A A i : o; 7 \ 2 [ 8 i 6 1 1 I 3 I 1 = 'h DETAILS OF THE ARREST, IMPRISONMENT AND LIBERATION, OF AN ENGLISHMAN, BY THE BOURBON GOVERNMENT OF FRANCE. LONDON: SOLD BY ROWLAND HUNTER, ST. PAUL'S CHURCH- YARD; AND EFFINGHAM WILSON, ROYAL EXCHANGE. Price As. 1823. Q 8 i, AICHARD TAVU)R, PRJNTEE, SUOE LANE. LONDON. CT 7 8^ CC < CONTENTS. Page. >- < Introductory Letter to Mr. Canning . v ££ Details of my Arrest, Imprisonment, and Release 13 APPENDIX. Dale. A Letter to the Mayor of Calais . Oct. Q , , Gb B Letter to the British Vice Consul at Calais . . . . — 7 . . 67 o C Letter to Sir Charles Stuart . — 8 , . 68 2 D His Answer . . • . — 14 . . 70 ° E Letter of the King's Advocate . —15 ..72 F My Reply — 15 . . 74 °- G Mandat d'Amener . . . — 16 . . 75 H, Refusal to obey ditto . . . — 16 . . 77 I Second Letter of the King'sAdvocate— 16 ..78 K My Answer . . . • — 16 . . 80 L Letter to Sir Charles Stuart . — 24 . . 81 M Letter to Mr. Canning . . — 24 . . 82 N Letter to Sir Charles Stuart . — 26 . . 85 O Letter from the Solicitor to the Ambassy . . . . — 26 .. 86 g P Letter from Sir Charles Stuart . — 31 . . 87 Q Opinion of the BatonnierBillecocq — 31 ..88 or x: R Letter to the Solicitor of the Ambassy .... Nov. 3 . . 98 301036 iv CONTENTS. Date. Page . S Second Letter to Mr. Canning Nov. 12 . . 99 T Proceedings at the Court of First Instance . . . . — 12 .. 101 U Lettef of Sir Charles Stuart . — 14 . . 115 V Letter of the Ring's Advocate — 15 . . ib. W Letter of Jos. Planta, jun. Esq. — 15 .. 116 X Letter to Mr. Canning . . — 21 ., 117 Y Letter from Mr. Planta . . Dec. 12 . . 121 1823. Z Letter to Mr. Planta . . Jan. 3 . . 133 A A Letter from Mr. Backhouse . — 4 . . 134 BB Letter from Mr. Planta . — 13 . . ib. C C Ditto — IS .. 135 D D Observations on the Character of French Criminal Proceedings .... 137 EE Lines written in the prison at Calais . 145 To the Right Honourable George Cannii^g, His Majesty's Secretary for Foreign Affairs, &c. &c. &c. Sir, I VENTURE to dedicate to j/ou the following pages. Whatever I maj/feel of surprise or of regret at the de- termination not to prosecute the demand against the French Government for redress on national grounds, lam bound publicly to express— and I do so with the utmost cor- diality — my gratitude for those individual attentions to my family and myself which have marked your conduct throughout. But I owe it to myself and I owe it to my country and to mankind, to state the facts connected with my deten- tion, imprisonment and release. When you directed me to prepare a case for the Go- vernment,— which case, I trust, completely removed the shifting and shadowy ground, on which the French Ca- b VI hintt rested the one solitaiy Justification of their atrocity, — viz. that there were charges against me which, if proved, tmtild have authorized their conduct, — when, long after this, you requested that I would avoid all public discus- sion, lest it should embarrass your proceedings, — I ven- tured to hope that remonstrance had been made, and that a despotic faction would be taught, that a subject of England, though absent froin his country, is still protected fiom vio- lence by his country's influence. I know it has been a proud triumph for the Ultras of France to have insulted an En- glishman, and to have insulted him with impunity. They have not scrupled to avow this ; and the avowal was, at least, honest, though perhaps ill-timed. Would I then precipitate my country into a vindictive war to avenge the outrages I have suffered? Not I. Neither on this, nor any other ground, could I contem- plate, or would I attempt to justify, such a proceeding. I abominate all war as most unwise and most unholy. I preach no crusade against an innocent and unoffending people. France is a country crowded with beings whom I love and honour ; it has a thousand spots dear to my recollections, and is blended with some of the brightest mental associations of my earlier days. I no more think of war as a consequence of severe remonstrance for in- juries done by a Government, than I should contemplate murder, in insisting on redress for the violation of legal and acknowledged rights by an individual. J believed, and still believe, that England had influence enough to obtain the reparation of grievances committed on her citizens; I thought that an unpopular and anti-na- Vll Uonal Government, like that vDhich now oppresses France, could not resist the strong representations of our Mi- nistry/. If the Executive power of France were truly a delegation from the national will, I know full well that our Cabinet could not have made any impression by the mere circumstance of its interference ; but, on the other hand, under a Government really responsible to opiriion, no such acts would be committed, nor could have to be ap- pealed against. France is indeed humiliated in her help- lessness and by her subserviency ; but England, whose policy has hitherto been unfortunately too closely allied with that of the oppressors of Europe — England has had her share in the general degradation. It is right it should be so. The consequences of her foreign policy remain, as yet, undeveloped; by and by, they will burst upon her in storms and terrors, unless, led by you in a nobler path of glory, she again take her station at the head ofciviliza-^ tion, as the advanced guard of freedom. I have been persecuted, then — and most unjustly — by a foreign Government; and, after being haunted by spies, and tortured by secret questionings and solitary confine- ment ; after the violation of all my papers and correspon- dence, and the correspondence of others ; after all tlie 7na- chitiations of busy hatred and daring violence to create or to discover crime, I am turned adrift ; tfiere is not a sha- dow of evidence against me — there never was in any stage of the proceedings — the very crime for which I was to be tried remains to be guessed at, and was unknozon even to the Judges appointed to examine me ; and I am a citizen of England. b2 Vlll I expect to be accused of presumption in attaching s&^ much importance to the case — however hard — of an ob-^ scure and private individual: but ever?/ Englishman is in some respects the representative of his countri/ ; and the Englishman who is marked out by foreign aggression as its victim is peculiarli/ so. What are international rights, except as vested in individuals ? Is any line to be- drawn of rank or wealth, beneath which protection is not to descend ? If you. Sir, or any other distinguished statesman, had been thrown into a dungeon, and kept there during the good pleasure of a foreign power, till some justification of the outrage should be extorted from yourself, or until it should be discovered, that na justification could be extorted, and you were then turn-^ ed out of your prison-cell with the consoling communi- cation, that you ought not to have been imprisoned at all — would you have deemed it wise or proper that your country should submit unmurmuringly to the wrong? 1 like forgiveness as between man and man» — it controuls, it subdues injuries ; but there is no magnani- mity in a nation's inviting to outrages, for which it may obtain— and ought to obtain — apology and redress, The insult which has fallen on me may soon fall upon a prouder and a higher head. Can we complain ? Has it not been sanctioned already ? It would be most unjust to attribute to a revengeful temper the strong expressions which I have sometimes em- ployed. My mind, aroused by a lively sense of wrong, has been yet more excited by the pertinacity with which that wrong has been persisted in and defended. I believe an exposition of the foul deeds of tyranny may tendtopre' vent a repetition of Ihem; it may awake compunctiony even if it bring about no decided reformation. Publicity is the only zoeapon which belongs to the weak, and it w, perhaps, the most effective at last. On a review of all, I cannot but express my disappoint- ment—I do not choose to use a stronger term — that an outrage so extraordinary and so unprecedented, should have been silently passed over by the British Govern- ment. A license has now been given to all despotic powers to make Englishmen the victims of any tyrannical inflictions which their good pleasure may deem it ft to ex- ercise. England has been smitten on the right cheek, and has now turned round the other also. Self-esteem may have exaggerated the individual case, yet the national outrage was gross and flagrant. For weeks the interfe- rence of the British Ambassador was treated with con- tempt by that tottering and ephemeral Government, which Great Britain had been the main instrument lit creating ; and long after you had demanded from the French Govermnent the motives of my arrest, you could obtain nothing but vague, unsatisfactory and yerhal com- munications. IVien, indeed, was the insult transferredfrom me to the English nation. Yet whatever may be the cause, I will not, I dare not, attempt to unravel it — you, distin- guished, as we have been led to believe, for your high- minded dignity of character ; you, who had most assu- redly excited the expectation of the country, that you would support and retrieve its sinking reputation, received the X recorded acknowledgement, that I had been falsely and arbitrarily imprisoned — and then -. ' r J have left a blank which ought to have been otherwise filled. I cannot pretend to divine the secrets of cabinets, nor to understand that profomid and mysterious policy which is not to be measured by the common scale of right and wrong— justice and oppression, tfuth and falsehood: — but this I know, that there have been periods in our history, when, indeed, the glorious pre-eminence in rank, in power, in influence, which has been claimed for England in these latter days, had never been thought of; — there have been periods y I say, in our history, when it was no part of her glory to abandon her citizens to the rage of tyrants, nor to leave to posterity the record of insults she had brooked, and outrages beneath which she had bowed her head. It is not for me to suggest in what manner reparation is obtainable. When States are in harmony with one another, I imagine such harmony implies, that all mis- understandings may easily be made the subject of ami- cable adjustment. ^ There is one subject to which I would fain refer, for it has again and again been pressed on my attention, — and I entreat you to believethat in introducing it novain or selfish or hostile feeling influences my mind. It is the Alien Bill. That Bill — that inhospitable and un-English Bill — was constantly quotedagainst me in the progress of the proceed- ings. When I complained of their illegality and violence, J was constantly asked, " Whatprotectionfrom your laws has XI a foreigner in England ? " Coidd I do aught hut hang down mj/ head in silence? It was the second time that this Bill had been used to justify acts of oppression and outrage committed on mi/ person. It was employ ed against me in 1820, in Spahiy when I zcas detained by the arbi- trary mandate of a petty magistrate, who, however, after- wards apologisedfor his mistake. The Alien Bill, — which has scarcely ever been employed at all to banish those against whom it was directed, — has been a constant wea- pon to be used against Englishmen by other Governments. Our own countrymen are its victims. We have forged arms, useless for our own defence, but terrible when em- ployed against us. Few individuah have had more ex- tensive opportunities than myself for ascertaining the ge- neral estimation of the English character through the dif- ferent countries of Europe; and I may truly assert, that no one circumstance ever tended so much to diminish our national reputation, as the existence of the Alien Bill. To England — -amidst the vicissitudes and calamities of poli- tical events — men were accustomed to look as to a haven, where the distant storm might be heard but dared not reach. I know the terrors of the Alien Bill ha'ce been exaggerated; but such terrors exist ; and whether they have misrepresented, or not, the temper of the British Go- vernment, certain it is, that the charm of perfect conf. dence is broken; — this asylum, which was formerly sacred, may now be violated. Who shall guaranty to the fugi- tive stranger that it will not be violated? To be instru- mental in removing this foul stigma on the character of Xll my country^ I would cheerfully pass over again the days of my imprisonment, even though they had been tenfold; and should that imprisonment lead to a repeal of this most obnoxious statute^ it would be to me a proud privilege so to have suffered. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant, Hackney. Feb. 1823. JOHN BO WRING. DETAILS, J. HERE are some persons who seem to have an instinctive sympathy with every thing that is oppressive^ merely because oppression is the child of power ; they admire an arbitrary act, be- cause it implies the existence of authority, and think violence and outrage fit and proper exer- cises, whenever they emanate from those who are beyond the controul of opinion. The injus- tice that can be contemplated and committed with impunity, is to them infinitely more attractive and more sacred than the honest and impartial ad- ministration of equitable laws. ''The right of the strong" is in their view no insult, dug out of the barbarism of dark and despotic ages, but a maxim consecrated by time, and not now to be disputed or discussed. To such these pages are not addressed. 2 But to all besides. To men men of every party, who, though they ditfer on a thousand points, agree only on this, — that society should provide for the security of all who do not violate its laws, this statement appeals. What is its object? To remove the mask of hypocritical tyranny ; to dissipate the delusions which may yet exist as to the character of the legithnate and pateriial government of the Bour- bons; to give vent to the expression of honest indignation against despotic outrage ; and to ex- cite and quicken our love and reverence for every institution which has been erected by wisdom and virtue, against the encroachments of power or perfidy. It is fit that it should be, seen on what a slender thread the security and happiness of millions are suspended. It is right that the secret underminings of a system of fraud, slander, and violence, should be exposed and re- corded, that the careless and the confident may be cautioned, and the incredulous be undeceived. I had been about a fortnight at Paris. The object of my visit was purely commercial. My intercourse with some of the noblest and most highly gifted minds of France, could not, I well knew, but be notorious to that police, which tracks the footsteps of all who are honoured by its attention, with the omnipresence of some of the fiends of fable. I was indifferent to its pro- ,1 ceedings, and its anxieties and eager restlessness only sei'ved to amuse me. Its ramifications pe- netrate all the recesses of social life, and spread the poison of distrust and alarm over society ; — yet no apprehension of any thing- that could be reported by its base and busy, or even its blun- dering agents, ever disturbed my mind. To possess the friendt?hip and the confidence of those who stand in the first ranks of moral and intellectual society is, I am aware, accounted a crime by the present French Government ; but I have never felt the shame ; and be it allowed me to add, that every renewal of personal converse has only served to strengthen those affections and those sympathies, which grow brighter and purer as time rolls on. But my acquaintance at Paris was most as- suredly not confined to individuals of any one party. If a more complete communion of thought and feeling have associated me more habitually with the Liberals of France, — and certainly, as a body, their mental endowments elevate them greatly above their opponents, and, with one or two brilliant exceptions, place them at the head of the civilization and the literature of their country, — I have been long, notwithstanding, on terms of intimacy with many distinguished partisans of a system which I deem most unfriendly to virtue, nK)9t unfriendly to happiness. Yet differing on b2 many points, we have agreed mutually to respect the convictions of each other, and there is ground enough on which the thorns of politics grow not; where we have plucked together the flowers of knowledge, sharing with common enjoyment their fragrancy and admiring their beauty. On applying for my passport, after obtaining the signature of the British ambassador, there was some demur, and the police officer proposed to give me instead of it, a carte de surveillance for twenty-four hours. This being objected to on my part, a council was held, and my passport delivered to me. I had scarcely reached my lodgings ere a stranger, dressed as a servant, in- troduced himself and said, "My master has heard. Sir, that you are about to depart for London, and entreats you to take charge of his son, a lad of fifteen years." "^'Who is your master?" I in- quired very abruptly, '^'how does he know me?" The spy, who must have surely been a novice in his infamous profession, or had been taught his lesson ill, answered, "'My master is of the house- hold of the Count d'Artois : he heard accidentally of your being about to start, and will be very grateful if you will take charge of his son." I told him I should probably not leave for a day or two, that I had no carriage of my own, and that «iy departure depended in some measure on my fellow travellers. He left me, but returned the next day to say^ that his master would lend me his own carriage if I would consent to be his son's protector. He was very urgent to know the time of my departure,, and asked if I would receive his master. I said *^' Yes/' but that as I should leave with some personal friends^ 1 could not take charge of the lad. When he had gone outj a gentleman who was with me, and who fol- lowed him immediatelyj saw him deliver a report to a man who stood at the end of the street^ who went away towards the Place Carousel (Mon- sieur's apartments), leaving the spy walking up and down before my door, which was his station during my abode at Paris. In these interviews I concealed nothing of my plans; for there was nothing that I wished to con- ceal. That the spy reported my conversation . with remarkable fidelity 1 had soon an opportunity of ascertaining; for while I was being examined by the Mayor at Calais, 1 perceived on his table a report from Paris, in which these conversations were minutely and accurately recorded. This report professed to be from the Minister of the Interior, and was headed by stating that the in- formation obtained with respect to Bowring's plans was — as followed. In the New Times of October 22, (the semi-official Journal of the extra- vagant Ultras) a communication from Paris says, '* Bowring, who is in prison at Boulogne, is said '^ to have recently arrived from Madrid/' (I had not been in Madrid since 1821) *'and to have " lodged some time here in the neighbourhood " of the Palais Royal, where the eye of the police *' was kept on him and his associates." In France there are several species of police, which are wholly independent of, and often un- known to, each other. That of the Ultra faction, under whose surveillance I fell, which emanates from the coterie of the king's brother and the Duchess of Angouleme, (the Pavilion Marsan) was then the most active and perhaps the most nu. merous. In truth, the strength of the party con- sists almost exclusively in the wonderful extent of this dreadful system, a system which may seem their security in their day of triumph, but which in a moment of reverse may be turned upon themselves, and deliver them over to hopeless and to helpless perdition. The scheme for forcing on me a fellow-travel- ler, a boy of fifteen already trained to perfidy and practised no doubt in all the arts of cunning and hypocrisy, was worthy of those who planned it. On the Ist of October I obtained my pass- port, and on the same day a telegraphic order was given for my detention at Boulogne or Ca- lais. On the 2d or 3d the police received the usual reports of my proceedings ; but they did not meddle with me, nor impede my journey. It is most certain they had no charge against me ; and at Paris^ where I was surrounded by friends, they dared not arrest me without the specification of crime ; the affair would have made some noise ; the interference would have been immediate : they wished to place me beyond the reach of sympathy, and probably to throw the charge of illegality on some of the inferior agents of de- spotism ; while at Paris it would clearly appear to have emanated directly from themselves. I had with me a number, not a considerable one, of sealed letters. Some of these 1 had found on my table when I returned to my hotel to pre- pare for my journey, and was completely igno- rant as to the writers. The Portuguese Minister, M. D'Oliveira, came to me a few minutes before I left, to request I would take charge of his dis- patches to the Portuguese Minister here ; which I did most cheerfully. I left Paris, on the 3d, with two valued friends, by the common Diligence. We arrived at Ca- lais on the 5th ; and when I applied at the police office for a license to embark, there was a mo- mentary demur, a list was referred to, my person was closely scrutinized, and I discovered that some communication had been made about me. The English packet was on the point of start- ing; so that it was impossible to get ready for that day. No objection was made to the indorse- 8 ment of my passport, or to the granting me a license to embark : but on returning* to the inn, the landlord informed me that the officers of the police had been very inquisitive about my pro- ceedings, and that I was closely watched. I imagined it was wished to ascertain whether I had any connexions at Calais, and that they pro- bably desired to report on my having left the country. It gave me, however, not the slightest disquietude. On the following day, at noon, I sent my bag- gage down to the pier, and followed immediately after. At the moment of embarkation my trunk was seized, and I was stopped by the Commis- sary of Police, who said " Come to the Mairie, I have a communication to make to you." My excellent friend Blaquiere (whose name I cannot introduce without the expression of the warmest gratitude and admiration, for the courage, ardor, and devotion, with which he has pleaded my cause, and watched over and consoled my suf- ferings,) was with me at that moment, and ac- companied me to the Town-house. It was there I was told that there was an order for the exa- mination of all my papers. As my luggage had been regularly cleared at the Custom-house, I resisted the mandate, and insisted that no re- examination should take place, except in presence of the British Consul, who was immediately 9 sought by Mr. Blaquiere ; and meanwhile 1 re- quired the production of the authority by which I was detained. '' I have it not," said the Com- missary of Pohce : but as I still persisted in having it shown to me, he sent me, escorted by a soldier, to the Mayor, with whom I remonstrated on the subject of my detention, and to whom I re- peated the demand, that the ground of that deten- tion, or some authority for it, should be communi- cated to me. '' 1 have it not," said the Mayor : and, after some further altercation, he directed the soldier to tell the Commissary that I might see the order from Paris. The Commissary then produced the telegraphic dispatch, dated (I think) the 1st of October, directing the Authorities to stop Bowring at the moment of his embarkation, and to examine his papers, he being the bearer of dispatches to the revolutionary party in En- gland (porteur de depeches aux revolutionaires en Angleterre). On tiie arrival of the British Consul, my passport was taken from me. I opened my trunk, after a formal protest against the contemplated violation, and after a vain at- tempt to induce the Consul to join his official protest to mine. Interpreters were called in, to examine such documents as were not in French; the unsealed letters, and divers MSS. were read, and restored to the trunk, when it was discovered they contained nothing j)oIitical. My person 10 was next examined ; and the result was^ that fif- teen letters, one packet, and the Portuguese dis- patches, were taken from me, besides an envelope with my address, which contained two ridiculous songs, one (which has been often published) on the return of the King to France, of which O, G'est le Roi— le Roi !— le Roi ! is the burden ; and the other celebrating, in iro- nical but execrable style, the birth of " the Child of Miracle" — the Duke of Bordeaux. In the same paper was an account of the death of the young Lallemand, written in unintelligible and barbarous English. These three MSS. had been left at my lodgings, with the address which still accompanied them, and had been thrown aside by me almost without attention or inquiry. When the examination was over, I asked for my passport, as nothing had been found to com- promise me in any way ; but it was refused, and the Mayor said he should immediately commu- nicate to Paris what had passed, by telegraph, and he had little doubt I should be allowed to de- part on the following day. Meanwhile a proces verbal was drawn up of what had occurred, in which I required him to insert that I protested in the strongest manner against the violation of international law, and of diplomatic privilege — but declared my ignorance of the contents of the sealed letters. I urged the British Consul to in- II terpose^ which he refused to do^ and sat a silent spectator of the whole. The documents seized were then placed under an envelope; and after I had written my name on each, to establish their identity, they were sealed with the seal of the Mayor, that of the Consul, and my own. I left the Mairie unmolested; and as I had been rather seriously indisposed, I quitted the inn where I was, for the abode of my friend Bla- quiere. I was led to expect that an answer would be received from Paris in a few hours ; but as none arrived, either on that day or the following-, I addressed to the Mayor the letter, which will be found in the Appendix, No. A. To that letter a verbal reply was sent, stating- that he had no power of interfering, being only the agent of Government. Finding that I could make no im- pression, I addressed a letter to the Consul (Ap- pendix, B), in which I entreated him to come forward and demand the person of a British sub- ject detained without cause ; but I could not prevail on him to interfere, though it would ap- pear by the opinion of the Batonnier Billecocq (Appendix, Q), that a prompt intervention might have been effectual. The delay of an answer from Paris excited considerable anxiety in the minds of some of my friends ; and they urged me to escape into Flan- ders, by the coast, with a false passport, or to ]2 avail myself of the many smugglings boats 'vvhich were then at hand^ — some of whose crews had offered to escort me in safety. But I knew how calumny might misrepresent^ and malevolence avail itself of such a desertion ; and I determined to await events. On the 8th of October, a small g-uard of sol- diers were distributed near and in the house where I was ; and I soon received a message, requesting my attendance at the Hotel de Ville, to which I was conducted by a gendarme. I found the Consul with the Mayor ; and the latter then read me a telegraphic dispatch in the follow- ing terms : '' Arrest Bo wring — Deliver him up to the King's Procureur (Advocate) — Send on the seized papers to Paris." The seals of the en- velopes, which inclosed the seized papers, were then broken, in order to show that they were the identical papers taken from me ; and I was in- formed I must proceed to the prison of Calais, previously to being transferred to that of Bou- logne. I first inquired the grounds of my arrest_, but could obtain no other answer than '^'^ Such are our orders." As 1 was then suffering extreme pain from tooth-ach, and a face much swollen and inflamed, I entreated that it might be allowed me to remain at any apartments that should be fixed on, under any guard that they might think fit to place over me, and offered any guarantee 13 that they chose to require ; as in the state of my health the damp and loathsome prison of Calais might be very dangerous to me. The Mayor consented to this (and I do him but justice in ac- knowledging his general courtesy) ; but the Com- missary of Police, an inferior and in some re- spects dependent functionary, insisted that no such favour should be shown me, but that I should only be allowed till twelve o'clock (it was then about eleven o'clock) to get my luggage ready for my prison -dwelling. Two gendarmes es- corted me home, and I availed myself of the short time allowed me to write to the British Am- bassador, at Paris, the letter (Appendix, C). The answer to that letter (Appendix, D) I only received when my solitary con^finement, at Bou- logne, ceased (Oct. 26) ; and it is important to remark, this letter proves that the charge which the French Government was then instituting against me was, for facilitating the conveyance of treasonable papers : they afterwards changed their accusation to the offence of high treason (Appendix, O) ; a third scheme of crimination was, the assertion that I had plotted the rescue of the victiins of the La Rochelle conspiracy ; and a fourth, and final, that 1 had conveyed sealed letters from France to England, against the fiscal regulation (which does not appear to have been ever confirmed by the King's Govern- 14 ment, or ever applied to any individual,) of the 5 Prarial of the year 9 of the Republic. I was led to the prison at Calais. It is a nau- seous and disgusting place. The damp and dreary apartment to which I was led^ was im- bedded in filth, and appeared not to have been occupied for many months. Some lines I wrote there will show the then state of my mind^ and of the place (Appendix^ E E). The bed which was prepared for me was so filthy and so disgusting, that I entreated I might be allowed to remove to some other part of the prison, as I certainly apprehended that to sleep in such a place, ill as I was, might be dangerous even to my existence. I was conducted to a room occu- pied by a Frenchman who had stabbed another, and two Englishmen, one accused of forgery, the other's crime I knew not. Their conversations, which partook of the character of their minds, disturbed me through a great part of the night. In every inquiry 1 had made, as to the motives of my arrest, I could obtain no other answer than a reference to the King's Procureur at Boulogne, I was most impatient to be conveyed to his pre- sence ; and the following day, escorted by two gendarmes, I left the crowds, whom curiosity to see me depart had gathered round the cabriolet when I was seated for Boulogne. The expense of the escort, &c. (about 50 francs) I was com- 15 pelled to pay. On reaching- the house of the Procureur, I underwent an examination ; but I could obtain no information as to the charge against me. The papers^ however^ respecting me^ were in the Procureur's hands ; but nothing resulted from the interrogatories which led to any thing like crimination. He made several in- quiries as to the objects of my visit to Paris, which I told him were purely commercial. He sought to ascertain who were the authors of the songs found upon me — whether I had given them publicity-— how I had obtained them, and whether I approved of them, &c. ; to which I replied, that I was as ignorant as he professed to be as to their origin ; that they had been ex- tensively circulated ; that they were in bad taste, and such wretched compositions that I deemed them wholly contemptible, and thought they were written by the Ultras to throw ridicule on the Liberals ; but that I had every reason to believe these songs were left at my lodgings by some agent of the police. He asked me who were the writers of the seized letters, and v. hy I had taken charge of them. I answered, they were from a variety of individuals, some known to me, and others unknown ; that 1 was wholly ignorant of their contents, and could not be responsible for them ; that I had taken charge of them as other travellers did, and with the less hesitation. 16 as it was most notorious that the correspondence intrusted to the post-office was habitually vio- lated, of which I had personal knowledge and experience. He replied, that such remarks would do me much harm. But I repeated to him, that if he doubted, I had proofs to remove his scepticism. As he could state no accusation, nor had disco- vered any grounds of suspicion, I supposed I should be instantly released, and was greatly sur- prised to hear him direct the gendarme to con- vey me to the prison {Maison d' Arret). I asked on what charge ? He said, he had his instruc- tions from Paris. He appeared not a little per- plexed, and made out an order to the gaoler to secure my person, as '' soup^onne d'ttre porteur de lettres cachetees aux revolutionaires enAngle- terre;" — an offence, which, if it were proved, did not warrant imprisonment for a moment — as it could only come under the cognizance of the correctional police ; and of such an offence there was no proof at all. The King's Procureur soon felt that my com- mitment was wholly illegal and unwarrantable ; and when it was urged on him by my Counsel, and the excellent British Vice-Consul, he did not deny the irregularity. He knew there had been a false imprisonment ; but he said that the irregularity had been got over, — and how ? By framing an accusation, with or w ithout evidence. 17 which would justify the arrest and imprisonment. To this all the cunning of the Minister of Jus- tice, and of his inferior satellites,, was directed ; and this became doubly necessary, when it was found that the British Ambassador was interfering to ascertain the cause of my incarceration. No an- swer was ready; for no shadow of criminality — no plea — no one suspicious circumstance, could be alleged. In truth, no after-thought could repair the original breach of law. The records of the Maison d' Arret exist, and prove that I was thrown into prison for an offence to which imprisonment could not legally attach, if their testimony is re- quired to strengthen that of the order which li- berated me, and which declared that '' the crime of which I was accused did not warrant my being imprisoned." (Appendix, V.) I was conducted then to prison, and kept for some time in the outer apartment. The jailor, who, though sufficiently rapacious, was on the whole benevolent, seemed disposed to exact what he could for the use of the only tolerable apartment in the prison, which was his own bed-room ; but I was told I could, in no case, have it at night, and must share the common fate of the prisoners, and be locked up in their apart- ments. All complaint was of course unavailing, and I was glad to get on any terms, and for any part of the day, an abode less wretched than 18 U.^at to which those who surrounded me were condemned. Within the prison at Boulogne, as in the majority of prisons in France, all crimes are blended without distinction, and the allevia- tions of imprisonment depend wholly on the pe- cuniary resources of the prisoner. There the debtor and the maniac are confounded v/ith tJie felon and the murderer — the youngest pilferer with the most practised thief— the innocent men- dicant with the hardened ruffian. No employment, but gambling; no habits, but drunkenness. For spirituous liquors, sold by the jailor for his own profit, I have seen the wretched inmates pawn the most necessary articles of dress. There were nakedness, and misery, and profligacy — and daily masses, and great concern for the spiritual in- terests of the prisoners. It were well if those, who built a chapel there (as was lately done), had given half its cost for the purchase of soup or straw. At Boulogne, I was soon visited by the British Vice-Consul, Mr. Hamilton, who watched all the proceedings with unremitting attention, and alle- viated, wherever he was able, whatever annoyed or distressed me. When I was led through the streets by the ragged soldiery, he represented the indignity to the Authorities, and obtained the at- tendance of the well-clad gendarmerie. Many of the calumnies which were industriously circu- lated concerning me, he denied and silenced. 19 His personal attentions were unvarying and un- wearied, lie went immediately to the King-'s Pro- cureur, to ascertain how far I should be allowed unrestrained communication with my friends; and was solemnly assured that^ whatever steps might be taken as regarded other individuals,, access would always be allowed to him. In spite of this promise^ when he returned to the prison on the following day^ admission was denied him, and he was told that the order for solitary impri- sonment was absolute^ and admitted of no excep- tions ichatever. 1 was fortunate enough to meet with another friend at Boulogne — Mr. C. H. Hutchinson, the Member for Cork. His and his lady's attentions — delicate, active, generous — removed all the irksomeness of imprisonment. It is delightful for me to remember, and most grateful to my feelings to record, the influence of their kind and honest sympathies — and more especially as I knew they subjected those who exerted them to the special notice and particular hatred of the French Go- vernment. Sir Robert Wilson had kindly (not knowing that I had previously the honour of their acquaintance) recommended me to the Hutchin- son family, as soon as he was informed of my imprisonment; and there is reason to believe that his letter, which was sent by the Post, and was of c2 20 course read by the Police^ precipitated his re- moval from France, On the morning of the second day after my arrival I was escorted to the Greffe, there to be examined by the Juge d'Instruction. The Gref- fier was present. I first required that the British Consul, or some legal adviser^ should be allowed to attend, in order that I (a stranger and a fo- reigner) might not be unfairly dealt with : but the request was peremptorily denied. I then asked for an interpreter ; but in vain. I was told that I understood the language perfectly, and re- quired none. But I replied, that though I might be well acquainted with colloquial French, I knew nothing of legal technicalities ; nor would I consent to cede a national right, as my silent cession might be made a precedent, to the detri- ment of some of my countrymen^ who were less used to the language. Remarks were useless. I renewed my protests against the violation of in- ternational law — of diplomatic rights — and of common hospitality. 1 asked what was the of- fence I had committed ; but could obtain no sa- tisfactory reply. " Your affair. Sir, is at Paris." The examination proceeded. It referred wholly to the letters seized, and was perfectly vague — and, in fact, a mere copy of that I had undergone before the King's Procureur. In most instances 21 the questions were verbatim the same ; so that I was obliged^ again and again, to refer to my previous answers, and to complain of the unne- cessary annoyance of requiring me to repeat what I had stated but a few hours before. When there was an end of these interrogatories, — a most bombastical parade was made of the horror, excited by the atrocious and defamatory outrages against the sacred person of His Most Christian Majesty, contained in some such phrase as " He came in the enemy's baggage," in one of the songs, — I said, I could not compre- hend that loyalty which was so shattered and shaken by a paltry joke. I was, in truths not a little amused by the absurd fustian in which some of the examination was wrapped up; and not the less, as it was intended, no doubt, to bear testimony to the zeal and devotedness, and pure ultraism, of the Greffier and the Judge. I was conducted back to prison, still in igno- rance of the grounds of my detention ; but con- vinced, from the nature of the examinations, which were altogether vague and desultory, that nothing like an accusation was at this time framed. Several individuals called on me, and offered their willing seiTices, for the diminution of such evils as were within the reach of kind- ness. But my intercourse with both friends and enemies soon closed ; and the next day, in the 22 morning", the jailor came to inform me that there was a mandate for my beini^ kept au secret — in solitary confinement — to be unbroken by any human being-, or on any account whatever. I was now convinced that it was intended to cri- minate me capitally, if possible. Four proch verbaux had been already made — two at Calais, and two at Boulogne. I was perfectly certain that not a tittle of criminatory matter existed in them ; yet what might I not apprehend from a Government that had pursued me with spies and informers — that had violated all that is held sa- cred between man and man ; that had imprisoned me without accusation ; that had tormented me by secret examinations, and that was now re- moving me beyond the reach of sympathy ; and endeavouring, by the foulest means, to discover subjects for crimination, or perhaps determined to create them ? Perjured witnesses — falsified documents, would certainly be instruments as honourable as those they had employed, and were continuing to employ. They who had revived the Lettres de Cachet would hardly scruple to go further. What can arrest the furious impetuo- sity of a fanatical minority, armed with arbitrary power, and deeming brutal violence the essential character of good and legitimate government? The crowded state of the prison prevented the orders for my seclusion from being absolutely obeyed^ except by day ; for at night I was shut up as usual with the other prisoners, that is, with those who could afford to pay to the jailor ten sous (five- pence) per night, for the accommodation of a bed ; the rest, without any distinction of crime, being al- lowed only straw, and that in insufficient quantity. My apartment was in a state of terrible dilapida- tion; and from the grease and other materials be- longing to a shoemaker, who was confined there, and from a collection of stale butter, apples, and fragments of food, was often exceedingly offen- sive. A carpenter, a mild and amiable man, who had been imprisoned for some smuggling trans- action, fixed some pegs, on which I was enabled to hang up my clothes. The same man had, at the instigation of an old ecclesiastic, erected a neat and commodious chapel for the unfortunate wor- shippers, within the walls of the prison, as men- tioned before ; and there I was accustomed to at- tend sometimes, to listen to the feats of the saints and martyrs of old time, — to drink in sound legiti- mate doctrines, delivered no doubt with great ar- dour, and for aught I know, resulting from strong conviction. On one occasion the preacher nar- rated the miraculous conversion of Clovis — a fero- cious, perjured man-destroyer he, by the way— and explained to his hearers that he was a most valiant fighter, who " covered himself with glo- ry," and who led on the Frenchmen of old times 24 to gather (as tliey always gathered) the laurels of victory : but once, when he was about to be beaten back, and finding his prayers to his own gods most unpropitiouSj he exclaimed " I'll try a new God — the God of the Christians — the God of my wife Clothilda." On a sudden a bright cross appeared in the heavens ithat was a plagiarism — but the prisoners were no professors of his- tory,) — he dashed among the foe ; they fled at the strokes of his mighty arm ; they were scattered like dust in his presence. " And so, my beloved hearers (said the priest), Christianity became the religion of the Francs, and travelled down even to you." The prisoners are not compelled to attend the celebration of mass. I observed that the young and the old were habitual wor- shippers. The middle-aged seldom crossed the threshold of the chapel, and dealt liberally the appellations of bigots and lu/pocrites upon their companions. In the prison the state of the women is incredibly bad. There was among them one, a poor maniac, who was in the habit of tearing off her clothes till she was naked; she sat through the day on a dunghill, which she had collected from the filth of the prison, dashing her head con- stantly against the prison wall : her body was covered with sores and bruises, so as to be in- tolerable and inapproachable, from its stench. Her gestures were horrible beyond any thing I 25 had ever witnessed ; and she sat, rotting, upon the rottenness beneath her, the subject of all the jests and ridicule of the wretches who surrounded her. There was another woman, — driven to in- sanity by a love affair, whose beauty, wild and frenzied as it was, could not but instantly arrest and fix the attention, — who had dressed herself in fantastic finery, and who dealt out her measure of scorn and contempt on the criminals who laughed at and tormented her. They were all mingled together — maniacs and prostitutes, fe- male thieves and debtors. There is a Prison Society at Paris ; the Bourbons are its patrons, and they receive from time to time its laudatory hommages. The books I had with me, and those with which I was furnished by the active kindness of Mr. Hutchinson, made solitary confinement very tolerable. I created around me a little world of imagination, which I filled with beings after my own heart. I felt as if allied, even though remotely, to those illustrious sufferers whom tyranny has from time to time incar- cerated in its dungeons. In such moments, it was consolatory to think how little power de- spotism possesses to make its victim unhappy. That thought is a prouder one than any that usurping force could ever indulge. If I hated tyranny before, the feeling became intenser 26 then ; but the faculties of the mind get worn and wasted under its influence. My heart seemed burning' with the fires of in dig-nation^ which, though subdued for a moment^ were rekindled by habitual thoughts and passing circumstances. What could be the motive for excluding me from all communication ? Was it to deprive me of the means of defence ? Was it to prevent me from appealing to my Government ? Was it to pre- pare my mind by harshness and cruelty for those long and wearying examinations to which I was to be subjected ? Imprisonment is in itself a heavy infliction, especially when vice and misery are the companions of the prisoner : but to be cut off from every channel of sympathy, and every species of protection — to be left in perfect ignorance of the crime imputed, yet enabled to ascertain by the nature of the confinement, that the intentions of those in authority are of the most malevolent character ; to feel innocence in all its helplessness — to know that the laws give no security ; and if they did, that despotism is stronger than the laws, — is a situation not much to be envied. On the 16th of October, I received from the King's Advocate the letter (Appendix, E). It was unintelligible to me, for it required me to decide on a place of trial, while I was in igno- rance of my crime, and while I was shut out from 27 the means of consulting- any lawyer to g-uide my determination. I hardly knew if the statement, that I might choose to proceed to Paris or re- main at Boulogne, was communicated with a hostile or a friendly intention. I had little dis- position to be conveyed to Paris, from brigade to brigade, and be deposited every night in the common gaols on the road ; and that, too, at a very serious expense (for I had already found my confinement sufficiently onerous on that score). I therefore wrote the letter (Appendix, F), and soon received that from the King's Advocate (Appen- dix, I), to which I immediately replied. — I could only protest in the strongest terms against the acts of the agents of the French Government, and resist as far as I was able every disposition to inflict any additional suffering, whether pecu- niary or otherwise. I was not allowed to re- ceive the answer, which I took for granted had been sent to me by the British Ambassador, for my guidance ; nor could I make a written or verbal communication to M. Hedouin, who had been appointed to watch over the proceedings, and to protect me as far as he was able. I after- wards learnt that the British Consul had come from Calais, with a dispatch from Sir Charles Stuart, which he was especially directed to de- liver into my hands. Being refused admission to me, he made a formal written demand to the 28 King's Advocate, less strong, certainly, than the circumstances required; which demand was met by a decided refusal. The mandat d'amener (Appendix, G) was served upon me by ahuissier. It will be observed, that the document states at the foot that I consented to obey it — the contrary being the case ; but the after part of the decla- ration was written before the huissier had visited me at all. He also brought a formal certificate of my refusal to proceed to Paris (Appendix, H), and an order to the jailor to keep my person in safety. I could obtain from him no information as to the state of the proceedings, nor as to their nature. Thirteen days of uncertainty and of seclu- sion had passed, when a gendarme summoned me to attend him. He escorted me to the Greffe, where I found the Juge d'Instruction accompa- nied only by the Greffier. My names and titles being asked, I began by protesting against these secret proceedings, which I said resembled the ''deeds of darkness" of the Inquisition, and that they were abhorrent to an Englishman's feehngs and such as he was unaccustomed to submit to ; that if it were intended to extort from me confes- sions to be used against my friends or acquain- tances, if they supposed I had come to France to act the part of a spy or an informer, they had mis- taken my character. I then required that the Vice- 29 Consul should be present at the examinations^ in or- der to see that the legal forms were not violated : this was peremptorily refused, after a consultation with the King's Advocate, to whom my demand was communicated. I then insisted on my right to an interpreter, which was again denied, the Judge deciding that my knowledge of the language was such as to make it wholly unnecessary. I repeat- ed as before, that whatever might be my know- ledge of conversational French, I knew nothing of the language of jurisprudence ; that as a fo- reigner I had a right to an interpreter, and would not cede the right lest a precedent should be esta- blished, tobe used where the assistance of an inter- preter mightbe all-important to an accused person, and that it was to me most essential to have two more eyes fixed on these secret and uncontrolled proceedings. The appeal was in vain ; — the in- terpreter was denied to me. I complained to the Judgeof my situation in the prison, stating that the King's Advocate had assured me that I should be well treated, and have an apartment to myself. He said, that nothing could be done for me, they had had no Howards in France, and it was too true that their prisons were miserable places. He, however, listened with urbanity to all my ob- servations, and often spoke of the painfulness of the duty he had to discharge. He bore ray se- verest remarks with patience and good humour. 30 and often wandered into discussions with me on subjects wholly unconnected with judicial affairs. He saidj he had nothing- to do further than simply to obey his orders from Paris ; that he had re- ceived a Commission rogatoire, or questions on which to examine me. These, I observed^ con- sisted of about four folio pages ; and the interro- gatories lasted about three hours. I told him that I supposed the time was come in which I might be allowed to know the nature of the ac- cusation against me. He answered, that he only knew that I was to be tried with Colonel Dentzel, Colonel Fabvier, and others, and that I should pro- bably be removed to Paris. It appears by these in- terrogatories, that the suspicions against me were, that I had been accustomed to hold intercourse in England with a number of individuals disaf- fected towards the Royal Family of France; that I had on many occasions attended secret meetings in England with General Lallemand, Col. Duver- gier, and others of revolutionary politics ; that at these meetings it had been decided to attempt the rescue of the several traitors who were con- fined in different parts of France; that I had come to France with large sums, for the purpose of bribing the jailors ; that I had furnished the money with which the attempt was made to se- duce the jailor of the Bicetre ; that I had held ha- bitual intercourse at Paris with the families of 31 Lady Oxford and Ladij Hutchinson, (families, it was added, particularly distinguished for their political intrigues,) and in their house, in the Rue de Clichy, the plans for the rescue of the crimi- nals referred to had been advanced and matured. There were a number of inquiries as to my know- ledfi-e of Colonel Fabvier — mv intercourse with him in London and in Paris— my pecuniary trans- actions, &c. A more amusing tissue of absurdities and fic- tions, hung upon some trifling fact which had been got at through the Police, cannot well be conceived. I often broke out into irresistible laughter at the rapacious credulity and silly ma- levolence of those who directed their proceeding's. As to any thing- I had done in England, I said I was not responsible to them ; it was true I had received many an exiled Frenchman : I should continue to do so ; for the man who has lost his country ought to be looked on as every body's fellow-citizen. Lallemand I had seen but once in my life, and certainly never had any con- versation with him on any political objects ; — the story of the attempt to rescue the individuals con- fined for treasonable acts, was a falsehood in each and every particular. I had never heard of the plot, but through the newspapers ; and never be- lieved in it at all. I knew nothing of the parties to be released, or of those who were said to have 32 tried to release them. Prom no person whatever had I received even a hint on the subject. As respected Colonel Fabvier^ the inquiries were ex- ceedingly minute. They pretended that he had come to England specifically for the purpose of plotting with me and others against the French Government. The truth is, I had never seen the Colonel till I met him at Lady Oxford's ; he has been engaged in commerce of late yearS;, and he interfered with singular generosity to protect the signature of a friend from being dishonoured, and I had occasion to see him more than once on this subject. When all his papers were seized, my card was probably found among them ; and on this solitary ground it was imagined, that I might be tacked to the action that was pending over him ; though even against him there was not a shadow of evidence, — how much less against me, when the only fact stated was, that I had been in Fabvier's company ! But Fabvier, — a strong- minded noble citizen — he, who though a favourite of Napoleon, opposed his aggressions on public liberty, and refused (I believe he was a solitary example among officers of his rank) to sign the Acte Additionnel, — was marked out for persecu- tion ; and whether criminal or not criminal, makes no difference in the eye of despotic power. It was clear it was not intended that the families of Lady Oxford and Mr. Hutchinson should be 33 openly designated as distinguished for theii* political intrig'ues. This was marked between brackets in the Commission Rogatoire, and was meant as a sort of landmark for the Judge ; but he did not perceive it^ and hurried on — over text and notes — without consideration or scruple. That a family of ladies^ distinguished indeed for their talents and beauty^ should be considered as a central point of conspiracy^and that plots should be there carried on during the evening's conver- sazione, would only seem credible to the fear- haunted Ultras ; — they talk much of chivalry^ but this is surely not very chivalric. As to the asper- sions cast on Mr. Hutchinson, he will know how and where to repel them. His attentions to me have subjected him to much inconvenience, and might have drawn down on him heavier ven- geance; yet_, in contempt of the expressed threat- enings of the fanatic faction and of their concealed hatred, he did every thing that kindness could do on my behalf and for my comfort. He was my daily visitor, as soon as I had ceased to be au secret. When the examination was over, I applied for a copy of the proces verbal, which, however, I could not obtain. On many occasions, the Judge employed words which I had not used, wishing to give them his own style of expression. I often interrupted him, by saying, '' That was not my language ;" his reply was '' Leave me alone — It D 34 will be all set right : " and once he said, " It does not matter, you will not be tried for that." In the whole of this interrogatory there was not even the most distant reference to any of the papers seized on me, so that I took it for granted -the original charge was abandoned; and no doubt it would have been abandoned, if the slightest fact could have been extorted from me, on which an indictment for a heavier crime could be hung. So httle mate- rial for crimination was found in this examination to connect me with Dentzel or Pabvier, that all the after-interrogatories again reverted to the cor- respondence^ and the subject of the rescue of the conspirators was not once referred to afterwards. After the procks verbal was closed, I asked to be released from my solitary confinement. The Judge hesitated ; when the Greffier said, '' The secret may be taken off:" to which the Judge re- phed; ''The order says, 'maybe' (pourra), not ' must be,' " and proposed to refer it to the King's Advocate : but on the Greffier's repeating that the power was in his own hands, he directed an order to be made out to the jailer, requiring him to allow me to receive my friends. I was immediately visited (on my return to the prison) by the British Vice-Consul and several other friends. I found that the most daring ca- lumnies had been circulating about me by the Ultra journals, at a time when they knew it was 35 impossible for me to defend myself from their at- tacks. I was urg-ed to answer them^ and to ex- pose their mendacity ; but the task was too labo- rious^ and would have been interminable. One newspaper said, that when I heard of Sir Robert Wilson's banishment from Paris, my courage forsook me, I turned pale and trembled exceed- ing-ly. Another declared, that I had been the eulogist of all Napoleon's despotism : and a third pretended that the most incendiary papers had been found on me addressed to the soldiery. Of these mis-statements I afterwards complained to the Judge, who said, that as to the first, ' Aehad never seen me tremble.' As to the last, I told him that, if any one knew the contents of the papers seized, it must be either an agent of the police, who had deposited them in my lodgings at Paris, or it must have been by his intervention, as all the proceedings were secret, and the papers ought never to have left his hands. The truth is, the statement was wholly false, there being no writings of the character stated. In the same spirit of misrepresentation a report was circulated by the gendarmerie^ Ihat no less than five trunks of outrageous attacks upon the Government were taken from me, and that I was escaping from the country in disguise. This is the genuine system of despotism. Truth, as far as truth will serve d2 36 its purposes^ but no further; and all the rest, falsehood. I found that the Portuguese Ambassador's dis- patch had not been returned to that Minister. I had sent off a messenger to tell him of the out- rage committed on his diplomatic rights^ and he immediately insisted on its being delivered to him ; so that the French Ministry had no power to say, that they believed his seal had been used without his authority : but no attention was paid to his demand. The seal was broken — the dis- patches were taken out^ and sent to the Holy Alliance at Verona; and after several days^ some unimportant family letters^ which had been in- closed with the dispatches^ were sent to M. d'Oli- veira by M. Villele, but the dispatches were kept. That diplomatic correspondence has been often secretly violated is very notorious. I have known one instance, in which the seal of one embassy was used by mistake for that of another, when the dispatches were hurried off by the examiners; but such an open, undisguised, and insolent out- rage as that committed on the Portuguese nation, is, I beheve, novel in modern history. One of my earliest cares on the removal of the restrictions which prevented my communicating with any person whatever, was to address the British Government, entreating its prompt inter- 37 ference to rescue me from the hands of oppres- sion. I wrote to Mr. Canning the letter given in Appendix M., and sent a copy of it to Sir Charles Stuart (Appendix, L). My indignation at the measures taken to obtain something like an acknowledgement of guilt, and the disposition manifested to inflict at all events as much suffer- ing as possible, could only be strengthened by the certainty that there existed no charge against me. Espionage; denouncement; violation of the common rights of hospitality, and the common claims upon protection ; questionings and cross- questioning : — were the instruments of the In- quisition other than these in character, whatever they may have been in detail ? I could not think the more favourably of despotism merely because it invoked the laws which it trampled on ; because it clad itself in the robes of magistrates, or sat upon the high seats of the tribunals. Unjust governments are most furious and fanatical when they are most feeble. Knowing little, they sus- pect much. Surrounded by enemies, they shut their eyes and stretch out their hands, and can hardly fail to seize upon an individual, whose opinions, — if they can manage to extort them, — will not subject him to their heavy visitations. After a few days I was again led forth to be examined by the Juge d' Instruction. No refe- rence, however slight, was made to the former 301036 38 charge of my having plotted the release of the conspirators of La Rochelle. A large packet was produced, which the Judge told me con- tained the letters seized on me — the identity of which he required me to recognise. I observed that the song?, &c. had lost their envelope ; to which I requested his special attention, as the hand-writing of that envelope might have en- abled me to trace these papers to some agent of the police, who had deposited them at my lodgings ; or possibly, at all events, to have iden- tified the bearer by means of the servants of the hotel : these channels of detection were now closed upon me. The letters were handed to me, in order to prove that they had never been opened, and certainly the seals appeared not to have been broken; yet the Commission Rogatoire referred to the contents of the letters — and as I was able to look over the paper which the Judge held in his hand, I found there were special in- structions as to my examination upon their con- tents. One of the letters had the indorsement, '' This is from Colonel Fabvier;" and the ques- tionings were most minute as to every person and every thing referred to. Among the letters were several from the Oxford family to different individuals ; one from the Abbe Gregoire to the African Institution, contahiing, I have reason to believe, some valuable documents, which reflect- 39 cd no honour on the Government of His Most Christian Majesty; one to Mr. Charles Butler; one to Sir Harcourt Lees^ from (I beheve) some individual of the Arabassy at Paris ; and some others of less importance. The dispatch of the Portuguese Minister was not among them — that had been already rifled,, and its contents had been sent to Verona, to prove that the atrocious pur- poses of the Allied Despots were already known, and to engage them to hurl their thunderbolts against the freedom and the well-being of the Peninsula. While the letters were being opened by the Judge, I asked him how he could consent, in his official capacity, to be the agent of acts which would reflect infinite disgrace upon him as an in- dividual. I told him that in England the viola- tion of a seal was treated as an anti-social out- rage, and would be punished as a crime ; that I had heard he intended to cross the Channel, and 1 doubted whether the English Government — the communications from whose official agents he dared to violate — would not call him to account for such acts ; and I questioned if his plea of public duty would then avail him. He replied, " It is to you. Sir, then that 1 should look for protection ; and it is from you that I hope for those explanations which will hold me excused to those whose letters I am compelled to read." 40 I objected to hear the reading of the letters which had been confided to me. It seemed some- thing like a participation in these disgusting pro- ceedings : but my objections were not attended to, and the Judge required me to give explana- tions of all the parts he chose to fix on. I told him he must apply to the writers — that it was a new thing to require the bearer of a letter, who knew nothing of its contents, to explain what its author meant, or what the individual to whom it was addressed understood by it. There was in one of the letters (it was from a lady) some wit poured out on the Army of the Faith and the Urgel Regency. On these interesting matters many a question was hung. Names I had never heard of were introduced, and I was asked to give their history. Of some individuals whom I knew they required to be informed — where they lived — how they lived — what they did, and what they proposed to do. This examination lasted five hours ; it lasted much longer than my patience. I afterwards observed by the newspapers that Colonel Fabvier was accused of having used in the letters seized upon me, expressions hostile to the French Government. I remember no such expressions ; I beheve there were none such. During my examination, I again entreated that the article of the Code upon which they were proceeding against me, might be pointed 41 out. One of the clerks said it was not in the Code — there was a Post-office regulation. The only tangible accusation was_, after all^ that I had sealed letters with me. '' What would you have donC;, if M. Bowring- had deposited the fine^ and insisted on being released.?" was a question after- wards put to the Authorities. '' We should have been embarrassed/' they replied ; " but we had superior orders ! " Whatever was the irregula- rity — whatever the injustice — they were trans- ferred to other agents. It would be not a little curious to revert to the tone used by the pubhc press at different periods of my imprisonment. The Courier of the 25th of October, after giving some of the details which will be found in the preceding pages, calls them " absurd ;" and says, that doubtless the result will prove, that the French Government would never permit a violation of the rights and liber- ties of an individual, without the strongest and soundest motives ; — that the affair was going on, and that at all events justice would be done to Mr. Bowring. The result is now known ; the strength and the soundness of the motives of the arrest may now be weighed. Has justice been done ? Among the letters were some in other lan- guages, and interpreters were summoned to trans- late them. The prose writing found with the 42 songs was ag-ain introduced ; and I remarked to the Judg-Cj that it would be most unfair it should be made intelligible in French^ while the English was such as no Englishman could easily compre- hend. I pointed out several passages to the in- terpreter,, and asked what they meant ; he said he supposed their meaning was so and so. The consequence^ however^ was^ that unintelligible nonsense^ which would only have excited a laugh in England^ became a flaming overwrought piece of violence4o be used^ as it was used, for intro- ducing some fine declamatory bursts of loyalty into the proccs verbal. In this way, expressions of superlative horror, at outrages against the sa- cred person of the King, and of laudatory admi- ration af hisGovernment,spread over half a page, introduced some frivolous question, to which the answer was as simple as possible. In the letter of Colonel Fabvier, there was a reference to the negotiations going on with Lafitte's house, re- specting the legacies left by Napoleon ; and the inquiries on this subject (though I was perfectly ignorant of any details) were very busy and par- ticular. After the examination of the 26th of October, which lasted five hours, I was given to understand that another and a final one would take place, which would be much longer, in a day or two. At this last examination, which was of a similar 43 character to the rest^ I complained of the mis- statements which were constantly circulated^ and some of which implied a knowledge of circum- stances which could not have transpired without the connivance of some of the agents of power. Many other statements had been made in the French newspapers, which would seem to have originated with me, and which were very likely to be used against me. I wrote to Sir Charles Stuart on this subject ; and engaged the Vice- Consul to do the same, which I believe he did, as his name, as well as my own, had been very unceremoniously used. The Judge was accus- tomed, where the questions had not come from Paris ready prepared, to arrange them on the previous day. Some of them were of a strange character. There were inquiries, for instance, about Las Cases' Memoirs of Napoleon — about my friend Blaquiere's History of the Revolution — and my old and estimable fellow-traveller (Count Pecchio's) Six Months in Spain, and Three Months in Portugal. Other questions were as trifling as could be fancied. My answers were seldom or ever given in the exact language I used. Perhaps there was no bad faith in this ; but certainly there was no evidence that the re- corder of my replies had any very correct notion of his duty. Once or twice the Judge remarked that these interrogatories were only forms, and 44 that every thing would be explained^ and pro- perly understood hereafter. I said,, I could not conceive the possibility of my being brought to trial ; but the Judge answered^ that he had no doubt I should be removed to Paris^ to be tried there. I inquired on what accusation^ but could get no satisfaction on that score. When the examination closed^ the Judge said he was hear- tily glad to have got rid of it ; and, in truth, I heard that Magistrates, to whose lot it might have fallen to interrogate me, had expressed publicly their great satisfaction that I had fallen into other hands. It is a strange fact, that through the whole of the proceedings not the slightest reference was ever made to the Portuguese Mini- ster's dispatches, so shamelessly seized — so openly violated. The Juge d' Instruction assured me that he should not lose a moment in dispatching the papers to Paris ; and I was informed the Procureur had given a similar promise to my Advocate. He declared at the same time that I might calculate on a very speedy decision ; and as the telegraphs had been at work for my arrest, I hoped I might calculate on their co-operation for my early deliverance. My expectation of soon reaching the term of my imprisonment was encouraged, too, by the knowledge that those who were acquainted with the examinations and with the documents, had declared that there was not 45 a tittle of evidence to warrant my detention. I ought, therefore, to have been released immedi- ately — say by the end of October. But it was obviously the intention of the Government to in- flict as long a term of imprisonment as possible ; and for many days after the examination had closed, no steps whatever had been taken. I wrote, and my Advocate, M. Hedoui'n, wrote repeatedly to the Ambassador, and to M. Berry er fils, who had been charged, I understood, with the conduct of the case ; but no satisfactory information could be obtained. Meanwhile I received from Sir Charles Stuart the opinion of the Batonnier Billecocq (Appen- dix, Q). It is a mere apology for, and approval of, acts of despotism. The Batonnier was hardly likely to give an unfavourable report on the pro- ceedings of the Government of him who put the Baton into his hands, or to furnish any instru- ment for attacking his masters. The continued delay induced me to write a second time to Mr. Canning. The letter will be found in Appendix, S. During the whole period of my confinement Sir Charles Stuart had never been able to obtain from the French Government a written statement of their charge against me. The reason is clear — they had framed no charge — they had found 46 no materials for one ; and the best and most con- sistent story they could make out^ on which to rest the legality of my detention — and how ab- surd and mendacious it is I shall soon expose — will be found in the Appendix^ T. But the in- terference of Mr. Canhing had no doubt become urg"ent. He saw that he was trifled with. In truth, the French Ministry could not but be strangely embarrassed by the consideration,, that after their high-sounding charges of treason and other awful crimes^ they could find no proof whatever of any crime at all. In England they had been supported by a part of the press^ which gave them credit for sagacity at least. They had pledged themselves again and again, that M. Bowring should have justice done him ; and they supposed, perhaps, that they might add de- lay to delay ; — and, by reminding the Ambas- sador " that M. Bowring was in the hands of the Tribunals," induce him to be silent. But what could they say to Mr. Canning's reiterated demand — " An accusation ; or set him free." By Mr. Planta's letter (Appendix, W), it appears that a positive assurance was at last obtained, that a decision of the Court should be communi- cated within a day or two. The Paris papers at this time announced that an order was sent to transport me thither. 47 On the 15th of November, M. Hedouin came to the prison — threw himself into my arms, and said, '' You are free." And within an hour, I received the communication from the King's Advocate, which follows ; the original of which may be found in Appendix, V. No. 20,481. Boulogne, 15th Nov. 1823. Sir, I inform you that, in consequence of a decree given by the Chamber of the Council of the Tri- bunal of First Instance, of the Department of the Seine, on the 12th of this month, — bearing that you, having disobeyed the decree of the 5th Prairial, of the year 9, by being the bearer of sealed dispatches or letters, are sent on this charge before the Correctional Police ; and that, notwithstanding, you shall be set at liberty, inas- much as the punishmentof imprisonment does not attach to the charge against you. I have, therefore, ordered the jailer of the prison to set you imme- diately free. I salute you. Caron de Fromentel, King's Advocate. On such a document^ it is not necessary to make one observation. 48 I paid my account to the jailer^ — by no means a trifling one^ — and hurried away from the prison. I had passed there many hours of illness,, but few of alarm ; many days of indignation^ but none of self-reproach. In the evening, I received from Sir Charles Stuart the letter (Appendix, U), and I was especially gratified by that part of it in which he says, he waits the instruction of the Bri- tish Government, as to the measures he should take. It would appear, that the opinions obtained by our Ambassador, had not convinced him of the legality and propriety of the conduct of the French Government. There is in the statement against me made by the substitute of the King's Advocate before the Tribunal at Paris, invention to such little pur- pose, and mendacity so clumsily applied, — the facts are so distorted, the dates are so confound- ed, my answers to the interrogatories are so tor- tured and so falsified, that I shall take up the " Conclusion" sentence by sentence ; — after this leading remark. That the only fact by which they attempt to connect me with the plot in question, is by showing that I was acquainted with Col. Fabvier ; that against the Colonel himself there was no evidence whatever ; and that he was ulti- mately acquitted of all participation. '' Colonel Fabvier was in England at the end of August." 49 This is probably true; but I never saw the Colonel in England, nor did I ever receive a let- ter from him, nor did I know he was in England, nor was I within 100 miles of any place he visited. " He returned precipitately." False, — the word is introduced only for the sake of elTect : — he returned quietly, concealing his visit from nobody. " Bowring- followed him almost immediately to Paris." False : he had returned a long time before I left England. I cannot ascertain at this mo- ment, but I am persuaded the period of Fab- vier's visit is incorrectly stated. " Bowring arrived at Paris at the moment when the plan for rescuing the prisoners was agitated and followed up with most ardour." This may be; and the French Government knows the dates, no doubt, when the plot was agitated and carried on with most ardour. I never heard of the said plot. 1 did not believe in its ex- istence. I doubt it now. *' He acknowledges, that on his arrival he had several interviews with Colonel Fabvier." Not so ; I did not see Fabvier till some time after my arrival. " He assigns as a motive for these interviews other objects than the plot at issue, but does not justify his assertions." E 50 Most false — most wilfully false. I denied in my interrogatories, that I had ever heard a word from Fabvier on the subject of this plot, and de- clared that from me, he had never heard a word. I stated simply the subject of my interviews with Fabvier, of which no doubt they found docu- mentary proof, when they seized his papers. My statements were susceptible of contradiction. In examinations, which lasted nearly twenty hours, they did not, they coiild not, detect a single mis- statement. What I did not justify, why did they not disprove ? '' He left Paris as soon as the attempt to corrupt the jailer had failed, and when justice was in pur- suit of its authors and accomphces." False again. The young men were executed on the 21st September ; and, of course, the plot for their escape must have failed before that date. I left Paris on the 3d October. Why was I not arrested when I apphed for my passport.? when the spies gave in their reports of the 2d and 3d of October ? when I reached Calais ? when my papers were first seized } No ! the thought of the possibility of attaching me to the Biceire plot never occurred to the Ministry till Sir Charles Stuart interfered. It was used as a forlorn hope — and how forlorn ! '' He was arrested at Calais, bearing a great number of dispatches or sealed letters against the 51 decree of the 5th PrairiaX year 9; and among' thera^ one from Col. Fabvier to Count St. Mar- san, a Piedmontese refugee, in which mysterious relations and projects hostile to the Government are treated of." And Fabvier was in their hands, — and they could find no matter for crimination ; — and they never thought of this letter, — and Fabvier was acquitted ! " The bearer, too, of the wost outrageous writings against the King, the princes of his fa- mily, and his government." At best, these writings were but bad jokes. Where would the extra-superlative have been found had they been good ones } '■ Grave, however, as are the presumptions arising from this concourse of circumstances^—" In the arithmetic of despotism, a certain quan- tity of zeros will make a unit. " And though they may have made his arrest necessary, they do not at present constitute suf- ficient evidence to establish a legal suspicion," By and by, perhaps, a something may be pro- duced out of all these nothings. Tyranny may grow a little stronger — the laws a little weaker. Meanwhile, the threat may be held over me in terrorem, should I venture again to seek '' protec- tion under the paternal sway of the Bourbons." Before I left Boulogne, I had occasion to see e2 53 several individuals of the Authorities. One blamed me for not going- immediately to Paris^ when the juandat d'amener came ; another said^ that had I been a Frenchman I should not have got off so easily. I called on the Procureur du Roi, who frankly owned he had been exceedingly embar- rassed throughout^ and that the only tangible matter for which he could commit me (though he had no right to commit me for that) was for being the bearer of sealed letters. All the rest,, he said, was very vague. The Juge d' Instruction assured me, it was to him a very happy day when he got rid of me ; and I was satisfied to see every where a sense of shame excited by the disgraceful pro- ceedings in which they had taken a share. ' Spi- rits' more '^finely touched' would have refused to lend their ministry. Of my lawyer, M. Hedouin, I am bound to say that he discharged his duties with all the disin- terestedness of friendship, the ardour of strong sympathy, and the ability of sober judgement. I think more highly of his courageous zeal, be- cause he is a partizan of legitimacy (let not the word be mistaken!) and has done good service to the royal cause. On the 16th Nov. 1 reached Calais. The Com- missary of Police, when I was about to embark, said, " Vous Tn'avez traite d'une rnaniere san- glante." I know not to what he referred ; for if the disgraceful parts of his conduct had obtained 53 publicity, it was not through me. I arriveil in London on the 17th November, accompanying the dispatches which communicated the informa- tion of my hberation. Mr. Canning (1 remember and I record the circumstance with pleasure and gratitude) sent the very earliest notice of my re- lease, both to my family at Hackney and to my father in Devonshire. I mention this, because it does no small honour to a Minister of State, that he should thus have sympathized with the anxieties of individuals whom he had never known, and would probably never know. Such acts of kind- ness make a deep impression; arid it is the deeper where it is made on bosoms undisturbed by the vicissitudes of political changes, and pursuing in secrecy and solitude ' the noiseless tenor of their way.' The feehng produced by the decision, which announced my liberation, was almost una- nimous : only one solitary exception has fallen under my notice ; I will not drag it forth from it^ obscurity. I wrote immediately to Mr. Canning to advise him of my arrival. My letter was very promptly replied to, and Wednesday the 20th of Novem- ber was appointed for an interview. Mr. Canning's reception of me was markedly polite and kind. He inquired after my health — the nature of my confinement, and the treatment I had experienced. He said, that in his inter- 54 course with the French Ministry on the subject of my arrest, he had only obtained vague and un- written answers. He appeared impressed with a sense of the violent measures under which I had been suffering, but added, that the Ambassador had not been able to put his finger on any one act which bore the stamp of illegality. I said, that thouffh no doubt the nature of French criminal procedure was such as to give to despotism every advantage it could desire, yet in my case it had gone far beyond its legal boundaries. Mr. Can- ning requested I would make out a statement for the information of Government, and which he would hand over to the legal authorities, " whose opinions," he added, '' we look to on such occa- sions as the guides of our conduct." I asked him what he deemed the weak parts of my case, and on what ground the French Authorities justified their proceedings ? He replied, that they asserted that although the charge now existing against me did not warrant imprisonment, there had been an- other, viz. that of plotting the escape of the pri- soners from the Bicetre, for which I was legally liable to imprisonment. I answered that the war- rant under which I was imprisoned proved that there was no such charge originally ; that of such a charge there was not the shadow of proof ; and that they might have accused me of any thing else, however absurd or extravagant, in the same way. 55 I mentioned instances of the interference of other Governments, even where the proceedings against their citizens had been warranted by the laws, yet that was considered as no excuse for injustice or atrocity. I ventured to add that, if no steps were taken, a door would be opened to every species of aggression ; and if (as is necessarily the case under all bad governments) a native subject's ex- clusion from all redress should be deemed a rea- son for an EngUshman's exclusion, if he should be unjustly treated, then all violence becomes sanctioned, and fraud or force would have all the character of legitimate authority. To avoid the repetition of facts that were notorious to him, I said I would confine my statement to the proofs that there had been originally no accusation against me which warranted imprisonment ; and in consequence, I addressed to him on the follow- ing day the statement in Appendix, X. It demon- strates, I imagine, that there was no charge to authorize the acts of violence of the French Go- vernment ; that I was arrested merely in the hope of extorting some evidence of any crime what- ever that might be hit upon. On the 29th No- vember I received a communication from the Fo- reign Office, requesting my attendance. Mr. Planta told me, it was Mr. Canning's desire that I should abstain from any public discussion, lest it should embarrass his proceedings. I said I 56 wished to give the French Government an op- portunity of repairing the wrong they had com- mitted ; and as the tone of what I should pub- lish would a good deal depend on the steps they should takcj I should wait the result of the dis- cussions. If the Cabinet of the Thuilleries were disposed to make concessions^ and to offer repa- ration for their haste and violence^ they would be entitled to all the consideration which attaches to an honest avowal of error; but if, after their own acknowledgement of the wrong they had done^ they should persist in denying redress, they would only increase the weight and the number of their acts of oppression, and merit no forbearance. On the 12th December the letter (Appendix, Y) and the accompanying documents were received by me from Mr. Planta. The questions on which the opinion of the French Advocates is founded seem not to be very appropriate. I never deemed that an oppressed Frenchman had any chance of redress ; for that would imply the existence of a liberal, instead of a despotic Government in France. If redress were obtainable in the ordi- nary course, I should not have needed the pro- tection of the English Government. The prin- ciple referred to in Mr. Planta's communication, led me to suggest to him that the whole affair would be placed on a false basis, if they once ad- mitted that the aibitrary power of any Govern- 57 ment whatever extended any further than over its own citizens. I apprehend the opinions of the two lawyers who were referred to^ are founded on the documents furnished by the French Go- vernment itself; for instance^ Appendix, T. They had no pow er of consulting the records of the jail at Boulog-ne, which would at once have proved, that the arrest had been originally de- fective and illegal. Both of these Advocates pre-suppose that there were originally suspicions of other specified crimes ; this pamphlet will have shown such a supposition to be unfounded. In the Opinion C, the sympathy with tyranny which runs through- out, and gives the document such a tone of com- placent approbation of all the proceedings of the French Government, will hardly excite any won- der when coming from '^a most distinguished Ad- vocate in official situation," to use Mr. Planta's language. There is a great air of mystery in the reference to the circumstances of the case. "^ There has been error. Yes ! but every body must own, the error was very near the truth : it could not be nearer.' What does this mean, but that there was something to support the accusation which warranted imprisonment — something exceedingly strong — closely pressing upon legal proof? I trust the reader will refer to the public accuser's state- ment (Appendix, T), and estimate honestly the 58 value of our Advocate's opinion. The simple an>d honest assertion of this estimable man of law^ that no j)roofs of crime are necessary for a man's ar- restj fails strangely on an Englishman's ear; but the recommendation to bear the stripes of despotic power with complacency and gratitude^ let htm admire who may ; and the stout conclusion^ that *' nobody in the world" has committed any thing like an arbitrary act against Mr. Bowring, is be- coming the advocate of, and the participator in^ arbitrary power. The rest of the opinion is de- livered up to the admirers of special pleading, for their study and their approval. , As I had received from many quarters an ex- pression of disappointment at the delay of my statement, I wrote (Appendix, Z) to Mr. Planta on the 3d of January ; and on the following day (Appendix,x\A) was requested to meet Mr. Planta at the Foreign Office on theSth. My interview was delayed to the 9th ; when Mr. P. read to me, from a paper he held in his hand, what he stated to be the decision of Government on my case ; which was, as far as I recollect, to this purport — That the question of grievance resolved itself into a question of fact, whether or not I had been ille- gally used ; and in the former case, that I had my personal remedy in the Courts of Law; that while I was the victim of persecution, they had deemed it right to interfere, but that as I was 59 now safe, they must abandon the affair to my own management; promising me, however, their countenance and support, in case I should deter^ mine to bring an action. I complained of the vagueness of this communication, and asked what was the nature of the protection they proffered. Mr. Planta said that they would direct the Bri- tish Ambassador at Paris to see that I had every privilege which a Frenchman would have — that there should be no delay in the proceedings, &c. I then said that it was certain a Frenchman could obtain no redress for acts however despotic and atrocious ; that the power of enforcing repara- tion for injuries done was, in fact, the test of good government, and made the distinction be- tween despotic and constitutional rule ; that were the Government of France a Government of law, no aggrieved individual would require foreign protection to have justice done him ; that I had certainly considered they would never admit the principle, that an Englishman might be treated illegally and despotically with im- punity, and that such would be a fatal pre- cedent. Mr. Planta said, that Mr. Canning had been guided in his opinion by the coun- sel of eminent lawyers, both in England and France. I then requested that I might be fa- voured with a copy of the paper Mr. Planta had read, as 1 was most anxious, on so important a 60 subject^ not to misrepresent Mr. Canning's views; and that I would not give them publicity in a documentary form^, if any objection were felt to such publicity. Mr. Planta agreed that he would communicate to me very soon Mr. Canning's de- termination^ with respect to a written declaration of the decision of Government ; and on the fol- lowing Tuesday (January 14) I received the letter given in Appendix, B B ; and on the 19th, the final letter (Appendix, C C), which closed the communications with the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. I did not quite anticipate such a termination. At an early period I had told Mr. Planta that if Mr. Canning thought there was no ground for in- terference — if I had been used no worse than a French subject might have been — every thing would then be ceded, and the discussions might terminate at once. He answered, that Mr. Can- ning had wished to ascertain what would be the situation of a French subject, for the purpose of clearing his way, and only as a preliminary measure. I cannot go into an inquiry as to what might have been the means of obtaining reparation. I have recorded facts, which will present sufficient materials to enable those who have devoted them- selves to the study of international law, to point out where the infractions have taken place, and 6i where and how the remedy is to be found. But I must refer with particular pleasure and parti- cular gratitude to three able letters which have been published in the Morning Chronicle^ signed E. S., where the subject is treated by one evi- dently its master. I have now discharged a duty which I owed to society and to myself. These details will serve to unveil the character of the Bourbon Govern- ment of France. In these proceedings will be remarked all the coward ferocity of the ruffian towards the weak, — and the counterpart might be easily drawn — in their exhibition of all the prostrate servility of the abject towards the strong. Such is the Government restored by English influence — and this is the display of its gratitude towards English citizens. It is a Go- vernment standing in the midst of the tears it has caused, and the blood it has shed. It is a per- manent insult to civilization, — a black stain upon humanity. It is the opprobrium of those who cre- ated, and those who support it; and should be out- lawed by the unanimous execrations of mankind. Its capital and crowning crime has now been con- summated. The invasion of Spain — an act whose infamy no indignation can compass, and no lan- guage sufiiciently pourtray — has been decided on. Compared with this, all other atrocities look like 62 virtues. But the mask is worn no longer — the scabbard is thrown away. I have been tempted a hundred times in the course of my narrative to arrest its progress^ in order to express ray proud and grateful feehngs for that individual as well as that national sym- pathy which my imprisonment excited. I will refer to no exceptions ; they were so few^ as to be wholly lost in the almost general voice of indignation against the French Government. The Ministerial Press, though at first disposed to conclude that the actions of the iMinistry of France could not be so despotic, as they ul- timately proved to have been, showed on this occasion such a fellow-feeling with their poli- tical opponents, as did infinite honour to the common character of the nation. I love my country better, and honour it more, after what I have witnessed ; and I have the bright consola- tion of believing that the evil I have undergone is infinitely less than the good which has resulted to the great cause of human happiness. My sufferings, in truth, have been quite lost in the new sources of enjoyment which they have opened to me. I should have been glad to have communicated individual thanks to hundreds — whose names, blended in my mind, with all the elements of gratitude and pleasure, will often 63 rush upon my memory and engage my habitual thoughts ; but I must here^ and I must thus, dis- charge the debt I owe them. The explanatory and justificatory documents which form the Appendix will^ I trust, have their use ;- — those especially which show the nature of judicial proceedings in France. Too little is known in England of the state of penal jurispru- dence among our neighbours, — and documentary evidence, furnished by the officers of these courts, is not accessible on all occasions. I fear their tediousness, — but fear it less than the imputation of having concealed any thing I possessed, which might throw light on this singular affair, whether I deemed it favourable or unfavourable to my- self. APPENDIX. [A] Leller to the Mai/or of Calais, dated 6th October 1822. Monsieur le Maire, IJAT^S la position ou je me trouve, et voyant dans ma personne les droits nationaux et Thonneur de ma patrie comma de la votre compromis, je prendrai la liberte de vous faire quelques observations pour que Ton ne croie pas que je me suis soumis sans protesta- tion a des mesures qui semblent peu analogues a I'etat d'amitie et de paix qui, heureusement, existe entre nos deux pays. Mes papiers ont ete saisis, et vous en avez garde quinze lettres et deux paquets. Je dois a la verite et a moi-merae de vous annoncer, foi d'homme d'hon- neur, que je ne connais rien de leur contenu. Ce n'est pas que je craigne I'examen de ces documens, leur contenuj je le repete, m'est inconnu, et quoi- qu'il y ait parmi eux quelques lettres de mes amis par- ticuliers, il y en a d'autres de personnes que je ne connais gu^res; niais je devais et je dois m'opposer a toute violation de la confiance placee dans celui qui se charge des lettres d'autrui. Vous prendrez, sans doute,M.le Maire, votre deter- mination sur le sort des paquets saisis ; mais permettez que je vous previenne combien mes interets souffrent F 66 de la detention de ma personne. Le seul retard d'un jour que j'ai deja eprouve, m'a cte tres facheux et onereux, et j'ose esperer de votre justice, car je n'ai aucun motif de me plaindre de la mani^re dont vous avez execute votre penible mission, que vous me per- mettrez de m'embarquer sur le paquebot qui part demain matin. Agreez, &c. (Signe) John Bowrinc. \_TransIation.'\ Under the circumstances in which I am placed, — international rights having been violated in my person, and the honour of my country, as of your own, com- promised, — I take the liberty of making some remarks, to prevent the inference, that I have submitted with- out protest to measures little analogous to the friend- ly and pacific relations existing between us. My papers have been seized. Fifteen letters and two packets have been detained. It is due to truth and to myself to declare, on my honour, that I know nothing of their contents. It is not that I fear the examination of these sealed papers, some of which were delivered to my care by particular friends, and others by individuals little known to me ; but I do and must resist all violation of that confidence which has .been reposed in the bearer of them. You will of course determine on the fate of these pa- pers. Allow me, however, to recall to your mind how seriously my interests suffer from the detention of my person. The one day's delay that I have already experienced has been most annoying and injurious to me ; and as I have hitherto had no cause to com- plain of the manner in which you have executed your 67 painful mission, I hope from your sense of justice that I shall be allowed to embark on board the packet which sails for England to-morrow morning. Receive, &c. (Signed) John Bowring. [B] Letter to the British Consul at Calais. Sir, Calais, Sunday, October 7th. In the very extraordinary situation in which I am placed,— the rights of hospitality violated in my person, my papers violently seized and arbitrarily examined, — I deem it my duty to make an appeal to you for your direct interference to protect my person and the per- sons of my countrymen from the repetition of pro- ceedings so illegal and so unused. My passport having been taken from me, and the license to embark which was granted me on my arrival, I have now no protec- tion but yours, which I venture to hope will extend over me its powerful shield. Of the contents of the papers, which have been thus wrested from me, I beg solemnly to assure you I know absolutely nothing ; that from the Portuguese Mini- ster was brought to me at the moment of my starting by His Excellency himself, and the others were from in- dividuals of whom I knew more or less, trusted to me in the common intercourse of society. Against their detention by the Police I protest, and trust that you will also protest. My own detention is to me most injurious, most seriously injurious; and I therefore venture to hope that your authority will interfere to f2 68 protect your countrymen from being trampled upon by acts of such despotic authority. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient humble Servant, (Signed) J. Bowring. Marshall, Esq. H.B.M. Consul at Calais. P.S. As a vessel will sail to-night for England, I trust you will have the goodness to represent my case to the authorities, so as to enable me to proceed. [C] Letter to Sir Charles Sinart, H.B.M. Ambassador at Paris. Sir, Calais, Oct. 8, 1822. I HAVE to entreat Your Excellency's immediate in- terference on my behalf, in a case in which the rights of hospitality, and the protection of my passport en- dorsed by you, have been grossly and illegally vio- lated. I visited Paris for my commercial concerns, and left it by the diligence on Thursday last. On my arrival here, I obtained the endorsement of my passport, and license for embarkation. When I reached the pier, I was arrested by the Agents of Police, and con- ducted with my baggage to the Mairie, where I was told that an order from Government had arrived for the examination of all my papers. I requested the attendance of the British Consul, which was granted : my trunk was opened, my papers were all read and examined, and fifteen sealed letters, with two sealed packets, one of them from the Portuguese Ambassa- 69 dor at Paris to the Portuguese Minister at London, bearing the arms of Portugal, and delivered into my own hands by M. d'Oliveira himself, were forcibly taken from me. I beg leave to premise, that of the contents of all or any of these letters or packets, I am wholly igno- rant — a fact which I offered to depose upon oath. Notwithstanding this, my passport was taken from me, and after a detention of two days, I have been delivered over to the gendarmerie, to be conducted to Boulogne, and delivered up to the Procureur du Roi, without any legal proceeding against me, wit'jout the knowledge of any one circumstance to justify an act so arbitrary and so atrocious. I have now to put myself under your powerful pro- tection, and to solicit your instant interference to rescue my person from imprisonment, and to uphold the important character of that nation you represent, whose citizens have no longer any protection from the laws. I have also to entreat that you will consult with the Minister of His Faithful Majesty, as to the means of vindicating those diplomatic privileges which have been so wantonly violated in my person, by the seizure of his official correspondence. I have protested against acts which make your sig- nature of no avail for the protection of British sub- jects ; and though 1 know of no ground for the ap- prehension that any part of the correspondence which was entrusted to me bears a political character, I have protested against the horrible principle, that the bearer of a sealed letter, whose contents are unknown to him, can be made responsible for those contents. I submit all this to Your Excellency's consideration. 70 My commercial affairs are dreadfully suffering from this violent detention ; it is impossible to calculate the consequences. I venture, therefore, to hope, that Your Excellency will take instant and effective mea- sures for my release ; and, referring to the report of the British Consul, I have the honour to be Your Excellency's Most obedient and most humble servant, (Signed) John Bowbing. [D] Sir Charles SUmrfs Answer. Sib, Paris, October 14, 1822. Having been apprised of the circumstances of your arrest at Calais, I had already demanded an explana- tion of the motives for this measure on the part of the French Minister before your letter of the 6th October reached me. It appears by the answer I have received, that al- though provided with a regular passport to proceed from Paris to England, you are charged with having facilitated the conveyance of treasonable papers to England ; which charge warrants the proceedings the Procureur du Roi is about to institute against you in the Tribunals of the Department du Pas de Calais. Having enjoyed the protection of the French Laws during your residence here, you are of course amen- able to the justice of the country for their infraction ; and, unless I receive instruction from His Majesty's Government to protest against the prosecution, I can merely direct His Majesty Consul at Calais to watch over the proceedings which are about to commence, 71 and, to be careful that, as a British subject, you meet with the same justice which would be granted to a native under similar circumstances. I have in the mean time submitted your case to His Majesty's Government, and have requested instruc- tion for my further guidance. I am. Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, (Signed) Charles Stuart. John Bowring, Esq. This letter might serve as a text to many observa- tions. In the 1st place,— The charge against me did not warrant the proceedings of the French Govern- ment, even according to French Law, setting aside the international question. 2dly. "You have enjoyed the protection oHheFrench Laws." This is bitterly ironical ;— the same sort of protection which King Stork gave to the frogs. Sdly. " As a British subject you will have the same justice which would be granted to a native." Very consoling this ! The Star Chamber itself would blush for the Bourbon courts : and malevolence could desire no greater revenge than the tender mercies dealt out by the Ultra faction to their opponents. If the Sultan at Constantinople should (for he has an English Ambassador's authority) administer the same sort of justice to our countrymen which he grants to his native subjects, bow-string or impaling for instance, could our Government venture to complain ? In what, let me be allowed to ask, does the protec- tion of the laws of France consist ? To be at the 72 mercy of all that is arbitrary and violent ; to be dogged about by hired spies and incendiaries ; to be treated like a felon, without a single accusation of crime ; to be subjected to solitary confinement, and confounded with the vilest of mankind ; to be insulted by the hired servility of the press, and tortured by the inqui- sitorial questions of the magistracy — that is protec- tion : and as for law, from tyrannical forms — from ju- ries chosen by the Crown, or by the Prefet, who is appointed by the Crown, and from Judges, who (with rare exceptions) are the servile and willing slaves of despotic will, what could be hoped for? [E] Letter from the Procureur du Roi. No. 20,232. ' Boulogne, 15 8brc, 1822. Je viens, Monsieur, de recevoir de M. le Procureur du Roi, pres le Tribunal de lere instance du De- partement de la Seine, un mandat d'amener decerne centre vous par M. Mathias, Juge d' Instruction au meme tribunal, le 14 de ce mois, et qui vous sera no- tifi6 dans la journee de demain. Je dois, k ce sujet, vous faire connoitre la disposi- tion de Particle 100 du Code d'Instruction Criminelle, suivant laquelle disposition vous pouvez n'etre pas contraint de vous rendre a ce mandat, au quel cas je decernerai contre vous un mandat de depot, dans les vingt quatre heures de Texecution duquel j'en don- nerai avis a M. le Juge d'Instruction Mathias, qui ensuite requerra M. le Juge d'Instruction a Bou- logne, a qui il transmettra les pieces, notes, et ren- seigneraens relatifs aux faits dont vous etes inculpe,de vous interroger a cet egard. 73 Je vous invite a me faire savoir, a la reception de la notification qui vous sera faite, si vous demandez h profiter de I'article precitc du Code d'Instruction cri- minelle. Je vous salue. Le Procureur du Roi, (Signe) Caron de Fhomentel. A^ M. Bozcring, Maison d' Arret a Boulogne. '[Translation.^ Sir, Boulogne, 15th Oct. 1822. I HAVE just received from the King's Advocate of the Primary Tribunal of the Department of the Seine, an order to produce you (or convey you) there, ema- nating from M. Mathias, Judge of Instruction (preli- minary examination) at the same tribunal. It is dated the 14th inst. and will be notified to you to-morrow. On this subject, I ought to make you acquainted with the dispositions of the lOOdth article of the Code of Criminal Proceedings, according to which you may not be compelled to obey this order ; and if so, I shall issue a warrant for your detention ; and within 24 hours of the execution shall give notice of the same to the said M. Mathias, who will then require the Judge of Instruction, at Boulogne, to whom he will send the documents, notes, and informations, relative to the facts with which you are charged, that he may interrogate you thereupon. I request you to inform n>e, on the receipt of the notification which is about to be made to you, whether you require to avail yourself of the benefit of the article referred to. I salute you. (Signed) Caron de Fromentel. 74 It will be observed, that all is mystery with respect to the accusations against me — " the facts with which you are charged," and nothing more. " Vous pouvez n'^tre pas contraint." This is most vague and unsatisfactory, and therefore wholly in favour of despotism. It is not " vous ne pouvez pas etre contraint." In Appendix [I] it will be seen that the protection for the accused becomes weaker still; and the words used are — "vous pouvez n'etre pas contraint ainsi immediatement.^' [F] Mj/ Answer. M. LE Procureur du Roi, Je viens de recevoir votre billet. Je ne le comprends pas tout a fait. J'espere qu'il me sera permis de voir ou un avocat ou le Vice Consul Anglais. Je me trouve enti^rement abandonne, prive des moyens de communiquer soit avec mon Gouvernement, soit avec ma famille. Je ne sais pas si cela est legal, mais c'est bien cruel. Je ne fais aucun reproche a M. le Pro- cureur du Roi, qui m'a traite avec bienveillance. J'ai I'honneur de voi;s saluer. (Signe) J. BowRiNG. Boulogne, Maison d'Arrel, 168bre, 1822. l^Translation.^ I HAVE just received your note, which I do not per- fectly understand. I trust I may be permitted to see either a lawyer or the British Vice-Consul. I am entirely abandoned, and shut out from the means of making any communication either to my Government or to my family. I do not know if this is legal, but it 75 is most cruel. I do not complain of the personal con- duct of the King's Advocate, who received me with much consideration. I have the honour to salute you. [G] Mandat d'Amener. 'Lie Tribunal de Premiere Instance du Departement de la Seine. De par la Loi et le Roi. Nous, Jean Jacques Mathias, Juge d'Instruction pres le Tribunal de Premiere Instance duDepartement de la Seine, mandons et ordonnons a tout Huissier ou Agent de la force publique, d'amener par devant nous, en se conformant a la loi, le sieur Bowring, Anglais, de present detenu a Boulogne sur mer, pour etre entendu sur les inculpations a lui faites. Reque- rons tout depositaire de la force publique, de preter main forte s'il en est requis pour I'execution du pre- sent mandat par le porteur de celui-ci ; a I'effet de quoi I'avons signe et scelle de notre sceau. Fait au Palais de Justice a Paris, 14 8bre, 1822. Mathias. L'an 1822, Ici, 16 Octobre, a la requete de M. le Procureur du Roi, pr^s le Tribunal de Premiere In- stance du Departement de la Seine, scant a Paris, le quel fait election de domicile en son parquet au dit lieu, Je L. H. Guillain, Pere, Huissier, &c. &c., sou- signe, signifie, et donne copie du mandat d'amener ci- dessus au Sieur Bowring, Anglais, detenu enlaMaison d'Arret a Boulogne, en parlant a sa personne, avec sommation satisfaire, lequel m'a declare qu'il etait pret a obeir au dit mandat, et se rendre par devant 76 qui de droit. En ce qu'il n'en ignore, je lui ai au dit lieu de la Maison d' Arret, et parlant comma dessus, laisse copie du dit mandat, &c. GUILLAIN. [^Translation.^ The Tribunal of First Instance of the Department of the Seine. By the authority of the Law and the King. We, John James Mathias, Judge of Instruction at the Tribunal of First Instance, of the Department of the Seine, command and order to every Huissier or Agent of the public force, to bring before us, according to the formalities of the law, Mr. Bowring, an English- man, now detained at Boulogne, to be heard on the charges against him. We require all depositaries of the public force to lend their aid, if required, for the execution of the present order, by the bearer of this. To which effect we have signed and sealed it with our seal. Done at the Palace of Justice, at Paris, the 14th October, 1822. Mathias. In the year 1822, on the 16th October, at the re- quirement of the King's Advocate at the Court of First Instance, in the department of the Seine, sitting at Paris, having chosen as the place of domicile his official seat, I, L. H. Guillain, sen. sign, signify, and give copy of the above warrant to the said Mr, Bow- ring, an Englishman, detained in the prison at Bou- logne, speaking to himself and summoning him ; on which he declared that he was ready to obey the said warrant, and to give himself up to the proper authori- 77 ties. And that he may not be ignorant, I have, in the said prison, left him copy of the said warrant, &c. GUILLAIN. This document states (I suppose it is only one of these lesral fictions which are moral falsehoods) that I declared I was ready to obey the summons of the Judge of Instruction, and to appear before the lawful tribunal, meaning, of course, the tribunal which re- quired my removal to Paris. In the order for my transfer to Paris, the plural is used — " the charges against him :" but when I asked the huissier what they meant, he only shrugged up his shoulders, and moved off. [H] Refusal to ohey Mandate. Nous, Procureur du Roi pres du Tribunal de Premiere Instance, seant a Boulogne, vu le mandat d'amener decerne le 14 de ce mois, par le Juge d'ln- struction pres le Tribunal de 1 ere Instance du Departe- ment de la Seine, centre Bowring detenu a Boulogne, et legalement notifie par acte de ce jourd'hui au dit Bo wring, qui declare refuser d'obeir, pour les causes portees dans I'article 100 du Code d'Instruction Cri- rainelle. Ordonnons au Concierge de laMaison d'Arret au dit Boulogne, de recevoir et garder en depot jus- qu'a nouvel ordre, le dit Bowring aux termes du meme article. Fait au dit Boulogne, ce 16 Octobre, 1822. Jean Baft. L. Max. Caron de Fromontel. L'an 1822, au 16 Octobre, a la requete du meme 78 M. le Procureur du Rol, sousigne, exhibe, notifie et donne copie au dit J. Bowriiig, &c. GuiLLAIN. \^Translatwn.^ We, the King's Advocate at the Tribunal of First Instance, sitting at Boulogne, in consequence of the Order issued the I4th of this month, by the Judge of Instruction of the Tribunal of First Instance of the Department of the Seine, for the removal of Bowring detained at Boulogne, and legally notified to him by an act of to-day ; which the said Bowring refuses to obey, on the grounds stated in Article 100 of the Code of Criminal Instruction, Order the Jailer of the prison of the said Boulogne to receive and keep the said Bowring until further orders. Done at Bou- logne, 16th October, 1822. John Bapt. L. Max. Caron de Fromontel. The rest announces the notification of the above. There is a strange anomaly between the documents G and H. The first declares, falsely, my willingness to obey the order for my transfer to Paris, — the se- cond avows just the contrary. [1] Letter from the Procureur du Roi. No. 20,233. Boulogne, 16 8bre, 1822. Je vais, Monsieur, d'apres votre lettre de ce jour, tacher de rendre plus clair ce que je vous ai ecrit hier a la reception dumandatd'araener decernecontrevous. L'effet de ce mandat est que vous soyez conduit a Paris devant le Juge d'Instruction Mathias pour etre par lui interroge sur les inculpations faites a votre 79 charge. Aux termes de I'article 100 du Code d'ln- struction Criminelle vous pouvez n'etre pas con- traint de vous rendre ainsi immediatement a Paris, et si tel est votre desir, vous devez I'exprimer par une demande formelle a cette fin. En ce cas, je decernerai contre vous mandat de depot, j'en donnerai avis a M. le Juge d'lnstruction Mathias, et par suite il dele- guera son collegue de Boulogue pour vous interro- ger ici. Ce sont done vos intentions a cet egard que je vous invite a me faire connoitre par ecrit. Quant a I'autorisation de communiquer soit avec un avocat, soit avec M. le Vice Consul Anglais, soit avec toute autre personne, je ne puis vous accorder cette autorisation,et,au surplus, dans I'etatdes choses, toute conference avec des tiers serait absoluement sans objet dans votre interet, au moins pour le mo- ment. Je vous salue. Le Procureur du Roi, (Signe) Caron de Fromentel. A" M. Bowring, Maison df Arret a Boulogne. \_Translation.'\ Sir, I SHALL endeavour, according to your letter of this day, to make my letter of yesterday, which communi- cated the receipt of the order for the removal of your person, more intelligible to you. The object of this order is to transfer you to Paris, in order that you may be there examined by M. Ma- thias, the Judge of Instruction, on the charges exist- ing against you. By the tenor of the lOOdth article of the Code of Criminal Proceedings, you may not be constrained to go to Paris immediately ; and if such 80 is your wish, you must, express it by a formal demand to that effect. In that case, I shall issue against you a warrant of detention — and shall §;ive the Judge of Instruction, M. Mathias, notice of the same, and he will commission his colleague of Boulogne to inter- rogate you here. Your intentions then, in this par- ticular, I wish to have communicated in writing. With respect to the permission to hold intercourse, whether with a Lawyer, the British Vice-Consul, — or any other person — I cannot grant it ; and besides, in the present state of things, any conference with a third person would be absolutely without any object, for your service, at least for the moment. I salute you. The King's Advocate, (Signed) Caron de Fromentel. Nobody but a King's Advocate would have dreamed that, in my then situation, a desire to be allowed com- munication w ith, could be " absolutely without any object", — and wholly unimportant to my happiness. m My Answer. Maison d'Arret, 16 8brp, 18€2. Ignorant les lois d'un pays etranger, prive de tous les moyens de communiquer soit avec un avocat fran- (jais, soit avec les autorites de ma nation,— je ne puis que protester contre tous les actes de violence ex- erces sur ma personne. Je m'oppose a ce qu'on m'en mene par force a Paris ou ailleurs. L'on m'assure que les lois me donnent la faeulte d'y resister. Je reclame leur protection. Mon Gouvernement, qui tot ou tard 81 sera instruit de tout, sauia soutenir la (lignite de son caractere et les droits de mes concitoyens. J'ai I'honneur de vous saluer. (Signe) J. BowRiNG. A^ M. le Procureiir dii Roi a Boulogne. [^Translation. ~\ Sir Prison of Boulogne, IGth October, 1822. Unacquainted with the laws of a foreign country, and shut out from the power of either consulting a French lawyer, or any English authorities, — nothing is left me but to protest against all the acts of violence done to my person. I oppose any forcible removal either to Paris or elsewhere. I am assured that the laws authorize my opposition ; and I invoke the pro- tection of the laws. My Government, which sooner or later shall be informed of all that is passing, will know how to vindicate the dignity of its character, and the rights of my fellow-citizens. I have the honour to salute you. (Signed) J. Bow ring. Letter to Sir Charles Stuart. [L] Sir Boulogne Prison, Oct. 24. I HAD the honourto receive Your Excellency's letter of the 14th, only yesterday. The Procureur du Roi thought proper to prevent its reaching me in course. The accusation against me, if any accusation really exists, appears to have taken a new direction ; and the attempt which- has been made to bring into it two honourable and distinguished English families will necessarily give rise to new discussions, to which I G shall have the honour of calling Your Excellency's at- tention, when my own case is disposed of. I beg leave now to inclose a letter which I have just written to Mr. Canning on the subject of my detention and the present state of the proceedings. I trust the moment is arrived, in which Your Excellency will deem it fit to interpose decidedly and peremptorily on my behalf. I feel obliged by what you have already done to alleviate my situation, and for the personal interest towards me which you have been pleased to express. I should do injustice to my feelings, if I did not at the same time mention the unwearied exertions of the British Vice-Consul here. They have been un- remitting—and will now be availing. I have the honour to be Your Excellency's obedient servant, (Signed) John Bowring. His Excellencj/ Sh' Charles Stuart^ Sfc. Sfc. [M] Letter to Mr. Canning. giR Boulogne Prison, Oct. 24, 1822. After thirteen days of solitary and severe confine- ment, I am permitted to address you. I have been shut out from all communication with my Govern- ment, my lawyer, or physician — with my family or friends. During this imprisonment, an attempt was made to remove me to Paris by a warrant from the Judges there. I resisted, and resisted successfully, under tlie protection of one of the Articles of the Code de Procedure (the lOOth)^ which there was every dis- position to violate. It would appear the Government S3 begins to feel that it has been too rash and arbitrary in its proceedings. I have undergone another long examination, secret as usual, and even the presence of an interpreter denied, though formally demanded. Four pages of interrogatories had been sent from Paris ; not one question among them had a reference to that revolutionary correspondence " of which I was suspected of being the bearer," and on that plea, and that plea alone, delivered over to the various acts of outrage of which I have been, and still am, the victim. I again inquired with what I was charged, and demanded the act of accusation. None exists. The ground previously taken even seems abandoned. Some justification — some plea of justification, would of course be expected by you, and a long series of questions have been sent in consequence, some of which they deemed might possib/j/\ead to a confession, or a detection which might palliate their arbitrary proceedings. They suspect me (they say) — though they venture not to accuse me, as the proces verbal will show — of being engaged in a plot with indivi- duals (whom I had never seen), arranged in London (from whence I was far distant at the time), to rescue from prison (though I never heard «ven of the place of their confinement) the young men who were lately executed for political offences (with not an individual of whom had I ever any, the slightest intercourse). They suspect me of furnishing the pecuniary means for their escape (though not 1,000 francs have passed through my hands since I have been in this country). The charge is as visionary as it is false— it is false in the aggregate— it is false in every individual detail ; but to support it, the whole machinery of a moral G 2 •84 torture (for the due operation of which a fortnight^s sufferings are supposed to have prepared the victim) is put in action, and it is expected to entrap some new fact by a snare so widely and so artificially laid. Sir, it is from this monstrous system of inquisitorial cun- ning and violence, that 1 appeal to my country and to you. Abandoned to the resources of my own mind — a mind stronger, however, than all the strength of tyranny — I have hitherto had to struggle with every thing that artifice and oppression could direct against me. Abandoned among criminals, without so much as a single presumption, however weak, of crime. It cannot surely be tolerated, that a man, and an Englishman, is to be hunted from suspicion to suspi- cion — each (baseless or absurd, till something shall be found, or something shall be fancied, which may serve to veil the original acts of violence. If so, the ends of suspicious despotism are gained — the suffer- ings are inflicted — the innocent object of dislike is buried in his dungeon. This, Sir, cannot be done with impunity. I have confidence in the dignity of your character — I have confidence in the high spirit of my country. Some redress will be demanded for the past — some security will be obtained for the future. I have the honour to be, With every sentiment of respect. Sir, Your most obedient and most humble servant, (Signed) John Bowring. To the Right Honourable George Cannings His Britatiiiic Majesti/'s Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs!, S^r. SjC. 85 [N] Letter to Sir Charles Stuart. Boulogne Prison, 26th October , 1822. hiR, I DEEM it right to inform Your Excellency of the progress of my extraordinary case, and to state that I have been again before the Jifge cC Instruction nearly two hours to-day, and he tells me I may expect an- other examination of double the length on Monday. To-day, in my presence, were opened the sealed let- ters taken from me at Calais, — I suppose not for the first time, for I observed one of them (given me by Lady Oxford), of which I knew not the writer, was endorsed " Letter from Colonel Fabvier." I aaain protested against this violation of faith and honour ; and declared, before the letters were read, that I knew nothing of their contents. I believe, however, (not that it can make any difference in my case,) that there is no one letter which can possibly compromise either me or any body else. The same trick, of attaching my name to a plot for the rescue of the young men from the Bicetre, is carried on ; — a charge, I repeat, which those who imagined it knew to be most false and wicked, and a mere blind for you and the British Government. I am perfectly sure that, in this state of things, you will require something more than a vague, absurd, and visionary declaration — that Ihere are suspicions against me. While they can keep me thus in a common prison, from day to day, and from week to week, their end is answered ; and they deem it sufficient to say to you, " This affair is in the hands of the Tribunals." But, be it allowed me to suggest, lha,t they are bound to give Your Excellency a glear 86^ and distinct knowledge of tbeir accusations, and to show you that I am not the victim of proceedings purely arbitrary and unwarranted. Such are the pro- ceedings under which I am suffering. I repeat, and with earnestness and strengthened conviction, that nothing has been done by the French Government, but to bait with lies, in order to entrap a truth — but I have nothing to conceal : and, though most abhorrent to my mind, and to my sense of right, I have answered honestly and truly all their interrogations. 1 am in the hands of my country, and of you, my country's representative ; and have the honour to be, &c. &c. (Signed) John Bowking. Sir Charles Stuart, H. B. M. Ambassador at Paris. ro] Extract of a Letter from the Solicitor to the Embassy at Paris, dated October 26, 1822. Sir Charles Stuart has evinced the steadiest zeal for your protection and comfort ; but the nature and form of the criminal or penal laws of this country (most repugnant, certainly, to the feelings of an En- glishman) will not allow of his doing more than he has done, and will do, for your safety. I think your trial will take place in Paris, where the most able counsel are to be had ; and I submit to you, however, that you will do well to have one from the Cote Droit. I presume you are aware that you are charged on suspicion of Cornplicite de Trahison. 17 Litter from Sir Charles Stuart. gjU Paris, 3l5t October, 181^2. . I HAVE received your letters of the 24th and 2Gth of October, together with the inclosure to which the former refers ; and I have not only considered atten- tively the statements they contain, but have taken the opinion of different persons conversant in French law upon the subject, which will be explained to you at length by Mr. Manning. Though the procedure adopted in your case is wholly incompatible with the principles of English jurisprudence, 1 am assured it is perfectly conform- able to the law of France ; and that even if the Go- vernment had consented to communicate officially to this Embassy every circumstance connected with the prosecution, ray interference could not produce any change. I trust, therefore, to the knowledge of Mr. Hedouin, who, I presume, w ill be charged with the conduct of your defence, to point out any irregularity, and to keep me sufficiently informed, through His Majesty's Consul, of tlie progress of the proceedings, to guide the further representations it may be necessary to ad- dress to the French Ministers on your behalf. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, (Signed) CiiAS. Stuart, John Boioriug^ Esq. [Q] Reponse aux Questions proposees. Le droit des gens, dans tout pays civilise, a sesbornes la ou commence la puissance d'action des lois de ce pays. En France, particulierement, les lois de Police et de Surete obligent tous ceux qui habitent le territoire. Cette regie de droit proclamce dans le titre prelimi- naire du Code Civil, forme le premier paragraphe de Particle 3 de ce Code. EUe ne souffre aucune con- testation. II est naturel, sans doute, qu'au moment ou I'etranger, admis sur le territoire Fran^ais, eprouve un trouble dans sa liberte par I'efFet de Faction pub- lique, il tourne ses regards vers le protecteur que son Souverain lui a donne, dans le Representant de ce Souverain aupres de la France. II ne Test pas moins que la soUicitude de ce representant s'exerce en faveur de I'etranger, soit avec toute spontaneite de la part du premier, soit parceque le second aura invoque son appui. C'est ce qui constitue I'intervention diploma- tique. Mais une telle intervention ne saurait avoir ra^me efficacitedans toutescirconstances,indifferarament nou plus que dans tous les moments indefiniment. Al'egard des circonstances, le succ6s de I'interven- tion est possible dans les cas ou nul citoyen ne so piaignant d'ailleurs ce fait n'est pas d'une nature grave, ou bien I'individu offre, dans sa perspnne, un caractere qui lie sa consideration, en quelque sorte^ a la dignite du Gouvernement etranger au nom duquel I'intervention en sa faveur a lieu. 89 Quant aax momens, la difference est grande, ou, pour mieux dire, elle est totale et decisive entre celui ou I'etranger ne vient que d'eprouver le trouble dont il se plaint, et celui ou par suite de ce trouble, il ar- rive entre les mains de la justice publique. Au premier cas, et taut que le reclamant n'est que I'objet d'inquietudes vagues qui viennent de dieter des precautions centre sa personne, sans que le mi- nistere public Fait encore a sa disposition, une in- tervention prompte et qui seconderait la nature, plus ou moins legere, du fait, pourrait avoir I'effet d'arre- ter une action publique dans son developpement le- gal. Mais une fois que I'etranger se trouve mis a la dis- position du Procureur du Roi par suite d'un fait qui engendre prevention de delit, toute force appartient a la loi du pays. Une intervention, meme diploma- tique, ne saurrait arreter Taction de cette loi. II faut que les formes s'en epuisent, soit par le renvoi du pre- venu, soit par la mise en accusation, et, par suite, en jugeraent. Un acte d'accusation, d'apres les lois de France, ne saurait exister ni n'existe jamais qu'en resultat d'une mise en accusation par celle des chambres d'une Cour Royale, a qui I'attribution de mettre en accusa- tion est donnee. C'est alors, seulement, que le Pro- cureur General dresse ce que Ton appelle Facte d'ac- cusation. JusqueKi, soit avant la decision dela Cham- bre du Conseil de premiere instance, soit apres cette decision, le prevenu connait seulement par les inter- pellations qui lui sont faites, par le proces verbal qui est dresse, par I'iiiterrogatoire ou les interrogatoires qu'il subit, le genre de la prevention qui existe contre 90 lui, et les causes apparentes qui out force a s'assurer de sa personne. En uii mot, un prevenu n'a iii a s'eton- ner, nia se plaindre qu'un acte d'accusation ne lui ail pas etc remis, tant que la procedure n'est pas arrivee a ce periode qu'il soit accuse dans les formes de la loi. Car, tant qu'il n'est pas ainsi accuse, il n'est que pre- venu. Aussi peut-il sortir d'affaire avec ce dernier caractere seulement, par une decision de la Chambre du Conseil du Tribunal de premiere instance, sauf Topposition facultative au Procureur du Roi, ou a la partie civile (au cas de plainte par un citoyen) dans les vingt quatre heures de cette decision rendue. Ni le droit des gens ni les lois d'un pays ne sont offensees par les variations qui pourraient se remar- quer dans les elemens de la prevention publique diri- gee contre I'etranger. Que ces elemens demeurent tels qu'ils auraient ete d'abord presumes et declares, ou bien qu'ils se chargent de nuances plus fortes, ou meme, enfin, qu'ils prennent un tout autre caractere de criminalite, I'autorite publique n'en aura pas moins legitimement use de son droit en s'assurant de la per- sonne contre laquelle la poursuite a lieu. Avoir d'abord, cru etre sur la trace de correspondances ennemies du Gouvernement etabli, puis annoncer que le fait signale une complicite de trahison, ce n'en est pas moins rester dans les termes d'une grave inquie- tude publique, par laquelle se justifient toujours les precautions prises contre la personne, et la pour- suite dont celle-ci devient I'objet, Supposons (et ceci soit dit sans aucune intention de comparaison ou d'ap- plication qui puisse affliger I'etranger que ces re- ponses concernent), supposons la justice publique rencontrant le meurtrc la ou elle ne recherchait que 91 le vol, I'atteinte portee a la liberte de I'homme, la poursuite contre lui n'en auront pas moins ete un devoir et un droit de I'autorite publique. Le carac- tere definitif de tel ou tel delit recherche par les moyens de la loi, ne peut etre et n'est fixe bieii pre- ciseraent que par le resultat de I'instruction : mais il n'y a nulle violation du droit des gens, ni infraction aux lois du pays dans la variation que peut subir la pre- vention primitive. On n'est pas necessaireraent criminel, encore moins inevitablement condanmable pour avoir ete surpris porteur de lettres attentatoires dans leur contenu, a la surete d'un pays. Celui que la justice publique a saisi dans cette situation, a pu ignorer I'objet de telles let- tres : il faut, pour que le prevenu devienne accuse et condanmable, qu'on acquiere contre lui la preuve de la connaissance qu'il aura eue du fonds et du but d'une pareille correspondance. Les explications qu'il fournit sur les causes, plus ou moins naturelles, plus ou moins innocentes, de la presence de serablables pieces entre ses mains, out une grande influence sur le sort de la prevention a laquelle elle I'ont expose. Toute fois, conime le fait est trcs grave de sa nature, celui qui en est prevenu ne saurait esperer d'etre renvoye de la prevention, si ses explications ne sont pas pleinement rassurantes. On ne veut pas dire qu'il encoure, pour cela, une condamnation, mais seulement que sa mise en accusation en devient plus probable, sauf a ce que, devant la Cour d'assises, qui sera saisie du jugement, il reussissa a faire eclater son innocence. It seems rather extraordinary that the opinion of 92 the Batonnier should have been consulted on the con- duct of his Government. Such an opinion could not but be influenced by his position : as an advocate in case of trial, he was the first man to apply to ; but as a counsel, on the illegality of the proceeding of the French Ministry, the last. I do not accuse him of dis- honesty, — but it must be vain to expect that he should be uninfluenced by his interests and by his political views. The questions referred to him do not appear. [ Translation.^ Answer to the proposed Questions, The droit des gens, (international right — or law of nations,) in all civilized countries, terminates where the action of the local laws begins *. * This only assumes the existence of what is disputed, and avoids the question completely. An uncivilized country may have better laws than a civilized one ; and civilization may be accompanied with such laws as never were, and never could be applied to any but native citizens. There can be no law of nations, according to the Batonnier. The law of na- tions is the protection of foreign individuals against arbitrary acts. Arbitrary acts may be sanctioned by local law — surely international law is the only protection against them. The sound principle is, and can only be, this — that a fo- reigner is entitled to justice. A subject citizen is supposed equally to be entitled to it ; but he has no power to enforce it This situation of things constitutes despotism — that is, where wrongs can be inflicted for which there is no redress ; but a foreigner has other protection than the imperfect security of- fered by the local Government. He has a representative specially appointed to watch over his interests, and to see that he is not treated unjustly. A man may be impaled in 93 In France particularly, the laws of police and safety are binding on all who inhabit the territory. This is proclaimed in the preliminary title of the Civil Code, and forms the first paragraph of the third article of the code. This principle admits of no discussion *. It is no doubt natural that a foreigner, admitted to the French territory, and finding his liberty interfered with by the action of the law, should look towards the protection which his Sovereign has given him in the representative of that Sovereign in France. It is not less natural that the solicitude of this representative should be exerted in favour of the foreigner, whether it be spontaneous on the part of the former, or in- voked by the latter. This is what constitutes diplo- matic interference f . But such an interference cannot be equally success- ful in all circumstances indifferently, nor at all periods indefinitely. Turkey — knouted to death in Russia — or hanged in Austrian Italy — and all according to the laws — and yet be innocent, since the laws give arbitrary power to the Judges. Now, were such laws applied to Englishmen, would the legality of violent outrages be held a sufficient excuse for them? A more complete warrant for despotism can hardly be con- ceived, than this opinion of M. Batoanier Billecocq. That it should have satisfied an English Ambassador, is surprising. * Police and safety laws — Avhat are they ? Where are they to be found ? In what respect were they broken by me ? There was no irregularity in any of my papers. t But diplomatic interference is perfectly chimerical. It can neither prevent wrong, nor remedy wrong, nor obtain reparation for wrong. The foreigner in France is subject to all the freaks of uncontrolled and uncontrollable despotism — unless indeed, according to what follows, his rank entitles him to some special consideration. 94 As regards circumstances, the success of the inter- ference is possible, where — there being no opposition on the part of any citizen — the fact is not of a serious character — or when the individual himself offers, in his own person, a character which attaches him, by his rank *, in some sort to the dignity of the foreign Government in whose belialf the interference takes place. And with respect to time, the difference is great, or rather it is every thing ; it is decisive, as between the first moment when the foreigner experiences the restraints of which he complains, and the moment when, in consequence of those restraints, he is deli- vered up to public justice f. In the first case, and while the petitioner is only the object of vague suspicions, which require mea- sures to be taken against his person, before the public minister has him in his hands — a speedy interference, guided by the character, more or less serious, of the accusation, might have the effect of preventing public proceedings in their legal course :|;. * Aristocratical absunlity has gone to great lengths in France: — but that rank alone should entitle a man to justice, and to protection against aggression, may sound very sweetly to an Ultra's ear ; but to one accustomed to admire the equal administration of the laws, such a state of things has no charms whatever. t A very pretty chance, this, for protection ! The time between the arrest and the commencement of the proceedings depending wholly on the will of the Magistrate. ;]: In my case the Telegraph was employed. In an hour and half tlie Ministers could communicate what I conld only 95 But when the foreigner is once in the hands of the King's Advocate, in consequence of any fact which engenders a suspicion of crime *, all authority is vested in the laws of the country. An interference — even a diplomatic one, cannot oppose the progress of the laws. The proceedings must go on, and be ter- minated, either by the discharge of the suspected, or by the bill of indictment — and the trial which follows. An act of accusation (indictment), according to thie laws of France, cannot exist, and never does exist, but in consequence of a charge brought forward {mise €n accusation) by one of the Chambers of the Royal Court, to whom the department belongs. It is only then that the King's Advocate prepares what is called the indictment. Up to that period, whether before the decision of the Chamber of First Instance, or after that decision, the accused can only know the nature of the charges against him, and the apparent causes which have led to his arrest, — by the interpel- lations which are made — by the proces verbal which is recorded, and by the questions which are asked. In a word, a suspected person ought not to be sur- prised, nor to complain, if no act of accusation is re- mitted to him till the proceedings have reached the convey in two days. It would appear as if the f>ench Go. vernment had determined to shut out the possibility of diplo. raatic interference — I being in the hands of justice (as they call it) long before the Ambassador could know of my de- tention. * A fact zshich engenders a suspicion of crime. Cer- tainly no Minister need scruple about arresting whom he pleases, when such a vague generality as this is sufficient to excuse him. 96 period when he is to be accused according to the forms of the law. For till he is so accused, he is but sus- pected ; and he can only be released from the latter? imputation by a decision of the Chamber of the Council of the Tribunal of First Instance — always excepting the facultative opposition of the King's Advocate ; or (where a citizen interferes) be made subject to a civil action, within twenty-four hours after the decree is given*. Neither the law of nations, nor the laws of the country, are broken by the variations which may take place in the elements of the proceedings against a foreigner — whether those elements remain what they were presumed and declared to be— or whether they assume darker shades— or even change altogether their character of criminality ; still the public au- thority will not less properly have used its right in seizing the person against whom proceedings are di- rected. To have first been in the pursuit of corre- * I deem it necessary to make no comment upon this part of the Batonnier's opinion. If it be sound, an Eastern Sa- trap might envy a Minister of France his despotic power.— What follows has the same character. A man may, hy a variation of the elements of the proceedings, be examined on every charge that the penal statutes record, or the fancy can create. When no evidence can be found on one, he may be driven to defend himself from another. His crime is in- definite while his persecutor chooses to have it so ; and when it is stated and disproved, or unproved— another crime may be taken up, and the wretch be compelled to run the inqui- sitorial gauntlet again. This the exemplary Batonnier tells the British Ambassador is law— and Englishmen must sub- mit to it. 9t spondence inimical to the established Grovernmeni ; next, to announce that the facts point to a participa- tion in treason ; this is not the less to be within the bounds of serious public disquiet, which will always justify the precautions taken against the individual, and the proceedings of which he is the object. Let us suppose (and be it said without any intention of comparison or of application, which may wound the foreigner, whom these answers concern) — let us sup- pose that public justice should find murder, where it was in pursuit of larceny — the attack on the liberty of an individual, and the proceedings against him, would be equally a duty and a right of public authority. The definitive character of any crime, which is pursued by the agency of the law, cannot be, and is not fixed pre- cisely, till after the examination (instruction) ; but there is no violation of the law of nations, nor infrac- tion of the laws of the land, by the variations which the primary charge may undergo. There is no necessary criminality, and yet less in- evitable condemnation, in being the bearer of letters whose contents are dangerous to the safety of the country. He who is arrested in such circumstances, may be ignorant of their object. In order that the bearer should be accused, and liable to be condemned, a proof must be obtained of his knowledge of the na- ture and the objects of such a correspondence. The explanations which he gives on the causes — more or less likely — more or less innocent — of his being pos- sessed of such documents, will have a great influence on the suspicions against him. But in every case, as the charge is very serious, he who is suspected of it must not hope to be released from the suspicion, if his II 98 explanations are not amply satisfactory. It does not follow hence, that he will be certainly condemned, but only that his committal (tnise en accusation) becomes more probable, unless he should be able, at the as- sizes, to make his innocence appear. m Extract of a Letter to the Solicitor to tJie Emhassi/, I AM in the hands of arbitrary and insolent despo- tism, and complaint is unavailing. M. Hedouin has already written to M. Berryer, junior, on some of the violations of legal forms. A despotic Government may treat its own subjects despotically ; but I have never heard that it has the same power over a stranger. The Police and Surete regulations are subservient to the forms of justice — not superior to them. If the French Government can proceed, as they have proceeded, and if it is an answer to an acknowledged and atrocious outrage, that the victim is in the hands of the tribunals, any individual may be thrown into a dun- geon, and kept there during the good pleasure of the Government, — punished beforehand, till malevolence can satiate itself. A month has already passed — Is it not monstrous that I am not to know zohi/ I am de- tained ? I have undergone six private examinations, in which there has not been the shadow of a fact to criminate me. I have been compelled to listen to the contents of letters of which I had been the bearer, though there was not among them a paragraph which had any reference to me, or of which I had any, the 99 slightest knowledge ; nor a paragraph for which any of the writers could be in any Avay responsible to the Tribunals. By and by I shall make, I trust, a more earnest appeal. In the course of things, our un-English Alien Act is again and again referred to. Bad as it is, compared to this, it is the sting of a wasp to the wheel of Ixion. Boulogne Prison, 3d Nov. 1822. [S] Second Letter to Mr. Canii'ms:. »• Sir, Boulogne Prison, l'2t!i Nov. 1822. My first duty is to thank you, which I do most cor- dially, for the kind attention and ready interference, which my extraordinary arrest and arbitrary detention have obtained at your hands. But five Weeks have already elapsed since I was consigned t6 this offensive prison, and I have not the prospect of deliverance, though up to this moment no accusation has been preferred. I was arrested by a proceeding which was, in fact, nothing but a letire de cachet. I liave been dragged forth to six secret in- terrogatories ; the answers to the last of which went to Paris nearly a fortnight ago. No construction can torture any thing which these interrogatories have elicited into a charge against me ; yet they still treat me as a criminal, not daring to bring forward an ac- cusation of crime. Whatever may be the power of a Government over its own subjects, it can have no possible right to make u 2 100 a stranger the victim of pure and unqualified despo- tism : and to be told, as I have been told, that I am not treated worse than a native Frenchman vv^ould have been, is a miserable answer for one who has been habituated to see so many unhappy beings lin- o-erino- from month to month in these abodes of misery, not knowing the cause of their arrest. An English- man, however, may expect— I am sure he may expect it, from the known firmness of your character — an interference, strong enough to protect, and bold enough to rescue him from injustice, whatever form it may take, or whatever name it may assume. While delay can thus be added to delay, and one wretched subterfuge be allowed to replace another, an unac- cused prisoner's sufferings are indefinite, and may be rendered interminable. If an innocent and oppressed Englishman is to be placed beyond the reach of his Government — if the eye of inquiry may not penetrate his cell— nor the arm of his country's dignity be stretched out for his protection— then, indeed, I must bow my head in silence, as I should in China or Japan. But, Sir ! I am in your hands, and in the hands of my country. The question is to be decided in my case, whether an Englishman, protected by his pass- port, and unaccused of crime, may be thrown into a dungeon, and kept there as long as it suits the good pleasure of his enemies. Whether, a Jirst suspicion and a second suspicion having been dissipated, he may be detained there, to be tormented by inquisitorial torturings, on the vague hope of extorting some third subject of accusation. Whether his very opinions are to be caavassed, and the sanctuary violated even of 101 his secret thoughts. On this subject I dare not ex- press all my indignation ; it is tempered, indeed, by the assurance that my case has excited your attention and your serious interference ; and it is rather to re- cord my conviction, that it cannot be abandoned by you, than to convey a doubt or a fear, that I again in- trude. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your grateful obedient servant, John Bowring. To the Right Honourable George Cannings His Britannic Majestt/^s Secretarj/ of State for Foreign Affairs,