds to be spurious, interpolated in consequence of there having been a gap after 1. 64. 67- Quid quod A. 68. Eryphile O Hcriphile AV. Phoeto Grata TIBULLUS, II. 5., 69-88. 25 Quasque Aniena sacras Tiburs per flumina sortes Portarit sicco pertuleritque sinu : 70 Hae fore dixerunt belli mala signa cometen, Multus ut in terras deplueretque lapis: Atque tubas atque arma ferunt strepitantia caelo Audita, et lucos praecinuisse fugam : Ipsum etiam Solem defectum lumine vidit 75 lungere pallentes nubilus annus equos, Et simulacra deum lacrimas fudisse tepentes Fataque vocales praemonuisse boves. Haec fuerant olim : sed tu iam mitis, Apollo, Prodigia indomitis merge sub aequoribus. 80 81 94. Now let the laurel crackle, let field and cask be full: the glad shepherd shall leap over the straw, young and old shall make merry together. Et succensa sacris crepitet bene laurea flammis, Omine quo felix et sacer annus erit. Laurus ubi bona signa dedit, gaudete coloni : Distendet spicis horrea plena Ceres, Oblitus et musto feriet pede rusticus uvas, 8j Dolia dum magni deficiantque lacus. Ac madidus Baccho sua festa Palilia pastor Concinet: a stabulis tune procul este lupi. Lach. Phoebo grata O Phyto grata Huschke que quod mo- nuit Z quodadmonuit O. Rossbach puts a comma after dixit, and reads Phoebo grata. 69. QuasqueZ Quodque AV Aniena Z AlbanaV Albuna ?>e right as er precedes. 37. reponet NO reportet Hertz. Bae. 90 PROPERTIUS, IV. 4., 39-56. Quid minim in patrios Scyllam saevisse capillos, Candidaque in saevos inguina versa canes ? 40 Prodita quid mirum fraterni cornua monstri, Cum patuit lecto stamine torta via? Quantum ego sum Ausoniis crimen factura puellis, Improba virgineo lecta ministra foco ! Pallados extinctos si quis mirabitur ignes, 45 Ignoscat : lacrimis spargitur ara meis. 47 66. ' To-morrow there will be a feast? she said; 'follow thou the silent slippery path : then take me to wife, with Rome betrayed for my dowry : so shall the Sabine maidens be avenged.' ^Cras, ut rumor ait, tota cessabitur urbe : Tu cape spinosi rorida terga iugi. Lubrica tota via est et perfida : quippe tacentes Fallaci celat limite semper aquas. 50 O utinam magicae nossem cantamina Musae! Hanc quoque formoso lingua tulisset opem. Te toga picta decet, non quern sine matris honore Nutrit inhumanae dura papilla lupae. Sic, hospes, pariamne tua regina sub aula? 55 Dos tibi non humilis prodita Roma venit. 40. foedos Heinsius, Bae. 47. pugnabitur NO Per. Hertz, etc. cessabitur is the excellent conj. of Palmer, who points out that the phrase tota in urbepugnari is absurd in itself, and that the day follow- ing was to be a feast-day. On the other hand ut rumor ait scarcely applies to a festival fixed for the morrow ; and 1. 81 presents the idea of taking advantage of the holiday as a new one. Palm, now prefers potabitiir, C. R. ii. p. 39. 50. Palm, proposes caespes for semper. 51. magine N magicae edd. magnae (vocative) Palm. 52. Haec NO Hanc Bae. Others Hac (i. e. via), nunc, sic. 55. Sic hospes NO Sim compar Bae. Die hospes ; spatiorne tuam . . . aulam Heinsius pariamne N patiare DV patriaeve Hertz. PROPERTIVS, IV. 4., 57-76. 91 Si minus, at raptae ne sint impune Sabinae, Me rape, et alterna lege repende vices. Commissas acies ego possum solvere nupta ; Vos medium palla foedus inite mea. 60 Adde, Hymenaee, modos : tubicen, fera murmura conde : Credite, vestra meus molliet arma torus. Et iam quarta canit venturam bucina lucem, Ipsaque in Oceanum sidera lapsa cadunt; Experiar somnum, de te mihi somnia quaeram : 65 Fac venias oculis umbra benigna meis.' 67 82. Unrestful that night she slept: on the morrow, the feast of Pales, she sped forth in frenzy, and made the traitorous . *"*' Dixit, et incerto permisit brachia somno, Nescia se furiis accubuisse novis. Nam Vesta, Iliacae felix tutela favillae, Culpam alit, et plures condit in ossa faces. 70 Ilia ruit, qualis celerem prope Thermodonta Strymonis abscisso fertur aperta sinu. Urbi festus erat dixere Parilia patres Hie primus coepit moenibus esse dies Annua pastorum convivia, lusus in urbe, 75 Cum pagana madent fercula divitiis, 57. ne NV Hertz, etc. non O Bae. 59, 60. solvere nupta ; Vos so Madvig, Palm, instead of solvere : nuptae, Vos with the MSS. and most edd. 60. medium NO media Bae. 62. thorus NF. 63. E: NO En Bae. bucina N buccina O. 64. occeamim NO. 68. nefariis NO Per. se furiis Pass. Livin. vae furiis lacobus Hertz, etc. : but Mueller remarks that vae is not used by Prop. 72. fertur NO pectus Hertz. Bae. Hons. 73. parilia NF pahlia Per. etc. 74. coepi N. 76. divitiis NO edd. delitiis V a suos Bae. PROPERT1US, IV. ii., 55-72. ici 55 6O. To thee, dear mother, I have brought no grief bttt by my death : Casar himself bewails my lot. Nec te, dulce caput, mater Scribonia, laesi : 55 In me mutatum quid nisi fata velis? Maternis laudor lacrimis urbisque querellis, Defensa et gemitu Caesaris ossa mea. Ille sua nata dignam vixisse sororem Increpat, et lacrimas vidimus ire Deo. 60 61 72. I have gained honotir from my sons ; twice has my brother borne consuts office ; my daughter is worthy of her race ; I have a fair name, a woman's highest glory. Et tamen emerui generosos vestis honores, Nec mea de sterili facta rapina domo. Tu, Lepide, et tu, Paule, meum post fata levamen, Condita sunt vestro lumina nostra sinu. Vidimus et fratrem sellam geminasse curulem, 65 Consule quo facto tempore rapta soror. Filia, tu specimen censurae nata paternae, Fac teneas unum nos imitata virum, Et serie fulcite genus : mihi cymba volenti Solvitur aucturis tot mea fata meis. 70 Haec est feminei merces extrema triumphi, Laudat ubi emeritum libera fama rogum. 63. Te ... te O Tu . . . tu Z. 65. sella in gemuisse curuli P>ae. 66. Consul quo foetus tempore Lach. Bae. has/also for facto H. A. J. Munro conj. festo orfati. 70. aucturis Z edd. ttncturis DV nupturis F If or fata Post. con], facta meis Lach. Palm. Bae. malts O Hertz. 102 PROPERTIUS, IV. I]., 73-90. 73 78. And now I commend to thee our sons : play them a mother s part to them, and add my kisses to thine own. Nunc tibi commendo communia pignora natos : Haec cura et cineri spiral inusta meo. Fungere maternis vicibus, pater: ilia meorum 75 Omnis erit collo turba ferenda tuo. Oscula cum dederis tua flentibus, adice matris: Tola domus coepit nunc onus esse tuum. 79 84. Let them see no tears upon thy cheek ; enough that thou grieve for me by night, and speak to mine image as though it would answer thee again. Et si quid doliturus eris, sine testibus illis : Cum venient, siccis oscula falle genis. 80 Sat tibi sint noctes, quas de me, Paule, fatiges, Somniaque in faciem credita saepe meam ; Atque ubi secreto nostra ad simulacra loqueris, Ut responsurae singula verba iace. 85 9O. If the couch be strewn for another wife, my sons, bear with her ; subdue her love by gentleness : nor praise your mother over much. Seu tamen adversum mutarit ianua lectum, 85 Sederit et nostro cauta noverca toro, Coniugium, pueri, laudate et ferte paternum : Capta dabit vestris moribus ilia manus. Nee matrem laudate nimis: conlata priori Vertet in offensas libera verba suas. 90 76. ferenda O fovenda Mueller, Bae. 77. matris Z mater O. 79. quid NV edd. qitis O erisZ edd. ert'tNO. 81. sint N sunt O. 84. iace Z face NO. 86. thoro FN. 87. placati ferte Mueller. 80. conlata N collata O. PROPERTIUS, IV. II., 91-102. 103 91 98. If he be content with memory of me, feel for his coming age : add my years to yours : 'tis well I leave you all behind me. Seu memor ille mea contentus manserit umbra, Et tanti cineres duxerit esse meos, Discite venturam iam nunc sentire senectam, Caelibis ad curas nee vacet ulla via. Quod mihi detractum est, vestros accedat ad annos : 95 Prole mea Paullum sic iuvet esse senem. Et bene habet : numquam mater lugubria sumpsi : Venit in exequias tota caterva meas. 99 1O2. My cattse is said. Do ye witness for me as ye weep, and help my course to heaven. Causa perorata est. Flentes me surgite testes, Dum pretium vitae grata rependit humus. 100 Moribus et caelum patuit: sim digna merendo, Cuius honoratis ossa vehantur equis. 94. valet ulla vias N". 97. lubrica sumptum O lubrica Z edd. lubrigia sumptum IfV 2 . 99. For me Palmer suggests ne. 102. vehantur ITV 2 vehuntur O aquis NFV 2 Palmer (who compares 3. 18. 31, 32) equis DV Per. Hertz avis Heinsius, Bae. Hous., who quotes Cons, ad Liviam 329 Ille pio si non temere haec creduntur in aevo Inter honoratos excipietur avo:. NOTES ON TIBULLUS. WEARY of war and danger, the poet declares he has no care for wealth: he will give up a soldier's life with all its hopes and honours, and retiring to his humble country estate, will live a life of peace and simple ease, cultivating his fields and tending his flocks, and happy till death with the love of Delia. The introduction of Messalla's name, 1. 53, implies that Tibullus had received an invitation from his patron to accompany him on some military expedition, from joining in which, as part of the great man's suite, substantial profit might be looked for. There was no surer way for a young man to push his fortunes, and to lay the foundation of a good balance at his banker's, than to attach himself to the cohors or suite of a provincial governor : and we know with what furious invective Catullus assails the provincial governor whose meanness (or sense of justice ?) permitted his suite to return home empty-handed (Cat. 28) . What then is the occasion to which the invitation of Messalla refers? It could not have been Messalla's command in Aquitania, nor his subsequent mission to the East, for Tibullus accompanied him on both occasions (see Tib. 1 . 3 and 7), and we know of no foreign service of Messalla's after the latter event. We must look therefore to some earlier employment ; and as we know that Messalla took an important part in the Actian cam- paign, and commanded a division of the fleet in the battle itself, we may with all probability infer that this poem was composed in the spring of B.C. 31, on the occasion of the poet's being invited to take a part in that memorable campaign. It will be noted that the allu- sions in the piece itself are more applicable to a campaign in which active fighting was expected, than to an ordinary provincial com- mand. Assuming this view to be correct, it is interesting to compare this poem with the 1st Epode of Horace, composed under precisely similar circumstances, and on the same occasion. Like Tibullus, Horace disclaims all desire to make money out of his 106 NOTES. attachment to his patron (11. 25-34) > Dut whereas Tibullus refuses an invitation to accompany Messalla, Horace volunteers unsolicited, and apparently against remonstrance, to follow Maecenas through every danger to the extremities of the earth. As a matter of fact, Horace enjoyed at home the peace and comfort for which Tibullus sighed : but whether his abstention was due to accident or policy, his Muse has not betrayed him. At the time supposed, if Tibullus was born in B.C. 59, he would have arrived at the age of 28. His term of ten years' service as an eques would have expired ; and the contemplative indolent poet was little disposed to embark again on the troubled waters from which he had just emerged. 1. The conditions of modern warfare make it hard for us to realise that over the greater part of human history, whether ancient or modern, the chief attraction in the military profession has been the hope of enrichment. The profession of arms, now emphatically the ' poor man's ' profession, has been mainly rilled by men anxious to make their fortunes, whether on a big or little scale. The Celtic races have never known but two motives to war plunder and revenge. The Scottish Celt was able to live up to his principles till put down by the strong arm of England in the middle of last century. At Rome, until the Emperors in- troduced a stable and tolerably just government throughout the provinces, Roman soldiers, whether generals or legionaries, came home gorged with plunder. When legitimate plunder failed, as during the Civil Wars, honest citizens had to be despoiled of their lands to satisfy the demands of the soldiery; and the triumvirs swelled their legions by promising grants of lands to their ad- herents, just as Cromwell did to the army which he took over to Ireland in 1649. Divitias, as defined by an.ro, refers to the former mode of pay- ment : ing-era multa soli to the latter. When Horace hears that his friend Iccius is going to join the expedition of Aelius Callus against Arabia, he takes it as a matter of course that thirst for gold is his motive, Od. i. 29. i led beatis nunc Arabum intides Gazis ? Similarly, Propertius prophesies great wealth to those who join Augustus" expedition to the East, 3. 4. 3 Magna, iriri, merces and (like Tibullus) excuses himself from joining it because he has no thirst either for gold or gems or land, 3. 5. 3-8 TIBULLUS, I. I., 1-4. 107 Nee tamen inviso pectus mihi carpitur aura, Nee bibit e gemma divite nostra sitis ; Nee mihi mille iugis Campania pinguis aratur, Nee miser aera paro elade, Corinthe, tua. sibi congerat, 'pile up for himself.' Divitias includes all forms of wealth, fulvo auro is one of the means by which it may be accu- mulated. The two main forms are distinguished, Hor. Sat. 2. I. 13 Dives agris, dives positis in fenore nummis. 2. teneat, ' have and hold.' The word avoids all awkward ques- tions as to how possession is to be obtained. culti, 'land fully tilled,' and therefore necessarily gained by expropriation. mnlta, A. has magna: a similar mistake occurs Ov. Am. 3. 15. 12 where P. (Palatinus primus) reads campi iugera parva for pauca. But Hor. Sat. i. 6. 4 has magnis legionibus ; so Sallust, Cat. 53. Iugera magna might therefore = ' whole acres.' The Roman iugerum contained two actus quadrati, and the actus quadratus was a square whose side was one hundred Roman feet. Hence a iugerum = a rectangular plot of ground 240 feet by 120. The English acre represents a square whose sides are nearly 209 feet, and contains 43,560 square feet. By reducing Roman feet to English (the Roman foot equals about 11-64 inches imperial measure), it will be found that the Roman iugerum contained 27,097 square feet, and so was less than two-thirds of the English acre. The line is obviously imitated by Ov. Fast. 3. 192 lugeraque inculti pauca tenere soli. 3. labor assiduus, here used of the hardships and dangers of a soldier's life. So Caesar B. G. 7. 41 of an attack on his camp nostros assiduo labore defatigarent. Hor. Epod. 1.15 alluding (as here Tibull.) to the Actian campaign Roges tuum laborem quid iuvem meo? So Soph. Phil. 864 ir6vos & fifi of)>v KpanaTOs. Quern . . . terreat, the subj. because no individual is pointed at in alius 1. i . Quern has thus a consecutive force, = ' one of such a kind as.' 4. Classica. The history of the word classieum is remarkable. It is here used to denote ' a trumpet,' as in Virg. Geo. 2. 539 Necdum etiam audierant inflari classica. Its proper meaning is ' a military signal,' a signal given to the 'Classes' into which the Roman people were divided for military purposes by the constitution of Servius Tullius. The word classis io8 NOTES. is connected with calo (aX'w), whence come calendae, concilium, flamo, etc. Thus classis meant the people, or a division of the people, called together especially for war purposes. Hence it originally meant ' an army : ' a use which evidently puzzled Livy, for he tells us 4. 34. 6 Classi quoque ad Fidenas pugnatum cum Veientibus quidam in annales retulere, rent aeqite difficilem a.tque incredibilem. The word is used in the same sense by Virg. Aen. 7. 716 Hortinae classes populique Latini. When Servius divided the people into divisions according to their wealth, each of the five divisions into which the wealthier citizens (i.e. those possessing as much as 12,500 asses) were divided was called a ' classis' ; while those who belonged to the first, i.e. wealthiest, class, were emphatically called classici. From this meaning sprang the phrases ' classical authors ' and ' the classics," as we learn from a passage in Gell. 19. 8. 15 classicus assiduusque aliquis scriptor, non proletarius, the term proletarius denoting those who were too poor to be enrolled : ' the masses ' as distin- guished from ' the classes.' Subsequently classis came to be used exclusively for ' a fleet,' and classici are ' marines.' ptilsa, here used improperly of a wind-instrument. Thus in Arist. Av. 682 KptKttv av\6v, and Claud, de Cons. Theod. 313 Cui tibia fiatu, Cut plectra pulsanda chelys. 5. mea panpertas. Pauper (as is evidently here used in a relative sense, for Hor. Ep. i. 4. 7 addresses the poet Di tibi divitias dederunt artemque fruendi. The word mea of itself qualifies the paupertas : ' such poverty as is mine ; ' a poverty which, as he goes on to explain, enabled him to live in idleness. From the allusions in 11. 19, 20 it would appear that Tibullus' property was not so valuable as it had been. It is generally assumed that it must have been in part confiscated during the confiscations of B. c. 42. But confiscations were seldom if ever partial : and Tibullus' own words point rather to his property having fallen in value than to its loss. More probably, therefore, he was only a sufferer from ' the agricultural depression ' which fol- lowed the civil wars. traducat, in allusion to his past military service. vitae. Ad vitam would be a more usual construction, but trans- duce, like obduco, is essentially a trajective verb, and is followed by the dat. after the analogy oldare, tradere, etc. Hence Hor. Od. i. 24.18 TIBULLUS, I. I., 4-1 1. 109 Nigro compulerit Mercurius gregi, quoted by the commentators, is scarcely in point. 6. dum . . . luceat, i. e. ' provided only.' An ' ever-blazing hearth ' is a sign of comfort : enumerated by Mart. 10. 474 among , the constituents of a happy life, Non ingratus ager, focus perennis. See too Cat. 23. 2. Statius had this passage in view Silv. i. 2. 2 55 Divesque foco lucente Tibullus. 7. Zpse, emphatic, ' with my own hands,' unlike the owners of the vast estates called latifundia, which were cultivated by hordes of slaves. 8. facili, ' ready,' ' skilful,' ' able to turn to anything,' in strict accordance with its derivation from facto. The same root appears in facetus which in early Latin bears the meaning of 'smart,' ' handy,' ' graceful,' without any reference to the humorous. poma, here for pomos, apple-trees : grandia in contrast to tcneras vites. 9. Spes is here personified as a goddess. Altars were erected to Spes in gardens, etc., as the giver of increase. Cp. Tib. 2. 6. 21 Spes alit agricolus, Spes sulcis credit aratis Semina, quae magno fenore reddat ager. frugfuni includes cereals as well as fruits. 10. musta lacu. Mustum (properly an adjective meaning 'young' or 'new'), sc. vinum, was the name given to the sweet juice of the grape, when first extracted from it, first by treading, afterwards by pressing. The locus was a kind of cistern into which the juice flowed from the press, and in which it was left to ferment. Cp. Ov. Fast. 4. 887 Qui petis auxilium, non grandia divide mecuni - Praemia, de lacubus proxima musta tuis. The alliteration in this line, as below 1. 34, is obviously intentional. 11. nam, used elliptically. ' And I have good ground for hope, for I am careful to worship the gods.' Rude images of rustic deities were set up in fields and at crossways. They consisted of rough blocks of stone or trunks of trees, sometimes carved into the similitude of a head. Silvanus, Priapus, and Terminus were frequently represented in this way: thus Ov. Fast. 2. 639 Termine, sive lapis, sive es defossus in agro Stipes ab antiquis, sic quoque numen habes, and Lactantius De Falsa Rel. i. 20 Quid, qui lapidem colunt in- formein atque rudem, cui notnen est Terminus ? The god Ter- HO NOTES. minus was worshipped by the proprietors on each side of the march- stone : Ov. 1. c. Te duo diversa domini pro parte coronant, Binaque serta tibi, binaque liba ferunt. desertus, i. e. standing by itself in a field, as opposed to in trivia, 1. 12. 14. libatum. The verb libo (Xtifrco) properly means ' to pour, and is specially used of libations poured upon the ground or upon an altar to a god. Hence it means generally ' to offer in sacrifice,' as exta canum Ov. Fast. I. 389, munera ib. 647, and figuratively, Prop. 4. 6. 7 Spargite me lymphis, carmenque recentibus art's Tibia Alygdoniis libet eburna cadis. agricolae . . . deo should be read. No special god is intended. The singular is used collectively = ' the gods of agriculture : ' cp. 2 . 1.36 Redditur agricolis gratia caelitibus. Many MSS. have deum, obviously because ante was supposed to be the preposition. In Prop. 4. 2. 45 Vertumnus says Nee fios ullus hiat pratis, quin ille decenter Inpositus fronti langueat ante meae. Ante no doubt means ' before I take any for myself.* There is a similar confusion caused by ante the adv. preceding an ace. in i. 2. 10. 15. Corona spicea, 'a wreath of corn-ears,' the natural offer- ing to Ceres : so Hor. Car. Sec. 29 Fertilis frugum pecorisque tellus Spicea donet Cererem corona. Compare the Scottish custom of hanging up in the kitchen of a farm- house ' the maiden,' or last-cut handful of the harvest, decked with blue ribbons. 17. Rnber, i. e. painted with vermilion. So Ov. Fast. I. 415 describes Priapus At ruber, hortorum decus et tutela, Priapus. Plin- 33- 36. i informs us that it had been the custom to paint the face of Jupiter's image on feast days with vermilion, and that the censors let out the job on contract. He adds that the bodies of triumphing generals, of whom he cites Camillus, were similarly treated. Similarly Pan is represented in Virgil E. 10. 27 as Sanguineis ebuli baccis minioque rubentem, and in Tib. 2. i. 55 the countryman in worshipping Bacchus paints himself with the same substance, Agricola et minio suffusus, Bacche, rubenti. See Plut. Qu. Rom. 98. TIBULLUS, I. i. 11-20. Ill 18. Priapus, the God of Gardens, was unknown alike to Italian and to early Greek mythology. The main seat of his worship was Lampsacus, on the Hellespont, where he was worshipped as the son of Dionysus and Aphrodite. He was regarded as the protector of flocks and of the vine, but especially of bees and all garden pro- duce, which he protected from thieves and birds, being thus the ancestor of the modern scare-crow or ' tatie-bogle.' His statue was to be found in all gardens, with a falx or gardener's knife in his hand, and a cudgel ; he bore a horn of plenty in his arms, and other emblems of fruitfulness. Virg. Geo. 4. 109 Et custos furum atque avium cum fake saligna Hellespontiaci servet tutela Priapi. Martial 8. 40 treats him with scant respect : the poet threatens he will cut him up for firewood if he does not protect his wood properly from thieves. See also Hor. Sat. i. 8. 3-8. 19. 20. These lines refer to the loss of property which the poet had sustained from whatever cause. See Introd. 20. fertis, i. e. ' receive.' So Hor. Od. 4. 3. 5 neque tu pessima munerum Ferres, and Ov. Am. 3. 6. 66 Mumra promissis uberiora feres. Lares. The Lares here meant are the Lares Rurales, who presided over the fields and guarded the interests of the husbandman. ' The word Lar is of Tuscan origin, and was used in that language as a title of honour, equivalent, apparently, to chief or prince. Thus we read of Lar or Lars Porsenna, king of Clusium, Lar Tolumnius, king of the Veiientes, etc. 'Among the Romans, the deities denominated Lares were certain spirits of dead men who were supposed to watch over and protect the living. They were very numerous, and were ranked in classes according to the departments over which they presided. Thus there were Lares Privati and Lares Publici, the former being the objects of family worship, while the latter were worshipped by the whole community. 'The Lares Privati, or Domestici, or Familiares, were tutelary spirits worshipped by all residing under the same roof. The spot peculiarly sacred to them was the focus or hearth situated in the Atrium, where stood the altar for domestic sacrifice. Near to this there was usually a niche, containing little images of these gods, called lararium, or aedicula. The offerings to the Lares consisted chiefly of flowers, frankincense, and wine, which were presented from 112 NOTES. time to time, and regularly on the Kalends of each month. A por- tion of the viands consumed at each meal was also placed before them in little dishes, and victims were occasionally sacrificed. Marked reverence was paid to the Lares at the most important periods of life ; to them the youth dedicated his bulla when he assumed the manly gown ; to them the bride presented a piece of money when betrothed, according to the form termed coemptio ; to them she made a solemn offering on the day after her nuptials, be- fore entering on the discharge of her matron duties ; to them a grateful salutation was addressed by the master of the mansion when he returned in safety from a foreign 'land ; and to them the soldier dedicated his arms when the toils and dangers of war were over. Thus in the Aulularia of Plautus, the Prologue is spoken by a Lar Familiaris, to whose guardianship the father of the actual proprietor of the house had committed a treasure buried beneath the hearth. The spirit, after complaining of the neglect of the son, continues thus, Huic filia una est : ea mi hi quotidie Aut ture, aut vino, aut aliqiu semper supplicat: Dat mihi coronas. Cato, when describing the duties of a Villica, R. R. 43 Focum purum circumversum quotidie, priusquam cubitum eat, habeat. Kalendis, Idibus, Nonis, festus dies cum erit, coronam in focum indat. Per eosdem dies Lari familiari pro copia supplicet. ' In the above passages a single Lar only is supposed to belong to the dwelling ; the plural, however, is quite common, as in Juv. S. 9- 137 O parvi nostrique Lares, quos ture minuto, Aut farre, et tenui soleo exorare corona. Also Hor. C. 3. 23. 2 Nascente luna, rustica Phidyle, Si ture placaris et horna Fruge Lares a-vidaque porca. Cp. also Tibull. i. 3. 33 ; i. 10. 15-27 ; 2. i. 59 ; Cato R. R. 2 ; Ov. Trist. 4. 8. 21 ;. Pers. S. 5. 30 Cum primum .pavido custos mihi purpura ccssit, Bullaque succinctis Laribus donata pependit ; and Prop. 4. I. 131 Max, ubi bulla rudi dimissa est aurea collo, Matris et ante deos libera sumpta toga. Consult also Macrob. S. i. 15 ; Nonius, p. 531. ' Of the Lares Publici the most important were the Lares Kurales, guardians of flocks and herds and fruits, propitiated by sacrifices of TIBULLUS, I. i., 20. 113 calves and lambs ; the Lares Compitales, worshipped at the spot where two or more roads crossed each other ; the Lares Viales, probably the same with the preceding, so called because their images were erected in streets and highways : invoked by travellers when setting forth on a journey (see Plaut. Merc. 5. 2. 23) ; the Lares Vicorum, or guardians of the streets ; the Lares Praestites, protectors of the city ; the Lares Permarini, . worshipped by mariners (a temple was dedicated to them in the Campus Martius, B.C. 179); and the Lares Grundules, who stood under the grundae or projecting eaves of houses. ' It is obvious from what has been said that the Roman Lares bear a marked resemblance to the saints of the Roman Catholic Church. Like them, the saints are believed to te the spirits of dead men, to whose protection cities, streets, roads, ships, families, and private individuals are commended ; statues or pictures of saints are to be found in streets, crossways, bridges, ships, dwelling-houses, and all places of public and private resort ; these are honoured with gar- lands and offerings of every description, while lamps fed with per- fumed oil bum before their shrines. The Lares must be dis- tinguished from the Penates. The word Penates is apparently a local adjective like nostras, cuias, Casinos, Arpinas, etc., connected with penitus, penetro, penetralia, etc., so that the term properly denotes the deities worshipped in the penus 1 or innermost part of the house. But we have already seen that the focus or hearth situated in the Atrium was considered the central point of the dwelling, and was invested with peculiar sanctity. Hence Penates is in fact a generic term, and, in its strict sense, comprehends all the gods worshipped at the hearth, and will thus include the Lares, who are continually mentioned in conjunction with the Penates, and frequently in such terms as to imply that they were the same. But it is quite certain that other- gods, besides the Lares, were worshipped at the hearth, especially Vesta, who was herself the Goddess of the Hearth, and to these the term Penates is often applied, so as to distinguish them from the Lares. This is evident from a single passage in Plautus, Merc. 5- i. 5 Di Penates meum parentum, familiaeque Lar pater, Vobis mando meum parentum rent bene ut tutemini. Ego mihi alias Deos Penates persequar, alium Larem. It would be vain to enquire who the Penates were, since they might 1 'Nam et ipsum penetral, penus dicitur, et hodie quoque penus Vestae daudi vel aperiri dicitur.' Sen-, on Virg. Aen. 3. I a. I 114 NOTES. be different for every family, and the statements of ancient authors upon this point are very contradictory. Varro, however, distinctly asserts that the number and names of Penates were indeterminate. ' As there were Public as well as Domestic Lares, so there were Public Penates who exercised a general influence over the destinies of the whole Roman people. Thus Tacitus tells us, Ann. 15. 41, that delubrum Vestae cum Panatibus Populi Romani was consumed along with other very ancient temples in the great fire during the reign of Nero. Apparently the temple of Vesta, being the common hearth or central point of the city, was the proper abode of the Public Penates. Dionysius also, R. A. I. 68, describes a temple in the Velia (that part of the Forum immediately under the Palatine) in which were " images of the Trojan Penates, two young men in a sitting posture, with spears in their hands, a work of ancient art ; " and adds that he had seen many other effigies of these gods in ancient shrines, always represented as two young men in martial equipment. These we should naturally suppose to be the Trojan or Phrygian Penates mentioned so often in the Aeneid, supposed to have been rescued from the flames of Troy by Aeneas, and trans- ported by him to Italy.' 21-24. The principal rural festivals at which the fields, flocks, and countrymen were purified were the Ambarvalia (see below Tib. 2. i), the Palilia (Ov. Fast. 4. 721 sqq.), and the Feriae Sementivae (Ov. Fast. i. 6^8). 21. Tune, i. e. in better times. 22. exig-ui seems to imply that the property had been reduced in size. 25. A. reads lam modo non possum, which can only mean ' I am now only not able,' i. e. 'I am all but able,' as Virg. Aen. 9. 141 penitus modo non genus omne perosos, ' in all but utter hatred of the whole of womankind.' But to say ' I am all but ready to be content with little' is at once weak and inconsistent with the lines which follow, which imply a definite assertion, or hope, of contentment. The reading of the text is from M. : see critical note. Passim is supported by pudcat, 1. 29. vivere parvo. Cp. Hor. Od. 2. 16. 13 Vivitur parvo bene cui paternum Splendet in mensa tenui salinum. 26. longue . . . viae, of military marches. So Hor. Od. 2.6. 7 Sit modus lasso marts et viarum Militiaeque. These lines imply that Tibullus had only just given up the pro- TIBULLUS, I. I., 21-27. 115 fession of arms, and did not feel sure how he would enjoy his modest retirement. deditns implies not so much ' devoted to ' as simply ' engaged in.' Cp. Ov. Met. 13. 920, where Glaucus says, Ante tatnen mortalis eram : sed scilicet altis Deditus aeqnoribus, iam turn exercebar in illis. So Lucr. 4. 996. 27. Canis aestivos ortus. ' Two constellations were known to the Greek astronomers by the name of the Dog, and were dis- tinguished as the greater and the lesser. 'The greater, or Canis, rose, according to Columella, on the 26th of July, and the bright star in its mouth was called Canis, or Cani- cula, or Sinus, the terms Cant's and Canicula being used to denote sometimes the whole constellation, and sometimes the principal star. 'The lesser, or Procyon (w/wnW), that is, in Latin, Antecanis, Antecanis, Graio Procyon qui nomine fertur^, rose, as its title imports, before the great Dog, according to Colu- mella, on the Ides of July. Although Canicula is usually employed with reference to the greater Dog, yet, from its being a diminutive of Canis, it is occasionally applied to the lesser, and we may observe generally that the two groups are frequently confounded by ancient writers, and the fables proper to the one transferred to the other. See Ovid, Fast. 4. 939 and n. 'Since their rising served to mark the period of greatest heat, they are commonly spoken of by the poets in connection with this circum- stance. Cp. Tibull. i. 7. 21 ; 2. i. 47 ; 3. 5. i, andHor. C. 3. 29. 17 lain clarus occultum Andromedae pater Ostendit ignem : iam Procyon furit Et stella vesani Leonis Sole dies refer ente siccos 2 , and C. 3. 13. 9, addressed to the Bandusian fount, Te fiagrantis atrox hora Caniculae = fJescit tangere . . . andC. i. 17. 17 Hie in reducta valle Caniculae = Vitabis aesttis . . . to which add Ov. A. A. 2. 231 ; Pers. S. 3. 5, etc. In like manner Virg. G. 4. 425 1 Arat. ap. Cic. N. D. 2. 44. Many edd. have Ante Canein, con- nected in construction with the line preceding it. 2 According to Columella the Sun enters Leo on 2Oth July ; the bright star in the heart of the Lion rises on the 29th July ; Ce- pheus rises in the evening on the gth July. I 2 1 1 6 NOTES. lam rapidus torrens sitientes Sirius Indos Ardebat, and Virg. Aert. 3. 141 turn steriles exurere Sirius agros, Arebant herbae, et mctum seges aegra negabat. Our own familiar expression of " The Dog-days " is, of course, derived from the same source.' 28. Cp, Hor. who as a poet describes himself, Od. 1. 1. 21, as nunc viridi membra sub arbuto Stratus, nunc ad aquae lene caput sacrae. 29. tennisse bidentem, ' to hold the hoe or mattock.' The bidens was a hoe with two strong teeth of iron (5j/A.\a) : referred to by the poets as the typical instrument of agricultural industry. So Lucr. 5. 209 speaks of the human race as Vitai causa valido consucta bidenti = Ingemere. Tenuisse and increpuisse 1. 30, beside referre \. 32, show that little or no distinction can be drawn in such cases between the use of the pres. and perf. in tin. 30. The stimulus was a goad, i. e. a long stick with a sharp spike at the end of it. Such an instrument is constantly in use in South Italy at the present day. 34. est is placed by some MSS. at the end of the line. But Dissen shows that the proper position for est is after magno as being the emphatic word. Cp. above 1. 22 and i. 5. 68 lanua, sed plena est percutienda mami. 35. Hie, on my farm. The allusion is to the Palilia, the feast of Pales, god of flocks and shepherds, held on the 2ist of April. The day was supposed to mark the birthday of Rome : and is at this day celebrated at Rome in honour of that event. For the Palilia or Parilia cp. Ov. Fast. 4. 72^. Part of the ceremony of purification consisted in leaping over heaps of burning straw. See Tib. 2. 5. 87. 36. spar g^ere lacte. It would seem that the statue of the god was actually sprinkled with milk : Tib. 2. 5. 27 Lacte madens illic suberat Pan ilicis umbrae, Et facta agresti lignea falce Pales. 38. flctilibus. Vessels of common pottery were long used in public rites, in retention of the simplicity of early times. In private rites silver, and even gold, vessels came to be used : cp. Pers. 2. 57 Aurum vasa Numae Saturniaquc impulit aera, while Juv. n. 1 16 laments the good old days when Rome worshipped Fictilis et nullo violatus hrfpiter auro. TIBULLUS, I. I., 28-51. 1J7 40. facili. We have seen this word above, 1. 8, used in an active sense, ' that can make easily.' Here it is used passively, ' that can be easily made or moulded,' ' ductile.' So Ov. Met. 15. 169 Utque novis facilis signatur cera figuris. 41. require approaches very nearly in meaning to desidero 'to miss,' ' to feel regret for the loss of something once enjoyed;' and is sometimes coupled with it, as ia Cic. Verr. 2. 5. 67 cives Romani vestram severitatem desiderant, vestrum auxilium re- (juirunt. Here desiderant is ' feel the loss of ; ' requirunt, ' demand to have restored to them.' 42. condita, of the harvest gathered in and safely ' stored ' in the garner. 43. lecto . . . toro. ' Differunt enim lectum et torus ut \t\os et tvvr),' D. Lectus is the bed as a whole : connected with lex, lego, our ' lay,' etc. Torus connected with aroptwvfu, sterna, stramen, toral, etc., refers to the cushions or bedding : hence such phrases as praebuit herba torum, etc. Ov. Her. 5. 14. 44. levare, ' to make light ; ' hence ' to remove a weight,' ' to refresh.' 46. tenero, ' loving.' detinuisse, for the tense see above on 1. 30 and below 11. 73, 74. 48. imbre iuvante. ' Compare the quotation from Sophocles in Cic. Epp. ad Att. 4. 7, " Cupio, ut ait tuus amicus Sophocles, K&V VTT& artfg nvKvas axovfiv tf/eitdSos evSovar) asserts, Ap. 39, that there was no Greek city whatsoever, and no foreign nation, to which the use of the week of seven clays had not penetrated; but Dion Cassius, who flourished A. D. 200, tells us, 37. 17.18, that the practice of referring the days of the week to the seven stars, called planets, arose among the Egyptians, but had not come into general use until a short time before the period when he wrote. It .was introduced into the Roman Calendar by Constantine.' See dissertation on the names of the week and days of the week in the Philolog. Museum, vol. i. p. i. tenuisse, ' observed.' Or me may be the object : ' detained me.' Cf. Prop. 2. 10. 14 and . 2O. Stumbling on the threshold was considered the most unpro- pitious of all omens to a person setting out from home, or embark- ing on any enterprise. To avoid the possibility of such a mischance, a bride was always lifted over the threshold of her future home. Cp. Ov. Met. 10. 452 Ter pedis offensi signo est revocata. 23. Like so many women at the time, Delia was a worshipper of the Egyptian goddess Isis. Her worship was introduced by Sulla, and she had a temple in the Campus Martius. 24. aera refers to the sistrum, or rattle, made of bronze, fre- quently represented on ancient monuments. It was shaped like a racquet, and the jingling was produced by transverse rods which fitted loosely into the frame. See Rich. The rattling of these in- struments by the worshippers, together with the white linen vestments of the priests, were the two prominent features of the worship of Isis. Cp. Ov. Am. 3. 9. 33 ; A. A. i. i. 77 ; E. P. i. i. 51 Vidi ego linigerae numen violasse fatentem Isidis, Isiacos ante sedere focos. 28. IPicta tabella, referring to the votive pictures and models TIBULLUS, I. 3., 23-39. 125 which were hung up at the shrine of the goddess, jnst such as can be seen nowadays in the chapels of saints in Catholic countries. 30. lino tecta. See above. These garments of linen excited wonder at Rome, where woollen clothes chiefly were worn. The in- troduction of lighter fabrics from the east is considered to have con- tributed to the greater unhealthiness of Rome in later times. Warm clothing is essential as a preservative against the malaria which infests so large a portion of Italy. 31. Bisque die. At sunrise and sunset. 32. Fharia, i. e. Egyptian, from the isle of Pharos, opposite the harbour of Alexandria. Cf. Lucan, ix. i. 33. celebrare, properlyused of aconcourseof people forafeast or other event at some particular spot, or on some particular day : hence used of individuals ' to celebrate/ or, as here, ' to worship.' It was customary for a traveller, on his return home, to pay solemn saluta- tions to his Lares and Penates : hence 1. 33 is equivalent to a prayer that he may return to his own home safe and sound. Cp. Ter. Phorm. 2. i. 81, where Demipho says, on his return from foreign parts, At ego Deos Penates hinc salutatum domum Devortar. 34. menstrua tnra. In allusion to the offerings, chiefly of frankincense, flowers, and wine, which were made to the Lares on the kalends, i. e. the ist of every month, at the new moon. Cp. Hor. Od. 3. 23. 2 Nascente Luna, rustica Phidyle, Si ture placaris et horna Fruge Lares avidaque porca. 35. Saturno rege, i. e. in the golden age : cp. 2. 5. 9 and note. 36. We speak in the same way of a new country being ' opened up." in longas vias, so as to make journeys to them possible, ace. of result. For vias see I. i. 26. 37. contempserat, i.e. had got over its primitive and natural fear of the unruly element : had not yet learnt to be indifferent to. Cp. Juv. 10. 123. Note the poetical variety caused by placing que after the second, instead of after the first, word in the sentence. See below 1. 56 and Prop. 2. 20. 12 Ferratam Danaes transiliamque domum. 39. compendia here stands for ' gain.' Compendium is properly a gain effected by saving, being the opposite of dispendium, ' a paying or weighing out.' The phrase facere compendium or com- 126 NOTES. pendii is frequently used by the early dramatists, generally in a collo- quial sense, for 'to save,' 'cut short : ' thus Plaut. Capt. 5. 2. i 2 Satis facundus : sed iam Jieri dictis compendium volo. 40. presserat, i.e. 'had laden.' Cp. Virg. Geo. i. 303 Ceu pressae quum iam portum tetigere carinae. 44. regere fines, ' to rule,' or ' define the marches ' between properties : a technical phrase of Roman law, often found in Cicero. The heading of one section of the Justinian code is ' Finimn regun- dorum' Ovid gives an account of the god Terminus, Fast. 2. 639 sqq. : see especially 1. 659 Tu populos urbesque et regna ingentia finis : Omnis erit sine te litigiosus ager. Cf. also Virg. Aen. 12. 897, where Turnus sees Saxum antiquum, ingens, campo quod forte iacebat, Limes agro positus, litem ut discerneret agris. 45. The idea was that honey dropped spontaneously from the leaves of the oak : as in Virg. E. 4. 30 Et durae quercus sudabunt roscida mella, 48. duxerat used here of the art of the forger : ' had hammered out.' So the Greek Xawtv. Cp. Aen. 7. 633 alii thoracas aenos, Aut lives ocreas lento ducunt argento. The word is used also of the sculptor working in bronze : Hor. Epp. 2. i. 240 aut alius Lysippo duceret aera Fortis Alexandri -vultum simulantia. 49. Nunc. Tibullus takes cognisance here of two ages only, the gold and the iron. See on 2. 5. 9. 50. mare. With special reference to 11. 37, 38. repente is used here almost with the force of an adjective; perhaps to contrast with semper in 1. 49. So super in Virg. Aen. 3. 487 mihi sola mei super Aslyanactis imago. 51. timidnm refers to the same cause of fear as terrent, the two words merely intensifying the meaning. The sense is ' I have committed no perjuries, I have uttered no impious words, to give me reason to fear the wrath of the gods.' So Prop. 2. 28. 6 declares the true cause of Cynthia's illness to be Miens sanctos non habuisse deos. Fater of course is Jupiter. This gives a more natural sense than to take it ' I am afraid, but it is not my sins which terrify me." 53. fatales, ' the term of years assigned to me by destiny.' 54. fac . . . stet, ut omitted, as frequently. TIBULLUS, I. 3., 40-55. 127 55. immiti, because premature. Acerbus is the word usually employed of an early death, as Virg. Aen. 6. 429, where funere mersit acerbo is used of those dying in infancy. 57-82. ' It is interesting to examine into the ideas entertained by the earlier Greeks of the lower world and a future state, as expressed by Homer, and to mark the modifications introduced by Virgil into his narrative. ' According to Homeric Geography, the earth was a flat circular plain or disc, completely encompassed and bounded by the great stream of Ocean. The abode of departed spirits, the kingdom of Hades, was called Erebus, and lay under the world inhabited by men ; the entrance was placed on the western bank of the Ocean stream, at a spot where the rivers Pyriphlegethon and Cocytus, the latter of which is a branch of Styx, unite at a rock and pour their waters into (the marsh of?) Acheron, Od. 10. 513. The natural objects in this nether-world are shadowy representations of those in the world above. There is a sky, and clouds, and storms, meadows, hills, trees, and fruits. The only thing wanting is a Sun. The bright light of day never penetrates into those dismal regions, which are overspread by a gloomy twilight. As upon earth, good and bad men are mingled together without distinction ; the former enjoy no reward, the latter suffer no punishment. A few only who have broken their oaths, II. 3. 276, or openly outraged the majesty of heaven, are tortured as the enemies of the gods. Such are Tityus, Tantalus, and Sisyphus. The ghosts of the dead wear the same ex- ternal aspect as at the moment when they departed from life, follow the same pursuits, and cherish the same feelings and passions. Thus Odysseus recognises, at once, all his former friends, as they throng the edge of the pit, eager to drink the blood of the victims which he had slain. He beholds Minos grasping a sceptre, laying down laws, and deciding the controversies of the dead, and Orion, club in hand, pursuing and slaying the beasts of chase, while Ajax, still cherishing vindictive wrath, turns away and refuses to hold communion with his former foe. ' On the whole, the inmates of Erebus are discontented and un- happy, comparing their actual nothingness with their former vigour and power. Achilles, in reply to the compliments of Odysseus, exclaims, Extol not death to me, illustrious chief, For rather would I toil on earth for hire, The bonded servant of some needy swain, Than rule supreme o'er all the shadowy hosts. 128 NOTES. ' Tartarus is perfectly distinct from Erebus ; it is a dark abyss as far below earth as earth is below heaven, II. 8. 1 7 ; a brazen anvil, says Hesiod, Theog. 720, dropped from heaven, would fall for nine days and nine nights, and on the tenth day would reach the earth ; a brazen anvil dropped from earth would fall for nine days and nine nights, and on the tenth day would reach Tartarus. In this gloomy dungeon, closed in with gates of iron, II. 8. 15, sit Kronus and lapetus, 11. 8. 479, on whom the sun never shines, and the breeze never blows, and who, along with the other Titans, rebels against Zeus, are guarded by Cottus and Gyges, and high-souled Briareus, II. 14. 274, 279, Hes. Theog. 720. 'Elysium, again, is a happy plain on the western confines of the earth, cooled by Ocean breezes, where certain favoured men live a life of bliss. The description in Homer Od. 4. 562 forms part of the prophecy delivered by Proteus to Menelaus, and is well known on account of its exquisite beauty. ' Let us now briefly compare these statements with the picture drawn by Virgil, who, although following in the steps of the great master, has embellished his descriptions with many particulars de- rived, in part, perhaps, from his own imagination, but chiefly from the later Greek poets and philosophers. 1. ' The rivers Acheron, Styx, Cocytus, Phlegethon, are all in the nether world. It is not easy to seize the conception formed by Virgil of their position and connection, but it is clear that they formed a boundary, and that it is necessary that one of them should be crossed by the spirits of the dead before they can gain access to their destined abode. 2. 'They are transported across by the grim ferryman Charon, a personage unknown to Homer, and those only are allowed to pass who have received the rites of sepulture. Those whose bodies re- main unburied are compelled to wander disconsolate for the term of a hundred years, a condition unknown to Homer. On the farther side of the stream is the cave of Cerberus (Homer speaks of the dog of Hades, and he is named by Hesiod), and beyond is a region tenanted by those who have died a violent death before the hour appointed by fate. 3. ' Tartarus, at the entrance of which sits the fury Tisiphone, is a deep gulph which opens out of the realms of Pluto, and is the general place of punishment for the Titans, the Hundred-handed, Tantalus, Sisyphus, the Danaids, and all impious men. 4. ' Elysium is in the lower world, and is the blissful abode of all the virtuous. TIBULLUS, I. 3., 57-64. 129 5. ' Minos and Rhadamanthus act as judges, and decide the lot of the spirits whether for weal or woe. 6. ' The Pythagorean doctrine of the transmigration of souls is introduced. The inhabitants of Elysium, after a certain period, drink of the river Lethe, which induces perfect oblivion of the past, and then ascend to upper air to animate new bodies. 'See Voss, " Homer's Unterwelt," to be found in his "Kritische Blatter," vol. 2. Consult also Heyne on Virg. Aen. 6.' 57. facilis, ' obedient,' ' compliant,' ' kindly.' Cp. Ov. Her. 16. 282 Sic habeas faciles in tua vota decs, ' that lend themselves kindly to.' 61. casiam. ' This is a perfume or spice, the same as that spoken of by Virgil, Geo. 2. 466 Nee casia liquidi corrumpitur tisus olivi. It is the Casia of Pliny (H. N. 16. 32), the tcaota of the Greeks, which Theophrastus describes as coming from Arabia, and whicn must, from his words, have resembled our cinnamon. It was, in all probability, the bark of the Laurus Cassia (Linn.) the substance well known in commerce as Cassia Lignea. We must carefully distinguish this from a sweet smelling herb growing commonly in Italy, and frequently spoken of by Virgil, e. g. E. 2. 49 Turn casia, atque aliis intexens suavibus herbis, and Geo. 2. 213 Vix humiles apibus casias roremque ministrat y and again, Geo. 4. 30, 184, 304 ; Ciris, 370. ' This last is believed to be the same with the KVfaipov or Ov^e\ala of the Greeks, and the Daphne Gnidium of Linnaeus (see " Flore de Virgile par A. L. Fee.")' non~ culta seges. Note that seges signifies (i) a growing crop, (2) as here, the land on which a crop grows. The former meaning appears in Virg. Geo. i. 77 Urit enim lini campum seges, urit avenae, the second in Geo. i. 47 Ilia seges demum votis respondet avari Agricolae, bis quae solem, bis frigora sensit. 63. series, from sero, ' to bind ' or ' twine,' is applied to any number of objects linked together : thus here of a band of. youths and maidens dancing hand in hand. 64. praelia. not, as H. supposes, of the quarrels of lovers, but after the fashion of the Elegiac poets, who love to compare the feats K 130 NOTES. of love with feats of war. The meaning is the same as in i. 10. 53 Sed Veneris turn bella calent. Our word ' engagement ' has a similar twofold application, and in all tongues the language of Love has borrowed such terms as ' conquest,' 'captivating,' 'killing,' 'chains,' etc., from the operations of the sterner art. 66. Note the change of construction : qui has to be supplied before gferit. insig-ni, because wreathed with a chaplet ; myrtea, because the myrtle was sacred to Venus. Cp. Virg. Aen. 6. 442 Hie, quos durus amor crudeli tabe peredit, Secreti celant calles, et myrtea circum Silva tegit. 67. scelerata. It may be doubted whether this word here means 'hateful,' 'accursed,' or is used zs = sceleratorum, i.e. the abode of the guilty. Similarly Ov. Met. 4. 455 of the infernal regions sedes scelerata vocatur, and Virg. Aen. 6. 563 Nulli fas casto sceleratum insistere limen. The former interpretation is rendered probable by impia Tartara Virg. Aen. 6. 543, and lugentes campi ib. 441. 69. Tisiphone. Cp. Virgil's description, Aen. 6. 570 Continue sontes ultrix accincta flagello Tisiphone quatit insultans, torvosque sinistra Intentans angues vocat agmina saeva sororum. ' The 'Epivvts of the Greeks, who are the same with the Furiae of the Latins, appear as independent goddesses in Homer and Hesiod. According to the latter, they sprang from the blood drops which fell from the wound inflicted by Kronus (Saturn) on his father Uranus (Coelus), Theog. 183. Their number was first denned to be three by Euripides, Orest. 408, 1650, and the names Alecto, Megaera, Tisiphone, are not found until we come down to the authors of the Alexandrian school. In the popular creed they were viewed as ever wakeful, ever active avenging spirits, who inflicted punish- ment upon impious criminals, by awakening remorse and expelling them from society in this life, and by torturing them in the nether- world. They were worshipped by the Greeks under the pro- pitiatory titles of 'EvfifviSts (benevolent), and ^tfival Otai (Venerable Goddesses), of which the former appellation is said to have originated at Sicyon, the latter at Athens, although both were familiar to the tragedians. See "Muller's Dissertations on the Eumenides of Aeschylus." ' TIBULLUS, I. 3., 66-75. 131 pro crinibus. The snakes are here represented as actually forming her hair : elsewhere they are twined into it. Note that pro crinibus must be taken exclusively along with feros angues : ' the wild snakes which are to her in place of hair.' 71. serpentnm . . . ore stridet, ' hisses through his serpent throat.' Cerberus had three mouths, but Hor. in the same way uses the singular ore trilingiii Od. 2. 19. 31. Virgil places the snakes on his neck, Aen. 6. 419 ; Horace on his head, Od. 3. n. 17. niger. In the metaphorical sense of the word ater is more common: as Hor. Od. 2. 13. 34 of Cerberus Demittit atras bellua centiceps Aures. 73. Ixionis. ' " Legends preserved by the clans of northern Greece, and stamped, as it seems to me, with evident marks of high antiquity, represent Ixion, the Phlegyan chieftain, as the first example of an expiation from blood-guiltiness, but withal repaid by ingrati- tude. Ixion, in slaying the father of his bride, is the first among men who has shed kindred blood (Find. Pyth. 2. 32). Then wild frenzy seizes him ; he wanders like Cain ; none either of gods or men will give him expiation (Pherecyd. frag. 69), until Jupiter himself at last takes compassion upon him and cleanses him. But, unmindful of the sacred obligation which binds the expiated to the expiator, he stretches forth his audacious arms even to Juno." (Mueller.) Deceived by the goddess, who substituted a cloud moulded into her own shape, he became the father of Centaurus, from whom sprung the monster race half man, half horse. Zeus, to punish his insolent ingratitude, launched his bolt and hurled him down to Erebus, where, bound to an ever-revolving wheel, he atones for his offence by eternal torments.' 75. Tityos. ' The giant Tityos is in Homer a son of Earth, but according to Apollodorus, of Zeus and Elara, daughter of Orchomenus. He insulted Leto, who summoned to her assistance her children, Apollo and Artemis, by whose shafts the monster was slain. He endures eternal torture in the realms of Hades, where vultures prey upon his liver, Horn. Od. n. 575, Apollod. I. 4. i. His crime and punishment are described in the Odyssey, and Virg. Aen. 6. 595 has closely imitated the passage in six magnificent lines : Nee non et Tityon Terrae omniparentis alumnum, Cernere erat: per tola novem cui iugera corpus Porrigitur ; rostroque immanis voltur adunco Imniortale iecur tonderis, fecundaque poenis Viscera, rimaturque epulis, habitatque sub alto Pectore ; nee fibris requies datur ulla renatis. K 2 133 NOTES. 'Lucretius, 2. 997, considers the fable of Tityos as an allegorical representation of the tortures caused by the various passions and desires which gnaw the heart of man.' 77. ' Tantalus was king of Lydia, son of Jupiter and the nymph Pluto, and father by Dione, or, as others say, Euryanassa, one of the Atlantides, of Pelops and Niobe. The cause, as well as the form of his punishment, in the infernal regions, are differently narrated by different writers. Ulysses, in the Odyssey, n. 581, thus depicts his fate, And Tantalus I saw in grievous plight, All in a lake he stood, it reached his chin ; Thirsty he stood, but might not quench that thirst ; Oft as the old man stooped, eager to drink, So oft the water shrunk and disappeared, IVhile round his feet dark earth was seen the might Of some divinity dried up the flood. From tall green trees rich fruits depending swung, Pomegranates, pears, and apples shining bright, The luscious fig, the olive in its pride, But when the old man raised his oustretched hand To satisfy his hunger, straight the breeze Whirled them aloft to the dark clouds of heaven. The account of Homer is followed by Propertius, 2. i. 66 ; Horace, Sat. 1. 1. 68 ; Ovid, A. A. 2. 605 ; Seneca, Here. Fur. 752, and others. On the other hand, Pindar, Olymp. i, says that an enormous stone was hung over his head by Zeus, and that he is tormented by the endless dread of danger, because he stole away nectar and ambrosia from the table of the gods, and conveyed it to his earthly peers. Euripides ', who to a certain extent adopts the same version of the tale, represents him as swinging aloft midway between heaven and earth, while the rock suspended from golden chains whirls above his head, For that, so runs the tale, a mortal man By gods admitted to communion high, He failed to curb his tongue disease most foul. Compare, among the Latins, Lucretius 3. 993 Nee miser impendent magnum timet aere saxum Tantalus, ut fama est, magna formidine torpcns? stagrna, the nominative case. 1 Orest. 4 and 980. For further particulars see Eustathius and the Scholia 'upon Homer, and the Scholia upon Pindar and Euri- pides. TIBULLUS, I. 3., 77-79. 133 79. Danai proles. 'According to Apollodorus, 2. i, 4, 5, Epaphus, son of Zeus and lo, became king of Egypt, and wedded Memphis, daughter of Nilus, by whom he had a daughter, Libya. Libya bore to Poseidon twin sons, Agenor and Belus ; Agenor passed over to Phoenicia, where he reigned and became the patriarch of a mighty tribe, while Belus remained in Egypt and married Anchinoe, daughter of Nilus, who gave birth to twin sons. Aegyptus and Danaus. Belus established Aegyptus in Arabia, and Danaus in Libya ; the former, by many wives, was the father of fifty sons, the latter of a like number of daughters. Discord having arisen between the brothers, Danaus, fearing the sons of Aegyptus, by the advice of Pallas, constructed a ship and fled to Argos, where Gelanor, the reigning monarch, surrendered to him the sove- reignty l . The sons of Aegyptus followed their uncle, entreated him to forego his anger, and to bestow on them his daughters in marriage. Danaus distrusted their professions and still harboured resentment, but consented to their proposal. On the day of the nuptials, after the marriage feast, he distributed daggers to the damsels, who murdered their husbands while asleep, all save Hy- permnestra, who spared Lynceus. The rest were purified from their blood-guiltiness by Hermes and Athene at the bidding of Zeus. Danaus, in his wrath, cast Hypermnestra 2 into prison, but after- wards forgave her, and bestowed her upon Lynceus. The rest of his daughters he offered as prizes in a gymnastic contest, and awarded them to the victors. Apollodorus says nothing of any punishment inflicted on the Danaids, but other writers feigned that they were sentenced in the realms of Hades to draw water in a vessel full of holes. Lucretius treats this as an allegory representing discontent, 3. 1021 Hoc, ut opinor, id est aevo florente puellas Quod memorant laticem pertusum congerere in vas, Quod (amen expleri nulla ratione potestur.' nnniina. Note that the plural numina is here spoken of in relation to a single deity. This is common in the poets : as in Virg. Acn. 7. 297, where Juno exclaims indignantly At, credo, mea numina tandem Fessa iacent. See too 3. 543 and Geo. i. 30. The same use explains the difficult 1 The circumstances are detailed by Pausan. 2. 19. * Told somewhat differently by Pausan. a. 19. 134 NOTES. expression Aen. i. 8, also in reference to Juno; quo niimine laeso, 'at what point, in what respect, was her divinity outraged that.' 82. lentas . . . militias, i. e. wished that my campaign might be spun out so as to keep me away from Delia. 84. anus. From i. 6. 57 it would seem that the duenna who is to keep guard over Delia, tell her stories, and set her a-spinning, was her mother : otherwise the unceremonious way in which she is spoken of might lead us to surmise that she was the counterpart of the modern nurse, developed into a lady companion. 85. posita. Ponere is specially used of setting down things on a table : of a lamp or candle, therefore, it is equivalent to our phrase ' to bring in ' lights : of a dish put down at a meal, it means 'to serve up.' Thus Pers. i. 53 Calidum scis ponere mmen, 'you know how to serve up a sow's paunch piping hot.' 86. Deducat, ' to draw out,' the regular word used of spin- ning, and so often used metaphorically of the drawing out or spinning of verses. See Prop. i. 16. 41. We learn from various passages, e. g. Ov. Met. 4. 32-45, that the correct way of spending the evening for the female part of an ancient household was to be busy with spinning or weaving, while one of the party would tell stories. Cp. the well known story of Lucretia, Liv. i. 58, Ov. Fast. 2. 7 4 / sqq. Lumen ad exiguum famulae data pensa trahebant. 87. circa is peculiar, used of a single puella. Yet we speak of one person being always 'about' another, meaning 'in their company.' Puella can scarcely stand for ' a group of maidens.' 01. quails eris, ' just as you are,' without making any change on my account. Ut eras is frequently used in the same way ; Ov. Met. 4. 473 Tisiphone canos, ut erat, turbata capillos. 02. nudato, i. e. 'without taking time to put on your shoes.' 03. hunc ilium. This phrase well illustrates the meaning of these two pronouns. Ilium is 'that distant, much-hoped for, glorious day, when I shall return to you;' hunc (which contains the predicate of the sentence) means 'just such a day as I have now described.' The meaning then is ' may that glorious day when it comes be like this,' ' such be that day.' TIBULLUS, I. 7. 135 I. 7- THIS poem is a birthday panegyric in celebration of the triumph of his patron Messalla, and of the various great services by which that triumph was earned. The triumph took place on the 24th Sept. B.C. 27, and it would seem that Messalla's birthday must have fallen a few days after that event, so that the poet is able dexterously to weave together the two causes of congratulation. An outline of Messalla's career has been given already in the note to i. I. 53. The poet begins by celebrating his patron's victories in Aquitania, and enumerates the various tribes which he subdued. He then passes on to describe his mission to the East, to which he appears to have been appointed at the close of B.C. 30. During the course of that year Augustus had received the submission of Syria from Antony's legate Didius ; the Antonian troops in Egypt had surrendered, Antony and Cleopatra had committed suicide, and from the 1st of August Egypt had formally been made into a Roman province. Augustus prepared once more to winter at Samos rather than return to Rome, not only because Samos was a central spot from which he could keep an eye upon the course of affairs in the East, but also because he wished to allow matters to ripen in the City, and to make the need of his presence there the more keenly felt. With this view he had to keep his own hands free : so he summoned over Messalla from Aquitania, and entrusted him apparently with a general mission to make a progress in the East, to settle the provinces, and to see that the dispositions made by himself were carried into effect. In the course of this mission he passed through Syria, Cilicia and Egypt. Augustus himself returned to Italy in B.C. 29; Messalla did not return to Rome till B.C. 27 when he celebrated his triumph for his Aquitanian successes. Tibullus accompanied Messalla upon this mission as far as Corcyra, where he was taken ill, as we saw in Elegy 3, and was obliged to stay behind. It will be noted that Tibnllus in this poem gives especial promi- nence to Egypt, its gods and its fertility, and connects the acquisition of that country with the inauguration of a new era of peace and plenty. Egypt had by this time become the main granary of Rome ; its safe keeping became a matter of special concern to the emperor ; and its inclusion within the strong grasp of the Roman system was justly regarded as a pledge not less of economic prosperity than of political security. 136 NOTES. 1. nentes, ' while spinning.' The ancient idea was that the Fates, as they span the thread of each man's destiny at his birth, chaunted at the same time a song in which the main events of his life were foretold. Sometimes the prediction was made at the marriage of the parents, as in the famous case of the marriage of Peleus and Thetis, Catull. 64, where the fortunes of Achilles are told to the recurring refrain, Currite ducentes subtemina, cur rite fusi. In Tib. 4. 5. 3 the prophecy is made at the birth, Te nascente, novum Parcae cecinere puellis Servitium et dederunt rcgna superba tibi. Ovid imitates this passage in Trist. 5. 3. 25 2. dissoluenda. The u is here vocalised as in Cat. 66. 38 Pristina vota novo munere dissdltio. So in 1. 74 evStiiam and Hor. Epod. 13. 2 mine mare, nunc sfliiae. 3. Hunc perhaps implies that the victory was gained on Mes- salla's birthday. This supposition removes the harshness of identi- fying the day and the man. Aquitaiias. The limits of Aquitania are thus denned by Caesar, B. G. i. i Aquitania a Garumna Jlumine ad Pyrenaeos monies et eatn partem Oceani quae est ad Hispaniam pertinet, special inter occasum soli's et septemtriones. 4. quern tremeret, ' at thought of whom the vanquished Atax should tremble.' Atax is a river in Gallia Narbonensis, now the Aude, which flows from the Pyrenees into the Mediterranean ; as it nowhere passes through Aquitania, Scaliger ingeniously conjectured Atur, for the usual form Aturus, the modern Adour, which flows into the Bay of Biscay through the centre of that province. But the Atax may well have been the scene of some preliminary victory, as its valley affords the natural access to Aquitania. 5. Evenere, i. e. the facts foretold by the Fates at their spin- ning. pubes Somalia, i.e. 'the manhood of Rome,' 'the Roman people : ' so Dardana pubes for the Trojans, Virg. Aen. 7. 219. 6. No distinction of meaning can be established between evinctos and vinctos, as though the former were a stronger word. It is used of gentle bindings, as by garlands or fillets, Virg. Aen. 5. 494, Ov. Am. 3. 6. 57. Captives were usually represented with their arms bound behind their backs, but this meaning is not expressed by evinctos. 7. 8. In allusion to Messalla's triumph. The imperf. portabat is used for graphic effect. TIBULLUS, I. 7., 1-12. 137 9. We thus see that Tibullus accompanied Messalla in the campaign. The Tarbelli are named by Plin. N. H. 4. 19 amongst the Aquitanian tribes. Their country, id. 30, 2, was celebrated for its hot and cold springs. They lived on the Aturus, and are men- tioned by Lucan and other authors as living on that stream, I. 419 nunc rura Nemosi Qui tenet, et ripas Aturi, qua litore curvo Molliter admissum claudit Tarbellicus aequor, Signa movet, gaudetque amoto Santonus haste. Ausonius speaks of Tarbellicus Aturus, and the tribe has given its name to the modern Tarbes. 10. The Santones dwelt to the N. of the Garonne, giving their name to the modern province Santoigne. 11. Arar. The Arar is the modern Saone, a river which flows into the Rhone with a course due Southwards at Lyons, and has its origin on the S. slopes of the Vosges mountains, not far from the sources of the Meuse and the Moselle, which, rising on the Northern side of the same chain, flow Northwards towards the Rhine and the Atlantic. Geographically speaking, the valley of the Saone is, in fact, the continuation, or. rather the commencement, of the great Rhone valley, so that the Rhone ought rather to be considered the tributary of the Saone, than the .Saone the tributary of the Rhone. But with rivers, as with nations, might often triumphs over right : and the superior volume of the Rhone, fed by the snows of Switzer- land, has enabled it to usurp the title which belonged by right to the placid Gallic stream. Caesar thus describes the Saone: Flumen est Arar, quod per fines Aeduorum et Scquanorum in Rhodanum fluit incredibili lenitate, ita ut oculis, in utram partem fluat, iudi- cari nonj>ossit B. G. i. 12. 12. Carnutis. So M. : but A. has Carnoti. Caesar calls the people Carnutes: but as the Greek form is Kapvovroi, the Latin form should be Carnutes, not as here Carnutis. This people in Caesar's time occupied the country to the W. of the upper Seine, upon both banks of the Loire. They give their name to the province called Chartrain, and to the modern town of Chartres (Autricum). It is to be noted that in this and other cases, the name of modern French towns is derived not from the Roman name of the ancient city on the same site, but from that of the Gallic tribe which occupied the surrounding country. Thus Paris derives its name from the Parisii, not from Lutetia ; Bourges from the Bituriges, not from Avaricum ; Tours, not from Augustodunum, but from the 138 NOTES. Turones. Similarly Trfrves takes its name from the Trcviri ; Amiens from the Ambiani, Rheims from the Remi, Soissons from the Suessiones, Angers from the Andecavi, Nantes from the Nam- netes, etc. flavi, because the Celts of Gaul appeared light-haired to the in- habitants of Italy. tiger, the Loire. It will be noted that Tibullus takes a wide sweep through the names of Gaul, and by no means confines himself to Aquitania. The epithet caerula must either refer to the estuary of the Loire, with its sea water, or else be an unmeaning general epithet applicable to streams in general ; for no epithet could be less applicable to the Loire itself. As a rule, the Roman poets had a true eye for streams and rivers, and generally describe them by characteristic terms. Their descriptions of mountain or forest scenery, on the other hand, are in the last degree conventional and vague. 13. The poet now passes on to describe Messalla's exploits in the East, and begins by addressing the Cydnus (the Tersoos}, the one famous river of Cilicia, which rises in Mount Taurus and passes by the walls of Tarsus, birth-place of the apostle Paul. 14. This line is generally thought corrupt from the redundancy of placidls aquis. It is impossible, as some propose, to take these words as datives for ad aquas, ' creepest on to the calm waters of the lake ' (Find.), in allusion to the swamp called the /Jjft/ia, into which Strabo says the Cydnus emptied itself. The words per vada, how- ever, do seem to refer to such shallows: if so, tacitis undis will describe the general character of the river, placidis aquis the broad smooth surface of the swamp or lake into which it passed. . 15. quantus et, ' I will tell too how great.' 16. arat, the MS. reading, is obviously corrupt, and all editors now agree in substituting alat. This makes good sense ; for Strabo tells us that Mount Taurus was cultivated to the very summit. The construction of the passage requires the subjunctive mood, and even if it were not so, the idea that Taurus arat Cilices can be equivalent to Cilices arant Taurum, gravely put forward by Scaliger, is as absurd as to say that ' the cat killed the mouse ' is equivalent to ' the mouse killed the cat.' Scarcely less absurd* is H.'s interpretation ' Mount Taurus cuts through or traverses the land of the Cilicians.' Mount Taurus does nothing of the kind, nor can the Latin be made to say so. 18. sancta, not 'hallowed by' (Find.) as \lPalaestino Syro were an ablative, but 'sacred to, holy in the eyes of, the Syrian of Palestine.' TIBULLUS, I. 7., 13-26. 139 Palaestino is an adj., ' the Palestine Syrian.' Note that the term Syria was used in a loose sense by the Romans, being applied to the whole country bordering the Levant from Cilicia to Egypt, and stretching inward to the Euphrates and Arabia. Thus all Phoenicia and Palestine were included within its limits. Pigeons were sacred to the Syrian Goddess Astarte or Ash- taroth, identified by the Greeks with Aphrodite. 20. Tyros, which became the chief city of Phoenicia after the decay of Sidon, is here put for the Phoenicians as a whole. As is well known, they invented navigation, and for many centuries monopolised the commerce not of the Mediterranean only, but of the world. credere docta. This Graecism an infin. depending directly upon an adjective or participle is common in all the Augustan poets, but especially in Horace. Cp. Od. 4. 13. 7 doctae psallere Chiae ; and Ib. I. I. 18 ittdocilis pauperiem pati. See below 1. 28. 21-26. We may here transcribe a passage from Heeren on the ancient Egyptians : ' The cause of the yearly inundations of the Nile was an object of much research even in ancient times. Herodotus formed many conjectures respecting it, and decided for the most reasonable of them (Herod. 2. 20, etc.). Agatharchides, however, seems to have been the first to discover the truth (Agatharchid. ap. Diodor. I. p. 50). The constant rains, to which the districts of Upper Ethiopia are subject during the wet season, from May to September, swell all the rivers in those regions, the whole of which pour their floods into the Nile, which consequently becomes the re- servoir of this prodigious accumulation of water. In the middle of June, about the time of the summer solstice, the Nile begins to rise in Egypt. It continues to increase till the end of July, though still confined. within its channel ; but in the first half of August it over- flows its banks, inundates the neighbouring territory 1 , and its waters continue, without intermission, to extend themselves till September. About, this time, the torrents of rain in Ethiopia having ceased, the Nile begins gradually to fall, but so slowly, that the greater part of the territory of Egypt remains covered with its waters till the com- mencement of October ; and it is not till towards the end of this month that they completely return into their bed. The period of the inundation, therefore, continues from the middle of August to the end of October ; and during this time all the fertile valley of Egypt 1 It is usual to cut through dams and open canals on the 9th of August. 140 NOTES. has the appearance of one vast lake, in which its cities jnt up like so many islands. Ancient writers, indeed, are wont to compare it to the Aegean sea, where the Cyclades and Sporades offer a similar appearance, on a larger scale.' Again, the same writer ' Although Lower Egypt is not altogether without rain, yet this so rarely falls, as we retire from the sea, that, under the constantly serene sky of Thebes, the whole period of man's life may pass away without the earth being refreshed from above with more than a moist dew. The irrigation and fertility of the soil, therefore, entirely depend upon the river, without which Egypt would have shared the fate of the rest of Africa, and have been partly a sandy waste, and partly a stony desert.' The mystery of the sources of the Nile the mighty beneficent river which unfailingly carries down its life-giving waters through hundreds of miles of rainless country from the great unknown con- tinent within a mystery which has only been solved in our own day by our great countryman Livingstone exercised the imagina- tion of the ancients fully as much as it has done that of moderns. Thus Horace, Od. 4. 14. 45 Te fontium qui celat origines Nilus, and Ov. Am. 3. 6. 39 file fluens dives septena per ostia Nilus Qui patriam tantae tarn bene celat aquae. Claudian, Nilus 13, has the fine phrase, Fertur sine teste creatus. 27. Osirim. ' Everything connected with Egyptian myth- ology is involved in the deepest obscurity, which has arisen, in a great measure, from the doctrine sedulously inculcated by the priest- hood, that the religion of Greece had flowed from Egypt as from a fountain head, and that the prototypes of all the Grecian divinities were to be found on the banks of the Nile. Herodotus seems to have entertained no doubts of the general truth of this assertion, supported as it was by a mass of bold and ingenious fabrications. But, as an acquaintance with the subject became more accurate and extensive, subsequent writers found that many of the powers and attributes of the Egyptian gods would, by no means, apply to the members of the Grecian Pantheon, with whom they had been identified by the father of history ; and although they seem never to have had any difficulty in acknowledging the general principle, yet they differed widely from him and from each other, in applying it. Hence the statements of these authors, when taken collectively, present a tissue of confusion and contradiction, which, in many cases, TIBULLUS, I. 7., 27-28. 141 becomes inextricable, from the practice of employing the Greek deno- minations at once, without noticing the native names. Thus Greek writers, when discussing Egyptian mythology, speak of the rites of Apollo, Pan, Artemis, Hermes, Hephaestus, Latona 1 and others, just as familiarly as if they were describing the ceremonies of Athens or Argos ; while, in many instances, we have no means of ascertain- ing, beyond some vague and fortuitous resemblance, the nature of the personages to whom they refer. 'There seems, however, to be no doubt that Osiris, and his consort Isis, were two principal objects of popular adoration among the Egyptians, and that their worship was not confined to any particular district, as was the case with many of their deities, but prevailed over the whole land. As to the nature of this pair, we find, as might be expected from the remarks made above, various and conflicting accounts: By some, Osiris was considered to be the Sun (Plutarch. Isid. et Osirid. ; Diog. Laert. in prooemio; Macrob. Sat. I. 21); by others, to be a personification of the river Nile (Eusebius Selden, de Dis Syriis I. 4; see PricharcTs Egyptian Mythology, p. 76); but, according to the idea generally entertained by the Greeks, he was the same with their Dionysus or Bacchus, the Liber Pater of the Latins, and as such he is represented by Tibullus in the lines be- fore us 'fsts again was by many regarded as the Moon (Plutarch de Isid. et Osirid.; Diodor. I. n); by others, as Pallas Athene (Plutarch as before) ; but generally by the Greeks as the same with their Demeter, or Mother Earth, the Ceres of the Latins. This is expressly asserted by Herodotus, 2. 156, and corroborated by Diodorus, I. 13. She is, however, often confounded with Argive lo, e.g. Ov. Met. i. 588, 724. 28. Mempliiten . . . bovem. ' He means the sacred, oracular bull, Apis, which was kept at Memphis, the capital of Lower Egypt, in a magnificent temple, to which were attached spacious pleasure grounds, where he might take healthful exercise (Aelian. de Animal. 2. 10). This animal was believed to be an incarnation of Osiris (Strabo 1 7 ; Diodor. i), and was recognised by a number of peculiar marks described by Pliny, H. N. 8. 46, and Aelian, De Animal. 2. 1 Latona is mentioned as an Egyptian Goddess by Herodotus and many others, but we should have been entirely ignorant of her native appellation had it not been for a passage in a late gram- marian, Stephanus Byzantinus, from which we learn that it was Bouto. 142 NOTES. i o. He was said to live for twenty-five years, at the end of which period he was supposed to drown himself by leaping into the Nile, Quos dignetur agros, aut quo se gurgite Nili Mergat adoratus trepidis pastoribus Apis Stat. Sylv. 3. 2. 115. He was then interred with great pomp, and the priests wandered about for some days, shrieking, beating their breasts, and exhibiting every outward form of grief, until a new Apis was found, when the discovery was celebrated by a joyful festival, termed the Theophania, or Manifestation of the god. This lasted for five days. All the ceremonies, together with an account of the nurture of the young Apis, are detailed by Aelian. See Prichard's Egyptian Mythology, p. 305; Jablonski, Pantheon Aegypt. 4. 2, etc. ' There were other sacred bulls besides Apis. Such was Mnevis, worshipped at On or Heliopolis ; Pacts, at Hermonthis ; and one of vast size, with his hair reversed, called Onuphis. See Prichard, as above. ' We may conclude this notice by quoting the words of Pliny, H. N.8. 46 Bos in Aegypto etiani numinis vice colitur, Apim vacant, Insigne ei, in dextro latere candicam macula, cornibus Lunae cres- cere incipientis: nodus sub lingua, quern cantharum appellant. Non est fas eutn certos vitae excedere annos, mersumqiie in sacerdo- tum fonte enecant, quaesituri luctu alium, quern substituant, et donee invenerint, maerent, derasis capitibus : nee tamen umquam din quae- ritur. Inventus deducitur Memphim a sacerdotibus. He then goes on to give an account of his oracular powers, and of his having been consulted by Germanicus Caesar.' According to the view of Brugsch (Religion u. Mythologie der alten Aegypter, 1884) and that of many recent Egyptologers, the fundamental conception of the Egyptian religion was that there was one universal divine essence, which expanded itself into various distinct deities, such as Ra, Amen, Ptah, Osiris ; while by a reverse process, each of these derived deities might also assume the form and the attributes of the one supreme originating power. Thus Nun is distinctively the primal water element, from which all things were formed by the one soul of the whole, which is at once identical with, and yet distinct from it ; and Ra is the principal title for the Sun, who is one main symbol of the divine permeating force. Yet in localities specially sacred to Amen, he may be invoked, not only under his own name, but also as Amen-Nun, or as Amen-Ra. Ra is especially the rising Sun, as Turn or Atum is the setting Sun : and as the Sun sets and rises again, so Osiris is held to live again after TIBULLUS, I. 7., 28. 143 his mjiirder by Typhon (Set). This myth probably typifies the struggle of darkness with light, and also of good with evil. In the same manner, the departed human soul was held to follow the Sun in his course through the nether world and to rise again. One special function of Osiris is that of Judge of the Dead : a function appa- rently assigned to no other deity. He frequently appears in this capacity in representations of Hades ; he is swathed as a mummy, and beside him is his minister Anubis, with the face of a dog or jackal, who assists in laying out the dead, etc. Isis again affords an instance of the self-dividing process of the one original power in the matter of sex, as into active and passive. Just as several male gods may be fused into one, so Isis becomes Athor,. Neith, Bast, etc. And the male power himself, becoming apatvd- Or)\vs, is styled both 'father of fathers,' and also 'mother of mothers,' the stronger sex absorbing the properties of both. Osiris, too, as primal spirit, being identified with primal matter, becomes the water which is the womb of the world, and hence passes on to be the Nile or even the Ocean. It is obvious that this quasi-Hegelian process may account to some extent for the different accounts given by Greek authors of Osiris and other Egyptian deities. The river Nile was worshipped both in his own right, and also as representing Osiris. Hymns addressed to the Nile have been found: and Brugsch gives an inscription from a sarcophagus, on which the four gods, representing the four elements, who bestowed favours on the departed, are thus enumerated : Ra, he gives thee light. S'u, he gives thee sweet breath of air. Qeb (or Seb, the Earth), he gives thee all growing fruits. Osiris, he gives thee the Nile, thou livest again. The two aspects of the Nile the earthly and the heavenly give a further .illustration of the transforming tendency of Egyptian mythology. For as the earthly Nile is often named Nun or Oceanus, in one inscription he is styled 'Ocean-Nile (Nun-Hapi), Father of Deities.' So too the heavenly stream assumes sometimes the name Hap or Hapi, which was the Egyptian title for the earthly river *. plang-ere . . . bovem. ' Plangere signifies (i) Generally, 'to beat,' ' to strike.' (2) Specially, ' to beat the breast,' etc., in token of grief, and is construed either (i) with the accusative of the object 1 For the substance of the above note I am indebted to my friend the late Professor Lushington. 144 NOTES. struck, or (2) of the object of sorrow, or (3) absolutely, without a regimen, thus, (1) Plangebant alii proceris tympana palmis Catull. 64. 262. Adspicit Alphenor, laniataque pectora plangens Ov. Met. 6. 248. (2) Nee dubium de morte ratae, Cadmeida palmis Deplanxere domum, scissae cum veste capillos Ov. Met. 4. 544. (3) planxere sorores Naides, et scctos fratri posuere capillos. Planxere et Dryades : plangentibus adsonat Echo Ov. Met. 3. 505. 3O. teneram, because the earth was yet young : cp. Virg. Geo. 2- 343 Nee res hunc tenerae possent perferre laborem. inexpertae, 1. 31, has the same reference. sollicitavit. In the same sense Virg. Geo. 2. 418 Sollicitanda tamen tellus, pulvisque movendus. 33. palis, 'stakes' or 'props.' The vines of ancient (as of mo- dern) Italy were trained along espaliers, most usually formed of growing elm trees. Hence continual reference in the poets to the ' widowed ' or ' unwedded ' vine when separated from its supporting elm. 34. See Virgil's directions for pruning the vine, Geo. 2. 362-370. dura, in antithesis to tenera 1. 33. 36. incnltis, . . . pedibus, i.e. 'to feet untrained to such work,' in the same sense as nescia 1. 38. 37. voces inflectere cantn. Infiectere is 'to bend,' and infiectere vocem expresses the simple idea that the voice, when it changes its note, is as it were bent out of the straight line. Lucr. 5. 1406 varies the expression, Ducere multimodis voces et flectere cantus. Here the song itself is said to be bent, just as we say ' to turn a song.' The same idea survives in the term ' inflections ' applied to the changes in a form by declension, etc. 4O. tristttiae dlssoluenda, 'to be freed of his gloom.' Here solvere, following the analogy of words of emptying, etc., is used with the genitive. Cp. Hor. Od. 3. 17. 12 cum famulis operum solutis, ' loosened in respect of,' i. e. ' loosened from, their work.' 42. Referring to the chains in which slaves were frequently forced to work. TIBULLUS, I. 7., 30-49. 145 44. aptus, 'fitted,' 'suitable.' 45. 46. For the repetition of sed Find, compares Virg. Geo. 2. 467. 46. corymbis. Corymbus is a branch of ivy with the berries hanging from it. The ivy was sacred to Bacchus, and his locks were crowned with it. Hence Ov. Fast. i. 393 Festa corymbiferi celebrabat Graecia Bacchi. palla is the long woman's robe of saffron colour (lutea, Kpo- KCOTOS) worn by Bacchus. A purple or scarlet cloak (Tyriae vestes} was apparently thrown over the/6ov uwtavoio 16. 151. Cp. Tib. 3. 4. 18 lam nox aetherium nigris emensa quadrigis Mundtim caeruleo laverat amne rotas. In II. 21. 195 Achilles says no river can contend with Zeus, not even Ocean : ou5 fiaOvppf'iTao ptya ffOevos 'ClKtavoTo, l ovirtp irdvrfs iroranol real waaa Od\aaaa, Kal iraffai Kpfjvat at T)s, etc.' 63. innoxia, ' in a passive sense, " suffering no harm," " un- harmed." So Lucan 9. 891 Gens unica terras Incolit a saevo serpentum innoxia morsn. We find it also in the active sense of " doing no harm," in Plaut. Capt. 3. 5. 7 Decet innocentem servum atque innoxium Confidentem esse, suum apud herum potissimum. In like manner innocuus signifies either " harmless," or, " unhurt." 1. Innocuum rigido perforat ense lotus Ov. Trist. 3. 9. 26. 2. Donee rostra tenent siccum, et ssdere carinae Omnes innocuae Virg. Aen. 10. 301.' 64. Vescar is here followed by the accusative. Lucretius, and still more frequently Plautus, use verbs like potior, fruor, fungor, utor with the accusative. This phenomenon has not as yet been satisfactorily explained. The ablative after these verbs is required by their original, not their acquired meaning. Thus vescor means, ' I feed on,' utor, ' I employ myself by,' etc. We should naturally expect that the ablative would be more rigorously insisted on in the infancy of the language, when the original meaning of the words still survived, than when by frequent use they had acquired a conventional mean- ing. It would seem that in grammar, as in prosody, the knowledge of Greek brought with it an artificial tendency towards purism which forced the literary language into a conventional correctness, from which it again burst itself free upon the decay of letters. It certainly is remarkable that what are called the corruptions of a debased age should appear in some instances in the earliest records of the language. 66. Her hair, after the manner of inspired priestesses and modern poets was tossed back in disorder from her forehead. 67-70. ' These lines present many difficulties, and the text has been moulded into various forms by different editors. The general meaning of the passage is clear enough. The prophecy of the Sibyl, who foretold to Aeneas the high fortunes of his posterity, being concluded, the poet continues, " Other Sibyls, it is true, pre- dicted the appearance of many prodigies ominous of woe, and these portents have already been made manifest, but may Apollo ward off all calamities in time coming." Some of these prophetesses of evil TIBULLUS, II. 5., 63-70. 173 are specified in the lines before us, in which Tibullus seems to have taken at random names commonly current, without investigating very closely their origin or their relations to each other. ' Amalthea is in Varro 1 the Sibylla Cumana, who, he says, by others is called Herophile or Demophile. Again Herophile, in Pausanias, is the Sibylla Erythraea, but he quotes certain verses, said to be composed by herself, in which she declares that she was a native of Marpessus 2 , a city of which, Pausanias adds, traces still remained in his time upon Phrygian Ida. A Marpessus, however, in this situation is mentioned by no other ancient authority 3 , while Stephanus Byzantinus *, Suidas and others place a Mermessus on this very spot. Hence Salmasius would change Mdpwrjffffos, in Pausanias, into Vlep/Jirjffffos, and read Mermessia in Tibullus, instead of Marpessia. But whether we adopt Marpessia or Mermessia, it must be taken as an epithet of Herophile, and the punctuation of Huschke, Quidquid Amalthea, quidquid Mermessia dixit, Herophile Phoebo grataque quod monuit, by which Mermessia is made to indicate a personage distinct from Herophile, can scarcely be received. On the other hand, if we place the comma after Herophile, as in our text, the words Phoebo grataque quod monuit stand isolated without any noun to which grata can be referred. Hence critics have supposed that Phoebo has been substituted by some ignorant transcriber for the name of a Sibyl, and Vossius would substitute Demo, who, according to Hy- perochus, was the Cumana, while Lachmann conjectures Phaeto Graiaque ; *ura> (Phyto Huschke), in Suidas, being the Samian Sibyl.' Killer reads Phyto Grata quod admonuit. In Cat 66. 58 the MSS. read Gratia, where Lachmann has restored Grata. ' The next couplet, if we follow the best MSS., and read Albana . . . Tiberis is absolutely unintelligible. The description, given by Varro, of the tenth Sibyl seems to afford the clue required to guide us. Decimam Tiburtem, nomine Albuneam ; quae Tiburi colitur, ut Dea, iuxta ripas amnis Anicnis ; cuius in gurgite simulacrum ems 1 Serv. Aen. 6. 72 says it is not clearly known which of the Sibyls composed the Roman oracles, yet it is certain that they were brought to Tarquin by a woman named Amalthea. 2 Salmasius, however, has a very happy conjecture, according to which the Sibyl will declare that she herself was of Erythrae, and the Nymph, her mother, of Mermessus. 3 Except Varro ap. Lactant., and the reading is disputed. * Mep^crffds, iroXts Tpow/nj, d' fa i) 'Epv6paia 20v\\a. The MSS. have also Mi5p/tr or the Pitcher-kiss, because the kisser held the kissee by the ears as one would hold a pitcher (such as the amphora) by its two handles. The Latin name was Osculum Florentinum. Whole books have been written containing enumerations and descriptions of the various modes in which kisses can be given and received. 93. Grandpapa was to stay at home and ' keep ' or ' mind ' the baby. \-]6 NOTES. 1. 93 implies that the child was put to sleep; but in 1. 94 he wakes up, and has to be amused with baby-language. 95. operata deo. See above on 2. I. 9. discumbet. Properly used of a number of people sitting down to a meal, each taking his proper place. But it is also used of a single person, Juv. 5. 12 Primo fige loco quod tu discumbere iussus, i. e. ' when invited to dinner.' 96. levis umbra. Surely the epithet levis needs no explana- tion. Finder after D. laboriously explains it as either ' the glancing, wavy shade,' or ' airy,' ' not close and oppressive from the boughs being low.' How levis could bear either meaning is not stated. 97. Cp. above 2. r. 24. 98. stabit, i. e. on the table. For coronatus cp. Virg. Aen. 1. 724 Crateras magnos statuunt et vina coronant. So Geo. 2. 528. Wreaths of flowers were twined round the goblets, as well as round the heads of the drinkers. 101. Ing-eret, a word specially used of opprobrious language. 102. Postmodo, ' after a while.' 103. snae apparently must go with ferus : ' he that was late so cruel to his love.' 1O5. Face tua, called in the P. S. Lat. Primer an 'Ablative of Condition.' It is, in reality, an ablative of attendant circumstance, closely allied to the ablative absolute. ' There being peace, i. e. no objection, on thy part.' 108. dedlt . . . malnm, ' wrought mischief to,' ' injured.' Cp. the old repartee of the Metelli to the poet Naevius : Dabunt malum Metelli Naevio poetae. 110. faveo morbo, ' foster or encourage my distemper/ make no effort to throw it off. Note cum iaceo, cum iuvat, as in Plautus, where we should expect the subjunctive. Or the indie, may denote duration of time, as in multi sunt anni cum in aere meo est, Cic. Fam. 15. 14. 111. mini nnllns. A very unusual ending for a hexameter. Nemesis. The second flame of our poet : Ov. Am. 3. 9. 31 Sic Nemesis longiim, sic Delia nomen habebunt, Altera euro, recens, altera primus amor. 116. Referring to the representations or models of captured towns carried along as part of a triumphal procession, Hor. Ep. 2. I. 193 Captivum portatur ebur, captiva Corinthus ; also Prop. 3. 4. 1 6 and note. 119. pia, here used of the father's affection for the son. 121. Auntie : sic . . . sint. Cp. note on 1. 63. TIBULLUS, II. 5., 9511. 6., 1-3. 177 II. 6. THE poet Aemilius Macer had gone forth to the wars; taking courage from his example, and distracted by the cruelties and caprice of his beloved Nemesis, Tibullus determines to buckle on his armour and to cure himself of his love by absence. But alas! the very thought of leaving Nemesis behind unmans him ; once more he turns and implores her to take pity on him. Hope will not desert him : he implores her by the memory of her sister, who had died by a tragic and untimely death, to heal his wounds and restore him to her favour. 1. Macer. We have to distinguish between two contempora- neous poets of the same name. (1) Aemilius Macer of Verona, who according to the Eusebian chronicle died in Asia B.C. 16. He was apparently a friend of Virgil, for Serv. ap. E. 5 says that by Mopsus intelligitur Aemilius Macer Veronensis poeta, amicus Vergili. He wrote a poem on birds, snakes, and plants, as appears from Ov. Trist. 4. 10. 43 Saepe suos volucres legit mihi grandior aevo Quaeque necet serpens, quae iuvet herba, Macer. Manilius alludes to this poem Astr. 2. 43 in similar terms. Quin- tilian contrasts him with Lucretius, whom he terms difficilis, while Macer is humilis, both being elegantes in sua materia. (2) The Macer addressed by Ovid in Am. 2. 18 and in E. P. 2. 10. 13, and therefore alive in B.C. 12. Ovid speaks of him as an old companion, and thus describes his poetry : Tu canis aeterno quidquid restabat Homero, Ne careant summa Troica bella manu. In E. P. 4. 16. 6 he calls him Iliacus Macer, which implies that there were two of the name, and that one of them was known as a compiler of Homeric poems. See Wernsdorff on the Homeristae Latini hi his Poetae Latini Minores. quid fiet Amori. 'What will become of Love?' Fiet in this sense is constructed both with (a) the dative, and (b) the ablative : the former being the dative of the thing or person affected, 'what will happen to;' the latter being the ablative of the instrument, ' what will be done by or with.' Thus for (a) see Liv. 45. 39 Quid deinde tarn opimae praedae, tarn opulentae victoriae spoliisfiet ? So Ov. A. A. i. 536 ; for (F) Cic. Epp. Att. 6. I Quid illo fiet quern reliquero ? quid me autem si non tarn cito decedo ? 3. vaga, ' unstable,' ' uncertain.' So Tib. 2. 3. 39 Praeda vago iussit geminare pericula ponto, N 178 NOTES. 4. ad latns, i. e. 'at the side of Macer.' Claude fe latus is a regular word for walking side by side with a person, especially on the left side. Cp. Hor. Sat. 2. 5. 18 Utne tegam spurco Damae latus ? 5. lire here = ' torture,' from the practice of branding slaves, especially runaways. So Tib. i. 9. 21 Ure meum potius flamma caput, et pete ferro Corpus, et intorto verbere terga seca. 6. erronem, a wandering or loitering slave. Hence here of a truant soldier. 7. hie quoque, i. e. himself. Hie is the pronoun of the first person, as iste is of the second and ille of the third. 8. Zpse, i. e. as a common soldier or gregarius, who had to perform all duties for himself. The helmet was the soldier's natural drinking-cup : Prop. 3. 12. 9 Tu tamen iniecta tectus, vesane, lacerna, Potabis galea fessus Araxis aquam. levem apparently is intended to suggest the simpleness of his fare, and the humble scale on which his comforts are supplied. 10. mihi facta tuba est seems to mean ' the trump has sounded for me,' ' I obey the trumpet-call.' 11. Magna loquor, 'big words!' So in Greek fjifya drrtiy, fj.CYa\T) f\>aaa, etc., and Hor. of Apollo 4. 6. I magnae vindicem linguae. We have the converse Ov. Met. 6. 151 Cedere caelitibus verbisque minor i bus uti. 12. Excutiunt. Finder scarcely gives the force when he translates ' dash to the ground,' or ' empty of their force.' Excutio is ' to shake out,' and is properly applied to clothes or materials of any kind when shaken out to see what they contain. Thus of a sus- pected person it is ' to search,' as Plin. H. N. 7. 36, of a girl visiting her mother in prison, a ianitore semper excussa ne quid inferret cibi. Of mental sifting and examination, Pers. i. 49 nam belle hoc excute totum : Quid non intus habet? ' Shake out the meaning of these " Bravos : " what will you not find contained in them ? ' Of offering the inmost heart to be read, Pers. 5- ao tibi . . . Excutienda damus praecordia, ' I present my heart to be shaken out by,' i. e. ' laid bare to, to you.' So here ' the sight of the closed door shakes all my brave words out of me.' Cp. Cic. pro Sull. 8. TIBULLUS, II. 6., 4-4 1. 179 16. aspiciamque. See note on 2. 5. 86. 18. nefanda loqui, ' to talk blasphemy.' 22. fenore reddat. The field is said to give back what is put into hfenot?, just as a borrower is said pecuniam accipere fenore, i.e. ' at 'interest,' ' on terms of interest," an ordinary modal ablative. Cum fenore is also used, as in the parallel passage Ov. R. A. 173 Obrue versata Cerealia semina terra Quae tibi cum multo fenore reddat ager. 26. The change of subject in canit is harsh. It has to be sup- plied from vinctum. Ovid imitates this passage, E. P. i. 6. 31, of Hope, Haec facit ut vivat vinctus quoque compede fossor: Liberaque a ferro crura futura putet. 29. immatura ossa, as Finder remarks, is an expression after the manner of Propertius : but Propertius would have introduced it less harshly. parce . . . Sic . . . quiescat. See note on I. 5. 63. 30. tenera, probably 'which lightly presses on.' Cp. Pers. 1.37 Non levior cippus nunc inprimit ossa? and the common formula on tombs S. T. T. L. i.e. sit tibi terra levis. 31. miM, ' in my eyes.' 34. cum cinere querar, i.e. 'complain to? after the analogy of pugnare cum, 'to quarrel with a person,' or of any act which requires more than one person for the doing of it. 35. clientem. As though he had formally ranged himself as her client, and therefore was entitled to her aid. 36. lenta, i. e. ' slow in hearing my prayer,' and so ' obdurate.' 41. Desind, read by all the best MSS. One of the very few cases in the Augustan poets where final o in a verb is short, with the exception of scio, nescio, puto, volo. See Ramsay's Latin Prosody on o final. Probably desine should be read. HI. 3- As to the genuineness of the 3rd Book of Tibullus, see the Introduction. It presents obvious differences of style, if compared with Books i and 2. The writer is separated from Neaera, and laments that neither vows nor offerings have effected their re-union. He has sought not wealth nor splendour, only to have her love, and to live till old age N 2 180 NOTES. in her company. Poverty with her were happiness : without her not kingdoms, not all the riches of Pactolus, can bring content. In con- clusion, he prays that if the Fates have indeed ordained that their separation is to be eternal, he may speedily pass down to the gloomy realms of Orcus. 1. caelum votis imylesse. So Virg. Aen. 9. 24 oneravitque aethera donis. 2. Blanda, i. e. ' propitiating," ' likely to win favour.' In Plaut. Cas. 2. 3. 55 Rxpcriemur nostrum uter sit blandior, 'which of us two is the more persuasive.' So Prop. 4. 6. 5 blandi turis honor es, and Hor. Od. 3. 23. 17 Non sumptuosa blandior hostia. 5. renovarent, 'plough up anew.' So novalis or novale, 'fallow land,' Virg. Geo. i. 71, or 'land ploughed for the first time,' Plin. H. N. 7. 5. 3. 7. sociarem, ' share.' 8. caderet, 'fail,' almost = occideret. 13. Phrygfiis. The Phrygian marble was one of those most highly prized at Rome, when all the quarries of Europe were opened up to fulfil Augustus' famous boast 'that he had found Rome made of brick, and left her made of marble.' This marble is of a white colour, seamed with wavy streaks of purple, and came from a village near Synnada, in Phrygia Magna, whence it is often called lapis Synnachius. It is called Pavonazetto by antiquaries, and is found in considerable fragments in Rome. Statius, Silv. i. 5. 36, thus describes it along with Numidian marble : Sola nitet flavis Nomadum decisa metallis Purpura, sola cavo Phrygiae quam Synnados antro Ipse cruentavit maculis liventibus Atys. 14. Taenare. Black marble was obtained from the promontory of Taenarum in Laconia (C. Matapan) and is now known as nero antico. There was another Lacedaemonian marble, green in colour (serpentino), from Mount Taygetus. Caryste. Carystus was in Euboea. The marble obtained there was white and green, and in consequence of its being streaked like the outer coat of an onion, is called cippolino. References to these marbles are perpetual in the Latin poets. Martial enumerates the three above-mentioned, with the Numidian, or common yellow marble (giallo antico), 9. 76. 6 ', " Idem beatus lautus extruit thermos De marmore omni, quod Carystos invenit, TIBULLUS, ill. 3., 1-28. 181 Quod Phrygia Synnas, Afra quod Nomas mitt it, Et quod virenti fonte lavit Eurotas. 15. The wealthy Romans had gardens and shrubberies behind their houses, surrounded and enclosed by peristyles or colonnades, where they might sit, walk, or even drive, protected from rain in winter, or from noontide heat in summer. The remains of Hadrian's villa near Tivoli show to what an incredible extent private luxury in such matters could be carried. See the description of it in Murray's Handbook for Rome. Even in Horace's time, Ep. I. 10. 22 Nempe inter varias nutritur silva cohimnas. Cp. Od. 3. 10. 5 and Seneca, Controv. 5. 5 Infra aedificia vestra undas et nemora comprehenditis. sacros imitantia Incos, i. e. so large, so retired. 16. trabes, the main beams between which were the panels which formed the fretted ceiling (lacunar). Cp. Hor. Od. 2. 18. 1-4 and Prop. 3. 2. 9 Quod non Taenariis domus est mihi fulta cohimnis, Nee camera auratas inter eburna trabes. 17. Erythraeo littore. The Persian Gulf: E. lapilli are pearls. 19. in illis Invidia est. Huschke well quotes Plin. Pan. 88. 5 An satius fuit felicem vocare? quod non moribus, sedfortunae datum est : satius magnum ? cut plus invidiae quam pulchritudinis inest. So Prop. 2. 25. 34 Invidiam quod habet non solet esse diu. 21. mentes hominum curaeque levantnr. A zeugma : the mind is lightened, or eased, of its load ; the burden of care is made lighter. A still stronger instance occurs i. 4. 65 Quern referent Musae, vivet, dum robora tellus, Dum caelum Stellas, dum vehet amnis aquas. So Virg. Aen. 2. 320 Sacra manu, victosque decs, parvumque nepotem Ipse trahit, where trahit is only applicable to nepotem. A still stronger instance, almost amounting to a pun, occurs Ov. Met. 2. 505 Arcuit omnipotens ; pariterque ipsosque nefasque Sustulit, i. e. ' both raised them to the skies, and prevented the unholy deed.' 28. non goes closely with meus, 'by no means favourable,' ' hostile,' ' angry.' So Hor. Epod. 9. 30 of Antony after Actium, Vends iturus non suis, l82 NOTES. while in Virg. Geo. 4. 22 the bees go forth vere suo, 'in the spring that is all their own.' Cp. Ov. Her. 12. 84 Sed mihi tarn faciles unde meosquc deos ? The Pactolus and the Tagus are coupled together by the ancients on account of their golden sands. The Pactolus (now Bagouly) rose in Mount Tmolus celebrated for saffron flowed under Sardis, and joined the Hermus. See Virg. Aen. 10. 141 and Juv. 14. 298. 33. Juno, daughter of Saturn, is invoked as the patroness of wedded life. 35. tristes, ' inexorable.' HI- 5- THE poet is lying alone in Rome, worn with fever, and expecting death : he pours out his lamentations to his friends who are visiting the hot springs of Etruria. Protesting the innocence of his life, he implores the gods not to let him die in youth, but to prolong his days to a good old age, and begs his friends to offer sacrifices for his re- covery. 1, 2. ' Etraria was celebrated in ancient, as it is in modern times, for its hot springs. Among the most famous of these were the Aquae Caeretanae, now the Bagni di Sasso, in the neighbourhood of the important city of Agylla or Caere ; the Aquae Pisanae, now the Bagni di Pisa, within a few miles of Pisae, the still celebrated Pisa ; the Aquae Tauri, now Bagni di Ferrata, near Centumcellae, or Traiani Portus (Civita Vecchia), etc. The poet gives no hint of the particular spot he alludes to, but many of these places are situated near the sea, and the proverbial insalubrity of this low-lying coast of Tuscany (the Maremma) in hot weather, will sufficiently explain the meaning of the second line.' Strabo 5. p. 227 speaks of the fame of the Etruscan waters, and says they were as much frequented as the more famous waters of Baiae. This confirms the reading proximo. 3. proxima, the conj. adopted by Hiller for the maxima of the MSS., gives a good sense : ' the Etruscan springs, which near the dog-days are not to be approached, but at the present season rank next to the sacred waters of Baiae.' For this use of proxima implying a comparison in point of merit cp. Ov. Met. 12. 398 Pectoraque artificum laudatis proxima signis, ' not inferior to.' No satisfactory explanation of maxima has been suggested. Scaliger supposes Baiae to stand for hot springs in TIBULLUS, III. 3., 33 5-, '-'8. 183 general, like the word 'Spa:' 'greatest amongst hot springs, on account of its holy waters.' But no proof of such a use has been adduced, to say nothing of the intolerable ambiguity which it would introduce here. Others wrest maxima into the sense of maior, meaning ' su- perior.' This is no less inadmissible. It has been noted that autem is not elsewhere used by Tibullus. The words maximus andfroxi- mus are not unfrequently interchanged in MSS. 4. se remittit, ' unbends from,' ' is released,' i. e. from the cold of winter. Ov. Fast. 4. 1 26 Vere nitent terroe, vere remissus ager. The winter is regarded as presenting an interruption to the normal state of the earth. purpureo vere, ' under the influence of spring.' 5. nigram contrasted, as D. points out, with purpureo 1. 4. For nigra hora cp. niger dies Prop. a. 24. 34. denuntiat. This verb is often used in the sense of threatening : inimicitias, caedem, vim denuntiare, etc. occur in Cicero. 8. laudandae deae. The Bona Dea, to whose rites no male might be admitted. Tib. i. 6. 22 Sacra bonae maribus non adeunda Deae. " It is well known what serious consequences, political and personal, were entailed by the violation of these rites by Clodius in Caesar's house B.C. 62. 9. infecit pocula, ' drugged a bowl.' 10. trita, ' pounded.' A. has certa. Trita venena occurs also Prop. 2. 17. 14. 11. sacrileges is not quite so well supported as sacrilegi, but it gives a better sense. And if sacrilegi would readily be changed to sacrileges to agree with ignes (Finder), sacrileges might still more readily be changed to sacrilegi to agree with nos. 13. inrgla mentis. Lachmann illustrates by this phrase the iurgia saevitiae of Prop. i. 3. 18. 'Brooding over the resentments of a frenzied mind ' Finder. 18. This line occurs in Ovid's autobiography, Trist. 4. IO. 6, and it is extremely unlikely that Tibullus would have borrowed so marked a line literally, and without acknowledgment. Further, it is certain that he was born at least eleven years, probably sixteen years, before the event indicated, which took place B. c. 43. See Intro- duction. Either, therefore, these lines are interpolated, or else the author was not the poet Tibullus. As a matter of fact, the lines are quite out of place where they stand. 1 84 NOTES. 19, 20. Ovid closely imitates these lines, Am. 2. 14. 23-4 Quid plenam fraudas vitem crescentibus uvis, Pomaque crudeli vellis acerba manu. 22. Dura . . . tertia regna. The inelegance of the double epi- thet is relieved by the circumstance that tertia regna go together as one idea. The three kingdoms of course are those of Zeus in the heavens, of Poseidon over the water, and of Pluto over the shades. sortiti for sortiti estis. 23. olirn, ' on some far distant day.' 24. The Cimmerians were known to Homer as living in the far West, on the borders of the Ocean, near the entrance to Hades. Their land is shrouded in mists and clouds, and the sun never shines on them, Od. II. 14 sqq. In Herodotus, the Cimmerians possessed the country round the Palus Maeotis. They were expelled by the Scythians and made an irruption into Asia. They gave their name to the Cimmerian Bosphorus. 30. The water is facilis because it yields to the hand ; the hand is lenta, ' pliant,' ' flexible,' because it knows how to overcome the resistance of the water. 33. Black steers were sacrificed to the gods below ; white to the gods above. Znterea, i. e. until my fate is decided, one way or the other. NOTES ON PROPERTIUS. I. 8. THIS poem is addressed to Cynthia, and consists of two parts. In the first part 11. 1-26 the poet writes in an agony of terror that she has transferred her affections to a rival who was at that time praetor designate, and in the belief that she had actually made up her mind to leave Rome and sail with him to the province of Illyri- cum and Dalmatia, of which he had been appointed governor. If the project was indeed entertained, Cynthia was diverted from it by the indignant and heart-broken remonstrances of Propertius, and he writes the second part in a tone of enraptured triumph, assured that he has won the love of Cynthia, and attributing the hold he has acquired over her to his gift of poesy. We hear again of this same praetor on his return from Illyria in 3. 7. i, when he is still an object of suspicion ; in 1. 8 Propertius gives vent to his feelings by calling him stolidum pecus, ' a dull sheep.' 1. igitur, with a question, expresses surprise and indignation, marking an abrupt conclusion to a lost train of argument. So Hor. Sat. 2. 5. 101 Ergo nunc Dama sodalis Nusquam est ? and id. Od. I. 24. 5. Cp. the Greek apa. 'What then, art thou mad? ' cura, as elsewhere, is used especially of the pangs of love. So Hor. A. P. 85 Et iuvenum curas et libera vina referre. Sometimes, like amor, and ' love ' in English, it is used for the loved object, as Virg. E. 10. 22 tua cura Lycoris. 2. tibi, ' in thy eyes,' the Dativus Ethicus, or Dative of Refer- ence. Cp. Pers. 6. 62 Sum tibi Mercurius. Illyria. The Province of Illyricum (or Illyria) and Dalmatia included the whole Eastern sea-board of the Adriatic from the peninsula of Histria as far south as the Acroceraunian promontory, where Macedonia began, and comprised the modern territories of Croatia, Dalmatia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Montenegro, and Albania. gelida, because all mountainous countries alike, and all countries i86 NOTES. to the north of Rome, were regarded by the Romans as cold and inhospitable. 3. 4. tanti ... ut ... veils. ' Of so great value that (for his sake) thou art willing.' Cp. Juv. 3. 54 tanti tibi non sit opaci Omnis arena Tagi, quodque in mare volvitur aurum, Ut somno careas, ponendaque praemia sumas. i. e. 'be of such value in your eyes that (for its sake) you will do without sleep,' etc. iste, with a notion of contempt : ' that fellow, whoever he may be." Iste implies properly pointing at a person who is present, and hence suggests familiarity and contempt. In a court of justice, the accused person is always iste to the prosecutor, hie to his own advo- cate. Cp. 2. 9. i. 4. vento quolibet may be taken together, ' taking advantage of any wind, no matter what,' i. e. ready to sail in any weather, or at any season of the year. But it is better to take quolibet as the adverb, ' ready to sail in any direction,' ' to start for any country.' Vento is Abl. of the means or instrument of transit, as in Virg. Aen. 2. 180 Vento petiere Mycenas. So we say ' to go by road ' or ' by rail.' 5. 6. potes . . . potes. Emphatic : ' Canst thou bring thyself to?' ' hast thou the hardihood to?' vesani, of the wild, wintry sea. So Hor. Od. 3. 4. 30 insanientem Bosporum, and id. 3. 7. 6 Post insana Caprae sidera, and Epp. 1. 1 1. 10 Neptunum procul e terra spectare furentem. 6. dura nave. So in Pers. 5. 145 Luxuria is represented as dissuading the indolent youth from going to sea : Tun' mare transilias ? tibi, torta cannabe fulto, Cena sit in transtro? 7. positas, 'deposited,' and so = ' lying.' Hor. Sat. 2. 3. 142 Pauper Opimius argenti positi intus et auri. Postgate well compares Od. 3. 10. 7 Positas ut glaciet nives Pure numine luppiter. fulcire. Postgate ( App. B.) has clearly proved that we have here an example of the proper meaning of the v/oidfutcio, which is ' to press.' From this is derived the secondary meaning ' to prop,' ' sup- port,' 'strengthen.' The word comes from the same root asfarcio, meaning ' to press,' ' to pack,' and so ' to stuff.' The sense ' to press ' is clearly made out from the present passage, from Celsus 7. 19 linamenta super non fulcienda sed leviter tantum ponenda sunt, PROPERTIUS, I. 8., 3-1 1. 187 and from the MS. reading of Lucr. 2. 98, where the crushing to- gether and rebounding of the primordial atoms is described : Partim intervallis magnis confulta resultant. Less certain instances occur in Virg. E. 6. 53, Pers. I. 78. 8. insolitas, in passive sense 'unaccustomed,' 'unknown to thee.' Sometimes it is used actively in the sense of ' contrary to one's habit,' as of the seals rushing up rivers, Virg. Geo. 4. 543 insolitac fugiunt in Jlumina phocae. For II. 5-8 we may compare Yet take good heed, for ever I dread That ye could not sustain The thorny ways, the deep valleys, The snow, the frost, the rain, The cold, the heat. The Nut-brown Maid, Anon. 1521. 9. hibernae, ' stormy.' tempera, i. e. ' the length ' of the stormy season. 10. iners (in and ars~), ' sluggish,' ' inactive,' as of the winter itself, Hor. Od. 4. 7. 12 et max Bruma recurrit iners ; i. e. ' in which no work is done.' tardis Vergfiliis, Abl. of Cause, 'in consequence of the late rising of the Vergiliae.' The morning rising of the Vergiliae, or, to use their Greek name, the Pleiades, was held in a rough way to mark the commencement of spring, and of the sailing season. As to the precise date indicated, there is great confusion in the writings of the Roman poets, arising mainly from two causes : (i) they did not dis- tinguish between the true morning rising of a star (i. e. when it rises at the same moment with the sun) from its apparent rising (i. e. when it rises long enough before the sun to be visible before daylight) ; and (2) they occasionally (Ovid especially) copied dates from Greek astronomical writers without correcting their calculations for the date or for the latitude of Rome. In the year 44 B. c. at Rome the true morning rising of the Pleiades was on April 16 ; the apparent or heliac rising was on May 28. According to the division of the seasons in Caesar's Calendar, the beginning of summer was marked by the morning rising of the Pleiades, but whether the true or heliac rising was meant is not stated. See W. Ramsay's Appendix on the Roman Calendar, Selections from Ovid, p. 358 sqq. 11. Tyrrhena . . . arena. These words form a kind of rhyme called leonine : cp. i. 17. 5 Quin etiam absenti prosunt tibi Cynthia venti, and 2. 8. 1 6 In nostrum iacies verba superba caput. 1 88 NOTES. For a similar jingle, either intentional or not avoided, cp. 2. 26. 27 (26*. 5) Multum in amore fides, multum constantia prodest, Qui dare multa potest multa et amare potest. Tyrrhena, i. e. the shore of the Mare Tyrrhenum on the West coast of Italy. solvatur ftinis, the ' loosening of the cable ' was equivalent to our ' setting sail.' 12. elevet, ' carry off," 'waft away,' as fruitless: lit. 'make light,' so that an air could blow them away. The sense ' to disparage ' as in Pers. I. 6 non, si quid turbida Roma Elevet, accedas comes from ' making light ' in a scale, and so ' depreciating.' 11-20. Propertius first prays that his prayer may be heard, and that Cynthia may not be able to sail ; then, imagining her ship started, he hopes that the winds which have not deterred her may still rage around her, while he, stupefied with grief, rates her for her cruelty from the shore. Then repenting of his cruel words, he hopes that after all she may have a prosperous passage. Postgate follows those editors who invert the order of the two distichs 11. 13-16, partly to give tales a better meaning, partly to assist a supposed symmetrical division of the poem into passages of 4, 4, 6, 6, 6 lines respectively, each giving a complete thought. But the change is unnecessary, for (i) tales has a good sense as given above, referring to the fierce and stormy winds which he has hoped may prevent her from sailing alto- gether. These winds he hopes, in his anger, may still continue after she has set sail, and that she may have the further agony of seeing and hearing him upbraiding her from the shore. (2) Atque ego will thus have its natural sense, instead of ' And yet ' as required by Postgate's order. (3) Symmetrical divisions should be regarded with much suspicion. They may be multiplied indefinitely to suit the caprice of editors, and once the principle of transposition is admitted it cannot be kept within reasonable limits. An examination of the transpositions suggested in Propertius by recent editors, with the reasons for them, will convince a sober critic that his safest course is to take and explain the order as he finds it in the best MSS., rather than to expend ingenuity in showing how our poet might have been more symmetrical or logical in his arrangement. The English head- ings given in this edition will, it is hoped, serve to bring out that the order of the MSS. is in almost every case natural and intelligible; and in this case there are no corresponding divisions in the second part of the Ode. PRO PERT I US, I. 8., 12-15. 189 14. provectas, ' advanced on their way,' ' having set sail,' used proleptically, so that auferet provectas = ' bear thy ship away.' The word is usually employed of ' getting under weigh,' as in Virg. Aen. 3. 72 Provehimur portu, but may be used of any amount of progress achieved, however small, as in Aen. 2.24 Hue se provecti deserto in litore condunt, where it means ' having launched and sailed a certain distance.' In prose it is often used with longius, in the sense of ' carried far,' or ' too far.' rates. The Plur. seems used poetically, and is not inappro- priate to the original meaning of the word which Festus, p. 273 (Miiller), gives thus : Rates vocantur tigna inter se colligata quae per aquam aguntur, quo vocabulo interdum etiam naves ipsae signifi- cant ur. Varro, de L. L. c. 2, suggests a reason for the use of the Plural : Katis dicta navis longa propter remos quod hi cum per aquas sublati sunt dextra et sinistra duas partes (Scaliger's corr. for rates'), efficere videntur. So Plin. 3. 5. 9, 13 of the Tiber, trabibus potius quam ratibus meabilis, which shows that the Plural might be used of a single structure. The word ratis seems to have been used by the early writers (Attius and Ennius) for ' an oar : ' this may have been its original meaning, and would suit well its connection with the root ar or ra, whence come aro, ars, arma, remus, rota, etc. That rates here means Cynthia's vessel only seems more poetical and natural than to suppose with Postgate that Prop, was thinking of a crowd of vessels storm-stayed by the same storm, and all setting sail together. The interpretation above adopted, by which Cynthia is supposed to sail in spite of high winds, is inconsistent with that view. 15. The construction ispatiatur me dejixum vocare (se~) crudelem : ' may she endure (to see) me stupefied with grief (and to hear me") oft call her cruel with outstretched hand.' Prof. Palmer would take patiatur as referring to aura, vacua is added to intensify the sense of the lover's loneliness and desertion, as in i. \ 8. 2. The same word in a different connection may be used to give a sense of complete repose, or of a mind untroubled by thought or care. Cp. 3. 17. 1 1 Semper enim vacuos nox sobria torquet amantes. defixum, ' deadened,' ' stupefied,' is the natural meaning ; but this, as Postgate points out, is inconsistent with infesta vocare manu in the next line. Why should not dejixum have a still simpler mean- ing, ' rooted to the ground ? ' The picture would then be of the poet standing in one spot, helpless to follow, but crying out upon her cruelty with voice and hand. 190 NOTES. patiatnr is peculiar, as instead of being used prolately with an infinitive, it has an accusative with the infinitive after it. This con- struction is not uncommon with verbs of wishing, etc., in Plautus. 16 . infesta mann. Clearly used of the threatening or upbraid- ing hand. Postgate's suggestion that the words may mean ' with hand hostile to myself of beating the breast, etc., though possible, does not seem in harmony with the passage, and destroys the con- trast of crudelem infesta. vocare manu may be either, as Postgate suggests, a compression of two things or two stages, ' speaking by hand and voice,' into one, after the manner of Propertius (see his Introduction), or it may be a somewhat harsh zeugma (if it may be so called), implying that his hand was now his only instrument of speech. The maledictions are scarce uttered, when the poet repents of having uttered them : he recants, and prays that after all she may have a prosperous voyage. 17. quocunqtie modo, equivalent to utcungue : the phrase would be more naturally connected with a transitive verb. 18. Galatea, a sea-nymph, taken as representative of the powers of the deep. In Aen. 9. 102 Jupiter promises Cybele that such of Aeneas' ships as reach Italy in safety shall be changed into sea-goddesses, qualis Nereia Doto Et Galatea secant spumantem pectore pontum. It is possibly from a recollection of this passage that Horace gives the name of Galatea to a maiden whom he would dissuade from crossing the ater sinus Hadriae in time of storm, Od. 3- 27 non aliena viae, imitated by Ovid, Am. a. II. 34. aliena, ' hostile,' ' unfriendly,' as frequently in Cic., with or without animus or animo: Tac. Hist. 2. 74 Muciani animus nee Vespasiano alienus. 10. praevecta, as the reading stands in the MSS. (ut le . . . praevecta) must be the vocative for the accusative, just as it stands for the nom. in the well-known passages in Pers. I. 123 and 3. 29 Stemmate quod Tusco ramum milesime duds. In both passages the use of the Vocative is harsher than it is here, as it stands as the predicate of the sentence. Postgate is inclined to adopt utere with Baehrens, pointing out that the imperative is often used in inscriptions, in short prayers, and that the omission of te, involved by that reading, is quite Propertian (see Introduction). Harsh as is the transition thus involved from the 3rd person in sit PROPERTIUS, I. 8., 16-21. 191 to the and in utere, and then back to the 3rd vfcaccipiat, this reading is the best yet proposed. praevecta, used of riding or gliding past, as in Tac. Ann. 2. 6 of the Rhone, servat nomen qua Germaniam praevehitur. H. A. J. Munro (Journal of Phil. 6. p. 49), besides objecting to the asyn- deton of the MS. reading, and to the omission of te 1. 20, holds that it is impossible to use the past part, praevecta in the sense of the present part., showing that Lachmann's instances Qlpraetet- vehor are all in the present tense, and comparing Livy's praetervehens equo with Cicero's use of praetervecta in the pass, (pro Gael. 5 1 ). He therefore repeats the conj. Ut te praevectam felice Ceraunia remo, pointing out that felice occurs in Cicero, and infelice in Catullus. But praevecta, as practically equivalent to a pres. part., may be illustrated by provectas 1. 14 ; and if we read utere, the objection to praevecta is practically removed. The rowing would not be pronounced felix until the dangers were passed. Ceraunia, referring to the precipitous cliff and acute promon- tory called Acroceraunia, which forms the termination of the Ceraunian Mountains. This promontory was just to the north of Oricum (or Oricos), and was the main terror of the passage from Italy to Greece. Bold indeed must have been the man, says Hor. Od. i. 3. 19, who first dared to face the sea : Qui vidit mare turgidum et Infames scapulas Acroceraunia. 20. Oricos or Oricum, a town on the confines of Illyria and Epirus, at which passengers bound for Rome would wait for favour- able weather. Thus Asteria's lover Gyges is detained at Oricum, Hor. Od. 3. 7. 5 Ille Notts actus ad Oricum Post insana Caprae sidera. Oricum and Dyrrhachium (further north en the same coast) were the Calais and Boulogne, as Brundusium was the Dover or Folkestone, of the Roman world. 21. Non ullae taedae. The torch was so essential a part of the marriage procession, as it was also of the funeral procession, that the word taeda by itself may stand for either ceremony. Thus in Prop. 4. II. 46 the shade of Cornelia describes her whole wedded life by the words Viximus insignes inter utramque facem, andOv. Her. 21. 172 Et face pro thalami fax mihi mortis erit. 192 NOTES. Here taeda stands for ' marriage,' as in Virg. Aen. 4. 18, where Dido says, Si non pertaesum thalami taedaeque fuisset. Nam. Postgate seems to miss the force of this word : ' the argument is, " to pass on to me, I shall always be true to you." ' Surely nam gives the reason for the sudden change of tone intro- duced by sed in 1. 17,' Nay, after all, I must pray for thy happy voyage : for I can never give up my love for thee, and wherever thou goest, thou shalt yet be mine.' 21. corrumpere. It should be noticed that this word does not exactly correspond to our word ' to corrupt.' It means ' to break through, ' ' to break utterly,' ' to destroy,' and so to render a thing use- less for its proper object. To a people who worshipped strength above all things, a word signifying loss of strength came naturally to have a moral meaning ; but the ideas associated with it were rather those of loss of fibre, weakness, and luxury, which the Roman moralists especially connected with loss of manly virtue, than what we denote by moral corruption. Thus Sallust, Jug. 39. 5 milites . . . licentia atque lascivia corruperat ; Tac. Hist. 3. 49 disciplinam corrum- pere; Virg. Geo. 2. 466 Nee casia liquidi corrumpitur usus olivi, i.e. 'deteriorated,' 'spoiled,' and Hor. Sat. i. 5. 95 of a road, utpote longum Carpentes iter et factum corruptius imbri, i. e. ' broken up.' In the passage before us the word may mean that no second love, no marriage, shall ' break down ' or ' weaken ' the love he bears to Cynthia. 22. Quin is only used, as Postgate points out, after negative or quasi-negative sentences (such as questions), and introduces the thing which one is not prevented from doing. Its meaning is equivalent to ' so as not : ' as here, ' No marriage shall change me so that I shall not complain.' Its most usual use is after verbs of doubting : non dubiunt est quin earn viderim means literally, ' No doubt exists so that I did not see her ' = ' No doubt exists which interferes with, or prevents, my having seen her,' i. e. ' There is no doubt but that I saw her,' or ' as to my having seen her.' Quominus has pre- cisely the same sense after verbs of preventing or hindering. verba querar. As Postgate points out, there is no need to alter this reading. Verba is the cognate accusative after querar, which is used in the sense of ' to pour forth by way of complaint.' Thus Verba queri is ' to pour forth complaining words ' or ' words of PROPERTIUS, I. 8., 21-24. 193 complaint.' Parallel to queri, ' to utter complainingly,' is Virgil's use ofrumpere with vocetn, etc., as in Aen. 11. 377 rumpitque has imo pectore voces, which means ' To send forth in a breaking or broken manner,' ' To utter burstingly.' So Aen. 4. 553 Tantos ilia suo rumpebat pectore questtts. For verba querar Postgate compares Ov. Met. 9. 304 verba queror, and points out that Propertius frequently uses verba where one would expect the particular kind of words whether of joy, sorrow, or otherwise to be indicated. Most editors have adopted Passerat's conjecture vera, which Palmer supports by 3. 6. 35 Quae tibi si veris animis est questa puella. But in that passage the whole point turns upon the truth of the complaint made ; here there is no question of true or false, only of his persistence in his love. Catull. 66. 18 also quoted is quite beside the mark. ' I shall pour forth my woe in words upon thy threshold ' is surely more forcible than ' I shall utter well-founded complaints.' The limen of the loved one's door was the natural confidant of all a Roman lover's woes and disappointments, and the recipient of his most earnest protestations. In i. 1 6 a whole poem is devoted to retailing the varied experiences of a limen, which betrays the confessions of a rejected but still hopeful lover. Strange that the one merit of such a confidant that it could keep a secret should be so wantonly sacrificed. Cp. Catull. 67. 23. deficiet, used impersonally, or rather perhaps, by a curious inversion, with the infinitive rogitare as a subject. ' The continual questioning of sailors shall never fail me.' An accusative of the person after deficere is common, as Hor. Sat. 2. i. 13 Cupidum, pater optime, vires Deficiunt. citatos. He will send for, summon, all sailors who arrive in port, to question them about Cynthia. The interpretation ' moving quickly ' is very weak. As Paley points out, citare is a regular word to use of summoning witnesses. 24. clausa, safe somewhere in harbour, as though she were only detained by stress of weather from returning to him, like Gyges in Hor. Od. 3. 7. 5-8, and were watching for the first opportunity to cross. Dicite . . . est. The direct question indicates the urgency and rapidity of his questions. 25. 26. ' I shall ever hold her to be true ;' dicam, not merely because, as Postgate observes, Propertius frequently puts something as O 194 A 7 OTES. said where another writer would say that it is, but because he wishes to express a conviction to which he is determined to give utterance, and which is rapturously justified in the lines which follow. 25. licet . . . licet. On this pleonastic repetition see Post- gate's Introduction. Atraciis is read by the best MSS. Atrax is a town in Thessaly. There is also a river Atrax in Aetolia. Pucci conjectured Autaricis, which would refer to an Illyrian tribe mentioned by Strabo under the name of Av-rapiarai. Palmer writes Artaciis, resting on Apoll. Rhod. Arg. i. 954, where a harbour is spoken of Kpiji'Tj VTT' 'Apra/a?/. considat, of a lasting settlement. Dido asks Aeneas, Aen.i. 572 Vultis et his mecum pariter consider e regtiis? 26. Most editions have Eleis. The MSS. have hileis, for which Hylleis, referring to an Illyrian tribe "f\\(ioi or "f \\rjtTs, seems, as Postgate says, a very probable correction. Yet Eleis would do well enough, and seems confirmed by 1. 36. Professor Palmer now prefers Hylaeis, the reading of the text, which is near N. : ' Though my lady moors her bark in the furthest regions of the earth, she will be true to me.' Hylaea was a region of Scythia, mentioned in connection with Cyzicus, near which was Artace, by Herodotus. See Hermathena, 1883. 27. erit, ' will remain.' iurata, 'on oath.' She remains, and remains for certain, as she has sworn it. Palmer prefers erat : ' She was here all the -while, and here she remains.' As she never actually set sail at all, this must refer to the time when he imagined that she had done so. rumpantnr iniqni. ' Let my enemies burst through envy.' Rumpor, a natural phrase, used of envy as here by Virg. E. 7.26 invidia rumpantur ut ilia Codro ; of anger, by Hor. Sat. i. 3. 136 miserque Rumperis et latras. Post- gate well compares the Fable of the Frog : Hor. Sat. i. 3. 319 non si te ruperis, inquit, Par eris, 28. Vicimus. ' I have gained the day,' ' I have carried my point : ' as we might say ' Victory 1 ' non tulit. ' Has not been able to endure,' ' to stand out against.' 29. licet . . . deponat, simply ' may now lay aside,' ' give up.' of a joy without foundation, and therefore doomed to PROPERTIUS, I. 8., 25-43. 195 disappointment. The same idea is expressed elsewhere by vana gaudia, an empty joy founded on no reality. livor, blackness, is taken as the personification of Envy : as Ov. R. A. 387 Rumpere livor edax. cnpidns, ' full of eagerness,' i. e. to do its proper work. Translate, ' the envy of their hearts.' 30. Destitit, ' has ceased,' ' has given up the idea of going.' Constructed with the infinitive as in Hor. Epod. u. 5 Hie tertius December, ex quo destiti Inachia fur ere. novas vias, ' new, strange courses.' Used literally of her journey, with a suggestion of the metaphorical meaning as well. 31. Ull, to b*e joined with carus. 'She tells me I am dear to her.' per me, ' for my sake.' 32. dnlcia neg-at, ' declares they have no charms for her.' Or negat may stand for abnegat, as in Suet. Aug. 40. Postgate well remarks upon the skill shown in this couplet. 39. concha, ' a pearl-oyster,' and hence ' a pearl,' as Tib. 2. 4. 30; Ov. Met. 10. 260; Am. 2. n. 13. 39. 40. The sense of these lines is given in a less serious spirit by a modem writer : / did not buy her (out upon it ! I had no gold to buy : The duns are at me for the bonnet I sent her just to try ) What won her was the seely sonnet That praised her to the sky ! 40. blandl, 'caressing,' ' loving.' Blandus is the characteristic epithet assigned to Propertius by Ovid, Trist. 5. i. 17. obsequio, ' by the loving homage of my song.' 41. Snnt, emphatic. ' Do really exist,' ' are no fiction.' tardns, ' slow to help.' 42. rara, 'such as is rarely found:' similar in sense to, but not quite so strong as, unica. Cp. i. 17. 16 Quamvis dura tamen rara puella fuit, and Stat. Silv. 5. i. n coniux rarissima. Rarus is properly used of a substance which has intervals between its parts : hence applied to nets (Virgil), air (Lucretius), a sieve (Ovid), friable soil (Virgil), etc. It is then used of the parts so separated, and thus means ' far apart,' ' rare.' 43. A hyperbolical way of speaking, as when Horace says that if Maecenas ranks him among lyric bards Sublimi feriam sidera vertict. 2 196 NOTES. Postgate declares this to be not to the point, maintaining that Pro- pertius means ' I shall walk a god among the gods.' The reference to the gods is scarcely in place, and destroys the simple realism of the idea. The plain meaning is, ' I shall tread on the very stars as I walk along ' in triumph and exultation. Cat. 66. 69 me node pre- munt vestigia divom is hardly in point. Berenice's hair, changed into a star, says quite simply ' the gods plant their steps on me,' ' I form the road over which they walk.' licet. Postgate well points out in this and other passages, how fond Propertius is of softening his meaning, so that he prefers to say that he may, or that he will, or that he desires, or that he intends, to do a thing, rather than that he actually does it. This tendency he connects with irresolution and weakness of will, as characteristic of the poet. See his Introduction. 45. certus, 'true,' 'faithful:' so Enn. in Cic. Lael. 17. 64 Amicus certus in re incerta cernitur, the happily selected motto of one of our principal Insurance Societies. subducet. Most MSS. subducit, which is perhaps better, ex- pressing both the certainty and the endurance of his love. amores, either the affection of Cynthia for him, or perhaps Cynthia herself, the loved object, which no rival can now filch from him. So Cic. Div. i. 36 amores et deliciae tuae. I. I 4 . This charming little poem is addressed to the poet's friend Tullus, a young man of wealth and good family, to whom also are addressed several of his most intimate pieces. Happy in the consciousness of Cynthia's love, he tells his friend that he has no envy of his beautiful villa on the Tiber, with its costly furniture and lovely view, for he possesses in his love a joy and a wealth that far transcend all the joys and wealth of kings. From the Sixth Elegy of the First Book it appears that Tullus was the nephew of a man of distinction, L. Vocatius Tullus, who was consul in the year B. c. 33, along with Octavian himself. This uncle, probably in the year 27 B.C., was setting out as proconsul to the senatorial province of Asia, and taking with him his nephew Tullus as his legatus. On that occasion Tullus offered to find a place for the poet on his uncle's staff : but Propertius declared (i. 6) that he could not tear himself away from Cynthia. After his uncle's term of office was over, Tullus re- mained some time in the East for travel and enjoyment : and in PROPERTIUS, I. 8., 45 14., 1-5. 197 3. 22 the poet writes to him upbraiding him with his long absence, as showing indifference to his friends and the beauties of his own country. The First Elegy of the First Book, in which Propertius declares his absolute devotion to Cynthia, is also addressed to Tullus: and it is highly probable that it was through Tullus that the poet first obtained an introduction to Maecenas. 1. Tn, in antithesis to meo amori in 1. 7. abiectns. This word usually carries with it the idea of despond- ency or meanness, as in its English equivalent ; but here it is to be taken simply in the sense of ' stretched at ease,' ' lying prostrate,' in connection with the local ablative Tiberina tinda. Cp. Ov. Her. 7. \ of the swan who sings upon the Maeander, udis abiectus in herbis. The word carries with it the notion of that complete ease and abandon which was the ideal of the Epicurean poet : Hor. Od. i. i. 21 nunc viridi membra sub arbuto Stratus, nunc ad aquae lene caput sacrae. For the ablative unda cp. the .common reading in 2. 13. 55 Illis formosum iacuisse paludibus. See also 4. 3. 10 and note. 2. Lesbia. The wine of Lesbos was sweet and light : Hor. Od. i. 17. 21 describes it as innocens, and Athenaeus 1.22 calls it olvapiov, a phrase exactly equivalent to the French term petit vin for a light, weak wine, of no particular pretensions. Mentoreo. Mentor was the most celebrated chaser of silver among the Greeks, especially famous for his cups. He lived shortly before 356 B c., as we are told that many of his cups were destroyed in the burning of the temple of Ephesus in that year. Enormous prices were paid for his works : Juvenal 8. 104 describes the wealthy days of the East by asserting rarae sine Mentore mensae ; and Martial 4. 39. 5 thus addresses a wealthy connoisseur : Solus Mentoreos habes labores. Propertius characterises Mentor's work by the complicated character of his subjects, 3. 9. 1 3 Argumenta magis sunt Mentoris addita formae. 3. 4. Tullus lies lazily stretched upon the river bank, watching the barges gliding down the current or being towed against it. 5. intendat vertice silvas. This phrase has been strangely misunderstood. Paley translates, ' Though all the woodland around you should wave with trees,' without explaining how the meaning is to be extracted from the words. Intendere can only mean ' to 198 NOTES. stretch : ' and the idea here is analogous to that of stretching or pitching tents on a plain (tabernacula carbaseis intenta velis Cic. Verr. 2. 5. 12. 30), or of stretching or spreading sails upon a mast. Nemus is the woodland, situated on a hill overlooking the Tiber, on the slope of which probably the Janiculum or the Vatican Tullus' villa was built. The wooded hill is thus said ' to stretch out the planted trees on its top : ' and 1. 6 makes it clear that Propertius is dwelling on the size of the trees, not, as Burmann and others sup- pose, on the extent of the wood. Nor can intendat mean 'to thicken,' = arboribus denset, as Schultze supposes. The only other possible interpretation is ' how the wood stretches out, i. e. rears high, the trees at their top ' or ' with their top : ' but this is weak and tautological. 7. contendere, ' to vie with," here used with the dative as in i- 7-3 Atque, ita sim felix, primo contendis Homero. The more usual construction is with cum followed by the person, and the ablative of the subject of rivalry as in 2. 24. 7 (Vulg. 28) Contendat niecum ingenio, contendat et arte. 7, 8. With these lines, and 11. n, 12, compare No pearls, no gold, no stones, no corn, no spice, No cloth, no "wine, of Love can pay the price. Anon. 9, 1O. trahit . . . ducit. The verbs trahere and ducere both carry with them the notion of length : here of the long hours or live-long day spent in the dalliance of love. Cp. ducere somnos Virg. Aen. 4. 560. Kinnoel compares Sen. Here. 645 Vigilesquc trahit pur pur a noctes. The metaphors are strangely abrupt : ' Then do the waters of Pactolus pour under my roof, then do I gather gems under the Red Sea.' The Red Sea of the ancients was the whole Indian ocean, and they had a fancy that its bed was rich with gems. Thus of the pearl or 'shell of Venus," Prop. 3. 13. 6 Et venit e rubro concha Erycina salo. So Martial 5. 37. 34 has lapilli Erythraei. See note on Tibull. 2. 2. 15, 16, and Curtius 8. 9. 19 gemmas margaritasque mare litoribus infundit. 11, 12. Compare the following lines from the Chloris of William Smith (i 596): Some make their love a goldsmith's shop to be, Where orient pearls and precious stones abound; In my conceit these far do disagree, The perfect praise of beauty forth to sound : PROPBRTIUS, I. 14., 7-19. 199 O Chloris, thou dost imitate thyself, . Self -imitating passeth precious stones ; For all the Eastern-Indian golden pelf, Thy red and white with truest fair atones. How far removed is the elaborate ' conceit ' of the modern poet from the simplicity and directness of Propertius ! 13. ' Assure me that kings will yield to me,' i. e. in point of happiness. 13, 14. There is much in this poem, as well as in poems 8, 17, and 1 8, which remind us of passages in Shakespeare's Sonnets. Cp. Sonnets 25 and 29, which ends with the lines For thy sweet love remembered such wealth brings, That then I scorn to change my state with kings. Cp. lines 23, 24. But every comparison only brings out more clearly the essential differences between the ancient and modern conceptions of love. How unintelligible to Propertius would have been the spirit of Scott's well-known lines, though they reproduce the main idea of 11. 17-24: In peace love tunes the shepherd's reed, In war he mounts the warrior's steed, In halls, in gay attire is seen, In hamlets, dances on the green. Love rules the court, the camp, the grove, For love is Heaven, and Heaven is love. 15. adverso . . . Amore. ' If Love be unpropitious.' Hertz- berg quotes Mimnermus : Ti's 5J /Sf'os, TI 5^ Ttpirvov, arfp xpvafjs 'A^poS/riys ; TfOvalrjv ore pot fJujKiri ravra /ieAoi. 16. sint, conditional. ' No wealth would be wealth to me.' tristi, of a maiden who will not smile on her lover : so Prop. i. 6. 10, and Tib. 4. 4. 17 lacrimis erit aptius uti Si quando fuerit tristior ilia tibi. 17-22. ' Not strength or sternness, not wealth or luxury, can keep Love away.' 18. dolor. The nominative, as elsewhere in Propertius, is here put for the more usual dative of predication. See I. 18. 15 and the passages referred to in the Index. 19. Arabium limen, i. e. a threshold paved with onyx, or Oriental alabaster, which was brought from Arabia (Plin. N. H. 36. 12) and was much used for cups, pillars, and other ornamental work at Rome. 200 NOTES. 20. ostrino, ' purple.' An adjective derived from ostrum (offTp(ov), lit. 'the blood of the purple-snail,' used several times by Propertius. 22. relevant, lit. ' lift up,' ' lighten,' used in the sense of our 'alleviate.' For the sense cp. Tib. i. a. 77-80. 23. verebor, used in a somewhat peculiar sense, ' shall have no scruples about,' ' shall not hesitate to.' For the Infinitive after vereor cp. Hor. Sat. 2. 3. 40 Insanos qui inter ziereare insanus haberi. I. I 7 . This poem, together with the one which follows it, is among the most charming and touching of all the love-poems of Propertius. They are poems which none other of the amatory poets of Rome could have written, and which alone would be enough to give a dis- tinguishing mark to his genius. They are essentially modern in their character. There is no tinge of coarseness or artificiality, no trace of the laboured and pedantic conceits of the Alexandrine school in the love which they breathe. The pain and the love which the poet pours forth are essentially romantic rather than classical in their character ; and as pure and true to nature as the winds, the waves, and the rocks which he addresses. The cast of the pieces is en- tirely modern : it may be doubted whether there are any poems in antiquity which come so near to the spirit of the Nature school of English poetry. Driven to despair by Cynthia's hardness, he embarks upon a voyage, he buries himself in some lonely spot in the hope of driving her image from his mind ; but the first breath of a storm, the soughing of the trees, and the songs of birds, only add fuel to his passion : he curses the folly which has induced him to tear himself away from her, and every sight and sound only makes him feel the more that in leaving her he has left the whole world behind him. He speaks to the winds with the passion of a Lear, to the trees and the birds and the streams with the tenderness of a Rosalind : he calls on the beeches and the pines to bear witness to his love ; he carves Cynthia's name upon their trunks, he shouts it aloud to the rocks ; he colours all nature with the intensity of his own feelings, and looks for her help and sympathy in every phase of his passion. There is throughout that refined appreciation of the beauties of nature, and that sense of their mysterious correspondence with the various moods of man's mind, which we are accustomed to regard as charac- teristic of our own modern poets. PROPERTIUS, I. 14., 20-23 17., i-n. 201 1. There is nothing to show whether the voyage of this piece was real or imaginary. In I. 15 the poet speaks as if he were about to undertake a voyage in consequence of the treatment he had received from Cynthia. Et marks an abrupt beginning. The poet plunges in medias res : he starts in the middle of a gust of feeling, leaving what has preceded to be understood. Cp. Ov. Am. 3. 12. 9 Et merito, quid enim formae praeconia fed ? potui, ' could bring myself to,' ' had the heart to,' like the Greek trXrjv. 2. Alcyonas. Alcyone, daughter of Aeolus, and her husband Ceyx were for their presumption changed into sea-birds. The ancient fable was that the halcyon made her nest upon the waters, and that during that time calm prevailed. Hence our ' halcyon days ; ' here Propertius calls on the halcyons in hopes that they will allay the storm. See Ov. Met. n. 742-749, andServius on Virg. Geo. i. 399. So Theocr. 7. 57 'A\KVOVtS (TTOpfOtVVTl TO /CV/XOTO. 3. Cassiope, wife of Cepheus and mother of Andromeda, was changed into a constellation, whose appearance through the storm would be a sign of brightening weather. Some suppose the allusion to be to the town Cassiope or Cassope on the shores of Epirus, mentioned by Strabo 7. 7 as a point made for in the voyage to Greece. The remains of the town between Nicopolis and Pandosia are at some distance from the sea, in the hills : it was thus rather a point to be sighted than a harbour to be made for. This would perhaps give a better meaning both to visura and to soiilo. solito is peculiar : it must be used adverbially, = ex solito ; per- haps such forms as gratuito, incerto, etc. may be regarded as analo- gies. Hertzberg makes the prosy conjecture solidam, understanding Cassiope of the town. Paley makes the conjecture omine et for omnia 1. 4 ; but we are not aware of any omen specially connected with the constellation, and omnia seems needed for emphasis. 6. increpat. The indicative gives greater emphasis, the indirect question being ignored. See note on 1.8. 24. 8. funus, as elsewhere in Propertius, is used for ' a dead body.' So Virg. Aen. 9. 489 and 6. 510 Omnia Deiphobo solvisti et funeris umbris. 11. reponere is the reading of N., and, if correct, must mean ' to represent,' ' to portray in imagination,' or, as Lemaire puts it, ' remettre sous les yeux.' Ponere is used of any portrayal or descrip- tion of a thing, whether in words, painting, or otherwise ; and the re 202 NOTES. will denote the calling up of the occurrence by the mind's eye. Opponere would mean ' to place before the eye,' 'imagine.' 12. ossa nulla, emphatic : ' no bones of mine : ' . ' to be utterly without remains of mine to hold.' Paley well recalls the striking picture given by Tac. Ann. 2. 75 of Agrippina embarking from Asia for Rome, and carrying the urn with her husband's ashes clasped upon her bosom. Cp. Tib. 1.3. 5. 13. paravit, 'equipped.' 15. Finder suggests that Propertius may have had the similar passage of Virgil in his eye, E. 2. 14. 17. The scene is now shifted ; the poet is no longer out at sea hoping to sight the land ; he is sailing along unknown wooded shores. 18. Tyndaridas, the well-known meteoric phenomenon called ' St. Elmo's fire,' which was a sign of fine weather and was attributed by the ancients to Castor and Pollux. See Hor. Od. I. 3. i. So in the Battle of Lake Regillus: If once the great twin Brethren Sit shining on the sails. See also Hayes' account of Sir Humphry's voyage (quoted by Froudc, Short Studies, vol. i. p. 486) : We had also upon our mainyard an apparition of a little fier by night, -which seamen do call Castor and Pollux. 19. Ulic, i.e. ' Had I remained and died at Rome.' Sepelis- sent, donasset, clamesset refer to acts over once for all ; staret, to the abiding monument ; while poneret, 1. 22, represents the act of placing the ashes amongst roses in the urn as actually proceeding. 20. posito . . . amore combine in one expression the ideas of the remains laid in the grave, and the love laid down and done with, as we might speak of ' a buried love/ 23. extreme pnlvere, ' the dust which is my end.' See n. 1 . 19.2. 24. =the usual formula S. T. T. L., i.e. sit tibi terra levis. 25. Doridae natae, i.e. the Nereids. 26. felici . . . chore, ' appearing as a glad band ; ' lit ' by your glad band.' Strictly, the nominative should have been used, as the natae are to form the chorus. solvite vela, i. e. ' enable us to unreef our sails.' 28. socio, i. e. ' your partner in love.' Mansuetis litoribus, ' by making calm your shores.' I. 1 8. 1. taciturna, to be taken closely with querenti : ' that will keep my complaints to themselves.' So tenerefidem 1. 4. PROPERTIUS, I. 17., 12-2818., 1-20. 203 1-4. Cp. Tennyson, Oenone : Hear me, Earth, hear me, O hills, O caves, That house the cold crown' d snake ! mountain brooks, Hear me, for I will speak, and build up all My sorrow with my song. 5. Unde repetam, i. e. ' To what point am I to go back to find.' 8. habere notam, an image taken from the nota or mark of infamy attached by the censors on their roll to the name of any citizen whom they wished to stigmatise as having been guilty of some disgraceful act. So Cleopatra is described 3. u. 40 as Una Philippeo sanguine adust a nota. 9. carmina. So the MSS. If correct, the meaning must be ' spells.' But Lipsius' emendation crimina is to be preferred. The two words are often confused. 11. Sic ... nt. See note oh Tib. 2. 5. 63. levis, emphatic : ' capricious that thou art,' nominative case. Palmer puts a comma before levis as well as after it. 13. multa . . . aspera. So multa dura i. 15. i. 14. venerit, nearly equivalent to the future, though there is probably also an optative sense : ' may I never become so enraged,' ' may it never be said that I have become.' 15. furor; cp. dolor I. 14. 18. 17. colore, unquestionably the best reading, rather than calore adopted by Baehrens and Mueller. See I. 6. 6 Mutatoque graves saepe colore freces. ' Do you doubt my love,' asks the poet, ' because I do not change colour, with the bashfulness of a young lover, at every instant ? ' Calore would mean practically the same thing, but less directly. A lover might well be said to grow hot and cold with hope and fear alternately, but the point of the line is in signa damus. Do you doubt my love, he asks, because you do not see the outward signs of feeling on my cheek ? So clamat in ore in 1. 18. 18. fides, the sincerity or loyalty of the lover, which does not proclaim itself in his face. 20. The nymph Pitys (ILVvs) was loved by Pan; she was changed into a fir-tree, which tree became sacred to Pan in conse- quence. See Virg. E. 7. 24. It is possible that here and elsewhere the beech-tree is mentioned specially hi connection with love, because its bark admits of being carved with letters more readily than that of any other tree. See 1. 22 and Ov. Her. 5. 21 204 NOTES. Ineisae servant a te mea nomina fagi, Et legor Oenone, falce notata, tua. 2122. The quotation at once suggests itself from 'As yon like it,' Act 3 : Rosalind! these trees shall be my books, And in their barks my thoughts Pll character. Again, the Faery Qneene, 4. 7. 46 : And eke by that he saw on every tree How he the name of one engraven had Which likely was his liefest love to be. Compare too, for mea verba 1. 21, as well as for 11. 31, 32, Drayton's Quest of Cynthia : Forth roved I by the sliding rills To find -where Cynthia sat, Whose name so often from the hills The echoes wondered at. When on upon my wayless walk As my desires me draw, I like a madman fell to talk With everything I saw. So too Sir Robert Aytoun : O happy happy tree Unto whose tender rynd The trophies of our love shall live Eternally enshryn'd ; Which shall have force to make Thy memory remain, Sequester d from the bastard host Of trees which are profane ! And again : Sear me record that while I passed by, 1 did my duteous homage to your dame ; ffow thrice I sigKd, thrice on her name did cry, Thrice kissed the ground for honour of the same. Then left these lines to tell her, on a tree, That she made them to live and me to die! 23. An, etc. ' Or can it be because.' The line recalls the well- known maxim of the cynic, that men hate those whom they have injured. 24. The MSS. have foribus, a reading which seems almost unworthy of the tone of this beautiful poem. The reference would PROPERTIUS, I. 18., 2 i-3,_i 9 ., x. 205 be to the commonplace subject of the excluded lover, pouring out his sorrows to the door which shuts him out. See the whole poem, i. 16. Baehrens' conjecture foliis is tempting. It is in harmony with the piece, containing a pathetic assurance on the part of the poet, in the very moment that recalls to him his wrongs, that he has breathed them to none but the silent leaves. quae is a general neuter, referring to curas : ' matters which are known only,' etc. 25. Note the contrast oitimidus and superbae. 26. argnto . . . dolore, a grief that vents itself in words. 27. The address to the Fountains and their Naiads, implied in the usual punctuation, is somewhat abrupt, and it seems better to leave the question open whether fontes is the nominative or the vocative. The only reason for supposing it to be the latter is con- tained in the epithet divini, which is inconsistent with frigida, inculto, dura, all pointing to the hardships of the poet's present surroundings. But this is outweighed by the ambiguity and harsh- ness of taking the words out of their natural sequence : divini fontes et frigida rupes et . . . dura quies. The conjecture dumosi monies is quite unnecessary. Mr. R. Ellis, Journal of Phil. vol. xv. p. 12, has made the ingenious conjecture Clusini fontes. Divini is out of place ; and he suggests a coincidence with the passage in Horace, Epp. I. 15. 5, where Horace complains that Baiae and its hot springs were being deserted for the cold founts of Clusium. Pro- pertius, sick with love or ill, may have retired for change of air to Clusium, and poured forth this eighteenth elegy in some unfre- quented spot in the neighbourhood. 28. tramite. Sellar (Elegiac Poets, p. 273 .) would translate 'hill-side.' He compares 3. 13. 44, where frames apparently is a translation of opos in a poem by Leonidas of Tarentum. 31. Cynthia, i. e. ' the name " Cynthia " ' : object to vacent. I. 19- A beautiful and touching elegy, written apparently in anticipation of an early death, and, with the exception of the relief afforded by the two concluding lines, in a tone of deep despondency. The poet is filled with terror at the thought that Cynthia may forget him when dead, while he vows that his own love will endure beyond the grave. Let them enjoy their love, at least, while they live. 1. Vereor, seldom if ever used with exactly the same sense as timeo or metuo. Cicero carefully distinguishes the words, Sen. 206 NOTES. ii. 37 Metuebant eum servi, verebantur liberi, and Phil. 12. 12. 29 Quid ? Veteranos non veremur ? nam timeri se ne ipsi quidetn volunt. The same contrast is brought out in Ad Quint, i. i, and Liv - 39- 37- * 7- 2. moror. Just as Virgil's nee dona moror, Aen. 5. 400, means 'I do not stop the gifts,' ' I let them go past me,' and so ' I do not care for them ; ' so- here moror fata means, ' I would do nothing to avert,' and so ' am indifferent to.' extreme, an ornamental, intensifying epithet. It is not used to part off one kind oirogus from another as in such common phrases as extremo tempore, etc. but to indicate a quality which is uni- versal : ' the pile which is life's end.' The word is used in exactly the same way in 1. 17. 23 Ilia meum extremo c lamas set pulvere nomen, and in 3. 2. 18 (20) Mortis ab extrema conditione vacant. debita fata Togo. Nothing can be more crude and unpoetical than to say, with Kinnoel and Finder, that fata ' stands for " a dead body";' or, with Paley, that it is a periphrasis for fatum rogi, whatever that might mean. Surely neither poetry nor sense requires anything to 'stand for' so fine a phrase as 'Nor would I stay the fate that is my funeral pyre's due.' 3. ne goes with Hie timor est, the emphatic Hie being ex- planatory of the sentence ne cartat : ' But I have a fear a fear more stem than death itself that thy love may be absent from my burial.' 5. Pner is of course Cupid. It is possible, as Hertzberg suggests, that there may have been running through the poet's mind a conceit which he illustrates from two passages from the Greek Anthology, according to which the eyes of Aphrodite are re- presented as anointed with bird-lime to enable her to catch her prey. This is bad enough ; but when Paley translates this into ' The lover goes about with his eyes smeared to catch Cupid as he flies, and so is unable to shake him off again,' the idea becomes intolerable. The eyes are the seat of Love ; it is through the eyes that Love is caught up and answered. Olivia in Twelfth Night says, Methinks I feel this youth 's perfections, With an invisible and subtle stealth, To creep in at mine eyes. It was by the eyes that Cynthia first captured Propertius, I . I . I Cynthia prima suis miserum me cepit ocellis. The figure therefore of Cupid having settled on the poet's eyes, and PKOPERTIUS, I. 19., 2-8. 207 clung to them so firmly that it was inconceivable that he should leave him when dead, and allow his remains to be neglected by her whom he had loved, is a perfectly natural and beautiful idea. The idea of the Anthology is quite different. There Venus, or the ministers of Venus, anoint their eyes with bird-lime that they may catch the lover ; here Love has fastened himself so firmly on to the lover's eyes, that he cannot be forgotten by love, even after death. The old song says Love in her eyes sits playing; Shakespeare thinks it necessary to controvert the common opinion, when he says, Love looks not with the eyes but with the mind. 6. oblito, generally taken in a passive sense, as in Virg. E. 9. 53 Nunc oblita mihi tot carmina. So also Val. Flac. 2. 38. 8. But is this necessary? Could it not be taken in a quasi-proleptic sense, to mean ' Love has not clung so lightly to my eyes that my ashes can be left untended by a forgetting love.' L. 3 shows that the amore is not his love for her, but hers for him ; it is her forget- fulness of him which he dreads. Thus oblito amore vacet means ' shall lie unhonoured by a love a love that has forgotten me.' In other words, there is a double predication combined in one ex- pression. He might either have said 'that my ashes should be unhonoured by Love,' or that 'Love should be forgetful of my ashes.' Here both phrases are welded into one. Moore brings out this meaning : Too well rve loved, too blindly, that my bier Should be unhonoured by a single tear. Finder's explanation 'Not even in death will thy love be for- gotten by me ' misses the point. Is it possible that vacet may be used absolutely, ' lack the honour due to it,' as uncultivated lands are said vacare ? Oblito amore would then be the ablative absolute, ' thy love forgetting,' ' through the forgetfulness of thy love.' Cp. 4- "-94 Caelibis ad curas nee vacet ulla via. 7. Phylacides. Protesilaus is meant, whose father Iphiclus was son of Phylacus. The love of Protesilans for Laodamia is well-known from Ov. Her. 1 3. He obtained leave from the gods to return to see her for a single day. Illic, of the regions below, suggested by the word pulvis in 1. 6. 8. caecis in locis. These words take up and expand the Illic of 1. 7 by a kind of apposition, and contrast finely with immemor. 208 NOTES. 'Not there even in that land of darkness could Protesilaus,' etc. 9. cnpidns goes with Phylacides, 1. 7, and Thessalis umbra is the predicate : ' He came in the character of a shade.' falsis goes primarily with palmis. Just as gaudia were called falsa in I. 8. 29 because there was no solid ground for their exist- ence, so here the hands are falsae because unsubstantial. But a reference to that line will show that the idea of falsis is intended to be thrown over gaudia as well as palmis : Falsa licet cupidus deponat gaudia livor. The recurrence of the three words falsa, cupidus, gaudia can scarcely be accidental. 11. imago. Finder suggests an allusion to the 'image' of Protesilaus, which Laodamia made and worshipped after his second death. tua dicar imago. It is hard to determine whether the pre- dicate of the sentence be tua imago or tua only. In the latter case, imago will mean only a shade : ' Shade though I be,' or ' In my phantom form I shall still be called thine.' In the former case, imago must have some further meaning, ' I shall be called thy semblance or representative.' ' I shall be held to present thy form, 1 i.e. not merely that he would be known as a shade to be still devoted to her, but that he was so identified with her, their per- sonalities were so joined together, that his shade would be said to be not his only but hers also. dicar. In accordance with his usual tendency, Propertius pre- fers to say ' I shall be called thine,' than simply ' I shall be thine.' 12. Traicit, in its intransitive sense, 'passes the bounds of Fate,' i.e. of Death. Traicere is also used transitively when it may be constructed with two Accusatives, one of the object crossed, the other of the thing sent across it. Thus Caesar B. G. i . 83 Caesar Germanos flumen traicit, ' sends the Germans across the river.' fati litora. Cp. una ratis fati 2. 28. 39. maguus amor. The epithet is either specific, ' A potent love ' or general, ' The mighty power of Love.' With this magnificent line read in connection with 11. 18-20 cp. Byron, who thus speaks of a love severed by death : Yet did I love thee to the last As fervently as thou, Who didst not change through all the past, And carist not alter now. PROPERTIUS, I. 19., 9-22. 209 The Love where Death has set his seal Nor age can chill nor rival steal, Nor falsehood disavow : And what were worst thou caifst not see Or wrong or change or fault in me. Propertius, on the contrary, held that love was continued after death (1. 12) ; that the shade of the dead one would still feel for the living (1. 18), and resent any want of affection (2. 13. 41-42). 13. chorus, in apposition to heroinae : ' let them come in a body.' Hous. thinks the Latin requires formosus. 14. The fate of which Hector emphatically warns Andro- mache in the Iliad when he goes out to battle. The most famous of the class were Cassandra, Andromache, Helen. 15. If Quarum be retained, it must be equivalent to Sed carum. Heinsins, followed by Palmer, reads Harum. fuerit, fut. perf., implying that his judgment will be final and abiding. 16. ita probably goes with sinat: ' May Earth grant this to be so.' As this is somewhat tautological, some would take ita with iusta : ' May Earth, just only on the condition that she does so, grant,' i. e. in no other way than by granting his prayer can she deserve the name of Just. This use of ita is analogous to that where it is followed by ut with the indicative. The full phrase would be Tellus ita itista est ut sinit : ' May Earth grant my prayer ; she is only just in proportion as she does so. 1 See note on Tib. 2, i. 63. 17. fata senectae, i. e. ' fate consisting of old age.' 18. ossa, ' thy bones.' Sunt is omitted. The line is a harsh way of saying that whenever her death comes, he, though a shade, will moisten her remains with his tears. 19. Qtiae refers to the general idea of the preceding line, his love for her when dead. mea fa villa, a very peculiar ablative: 'on the occasion of my death.' So exactly morte mea 3. 6. 24. 20. non ullo loco, i. e. ' come when or where it may.' 21. contempto, of indifference or neglect. Bustum, connected with uro, buro, is properly the place where the body was burned. As the spot was frequently marked by a monument, and as the most usual form of monument was a sarcophagus with half-length sculp- tures of the deceased and his family upon the top, the word thus came to bear the meaning of a half-figure or ' bust.' 22. hen. So H., no doubt correctly, for the MS. e or e, appa- rently a common abbreviation. P 210 NOTES. iniquus, of a rival in love. So above, 8. 27, rumpantur iniqui. It is hard to see how Finder gets the meaning 'a passion alien to me.' 24. certa, i. e. even a faithful maiden. minis, the threats of interested friends. Paley quotes Ov. Fast. 2. 806 Nee prece, nee pretio, nee movet ille minis. 25. Quare. Prosaic as the word seems, Propertius is fond of introducing a final couplet with it: so i. 5. 31 and 9. 33. The word has reference not to the lines immediately preceding, but to the general sense of the whole piece. ' With the grave and all its doubts thus before us, let us love while we may.' The absence of caesura in this line makes it very inharmonious. 26. ullo temper o can only mean ' in any time, however long : ' ' No time is long enough for love.' This indefinite use of ullus, to signify time of boundless duration, is peculiar. The idea is, ' You could name no time i.e. no period of time which would be long for love.' 25, 26. This last couplet recalls the exquisite lines of Catullus : Vivamus, mea Lesbia, atque amemus: Soles occidere et redire possunt: Nobis, quum semel occidit brevis lux, Nox est perpetua una dormienda. I. 22. Propertius closes this first Book of his Elegies after the manner of Roman poets (see esp. Hor. Epp. 1.20) with an autobiographical refer- ence to himself. It is addressed to Tullus the same Tullus, presumably, to whom the ist, 6th, and I4th Elegies of this book are addressed in answer to his queries as to the poet's birth. He was born, he says, in Umbria, where that province comes closest to the walls of Perusia. 1. Quails, as well as unde, is to be taken with genus. ' What and whence my family, you ask.' The double interrogation is frequent in Greek, commonly without a copula, as irov ir6Gtv "yryws ; etc. quails genus can scarcely mean, as Postgate puts it, 'of what kind of family,' but rather ' of what kind in point of family,' i. e. ' of what family.' Penates, the proper Latin equivalent for ' Home.' It is doubtful whether the word domus ever bears this meaning. 2. pro nostra amicitia, a common phrase. In this and similar phrases pro indicates that there is a proportion, a corre- spondence, a natural connection, between the thing said or done and the noun governed by the preposition. You ask me 'as a friend ;' PROPERTIUS, I. 19., 24-2622., 1-4. 211 ' as befits onr friendship ; ' ' as is natural for you, being my friend, to do.' So the common phrase pro virili parte means ' as befits a man ; ' ' as a man should do ; ' 'to the utmost of his ability.' semper should be taken with quaeris. Postgate's references (especially Virg. Aen. i. 198) scarcely justify the extreme harshness of taking the word with amicitia as if it were an adjective. 3. He marks his birthplace by its neighbourhood to Perusia, a town which had gained evil notoriety by the terrible scenes at- tending its siege and capture by the army of Octavianus in B.C. 41. The consul, L. Antonius (brother of the Triumvir), had declared against him, and finding himself unable to keep the field, shut himself up in that strongly posted town. The Perusian War is always spoken of with horror by the Au- gustan poets. Its outbreak gave rise to a feeling of despair : it seemed as if there was to be no end of civic discord. It was this war which prompted Horace's most despondent utterances, Epod. 7 and 1 6. Interesting memorials of the siege and sufferings attendant upon it are preserved in the Museo Kircheriano at Rome, hi the shape of leaden and other bullets hurled from slings between the combatants, some of them inscribed with insulting messages. The mere name of the place calls up to Propertius' mind the notions of Death and Discord. ' The Perusian tombs of our country ' may mean either (i) * That Perusia in which our countrymen found their tomb,' i. e. ' The tombs of our countrymen at Perusia,' or (2) ' That Perusia in which our country (i. e. our country's hopes) found a grave.' In the former case the expression is analogous to such phrases as Tyrrhenusque tubae clangor, etc., so common in Lucretius. Line 4 seems to suggest the latter interpretation, and is well illustrated by Cat. 68. 89 Troia (nefas /) commune sepulcrum Europae Asiaeque, and cp. 2. i. 27 civilia bust a Philippos. 4. Italiae, doubtless to be constructed both with funera and temporibus. Translate : ' In that dire hour of Italy ; ' ' In Italy's hardest, darkest hour.' Funera is in apposition to sepulcra, 3, 4. These lines exhibit strongly a characteristic of Propertian, and indeed of all ancient, poetry. They are deeply pathetic ; yet there is not one word which of itself suggests feeling. The simple external reality is put before us in all its hardness and coldness, without one softening touch ; but so truly is the description drawn, that if we only fairly realise it, the appropriate feeling rises of itself, and P 2 212 NOTES. as if created by our own minds, affects them with double force. How different from the gush of much modern so-called poetry or oratory, where words of passionate feeling are thrown away before an attempt has been made to depict the things, to summon up the ideas, which would justify them ! The lines before us form a com- position of the deepest tragedy : ' Perusia our country's grave the hard death-time of Italy.' Every touch is instinct with feeling, yet not one word expresses it. It is hard to refrain from translating dura by 'sad:' yet that would be perhaps to modernise the pas- sage. 5. discordia, personified. ' The demon of civic strife.' egit Postgate translates 'hounded on,' quoting Ov. Met. 14. 750 quam iam deus ultor agebat, and Hor. Epod. 7. 17. But surely this idea is quite foreign to the word. ' To hound on ' is to set dogs on to attack some one. There is no one here to be attacked. The notion of agere is simply ' to drive,' best illustrated by the common phrase for plundering, ' agere et ferre,' agere referring to cattle, ferre (or rapere} to portable property. The picture is that of a Fury or other evil power driving on remorselessly jaded and worn-out herds, and allowing them no rest. We say ' to drive dis- tracted' in much the same sense. -Cp. the fate of lo, otOTpoir\T]. Postgate also quotes Luc. 6. 777 Effera Romanes agitat Discordia Manes; but the sense of ' hounding on ' would require some object of attack or purpose to be named, as in the fine but quite different passage, Virg. Aen. 8. 678, where Augustus before Actium is gathering all Italy to war: Hinc Augustus agens Italos in praelia Caesar Cum patribus populoque, Penntibus et magnis Dis. Here the meaning is not ' hounding on,' but ' gathering in.' 6. Bed. So Palmer, I have no doubt correctly. There is an ana- coluthon here. Tibi, 1. 3, refers to Tullus, and the whole passage 2-10 amounts to this: 'If thou knowest Perusia, then know that I was born just outside her walls.' But the mention of Perusia turns the poet into a digression in which he apostrophises the soil of the Perusian plain, on which his relative was cast out unburied: ' Yet mine chief should be the grief.' The reading sit arose from the connection not being understood. pnlvis, feminine, as in Ennius and several times in Propertius, who however has it masculine also. 7. perpessus eti, ' couldst endure to see.' Or rather perhaps, PROPERT1US, I. 22., 5-10. 213 'the casting forth of my friend's body was a thing thou didst endure,' i.e. as an indignity. This seems better than to suppose esse omitted. 8. solo. The expression is peculiar : the pulvis is represented as not covering the body with the so/urn, though both pulvis and solum refer to the same thing. 9. coating-ens adds nothing to the sense of proxima, except to define it more closely. ' Next to the plain below, and coming right up to it.' 10. terris, 'soil.' In French the plural terres is used for a country estate. II. I. It would appear from this poem that Maecenas had been exerting his influence with his prottgt, Propertius, to induce him to employ his muse in the service of Augustus and his government. It has been frequently pointed out with what consummate political tact Maecenas turned to account his own undoubted literary tastes in the interests of his patron, with a view to reconciling the Roman world to the government of its new master. The marvellous originality of this idea, as well as its singular and immense success, has perhaps been less generally acknowledged. Having ascended to power by a short and unscrupulous career of violence a career unrelieved by a tinge of unselfish patriotism, and darkene'd by cold-blooded crime Augustus succeeded, not merely in arresting for a time that disintegration of the empire which Horace thought imminent when he wrote the Six- teenth Epode ; not merely in securing for himself a period of un- resisted authority : besides all this he succeeded in imposing himself upon the imagination of his countrymen not for his lifetime merely, but for succeeding generations as a beneficent and all-wise ruler, as the healer of his country's sores, as the long-expected deliverer who was to restore the peace and prosperity of the Golden Age, as the legitimate and divinely-appointed successor of Aeneas, of Romulus, and of every true Roman worthy; as not only entrusted with a divine mission, but as being himself worthy to become a god, and to trans- mit a claim to divinity not only to every one of his own descend- ants, but to an infinite series of successors. So magnificent a political success has never before or since been achieved in this world : never before or since have not only the physical forces of a great country, but its whole mind and imagination, been carried into so complete and abiding a captivity. The secret of this great achievement lies in the fact that under the inspiration, and through the help, of a minister marvellously fitted to play such a part, Augustus succeeded 214 NOTES. in laying hold of the whole intellect of a people which had just risen to its full intellectual strength, and in attaching to himself and his government, as enthusiastic champions, the master-minds in whom .that intellectual strength was embodied. Napoleon III tried in vain to attach to himself the intellect of France, and he fell : Augustus succeeded. And if we reflect how weary of the display of brute force, how polished, how receptive of ideas, how sensitive to artistic form, was the Rome of the Augustan age, we can without difficulty understand how irresistible was the force exerted upon the imagination of the time by a cause which was accepted as a fundamental article of faith by its noblest spirits, which was proclaimed as a gospel, and ardently advocated on every ground personal, political, literary, reli- gious by the whole power of a literary cluster of which Virgil, Horace, Livy, Ovid, Propertius, and Tibullus were, after all, only the brightest stars. All this advocacy was obtained silently, and mainly through the instrumentality of Maecenas. With Propertius, as with Horace, Maecenas used all his influence, under cover of a regard for his literary reputation, to induce him to turn his muse to higher themes, to urge her to soar a higher flight ; Propertius, like Horace, under cover of a refusal, adds a new point to the praises which he professes himself inadequate to render. His whole inspiration, he declares, comes from Cynthia ; he is unworthy of a loftier theme ; had the power been his, he would have chosen to sing of the exploits of Caesar and Maecenas before all other topics : but he must needs refrain, like Horace, Od. i. 6. 9, DKIII pudor Imbellisque lyrae Musa potens vetat Laudes egregii Caesaris et tuas Culpa deterere ingeni. 1. amores. poems on Love. Writers of Love poetry are con- stantly apologising for not turning to graver themes. Cp. Spenser, Faerie Queene, Bk. 4, Introduction : The rugged forehead that with grave foresight Welds kingdomes causes ami affairs of state, My looser rimes, I wote, doth sharply wife for praising Love, as I have done of late, And magnifying lover? dear debate. 2. veniat mollis, lit. ' comes soft (i.e. amorous) in the mouth,' mollis being the real predicate. In ora may refer to the mouth of some one reading out the poems, or to the poet's own mouth ; probably the latter. The poet is supposed to recite as he composes. 3. Calliope, the Epic muse. PROPERTIUS, II. I., 1-6. 215 5. The construction of sive, repeated in each couplet down to 1. 1 6, is peculiar. The usual construction of sive sive, as of our disjunctives 'whether or,' is that each has a verb to itself in protasis, while the apodosts consists of one single verb, which is applicable to both or more alternatives. Thus Plaut. Trin. i. 2. 146 seu recte seu perverse facto, sunt, Egomet fecisse cotifiteor. ' Whether it was well or badly done, I confess that I did it.' In the passage before us, each fresh alternative introduced by sive has an apodosis of its own, so that the sense is not represented by ' whether or or,' but by 'If or if if again,' etc. See Ovid. Am. 2. 7. 9 Sive bonus color est, in te quoque frigidus esse, Seu malus, alterius dicor amore mori. In 1. 15 again seu and sive are thrown in almost as surplusage, add- ing nothing to the sense, which is completely expressed by the summing-up words quidquid fecit, quodcumque est locuta. It is impossible to translate seu and sive in that line, unless we allow quidquid, quodcumque to lose their relative force (' whatsoever ') and simply stand for ' anything at all.' A somewhat similar use of seu occurs 4. 2. n, where it joins together two piincipal verbs, without any subordinate verb : Seu, quia vertentis fructum praecepimus anni, Vertumni rursus creditur esse sacrum. Here seu simply means ' or else.' An exactly similar example occurs 4. 10. 47. incedere, of the stately, majestic walk of a tall person, or a goddess, as Virg. Aen. i. 405, of Venus, Et vera incessu patuit dea, and of Cynthia herself, 2. 2. 6 incedit vel love digna soror. coccis . a conjecture of Lachmann, can scarcely be right, for though Cynthia was doubtless fond of gay colours (see 2. 29. 26) a finite verb is needed to go with sive, and it seems harsh to understand vidi from 1. 7. Some propose vidi, which would give a clumsy repe- tition. Possibly cogis, read by some MSS., may be right : but the passage seems to require a verb in the first person. Lachmann alters the order of the third, fourth, and fifth couplet, putting them in this order : five, four, three. In this way the reference to the lyre comes im- mediately after that to Apollo and her ingenium in the second couplet, and vidi can be supplied readily in 1. 5 if preceded by 11. 7, 8. 6. Coa veste. Silk was manufactured in Cos from an early time, and its introduction into Rome was denounced as a sign of corrupt luxury, Hor. Sat. i. 2. 101 2l6 NOTES. Cots te paene videre est Ut nudam. e Coa veste . . . erit, ' will be wholly made up of.' 7. It would seem from this line that the Roman ladies had adopted ' the bang ' of modern fashion. 8. laudatis, the emphatic word. 9. lyrae carmen would seem to be used not of the voice only, but of the melody of the instrument, as in 4. 6. 32 Aut testudineae carmen inerme lyrae. So too 2. 3. 19 Et quantum, Aeolio cum temptat carmina plectra. carmen percnssit, ' struck out the tune ' by striking the chords. So KptKttv (H(\os Theocr. Epig. 5. 2. 5 and Ovid Trist. 4. 10. 50 ferire carmina lyra. The line last quoted seems to show that striking by the plectrum is referred to, and not by the fingers : digitis eburnis will in that case be used metaphorically to indicate the material of which the plectrum was made. 10. facilis, ' skilful,' ' handy.' This is analogous to the use of facetus in Plautus, which, coming from facto, means regularly ' clever,' ' handy,' ' dexterous,' scarcely ever ' witty ' or ' facetious.' premat mantis, of pressing the fingers against the strings, with or without the plectrum. Our word is ' touches.' 11. One MS. gives somnus, a tempting reading. Somnum of course goes with poscentes. 12. Notice the artistic position of poeta: 'a thousand new reasons for my poetry.' 15. Explained above on 1. 5. 5-16. For this whole passage we may compare There is an epic in her eyes, A drama in her wavy tresses. An idyll in her low replies ; Even the rustle of her dresses As, light of foot, she trips along, Is matter for a lover's song. Anon. 17. Quod ... si. Very rarely separated as here by an inter- vening word. tantnm, expanded by ut in 1. 18 : ' so much as this that,' etc. 18. heroas ducere mantis. The poet, by a common figure, is said himself to do the things which he describes. Cp. Thuc. I. 5 Kal ol ira\aiol ruv iroirjrwv, ras irvorets ruiv Karan\tuvrcav iravraxov opoiox ipa>Tu>vTs (I Ai/ffTot tiaiv. 19,20. The allusion is to the attempt made by Otus and PROPERTIUS, II. i., 7-26. 217 Ephialtes, sons of Aloeus (hence called the Aloidae), to scale the heavens by piling the three mountains here mentioned upon each other. Propertius avoids the error of Virgil, according to which Olympus, the biggest of the three mountains, is placed upon the top: Geo. i. 281 Ter sitnt conati imponere Pelio Ossam, Scilicet, atque Ossae frondosum involvere Olympum. See Ramsay's Extracts from Ovid, p. 246. Here Olympus is placed at the bottom, and Pelion on top of Ossa. 20. ut, connected with impositam, as though that word had ita before it : ' Ossa so placed on Olympus that Pelion was the way to heaven,' i. e. was placed on the top. Some MSS. read impositum, but Ossa is feminine in Ov. Am. 2. i. 14. 22. The reference apparently is to the cutting through of the isthmus of Mount Athos, by which ' two seas ' could be said to have 'come together.' Juvenal sceptically alludes to this undoubted achievement, Sat. 10. 174 Creditur olim Velificatus Athos, et quidquid Graecia mendax Audet in historia. The gigantic work of which traces still exist employed a vast multitude of men, and took three years to execute. But it is not impossible that the words may refer to the bridging of the Hellespont, which made the two continents one, and therefore appealed more to the imagination than the much greater, though useless, work of cutting through the isthmus of Mount Athos. Vadum is used strictly of shallow water, the water close to the shore. Thus, with reference to a swimmer's danger, we have the proverb, Omnis res est iam in vado, ' All is now safe.' Bina coisse vada might therefore refer to the shore-waters of the two continents joined together by the bridge. 24. The allusion of course is to the magnificent victory of Marius over the Cimbri at Campi Raudii, near Vercellae, in his fifth consulship, B.C. 101. benefacta, ' the splendid exploits,' should perhaps be written in two words, as in the line quoted by Cic. 2. 18. 62 from Ennius: Bene facia male locata male facia arbitror. 25. res, in contrast to bella, would seem to denote the political achievements of Augustus. 26. cura, ' the object of my attention,' ' of my song.' Cura is often used specially of love, as Prop. i. 15. 31 tua sub nostro . . . pectore cura, and so of a loved object, as in Virg. E. 10. 22 tua cura Lycoris. 218 NOTES. 27. Mutinam, referring to the outbreak of civil war after Caesar's murder. The consuls Hirtius and Pansa, at the head of the senatorial forces, were both killed in the moment of victory before Mutina in B. c. 43 : Ovid marks his birth by that event, Trist. 4. 10. 6 Cum cecidit fato consul uterque pari. civilia busta Philippos. A very harsh apposition, like patriae sepulcra, Italiae funera in I. 22. 3, 4. 28. classica, ' naval.' In allusion to the final campaign carried out with great vigour against Sextus Pompey in Sicily, B. c. 36. For classica see note on Tib. i. i. 4. 29. Alluding to the siege of Perusia: see i. 21. 2, and note on i. 22.3. 30. Ptolemaeei. This seems the proper form of the adjective. The Latin form of the name is Ptolemaeus, corresponding to the Greek nro\f/j.cuos ; from this the Greek adjective would be n-roAt- IMifios, which would naturally become Ptolemaecus in Latin. The MSS. and edd. vary much, as might be expected. Pharos is usually feminine, but occurs masculine in Suet. Claud. 20. It is properly the name of the island still called Faro, opposite the mouth of the harbour of Alexandria, on which Ptolemy Phila- delphus (reigned B.C. 285-247) built his famous lighthouse. Caesar speaks of it with admiration B. C. 3. 112. Hence the word came to signify ' a lighthouse ' in general, in which sense it is preserved in the French phare. The event alluded to is the capture of Alexandria by Octavianus in B. c. 30, which was the immediate consequence of the battle of Actium. From this final victory dates the true commence- ment of the reign of Octavianus as the undisputed ruler of the Roman empire. Horace celebrates the event or rather the death of Cleo- patra which immediately succeeded it in an ode of triumphant exultation, i. 37, and fifteen years afterwards he emphatically dates the Empire of Augustus from that day : Od. 4. 14. 34 nam tibi, quo die Portus Alexandrea supplex Et vacuum patefecit an/am, Fortuna lustra prospera tertio Belli secundos reddidit exitus, Laudemque et optatum peractis Imperils decus arrogavit. 31. Aeffyptnm, so the old edd. Hertzberg follows G. and Per. in reading Cyprum, which certainly is close to the Cyptum of N. Cyprus, after having long been attached to Egypt, had become an inde- pendent kingdom ; it was annexed to Rome by the shameful Bill of PROPERTIUS, II. i., 27-33. 219 Clodius, B.C. 58 ; Antony presented it to the children of Cleopatra; and after the battle of Actium it became an imperatorial province. Its fate therefore might well be mentioned separately from that of Egypt. cum atratus. N. has cum attraetus, others contractus or con- tactus, from which Palmer and Baehrens have both independently conjectured atratus. With that reading the idea will be that the Nile was in mourning when representations of himself and his seven mouths were borne along in the triumph of Octavianus. Prop. 3. 5. 34 affords an excellent illustration, both as to sense and reading. The Sun's horses in eclipse are represented as being in mourning : Solis et atratis luxcrit orbis equis ; and there, as here, atratis has been changed, in Gron. to attractis, in Per. to actractis. With atratus Palmer reads urbe. That pictures of rivers were carried along in triumphs is well known : thus Pers. 6. 47 ingentesque locat Caesonia Rhenos. So Ovid, Art. i. 223, where the Tigris and Euphrates are pointed out as part of a triumphal show. More to the point is Virg. Aen. 8. 711, where the Nile himself is represented on the shield of Aeneas as grieving at the defeat of Cleopatra, and in immediate connection with Caesar's triple triumph : Contra autem magno maerentem corpore Nilum, Pattdentemque sinus, et tota veste vocantem Caeruleum in gremium latebrosaque flumina victos. If we read tractus in urbem the idea will be that of the Nile brought in triumph from Egypt to Rome, which is merged 1. 32 in the more natural idea of the great seven-mouthed river flowing weak through sorrow. 32. Mark the stately but subdued cadence of this line, so fitting to the sense. The very division into seven seems to proclaim the loss of power and glory to the river, as though a victim to the maxim Divide et impera. The idea of 'the Nile enchained and dragged to Rome as a captive with its seven mouths* scarcely deserves the epithet ' happy ' given to it by Paley. 33. As a Roman could never be supposed to conquer, or obtain a triumph over, Romans, the triumph was ostensibly held over the native princes who had befriended Antony, such as Philadelphus, king of Paphlagonia, Amyntas of Pisidia, Deiotarus of Galatia. In the same way Caesar in B. c. 46 did not triumph over Pompey, Scipio, or Cato, but over Pharnaces and Juba. These lines are an exact counterpart to Hor. Od. 4. 3. 6, where it is said of the poet 220 NOTES. neque res bcllica Deliis Ornatum foliis ducem, Quod rcgum tumidas contuderit minas, Ostendct Capitolio ; and again Epod. 7. 7 Intactus out Britannus ut descenderet Sacra catenatus via. The Triumphal Procession entered the city from the Campus Martius, where it was marshalled by the Porta Triumphalis (close to the river, used only on such occasions \ made the entire circuit, or more strictly a three-quarter circuit, of the Palatine, passing through the Circus in its course. On reaching the summit of the Velia where now stands the Arch of Titus it descended into the Forum by the Via Sacra, having now the Capitol full in front. 34. cnrrere, joined with Cyprum, Nilum, colla, as an object to canerem in 1. 31. Somewhat similar is Virg. Aen. 8. 656, of the goose, Gallos in limine adesse canebat. It would hence appear that the prows of the ships conquered at Actium were carried in the triumphal procession. 35. The art of the poet is here compared to that of weaving, as it so often is to that of spinning. In the latter case the idea seems to be simply that of drawing out verses like a thread or ' line,' as in Hor. Epp. 2. i. 225 tenui deducta poematafilo, and Prop. i. 16. 41 At tibi saepe novo deduxi carmina mrsu. In the former case the idea is that of composition as a whole, as Sen. Epp. 114. 1 8 contexere librum. Quint. 9. 4. 19 distinguishes an oratio vincta atque contexta from one sohita, i. e. ' compact,' ' well put together.' Cp. our word ' context.' Here the idea is that the name of Maecenas would necessarily be woven into bound up with any account of Caesar's exploits. 36. There is nothing in the words sumpta et posita pace to sug- gest the idea that Maecenas actually took part in any of Augustus' campaigns. There is every reason to believe he did not : though Hor. Epod. i. i. 8 shows that Maecenas had contemplated taking part in that of Actium. fidele caput. There is tenderness, as well as praise, in these words. It is instructive to note the difference between the Latin and English uses of the words ' head ' and ' heart.' The ancients believed the heart to be the seat of intelligence : hence Pers. 6. 10 Cor jubet hoc Enni, in imitation of Lucilius' Egregie cordatus homo, who meant that Ennius was a man of genius, i. e. ' had a good head.' Caput, on the other hand, denoted primarily the physical life : to expose the caput to peril was to expose the life, or as we should PROPERTIUS, II. I., 34-38. 221 say ' the body,' as distinguished from the mind or soul. From thus meaning ' the physical life ' or ' body,' the word came to be used specially as a term of endearment, as what is primarily loved, or at least caressed, is the body, not the mind. Thus in Plautus we have such phrases as caput carum,festivum, lepidissimum, ridiculum, and in Virg. Aen. 4. 354 Me pucr Ascaniiis capitisque iniuria cart. It thus comes about that while we may sometimes, as above, have to translate cor by ' head,' so we may sometimes render caput by ' heart,' as in the passage before us. Carum caput is just ' dear heart ; ' cp. the Greek fyiKov %rop. Other special meanings of caput, such as capitis poena, ' capital punishment,' caput, ' the sum of a Roman citizen's rights,' etc., are derived from the sense of 'life.' 37, 38. These lines have been generally misunderstood, and in consequence the connection of ideas has been made to appear more abrupt than it really is. Two cases of famous friendships are appealed to that of Theseus and Pirithous, and that of Achilles and Patroclus. Theseus, king of Athens, proved his friendship for Pirithous, son of Ixion (hence Ixionides), by assisting him in his mad endeavour to cany off Proserpine from the lower world. Achilles showed his affection for Patroclus, son of Menoetins (hence Menoetiades), by the fury with which he avenged his death, and by giving up for that purpose his anger against the Greeks. Accord- ing to the common interpretation, these cases are referred to simply as instances of great friendships, with which Propertius wished to compare the friendship of Augustus and Maecenas. Thus the two lines serve to illustrate only 1. 34, and the meaning is, ' Theseus in the world below,' lit. ' to those below,' ' Achilles in the world above, call Pirithous and Patroclus as witnesses to their friendship.' But this rendering breaks the coherence of the passage, and dis- connects entirely 1. 36 from 11. 37-40, which contain its main idea. Testatur may mean not only ' calls to witness,' ' summons as witnesses,' but also ' bears witness to,' ' attests,' as in 3. 7. 21 Sunt Agamemnoirias testantia littora euros. Propertius has just said, ' I would sing the deeds of Augustus and thine, Maecenas, his faithful friend, had I the power.' He goes on, ' Theseus to the world below, Achilles to the world above, bear testimony to their friends Pirithous and Patroclus ; but Callimachus had not the power to thunder forth the battles of Zeus, nor have I the power to tell in heroic verse the glories of Augustus.' Thus the connection of ideas is complete. No doubt in naming these heroic friendships the poet intended also to imply that the friendship of Augustus and Maecenas was as notable as theirs; but his main 222 NOTES. point was that these heroes had each a friend who could worthily celebrate their praises, but that he had not the power to celebrate the glories of Augustus. 39. Phleg-raeos. The Phlegraei campi (ra \(ypaia ireSia) was the name given to the volcanic region which extends along the coast of Campania to the north of Naples (now called Solfatara\ and which was the supposed scene of the victory over the Titans and their punishment by Zeus. Cp. 3. 9. 48. 40. Intonet, with potential force, implying not merely that Callimachus did not sing the battles of Zeus, but that he felt himself incompetent to do so. angnsto pectore gives the reason for his incompetence. F. has augusto, a not impossible reading : ' with all that great heart of his, he yet,' etc. 41. conveninnt, personally, by a rare use, instead of the usual impersonal convenit. Such phrases however as res convenit, even condiciones (pacts} convenerunt (Nepos), are found. Here the sense is ' nor is my genius fitted.' dn.ro . . . versu, of epic hexameter verse, in distinction to the soft and tender strains of elegiac poetry. Cp. the Epigram of Domitius Marsus upon Tibullus : Te quoque Vergilio comitem non aequa, Tibulle, Mors iuvenem canipos misit ad Elysios, Ne foret, aut elegis molles qui fleret amores, Ant caneret forti regia bella pede. Cp. too 2. 34. 44 Inqtie tuos ignes, dure pocta, vent, where the contrast is between amatory poetry (ignes) and Lynceus' efforts in tragedy (dure poet a). Mollis is the regular word used by Propertius to describe his own poetry ; in 3. 3. 1 8 he speaks of his own mollia prata in con- trast to heroic verse ; cp. 1. 2 above. 42. condere is used in a somewhat grandiloquent sense for ' to compose,' with such words as carmen, poema, etc. Ovid, in a passage similar to this, Trist. 2. 336, has Divitis ingenii est immania Caesaris acta Condere. Here there seems to be an additional idea taken from other mean- ings of condo, such as ' to store up,' ' to lay by,' of treasure, etc., so as to give a sense at once of value, of permanence, and of remoteness ; he is unfit to go back, as it were, to the remotest times, and assign Caesar a lasting place among his Phrygian ancestors. PROPERTIUS, II. I., 39-65. 223 51. Prop, here assumes that Phaedra in vain attempted to secure the love of her stepson Hippolytus by a love-potion. 53. gramine, of the magic herbs used by Circe. 54. Zolciacis. lolcus, a town in Thessaly, on the Pagasaean gulf, was the birthplace of Jason. Here Medea by her incantations restored his aged father Aeson to youth. urat, i. e. ' set a boiling.' Propertius is not thinking of the rejuvenescence of Aeson, as some editors suppose, he simply quotes Medea as a sorceress, and as compassing the death of Pelias. \N~hat he means is that whatever magical arts may be tried upon him, he will remain true to Cynthia, and die in no arms but hers'. 57. A new idea here comes in. Love is a disease which alone of all diseases knows no curing. 58. non amat, ' will have nothing to say to,' ' knows not.' mortal artificem, i. e. a treater not a manufacturer of disease. For the whole expression cp. I. 2. 8 Nudus Amor formae non amat artificem. 59. Machaon, son of Aesculapius, cured Philoctetes of his wound. Chiron, the gifted and artistic centaur, skilled in medicine, son of Cronos and Philyra, cured Phoenix, son of Amyntor, of his blind- ness. See Ov. A. A. I. 337. 61. deus Epidanrins, i.e. Aesculapius, who was specially worshipped, and according to some accounts born, at Epidaurus. He restored to life Androgeos, son of Minos king of Crete, who had been wounded by the Athenian youth in jealousy of his success at their games. 63. Mysns iuvenis, i. e. Telephus, king of Mysia. He was wounded by Achilles in endeavouring to prevent his landing on the coast of Mysia, and was afterwards cured by the rust of the spear which had wounded him, Plin. H. N. 25. 5. 65. vitium is properly 'a defect' or 'flaw;' such as a crack in ajar, Pers. 3. 21 Sonat vitium fercussa, maligne Respondet viridi concocta fidelia limo. ' The jar, made of green ill-baked clay, betrays the flaw by its unsound ring when struck.' Ovid calls the hole in the wall through which Pyramus and Thisbe conversed a vitinm, Met. 4. 67. Any defect in taking the auspices was called a vitium : hence the phrases magistratus vitio creati, tabemaculum vitio captum. Mendum or menda was a lesser defect, Ov. A. A. 2. 361 Kara tamen mendo fades caret. 224 NOTES. Here, the vitium or ' weakness ' referred to is of course Propertius' love for Cynthia. In the preceding lines he has declared that all maladies can be cured except love. 66. Tantalea mann. I have retained, though not without hesitation, the reading of the MSS., on the principle that a MS. reading should not be rejected if a satisfactory sense can be ex- tracted from it. Tantalea manu, if correct, would mean ' with the hand of Tantalus,' or ' with the hand of a Tantalus ; ' and though the dative would be more natural after tradere, it is perfectly good sense to speak of ' offering, or passing on, apples with the hand of a Tantalus.' In the Odys. n. 581, where the position of Tantalus is described, emphasis is laid on the fact that he cannot reach the fruit, etc., with his hand (see the passage quoted on Tib. I. 3. 77) > anc ^ to invert the phrase by using tradere instead of some word meaning to reach or obtain, is quite in the style of Propertius. The point was that Tantalus could not handle, though he could see, the apples: so Propertius can feel, but cannot remove, his own weakness. ' To hand apples to Tantalus' is a different idea, and imports another person into the scene. At the same time, Tantaleae is a very tempting correction. Propertius nowhere uses the dative in -ui : in I. II. 12 he has the contracted form Alter nae fad Us cedere lympha ntanu, and again, 2. 19. 19, reddere pinu Cornua. The same form occurs Tac. Ann. 3. 30, 33, 6. 23. Horace has the similar form fide for Gdei Od. 3. 7. 4, and Virg. Geo. i. 208 has die for diet. The correction to Tantalea is just the correction which an ignorant scribe would make. A similar doubt as between the dative and the ablative occurs in 4. 6. 22, where Palmer adopts the reading Pilaqtte femineae turpiter apta manu. Just as in this passage, N. reads the ablative feminea manu, though apta (as here tradere] suggests the dative, and the dative, on the whole, is best suited to the sense of the passage. See notes. 67. virglneis, referring to the 49 Danaids, who, for murder- ing their husbands on their bridal night, were condemned to pour water everlastingly into a bottomless cask. idem. Note the Latin idiom by which, when two pre- dicates are referred to a common subject, the English also is repre- sented not by etiam, but by idem, agreeing with the subject. Cp. Hor. Od. 3. 19. 28 idem Pads eras mediusque belli. Prometheus was punished for his defiance of Zeus by being chained PROPERTIUS, II. I./ 65-73. 225 to a rock on Mount Caucasus, where his liver was incessantly fed upon by an eagle. repleverit. The sense points to the successful performance of the hopeless task, and therefore the future perfect is the appropriate tense to use, while the simple future is used in 11. 65, 66, 69 and 70. 71. reposcent. The prefix re is used here, as in many other words, not to denote restitution, but that the thing is suitable, natural, or due. Poscent would be a demand which might have no justification ; reposcent implies a natural, proper, inevitable demand. ' When they shall come to ask,' ' When in the due course of things they shall ask,' etc. Cp. Juv. 3. 202, of the roof, molles ubi reddunt ova columbae, because pigeons may be expected to lay their eggs on the roof. Again, a field is said reddere fructum, not because it gives back the seed put into it, or makes a return, but because ' it duly yields.' 72. breve in exig~no. Note the emphasising of the sense by the juxtaposition of two words of similar meaning. Cp. Hor. Od. I. 3. 10 and Wickham's note. 73. A difficult line. The text gives spes, the reading of N ; but I believe that pars, the reading of G, should be adopted. Whether we read spes or pars, the meaning of invidiosa will be the same, 'full of the envy of others,' 'the object of envy,' i.e. the word is used objectively, not, as more usual, subjectively, in the sense of ' full of envy towards others.' If we read spes, then nostrae must refer to Propertius himself, who in the phrase nostrae s. i. iuventae styles Maecenas the hope of his youthful fortunes, adding that his expectations from Maecenas have made him the object of envy. Literally the words will mean, ' Thou envy-attracting hope of my youth.' The phrase is strained and ungainly in itself; but the idea also is out of place. The poet has declared that his wound cannot be healed, and, anticipating an early death, calls on Maecenas, his chief boast and pride, in life and death alike, to linger one moment at his tomb, and let fall the words, ' Died of unrequited love.' The idea of hope is foreign to the passage. The poet's race is run ; he only begs that the one great pride of his life his connection with Maecenas a connection which has brought envy on him in the past may not desert him in death, and that Maecenas may stop to say one word of sympathy over his grave. Hertzberg and Paley, reading pars, take nostrae iuventae to signify ' our Roman youth,' quoting the well-known phrase princeps iuventutis, applied to the young Caesars, and Horace's Maecenas equitum decus. Hertzberg also laboriously shows that Maecenas might come under the Roman Q 226 NOTES. military definition of youth, which included all up to forty-six years of age under the name luniores. But the whole passage is personal and passionate in feeling ; the poet never travels from himself ; and to give a whole line to a description of Maecenas' position breaks the current of the thought. Propertius simply adjures Maecenas, as part and parcel of his life, as his boast and glory in life and death alike, to pay him this last tribute, for pars iuventae cp. Virg. Geo. 2. 40, also addressed to Maecenas, O decus, o famae merito pars maxima nostrae, and i. 21. 4 Pars ego sum vestrae proxima militiae. 75. meo . . . bnsto. The dative, apparently after proxima, but perhaps to be taken along with ducet as well, just as race in 1. 77 goes with favillae 76. Esseda, properly a Celtic war-chariot, from which ap- parently the pattern of a Roman travelling coach was taken. Britannus. The gentile name is here used instead of the adjec- tive Britannicus. So Horace has Flumcn Rhcnum, Metauntm Flumen, etc., and Propertius Liburna 3. n. 44 ; Inda 3. 13. 5. 78. fatnni . . . fait. Cp. our colloquial phrase ' was the death of him.' Fato would be the more usual construction. II. 2. 5-8. This passage gives a description of Cynthia's personal appearance. 5. Fulva, connected w\\.hfulgeo,fnlmen,fulgur, and so prob- ably with flagro, Jlamen, fiavus, denotes a gleaming, golden bright- ness, not equivalent to the ' light flaxen hair so common in those of Saxon descent ' (Paley\ but probably corresponding rather to the shade of golden brown to which we give the name of ' auburn.' Thus the term is applied to lions, Lucr. 5. 902, to wolves, Virg. Aen. i. 275, to gold, id. 7. 279 and elsewhere, to the eagle, id. 12. 247. The Greek equivalent is (ai>6r>. 6. maxima toto corpore gives the notion of proportion as well as height : she was tall, and on a large scale throughout. This prepares us for the stately, graceful walk implied in incedit, and the comparison which follows with the matronly Juno and the martial Pallas, the two most majestic of the goddesses of Olympus. The remains of ancient Greek statuary show us that the ancients had no admiration for tight-drawn waists and spindle ankles, nor for the smallness and fineness which go to making up our idea of ' pretty.' They loved to see in a woman, as in a man, fully-developed limbs, giving a sense of power as well as freedom ; and the ancient female PROPERTIUS, II. i., 75-78; II. 2., (,-8. 22; dress was calculated more to set off the beauty of the figure as a whole, than to call special attention to the face. Our word ' figure ' is often so narrowed as to refer to the waist only ; but no ancient statue has a slender waist, and the ankles of all the most celebrated statues of Venus as e. g. the Venus de Medici and the Venus of the Capitol have that robust healthy thickness about them which a horse-fancier would describe by the word ' gummy.' longae manns. A well-developed tapering hand, fitted to do well its work in life ; here again the ancients had no idea that a woman's hand was beautiful in proportion to its approximating to the hand of a doll. Cp. 3. 7. 60 Attulimus longas in freta vestra manus. In Catull. 44. 2 long hands are specially mentioned as an essential to beauty. incedit, used especially of the majestic walk of Juno, Virg. Aen. 1 . 46, in a passage probably imitated here by Propertius : Ast ego quae Divum incedo regina lovisque Et soror et coniux. love digna soror, lit. ' worthy of Jove as his sister,' i. e. worthy to be Jove's sister. 7. Aut cum Pallas spatiatnr is wrongly explained by Hertzberg as a kind of anacoluthon. The peculiarity of the con- struction is that Pallas is placed by attraction inside the clause dependent on cum instead of outside it. The meaning is ' she moves a very Juno or a Pallas,' ' she moves as a sister worthy of Jove, or as Pallas when she walks before the altars.' The change suggested to ut cum is no improvement ; aut ut would make the sense clear were it not too violent a change. The difficulty is that the particle of comparison is omitted : Propertius does not say ' She moves as Juno or Pallas,' but actually identifying Cynthia with the goddess to whom she is compared : ' She walks a sister worthy of Juno or Pallas when,' etc. 7. Dnlichias. Dulichium was one of the group of islands called Echinades, off the coast of Acarnania. Homer, II. 2. 625, speaks of ' Dulichium and the sacred islands Echinae, which lie beyond the sea, opposite to Elis.' Strabo identifies Dulichium with one of the islands called Dolicha (AoAt'xeO in his day. The island formed part of the kingdom of Ulysses, and was therefore probably the seat of the worship of his special patroness Pallas. 8. It is evident that at Dulichium the goddess was worshipped in her martial character, and represented in complete warlike array, with the aegis on her breast. Q 2 228 NOTES. II. 3. The poet enlarges on the charms of Cynthia, which justify the absorbing character of his passion. 1. nocere, of the harm, damage, or ' wounding * caused by love. 2 spiritas, i. e. the poet's boasting that he had cast himself clear of his love, and was a free man once more. For spiritus, ' breath,' in the sense of pride and boasting, cp. Hor. Sat. 2. 3. 311 Corpore maiorem rides Turbonis in armis Spiritum et incessum. The similar use in the Scottish dialect of the word ' wind ' is well illustrated in the Litany ascribed to the ancestor of the present Mr. Maxt one- Graham of Cultoquhey. Laird of a small property, surrounded by four great families, he daily prayed at ' the wishing well ' of the domain : From the craft of the Campbells, from the pride of the Graemes, From the ire of the Drummonds, From the wind of the Morays, Good Lord, deliver us. 4. liber alter. These words are generally referred to the publication of the First book of the Elegies, as though within one month the poet began the writing of the Second (see Introd.). But the reference might be merely to a temporary abjurement of Cynthia perhaps the same as that referred to in 2. 2. i Liber eram, etc. and the liber might only be a maxima historia, or one of the longas Iliadas which the beauty of Cynthia was perpetually forcing from him, 2. i. 16, 14. 5. quaerebam si, 'I was casting about to see if,' 'I was trying to discover whether ;' and then follow two impossibilities to show the futility of the attempt to give up his love. 6. Wee solitus is here equivalent to vel si non solitus or inso- litus, as is evident from a comparison of si posset 1. 5 with si possem 1. 7. The use of nee as equivalent to et non is frequent in cases where the negative qualifies the whole sentence which follows. But here Propertius uses tiec in such a way that its negative only qualifies the single word solitus. So in 2. 28. 52 Vobiscum Europe nee proba Pasiphae, nee proba is equivalent to et non proba or et improba. Similarly PROPERTIUS, II. 3., 1-20. 229 2. 25: 33 Tofs So/cti fjv \(-ff]rai us nfvaiSfvfJ.ffat rt tlal KOI fytXuaotyoi KCU TToiovffiv aafjiara ov iro\v T^J Sair^oiJs ajroStovra.. 23. Num. The Non of N. has been unnecessarily changed to Num. by the editors. If num be read, it must be interpreted as said playfully or ironically, so as to be equivalent in meaning to non or itonne, just as we might say ' Is it true then ? ' where the implica- tion is, ' Is it not true ?' Candidus, a certain correction for ardidus. Candidus implies beauty as a whole : Candida Dido Virg. Aen. 5. 571. bo of Maia, id. 8. 138, and of Apollo, Hor. Od. I. 2. 31 Aube candentes humeros amictus, where however the idea is rather of the radiant glory of a god. Sneezing was a favourable omen, especially for lovers. Cp. Catullus 43. 9, where in the loves of Acmen and Septimius Amor sinistra ut ante Dextra sternuit approbationem. Burm. quotes Theocr. 7. 96 2i/x' 5 ? P IV fpwts int-nrapov: cp. Aristoph. Av. 720. II. 10. Lachmann and other editors, followed by Paley, believe that this Elegy marks the commencement of a new book. The poem reads like a prooemium, containing a formal announcement that the poet has determined to give up the writing of love verses, and to betake himself henceforth to singing of wars and warlike deeds, or, in other words, to add one more to the panegyrists of Augustus. In his own simple words, 1. 6 Bella canam quando serif ta puella mea est. Unfortunately the promise is not fulfilled ; for, as Postgate observes, there is but one poem in the book (2. 31 according to the usual numbering, on the dedication of the Temple of Apollo), which specially relates to Augustus, and that poem was obviously written, as it purports to be, with quite a different motive. Lachmann's theory quite breaks down ; it is not supported by any evidence to show that a common purpose can be traced running through any one of the books of our poet ; it is opposed by the authority of the MSS., and it assigns to the second book a bulk so small nine poems in all as to be out of all proportion with the length of the remaining books. The best recent editors of Propertius Palmer, Postgate, and 233 NOTES. Baehrens have rejected Lachmann's arrangement, and all that sur- vives of his arbitrary changes is the double numbering which causes such confusion in the references to our poet. The date of the poem before us is fixed to the year B. c. 24 by the references to the expe- dition of Aelius Gallus. 1. Sed denotes a sudden break in the author's purpose, and a turning in a new direction. lustrare here is ' to career over,' as in Hor. Od. 3. 25. n Pede barbaro Lustratam Rhodopen. Virgil also associates the word with choral dancing, Aen. 10. 224 Agnoscunt longe regent lustrantque choreis. 2. ' To give field to his horse ' is a natural expression for giving free scope to his song, i. e. no longer to be confined to one kind of poetry. Haemonia is a poetical name for Thessaly, and Thessaly was famed from the earliest times both for horses and riders. The metaphor here is not drawn expressly from chariot-racing, as in Virg. Geo. 2. 542 ult. and Juv. i. 19. Cicero ad Q. fratrem 2. 15 imitates Pindar's phrase, Pyth. 10. 65, of 'a four-in-hand of poetry,' where, talking of his own poems, he says cursu corrigam tarditatem, turn equis, turn vero (quoniam scribis poema ab eo nostrum probari) quadrigis poeticis. Hertz, quotes Stat. Silv. 4. 7 lanidiu lato spatiata campo Fortis heroos Erato labores Differ, atque ingens opus in minores Contrahe gyros. 3. fortes ad praelia. So. Tib. I. 9. 46 Nam poteram ad laqueos fortior esse tuos. 4. mei duels, i. e. Augustus. 5. Notice the subjunctive deficiant in the protasis followed by the indicative erit in the apodosis. 6. Iiaus, ta the nominative, for the more usual construction laudi. et voluisse, ' the mere will. 1 7. tumultus is properly distinguished from bellum as denoting a rising in Italy, and especially an outbreak in Cisalpine Gaul. Thus Cic. Phil. 8. i. 2 Itaque maiores nostri tumultum Italicum, quod erat domesticus ; tumultum Gallicum, quod erat Italiae finitimus, praeterea nullum nominabant. Gravius autem tumultum esse quam bellum hinc intellegi licet, quod hello vacationes valent, tumultu non valent. PROPERT1US, II. 10., 1-13. 233 8. quando for quandoquidem. So Juv. 5. 93 Quando onine peractum est lam mare. 9. subducto seems to refer, as Postgate explains, to the 'draw- ing up ' of the face or eyebrows as a mark of austerity. Thus Cell. 19. 7. 16 Vituperones suos subducti supercilii carptores appel- lavit. The other meaning of subdiictus, ' withdrawn,' ' retired,' is not appropriate. 10. aliam, 'another and a new lyre,' i.e. a more dignified strain. 11. As the reading stands, anima, carmina, Pierides, are all vocatives : ex humili goes closely with surge, and is exactly parallel to Hor. Od. 3. 30. 12 Dicar . . . ex humili potens Princeps Aeolium carmen ad Italos Deduxisse modos, where the meaning is ' rising to lordly greatness out of a hnmble lot.' Paley retains carmine, the reading of N., and follows those editors who punctuate thus : Surge, auima, ex humili iam carmine sumite vires. But though his poetry might rise ex humili, it could scarcely be said to gather strength ex humili ; and the position of iam points clearly to its being taken with sumite rather than with surge. 12. magul oris opus, ' a grandiloquent, big-mouthed, work. 1 The genitive is descriptive : the phrase, magnum os, which occurs also Virg. Geo. 3. 294, is analogous to os rotundum Hor. A. P. 323, os magna sonaturum Sat. I. 4. 44, and conveys the idea of spouting and declamation. Hence it is used here and elsewhere to denote the more high-flown language of Epic poetry. 13. The one terrible and as yet unavenged defeat which the Roman arms had sustained at the hand of a foreign foe was the fatal field of Carrhae, B.C. 53, when Crassus and his son were slain and the whole Roman army destroyed or captured by the Parthians. Hence the Parthian name became a name of terror and shame to the Romans. Caesar was about to set out on a Parthian campaign when he was assassinated ; and it was the great ambition of Augustus' life to wipe out the disgrace of Carrhae. This he effected by diplomacy and a display of force in B.C. 20, when, taking advantage of the internal dissensions of the Parthians, he obtained the restoration of the standards lost with Crassus at Carrhae, received the homage of the king Phraates, and placed Tigranes upon the throne of Armenia. This event was regarded as the 234 NOTES. crowning triumph of Augustus' foreign policy ; and it was deemed so essential to his position as sole ruler of Rome that he should obtain a great success over the Parthians, that it is not only per- petually celebrated in terms of triumph by the court poets after it was obtained, but it is frequently referred to in anticipation. Thus the mere mention of a Parthian victory is by no means sufficient in itself to prove that the passage in which it occurs was written after B.C. 20. The famous lines in Virg. Geo. 3. 30 sqq., in which the Armenian and Parthian successes of Augustus seem to be alluded to, were in all probability written in a tone of prophecy ; for Virgil died in B.C. 19, and theGeorgics were written at least ten years before the events supposed to be referred to occurred. The same explanation is to be given with regard to Hor. Od. 2. 9. 18-20, where Parthian successes are spoken of in an Ode which from other causes can scarcely be dated later than B. c. 23. In the magnificent statue of Augustus, which now adorns the Braccio Nuovo in the Vatican, and which was dug up in the Villa Livia at the Sacra Rubra (now Prima Porto) in 1863, the cuirass is beautifully sculptured with figures indicating the leading events of his life. The principal place in the centre is occupied by a represen- tation of the Parthian envoys handing over the standards to Tiberius. 13. equitem post terga tueri. In allusion to the mode of fighting peculiar to the Parthians, which struck terror into the Roman imagination. Their chief arm was a light cavalry, who were armed with bows and shot from horseback, advancing or retreating with great rapidity, and so peculiarly adapted to a desert country where the great heat, the want of water and supplies, the long distances and the burning sand, rendered the Roman system of fighting practically impossible. Thus Virg. Geo. 3. 31 Fidentemque fuga Part hum, versisque sagittis. Cp. Hor. Od. 2. 13. 17 ; in Sat. 2. 1. 15, in a passage exactly parallel to this, he declares it is not every poet that can sing of wars, Avt labentis equo described vulnera Parthi. Cp. Persius 5. 4 Vulnera seu Parthi ducentis ah inguine ferrum. So again, P;op. 3. 9. 54 describes the Parthian flying shots as Parlhorum astutae tela remissa fugae. R. Ellis, Phil. Journ. xv. p. 14, objects to the usual rendering of this passage, as not giving the natural meaning of the words. He thinks that the expression is obviously taken from an army or commander retreating before a victorious foe, and looking back con- PROPERTIES, II. 10., 13-18. 235 tinually to see whether he is pursuing. But the Euphrates is here represented as a Parthian river, not as a Roman river (Grasses se tcnuisse dolef), and there would be no point in saying that the Parthian river was no longer running away from a victorious foe. The point is that the Euphrates repents of having kept the Crassi, and declares that his horsemen no longer cast that terrible glance behind them. 14. tenuisse, ' that it kept them,' i. e. instead of sending them back unhurt. 15. The word India is probably here used in poetic exaggera- tion. The only known relation between Augustus and India is that an Indian embassy is mentioned amongst others as having reached him in B. c. 20 when in the East. Postgate supposes the reference to be to a previous embassy of-which Dion Cassius speaks in vague terms, 54. 9. The poet speaks grandly, as though the whole East were submitting to Augustus ; the only foundation in fact for such a boast being that Augustus was meditating an expedition against Arabia, and had begun to intrigue in Parthian affairs. Arabia was probably looked upon vaguely as being on the road to India ; hence Horace couples the two together, Od. 3. 24. I Intactis opulentior Thesauris Arabum et divitis Indiae. 16. intactae, ' unrifled.' Arabiae. The allusion is to the disastrous expedition against Arabia, conducted by Aelius Callus in B. c. 24. Horace alludes to this expedition, Od. i. 29. i led, beatis mine Aral>um invides Gazis. As the commentators point out, the words te tremit point to a time previous to the disaster. Arabia has here the first syllable long, for sake of the metre, as in i. 14. 19. Poets allow themselves great license in the case of proper names. Thus we have f talus and I talus, Sicdntis, Sic&ntus and Sicants, Cytherd and Cythcrdd, and we need not feel squeamish about admitting Apuliis side by side with Apulia in the much- tortured passage Hor. Od. 3. 4. 9, 10 Me fabulosae Vulture in Appulo Altricis extra limen Apuliae, where none of the proposed emendations deserve adoption. 17. 18. These lines complete the circle of prophetic boastful- ness. The reference in 1. 17 is of course to Britain. So Horace in Od. i. 21. 13, an Ode which was probably written in B. c. 28, pro- phesies victories to Augustus over East and West alike : 236 NOTES. Hie bellum lacrimosum, hie miseram famcm Pestemque a populo et principe Caesare in Persas atque Britannos Vestra motus aget prece. 17. Si qua for si aliqua, ' if there be any that ' would be quite indefinite, but that the indicative subtrahit shows that a particular country is meant. So Virg. Aen. 7. 225. ee subtrahit. Our proud insular isolation has perhaps never been more simply and finely expressed. 19. Haec castra sequar, i.e. 'this is the cause to which I shall attach myself as a poet,' referring to bella canam 1. 8. He will follow the conquering course in spirit. There is no idea of his actually accompanying the expedition as an official poet, counterpart of the modern War Correspondent, as Paley seems to suggest. Ovid has an exact parallel, Am. 2. 18. n, 12 : his love is ever enticing him from singing deeds of war : Frangor, et ingenium sumptis revocatur ab armis, Resque domi gestas et mea bella cano. 20. hunc. This use of hunc Postgate well illustrates from Tib. i. 3. 93, Ov. Pont. i. 4. 57. Propertius uses ille in exactly the same connection, 3. I. 36 Ilium post cineres atigtiror ipse diem. 21. in magrnis signis, lit. ' in the case of tall statues,' or as we should say ' of a tall statue.' For this use of in, used to localise or specify, cp. Hor. Epod. 11.4 Amore, qui me praeter omnes expetit Mollibus in pueris aut in puellis urere. 22. hie, further defined by ante pede s : 'just here, before my feet,' as though he were pointing to the very spot. So i. 19. 7, quoted by Postgate, where illic is explained by caecis locis. 23. inopes conscendere. Another instance of Horace's favourite Graecism. Conscendere carmen laudis, ' To climb up to the height of a song of praise ' is an intelligible and graphic ex- pression, expressing both the difficulty of the task in itself, and the grandeur of the merit that calls for such an effort. It is scarcely necessary to assume that laudis means ' thy merit ' in particular ; or that there is a frigid reference to the stock phrase of climbing the hill of the Muses. 24. The figure is slightly changed here ; instead of crowning a statue in honour of a victory, the poet represents himself as offering a humble offering at the festival of a god. The idea of vilia tura is exactly illustrated by Horace in his beautiful address PROPERTIUS, II. 10., 17-25; II. II., 2-5. 237 to the rustic Phidyle, who can afford no costly offering, Od. 3. 23- 17 Immums aram si tetigit mantis, Non sumpfuosa blandior hostia Mollivit aversos Penates Farre pio et saliente mica. In sacris the idea is no doubt that so carefully worked out by Horace, Od. 3. i. 1-4. There the poet represents himself as the priest of the Muses ; at the Muses' feast, and in their name, he gives forth his holy song ; as at a solemn sacrifice, no words of evil omen are to be heard ; and he sings to none but to the pure ears of boys and maidens. Akin to this is the idea in 3. i. 3 ptiro de fonte sacerdos, where the water is from the Muses' spring, to be used in purifying the worshippers. See too 4. 6. i-io and note. 25. Ascra was a village in Boeotia, near Mount Helicon, famed as the birthplace of Hesiod. Close past it flowed the small stream Permessus, which has its source in the celebrated inspiring spring of Aganippe. The sense thus is, ' I have not yet climbed up to the source of the Muses' stream, and quaffed at the fountain-head ; I have been but dipped by Love in its lower reaches.' II. II. This short Elegy is evidently the expression of a moment of pique ; its bitterness of tone is not to be mistaken for indifference. 1. For the reading ne for vel see Hous., J_ of Phil. xxi. p. 186. 2. sterili semina ponit humo, i. e. ' is engaged in a thankless task.' Cp. Juv. 7. 49 tenuesque in pulvere sulcos Ducimus, et litus sterili versamus aratro. 3. munera, ' thy gifts and graces ' whether natural or super- added. For the latter sense cp. I. 2. 4, where peregrina munera. in the shape of silks and scents, are contrasted with naturae decus ; for the former cp. iocosi munera Liberi Hor. Od. 4. 15. 26. uno lecto is of course the couch of the funeral-bier ; uno conveys the notion of ' last and fatal : ' that couch which is strewn once and for all for each of us. 4. extremi, thus used constantly in reference to death : ' that closes all things.' 5. transibit . . . viator. It must be remembered that the tombs of the Romans were for the most part placed along the sides of the great high roads leading out of the city, and not huddled together in 238 NOTES. modem fashion in cemeteries. Hence the frequent invocations to travellers to stop their chariots (2. i. 75) or their horses to pay a tribute of respect to the dead invocations often senselessly repeated on modern tombstones. No man could approach the Eternal City but through this City of the Dead : and it must have afforded a strange sensation to the traveller visiting Rome for the first time to have to pass for miles and miles, before the city itself was in view, between two lines of the ancient dead, each tomb telling in simple words the story of the occupants, and, as a rule, surmounted with their images. II. 12. This charming little poem describes a picture of the God of Love, and explains the meaning of the symbols under which the god was represented. The subject was a common one for decorative and other purposes ; and as it was essential for an ancient artist to adhere rigidly not only to the general type and character, but also to all the details and accessories, of the representation of any recognised mythical personage, we know that we have here an exact description of a picture perpetually before every Roman's eyes, and to be found painted on the walls or elsewhere in almost every Roman house. 1. Qnicnnqne ille fait, of a definite, though unknown, per- son : hence the indicative mood. puerum, predicatively, 'as a boy.' 2. nxiras mantis, ' wondrous clever hands.' The phrase should properly apply only to the execution of the picture ; it is here used of the conception. What he praises is the idea of representing Love as a boy. The phrase miras manus is exactly analogous to that of ' having good hands,' commonly applied to a rider or driver who knows how to handle a horse's mouth. Analogous is the phrase ' a good touch,' applied to manual performance on musical instruments. 3. Is, referring to the same person as illf, line i . sine sensu, as nearly as possible equivalent to ' without sense.' The word sensus here has no technical meaning : it does not mean, as often elsewhere, either ' sensation ' or ' sensibility,' which it would be absurd to deny to lovers, or 'perception' as Postgate says ('to lie in insensibility, without perceiving obvious facts ') ; it means just that amount of intelligence and understanding, whether we call it reflection or judgment or purpose, which distinguishes the ordinary man in the conduct of his affairs, and which enable us to call him a PROPERTIUS, II. 12., 1-6. 239 ' man of sense.' The distinction between sensus and mem, appropriate elsewhere, is here out of place ; more parallel are such phrases as laiet in animo ac sensu meo Cic. de Leg. 2. i, or ut id maxime excellat quod longissime sit ab imperitorum intelligentia sensuque disiunctum de Orat i. 3, and especially the phrase communis sensus, on which so much has been written : see Lucr. I. 422 Corpus enim per se communis dedicat esse Sensus. Cp. Mayor on Juv. 8. 73, where communis sensus is said to be wanting to the man who is inordinately puffed up by his pedigree, just as Hor. S. i. 3. 66 says the same of the man who senselessly interrupts another who wishes to read or to be quiet. Deficient in 'tact' we should say: i.e. in that amount of sense and intelligence and judgment which we expect to find in our fellow-creatures. 'Without sense' or 'thought' will suit the present passage: cuppovTiffTos, as Postgate points out, is similarly used of Love by Theocritus 10. 19. 4. levibus cur is, an ablative of cause, to be taken with perire, which is equivalent to the unused passive of the verb perdere. curis, as frequently in love poems, is equivalent to ' love ' or 'the loved object.' For the former sense cp. Ov. Rem. Am. 311 Haeserat in quadam nuper mea cura puella; for the latter, Prop. 2. 34. 9 Lynceu, tune meam potuisti, perf.de, curam Tangere ? Cp. the Greek ipbv /zeAT^a. bona, all solid advantages : not wealth only. ventosas. So Virg. Aen. 12. 848 : 'light and airy.' 6. Fecit, the regular word for artistic representation: as in Ovid. Met. 6. 109 Fecit olorinis Ledam recubare sub a/is, or to representation by words, as in Cic. N. D. i. 12. 31 Xenophon facit Socratem disputantem. The latter part of the line is difficult. Paley, following Hertz., translates ' to flit in the human heart.' ' To flutter within the human heart ' would well express the uncertainty of lovers. Postgate also makes corde the ablative of place, and supposes that in the picture Love was represented as ' flying from heart to heart.' This sense, however, is scarcely to be got out of the words humano corde : and so Postgate suggests that Propertius, though he has failed 240 NOTES. to express himself clearly, meant to convey the idea found in Mos- chus 2. 17 teal iTTtpSfis o>y opvts ((piirrarat aA\ov TT' d\\w avtpas ^8 yvvafitas, tirl airXdyxvots 6 KaO-rjrai. But here two ideas are conveyed : (i) the god flits from one person to another, (2) he sits upon the ffir\ayx va - But can the words humano corde volare mean either the one or the other ? and what is the meaning of love sitting upon the ffir\dyxfa ? It may either be that he takes his station on the heart, as his natural seat and abode ; or that he perches there as a bird of prey, to feed on the vitals of the man, as the eagle on the liver of Prometheus. Post- gate quotes line 15 in favour of his view ; but the very next lines seem to show the true meaning of iirl air\dyx i ' 0is icddijTai : Evolat heu ! nostro quoniam de pectore nusquam, Assiduusque tneo sanguine bella gerit, i e. the god never leaves his breast but carries on the war with, or at the cost of, his (i.e. the poet's) blood. The Abl. is one of Attend. Circums. In lines 5 and 6 there is nothing about war, blood, or preying : they simply say that the artist properly represented Love as furnished with wings, and ' made him humano corde fly as a god.' Can these words not mean ' possessed of the cor (i. e. the heart, the feelings, and so almost the personality), of a man, but flying with wings as a god ? ' Humano corde would thus be an ablative of quality. Cor is used, and especially corculum, to denote a person ; and the position of the words suggests an antithesis between humano and deum. In such a connection it is not unnatural to say that Love is represented as having a human heart, i. e. as a man, and at the same time flying as only a god can fly. If humano corde be an ablative of place, the only way of extracting Postgate's mean- ing would be to translate ' files from the human heart,' i. e. from one to another. Baehrens reads humano calce. He probably means the allusion to be to the talaria, or small wings attached to the heel, which we see in representations of Cupid and Mercury. 7. The idea of flying in air suggests that of floating on rising and falling waves, at the caprice of every wind. 8. nostra, like suns, applied to a wind, naturally suggests the idea of ' favourable.' But in itself, as here, ' our wind ' simply means ' the wind which bears us,' any further meaning depending on the context. non ullis locis, exactly parallel to nusquam line 15. 10. pharetra Onosia, i. e. Cretan, from Gnosus or Gnosos (Kfo-<5s), now Cnosson, the abode of Minos and the ancient capital PROPERTIUS, II. 12., 7-15. 241 of Crete. The Roman poets loved to particularise a general term by some local or specific epithet, not merely to give a flavour of learning (whence 'doctus' is the characteristic epithet of a poet), but also because they understood that representative art attains its object best when it calls up concrete individual images. The object of poetry is to rouse feeling ; and feeling gathers round the particular, not the general. On this principle Horace's sailor is Poenus Od. 2. I3- '5 wine is Falemian, Massic, Chian, Le.--bian, etc. ; merchan- dise is Syrian (i. 31. 12) or Thynian (3. 7. 3), Cyprian or Tyrian (3. 29. 60) ; a sea is the Myrtoan (i. I. 14) or the Tyrrhenian (i. II. 5) or the Cretan (i. 26. 2) or the Caspian (2. 9. 2), etc. Such in- stances could be multiplied indefinitely from Horace and Virgil alone. ntroqne. Thus the quiver hung from both shoulders. Paley supposes that two positions of the quiver are referred to : one at the back, when it was not in use, and hung from both shoulders ; the other when drawn to one side for the purpose of taking out an arrow. Utroque shows that here the former position is indicated : thus quoniam, line u, means 'Love holds the barbed arrow ready in his hand because (quoniam*) he aims instantaneously and does not wait to draw the arrow from the quiver.' In other words, ' Love shoots so rapidly that he keeps his quiver where it is not ready for use ! ' The reference of quoniam to manus armata is far-fetched : the word merely explains why he is portrayed as an equipped archer. 11. tuti, i. e. in our supposed safety. The word is used ironi- cally ; for tutttf implies- emphatically protection from actual danger. Securus, ' without care,' implies only an unconsciousness of trie exist- ence of danger, and incolumis, ' unharmed,' that as yet no injury has been sustained. 12. ex, 'out of,' 'immediately after,' and so 'in consequence of,' as here. 13. In me, cp. sup. 10. 6. But the words, may mean simply, ' his darts remain fast in me.' puerilis imago corresponds to hutnano corde \. 6. ' He remains fast, in. his boyish image ; but his wings (cp. volare) are gone.' 15. hen, as not unfrequently, is represented only by / in N. nnsqnam, ' does not fly out anywhither," i. e. at all. As Post- gate remarks, Latin has no one word for ' no whither.' Non aliqtio or non alio would be the nearest equivalents : cp. alto 1. 1 8. Hertz, well illustrates 11. 14-15 from the Anthology. A lover complains that Love has emptied on him all his quiver : R 242 NOTES. fj.f) ifTfpvycuv rpofjiiot TIJ firri\vatv |OT yap JJLOI Ad imQas artpvots iriKpbv (irrj^e iro5a, aoTffuprjS, aSovTjTos ivt^trai, ou5 fj.freart, (Is (^ avvyii)i> Kfipa/j.evos irTfpvyow. Here Love tramples on the lover's breast, and, having lost his wings, cannot fly away. 16. See note on 1. 6. 17. siccis medullis. Love has drained him of his life- blood, either by the wounds of his arrows, or actually by drinking it. Thus Theocr. Id. 2. 55 represents Love as fastening like a leech on to the lover's flesh and drinking his blood dry. 18. ' Carry thy darts elsewhither.' Hous. defends tela, puer (V 2 ). 19. veneno, a new metaphor : but perhaps the idea maybe that of a poisoned arrow, to which the word vapulat, 1. 20, is more appropriate. 20. tennis umbra mea, probably in allusion to the poet's slender make, inf. 2. 22. 21 Sed tibi si exiles videor tenuatus in artus ; and I. 5. 21 Nee iam pallorem fattens mirabere nostrum, Atit cur sim toto corpore nullus ego. 21. talia, ' such verses as mine.' 23, 24. The authority of N. for qui in 1. 23, and canat in 1. 24, is conclusive. L. 22 must be taken parenthetically. Quae canit may make, as Finder says, a smoother ending, but qui canat is more forcible ; it implies not merely that he sings his mistress's charms, but that it would be an unbearable loss to Love that they should remain unsung. H. 13- THE following elegy has an exordium of sixteen lines prefixed to it in the MSS., which Lachmann and other editors believe, without sufficient reason, to have formed a separate poem. Those lines repeat the oft-told, well-worn theme that love for Cynthia is the inspirer of the poet's muse ; and though lighter in tone than the succeeding verses, which deal with the poet's death and funeral, the contrast is scarcely stronger than is to be found in other passages. His love for Cynthia is the one portal through which Propertius approaches every subject ; and we have seen elsewhere (especially 2. i. 71-78) in how morbid (or shall we say puerile?) a fashion he drags in the idea of his death whenever his love has met a check. Our own Laureate has coupled ' Love and Death : ' Propertius con- PROPERTIUS, II. 12., 16-24; II. 13., 17-20. 243 stantly couples the two ideas, but in a spirit very different from that which prompted the words, / know not which is sweeter, no not I. 17. iffitur ; cp. igitur in the exactly parallel passage, 2. i. 71 Quandocumque igitur vitam mea fata reposcent. In both passages a contemplation of his death is made to follow, as by a natural consequence, upon an emphatic protestation of his love. 18. acta, ' the arrangements ' or 'dispositions ' for his funeral. They are called acta, because made, decided upon, during his life. Postgate well compares the phrase acta Caesaris, which occurs so often in Cic. Phil. 2, of the various dispositions for the future con- duct of affairs made (or at least pretended by Antony to have been made) by Caesar before his death. 19. He desires no long array of ancestral images to follow him to the grave for the very good reason that he had no claim to such a distinction. All nobiles, i. e. descendants of men who had held curule office, were allowed to have waxen images or busts of their distinguished ancestors ranged round the atrium of the house. This right was called ius imaginum. The relationship between the originals of the busts was indicated by garlands or strings, stemmata, the prototype of the modern pedigree or genealogical table. Hence the well-known Stemmata quid faciunt ? of Juv. 8. i. At a funeral, these busts, which seem to have been hollow, were put on by persons who represented the dead worthies, and who, wearing the dress and insignia which the dead would have worn, walked before the bier in long procession to the place of burning or interment, so that the deceased seemed actually to be escorted to the grave by the whole series of his ancestors. In the case 'of the older families, these processions must have been extraordinarily im- posing. In recording the death of Tiberius' son Drusus, Tacitus himself was moved at the thought of what must have been one of the most grotesque and yet impressive sights ever witnessed. There passed forth, says the historian, ' in long array all the fathers of the Julian house Aeneas, all the Alban kings, then the Sabine nobility with Attus Clausus, and all the rest of the Claudii,' Ann. 4. 9. See Juv. 8. 2 sqq. ; Ov. Fast. i. 591 ; Hor. Epod. 8. 12. imagine, in the singular, as though it were a collective noun. 20. tnba. At the head of the funeral procession marched musicians, flute-players, hornblowers, and trumpeters ; hence tuba sometimes stands for death, as in Pers. 3. 103 Hinc tuba, eandelae. fati is an objective genitive after quercla. R 2 244 tfOTES. 21. fulcro eburno, ablative of quality or description ; the lectus is the funeral bier, often richly ornamented, on which the body was carried to burial. Attalico. either ' sumptuous,' from the wealth of the kings of Pergamus, as in Hor. Od. i. I Attalids condicionibus ; or, as Post- gate suggests, ' embroidered with gold,' an art which Plin. N. H. 8. 48 attributes to the last Attains. Cp. Attalicas vcstes 3. 18. 19. In 2. 32. 12 the handsome hangings in the Porticus Pompeia are called aulaea Attalica. 22. mors mea, i. e. ' my body when dead, 1 ' my dead body.' Exactly similar are the expressions nostrae vitae, i. 2. 31, 'to me so long as I live ;' mea poena 2. 20. 31, ' my shade while undergoing punishment;' meutn funus i. 17. 8, 'my dead body.' Cp. Virg. Aen. 9. 491 Et funus lacerum tellus habet? 23. lancibns. Descriptive Abl. ' Let there be no train of incense-bearing chargers.' Cf. Virg. Aen. 3. 618 domus sanie dapibus- que cruentis. Post, compares II. 32. \^creber platanis surgentilnts ordo. Perfumes were thrown on the body when first laid out, Pers. 3. 103 ; they were carried in chargers along with the procession, as here ; they were thrown on to the body when placed on the rogus ; they were finally mingled with the ashes before they were deposited in the urn. The senses of smell and hearing must thus have been fully occupied at a Roman funeral. When Juvenal wishes to describe an over-scented fop he makes him reek quantum vix redolent duo funera Sat. 4. 109 ; and when Horace describes an overpowering din, he says Cornua quod vincatque tubas, i.e. those of a funeral, Sat. i. 6. 44. A funeral conducted without pomp was called taciturn funus, ' a quiet funeral : ' a phrase which strikes strangely on our ears. Cp. Ov. Tr. i. 3. 22. 25. This line has not unnaturally been interpreted to prove that Propertius when he wrote this Elegy must have published at least two complete books, and have been engaged upon a third. But we have already seen that the arguments for supposing that the first ten Elegies of Book II. formed a completed book are of little weight ; and the whole treatment of the subject of death in this elegy is so imaginative and unreal not real enough to be called morbid that it is unnecessary to suppose a reference here to any actual number of completed or even contemplated books. Three books form a modest complete number ; less than three would be meagre, either for a poet or a procession ; three was the number of books which Horace first published as a completed edition of his PROPERTIUS, II. 13., 21-33. 245 Odes. And whatever inference could be drawn from this passage is more than overborne by 2. 24. i, 2 Tu loqueris cum sis iam noto fabula libra. 26. feram, probably the subjunctive, ' for me to present.' 27. pectus lacerata, with middle sense. The futures scqueris, pones, imply a softened, courteous imperative, a hope or recom- mendation, rather than a command, as in Hor. A. P. 385 Tu nihil invita dices faciesque Minerva. Hence the usage is mainly confined to epistles and similar friendly communications. 28. ftteris, probably the future perfect, as nee precedes. Yet Prop, uses nee for neu, as in 2. 28. 47. lassa vocare. Postgate seems somewhat to over-refine here when he says that the infinitive denotes ' the cause of the weariness, not the result arrested by it.' Like other infinitives dependent on an adjective, it is used vaguely to denote the sphere within which the adjective applies : lassa vocare is ' wearied in calling,' just as doctae psallere Chiae (Hor.) is ' learned in playing,' and celerem sequi Aiacem (id.) is 'swift in following.' 30. Syrio. The Roman poets call all wares which came from the far East Syrian, because they were shipped at a Syrian port chiefly Antioch. onyx, in reference to the costly perfumes poured on to the pyre, or mingled with the ashes in the urn. Onyx or Onychites or Lapis Alabastrites was a kind of gypsum or spar, so called from its colour resembling the white of the human nail. This material was much used to make vessels for holding perfumes, as it was supposed to possess the property of preserving their fragrance. Such flasks were usually made with a narrow neck such as we see in museums from which the liquor was allowed to escape drop by drop. Hence the extravagance of the woman in St. Mark 14. 3, who, ' having an alabaster box of ointment of spikenard very precious,' instead of letting it out by drops, ' brake the box and poured it on his head.' 31. ardor, for ' flame.' 32. manes, here equivalent to cineres, from the idea of the spirit hovering about them. Cp. Virg. Aen. 4. 34 and 427. 'testa, an urn of common pottery. 33. laurus, the bay or laurel of Apollo ; hence used to denote poetic fame. busto. See note on i. 19. 21, where the origin of our word 'bust' is explained. The effigies of the dead and their families 246 NOTES. which were commonly placed on the lid of a Roman sarcophagus, may sometimes have been likenesses of the deceased ; but it is evident from modem excavations that they were kept ready-made by the stone-cutters, and executed after conventional patterns. It seems a novel and interesting idea that a man might ' choose ' his father or mother though not till after their decease. 34. funeris, his remains, now reduced to ashes ; cp. sup. on 1. 22. umbra, of the shade of the laurel bough, in predicative appo- sition to quae: translate, 'to cover with its shade the spot where lie my lifeless remains.' 35. horrida, of the revolting, loathsome ashes, so out of keeping with the idea of joyous love. 37. notescet fama. The expression is redundant ; it was not the fama of his sepulchre, but the sepulchre itself, which would become known. Postgate has some interesting observations (Introd. p. Ixvii) on Propertius' tendency to what he terms ' disjunctiveness,' or ' polarisation ' of an idea, by which he charges his meaning doubly, serving up one idea in two forms, and treating each form as a new idea. A good example is 3. i. 17 Sed, quod pace legas, opus hoc de monte sororum Detulit intacta pagina nostra via. Here the opus and the pagina are one and the same thing ; yet the latter is said to bring down the former from the mount of the Muses. 38. Phthil viri, i.e. Achilles. cruenta, because Polyxena, daughter of Priam, was sacrificed by Neoptolemus, his son, upon his tomb. 39. si qnando, denoting an indefinite, though certain, time : ' when the day comes, whenever that may be.' venies ad fata, a euphemism for death : later Latin was fond of such softened modes of expressing death. See especially in Tacitus, where such phrases as decessit, excessit, exiit, etc., are con- stant. Cp. our own phrase ' he is gone,' or ' he's away.' 40. lapides, his monument. cana, he trusts she may not die till of ripe age. For memores cp. Hor. Od. 3. n. 51 nostri memorem sepulcro Scalpe querelam, and 4. 14. 4 Per titulos memoresque fastos. It is far-fetched to suppose that memores anticipates the idea of the next couplet, that his ashes will have some consciousness of her : especially as interea, 1. 41, marks a new transition. PROPERTIUS, II. 13., 34-55- 247 42. ad verum sapit, ' has some sense towards, in the direc- tion of, truth.' conscia, is simply 'conscious,' 'sentient:' here the spirit is not only conscious, but ad verum sapit, i. e. can form true ideas. 43. primis cunis, ' the cradle that ushers in life ;' exactly like extremus in 3. 2. 22 Mortis ab extrema condicione vacant. ponere, 'to lay down,' 'give up.' 45. quo, ' for what purpose?' constructed both with the nom. and ace. 47. The MSS. have Quis tarn longaevae, which is clearly corrupt. Hertz, has Cut si longaevae : the correction Cui si tarn lon- gae seems best. Cui si written in one word would become quis, and then longae would be lengthened into longaevae for the metre. 48. The first word is quite uncertain : the two first letters were probably lost in the archetype, as Palmer suggests. Gallicus is a very unnatural word to use of a Phrygian in reference to the Homeric period : Ilius (Lachmann) would give a harsh jingle : and bellicus (Palmer) is tame. Postgate justly thinks that a proper name is required ; and would defend Gallicus as referring to Hector, the rdAAos being a river in Phrygia (Herodian i. n. 2), with which Hector may have been connected in some legend. If Memnon be referred to, who killed Antilochus while defending his father, he thinks the passage corrupt. 49. See Juv.'s imitation, S. 10. 246-255. Hous. approves Muller's aut for ille : see J. of Phil. xxi. p. 114. 51. flebis, a gentle request, as above, 11. 27, 29. 53. qui, the MS. reading, has been needlessly altered to cut. Palmer well quotes Ov. Her. 20. 103 : the word testis does not imply that 'a boar was a witness to a moral truth' (Paley), any more than Hor. Od. 3. 4. 69 Testis mearum centimanus Gyas Sententiarum implies that the giant Gyas gave evidence in support of Horace's opinions. Testis simply means ' affords proof or evidence of." 55. Illis, with reference to Idalio vertice. By an awkward construction, diceris must be supplied to go with lavisse from diceris isse 1. 56. iicuisse : so NO. Palmer adopts lavisse, the reading of Per. which was adopted by Scaliger. He informs me that H. A. J. Munro approved of it. To make Adonis lie in marshes seems absurd, and 248 NOTES. iacuisse is just the correction which a scribe might make who sup- posed palitdibus to refer to the boar. 57. revocabis, partly in the sense of recalling,' as in 2. 27. 15, partly in that of ' calling on him in the hope of a reply,' as 1. 58 suggests. 58. qui. Palmer appears to be the first who has supported here the reading of N., which has been changed without reason to quid by the editors. Qui gives a much richer, more pathetic meaning. II. 28. THIS again is one of the most touching and natural of the Cynthia poems. It is written in genuine anxiety, on the occasion of some serious illness of Cynthia's. With earnest prayers for her recovery the poet mingles admonitions, half serious, half playful, that the ill- ness has been brought on as a punishment for some fault of her own, either for neglect of some god, or for lover's vows forsworn. In the contemplation of the possibility of her death, while paying a very touching tribute to her charms, the poet exhibits that matter-of-fact coolness which is a constant characteristic of the ancients in treating of death and its surroundings, and which conveys a feeling of insen- sibility, almost of hardness, to the modem reader. If the ancients had less of the hope, they had also less of the sense of awe and mystery, which we feel in the contemplation of death. The poem is divided into three parts : and some editors, amongst them Palmer, consider that they form three distinct poems. In the first part, 11. 1-34, the poet expresses his fears as to her illness, sug- gests its cause, and both warns and comforts her by mythological ex- amples. In the second part, 11. 35-46, he fears the worst, and makes an impassioned appeal for her recovery. In the third, 11. 47-62, he thanks Persephone for having spared for a while longer her intended victim, and bids her pay the vows due for her recovery. Baehrens, as will be seen from the critical notes, unnecessarily turns the poem upside down. The same illness is alluded to in 2. 9. 25 Haec mihi vota tuani propter suscepta salutem, but there is little to suggest the dates at which the two poems were written. See, however, Hertz., Quaest. p. 224. 1. affectae, i. e. morbo. 2. tuum crimen. i.e. ' the death of so lovely a maiden will be laid as a charge at thy door,' tuum being here used objectively. So Ov. Am. 2. 11. 35, to the Nereids, Vestrum crimen erit talis iactura puellae. PROPERTIUS, II. 13., 57, 58; II. 28., 1-12. 249 3. The illness occurred at the most unhealthy period of the year ; the time when attention to business, according to Hor. Ep. j. 7. 9 Adducit febres et testamenta resignat. 4. fervfere. Archaic torfervere: so Virg. Aen. 8. 677. 8. ventus et tinda rapit, an image for forgotten words or vows, frequent in the ancient poets. So Cat. 70. 3 Dicit : sed tmilier cttpido quod dicit amanli In vento et rapida scribere opertet aqua. See Ov. Am. I. 8. 106 ; 2. 16. 45. 9. ilia, read by NO, is probably right: cf. Juppiter *'//CUOTOS OVK e\afur(v, dAX' ITTI airooai fivSivaa. Krjtds fj.rjpioji' fTrjKtro KOLTVfyt KaVtltTVf. 37. For the power of witches to call down the moon from the sky see i. I. 19 At vos dednctae quibus est fallacia Lunae, and Virg. E. 8. 69, Hor. Epod. 5. 45, Ov. Met. 1 2. 263. 38. nigra avis, apparently the owl, whose cry was ill omened (nigra) : Arethusa deems it so 4. 3. 59, and Virgil, Aen. 4. 462, speaks of ferali carmine bubo. Paley suggests that ' the black bird ' is the raven, but quotes no parallel. 39. ratis fatd, a very modern expression, ' the bark of fate ; ' the genitive being used loosely to indicate any kind of connection. So lumina fastns i. I. 3, mortis lacrimae 4. 7. 69, tela fugae 3. 9-54- 40. velificata, 'making sail.' Used passively by Juv. 10. 1 74 velificatus Athos, ' sailed through.' 41. miserere. We may assume from 1. 44 that Jupiter is the deity here addressed : it is implied in the earlier part of the poem that Jupiter is the natural friend, as the jealous Juno is the natural enemy, of fair maidens. 43. ' I mulct myself in a poem,' i. e. undertake to write one. Professor Palmer reads crimine ; and there certainly is a difficulty in carmine. Many passages might be quoted where an offering is mentioned in such cases as this, and the carmen is the dedicatory PROPERTIUS, II. 28., 36-52. 253 verse or verses ; but where is the offering here ? After puclla in 1. 44, dedicavit hoc munus is clearly understood : where and what is the munus? Arethusa, in 4. 3. 71, dedicates her husband's arms and writes the carmen under them : Armaque cum tulero portae votiva Capenae, Subscribam 'salvo grata puella viro. 1 It is probable, therefore, that some sacred gift is referred to in 1. 43, for which Propertius was to write an inscription. The words per magnum salva puella lovem seem too insignificant for an offering by themselves. ' Operosum sane carmen ! ' is Palmer's note : but it is not clear what he means when he adds ' sacro crimine damnatus idem significat atque illud " voti reus." ' What is the force of crimine ? A gift or vow of some sort is no doubt implied, for which Proper- tius was to write an inscription : the gift might be trivial, but to Propertius the important thing was that he was to write the verses, and so he mentions them only, saying nothing about the offering. For damno with an ablative in the sense of ' mulct ' cp. Plaut. Pers. 69 Sed legirupam qui damnet det in publicum Dimidium, where qui is the ablative. 45. operate, the correction of Heinsius. If adoperta wfre read, the reference would be to the fact that in prayer or thanksgiving to a god the head was veiled, while the right hand was raised to the lips hence adoro, ' to worship.' 46. In the critical note N should be added to O as joining 11. 47-62 to the preceding part of this poem. 49, 5O. I. e. ' You have so many fair ones with you in the shades, you may surely spare this one.' 51. lope is the reading of the best MSS. Others read To, lole, Antiope. lope, usually known by the longer form of the name as Cassiopeia, was daughter of Aeolus, wife of Cepheus, and mother of Andromeda. According to one version of the legend, Cassiopeia roused the anger of the Nereids by boasting of her own beauty as surpassing theirs. Tyro, loved by the river god Enipeus, to whom she bore Pelias and Neleus. 52. Europe, the famous daughter of Phoenix (or Agenor\ from whom the continent derives its name. She was carried off by Zeus in the form of a bull from Phoenicia to Crete, where she gave birth to Minos : see Hor. Od. 3. 37. nee proba Pasiphae, ' the infamous Pasiphae,' wife of Minos. For the remarkable expression nee proba standing for et improba cp. nee umquam varans Charybdis 2. 26. 53, ^=numquam varans. 254 NOTES. 53. There is, perhaps, no sufficient objection to the MS. reading in this line, though the repetition of Priami regna in the next line, and the coupling of Phoebi and Priami, are suspicions. Hertzberg, founding on the Hioa or Hiona of Scaliger's MS., reads Eoa, sup- posing that it may be used as a feminine substantive for ' the region of the East.' But see critical notes. 55. in numero, as we say ' was accounted of: ' placed in the number of those worthy of being mentioned. Cp. Cic. de Orat. 3. 56 sine hac (actione) summits orator esse in millo numero potest. But numerus may be used for the mere multitude, those not worthy of being taken into consideration : as Hor. Epp. i. 2. 27 Nos numerus sumus et fruges consumere nati. The Greek dpiOpos is similarly used in both senses: cp. Plut. 2. 682 F ovStls dptOfiov fart TWOS { = nullo est in numero), with Eur. Her. 997 t'8ois n\v OVK apiOfiov, d\\' eTijTvpais av8p > ovra TOV aw iraiSa. 58. Cp. Hor. Od. 2. 3. 25, Ov. Met. 10. 33. 59. The MSS. have demissa .- the confusion between de and di is continual. II. 31. THIS poem gives an account of the famous temple of Apollo on the Palatine, built by Augustus to celebrate his Sicilian victory over Sextus Pompeius, and to fulfil a vow made in the Actian campaign. It was begun B.C. 36, and dedicated on the 24th of October, B.C. 28. Propertius had made an appointment to visit Cynthia : he arrived late, and he offers as his excuse that he has been present at the dedication of the temple. In honour of the same event Horace wrote Od. I. 31. The temple, with the colonnades round it, was attached to Caesar's palace. Its distinguishing feature was that it contained the famous Palatine library, adorned with the busts of poets, so frequently mentioned by the Roman poets. The first librarian was C. Julius Hyginns. Cp. Hor. Epp. i. 3. 17 Scrip/a Palatinus quaecunque recepit Apollo, and 2. i. 216 munus Apolline dignum : see Suet. Aug. 29. 1. veniam. The poet presents the poem as his excuse on arrival. i, probably a general epithet denoting splendour. No PROPERTIUS,Il. 28., 53-59; II. 3I-, 1-6. 255 doubt there was much gilding about the woodwork of the temple. Cp. the famous so-called ' Golden House ' of Nero. 2. aperta, here used in its proper but rare sense as a participle. The portico or colonnade ran all round the building, like an out-' side cloister. The library was placed in one part of this cloister ; in another part meetings of the Senate, etc., were held. 3. in speciem, ' dazzlingly,' ' so as to make a show.' Foenis, here for ' African,' referring to the well-known marble giallo antico, so called from its yellow colour, with occasional red veins running through it. Roman shops are full of little saucers, etc., made out of the fragments of this marble. digesta refers to the regular intervals at which the columns were placed. Digerere is the word used for planting trees in rows, as in Virg. Geo. 2. 267. So of asparagus beds, Cato, R. R. 161. 3, and of evenly arranged curls, Mart. 3. 63. 3. 4. femina for feminea, like Romula for Romulea, flumen Rhenum, etc. See note on 3. 2. u, 3. 3. 7. 5. equidem, with the third person, undoubtedly presents a difficulty, and Palmer's conjecture Phoebus PJwebo deserves attention. Ussing however, on Plaut. Amph. 757, quotes various passages to controvert Bentley's dictum that equidem is never used with the second or third person or with the plural number before the time of Nero. Persius and Lucan certainly so use it ; Pers. i. no Per me equidem sint omnia protinus alba, and in the present passage, though the verb is in the third person, there is a reference to the first person in visus mihi, which might justify the use of equidem. 5, 6. Between the columns on one side were placed statues of the fifty daughters of Danaus ; opposite to them on the other side were the sons of Aegyptus, their unhappy bridegrooms. See Ov. Trist 3. i. 61 Signa peregrinis ubi slant alterna columnis Belides, et stricto barbarus ense pater. Hertz., Postgate, Bae., etc., place 11. 5-8 at the end of the piece, to make the description follow the order from the outside to the interior. But in an extempore piece like this it is vain to look for an exact order, and there is a special awkwardness in placing tacita lyra 1. 6 in immediate juxtaposition to carmina sonat 1. 1 6. The order rather is that the poet first mentions the colon- nades, then the statues, then the temple itself. In the last couplet he reverts, as the crowning and central point of interest, to the statue of the god himself, arrayed as a citharoedus, placed between 256 NOTES. those of Latona and Diana. LI. 7, 8 give a very feeble ending to the poem. But, besides this, it is possible that two distinct statues of the god may be referred to. Pliny speaks of a colossal statue * of the Tuscan Apollo, in bronze, placed inside the library, and there may have been one in marble in the exterior colonnade. If so, tacita lyra, and in longa carmina veste sonat, may be characteristic descriptions of the two statues : in the one the lyre was only held in the hand, in the other the god was represented as playing upon it. Hie equidem defines the position of the statue first named, as being in the outer colonnade, near the Danaids. 7. steterant. For the tense cp. i. 12. n Non sum ego qui fueram ; mutat via longa pnellas ; and 3. II. 67 Haec di eondiderant, haec di quoque mocnia servant. Myron, the famous Boeotian statuary, born about B.C. 480. He especially excelled in depicting animals. 9. Turn, i. e. in his progress through the building. claro. The marble used was the white marble of Luna {Carrara) still used by statuaries. The tenses surgebat, erat, 1. 11, and steterant, 1. 7, all represent the temple as its contents presented themselves to Propertius at the dedication. 11. The MSS. have In quo, but N. omits the In. In quo does not stand very well for ' upon which ' after templum ; Hertzberg followed by Postgate) reads Et duo, explaining that there were two chariots, one on each side of thefastigium. 12. The folding doors were of ivory ; on one panel was carved a group of Gauls being hurled down from the rock at Delphi by the god, on the other the slaying of Niobe's children. This refers to the attack of the Gauls on Delphi in the irruption of B. c. 279. 14. fnnera, ' the tragic calamity; ' or possibly ' the dead children.' Tantalidos. Niobe was daughter of Tantalus. 15. The repetition of inter, as Postgate points out, gives im- portance to the two goddesses as making us think separately of each. See note on 3. 18. 21 and Hor. Sat. I. 7. IT, 12. 16. in longa veste, i. e. the long-trailing robe (palla) of the citharoedus. Cp. Virg. Aen. 6. 645. A copy of the Apollo citha- rocdiis is in the Vatican at Rome. PROPERTIUS, II. 31., 7-16; III., 1. 257 III. i. IN this Elegy Propertius asserts his claims as a poet, acknow- ledges his masters and his models, proclaims his originality, and declares that after death his fame will rise triumphant out of all the attacks of his detractors. It is interesting to compare it with Hor. Od. 4. 3, which is one of Horace's most artistic Odes, and is devoted to the same subject. Many of the same ideas run through both pieces, though the manner of working them in, and the tone and temper of the two poems, are very different. There is in the Horatian poem a sense of power, a calm dignity and self- restraint, a simplicity and faithfulness to fact, an absence of self even when speaking of self, a true conception of what makes the poet and what the poet is, lastly a tender music running through the whole piece, which stamp it as the work of true poetic genius. We have in the Horatian Ode, as in the Propertian, the idea of the triumph of the chariot-race, of the influences which mould the poetic faculty, of the detracting work of envy, of the certainty of Rome's approving verdict ; but Horace has the consummate art to put every idea in its right place, and give it its importance with reference to the whole ; he speaks with the simplicity and modesty of true greatness, and proves his right to fame by the very manner of his renouncing it. Propertius is somewhat fussy in his self- assertion ; he pushes his rivals rudely by ; he does not observe a due order in his ideas, but proclaims his triumph first, records the grounds for it afterwards, and acknowledges lastly that, after all, it has not been yet awarded to him : he acquaints us with the source of his inspiration before he has made us feel that he is inspired, whereas Horace first makes us feel that he is a poet, and not till then does he tell us that all his merit is the Muse's gift. Lastly, while Propertius has to glorify his models if he would exalt the copyist, and looks to such frigid sources of inspiration as Muses' grottoes and Muses' inspiring founts, Horace appeals to Nature as the true fashioner of poets in those noble and tuneful words which Words- worth might fain have written : Sed quae Tibur aquae fertile praefluunt, Et spissae nemorum comae, Fingent Aeolio carmine nobilem. 1-4. Addressing the shades of Callimachus and Philetas, the poet prays for admission to their sacred grove : then assuming that his prayer is granted, he claims to be the first inspired bard who has wedded the rites of Italy to the song of Greece. Callimachus S 258 NOTES. and Philetas were the two great masters of the Alexandrine Elegiac School, a school whose characteristic feature was a mixture of poetry with erudition. Philetas of Cos was the younger of the two ; he lived under the first Ptolemy, by whom he was appointed to be tutor to his son Philadelphus, and died probably between 290 and 2 70 B. c. Callimachus, a member of the noble family of the Battiadae of Cyrene, was patronised by Philadelphus and was chief librarian of the famous Alexandrine library (of which the main part was burnt during the blockade of Julius Caesar) from circ. 260 to 240 B. c. Besides being a poet, Callimachus was one of the most famous grammarians and critics of the Alexandrine school, and his poems were a marvel of laboured and affected learning. Fragments of his hymns and epigrams remain ; but he was especially deemed the prince of elegiac poetry, and in this branch the best idea of his tortuous and erudite style is to be obtained from Catullus' adaptation of his Coma Berenices. Philetas was deemed second to Callimachus : less oppressed with learning, he had probably more genuine poetic feeling. His mam works were elegies in praise of his mistress Bittis or Battis. Propertius speaks of both with the utmost rever- ence as his masters. Besides the passage before us, see 3. 9. 43 Inter Callimachi sat erit placuisse libellos, Et cecinisse modis, Coe poeta, tuis. In 2. 34. 31-2, whatever reading be adopted, the two poets seem placed on a par; but in 3. 3. 51-2 he derives his inspiration from Philetas alone, Talia Calliope, lymphisque a fonte petitis Ora Philetaea nostra rigavit aqua. 1. sacra. As Postgate observes, the word sacra may be used in the widest possible sense, of any ' sacred things ' ; whether sacred rites, or sacred reliques, or even possibly the disembodied spirits of the departed. The idea is the same which we have had above, 2. 10. 24. Pauperibus sacris vilia tura damus, where see note. The poets are priests of the Muses ; to be ad- mitted to their holy grove, to take pirt in their holy rites, is to be admitted a brother of the guild. Callimachus and Philetas being dead, Propertius addresses their Manes ; and using that ' disjunctive- ness' of expression which has been illustrated on 2. 13. 37 (see Postgate's introduction), he speaks of the Manes of Callimachus and the sacra of Philetas as if he meant two distinct things. What he means is simply 'O Shades of Callimachus and Philetas, admit me to your holy grove, and let me too have a share in your holy rites.' PROPERTIUS, III. I., 1-6. 259 3. ingpredior has immediate reference to ire 1. a : in 1. 4 he changes the idea, and uses the word in the metaphorical sense of 'beginning' or 'undertaking.' Thus instances of the infinitive after ire, pergere, etc., are not quite in point. puro de fonte, partly from the idea of priests sprinkling themselves and the worshippers with pure water : partly from that of drinking in inspiration from springs sacred to the Muses. Cp. 3. 3. 51 quoted above. 4. orgia, ' secret rites,' like nvar-qpia, especially of the rites of Bacchus. Thus the idea is that the sacred rites and emblems of Italian worship are to be carried on and worshipped under the forms of Greek choric dance and song. In other words, the boast is the same as that more simply expressed by Hor. Od. 3. 30. 13 under a different metaphor, Dicar ... ... Princeps Aeolium carmen ad Italos Deduxisse modos. To take/oitn(, the famous purple-dye having been dis- covered first by the Phoenicians. 33. Diversae has properly reference to motion, 'turned apart,' as diversi abeunt. Here it means ' each in her several place.' Diverse, read by N., would have the same meaning. Let the young student beware of translating diver sus by ' divers." rura here is unmeaning, and it is obvious how the error arose. In the line before, N. reads nostra for rostra : Hamb. apparently has nostra in the margin. It would seem that the first letter of the word, probably also that of rura just below it, had dropped out : the r was then inserted by mistake before ura instead of, or as well as, before ostra. lura involves a very slight change and gives a good sense. Each of the Muses had her own province. 34. dona, in the sense of munera, implying their several func- tions and capacities. exercere, the strict meaning of which is to ' keep at work,' is here almost exactly = our ' exercise.' 35. heeler as. The ivy, as sacred to Bacchus, was the plant of poetic inspiration, and hence busts of poets were crowned with ivy : Hor. Od. i. i. 29 Doctarum hederae praemia frontium. Prop, specially connects the ivy with lighter themes : 4. I. 61 Ennius hirsuta cingat sua dicta corona: Mi folia ex hedera porrige, Bacche, tua. T 2 276 NOTES. 35. nervis, the strings of the lyre, as in Hor. Od. 3. n. 4 Tuque testudo resonare septem Callida nervis. 36. Aptat, 'sets to the lyre:' the regular word for setting words to music, Hor. Od. 2. 12. i, 4 Nolis longa ferae bella Numantiae Aptari citharae modis. The particular Muses are not to be identified. rosam, because chaplets, especially of roses, were brought on after the cena, when mirth and music came on. Hence sub rosa, ' under the rose,' of a thing told under the confidence of hospitality. 38. a facie, ' a false etymology. KaAAtowtta is from oip (a voice), not aty (a face) ' Postgate. 39. Contentns. A somewhat amusing condescension. He was to put up with a seat in the car of Venus, drawn by swans. 40. ducet ad arma. Cp. 2. I. 18 Ut possem heroas ducere ad arma manns, where ducere is used in the same sense as here. nee fortis eqni sonns. ' Xo neighing charger.' 41. Hil tibi sit, ' let it be naught in thine eyes,' ' deem it not to be thy business.' Postgate points out that the more usual phrase is nil ad te sit, ' let it be no concern of thine' : Prop, not unfrequently using the Dat. for ad with the Ace. Cp. Lucr. 3. 830, Nil igitur mors est ad nos. classica and praeconia are both properly adjectives, but both are used as substantives also. Classica is no doubt used simply for ' naval' as in 2. i. 28. Praeconia are proclamations or praises: cp. Ov. Her. 17. 207 Non ita contemno volucris praeconia Famae. 42. Flare, undoubtedly right for \hejlere of the MSS. The word is used no doubt in reference to the meaning oiclassicum, ' a trumpet,' or 'trumpet-signal.' Cp. Mart. n. 3. 8 Quantaque Pieria praelia flare tuba. 43. Mariano sig-no, a loose ablative of circumstance, not differing much from the ablative absolute : ' under, the banner of Marius.' 44. In allusion to the two great victories of Marius over the northern hordes; (i) over the Teutones and Ambrones at Aquae Sextiae (Aix) near Marseilles in B. C. loa : (a) over the Cimbri at Campi Raudii near Vercellae in Lombardy in B. C. 101. Stent, of the armies drawn up and ready for battle. Note that Nil tibi sit, 1. 41, is the predicate of the clauses quibus in campis PROPERTIUS, III. 3., 35-52. 277 stent . . . refringat . . . vectet. The meaning must be ' let all these events be nothing, i. e. of no consequence, in thine eyes.' refringat. Cp. Hor. Od. 3. 3. 28. 45. Some word equivalent to ' how,' ' in what fashion,' has to be gathered from quibus in campis to connect vectet with what goes before. The allusion is apparently to the defeat of Ariovistus by Caesar in B. c. 58. Ariovistus had entered Gaul to assist the Aedui against the Sequani at the head of various German tribes, among whom were the Suevi, a vague name assigned by Caesar to the tribes occupying the East bank of the Rhine. Caesar's victory was gained at a spot fifty miles from the Rhine : the defeated fled across the river, some swimming, some in small boats, among whom was Ario- vistus. Clearly Propertius had but dim ideas as to the site. perfusus, as if the surface of the water ran with blood. 47. coronatos, of revellers who have just left a feast. 48. ebria, the epithet is transferred from the revellers to the traces of their escapade. See above note on 3. I. 8. 49. excantare, whence our ' excantation,' used here in its literal sense. Cp. Merchant of Venice 2. 5, where the Jew in vain warns Jessica : Hear you me, Jessica : Lock up my doors : and when you hear the drum And the vile squeaking of the wry-necked fife, Clamber not thou up to the casements then, Nor thrust your head into the public street To gaze on Christian fools -with varnished faces, But stop my house's ears, I mean my casements. 50. austeros viros, ' severe husbands,' or possibly ' cur- mudgeon fathers,' such as Shylock himself. In the former case, puellas would be ' young wives.' ferire, ' to cheat,' ' gull.' 52. ora rigavit, a proof that parva era, 1. 5, refers to the lips. Postgate quotes Ov. Am. 3. 9. 23, where the lips of poets are said to be watered by Homer as by a perennial fount. Our own ' Augustan ' poets are fond of introducing the inspiring springs of the Muses : cp. Pope, Essay on Criticism, A little learning is a dangerous thing ; Drink deep, or taste not the Pierian spring. And the same Propertian vein is to be discerned in the pride and care which Pope lavished on his grotto at Twickenham. 278 NOTES. III. 4- THIS poem is written in anticipation of the great expedition of Augustus into the East, when he was to bring Parthia and India, the Tigris and the Euphrates, under the sway of the Latian Jupiter, and wipe out the disgrace of Carrhae. Though the poet speaks of the Indian Ocean (1. 3) and of the furthest East, it is to be noted that he says nothing of Arabia : it might therefore be inferred that this poem was written after the failure of the Arabian expedition, B. c. 24. But see Introduction. Virgil is still more comprehensive in his anticipations of the successes of the arms of Augustus, Aen. 7. 604 Sive Getis inferre manu lacrimabile helium, Hyrcanisve Arabisve parant, seu tendere ad Indos, Auroramque sequi, Parthosque reposcere signa. 1. Deus Caesar. In no passage of the Augustan poets is the divine title so openly conferred on Augustus as in this. Virgil and Horace generally cloak the flattery under poetical forms, or pave the way for it under skilfully prepared approaches. Thus Virg. E. i. 6, 7 Meliboee, deus nobis hate otia fecit : Namque erit ille mihi semper deus, a mode of statement that would scarcely shock a modern ear. Horace shows still more consummate art in the celebrated Second Ode of Book I, in which he formally proclaims his political faith. Reversing the order of Propertius, he descends from the divine to the human ; searching for one to whom Jupiter may assign the task of wiping out from Rome the stain of fratricidal guilt, he passes in review all the gods who care for Rome : he descends gently from Apollo the purifier to Venus and Mars, the mother and the father of the Roman race : then he passes on to Mercury, go-between between men and gods, who as mutata iuvenem figura may consent to abide on earth : then by carefully chosen human words triumphos, pater, frinceps, Medos gradually paves the way for his identification, but only in the very last word, with Caesar himself: Hie magnos potius triumphos, Hie antes did Pater atque Princeps, Neu Medos sinas equitare inultos, Te duce, Caesar. Augustus never permitted himself to be worshipped as god in Rome; in Spain and Asia he suffered temples and images to be PROPERTIUS, III. 4., 1-5. 279 put up to him, but even then only in conjunction with the worship of Rome, Suet. Oct. 52. Caligula was the first Emperor who set up his own image in Rome, between those of the Dioscuri ; and Domitian desired to be addressed as Dominus et Deus. How prone the Romans had become to such servile flattery appears from Tac. Ann. 4. 38, where the historian puts a noble speech into the mouth of Tiberius when refusing to allow divine honours to be paid to himself and his mother in further Spain. This refusal, adds Tacitus, alii modestiam, multi, quia diffideret, quidam ut degeneris animi interpretabantur. Prof. Palmer suggests that meus may be the true reading for Deus, and compares met ducts elsewhere. Eut in such a position would not meus be an impertinence ? ad goes with arma, ' an expedition to.' 2. gemmiferi marls, the Persian Gulf the whole of which was embraced by the ancients under the name Red Sea or Indian Ocean. The Romans, like the poet Gray Full many a gem of purest ray serene, The dark unfathomed caves of Ocean bear imagined that all gems were Ocean products, and especially from the Red Sea. Cp. Prop. I. 14. 12 Et legitur rubris gemma sub aequoribus. So Mart. 5. 37. 4 Cut nee lapillos praeferas Erythraeos ; and Tib. 2. 2. 15 Nee tibi gemmarum quidquid felicibus Indis Nascitur, Eoi qua marts undo, rubet. 3. viri, ' gallants.' He addresses the army of invasion. 4. sub tua inra, 'under thy sway,' the word triumphos naturally bringing back the mind from the army to its chief. Distinguish between ius dicere, 'to administer justice,' 'to pronounce judgment,' the province of a judge, and iura dare, ' to impose laws,' the work of a legislator or conqueror. Thus Virgil, of Acestes in his new Sicilian kingdom, Aen. 5. 758 Indicitque forum et patribus dat iura vocatis. 5. Sera sed . . . veniet, ' Though late, will come all the same,' exactly parallel to Virg. E. i. 28 Libertas quae sera tamen respexit inertem. See too Prop. 3. 6. 32 Poena erit ante meos sera, sed ampla, pedes. veniet, i.e. the East (included under ultima terra 1. 3), or perhaps more specially Parthia, will come in under the dominion of 280 NOTES. Rome as a province. Thus veniet is stronger thany&tf, as if the East came voluntarily to place herself under Roman protection. The same idea is implied in fluent. 5. virjfis, in allusion to the fasces. It may be a dative of possession, or possibly an ablative of description. 6. Fartha for Parthica: see note on 3. 2. n. 7. prorae is the vocative : so equi in the next line. ezpertae bello, in allusion to Augustus' naval victories : first, that gained over Sextus Pompeius by Agrippa in Sicily B. c. 36, and, more notably, the battle of Actium in B. c. 31. date lintea, ' spread your sails.' Dare is frequently thus used with an accusative in such a way that the phrase is equivalent to an intransitive verb. Thus Lucr. 2. 1143 says that one day the walls of the world Expugnata dabunt labem putrisque ruinas, which simply means, ' will fall in crumbling ruins.' So dat sonitttm, properly ' causes a sound,' is equivalent to ' resounds.' See Munro on Lucr. 1. c. In other passages dare with a predicative adjective is equivalent to a transitive verb: as Virg. Aen. 9. 323 Haec ego vasta dabo. 8. ducite munus. It is quite out of place to refer these words to the Equites equo publico or the Equitum recognitio, a ceremony long disused with a view to actual warfare, and only partially restored for mere form's sake (Suet. Oct. 38) by Augustus. The phrase is a confused expression ; ducere is appropriate to horses, ' lead forth,' or ' draw ;' munus, ' function,' would imply some such word as ' perform' before it. As it stands, therefore, the phrase will cover any work to be done by horses : armigeri confines it to the cavalry. 9. plate, 'avenge.' Piare is a transitive verb, used in the widest possible sense to denote any act of religious duty in re- ference to the thing or person which stands as its object. Of a god, 'to appease' or 'worship,' as Hor. Ep. 2. i. 143 Silvanum lacte piabant ; of an altar, Prop. 3. 10. 19 ubi ture piaveris aras, ' hast duly honoured ; ' of a bad omen, ' to avert its evil con- sequences,' Virg. Aen. 2. 184 ; of a crime, 'to expiate it,' ' wipe it out,' ib. 140. Here the idea is ' to avenge : ' ' wipe out the impiety of leaving the Crassi and their slaughter unavenged.' 11. lumina. Rarely used, as here, of a fire. 12. Ilia, correctly, of a distant, uncertain day : elsewhere, as we have seen, Propertius uses hie in the same sense. 13. oneratos axes, the reading of the MSS., is perhaps better PROPERTIUS, III. 4., 5-18. 281 than the conjecture of Muretus (adopted by Palmer), onerato axe. The car of Caesar laden with spoils would be the central and most important spectacle of the triumph : to make the poet relegate that idea to a subordinate clause, and make it his chief wish to see the horses shying at the plaudits of the mob, seems less natural. The omission of the copula presents no difficulty. 15. nixus has been objected to, and vinctos, nexos proposed : Bae. suggests exuvias on the ground that spcctare needs an object. No criticism could be less sound : spcctare is used technically and repeatedly for ' being a spectator ' at games. See passage quoted in critical notes, and especially the well-known line Ov. A. A. I. 99 (wrongly given as 5. 99 in critical notes) Spectatum veniunt, veniunt spectentur ut ipsae. So Spectantem specta A. A. 3. 513. 16. Zncipiam, more than simply ' to begin : ' it implies to ' take in hand,' of some actual undertaking or operation. et titulis . . . leg'am, a parenthesis ; tela and arcus in 1. 1 7, and the infinitive sedere in 1. 18, being governed by spectare, Not only the names of conquered cities, but representations of them, as well as of striking incidents of the campaign, were carried along as part of a triumph. Cp. modem trade-processions. 17. ' The breeched soldier ' is of course the Parthian ; as early as the time of Croesus we hear that the Persians were distinguished by wearing breeches (Hdt. i. 71), and Aristagoras adduces the fact to Cleomenes, king of Sparta, as a proof that they could be of no good in war (id. 5. 49). The Celts also.were known to the Romans as wearers of breeches ; hence further Gaul was sometimes called Braccata, Juv. 8. 234. Caecina affected the Gallic dress, wearing a tartan plaid as well as breeches, bracas barbarum tegmen indutus Tac. Hist. 2. 20. It is an interesting and instructive circumstance that the ancient Southron was shocked because the Celt wore trousers, while the modern Southron affects to be no less shocked because he dispenses with them. The latter probably forgets that the kilt was a Roman military dress, worn by the Caesars : see the famous statue of Augustus in the Braccio Nuovo, referred to above in note to 2. 10. 13, p. 234. 18. subter goes along with arma. It would seem that in the triumphal procession captives were made to sit under stacks or trophies- of arms taken from themselves. Thus Ov. Ep. Pont. 3. 4. 104 in describing a triumph Stentque super vinctos trunca tropaea viros. sedere depends upon spectare 1. 15 ; in sense it is 283 NOTES. almost equivalent to a present participle. Exactly parallel is 3. 6. 11-14 Nee speculum strata vidisti Lygdame lecto ? Ornabat niveas nullaque gemma manus ? Ac maestam teneris vestem pendere lacertis? Scriniaque ad lecti clausa iacere pedes ? See below 1. 20 cernis. Ingredior ferre 3. I. 3, and ibat videre I. i. 1 2, are quite different ; there the infinitive is equivalent to an accu- sative of motion towards. 19. tuam prolem, Augustus. sit in aevum, ' live for ever ! ' 20. caput. See note pp. 220, 221. 21. haec, for ilia, after the manner of Propertius. Sacra Via. The most imposing point in the triumphal proces- sion was when it descended from the Velia along the Via Sacra to the forum, with the Capitol full in front. At the far end of the forum, before the ascent of the Capitol begun, the captives were taken off into the Tullianum to meet their doom. Thus Horace, selecting the proudest moment of the triumph, Epod. 7. 7 Intactus aut Britannus ut descenderet Sacra catenatus via. 22. mi. N. has me. Mi is both better in itself, and contrasts better with illis 1. 22. posse sounds weak and hesitating ; but it is strictly in Proper- tius' manner. See Postgate, Introduction. HI. 5- THIS poem is written in close connection with the last. Instead of offering to share in the perils of the war as Horace before Actium in Epod. i. r the poet explains why he must stand aside. He has no thirst for riches ; conquered and conqueror alike will pass empty-handed into Acheron. Love and Song are his delight : when old age takes these away, he will scan the Laws of Nature, and peer into the secrets that lie beyond the grave. 2-4. ' I have indeed my battles ; but they are battles with my love, and they are not waged for gold or luxury.' The only difficulty is in tamen, which answers solely to stant praelia, and takes no note of the mitigating influence of cum domina mea : ' I have indeed my wars of love ; but I have no care for gold.' Paley quite wrongly PROPERTIUS, III. 4., 19-22 ; III. 5., 2-6. 283 explains stant as durant, non facile dirimuntur : ' I am compelled to wage war, yet not from avarice, but frcm differences with Cynthia.' 2. Stant, of battles, means 'are set,' 'are ranged,' implying instant conflict. See above, 3. 3. 44 Mariano praelia signo Stent : not dissimilar is stant littore puppes Virg. Aen. 6. 902, 'are ranged,' ' drawn up.' 3. inviso auro has much the same meaning as Virgil's auri sacra fames Aen. 7. 57, implying not so much ' hated,' as ' worthy cl being hated,' ' hateful.' The Augustan writers, especially Cicero, are fond of using the past participle passive in place of the adjective in bills. So Vifg. Aen. 5. 591, of the labyrinth, Falleret indeprensus et irremeabilis error. 4. gemma divite. The allusion here is to drinking-cups and flagons hollowed out of a single precious stone. Such extravagances were known even in Cicero's time. Antiochus, a Syrian prince, lays out his plate before Verres: Erat etiam vas vinarium, ex una gemma pergrandi, trulla excaziata, manubrio aureo Cic. Verr. 2. 4. 27. In addition there were pocula gemmis distincta clarissimis, i. e. cups with jewels set in them. Both kinds are probably alluded to in Juv. 5. 37-9 Ipse capaces Heliadum crustas et inaequales beryllo Virro tenet phialas, the former being cups made of a single piece of amber. 5. Cp. Hor. Epod. i. 27, where he declares he will follow Maecenas to the war, Non ut iuvencis illigata pluribus Aratra nitantur mea. 6. miser, so the MSS. N. also has acre for aera, evidently mistaking the construction. But Palmer is probably right in read'- ing misera, to agree with Corinthe. The a at the end of misera would easily get dropped before the a of aera ; and the sentiment of miser, explained by Finder to mean ' Nor mean enough to get money through thy fall,' is indeed by no means a Roman sentiment, or one possible in an Augustan writer. Even Juvenal, who magnificently denounces rapacity in the provinces, nowhere rises to the idea that the governor is morally degraded by spoiling the provincials ; his highest sentiment is miserere inopum sociorum 8. 89. If miser be read, the meaning probably is, ' Nor have I, poor wretch ! the luck to get a Corinth to sack.' paro is used specially in the sense ' to provide,' whether for 284 NOTES. oneself or for others. Hence in the former case it frequently means to 'buy,' as Hor. Sat. 2. 3. 129 Servosve tuos quos aere parasti ; in the latter, 'to bring in as income,' as Juv. i. 106 Sed quinque tabemae Quadringenta parant. The allusion is to the wholesale spoliation of Corinth by L. Mummius B.C. 146, especially of its art treasures. For aera, statues, etc., in bronze, cp. Hor. Ep. 1.6. 17 Aeraque et artes Suspice. 7. fingenti, of the potter's art. pxima terra, the primordial clay (Horace's principi limo Od. I. 16. 13) out of which Prometheus fashioned man. See Pausanias 10. 4. 3. infelix, ' ill-starred in the potter's hand,' not with reference to the fate of Prometheus, but implying that he had made ' a bad job ' of it. 8. parum caute, a pun on the name Prometheus. pectoris, like cor, in the sense of our ' head ' or ' brain,' not ' heart ; ' see above note on p. 220. Pectoris is a genitive of descrip- tion after opus. 9. disponens implies the apportionment of the various parts of the body, each to its proper place. in arte, of the product of his art. 10. I. e. ' the path along which the mind has to travel ought to have been made a straight path.' The words ' right ' and ' rec- titude ' imply a straight line, which furnished to the ancients their figure for moral excellence : cp. the famous figure of the Pythagorean Y (written ^), Pers. 3. 56. To a Roman engineer the first essential for a high road was that it should be straight ; witness the remains of Roman roads in this country. 11. Knnc, ' as it is,' ' as matters now are.' marls after tantum, ' over all these seas.' 14. The MS. reading ad infernas rates is inadmissible on ground of sense. The only ' conveyance ' of souls was across the Stygian water; there is no meaning in the plural rates ; and, as Pinder says, since 1. 13 brings the soul to the bank, 1. 14 must carry it across. at is frequently written as ad ; but is not good in sense, as there is not sufficient contrast between 11. 13 and 14. I would now adopt Palmer's conjecture in inferna rate as almost demonstrably correct. First, rate was turned into rates, because 11. 13, 15, 16 all PROPERTIUS, III. 5., 7-22. 285 end with j; inferno, was changed to infernas, either because rates had been changed first, or because j follows at the beginning of stulte ; in was dropped out, as Paley suggests, because it recurs in inferna ; and lastly, when the omission was discovered, ad, as the most likely preposition, was inserted. Nadus. Cp. Job i. 21 Naked came I out of my mother s -womb, and naked shall I return thither. So i Tim. 6. 7. 15. miscebitur. Misceo here, as usual, means an indiscriminate mingling, without regard to kind or quantity, in opposition to tempera, which means ' to mingle in due proportion.' Cp. Haec ita mixta fuerunt ut temperata nullo fuerint modo Cic. Rep. 2. 23. 42. 16. Console. Jugurtha was captured in the year succeeding Marius' first consulship, in B.C. 106 : but Marius entered the city in triumph upon the second day of his second consulship, Jan. 2, B.C. 104. 17. The Croesus of Lydia is contrasted with Irus, the greedy beggar of the Odyssey (18. 5, etc.), to represent the extremes of wealth and poverty. 18. A corrupt line, which no one has succeeded in emending or interpreting satisfactorily. The MSS. read parta, which is senseless, or parca. Bae. conjectures carpta, retaining apta before die. Lach. conjectures parcae, comparing Virg. Aen. 12. 150 Parcarumque dies, of a natural death ; but the singular in this sense is unexampled. Other conjectures are tarda, and (equally good) propera. N. has apta before die ; Hertz, and Lach. read acta, comparing 3. 7. 30, which is scarcely in point. When H. is reduced to interpreting parca dies as 'a day which spares the life, i. e. puts off death, as long as possible,' and Paley as ' a day, or time, of poverty,' it is useless to consult commentators further. If we read, as in the text, acta quae venit apta die, we at least have sense : ' That death is best which comes at its own fit time, when one's day is done.' 21. Me iuvat reminds us of the refrain Hor. Od. I. I. 3 sqq. Sunt quos . . . iuvat, etc. coluisse and implicuisse 1. 20, alongside of vincire 1. 21, show that no distinction can be drawn between the present and perfect infinitive. Pers. is fond of the same usage ; cp. 2. 66 Haec baccam conchae rasissc, et stringere venas. vincire. The phrase is borrowed from the idea of chaplets : see next line. 22. caput habere in rosa. 'To have one's head crowned with roses,' i. e. 'to carouse.' So Cic. has in rosa potare Fin. 2. 20. 65 ; Sen. in rosa iacere Ep. 36. 9. 286 NOTES. 25. For the whole of the following passage cp. Virg. Geo. 2. 475-486. 26. hanc mnndi domum, ' this fabric of the world.' Domus means essentially a building, or structure of some kind. As pointed out above on p. 210, students are constantly led astray in translating domus by the analogy of our ' home.' Cp. Virg. Aen. 10. i domus Olympi, Geo. i. 371 Eurique Zephyrique domus, and Prop. 2. 16. 50 Fulminaque aetheria desiluisse domo, So Shelley's blue dome of air. 27. deficit, as the contrast with exoriens seems to show, of the setting moon, not of an eclipse. Gellius however has defuiente /una of the waning moon, as opposed to crescente ; and that may well be the meaning here. Lucan has tornu coacto of the full moon, when the filling in of the orb makes the extremities of the crescent appear to meet, Phars. i. 532. For coactis cf. Ov. Tr. 4. 4. 35 dam mensura coacta est. Note how indifferently Prop, uses the indicative and subjunctive mood throughout this passage. 29. snperant, in its literal meaning, ' get up upon the sea," 'rise.' So exactly Virg. Aen. n. 514 iugo mperans adventat ad urbem, 1 mounting by the ridge thus reaches the city.' 31. ' Whether a day is coming which,' etc. Lucretius affirms of the universe that Una dies dabit exitio, multosque per annos Sustentata ruet moles et machina mundi. Several editors read si for sit. 32. Finder points out that the ancients believed that the rain- bow sucked up water from the earth and gave it back in rain. 33. The Perrhaebi occupied the northern part of Thessaly. 34. 'And the sun's orb mourned with his horses draped in black,' a grandiloquent phrase for an eclipse. 35. serus versare, 'slow in turning.' Bootes, 'the Ploughman,' called also Arcturus or Arctophylax, ' the Bear-ward.' The former name was applied to it because it seems to represent the Ploughman or Waggoner who drives the whole team round. Hence serus versare. 36. An admirable description of the Pleiades. The stars which form the group (chorus) are so thickly set (spisso) that they appear to run together (coif). 37. Cp. Job 38. II Hitherto shalt thou come, but no further, PROPERTIUS, III. 5., 25-47. 287 and here shall thy proud waves be stayed ; and Psalm 104. 9 Thou hast set a bound that they may not pass over, that they turn not again to cover the earth. exeat, with an accusative, as in Ov. Met. 10. 52 donee Avernas Exierit valks. 38. eat, of the progress of the year; just as in 3. i. 8, of the march of his verse. 39. slut inra deum, either ' whether the gods dispense justice,' or rather have jurisdiction, hold sway.' See above on 3. 4. 4. 40. Note the rare use of si in an Indirect question. Expectare si, conari si, etc. are conditional. 41. Alcmaeon slew his mother Eriphyle by his father Amphi- araus' injunctions : he went mad and was haunted by the Furies. PhineuSj the blind soothsayer, was punished for savage cruelty to his sons ; his food was always carried off or fouled by the Harpies. I. e. whether the tales about Ixion, etc. are true. 44. pauca, to be taken as the predicate, ' are all too few.' Prof. Palmer would now read pressa for pauca. He thinks pauca arose from the transcriber's eye catching auc in faucibus in 1. 43 after he had begun to write pressa, and compares Ov. Met. I. 458 lot iugera ventre prementem. 45. An ficta fabnla, ' or naught but tales and fancies.' See 2. 34. 53-4. Cp. Fabulae manes Hor. Od. i. 4. 16. 47. Exitus vltae. So Nepos, Eum. 13, for 'the latter end, closing days, of life.' III. 7- A YOUNG friend of the poet, called Paetus, had been drowned in the course of a voyage to Egypt, whither he was bound on some trading venture. Assuming therefore that lust for gold was the cause of his friend's end, Propertius describes with much pathos the circum- stances of his death, and moralises upon the avarice of man and the rash daring which it inspires. It is one of the most beautiful of his pieces, full of an exquisite tender pathos, and showing a high imaginative capacity, such as is rarely to be found in ancient poetry, for feeling and interpreting the wilder moods of nature. This poem would alone be enough to refute the common idea that Propertius was a mere love poet, whose one and only inspiration was found in Cynthia. On the contrary, it raises the presumption that Cynthia did as much to degrade or divert his muse as to create it, and fills one with regret that he did not devote his genius to nobler themes. 288 NOTES. 1. Ergo, used thus abruptly, implies surprise, almost remon- stance, at a conclusion forced suddenly upon the speaker, and from which he feels there is no escape. Thus Hor. Od. i. 24. 5 Ergo Quintilium perpetuus sopor Urget! Ovid. Trist. 3. 2. I Ergo erat in fatis Scythiam quoque visere nostris ! In Hor. Sat. 2. 5. 101 it is an exclamation which bursts from the disappointed legacy-hunter on the reading of the will : ergo nunc Dama sodalis Nusquam est ? Pecunia is here personified and treated as a Deity. The Romans worshipped, and erected temples to, a whole multitude of abstract qualities, such as Fides, Concordia, Honos, Victoria, Juven- tas, Fama, etc. Juvenal sarcastically observes that, as yet, Money is not so worshipped : etsi, funesta Pecunia, templo Nondum habitas, nullas Nummorum ereximus aras, Ut colitur Pax atque Fides, Victoria, Virtus, Quaeque salutato crepitat Concordia nido. Most MSS. insert es after vitae, N. omits it. 2. The late H. A. J. Munro severely handled a translator of Gray's elegy for rendering ' the paths of glory ' by honoris iter, de- claring that the line Ad tumuli fauces ducit honoris iter could have no meaning except ' The path of a public office leads to the gorge of a hillock.' We have seen above on 3. r. 22 that Honor may be used in an abstract sense, like our Honour or Glory ; the phrase mortis iter here is a warrant for honoris iter. Immaturum would certainly be condemned by an ordinary corrector of verses : the epithet properly belongs to mortis, not to iter. And it is almost hypercritical to say (with Postgate) that adimus is not appropriate to iter. Adire mortem or periculum mortis is as good Latin as adire ad mortem : ' to enter upon the path of death ' is a perfectly natural expression, and mortis iter is analogous to Phasidos viam i. 20. 1 8 and caeli iter 2.1. 20. 3. This line is very modern in its tone, especially in applying an epithet like crudelia to pabula. Paley explains the word by OI/M, i. e. ' causing so much bloodshed.' But the idea of bloodshed is foreign to the poem : note curarum in the next line. 4. capite is used with reference to the personality of Pecunia. Capul by itself, no doubt, and in a proper connection, may mean the PROPERTIUS, m. 7., 1-7. 289 head-water or source of a stream, and caput can doubtless be used in such a sense, in a proper connection : but to address Money with ' The seeds of care take their rise from your fountain-head ' would be a little too harsh even for Propertius. Postgate supports this inter- pretation byfontis caput from 3. 19. 6 ; but the whole line reads Fluminaque ad fontis sint reditura caput, which is a perfectly natural expression, involving no harshness or confusion. de capite tuo = <& te : see above note on 2. i. 36. 5. tendentem in this phrase has the sense of ' stretching,' not of direction. The phrase is equivalent to ' in full sail,' implying a prosperous course : ' all well.' Fharios portns, i.e. Alexandria. See notes on Tib. I. 3. 32, Prop. 2. i. 30. 6. insane. Cp. Hor. Od. 3. 4. 30 insanientis Bospori, insana Caprae sidera id. 3. 7. 6, insani Leonis id. i. 16. 15, and insanis aquis Ov. Her. i. 6. terque quaterque. A hyperbolical way of expressing the terrific nature of the storm : cp. Tib. 3. 3. 26 mihi felicem terque quaterque diem ! So felices ter et amplius Hor. Od. I. 3. 17 and bis terque mutatae dapis Ep. 5. 33. Possibly here successive waves are meant. 7. excidit has no special reference to shipwreck. The word simply means ' to fall out of : ' as when Cicero says verbum tibi non fortuito excidit Phil. 10. 2, ' did not escape you ; ' or of forgetfulness, at mihi ista exdderant, 'had escaped my memory,' Leg. 2. 18. 46. Here Paetus is said to have 'fallen out of that which he lost or from which he disappeared, viz. his life. So above 3. 2. 25 nomen ab aevo Excidet. Still more curious is Ter. And. 2. 5. 12 uxore ex- cidit, ' fell out of,' i. e. ' lost the chance of getting,' a wife. (We say, in a different sense, a manfell ottt with his wife). Aevo is the Abl. The juxtaposition of nova to longinquis doubles the force of the idea, each side of the relation being stated separately. The fishes were distant to him (i. e. to his home) ; he was strange (nova) to the fishes. The principle is the same as that involved in such juxtapositions as Hor. Epod. i. 21 ut adsit . . . praesentibus, Plaut. Most. i. I. 27 Adsum praesens praesenti tibi, Hor. Sat. 2. 6. 81 fertur Accepisse cavo veterem vetus hospes amicum ; or more subtly, Od. 2. 4. 6, where captivae and dominum repeat the same idea, U 290 NOTES. Movit Aiaeem Telamone natum Forma captivae dominum Tecmessae. 8. natat. The verb natare, though applied to the natural swimming of men, fish, or other animals, is scarcely ever used of the natural floating of ships. It constantly denotes wreckage of some sort, as 4. I. 116 Et natat exwuiis Graecia pressa SHI'S. So Ithacum lugere not ante m Juv. 10. 257 and Prop. 3. 13. 32 Totque hiemis nodes totque natasse dies, in both of which passages the idea is that Ulysses was floundering about, with nothing but his swimming powers to trust to. Even of a ship in harbour the word denotes a wreck in Prop. 2. 25. 24 Cum saepe in portu fracta carina natet. Metaphorically, the word is always used in malam partem ; as of inundations, of eyes swimming in death or drunkenness, of a wavering mind, Hor. Sat. 2. 7. 6, of an ill-fitting shoe Ov. A. A. i. 516, where it is joined with vagus, a word of kindred meaning. To the Roman mind, whatever departed from the steady, the solid, the strong, the straight, was bad. 9. iusta debita, the offices due to the dead, especially that of sprinkling earth over the corpse, Hor. Od. I. 28. 24. terrae here is ' the body,' properly ' the remains when buried in 'earth,' as in 2. 13. 42 Non nihil ad verum conscia terra sapit, The epithet piae is transferred to the remains, as all the offices to the dead have the character of pietas. Postgate's reference to pien- tissimus on an inscription is scarcely in point. To take terrae with Paley as a genitive is possible, but inelegant : besides, it is obviously to be supplied as the object to humare in the next line. 10. pote stands for potis feminine, agreeing with mater. Potts mA.pote are used of all genders, and with both numbers, indifferently. Cp. a. i. 46 Qua pote quisque, in ea conterat arte diem. 12. In illustration of this magnificent line one of the finest in all ancient poetry Postgate quotes an epigram from Glaucus (Gk. Anth. 7. 235), in which it is said, as here, of a drowned man, iraaa OaXaaaa. raif>os. These words, he suggests, may be an echo of the famous words of Pericles, Thuc. 2. 43, avftpGiv yap tintyavSjv iraaa yij raoi corresponding to navita, ' the trained seaman.' But I cannot believe in his suggested reading molem, which he illustrates by Virg. Aen. 5. 789 quam molem subito excierit, of the storm got up at Juno's request. 7. Ista verba, i. e. ' those words which you cast up against me now.' 9. adamas (dSa^as), iron or steel: used figuratively for the hardest conceivable substance, Ov. A. A. 1 . 659 lacrimis adamanta movebis. The word is here used to heighten the sense of the passage, as though ' to break bulls to a yoke of adamant ' implied a more complete sub- jugation. 10. Cp. Ovid, Her. 12. 95 Arva venenatis pro semine dentibus imples : Nascitur, et gladios scutaquc miles habet. homo, a local ablative. 11. Cnstodis, in adjectival apposition to serpentis. clansit hiatus, again like our colloquial ' shut his mouth.' 12. Aeson was Jason's father. 14. Penthesilea, queen of the Amazons, who dwelt round the Lacus Maeotis (sea of Azov), came to help the Trojans during the siege, and was slain by Achilles. Cp. Ov. Her. 21. 117 PROPERTIUS, III. II., 3-18. 305 Non ego constiteram sumpta peltata securi, Qua/is in Iliaco Penthesilea solo. 15. When Achilles lifted the helmet from her face, he was en- amoured of her beauty. cassida, archaic for the more usual form cassis. So Virg. Aen. II. 775. The helmet 'bared' her face by being taken off. An elliptical or 'condensed' (Finder) expression, similar to placidi straverunt aequora venti Virg. Aen. 5. 763 and similar phrases. Cp. 3. 22. 22 and note. 16. Vicit victorem recalls Hor. Epp. 2. I. 156 Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit. Candida, for 'beautiful,' seems strange as an epithet of forma ; but see note on 2. 3. 24. The word is frequently applied to a person as a whole, or to some part of the body, as brachia 2. 16. 24, colla 3. 17. 29, pes, humeri, cervix, etc., and Ov. Met. I. 743 affords an exact parallel to the phrase, before us, De bove nil superest, formae nisi candor, in ilia. 17. All the MSS. read Omphale which involves a hiatus, and a shortening of the last syllable. Virgil and other poets have this license not unfrequently, as E. 8. 108, in the first thesis of a dactyl, Crcdimus ? an qui amant ipsi sibi somnia fingunt ? But, as Palmer points out, it is very rare in the last syllable of a dactyl (see Virg. E. 3. 79 vale vale inquit, and Aen. 3. 211 Insulde lonio), and it is unknown to Propertius ; so he most ingeniously con- jectures lardanis, 'daughter of Jardanus,' a name by which Omphale is designated by Ovid, Her. 9. 103. He points out that in no less than ten instances Propertius designates female characters by their patro- nymics ; thus Helen is called Tyndaris, Penelope Icariotis, Niobe Tantalis and so on. Omphale would thus be a natural gloss, im- ported into the text. Further he points out that the scribe who copied Omphale into N. had a rage for lengthening syllables in proper names, and probably intended Omphale to be scanned Om- phale. The same hand has elsewhere Antllochi for AntilSchi 2. 13. 49, Arethusa for Arethusa 4. 3. I, while other MSS. have Cdpdnei for Cap&nn 2. 34. 40. One MS. inserts et after Omphale, but the word is out of place, an evident interpolation. tanttuu goes with ut 1. 19. in tantum formae processit honorexn, a very strained ex- pression : ' reached such a pitch of beauty.' Honor, as in its tech- nical political sense of 'a public office,' is here used to denote 'an external mark, stage, or degree ' of beauty. 18. Omphale was queen of Lydia; Gygueo lacn, a huge X 306 NOTES. reservoir which never failed, mentioned as a marvel in connection with the monument of king Alyattes by Herod, i. 93. To what the word tincta refers is not known. 19. Columnas, i. e. the Pillars of Hercules, supposed to have been set up by him at Calpe and Abyla. 20. tarn dura, ' in that hard hand of his.' The next figure in Propertius' gallery is Semiramis, the fabulous queen of Nineveh, daughter of a Syrian goddess, and wife of Ninus, whose favour she won by her skill in taking Bactra. After her hus- band's death she ruled long alone; conquered many nations, including Egypt ; built Babylon, with its famous walls of brick ; erected in Nineveh a monument to her husband a mile high ; and did many other marvellous things. 21. The terms Persians, Medes, and Parthians, are used in- differently by the Augustan writers. In Od. 2. 2 Horace speaks of the Parthians first as Persians, 1. 22, and a few lines further on as Medes. Cp. Luc. 6. 446 Babylon Persea. 22. ut, consecutive : ' so as to rear,' = ' rearing.' cocto, of the brick walls of Babylon. Cp. Ov. Met. 4. 58 ubi dicitur altam Coctilibus muris cinxisse Semiramis urbem. Paley and Finder both suppose Propertius' meaning to be that these great works, carried out by women, would never have been achieved by their husbands alone. There is no indication of any such comparison in the text. All that Propertius does is to indicate instances of female greatness. 23. in adversum missi, i. e. ' moving in opposite directions,' ' meeting face to face.' 24. N. and F. have nee ; others ne. If ne be read, it must be used in a consecutive sense, so that ne = ui non. Paley pronounces this ' an incorrect usage : ' so also Finder, while Palmer preserves the nee of N. and adopts mitti, the tempting conjecture of R. Y. Tyrrell for missi in 1. 23. But all these editors have failed to see the true construction. Semiramis is the main subject of the whole passage, down to 1. 26 : statuii in 1. 21 being continued by Duxit, condidit \. 25, and Iussit\. 26. The whole three lines, 2224, are subordinate to statuit, and ne, 1. 24, is subordinate to ut 1. 22. The whole passage reads literally thus : ' Semiramis built Babylon in such a way that she reared walls of brick, and that two chariots facing each other could not (i. e. needed not to) graze their sides in consequence of their axles touching.' Ne does not stand for ut non, but only for non after the preceding ut of consequence. Cp. Cic. Fin. 2. 8 Ex PROPERTIUS, III. II., 19-24. 307 quo efficitur non tit voluptas ne sit voluptas, sed ut voluptas non sit sumnium bonum. Here no distinction can be drawn between ut ne and ut non, each signifying ' so that not.' Our passage is strictly analogous : statuit urbem ut tolleret opus et ut currus ne possent stringere latus. This use of ne as = non in consecutive propositions suggests that ne might similarly be used after ut in final propositions, in which case ut ne would mean ' in order that not ' and thus be = ne alone. This supposition at once explains the difficult passage, Hor. Sat. 2. i. 37, in vain tortured by commentators : Missus ad hoc pulsis, vetus est ut fama, Sabellis, Quo ne per vacuum Romano incurreret hostis. Ne here simply stands for the negative after ut final, and quo ne is = ne, ' in order that not.' The whole difficulty is thus removed ; and Palmer's ingenious but unnatural explanation, connecting quo with vacuum, ' unguarded of whom,' rendered unnecessary. Eentley quotes the Digest 21. i. 17. 5 in illustration of quo ne: si celandi causa, quo ne ad domimim reverteretur,fugisset. But the authority is late, and the interpretation doubtful : Schiitz punctuates si celandi causa quo, ne ad dominum reverteretur,fugisset. More to the point is Cic. Fam. 7. 2 praefinisti quo ne pluris emerem. Palmer says of this passage, ' It is obvious that quo is governed by//m.' True: but quo contains either a final or consecutive meaning =ut eo, and therefore ne is used, not non. So exactly in Liv. 34. 6 quoted by Roby : cautum erat quo ne plus auri et argenti facti, quo ne plus signati auri et aeris, domi haberemus. Here quo is doubtless governed by plus ; but quo ne plus is the exact equivalent of ut eo ne plus or ut ne plus eo, and exactly illustrates the point insisted on. Another illustration is Hor. Sat. i. i. 40 Nil obstet tibi dum ne sit te ditior alter, where ne does not mean ''lest,' 'in order that not," but is simply used for non after dum in the sense of 'provided that,' to which meaning, as indicating purpose, non would not be appropriate. The rule might perhaps be formulated in this way : ' After ut, signifying consequence, ne may be used ; after ut, or any similar conjunction, denoting purpose, ne must be used, in place of non.' Bohn (trans, p. 90 note) quotes three cases of ne for ut non in consecutive clauses, but none of these are consecutive clauses. They are substantival clauses only. The nee of N. however, combined with Prof. Tyrrell's milti for mtssi, gives an excellent, if somewhat refined, meaning : ' Could meet on the top, and yet not touch.' See Hous., J. of Phil, xxi. p. 191. stringere, 'to graze ' : its proper meaning is 'to grasp tightly,' X 2 308 NOTES. e.g. stringereferrum, usually wrongly translated 'to draw.' Stricto gladio is 'sword in hand. 1 How it came to signify 'just to touch and no more ' is not clear : perhaps from the idea of pressing or touching without penetrating. Thus Virg. Aen. 5. 163 Litus ama, et laevas stringat sine palmula cautes ; and in Ov. Am. 3. 2. 12, of chariots just grazing the meta, Nunc stringaiti metas interiore rota, ab, not exactly redundant : it states the causation in a more emphatic way, or denotes the effect as immediate. Excidet ab aevo, 3. 2. 25, quoted by Palmer, is different; putris ab aestu, 4. 3. 39, is 'in consequence of the heat.' It is hard however to give ab any special meaning in 2. 27. n Solus amans novit quando periturus, et a qua Morte. 25. In allusion, apparently, to the great dykes attributed to Semiramis by Herod. I. 184, by which he says the Euphrates, which formerly inundated the whole plain, was kept within its banks. Duxit is here used for the making of a new channel, and so 'leading off' or 'diverting' the wate:s: cp. aquaeductus. Propertius' idea seems to be that she introduced the water into the city. 26. surgrere. Propertius evidently makes a confusion between the taking oi Bactra, which Semiramis accomplished, and the founding of her capital. Bactra, the capital of Bactriana, was known to the Romans as forming the most distant part of the Parthian empire : hence they use the name vaguely as synonymous with the extreme East. So Hor. Od. 3. 29. 28, Virg. Geo. 2. 138, Aen. 8. 688. In all three passages the city Bactra is used instead of Bactriana, evi- dently in ignorance. To a Roman mind the Euphrates would at once suggest the Parthians. There is thus no need to change sur- gere, with Burmann and Lachmann, into subdere. 27. Sapere in ius is a common expression : in crimine will mean therefore ' in advancing my impeachment.' nam, as frequently, gives the reason not for a statement made, but the reason why the writer makes (or, as here, omits to make) a statement. 'I pass on from Semiramis for what need to instance heroes and gods when we have the example of Jupiter himself? and tell of our latest and greatest scandal.' See Hertzberg's refer- ences, especially Stat. Silv. 2. i. 210 obeunt noctesque diesque Astraqtte, nee solidis prodest sua machina terris ; Nam populos, mortale genus, plebisque cadjicae Quis fieat interitus ? PROPERTIUS, III. ii., 25-36. 309 31. coniugis is read by N. and should probably be adopted. ' The price asked of her abandoned husband,' ' the price he had to pay.' If coniugii be read, it must bear the same meaning, as = coniugis. The coniugium was not foul to her : the disgrace was not in her making such a demand, but in his being ready to entertain it. The idea is exactly the same as that of Floras 4. 11 Haec mulier Egyptia ab ebrio imperatore pretium libidinum Romanum imperium petiit. The genitive is a subjective genitive: 'the price to be paid by the husband.' H. quotes Juv. 12. 62 tempera pro s- pera vectoris, 'the weather of, i.e enjoyed by, the passenger.' It is worth noting that the Romans laid no blame on Caesar for his notorious connection with Cleopatra, which nearly cost him his life and reputation in the Alexandrine war. This no doubt was partly because he was Caesar ; but mainly because he did not allow her to be a disturbing element in his political career. What the Augustan poets brand as unpardonable in Antony was that he suffered himself to be estranged from Rome by Egyptian ties, and attempted to bring the power of the East to bear upon Rome in war. 32. addictos. See above on 1. 2. 33. dolls aptissima tellus. The Romans, like most nations, believed all foreigners to be more treacherous and untruthful than themselves. They regarded the Greeks as a nation of liars and flatterers : perfidia plusquam Punica was a proverb with them. The Greeks shared their estimate of the Egyptians : Finder quotes Aesch. Frag. 299 Stivoi it\tKfiv rot fj.t]x kv T KairiT(u\iw Sixdaai. Doubtless Horace refers to this Od. i. 37. 6. dum Capitolio Regina dementes ruinas Funus et imperio parabat. et statuas inter et arma Marl. Hertz, gravely insists that statuas must not be connected with Mart, because there were no statues of men in the Capitol (except those of the kings and of Brutus) before the time of Caesar. But his history is as much at fault as his Latin. It would be impossible to separate statuas from Mart: and, as a matter of fact, the reference is to the noto- rious and daring exploit of Caesar during his curule aedileship B.C. 65. Sulla had passed a law forbidding Marius' bust to be displayed, or any monument to be put up in his honour. Caesar had already dared (B. c. 68) to violate this law by having the image of Marius paraded at the funeral of his widow Julia, Caesar's aunt. He now outraged senatorial Rome, and delighted the mob, by causing the statues of Marius, with the trophies representing his Jugurthine and Cimbric triumphs, to be replaced secretly by night in the Capitol, Suet. Jul. 11 ; Veil. 2. 43 ; Val. Max. 6. 9. 4. Palmer conjectures dares, with a point of exclamation at the end of the line. In this case ausa, 1. 41, is a participle, not the verb, and the whole passage, 39-46, reads as one sentence. But a long passage of this kind, reserving its one principal verb for eight lines, is scarcely after the manner of Propertius. 48. sixnili, i. e. ' with a name like itself,' in allusion to the name Superbus. 49. Si ... fait. Cp. siversat . ..et trahit sup. 11. 1, 2, si daturus eras 1. 38. Propertius is fond of si with the indicative. In these cases si loses almost all its hypothetical force. If on the one hand Proper- tius 'prefers the potential to the actual' (Postgate, Introduction, p. xl), so on the other he is equally fond of substituting the actual and the present for the hypothetical and the remote. Translate, ' If, after all, the rule of a woman had to be endured.' 312 NOTES. 50. Augfusto is the dative, going with precare diem. But the conjunction of the name with salva is intended to indicate that Augustus was the saviour. 51. timidi. The Nile shrinks now in terror before Augustus, in contrast to the threats which it uttered before his victory, 1. 42. vag-a, as already noted, is used frequently in a bad sense. It may refer here to the many mouths of the Nile, or to its inundations, when it spreads over country not its own. Vagus has frequently the sense of irregular action, beyond a thing's proper sphere. Thus it is used of a mast unstepped (Cat.), of a foot in too big a shoe (Hor.), of the Tiber beyond his banks, Hor. Od. i. 2. 18. 53. Brachia spectavlt. Prop, thus tolerates a short final syllable before words beginning with sc, sp, st, sq. So beng sponde- bant 4. I. 41 ; consuluitque striges 4. 5. 17. For the plural colubris cp. geminos angues in Virg. Aen. 8. 697. spectavlt, read by Per., seems here to be the true reading. Spectavi cannot be satisfactorily explained. It could only refer to seeing in imagination, or to some representation of Cleopatra. Possibly, as Pinder suggests, that carried in Augustus' triumph. 54. soporis iter, like mortis iter 3. 7. 2 andfortunae auximus vias id. 32. trahere is difficult. It seems to mean 'saw her limbs dragging along the secret path of death.' In that case trahere iter would be like rapere, vorare, viam, etc., but denoting slow and painful progress. 55. hoc . . . tanto . . . cive, ablative absolute, or ablative of circumstance. ' So long as thou possessedst so great a citizen as he.' cive. Augustus specially studied to be civilis in his behaviour, and his civile ingenium was especially contrasted with the reserve and hauteur of Tiberius. 56. et . . . lingua, ' nor yet that tongue,' i.e. her own. Horace speaks of Cleopatra's excesses Od. I. 37. 14 Mentemque lymphatam Mareotico. 57. toto. N. has toto here, and is probably right. There is strong evidence that Propertius used the archaic declension of unus, lotus, nullus, etc. Nullae curae occurs i. 20. 35 in the dative, and uno in 2. I. 47. It is to be noted that we often find analogies for Propertius' archaic usages in Plautus, who was, as Professor Palmer reminds me, Propertius' fellow-countryman. 58. timuit territa, pleonastic. Marte, ' in war.' 50. Here follows a list of famous Roman exploits, introduced for the purpose of declaring that they are all thrown into the shade by Augustus' victory at Actium. PROPERTIUS, III. II., 50-70. 313 classes. Referring, apparently, to the incredible exertions by which Scipio had a fleet of sixty vessels built and equipped in forty-five days from the time of the felling of the timber. 60. Fompeia, used as an adjective for Pompeiana. Bospore, i. e. the country adjoining the Cimmerian Bosporus (straits of Kertsch) which Pompey assigned to Pharnaces after the conquest of Mithridates. 61. monimenta, in allusion to the spot called Locus Curtius in the forum, which marked the heroic sacrifice of M. Curtius, Liv. 7- 6. 5. Syphax. A Numidian prince, taken by Masinissa in B. c. 203, and conveyed by Laelius to Rome to adorn Scipio's triumph. 62. An expressive line. Pyrrhus came over to Italy in the height of his reputation, being esteemed the greatest warrior of his time; in spite of his brilliant successes at Heraclea (B.C. 280), at Asjulum (279), and in Sicily (278-276), he was utterly defeated, and his fortunes shipwrecked, at Beneventum (275). 64. Palmer unnecessarily adopts Scaliger's conjecture Decius admisso for the MS. reading At Decius misso. Mittere is frequently used where speed and strength are implied : cp. mittere vocem, cur- rum, hastam,fulmina, se ab saxo, etc. The allusion of course is to the self-devotion of P. Decins Mus in the great battle against the Latins, B. c. 340. Codes, apparently, gave his name to the street running up from the bridge which he ' kept so well.' 68. The mingled flattery and blasphemy of this line could scarce be matched. 69. At the southern extremity of the island of Leucas was a famous precipitous promontory called Leucas, Leucatas, or Leucate. On the summit of the cliff stood the temple of the Leucadian Apollo. There was also a temple of Apollo Actiacus or Actius at Actium, in Acarnania, at the southern entrance of the Ambracian gulf. Au- gustus beautified this temple, and instituted games here, in honour of his victory. Propertius apparently confounds the two places : for the Apollo at the southern end of Leucadia could not have been a witness of a battle fought some miles to the north of the northern extremity of the i>land. 70. Lit. ' so much of the work of war has one day made away with." The idea seems to be that all previous exploits of war are destroyed, blotted out, because they will not be deemed worthy of being remembered in comparison with Caesar's great victory. Pinder supposes operis belli to refer only to the war against Antony : ' so much has the day of Actium done for deciding the whole war." But 314 NOTES. this interpretation weakens the point of the passage, which consists in the depreciation of all Rome's worthies in comparison to Augustus. 71. portus again shows that Actium is meant. III. 1 8. THIS poem is an elegy upon the early death of M. Claudius Mar- cellus in B. c. 23, rendered so famous by the touching lines of Virgil, Aen. 6. 861-887, and by the splendid generosity with which Octavia is said to have rewarded them. In no passage is the delicate and refined pathos of Virgil more nobly exhibited than in this, as he brings before us the bearing and the promise of the youthful Marcellus, the untold loss to Rome from his untimely death, the universal mourning of the people. The premature death of Marcellus, in his twentieth year, was the first of the series of family losses which fell so thickly on Augustus, and which cut off one by one all the hopes which he had formed as to the succession. Marcellus was own nephew to Augustus, being the son of his sister Octavia and of the zealous Pompeian C. Claudius Marcellus, who had done so much during his consulship in B. c. 50 to hurry on the rupture between Pompey and Caesar. As early as B. c. 29 Augustus brought the young Marcellus into public notice; in B.C. 25 he seemed formally to mark him out as his heir by at once adopting him as his son, and giving to him his own daughter Julia in marriage, in addition to other honours. In B.C. 24 he was elected curule aedile ; in B.C. 23 he had performed the duties of that office with great magnifi- cence when he was struck down by a fatal disease, of which he died after a short illness at Baiae, under the care of Augustus' favourite physician, Antonius Musa, who had vainly applied the same hot- water treatment which he had found so successful before in the case of Augustus himself. The nature of the illness was unknown : and as ' Rumour is ever dark when dealing with the deaths of princes,' we are not surprised to find that there were suspicions of foul play. The series of catastrophes which cut off all Augustus' natural heirs built up the fortunes of Livia's family: it was but natural, therefore, that she should be believed to have plotted the deaths by which the ambition of her life was gratified (Dion Cass. 53. 33). That the suspicion attached equally to every case, without regard to evidence, together with the fact that she retained the love and confidence of Augustus to the last, is the best proof that the suspicion was in all cases alike unfounded. 1. alludit, the conjecture of Lambinus for Ittdit of the MSS., PROPERTIUS, ill. II., 71 ; III. 1 8., 1-2. 315 must be taken with stagtta 1. 2, as in Cat. 64. 66, where of Ariadne's clothes, etc., Omnia quae toto ddapsa e corpore passim Ipsius ante pedes fluctus sails alludebant. Elsewhere the word is used intransitively, or with a cognate accusative, as in Virg. Aen. 7. 117 Nee plura alludens. Ludere, with the accu- sative, is only used in the sense ' to mock,' ' to befool.' Clausus ab umbroso : i. e. ' the sea shut out now from shady Avernus (by the new breakwater) plays upon the smoking pools of Baiae.' Postgate supports this interpretation by insula ea sinum ab alto claudit Liv. 30. 24. 9, where the island is said quite naturally to ' shut off' a bay from the open sea. So Virg. Aen, i. 160 insula partum Efficit obiectu laterum, quibus omnis ab alto Frangitur inque sinus scindit sese unda reduclos. Here the water itself frangitur ab alto, which seems to mean 'is broken as it rolls in from the sea.' The Julian Harbour was the great work of Agrippa, constructed in B. c. 37 with a view to carrying on the naval war withSextus Pompeius, whose fleet had its head-quarters opposite in Sicily. The dark and mysterious Lacus Avernus the haunt of the Cumaean Sibyl was separated by a mile of land from the Lucrinus Lacus famous for oysters and this again was partly protected from the outer sea by a narrow reef of rock called via Her- culis, because laid down by Hercules to spare himself the trouble of going round the bay. Agrippa dug a canal between the two lakes, and strengthened the via Herculis into an efficient breakwater, leav- ing a passage for ships to enter. pontus is the outer sea, which now alludit, i.e. washes up through the continuous channel to the quiet waters of the lake within. Virg. Geo. 2. 161, thus alludes to this great work: An memorem portus, Lucrinoque addita daustra, Atque indignatum niagnis stridoribus aeguor, lulia qua ponto longe sonat unda refuso, Tyrrhenusque fretis immittitur aestus Avernis? Pinder explains the MS. reading ludit ' of the quiet sportive motion of waters protected from winds.' But the sea was not calm because shut out from Avernus. 2. To make stagna, etc. in apposition to pontus is harsh in the extreme, and unmeaning. Baiae was situated quite outside the Julian harbour, and at some distance from it, on the western shore of the Baianus Sinus. It is clear, however, that fumida stagna refers to the Lucrine lake. The whole region is volcanic : and fumida refers 31 6 NOTES. to the mephitic vapours and odours which in ancient as in modern times sprang up at various points from the shores of both lakes, and spread themselves over their waters. Hence the tradition embodied in the name Avernus (aopi/os) that birds could not live in the heavy air above the lake. Propertius apparently confuses the sulphurous vapours exhaling from the shorts of the two lakes with the warm springs of Baiae itself. Cp. Ov. A. A. i. 255 Quid referam Baias, praetextaque litora velis, t quae de calido sulfure fumat aquam ? 3. Misenus, the trumpeter or pilot (boatswain ?) of Aeneas, whose fate is described by Virg. Aen. 6. 162-164, and who gave his name to the promontory south of Baiae which bounds the Bay of Naples to the north, and is still called Punta di Miseno. 4. sonat, i. e. with the beating of the waves. Some less well explain it of the sound of horses' hoofs. But the Via Hcrculis was no more an actual road than the Giant's Causeway. That Causeway sonat grandly, as all who have visited it know ; but it is not with the hoofs of horses. 5. mortales nrbes must stand for ' the cities of mortals :' the idea is more fully expressed by urbes mortalesque turbas Hor. Od. 3. 4. 46, 47. quaereret, ' was looking out for,' or ' searching through,' with a view either to conquest or to putting wrong right. Hence dextra, ' by his conquering arm,' or, as Postgate puts it, ' in his conquering progress.' 6. Thebano deo, because Hercules was both born and wor- shipped at Thebes. His worship was often conjoined with that of Bacchus hence the use of cymbalo, and he was specially regarded as the patron of hot springs. As such he was worshipped both at Tibur and at Baiae : hence the force of deus hostis 1, 8. 7. At nunc. These words mark the apodosis to the protasis of the first six lines, in a somewhat irregular and abrupt way. At conveys a sense of indignation, which is further heightened by the sentence being thrown into the form of a vehement inter- rogation. ' This spot so peaceful, so favoured, lies now under a heinous charge : what unfriendly god has taken possession of its waters ? ' mag-no cum crlmine. Cum carries the idea of being involved or implicated in, mixed up with, the charge brought. 8. constitit hostis. Note the emphatic position. 'Has taken up his position as an enemy.' 9. pressus = 0//ra\r.r, 'laid low,' 'borne down.' Pnmere is PROPERTIUS, III. 1 8., 3-1 1. 317 used vaguely to express every degree of evil or misfortune, from the greatest to the slightest, by which a person can be lowered or brought down. Thus it may mean mere mental depreciation, as in Virg. Aen. ii. 402 contra premere arma Latini, or, as here, the most over- whelming of misfortunes. Cf. Ov. Ep. ex Pont. 1.7. 1 1 Nos premet aut bello tellus aut frigore caelum, and Virg. Aen. 9. 330 Tres iuxta famulos . . . premit, where premit means ' slays.' Baiae, in spite of its waters, was deemed an unhealthy place, as appears from Cic. Epp. Div. 9. 12 Gratulor Satis nostris, siquidem, ut scribis, salubres repentae factae sunt, nisi forte . . , dum tu odes sunt oblitae sui. Quod quidem si ita est, minime miror caelum et terras vim suam, si tibi conveniat, dimittere. Malaria to this day pervades the district. His perhaps refers to the various adverse circumstances indicated ; the mephitic vapours, the unhealthiness of Baiae, the presence of some hostile god in its waters. Palmer takes it dif- ferently: ' Hie (sc. undis) pressus in Stygias undas vultum demisit.' vultum demisit in undas. The common interpretation that Marcellus was drowned in Avernus or the Bay of Baiae, is uncalled for. Vultum demittere is a euphemistic term for dying, sug- gested by the mention of Styx : ' sank, or was lowered, to the Stygian waters.' Such phrases as demittere Oreo Aen. 2. 398, Hor. Od. I. 28. 11, d. neci id. 2. 85, etc., are quite common, and vultum gives merely a more personal and poetical touch to the same idea. The idea of drowning may perhaps have been suggested by the beautiful words in Lycidas, which exactly illustrate vultum demisit in undas, It -was that fatal and perfidious bark Built in the eclipse, and rigged -with curses dark, That sunk so low 'that sacred head of thine ! 10. spiritus ille. There is obviously here a double meaning : the classical sense of spiritus, ' inspiring breath,' and so ' spirit,' is mingled with the idea suggested by the waters of Avemus, that the soul of Marcellus floats like a thin vapour on the water. Thus the passage gives a kind of anticipation of the later use of the word to signify a ghost. Postgate well compares the idea of ' The Lake of the Dismal Swamp.' 11. optima. The word optimus, on inscriptions and else- where, of a father or mother or wife, etc., is a stock term of praise, not denoting any special qualities, but merely a recognition that the natural duties of the relationship have been well and duly discharged. Thus Hor. Sat. i. 4. 105 pater optimus, ' my worthy father.' Hor. S. 2. i. 12 pater optime, 'Good Sir.' So in the vulgar phrase 31 8 NOTES. ' How is your good lady ? ' Of Octavia, as Postgate observes, the word could have been used in its highest sense. The nobility of her character is one of the redeeming features of her age. Used as a political puppet to further her brother's interests, she endured patiently all the insults of Antony, and showed a true woman's deyo- tion in taking charge of his children by Fulvia and Cleopatra, and bringing them up as tenderly as if they had been her own. She was truly what Plut. Ant. 31 calls her, XPVP" 1 Gavfiaarov fvvain6<;. 12. amplexum esse, i. e. ' What availed the fact that he had been admitted to the very hearth of Caesar ? ' alluding to his adoption by Caesar, which by Roman law admitted him to every right of an actual son. The term/ocas conveys perhaps more closely than any other Latin word the ideas suggested by our ' home.' 13. Marcellus, as curule aedile, had celebrated the games with great magnificence, and both his mother and Augustus himself had helped him in every way to make the display as imposing as possible, Dion 53. 28. 31, Plin. N. H. 19. I. The vela are the huge awnings which were spread across the open spaces of theatres and amphi- theatres to screen the seats from the sun. On the outside walls of the Coliseum there are still to be seen the sockets, carved out of solid stone, into which the poles that supported the awning were fitted. Lucretius illustrates the origin of thunder from the flapping of the awning in a wind. modo is to be taken generally with the whole line. 'The awn- ing which late we saw fluttering,' etc. 14. omnia g'esta, not ' all the things that were done by,' but 'the fact that all things were done by,' 'the universal agency or help- fulness of.' Nothing could be more tame than the former rendering. Postgate supports it by i. 6. 23 Et tibi non umquam nostros puer ille labores Afferat, et lacrimis omnia nota meis. But the sense there requires the same rendering as here. ' May Love never bring you pangs like mine, or a life all known to my tears,' i.e. ' a life like mine, every part of which has been bedewed by tears." per maternas . . . ffesta mauus is well illustrated by Suet. Oct. 29, who tells how Augustus executed great works in the name of the members of his family. Of this kind were the Theatre of Mar- cellus and the Portico of Octavia, whose remains are so picturesquely interlaced with the Roman buildings of to-day. 15. steterat. Postgate explains this as an instantaneous plu- perfect : ' Time suddenly stopped for Marcellus in his twentieth year. I cannot find any exact parallel.' Surely the meaning is not PROPERTIUS, III. 1 8.. 12-17. 319 that his life was cut short in his twentieth year, but the more pathetic one that he had just reached his twentieth year, and had a whole life of hope before him, at the moment of his death. Post- gate's references scarcely bear out his meaning : ' to stand motionless,' not 'to come to an end,' is the meaning of stare in stent acre venti Prop. 3. 10. 5, stabant adolescentes Liv. The meaning is rather analogous to that of ' standing firm,' of a solid work, as ut praeter spent stare muros viderunt Liv. 38. 5 ; or of a completed work, as Ov. Met. n. 205 Aedificant muros, pacto pro moenibus auro : Stabat opus ; or of an enduring work, as in the common phrase stante republica ; or of a successful work, as Hor. Epp. 2. i . 176 Securus cadat an recto sf-et fabula talo. So below, line 30, stelit is only a stronger word for fuit. Postgate quotes Prop. 2. 8. 10 Et Thebae steterunt, altaque Troia full) but there the meaning seems to be : ' Thebes has stood, Troy has been,' i. e. ' stands no more, is no more.' The phrase magno stare pretio, etc., 'to stand one in,' ' to cost,' seems to carry the same meaning : see below, 1. 30, and Virg. Aen. 10. 494 haud illi stabunt Aeneia, parvo Hospitia, or Ov. Fast. 2. 810 Heu quanta regnis nox stetit una tuisl The event accomplished, the article secured, ' stand firm,' * are maintained,' at a certain cost, i. e. ' cost so much.' Here the twentieth year of Marcellus ' had stood its ground,' ' had taken up its position as an accomplished fact,' 'had been completed.' Thus the pluperfect has its full natural force. 16. Tot bona, all his personal qualities, as well as all the ex- ternal advantages of his position. tarn parvo orbe, i. e. in so short a life. clausit ' included,' ' comprised,' shutting them off as it were from the longer term of life which might have been his. dies, time in the abstract, as Hor. Od. 4. 13. 16. 17. I none. A sudden passionate apostrophe to one who is supposed to read a different lesson from the facts. So Juv. 10. 166, after a contemptuous tirade on Hannibal's career, I demens, et saevas curre per Alpes Ut pueris placeas et declamatio Jias ! i.e. ' Go forth then, if you still admire Hannibal, and,' etc. So Hor. Epp. i. 16. 17, and Ov. Her. 9. 105. 320 NOTES. tecum, i. e. ' in your own mind and heart.' 18. in plausum, with sense of motion : ' rising to cheer,' Post- gate. invent, 'be thy delight,' as in Hor. Od. i. i. 4. 19. Attalicas. See note on 2. 13. 22. snpera, ' outvie,' ' outdo.' 20. Gemmea, in allusion to the costly and extravagant novel- ties of decoration in which the exhibitors of games vied with one another in their efforts to obtain popularity. We hear of the scene of a theatre being overlaid with silver, ivory, or gold ; of the arena being strewn with vermilion ; of the cord of the podium being twined with gold, or covered with amber ornaments, etc. ista, contemptuous. There is no authority or excuse for read- ing Ttsta. 21. This line is very unsatisfactory as it stands in the MSS., Sed tamen hoc. Tamen seems clearly to be wrong : it is weak in itself, and gives a quite unnecessary emphasis to sed. Hoc appears in all the MSS. before omnes : if the more easy hue was written by Propertius, it is inexplicable how the more difficult reading hoc came to be substituted for it. On this ground Palmer suggests to me that tamen was introduced in consequence of Sed, and that the true read- ing is Sed manet hoc omnes. He quotes Hoc quoque te manet, Hor. Epp. I. 20. 17 (to which may be added the remarkable parallel Hor. Od. I. 28. 15 sed omnes una manet nox], and especially the following passage from the Epicedion Drusi, a poem modelled on Propertius : Fata manent omnes ; omnes expectat avarus Portitor ; et turbae vix satis una rafts. Tendimus hue omnes : metam properamus ad unam ! Omnia sub leges mors vocat atra suas This passage seems to be a distinct echo of the passage before us. Propertius probably wrote manet ; and tamen, which contains exactly the same letters, got accidentally substituted for it. But Sed is as much out of place as tamen, for the poet has already declared that all wealth, etc., will come to naught, in the emphatic words ignibus ista dabis. What is needed in 1. 21 is not a contrast, but an ampli- fication of that theme : 'all will go to the flames : but nevertheless all ends in death,' is a manifestly absurd connection. If we read Hoc tamen, hoc omnes all is clear. The repetition of Hoc . . . hoc . . . hue in one line was too much for the scribe : the corruption tamen naturally suggested that of Hoc into Sed. The repetition Hoc . . . hoc . . . hue is quite in the manner of Propertius. Cp. 4. 4. 37 Ille equus, ille meos in castra reponet amores ; PROPERTIUS, III. 18., 18-26. 321 i. 8.25 licet Autaricis considat in oris Et licet Hylleis ; and again i. 8. 37 Quamvis magna daret, quamvis maiora dafurus : and 2. 31. 15 Deinde inter matrem deus ipse interque sororem. If we keep sed we may explain it as either ( i ) in reference to omnes : ' why speak of the rich ? Death awaits all, rich and poor alike ; ' or (2) as a repetition and enforcement of the idea contained in ignibus or dabis : ' you may have all wealth, but all will go to the flames, but all alike end in death." Hoc has been changed to hue in consequence of the hue later in the line, otherwise a verb of rest (agimus or facimus) would have to be supplied with hoc, a verb of motion with hue, the awkwardness of which was intolerable. The repetition of sed, 1. 22, is another argument against Win I. 21. primus et ultimus ordo : i. e. ' highest and lowest ' ; perhaps in allusion to the fourteen front rows reserved for equites by the law of Otho. 22. mala, a strong word, expressing abhorrence. Male sit is a regular form of curse, and we may almost translate here * accursed.' 24. pufolica. There is no distinction of rank or classes among Charon's passengers : the primus et ultimus ordo, the ' classes ' and the ' masses,' all huddle together. 25. Ille. He passes from Marcellus and the person whom he has been addressing, 11. 17-24, to the representative of man in general. Perhaps ille may bear the sense of ' your famous captain ' (Finder). ferro refers probably to the coat of mail, greaves, etc. ; aere to the helmet. 26. protrahit, i. e. drags him out of his protecting armour, as though he had secured himself in a fortress. caput, by the series of steps illustrated on 2. i. 36, comes to mean as here 'the body' rather than 'the life' (Postgate), which is too abstract an idea for this passage. With these lines cp. Dunbar, Lament for the Makkaris : He takes the champion in the stour, The captain closed in the tour, The lady in bower full of beauty ; Timor mortis conturbat me. Shirley also says, There is no armour against Fate. Y 322 NOTES. Nor can we help recalling the story in the Arabian Nights of the king who vainly shut up his son in a tower of brass to save him from his predicted fate. 27. Nirea : alluding to Horn. II. 2. 673 N. 39 Et qui movistis duo litora, cum raits Argo Dux erat ignoto missa columba mart. 15. A corrupt line. N. reads Et si qua origae, Vossius con- jectures Ortygii, which Lachmann changed into Ortygiae, referring in either case to an old name Ortygia given to Ephesus, probably from 6prv, because the coast abounded in quails. Scaliger has Et si quadrigae, understanding by quadriga the four cities of Ephesus, Smyrna, Colophon, and Miletus. Swans abound in the Cayster, Claud. Ep. 2. 12: hence oloriferi in Italian editions, and cygnaei. PROPERTIUS, III. 22., 10-23. 327 Palmer's conjecture Etsi quoi rigui is commended by the inge- nuity of his explanation : ' the ui of rigui was dropped before the ui of visenda, and the scribe built up the remaining rig into origae? But what did the scribe take origae to mean ? Further, to bring in travellers in general (si quoi) is scarcely in harmony with the spirit of the passage which is addressed to Tullus alone (tu . . . tuque tuo . . . ipse legos). 16. One editor imagines the Rhesus in the Troad to be intended ; another the Ganges! But the seven-mouthed river can be none other than the Nile ; cp. Cat. 11.7 Sive quae septemge minus color at Aequora Nilus, andOv. Met. 15. 753 Perque papyriferi septemflua flumina Nili. Temperare means to ' mix in due proportion,' hence ' to mode- rate.' Propertius here means that the force or volume of the water is lessened by being divided into seven channels : he expresses this by saying ' the water moderates its seven channels.' Cp. Virg. Geo. i. no, of water scatebrisque arentia temperat arva, i.e. 'moderates the dryness of the fields.' Closely parallel is temperat ira manus 1. 22. There is no ' mixing' in the case, as Hertz, supposes : Nilus denuo semper per vias suas effunditur, novasqiie aquas prioribus add.it, et has suis miscet. 17. ' Will yield to the Roman land,' i. e. ' to the marvels of the Roman land.' So Juv. 3. 74 sermo Promptus et Isaeo torrentior,\}\&\o. ' more rushing than Isaeus ' = ' than the eloquence of Isaeus.' 18. Imitated by Ov. A. A. i. 56. 19. As Pinder observes, the best commentary on these lines is Virg. Aen. 6. 854 Parcere devictis et debellare superbos. But it is clear from 11. 27-38 that the words commoda noxae refer to more than Roman mercy. Propertius had the passage in Geo. 2 closely in view : the genial temperate climate, free from extremes, the absence of noxious beasts, fierce animals, serpents, monsters, and monstrous crimes, are all referred to in declaring Italy to be not commoda noxae. 22. Stamus. See note on 3. 18. 15. temperat. Just as in 1. 16, the river itself, which supplies the force of water, is said to moderate its courses, so here the rage which nerves the arm is said to moderate it when it declines to put forth its full strength. 23. Tiburne, adjective, ' belonging to Tibur,' through which 328 NOTES. town is the most beautiful part of the Anio's course, with its cele- brated cascade. 24. traxnes is properly ' a side-path,' ' a cross-road ' : hence possibly ' untrodden ways.' Sellar (Augustan Poets, p. 273 n.) thinks the word may = o/)o?, 'a hill-side.' So 3. 13. 44 Et si forte nieo tramite quaeris avem. Marcius hnmor. See note on 3. 2. 12. The lakes of Alba and Nemi are still among the most exquisite scenes in the neighbour- hood of Rome, and are combined in a single excursion. That of Alba fills the deep basin of an extinct volcano, and finds issue through the artificial emissarium first built during the war with Veii some 400 feet below the lowest point of its encircling banks. The lake of Nemi, bosomed deep in trees, and less formid- able in appearance, also fills an ancient crater, and is drained similarly by a tunnel into the Valle Ariccia, through which the water passes into the sea near the ancient Ardea. The Alban waters, on the other hand, drain into a stream which falls into the Tiber a few miles below Rome. There is no connection between the waters of the two lakes, but Propertius might well speak of ' the allied waters of Nemi,' from the nearness and similar character of the two basins. But Hous. reads fotits Nemorensis abundans, J. of Phil. xxi. p. 176. 26. In allusion to the well luturna in the Forum, near the temple of Vesta, at which Castor and Pollux watered their horses after their hot ride from Regillus. 27. cerastae, serpents with horns or feelers projecting from the head. Pliny asserts they buried therrfselves in the sand and attracted birds by the motion of their horns : a fable rejected by Cuvier, who admits otherwise the correctness of Pliny's description 8. 35. i. 29. pro matre, 'to atone for her mother's crime.' Cassiopeia, the mother of Andromeda, had boasted that her daughter's beauty eclipsed that of the Nereids. In revenge, the Nereids induced Poseidon to send the sea-monster to ravage the land : the oracle of Ammon advised that Andromeda should be given up to him. Hence she was chained to a rock, and delivered by Perseus. 30. I. e. ' In Italy thou hast no unnatural banquets, like those of Thyestes, to shudder at.' 31. When Meleager was an infant, the fates had prophesied that he would die as soon as a log then burning on the hearth should be burnt out. His mother, Althaea, hid it away : but enraged at Meleager's slaying her brothers, she took it out and kindled it, and Meleager died. arserunt in caput, ' blazed to the destruction of.' PROPERTIUS, III. 22., 24-42 ; IV. 3. 329 33. I r e. ' Here there are no frantic Bacchanalian orgies.' Pen- thens, king of Thebes, being opposed to the worship of Dionysus, was hunted as a wild beast by his mother Agave, and two Maenads, and torn in pieces. Pentheus had climbed into a tree for the pur- pose of spying out their secrets. 34. I. e. ' Here no Iphigenia was ever sacrificed.' 35. lo was turned by the jealous Juno into a cow. cornua curvare, ' to cause crumpled horns to grow.' This phrase supports the conjecture of curvate in 3. 7. 29. 36. bove, i. e. ' the form of a cow.' 37. Sinis of Corinth ' made trees into gibbets,' by fastening his victims to the tops of two pine-trees bent together, and then letting them spring apart. 37, 38. The accusatives of this couplet are governed by some verbal idea to be supplied from the previous passage. 38. Saxa, supposed to be the Scironian rocks, on the coast of Megaris, where there was only a narrow path left between the rocks and the sea. But as in suafata refers again to Sinis, who was hoist on his own petard by Theseus, saxa may refer to his abode. 40. honos, the career of public office. 41. ad eloquium, i. e. on whom to exercise your eloquence. 42. aptus. Here used for ' suitable,' ' proper.' This use con- firms the reading apta 3. 5. 18, where there is the same confusion as here in the MSS. between apta and acta. We see from this line that Tullus was not yet married. IV. 3. THIS piece is in the style of the Heroides of Ovid. It is an imaginary letter written by a young wife from Rome to her husband, who has been absent for four years on a campaign with Augustus in the East. The names Arethusa and Lycotas are poetical and fic- titious : but it has been supposed that they are intended to designate Propertius' friend Postumus and his wife Aelia Galla. For this there is no further evidence than that afforded by the charming poem 3. 12, in which Propertius writes a somewhat similar letter to his friend Postumus, upbraiding him for being able to stay away so long from his wife Galla, while warring in the East, and assuring him of her matchless constancy. The conditions are similar, and it is very possible that the circumstances of Postumus and Galla may have suggested the idea of this piece : but Bentley has pointed out that when Roman writers used feigned names to denote real persons 330 NOTES. they chose names of the same number of syllables, and .of the same metrical quantity, as the originals. Thus Catullus writes of Clodia as Lesbid, Horace of Terentia as Lfcymnta. The poem before us is full of fine feeling and of delicate natural touches, which separate it toto caelo from the laboured sweetness and faultless artificiality of Ovid's Heroides. Hertz, puts the date of the composition at B.C. 20. As to whether Ovid copied Propertius in this style of poetry see note on 1. 3. 2. Cum . . . absis is subordinate to sipotes. ' If, in spite of your absence,' etc. For the position of the cum clause cp. Nepos, Milt. 6. 3. si potes. The indicative implies that the sentence is hypo- thetical in form only. There is no doubt about the potes : what she expresses is astonishment at the fact. 3. tamen is not easy to explain. It may refer to the supposed completeness of the mandata : ' This is my message : yet if it seem wanting in any part, know that it is my tears that are the cause.' But it is better to refer it to the doubt of his love implied in 1. 2. ' Thou hast scarce the right to call thyself mine : and yet these lines are all blotted with my tears.' Cp. Ov. Her. 3. 3 Quascunque adspicies, lacrimae fecere lituras ; and id. J i . i Si qua tamen coeds errabunt scripta lituris : Oblitus a dominae caede libellus erit. These passages are remarkable : it is scarcely possible to avoid the conclusion that either Ovid copied Propertius, or Propertius Ovid. Note the correspondence between Si qua tamen, and Si qua tamen ; tibi lecture and quascunque adspicies ; oblita and oblitus ; litura and lituras ; e lacrimis meis and lacrimae fecere. Further, in the next lines of Ovid's epistle Canace speaks of her approaching death : Dextra tenet calamum ; strictum tenet altera femim, while Prop. 1. 6 has dextrae iam morientis, words out of keep- ing with the rest of the poem, in which the young lady makes no reference to death or suicide. From Ov. A. A. 3. 346 it would seem that Ovid could not have been the imitator, as he claims originality in this kind of poetry : Ignotum hoc aliis ille novavit opus. As Ovid was born in B.C. 43, and as the Heroides were probably the earliest of his works, it is quite possible that Propertius may have been acquainted with them when he wrote this poem. 5. fallet, ' baffle,' ' puzzle.' tractn, ' the track,' or ' course,' lit. ' the space over which a thing is drawn," ' the trail.' So Lucr. 2. 206 Nonne vides longos flammarum ducere tractus, PROPERTIUS, IV. 3., 2-10. 331 of long streaks or trails of flame. So Luc. 10. 256 has longo mitescere tractu of the long course of the Nile. 7. modo, 'lately.' iterates . . . per ortus, = ' for many and many a day past.' The ortus are the risings of the sun. iterates means repeated, not for a second time only, but over and over again, so that \\. = multos. Palmer quotes Ov. Fast. 6. 199 for Phoebusque iteraverit ortus: but the first part of that line Mane ubi bis fuerit shows that a second repetition only is meant. In 4. I. 82 signa iterata rotae are the signs of the zodiac, ' scanned again and again' by astrologers; and in Stat. Silv. I. 2. 84 iterata vulnera are wounds ' repeated again and again.' Schultze supposes Lycotas to be compared to a star 'rising day after day' over Bactra. 8. Neuricus. The reading is uncertain: the text is a con- jecture of Jacob, adopted by most editors, for the hericus of the best MSS. The Neuri were a Sarmatian tribe mentioned by Val. Flac. 6. 122 et raptor agrorum Neurus, and by other authors, while the Sarmatians were specially noted for their heavy mail-clad horse- men. See Tac. Hist. I. 79, where the cavalry of another Sarmatian tribe, the Roxolani, are described. They were so heavily armed that once fallen, like the knights in the Middle Ages, they could not rise. Between B. c. 30 and 20 operations had been undertaken against the Daci and other tribes beyond the Danube, to which Horace often refers, and which would make an allusion to any Sarmatian tribe as to the Getae in 1. 9 quite natural. The conjecture Sericus is not improbable. The Seres, of whom the Romans knew little or nothing, are spoken of in three places by Horace as an extreme Eastern tribe within reach of the power of Rome, Od. I. 12. 56, 3. 29. 27, 4. 15. 23 ; and it is remarkable that in the parallel poem to Postumus, Propertius speaks of the Median (i.e. Parthian) arrows and the mailed horsemen in one breath, 3. 12. n Neve tua Medae laetentur caede sagittae, Ferreus aurato neu cataphractus equo. 1O. decolor. There can be little doubt that decolor is the right reading, rather than the discolor of the MSS. The prepositions di and de are perpetually interchanged in MSS. Munro, Journal of Phil, vol. 6. p. $2, points out that discolor is read for decolor by an equal number of MSS. in each of the six places in Ovid where decolor occurs. Ovid uses the word specially of India and the Indians : and Seneca also has India decolor, Hippolytus 345. Munro holds, without sufficient reason, that Eoa aqua cannot mean ' on the Eastern wave or waters,' as an ablative of place. He shows that 332 NOTES. Pliny and Mela had vague ideas of an eous oceanus or eoum mare, which they held to bound India on the East, and proposes Eoae aquae, translating ' And the Indian of the Eastern wave burnt to a dis- coloured hue.' But if the Indian could be described as ' of the East- ern wave,' he might equally well be said to live or be ' on the Eastern wave,' and to most persons the latter will seem the more natural ex- pression. Indus is no doubt, as the whole passage shows, ' the Indian,' not ' the river Indus.' As applied. to the river Indus, discolor would give a good sense, as it is a fact that the colour of its waters presents a strong contrast to that of the blue sea at its mouth. If discolor be applied to the Indian, it can only mean ' of a colour different from us,' or ' from the rest of mankind.' Cp. Virg. Aen. 6. 204 Discolor unde auri per ramos aura refulsit, where discolor means ' of a colour different from that of the objects around it.' Boa . . . aqua, on the above view, must be an ablative of place, 'on the shores of the Eastern waters.' Cp. i. 14. I Tu licet abiectus Tiberina molliter unda ; and 2. 13. 55 (if we follow the MSS.) Illic formosum iacuisse paludibus. A simpler interpretation, however, of this passage maybe suggested. The reference may simply be to sun-burning by the sea : ' The Indian burnt to a discoloured hue by the Eastern wave?' The Romans only knew of the Indian coast ; they knew of the sea lhat washed it as being ever under a broiling tropical sun, and may well have attributed to this cause, at least in part, the swarthy com- plexion of the Indians. Cp. especially 3. 13. 16, where Easterns are described as Quos Aurora suis rubra colorat aquis. 11. marita, here used as a participle = ' thy wedded troth,' as in 4. II. 33 facibus maritis ; in Ov. Her. 4. i^fratre marita soror, and perhaps in Hor. Od. 3. 5. 6 Milesne Crassi coniuge barbara Turpis maritus vixit ? et pactae. Paley much improves the point of this line by reading et sic pactae mihi nodes, etc. ' Was it on these terms that I gave myself up to thee?' 12. rndis, ' all inexperienced,' 'a novice.' victa, nominative feminine singular. The ordinary phrase for ' yielding ' is dare manus, as 4. II. 88. 13. dednctae, of the marriage procession which escorted the bride to her new home. An exactly similar procession may be seen in some Scottish villages to this day as in Leadhills in Lanarkshire PROPERTIUS, IV. 3., n-ai. 333 where the whole marriage party after the ceremony accompanies the bride to her new home in a procession headed by a fiddler. 14. Nothing was more ill-omened than that the proceedings of a marriage should in any way come in contact with the para- phernalia of a death or a funeral. See Ov. Met. 6. 429 : among the ill omens of Procne's marriage, Eumenides tenuere faces de funere raptas. During the Feralia no marriage took place, Ov. Fast. 2. 559 lamina nigra, not merely ' dim,' but ' dark ' and ' funest ' in their boding, because of their having been lighted from the overturned remains of a funeral pyre. There is perhaps an allusion to the fact that the marriage torch was made of the wood of the white thorn. 15. On reaching the door of his own house, the bridegroom pre- sented the bride with fire and water, as symbols of the necessaries of life. Arethusa declares that the water was not fetched from a pure spring, but from some Avernian pool connected with the lower world. 16. The god Hymen or Hymenaeus, invoked throughout the procession in the marriage song, was supposed to be present throughout the proceedings. 17. portis. This word implies city gates, not the gates of a temple. At the city gates there were chapels or shrines to the Lares Viales, under whose protection travellers were placed. Simi- larly there were Lares Permarini, to whom prayers were addressed for those venturing on sea-voyages. See note on Tib. i. I. 20. pendent apparently refers to tablets hung up with a record of the vow. See note on 2. 28. 43. vota are not ' votive offerings,' as Paley supposes, which were not hung up until after the prayers made had been granted, but only the promise of such offerings accompanying the prayer. 18. Arethusa is represented as occupying herself at home with weaving her husband's military cloak, with the simplicity of an early Roman matron. So Lucretia, Ov. Fast. 2. 743, sits and works among her maidens : Mittenda est domino, nunc nunc properate, puellae, Quamprimum nostra facta lacerna manu. 19. vallum, the accusative of vallus, 'a stake;' vallum is a palisade. 20. per, ' by means of.' The preposition is rare in this sense, except with persons : such adverbial phrases as per iocum, per otium, per viam, etc., are common, but not parallel. 21. 22. An ancient fable is here alluded to, similar to our proverb of making ropes of sand, and represented in a picture by 334 NOTES. Polygnotus. A man called Ocnus is employed in twisting a rope ; as fast as he makes it, it is devoured by a she-ass standing at his side. Pausanias says it is emblematic of a hard-working husband afflicted with an extravagant wife. obliquo apparently refers to the man standing sideways as regards the ass, so that he does not see what she does. 23, 24. The questions in urit, atterit are made direct for sake of vividness. 23. urit, 'chafes:' so Hor. Epp. i. 10. 43 of a shoe, Si pede maior erit, subvertet, si minor, uret. 27. tenuasse. Lycotasis said 'to have made his face thin,' in- stead of 'to have become thin in the face.' Exactly similar is 3. 22. 16, where the Nile is said ' to moderate his seven channels,' instead of ' to be moderated by having his waters divided into seven channels.' 28. iste, ' that paleness of thine.' 29. At marks the transition from the consideration of his state to hers. induxit, 'has ushered in.' 31. pallia are the bed coverlets, which in her restless nights she keeps tossing on to the ground. sidere, used like sedere in Ov. Am. 1.2.2 Esse quid hoc dicam quod tarn mihi dura videntur Strata, neque in kcto pallia nostra sedent ? 32. Lucis auctores, i.e. the cock. So Ov. Met. n. 597 Non vigil ales ibi cristati cant thus oris Evocat Auroram. 33. Cp. Tibull. i. 3. 85-88. 34. radios, 'the shuttles,' into which the woollen yarn was distributed in proper lengths (sectd) for weaving. The MSS. read gladios, which Hertz, is half disposed to adopt as the true reading, with the same meaning as radios, on the strength of a line quoted from Ennius by Nonius, Deducunt habiles gladios filo gracilento. But the meaning of gladios in that passage is by no means clear. suos, because each colour of wool would have its own shuttle. 35-40. She whiles away her evenings partly in work, partly in endeavouring to follow her husband's movements on the map, and in getting up particulars about the climate, etc., of the country he is in. Cp. Ov. Her. 1.31 sqq. quoted above. For the sense of the whole cp. Sir R. Aytoun : Meantime my part shall be to mourn, To tell the hours till thou return. PROPERTIUS, iv. 3., 23-48. 335 My eyes shall be but eyes to -weep, And neither eyes to see nor sleep. 38. docti . . . positnra del is the disposition of the world made by a wise Creator. Cp. Virg. Aen. 12. 94 oalidam m corripit hastam, Actoris Aurunci spolium, of the spoil taken from Actor. 39. lenta, as Paley remarks, is used of ' adhesive ' substances, such as honey, pitch, wax, etc., while putris is ' loose,' ' friable,' of a light soil, Virg. Geo. 2. 204, opposed to a clay soil which lentesdt habendo. ab, ' in consequence of.' 42. peierat, ' falsely declares.' 43. Hippolyte, Queen of the Amazons. Cp. 3. 14. 13 Qualis Amazonidum nudatis bellica mammis. 44. barbara. Note the emphatic position of this word, in contrast to Romanis in the next line. As Finder puts it, ' Happy in the freedom of her wild state.' 45. See the very interesting debate in the Senate, recorded by Tacitus, Ann. 3. 33, 34, as to whether governors of provinces should be allowed to take their wives with them. 47. Pater. If the reading Africus in the next line be correct, the title Pater must be applied to the wind in the same way that it is constantly applied to rivers. The only parallel given is Claud. Rapt. Pros. 2. 73, where Zephyrus is addressed as Pater gra- tissime veris. If for Africus we read some word other than the name of a wind, Pater will stand for Jupiter, as in Hor. Od. 3. 10. 7 Audis . . . et positas ut glaciet nives Puro numine luppiter. 48. The MSS. have Africus : but Africus was par excellence the warm steamy wind of the Mediterranean, the South-west, the Greek Afy.the sirocco of modern times, the last wind in the world to be asso- ciated with frost. Hence the various conjectures given in the critical notes. But elsewhere Auster is called frigidus Prop. 2. 26. 36, and Virg. Geo. 4. 261 ; turbidus Hor. Od. 3. 3. 5 ; and Tib. 1. 1. 47 has Aut gelidas hibernus aquas cum fuderit Auster. Africus itself is often associated with storms : Africis procellis Hor. Od. 3. 29. 57 ; praecipitem A. id. i. 3. 12 ; protervus A. id. Epod. 16. 22. Either then Propertius uses Africus vaguely of a wind that brings rough, coarse weather; or else implies that in Scythia, whose cold the Romans greatly exaggerated, even Africus congeals everything with frost. None of the conjectures proposed 336 AZOTES. are satisfactory. R. Ellis makes the tempting conjecture Arcticus, (Journ. of Phil. vol. 15. p. 19), but no authority but that of Hyginus is quoted for the word. Palmer is inclined to propose adstrictam, quoting Ov. Trist. 2. 196 Et marts adstricto quae coit undo. gelu. As the names of the winds are constantly recurring in Latin poetry, it may be worth while to give a wind-chart, showing the Latin names for the winds with their Greek equivalents : It is to be noted, however, that the names of the winds are often loosely used, and that each often trespasses upon the confines of its neighbour. This is especially true of Notus, who ranges over the whole S.W. quarter, from South to West : Boreas is more rigidly a North wind, but travels some distance to the East. Mr. Gladstone, Homeric Studies, vol. 3. p. 274, has pointed out that the Homeric winds usually hunt in couples, Boreas and Zephyrns being frequently associated as one couple, Eurus and Notus as another : in one place PROPERTIUS, IV. 3., 49-53. 337 only (II. 21. 334) are Notus and Zephyrus conjoined. Thus these four winds are not regarded as being at right angles to each other : Boreas is nearer to Zephyrus, Notus is nearer to Eurus. 49. aperto in coniug-e, ' in the case of an acknowledged husband.' For in, attached in this sense to a verb of loving, cp. Hor. Od. i. 17. 19 laborantes in uno / id. Epod. n. 4 in pueris aut in puellis urere ; and Prop. I. 14. 7 Perditus in quadam tardis pallescere curis Incipis. 50. Finder points out the alliteration of this line. 51. tibi cannot be right here : there is no point in 'thy purple' if the line be punctuated naturally as in the text, and to read with Finder, Bae., etc. narn mihi quo? tibi, etc. is harsh as well as point- less. Palmer prefers ter, and suggests quo . . . quo as a possibility. 52. meas is clearly right. Bae. follows most MSS. in reading tuas, which can only be interpreted 'these hands which in very truth are thine ' an intolerable ambiguity, and not supported by such phrases as Blanditias meas, oscula mea ('kisses, etc., meant for me"), quoted from Tib. I. 9. 77, etc. Coaxings and kissings are transferable, hands are not. aquosa. The Romans accounted for the coldness and clearness of crystal by imagining that it contained water frozen into ice. Thus Claud. Epig. 1 1 Dum chrystalla puer contingere lubrica gaudet, Et gelidum tenero pollice versat onus ; Vidit perspicuo deprensas irtarmore lymphas, Diira quibus so/is parcere novit hiems ; Et siccum rclegens labris sitientibus orbem Irrita quaesitis oscula figit aquis. 53. surda, transferred from the active meaning ' not hearing ' to the passive ' not heard,' noiseless. So caecus of a thing not seen ; as Lucr. I. 271 of the winds, Sunt igitur vend nimirum corpora caeca. Cp. Prop. 4. 5. 58 htius tibi sit surda sine arte lyra. raris Kalendis, i. e. ' but seldom on the first of the month,' ' no oftener than once a month.' Raris is a general epithet of Kalendis, not a determining epithet. Cp.funus extremum i. 17. 23 and note. The Lares were usually worshipped on the Nones and Ides as well, Cato. R. R. 133. adsueta : this was the regular duty of the una puella, the single maid-servant to whom her establishment was reduced Prof, z 338 NOTES. Palmer would now read ad sueta, ' for their wonted rites,' and com- pares Appul. Se ad sectae sueta conferunt. 54. clauses, i. e. in the Lararium. 56. tui partem, ' claims thy place,' lit. ' thy function or office/ partem being used for the more usual partes. 57. verbenis. The verbena was a plant much used in sacred rites of all kinds, and especially in the ratifying of treaties, as we learn from Servius on Virg. Aen. 12. 120, Liv. i. 24, 30. 43 and elsewhere. It is usually identified with our vervain, but it was used in a wider sense to denote the leaves or branches of any sacred tree or bush. Thus Servius, quoted above, says Verbena proprie est herba sacra, ros marinus, ut multi volunt, id est \i- QavcaTis, sumpta de loco sacro Capilolii qua coronabantur Fetiales et Pater Patruus foedera facturi vel bella indicturi. Abusive tamen verbenas iam vocamus omnes frondes sacratas, ut est laurus, oliva, vel myrtus. Terentius (And. 4. 3. u) ' ex ara hinc sume verbenas'" nam myrtum fuisse Menander testatur, de quo Terentius transttilit. 58. herba Sabina, a kind of juniper, known as savin, used before incense was known, Ov. Fast. i. 343 Ara dabat fumos herbis contents, Sabinis, or as an offering by the poor, Culex 403 Herba turis opes priscis imitata Sabina. 60. Just as a tea-leaf swimming on the top of a cup of tea is called ' a stranger,' so a sputter in the wick of a lamp or candle was held by the Romans to herald an arrival, and had to be acknow- ledged by a libation. Thus Ov. Her. 19. 151 Sternuit et lumen, posito nam scribimus illo : Sternuit, et nobis prospera signa dedit. Ecce ! merum nutrix faustos instillat in ignes Crasque erimus plures, inquit, et ipsa bibit. We call a fungus-like excrescence on the wick of a candle 'a thief.' In the passage before us the wine is applied to the lamp. 61. 62. The ' fatted calf would be slain on the wanderer's return : Hor. Epp. 1.3.36 Pascitur in vestrum reditum votiva iuvenca. 62. Succinct!, ' girt up for work,' hence used for ' active,' 'busy.' The opposite term, male cinctus, is used of an inactive luxurious person whose robe is loose; hence 'profligate,' as in the celebrated warning of Sulla, who detected the ambition of Caesar under the foppery and profligacy of his youth : ut male praecinctum puerum caverent Suet. Caes. 45. PROPERTIUS, IV. 3., 54-71 5 IV. 4., i, 2. 339 nova, because she had hitherto (1. 53) intermitted many of her religious duties. 63. tanti. The apodosis is left to be understood. ' Let not the glory of capturing Bactra be of so great value in your eyes as that for sake of that you should prolong your absence.' The full con- struction of tanti in such passages is seen in Juv. 3. 54 quoted above on I. 8. 3. 64. odorato duel. ' Some perfumed chief.' carbasa lina, as Palmer observes, is not more forcible than ' flaxen linen ' would be. Lina seems a gloss : he suggests picta. It is possible, however, that carbasa may add a sense of fineness to the word lina : but in that case lina becomes tautological. 66. Another allusion to the Parthian and his well-known method of fighting ; as in 3. 9. 54 Parthorum astutae tela remissa fugae. So Virg. Geo. 3. 31, Hor. Od. i. 19. 12. 67, 68. tua . . . pura hasta, i. e. ' may a hasta pura be pre- sented to thee, with which thou mayest follow in the triumph.' A hasta pura was a pointless spear, a reward of bravery to a young soldier. In Virg. Aen. 6. 760 the young Marcellus leans on such a spear. 67. sic, ' on this condition : ' the condition is given in con- serva, etc. For this construction see note on Tibullus 2. 5. 63. 70. legfe, ' condition.' 71. Outside the Porta Cafiena stood a temple of Mars, in which returning warriors hung up and dedicated their arms. See Ov. Fast. 6. 192. Observe the dative portae after a verb of motion. The construction is somewhat softened by votiva. IV. 4. THIS poem, by many placed amongst the earliest (but see Introd.), is by no means the least beautiful, of the poems of Propertius. Hertz, is probably correct in supposing that, together with the first, second, ninth, and tenth of this book, it was intended to form part of a poetico-antiquarian book of ' Origines ' after the model of the AITIO of Callimachus ; and that, in all probability, these poems gave to Ovid the idea of his Fasti. There are obvious differences of style between these and the other poems of Propertius. Lachmann is of opinion that they were not published until after the poet's death. 1, 2. As in the first, second, and tenth pieces, Propertius begins abruptly with a short statement of his subject. The two lines before Z 2 340 NOTES. us are exactly parallel to 10. i, 2. For the legend of Tarpeia see Liv. i . 1 1 , Ov. Fast. 1.261 sqq. The account now generally accepted is that there was originally a Latin settlement on the Palatine hill, a Sabine (?) settlement on the Quirinal and Capitol, and that the infant Rome was formed by the union of the two. Roman pride could not admit that the Capitol was not originally Roman, and so represented it as having been lost by treachery. See Tac. Ann. 12. 24. 2. limina lovis, not the threshold of the temple of Juppiter Optimus Maximus, but the approach to the Capitoline hill itself, the whole of which was considered to have been the abode of the god from the earliest times. Thus Virg. Aen. 8. 347, when Evander conducts Aeneas, Hinc ad Tarpeiam sedem et Capitolia duett, Virgil adds, lam turn reltgio pavidos terrebat agrestes Dira loci, iam turn silvam saxiimque tremebant. Evander goes on to explain that it is uncertain who the god is, but that his Arcadians believe they have seen Jupiter himself. So saxa lovis 1. 10. antiqui . . . Zovis, as in 2. 30. 2^ antiqui dulcia fiirta lovis. 3. felix, ' thick,' ' luxuriant.' conditns no doubt ought to be read. Consitus, of a natural wood, is unmeaning. Conditus means ' hidden,' ' retired,' ' withdrawn from view ; ' cp. such phrases as nubes Condidit lunani Hor. Od. 2. 16. 3 ; hostis in silvas armatum militcm condidit Curt. 8. i. 4. Propertius means that the approach to the Capitol was through a rocky thickly-wooded den or gorge, the rocks (antro) being covered with ivy. All these points occur in Virgil's descrip- tion : silvestribus horrida dumis, silvam saxumque, nennis, fron- doso virtue collem. The details throughout are vague, confused, and exaggerated, but it is vain to look for real topographical accuracy in the poets, or indeed the historians, of Rome. The Roman historians are notoriously inexact and vague in such matters. Livy never helps us in his descriptions of ground, even as to great battle-fields which he might easily have visited. And even the careful Greek Polybius, who laboriously went over the scenes of the campaigns which he narrates, never describes a locality with the point and precision which are necessary for identification. The Capitol has been so overlaid with buildings and ruins that it is im- possible now to make out its original natural features : but there are still two pieces of abrupt volcanic cliff one of them at least sixty PROPERT1US, IV. 4., 2-14. 341 fett in height which lay claim to being the Tarpeian Rock. One is on the north side, overlooking the Campus Martins ; the other is on the south-east side, facing the Palatine, in the garden of the modern German Hospital. The latter site suits history and the legend best, as the Sabine assault was made from the side of the Palatine and the Forunj. Through the den ran a little gurgling stream : in 1. 7 and through- out the poem it is spoken of as fons, and treated indifferently as a stream and as a spring. Cp .font 'e, font 'em 11. 14, 15 with amne 1. 24. 4. obstrepit . . . aquis. A curiously inverted expression. The natural construction of obstrepo is with the dative of the thing against which the subject chafes or sounds ; but here the thing chafed against is the subject, and aquis is in the ablative: ' The trees echo or ring with the sound of the water.' Cp. Hor. Epod. 2. 27 Fantesque lymphis obstrepunt manantibus, 1 roar with their waters;' and Cic. Div. 5. 4. i quae res fecit ut tibi litteris obstrepere non auderem, where both constructions are used. 6. poturas ire, ' more usually potum ire! Palmer. 7. fontem . . . praecingit, i. e. Tatius brought his lines close up to the fons, or pool, where the Roman garrison watered. Thus his palisade formed a kind of edge or -border to the fons : and when Tarpeia came down to draw water, the Sabines, bivouacking in the forum, were in full view. 8. coronat, as we speak of a ' ring-fence.' 9. Cnretis, i. e. ' Sabine.' Propertius apparently alone uses this form. In Ov. Fast. 3. 94 the form Curensis is used, as by Varro and Pliny. Cures, -turn is the town. 11. dicuntur iura, ' law is administered.' 13. ' They had a mountain for their wall.' ubi, etc., i. e. the fons was on the site where afterwards the curia Hostilia was built, the special meeting-place, first of the curiae, afterwards of the Senate. Close to the curia Hostilia was the famous Career or Mamertine prison, known anciently as Tullianum. Now the name Tullianum is derived from an old word tullius, signifying a spring, and in reality means ' Well-house.' There is a well still to be seen in the prison : it is therefore possible that Ihe/ons of Tarpeia is none other than the tullius of the prison, the sight of which wrung from Jugurtha his last words : ' O Romans, how cold your bath is ! ' See Burn's Rome, p. 81, etc. 14. This line is apparently a general description of the spring, without special allusion to the Sabines or Romans. The spring was apparently outside the lines of both armies : Aquam forte ea turn 343 NOTES. sacris extra moenia petitum ierat Liv. i. IT. But Propertius makes no use of this point. 15. fontem libavit, i.e. 'drew water for the service of the goddess.' Besides meaning 'to pour,' especially of religious libations, libo means ' to taste,' ' to touch lightly,' and so ' to take ' or ' select,' as Cic. de Inv. 2. 2 Ex variis ingeniis excellentissima quaeque libavimus. at has no adversative force : it merely adds a new point to the picture. 16. Cp. Ov. Fast. 3. 14, of Rhea Silvia, Ponitur e summa fictilis urna coma. 17. 18. The sudden contrast between the picture of the pure vestal, with her earthen pitcher, going about her simple duties, and the thought of the shameful act which she was about to commit, wrings from the poet the indignant outburst of this couplet. 17. satis una mors, i. e. no amount of deaths could expiate such a treachery. Cp. Hor. Od. 3. 27. 37. Lachmann's conjecture urna, adopted by Hertz., and called by him palmaris, is absolutely contemptible. 18. fallere, ' to prove false to.' As we have seen, the verb/a//^ is used in the vaguest sense, to denote any act or form of conceal- ment, deceit, or treachery. 20. I adopt Palmer's conj. frena with great confidence. Arma came from armis, in 1. 21, which would be a repetition \iarma were read. The changes from a toy, and from m to en are of the slightest, and the picture of the horseman is incomplete without it. Picta need occasion no difficulty to those who remember the lines : Blue was the charger's broidered rein, Blue ribbons decked his arching mane ; The knightly housings ample fold Was velvet blue, and trapped with gold. Marmion, i. 6. 22. inter, i. e. ' from between.' oblitas manus, like oblito pectore Cat. 64. 208, and oblito amore i. 19. 6. 23. immeritae, i. e. omens ' of which the moon was guiltless.' cansata est, ' alleged as an excuse for going to the spring.' Cp. Tib. 1.3. 17. 26. Romula for Romulea. Cp. 3. 3. 7, n. 52. 27. primo fumo, ' the first smoke of the evening,' when the fire was lighted for supper. 29. residens, ' sitting,' or ' sinking down,' with a notion of languor and dejection, after her ascent from the fans. PROPERTIUS, IV. 4., 15-41. 343 30. non patienda. The poet glances at her future punishment. 31. Paley says the speech of Tarpeia cannot extend to 1. 66, because fievit is inappropriate to the passage from 1. 48. But it is clear the whole is spoken by Tarpeia. She begins 11. 31-46 by a soliloquy : she then, 11. 47-66, goes on as if she were addressing Tatius, and discloses to him her plan. 34. Bum . . . conspicer, ' Provided only I may gaze on.' 35. montibus addita Boma. Addita is used here in a pregnant sense, to give the idea that Rome was something far greater than the site on which she stood. So in a bad sense, ' inflicted upon,' Teucris addita luno Virg. Aen. 6. 90 and Luc. ap. Macr. 5. 6. 4 Si mihi non praetor siet additus atque agitet me. Paley feebly explains ' the buildings add to the height of the monies? 36. valeat, ' Farewell to.' She here meditates merely running away : the idea of earning her right to be Tatius' wife by treachery has not yet suggested itself. pudenda, not in its usual sense, ' whom I ought to be ashamed of (Pal.), but ' before whom I ought to feel shame.' 37. 38. Her mind reverts to the dazzling apparition of Tatius on his horse : a confirmation otfrena in 1. 20. 37. meos amores is generally held to refer to Tarpeia herself, ' my loving self,' just as in 2. 13. 22 mors mea = ego mortuus, and in 3. 5. ^nostra sitis = ego sitiens. But Palmer is doubtless right in supposing it refers to Tatius : 'my love,' ' my darling.' So in 2. 28. 39, of Cynthia Una ratis fati nostros portabit amores, Tarpeia is recalling in a hopeless dreamy way the vision of Tatius on horseback ; she envies the horse his privilege of carrying his rider back to the camp ; and then recounts with a half-approval instances of maidens who have been urged to bold wicked deeds by the urgency of their passion. To contemplate elopement would be out of place. 38. dextras. So the MSS. But why not dextra ? 39. 4O. Like Virgil, E. 6. 74, and Ovid, Fast. 4. 500, Pro- pertius confounds Scylla the daughter of Nisus, king of Megara, with the sea-monster of Homer and later tradition, who lived on the Italian side of the Straits of Messina. The former betrayed ' her father and her country to Minos, king of Crete, by cutting off a cer- tain purple lock of her father's hair. See Aesch. Cho. 615, Pausan. Att. i. 19. 5 ' (Paley). Thus Prop. 3. 19. 21 Teque 'a Minoa venumdata, Scylla, Jigura, Tondens purpurea regna paterna coma. 41. Prodita . . . fraterni corona monstri, lit. ' The betrayed 344 NOTES. horns of the fraternal monster ' by a strange inversion, = ' The be- trayal of her brother, the horned monster,' i. e. the Minotaur. 42. lecto stamine, ' by picking,' or ' taking up, the thread.' Cp. Ov. Her. 10. 104 Fila per adductas saepe relecta manus. 44. Xmproba virgineo. Note the strong juxtaposition of epithets. So in the Odes of Horace, tenues grandia i. 6. 9; insolentem servo. 2. 4. 2 ; perfida credulum 3. 7. 13, etc. 45. The Palladium was kept in the temple of Vesta, Ov. Trist. 3- I- 29- 45, 46. Perhaps the weakest couplet in Propertius. The conceit is truly Ovidian : at once mawkish and exaggerated. Paley calls it ' a truly poetical idea.' 47. cessabitnr. So Palmer ; but he now prefers potabitur. The pugnabitur of the MSS. is entirely inconsistent with what follows, 11. 73-80, and especially 11. 79, 83. The account is modelled on the famous attempt of the Gauls under Brennus : the essence of the plan was that the Romans were to be off their guard, and the attack a stealthy one. 48. Note cap? before a word beginning with sp: so 3. II. 53, 4. i. 41, and before st in 4. 5. 17. 49. 50. quippe . . . aquas gives the reason why the via is perfida. It is always wet : but the water flows in a silent, and there- fore treacherous channel (limes), 52. Bae.'s correction Hanc is more forcible than Haec. All that mere words and prayers can do to help Tatius, she has already done : she wishes she had a more potent mode of helping him with her tongue. If we read haec we may translate, ' Then would my tongue too, like Medea's, have brought help to a handsome lover." 53. toga picta, an embroidered robe worn by generals in a triumph, also by the statue of Juppiter Capitolinus. sine matris honore, a negative, and therefore gentle, mode of describing the dishonour of Rhea Silvia, like nee proba Pasiphae 2. 28. 52. 54. Nutrit. Propertius is fond of this idiom, by which the present is used for the perfect of a past and completed act. So 4. i. 77 Me crcat Archytae soboles: and in the same poem, 11. 127, 128, 131, 132, 133, the present and perfect are used alternately of the same events. See note on 4- " 39- 55. Sic, if correct, must mean ' on this condition,' viz. the condi- tion stated as a result in 1. 56. The question of 1. 55 is equivalent to PROPERTIUS, IV. 4., 42-74. 345 a conditional proposition : cp. ' Is any merry ? let him sing psalms.' 57. Si minus shows that the preceding couplet has stated one of the two alternatives. The punctuation of the text makes the clause ne sint dependent upon me rape, etc. Others have a colon after Sabinae : ' let it not be said that.' 59, 6O. In allusion to the legend of the Sabine wives rushing in between their husbands and their fathers, and so putting" an end to the battle, Liv. i. u, Ov. Fast. 3. 217. 60. medium perhaps combines the idea of a treaty between the two parties, with that of bringing them to terms on the spot. palla, the outer shawl or robe thrown over the female stola. It is here used for a wedding- garment. 62. vest, arm., 'the battle you must fight.' torus, ' marriage.' 64. V a reads lassa for lapsa: this gives point to Ipsaque. 65. de te. Pal. quotes Mart. 7. 54. I Semper mane mihi de me tua somnia narras. 67. permisit brachia happily expresses the abandon with which she surrendered herself to sleep. 68. furiis is used in a mixed sense; partly for the Furies, avengers of the wrong done to Vesta in letting out the sacred fire, who in sleep are to goad her on to fresh sin ; partly, as novis shows, for the mad pangs of love, inflamed to new fury in her dreams. accubuisse, ' that she has laid down beside.' 69. tutela, 'protectress,' as in Hor. Ep. i. i. 103. 70. condit in ossa faces. So Venus sends Cupid to Dido, Virg. Aen. i. 660 Ut furentem Incendat reginam atque ossibus implicet ignem ; and in 4. 101 Ardet amans Dido, traxitque per ossa furorem. 71. ruit, of the mad fury of her movements ; not that she yet goes forth to meet Tatius, as she does later, 1. 81. 72. Strymonis, ' some Thracian damsel,' from the river Stry- mon. The comparison is probably to a Thracian Maenad in her frenzy. Some refer it to an Amazon (Amazons are connected with the Ther- modon Aen. n. 659), but that would suggest quite a different idea. sinu, the fold of the dress, torn off in frenzy. 73. Parilia. See Tib. I. i. 35 and note, also 2. 7. 88-9, and Ov. Fast. 4. 781 sqq. 74. primus coepit, redundant : as when we say ' then first began.' 346 NOTES. 76. madeo, madidtts, often used in reference to wine, here of the richer dishes and dainties of the feast-day, which to meet the Italian taste would be well soused in oil. Tib. 2. 5. 85 specially mentions that on the Palilia the pastor is madidus Baccho. 76. divitiis. Cp. gaza agresti, Virg. Aen. 5. 40. 77. raros. The heaps of straw were placed at intervals. 81. suum, ' her own time,' and therefore ' favourable : ' as in vere mo 'Virg. G. 4. 22 of swarming bees, ventis iturus non suts Hor. Epod. 9. 30, of Antonius after Actium. 82. Facta. Propertius makes no mention of the bracelets which figure as the price of Tarpeia's treachery in the common tradition (pepigisse earn quod in sinistris manibus haberent Liv. I. n), as being inconsistent with his more romantic version of the story. Pacta is a kind of cognate accusative after ligat : ' she makes the bargain fast.' 83. ascensu dubins, from its natural difficulty, and on .this occasion, in addition, festo remissus. 84. vocales occnpat, i.e. Tatius. He strikes them down before they can give tongue. 85. Oninia praebebant somnos : a fine expression. ' Every- thing afforded sleeping to their gaze,' ' every spot presented sleepers ; ' or, as Mr. Palmer well translates, ' wherever they looked there was a sleeping form.' Omnia is geographical, so to speak : a common use, far more graphic than Paley's, ' the holiday, the good cheer, the wine, etc., caused slumber.' Bae.'s carpebant is con- temptible. 86. Decrevit, ' resolved ; ' in 1. 79 it is 'ordered.' tuis, he suddenly apostrophises Tarpeia. 87. portae fidem, i.e. 'the gate committed to her charge.' But it might mean ' their confidence in the gate,' like fiducia valli, Virg. Aen. 9. 142. So Ov. Am. 3. i. 50 Liminis adstricti sollicitare fidem. 88. ipsa, in withering scorn at the shameless request. Others read ipse, which is sufficiently disposed of by Paley's explanation, ' She leaves it to Tatius to name the day ' (!) a matter which all ages have regarded as specially within the province of the lady. The monstrosity consists in the demand for the marriage itself coming from her side, not the mere detail as to the time. 9O, 91. There is something unexplained in these lines, as no pretext is suggested for the throwing of the shields on to Tarpeia. Can 1. 90 mean ' Yes thou shalt marry me and here is the royal conch on to which thou shalt climb ! ' as though the shields were PROPERTIUS, IV. 4., 76-94 ; IV. 6., 1-4. 347 thrown down in cruel irony to form a nuptial couch ? . 91. armis, here = ' shields.' So Virg. Aen. 10. 841, seque in sua colligit arma. 92. The commentary of the poet, virgo, because she had broken her vows as a vestal ; erat, in reference to the time when the pact was made. Observe the ancient dos was given by the husband. 94. This line seems to be addressed to Tarpeius, who was vigil or guardian of the gate. He received the honour of having the hill called after him as a reward of his iniusta sors, i. e. in finding the gate betrayed, in spite of his own loyalty, by his daughter. IV. 6. THIS poem is a paean over the great victory of Augustus at Actium, like the ninth Epode of Horace. It has not, however, the merit of having been written at the time ; it was not composed till B.C. 16, on the occasion of the third celebration, under Agrippa, of the ludi quinquennales on the Palatine, games instituted by a decree of the Comitia in B. c. 28 in perpetual commemoration of the victory. They are not to be confounded with the similar games, also quinqtiennales, instituted on the spot itself by Augustus imme- diately after the victory. 1. Once more the poet assumes the character of a priest about to perform a sacrifice. The first ten lines contain the exordium worked out with more than usual elaboration. The description of the battle itself takes the form of a solemn hymn in honour of the Palatine Apollo, to whom the victory was due ; and the piece ends with an invitation to sacrificial revelry, as in Horace's Epode. The exordium and the hymn that follows are connected in exactly the same way as in Hor. Od. 3. I : see note on Prop. 3. i. 3. Cera, though not wholly satisfactory, is better than any other reading proposed : though in sense, Paley's hedra, if possible, would do well enough. All through the exordium Propertius mingles the poetic with the sacrificial terms ; and in 1. 3 certet, followed by corymbis, requires that its subject should relate to song. Thus ara (Haupt) will not do; serta may be right, as it contrasts best with corymbis, and Propertius uses the feminine form, 2. 33. 37. Cera must mean the waxen tablet on which the song was written. 4. Cyrenaeas, referring to Callimachus ; aquas, to the holy 348 XOTES. water with which the hands were washed before the sacrifice honores, of a thing offered, as laticum libavit honorem Virg. Aen. i. 736. See notes on 3. i. 22 ; 3. u. 17. 6. laneus orbis, the wreath or festoon of wool, such as we often see carved on Roman altars. 7. 8. The mingling of sacrificial with poetic terms, which charac- terises the whole exordium, is here almost grotesque. Lit. 'Let the pipe pour forth the libation of a song on the fresh-reared altar from a Phrygian jar." 8. Mygdoniis, in allusion to the Phrygian pipe. To hunt up an obscure Phrygian town mentioned by Strabo, and write Cadis with a capital (so Seal., Baehrens, etc.) is absurd. 9. alio sint acre, i.e. 'Away with!' i.e. 'let them exist, if they exist at all, in another clime.' noxae, all harmful, ill-omened things, whether of sight, sound or deed. 10. novnm, probably of the poet's originality as an elegiac poet : 3. 3. 26. It might also refer to his first appearance in the character of a priest. niollit. ' A soft carpet of bay-leaves is strewn upon the ground for the poet-priest to tread on as he leads the procession to the altar ; cp. Ov. Met. 4. 742 Mollit humum foliis.' Postgate. The laurel or bay was peculiarly appropriate for Apollo. 11. Palatini Apollinis, see 2. 31. The temple was built in consequence of the Actian victory. 13. ducuntur, the usual metaphor from spinning. 14. vaces. Postgate rightly explains ' give me your leisure : ' ' deign to listen,' Finder. Palmer explains it as an apology to Jupiter for leaving him out. fnglens expresses Virgil's inque sinus scindit sese undo, re- ductos Aen. I. 161, and expresses the great depth of the Ambracian gulf, which extended twenty-five miles east from its entrance at Actium. This gulf is described successively in the passage before us as sinus, pelagus, monimenta and via. 15. Athamana. for ' Epirote.' A good instance of the loose way in which the poets used geographical terms. The Athamanes lived away altogether from the sea, on the upper waters of the Achelous. 16. condit is surely more than 'receives' (Postgate, but see his excellent note) ; it implies the peace and calm into which the bay lulls the noisy waters of the outer sea. It is especially used of PROPERTIUS, IV. 6., 6-22. 349 burial : and like compono, in the same sense, conveys the idea of rest. Cp. inhutnatos condere manes Luc. 9. 151, which recalls our phrase ' to lay a ghost.' 18. Lit. 'a passage presenting no difficulties to the vow's of sailors,' i. e. ' into which (harbour) there is a safe and easy chan- nel.' The promontory of Actium (* 'AKTIOV, from 0*7-17, ' a shore ') was a long sharp point projecting from the south or Acarnanian shore ; between this point and the promontory which comes to meet it from the shore of Epirus on the north, the channel at one point is no more than 700 yards in width. On a height close to the pro- montory of Actium stood an ancient temple of Apollo Actius or Actiacus. Near this spot was the camp of Antony ; his fleet lay in the spacious bay within (now the Bay of Prevesa), and he was strong enough to occupy the strait itself, on either side of which he had thrown up redoubts. Augustus was encamped on the north or Epirote shore, on the spot where he afterwards founded the town of Nicopolis in honour of his victory : his fleet lay at Comarus, a point of the coast of Epirus outside the channel. He was unable to force the entrance : and the great battle was brought on outside the straight, when Antony, dispirited by failures and desertions, had made up his mind to escape with his fleet to the East. 19. xnundi manus : for Antony, Virg. Aen. 8. 686 Victor ab Auroras populis et lit ore rubro, Aegyptum, viresque Orientis, et ultima secum Bactra whit. See Postgate's note on mundus. moles Pinea. Antony had collected at Actium some 500 vessels, mostly of vast size some rowed by ten banks of oars pro- tected with huge frames or bulwarks of timber, and carrying heavy engines for the discharge of missiles, etc. : Pelago credos innare revulsas Cycladas, aut mantes concurrere montibus altos : Tanta mole viri turritis turribus instant, Virg. Aen. 8. 691. With these monstrous hulks the poets are ever comparing the light Liburnian galleys which composed the fleet of Augustus. For the phrase stetit aequore moles cp. Campbell, Like Leviathans afloat stood our bulwarks on the brine. 21. daxunata, ' condemned and made over to,' as in Hor. Od. MiM Castaeque damnatum Minervae. 22. We have here exactly the same doubt as to the case of 350 NOTES. manu which has been raised in the similar passage, 2. i. 66. It is very probable that manu is the dative, and that the scribe has changed femineae tofeminea from ignorance of the contracted form in u. See note on that passage. N. reads apta, the adoption of which makes the dative necessary, and it must be confessed that apta gives a better meaning than acta. There was nothing specially shameful in the manner in which Cleopatra hurled her spear, or in the fact that she hurled it at all, when once arrayed in arms against Rome : what was shameful and humiliating to the Roman feeling was that a woman should appear in arms against Rome, and herself take part in the campaign. It was the fact that she bore arms, that she commanded Romans in a war against Rome, that was in- tolerable : Hor. Epod. 9. 11-14 Romanus, eheu ! posteri negabitis, Emancipatus feminae, Pert vallum et arma miles, et spadonibus Servire rugosis potest ! If femineae manu be adopted here, we must adopt the dative Tantaleae manu in a. i. 66 also. See Hous., J. of Phil. xxi. p. 193. 23. Hinc, corresponding to oltera 1. 21. Virgil draws exactly the same contrast with hinc , . . hinc Aen. 8. 678, 685. Augusta ; so Augustus 1. 29, and Aen. 8. 678, though the title was not assumed till B.C. 27. 25. The fleet of Augustus advanced in crescent-shape, its two wings extending so as to enclose and cramp the huge ships of Antony. 27. In Virgil, Apollo Actius draws his bow from above, and at once strikes terror into the enemy. linquens, used exactly as onr present participle, ' leaving.' For the Propertian use of the present participle cp. simulantem 4. 1 1. 39, and note v\sofugiens above, 1. 15. stantem, ' fixed," as Delos had been a floating island until bound down with chains by Zeus, Virg. Aen. 3. 76. se vindice, a very rare use of the ablative absolute in place of the nominative, as it refers to the subject of the sentence. The justi- fication is in stantem, which has practically the force of a verb with Delos for its subject. Cp. se iudice Juv. 13. 2. 28. tulit, ' had to endure.' una, a certain correction : unda gives no sense. 29. nova, 'strange,' 'never seen before'; perhaps 'heavenly': cp. Virg. Aen. 9. 10. 30. ' Blazed out in a triple wave of light, so as to resemble a torch held slantwise.' PROPERTIUS, IV. 6., 23-35. 351 ter simply indicates there were several waves or curls in the flame ; ter is a mystic, and therefore poetic, number. Virgil identi- fies this fax with the lulium sidus. 31. attulerat, i. e. ' appeared with : ' Postgate well compares Cic. Phil. 8. 8. 23. in colla solutos, ' flowing in disorder on to his neck." 32. inerxne, i. e. he had come as the god of battle, as ' lord of the unerring bow,' and soon to be All radiant from his triumph in the fight : not as a citharoedus In his delicate form a dream of Love or as The God of life and poesy and light. Childe Harold. 33. ' But (he appeared) with such a look as that with which,' etc. : i. e. quali vultu has a double construction: it is both an ablative of quality attached to Apollo as he appeared at Actium, and an ablative of the instrument in connection with adspexit. The allusion of course is to the description of Apollo when he smote the Greeks with pestilence in his wrath against Agamemnon for refusing the suit of Chryses, Iliad i. 48 seqq. $77 5 tear' Ov\vfj.iroto /caprivcav xcao/^fvos xrjp, t/c\a*fai> 5' ap' oiarol fir' wfjuuv \tao^ivoio, avrov KivTjOfvros' 6 5" Tji'e VVKTI toiKtus. 34. egressit. Egerere properly ' to carry forth,' used here as equivalent to efferre, as in Pers. 5. 69 ecce aliud eras Egerit has annos, ' carries forth to burial.' The expression, however, is confused by making castra the object instead of the bodies, whilst rogis does not suggest of itself the funeral procession. It is not necessary to suppose that egerere means 'to empty,' either here, or in Stat. Theb. i. 37 egestas altemis mortibus urbes. The literal translation is intelligible enough : ' carried forth (to burial), i. e. consumed, the Greek camp by the greedy funeral pyres.' So in the passage from Statius, 'whole cities taken out to burial by.' 35. solvlt, of the muscles relaxed in death. As Postgate says (see his note on passage), per orbes goes equally with solvit and ser- pentem, which is here the participle. It means ' coil by coil,' just as cxplicuit per membra -virum quoted by Postgate from Luc. 4. 629 means ' limb by limb.' Per gives the idea of successive stages. 352 NOTES. 36. ferae. I have adopted Palmer's conjecture. Lyrae must surely be wrong. The expression is very harsh, and un-Propertian in itself, and if it were possible to strain lyrae so as to make it equivalent to Musae, the answer is that there was no tradition of the Muses having been alarmed by the Python. Imbelles lyrae has crept in because of inerme lyrae of 1. 32, and fere might easily drop out after the vere of timuere. As Apollo himself was the chief lyrist, the poet would scarcely have represented the lyre especially as quailing before the Python. This objection is not removed by supposing lyrae = Musae. Still we must not forget Hor. Od. 1.6. 10 Imbellisque lyrae Musa potens vetat. 37. mundi, emphatic, as in I. 19. At Actium the fate of the whole civilised world was to be decided ; just as Rome, in the person of Augustus, was to be suffered to reach Quicunque mundo terminus obstitit, Hor. Od. 3. 3. 53. Ab Alba, 'descended from': cp. Pastor ab Amphryso, Virg. Georg. 3. 2. 39. lam terra tua est, not strictly true. Augustus had as yet nowhere defeated Antony by land : and had Antony not followed the ill-starred advice of Cleopatra to decide the event on the sea, he had a splendid army of 100,000 trained legionaries to bring into the field, besides countless auxiliaries. Antony is generally represented as having staked his last chance at Actium ; but it would be no less true to say the same of Augustus : and had Antony won, his courtly poets might well have represented Apollo as saying to him before the battle, iarn terra tua est. 42. ' Caesar's ship is freighted with a nation's prayers. A very modem expression.' Postgate. 44. non bene, i. e. the omen was a disastrous one, after all. All Rome and her career has been founded on a delusion. 45. latinos, an almost certain correction for Latinis, which is due to remis. Fluctus needs an epithet : the scandal was that a royal fleet should venture into Latin waters ; and that too when Augustus was princeps. (Apollo commits an anachronism here, as Augustus was not made princeps senatus till B. C. 28.) Et nimium remis is not ' And so ' (Postgate) : nothing yet has been said to dis- parage Antony's fleet. The words refer to what precedes from 1. 39, Vince mart: iam terra tua est, etc. The land is already yours: you must save your country now by victory at sea. ' Ay, and their confidence in their ships is over-great ' comes in quite naturally, fol- lowed by indignation that they should have been permitted to approach at all. 49. Gnyet's conjecture Centauros is surely right. To take PROPERTIUS, IV. 6., 36-62. 353 minantis as an accusative after vehunt, agreeing with some substantive understood (' forms threatening with (?) Centaurs' rocks, ' Postgate, or ' figures threatening to hurl giant stones," Finder), seems awkward. With Centauros all is plain : ' and as to their prows carrying Cen- taurs which hurl stones.' The expression is confused, referring both to the Centaurs, which were often put as figure-heads (cp. Virg. Aen. 10. 195), and to the huge catapults for hurling stones, with which Dion. 50. 33 tells us Antony's ships were fitted. Propertius may have thought the two were combined. 50. Tigfna, referring to the timber frames put round some of the vessels, either to protect them from being rammed, or to assist in boarding the enemy. These timbers would be found to offer no resistance (cava), and the engines to be mere painted bogeys. pictos metus : cp. as idly as a painted ship Upon a painted ocean. 51, 52. Cp. Byron: 'Tis the cause makes all, Degrades or hallows valour in its fall. 51. in, 'in the case of.' See 2. 10. 21 and 4. 3. 49. 53. committe, ' set them on,' as though Augustus were the controller of both forces. So victores committe, Venus Mart. 8. 43. 3 and licet Aeneam Rtitttlumque ferocem Committas, 'pit against each other,' Juv. i. 162. temporis anctor, because Apollo has suggested the moment for joining battle. It must be confessed that Apollo's speech is somewhat trite and prosy, as though written to order. 55. pondus, ' its contents ' or ' freight.' 57. fide, for Phoebus was true to his word and true to the cause which he protected.' Postgate. 58. Sceptra fracta vehuntur, a powerful metaphor: the ensigns of Antony and Cleopatra's royal power drift shattered and helpless upon the waters. 59. Idalio, in allusion to Caesar's descent from Venus, to whom Mount Id'alium in Cyprus was sacred, astro, the comet or meteor into which Caesar's soul was popularly believed to have passed, Suet. Jul. 88. Possibly the planet Vemts may be indi- cated. 60. A very dull and egotistical remark to escape from the deified Julius on such an occasion. His style had not improved. iste fides, i. e. ' this exploit of yours (ista) proves you to be of my own true blood.' 62. libera signa, ' the standards of freedom,' Postgate ; but his examples do not appear to me to justify the translation. Our English A a 354 NOTES. ' of is misleading : ' the path of truth,' ' the anvil of truth,' etc., are not analogous. The natural translation is ' the standards now free,' referring to the Roman force on Antony's side, which before the battle was enslaved to an Egyptian queen. Horace expresses the same thing in the words quoted above, Epod. 9. 1 2 Emancipatus feminae. 63. Ilia, sc. Cleopatra : Pal. remarks how carefully the Roman poets abstained from mentioning the hated Egyptian queen by her name. male, i. e. from the Roman point of view. See note on Tib. i . 10. 51. 64. Hoc nnum, in apposition to the sentence which follows non moritura, etc. Whether this be an Accusative or Nominative is doubtful. Greek analogy would favour the Accusative : but in this passage the Nominative seems the natural case, as in Virg. Aen. 6. 223 pars ingenti subiere feretro, Triste ministerium ; where the verb in apposition has a transitive meaning, the accusative seems suggested, as in Aen. 9. 53, 8. 487, etc. But see Conington. 65. Di melius, taken with the words that follow, is better taken as a statement, than in its usual meaning of a wish. 'The gods ordered better after all : for what (i. e. how trumpery) a triumph would it have been to see a woman borne along,' etc. The wish Di melius ! would only be appropriate in the mouth of some one speak- ing before Cleopatra's fate was known, in which case ductus est would be required for ductus erat. Hertz, well quotes Seneca, Epist. 98. 5, who bids us solace ourselves under disappointments by saying Di melius, i. e. ' The gods, after all, have ordered it for the best.' 67, 68. quod eius . . . rates, an extravagant and tasteless idea. 70. ad, ' with a view to joining.' exu.it, ' puts off,' ' lays down.' 71. Candida, in allusion to the cleaned or whitened garments worn on feast-days: Hor. Sat. 2. 2. 61. 72. Blanditiae rosae, ' the caresses, the allurements, of the rose,' i. e. ' caressing roses : ' for the expression see Postgate, Intro- duction. The genitive is epexegetic. 74. spica Cilissa, i. e. saffron oil or saffron plant : used also for burning on altars, Ov. Fast. I. 36 Et sonet accensis spica Cilissa focis. 75. Scaliger's conjecture irritat, adopted by Paley, merely repeats a commonplace : irritet conveys an invitation and its excuse. PROPERTIUS, IV. 6., 63-85 ; IV. 1 1 . 355 76. fertilis, 'productive,' 'suggestive.' For the sentiment cp. Mor. Ep. I. 5. 19, i. 19. 1-8. 77. paludosos, ' inhabiting a marshy country : ' the Sicambri or Sugambri occupied the land on the east bank of the Rhine at the mouth of the Lippe. In B. c. 16 they invaded Belgica, and 'inflicted a disastrous defeat on M. Lollius, in consequence of which Augustus \vent himself to Gaul and spent two years in settling the country. 78. Meroe was practically co-extensive with the modem Soudan: in B.C. 22 its queen Candace had invaded Egypt, and had been repelled by the Roman governor Petronius. Thus early did Egypt look to foreign intervention as to that of Britain at the present day to protect her from the assaults of the hardy Arabs of the Upper Nile. Cepheus was a mythical king of Aethiopia, father of Andromeda. 79. confesstun, ' humbled,' 'owning himself beaten '(Palmer), as in Virg. Aen. 7. 433 dicto parere fatetur expresses 'consent on compulsion' (Conington), and so 'submitting himself,' 'acknow- ledging his inferiority.' Hertz, quotes Ov. Met. 5. 215 Confessasque manus obliquaque brachia tendens Vincis, ait, Perseu. 82. pueros, his grandchildren Gaius and Lucius Caesar, sons of his daughter Julia and Agrippa, and adopted by himself. 83. nigras, probably of the dark alluvial soil : if so, Propertius is thinking of Babylonia and the lower Euphrates. si quid sapis. Cp. 2. 13. 42. 85. ducam, ' prolong : ' so Virg. Geo. 3. 379 Hie noctem htdo ducunt, and Tib. I. 9. 61. 86. The Plur. vina may mean 'cups of wine': cp. ignes ' torches,' Jrumenta ' fields of corn,'fumi ' wreaths of smoke.' IV. ii. THIS magnificent poem ' the masterpiece of the poet's genius,' as Paley terms it is in the form of an elegy upon Cornelia, a noble Roman matron, pronounced by herself. Cornelia was connected, both by birth and marriage with the highest Roman families. Her father was P. Cornelius Scipio, described by Suetonius as of con- sular rank (Oct. 62 : he was probably a consul suffectus) ; her mother was Scribonia, whom Augustus married for political reasons as her third husband in B. c. 40, and divorced in the year following, on the very day when she had borne him his only daughter Julia. She had a brother, Publius, who was consul in B.C. 16 ; and she was married to Paullus Aemilius Lepidus, a nephew of the Triumvir. A a 2 356 NOTES. This Lepidus was consrd suffectus B.C. 34, and censor in B.C. 22, in which capacity he completed the famous Basilica Aemilia. of which a portion, built of brick, still survives as the front wall of the Church of S. Adriano in the Forum. Cornelia left two sons and a daughter. The elder son, Lucius, married his first cousin Julia, grand-daughter of Augustus, and was consul in A. D. i; the younger, Marcus, was consul in A. D. 6 with L. Arruntius, was employed in important commands by Augustus, and was named by him, shortly before his death, as one of the three possible aspirants to the empire : M. Lepidum dixerat capacem sed aspernantem, Gallum Asiniutu avidum et minorem, L. Ammtium non indignum, et, si casus daretur, ausurum Tac. Ann. i. 13. Of the daughter Lepida nothing certain is known. Cornelia her- self died in the year B. c. 16, the year of her brother's consulship, as we learn from 1. 66. The form of the poem is peculiar. Cornelia is supposed to utter it after her death ; hence she addresses alternately her husband as to her past life, and the judges of the lower world as to her future. Mr. H. A. J. Munro disputes the claim of this poem to be held not only the noblest elegy of Propertius, but ' the queen of all elegies,' as it is held by some to be, and denies that it represents by any means the poet's very highest inspiration. I should be inclined to differ from him. There is a noble stateliness, an unconscious grandeur of self- assertion, a true Roman strength in the way in which Cornelia describes herself, her life, and her family, which enable us to form a picture of the Roman matron such as can be gained from no other source except perhaps by contemplating the statues of the Vatican and which recall the words used by Aristotle of the /x-yaAo- if/v\os, who ' thinks himself worthy of great things, being worthy." And the simple pathos and delicacy of the conclusion are unexcelled in literature. 1. urgfere, of any human emotion, implies force and insistance : used similarly of the importuning of grief, Hor. Od. 2. 9. 9 Tu semper urges flebilibus modis My s ten ademptum. In urgere sepulcrum, as so often in ancient poetry (and especially throughout this poem), the simple physical idea is confused with, and held to represent, the spiritual idea which it suggests. 2. ad, ' in response to.' 3. funera, the dead or the spirit of the dead. Funus is the dead body in i. 17. 8 PROPERTIUS, IV. II., i-io. 357 Haeccine parva meum funus arena teget ? Cp. ossa in the same sense 1. 20. infernas leges, implying the stern jurisdiction under whicn the world below is governed. Leges is equivalent to the world or region subject to the jurisdiction. 4. Won exorato - inexorabili. So indeprensus error Virg. Aen. 5. 591. The past participle has frequently the force of the adjective in -bilis, especially in Cicero. stant, of the solidity and unbending strength of the entrance and the portals which guard it. See note on 3. 18. 15. adamante. So Virg. Aen. 6. 552. Cp. Theoc. 2. 34 at rbv j/"A5a Kivrjcrat ic aoafiavTa. 5. fuscas denotes the absence of light, and hence of colour, which characterises the lower world. So Quint, u. 3. 15 opposes voxfusca, ' a husky voice,' to vox Candida. 5, 6. audiat . . . surda. The converse of what Horace finely says of Orcus 2. 18. 40 Vocatus atque lion vocatus audit. 6. Nempe sums up briefly and pointedly the whole situation : ' why,' ' say or do what you will, the result will be.' So Ov. Am. 2. 6. 20 Infelix avium gloria, nempe iaces. The tears of Paulus are supposed to find their way into the lower world. All acts done to or in connection with the dead are con- cieved, not only as known, but as actually done, in the world below. 7. aera. The obol placed as passage-money in the mouth of the dead. A good instance of the idea remarked on above 1. i . 8. A good example of the confusion between the real and the imaginary already noticed : ' The lurid gateway locks up the grassy pyres.' The meaning is, ' The dark door is shut upon the occupant of the grassy grave.' There is no need to change herbosos into um- brosos. The pyre was built with turf, or upon it : no word would more truly and simply characterise the surroundings of the grave. Finder's explanation that herbosos strengthens the notion of the grave as a closed place seems fanciful. But see Hous., 1. c., p. 179. 9. Sic, i. e. ' Upon this principle,' ' With a full knowledge of this law.' 10. The body, while burning, is represented as being gradually taken down to the world below. caput, as we have seen, stands for the whole body or personality, with a notion of tenderness and affection. Cp. the Homeric i\rj or TjOtirj KpaAij ( = carum capuf}, whilst S> Kaical Kf>a\ai Hdt. 3. 29, fuapd r. Ach. 285, etc. correspond to the use of caput in imprecations. 358 NOTES. 11. currus avorum. A triumphal car placed in the vesti- bulum, the open space in front of the door of a Roman mansion. Statues were placed there, especially equestrian : but the grandest thing of all was to have a triumphal chaiiot. In Juv. 7. 125-128 an Aemilius is mentioned who has both an equestrian statue and a triumphal car as well : huius enim stat currus aeneus, alti Quadriiuges in vestibulis, atque ipse feroci Bellatore sedens. Postgate describes currus as a 'typical' singular, and compares 2. 14. 24 Haec spolia, haec reges, haec mihi cui-rus erunt. 12. pignora, probably her children, children being constantly spoken of as ' pledges ' of affection. But the word may include also all the external marks of her character and position. 13. habuit, 'experienced,' 'found : ' this sense also oihabeo seems to be connected with that of ' to use,' ' to deal with.' Cp. I. I. 8. If habni be read, Cornelia is emphatic. 15. noctes refers to the physical darkness below, as we see by the addition of paludes and undo, : they may all be called damnatae as belonging to the region of the condemned. ' Nights of con- demnation ' would more closely represent the meaning than ' nights of the condemned ' (Postgate). lenta, \fa& flumine languido, attributed to the Cocytus, Hor. Od. 2. 14. 17. 16. implicat, equivalent to the alligat of Virg. Geo. 4. 480. 18. Pater is probably Pluto, so-called as supreme in the world below. Postgate suggests it may mean Cornelia's father, as women were sometimes handed over to be tried by their family. But hie corresponds to hue 1. 17: to read hinc, ' in consequence of my innocence,' is unnecessary and far-fetched. Det . . . mollia iura, ' May he judge me mercifully.' The phrase is used loosely : dare iura properly means to ' lay down laws,' ' prescribe a constitution,' etc. 19. si quis Aeacus, somewhat contemptuously, ' Some Aeacus or other/ Aeacus being a subordinate judge to Rhadamanthus. She desires Pluto himself to take her case out of the courts, and deal gently with her : if not, she is prepared to face Aeacus, and meet her doom. 19, 20. posita urna . . . sortita pila. As Postgate points out, the urn might be either (i) that from which the jury was drawn ; or (2) the voting um; or (3) the urn by which the order of the PROPERTIUS, IV. II., 11-25. 359 cases was decided. But there is no call to decide this point : ' the urn,' whatever its use, was a recognised accompaniment and emblem of judicial proceedings, and the poets, in using the phrase, did not concern themselves to consider to what special use it was to be put. The placing of the urn on the table the drawing of the lot are signs that there is to be a regularly-constituted trial, followed by a verdict and a sentence. This is all that Virgil means, Aen. 6. 430-432, by me . . . sine sorte, sine iudice and quaesitor Minos urnam movet. The commentators refine overmuch : see Conington and Hor. Od. 3. i. 1 6, etc. 20. vindicet in, ' pronounce sentence,' or ' inflict punishment upon,' in accordance, as Postgate observes, with the original mean- ing of the word vim dicere. Thus impersonally, Caes. B. G. 3. 16 in quos eo gravius Caesar vindicandum statuit. sortita, either transitively ' by a ball which assigns me my destiny,' as in Hor. Od. 3. i. 15 necessilas sortitur insignes et imos ; or passively as in Prop. 4. 7. $$, sedes turpem sortita per amnem. If transitive, the meaning may be ' when the ballot has chosen a jury' ; or ' when ballot has given me my turn to be tried.' In Aen. 6. 43 1 Minos presides as iudex quaestionis, just as Aeacus does here. 21. Assideant introduces the idea of assessors, often appointed to assist a iudex in the conduct of a case. The assessors are Minos and Rhadamanthus, sons of Zeus, and therefore brothers of Aeacus. Minoida sellam, a certain correction for Minoia sella of the MSS. Minois is used for Ariadne 2. 24. 27. The objection to Palmer's conjecture, Assideant, fratrem iuxta Minoia sella et, is that the Eumenides could not be spoken of as assessors : they are avengers, waiting in court to execute the sentence so soon as pronounced. Assideant is applied non-technically to the Furies, by a kind of zeugma. Plessis reads iuxta Minoa : sed astet. 22. intento . . . foro expresses the silence and strained atten- tion of the court. 23. mole, ' thy burdensome task.' 24. Tantaleo should probably be read, from a form Tantaleus, corresponding to a possible Greek form 1a.vra.Ktw. Fallax Tantaleus liquor is weak : Palmer adopts corripere ore, supporting it by 2. 17. 6 Ut liquor arenti fallal ab ore sitim. But ab ore there is emphatic and essential to the point of the line. 25. petat, ' make for,' ' attack.' improbus. Postgate says : ' " Unconscionable " about hits the general meaning of the word.' Is this note an explanation? Is it not an av&pvrjffn of a translation once given of improbus anser, 360 NOTES. the unconscionable goose ? ' ' Unconscionable ' is a word used in a humorous bantering way, of a thing to which we apply moral con- demnation, but at the same time indicate we do not do so seriously. Thus ' unconscionable ' exactly hits off the meaning of Martial, when he says of his country habits Ingenti fruor improboque somno. It is quite out of place here where the epithet is seriously applied. See note on improbus i. 1.6. 26. Cerberus' chain is to hang loose : no bar is to be drawn in the gate which he is guarding. 27. loquor. The MS. reading is more impressive and stately than loquar. Cornelia here begins a speech which lasts to the end of the poem. poena sorornm. Objective genitive: the punishment in- flicted upon the sisters, i.e. the Danaids. 29, 30. There is a slight anacoluthon in the sense. ' If ancestors ever brought fame to any, the realms of Africa tell of mine.' SO. Cornelia mixes up together in one phrase the two great titles to glory of the Scipio family. Two of them gained the title Africanus for their victories over Carthage ; the younger, Scipio Africanus Minor, was also called Numantinus from his capture ot Numantia, B.C. 133, Ov. Fast. I. 596 Ille Numantina traxit ab urbe notam. Rostra . . . signa. So Bae. Nostra seems needed by the sense. Scaliger's Afra is unmeaning. Palmer's former suggestion Aera . . . nostra is good : aera might mean ' spoils of armour ' as well as 'family coins.' See Hous., J. of Phil. xxii. p. 108. loquuntur, ' tell of.' 31. She passes to her mother's family, the Libones. It was a plebeian family : we hear of a L. Scribonius Li bo, tribune of the plebs B.C. 16. Scribonia was sister to L. Scribonius Libo, who followed the fortunes of Pompey throughout the civil war, and commanded the Pompeian fleet off Brundusium before Pharsalia. His daughter was married to Sextus Pompey : and in B.C. 40 he was an important enough personage for Augustus to think it worth while to con- ciliate him by marrying his sister Scribonia, though much older than himself. exaeqnat is used transitively, but without the usual dative after it. The expression is curious. ' The other side of my family (altcra turbo) makes my maternal ancestors, the Libones, equal,' viz. 'to the Scipiones' ; i.e. 'my maternal ancestors are not PROPERTIUS, IV. II., 26-38. 361 inferior to them.' An obvious exaggeration. Palmer suggests as an alternative, Altera materni se exaequat turbo. Liboncs, in which case turbo, would be idiomatic in apposition with a plural noun. 32. domus utraqne, ' both sides of the house.' titulis, in the same sense as in Hor. Od. 4. 14. 4 Per titulos memoresque fastos. 33. praetexta. The name given to the toga of childhood, whether of boys or girls, because it had an edge of purple or scarlet running round it. This maidens laid aside at marriage for the stola. 34. The vitta was simply a band worn round the head by freeborn maidens and matrons to keep in the hair. It is thought from this passage and Virg. Aen. 2. 168, etc. that the maiden's vitta differed in shape from the matron's : but perhaps nothing more is meant than that a new vitta was put on at marriage. The line 4. 3. 15 shows that importance was attached to the ceremony ol putting it on, Nee recta capillis Vitta data est. acceptas, ' caught up.' 35. sic either includes all the circumstances of her death, to part with yon ' thus untimely,' or else it refers specially to lungor : ' I became thy wife, Paulus, destined so to die,' i. e. as his wife, neither divorced nor a widow. 36'. If we read hoc with the MSS., Cornelia must imagine herself standing before her tomb. It was a special distinction for a woman to be univira. Cp. Orelli's Inscr. No. 4530 HIC SITA EST ARRIA M. F. MAXIMILLA VNIVIRIA QUE VIXIT IN CONNVBIO MARCO AVRELIO AVGG. LIB. Prof. Palmer suggests that hoc might be the neuter nominative going with legar, i. e. ' This will be read of me.' 37-42. She calls to witness her ancestors the Africani and L. Aemilius Paullus that she has maintained the purity of the house umblemished. 38. Captives had their hair shaved : and the editors are probably right in supposing that Propertius had in his eye a trophy erected to the Scipios with an inscription above, and at the foot a shaved captive representing the conquered Africa like the eight statues of Dacian captives built into the architraves of the Arch of Constantine. The word tonsa however has the further meaning of ' fleeced,' ' stripped bare,' as in Plaut. Bacch. 2. 3. 8 Hunc tondebo auro usque ad cutem. There is a similar play on the word in 362 NOTES. Prop. 3. 19. 22, where Scylla, who caused her father's death and ruin (as Delilah Samson's) by cutting off a lock of hair, is de- scribed as Tondens purpurea regna paterna coma. 39. Fersen. The name of Perses naturally suggests that of his conqueror, and is used here for it. These two lines have been much canvassed. They contain a reference to L. Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus (father of Scipio Africanus Minor), the conqueror of Perses. By an inversion characteristic of Propertius, he makes Cornelia appeal first to Perses himself (1. 39), whose name suggests naturally that of Paullus ; then in 1. 40, addressing Perses, he specifically describes his conqueror. ' I appeal to Perses too, him that boasted all the bravery of his ancestor Achilles ; and him too who broke clown thy house, Perses, for all thy boasts in thine ancestor Achilles.' The repetition of Achilles is strongly ironical : Perses and other members of the Macedonian house were for ever boasling of their descent from him, aeternus carmine Achilles Sil. Ital. 14. 95. Another explanation is to make Persen governed by fregit : ' him who broke Perses, and thy house Perses,' but this is harsh, and gives less excuse for the tuas. I cannot follow Mr. Postgate. Because Silius Italicus has the word stimulos in one passage (14. 93) in connection with Pyrrhus' boasting in his ancestor Achilles, and stimulabat in another (3. 609) quite unconnected with Achilles; because in a third (15. 292) proavo tumebat Achille is said of Philip ; and in a fourth (3. 246) -vano corda tzimore is applied to a man proud of being Hannibal's nephew : for these reasons he thinks Silius Italicus had this passage of Propertins before him, and that tumidas (or cognate word) and stimulantem were read in the copy which he followed. In these passages the words stimulos tumore, etc. occur in a perfectly natural way, and Silius had no need to be guided to their use. But Postgate is entirely right in rejecting the rash changes proposed by H. A. J. Munro, Journal of Philo- logy > 6- PP- 53~62, and in condemning his sweeping dictum that ' the Latin language peremptorily forbids that simulantem can mean "who formerly affected." ' The use of the presjnt participle is merely an extension of the use of the present for the past tense noticed on 3. 7. 22. Cp. Virg. Aen. 9. 266 quern dat Sidonia Dido. Simulantem gives an abiding characteristic of the man, almost equivalent to simulatorem, 'the pretender to.' Cp. also tondens 3. 19. 22,fugiens 4. 6. 15, and the present nutrit 4. 4. 54. A still closer parallel is Tac. Ann. 113 (quoted above), where Augustus describes M. Lepidus as being capacem sed aspernantem. PROPERTIUS, IV. II., 39-47. 363 Achilll is as good a form as Achillis, and is best supported here by the MSS. 40. proavo . . . Achllle. The taunting repetition of these words is similar to Horace's libertino patre natum Sat. I. 6. 6, etc., a taunt against himself which he repeats several times, half in pride, half in irritation. The late Mr. Munro's great reputation makes it worth while to state shortly his view of this whole passage. Rejecting the MS. reading of 1. 40 on every ground of grammar, sense, and metre, he believes that a whole distich has fallen out, 1. 38 beginning with Etot Et qui, and that hi Achille, 1. 40, we are to look for some other pro- aims of Perses, to enhance still more the glory of his conqueror Aemilius Paulus. Suggesting first that this proavus may be Alex- ander, he proposes either Atossa or Amastri, two famous Persian queens, who would stand for the royal house of Persia : but finally he believes Alexander's paternal descent from Hercules to be alluded to, and Hercules himself to be described by reference to his last and greatest achievement, his breaking into Hades, dragging away Cer- berus, and restoring Theseus to the light. Thus by a process of reason- ing truly marvellous, and by a display of wholly irrelevant learning, he has persuaded himself that Propertius wrote the passage thus : Tester maiorum cineres tibi Roma verendos, Sub quorum tttulis, Africa, tonsa iaces, Et qui contuderunt animos pugnacis Hiberi Hannibalemque armis Antiochumque suis, Et Persen proavi simulantem pectus Achilli, Quique tuas proavus fregit, Averne, domos Me neque censurae legem mollisse, etc. This is indeed rescribere, non emendare, Proper Hum with a ven- geance. Plessis reads_/raj for tuas. 41. Referring to her husband's censorship. He had no need, on her account, to relax the severity of his office. 42. me a emphatic ; ' by no stain of mine.' 43. clamnum, for the more usual damno. See note on 2. 10. 6 audatia certe Laus erit. 45. aetas, well explained by Postgate, ' I throughout my life.' So i. 6. 21 A'am tua non aetas umquam cessavit amort, i. e. ' You have never yet, in all your life, been in love.' Cp. 2. 5. 27. 46. Cp. Ov. Her. 21. 172 Et face pro thalami fax mihi mortis erit. 47. An amplification of the proverb Noblesse oblige. Cp. Eur. 364 NOTES. Ale. 602 T& fap evyevts (Kfpepercu irpos alSai. The idea is not quite that of Spenser, F. Q. 6. 3. i, that The gentle minde by gentle deeds is knowne, and again But evermore contrary hath been tryde. That gentle bloud will gentle manners breed ; but rather that those of noble blood feel compelled, by their very position, and out of an imperious regard for the honour and character of their house, to maintain a high standard of conduct. The words. of themselves, would apply literally to the modern law of heredity. 49. See above on 1. 19. The urn here contains the decision of the indices. Each juror was saiAferre tabellam, to deposit his voting- tablet in the urn, ' to record his vote.' Hence the urn itself is said ferre tabellas, because its contents pronounce or record the verdict. 50. assessn meo, ' by association with me.' Possibly with a reference to friends sitting beside an accused person at his trial : or it may refer to the shades below, none of whom, however virtuous not even Claudia or Aemilia need shrink from contact with her. 51. The story of the matron Claudia, who proved her virtue by pulling off from a shoal on the Tiber the stranded vessel containing the image of Cybele, is told by Liv. 29. 14, Ov. Fast. 4. 305-328. 52. turritae, because Cybele's head was surmounted by a crown embattled in the shape of a fortress. rara, 'incomparable.' A favourite word with Propertius. 53. See Dion. Hal. 2. 67. The Vestal Aemilia having suffered the holy flame to go out, rekindled it, after prayer, by throwing on the ashes a fragment of her garment. Plessis reads iam distinctos for commissos. cul, to be taken with exhibuit. xeposceret, ' demanded as a right,' because it was the duty of the Vestals to keep the fire alive. 55. dulce caput, ' dear heart.' See above on 1. 10. 56. Hertz, quotes the common character given to wives on inscriptions : De qua vir nil doluit nisi mortem. 57. lander lacrimis. Postgate well compares Consol. Liv. 209 Et voce et lacrimis laudasti, Caesar, alumnum ; and 1. 465. 50, 60. dignam vixisse . . . Zncrepat, either 'complains that she, who was worthy, etc., is no more,' or ' passionately de- clares that she has lived worthy of.' In the latter interpretation dignam has more force. Cp. 3. 10. 10 PROPERTIUS, IV. II., 49-65. 365 Increpet absumptum nee sua mater Ityn. 60. ire, scarcely, ' fall : ' rather ' go forth,' 'have their course,' 'flow,' as in 3. I. 8 Exacto pumice verms eat, where see note ire deo. So Consol. Liv. 209 lacrimas elicuique deo. 61. vestis, supposed to refer to a robe of honour presented to matrons who had borne three children : Dion. Cass. 55. 2. The phrase stolatae feminae on inscriptions has been held to refer to this distinction. 62. Nee mea . . . rapina, ' I was not snatched.' 63. Her two sons: the elder, consul A. D. I, was called L. Aemilitis Paullus ; the younger was called M. Aemilius Lepidus, and was consul A. D. 6. The elder brother, apparently, took the cognomen of his distinguished grandfather, Z.. Aemilius Lepidus, 65. Her brother, P. Cornelius Scipio, was consul B. c. 16, and had therefore presumably filled two curule offices previously, the curule aedileship and the praetorship. Tempore means ' betimes.' or 'just at the right moment.' (Cp. the similar use of loco.) Having seen her brother occupy two curule offices, and finally elected to the consulship, she was 'felix opportunitate mortis.' Tempore might also mean ' too soon ' ; or again simply 'just at that time,' ' at the very moment" ( = ipso tempore), i.e. when he had been elected consul, and before he had actually held the office. Paley explains the line as ' a brief or rather a confused way of expressing qui cum consul factus esset, eo tempore rapta est soror eius, or cuius consulatus tempore rapta est soror y' or else with Hertzberg would make tempore an ablative of the instrument. Munro, Jonrn. of Phil. vol. 6. p. 62, declares the former view meaningless, the latter out of place, and proposes Consule quo, festo tempore rapta soror. Postgate reads laeto, which has the same meaning. But the idea of either word is out of place here : she is narrating bare facts in this passage, in a tone of pride, not of grief, and the pathetic reference to her dying in a time of joy is uncalled for. Another solution is more probable. I would suggest that qtto is used here, by a kind of confusion, in a double construction, to be taken both with consule and with tempore : ' At which time, just as he had been made con- sul, his sister was carried off,' or ' Who having been made consul just at that time, his sister was carried off.' Horace is extremely fond of placing words in positions where they are meant to be 366 A'OTES, taken in a double, or even threefold, construction, as in Od. 3. 8. 20 Medus infestus sibi luctuosis Dissidet armis, where the force of the line is intensified by the fact that sibi may be taken, and is intended to be taken, with all the three words in- festus, luctuosis, Dissidet. 67. Appears to imply that her daughter was born in the year of her father's censorship. On what ground does Postgate translate specimen as ' a mirror ' ? It rather means a sample, by which a thing may be seen or known : so Plaut. Most. I. 2. 51 of an illustration, Turn specimen cernitur quo eveniat aediftcatio. 69. serie, i. e. by carrying on the line unbroken. fulcite. Each son was a ' prop ' to the house : see Postgate's illustrations. 70. The MS. readings uncturis or nupturis, and malts, are clearly out of place : but I cannot see that Postgate's facta is an im- provement. Mea fata is quite a Propertian expression, used widely to denote her lot and position as a whole, including not only her death ( = me mortuam, Schultze), but her life, her family, and all the circumstances of honour which she has just enumerated. ' I set forth in Charon's bark without regret, knowing that my own (i.e. children or family) will add yet more to my many titles to dis- tinction.' It is surely inappropriate for a Roman matron to boast of her many deeds : but not of the many elements of honour with which fate had surrounded her. For azigere facta in this sense Postgate compares Tib. i. 7. 55 quae facta parentis Augeat : but the facta, in that passage, are the exploits of a Messala. Another interpretation, however, may be suggested. Tot may be taken with meis : she is addressing her children, and has just ex- horted them to continue the race, Et serie fulcite genus. She may well add, ' I die willingly, leaving so many children behind me who will add fresh lustre to my name and life.' Nor would it be impossible for fata here to mean ' death,' as elsewhere : ' my children will add fresh glory to my death,' i. e. ' to me after I am dead and gone,' ' to me even after death.' 71. eztrema, ' the highest, crowning reward.' 72. emeritum rogrnm, ' the pyre of one who has served her (or his) time.' The highest honour a woman can attain is that, having lived her full time, she should receive praise at her death. But perhaps it is simpler to interpret emeritum as ' well-won.' PROPERTIUS, IV. II., 67-85. 367 nbl, referring to Haec 1. 71. The more usual construction would be ut with the subjunctive = ' namely that.' Haec . . . ubi ' In these cases, namely where.' 74. Hertz, well compares Cic. Verr. 2. 1. 44 Cwr hunc dolorem ci- nerieius atque ossibus inussisti? The confusion of metaphor is natural, but glaring; inusta must refer to branding, as adusta in 3. n. 40 Una Philippeo sanguine adusta nota, the idea being suggested by cineri. ' To brand upon ashes ' would be absurd : but the absurdity is relieved by the ancient idea that the ashes of the dead still live and feel, as in 2. 13. 42 Non nihil ad verum conscia terra sapit. To suppose that spirat refers to the quivering flame (' - ;),' Postgate) seems farfetched, and introduces the new incongruity of the flame being itself branded or burnt in. 72-102. An exquisite passage ; full of simple feeling, true to human nature, and breathing a tenderness and delicacy worthy of the noblest type of womanhood. 75. maternis vicibus, ' the part of a mother : ' the plural, as in Quint. Inst. proem. 4 quando divisae professionum -vices essent. 80. oscula falle. Fallere aliquid, as we have seen above 4. 4. 20, means ' to exhibit deceit or treachery about something ; ' so here, 'give a feigned character to thy kisses,' siccis gents, 'by (presenting) dry cheeks : ' 'let thy dry cheek disguise the character of thy kisses,' i. e. he was not to show, by the passionate nature of his kiss, that there was more in it than a mere father's affection for his children. A touch absolutely true to nature. Who has not seen, in a similar case, the tears for a lost love pouring themselves out upon the children? The words doubtless might mean 'Be false to, or cheat, their kisses by dry eyes (or cheeks),' i.e. do not let them see that you have been weeping, but meet their caresses by a show of indifference. 81. The nights, as though they were persons, are worn out by Paullus' lamentations : cp. Virg. Aen. 8. 94 and Val. Flac. Aug. 5. 602 Marie diem noctemque fatiget. Still more strongly Sil. Ital. 1 2. 496 curasfatig at. 82. in faciem credita, ' which you deem to assume my form,' ' wrought by your fancy into my form.' 84. He is not to speak on continuously, but to wait after each verbum for an answer. 85. Sen corresponds tojeu 1. 91. She now turns to her chil- dren, and prepares them for a double alternative : their father marrying again, or remaining as he is. 368 NOTES. tamen marks the contrast between the devotion to her contem- plated in the preceding lines and the possibility of a second marriage. adversum, because the lectus genialis was placed in the atrium facing the door. The door is here said to change the bed, either because it saw the change, or because the beds, old and new, had to pass through it. Propertius allows himself great latitude in his choice of a subject for a sentence. 86. canta, implying rather the quality needed, than that necessarily exhibited, by a stepmother. 87. 'Speak well of and put up with.' Either one of these two by no means necessarily implies the other. 90. Vertet in offensas suas, 'will turn or interpret them into (i. e. as intended for) an attack upon herself,' or perhaps better, ' as implying hatred of her.' 92. tanti, i.e. as to abstain from re-marriage. 93. sentire, they are to put themselves in their father's place, and actually to feel, as he feels, all that coming age brings with it. iam nunc, as usual, anticipatory of the future : ' begin at once to.' 94. ad, 'to meet:' nee vacet ulla via, 'let no path be un- trod,' or 'unguarded,' or, as we might say, 'let no stone be un- turned.' Prof. Palmer would translate, ' Let no road be open for him to arrive at the troubles of a bachelor.' 95. There is perhaps more here than the idea of Ov. Met. 7. 168 Denie meis annis, et demptos adde parenti, that the years of life taken from her might be added to make theirs longer. Rather she prays that her young children may have the tact and steadiness of a greater age given them, that they may be a com- fort to their father. ' May the age that I have lost be added to you : so may offspring of mine bring joy to Paullus' old age,' i. e. because of the comfort they would be to him. That they should survive their father was only natural, and needed no special prayer. 97, 98. ' I die happy : I never lost a child : not one of you is absent from my funeral.' 99. Causa perorata est. Almost a technical form for the ending of a speech. 100. humus, apparently ' the underworld,' and especially the judges before whom she has been pleading. Propertius is fond of using such words as humus, cinis, rogus, etc., to denote any of the consequences of, or conditions subsequent to, death. 101, 102. I. e. some have been raised to heaven by their virtues : she will be satisfied if she be deemed worthy of an honourable burial. THE PLEA OF CORNELIA. (PROPERTIUS : "/., iv. u.) CEASE, Paullus, cease ! thy fruitless tears withhold ; Unto no prayer will Hell's dark gates unfold ! From Death's dim bourne none cometh forth again ; Grief beats th' impenetrable bars in vain. Tho' Dis should hearken, in his gloomy hall, The deaf shores drink whatever tear-drops fall. Prayers may to heaven and heavenly gods aspire, But, when hell's ferryman hath ta'en his hire, The dark gate seals the legacy of fire. That truth sad trumpets pealed, when kindling flame Dropped through the bier the ashes of my frame Mine Scipio's child and Paullus' consort hailed, Mother of noble children what availed ? Found I, for all my fame, the Fates less stern? Light dust am I, a handful in an urn ! Ye nights of hell ! ye fens and marshes gray, And snakelike streams that wind about my way ! Untimely have I come, yet guiltless all Lord of the Dead, soft let thy sentence fall ! If Aeacus, if judgment here there be, Let urn and scroll speak justice' doom on me ; Judge sit by judge let Minos' throne be nigh, And the stern court, and Furies' company. Bb 370 THE PLEA OF CORNELIA, Rest, Sisyphus ! forego thy stone and hill ; Ixion, let thy whizzing wheel be still ! The cheating wave let Tantalus recall ; Let Cerberus no passing ghost appal ; Hell's bolt be silent, and its chain let fall ! Lo, mine own cause I plead ! If false my plea, Hard weigh the Danaids' urn of doom on me ! If trophied spoils bring heritage of fame, Speak, Spain and Afric, of my grandsires' name ! Well matched with them may stand my mother's line, And Scipio's stock with Libo's race combine. Then, when I passed from maiden unto bride, And wedlock's snood my virgin tresses tied, Till death should part, to Paullus' side I came Wife to one only be my funeral fame ! Dead sires ! whose threshold carven busts adorn And conquered Afric's figure, slavelike shorn Bear witness from your ashes to your home Those ashes, worthy of thy worship, Rome ! Bear witness, Perses ! all thy breast on fire To match Achilles' self, thy godlike sire Thou too, whose valour shattered from its base That home of Perses' and Achilles' race That ne'er, for sin of mine, was law made tame, Nor blushed our household for Cornelia's shame. Thro' me no stain on our renown could come Me, crown and model of our glorious home ! I walked unswerving, held a stainless fame, From wedding torch to funeral, the same. For Nature wrought for me a law within Thou shalt not shun the judgment, but the sin. What urn soever shall my doom decide, No woman e'er shall blush to seek my side : Not thou, O Claudia, who with spotless hand THE PLEA OF CORNELIA. 371 Didst hale the ling'ring galley from the strand, Cybelle's bark thou matron of renown, Servant of Her who wears the turret-crown ! Not she who erst, when anger'd Vesta came, From stainless robe relit th' entrusted flame. Thou too, dear heart, -Scribonia, mother mine! Ne'er have I grieved thee. If thy soul repine, Say this no more Too short a date was thine. Tears, true as thine, the weeping city gave, And Caesar sighed detraction from my grave. The mother of my Julia "was thine, He said ; thy life was worthy of my line Farewell! and tears fell from his eyes divine. Mine too it was, the honoured stole to gain ; Nor from a barren wedlock was I ta'en. Ah sons, my twofold solace after death Propped on your bosoms I resigned my breath ! Brother, twice throned in power ! the self-same day Saw thee made consul and me rapt away. Child, pride of Paullus' censorship begun, Live thou like me, love one and only one. Loyal to one, keep thou thy bed unstained, And by thine offspring be our line maintained! My race shall glorify my name and now Loosed be the death-boat I am lief to go ! Of woman's fame, this is the highest crown, When praised, and freed, and dead, we hold Renown. Guard, Paullus, guard the pledges of our love My very dust that ingrained wish can move ! Father thou art, and mother must thou be, Unto those little ones bereft of me. Weep they ? give twofold kisses, thine a,nd mine, Solace their hearts, and both our loves combine ; And if thou needst must weep, go, weep apart B b 2 372 THE PLEA OF CORNELIA. Let not our children, folded to thine heart, Between thy kisses feel thy tear-drops start. Enough, for love, be nightlong thoughts of me, And phantom forms that murmur I am she. Or, if thou speakest to mine effigy, Speak soft, and pause, and dream of a reply. Yet if a presence new our halls behold, And a new bride my wonted place shall hold My children, speak her fair, who pleased your sire, And let your gentleness disarm her ire ; Nor speak in praise of me your loyal part Will turn to gall and wormwood in her heart. But, if your father hold my worth so high, That lifelong love can people vacancy, And solitude seem only love gone by, Tend yc his loneliness, his thoughts engage, And bar the avenues of pain to age. I died before my time add my lost years Unto your youth, be to his heart compeers ; So shall he face, content, life's slow decline, Glad in my children's love, as once in mine. Lo, all is well ! I ne'er wore garb of woe For child or husband : I was first to go. Lo, I have said ! Rise, ye who weep ; I stand In high desert, worthy the Spirit Land. Worth hath stormed heaven ere now ; this, this I claim To rise, in death, upon the waves of Fame. E.D.A.M. INDEX TO THE NOTES. ab, of the point ' from which,' T. 2. I. 56. ab, = ' after,' P. 3. i. 24. ab, = ' coming from ' or ' away from,' P. 3. 1 8. i. ab, denoting the cause,P. 3. 1 1. 24. abiectus, P. i. 14. i. ablative of circumstance, P. 2. 12. 6,3.3. 43. ablative of condition,"! 1 . 2. 5. 105. ablative of description, P. 3. 4. 5. ablative of place, P. 4. 3. 10. ablative of quality, P. 3. i. 31. acerbus, T. i. 3. 55. Acheron, T. i. 3. 56. Achilles, P. 2. I. 37. Achilli, genitive, P. 4, n. 39. acinus, T. i. 10. 21. Acroceraunia, P. I. 8. 19. acta, P. 2. 13. 1 8. Actium, P. 4. 6. 1 8. ad, T. i. jo. 5 ; P. 4. 6. 70, 4. 11. 2,4. 11.94. adamas, P. 3. II. 9. addico, P. 3. n. 2. addictus, P. 3. n. 2. additus, P. 4. 4. 35. adopertus, P. 2. 28. 45. adverb, equivalent to adjective, T. 2. 5. 53. Aeaous, P. 4. II. 19. Aegyptus, T. i. 3. 79. Aelia Galla, P. 4. 3 intr. Aemilius Macer, T. 2. 6 intr. Aemilius Paullus, P. 4. II. 39. aeqno, P. 3. 2. u. Aesculapius, P. 2. I. 61. Aeson, P. 2. i. 54, 3. u. 12. aetas, P. 4. n. 45. aevum, P. 3. 2. 23. Africus, P. 4. 3. 47. Aganippe, P. 2. 10. 25. ago, P. i. 22. 5, 3. 7. 30. Alba longa, T. 2. 5. 41. ' Alcmaeon, P. 3. 5. 41. Alcyone, P. I. 17. 2. alienus, P. I. 8. 18. alludo, P. 3. 1 8. i. Aloidae, T. 2. 5. 9 ; P. 2. I. 19. Althaea, P. 3. 22. 31. Amalthea, T. 2. 5. 67. amat, P. 2. i. 58. Ambarvalia, T. I. i. 21, 2. i intr., 3. I. 2. Amor, T. 2. 5. 39. amores, P. i. 8. 45, 2. i. I. amores, ' my darling,' P. 4. 4. 37. amphora, T. i. 10. 48. Andromeda, P. I. 17. 3, n. 28. 21, 3. 22. 29. Antecanis, T. i. I. 27. Antonius, L., P. i. 22. 3. antra, P. 3. I. 5, 3. 2. 12. Anubis, T. I. 7. 28; P. 3. u. 41. Apis, T. i. 7. 28. Apollo, T. 2. 5. 9. Apollo Actiacus or Actius, P. 3. 11.69, 4- 6 - l8 - Apollo citharoedus, P. 2. 31. 5. Apollo, Palatine, P. 4. 6. n. 374 INDEX. Apollo, Palatine, temple of, P. 2. blandus, T. 3. 3. 2 ; P. i. 8. 40. 31 intr. ; T. 2. 5 intr. bona, P. 2. 12. 4. apposition to a sentence, P. 4. 6. bonus for ' beautiful,' P. 2. 28. 12. Bootes, P. 3. 5. 35. apto, P. 3. 3. 36. breeches, worn by Parthians, Per- aptus, P. 3. 22. 42. sians and Celts, P. 3. 4. 1 7. Aqua Marcia, P. 3. 2. 12. Britannicus, P. .2. i. 76. aquaeductus, P. 3. 2. 12. Britannus, P. 2. I. 76. Aquitania, T. I. 7. 3. bustum, P. i. 19. 21, 2. 13. 33. Arabia, P. 2. 10. 16. Arabian expedition, P. 3. 4 intr. caecus, P. 4. 3. 53. Arar, T. i. 7. n. caelo miserit, T. 2. 5. 44. Arctophylax, P. 3. 5. 35. Caelus, T. i. 3. 69. Arcturus, P. 3. 5. 35. Calisto, P. 2. 28. 23. Arethusa, P. 4. 3 intr. Callimachus, P. 2. 31. I. Argennum, P. 3. 7. 21. Calliope, P. 2. i. 3, 3. 2. 14. Argonauts, P. 3. 22. 13. candidus, T. i. 7. 64, i. 10. 68; Argutus, P. i. 1 8. 26. P. 2. 3. 23, 3. ii. 16, 4. 6. 71. Argynnus, P. 3. 7. 21. candor, T. i. 7. 64. Ascra, P. 2. 10. 25. Canicula, T. I. I. 27. assessus, P. 4. n. 50. Canis, T. I. I. 27. Assiduus, T. i. i. 3. canistrum, T. i. 10. 27. Assyrius, T. I. 3. 7. Canopus, P. 3. n. 39. asto, T. i. 10. 8. Caphareus or Caphereus, P. 3. 7. astrologers, T. i. 3. n. 38. at, P. 3. i. 21. capiti as an ablative, T. i. i. 72. at conveying indignation, P. 3. capitis poena, P. 2. i. 36. 18.7. Capitolium, T. 2. 5. 9. Atax, T. i. 7. 4. caput, P. 2. i. 36, 3. 4. 20, 3. 7. Athos, Mount, P. 2. i. 22. 4, 3-"- 3, 3- "8. 26, 4. n. 10, Atracus, P. i. 8. 25. 4- " 55- atratus, P. 2. I. 31. carbasa, P. 4. 3. 64. Attalicus, P. 2. 13. 23. Career, P. 4. 4. 13. Aturus, T. i. 7. 9. Carnoti, T. i. 7. 12. augurium, T. 2. 5. 11. Carnutes, T. I. 7. 12. Augustus, P. 2. i intr. Carpathian Sea, P. 3. 7. 21. Augustus, statue of, P. 2. 10. 13. Carrhae, P. 2. 10. 13. Autaricus, P. I. 8. 25. Carystus, T. 3. 3. 14. Avernus, P. 3. 18. 2. casia, T. i. 3. 61. cassida, P. 3. n. 15. Bacchus and the Muses, connec- Cassiope or Cassope, P. i. 17. 3. tion between, P. 3. 3. 29. Cassiopeia, P. I. 17. 3, 2. 28. 51, Bactra, P. 3. I. 16, 3. n. 26. 3. 22. 29. Baiae, P. 3. 18. 2. Castalia, P. 3. 3. 13. baris, P. 3. rr. 44. causor, T. i. 3. 17. bene, T. 2. i. 31. celebro, T. I. 3. 33. blanditiae, T. i. I. 72. Celts, P. 3. 4. 17. INDEX. 375 Centauri, P. 4. 6. 49. cera, P. 4. 6. 3. cerasta, P. 3. 22. 27. Ceraunia, P. I. 8. 19. certus, P. i. 8. 45. changing of metaphor, P. 3. i. 9. characteristic epithets, general terms particularized by, P. 2. 12. 10. Charon, T. 1.3. 56. Chiron, P. 2. i. 59. chorea, T. i. 7. 50. Cimmerians, T. 3. 5. 24. cista, T. i 7. 48. citharoedus, P. 2. 31. 5. citrus, P. 3. 7. 49. civilis, P. 3. II. 55. classica, P. 3. 3. 41. classicum, T. i. i. 4. classicus, P. 2. i. 28. classis, T. i. i. 4. Claudia, P. 4. n. 51. coa vestis, P. 2. i. 6. coctus, P. 3. ii. 22. Cocytus, T. 1.3. 56. cohors, T. i. 3. 2. colus, T. 2. i. 64. committo, P. 2. 3. 21, 4. 6. 53. commoveo, P. 3. 22. 6. communis sensus, P. 2. 1 2. 3. compendium, T. i. 3. 39. compono, P. 4. 6. 16. concha, P. I. 8. 39. conditus, T. I. i. 42 ; P. 4. 4. 3. condo, P. 2. i. 42, 3. 7. 72, 4. 6. 16. conopium, P. 3. 11. 45. consido, P. i. 8. 25. consitus, P. 4. 4. 3. contendo, P. I. 14. 7. convenio, P. 2. I. 41. cor, P. 2. i. 36, 2. 12. 6. corculum, P. 2. 12. 6. Corcyra, T. I. 3. 3. Corinna, P. 2. 3. 22. Cornelia, P. 4. 1 1 intr. Cornelius Scipio, P. 4. n. 65. cornucopia, T. 2. i. 2. corrumpo, P. I. 8. 21. corymbus, T. i. 7. 45. Croesus, P. 3. 5. 17. crystal, P. 4. 3. 52. Cupid, T. 2. 5. 39; P. i. 19. 5. cura, P. I. 8. I, 2. I. 26, 2. 12. 4, 3- 7- 21. Curetis, P. 4. 4. 9. Curia Hostilia, P. 4. 4. 13. Curius for Curiatius, P. 3. 3. 7. curvo, P. 3. 22. 35. Cybele, P. 3. 22. 3. Cydnus, T. i. 7. 13. cymbala, P. 3. 18. 6. Cynthia, P. i. 8 intr. Cyprus, P. 2. i. 31. Cyzicus, P. 3. 22. 2. dabant, imperf. tense, T. i. 3. 13. Dalmatia, P. i. 8. 2. damnatus, P. 4. 6. 21. Danaids, P. 2. 31. 5. Danaus, T. i. 3. 79. dare, with an accusative equi- valent to an intransitive verb, P. 3. 4. 79 . dare, with an adjective equi- valent to a transitive verb, P. 3. 4. 7 . dative after verbs of motion, T. 2. i. 81, 2. 5. 44; P. 4. 4. 71. dative in u, P. 2. 1. 66, 4. 6. 22. Dativus Etbicus, T. 2. 5. 47, 2. 6. 31 ; P. i. 8. 2. decolor, P. 4. 3. 10. deditus, T. i. i. 26. deduce, T. i. 3. 86. deductns, P. 4. 3. 13. defectus, T. 2. 5. 7.. deficio, P. 3. 5. 37. deficio, impersonal, P. I. 8. 23. defixus, P. i. 8. 15. demens, P. 3. 3. 15. depono, T. 2. I. 48. desidero, T. I. i. 41. desino, T. 2. 6. 41, 376 INDEX. detineo, P. 2. 2. i. detinuisse, perf. infin., T. 1. 1. 46. Deus, applied to Augustus, P. 3. 4. i. Deus Caesar, P. 3. 4. i. dicere iura, P. 4. 4. n. dies, time in the abstract, P. 3. 18. 16. digero, P. 2. 31. 3. Dindymus or Dindymis, P. 3. 22.3. direct question, indicative with, P. r. 8. 24. discolor, P. 4. 3. 10. discumbo, T. 2. 5. 95. disjunct! veness, Propertins' ten- dency to, P. 2. 13. 37. dispendium, T. I. 3. 39. disponens, P. 3. 5. 9. dissoluo, T. i. 7. 2, i. 7. 40. diverse, P. 3. 3. 33. diversus, P. 3. 3- 33- divination, T. i. 3. II. divitiae, T. i. i. I. dolia, T. 2. 5. 86. domus, P. 3. 5. 26. double construction, P. i. 22. 4, 4. 6. 33, 4. n. 65. doves sacred to Venus, P. 3. 3. 31. drinking cups, P. 3. 5. 4. duco, T. i. 3. 45; P. i. 14. 9, 3. 2. 17, 3. 4.8, 3. ii. 25, 4. 6. 85. Dulachium, P. 2. 2. 7. dulcis, P. 3. 7. 45. Dulichium, P. 2. 2. 7. dnrus, P. 2. i. 41, 2. 28. 32. duumviri sacrornm, T. 2. 5 intr. Dyrrhachium, P. i. 8. 20. eat, P. 3. 5. 38. Echinades, P. 2. i. 7. effero, P. 4. 6. 34. effultus, P. 3. 7. 50. egero, P. 4. 6. 34. Egypt, T. i. 7 intr. Egyptian Religion, T. i. 7. 27, 28. Eleus, P. i. 8. 2 5. elevo, P. i. 8. ii. elision, rough, P. 3. 22. 9. Elysium, T. I. 3. 56. emeritus. P. 4. n. 72. eo, 'to flow,' P. 3. i. 8, 4. ii. 60. eo. 'to march,' P. 3. 5. 38. Ephialtes, P. 2. i. 19. epithets transferred, P. 3. 3. 48, 3. 7- 2. equidem, P. 2. 31. 5. Erebus, T. i. 3. 56. ergo, P. 3. 3. 29, 3. 7. i Erinna, P. 2. 3. 22. erro, T. 2.6. 6. Erythraeum litters, T. 3. 3. 1 7. esseda, P. 2. i. 76. et, abrupt beginning, P. i. 17. i. Europe, P. 2. 28. 52. evectus, P. 3. 3. 21. eveho, P. 3. 7. 63. evehor, with an accusative, P. 3. 3- 21. evinctus, T. I. 7. 6. ex, P. 2. 12. 12. exactus, P. 3. I. 8. exaequo, P. 4. ii. 31. excanto, P. 3. 3. 49. excido, P. 3. 7. 7. excutio, T. 2. 6. 12. exeo, with an accusative, P. 3. 5. 37- exerceo, P. 3. 3. 34. extremum funus, P. I. 17. 23. extremus, P. I. 19. 2, 2. 2. 4. facetus, P. 2. i. Q. facilis, T. T. i. 8, i. i. 38, i. 3. 57. 3- 5- 3J p - 2 - J - 10 - facio used absolutely, P. 3. i. 20. fallo, P. 4. 4. 1 8, 4. ii. 80. falsus, P. i. 8. 29, i. 19. 9. farcio P. I. 8. 7. fata, P. i. 19. 2, 4. ii. 70. fatalis, T. i. 3. 53, 2. 5. 57. fataliter. T. 2. 5. 57. fatum, P. 2. i. 78. INDEX. 377 favete linguis, T. 2. i. i. felice, ablative, P. I. 8. 19. felix, P. 4. 4. 3. femina for feminea, P. 2. 31. 4. feminine form of serta, P. 4. 6. 3. fenus, T. 2. 6. 22. Feriae Sementivae, T. 1. 1. 21. ferio, P. 3. 3. 50. ferire carmina, P. 2. I. 9. fero, T. i. i. 20, i. 8. 28. ferre tabellam, P. 4. n. 49. fibra, T. 2. I. 26. fictilis, T. i. i. 38. fidem fallo, P. 3. 7. 36. tides, P. i. 18. 18. fingo, P. 3. I. 23, 3. 5. 7. no, with dative and ablative, T. 2. 6. i. flo, P. 3. 3. 42, 3. 7. 46. focus, P. 3. 18. 12. fortune-tellers, T. I. 3. n. frangor, P. 2. 28. 34. Fratres Arvales, T. 2. .1 intr. fulcio, P. i. 8. 7, 4. ii. 69. fulvns, T. 2. i. 88; P. 2. 2. 5. fumidus, P. 3. 1 8. 2. funera, P. 2. 31. 14. funus, for a dead body, P. i. 17. 8, 2. 13. 34, 4. ii. 3. Furiae, T. i. 3. 69 ; P. 4. 4. 68. furor, nom. of predication, P. i. 18. 15. fuscina, P. 3. 7. 62. fuscus, P. 4. ii. 5. fusus, T. 2. i. 64. future for a softened imperative, P. 2. 13. 27. Galatea, P. i. 8. 18. gemmeus, P. 3. 18. 20. gems, ocean products, P. 3. 4. 2. general terms particularized by characteristic epithets, P. 2. 12. 10. genialis dies, T. i.j. 49. genialis torus, T. i . 7. 49. genitive, objective, P. 4. II. 27. genitive, of description, P. 3. 5. 8. genitive, subjective, P. 3. 11. 31. Genius, T. i. 7. 49. Genius of women, T. i. 7. 49. Geryon or Geryones, P. 3. 22. 9. Giants, T. 2. 5. 9. glarea, T. i. 7. 59. Gnosius, P. 2. 12. 10. Gorgades, P. 3. 22. 7. Gorgons, P. 3. 22. 7. Graecisms, T. I. 7. 20; P. 2. 3. 20, 2. 10. 23, 3. I. I 4 , 3. 5. 35. gramen, P. 2. I. 53. gravo, P. 3. 7. 70. Greek forms of proper names, P. 2. 3. 21. grottoes, haunts of the Muses, P. 3- i- 5- gyros, P. 3. 3. 21. habeo, P. 4. n. 13. Haemonia, P. 2. 10. 2, 3. I. 26. haruspicina, T. 2. 5. n. hasta pura, P. 4. 3. 68. Helle, P. 3. 22. 5. Hercules, P. 3. 18. 6. Hesperion, P. 3. 22. 7. hie for ille, P. 3. n. 36. Hippocrene, P. 3. i. 19, 3. 3. 13. Hippolyte, P. 4. 3. 43. Hirtius, P. 2. i. 27. hisco, P. 3. 3. 4. hodierae, T. i. 7. 53. honor, T. i. 7. 53; P. 3. i. 22, nor, 1. i. 7. 53; J 3.11.17,4.6.5. ores, T. 1.7. 53. hon> Horace and Propertius com- pared, P. 3. i intr. Horatia pila, P. 3. 3. 7. humus, P. 4. II. 100. Hylaea, P. i. 8. 26. Hylleus, P. i. 8. 26. Hymen or Hymenaeus, P. 4. 3. 16. lardanis, P. 3. ii. 17. 37 INDEX. Ida, the Trojan and the Cretan, P. 3. I. 27. Idalium, P. 4. 6. 59. idem, P. 2. i. 67. igitur, P. i. 8. i, 2. 13. 17. llion, P. 3. i. 32. Ilium, P. 3. i. 32. Illyria, P. T. 8. 2. imago, P. i. 19. u. imperfect tense, T. i. 3. 13. improbus, P. 3. 7. 53, 4. n. 25. in, T. i. 10. 5; P. 2. 10. 21. in, with a verb of loving, P. 4. 3. 49, 2. 10. 21. in ore esse, P. 3. 7. 18. in rosa, P. 3. 5. 22. Inachis, P. 2. 28. 17. iste, P. i. 8. 3. Isthmus, P. 3. 22. 2. iteratus, P. 4. 3. 7. iter mortis, P. 3. 7. 31. iter soporis, P. 3. n. 54. iugerum, T. i. i. 2. lulian Harbour, P. 3. 18. i. iungo, T. i. i. 69. luno, T. T. 7. 4<> iura, P. 3. R. 39. iura dare, P. 3. 4. 4, 3. n. 46. ius dicere, P. 3. 4. 4. ius imaginum, P. 2. 13. 19. juxtaposition of opposing epi- thets, P. 4 . 4. 44. ivy, sacred to Bacchus, P. 3. 3.35. Ixion, T. i. 3. 73 ; P. 2. I. 37. incedo, P. 2. I. 5, 2. 2. 6. incipio, P. 3. 4. 16. incolumis, P. 2. 12. n. increpo, P. 4. n. 60. India, P. 2. 10. 15. indicative with indirect ques- tion, P. i. 8. -24. iners, P. I. 8. 10, 3. 7. 72. infestus, P. i. 8. 16. infinitive dependent on an ad- jective, P. 2. 13. 28. inflectere vocem, T. i. 7. 37. ingero, T. i. i. 2. ingredior, P. 3. 1. 3. innocuus, T. 2. 5. 63. innoxius, passive, T. 2. 5. 63. Ixionides, P. 2. I. 37. kilt, a Roman military dress. P. 3- 4- 1 7- kisses, T. 2. 5. 92. Kronos, T. 2. 5. 9. labor, T. i. i. 3. lacunar, T. 3. 3. 16. lacus, T. 2. 5. 86. lances, P. 2. 13. 23. lararium, T. I. i. 20, I. 10. 15. Lares, T. i. i. 20, i. 10. 15. latus claudere, T. 2. 6. 4. Laurens ager, T. 2. 5. 41. Laurentum, T. 2. 5. 41. Ino, P. 2. 28. 19. insero, T. I. i. 74. insidians, P. 3. 7. 37. insolitus, P. i. 8. 8. intactus, P. 2. 10. 16. intendo, P. i. 14. 5. intonsus, T. 2. i. 34. invidiosus, P. 2. i. 73. 10, P. 2. 28. 17. lolcUS, P. 2. I. 54. lope, P. 2. 28. 51. irriguus, T. 2. i. 44. Irus, P. 3. 5. 17. Isis, T. i. 3. 23, i. 7. 27, 1.7. 28. laus, T. i. i. 57. Lavinium, T. 2. 5. 41. lectum, T. i. i. 43. lectus genialis, P. 4. 11. 85. lentus, T. 3. 5. 30; P. 4. 3.39, 4. ii. 15. leonine rhyme, P. I. 8. n. Lepida, P. 4. 1 1 intr. Lesbian wine, P. i. 14. 2. Lethe, T. I. 3. 56. Leucas, P. 3. 1 1 . 69. levo, T. I. i. 44. Liber, T. 2. i. 2. Libera, T. 2. I. 2. INDEX. 379 libo, T. I. i. 14; P. 4. 4. is. Libones, P. 4. n. 31. libum, T.I. j. 54. Liburna, P. 3. n. 44. Liger, T. I. 7. 12. limen, P. i. 8. 22. Lixus, P. 3. 22. 9. long hands, P. 3. 7. 60. Lucrinus Lacus, P. 3. 18. i. ludi quinquennales, P. 4. 6 intr. ludo, P. 3. 18. i. lumina, a fire, P. 3. 4. n. lustro, P. 2. 10. i. L. Volcatius Tullus, P. 1. 14 intr. Lycotas, P. 4. 3 intr. Machaon, P. 2. i. 59. madeo, T. 2. i. 29 ; P. 4. 4. 76. madidus, P. 4. 4. 76. Maecenas, P. 2. i intr. Maeonius, P. 2. 28. 29. magnus, of words, T. 2. 6. u. male, T. i. 10. 51, 2. i. 30. male cinctus, P. 4. 3. 62. malum, T. 2. 5. 108. malus, P. 3. 1 8. 22. manes for cineres, P. 2. 13. 32. manus, P. 2. 12. 2. marbles, T. 3, 3. 13. Marcellus, P. 3. 18. 13. Marcellus, early death of, P. 3. 1 8 intr. maritus as a participle, P. 4. 3- " Marius, P. 2. I. 24, 3. 3. 44. Marpessia, T. 2. 5. 67. Marpessus, T. 2. 5. 67. Mausolus, P. 3. 2. 19. mea vita, P. 3. u. I. Medea, P. 2. i. 54. Meleager, P. 3. 22. 31. mendum, menda, P. 2. I. 65. Menoetiades, P. 2. 1. 37. menstrua tura, T. I. 3. 34. Mentor, P. i. 14. 2. Mermessia, T. 2. 5. 67. Mermessus, T. 2. 5. 67. Meroe, P. 4. 6. 78. Messalla, M. Valerius, T. i. i. 53, i. 7 intr., i. 7. 1 7, 2. 5 intr. Messallinus, T. 2. 5 intr. meus = ' favourable, 1 T. 3. 3. 28. mico, T. i. 10. 12. Minerva, T. 2. I. 65. minium, P. 2. 3. n. Minos, T. i. 3. 56. misceo P. 3. 5. 15. Misenus, P. 3. 18. 3. missus for immissus, P. 3. T. 13. mitto, P. 3. ii. 64. modernisms, P. 3. 7. 3, 4. 6. 42. mollis, P. 2. i. 2, 2.1. 41, 2. 28. 16, 3. i. 19, 3. 3. i, 3. 3. 18. mollit, P. 4. 6. 10. Mopsopus, T. i. 7. 54. moror, P. I. 19. 2. mors, for a dead body, P. 2. 13- 23- Mount Corycus, P. 3. 7. 21. Mount Dindymon or Dindyma, P. 3. 22. 3. Mount Mimas, P. 3. 7. 21. Mount Oeta, P. 3. i. 32. moveo, P. 3. 22 6. multa aspera, P. i. 18. 13. munera, P. 2. n. 3. musea, P. 3. I. 5. mustum, T. I. i. 10. mutina, P. 2. i. 27. Myron, P. 2. 31. 7. mysticus, T. i. 10. 26. nam, P. I. 8. 21, 3. 11. 27. nam used elliptically, T. i. I. n. Natalis Dies, T. i. 7. 49. nato, P. 3. 7. 8. ne for non in consecutive pro- positions, P. 3. ii. 24. ne = ut non, P. 3. 11. 24. necforneu, P. 2. 13. 28. nefanda loqui, T. 2. 6. 18. nego, P. i. 8. 32. Nemesis, T. 2. 5. in. nervus, P. 3. 3. 4 , 3. 3. 35. 3 8 INDEX. Neuricus, P. 4. 3. 8. niger, T. I. 3. 71, 2. I. 90; P. 4. 6.83. nigra hora, T. 3. 5. 5. Nile, T. i. 7. 21, 28; P. 2. 1.32. Nireus, P. 3. 18. 27. nitidus, T. 2. i. 21. nobiles, P. 2. 13. 19. nominative for dative of the com- plement, P. 3. 7. 13, 28,4. 1 1.43. nominative of predication, P. I. 14. 18. non for ne, T. 2. I. 9. noster, P. 2. 12. 8. nota, P. I. 18. 8. novalis, or novale, T. 3. 3. 5. nudus, P. 3. 5. 14. nullae curae as dative, P. 3. 1 1 . 57. numen, T. i. 3. 79- numero, P. 3. 7. 17. numerus, P. 2. 28. 55. numina, of one Deity, T. i. 3. 79. nusquam, P. 2. 12. 15. oblitus, P. i. 19. 6, 4. 4. 22. obstrepo, T. 2. i. 86 ; P. 4. 4. 4. occupo, T. i. 10. 40. Ocnus, P. 4. 3. 21. Octavia, P. 3. 18. u. Oeta, Mount, P. 3. i. 32. olim, T. 3. 5. 23. omens from lamps, P. 4. 3. 60. omens, unlucky, P. 4. 3. 14. omnis, accusative plural, is for es, P. 2. 28. 29. Omphale, P. 3. u. 17. onyx, P. i. 14. 19, 2. 13. 30. operor, T. 2. I. 9, 2. 5. 95. Ops, T. 2. 5. 9. optimus, P. 3. 18. II. ora, P. 3. 3. 52. ora parva, P. 3. 3. 5. orbis, P. 3. i. 39. organa, P. 3. 3. 29. orgia, P. 3. i. 4, 3. 3. 29. Oricum or Oricos, P. I. 8. 19, 3- 7- 49- Ortus, T. 2. 5. 59. Ortygia, P. 3. 22. 15. Orythyia, P. 3. 7. 13. Osiris, T. i. 7. 27, 28. os magnum, P. 2. 10. 12. os rotundum, 2. 10. 12. ossa, P. i. 17. 12. ostrum, P. i. 14. 20. Otus, T. 2. 5. 9. Ovid copied by Propertm?, P. 4. 3- 3- Pactolus, T. 3. 3. 28. Paetus P. 3. 7 intr. Palatine Library, P. 3. i. 37. Palilia, or Parilia, T. i. i. 21, i. i. 3S. 2.5.87. palla, T. i. 7. 46; P. 2. 31. 16. pallia, P. 4. 3. 31. Parilia, T. i. i. 35; P. 4 .4. 73. Paris, P. 3. I. 30. pariter, P. 3. i. 5. pnro, P. i. 17. 13, 3. 5. 6. Parlha for Parthica, P. 3. 4. 6. Parthian cavalry, P. 2. 10. 13. Parthians, Persians, and Medes used indifferently, P. 3. n. 21. Parthicus, P. 2. to. 13. participle passive in place of the adjective in -bilis, P. 3. 5. 3. pasco, intransitive, T. 2. 5. 25. Pasiphae, P. 2. 28. 52. past participle for the adjective in -bilis, P. 3. 5. 3, 4 11. 4. pater, P. .q. 3. 6. Pater for Juppiter, P. 4. 3. 47. Patrocles, P. 2. i. 37. patronymics of females, P. 3. u. 17- Paullus, L. Aemilius, P. 3. 3. 8. Pansa, P. 2. i. 27. pecten, T. 2. i. 66. Pectus, P. 3. 5. 8. Pecunia as a Deity, P. 3. 7. i. pegasides. P. 3. i. 19. Pegasus, P. 3. i. 19. Peirene, P. 3. I. 19, 3. 3. 13. INDEX. 381 Pelasgus, P. 2. 28. 11. Penates, T. i. i. 20; P. i. 22. i. pentameter, trisyllabic ending of, T. i. i. 50. Penthesilea, P. 3. n. 14. per, P. 4. 3. 20. perfect for present, P. 3. 22. 13. perf. infinitive, T. i. i. 29, i. i. 46, 2. 5. 52. Perfects of Habit, T. 2. i. 73. pergula, T. 2. i. 24. Permessus, P. 2. 10. 25. Perrhaebi, P. 3. 5. 33. Perseus, P. 3. 22. 29, 4. n. 39. Persian Gulf, P. 3. 4. 2. Perusia, P. i. 22. 3. Perusian War, P. i. 22. 3. pes, P. 3. i. 6. Phaeax for Phaeacus, P. 3. 2. n. Phaedra, P. 2. i. 51. Phaeto, T. 2. 5. 67. Pharos, T. I. 3. 32; P. 2. I. 30. Philadelphia, Ptolemy, P. 2.1. 30. Philetas, P. 3. i. i. Phineus, P. 3. 5. 41. Phlegethon, T. i. 3. 56. Phlegraei Campi, P. 2. i. 39. Phorcis, P. 3. 22. 7, 8. Phylacides, P. i. 19. 7. pio, P. 3. 4 . 9. Pirithous, P. 2. I. 37. Pitys, P. i. 18. 20. placeo, T. 2. 5. 35, 2. 5. 51. plango, T. i. 7. 28. Pleiades, P. I. 8. 10, 3. 5. 36. poets, priests of the Muses, P. 3. i. i. Polydamas, P. 3. i. 29. Pompeius for Pompeianns, P. 3. 1 1 . 60. pono, T. i. 3. 85; P. 1. 17. n, a. 3. 17, 2. 13. 43- Porta Trinmphalis, P. 2. i. 33. positus, P. i. 8. 7. posteritas, P. 3. i. 34. posterus, P. 3. i. 34. Postumus, P. 4. 3 intr. pote, P. 3. 7 10. potis, P. 3. 7. 10. praeconia, P. 3. 3. 41. praelia, of love, T. i . 3. 64. praetexta, P. 4. n. 33. praeveotus, P. i. 8. 19. premo, T. I. 3. 40; P. 3. 18. 9. present for perfect, P. 4. 4. 54. present participle, P. 4. 6. 27. pressus = oppressus, P. 3. 18. 9. Priapus, T. i. i. n, I. I. 18. pro, P. i. 22. 2. Procyon, T. i. i. 27. proferre, T. i. 10. I. proletarius, T. i. i. 4. propello, P. 3. 22. n. proper names, variable quantity of, P. 2. 10. 16. provectus, P. i. 8. 14. proximus, of merit, T. 3. 5. 3. Ptolemaeus, P. 2. i. 30. puer, P. i. 19. 5. pulsa, T. i. I. 4. pulvis, P. i. 22. 6. pumex, P. 3. i. 8. punicus, P. 3. 3. 32. Pyramids, P. 3. 2. 17. Pyrrhus, P. 3. n. 62. Pythia, T. 2. 5. 63. quaero ... si, P. 2. 3. 5. quaesitus, P. 3. 2. 23. qualiscunque, P. 3. I. 30. quando for quandoquidem, P. 2. 10.8. quare, P. i. 19. 25. que, irregular position of, T. i. i. 51, i. 3. 38, 56. que, misplaced, T. 2. 5. 72, 86. queror cum, T. 2. 6. 34. quin, P. i. 8. 22. quindecemviri, T. 2. 5 intr. quis for aliquis, T. I. 10. 13. quo ne = ne, P. 3. n. 24. quod, ' whereas,' P. 3. 2. 9. quolibet, P. i. 8. 4. 382 INDEX. racemus, T. i. 10. 21. radii, P. 4. 3. 34. rapere in ius, P. 3. II. 27. rarus, P. i. 8. 42, 4. II. 52. rates, P. i. 8. 14. ratis. P. i. 8. 14. re, as prefix, P. 2. i. 71. rectus, P. 3. 5. 10. reddo, P. 2. I. 71, 3. 7. 25. regere fines, T. I. 3. 44. relevo, P. i. 14. 22. remitto, T. 3. 5. 4. repente with force of an adjec- tive, T. i. 3. 50. repetitions common in Prop., P. i. 8. 25, 3. 18. 21. repono, P. i. 17. u. reposco, P. 2. i. 71, 4. II. 53. require, T. I. i. 41. respicio, T. i. 3. 14. Rhadamanthus, T. i. 3. f6. rhombus, P. 2. 28. 35. rising of the stars, the heliac, P. i. 8. 10. rising of the stars, the true, P. I. 8. 10. rogus, P. 1. 19. 2. Romula for Romulea, P. 4. 4. 26. rosa, P. 3. 3. 36. ruber, T. i. I. 17. rudis, P. 3. 22. 13. rumpere vocem, P. i. 8. 22. rumpor, of envy, P. i. 8. 27. sacra, P. 3. I. I. St. Elmo's fire, P. I. 17. 18. Samian Sibyll, T. 2. 5. 67. Santones, T. i. 7. 10. Saturnia, T. 2. 5. 9. Satumi dies, T. i. 3. 18. Saturnus, T. 2. 5. 9. savin, P. 4. 3. 58. Scamander, P. 3. i. 27. scamnum, P. 3. 3. 19. sceleratus, T. I. 3. 67. sceptra, P. 4. 6. 58. Scironian rocks, P. 3. 22. 38. Scribonia, P. 4. 1 1 intr. , 4 . 1 1 . 3 1 . Scribonius Libo, P. 4. n. 31. securus, T. 2. i. 46; P. 2. 12. u. sed, P. 2. 10. i. sed, repetition of, T. I. 7. 4^. seges, T. i. 3. 61. Stmele, P. 2. 28. 27. Sementiva, T. 2. i. 5. Semiramis, P. 3. n. 20. sensus, P. 2. 1 2. 3. sepositus, T. 2. 5. 8. seres, P. 4. 3. 8. series, T. i. 3. 63. sevectus, P. 3. 3. 21. shaving introduced into Rome, T. 2. i. 34. short final syllable before sc, sp, st, sq, P. 3. II. 53. si with the indicative, P. 3. 1 1 , 49. 4- 3- 2 - Sibylla Cumana, T. 2. 5. 67. Sibylla Erythraea, T. 2. 5. 67. Sibyllina Oracula, T. 2. 5 intr. Sibylline Books, T. 2. 5 intr. Sicambri or Sugaml ri, P. 4. 6. 77. sic ... ut, in vows and adjura- tions, T. 2. 5. 65. silex, T. i. 7. 59. Silvanus, T. i. i. n, 2. p. 30. Simois, P. 3. i. 27. si in ind. question, P. 3. 5. 40. si qua, P. 2. 3. 15, 2. 10. 17. Sirius, T. i. i. 27. sistrum, T. i. 3. 24; P. 3. n. 43. Sisyphus, T. i. 3. 56. situs, T. j. 10. 50. sive . . . sive, construction of, P. 2. i. 5. smaragdus. T. I. 1/51. Solfatara, P. 2. i. 39. solito, P. i. 17. 3. sollicito, T. i. 7. 30. soothsayers, T. i. 3. u. Sorores.ofthe Muses, P. 3. i. 17. sortes, T. i. 3. n. 2. 5. u sortior, P. 4. n. 20. specimen, P. 4. u. 67. INDEX. 3*3 spectare,used absolutely, P. 3.4. 1 5 . Spes, T. I. I. 9. spica cilissa, P. 4. 6. 74. spinning, T. 2. I. 64. spiritus, P. 2. 3. 2. springs sacred to the Muses, P. 3. V 3- stans, P. 4. 6. 27. Statuae Mari, P. 3. n. 46. Statue of Augustus, P. 2. 10. 13. stemmata, P. 2. 13. 19. sterno, P. 2. 3. 23. stimulus, T. I. I. 30. sto, T. 2. 5. 98; P. 3. 3.44, 3.5.2, 3.18.15, 3. 22. 22,4. 11.4. stringo, P. 3. n. 24. Strymonis, P. 4. 4. 72. Styx.T. i. 3. 56. subductus, P. 2. 10. 9. subjunctive mood, T. I. i. 3. subtemen, T. i. i. 66. subtraho, P. 3. 7. 65. succinctus, P. 4. 3. 62. suffusus, T. 2. i. 55. Suovetaurilia, T. 2. i intr. supero, P. 3. 5. 29. surdus, P. 4. 3. 53. sustineo, P. 3. 2. i. suus = favourable, T. 3. 3. 28; P. 4. 4. 81. Synnada, T. 3. 3. 13. Syphax, P. 3. n. 61. Syria, T. I. 7. 18. Syrius, P. 2. 13. 30. tabella, T. I. 3. 28 ; P. 4. 11. 49. taeda, P. I. 8. 21. Taenarum, T. 3. 3. 14. talaria, P. 2. 12. 6. Tantaleus, P. 2. i. 66. Tantalis, P. 2. 31. 14. Tantalus, T. i. 3. 56, I. 13. 77; P. 2. i. 66. tanti, P. 4. ii. 92. taiiti ut, P. 4. 3. 63. Tarbelli, T. i. 7. 9. Tarpeia, P. 4. 4 intr. Tartarus, T. I. 3. 56. tela, T. 2. i. 66. Telephus, P. 2. i. 61. tempero, P. 3. 5. 15, 3. 22. 16. Temple of Palatine Apollo, T. 2. 5 intr. ; P. 2. 31 intr. tempore, P. 4. n. 65. teneo, T. i. i. 20; P. 2. 10. 14. tener, T. i. I. 46, I. 10. 16, 2. 6. 30. teneram, T. i. 7. 30. tenuis, P. 3. I. 8. tenuisse, T. I. i. 29. tenuo, P. 3. i. 5, 4. 3. 27. ter, a mystic number, P. 4. 6. 30. terebinthus, P. 3. 7. 49. Terminus, T. i. I. n. terra = ' the body,' P. 3. 7. 9. testa. T. i. 10. 48. Theophania, T. i. 7. 28. Theseus, P. 2. i. 37. Oia or Ovia, P. 3. 7. 49. tibia, T. 2. i. 86. Tiburnus, P. 3. 22. 23. tigna, P. 4. 6. 50. Tisiphone, T. 1.3. 69. Titans, the, T. 2. 5. 9. Tityos, T. i. 3. 75. 'iityus, T. i. 3. 56. toga, P. 4. ii. 33. Tombs of the Romans, P. 2. ii. 5. tonsus, P. 4. II. 38. torus, T. I. I. 43. toto, as dative, P. 3. ii. 57. trabes, T. 3. 3. 16. tractus, P. 4. 3. 5. traho, P. i. 14. 9, 3. 7. 40, 52, 3- " 54- traicio, P. i. 19. 12, 3. 18. 31. trames, P. 3. 22. 24. trichila, T. 2. i. 24. tristis, P. i. 14. 1 6. trisyllabic ending of pentameter, T. i. i. 50. Triumph, P. 2. i. 33. Troia, P. 3. i. 32. 384 INDEX. tuba, P. 2. 13. 20. Tullianum, P. 4. 4. 13. Tullus, L. Volcatius, P. 3. 2 2 intr. Tullus, P. i. 14 intr., i. 22 intr., 3. 22 intr. tumultus, P. 2. 10. 7. turba, P. 3. 3. 24. turbo, P. 3. 3. 24. turbo, 'a reel,' P. 2. 28. 35. turpis, T. i. 10. 36. tutela, P. 4. 4. 69. tutus, P. 2. 12. ii. tympana, P. 3. 3. 28. Tyro, P. 2. 28. 51. ubi, T. 2. 5. 83. ullus, P. i. 19. 26. urgeo, P. 4. ii. i. urna, P. 4. ii. 19. uro, T. n. 6. 5 ; P. 4. 3. 23. tiva, T. i. 10. 21. vaco, P. 4. 6. 14. vacuus, P. i. 8. 15. vadum, P. 2. i. 22. vagus, T. 2. 6. 3 ; P. 3. ii. 51. valeat, P. 3. I. 7. vanus, P. i. 8. 29. varius, T. i. 10. 10. ve, irregularposition of, T. 1.1.51. vela, P. 3. 1 8. 13. Velabrum, T. 2. 5. 33. velificatus, P. 2. 28. 40. ventosus, P. 2. 12. 4. verba queror, P. i. 8. 22. verbena, P. 4. 3. 57. vereor, P. i. 19. i. Vergiliae, P. i. 8. 10. versicolor, P. 3. 7. 50. versus, P. 3. 3. 10. Vesanus, P. i. 8. 5. vescor with accusative, T. 2. 5.64. Vesta, T. i. i. 20. vetus, T. i. 10. 18 ; P. 3. i. 23. vetustas, P. 3. i. 23. via, P. 3. 1 8. 34. via, of a march, T. i. i. 26, 51. via animi, T. i. 10. 4 ; P. 3.7.31. ViaAppia.T. 1.7.57. Via Flaminia, T. i. 7. 57. Via Herculis, P. 3. 18. i. Via Latina, T. i. 7. 57. via mortis, T. i. 10. 4. Via Sacra, P. 3. 4. 21. viae, P. i. 8. 30. viae fortunae, P. 3. 7. 31. viae, in plural, of a voyage, T. i. 3- 14- vicibus, P. 4. ir. 75. vigilo, P. 2. 3. 7. vindico in, P. 4. ii. 20. Vinum Caecubum, T. 2. i. 27. Vinum Calenum, T. 2. i. 27. Vinum Falernum, T. 2. i. 27. Vinum Gauranum, T. 2. I. 27. Vinum Massicum, T. 2. I. 27. Vinum Setinum, T. 2. i. 27. Virgil, pathos of, P. 3. 18 intr. vitium, P. 2. i. 65. vitta, P. 4. ii. 34. vocare manu, P. 1.8. 16. vocative for nom. oracc.,P.i.8. 19. vota, P. 4. 3. 17. voti compos, T. i. 10. 23. voti reus. T. i. 10. 23. votum, T. i. 10. 23. vowel, short before sp, P. 4. 4. 48. Winds, chart of (p. 335), P. 4. 3.48. words placed in a double con- struction, P. 3. i. 13. zeugma, T. 3. 3. 2 1 . '3/9/99 Clarenfcon press Series OF School Classics. I. LATIN CLASSICS. AUTHOR. Caesar . Catullus Cicero . Horace Juvenal Livy . WORK. EDITOR. PRICE. Gallic War, Books I, IITAoberlv as. ,, Books I-III 2s. Books III-V , 2s.6d. Books VI- VIII . . . . . $s.6d. Civil War .... 3*. 6d i Carmina Select a (text ) ,. ! only) 1 E111S V' M - Selections, 3 Parts . . Walford .... each is. 6d. Selected Letters . . . Prichard & Bernard . 3^. Select Letters (text only) Watson $s. De Amicitia . . . De Senectute , . . Pro Cluentio . . . Pro Marcello . . . ProMilone .... Pro Roscio .... 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