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LIBERTY AND LABOR. 
 
 AN ADDRESS BY HON. WILLIAM (McKINLEY, GOVER 
 NOR OF OHIO, AT CHICAGO, JULY 4, 1895. 
 
 AMERICAN LABOR ALWAYS PATRIOTIC AND LOYAL TO OUR INSTITU 
 TIONS AND FLAG. 
 
 " The hope of the Republic is in a citizenship that is faithful to 
 home and family and devotedly loyal to country." 
 
 Mr. President, Members of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, of 
 the Trade and Labor Assembly of Chicago, and My Fellow- 
 Citizens : 
 
 I am glad to join with you in observing this, our one hund 
 red and nineteenth National anniversary, that we may gather 
 fresh inspirations in the cause of human freedom and equality 
 and dedicate ourselves anew, in common with our fellow-citi 
 zens everywhere, to the good work of maintaining the free Gov 
 ernment which our fathers inaugurated more than a century 
 ago. No city in America has a better right or a better reason 
 to rejoice at its majesty and strength than Chicago, and no cit 
 izens of any city in any State should celebrate it with more zeal 
 and joy than her working people, who have done so much to 
 make Chicago the great inland metropolis of our country, whose 
 marvelous progress is the admiration and wonder of the world. 
 
 We are a Nation of working people ; some one has said 
 that Americans are born busy, and that they never find time 
 to be idle or indolent. We glory in the fact that in the dignity 
 and elevation of labor we find our greatest distinction among 
 the nations of the earth. The United States possesses practi 
 cally as much energy or working power as Great Britain, Ger 
 many and France combined, so that the ratio of working power 
 falling to each American is more than that of to two people of 
 
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 any other nation. But with our improved and superior machin 
 ery each American laborer is enabled to accomplish, relatively, 
 still more than his European competitor. The American laborer 
 not only does more and better work, but there are more skilled, 
 intelligent and capable artisans here now in proportion to the 
 total population than in any other country of the world. No 
 other country can boast of so great a percentage of producers 
 among her instructed population, and none other can point to 
 so large a number of enlightened and educated citizens. The 
 census statistics of 1890 place the number of our citizens over 
 ten years of age engaged in gainful occupations at 22,735,000, 
 while Sir Michael G. Mulhall, the noted English statistician, 
 refers to the fact that no other civilized country could ever be 
 fore boast of 41,000,000 instructed citizens. Indeed, we may 
 find in the able review of the industrial activities of our country 
 recently published by this distinguished authority many strik 
 ing texts for patriotic contemplation. He states very frankly : 
 
 "if we were to take a survey of mankind in ancient or 
 modern times as regards the physical, mechanical and intellect 
 ual force of nations, we find nothing to compare with the Unit 
 ed States in this present year of 1895. The physical and me 
 chanical power which has enabled a community of wood-cutters 
 and farmers to become in less than one hundred years the greatest 
 Nation in the world is the aggregate of the strong arms of men 
 and women, aided by horse-power, machinery and steam-power 
 applied to the useful arts and sciences of every-day life. The 
 power that traces a furrow in the prairie, sows the seed, reaps 
 and threshes the ripe grain; the power that converts w r heat into 
 flour, that weaves wool or cotton into textile stuffs and gar 
 ments; the power that lifts the mineral from the bowels of the 
 earth, that forges iron and constructs railroads; the power that 
 builds up towns and cities in a word, whatever force is di 
 rected for the production, conveyance or distribution of the 
 necessaries, comforts or luxuries of life, may be measured at 
 each National census with almost the same precision as that 
 with which the astronomer indicates the distances of the heav 
 enly bodies." 
 
 We shall not enter upon such a computation or study, in 
 teresting as it might be, but you are to be congratulated upon 
 the fact that in every field of progress and development Chicago 
 has always been to the front and borne a most conspicuous part. 
 
Upon this proud record I feel that you are to be especially con 
 gratulated, for I am sure that to no class of her citizens is this 
 great city so much indebted for her marvelous growth as to her 
 wage-earners, artisans and working people. It can truthfully 
 be said that no other city in the country has been so shining a 
 light, so truly an example and model in enterprise and energy 
 for so many people in so many States as Chicago. Her people 
 have set the pace for the great Northwest, now chasing other 
 parts of the country in the race of progress and supremacy. It 
 is fitting fhat they should rejoice, and above all most appropri 
 ate that they should select this glad anniversary as the occasion 
 for such jubilations. 
 
 This day, forever the most illustrious in our history, is 
 crowded with patriotic memories. It belongs to history, and 
 celebrates that only which is grand and inspiring in history. 
 Every memory, every tradition, every event about it must in 
 spire every patriot with true homage to country and with hope, 
 courage and confidence for the future. It is the baptismal day 
 of freedom ; the day w r hen the hearts of Young America are 
 proud and glad and the hearts of the old are young again. It 
 celebrates the grandest act in the history of the human race 
 the Declaration of American Independence, and a ringing pro 
 test against usurpation and tyranny in that age and every 
 other. It has no rival; Lincoln s immortal Proclamation of 
 Emancipation was but its fitting supplement and actual fulfill 
 ment. Yorktown pointed the way, but it w T as Appomattox that 
 marked the completed, unquestioned, glorious realization of 
 both. 
 
 The Fourth of July calls us back to the most heroic era of 
 American annals, and I can conceive of nothing more profitable 
 than a consideration of the origin and meaning of our National 
 anniversary and a brief notice of some of the patriotic leaders 
 who made its celebration possible. The day records the event 
 which gave birth to the Nation, that glad event to humanity 
 out of which has aiisen the great National fabric that we now 
 enjoy, and the preservation and advancement of which should 
 be our highest and most sacred concern. We can not study the 
 early history of the country without marveling at the courage, 
 
the foresight, the sagacity, and the broad-mindedness of th 
 men who promulgated the Declaration of Independence and 
 who subsequently launched a new Government under a written 
 Constitution. The men who framed the Declaration and Con 
 stitution seem now to have been inspired for their great work, 
 to have been raised up by Jehovah, like his prophets of old, es 
 pecially for the supreme duties and grave responsibilities he 
 placed upon them. 
 
 Both instruments were in part the work of the same men, 
 and never was the spirit and impulse of a preliminary docu 
 ment more apparent in the completed act. What illustrious 
 men constituted the Continental Congress of 1776 and most of 
 them were young men, whose subsequent careers were as dis 
 tinguished and useful as their first great work indicated they, 
 would become! Every American can proudly call that roll of 
 honor without reservation, apology or omission. From Vir 
 ginia came Jefferson, its author; Harrison, Nelson, Wythe, the 
 Lees, and Braxton, all famous in the annals of the State, and 
 nil freely risking life and fortune for their beloved country. 
 From Massachusetts came John Hancock, "the outlawed but 
 uncompromising President;" John Adams, "the Colossus of 
 Independence," and his equally patriotic kinsman, Samuel 
 Adams, " the Father of the Revolution." Near them sat Ben 
 jamin Franklin, the resourceful and wise philosopher, the elo 
 quent Edward Rutledge, of South Carolina, and those tireless 
 and talented advocates of freedom and union, Thomas McKean 
 and Caesar Rodney, of Delaware. In another group, perhaps, 
 were the four brave men who in later years sat with Washing 
 ton to frame and sign the Constitution Roger Sherman, of 
 Connecticut, George Read, of Delaware, and George Clymer and 
 James Wilson, of Pennsylvania. Near them were those sweet - 
 spirited and able counselors and orators, Arthur Middleton, of 
 South Carolina, and Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia. Then 
 there were John Witherspoon, of Princeton College, a disciple 
 of Christ and the Christian doctrine of fcivil liberty; John 
 Penn, the sturdy patriot of North Carolina; Lyman Hall, of 
 Georgia; Chase, Paca, and Stone, of Maryland; Bartlett and 
 Whipple, of New Hampshire; Floyd and Livingston, of 
 
York; Hopkins and Ellery, of Rhode Inland, and the young 
 and ardent Charles Carroll, of Carrollton. 
 
 Nor must we omit to. mention two of this distinguished 
 body of patriots Dickinson, the eloquent "Pennsylvania 
 Farmer," and his colleague, Robert Morris, " the Financier of 
 the Resolution," whose energy, self-sacrifice and devotion were 
 as unbounded as his integrity and probity were unimpeachable. 
 It is related that after he had already involved himself to the 
 extent of $1,500,000 in behalf of the Government, he said to a 
 Quaker friend: "I want money for the use of the Army." 
 "What security can thee give? " "My word and my honor," 
 replied Morris. "Robert, thou shalt have it," was the prompt 
 reply. 
 
 Equally as useful and perhaps as influential as most of the 
 members was the efficient Secretary of the Continental Con 
 gress, Charles Thompson, who for fifteen years w r as the faith 
 ful recorder of all its proceedings, and who both witnessed and 
 directed the signing of the Declaration. To him we are in 
 debted, perhaps more than to any other, for the enrollment and 
 preservation of the historic parchment itself. 
 
 These were the men, and men like them, who founded our 
 Government. It has always seemed to me most fortunate that 
 they were a truly representative body, not only as to the States 
 and sections of the country, but in the character of their callings 
 and pursuits in life. The ountry was new and but little de 
 veloped, yet these men were familiar with and represented in 
 themselves every condition of American life and society. Many 
 of them were men of great experience in public affairs, the 
 architects of their own fortunes," who generally had risen de 
 spite great odds, and were in no sense adventurers or hot-headed 
 revolutionists. 
 
 They built not for themselves alone, but for posterity. 
 Their plans stretched far out into the future, compassing the 
 ages and embracing mankind. Not alone for the present w r ere 
 their sacrifices and struggles, but for all time thereafter. Not 
 for American* colonists only, but for the whole human race, 
 wherever men and women are struggling for higher, freer, and 
 better conditions. It was as the yearning of the soul for eman- 
 
 5 
 
cipation. It was the cry of humanity for freedom freedom to 
 think, speak, and act within the limitations of just and proper 
 laws, which should be of their own .making. If it should prove 
 ineffectual, all was lost and tyranny and oppression would be 
 perpetual. It was the mighty struggle of the ages for the free 
 dom of man, for the equal opportunity of all mankind.. It in 
 volved those "inalienable rights, life, liberty, and the pursuit 
 of happiness;" and it was no fault of its author that the shack 
 les of slavery were left upon any human being in the Republic. 
 What it fell short of he fully comprehended, and he wrote as he 
 designed, intending that the Declaration should be forever the 
 protest of a Nation against every form of tyranny, oppression, 
 and bondage known to men. 
 
 Liberty and conscience triumphed, and because of that tri 
 umph we have enjoyed for now more than a century the freest 
 and best Government in the world. The liberty which was se 
 cured by .so great a sacrifice was not the liberty of lawlessness, 
 not the liberty of licentiousness, but liberty for law, and law 
 always for liberty, and both for all the people. It was not lib 
 erty for a class merely, but liberty and political equality for all 
 the people; not a struggle for landed proprietors, for men of 
 ealth and gentle birth, but liberty for the masses, the poor as 
 well as the rich, the low as well as the high. It was not a vic 
 tory easily won indeed, the wonder is that it was won at all. 
 It was a contest waged by weak and struggling Colonies, beset 
 by enemies at home, as well as opposed by the most powerful 
 government in the world, "the proud mistress of the seas," 
 their old Mother Country, strongly intrenched in power and 
 with the. wealth of centuries at command. 
 
 It took seven years of war to make the Declaration of In 
 dependence respected as more than the idle words of a few rest 
 less leaders. Yet that great Proclamation of Freedom fell short 
 of what Jefferson intended that it should contain. It is an in 
 teresting fact that the author of the Declaration of Independ 
 ence and some of those associated with him deeply deplored the 
 slave trade which was then actively engaged fn by several of 
 the Colonies. It is a fact worth cherishing that in the original 
 draft by Jefferson he charged the King with willful participa- 
 
tion in the slave trade. Here is the passage which was omitted, 
 and it is certainly one of the most striking of the wonderful 
 document: 
 
 "He [King George] has waged cruel war against human 
 nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty 
 in the persons of a distant people who never offended him, cap 
 tivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere, 
 or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. This 
 piratical warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the war- 
 . fare of the Christian King of Great Britain. Determined to 
 keep open the market where men should be bought and sold, he 
 has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative 
 attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce. And 
 that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distin 
 guished die, he is now exciting those very people to rise in 
 arms among us and to purchase that liberty of which he has de 
 prived them by murdering the people on which he also obtruded 
 them; thus paying off former crimes committed against the lib 
 erties of one people with crimes which he urges them to commit 
 against the lives of another." 
 
 This, alas, was left out of the otherwise perfect Declara 
 tion of Independence. What a world of trouble and sorrow it 
 would have saved to posterity had it remained! What a blot it 
 would have spared the fair fame of this Republic, and what 
 thousands of precious lives would have been saved if the great 
 truth had become a part of the Charter of our Liberties, and its 
 spirit have been ingrafted upon the Constitution in 1787! It is 
 doubtful whether the Declaration could have been adopted if it 
 had not been eliminated. Some of the Colonies would doubt 
 less have withheld their assent, because some of them, or some 
 of the people dwelling therein, were engaged themselves in the 
 unholy traffic . It was the best and all that could be done at 
 the time; more was not required then, and need not be deeply 
 deplored now. Jefferson reluctantly yielded the point, but the 
 passage remains as a permanent record not only to his broad 
 philanthropy and exalted patriotism, but to his marvelous sagac 
 ity and foresight as one of the ablest and noblest of American 
 statesmen. We can but reflect that what was in the hearts of 
 Jefferson and many of his associates more than one hundred and 
 nineteen years ago, continued to stir the hearts of mankind and 
 that men could not slumber until slavery was totally extin- 
 
guished. It took nearly a hundred years of National agitation, 
 and finally a war which cost the country hundreds of thousands 
 of brave men and millions of the public treasury to put into 
 the Constitution of the country what Jefferson wanted to put 
 I from the first into the Declaration of Independence. 
 
 It is interesting to note what seemed the almost insupera 
 ble obstacles to the final victory which inaugurated free gov 
 ernment on this continent. In the limitations of an address 
 like this it is impossible to give them even a casual review. . 
 There was one great menace, however, that seems to have re 
 ceived little attention at the time which impresses me deeply, 
 and may possess some interest to you, since it brings into prom 
 inence the noble character of Washington and his agency in se 
 curing the blessings we now enjoy. It was after hostilities had 
 ceased, although no public proclamation of peace had yet been 
 made. Washington had been urged to accept a kingship, but 
 had sternly rebuked every suggestion of dictatorship on his 
 part. The Army was at Newburg without pay, almost without 
 food, and suffering in rags. Washington best describes its con 
 dition in a letter to the Secretary of War, from which I read: 
 
 "Under present circumstances, when I see a number of 
 men goaded by a thousand stings of reflection on the past and 
 anticipations of the future, about to be turned on the world, 
 forced by penury and by what they call the ingratitude of the 
 public, involved in debt, without one farthing to carry them 
 home, after spending the flower of their days and many of their 
 patrimonies in establishing the freedom of their country and 
 suffering everything this side of death I repeat that when I 
 consider these irritating circumstances, without one thing to 
 soothe their feelings or dispel their prospects, I can not avoid 
 apprehending that a train of evils will follow of a very serious 
 and distressing nature. You may rely upon it, the patriotism 
 and long suffering of this Army is well-nigh exhausted, and 
 there never \vas so great a spirit of discontent as at present." 
 
 He stood between the Army and Congress, sympathizing 
 deeply with his brave comrades in their deplorable condition, 
 and yet in their presence, and in all his relations with them, 
 upholding Congress and finding good excuses for its failure to 
 provide for the Continental Army. The greatest discontent was 
 prevalent, and a manifesto was issued and circulated among the 
 
officers and men which was well calculated to move them to acts 
 of disorder and violence. This was its strong language: 
 
 " Faith has its limits as well as its temper, and there are 
 points beyond which neither can be stretched without sinking 
 into cowardice or plunging into credulity. If this be your 
 treatment while the swords you wear are necessary to the pro 
 tection of your country, what have you to expect from peace, 
 when your voice shall sink agid your strength dissipate by divi 
 sion, when those very swords, the instruments and companions 
 of your glory, shall be taken from your sides and no remaining 
 mark of your military distinction is left but your infirmities 
 and scars? Can you consent to retire from the field and grow 
 old in poverty, wretchedness and contempt? Can you consent 
 to wade through the vile mire of despondency and owe the rem 
 nant of that life to charity which has hitherto been spent in 
 honor? If you can, go, and carry with you the jest of Tories, 
 the scorn of Whigs, and what is worse, the pity of the world. 
 Go, starve, and be forgotten." 
 
 " Suspect the man," it continued, referring directly to 
 Washington, "w r ho would advise to more moderation and longer 
 forbearance. Tell Congress that with it rests the responsibility 
 of the future; that if peace returns nothing but death shall sep 
 arate you from your arms, and that if the war continues you 
 will retire to some unsettled country to smile in turn and mock 
 when their fear cometh." 
 
 This was the situation that confronted Washington. These 
 words of discontent and mutinous import were easily caught up 
 by many of the brave but suifering men, the heroic men whom 
 he had borne on his great heart for seven long years. He de 
 clared this to be the darkest day of his life; no defeat in all the 
 years of the Revolution had borne so terrible an aspect. He 
 beheld the half-naked, starving Army about to be led into mu 
 tiny, and, perhaps, all the horrors of a bloody and desperate 
 civil war, whose chief incentives would be rapine and plunder. 
 What was he to do in this great emergency? 
 
 A meeting was called without his knowledge or consent to 
 take action. He appreciated its gravity; he realized the meet 
 ing was fraught with direct consequences to the Army and 
 the country. It might destroy all that had been accomplished 
 in the long struggle. He quickly determined his course. He 
 issued a perempto^ order postponing it for four days, and pre- 
 
pared an address that for force of utterance, lofty patriotism, 
 and unselfish devotion to the cause for which they had jointly 
 fought has tome scarcely an equal in the literature of the Revolu 
 tion. He attended the meeting; it was held on March 15, 1783. 
 It was the trying moment of his life, as well as a crucial test in 
 the fate of the new and unsettled Government of the Republic. 
 He had for those brave men, as he Jpoked upon them assembled 
 in the Temple, only love, gratitude, and sympathy. He un 
 rolled his manuscript forgetting for the moment his specta 
 cles, which had become indispensable to him but, pausing, he 
 took them from his pocket, and before adjusting them remarked, 
 in words full of emotion: 
 
 "These eyes, my friends, have grown dim and these locks 
 white in the service, yet I never doubted the justice of my 
 country/ 
 
 Referring to the manifesto he said: 
 
 "My God, what can this writer have in view in recom 
 mending such measures? Can he be a friend of the country and 
 the Army? No! He is plotting the ruin of both. Let me con 
 jure you in the name of our common country, as you value your 
 own sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, as you 
 regard the military or National character of America, to ex 
 press your utmost horror and detestation of the man who wishes, 
 under any specious pretense, to overturn the liberties of our 
 country, and who wickedly attempts to open the floodgates of 
 civil discord and deluge our rising empire in blood." 
 
 After urging them to exhibit the same unselfish patriotism, 
 the same devotion to duty that had always characterized them, 
 and await with patience justice from the country they had 
 served so faithfully, he said: 
 
 " By thus determining and acting you will pursue the plain 
 ;and direct road to the attainment of your wishes; you will de 
 feat the insidious designs of our enemies, who are compelled to 
 resort from open force to secret artifice, and you will give one 
 more distinguishing proof of unexampled patriotism and pa 
 tient virtue rising superior to the most complicated sufferings, 
 and you will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for 
 posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you 
 have exhibited to mankind, Had this day been wanting, the 
 -world had never seen the last stage of perfection to which hu 
 man virtue is capable of attaining. 
 
 10 
 
Such an appeal from such a man could not be unavailing. 
 The effect was instant; his inspired words were magical. His 
 address finished he walked out of the Temple alone, leaving his 
 words of wisdom with them for such unrestrained consideration 
 and action as they might see fit to take. The officers at once 
 adopted resolutions of thanks, reciprocating the affectionate 
 expressions of their Commander-in-Chief, and indignantly repu 
 diating the wicked manifesto. Civil war was at that moment 
 averted, and did not again so seriously confront the country for 
 nearly eighty years. 
 
 This, I repeat, is a day of patriotic memories, and perhaps 
 another allusion to the War of Independence may prove of some 
 interest to you. On April 18, 1783, a little more than a month 
 after the scene just described, Washington issued his order an 
 nouncing that hostilities had ceased. Let me read it to you: 
 
 "HEADQUARTERS, NEWBURGH, April 18, 1783. 
 " The Commander-in-Chief orders the cessation of hostilities 
 between the United States of America and the King of Great 
 Britain to be publicly read to-morrow at twelve o clock, at the 
 New Building, and the proclamation, which will be communica 
 ted herewith, to be read to-morrow evening at the head of every 
 regiment and corps of the Army. After which the chaplains 
 with the several brigades will render thanks to Almighty God 
 for all His mercies, particularly for His overruling the wrath of 
 man to His own glory, and causing the rage of war to cease 
 among the nations." 
 
 We can \vell paiise, even at this distant day, and offer our 
 thanksgiving to that same power for His mercies to us, and for 
 the singular manner in which He has preserved this Government 
 from then until now against the " wrath of man to His own 
 glory/ and our most glorious advancement. 
 
 Following this order there was a great demonstration of joy 
 among the soldiers, and even the gallant officers, who but a few 
 weeks before had been filled with such great discontent, now 
 alike joined in singing with excited and jubilant air that grand 
 old anthem, "Independence," then so popular, but long since 
 forgotten and lost : 
 
 11 
 
"The States, O Lord, with song and praise, 
 
 Shall in Thy strength rejoice; 
 And, blest with Thy salvation, raise 
 
 To heaven their cheerful voice, 
 And all the continent shall ring, 
 Down with this earthly king; 
 No king but God." 
 
 Interesting as these incidents may be to all who would by a 
 correct understanding of the past wisely improve the future, we 
 can review them no further. The past is secure; the present 
 and the future are our fields of opportunity and duty. Those 
 who have gone before did well cheir part. Shall we be less brave 
 and patriotic in the performance of our duty? 
 
 What a mighty Nation has been erected upon the immortal 
 principles of the great Declaration the signing of which we cel 
 ebrate to-day! We have increased from thirteen to forty-four 
 States; from 3,000,000 to nearly 70,000,000 people. We have 
 arisen from slavery to freedom; from what some men believed a 
 mere confederacy of States, to be dissolved at pleasure, to a 
 mighty, eternal Union of indivisible, indestructible States; from 
 an agricultural community to the foremost Nation of the world 
 in all the arts and sciences, in manufactures, in agriculture, and 
 in mining. Liberty, labor and love have accomplished it all. 
 Labor has been dignified and has vindicated the truth that the 
 best citizen of any community is its most useful citizen. All 
 men have equal rights guaranteed by our Constitution and laws, 
 and that equality must be forever preserved and strengthened and 
 everywhere recognized. We are all Americans, we are all sov 
 ereigns, equal in the ballot, and that citizen is the best who does 
 his best; who follows the light as God gives him to see the light; 
 who concedes to all the races of mankind what he claims for him 
 self; who rigidly respects the rights of others; who is ever 
 willing and ready to assist others; who has the best heart, 
 the best character, the greatest charity and sympathy, and 
 who withholds from none of his fellow-men the respect, privi 
 leges and protection he claims for himself. This is the citizen 
 ship that is the need of every age and to which we must educate 
 ourselves and those who are to come after us. This is the citizen 
 ship that is the hope of the Republic, its security and perrna- 
 
 12 
 
neney, which is the hope of mankind, our own best hope; a citi 
 zenship that is faithful to home and family, devotedly loyal to 
 country,- that encourages the truest and broadest National spirit, 
 the most thorough and genuine Americanism, that is ever mov 
 ing onward and upward toward the highest ideals of modern civ 
 ilization; a citizenship that respects law and constituted authority, 
 that loyally upholds, guards and supports the Government of 
 which it is a part, in whose administration it has a voice, and 
 that rests upon the free choice and consent of a majority of the 
 people. These were the characteristics which possessed the souls 
 of the men who landed, in the Mayflower, who resisted British 
 oppression, who promulgated the immortal Declaration of Inde 
 pendence. These are the elements of character which gave us a 
 Patrick Henry, a Franklin, a Washington, a Jefferson, an Adams, 
 a Jackson, a Grant, and which produced a Lincoln, whose name 
 has enriched history, and whose great Emancipation Proclama 
 tion has blessed mankind and glorified God. 
 
 It was this character of citizenship, and the aim to secure it, 
 that animated the men who fought all the battles of the Republic 
 from the Revolution to the great Civil War; that struck slavery 
 from the Constitution of the United States, that obliterated caste 
 and bondage and made freedom universal in the Republic. The 
 greatest battle which the Nation has fought has been to se 
 cure to labor the right to do with its skill, energy and industry 
 what it chooses, through lawful pursuits and by pea ceable means, 
 -ever obedient to law and order, and respectful of the rights of all; 
 that has given labor the unquestioned right to use what it earns 
 in its own way in the elevation of home and family; that has 
 taught labor to give conscience its full sway, and that has 
 inspired labor to improve wisely every opportunity which makes 
 possible the realization of the highest hopes and best aspirations 
 of the human race. 
 
 Peace, order and good will among the people, with patriotism 
 in their hearts; truth, honor and justice in the executive, judicial 
 and legislative branches of the Government, Municipal, State and 
 National; all yielding respect and obedience to law, all equal be 
 fore the law, and all alike amenable to law such are the condi 
 tions that will make oui< Government too strong ever to be broken 
 
 13 
 
by internal dissensions and too powerful ever to be overturned by 
 any enemy from, without. Then will the Government of the peo- 
 
 )le, under the smiles of heaven, bless, prosper, and exalt the peo- 
 
 >le who sustain and support it! 
 
 In America no one is born to power; none assured of station or 
 command except by his own worth or usefulness. But to any post 
 of honor all who choose may aspire, and history has proved that 
 the humblest in youth are frequently the most honored and power- 
 iful in the maturity of strength and age. It has long been demou- 
 .strated that the philosophy of Jefferson is true, and that this, the 
 land of the free and self-governed, is the strongest as well as the 
 best Government in the world. We accept no governmental stand 
 ards but our own; we will have no flag but the glorious old Stars 
 and Stripes. 
 
 Workingmen of Chicago, let me adjure you to be faithful 
 to the acts, traditions, and teachings of the fathers. Make 
 their standard of patriotism and duty your own. Be faithful 
 to their glorious example. Whatever the difficulties of the pres 
 ent, or problems of the future, meet them in the same spirit of 
 unflinching loyalty to country, the same devotion and. love for 
 home and family, the same acknowledgment of dependence 
 upon God that has always characterized those grand men. Therein 
 rest your greatest prosperity and happiness and the surest at 
 tainment of your best and dearest ambitions. Have confidence 
 in the strength of our free institutions and faith in the justice 
 of your fellow-citizens, for, as Lincoln often said, "there is no 
 other hope in the world equal to it." 
 
 In conclusion, let me offer the advice and exhortation of 
 one who spoke on an occasion somewhat similar to this in the 
 Centennial year 1876 in the city of Boston, the venerable Robert 
 C. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, in his masterly Fourth of July 
 oration and one of his last great public addresses. He had lived 
 through nearly the whole period of our National existence and 
 had been an active participant in public affairs and a close stu 
 dent of our history and people for many years. With this train 
 ing and all the wisdom of experience and age, he profoundly 
 observed : 
 
 "If I could hope without presumption that any humble counsels 
 
 14 
 
of mine on this hallowed anniversary would be remembered be 
 yond the hour of their utterance and reach the ears of my coun 
 trymen in future days, I could not omit certainly to reiterate 
 the solemn obligations which rest on every citizen of this Repub 
 lic to cherish and enforce the great principles of our Colonial 
 and Revolutionary fathers the principles of liberty and law, 
 one and inseparable the principles of the Constitution and the 
 Union. I could nojLQimt to urge every man to remember that 
 self-government politically can only be successful if it 
 be accompanied by self-government personally; that there 
 must be government somewhere; and that if the people 
 are indeed to be sovereigns they must exercise their sov 
 ereignty over themselves individually as well as over them 
 selves in the aggregate regulating their own lives, resist 
 ing their own temptations, subduing their own passions 
 and voluntarily imposing upon themselves some measure of 
 that restraint and discipline which, under other systems, is sup 
 plied from the armories of arbitrary power the discipline of 
 virtue, in the place of the discipline of slavery. I could not 
 omit to caution them against the corrupting influences of intem 
 perance, extravagance and luxury; I could not omit to call upon 
 them to foster and further the cause of universal education; to 
 give a liberal support to our schools and colleges; to promote 
 the advancement of science and art in all their multiplied divi 
 sions and relations, and to encourage and sustain all those noble 
 institutions of charity which in our own land, above all others, 
 have given the crowning grace and glory to modern civilization." 
 
 7.t would to me be an honor beyond any other to have been 
 the author of these sublime sentiments. I can and do adopt them, 
 and beg you to heed, cherish and teach them, as a rule of action 
 to yourselves and to your children. American citizenship thus 
 molded will perpetuate freedom, exalt the freeman, and distin 
 guish the Republic beyond its past glorious achievements. 
 
 15 
 
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