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 THE SCHISM BETWEEN THE ORIENTAL 
 AND WESTERN CHURCHES 
 
PRINTED BY 
 
 SPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE 
 
 LONDON 
 
THE SCHISM BETWEEN 
 
 THE 
 
 ORIENTAL AND WESTERN CHURCHES 
 
 WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO 
 THE ADDITION OF THE FILIOQUE TO THE CREED 
 
 BY THE REV. 
 
 GEORGE BROADLEY HOWARD, B.A. 
 
 n 
 
 Scholar of St. Johns College., Cambridge, 
 
 AUTHOR OF "THE CHRISTIANS OF ST. THOMAS AND THEIR LITURGIES*' ETC. 
 
 Arise, O Jerusalem, and stand on high, and look about toward the 
 East, and behold thy children gathered from the West and the East 
 by the word of the Holy One, rejoicing in the remembrance of 
 God.— Baruch v. 5. 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO 
 
 AND NEW YORK: 15 EAST 16 th STREET 
 T892 
 
 // rights reserved 
 

 PRESERVATION 
 :OPY ADDED 
 ORIGINAL TO BE 
 RETAINED 
 
t; 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 The subject of the following pages has hitherto 
 attracted little attention in this country, although 
 it cannot be thought trivial or of slight importance. 
 This may be due to the probability that the period 
 with which it deals, and the Acts of the CEcu- 
 menical Synods, lie for the most part outside the 
 curriculum of study usually pursued by Candidates 
 for Holy Orders among us. 
 
 The Orthodox Churches of the East, when 
 brought before our notice at all, seem to be re- 
 garded with an indifferent curiosity, rather than 
 with a recollection that they form an eminent 
 portion of the great Christian brotherhood, and 
 possess an unquestionable title to Catholicity, in 
 the technical and accurate sense of that term, as it 
 meets us in the Canons and Definitions of the 
 CEcumenical Synods. 
 
 And as to the Filioque, though there may be a 
 vague impression that it did not originally belong 
 to the Creed, yet it seems to be held that it became 
 part of it somehow, and that, as the Creeds " may 
 be proved by most certain warrants of holy Scrip- 
 ture," its insertion does not at all matter. 
 
 
vi Preface 
 
 But if the study of the Acts and Canons of the 
 CEcumenical Synods were more general among 
 Churchmen, especially those preparing for Orders, 
 not only should we maintain a truer grasp of what 
 the Primitive Church really held as to Doctrine 
 and Discipline, but it would surely be impossible 
 that we, who profess so great a regard for Primitive 
 Antiquity, could acquiesce with indifference in 
 lying under the Anathemas of Ephesus and Chal- 
 cedon — a position into which we drifted long ago 
 through our mediaeval connection with the Church 
 of Rome. 
 
 The subject, it will be seen, might easily have 
 been expanded into a large volume ; but it has 
 been my aim to keep it in as concise a form as 
 possible, consistently with such a degree of 
 completeness as might suffice to bring it fairly 
 before the reader. 
 
 Such as it is, I send forth my little book, not 
 without anxiety, but in the hope that, under the 
 blessing of God, it may do some good. Let us 
 beseech Him — I reproduce here Dr. Pusey's earnest 
 words — " to heal our breaches, and to turn men's 
 hearts to one another ; that so, loving Him Who is 
 love, we may in Him love one another, and together 
 seeking Him Who is the Truth, we may in Him 
 together acknowledge His Truth." 
 
 G. B. HOWARD 
 
 Beckenham, September 1892. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Preliminary Matter i 
 
 Testimony of the Fathers 6 
 
 History of the Filioque down to the Council 
 
 of Florence 18 
 
 Proposals for Reunion 85 
 
 Appendix— Subsequent Correspondence with 
 
 the East 97 
 
 Index 117 
 
THE SCHISM BETWEEN 
 
 THE 
 
 ORIENTAL AND WESTERN CHURCHES 
 
 i. The more frequent intercourse with the 
 Churches of the East which, under the Providence 
 0^ God, has of late years fallen to our lot, and 
 which the political circumstances of the British 
 Empire appear likely to render more or less per- 
 manent, has both a hopeful and a painful side. 
 Hopeful, because it has been marked by manifest- 
 ations of much kindly feeling and mutual respect : 
 but painful because of the unhappy fact of a 
 broken communion, and of the differences, or causes 
 of difference, which this intercourse has forced 
 upon our attention ; such as, from our point of view, 
 the dulia of Angels and Saints, and the worship of 
 Icons or Pictures in the Orthodox Church ; and in 
 the case of the Nestorians and Monophysites, the 
 obstinacy with which they cling to the tenets of 
 their spiritual Fathers, and reject the CEcumenical 
 Synods of Ephesus and Chalcedon, or at least of 
 Chalcedon : and from theirs, the alleged defect 
 
: a*: •.•' ':;..;/■'•., • ' Schism 
 
 of our Baptism, and our loss of Chrism ; and, more 
 particularly, the interpolation of the words And the 
 Son in the Nicene Creed. (See the " Encycl: Ep. 
 of Photius," ii. 47-61 ; and Labbe and Cossart, xi. 
 
 329. 1 ) 
 
 2. Surely we ought to do all we can to remove 
 
 these lamentable obstructions to Christian Unity. 
 The long - continued spectacle of a Divided 
 Christendom may have ceased to shock : we seem 
 to have become used to it, and are perhaps disposed 
 to think that it is one of those anomalies which 
 must be accepted as unavoidable. But although 
 its continuance through the course of many cen- 
 turies may have dulled our senses, the lapse of 
 time does not at all lessen the evil. On the 
 contrary, it renders it ever more and more de- 
 plorable ; and if by Research, Explanation, For- 
 bearance, and such Concession as may be possible 
 consistently with our duty to God, anything may 
 be done to heal the breaches of our Zion, let us 
 arise in God's Name, and do it ! 
 
 3. With this object before me, I propose to 
 deal in the following pages exclusively with the 
 last-mentioned and by far most serious subject of 
 difference, the Addition of the Filioque to the 
 Creed or Symbol, as I prefer to call it in deference 
 to ancient usage. But in the pursuit of this inquiry 
 — upon which I enter with anxiety and awe — I do 
 
 1 The edition of L. and C. referred to throughout is that of 
 Coleti, Venice, 1728, &c. 
 
Symbols of Niccra and Constantinople 3 
 
 not dream of adding anything new to the dis- 
 cussion of so sublime a mystery as that of the 
 Procession of the Holy Spirit : I shall be content 
 if I succeed in collecting the chief historical 
 features of the question, and in presenting an 
 outline of the main arguments which have been 
 urged in reference thereto. 
 
 4. The Symbol of the First (Ecumenical Synod 
 was directed mainly against the blasphemies of 
 Symbol of Arius, and, in reference to the Third 
 Nicaea. p er son of the Trinity, it asserted belief 
 simply In the Holy Ghost. 
 
 5. But, fifty-six years afterwards, the heresy of 
 Macedonius, who had denied the Divinity of the 
 o , , , Holy Spirit, became the occasion of the 
 
 Svmbol of 
 
 Constanti- Second CEcumenical Synod, held at Con- 
 stantinople, A.D. 381 ; and here the 
 Fathers confirmed the Symbol of Nicaea, and 
 added to the words And in the Holy Ghost the 
 clauses following : The Lord and Life-giver : 
 Pivceeding from the Father : Together with the 
 Father and the Son to be worshipped and to be 
 glorified: Who spake by the PropJiets. And I 
 believe &c. Some other additions were made in 
 the earlier portions of the Symbol, but these are 
 beside our present subject. 1 
 
 1 For various readings in the Symbol see L. and C. iv. 1455 
 note. Also Andrew of Rhodes in the Council of P^errara, Sess. vi. 
 (L. and C. xviii. col. 91) ; Card. Julian, ibid. cols. 114, 207 ; John 
 of Forolivium in Sess. x. ibid. col. 167. See also L. and C. ii. 
 col. 1131. 
 
 a 2 
 
4 Prohibitions of Ephesus a?id Chalcedon 
 
 6. The Third GEcumenical Synod, held at 
 Ephesus, A.D. 431, after having heard "the per- 
 fidious Symbol " of the Nestorians, reaffirmed 
 
 the Nicene Symbol which had been pre- 
 
 Alteration . . 
 
 forbidden viously recited, and decreed that no man 
 at Ephesus. should henceforth be permitted " to proffer, 
 write, or compose, another Faith, beside that de- 
 fined by the Holy Fathers at Nicsea " ; the penalty 
 being Deprivation in the case of offending Clergy, 
 Anathema in the case of Laymen. (L. and C. iii. 
 1 201 and 1220.) 
 
 7. One naturally feels surprised that, in the 
 above-mentioned Decree, no reference is made to 
 the Symbol of Constantinople ; but the explana- 
 tion offered by Mark of Ephesus at Ferrara, that 
 the Fathers considered both Symbols as virtually 
 one, appears to have been generally accepted. 
 (L. and C. xviii. 71, 107, 150.) 
 
 8. Twenty years after the Synod of Ephesus 
 another CEcumenical Synod (the Fourth) was held 
 
 at Chalcedon, to affirm the Faith against 
 aVchafce- tne reviving heresy of Nestorius, and the 
 
 don, a.d. novel heresies of Eutyches and Dioscorus. 
 451. J 
 
 In the Fifth Action of this Synod, after 
 
 the Symbols of Nicaea and Constantinople had 
 
 been severally recited and confirmed, the Fathers 
 
 added a " Definition," which they introduced with 
 
 these very remarkable words : — 
 
 " This wise and salutary Symbol of the Divine 
 
 Grace would suffice for the complete knowledge 
 
Prohibitions of Ephesus and Chalcecion 5 
 
 and confirmation of piety ; for it teaches that 
 which is perfect — sKSiSdafcsc to tsXsiov — con- 
 cerning the Father and the Son and the Holy 
 Ghost." Then, after a long and most valuable 
 explanation, they proceeded to forbid any man 
 " to proffer, write, compose, think, or teach to 
 others another Faith " — this term is synonymed 
 in the following sentence by the term Symbol — 
 under penalty of Anathema or Deprivation. (L. 
 and C. iv. 1453-1461.) 
 
 9. Since this time no Synod which has been 
 received by both East and West as (Ecumenical 
 has in any way added to or altered the Symbol. 
 The Roman party at Ferrara did indeed claim 
 that et ex Filio is found in the Symbol as accepted 
 by the Seventh CEcumenical Synod (the Second 
 of Nicaea, A.D. 787) ; but their assertion rested on 
 a single MS. of that Synod --a MS. which they 
 declared to be of very great antiquity, but of the 
 existence of which the Roman Librarian Anasta- 
 sius (who lived within seventy years of that Synod) 
 was said to have known nothing. (L. and C. xviii. 
 86, and G. J. Vossius, " De tribus Symbolis," iii. 22.) 
 
 10. Not many years however had elapsed when 
 it was found that the Symbol was being sung in 
 Th Fiii some Churches of Western Europe with 
 oque imro- the novel addition of Filioque or et ex Filio 
 
 duced. . .... 
 
 before procedentetn> an innovation which 
 gave rise to the long and memorable controversy 
 which is the subject of these pages. 
 
6 The Teaching of the Fathers : 
 
 Before passing on to the history of this contro- 
 versy, it may be well to inquire briefly into the 
 teaching of the great doctors of the Church on the 
 subject of the Procession, and this I shall aim to 
 do in chronological order, or as nearly so as may 
 be practicable. 
 
 1 1. The Question of the Procession had engaged 
 attention as early perhaps as the close of the second 
 Tertuiiian centur y 5 f° r tne language of Tertullian, 
 dr. a.d. Spiritual non aliunde puto quavi a Patre 
 
 per Filium, has been thought to refer to 
 His eternal Procession ; but the author's mean- 
 ing does not seem to be clear. (" Adv. Prax." 
 
 ch. 4.) 
 
 12. The Fourth Century supplies more direct 
 evidence of the teaching of the Fathers upon this 
 St. Hilary subject. St. Hilary of Poictiers writes as 
 £erT,°ob: followS '•— Loqui de Eo (sc. Sp. S.) non 
 a.d. 367. necesse est, Qui a Patre et Filio Auctoribus 
 confitendus est (" De Trin." ii. 29, ed. Par. 1693), and 
 in his Prayer, at the close of this Treatise, he makes 
 mention of the Holy Spirit as ex Teper Unigenitum 
 Tuum. {Ibid. xii. 57.) In another place he inquires 
 whether " To Receive from the Son be the selfsame 
 thing with to Proceed from the Father or no," with 
 an apparent inclination to the negative, for he 
 writes, Hoc quod accipiet, sive Potestas est, sive 
 Virtus, sive Doctrina est, &c, as if it might be 
 something other than His eternal Procession. He 
 observes further that the tense is the future — shall 
 
Tertullian — St. Hilary — St. Athanasius 7 
 
 receive — and adds, A Patre enim procedit Spiritus 
 S. y sed a Filio et a Patre mittitur. {Ibid. viii. 20.) 
 
 13. St. Athanasius teaches that the Father is 
 the Sole Unbegotten, and the Sole Fount of 
 St. Atha- Deity : — " We are separated from the 
 StfT'D. Judaizers, and from the Corrupters of 
 373- Christianity, who . . . affirm that He is 
 God alone, not because the Father alone is Unbe- 
 gotten, and alone is the Fount of Deity, but as 
 being unproductive of a Son, and without the Fruit 
 of the Living Word." (From his Treatise on the 
 Eternal existence of the Son and Spirit, quoted by 
 Mark of Ephesus, L. and C. xviii. 313, 361.) 
 Another passage in which he teaches One Origin 
 {apxh) of Godhead, and not two origins, is found 
 in the " Monarchia," iv. 1, p. 513. 
 
 14. The late learned Bishop Wordsworth, of 
 Lincoln, quotes St. Athanasius as saying, " He 
 knoweth that the Son, being with God the Father, 
 is a Source of the Holy Spirit"; and refers to "De 
 Incar. et Cont. Ar. §. 9, vol. i. p. 701, ed. 1777," 
 but I cannot find the passage. 
 
 15. Again, St. Athanasius teaches that "the 
 same things are said of the Son which are said of 
 the Father, except His being said to be the 
 Father." (" Contr. Ar." iii. 23, p. 404.) And this 
 argument, that the Son hath all that the Father 
 hath, except the Paternity, is often found in the 
 writings of those who come afterwards. 
 
 16. In another place, refuting the impious 
 
8 St. Basil 
 
 doctrine that "the Son by participation of the 
 Spirit and improvement of conduct became in the 
 Father," he says that " the Word gives to the 
 Spirit, and whatever the Spirit hath, He hath 
 from the Word." (" Cont. Ar." iii. 25.) 
 
 17. And in controversy with Arius he asks, " If 
 the Holy Ghost is not of the Substance of the 
 Father and of the Son, why did the Son of God 
 connumerate Him in the symbol of Sanctification, 
 Go mid teach, &c. ? " l See L. and C. xviii. 328. See 
 also col. 389, and iii. 956 for similar language. 
 
 18. St. Basil, writing to his brother Gregory on 
 the difference between Essence and Hypostasis, 
 
 st Basil sa >" s ' " He tnat hath in mind the S P irit ' 
 ob. a.d.' hath in mind both Himself by Himself,' 
 
 and Him Whose Spirit He is : yea He 
 
 comprehends in His understanding the Son also : 
 
 and he that apprehends This one, doth not separate 
 
 the Spirit from the Son." l (Epist. 42.) 
 
 19. In the same epistle he says, "Since the 
 Holy Spirit from Whom the whole supply of good 
 things founts forth upon the Creation, dependeth 
 (r)pT7]rai) from the Son, with Whom He is in- 
 separably comprehended, and hath His Being 
 dependent (i^jjbfxsuov) from the Father as its 
 
 1 I have included these passages because they have been made 
 use of in the argument for the Eternal Procession from the Son : 
 but they may be understood as simply affirming that the Holy 
 Spirit is of one Substance with the Father and the Son, very and 
 eternal God. 
 
Si. Basil 9 
 
 Cause, whence also He Proceedeth ; He hath this 
 cognisance of Hypostatic Property, that He must 
 be acknowledged after the Son and with Him, 
 and that He hath Hypostasis from the Father. 
 But the Son, Who through Himself and with Him- 
 self notifieth the Spirit as Proceeding from the 
 Father ; Who uniquely shone forth as being Only 
 Begotten of the Ingenerate Father," &c. This in- 
 tricate passage was adduced by Mark of Ephesus, 
 the great champion of the Greeks at Florence. 
 (L. and C. xviii. 293.) 
 
 20. In his refutation of Eunomius St. Basil 
 wrote thus : — " God generates : not as man : but 
 He truly generates. And that which is generated 
 of Him sends forth (the) Spirit through His 
 mouth — not such as that of man ; for we do not 
 conceive the mouth of God after a bodily sort. 
 And of Him is the Spirit, and not from another 
 (oi>X STspwOsv)" In which passage John of 
 Lombardy understood St. Basil to mean that He 
 is of the Divine Essence, and of no other ; while 
 Mark understood the w T ords as teaching that He 
 is of the Person of the Father, and of no other. 
 {Ibid. cols. 252-264.) 
 
 21. Again in his Third Book against Eunomius 
 St. Basil is said to have written thus : — " For what 
 necessity is there that, even if the Spirit be Third 
 in Dignity and Order, He should be Third also 
 in Nature ? For that He is Second to the Son 
 in Dignity, and hath His Being from Him, and 
 
io St. Gregory of Nazianzum 
 
 Receiveth from Him, and Declareth to us, and 
 altogether Dependeth from that Cause, the word 
 of piety doth perhaps deliver." Mark of Ephesus, 
 however, maintained that all the words from " and 
 hath His being" to " that cause" inclusive are an 
 interpolation, and there was a very long debate on 
 this extract in the nineteenth and four following 
 sessions of the Council of Florence. 
 
 22. St. Gregory of Nazianzum distinguishes 
 the Three Persons of the Trinity as follows : — 
 St. Gregory "The Ingenerate, the Generated, and 
 ob aZ A.D.*' The S P irit Which Proceedeth from the 
 390. ' Father." (Orat. 1, " De Filio," 1, 6, 2, 
 Lambeth.) 
 
 23. The same Father, in his Sermon on the 
 Epiphany as quoted by Adrian in his letter to 
 Charlemagne, uses the following remarkable lan- 
 guage : — Filius Filius est, sed non absque initio. 
 Si vero temporale spectas initium, et Ipse sine 
 initio est . . . Spiritus Sanctus vere Spiritus est, 
 Procedens quidem ex Patre, sed non et Ipse Filius. 
 (L. and C. viii. 1558.) The Latin is of course a 
 translation. 
 
 24. St. Ambrose is the first who seems to teach 
 in express terms that the Holy Spirit Proceeds 
 c A from the Father and the Son ; and St. 
 
 St. Am- J 
 
 brose, ob. Ambrose, it will be remembered, was a 
 
 Latin Father, and the great teacher of 
 
 his yet more celebrated pupil, St. Augustine. 
 
 " Spiritus quoque Sanctus," he writes " cum Pro- 
 
St. Ambrose — St. Epiphanius 1 1 
 
 cedit a Patre ct Filio, non separatur a Patre, non 
 separatur a Filio." (" De Sp. S." i. c. 10.) In this 
 place, however, Procedere may mean to be sent by y 
 as Mr. Addis observes. But in the following 
 passages it must refer to the Eternal Procession : — 
 Spiritus autem Sanctus vere Spiritus est, Procedens 
 quidem a Patre et Filio : sed non est Ipse Filius, 
 quia non generatur ; neque Pater, quia Procedit ab 
 Utroque. (" In Symb. Ap." ch. iii.) Again, in the 
 same chapter, " Quod vero neque natum neque 
 factum est, Spiritus Sanctus est, Qui a Patre Filio- 
 que Procedit." And Petavius cites as from St. 
 Ambrose the remarkable expression, " The Father 
 begat the Word, coeternal and co-omnipotent with 
 Himself; with Whom He produced (produxit) the 
 Holy Spirit." See the note in the Oxford trans, 
 of St. Aug. on St. John, p. 923. I have looked in 
 Petavius for the passage, but without success. 
 
 25. We may close the review of the Fourth 
 Century with the testimony of Epiphanius, who 
 St. Epi- died in extreme old age at the com- 
 phanius, mencement of the Fifth. He teaches that 
 
 OD. A.D. 
 
 403- the Holy Spirit [is 1 ] "from (jrapa) Both," 
 
 (Ancor. 67 ;) or " Of (if) Both," (Hser. 74, 7 ;) or 
 " from {irapa) the Father, and of (if) the Son," 
 (Ancor. 73 ; ) " Of (i/c) the Father and the Son," 
 (Ancor. 8, 9 ;) but is more wont to speak of Him 
 as " Proceeding from the Father, and Receiving of 
 
 1 On the omission of the verb see Mark's argument at Florence, 
 L. and C. xviii. 248, 262, &c. 
 
1 2 Council of Braga 
 
 the Son," (Hser. 62, 4 ; 69, 52). Yet he says that 
 " He receiveth ever (ael) from the Son." (Haer. 
 42 or 62 ; Ancor. 6, &c. Ed. Valesii, Paris, 1682.) 
 
 26. The teaching of the Three last-named 
 Fathers is the more worthy of attention because it 
 was in their time that the Second (Ecumenical 
 Synod was held (a.d. 381), in which the addition 
 concerning the Holy Spirit was made, by adding 
 to the words of the Nicene Symbol the words the 
 Lord and Life-giver: Who Proceedetli from the 
 Fat1ier\ &c. — these terms, if we may trust Nice- 
 phorus (12, 13), having been drawn up by St. 
 Gregory of Nyssa, Brother of St. Basil, at the 
 request of the Council. The names of both the 
 Gregories are among the subscriptions, but not 
 those of Ambrose or Epiphanius. The latter 
 however was an old man even then, though he 
 lived twenty-two years longer. 
 
 27. We now come to the Fifth Century, in the 
 review of which a Spanish Council would first claim 
 our attention, if we had sufficient reason to accept 
 its acts as genuine. 
 
 28. The extreme north-west of Hispania, now 
 the Province of Gallicia, was then occupied by the 
 Doubtful Gallaeci or Calliaci, who were subdivided 
 of°Braga, mto two g reat tribes, the Lucenses to the 
 a.d. 411. North, and the Bracari to the South ; 
 their territories being separated by the river 
 Minius (Minho), whose red banks contain the 
 Minium so much used in the Electrician's Accu- 
 
St. Atigustine 13 
 
 mulators. Bracara, or Braga, was the seat of the 
 Primate, and here a Council is said to have been 
 held under the Archbishop Pancratianus, who is 
 reported to have said, inter alia, Credo in Spiritum 
 Sanctum, Procedentem a Patre et Verbo, the as- 
 sembled Bishops replying, Similiter et nos credimus. 
 (L. and C. iii. 345.) Pagi and others think that the 
 Acts of this Council are spurious ; but as we shall 
 have more to say of this neighbourhood, its men- 
 tion here will serve at least from a geographical 
 point of view. 
 
 29. St. Augustine is thought to have delivered 
 his Lectures on St. John about A.D. 417. This 
 
 . eminent Father unhesitatingly teaches 
 
 tine, ob. that the Holy Spirit " Proceeds at once 
 from Both " (the Father and the Son) ; 
 " albeit," he adds, " it is from the Father's gift to the 
 Son that He should Proceed, as from the Father 
 Himself, so from the Son also." (Horn. 99.) This 
 he gathers from the words of St. Paul, who calls 
 the Holy Ghost the Spirit of the Son ; but in the 
 next Homily St. Augustine adds this caution : — 
 " Not as if the Son received from the Father, and 
 the Holy Ghost from the Son, with certain grada- 
 tions of their Nature." 
 
 30. This teaching was afterwards transferred 
 by St. Augustine to his Treatise on the Trinity 
 (Bk. xv. 48, and passim) ; in which Treatise 
 he further guards against a misapprehension of 
 the doctrine, as if there were Two Principles. 
 
14 " Double Procession " 
 
 Fatendum est, he writes, Patrem et Filium Prin- 
 cipium esse Spiritus Sancti, non Duo Principia; 
 sed sicut Pater et Filius Unus Deus, et ad Creaturam 
 relative Unus Creator, sic relative ad Sp. Sanctum 
 Unum Principium. (" De Trin." v. 14.) For 
 this reason the term Double Procession, 
 
 The term 
 
 Double which has of late years been much in 
 vogue, appears to be altogether unde- 
 sirable. The Procession, as St. Augustine teaches 
 elsewhere, is by One Spiration. Compare iv. 20 ; 
 v. 14 ; xv. 29, 45, 48, of the same Treatise. 
 
 31. Here, to preserve chronological order, must 
 be mentioned the depraved Symbol attributed to 
 TheDe- Theodore of Mopsuestia, by which the 
 Creed d of Lydian Quartodecimans had been so 
 Theodore, cruelly deceived when they sought admis- 
 sion into the Catholic Church. It is found in the 
 Acts of the Third (Ecumenical Synod, and it says 
 of the Holy Spirit, " We neither think Him a Son, 
 nor as having received His Being (ynrapfyv) through 
 the Son." (L. and C. iii. 1207.) It is noticeable 
 that it was after the recitation of this Depraved 
 Symbol that the Fathers at Ephesus passed the 
 Prohibition already spoken of. 
 
 32. In the year A.D. 430 St. Cyril addressed 
 that celebrated Letter to Nestorius in which are 
 
 „ ., contained the Twelve Anathemas. The 
 
 St. Cyril, 
 
 ob. a.d. Ninth Anathema is directed against such 
 
 as did not confess that the Spirit whereby 
 
 our Lord wrought His signs was His own (i&iov 
 
,SY. Cyril — Theodorit 15 
 
 auTov). (L. and C. iii. 957.) He had written just 
 before, " For though the Spirit exists in His own 
 Hypostasis, and is certainly thought of by Him- 
 self, inasmuch as He is Spirit not Son, yet He is 
 not alien from Him. For He is named the Spirit 
 of Truth, and the Truth is Christ, and He is poured 
 forth (wpoxsiTcu) from Him, as of course also from 
 God the Father." {Ibid. 956.) 
 
 S3. In reference to this Anathema Theodorit 
 wrote, " If he recognises the Spirit as Connatural 
 Theodorit, and Proceeding from the Father, we will 
 
 ob. a.d. consent, and receive his utterance as 
 457. 
 
 pious ; but if as having His Being 
 (virap^iv) from the Son, or through the Son, we 
 shall reject it as blasphemous and impious : for we 
 believe the Lord, saying, The Spirit of Truth, 
 which Proceedeth from the Father ; and the Apostle, 
 But ye have not received the Spirit of the world, 
 but the Spirit which is from God even the Father." 
 {Ibid. 1 45 3-) 
 
 34. Upon this St. Cyril wrote to Euoptius, 
 complaining of unfair treatment and calumny 
 {ibid. 14 1 6) : and replied to this particular in- 
 quiry by saying that "though the Holy Spirit 
 Proceedeth from the Father, yet He is not 
 alien {aXkorpiov) from the Son, for He hath all 
 things with the Father." {Ibid. 1456 ; cf. col. 
 
 I353-) 
 
 35. St. Cyril wrote also to John of Antioch, re- 
 joicing in the restored understanding with the 
 
1 6 Theodorit 
 
 Easterns, and added, " We can in nowise endure 
 that the Faith defined by the Fathers, that is the 
 Symbol of the Faith, should be shaken ; nor do 
 St. Cyril we permit either ourselves or others 
 on altera- e jther to change a reading of the things 
 
 tion of y e & & ° 
 
 Symbol. that lie therein, or to go beyond {irapa- 
 fii)vai) even one syllable, remembering Him that 
 saith, Transgress not the ancient landmarks which 
 thy Fathers have set ; for it was not they who spake, 
 but the Spirit of God even the Father, Who indeed 
 Proceeds from Him, yet is not alien from the Son, 
 in respect of the rationale of His Being." (Ibid. 
 1628.) 
 
 36. That this was satisfactory to Theodorit 
 appears from his epistle to the same John, but he 
 does not recede from the position he had taken up. 
 See the closing words. (L. and C. iii. 1699.) 
 
 37. After the Council had condemned Nes- 
 torius, St. Cyril wrote to certain clergy and monks 
 to explain the Nicene Symbol — not the Constan- 
 tinopolitan — and wrote of the Holy Spirit thus : — 
 " After the thrice blessed Fathers have spoken of 
 Christ, they mention the Holy Spirit ; for they said 
 they believed in Him, just as they believed in the 
 Father and in the Son : for He is Consubstantial 
 with them, and is Poured forth, that is He Pro- 
 ceedeth, from God even the Father, as from a 
 Fountain, but He is supplied to the Creature 
 through the Son. . . . Therefore He is Of God, 
 and is God, and is not alien from the Essence that 
 
Si. Leo—Council of Calle ij 
 
 is above all things, but both of It, and in It, and 
 Its own." (Ibid. 1724.) 
 
 3S. St. Cyril died before the Fourth CEcume- 
 nical Synod was held, and Theodorit, who had 
 been excommunicated, not however for his tenets 
 on the Procession, but for the part he had taken in 
 connection with John (L. and C. iii. 1181), was by 
 that Synod restored to communion on his sub- 
 mission. 
 
 39. A few years after the death of St. Augustine, 
 St. Leo, writing to Turibius against the Pris- 
 St Leo ciUianists, condemns their impious senti- 
 ob. a.d. ments about the Trinity, and charges 
 them with denying that alius est Qui 
 Genuit, alius Qui Genitus est, alius Qui de Utroquc 
 Processit. (L. and C. iv. 658.) A Council was held 
 soon afterwards, under the sanction of Leo, either 
 Council of at Lucus (Lugo) or at Calle (Oporto)— the 
 Calk. Concilium Cellense of Archbishop Ussher 
 
 ("De Rom. Ecc. Symbolis," p. 44, Ox. 1660), and 
 a Confession of Faith was drawn up, in which the 
 Holy Spirit is twice spoken of as a Patre Filioque 
 Procedens. (L. and C. iv. 733.) This Regula Fidei 
 is given by Labbe in connection with the First 
 Council of Toledo (vol. ii. 1475), but it seems to 
 have been interpolated there. It is very different 
 in form from the Symbol of Constantinople. These 
 early Spanish Councils are involved in much 
 obscurity, but the history of this Council of Calle 
 may be sufficiently gathered from the address of 
 
 c 
 
1 8 Filioqtte Interpolated 
 
 Lucretius to the so-called Second Council of 
 Braga — probably the First of Braga in reality — in 
 the year A.D. 563. See the Note of Binius on the 
 Regida Fidei, printed after the Acts of the First 
 Council of Toledo. (L. and C. ii. 1487.) 
 
 40. It should be noticed that all the writers 
 hitherto quoted, including St. Leo at the date 
 mentioned, preceded the Council of Chalcedon 
 (A.D. 451), which declared that the Symbol of 
 Constantinople " teaches perfection " — the Greek is 
 too feebly rendered by those two words — "con- 
 cerning the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost," 
 and forbade any other teaching. 
 
 41. Having thus noticed the language used by 
 some of the chief Doctors of the Church in the 
 History fourth and fifth centuries, I will now 
 ° f r the endeavour to give a brief resume of the 
 
 Fihoque & 
 
 Clause. History of the Filioque clause, so far as 
 my opportunities have permitted me to examine it. 
 
 42. For a hundred and forty years or more 
 after the Synod of Chalcedon, the Church seems 
 to have been undisturbed by this particular con- 
 troversy, nor can I adduce any writer of this 
 period who has left his testimony on the subject, 
 except Fulgentius (obiit A.D. 533), who held the 
 Procession from both the Father and the Son. 
 
 43. But the sixth century is remarkable as 
 affording the first known instance in zvJiicJi the 
 Filioque was inserted into the Procession Clause of the 
 
in the Sixth Century 19 
 
 Symbol, and, after what has been related, we shall 
 not be surprised to find that this was done in 
 Fiiioque Spain. The Symbol so interpolated is 
 
 interpo- 4 # * L 
 
 lated in found in the Third Council of Toledo, 
 bol ym A.D. 589. This Council was convoked 
 Toledo. by King Reccared, then newly converted 
 to the Christian Faith, and his address — or that 
 ascribed to him— betrays no suspicion that the 
 et Filio was an interpolation. After reciting the 
 Xicene and Constantinopolitan Symbols (the latter 
 thus interpolated), the Council drew up Three 
 Anathemas, the third of which is directed against 
 those who deny the Procession from the Father 
 and the Son. (L. and C. iv. 693-700.) 
 
 44. We note the same doctrine in the Confes- 
 sions of Faith found in the fourth and sixth of these 
 Other Toledo Councils l (a.d. 633-638), neither 
 Councils of which is in the form of the Symbol of 
 
 at Toledo. . y 
 
 Constantinople, and both of which contain 
 language similar to that of the Athanasian Creed, — 
 but this circumstance of course affords no indica- 
 tion that that Creed existed at this date. (L. and C. 
 vi. 1449, 1491.) 
 
 45. The records of our own country at this 
 period, scanty though they be, show that this 
 doctrine was received as orthodox in England. 
 
 *& j 
 
 1 The City .of Toledo (urbs parva in the Punic wars : urbs 
 regia in the sixth century) was captured by the Arabs in a.d. 711, 
 when its Christian Synods of course came to an end. Gibbon, 
 Dec. and Fall, ch. li. 
 
20 The Eastern Empire 
 
 For the Council of Hedefeld (Hatfield), held A.D.680, 
 acknowledged Spiritual Sanctum Procedentem ex 
 „ .. f P atre et Filio inenarrabiliter. This is the 
 
 Council of 
 
 Hatfield, more remarkable since the Chair of Can- 
 terbury was at this time filled by Arch- 
 bishop Theodore of Tarsus, who styled himself 
 Archbishop of the Island of Britain. 
 
 46. Some allusion to the Eastern Empire is 
 now essential to the prosecution of my design. 
 The When the Western Empire had at length 
 Eastern totally collapsed under the repeated at- 
 tacks of the Barbarians (a.d. 476), all that 
 
 remained of the Imperial dignity and puissance of 
 Rome was centred in the Person of the Emperor 
 of the East, whose capital was Constantinople, or 
 New Rome, and whose subjects, although a Greek- 
 speaking people, continued to call themselves 
 Romans, as retaining a considerable portion of the 
 Dominions which had been won by the Roman 
 arms, and had formed part of that grand historic 
 empire. 
 
 47. Odoacer, the conqueror of Italy, had been 
 driven out thence by the Ostrogoths, and these in 
 
 turn had been overcome by the Emperor 
 
 Precarious J i 
 
 Tenure of Justinian (A.D. 533), who thus brought 
 Italy, which had never up to that time 
 formed part of the Eastern Empire, under his 
 dominion. But it was held by a precarious tenure, 
 and when Leo the Isaurian sent his edict to Rome, 
 about 200 years afterwards, requiring the destruc- 
 
Pepin — Charlemagne 2 1 
 
 tion of the images, he was answered by Pope 
 Gregory II. in a letter full of defiance. His statues 
 were broken : tribute was no longer paid : and 
 when Leo attempted to quell the revolt by force, 
 he was met by the most determined resistance, and 
 his army was at length utterly routed under the 
 walls of Ravenna. But the Popes used their victory 
 with moderation, and down to the coronation of 
 Charlemagne as Emperor of the West (a.d. 800), 
 the Government of Southern Italy was carried on 
 in the name of the Eastern Emperor. (Gibbon, 
 " Dec. and Fall," ch. xlix.) 
 
 48. Before this period, however, Pepin and his 
 son Charlemagne had been steadily extending their 
 Pepin and con q ues ts in central Europe ; and when, 
 Charie- m t ne middle of the eighth century, the 
 
 magne. ° J 
 
 Popes found themselves hardly pressed by 
 the Lombards, they applied for assistance, not to 
 the effete forces of the Emperor, but to the rising 
 power of Pepin. The appeal was readily responded 
 to, and the power of the Lombards having been 
 broken, the Pope was persuaded to reward his pre- 
 server with the crown of France, while, on the 
 other hand, Pepin made over the Exarchate of 
 Ravenna and certain other of the Eastern Emperor's 
 dominions to the Pope, thus conferring upon him 
 for the first time the status of a Temporal Sovereign. 
 
 49. In 768 King Pepin died, and Charles had 
 not long been on the throne when he too was called 
 upon by the reigning Pope to aid him against the 
 
22 Cotmcil of Gentilly 
 
 reviving power of the Lombards. They were 
 routed more effectually than before ; and after 
 thirty-two years of conquest, Charles was crowned 
 at Rome on Christmas Day A.D. 800, with title of 
 Emperor of the West. 
 
 50. With these facts before us, we can easily 
 understand the extreme soreness with which the 
 
 , Eastern Emperor saw himself shorn of 
 
 Soreness of r 
 
 the Eastern his ancient dominions, while the glory of 
 
 Emperor , . . , , . 
 
 and the his name was yet further diminished by 
 atnarc . ^ e r j se Q f a f ar m0 re powerful rival in the 
 West. The Patriarchs of Constantinople also would 
 find aviari aliquid in the continual aggrandisement 
 of the Bishops of Rome, with whom they had 
 insisted on an absolute equality in all things 
 except the mere honour of Precedence ; and we 
 can feel little surprise at their willingness to 
 reproach the West with any theological delin- 
 quencies they might discover. 
 
 51. The records of this period are not 
 abundant, but it appears from a letter of Pope 
 
 Paul I. to Pepin, that the Emperor 
 
 Council of . 
 
 Gentilly, Copronymus had sent an ambassage to 
 a.d. 767. ^ j atter ^ about the year 766, demanding 
 the restoration of the Exarchate and other Eastern 
 dominions which had been transferred by him to 
 the Pope ; and the Abbot Regino, and Ado of 
 Vienne, tell us that a Council was held at Gen- 
 tiliacum (Gentilly) at Easter of the following year, 
 where, in addition to the political question, two 
 
Second Synod of Niccea 23 
 
 theological questions were discussed between the 
 Romans and the Greeks — the first having reference 
 to Images, the second to the inquiry Utrum sicut 
 a Patre, ita etiam a Filio Procedat Spiritus Sauctus. 
 L. and C. viii. 463.) 
 
 52. The Second Synod of Nicaea, reckoned the 
 Seventh (Ecumenical Synod by the Greeks and 
 Second Latins, was held in 787 to determine the 
 fiicffia,° f question of Images. In the course of 
 a.d. 787. j ts Actions a Letter from the Patriarch 
 Tarasius to the Clergy of Antioch, 
 Alexandria, and the Holy City, was called for and 
 read. In this Letter he had announced his eleva- 
 tion to the Patriarchate of New Rome, and 
 thereupon had made a profession of his Faith, 
 according to custom, and had written of the Holy 
 Spirit as " Proceeding from the Father through the 
 Son." (L. and C. viii. 812.) To this expression 
 the Authors of the so-called Caroline Books l took 
 exception, inasmuch as he had written, " non ex 
 Patre et Filio, secundum Nicceni Symboli Fidem, 
 sed ex Patre per Filiui/i." In his reply to these 
 strictures the Pope excused the expression, as 
 being agreeable to the doctrine of the holy 
 Fathers, of whose teaching he gives examples, 
 
 1 The authors of these Books are said to have been some 
 followers of Serenus of Marseilles, who about 790 wrote strictures 
 on the Second Nicene Synod, and sent them to the King. He in 
 turn forwarded them to Pope Hadrian, who examined them at 
 length and sent a written reply. (L. and C. viii. 549, and ix. no, 
 115, and Palmer on the Church, iv. 10, 4.) 
 
24 Council of Friuli 
 
 some favouring per Filinm, others directly teaching 
 the Procession a Patre et a Filio. (L. and C. viii. 
 1554-56.) 
 
 53. In the twenty-third year of Charlemagne 
 a Council was held at Forum Julii (Friuli, in Istria), 
 Council of under the Presidency of Paulinus, Metro- 
 TuSTa d politan of Aquileia, with the purpose of 
 79 1 - reaffirming the Faith against the heresies 
 with which Elipandus of Toledo stood charged 
 with regard to the Sonship of our Lord and the 
 Procession of the Holy Spirit. 
 
 54. There is no record of a discussion at this 
 Synod, but Paulinus made a long address, of which 
 the following epitome, so far as it refers to our 
 subject, will not be out of place. Referring to the 
 Symbols of Nicaea and Constantinople, he declared 
 he would not teach any other Faith but that which 
 all ages had sincerely received by tradition from 
 the Fathers. But, he added, to think aright ac- 
 cording to their meaning, and to supply an 
 exposition of their subtile mind, is not to add or 
 diminish. The 1 50 Fathers expounded the Creed 
 of the 3 1 8 by the words The Lord, and Life-giver, 
 &c. ; and in after times, because some heretics 
 were whispering that the Holy Ghost is of the 
 Father alone, and Proceedeth from the Father 
 alone, it was said, Who Proceedeth from the 
 Father and the Son. For those who added and the 
 Son had read the answer to Philip, He that seeth 
 Me hath seen My Father also : believest thou not 
 
Council of Friuli 25 
 
 that I am in the Father, and the Father in Me ? 
 If then, the Father is inseparably and substantially 
 in the Son, and the Son in the Father, how can it 
 be believed that the Holy Ghost doth not always 
 essentially and inseparably Proceed from the 
 Father and the Son ? 
 
 55. After quoting St. John xx. 22, xvi. 7, and 
 xiv. 26, he urged that it had frequently been de- 
 fined that the operations of the Holy Trinity are 
 inseparable ; and argued from Acts ii. 38, x. 48 
 (where the old Latin had in nomine Jesn Christi 
 baptizari), and xix. 5, that Baptism in the name of 
 Jesus implies Baptism in the name of the Father, 
 and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. " Where 
 the Father is, there inseparably is the Son and the 
 Holy Ghost ; and where the Son is, there in some 
 unspeakable way is the Father and the Holy Ghost ; 
 and where the Holy Ghost is, there incompre- 
 hensibly is the Father and the Son. He Who 
 Proceedeth from the Father is the Spirit of the 
 Father, and He Who is the Spirit of Truth is His 
 Who said, I am . . . the Truth." 
 
 56. Paulinus used in this address many ex- 
 pressions with which we are familiar in the 
 Athanasian Creed, and after reciting the Symbol 
 with the Filioque, he added, The Spirit is true God 
 not begotten, nor created, but Proceeding from the 
 Father and the Son intemporally and inseparably 
 (L. and C. ix. 31 sqq.) 
 
 57. The heresy of Elipandus was again con- 
 
26 Councils of Frankfort, &c. 
 
 demned three years afterwards at the Council of 
 Frankfort, and here also the Procession from the 
 Son was affirmed, and the Faith was 
 Frankfort, declared in terms which here and there 
 a.d. 794. remind us of the Athanasian Creed. (L. 
 and C. ix. 96, 97.) 
 
 58. The question of the Procession was raised 
 afresh about the commencement of the ninth 
 Council of century by a monk of Jerusalem named 
 Aquis- John, who inquired whether the Holy 
 a.d. 809. Spirit may be said to Proceed from the 
 Son in the same manner as He Proceeds from the 
 Father. Ado of Vienne, who makes this state- 
 ment, adduces from Rev. xxii. He shewed me a 
 pure river of Water of Life proceeding out of the 
 throne of "God and of the Lamb, as an evident 
 proof of the Procession from the Father and the 
 Son. A Council was held at Aquisgranum 
 (Aix-la-Chapelle), A.D. 809, but nothing, the Abbot 
 Regino tells us, was defined, because of the magni- 
 tude of the matters treated of. (L. and C. ix. 277, &c.) 
 
 However, some legates were despatched by the 
 Emperor Charlemagne to confer with the Pope 
 (Leo III.) on the subject, and an account 
 to^ope 11 of their interview is given by the Abbot 
 LeoIIL Smaragdus, as well, he says, as his 
 memory would serve him. 
 
 The Legation consisted of Bernarius, Bishop 
 of Worms ; Adelard, Abbot of Corbey ; and Jesse, 
 Bishop of Amiens, 
 
Legation to Pope Leo III. 27 
 
 This, said the Pope, is one of the deeper 
 Mysteries, into which some are able to inquire, 
 though many cannot do so. But he that can, and 
 will not, cannot be saved. 
 
 Missi. Since then a man must not fail to 
 believe, why may we not sing or teach by 
 singing? 
 
 Papa. You may do so, but you may not insert 
 unlawfully that which is prohibited, either in writing 
 or in singing. 
 
 Missi. Since then you declare it unlawful to 
 insert this symbolic clause either in singing or in 
 writing, we need no longer delay on this point. 
 But if that clause had been originally inserted, 
 would it not be well to have it sung and believed ? 
 
 Papa. Certainly : since it is so great a Mystery 
 of the Faith, that whosoever can attain thereto 
 must not fail to believe it. 
 
 Missi. Would it not then have been well if the 
 Authors had, by adding only four syllables, made 
 so great a Mystery perspicuous ? 
 
 Papa. As I dare not say they would not have 
 done well if they had so done ; so I dare not say 
 they had less understanding of this matter than we 
 have. They considered wherefore they omitted it, 
 and wherefore they forbade the insertion of this as 
 well as of other things. 
 
 Missi. Far be it from us to question their 
 wisdom : but inasmuch as the end of the world 
 draweth nigh, we would be faithful ; and since we 
 
28 Leo III. and the Filioque 
 
 find that the Symbol is thus sung by some, and 
 unless men cannot be so instructed unless it be 
 sung, it has seemed better to us so to teach them, 
 than to leave them untaught. If your Paternity 
 knew how many thousands understand this doc- 
 trine who would never have known it had it not 
 been sung, you would haply consent to its being 
 sung. 
 
 Papa. I consent (to its being sung). But, tell 
 me, are all Mysteries of the Faith which are not 
 found in the Symbol, and without which he that 
 can attain thereto cannot be a Catholic, to be in- 
 serted in the Symbol at pleasure ? 
 
 Missi. By no means : for all are not equally 
 necessary. 
 
 Papa. Though not all, yet many are neces- 
 sary. 
 
 Missi. Will you mention something — I do not 
 say more sublime, but at least something like this, 
 that is wanting in the Symbol ? 
 Papa. Yes, in abundance. 
 
 Missi. Mention one : then, if need be, a second. 
 The Pope desired delay fcr consideration, and 
 replied next day : — Is it more salutary to believe, 
 or more perilous not to believe that the Holy 
 Spirit Proceeds from the Son as He does from the 
 Father ; than that the Son, Wisdom and Deity 
 was Begotten from Wisdom and Deity ; Truth and 
 Deity from Truth and Deity ; and yet that Both 
 are One Wisdom, One Truth, Essentially God ? 
 
Leo III and the Filioque 29 
 
 These arc not found in the Symbol ; and if you 
 agree that they were omitted neither through 
 ignorance, nor through careless disregard for the 
 future, we need bring forward no more testimonies. 
 
 The conversation then became somewhat 
 evasive and desultory. The Pope said he had 
 given permission to sing the Symbol, but not to 
 add, take away, or change anything. We at Rome 
 do not sing the Symbol, but we read it. What we 
 know to be wanting we do not presume to insert 
 therein, but supply as opportunity permits. 
 
 Missi. Then your Paternity decides, first, That 
 this clause must be taken out of the Symbol ; and 
 then that the doctrine be freely taught, whether by- 
 singing or by delivery ? 
 
 Papa. Exactly so. 
 
 Missi. But what if its removal should lead to 
 the denial of the doctrine, as contrary to the 
 Faith ? 
 
 Papa. If I had been asked before it had been 
 so sung, I should have answered that the clause 
 must not be inserted. But now I am inclined to 
 a compromise. You can gradually drop the usage 
 of singing it in the Palace. If it is dropped by you, 
 it will be dropped by all : and then perhaps the 
 Doctrine may be rightly believed, and yet that un- 
 lawful use may be discontinued. 
 
 59. The foregoing epitome will suffice to give 
 some idea of this long and instructive colloquy, 
 which may be further examined in the pages of 
 
30 Council of Aries 
 
 Labbe and Cossart ; and it will be observed that 
 the Procession here insisted upon is the Eternal 
 and Essential Procession ; not that Mission in time 
 which the Lord promised, when He spoke of the 
 Comforter, Whom, said He, I will send unto you. 
 
 60. And we must not fail to observe that, after 
 this interview, Leo III. caused the Symbol to be 
 TheSym- engraved on two silver shields, without 
 bolen " the Filioque, one in Greek and one in 
 
 graved by 1 
 
 Leo in. Latin, which were affixed to the entrance 
 of the Tomb of St. Peter in his Basilica at Rome. 
 
 61. The Emperor Charlemagne, however, 
 warmly espoused the side of those who desired to 
 retain the inserted words, and wrote to the Pope 
 at great length in defence of the Dogma, with 
 abundant references to holy Scripture and the 
 teaching of the Fathers. I have failed to discover 
 Leo's reply. The semi-permission conceded by 
 his offer of a compromise may have left the matter 
 much in static quo, until the Roman See itself 
 ratified the clause and insisted upon its adoption. 
 
 62. The Council of Aries next comes under 
 our notice ; in the First Canon of which we find 
 
 ., c the Procession from the Father and the 
 
 Council of 
 
 Aries, a.d. Son distinctly laid down ; and here, as in 
 the Councils of Toledo, &c, we may 
 notice expressions familiar to us in the Athanasian 
 Creed. This Creed, it should be observed, is 
 accepted at the present day by both Greeks and 
 Latins, the only difference being in the Procession 
 
Photius and Pope Nicolas I. 31 
 
 clause. It looks like a most careful and orderly 
 compilation, in which terms are used which had 
 TheAtha- ^ een familiar to theologians for many 
 nasian centuries ; but whoever may have been 
 
 Creed. ' 
 
 the compiler, it was not appealed to by 
 either side in all this long controversy, a fact in- 
 consistent with the supposition of its existence as 
 a Confession of Faith at this date. 
 
 63. The friction between the Easterns and the 
 Latins, occasioned by encroachments on the part 
 Photius °^ ^ e l atter > especially in the Ravenna 
 and Pope matter, has been already noticed. This 
 
 Nicolas I. . 
 
 was much increased about this time by 
 the action of the learned but unscrupulous Photius, 
 who had displaced Ignatius on the Patriarchal 
 throne of Constantinople. Finding himself op- 
 posed by Nicolas I., the reigning Pope, he met his 
 opposition with characteristic energy, and ventured 
 to charge the Roman Church with heresy, because 
 it taught the Procession from the Son. Some 
 writers, with St. Anthony and Pithaeus, say that he 
 charged this Pope with formally adopting the 
 Filioque as part of the Symbol] but this, as Vossius 
 shows, is at least questionable (" De Tribus Sym- 
 bolis," xxxiv. and xxxv.), and there is no proof 
 that the interpolation was made at this time. 
 
 64. The murder of the Greek Emperor in 867 
 led to the rise of a new Dynasty, of which Basil 
 the Macedonian was the founder, and Photius fell 
 with the fall of his patron. A Synod, called by 
 
32 
 
 P ho tiu s 
 
 the Latins the Eighth (Ecumenical Synod, was 
 held at Constantinople, in which Photius was 
 deposed and Ignatius restored. In this extremity 
 however he contrived to gain the usurper's favour 
 by a trick. For, pretending to have discovered an 
 ancient prediction that about this time BECLAS 
 would reign prosperously, he interpreted 
 the word as containing the initials of Basil 
 the de facto Emperor, Eudoxia his wife, and Con- 
 stantine, Leo, Alexius, and Stephen, his four sons. 
 (Vossius, ch. xxxvi.) 
 
 Thus, on the death of Ignatius in 878, Photius 
 was restored to the Patriarchate, the Pope (John 
 VIII.) signifying his approval. Next year a Great 
 Synod was held at Constantinople, in which the 
 Acts of the late Synod were abrogated, and 
 Photius was formally approved. 1 In the sixth 
 Action of this Synod, the Symbol of Constan- 
 tinople was read, and any addition or detraction 
 was again forbidden, under pain of Deposition or 
 Anathema. (L. and C. xi. 334, 336, 492.) 
 
 The good-fortune of Photius did not long 
 continue. He was deposed and banished a second 
 
 1 These are the two Synods referred to by Mark of Ephesus in 
 the Sixth Session of Ferrara, but he reckons neither of them as 
 oecumenical, both having been alike rescinded. (L. and C. xviii. 
 89. ) Indeed, according to the Easterns, the Second Synod of Nicaea 
 is the last of the (Ecumenical Councils :— " Nunc venio ad septi- 
 mum et ultimum Generale Concilium." (Abraham's version of the 
 Synod of Ferrara, in Bail's Concilia, vol. i. col. 527.). This 
 sentence is omitted in L. and C. 's Concilia. 
 
which the 
 Filioque 
 had be- 
 come re 
 
 Interval of 150 Years 3^ 
 
 time, and died in exile A.D. 891. With his depo- 
 sition the question of the Procession was allowed 
 to slumber, and the general peace of the 
 o^Eas^and Church was not broken for more than 
 
 2Shl£d e I5 ° y ears > when the enc yclical letter of 
 eleventh Michael Cerularius brought the debated 
 
 centuries, . & 
 
 questions again prominently forward. 
 
 65. The Eastern Church continued to be in 
 outward communion with the West durin°- the 
 
 whole of the tenth century, and for more 
 
 In the J 
 
 course of than half the eleventh, and it was appa- 
 rently during this interval that the Filioque 
 became a recognised portion of the Symbol 
 
 cognised as said or sung in the West ; for we 
 
 at Rome. m 
 
 find that it was made one count in the 
 accusation of Cerularius that he had " cut out from 
 the Symbol the Holy Spirit's Procession from the 
 Son." (L. and C. xi. 1362, 1460.) Whether this 
 recognition was the result of a Formal Act of the 
 Church of Rome, as represented by the Pope in 
 Council, or of the gradual adoption of the Filioque 
 by local Churches throughout the West, must, for 
 the present at least, remain doubtful. The Roman 
 party at Ferrara asserted the former, but without 
 reference to time, place, or name. At the Bonn 
 Conference in 1875, Dr. Dollinger attributed the 
 formal insertion of the Filioque in the Creed to 
 Pope Benedict VIII., on the demand of the 
 Emperor Henry II., A.D. 1014. 
 
 66. I must now give an account of the rupture 
 
 D 
 
34 M. Cerularius and Leo IX. 
 
 in the time of Cerularius more in detail. Michael 
 Cerularius was raised to the Patriarchal Throne 
 
 Cerularius, m tne vear I0 43 5 anc * some nme or ten 
 
 E atr " of years afterwards he addressed an ency- 
 a.d. 1043. clical letter to the Bishops in Apulia, over 
 whom he still claimed authority, though Apulia 
 had been wrested from the Empire by the Nor- 
 mans not long before. In this Encyclical he 
 appears to have urged the desirability of a closer 
 accord with the Western Church, perhaps with a 
 view to united action against the " Northmanni." 
 (L. and C. xi. 13 19.) He mentions, however, with 
 disapprobation certain matters in which the Roman 
 Church differed from that of the Greeks. The 
 chief among these — pro eo maxime, quod de azymis, 
 &c. — was the Western use of unleavened bread in 
 the Eucharist — strange that such a charge should 
 have been reckoned the chief ! But other matters 
 were added ; viz. the custom of fasting on the 
 Sabbath (Saturday), the prohibition of clerical 
 marriage, and the Dogma of the Procession from 
 the Son. 
 
 67. This Encyclical at length came into the 
 hands of Leo IX., who addressed a letter (January, 
 Leo ix.'s io 54) to the Patriarch, expressed in a tone 
 Reply. f something more than remonstrance, es- 
 pecially with reference to his "detestable and lament- 
 able usurpation" of the Title of (Ecumenical Patri- 
 arch, and to his presumption in calumniating the 
 Roman Church. The Patriarch remained obdurate ; 
 
M. Cerularius and Leo IX. 35 
 
 indeed he is charged with taking violent measures 
 against the Latin Clergy and Monks in the Greek 
 Dominion (L. and C. xi. 1336) ; and Leo wrote a 
 second letter (in forty-one sections !) in which he 
 again inveighs against the Patriarch's " incredible 
 audacity and presumption" in venturing to teach the 
 Roman Church how to celebrate the Liturgy, and in 
 continuing to usurp the Title of CEcumenical Patri- 
 arch. His letter is, of course, mainly directed to the 
 contention for the Primacy of the Roman Church — 
 a glory divinitus et Juimanitus concessam (sec. 39) — 
 and ends with a threat that, if need be, he will not 
 cook the kid in the mother's milk, but will u scrub 
 its mangy hide with biting vinegar and salt " ( ! ) 
 since the Lord admonishes, saying, If thy hand or 
 thy foot offend thee, &c. (Sec. 41.) 
 
 The bearers of the above letter were entrusted 
 with another to the Emperor (Constantinus Mono- 
 machus), inviting his aid against the Normans, the 
 common enemy of both, and complaining of the 
 Patriarch's overbearing and ambitious conduct. 
 Constantine, influenced probably by motives of 
 temporal policy, gave his support to the legates, 
 and a monk, one Nicetas, who had written against 
 the Roman Church, was persuaded to anathematise 
 his writings in the Emperor's presence, and to 
 commit the book to the flames. 
 
 6S. Hereupon, the Patriarch still refusing to 
 submit, the legates formally placed upon the Altar 
 of the Greek Church in Constantinple a Sentence 
 
 d 2 
 
36 The Schism Consummated, July, 1054 
 
 of Anathema, wherein eleven evil doctrines and 
 practices of Michael Cerularius and his supporters 
 The Rup- were expressly mentioned, and they them- 
 mrecon- se i ves cursed with the awful imprecation, 
 
 summated, r 
 
 a.d. 1054. " Let them be Anathema Maranatha, with 
 Simoniacs, Valerians, Arians, Donatists, Nicholai- 
 tans, Severians, Pneumatomachi, Manichees, and 
 Nazarenes, and with all Heretics ; yea, with the 
 Devil and his Angels, Amen. Amen. Amen." A 
 similar Anathema was pronounced viva voce in the 
 same Church, in the presence of the Emperor and 
 his Court, and was made to include all who should 
 speak against the Faith of the Roman See. This 
 having been done and ratified by a threefold Fiat, 
 Fiat, Fiat ! the legates shook off the dust from 
 their feet, and exclaiming, The Lord look upon it 
 and judge! left the devoted city. (L. and C. xi. 
 1360-62, and 1457-60.) 
 
 Autocrat though he was, the Emperor thought 
 it the better policy to yield to the popular resent- 
 ment, and the negotiations came to nothing. 
 " According to the emergencies of Church and 
 State," says Mr. Gibbon, " a friendly correspond- 
 ence was sometimes resumed ; the language of 
 charity and concord was sometimes affected ; but 
 the Greeks have never recanted their errors ; the 
 popes have never repealed their sentence : and 
 from this thunderbolt we may date the consum- 
 mation of the Schism." (" Decline and Fall," &c, 
 ch. lx.) 
 
Subsequent Events 37 
 
 One reflects with shame and horror upon pro- 
 ceedings such as these, too often alas ! exemplified 
 in the history of the Church, when the holiest and 
 most awful powers have been prostituted, the 
 peace of the Church broken, and the ethics of 
 Christian charity and forbearance thrown to the 
 winds, all through the lust of dominion, and im- 
 patience of any rival, or opposition to an imperious 
 will. The Roman legates, after hurling their 
 anathema against Cerularius, had not scrupled to 
 appeal to the judgment of God. We too, upon 
 whom the anathema of Rome has fallen, not for 
 unorthodox doctrine, but for audacity in resisting 
 the Petrine Claims, can appeal with reverent con- 
 fidence to the same tribunal, as we too say, The 
 Lord look upon it and judge ! 
 
 69. The excommunication of Cerularius took 
 place shortly before the conquest of England by 
 
 the Normans. The same martial people 
 
 Conquests L l 
 
 by the had recently wrested the Province of 
 Apulia from the Eastern Emperor, and 
 that conquest was speedily followed (A.D. 1060) by 
 their conquest of Calabria, under the banner of 
 Robert Guiscard, who also seems to have been 
 of Norman pedigree. Thus the greater part of 
 Southern Italy was lost to the Empire of the 
 East. 
 
 70. At the same time the unhappy Greeks 
 were pressed by a yet more formidable enemy, who 
 had successfully assailed the Asiatic provinces of 
 
38 The First Crusade 
 
 the Empire. These were the Turks or Turcomans, 
 a pastoral tribe from beyond the Caspian, who, 
 And the under their leaders of the House of Seljuk, 
 Turks. k ac j ft rm ly established themselves in 
 Anatolia (Asia Minor), and towards the close of 
 the eleventh century had erected the Seljukian 
 kingdom of Rourn {i.e. of the Romans), with the 
 venerable Nicaea, a city almost on the shore of the 
 Propontis, for their' capital. Jerusalem too had 
 fallen into their hands ; and the pilgrims, who had 
 hitherto been able to visit the Holy City without 
 molestation, were exposed to all manner of private 
 rapine and public oppression. 
 
 71. The Emperor Alexius Comnenus in his 
 
 distress appealed for help to the princes and 
 
 .. c counts of Western Europe, and sent a 
 
 Councils of . ' 
 
 Piacemia, legation to explain his peril and the 
 
 mid-Lent, . _, . . , 
 
 1095; and misery of the Christians 111 Jerusalem at 
 November, the Council which Urban II. had as- 
 I095 - sembled at Placentia, for the purpose of 
 
 dealing with the divorce of Praxes, wife of the 
 German Emperor Henry IV., and other political 
 matters. The result of the legates' appeal is not 
 clearly stated in the meagre account of this 
 Council, but we are told that the Pope urged his 
 hearers to swear that they would go and render 
 all possible aid to the Emperor against his pagan 
 foes. (L. and C. xii. 822.) There is no hint of 
 any difficulty on the score of the Schism ; but the 
 possession of a foothold in Constantinople could 
 
The First Crusade 39 
 
 not fail to be of advantage in the prosecution of 
 the Pope's main design, the deliverance of Jeru- 
 salem from the Turks. The relief of the Eastern 
 Emperor was again brought forward in connection 
 with this object at the Council of Clermont in 
 November of the same year ; and the first bands 
 of the Crusaders began their march in the spring 
 that followed. 
 
 72. It is not my design to repeat the story of 
 
 the Crusades ; but it is to the purport to call 
 
 attention to so much of it as bears upon 
 
 The Cru- . 
 
 saders" the relations between the Latins and the 
 Greeks. Of more than 300,000 badly- 
 equipped plebeians, of whom the first contingent 
 consisted, scarcely one-third reached the walls of 
 Constantinople. Here they were for a while hos- 
 pitably entertained, but their depredations and 
 misconduct at length so exasperated the Emperor, 
 that he persuaded them to pass at once to the 
 Asiatic side of the Bosphorus, where they soon 
 fell a prey to the stratagem of the Sultan. De- 
 coyed by a rumour that the foremost of their 
 number were already revelling in the spoils of 
 Nicxa, they hurried along, a disorderly rabble, 
 and a vast pyramid of bones told succeeding 
 adventurers the tale and place of their overthrow. 
 
 This rabble was followed, after a short interval, 
 by a host of knights with their retainers, as 
 formidable in its numbers as in the armour and 
 appointments of its horsemen. Alexius, naturally 
 
40 The First Crusade 
 
 alarmed, got them conveyed across the Bosphorus 
 in detachments, and as rapidly as possible ; but 
 Their Sue- not before an incident had occurred which 
 cessors. m ight have resulted in the capture of 
 his city by the troops of Godfrey. (See Gibbon, 
 " Decline and Fall," ch. lviii. p. 1029.) It must 
 have been a great relief to him to learn that, 
 as the Crusaders pressed on over the hills and 
 plains of Anatolia, Syria, and Palestine, his peril 
 was daily lessened, not only by their rapidly 
 diminishing numbers, but also by the increasing 
 distance of the war. The outcome, so far as he 
 was concerned, was the recovery of a large portion 
 of Anatolia, including all the seaboard from 
 Trebizond to the Gulf of Issus ; the Seljukian 
 kingdom of Roum being thus contracted to the 
 central districts of Asia Minor, with Iconium 
 (Cogni), 300 miles from Constantinople, for its 
 capital. (Gibbon, chap. lix. p. 1042.) 
 
 Jerusalem was eventually (A.D. 1099) restored 
 to the dominion of the Christians, but a Latin 
 . , , . , Bishop was installed in the Patriarchal 
 
 Archbishop r 
 
 Anseim at Throne, and the Creed was sung of course 
 of C Ba?i! n with the addition of the Filioque. The 
 J ° 97 ' discussion had been revived at the Council 
 
 of Bari in Apulia, and it is noticeable that Anseim, 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, who, being at variance 
 with the king, was residing abroad, made a speech 
 in defence of the Western dogma which is noted as 
 the main feature of the Council, and was after- 
 
The Second Crusade 41 
 
 wards expanded in a treatise which is still extant. 
 (L. and C. xii. 947.) 
 
 73. The Second Crusade was undertaken in the 
 reign of Manuel Comnenus, with whom the leaders 
 The Second ^ ac ^ stipulated for a safe-conduct and a 
 Crusade, f a j r market. But every engagement was 
 
 T147. Bad . / fc> fc> 
 
 faith of the violated by treachery and injustice, for 
 
 Greeks 
 
 which the want of prudence and discipline 
 on the part of the pilgrims afforded frequent oppor- 
 tunities. The gates of cities were barred against 
 them ; passes were barricaded, and bridges were 
 broken down : stragglers were pillaged and mur- 
 dered ; and it is even said that chalk or poison 
 was mixed with the bread with which they were 
 supplied. And these charges do not rest on the 
 authority of the Western historians alone. Bar 
 Hebraeus, the Jacobite Maphrian or Primate, tells 
 the same horrible tale. The Franks, he says, who 
 were outside, when they heard of the calamity that 
 had happened in Uraha (Edessa), were greatly 
 moved, and burst forth and went out from Italy a 
 numerous host — the king of Alaman with 90,000 
 horsemen, and the king of Fransis (whom the Arabs 
 called Phunsh ] ) with 50,000, and footmen without 
 number. And in the year 1459 of the Greeks they 
 made war upon Constantinople, because they knew 
 the perfidy of the Greeks. But King Manuel, after 
 
 1 Phunsh is a corruption of Alfonso, perhaps the son of the 
 King of Sicily, or Alfonso, Count of Toulouse, whom they con- 
 founded with Louis VII. of France. 
 
42 The Second Crusade 
 
 he had given them much gold, swore that he would 
 lead them without guile, but immediately deceived 
 them, by sending before them leaders who led 
 them by barren mountains without water. And 
 when they had continued to wander for five days, 
 and their guides had fled, many of them died of 
 thirst, both themselves and their horses. And the 
 Turks heard, and burst upon the Franks, who were 
 scattered in the mountains ; and when they found 
 them, they cut them up troop by troop. And the 
 places of the Turks were filled with spoil of the 
 Franks, so that a talent of silver was sold like lead 
 in Militini. Then those of the Franks that escaped 
 turned to the seashore of Pontus. The Greeks 
 mingled chalk with flour, and gave to the Franks 
 to eat ; and when they had eaten it, they fell down 
 by heaps and died. And the king of Italy alone 
 escaped with three counts, and came to Jerusalem 
 and prayed and blessed himself at the Holy 
 Sepulchre. (Bar Heb., " Dyn." x. p. 334.) 
 
 74. The bitter animosity against the Latins 
 was again displayed in the tumult that accom- 
 increasing panied the usurpation of Andronicus 
 animosity. ( A D HS3), but we need not yield entire 
 credence to the catalogue of atrocities recorded by 
 Mr. Gibbon, who relies for his account, it would 
 seem, mainly on the " loud, copious, and tragical " 
 narrative of William of Tyre. (" Dec. and Fall," 
 ch. lx. p. 1060.) It is incredible that, if an eighth 
 part of what he relates had been done, we should 
 
The Third and Fourth Crusades 43 
 
 not find so much as an allusion to it in the " Life 
 and Letters of Lucius," the contemporary Pope. 
 Still, as Nicetas also admits something of the 
 kind, which was likely enough under the circum- 
 stances, it is fitting that we should give it a passing 
 notice. 
 
 7$. Indications of the same bitter feeling are 
 not altogether wanting in the account of the Third 
 The Third Crusade under Frederic Barbarossa, whose 
 
 Crusade, anonymous historian accuses the Greek 
 1 189. 
 
 Patriarch of inciting his flock to obtain 
 
 " remission of their sins by the slaughter and extir- 
 pation of the foreigners." Mr. Gibbon also ad- 
 duces the language of the Emperor Baldwin, that 
 " they vouchsafed to the Latins the name not of 
 men but of dogs, and almost reckoned it a merit to 
 shed their blood." " There may be some exaggera- 
 tion," says the historian, " but it was as effectual 
 for the action and reaction of hatred." {Ibid. 
 note 12.) 
 
 j6. The internal history of the Eastern Empire 
 during the eleventh and twelfth centuries is little 
 The Fourth more tnan a dismal record of human 
 
 Crusade, ambition and depravity. Conspiracies, 
 1 198-1204. L J l ' 
 
 murders, usurpations, mutilations, adul- 
 teries, are the main characteristics of this period — 
 one horror following its predecessor in rapid suc- 
 cession, though not without some intervals of 
 happier and more peaceful times, especially under 
 the reign of the Emperor John Comnenus (11 18- 
 
44 The Fourth Crusade 
 
 1 1 53). The usurpation of the Tyrant Andronicus 
 (1 183) has been already alluded to. He was how- 
 ever overthrown, three years afterwards, by Isaac 
 Angelus, one of his intended victims, who was 
 raised to the purple by acclamation. But his 
 excessive extravagance, which could be maintained 
 only by oppressive taxation, alienated the affection 
 of his subjects ; and while he was absent on a 
 hunting expedition, his own brother Alexius seized 
 the throne. Isaac fled, but was overtaken, and 
 was deprived of his eyes and confined in a lone- 
 some tower on a scanty allowance of food. His son 
 Alexius, a youth of but twelve years of age, con- 
 trived to escape, and, going to Rome, implored the 
 Pope's protection. He then passed on to his sister 
 Irene, the wife of Philip, king of the Romans, and 
 hearing that the flower of Western chivalry was 
 assembling at Venice for a fresh Crusade, he deter- 
 mined to solicit their assistance for his father's 
 restoration. He had now reached his twentieth 
 year, and promised in his own and his father's 
 name that, as soon as they should be seated on the 
 throne of Constantinople, they would terminate 
 the Schism, and submit themselves and their people 
 to the supremacy of the Roman Church. He 
 engaged moreover to recompense the Crusaders 
 by the immediate payment of 200,000 marks, or to 
 maintain during his life a large force for service in 
 the Holy Land. 
 
 yy. The Crusaders had wintered at Zara, which 
 
Constantinople taken by the Latins 45 
 
 they had reduced to obedience on behalf of the 
 
 Venetians, and with the return of spring in 1203 
 
 they set sail, not for Palestine, but for 
 
 Constants J ' ' 
 
 nopie Constantinople. The usurper made a 
 
 stormed by _ . 
 
 the Latins, fruitless attempt to negotiate, and the city 
 a.d. 1203. was stormec j on tne j g t h j u iy Q f tnat y ean 
 
 The time had now arrived for the fulfilment of the 
 promised conditions, but this was a task not easily 
 performed. For upon the secret covenant which 
 the younger Alexius had made with the Latins 
 being divulged, he was denounced as an apostate 
 who had betrayed the faith and liberty of his 
 country. In the meantime a terrible fire, which 
 burned for eight days, had consumed a vast 
 number of buildings ; Churches, Palaces, and ware- 
 houses being involved in one common destruction. 
 This fire was the deliberate work of the Latins, 
 who had discovered a Mahometan Mosque in the 
 heart of the city — the same which Isaac Angelus 
 had allowed them to erect. In the fierceness of 
 their hatred of the Infidels they had set the whole 
 Quarter on fire, with the disastrous consequences 
 above mentioned. This outrage rendered the Latins 
 yet more odious than before, and they found it ex- 
 pedient to withdraw to their special Quarter with- 
 out the city. But the tumult increased, and the 
 citizens found a leader in a prince of the House 
 of Ducas, known as Mourzoufle, a name given 
 him from the close meeting of his black eye- 
 brows. This man's first care was to get rid of the 
 
46 Synod of Nymphceum 
 
 two occupants of the throne, both of whom were 
 shortly numbered with the dead, the son at any 
 rate being murdered. 
 
 78. The city now endured a second siege, and 
 was again taken in April 1204. Baldwin, Count of 
 
 Flanders, was elected Emperor, and a 
 
 Occupied , . 
 
 by the Venetian was installed in the patriarchal 
 1204 to throne. Mourzoufle had escaped, but was 
 I261 ' taken and brought back to the city, where 
 
 he was thrown headlong from the top of the Column 
 of Arcadius, which is nearly 150 feet high. 
 
 79. The Greeks however still held together 
 under three or four separate leaders, in Epirus, 
 Trebizond, and especially Nicaea, where the stan- 
 dard of the Empire was replanted and upheld, first 
 by Theodore Lascaris, and then by his son-in-law, 
 John Ducas Vataces, whose long and prosperous 
 administration went far to promote the recovery of 
 his dominion. 
 
 80. It was at this juncture that an effort was 
 made to put an end to the Schism. The exiled 
 Synod of Patriarch of Constantinople, Germanus, 
 Nymph- addressed Pope Gregory IX. in a letter of 
 a.d. 1233. earnest but respectful expostulation, and., 
 a Synod was shortly afterwards held at Nymph- 
 aeum in Bithynia, the two points discussed being 
 the question of leavened and unleavened Bread in 
 the Eucharist, and that of the Procession of the 
 Holy Spirit. Here by the way we may notice that 
 the Greeks were understood to defend their use of 
 
Synod of Nymphmim 47 
 
 leavened bread by reference to the word aprov, 
 which they are said to have explained to mean 
 perfect or fermented bread. The Pope's Apocri- 
 siarii were willing to waive this point, but de- 
 manded as a condition of union, sine qua nott, that 
 the Greeks should condemn and cast into the 
 flames all their books in which their doctrine of 
 the Procession was taught ; and after much tumult 
 the Synod came to an end, re infectd ; the Latins 
 first categorically demanding, Do you believe that 
 the Holy Spirit Proceeds from the Son ? and the 
 Patriarch replying distinctly in behalf of all, We 
 believe that He does not Proceed from the Son. 
 (L. and C. xiii. 11 20 and 1287.) 
 
 8 r. Vataces was succeeded by his son Theodore, 
 
 but on his death, his son and rightful successor 
 
 was displaced by his tutor, Michael Palaeo- 
 
 logus re- logus. This usurper had reigned for little 
 
 covers 1 . 111 
 
 Constant- more than eighteen months when he 
 nope ' suddenly found himself in possession of 
 
 Constantinople, from which the Latins had been 
 driven by the Greek General, Alexius Stratego- 
 pulus, at the head of only 800 horse with a 
 small force of infantry. 
 
 82. In order to seat himself more firmly on the 
 throne, Palaeologus deprived his hapless ward of 
 sight, and confined him in a castle. Then, terrified 
 by the report of a fresh Crusade which Gregory X. 
 had begun to form with the view of recovering his 
 spiritual dominion over the capital of the East, 
 
48 Temporary Reunion 
 
 and especially by the threatened invasion of his 
 dominions by Charles of Anjou, he wrote to the 
 Pope to express his deep concern for the recon- 
 ciliation of the Easterns with the Orthodox Church 
 of Rome, and his willingness to acknowledge the 
 Primacy of the Roman See. 
 
 83. I should exceed the limits of the present 
 inquiry if I were to attempt to unravel the tangled 
 history of these negotiations, which were 
 Reunion continued during the pontificates of 
 Churches Urban IV, Clement IV, and Gregory X. : 
 5? the .. c it will be sufficient here to observe that 
 
 Council of 
 
 Lyons, they were brought to a definite issue in 
 the Council of Lyons (reckoned by the 
 Roman Church the Fourteenth General Council) 
 in 1274. 
 
 Shortly after the close of the third session of 
 this Council, the envoys of Michael arrived with 
 the Letter which he had sent to the Pope, and 
 declared that they had come to profess " entire 
 obedience to the Holy Roman Church, to acknow- 
 ledge the Faith held by that Church, and to 
 recognise its primacy," &c. (L. and C. xiv. 503.) 
 On June 28, four days after their arrival, a solemn 
 Mass was celebrated in the Great Church of St. 
 John, the Pope himself being celebrant, and all 
 the envoys being present. The Epistle and Gospel 
 were sung first in Latin, then in Greek. Then 
 followed the sermon by Bonaventura, after which 
 the Creed was sung in Latin, and then repeated in 
 
The Emperor s Letter to Gregory X. 49 
 
 Greek by Germanus (the Latin ex-Patriarch 
 of Constantinople), the Greek Archbishops of 
 
 Calabria, and the Penitentiaries of the Pope 
 
 the clause declaring the Holy Spirit's Procession 
 from the Father and from the Son being sung 
 three times. 
 
 The Fourth Session was held on July 6, and 
 apparently in the same Church of St. John, Mass 
 being sung as before. After the sermon by Peter 
 of Ostia, the Pope made an allocution, and ordered 
 the letters of the Emperor and of the Prelates to 
 be read. When this had been done, the Logothete, 
 George Acropolita, made a public profession to the 
 same purport, in the name of his master and of 
 the empire in general. The singing of a solemn 
 Te Deum was followed by the recitation of the 
 Creed, first in Latin, and then in Greek, the clause 
 about the Procession being repeated twice. 
 
 The Emperor's Letter just referred to is given 
 in Greek and Latin by Labbe and Cossart (xiv. 
 507-514). It first recites the Faith, Practice, and 
 Claims of the Roman Church, as they had been 
 expressed by Pope Clement IV. in his communi- 
 cation with the Emperor; the points more especially 
 concerned being the Procession from the Father 
 and the Son, Purgatory, the Use of Unleavened 
 bread in the Eucharist, and the claim to universal 
 and perfect Supremacy, to exclusive Decision in 
 controversies of Faith, and to the Right to receive 
 Appeals in civil actions. This Faith and these 
 
 E 
 
50 The Union Rejected 
 
 claims are then expressly acknowledged and 
 accepted, but the letter ends with a request that the 
 Church of the Eastern Empire may be allowed 
 to say the Creed as it had been said before the 
 Schism, and to continue to use her accustomed 
 rites. 
 
 The letter of the Prelates — Gibbon says thirty- 
 five in number, but I count thirty-seven — does not 
 travel over the same ground, but relates the 
 Emperor's efforts to promote concurrence with his 
 scheme of union ; acknowledges, in somewhat 
 ambiguous terms, the honour of the Roman see ; 
 explains the opposition on the part of their Patri- 
 arch Joseph, who however should be deposed, 
 they say, if he still held out ; and promises sub- 
 mission and spiritual subjection to the Pope. 
 
 The recognition of the Faith and Primacy of 
 the Roman Church, and the promise of obedience 
 to the same were ratified by oath on the part 
 of the Emperor and of the Prelates separately ; 
 but nothing more, so far as I can discover, was 
 said about the Filioque clause in the Symbol. 
 
 Thus was this false union, which had been 
 
 prompted by political motives alone, ratified at 
 
 Lyons ; but at Constantinople the clergy 
 
 Union and people would have none of it. Ex- 
 Rejected. .... 
 
 communication, imprisonment, exile, muti- 
 lation, and other forms of persecution, were tried 
 in vain ; and after some years the Emperor was 
 again excommunicated by Pope Martin IV., on 
 
Collapse of the Eastern Empire 5 1 
 
 the ground of his failure to perform what he had 
 undertaken. (L. and C. xiv. 543, 721.) 
 
 It is important to notice the testimony afforded 
 by this Council to the meaning attached to the 
 The Pro- Term Procession, viz. that the Procession 
 
 cession of the Hdy Spirft frQm the ^^ ^ 
 
 Eternity, the Son means His eternal Procession, 
 not His being sent by the Son after His Ascension. 
 This is clearly expressed in the first of the Con- 
 stitutions of this Council : " We confess that the 
 Holy Spirit Proceeds mternalitet from the Father 
 and the Son," &c. 
 
 84. The recovery of Constantinople by the 
 
 Greeks had left the Asiatic provinces of the 
 
 Empire exposed to the inroads of the 
 
 of°the PSe Moslems, and though Michael succeeded 
 
 Empire, in wresting the Isles of the .^Egean and 
 
 a.d q 1261- the Eastern coast of the Morea from the 
 144°- 
 
 Franks, the Ionian coast of Asia Minor 
 
 fell before the arms of the Turks (a.D. 13 12, &c). 
 The conquest of Bithynia speedily followed (cir. 
 1325); and, in the struggle between the usurper 
 Cantacuzene and his pupil, the former gave his 
 daughter to a Moslem prince as the price of his 
 assistance. 1 Thus were the Turks disgracefully 
 invited into Europe, where they speedily esta- 
 blished themselves. Amurath I. subdued Romania 
 (Thrace) from Hellas to Mount Haemus (a.D. 
 
 1 The Latin Emperor Baldwin II. had done the like, about a 
 century before this time. 
 
 E 2 
 
52 Council of Ferrara 
 
 1 360-1 389) ; his son Bajazet added to his father's 
 conquests in both Europe and Asia, and by the 
 close of the century all that was left of the Eastern 
 Empire was a narrow strip of land between the 
 Propontis and the Euxine, some fifty miles in 
 length by thirty miles in breadth — an area not so 
 extensive as that of the county of Kent (Gibbon, 
 " Dec. and Fall," ch. lxiv.) 
 
 Twice in the course of his troubled reign (A.D. 
 1 341-91) did John Palaeologus make his sub- 
 john v. mission to the Pope : but these submis- 
 Paiaeo- s i ns were fruitless with regard either to 
 
 logus, ° 
 
 1341-91- the hope of succour from abroad or to 
 recognition in the Capital. Manuel, his son and 
 successor, made some insincere and equally fruit- 
 less advances to the successor of St. Peter (Pranza, 
 John vii. in Gibbon, ch. lxvi.) ; and his son John 
 loguT" Palaeologus (A.D. 1425-48) procured a 
 1425-48. respite from further attack at the price of 
 a yearly tribute to the Sultan and the surrender 
 of almost all that was left beyond the mere suburbs 
 of Constantinople. (Gibbon, " Dec. and Fall," ch. 
 lxv.) So rapid and almost complete was the collapse 
 of the once great and powerful Empire of the East. 
 85. Meanwhile negotiations had been pro- 
 ceeding between the Eastern Emperor and Pope 
 Martin V. with the object of obtaining a 
 Council of reunion between the East and West. 
 Ferrara. The p ope died w j tri out seeing the realisa- 
 tion of the project he had so much desired ; but 
 
Council of Fcrrara 53 
 
 the Council which he had summoned to meet at 
 Basel took up the matter, and sent letters to the 
 Emperor and to the Patriarch at Constantinople, 
 requesting them to send Deputies to confer with 
 the Fathers at the Council. The request was at 
 once complied with, and the Deputies (or Orators) 
 reached Basel while the Nineteenth Session was 
 being held. Here they expressed the earnest 
 desire of the Greeks for reunion, but insisted that 
 it could be effected only through the agency of a 
 General Synod, in which the Eastern and Western 
 Churches should be alike represented. If the 
 Synod were held at Constantinople, the Emperor 
 would defray all expenses of the Western Pre- 
 lates ; but if it were held in the Latin territory, it 
 must be either in some Italian city, or if out of 
 Italy, either at Buda, Vienna, or at the farthest 
 Sabaudia (? Savoy), and the expenses of the 
 Eastern Prelates must be borne by the Western 
 Church. It was agreed that a sum of 8,000 ducats 
 and four large galleys should be at the disposal of 
 the Emperor ; and as to the place, while the 
 Westerns urged Basel itself, it was naturally felt 
 that the passage of the Alps would present in- 
 superable difficulties to a number of aged eccle- 
 siastics, and Avignon was at length decided upon 
 by a large majority of the Council. (L. and C. 
 xvii. 307, 346.) The papal party, however, are said 
 to have passed a decree transferring the Council to 
 Florence, and Eugenius IV., who had all along 
 
54 Council of Ferrara 
 
 been at variance with the Fathers at Basel, lost no 
 time in confirming this decree, but he substituted 
 Ferrara for Florence. Moreover he forestalled the 
 Basel prelates by despatching galleys from Venice 
 under the command of his nephew Condolmieri, 
 to whom (if we may trust Suropoulos) he gave 
 orders " to sink and destroy the Synod's Triremes 
 (fcaTspya) wheresoever he might find them." (Gibbon, 
 " Dec. and Fall," ch. lxvi. note 45.) Happily the two 
 squadrons made their voyages to Constantinople 
 without meeting ; but the Pope's vessels were the 
 first to arrive, and the Emperor and the Patriarch, 
 with their respective attendants, at once embarked 
 in them. 
 
 86. The Greeks must have left Constantinople 
 
 in mid-winter, for it was on February 7, 1437 
 
 — in New Style it would be 1438, for the 
 
 The Greeks 
 
 arrive at New Year then began on Lady Day — 
 
 Ferrara. that ^^ j eft p arent i um> w hich they 
 
 seem to have made their rendezvous ; and they 
 reached Venice next day. On the 9th (Sunday) 
 they were received by the Doge with an imposing 
 pageant, and on the 28th they went to Ferrara. 
 The Patriarch however still remained at Venice, 
 and did not reach Ferrara till March 7. On 
 the Sunday following, the Liturgy was celebrated 
 in the Patriarch's palace, some of the Venetian 
 nobles being present, and partaking of the Anti- 
 doron at the conclusion of the Liturgy. 
 
 After the lapse of some days, the Emperor 
 
Council of Ferrara 55 
 
 expressed his desire that the Synod should be 
 attended by the Princes of Europe, as well as by 
 the Bishops, but the Pope alleged difficulties, and 
 desired a delay of four months in which to collect 
 his gentes (yevrj). Time elapsed, and, as no one 
 came, the Greeks urged that the Synod should be 
 opened on April 9. 
 
 This being at length agreed upon, a contention 
 arose between the Pope and the Emperor as to the 
 Presidency, and was only arranged after much dis- 
 cussion. The Cathedral of St. George had been 
 selected for the Conference : the Pope, his Cardinals 
 and Bishops, were enthroned on the North, and 
 the South was occupied by the Emperor, the 
 Patriarch, and the Greek Bishops, twenty-five in 
 number, with the Cruce-aignati, monks and clergy ; 
 the Holy Gospels being placed in the midst 
 according to ancient custom. 
 
 Sy. The Synod was thus opened on April 9, 
 1438, being Wednesday in Holy Week, with 
 The Synod Hymns, Prayers, and Addresses, but with- 
 Aprifo' out an y P u blic Celebration of the Liturgy. 
 I 438. The Preliminaries having been thus dis- 
 
 posed of, and Easter being passed, the Latins 
 were anxious to begin with the main question at 
 issue ; but the Greeks urged that the majority of 
 the Western Bishops were still at Basel, and 
 wished to await their arrival. They agreed how- 
 ever, that, in the meantime, selected advocates, 
 twelve from each side, should discuss the question 
 
56 Cotmcil of Ferrara 
 
 of Purgatory and other subjects in which the 
 Churches differed. 
 
 These discussions lasted from June 4 to July 
 17. Meanwhile no one had come from Basel : a 
 plague had broken out, and Dionysius of Sardis 
 died. The Greeks were much disheartened, 
 and in the absence of the Fathers at Basel they 
 feared they should be outvoted. There was how- 
 ever no help for it : the summer was passing, and 
 it was agreed that the debate on the Procession 
 should begin without further delay. Yet it was 
 not till October 8 that the First Session really 
 commenced. 
 
 Session I. $8. The Pope being sick, the Synod 
 
 Oct. 8. was held in the Chapel of his Palace, 
 the arrangement being as shown below. 
 
 The Altar, with Book 
 of Gospels, &c. 
 
 Latins o ° Greeks 
 
 Notaries and ^ The six Disputants on c Optimates 
 
 Dignitaries rt the Latin side, look--~ Orators 
 The Pope +2 ing west c The Emperor of the East 
 
 [Empty Throne g -55 The Patriarch (on a throne 
 
 for Emp. Ger.]^ 8 four hands lower than 
 
 Cardinals g £ the Pope's throne) 
 
 Archbishops bp The six Disputants on ^ The Vicars of Patriarchs 
 
 Bishops k5 the Greek side, look- p Bishops 
 
 Hegumeni ing east Hegumeni 
 
 The six Greek Disputants were Mark of 
 Ephesus, Isidore of Russia, Bessarion of Nicaea, 
 Xanthopulus the Vase-keeper, Balsamon the 
 Librarian, and Gemistus, 
 
Sessions I -V. 57 
 
 The six Latin Disputants were Cardinal Julian, 
 Cardinal Nicolaus, Andrew of Rhodes, John of 
 Forolivium, and two Monks. (L. and C. xviii. cols. 
 33, 36.) 
 
 It had been agreed that the following two 
 questions should be discussed : First, whether it 
 The Two were lawful to add anything at all to the 
 Questions. Symbol: Secondly, whether what had 
 been added was according to piety. 
 
 The First Session was entirely occupied by a 
 long complimentary harangue by Bessarion. 
 Session ii. $9- The Second Session was occupied 
 
 Oct. ii. by a s i m il ar ly laudatory speech by 
 Andrew of Rhodes. 
 
 90. On Tuesday, October 14, the Discussion 
 was opened by Mark of Ephesus, who, after some 
 Session desultory interruptions by Andrew, got 
 o c i, I4 . into his subject, urging that the Addition 
 
 opeS the had been the CaUSe ° f the Schism, which 
 
 Discussion, could not be healed unless it were re- 
 moved, even though its purport should be true. 
 (Col. 56.) If true, said Andrew, why not add ? 
 Because, replied Mark, it is not lawful. (Col. 57.) 
 Session iv. 9 1 - Next day there was much polite 
 Oct. 15. recrimination, Andrew urging that the 
 Filioque was not an addition, but an explanation. 
 (Col. 61.) 
 
 92. At this Session Mark read the Symbol of 
 Session v. Nicaea, and observed that, after this 
 Oct. 16. Symbol had been read in the Third 
 
58 Council of Ferrara 
 
 CEcumenical Synod, the Nestorian Symbol was 
 read also, and that the Fathers had then issued 
 the Prohibition against any addition whatsoever. 
 Upon this, Mark added, two questions arise : — Why 
 was this Prohibition issued ? and, secondly, Why 
 was no reference made to the Symbol of Constanti- 
 nople ? In reply he observed that the Second 
 Synod did not prohibit change or addition ; but 
 the license thus left open occasioned evil to the 
 Church, as was seen in the case of the Nestorian 
 Symbol. Therefore the Third Synod issued the 
 prohibition, precluding themselves, as well as all 
 others, from making any alteration. Thus they 
 did not even add Deipara to the Symbol, though 
 so valuable against the Nestorians. To the second 
 question he replied that the Constantinopolitan 
 Symbol and that of Nicaea were taken as one. 
 He then quoted St. Cyril's Letter to John of 
 Antioch, in which the Saint had declared that they 
 had permitted neither themselves (the Fathers 
 assembled in the Third CEcumenical Synod) nor 
 anyone else to alter a single word or omit a single 
 syllable ; mindful of the injunction " not to remove 
 the ancient bound which thy fathers have set " ; 
 for it was not they that spake, but the very Spirit 
 of God the Father, Who indeed Proceedeth from 
 Him, but is not alien from the Son, according to 
 the rationality of His being. He then read the 
 Definition of the Fourth CEcumenical Synod, and 
 called special attention to the clause in which 
 
Sessions V. and VI. 59 
 
 the Fathers declare that the Symbol teacJics that 
 which is perfect concerning the Father, the Son, 
 and the Holy Ghost : and observed that to that 
 which is perfect nothing is wanting. (Cols. 69-75.) 
 
 Then the Prohibition at the end of this Defini- 
 tion was read, and the confirmations by the Fifth 
 and Sixth (Ecumenical Synods, with Pope Agatho's 
 Letter to the Emperors, deprecating any diminu- 
 tion, change, or addition, and urging a close ad- 
 herence both to words and sense. (Cols. 75, 79, S2.) 
 
 Mark then read the Definition of the Seventh 
 Oecumenical Synod ; whereupon the Latins brought 
 forward their old MS. of this Council with et ex 
 Filio in it. This occasioned some discussion, but 
 did not convince the Greeks, and Mark brought 
 his speech to a close, alleging that in reverence for 
 their Fathers, they could not accept the addition. 
 (Cols. 81-87.) 
 
 93. Cardinal Julian, having called for the 
 Greeks' Book of the Eighth (Ecumenical Synod, 
 Session vi. Mark repudiated its title to be so called, 
 Andrew's ur g in g its abrogation by the following 
 k, i ), y- Synod, which dealt with the addition and 
 decided that it should be entirely expunged. 
 However he promised to produce the Book. 
 
 Andrew of Rhodes then replied, dividing his 
 argument into four chapters. Mark had alleged 
 (1) The Symbols, or rcctius the Symbol, to prove 
 the addition made : (2) The Definitions, to show 
 that it should not have been made : (3) The 
 
60 Council of Ferrara 
 
 Epistles of Vigilius, Agatho, Ccelestine, and Cyril, 
 to show that it was neither right nor necessary : 
 and (4) had concluded by Non possumus. 
 
 He would reply (1) That it was not an ad- 
 dition, but an explanation : (2) That explanation 
 was not prohibited : (3) That the explanation was 
 useful and true : (4) That all Christians must 
 embrace the truth. As to No. 1, he urged that 
 the explanation was implied in " ex Patre," and 
 cited Gregory Theol. ad Cledonium to show that 
 explanation was not addition : the Second Synod 
 expounded, but did not add to, the First Symbol, 
 which had not, of all tilings visible and invisible ; 
 nor, Son, begotten before all worlds ; nor, Very God 
 of Very God; nor, the Holy Ghost, the Lord and 
 Life-giver. Again, the Second Synod took away 
 the Of the Substance of the Father. The Fourth 
 Synod, opposing Eutyches, wrote, consubstantial 
 with the Father, according to the Godhead, and 
 consubstantial witJi us according to the Humanity 
 in place of, Begotten of the FatJier, that is, Of the 
 Substance of the Father. (Col. 92.) He then 
 quoted St. Cyril on John xiv. and St. Basil to his 
 brother Gregory, on the difference between Sub- 
 stance and Hypostasis. Here by the way it may 
 be observed that the Latin has product a Patre or 
 a Filio where the Greek has irpofiaWsi, and pro- 
 ductio ex for sKiropsvso-Oai. 
 
 As to No. 2, he quoted St. Gregory Theol. to 
 the effect that, if we mean the same thing in sense, 
 
Sessions VI and VII. 6r 
 
 we need not dispute about words ; illustrating his 
 meaning by reminding the Greeks that while they 
 said the Symbol in Greek, the Westerns said the 
 same in Latin. (Cols. 97-100.) 
 
 94. After replying to certain objections on the 
 part of the Greeks to his method of argument, 
 Session Andrew reminded them that the question 
 Andrew between them had been whether the 
 continues. Holy Spirit proceeds from the Son, as 
 He does (KaOcnrsp, sicut) from the Father ; and 
 whether it were lawful for the Roman Church to 
 declare the same. Alluding to St. Cyril's letter 
 to John of Antioch — the unam voculam letter — he 
 urged that Cyril referred to " another faith " {ttLgtiv). 
 Our faith being identical with that of Nicsea, his 
 letter does not touch us. (Col. 105.) They should 
 observe that, in the Definition of Chalcedon, the 
 term used was not suffices but would suffice — i.e. 
 Si non emergerent haereses : and as to Perfection, 
 it might be so quoad fidem, yet not quoad expla7ia- 
 tionem. (Col. 109.) 
 
 95. Extracts from the Fifth and Sixth Synods 
 having been read and commented upon, Cardinal 
 Cardinal Julian observed that they supported the 
 Julian. Latins, and added that there was a dif- 
 ference between the Greek and Latin copies of the 
 Symbol as set forth at Constantinople. The Latin 
 copies had no From Heaven, nor God of God. 
 Whereupon Isidore of Russia asked if they did 
 not say From Heaven ? Certainly, replied the 
 
62 Council of Ferrara 
 
 Cardinal. Here then, said Isidore, we agree : our 
 copies, our usage, and yours all agree. Three are 
 stronger than one : it is not for us to explain the 
 discrepancy. I made this remark, said Julian, 
 with the object of showing that it is not forbidden 
 to add what is reasonable. (Col. 1 13.) 
 
 96. Andrew then resumed : — Referring to 
 Andrew Agatho's letter, he urged that it did not 
 resumes. affect them, as it forbade only such words 
 as contradict the Faith. 
 
 Moreover, said Julian, Agatho's Symbol varies 
 largely from the Nicene and Constantinopolitan 
 Symbols : but the Greeks did not blame him there- 
 for : why blame us for et ex Filio ? (Col. 1 16.) 
 
 Continuing his argument, Andrew urged that 
 the Symbol itself and the Definitions of the 
 Councils were of equal force (aequipollent — col. 
 117), and proceeded to show that it was lawful for 
 the Roman Church to explain and promulge that 
 portion, being moved thereto by the teaching of 
 the Fathers and by urgent necessity. Here he 
 cited Saints Augustine, Ambrose, Gregory Dialo- 
 gus, Hilary, Basil, his brother Gregory, Athanasius, 
 and Chrysostom, none apparently to the point 
 except the first. To these he added Simeon 
 Metaphrastes (ob. A.D. 976), whose words " Who 
 proceedeth from Himself" are connected with the 
 Pentecostal mission, Anastasius, and Epiphanius, 
 as their own Doctors. (Cols. 120, 121.) 
 
 97. At this point again we find distinct 
 
Session VII 63 
 
 evidence that the Procession which the Latins 
 maintained, and the Greeks denied, was the Eternal 
 The Eternal Procession, not the temporal mission at 
 SmMhe Pentecost. For, continued their champion, 
 rh ehai. the clause was added because Nestorians 
 in the West were teaching that the Holy Spirit 
 is not of the Son Himself, nor receives His to 
 slvai from Him, as the Nestorian Symbol and 
 Theodorit confess. (Col. 121.) The Pontiff there- 
 fore made the explanation we speak of. The 
 Roman Church was not obliged to invite others to 
 the Council ; it was sufficient that the Pope should 
 be present, as was shown by the cases of Con- 
 stantinople and Ephesus. 
 
 Here he read the letter of Maximus to Marinus, 
 translating it into Latin afterwards. But his trans- 
 lation was objected to by the Greek 
 
 The Cause . ^ T J J 
 
 of the interpreter : — You translate ill, Father, 
 
 when you represent the Saint as affirming 
 that the Romans (i.e. the Greeks, who long con- 
 tinued to claim the name of Romans l ) acknowledge 
 One Principium of the Spirit. He says that they 
 do not (the Greek omits the not, apparently by a 
 printer's error) make the Son a Cause, clIticlv, of 
 the Holy Spirit, and adds, for they know a single 
 cause of Son and Spirit, the Father. (Col. 128.) 
 
 Having again claimed the right of Rome, and 
 Rome alone, to explain with authority, which he 
 
 1 Barth. Abraham here has Grcccos. Cf. Gibbon, liii. and Bar 
 Ilebrxus, " Chron. Dyn." x. 260-266. 
 
64 Council of Ferrara 
 
 declared was most clearly recognised in the 
 writings of Cyril, Andrew brought his argument 
 to a close. 
 
 Cardinal Julian then cited Agatho's letter in 
 support of the same claim, and the Session 
 ended. 
 
 98. Bessarion now replied on the part of the 
 Greeks, opening with much gentleness and courtesy. 
 Session He complained of Andrew's mode of 
 NoV' 1 argument, and pointed out the limits 
 Bessarion w ithin which explanation is allowed 
 
 argues for * 
 
 the Greeks. ( C ol. 140), but beyond which it might 
 not be carried. Deipara was an explanation, but 
 was not added to the Symbol. The Hypostatic 
 union of the Son with our nature, and the Two 
 inconfused natures after the Union, the Two wills 
 and Two operations, were treated of and explained 
 in successive Synods, but not added to. this Tessera 
 of the Faith, which was left intact. (Cols. 141, 144.) 
 He continued at much length to the same effect, 
 urging that the Church has no more right to add 
 to the Symbol than to the Divine Scriptures, both 
 being held in the same honour. (Cols. 148, 149.) 
 
 99. Bessarion replied to other remaining por- 
 tions of Andrew's argument, the last being the 
 Session ix. claim he had made for the authority of 
 Nov. 4. {he Roman Church. We know the pre- 
 rogatives of the Roman Church, said Bessarion, 
 but we know also their limits. The prohibition 
 was to the whole Church, and even to CEcumenical 
 
Sessions VI1.-X. 65 
 
 Synods ; and, however great the power of the 
 Roman Church, it is less than that of an (Ecu- 
 menical Synod, or of the Whole Church. (Col. 1 56.) 
 This then is our reply : but we do not rely on 
 these arguments alone. We would examine what 
 was the opinion of the Fathers in common. We 
 say their prohibition was universal. We ask, 
 Have these statutes reference to the Symbol, or 
 to something external ? We invite your reply. 
 
 Here follows a remarkable passage. The 
 Latins, say the chroniclers, hereupon took counsel 
 together and with the Pope ; and after some time 
 Andrew got up, and made a long speech, in which 
 he rambled so far from his subject that we left off 
 reporting. 
 
 100. John of Forolivium now took up the dis- 
 cussion, observing that it was the expressed desire 
 Session x. of both sides to discover the Truth, not 
 fohnof to S" ct tnc victory; and to that end he 
 Forolivium. urged the observance of moderation, 
 tolerance, and humility. He urged also the value 
 of brevity in objections and responsions ; as pro- 
 moting clearness in the point expressly urged, and 
 a lighter tax on the memory ; reminding them 
 however of the old maxim, Brevis esse laboro : 
 obscurus fio. He confined his remarks to the 
 question of legitimate explanation, but declared 
 his willingness to go into that of the doctrine. He 
 represented the Greeks as saying that, in the early 
 times of the rising Faith, the Fathers might insert 
 
 F 
 
66 Council of Ferrar a 
 
 their explanations in the Symbol, or anywhere, 
 excepting only in the text of Holy Scripture, but 
 that afterwards this liberty was curtailed. This 
 position he could not admit, holding with St. 
 Thomas (2, 2, q. 1, Art. 10) that no addition had 
 ever been made in the common Symbol except by 
 an (Ecumenical Council. (Col. 165.) By another 
 Faith the Fathers meant a contrary Faith. The 
 Synod's Letter to the Emperors and that of 
 Cselestine to Nestorius (in L. and C. iii. 903, &c.) 
 show this. For Cselestine charges Nestorius with 
 taking out of the Symbol words which are not 
 expressed but implied therein : and, per contra, 
 though (speaking of the Apostles' Creed) he says 
 that before the Ephesian Council it had been for- 
 bidden to add thereto, yet the Descent into Hell 
 had been added, and no objection was taken. 
 (Col. 172.) Ex Filio is not contrary to the Faith, 
 and therefore its addition is blameless. 
 
 101. Cardinal Julian reminded the Synod of 
 the circumstances which led up to the Prohibition 
 Session xi. made at the Synod of Ephesus, arguing 
 cardinal tnat tne Synod had condemned the 
 Julian on Nestorian Symbol, but had said nothing 
 
 the Pro- J . . . . 
 
 hibition. to blame that in which Chansius had 
 declared his own faith, which they would have 
 done, if they had meant that the Faith might be 
 expressed only in the terms of the Nicene Symbol. 
 Again, the Prohibition extends even to thought. 
 Surely no one is under Anathema because he 
 
Sessions X. and XI. 67 
 
 thinks that God is Eternal : yet this is not stated 
 in the Symbol. In conclusion he brought forward 
 the Letter of the Fourth Synod to the Emperor, 
 wherein it is said that, though Leo might be 
 charged by some with adding to the Nicene Faith 
 by his Letters, in contravention of the Prohibition 
 at Ephesus, the Synod approved his action. And 
 lastly he adduced the case of Eutyches and Flavian 
 at the Latrocinium ; representing Eutyches as 
 reciting the Nicene Symbol word for word, as his 
 own faith, and objecting that Flavian had not been 
 content with this, but had added ex duabus et in 
 dnabus, &c, and so had transgressed the Pro- 
 hibition. The Synod of Chalcedon however, 
 before which this action at the Latrocinium was 
 recited, upheld Flavian, pronouncing that he had 
 done nothing against the Nicene Faith, though his 
 words are not contained therein. I think nothing, 
 said Julian, more apt than this example. I would 
 therefore that the question an liceat, necne y be 
 passed by, and that we should inquire whether the 
 doctrine be true or not. (Cols. 173-184.) 
 
 In passing, one may here observe, that on 
 turning to the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, 
 we do not find the case so clearly stated as it is 
 put by Cardinal Julian. (See L. and C. iii. cols. 
 91 1 and 919.) 
 
 Bessarion complimented Julian on his argu- 
 ment, but thought it too late to reply at that 
 Session. 
 
 F 2 
 
6S Council of Ferrara 
 
 1 02. The Twelfth Session opened with a desul- 
 tory and evasive discussion of the case of Charisius, 
 
 Mark at length urging that the Filioque 
 xii. dogma, even if after discussion it were 
 
 Nov 2C 
 
 General' found to be true, should have been ex- 
 Discussion. p 0unc j e d j n a Definition separate from the 
 Symbol, as had been done in other Synods. (Col. 
 204.) Julian replied, If you will show that it is not 
 true, we will admit that Rome should not have in- 
 serted it. He went on to show that the Prohibition 
 was older than the Third Synod, even as old as 
 Solomon's time (col. 205), and that therefore 
 Mark's strictures would bring the Fathers of 
 Nicaea under anathema. Then he called attention 
 to various readings in certain very ancient MSS. of 
 the Nicene Symbol, hence arguing that the Roman 
 reading of the Seventh Synod might be the right 
 one. Mark deferred his reply, but observed that 
 the claim advanced on behalf of the right of Rome 
 to change the common Symbol was answerable. 
 
 103. The Burgundians, having now arrived, 
 saluted the Pope, but not the Emperor, which 
 e gave great offence. In the next Session 
 
 Sessions & » 
 
 xiii. and however, the salutation being partially 
 made, the discussion was resumed by 
 Mark, who begged for brevity in responsions ; 
 Julian however spoke all day. 
 
 104. The Patriarch had now fallen sick, and 
 the Synod was resumed in his absence, first by 
 Mark, who again insisted that it was unlawful to 
 
Sessions XIL-XVI. 69 
 
 add to the Symbol a single syllable, and was 
 followed by Julian, both speaking at such length 
 _ as to produce a general weariness. The 
 
 Session x ° 
 
 xv. ^ Emperor was suffering from Rheumatism, 
 
 niness'of and the Patriarch was too ill either to 
 
 arch. at The near or to speak. Eleven days thus passed, 
 
 Council anc j fa G Patriarch, reviving a little, was 
 
 trans- & ' 
 
 ferred to carried to the Emperor's Palace, where 
 
 Florence. . 
 
 he remained for two days more. A meet- 
 ing was then held in the Palace, where a mes- 
 sage was received from the Pope to the effect 
 that it was necessary for him to go to Florence, 
 and proposing that the Greeks should go with him. 
 This they were unwilling to do, but nothing having 
 been done about the promised subsidy, they were 
 in great penury, and the Pope promising 12,000 
 aurei at Constantinople, and the payment of what 
 was due to themselves, together with a public 
 table, they at length consented to go, seeing no 
 other alternative. 
 
 105. It was now January 2, and a Session was 
 held for the purpose of transferring the Synod from 
 „ Ferrara to Florence, on account of the 
 
 Session 
 
 xvi. pestilence which still prevailed. On the 
 
 J an - 2 - 1. 1/^11 
 
 1 ith supplies were sent to the Greeks, and 
 
 19,000 florins to Constantinople as a subsidy. On 
 
 the 1 6th the Pope left Ferrara in great pomp and 
 
 stale, and the Greeks followed as they could, a few 
 
 days later. It was not however till February 13 
 
 that they made their formal entrance into the city, 
 
jo Council of Florence 
 
 into which they were conducted with much show 
 of honour, especially in the case of the Emperor. 
 It was then arranged that the Conventions should 
 be held in private in the Pope's Palace, and the 
 Seventeenth Session of the Synod was held on 
 February 26, in the absence of the Patriarch, who 
 had again become too ill to attend. 
 Session IQ 6. This Session was occupied with 
 
 XVIL the question of procedure. 
 
 107. This having been arranged, the very 
 grave and mysterious Question of the Procession 
 
 was opened in the Eighteenth Session by 
 xvin. John (the Provincial, of Lombardy), who 
 
 ^f q rch 2 
 
 had been put forward by the Latins as 
 their champion. It would be impossible to give a 
 connected epitome of the discussion within moderate 
 limits ; and I must beg my readers' indulgence for 
 calling attention to its salient points in the more 
 compendious form of a Syllabus, which dispenses 
 with connecting particles, explanatory sentences, 
 and the like. The names of those who came with 
 the Greeks will be printed in italics, and the 
 numbers refer to the columns in vol. xviii. of 
 Labbe and Cossart's " Concilia," Ed. Ven. 
 
 108. John asks the meaning of Procession (244). 
 Mark replies, the Substa?itial Going Forth (rj 
 Meaning of v7rap/CTifcr} irpoohos, His esse) (ib.). John : 
 Procession, Then to Proceed signifies to receive exist- 
 ence from ? Mark agrees to this. Epiphanius's 
 "from Both" and " Receiveth " considered (245 . . .) 
 
Sessions XV I. -XIX. 7 i 
 
 St Basil's " That which is Begotten of Him 
 sendeth forth the Spirit through His mouth" 
 (252 . . .). Distinction between Hypostasis and 
 Essence (253 . . . ). 
 
 John cites St. Athanasius, "Whatsoever the 
 Spirit hath, He hath from the Word," and thence 
 argues that He hath His Being from the Word 
 (261). Mark objected to John's laying a stress 
 upon is, which is not found in the passage cited 
 from Epiphanius. 
 
 109. John understands St. Basil's non aliunde 
 
 as of no other than Divine Essence : the Greeks of 
 
 Session no other Person. Mark corrects him. 
 
 St! Basil's U ohn is a11 alon £ ar g uin g that the Holy 
 non aii- Spirit receives His Beingr (Suum Esse) 
 
 unde, &c. r . ~ , 
 
 from the Son, which Mark denies (as 
 col. 245).] Mark urges that John had been incon- 
 sistent, at one time acknowledging St. Basil to 
 mean from no other Hypostasis, then changing 
 about to no other Nature (268). 
 
 Andrew on Ambiguity in regard to the term 
 Essence (272). 
 
 John quotes St. Basil against Eunomius, " What 
 necessity is there that, though the Spirit be third 
 The terms in dignity and order, He must be third 
 
 Essence, , AT . T , . 
 
 Hypostasis, also m Mature? In dignity second to 
 &c - the Son, since He hath His Being from 
 
 Him, &c," and Basil was highly spoken of by 
 the Fathers at Chalcedon (277). This leads to 
 further intricate discussion on the meaning of 
 
72 Council of Florence 
 
 Being. The Latins, said John, use Essence (ovaLa, 
 Substantia) to signify, not the Person of the Father, 
 but His Nature (280). Mark replies, when we 
 hear in the Symbol of Nicaea, " Begotten of the 
 Father, that is, of the Substance of the Father," we 
 understand it of His Hypostasis with its properties. 
 Does it please you that Hypostasis is called Sub- 
 stance ? John : We use Substance in two senses 
 (cf. col. 256) : One, when we speak of the Nature 
 common to the Three Persons : the other, when 
 we speak of Being, in co?inection with its special 
 Pi-operties, i.e. Hypostasis, &c. [All this very 
 intricate.] 
 
 no. Mark proposes to examine St. Basil's 
 language quoted above (in col. 277). The pas- 
 Session sa S e ^ la< ^ Deen much corrupted. We 
 xx. have four or five MSS. like yours, and 
 
 March 7. J 
 
 Corruption 1,000 others not corrupted, which speak 
 the general sense of the Writer. 
 
 John : Our copy is on parchment, not cotton 
 paper, and must be over six hundred years old. 
 It will be found to have no erasures or additions, 
 which were generally of Eastern origin. Take 
 examples. 
 
 Ma7'k adduces instance of Western interpola- 
 tion, re Appeal to Rome : — urges that St. Basil 
 would not have written to the purpose, if he had 
 used the language imputed to him, and would 
 have been inconsistent with himself in his letter to 
 his brother about the difference between ovala and 
 
Sessions XIX. -XXL 73 
 
 vTToaTCLGis (293). John replies. Basil's expres- 
 sion Dependeth from the Sou. 
 
 John quotes Athanasius, " If the Spirit be not 
 of the Substance of the Father and the Son, 
 why, &c." 
 
 in. Mark complains that the Latins had 
 
 avoided the question as to the corruption of 
 
 Basil's text : that they introduced words, 
 
 Session 
 
 xxi. est, habere esse, not found in the passages 
 
 March 10. . , , . 
 
 cited, represented accipere as meaning 
 accipere suum esse — which was to beg the question. 
 The purport of the passage of Athanasius examined, 
 and shown not to support the Latins (312 . . .). 
 Athanasius speaks of the Father alone being Fount 
 of Deity. Hence he did not hold that the Son 
 was the Cause of the Spirit, or that the Spirit had 
 His Being from the Son (313 . . .). 
 
 John again complains of Mark's prolixity. 
 The Temporal Mission is not to the point. 
 St. Basil's expression " Third in Dignity and 
 Order." The different readings (320, 321). The 
 " Fortasse." Third in dignity and order — "order" 
 meaning that One Person is from another, whence 
 The He takes His Essence, His Being and 
 
 Sy u^d° 1 Order (328). Other testimonies in Basil, 
 Tessera. by which I will show that the Spirit 
 hath His Being and Procession from the Son (328). 
 Athanasius cited, " If the Holy Ghost is not of the 
 Substance of the Father and of the Son, why, &c." 
 — Symbol called Tessera by the Latins, and why. 
 
74 Council of Florence 
 
 Conclusion: The Holy Spirit is Second to the Son 
 in both Order and Nature, and receives His Being 
 from Him, and consequently Proceeds from Him 
 But of the Temporal Mission, since it is a different 
 matter, I will reply afterwards. 
 
 The Emperor complains of John's prolixity. 
 
 112. Dispute about order of discussion: Mark 
 
 gives way. Basil's Unum Patrem, Unum Filium, 
 
 Unum Spiritum examined. " We do not 
 
 Session x 
 
 xxii. receive any things from the Spirit, as the 
 Spirit from the Son." Here, said John, 
 the Spirit (to ttvevjjlci) in the last clause must be 
 in the casus rectus. Mark demurred, and would 
 have it to be the accusative. This discussion 
 dropped by Mark, but persisted in by John, who 
 insisted that it was the summa rei (340) ; for it 
 follows that what the Spirit received from the Son 
 was Divinity (341). 
 
 Julian. {Mark had observed that the passage 
 being ambiguous, no argument could be built upon 
 it.) The auditors will have perceived whether it is 
 ambiguous. 
 
 Mark. The Spirit may not be reckoned Third 
 in Order. If the Spirit be produced from the 
 Father and the Son, we have Two Principia, Two 
 Causes. 
 
 John. Not so: we say The Father and the Son 
 are One Principium, One Cause. 
 
 Mark. Is not this a contraction of the Hypo- 
 stases — Sabellianism ? 
 
Sessions XXL-XXIIL 7 5 
 
 John's reply. " We say, One Cause, and One 
 Principle, the Father : Of the Son by Generation ; 
 of the Spirit by Procession. And since the Father, 
 in generating the Son intemporally, produceth the 
 Spirit also, the Son receiveth from the Father both 
 to exist and to produce the Spirit, not of Himself, 
 but from Him from Whom He also hath His Being. 
 Thus the Father is the Cause of the Spirit origi- 
 nally and simply. Therefore there are not two 
 Causes, since all things that the Son hath are 
 referred to the Father " (344). 
 
 Mark. Enough on this point. Let us examine 
 this fortasse passage, which you object to as un- 
 worthy of Basil. The scope of Basil's argument. 
 
 John again points out the differences between 
 the MSS., and gives its scope as he understood 
 it. Further discussion. 
 
 113. Mark argues from St. John xv. 
 xxiii. — Dionysius — St. Athanasius. 
 
 John complains of his want of order, 
 and insists on discussing St. Basil. 
 
 Mark excuses himself by pointing to the waste 
 of all these Sessions over two or three of John's 
 dicta, and would go further. He quotes Leontius 
 at Nicaea, St. Cyril, St. Basil to Amphilochius, the 
 Second Synod and Gregory, its Symbol-writer — 
 " The Son hath all that the Father hath, except 
 Causality" — the Third Synod, and St. Cyril to 
 Euoptius and to John of Antioch, also Theodorit 
 to the same John — " the Holy Spirit, not from the 
 
j 6 Council of Florence 
 
 Son, or having Existence through the Son, but 
 Proceeding from the Father " — with which Cyril 
 agreed (373, and vol. iii. 1626 and 1699). Still 
 pressed to reply re Basil's expression, he declines 
 to add to what he has already replied. 
 
 John explains what the Roman Church holds — 
 " We acknowledge One Cause of the Son and of 
 the Spirit, the Father . . . those that assert Two 
 Principia or Two Causes we anathematise" (381). 
 
 114. With this the Session terminated. The 
 Greeks, overjoyed, held a private meeting in the 
 Private Patriarch's Cell. The Emperor speaks, 
 Meeting recalling the origin of the Synod. Time 
 
 of Greeks. 
 
 is passing, and we have done nothing. 
 The Turks threaten us : we should find a mean 
 between us. The Greeks therefore began their 
 search, and at length found the Letter of Maximus 
 (to one Marinius a Presbyter of Cyprus l ) as fol- 
 lows : — " They of the Royal city (Qy. Constanti- 
 nople ?) took note of two chapters only . . . 
 among the Synodals of the Pope who now is {i.e. 
 Marinus or Martinus I.), of which one has reference 
 to Divinity, because, say they, he asserts that the 
 Holy Spirit Proceeds also from the Son. . . . And 
 they adduced some consonant expressions of 
 
 1 Maximus was a Monk of Constantinople. He died a. d. 662. 
 That this letter was addressed to Marinius, a Cypriot Presbyter, is 
 found in the Latin translation of the Acts of this Council by Abraham 
 of Crete. Bessarion calls him Marinus (col. 440), which was the 
 name of the reigning Pope, and doubts the Letter. 
 
Sessions XXIII. and XXIV. yy 
 
 Roman Fathers, and some of Cyril of Alexandria, 
 whereby they showed that they themselves never 
 asserted that the Son is the Cause of the Spirit — 
 inasmuch as they recognise One Cause of the Son 
 and of the Spirit, the Father: of the One according 
 to the Generation ; of the Other according to the 
 Procession : — but to signify that He Goeth forth 
 also through Him ; and thus to show that which is 
 common and invariant in The Essence." 
 
 Hereupon it was unanimously agreed that if 
 the Latins would receive this Letter, the Greeks 
 would unite with them, requiring nothing more. 
 They sent therefore to the Pontiff and his party to 
 ask if they would receive it. But they answered 
 that they wished to hold another Session in order 
 to reply to Mark, as had been arranged. The 
 Twenty-fourth Session was accordingly held, Mark 
 and Antony of Heraclea being absent by the 
 Emperor's order, for fear of contentious speeches, 
 which would hinder the reconciliation he desired. 
 
 115. John, using a tone of conquest, asserts 
 that Basil's dicta indicate that the Holy Spirit has 
 Session His Being from the Son as from the 
 
 XXIV 
 
 March 21. Father — One Cause of the Son and the 
 £%* Holy Spirit, the Father; and the Son 
 
 excluded, produces the Holy Spirit principally from 
 the Father : not principally as the Father — One 
 Spiration of Two Persons : not Two Spirators or 
 Two Causes. Per Filium = Ex Filio. 
 
78 Council of Florence 
 
 116. John adduces writings of Eastern Doc- 
 tors — Basil — Epiphanius, "ex ambobus "—Cyril, 
 Session " profluit a Filio " — Didymus — Atha- 
 
 XXV. 
 
 March 24. naSlUS. 
 
 Isidore of Russia would reply in another Ses- 
 sion. The Emperor demanded the Books for 
 Isidores examination. These were examined 
 
 ?in aT" b y both sides on Thursda y> March 26, 
 Latins. anc [ there seemed some hope of con- 
 ciliation. 
 
 The Patriarch then proposed to the Pope that 
 he should suspend the Sessions until the ensuing 
 Great Week was over, in order to admit of con- 
 sultations, and that on Low Sunday (Dom. in 
 Albis, rfj via KvptaKr}) they would reply. The 
 Pope agreeing, the Patriarch signified the same to 
 the Greeks, and placed before them the alternative 
 of finding a mode of union, or else of return to 
 Constantinople. Isidore and Bessarion urged union, 
 seeing no way of return. 
 
 Dosithens. Would you — that we may return at 
 the Pope's charges — would you have us betray our 
 Dogma ? I would rather die than Latinize ! 
 
 Isidore. We do not wish to Latinize, but 
 finding that the All holy Spirit's Procession is 
 attributed to the Son also by Eastern as well as 
 Western Saints, we think it right to confess with 
 our Saints and to be at one with Rome. 
 
 Antony. Which are more numerous, the Synod 
 Fathers and our Saints, or the Westerns? We 
 
Closing Scene 79 
 
 should follow the majority, who affirm the Proces- 
 sion from the Father, not from the Son. 
 
 Mark then charged the Latins not only with 
 schism, but with heresy also — about which the 
 Eastern Church had kept silent, because of its 
 inferiority in numbers and power, but heresy was 
 the only cause of their separation. They ought 
 not to conjoin with them, unless they took the 
 addition out of the Symbol. 
 
 Bessarion. Are those who say the Holy Spirit 
 Proceeds from the Son, Heretics? 
 
 Mark. Certainly. 
 
 Bessarion. God have mercy on me ! What, 
 are the Saints who have said this, Heretics ! 
 West and East agree : let their writings be com- 
 pared. 
 
 Mark. They may have been corrupted. 
 
 Bessarion. Who would dare to say so ? Of 
 whole homilies, expositions, &c. ? Great difference 
 of opinion and division ensued. 
 
 117. Next day — Tuesday in the Great Week 
 — the Emperor came through the rain to urge 
 The Union. On Wednesday they assembled 
 
 Scene. g m tne Cell of the Patriarch for the 
 SeS? Liturgy of the Praesanctified (A. r. irpo- 
 1439- rjyia<r}i.)y and for no other object, accord- 
 
 ing to Dosithens ; but his near namesake Dorotheus 
 urged either to follow the Saints and join the 
 Latins, or else transfix them and get away. Do 
 you receive Maximus ? Yes ! Doro. Well, he 
 
So Council of Florence 
 
 says the Spirit proceeds per Filiiim. Bessarion 
 adduced other testimonies, especially Tarasius. 
 
 On Maundy Thursday the Patriarch signified the 
 Emperor's wish that the matter should stand over 
 till the Great Sabbath (Saturday, April 4). On the 
 Sabbath, however, he had become so ill as scarcely 
 to be able to sit while receiving extreme unction 
 (ey^sXatoz/), and the consultation was deferred till 
 " the New Preparation " (Friday in Easter Week). 
 Then, says the writer, we met ; but discussion 
 being useless, we left it to the Union party to con- 
 sider a mode of union : our paternal tradition and 
 the seven Synods were sufficient for us. 
 
 So Isidore and Bessarion were sent to the Pope, 
 who scolded the Greeks for wasting time, and said, 
 If you are satisfied that the Spirit Proceeds from 
 the Son, it is well. Or if not, adduce if you can 
 Holy Scriptures to the contrary ; or show your 
 dogma more pious than ours. If ye will not do 
 this, let us meet : let the Sacrifice be offered, and 
 let us swear to follow the majority. 
 
 We looked at one another in our perplexity. 
 We could not deny that some of the Saints taught 
 Procession from the Son, and we could not say the 
 Saints were at variance. The dogma of both sides 
 was pious, and if other Synods had sworn on the 
 precious Body and Blood of Christ, why should not 
 we ? We had no reply. 
 
 DorotJieus urged union, both dogmas being 
 pious : and the Emperor proposed the terms of 
 
The Close 8 1 
 
 the reply — We wish neither to judge nor to be 
 judged. We have the Symbol from the seven 
 Synods, and neither add to nor take from it. But 
 you show that your doctrine is that of the Saints, 
 and refuse to expunge the Addition. Since then 
 we will not receive the Addition, and you will not 
 reject it, what use in disputation ? Consider if 
 there be any other mode of union, or we will go. 
 This reply was given to the Pope on Low Sunday. 
 He said he would send Cardinals to the Eastern 
 Synod, and they came on the fourth day after. 
 
 1 1 8. Meanwhile Bessarion addressed the Greeks 
 in ten chapters : — I. After an (Ecumenical Synod 
 Bessarion's we ought to unite, unless they are heretics. 
 Address. 2 j^e Saints agree in their teaching. 
 
 3. We should arrange apparent contradictions. 
 
 4. We should use those who speak most clearly. 
 
 5. Per signifies a mediate Cause. 6. Authorities 
 who use Per. 7. Easterns who use Ex. 8. The 
 same continued. 9. The Western Doctors say the 
 same thing. 10. Peroration. 
 
 It is worth while to observe that in this masterly 
 and eloquent address the Procession he contends 
 Meaning of f° r ls — to use his own words — "not the 
 Procession. man if e station of the Spirit to this sensible 
 world ; nor is it predicated of the graces and gifts 
 of the Spirit, but of the very Hypostasis of the 
 Spirit, and of His Procession and Existence from 
 all Eternity." (Col. 441, cf. cols. 425, 432, 449, 
 452.) Also, that he explains the term Cause to be 
 
 G 
 
82 Com ncil of Florence 
 
 used by the Greeks in a large manner, not to 
 import limitation and dependence, but to signify 
 Production and Emanation from a Principium. 
 
 (Col. 465.) 
 
 1 19. The middle of April had now arrived, but 
 the discussion still dragged on in more or less 
 formal conferences, until at last the oppo- 
 Greeks sition of the Greeks was gradually broken 
 broken 1011 down. They had already been fourteen 
 down ' or fifteen months away, and their scanty 
 
 allowance, always in arrear, was now four to six 
 months overdue. Indigent, weary with delay, 
 threatened that on no other terms would they be 
 suffered to depart, and further, convinced, as they 
 declared, by the teaching of the Western Saints, 
 they at length signified their acceptance of the 
 doctrine that the Holy Spirit Proceeds from the 
 Father and the Son, as from One Cause or Prin- 
 ciple (col. 500) ; only stipulating that they should 
 not be required to add the kclI rod vlov to their 
 Creed. (Cols. 492 and 508.) 
 
 120. The recognition of their Union on this 
 
 point was made on June 8, and on the evening of 
 
 that day their Patriarch died ; leaving, it 
 
 H)63.tn 
 
 of the is said, a Paper in which he unreservedly 
 
 accepted every dogma of the Church of 
 Rome, and acknowledged the Pope as the Vicar of 
 Christ. The Pope however demanded the Greeks' 
 assent to five other points before the Union could 
 be ratified: viz. (1) The Pope's Primacy, (2) Purga- 
 
The Close — Union Completed 83 
 
 tory, (3) Unleavened Bread in the Eucharist, 
 (4) The Addition to the Symbol, (5) The Conse- 
 cration by the Words of our Lord, not by the 
 Priest's prayer. These are mentioned in different 
 order in the course of the discussions that ensued, 
 and the Addition seems to have been reluctantly 
 conceded. The others were easily disposed of, 
 with the exception of the question of the Primacy, 
 which occasioned so long a delay that the Union 
 was not formally made till July 6, the Octave of 
 the Festival of SS. Peter and Paul. 
 
 121. On this memorable day, the Pope cele- 
 brated Mass in the Great Church of S. Mary Liberata, 
 The and after it was ended, the Definition of 
 
 formally the Council was read in Greek and Latin. 
 ™*\ It declares " That the Holy Spirit is eter- 
 
 J 439- nally from the Father and the Son, and 
 
 hath His Essence and His Subsistent Being at once 
 from the Father and the Son, and Proceeds eter- 
 nally from Both, as from One Principle and Single 
 Spiration " : that the expression " From the Father 
 Through the Son signifies that the Son also is, 
 according to the Greeks, a Cause, according to the 
 Latins, a Principle, of the Existence of the Holy 
 Spirit, as also is the Father " : " and that the ex- 
 plication (sic) of the words Filioque — perhaps, the 
 explication by means of those words — was lawfully 
 and reasonably appended to the Symbol, for the 
 sake of declaring the truth at a time when the 
 necessity of so doing was urgent." (Col. 525.) 
 
84 Review 
 
 Almost all the Greeks seem to have subscribed 
 to this Definition, except Mark of Ephesus, whose 
 conduct in absenting himself was severely censured, 
 and who of course remained under excommunica- 
 tion by the West. 
 
 122. The Union however did not long survive. 
 Scarcely had the Greeks returned to Constantinople 
 The ere the disappointment and resentment 
 
 Union G f their fellow-countrymen be^an to be 
 
 disowned ' 
 
 and re- openly manifested. The Emperor and 
 his supporters nominated Metrophanes of 
 Cyzicus for the Patriarchal Throne, but at his con- 
 secration in St. Sophia, the Church was deserted, 
 and Mark of Ephesus was hailed as the Champion 
 of Orthodoxy. The repentant prelates deplored 
 their weakness with sighs and tears : the Patriarchs 
 of Alexandria, Antioch and Jerusalem held a 
 numerous Synod, in which they disowned the false 
 union, and from that day to the present the rupture 
 has been complete. 
 
 General I2 3- ^ n reviewing the whole history 
 
 Review. Q f ^ Filioque, four points appear worthy 
 of special attention. 
 
 (1) That the Clause in the Creed, as it stood 
 originally, refers to the Eternal Procession only. 
 
 (2) That the Procession contemplated by those 
 who first adopted the addition of Filioque, or et ex 
 Fi/io, was the Eternal Procession, and that alone. 
 
 (3) That, so far from this addition being the 
 work of a General Council, its origin is hopelessly 
 obscure. 
 
Review 85 
 
 (4) That the controversy has all along been 
 mixed up with motives of temporal policy, and 
 embittered by spoliation, rivalry, and worldly am- 
 bition. When the Greeks have yielded, as they 
 did at Lyons and at Florence, they have done so 
 under pressure of their Emperors, who desired 
 union for the sake of their throne, or under the 
 great difficulties of their environment ; and the 
 motive of the Latins seems to have been mainly 
 the assertion of Papal Supremacy, and of the 
 right of the Roman See to define or add to the 
 Symbol, independently of the counsel or consent of 
 other Churches. (L. and C. xviii. 120-125, I 3 2 > 
 
 133) 
 
 124. Is it not now time to consider whether a 
 
 fresh effort might not be made to heal the Schism, 
 
 at least in part, by action on the part of 
 
 Reunion. , J r 
 
 the Church of England ? Ought we not 
 to consider such a question ? Schism is a horrible 
 and detestable thing, opposed to the will of our 
 Lord, and an incalculable hindrance to the spread 
 of the Gospel, and to the growth of piety holiness 
 and charity in those who do believe. It can hardly 
 be questioned that the Church of England holds 
 an influential position in regard to national and 
 even international relations, so that the influence 
 of her action would be, to say the least, consider- 
 able. She has therefore a great opportunity, which 
 she may either use or disregard. Will she not use 
 it in the case before us ? 
 
86 Proposal for Action 
 
 125. But it will of course be asked, How is she 
 Proposal to use it ? What practical step can be 
 for Action. taken in the matter p jhis question will 
 
 now be considered. 
 
 There are Five places in the authoritative docu- 
 ments of the Church of England in which the Proces- 
 sion from the Father and the Son is openly asserted. 
 The first and most important is in the Nicene 
 Creed : the second in the so-called Creed of St. 
 Athanasius : the third in the Litany : the fourth in 
 the Ordinal : the fifth in the XXXIX. Articles. 
 
 The Filioque in the Nicene Creed has un- 
 doubtedly been inherited from the time when the 
 Church of England, in common with the Western 
 Church in general, began to sing the Creed with 
 that addition, and the expression in the' other four 
 places agrees with the Creed so interpolated. The 
 Procession of the Holy Spirit, if considered at all 
 at the Reformation, was at any rate not a prominent 
 question ; and the Compilers of the Fifth Article 
 naturally repeated the ordinary teaching, in which 
 they were supported by their favourite Father, St. 
 Augustine. 
 
 It is far from my purpose to discuss this most 
 abstruse and tremendous doctrine in itself. One 
 would think it too deep for human intellect, and 
 would shrink from its discussion for fear of impiety. 
 For my own part I would rather let it alone, con- 
 tent to hold in the words of the Symbol, yea 
 rather of our Lord Himself, that the Holy Spirit 
 
Proposal for Action Sy 
 
 Proceedeth from the Father ; but willing to admit 
 whatever those deep words may in truth involve 
 or imply. 
 
 But, whatever the doctrine, it is beyond all 
 question that the Nicene Creed, as enlarged at 
 Constantinople, and ratified at Ephesus and Chal- 
 cedon, had not the Filioque in the Procession 
 clause ; and that, without the Filioque, it was 
 declared to teach Perfection concerning the Father, 
 the Son, and the Holy Ghost. 
 
 Again, considering all the circumstances and 
 the language employed, it seems plain that the 
 intention was to prohibit any meddling with the 
 terms of the Symbol — note St. Cyril's words quoted 
 in section 35 — either by omission or addition, 
 by any Person or Persons, whether Pope, Bishop, 
 or Provincial Council. An CEcumenical Synod 
 might perhaps not be included in the Prohibition, 
 and it seems unreasonable that an CEcumenical 
 Synod should impose restrictions on a successor of 
 equal authority. But to nothing less can exception 
 be allowed. 
 
 The Creed then, being originally without the 
 Filioque, and alteration having been expressly 
 prohibited by authority, the addition has been 
 made, nobody can tell by whom, the prohibition 
 notwithstanding. 
 
 The Holy Eastern Church therefore has a 
 legitimate and very serious grievance in respect of 
 this addition to the Symbol. It arose, it seems, in 
 
SS Proposal for Action 
 
 the West of Europe : it was at first disowned by 
 the Patriarch of Rome, though the doctrine it 
 expressed was admitted. Afterwards, when it was 
 found to be a convenient instrument for extorting 
 the acknowledgment of Supremacy, it was sanc- 
 tioned, and demanded as a condition of communion. 
 If this be permitted, what change in the Symbol 
 may not be similarly imposed ? The enforcement 
 of the Filioque has been an act of Papal aggres- 
 sion ; and the maintenance of the clause by those 
 who have rejected the Papal claims as unfounded, 
 and profess to return to Primitive order, can 
 hardly escape the charge of inconsistency, nay of 
 a far more serious charge still, if it be found a bar 
 to Christian unity and intercommunion. 
 
 126. The late very learned and pious Bishop 
 of Lincoln — Dr. Wordsworth — in his sermon on the 
 Procession of the Holy Spirit, preached 
 Words- on Whitsunday, 1872, showed himself 
 the Pro- at one with Mark of Ephesus and the 
 cession. Gree k s generally as to the Doctrine of 
 the Procession. He spoke of the Decree of the 
 Council of Florence as "an erroneous dogma, 
 contravening the fundamental doctrine, that there 
 is One Eternal Fountain of Deity, namely in 
 God the Father, and in God the Father alone " 
 (pp. 6 and 8) : and he would excuse the acknow- 
 ledgment of Procession from the Son in the 
 Symbol by explaining that the sense in which 
 ProceedetJi from is to be understood when we say, 
 
Proposal for Action So, 
 
 " Procecdeth from the Father," must be mentally 
 changed to another sense when we add, " And 
 the Son." I do not think I misrepresent the 
 Bishop's meaning ; for though he does not express 
 himself in the terms I have employed, his words 
 amount to the same thing : " If we were to rehearse 
 the Creed," he writes, " in the Greek language, we 
 could not speak otherwise than the Greek Church 
 does : we could not venture to say that the Holy 
 Ghost issues forth from out of the Son as well as 
 from out of the Father. But in our tongue we use 
 another word, of Latin origin, 1 which has a much 
 larger sense — the word proceed" (a word which) 
 " proclaims some important truths concerning the 
 relation of God the Son to God the Holy Ghost, 
 which . . . ought never to be forgotten or con- 
 cealed. . . . And we hope that if we were to ex- 
 plain the sense in which we use the word proceed, 
 the Eastern Church would not be reluctant, &c." 
 His Pro- And then he proposes " an authoritative 
 posai. declaration as to the meaning in which 
 
 she (the Anglican Church) uses the word proceed 
 in speaking of the relation of God the Son to 
 God the Holy Ghost." (Pp. 20-22.) That is, 
 when we say, Proceedeth from the Father, we 
 mean Issues forth from Him ; but when we say, 
 And from the Son, we attach some other meaning 
 to the word Proceedeth, different from that in 
 which we used it before. 
 
 1 Compare Section 140. 
 
90 Proposal for Action 
 
 127. With all respect for Bishop Wordsworth's 
 learning, and deep love for his memory, I am 
 unable to follow him here. sKiropzvscrOai and 
 procedere may differ as to their strict etymological 
 meaning ; but it can hardly be maintained that, 
 in the language of theology, and in the customary 
 use of these words with reference to the Holy 
 Spirit, they were not intended to convey identically 
 the same meaning. Procedit is the translation of 
 ifciropsvsTCLi in St. John xv., and Procedentem of 
 EKiropsvo/jLsvov in the Symbol ; and the two words 
 were used as equivalent terms over and over again 
 in the Filioque controversy. So that, apart from 
 the question of unlawful addition to the Creed, one 
 could hardly expect the Eastern Church to be 
 satisfied with an explanation which is inconsistent 
 with the sense in which the term has been used in 
 the Creed down to this day. 
 
 Again, How many of the laity would make 
 that mental change of sense? How many even 
 of the Clergy? Even as it is now, the majority 
 of both clergy and laity seem to pay too little 
 attention to the terms of the Symbol. For 
 example, to judge by the way in which the clause 
 The Lord and Giver of life is commonly rehearsed, 
 it seems to be generally understood to signify that 
 the Holy Ghost is the Lord of life and the Giver 
 of life, the word life depending upon Lord as well 
 as Giver. 
 
 Further, it would be asking far too much of 
 
Proposal for Action 91 
 
 the Two Convocations to frame an explicit denial 
 of the Procession from the Son, considering the 
 definite teaching of the greatest Western Doctors 
 on the subject. Bishop Pearson, it will be ob- 
 served, while not justifying the Act of Addition, 
 yet declares the doctrine it expresses to be " a 
 certain truth," and explains it to mean, not that 
 the Holy Spirit was sent by the Son at Pentecost, 
 or anything else but this, that " the Divine Nature, 
 common to both the Father and the Son, was 
 communicated by them both to the Holy Ghost " ; 
 that " as the Son receiveth His Essence com- 
 municated to Him by the Father, so the Holy 
 Ghost receiveth the same Essence communicated 
 to Him by the Father and the Son, and so Pro- 
 ceeded from them Both." ("On the Creed," 
 Art. viii. pp. 569, 574.) 
 
 128. But though great difficulty would arise in 
 any attempt on the part of the Convocations to 
 With- define the Procession, there would be far 
 ofThe 1 ^ ess difficulty in avoiding the question 
 Filioque. altogether, by simply returning to the 
 language used by our Lord Himself, and repeated 
 and limited by the Synods of Constantinople, 
 Ephesus and Chalcedon. The terms which satis- 
 fied them should suffice for us. If the Eternal 
 Procession from the Son is wrapped up in the 
 " Proceedeth from the Father," we there profess it 
 by implication, though we cannot enter into the 
 depths of the Mystery. If it is not so implied, we 
 
92 Proposal for Action 
 
 do not assert it. In either case we assert the 
 Truth when we say, Who Proceedeth from the 
 Father. 
 
 In proposing then that we should uncon- 
 ditionally remove the Filioque from the Symbol 
 and from the Athanasian Creed and Litany, I ask 
 for no betrayal of the Truth, no departure from 
 Church order, no unworthy connivance at some 
 bold and impious novelty ; but only a return 
 to the ancient and deliberate language of the 
 Church. 
 
 It would, of course, be idle to hope that such 
 a change could be carried out without tremendous 
 difficulty. The indifference and the vis inertia of 
 the multitude would first have to be overcome, and 
 then the opposition of foes and alarmists. But if 
 the object be thought worth attainment, we are not 
 wont to be deterred by difficulty. True, no worldly 
 gains can be connected with this effort, such as 
 those which formed so powerful an incentive in the 
 various Reformations of the sixteenth century, and 
 those whose prospective allurement now aids the 
 cry of Disendowment in our own. We do not seek 
 the Goods of the Church, but her Good: we seek 
 the restoration of her peace and unity, and the 
 freeing of her mission work from the fatal clog 
 and hindrance of Schism : we seek to be in 
 thorough accord with the first six CEcumenical 
 Synods, which the Church of England recognises 
 and receives. (See Wake's " Authority," 168, and 
 
Proposal for Action 93 
 
 Lathbury's " Convocation," p. 30.) Surely these 
 are sufficient motives to exertion. Who will come 
 forward to take action in the matter ? 
 
 129. It will be said, perhaps, that even if the 
 Filioquc be withdrawn, there are other things, as, 
 e.g., the restoration of the use of Chrism 
 Considera- in Confirmation, or the recognition of the 
 tions - Second Synod of Nicaea, which the 
 
 Easterns might insist upon as a condition of Inter- 
 communion. If it were so, each such matter 
 would have to be carefully considered on its merits, 
 and if found to be according to Holy Scripture 
 and to the usage of the Primitive Church, surely 
 we ought to agree : but not so, if it were distinctly 
 opposed thereto. The examples I have selected 
 may be thought to correspond severally with each 
 of these extremes : but it is no part of my present 
 design to discuss the subject. It is sufficient, for 
 the present, to show that it has not been altogether 
 lost sight of, and it will be time to consider it more 
 particularly when the occasion actually arises. As 
 to the recognition of the Second Nicene Synod, 
 the exact terms of its Definition would have to be 
 carefully considered. But we may hope that no 
 such condition as this last would be even asked 
 for. /\t Florence there was no similar requirement 
 on the part of the Latins in behalf of the nine 
 Councils claimed by Rome as CEcumenical, which 
 had been held since " the Seventh and last " recog- 
 nised as CEcumenical by the Greeks. 
 
94 Proposal for Action 
 
 It would not be without a wrench that the 
 Church of England would consent to withdraw the 
 Filioque : and with such a proof of her sincerity, 
 with no selfish object to serve— no other motives 
 in fact but those of dutiful obedience to the 
 Authority of the (Ecumenical Synods, and of a 
 desire to restore that external unity which ought 
 to exist in the One Holy Catholic Church — with 
 such a concession voluntarily made, not extorted 
 from us, we should have a right to look for a sincere 
 and cordial rapprochement with our Orthodox 
 brethren of the East, and should be in a position 
 to approach the Nestorian and Monophysite sects 
 with clean hands. 
 
 130. And the Holy Eastern Churches have 
 much reason to claim our admiration and our 
 sympathy. Few of us probably are 
 the East aware how great and successful has been 
 t°onand a " the missionary zeal of the Orthodox 
 sympathy. Russian church, in planting the Christian 
 Faith throughout the vast dominions of the Czar, 
 not in former ages alone, but in the last hundred 
 years down to the present time : how the Samoyedes 
 about the shores of the White Sea have received 
 the Gospel ; how the people of the Caucasus, and 
 of the Altai, and of Central and North Western 
 Siberia, and the distant Aleoutians and the fierce 
 Alaska Indians in what was lately Russian 
 America, were won to the Faith — the last mainly 
 by the labours of John VeniaminofT, " the Russian 
 
Proposal for Action 95 
 
 Selwyn," with whom he was contemporary. " But 
 the Missions of the Russian Church," says Dr. 
 Hale, " are not confined to the Heathen or false 
 believers within her own borders. For many years 
 she has had a Mission at Pekin, and the most 
 successful mission work in Japan would seem to 
 be that carried on by her." {American Church 
 Review^ July, 1877.) 
 
 131. The Greek Church has not any such 
 Missionary Record to point to. But is there not 
 a sufficient cause ? Circumstanced as she has been : 
 groaning under the hard bondage of Moslem 
 tyranny for the last 450 years and more, it has 
 been hers to witness for the Faith under all manner 
 of oppression, pillage, violence, torture, imprison- 
 ment, and death. In the course of this period, 
 asks Moravieff, " How many martyrs, of every age 
 and condition, have shed a halo around the Oriental 
 Church ? No less than a hundred martyrs of these 
 later days are commemorated in the services of the 
 Church, and countless are the unnamed ones who 
 have suffered for the faith in these years of slavery. 
 In 1 82 1, Gregory, Patriarch of Constantinople, 
 was hung at the Door of his Cathedral, on Easter 
 Day. Another Patriarch, Cyril, they hung at 
 Constantinople. Cyprian, Archbishop of Cyprus, 
 with his three Suffragan Bishops, and all the 
 Hegumens of the Cyprian monasteries, were 
 hanged upon one tree before the palace of the 
 ancient kings. Many other prelates were put to 
 
9 6 Proposal for Action 
 
 death in the islands and in Anatolia. Mount Athos 
 was devastated." (" Question Religieuse d'Orient 
 et d'Occident," St. Petersburg, 1858.) Surely a 
 Church, so suffering and yet so faithful, has the 
 deepest claim upon our love and sympathy. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE 
 ORTHODOX CHURCHES 
 
 132. The History of the Filioque clause, which 
 has been the special subject of the foregoing pages, 
 can hardly be brought to a close without some 
 notice of the various efforts that have been made 
 in the course of the last three hundred years to 
 reopen communication between the East and 
 West. 
 
 133. Cyril Lucar was raised from the Patri- 
 archal Throne of Alexandria to that of Constanti- 
 
 Cvril Lucar no P^ e m tne same y ear (l62l) in which 
 
 presents Sir Thomas Roe was sent as ambassador 
 
 Codex A to . , „ r 
 
 Charles I., to the Sublime Porte from the Court of 
 a.d. 1628. j ames j In the trou bles that presently 
 
 followed, Sir Thomas stood by the Patriarch, and the 
 Alexandrian Codex, the most ancient of all known 
 MSS. of the New Testament, with the single excep- 
 tion of the Sinaitic, is a memento of the gratitude 
 of that unfortunate Prelate. It was presented to the 
 
 H 
 
98 Appendix 
 
 king in 1628, probably on the occasion of Sir 
 Thomas Roe's return to this country. A friendly 
 correspondence was also maintained between the 
 Patriarch and Archbishop Abbot, which may be 
 seen in Dr. Neale's " History of the Holy Eastern 
 Church." 
 
 A few years later (1653), Dr. Isaac Basire, 
 Archdeacon of Northumberland, flying from the 
 troubles of the Rebellion, was received with much 
 affection by the Patriarchs of Constantinople, 
 Antioch, and Jerusalem, and received from the 
 latter his Patriarchal Seal, " to express his desire 
 of Communion with our old Church of England." 
 
 134. After the Restoration intercourse was 
 renewed, and in 1672 the Eastern Patriarchs sent 
 Britain and " to the lovers of the Greek Church in 
 t 6 G 2 E and in Britain" a Synodical answer to the Ques- 
 1677- tion, What are the Sentiments of the 
 
 Oriental Church of the Grecian Orthodox ? This 
 document is of great importance, but as the in- 
 quiries appear to have been confined to such 
 matters as then mainly exercised the minds of 
 English theologians, the Question of the Procession 
 has no place among them. 
 
 135. Five years after this (1677) we find that 
 a Church (now St. Mary's, Crown Street, Soho) 
 was being then erected " for the nation of the 
 Greeks," at the cost of the Bishop of London — 
 Compton — and other Bishops and nobles. This 
 kindly act was undertaken in behalf of Joseph 
 
Appendix 99 
 
 Georgirenes, Metropolitan of Samos, who had been 
 driven from his see, and had taken refuge in England. 
 
 136. The interest thus reawakened in the Holy 
 Eastern Church was further stimulated by the 
 
 publication at this period of two works 
 Commis- on the subject — one by Thomas Smith, 
 
 Chaplain at the Embassy in Constanti- 
 nople ; and the other by Paul Ricaut, British 
 Consul at Smyrna. An illustration of the effect 
 of this extended interest and inquiry is found in 
 the very remarkable action of the Royal Commis- 
 sioners who were appointed to consider and report 
 upon the Prayer Book and the Canons in the year 
 1689. In their note to the Procession clause of 
 the Nicene Creed they say, " It is humbly sub- 
 mitted to the Convocation whether a Note ought 
 not here to be added with relation to the Greek 
 Church, in order to our maintaining Catholic 
 Communion." Their recommendations however 
 were never submitted to Convocation at all. 
 
 137. Not many more years had elapsed, when 
 a plan for the education of Greeks at Oxford was 
 Greek at length (1694) matured by the con- 
 Oxfo e r g d ( at version of Worcester College, then called 
 l6 94- Gloucester Hall, to this purpose. The 
 establishment of this " Greek College " seems to 
 have been due to the entreaty of the same Metro- 
 politan of Samos for whom the Church in Soho 
 had been already erected, but it had been deferred 
 by the troubles of the times. The plan, however, 
 
 H 2 
 
ioo Appendix 
 
 was continued for not quite ten years, its failure 
 being ascribed to several causes, as the machina- 
 tions of the Jesuits (who viewed with apprehen- 
 sion the growing rapprochement between the two 
 Churches), the "ill accommodation" provided for 
 the students, and their own " irregular lives." The 
 last named is alleged by the Patriarch Callinicus 
 as the ground on which he intervened to forbid 
 any of his community to go and study at Oxford 
 (March 1705). 
 
 138. Within a few years of this interruption, 
 the good offices of the English were again appealed 
 Mission of to * n behalf °f their Eastern brethren ; for 
 
 Arsenius, a quarrel having arisen at Alexandria on 
 1714. 
 
 the election of a new Patriarch, the 
 
 Vizier favouring one who had purchased his 
 support by bribery, the Church sent hither Arse- 
 nius, Metropolitan of Thebais, to beg assistance. 
 This was about the year 17 14. Arsenius and his 
 companions stayed in England for some two years, 
 although living in extreme want and misery ; but 
 they do not appear to have succeeded in persuading 
 the Government to interfere. 
 
 139. But his presence in England gave the 
 Nonjuring Bishops an opportunity of opening 
 The Non- negotiations with the Eastern Patriarchs, 
 jurors with the earnestly expressed view of 
 
 and the 
 
 Easterns, intercommunion. With this object they 
 171 I?2S ' drew up certain elaborate proposals, and 
 delivered them to the Metropolitan of Thebais, who 
 
Appendix yoi 
 
 found means to lay them before the Czar (Peter 
 the Great), and he in his turn despatched them by 
 the Protosyncellus of Alexandria to his Patriarch 
 to be communicated to the rest. 
 
 These Nonjurors called themselves the Ortho- 
 dox and Catholic Remnant of the British Churches, 
 though, all the original Nonjuring Bishops being 
 now dead, they were no longer in a position to dis- 
 pute the legitimate position of the Bishops recog- 
 nised by the State. At the very outset moreover 
 of their proposals, they raised a most uncalled-for 
 difficulty by desiring that the ancient and ever- 
 recognised Order of the Patriarchates should be 
 reversed, and that " the primacy of Order should 
 be allowed to the Bishop of Jerusalem, above all 
 other Christian Bishops." 
 
 It seems unnecessary to give a resume of the 
 long correspondence, which extended over a period 
 of nine years, i.e. from August 1716 to September 
 1725. Nevertheless some of the leading points in 
 this correspondence may be conveniently culled 
 from it, as bearing upon the question of Union. 
 For the correspondence itself see " The Orthodox 
 and the Nonjurors," by G. Williams. Rivingtons, 
 1868. 
 
 The Nonjurors' Letter embraced twelve Pro- 
 posals for a " Concordats" twelve Statements of 
 Agreement, and five of a less perfect agreement ; 
 viz., as to the relative authority of General Councils 
 and Holy Scripture ; their fear of going to an 
 
iq3 Appendix 
 
 extreme in magnifying the blessed Virgin Mother of 
 our Lord ; their jealousy of detracting in the least 
 from the Mediation of Jesus Christ ; their anxiety 
 about worshipping the Sacred Symbols of His 
 Presence in the Eucharist ; their desire to have the 
 9th Article of the Second Council of Nice so 
 explained as to make it inoffensive, and to remove 
 a stumbling-block. 
 
 140. The Patriarchs' Reply is dated April 17 18, 
 some twenty months later, and was not delivered 
 m „ . until November 1721. It claims that the 
 
 The Patn- ' 
 
 archs' Faith is preserved by the Orthodox 
 
 Orientals alone ; declares the alleged 
 Calvinistic confession of Cyril Lucar to have been 
 a forgery ; maintains the Ancient Order of the 
 Patriarchates, and deals with the several Proposals 
 in turn. As to the Statements of Agreement, they 
 accept the Creed as established in the First and 
 Second General Councils, but repudiate any inser- 
 tion, "receiving none who add the least syllable either 
 by way of insertion, commentary, or explication." 
 They allow neither hia nor sk, and demand that if 
 any word has been inserted, it must "be strook out, 
 and the Creed continue unaltered." They acknow- 
 ledge "a twofold Procession of the Holy Spirit, 
 one natural, eternal, and before time, according to 
 which the Holy Spirit Proceeds from the Father 
 alone ; the other temporal, according to which the 
 Holy Spirit is externally sent forth from both the 
 Father and the Son for the Sanctification of the 
 
Appendix 103 
 
 Creature." 'Etc, they say, is never used for Blcl, nor 
 ha for ek, as is plain from many testimonies, as 
 eg., St. John Damascen, in the 60th chapter of the 
 first Book of his Theology ..." the Spirit of the 
 Son, not as Proceeding from Him, but by Him 
 from the Father." " This 7rposcns or Mission " (they 
 add) " we do not call Procession, lest we should be 
 as unhappy as the Papists, who because of the 
 limited dialect of the Latin language, which is 
 unable to express the irposa-is or Emission by one 
 word and the sKiropevcns by another, have called 
 them both processionem, which afterwards grew into 
 an error and made them take the eternal Procession 
 for that Trpoeais which was in time . . ." 
 
 They declare that the Church alone can both 
 ordain and deprive her Spiritual Officers, but that 
 they are bound to be subject to the State in civil 
 affairs. They hold the Seven Sacraments, Baptism 
 and the Eucharist exceeding in necessity ; but 
 they add that the Sacrament of the Priesthood is 
 one of the most necessary, because without this 
 there could be no performance of the Eucharist. 
 Moreover without the Chrism no one could be a 
 perfect Christian, and without the Sacrament of 
 Penance how shall they that sin after Baptism 
 obtain forgiveness ? They deny the existence of a 
 Purgatorial fire, but yet say that the Benefactions 
 and Holy Sacrifices for the dead are things that 
 greatly profit them, relieving the pains which the 
 souls endure in Hades. 
 
104 Appendix 
 
 Then in regard to the points of disagreement, 
 they do not wonder that men educated in the 
 principles of the Luthero-Calvinists should so ad- 
 here to their prejudices as ivy to a tree. And first, 
 they assert and defend the authority of the Seven 
 ancient, holy, and sacred Councils as equivalent to 
 that of the Holy Scriptures. Secondly, they de- 
 clare that they worship the Saints with Dulia, but 
 not with Latvia : they worship the Virgin Mother 
 of God with Hyperdulia, but not as God : not with 
 Latvia — God forbid ! Thirdly, they say that the 
 Saints mediate for our post-baptismal sins, and for 
 deliverance from dangers, earthquakes, famine, 
 floods, war, &c. — " For Christ is not said to be a 
 Mediator with God for these." . . . " The divine 
 Paul (in Rom. xv. 30) makes the Saints Mediators 
 with God, and yet does by no means hinder Christ 
 from being the only Mediator of reconciliation and 
 redemption for us with God the Father." Fourthly, 
 they tremble at the blasphemy of withholding 
 worship from the consecrated Bread and Wine, for 
 to be against this is to be against the worship of 
 our Lord Jesus Christ Himself. For, " the shew- 
 bread of the Altar of the New Dispensation is 
 changed into the Body of Christ, by the Invocation 
 and Access of the Holy Spirit, and by the Prayer 
 and blessing of the Priest in secret, the Accidents 
 only remaining immutable, which yet partake of 
 the Consecration." Lastly, they defend the relative 
 worship of Images, asserting that "even the illiterate 
 
Appendix 1 05 
 
 among them would tell you that the honour paid to 
 the Image ascends to the Prototype, as the great 
 Basil expresses it." 
 
 141. To their own Reply the Patriarchs sub- 
 joined the Synodical Answer already referred to as 
 sent to the Lovers of the Greek Church in Britain 
 in 1672, and another Synodical Explanation of the 
 Sacrament of the Holy Eucharist, a Document 
 which ends with a Curse expressed in terms which 
 make it most painful reading. It goes far, very 
 far, beyond the Anathemas of the CEcumenical 
 Synods — for the Anathema, I take it, does no more 
 than set apart the accused for the judgment of 
 Christ Himself when He cometh, since Maranatha 
 signifies Our Lord Cometh. God grant such a 
 curse may never be penned again. 
 
 142. The Nonjurors replied with courtesy in May 
 of the following year (1722), but refused assent to 
 The the giving even the worship of Dulia to 
 Nonjurors' Angels or departed Saints. Having argued 
 
 this point from the Fathers and from Holy 
 Scripture, they declared the Patriarchs' sentiments 
 on Transubstantiation inadmissible, and supported 
 their position by arguments from Scripture and 
 the Fathers. To the worship of Images they held 
 equally strong objection. And lastly they pro- 
 posed a compromise, that, if the Orientals would 
 by an instrument pronounce them perfectly dis- 
 engaged from any obligation to Invocation ot 
 Saints and Angels, the Worship of Images, and 
 
106 Appendix 
 
 the Adoration of the Host, they hoped a union 
 might be effected. 
 
 This reply they delivered to the care of some 
 Greeks in London, for transmission to the four 
 Patriarchs ; and they sent a copy to the Governing 
 Synod of Russia, which apparently reached the 
 Synod at Moscow early in 1723. The Synod at 
 once replied, expressing the Emperor's opinion 
 that a Conference was desirable, and inviting two 
 of the Nonjurors accordingly. The Protosyncellus 
 to whom the letter had been entrusted by the 
 Synod had been unable to journey to England, and 
 the Synod wrote again after a year's interval, re- 
 peating the invitation to send two of the English 
 Brethren to Russia for a Conference. This letter 
 is dated February 2, 1724. 
 
 143. In the meantime the Eastern Patriarchs, 
 writing in September 1723, had acknowledged the 
 Nonjurors' Reply to their Answers, but merely 
 insisted that the Doctrines in question had long 
 since been examined and defined and settled by 
 the holy and CEcumenical Synods, and must be 
 submitted to without any scruple or dispute. For 
 a fuller and unanswerable testimony they sent the 
 exposition of " the Orthodox Faith of our Eastern 
 Church," as contained in the Synod of Jerusalem 
 (Bethlehem), held in 1672, saying that if they would 
 agree thereunto, they should be altogether one with 
 themselves. 
 
 The Nonjurors gladly accepted the Emperor's 
 
Appendix 107 
 
 proposal to send two of their brethren for a Con- 
 ference, but difficulties and delays occurred, until 
 at length the project was abandoned in consequence 
 of the Emperor's death on January 28, 172^. 
 
 The Points on which the Conference was to be 
 held were, according to Dr. Brett: I. The addition 
 of the Fzlioque, which the Nonjurors promised slwuld 
 be laid aside, if other matters should be agreed 
 upon. 2. Souls suffering Pains in Hades. 3. The 
 Authority of the so-called Seventh General Council. 
 4. The Distinction between Latria, Didia, and 
 Hyperdidia. 
 
 144. While these things were proceeding, it 
 seems that the Patriarch Chrysanthus of Jerusalem 
 Archbishop had sent certain books to Archbishop 
 tSpat'ri- Wake (Archbishop of Canterbury) in the 
 arch of summer of 1721;, and we learn from his 
 
 Jerusalem, ' -" 
 
 *? 2 5- reply that the correspondence of the 
 
 Nonjurors with the Patriarchs had then but re- 
 cently come to his knowledge. He therefore gives 
 some account of the position of these " schismatical 
 priests," telling the Patriarch " how unrighteously 
 they had separated, and had broken the unity of 
 the Church." " Of these men," he adds, " I pray 
 and beseech your Reverence to beware. Meanwhile 
 we the true Bishops and Clergy of the Church of 
 England, as, in every fundamental article, we 
 profess the same faith with you, shall not cease, at 
 least in spirit and effect, to hold communion with 
 you and to pray for your peace and happiness." 
 
108 Appendix 
 
 145. From the last-mentioned date to the year 
 1 84 1 — an interval of 117 years — there seems to 
 Anglican have been no further intercourse between 
 femsSem, East anc ^ West, except such as was of a 
 1841. private character. But in that year a 
 
 new departure was made, not apparently with the 
 object of restoring communion between ourselves 
 and the East, (though it was hoped that it might 
 lead to " relations of amity " between us,) but with 
 a view to the interests of members of the Church 
 of England in those parts, and of such German 
 subjects as might be disposed to place themselves 
 under the supervision of an Anglican Bishop in 
 Jerusalem. For the scheme originated with the 
 then King of Prussia, who made it the subject of 
 a special mission to the Queen of England, and 
 of a particular communication to the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury. It was hoped that, " under the 
 Divine blessing, it might lead the way to a unity of 
 discipline^ as well as of doctrine between Our own 
 Church, and the less perfectly constituted of the 
 Protestant Churches of Europe." 
 
 His Majesty's proposal having been adopted, 
 the scheme was put into practical operation by 
 the consecration of the Rev. Michael Solomon 
 Alexander "a Bishop of the United Church of 
 England and Ireland, to reside at Jerusalem . . . 
 his Jurisdiction to extend over the English Clergy 
 and congregations, and over those who may join 
 his Church and place themselves under his Epi- 
 
Appendix 109 
 
 scopal authority in Palestine, Syria, Egypt, and 
 Abyssinia, and being exercised, as nearly as may 
 be, according to the laws, canons, and customs of 
 the Church of England." He was to maintain, as 
 far as possible, relations of Christian charity with 
 other Churches represented at Jerusalem, and in 
 particular with the Orthodox Greek Church ; 
 " taking special care to convince them that the 
 Church of England does not wish to disturb, 
 divide, or interfere with them, &c." {Missionary 
 Register of the Church Missionary Society, 
 February 1842, pp. 82, 83, and November 1842, 
 p. 489.) 
 
 In commending Bishop Alexander " to the 
 Bishops and Prelates of the Apostolic Churches in 
 Syria and the countries adjacent," Archbishop 
 Howley was careful to explain that he was sent 
 to Jerusalem " to exercise spiritual superintendence 
 over the Clergy and Laity of our Church," and 
 that he had been charged " in no wise and in no 
 matter to invade the jurisdiction of you the 
 Bishops or others bearing rule in the Churches of 
 the East, but rather to show you due honour and 
 reverence, and to be ready, on all occasions and by 
 all means, to cultivate whatever promotes brotherly 
 love and unanimity." " We are persuaded, bre- 
 thren," the Archbishop continues, " that your 
 Holinesses will receive this communication as a 
 testimony of our reverence and brotherly love 
 towards you, and of our longing desire to renew 
 
1 1 o Appendix 
 
 that amicable intercourse with the ancient Churches 
 of the East which, if restored by the will and 
 blessing of God, may have the effect of healing 
 the Schisms which have brought the most grievous 
 calamities on the Church of Christ." 
 
 It is important to add that these Instructions 
 were not only in accordance with the private senti- 
 ments of the Archbishop, but had formed part of a 
 definite compact between the Foreign Office and 
 the Ottoman Porte. 
 
 "If then," says Mr. Williams, "the operations 
 of this Mission have been utterly contrary to what 
 was designed ; if, instead of contributing to heal 
 the divisions of Eastern Christendom, it has aggra- 
 vated them rather ; if, instead of conciliating the 
 Prelates of the Oriental Church, it has incurred 
 their suspicion and contempt, ... let all lie at the 
 door of those who are even eager to bear the 
 responsibility." 
 
 Bishop Alexander was succeeded in 1846 by 
 Bishop Gobat, and he again, in 1879, by Bishop 
 Barclay, on whose decease, in 1881, this untoward 
 scheme happily came to an end. 
 
 146. In the meantime the interest and sym- 
 pathy of Western Christendom had been much 
 reawakened by the writings of the Rev. William 
 Palmer, and, more particularly, those of Dr. Neale, 
 who not only wrote a valuable History of the Eastern 
 Church, but by the publication of the most impor- 
 tant of the Oriental Liturgies in both Greek and 
 
Appendix 1 1 1 
 
 English, brought them within the reach of all who 
 cared to spend a very few shillings on their ex- 
 amination. And with these names must be linked 
 that of another friend of Christian Unity, the Rev. 
 C. R. Hale, now Dean of Davenport, Iowa, and 
 Assistant Bishop-elect of Springfield, U.S.A. In- 
 Episcopal deed the General Convention of the Epi- 
 Amer C ica! f sco P al Church in the United States took 
 1862. t ] lc fi rs t s t e p towards reopening the subject 
 
 of intercommunion with the East, by appointing a 
 Committee to consider the matter and to collect 
 information. This was in 1862, and it was followed 
 by the appointment in 1863 of a Committee by the 
 Lower House of the Convocation of Canterbury to 
 communicate with the American Committee on the 
 subject, and its reappointment in 1866 ; and in 
 July 1868, the Lower House unanimously adopted 
 a Resolution, humbly praying his Grace the Presi- 
 dent and the other Bishops to open direct com- 
 munication with the Eastern Patriarchs with the 
 object of enabling the Clergy and Laity of either 
 Church to join in the Sacraments and Offices of 
 the other. 
 
 Still no practical step appears to have been 
 taken in this direction, and though civilities and 
 hospitality have been reciprocated between them, 
 little progress has been made towards the re- 
 establishment of actual Intercommunion. 
 
 147. The rise of the Old Catholic Movement, 
 after the Promulgation of the dogma of the Pope's 
 
1 1 2 Appendix 
 
 Infallibility in 1869, gave a fresh spur to the ques- 
 tion of reunion. At the Conferences held at 
 The Old Cologne, and at Bonn, in 1874-75, the 
 Catholic Holy Eastern Church was ably repre- 
 
 Confer- J ~ 
 
 ences in sented, and on the last occasion the Guar- 
 1 74 ~ 75 ' diarfs Correspondent asserted that the 
 question of the Procession of the Holy Spirit was the 
 question of the Conference. Among the Easterns 
 present were Lycurgos, Archbishop of Syra and 
 Tenos, Archbishop Gennadios, and Bishop Mel- 
 chisedek of Roumania, the Archimandrites Sabbas 
 of Belgrade, and Anastasiades and Vriennios of 
 Constantinople, the Archpriest Janyscheff, and 
 others from Dalmatia, Athens, Kieff, Macedonia, 
 &c, including twenty-two members of the Russo- 
 Greek Church. The Old Catholics were repre- 
 sented by the Venerable Dr. Dollinger, Bishop 
 Reinkens, Professors Reusch, Herzog, &c. ; the 
 English by Bishop Sandford of Gibraltar, Dr. 
 Liddon, the Dean of Chester, the Revs. W. Denton, 
 Preb. Meyrick, and others ; and the Protestant 
 Episcopal Church of America by Dr. Potter, 
 Secretary to the House of Bishops, Dr. Perry, 
 Secretary to the House of Convention, &c. About 
 120 names were inscribed on the list of the Con- 
 ference, one-half of whom were from England and 
 America. 
 
 The Conference may be said to have com- 
 menced with the Preliminary Meeting on Wednes- 
 day, August 11, and was continued until the 
 
Appendix 1 1 3 
 
 Monday evening following, in which time seven 
 Sessions were held, besides three meetings of a 
 Sub-Committee appointed to deal with the question 
 of the Procession. This Committee was composed 
 of ten members, two to represent the Old Catholics, 
 two Anglicans, one American, and five Easterns ; 
 and they ultimately drew up a confession of faith 
 on this point, in six theses expressed in terms used 
 by St. John of Damascus, who flourished A.D. 750, 
 and was selected as gathering in himself the 
 opinions of the Fathers of the Undivided Church 
 who had preceded him. These six theses, being 
 agreed to by the whole Committee, were accepted 
 next day by the Conference in their sixth Session, 
 when Dr. Dollinger, the President, declared his 
 conviction that on this doctrine they were all really 
 at one. It was generally agreed, too, that the 
 Filioque had been illegally inserted ; but the ques- 
 tion arose how to get rid of it. Some, with Dr. 
 Liddon, said, Wait for a truly CEcumenical Synod : 
 others urged, with the Archbishop of Syra, that it 
 might be quietly dropped without the aid of an 
 engine that it would be hopeless to wait for. 
 Hence no resolution at all was come to on this 
 point. [See Guardian, August 25, 1875.] 
 
 A generation has almost passed away since 
 these events, and meanwhile our connection with 
 the East has been largely extended. Cyprus came 
 under our rule in 1878, Egypt in 1882. The 
 consequent increase in the number of English in 
 
 I 
 
H4 Appendix 
 
 these parts has led to the re-establishment of an 
 Anglican Bishopric in Jerusalem, not on the former 
 lines, but simply in connection with the Anglican 
 Communion, and in friendly relation with the Patri- 
 archs of Alexandria and Jerusalem. Mission work 
 has received a remarkable extension, but the Old 
 Divisions still remain — we ourselves being, ipso 
 facto, subject to the ban of Ephesus and Chalcedon, 
 as adding to the Symbol — and the Mission field 
 presents a spectacle of rival Christian communities, 
 each professing Faith in that Jesus Who willed 
 that all that believe in Him might be One — perfect 
 in One ! The ambition and arrogance of Rome 
 (the ancient source of so many schisms) renders 
 reconciliation with her for the present hopeless : 
 with the Oriental Church it is not so. We do not 
 hold a brief for her, and neither side can pretend 
 to be immaculate, but we trust that the restitution 
 of Communion between the Orthodox and our- 
 selves may not be impracticable, and we regard it 
 as a thing to be heartily striven for by both. The 
 effort of the Nonjurors may caution us against not 
 requiring too much as a basis of agreement. If we 
 can agree on the basis of the Constantinopolitan 
 Symbol — and we do so, if we only expunge the 
 Filioque — may not other matters be left, each 
 Church being responsible for the doctrine and 
 practice she inculcates or allows ? And if we 
 could stand with united front, in Christian love 
 and unity, how much greater would be our 
 
Appendix 1 1 5 
 
 prospect of success, not only as against Roman 
 encroachments, but in the varied aspects of 
 Missionary exertion ! 
 
 ' \va oiaiv t£tsXsco)/jlsvoc sis sv, Xva yLVCOKO-f) 6 
 Koafjuos ore <jv /jus airecnstXas. St. John xvii. 23. 
 
INDEX 
 
 ( The numbers refer to the Sections) 
 
 A MB 
 
 Ambrose, St., 24 
 Andrew of Rhodes, 93, &c. 
 Animosity of the Greeks, 50, 74, 75 
 Anselm, Abp., 72 
 Aquisgranum, Council of, 58 
 Aries, Council of, 62 
 Athanasian Creed, 44, 56, 57, 62 
 Athanasius, St., 13 
 Augustine, St., 29 
 
 Basil, St., 18-21 
 
 Beclas, 64 
 
 Bessarion, 98 ; joins the Latins, 
 
 116 ; addresses the Greeks, 118 
 Bonn, Conference at, 147 
 Braga, Council of, 28 
 Bread, why used without leaven in 
 
 the Eucharist, 80 
 
 Calle, Council of, 39 
 Caroline Books, 52 
 Cause of Godhead. (See Principle) 
 Cerularius, 66-68 ; the curse pro- 
 nounced against him, 68 
 Chalcedon, Council of, 8 
 Charlemagne, 49, 61 
 Constantinople, Council of, 5; taken 
 
 by the Latins, 77, 78 ; recovered 
 
 by the Greeks, 81 
 Creed, said at Rome, sung in France, 
 
 58 ; engraved, without the Filio- 
 
 que, by Leo III., 60 
 Crusades, the First, 70-72 ; the 
 
 Second, 73 ; the Third, 75 ; the 
 
 Fourth, 76 
 
 HIL 
 
 Cyril, St., 32-38 
 Cyril Lucar, 133 
 
 Deity, one Fount of, 13. 
 
 Principle) 
 Double Procession, the term, 
 
 (See 
 
 30 
 
 Eastern Church, claim on our 
 
 sympathy, 1 30- 1 32 
 Eastern Empire, 46, 63, 76, 84 
 Ephesus, Council of, 6 
 Epiphanius, 25 
 
 Faith, The Faith, a technical term 
 
 for The Symbol, 8, 35 
 Ferrara, Council of, 85-104 ; the 
 
 Synod opened, 87 
 Filioque, the addition, where first 
 
 noticed, 10, 43 ; refused by Pope 
 
 Leo III., 58, 60 ; recognised by 
 
 Rome, 65 
 Florence, Council of, 105-121 
 Forum Julii, Council of, 53 
 Fount of Deity. (See Principle) 
 Frankfort, Council of, 57 
 
 Gentilly, Council of, 51 
 Greek College at Oxford, 137 
 Gregory, St., of Nazianzum, 22 
 of Nyssa, 26 
 
 Hatfield, Council of, 45 
 Hilary, St., 12 
 
n8 
 
 Index 
 
 JER 
 
 Jerusalem, Anglican Bp. in, 145, 
 
 146 
 John of Forolivium, 100 
 — of Lombardy, 107 
 Julian, Card., on the Prohibition, 
 
 101 
 
 Leo I., 39; Leo III., 58, 60; 
 
 Leo IX., his epistle to Cerularius, 
 
 67 
 Lyons, Council of, 83 
 
 Mark of Ephesus, 90, &c. 
 eluded from a Session, 115 
 Maximus, letter of, 97, 114 
 MSS., corruption of, no 
 
 Nic^ea, Council of, 4 ; Second 
 Synod at, 52, 92, 129 
 
 Nonjurors, the, and Eastern Patri- 
 archs, 139 
 
 Normans invade Italy, 66, 69 
 
 Nymphoeum, Council of, 80 
 
 Old Catholics and the Filioque, 
 147 
 
 Pal^ologus, Michael, 82 
 
 — John V., 84 
 
 — John VII., 84 
 
 Patriarch of Const, at Ferrara, 
 85-120 ; he falls sick, 104 ; pro- 
 fesses submission to Rome, and 
 dies, 120 
 
 Pepin, King, 48 
 
 Photius, 63 
 
 Primacy insisted on, 82, 83, 120 
 
 Principle of Deity, 13, 30, 1 13, 
 114, 118, 121 
 
 WAK 
 
 Procession, meaning of the term, 
 59,83,97,108,118,127 
 
 Procession from the Son, first dis- 
 tinctly taught, 24 ; first known 
 to be in the Symbol, 43, 54 ; 
 recognised by Rome, 65 
 
 Prohibition of Ephesus, 6 
 
 — of Chalcedon, 8, 101 
 
 Reunion at Lyons, 83 
 
 — at Florence, 121 
 
 — proposals for, 124- 130 
 Romans, the name claimed by the 
 
 Greeks, 97 
 Rome, Church of, her claims, 97, 
 123, &c. ; acknowledges One 
 Principle, 112, 1 13 
 
 Scene at St. Sophia, 68 
 
 — at Florence, 116, 117 
 
 Schism between Rome and Con- 
 stantinople, 65-68 
 
 Spiration. (See Principle) 
 
 Symbols of Nicsea and Constanti- 
 nople, 4, 5, 95 
 
 Tarasius, 52 
 
 Tertullian, n 
 
 Tessera, in 
 
 Theodore, Creed of, 31 
 
 Theodorit, 33 
 
 Trinity, operations inseparable, 55 
 
 Triremes, story of, 85 
 
 Turks, 70 
 
 Wake, Abp., to the Patriarch 
 Chrysanthus, 144 
 
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 {continued. 
 
IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 
 
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12 A CATALOGUE OF WORKS 
 
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IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 13 
 
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 [continued. 
 
i 4 A CATALOGUE OF WORKS 
 
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IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 15 
 
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ib WORKS IN THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 
 
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